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A 


ALLEN  COUNTY  PUBLIC  LIBRARY 


3  1833  02408  3450 


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GENEALOGY  OOl_f   "^-CTFOM 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


A  HISTORY  OF  ABORIGINAL  AND  TERRITORIAL 

INDIANA  AND  THE  CENTURY  OF 

STATEHOOD 


JACOB  PIATT  DUNN 

AUTHOR   AND   EDITOR 


VOLUME  I 


THE  AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 

CHICAGO  AND  NEW  YORK 
1919 


>  Copyright,    1919 

by 
THE   AMERICAN   HISTORICAL  SOCIETY 


Q 
I 


i2078je3 


>  INTRODUCTORY 


,■  The   past   thirty  years,    beginning  with   the   reorganization   of   the 

Indiana  Historical  Society  in  1886,  constitute  an  epoch  in  historical 
work  in  Indiana.     In  part  this  has  been  only  a  local  feature  of  the 
}  general  awakening  of  interest  in  American  history,  due  primarily  to 

>  passage   through   the   centennial   anniversaries  of   the   great   events  of 

j^  American  beginnings.     Independent  of  that,  there  has  been  in  Indiana 

a  systematic  effort  to  gather  and  put  in  print  authentic  historical  matter 
that  has  resulted  in  live  volumes  of  Publications  of  the  Indiana  His- 
torical Society,  and  twelve  volumes  of  the  Indiana  Magazine  of  History 
-the  latter  due  to  the  self-sacrificing  efforts  of  Mr.  George  S.  Cottman, 

in   addition   to  numerous  volumes   by   individual   authors.      In   this 

period  the  State  University  and  several  colleges  have  taken  up  special 
research  work  in  history  in  their  courses  of  study,  and  the  public  has 
profited  by  the  publication  of  a  number  of  papers  of  this  origin. 

But  Indiana  history  has  also  been  the  beneficiary  of  much  of  the 
research  of  historical  societies  in  her  sister  states,  and  especially  those 
included  in  old  Northwest  Territory.  A  single  illustration  will  show 
the  importance  of  this.  When  I  published  my  "Indiana,  a  Redemption 
from  Slavery",  in  1888,  I  thought  I  had  got  to  the  bottom  of  the  local 
slavery  history;  but  in  the  last  dozen  years,  the  fact  has  been  developed, 
in  Illinois,  that  Thomas  Jefferson  had  his  hand  on  the  opposition  to 
slavery  all  through  our  territorial  history ;  and,  what  is  more  surprising, 
his  touch  with  the  movement  was  through  Baptist  churches,  whose 
connection  with  the  movement  had  not  even  been  noticed.  It  is  a 
matter  of  gratification  to  be  able  to  present  this  phase  of  the  matter, 
and  give  the  credit  where  it  belongs,  in  the  present  publication.  The 
bringino-  to  light  of  this  and  many  other  material  facts  not  only  justifies 
the  rewriting  of  Indiana  history,  but  justifies  the  statement  that  we 
have  onlv  now  reached  the  point  when  the  earliest  history  of  Indiana 
can  be  written  authoritatively.  In  these  regards,  the  succeeding  pages 
will  speak  for  themselves.  ^    ^    DUNN. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 
The   Prehistoric   Hoosier 1 

CHAPTER  II 
The   Indiana   Indians 43 

CHAPTER  III 
The  European  Claimants 98 

CHAPTER  IV 
The  American  Occupation 137 

CHAPTER  V 
The  Northwest  Territory 182 

CHAPTER  VI 
Indiana  Territory 226 

CHAPTER  VII 

The  New  State 286 

CHAPTER  VIII 
Under  the  First  Constitution 334 

V 


vi  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  IX 

The  Constitution  op  1851 4;J5 

CHAPTER  X 

Drifting  Into  War 498 

CHAPTER  XI 

The  Civil  War 569 

CHAPTER  XII 

After  the  War • 672 

CHAPTER  XIII 

An  Era  of  Reform 728 

CHAPTER  XIV 

Medical  History  of  Indiana's  First  Century 787 

CHAPTER  XV 

Education 860 

CHAPTER  XVI 

Transportation,  Commerce  and  Industry 924 

CHAPTER  XVII 

Charities  and  Correction 975 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

Temperance    1027 

CHAPTER  XIX 
New  Harmony 1071 


CONTENTS  vii 

CHAPTER  XX 
The  Word  Hoosier 1121 

CHAPTER  XXI 
Hoosier   Character 11^6 


INDEX 


Abbott,  William  L.,  2095 

Abolition  party,  first  appearance  of,  330 

Abolitionists.   510 

Ackerman,  John  F.,   1746 

Act     concerning      the     introduction      of 

Negroes    and    Mulattoes    into    Indiana 

Territory.  243 
Adams,  Aiidy,  2021 
Adams,  Charles  R..  2028 
Adams,  J.  Otis.  1760 
Adams,  Joseph  D.,  1087 
Adams,  Sarah   F.,  1083 
Adams,  Wayman.   1050 
Adams,  William  H.,  1842 
Address   of   the   Carrier  of   "The   Indian- 
apolis Journal."   1123 
Ade.  George,   1813 
Adirondacks,  63 
Administration    of    1865,    Julian    speech 

attacking,  683 
Admission  of  state,  286 
Admission  of  State  to  Union,  Centennial 

of.   781 
Admission  to  tlie  bar.  qualifications  for. 

770 
"Adventures  of  Captain  Bonneville,"  116 
Advocate  of  temperance,  700 
After  the  Civil  War,  672 
After  war  elections,  694 
Agi-icultiu-al  education,   909 
Agricultural   implements,   947 
Agricultural  labor,  941 
Agriculture,    Wabash    and    Erie    Canal's 

value  to,  411 
Aicher,  Amalia,  1541 
Aichhorn   Karl   C,   1819 
Ahlgren,   Carl  J..   1508 
Aldridse.  Hal  A..  2068 
Alerding.  Herman  J..  1660 
Alexander,  Arthiir  A.,   1613 
Aley.  Robert  J.,  1983 
Algonkin   languages,   40 
Algonkins,  7   3 
Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  218 
Alklerdice.  Joseph.  1R81 
Alldredge,  John  S.,  2061 


Allen.  John  B..  3123 

Allison,   William  D.,   1607 

Alloys,  experiments  in,  949 

AUoiiez,  Father,  50,  59,  60,  73 

Altar  mounds,  24 

Amendments  to  Constitution,  711 

American  Conchology,  1080 

American  Entomology,   1080 

American  Fur  Company,  110 

American    Indian    Mission    Association, 

361 
American    lotus,    preparation    by    lliami 

women,  77 
American  Medical  Association,   838 
American  Occupation,  137 
American    Railway     Express     Company, 

1675 
Ames,  E.  R.,  893 
Ammunition,     manufactui'ing     of.     Civil 

war,  595 
Amo,  86 

Amt,  J.  Henry,  2180 
Anderson,   86,  953 
Anderson,  Albert  B.,  1778 
Anderson.  William,  86 
Andrew,  Abram  P.,  1374 
Andrew,  Mary,  1516 
Andrew,  William  L.,  1514 
Andrews,  Charlton,   1988 
Andrews,  James  M..  745 
Anesthetics,  833 
"Annals  of  the  West."   1202 
Anoka,  86 

Anthony,  Charles  H..  1324 
Anthony  Family,  1323 
Anthony,   Harvey   M.,   1335 
Anti-Gambling     law,     adopted     at     Vin- 

cennes  Aug.  4.  1790   (illustration).  204 
Anti-rat  law.   831 
Anti-Saloon    Leagiie.    1064 
Anti-slavery  League.  539 
Anti-slavery  Library  Society,  509 
Anti-slavery  literature,  509 
Anti-slavery  newspapers,  347 
Anti-slaverv  paper,   first   in   the  United 

States,   517 


INDEX 


Anti-slaverj'  people  aroused,  246 

Anti-slavery  sentiment,  346 

Anti-sufl'rage  faction,  690 

Antitoxin,  t(35 

Antitoxin  law,  831 

"An  Unmarked  Grave,"  273 

Apperson,  Kdgar  L..  2141 

Apperson,   Elmer,   3141 

Apportionment  law  of  1915,  726 

Apportionment    laws    of    1891   and    1885, 

opinions  on,  724 
Arbitrary  arrests,  638 
Arbuckle,  N.  L.,  1530 
Armstrong,  James,   126 
Army  of  the  Northwest,  equipment   of, 

275 
Army  rations  assailed,  593 
Arnold,  Matthew,  1017 
Arsenal,  Civil  war,  595 
Arthur.  David  C.  2262 
Article  IX,  Constitution  of  1816,  863 
Article    XIII,    Negroes    and    Multattoes, 

471 
Articles  of  Compact,  193 
Articles  of  Confederation,  183 
Artifacts,  28 

Artificial  cooling  of  meats,  943 
Artists,    1203 

Asbury    (DePauw)    University,   897,   911 
Assenisipia,  188 

Assessment,  average  rate  of,  754 
Assessments,  752 
Atkins,  Elias  C,  1854 
Atkins,  Henry  C,  1856 
Atkinson,  Eleanor,  2035 
Atlantic  cable,  celebration  of  laying,  432 
Attack  on  Fort  Harrison,  268 
Attack  on  Iroquois  Fort  (illustration)   54 
Atwater,  Caleb,  28 
Atwood,  Francis  L.,  1244 
Aubry,  M.,  130 
Auction  of  books,  1209 
Aughinbaugh,  Sidney  L.,  1717 
Augur,  William  H.."  2055 
Ault,   Nelson    L.,   1317 
Austin,  Thomas  R.,  1743 
Austin,  Wilbur  G.,  1786 
Australian   Ballot  Law,  741 
Australian   Ballot   System,  744 
Authorized   liquor   agents,   1046 
Automobile,  first,   948;    Indiana   product, 

948 
Automobile  industry,  939,  946 
Authors,   medical,    819 
Axley,  James,  1028 
Ayres,  James  E.,  2005 
Aztecs,   13,  25 

Bachman,  Frederick  M.,  1929 

Bacon,   Mrs.    Albion   F.,   779;    (Portrait) 

780 
Bacon,  Hilary  E..  2168 
Badet,  F.  H.,"  2217 


Badger,  Oliver  P.,  458 

Badolett,  John,  245,  301,  975;  First 
Chancellor  of  Indiana  (portrait),  245 

Baer,  Samuel  W„  1260 

Bailey,  John  W.,   1993 

Bailey,  Robert  \V.,  2070 

Baird,  Patrick,   296 

Baker,  Lieut. -Gov.  Conrad,  692,  695, 
1012;    (portrait)    696 

Baker,  Francis  E.,  1771 

Baker,   Hugh   J.,    1802   • 

Baker,  John  H.,  1469 

Baker,   Paul.   1599 

Baker,  Rayman  H.,  1671 

Bahlwin,  Edgar  M.,   1338 

Baldwin,  Elihu  W.,  911 

Ball,  John  H.,  1435 

Ballard,  Qirtis   W.,  2218 

Ballot  law,  proposed.  745 

Ballweg,  Frederick,  2040 

Ballweg,  Frederick  W.,  2040 

Baltzell,  Robert  C,  1820 

Bankruptcies,   702 

Bank  of  Vincennes,  327 

Bank  Tax  Fund,  478 

Banks,  412,  446;   early,  323 

Banta,  David  D..  1169,  1372 

Baptist   Church,  first  in  Indiana,  253 

Baptiste  Peoria,  83 

Baptists,   253 

"Baptized  Churches  of  Christ  Friends  to 
Humanity,  on  Cantine  Creek,"  253 

Barbour,  Lucian,  1334 

Barnard.   Herman   J..    1509 

Barnes,  Albert  A.,  2026 

Barnes.  Barzillai  0.,  2080 

Barnett,  John  T.,   1752 

Barnhill,   John   F.,   819 

Barrett,   James   M.,   745;    (portrait)    747 

Barrett  Law,  748 

Barringer,  John  M.,  1879 

Bartel,  Adam  H.,   1884 

Barth.  Lewis  L.,  2254 

Bass.  John  H.,  1444 

Batcheler,  Charles   E..   1345 

Bates,  Charles  A.,  1361 

Bates   Edward,   604 

Bates,  Hervev,  1697 

Bates.  William  0..  129.  1524 

Batt.  Charles   8..   1838 

Battle  of  Romney    (illustration),   600 

Battle  of  the  Fallen  Timbers  (illustra- 
tion). 209 

Battle  of  the  Thames,  282;  (illustra- 
tion).  282 

Battle  of  Tippecanoe,  266 

Bauer,  Carl  E.,  2245 

Baxter  Bill,  701.  703 

Baxter.  J.  W..  10 

Baxter  law.  1056 

Baxter.  William.  699;    (portrait),  700 

Beach,  Leslie  W.,   1603 

Beadle.  John  H.,  2263 


INDEX 


XI 


Bean,  Mrs.  C.  W.,  1137 

Beard,  Joliii.  478,  566:    (portrait),  479 

Beasley,  John  T.,   1595 

Bebee  case,  1053 

Beckman,  Howard  W.,  1575 

Beebe,  George  T..   1771 

Beecher,  Henry  W.,  406,  893,  1177 

Beecher's  c-hii'rcli  (1893),  (illustration), 
407 

Beeson,  John  T.,  1287 

Beggs  brothers,  235 

Beggs,  Charles,  254 

Beggs,   James,   254 

Behm,  Adam  0.,   1319 

Bell,  Reginald  L.,  1659 

Bender,  j;rnest  H.,   1673 

Benefiel,  John,  301 

Bennett,  Henry  W.,  1682 

Bennett,  Thomas  W.,  1572 

Bentham,   Jeremy,    1087 

Berkebile.  Earl,   1763 

Bernhardt,  Ada  L.  S.,  2208 

Berrv,  Whiteford   M.,   2037 

Berrvhill,  John   S.,   1300 

BeveVidge,  Albert  J.,  761,  1862;  (por- 
trait), 762 

Bicknell,  Ernest  P.,  1024 

Bicknell,  George  A.,  1792 

Biddle,  Horace  P.,  1320 

Bieler,  diaries  L.,  1575 

Bieler,  Jacob  L.,  1573 

Bienville.  Governor,  110 

Bigger,   Samuel.   425:    (portrait),  426 

Big  Grade  at  Madison  (illustration),  401 

Bill  for  internal  improvements,  393 ;  his- 
tory of,  384 

Bill  of  Bank  of  the  State  of  Indiana, 
Jeffersonville  Branch   (illustration)  412 

Bill  to  establish  schools,  869 

Bingham,  .Joseph  .J.,  589 

Birch  Creek  reservoir.  409 

Birdsell.  John   C,  1482 

Birkbeck,  (Morris)  Indiana  in  1818,  1200 

Bissot,  Francois,  109 

Bissot,  Jean  B..  107 

Black,  Charles  H.,  1399 

Black  Hawk    (postoffice),   86 

Blackburn,  Eugene,  2004 

Blackford,  Isaac.  893;    (portrait),  335 

Blake.  James.  391.  881.  893 

Blatehley,  Willis  S.,  1393 

Blind,  988;  education  of,  1003:  provision 
for,    1003 

Bliss.  William   S..  3177 

Block  of  Oolite  Limestone  (illustration). 
967 

"Blocks   of   five."   729.  735 

Blue  Jacket.  207 

Blue  .leans  Williams.  708 

Blue.  Lulu  I..  1287 

Blue,  Perry  H.,  1386 

"Blue  Ribbon"  movement,  715,  1060 

"Blue  skv  law,"  779 


Board  of  Health,  828;  membership,  1918, 

831 
Board  of  State  Charities,  1033 
Board  of  Trade  ilap,  1853,  973 
Boards  of  trade,  974 
Bobbs'   Free  Dispensary,  853 
Bobbs,  John  S.,  823,  1000;   (portrait),  851 
BockhoH',  William  F.,  2284 
Bohlen,  Oscar  D.,  1845 
Bohn,  Armin,  1795 
Bohn,  Arthur,   1796 
Bohn,  Gustavus,  1795 
Bolley,  Henry  L.,  1999 
Bolton,  Nathaniel,   460 
Bolton,  Sarah  T.,  999;   (portrait),  460 
Bond,  Shadrach,  224,  233 
Bond,  William  C,  1663 
Bonds,  393 

Bone,  Alfred  R.,  2233 
"Bone  Bank"  on  the  Wabash,  30 
Bone  House   (illustration),  23 
Bonham,  George  L.,  2048 
Bonner,  Walter  W.,  1894 
Book  auction,   1209 
Book,  first  known  to  have  been  printed 

in   Indiana,   1209 
Boon,  Ratliff,  374;    (portrait),  373 
Boone   (Daniel),  Capture  of,  147 
Boone,  Franklin  M.,  1351 
Boone,  John,  398 
Booth,  Newton,  1382 
Borden,  James  W.,  439 
Borgluni,  Gutzon,  853 
Borough  of  Vincennes.  245 
Borton,  Fredolin  R.,  1973 
Bossingliam,  .lolin   E.,  2257 
Boundaries  of  land  claims,  231 
Bovard,  George  F.,  2005 
Bowen,  John  M.,  1482 
Bowers,  0.  Dale,   1473 
Bowers.  Rose  A.,  816 
Bowles,  William   (portrait),  650 
Bowsher,  D.  D.,  1902 
Bowsher  Co.,  Inc.,  N.  P..  1901 
Bowsher,  Jav  C,  1903 
Bowsher,  Nelson  P.,  1903 
Boy  Blacksmith.   1151 
Bovd,  Harrington,  1896 
Bo'vle,  Guv  A..  2009 
Bradford,  "Oscar  C.  2092 
Bradshaw,  Arthur  E.,  1368 
Bradway.  Olna  H.,   1560 
Bragdoii,   Chalmer  L.,   1220 
Bralev.  C.  H.,  1403 
Brandon,  J.  Clifton.  1806 
Brannum.   Joseph   G.,   1738 
Brattain.  John  C.   F.,   1962 
Brav,   Madison  J.,  2076;    (portrait),  841 
Brazil  Block,  959 
Brebner,  Frank  D.,  1666 
Breckenridge.  .Judge.  662 
Breech-loading  gun   invention.  606 
Breen,  William  P.,  1889 


Xll 


INDEX 


Breitwieser,  Joseph  V.,  2010 

Bribery,  ininishment  of,  746 

Bridge's,  938 

Bright,    Jesse    D.,    451,    554,    587,    1053; 
(portrait),  555 

Bright,   Michael  G..   556 

Bright's  "overt  act,"  588 

Brock,  Earl  E.,  1827 

Brock,  Frank  H.,   1413 

Brock,  Ray  C,  2023 

Broderick,'  Case,  2130 

Brodhead,  Col.,  163 

Brooks  iScliool  for  Boys,  1803 

Brooks,   Wendell  S.,   1804 

Brown.  Arthur  V.,  1874 

Brown,  Austin  H.,  442,  1935 

Brown,  Daniel,  2345 

Brown,  David.  339 

Brown,  Deniarchus  C,  2230 

Brown,   Edgar  A..  1978 

Brown   Family,   1935 

Brown.  Frank  R.,  1409 

Brown,  Garvin  ii..  1920 

Brown.  George,  613 

Brown,  George  P..  909 

Brown,  George  W.,  2143 

Brown,  Henry   B,,   911 
Brown.  Hilton  U.,  1647 

Brown,  John.   383,   558 

Brown,   Lewis.    1679 

Brown.  Omer  F.,  2018 

Brown,  0.  L..  1653 

Brown  report  on  Indiana  limestone.  963 

Brown.  Ryland  T..  811,  962.  1044,  1055; 

(portrait).   1045 
Brown.    Samuel    R.,    18;    description    of 

mounds.  18 
Brown,  Stuart,   2093 
Brown,   William    J.,   1925 
Browne.  John  W..  253 
Browning.   Eliza  G..   1788 
Browniee.  James.  396 
Bruce.  Casselman  L,.  1678 
Bruns.  Edward  W.,  1362 
Brush,  Henry.  274 
Bryan.   William  J..  756 
Bryan.  William  L..  905,  1359 
Bryant.  James  R.  M..  487 
Bryant.  William  M.,  3041 
Buck.   Charles   S..   1265 
Buck.  OJIie   H.,  2034 
Buckingham.   Ebenezer,  Jr..  355 
Buddenhaum.   Louis   G.,   1537 
Bulluni,  Arnold.  509 
Building  of  canals.  384 
Building  stone.  961 
Bullerdick.  Omer  D..  2132 
Bulson.   Albert   E..  ,Jr.,   816 
Rundy.  Omar.  1873 
Buning.  Jolin  H..  1926 
Burford.  William  B..  1495 
Burgess,  James  P..  1029 
Burgess.  .John  K.,  1948 


Burial  mounds,  1 

Burnet,  Judge,  230 

Burnet.  Harry  B.,  1813 

Burnett.  Frances  H.,  1137 

Burns,   Harrison,   1398 

Burns.  Lee,  1399 

Burnside,  Ambrose  E.,  606 

Eurnsworth,  Mrs.  Z.    (portrait),  852 

■■Riunt  District,  The,"  1150 

Burnt  District  of  New  York   (map),  1153 

Biur,  Aaron.  249;  movements  of,  382 

Burr.  David,  388 

Burris.  Harry.  1663 

Burton,  C.  M.,  164 

Burton,  James  C,  1394 

Burton.  Joseph  R..  1929 

Burtt.  .Joe  B..  3333 

Buschmann,  Charles  L.,  2134 

Bush.  George  P.  (portrait),  1181 

Busse,  E.  P..  827 

Busseron,   Francis.   346 

Butler.  Amos  W..   1024 

Butler,   Charles.   403;    (portrait).   405 

Butler,  Charles  E..  1308 

Butler,  John  M.,  1450 

Butler,  Richard,  191 

Butter   and  cheese  making,   954 

Buttler.  Arthur.  1706 

Buttler.   William.   1706 

Butts.  Xathan  T..  703 

Byrani,  Oliver  T..  1692 

Byrd.  Charles  W.,  230 

Cabot.  John.  98 

Cadillac,  Laniothe.   47,  59,   106 

Cairns.  Anna  S.,  2015 

Callahan.  James  M.,  3068 

Calland,  Joseph  E.,  1671 

Calumet  river,  87 

Camden,  M.  H.,  1625 

Campaign  names,  586 

Campbell.  Alexander,  1103,  1177 

Campbell.  Henry  F..  1745 

Campbell.  .JohnB..  369 

Campbell.  John  L..  911 

Campbell.  Marvin.  1332 

Campbell.  William,  131 

Camp  Douglas.  661 

Camp  meeting,  1177 

Camp   Morton.   613,   973;    (map).   614 

Camp  Morton   Gate    (illustration).   655 

"Campus  Martins."  Ohio  Company's  Fort 
at  Marietta  (illustration).  197' 

Canal  around  falls  of  the  Ohio,  245,  383 

Canal  boats,  391 

Canal  bonds,  404 

Canal,  ceremony  at  building  of.  389 

Canals.  245.  382;  building  of.  384;  diffi- 
culty of  maintaining.  399;  surveys,  387 

Canby.  General  E.  R.  S..  609 

Canning   industry.   954 

Cannon.   Williani    T..   1316 

Canteen    Creek   Baptist    church.    249 


INDEX 


xui 


Canthorn,  Henry,   233 

Capital,  at  Corydon,  288,  308 :  first  effort 

to  remove,  287;  location  of  permanent, 

361;   new  at  Indianapolis,  363;   actual 

work   of  removal,   367 
Capitol,  tirst  Indiana  State,  370 
Capitulation  of  Post  Vincennes,  160 
Captives  (illustration),  57. 
Capture  of  Caskaskia,  148 
Capture  of  Vincennes,  151 
Care  for  the  poor,  976 
Carey,  Angeline  P.,  1185 
Carey  Mission.  360 
Carhart,  Joseph.  921 
Carithers,  Oliver  L.,  1528 
Carleton,  Emma  N.,  1285 
Carlisle,  Charles  A.,  2275 
Carnefix,  Louis  \V.,  1760 
Carnegie,  Andrew,  921 
Carpenter,   Charles  G..  2073 
Carpenter.  Orville  0.,  2093 
Carr,  Clemeni  V.,  2044 
Carr,  George  W.,  442;    ( portrait  i.   441 
Carr,  Thomas,  298 
Carriages   and  wagons,   946 
Carrington,  Edward,  192 
Carrington,  Gen.  H.  B.,  652,  663 
Carrolf.  J.  J.,  1672 
Carson,  Franklin  R.,  1731 
Carter,  Charles  E..  1757 
Carter,  I^aura,  816 
Carter,  Vinson,  1829 
Cartier,  Jacques,  98 
Carver,     Jonathan,     15;     description     of 

mounds,   15 
Case,   Marvin  T.,  1303 
Cass,  Lewis,  354,  499 

Castleman,  John  B.,  658;    (portrait),  657 
Cates,  Joseph,  1570 
Cavanaugh.  .John,  1564 
Cave,   Alfred   N..   1841 
Cawley.  Edgar  il.,  1833 
Cayuga,  87 
Celebration   of   ratification   of   the   Pota- 

watomi  treaty,   1033 
Celeron,    expedition    of,    121;    Route    of. 

1749   (map),  119 
Census  Bureau  report  on   Indiana,  944 
Centennial  Anniversary  of  Establishment 

of  Indiana  Territory,  759 
Centennial  Commission,  781 
Centennial  Memorial,  781 
Centennial    of    admission    of    Indiana    to 

Union.  781 
Centennial  of  the  State,  709 
Center  of  ilound  Btiilding  Nation,  13 
Central  Canal.  393.  401 
Central  Indiana  Hospital  for  the  Insane. 

823.  825 
Central  .States  Medical  Monitor.  814 
Ceremony  at  building   of   canal.   389 
Certified' schools.  913" 
Chalybeate  Springs.  970 


Chapel,  Indiana  State  Prison.  Michigan 
City   (illustration),  986 

Chapman,  Jacob,  442 

Chappelsmith,  John,  1088 

Charitable  institutions,  980;  legislation 
for,  996;    statistics,   1020 

Charitable  legislation,  1020 

Charities.  824 

Charities  and  Correction.  975 

Charities,  State  Board  of,   1022 

Charity  Organization  Societv.  1020 

Charles,  A.  A.,  1623 

Charles,  Etta,  816 

Charles  Smith's  Steam  Mill  Company, 
329 

Charlevoix,  Father,  61 

Charlton,  Thomas  J..  1010;  (portrait), 
1011 

Chase,  Charles  D.,  1968 

Chase,  Dudley  H.,  1967 

Chase,  William  M.,  1203 

Cheese-making,   954 

Chenoweth,  Harry  W.,  1471 

Chersonesus,   188 

Chicago,  site   of,   59 

Children  of  Mound  Builders,  33 

Children's  Aid  Society.  1020 

Children's   Guardians,   1021 

Children's  Reading  Circle,  921 

Chit  wood.   Mary   L.,   1397 

Choctaws.  39 

Christian.  Wilmer  F..  Sr.,   1512 

Christie.  George  I.,  1254 

Church.  Charles   H.,  2063 

Church  history  during  British  occupation, 
131 

Churchman,  W.  H.,  1003 

Cincinnati,  197:  first  literary  center  in 
the  West.  1207 

Circuit  Courts,  establishment  of,  33S 

City  Dispensary,  853 

(;'ivil  service  reform,  283 

Civil  War,  498,  569,  836;  first  call,  594: 
total  call  for  men  in  1861,  594;  draft, 
594;  soldiers,  594;  arsenal,  595: 
equipment  and  su]>plies,  595;  manu- 
facturing of  ammunition,  595 ;  Sani- 
tary Commission,  596,  613 ;  first  regi- 
ment called,  596;  military  hospital, 
596:  record  of  Three  Months  Soldiers, 
598;  movements  of  Indiana  troops, 
599;  statistics.  601;  Indiana's  quota. 
601;  shijjbuilding,  605;  warships.  605: 
money  contributions,  613:  nurses,  613; 
minute  men,  623;  conditions,  631: 
crime  during,  639:  governor's  control 
over  militia,  641 ;  government  carried 
on  by  War  fiovernor,  642;  financial 
conditions.  642:  return  and  public  re- 
ception of  Indiana  troops.  670 

Clapp,    Moses    E.,    1807 


XIV 


INDEX 


Clark  county,  stone  fort,  5;  Map  of 
Stone  Fortification  and  Mounds,  6; 
mounds,   9 ;    stone   mounds,   9 

Clark,  George  R.,  168,  179,  183,  186,  383, 
1018;  (portrait),  141;  military  service, 
143;  report  to  Governor  Henry,  143; 
public  instructions,  147;  expedition 
against.  153;  letter  to  Hamilton  (il- 
lustration), 159;  Thomas  E.  Watson's 
comment  on,  166;  success,  169;  route 
in  Indiana   (map),  173 

Clark,  Marion  E.,  1298 

Clark,  Marston  G.,  383 

Clark,   S.   Earl,   3133 

Clark,  William,   328 

Clark,  W.  A.,  3049 

Clarke.  Grace  J.,   1317 

Clark's  Grant,  226 

Clay,  Henry,  439,  513;  reception  by  So- 
ciety of  Friends.  513 

Claycombe.   Lloyd  D.,  1582 

Claypool,  Jeft'erson  H.,  1569 

Claypool,  John  W.,  1334 

Claypool.  Solomon.  1333 

Cleveland.  Grover,  730 

Cleveland,   William   F.,   2146 

Clinehens.   Steplien   A.,   1846 

Clift.  Lawrence,   1853 

Clinton,  DeWitt,  385 

Clow,  .John  W.,  3103 

aune,   William  J.,   2162 

Clyburn,  Henley.  3006 

Coal  minors  relief,  748 

Coal,  production  from   1913-1915,  959 

Coate,   M.   W..   3014 

Cobb,  Thomas  R..  1935 

Coburn.  Hcnrv  L,  893 

Coburn,  Henry   P.,   896 

Cockrum.  James  AV.,  537;  (portrait), 
538 

Cockrum,  William  M.,  528;  (portrait), 
533 

Coffin.   Charles   E.,   1745 

Coffin,   Charles   F.,  1009,   1014 

Coffin,  George  V..  1876 

Coffin.  Levi.  508 

Coffin.  Rhoda  M.,  1014;    (portrait),   1015 

Cole,   Charles   A.,   2061 

Cole,   E.   P.,   493 

Cole,   George  L.,   1484 

Coleman,  Harold  G.,  1493 

Coleman.  William  H..  1950 

Colfax.  Schuyler.  465,  565,  645,  1580; 
(portrait).  467 

Colgi-ove,  Philip  T..  2055 

Colleges    denominational.   911 

Colleges,   sectarian.   S97 

Collet.  Hippolyte.  133 

Collet.  Liike,  133 

CoHett,  John,  1 

Collier,  Clinton  C.  2231 

Collings,  William  P..  2230 

Collins.  Caroline  V.,  2095 


Collins,  Napoleon,  612 

Colonial  Charter  Claims   (map),  184 

Colonial  claims,  183 

Colonization  in  Liberia,  470 

Colonization   Society,   470,  471,   1003 

Colorado   Seminary,   1000 

Columbia,  founded,   196 

Columbus,  Christopher,  98 

Conmierce,   924 

Commissioned  schools,  913 

Commission  to  erect  a  new  State  House, 

709 
Commission  to  investigate  taxation,  753 
Committee   on   Education,  488,   867 
"Common    School    Advocate,"    881,    883, 

890,  893 
Common  School  Convention,  891 
Common  School  Fund,  477,  489 
Common  school   movement,  883 
Common  school  system,  reform  of,  473 
Common    schools,    877;    report    on,    887; 

uniform   system,  482 
Company     F.,     Twenty-seventh     Indiana 

Regiment,   1199 
Company  of  the  Occident,  110 
Comparison    of    Jeflerson    and   Johnston 

petitions,   357 
Comstock,  Horace  A.,  1566 
Communistic   experiment,   1071 
Community   House   No.    3    (illustration), 

1116 
Community  life,  1094 
Community  No.  2,  1105 
Community  No.   3,   1105 
Conder.   Croel   P..    1649 
Conduitt,  Allen  W.,  1707 
Coniederate   conspiracy.   659 
Confederate  conspirators,  trial  of.  665 
Confederate   plots,  abandonment  of,  660 
Confederate  prisoners   plan  escape,  661; 

plot   to  release,  654 
Confederate  soldiers,  seized  steamers,  660 
Confiscation  Act.  634 
Conflict  of  charters,  182 
Congress  of  1788  confirms  land  titles  of 

French    settlers.   301 
Congressional  Township  Fund.  477 
Conklin.   Seth,   519 
Connecticut    Western   Reserve,   314 
Connor.   William,   1476 
Connollv,    John,    137;     acts    of    at    Fort 

Pitt,  'l38 
Conrey.  J.   A.,  3337 
Consolidated    schools.    913 
Constitution.   First.   334:    movement   for 

new,  438;   amendments,  711;   proposed 

changes,   771;    antiquated,   776 
Constitution  of  1816,  435,  975.  1073 
Constitution   of  1851.  435;    adopted.   496 
Constitutional  amendments,  legal  opinion 

on,   713 
Constitutional  convention.  440,  709;   sec- 
ond, 350;  cost  of.  443 


INDEX 


XV 


Constitutional   Convention   of    1816,   863 
Constitution-making,    393 
Contest  between  Owen  and  Bright,  464 
Controversy  of  governors,  376 
Controversy    over    Green    River    Island, 

759 
Convention   for   admission  as   State,   396 
Convention  of  1816,  295 
Conventions,  546,  724 
Cook,  Harry  V.,  1351 
Cook,  Jolm   E.,   558 
Cook  raid,  561 
Cooke,  Marjorie  B.,  2061 
Coolidge.  Mary  R.,   1977 
Coonse,  Harvey,  1710 
Cooper,  Edward  L.,  1470 
Cooper,    George    W.,    1940 
Copperhead    speeches.    693 
Coquillard,  Alexis,  1464 
Corn  club.  914 
Cornelius,   Paul  B.,   1893 
Cornstalk,  88 
Cory,  Elnathan.   2073 
Cory,   Thomas,   2077 
.  Corydon,  295.   366.   787 :   cliosen   for  cap- 
ital, 288;  capital  of  the  Skte,  308 
Cost  of  constitutional  convention.  443 
Cost  of  Moving  State  Library   (illustra- 
tion), 371 

Cottman,  George,  1135,  1154 

Cotton,  William.  297 

Coudert.     Mrs.     Charles     duPont,     1204; 
(portrait),   1205 

Coulter.   John   M..   905 

Coulter,  Stanlev,  1936 

Counties,   lay-off   of,   307 

"Country  Contributor,"  1196 

Country  doctor,  789 

County  option  law.   767,   1064 

Court   house   of    1811-12,   395 

Courts,   early.    334.   338 

Cowinff,  Hugh  A..   1611 

Cox,   Charles   R.,   1969 

Cox.   Edward   T..   1.   5,  12,   14,  35;    (por- 
trait). 36 

Cox.  .Jeremiah.  296 

Cox,  Linton   A.,   1437 

Cox,  Millard.   2108 

Cravens.   William,   1028 

Crawford.  Anna  M.,  1447 

Cl-awford.  Andrew  .T.,  2133 

Crawford.   Charles   M.,    1446 

Crawford,  Hugh.  131 

Crawford.  .Tohn   L..  3124 

Crawford.  William  H..  277 

Crawford.  W.  O.,  3083 

"Crazy  Asylum"    (illustration).  981 

Creager.   Edwin   F..   1794 

Creation.  Miami   theory   of,  63 

Crecraft.   Albert  N..  3259 

Ci-esap.   Michael.  121 

Cressey.  T.  R..  893 

Crime  during  Civil  war.  639 


Cring,  Cliarles  C,  2139 

Critchfleld.  Frederick  H.,  2136 

Crittenden  Resokition.  583 

Crockett,  Charles   E.,   1330 

Crockett,  Elmer,  1330 

Croghan,  George,  131,  127;  report,  138 

Croghan.  William.  383 

Crone.  Frank  L..  1824 

Cross,  Charles  M.,  1393 

CVowe,  .John   F..  875.  901 

Crumpacker,  Harry  L.,  2079 

Cruse,  James  S.,  2195 

Culley,   D.   V.,   893 

Culte'r.  Mary  M..  1971 

Culver,   T.   Talmadge,   2196 

C^imbaek.   Will,   1947 

Cummins,  James  L.,   1843 

Curtis,  William  S.,  2047 

Cushman,  Moe  A..  1545 

Custer.  Lafayette  P..  744 

Cutler.  Ephraim,  231,  353 

Lutler,  Manasseh.  193 

Dablon.  Father,  34 

Datler.  Wesley  W.,  1488 

Dagenet,   Charles   E.,   83;    (portrait),   83 

Dagenet.  Christmas.  82 

Dana,   Edmund,   384 

Dane.    Nathan,     193;     on     Ordinance    of 

1787,  193 
"Daniel  Gray."  1182 
Daniels.   Edward.   1460 
Danielson.  Emu,  1389 
Danton    of   Indiana   Democracy.    556 
Darby     (William)     on     Indiana     schools, 

1817,    1201 
Dark  Hollow   (Juarry  Company,  965 
Darneille,  Isaac,  243 
Darrach,   Eugene  H.,  3343 
Darrach,   George  M..   2242 
lyArtaguiettc.    117 
Daugherty,  William  W..  1863 
Daughters   of  Temperance.  1043 
Davis.  Arch,  1393 
Davis,  George  AV.,  1885 
Davis.     .Jefferson,     499:     indictment     of, 

683 
Davis,  ,Jeflfer.son  C,  608,  1563;    (portrait), 

609 
Davis,   .John   C,    1564 
Davis,  Ray,   1901 
Davis,  Thomas  T.,  337,  345 
Davis,  Will  J.,  3387 
Dawley.  Chella  M..  3084 
Dawson.   Louis.    1659 
Day.   Thomas   C.  3205 
Dayton.   .Jonathan,   382 
Deaf,  988 

Deaf  and  dumb,  instruction  of.  990 
Deal.  Mrs.  Samuel  :\1..  1138 
Dean,  Ward  H,.  1910 


INDEX 


Dearborn  County,  Ancient  Forts    (map), 

10 
Death  of  Tecumseh  (illustration),  »b2 
de  Beaubois,  Father,  111,  112 
de  Bellerive,  St.  Ange,  118 
de  Boisbriant,  Pierre  D.,  IIU 
Decker,   Luke,   335 
Deed  of  land,  first  Indiana,  4S 
Defense  of  Fort  Harrison   (illustration), 

207 
Defensive   mounds,   1,   12 
Defrees,  Joseph  H^,  1831 
DeGroote,  John  F.,   1329 
DeHority,   Edward  C,   1609 
DeHoritv,  Frank  E.,  1766 
de   la  Balme.   Col.,   171 
De  La  Matyr,  uUbert,  1245 
de  Lamberville,  Jean,  58 
de  LaSalle,  Sieur,  100 
Delaware,   88 

Delaware  prophet,  revelations  of,  125 
Delegation  to  President,  676 
Dellett,  Oliver  J.,  1714 
Dellinger,   John   H.,   2163 
DeMent,   Edward  A.,   1421 
Deming,  Elizur  H.,  811;    (portrait),  511 
Democratic  Conventions,  724 
Democratic  meeting  disturbed,   592 
Democratic    party,   554;    four   prominent 

war   leaders   of,  592 
Democratic  platform,  plank  of,  607 
Democrats,  498;   Free   Silver,  750;   Gold, 

750 
Demonetization  of  silver,  755 
Denby,  Charles,   1823 
Denman,   Matthias,   197 
Denny,  Caleb  S.,  1797 
Dennv's  drawing  of  Site  of  Fort  \\'avne 

in  'l790,   206 
Denominational   colleges,   911 
Denton.  George  K.,  2259 
DePauw,  John,  399 
DePauw   University,   299,   897,   911 
DePauw,  Washington   C.   1355 
DePrez,  John   D.,   1653 
de   Richardville,  Drouet.   117 
Deschler,  Louis  G..  1518 
De   Soto,   98 
De   Soto  chronicles,   37 
De  Vaudrcuil,  Governor,  letter,  108 
Devernai,   Julian,   132 
Devin.  Alexander,  301 
de   Vincennes,   Sieur,   107,    113 
de  Vinsenne,  Francois  Morgan.   113 
DeWitt.   Simeon.  191 
Diary   of   William   Owen,   260 
Dickey,   George   W.,   1968 
Dickinson,  .Joseph,   1250 
Dickinson.  Joseph   J.,    1251 
"Dictionarv  of  Slang,  Jargon  and  Cant." 

1142 
Dietz,  Cliarles  L.."3015 
Dietz.  Robert  H..  2015 


Dill,  Howard  A.,  1576 

Dill,  James,  296 

Dilling,  Frank  M.,  2238 

Dillon,  John  B.,  1369 

Dime  Savings  and  Loan  Association, 
1020 

Dingle,  Mary,  1898 

Directors  of   the   poor,   977 

Discoveries,  medical  and  surgical,  831 

Discovery  of  gold,  498 

Diseases,  earlv,  797 

Disher,   W.   H',   1591 

Dissette,   James   I.,   1779 

District  Medical  Society,  798 

"Divinely  Led,"  facsimile  of  Preface, 
1113 

"Divinely  Led,  or  Robert  Owen's  Grand- 
daughter," 1112 

Division  Act  of  1800,  234 

Division   Act   of   1809,   261 

Dix,  Dorothea  L.,  993,  1001,  1007;  (por- 
trait),  1002 

Dixie  Highway,  783 

Doctors,  pioneer,   794,   798 

Dodge,  Henry,   1558 

Dodge.  Wallace  H.,  1477 

Dodson,  Charles  0.,  1690 

Dolmetsch,  Eugene  C,  1637 

Domestic  wants  of  Indians,  80 

Donations  by  physicians,  853 

Doney,  C.  P.,   1496 

Dongan,  Governor,  58,  104;  discussion 
of  troubles  between  French  and  Eng- 
lish, 104 

Doran,  Francis  H.,  2114 

Dorste,  Louis  T.,  1818 

Douglas,  Stephen  A..  576 

Douglass,    Frederick.    694 

Dowden,  Ross,  2075 

Doyle,  Percy  H.,  1793 

Doyle,   William,   1347 

Draft  commissioner.  Civil  war,  603 

Draft,  Civil  war,   594 

Draft  exemption  pavment.  Civil  war. 
603 

Drake.  .Tames  P.,  461 

Drake.   Priscilla,   401 

Dred  Scott   decision,  564.   775 

Dreiser,  Theodore,  1185,  1188 

Dresser,  Paul.  1190 

Drifting  into  War,  498 

Drug  law,  831 

Duckworth,   Edward   A.,   1931 

Dudlej'  letter,  729;  (reproduction  of), 
736' 

Dudlev,  William  W.,  739;  (portrait), 
739' 

Duffey,  Luke  W.,  1951 

du  .Jaunay.  Peter.  132 

Duke   (Basil),  on  Morgan  Raid.  632 

Ihunb,   instruction    of,    990 

Duniont.  Ebenezer.  584.  1392 

Dumont,  John,  878 


INDEX 


xvii 


Dumont,  Julia  L.    (portrait).  871;    cliar- 

acteristic   letter  of,  874 
DuMoulin.   John,   217,   232 
Duning,    William   H.,    1478 
Dunlap,  James  B.,  1036 
Dunmore,   Earl   of,    137 
Dunmore's  War,  139,  142 
Dunn,  Benjamin  F.,   1335 
Dunn,  Catherine  T.,  1185 
Dunn,  Ernest  G.,  Jr.,  1385 
Dunn.   Ernest  G.,   Sr.,   1386 
Dunn,  George   G.,   2095 
Dunn.   George  H..   2102 
]>unn,  Jacob  P.,  2289 
Dunn,  William  M.,  550.  875;    (portrait), 

876 
Dunn.   Williamson,    875 
Dunning,   Paris   C,   434;    (portrait),   433 
Durbin,     Winfield     T.,     763;      (portrait), 

764;    economies,   764 
Durham.  James  H..  1957 
Durret,  R.  T.,   141,   146,   171 
Dye,  Augustus  T.,   1804 
Dye,   Charity,   1694 
Dye,  Edward  R.,  2089 
Dynes,  Eldon  L.,  2039 

Eads,  James  B.,  1210;    (portrait),  603 

Eads,   William   H.,   296 

Eagle,  The,  323 

Earl  of  Dunmore,  137 

Earlham  College,  886:  first  building  (il- 
lustration). 892;    (illustration).  899 

Early   American  literature,  1209 

Early  banks,  323 

Early  courts,  334,  338 

Early  domestic  medicine,  788 

Early  elections,  233,  242.  263,  337 

Early  fauna  of  Indiana.  75 

Early  financial  condition  of  the  United 
States,    177 

Early   industries,    941 

Early   medical   practice.   801 

Early  missionaries  at  Vincennes,  131 

Early   politics.  286,   374 

Early  Surveys  and  Land  Grants  (map). 
216 

Earth  Mounds  Near  Anderson  (map),  26; 
Randolph    County    (map),    11 

Earth   works,   1,   12 

East  Chicago.  87.  952 

Eastern  Indiana  Hospital  for  the  Insane. 
749.    823,    826 

Easthaven.  1020 

Eastman,  Joseph,  1646 

Eberhardt,   Arthur  W.,   1689 

Eberhardt,  George  J.,   1688 

Eberhart.  Frederick  G..  1825 

Edenharter,  George  F.,  825,  2051 

Edgar,  John,   217,  223.  227.  232.  239 

Edgerton.  Jonathan  0..  2117 

Edible  lichen,  73 


Editorial   attack   on   the   administration, 

1861.  593 
Education,  860;   general  system  of.  310; 

committee    on,    488,    867;     vocational, 

779;    agricultural,    909;    of    the    blind, 

1003 
Educational  journal,  881 
Educational    papers,    920 
Edwards,   Richard   A.,   2070 
Eel  river,  88 

Effigy  Bowls    (illustration).  33 
Eggleston,  Edward,  1309 
Eggleston.  George  C,  1309 
Eichholtz,  George  W.,  2025 
Eighty-sixth  Indiana  Regiment,  600 
Elder,  John  R.,  2033 
Elder,  Joseph  G.,  2274 
Elder,  William  L.,  2034 
Electoral  votes  in   1817,  340 
Election  frauds.  452 
Election  of   1908.   769 
Election   of   1916.   783;    plea   for   honest, 

730.   771;    scandals.   741 
Electioneering  in  early  days.  337 
Elections,     early,     233,     242,     263,     337: 

changes  in,  447 ;  after  war,  694 :  after 

the    Civil    war,    708;     1876-1886,    703; 

1886-7,   721;   honest,  726,  771 
Elkhart,  88,  953 

Elliott,  Byron  K.,   1857;    (portrait),  486 
Elliott.  C'  Edgar,  1904 
Elliott,  Charles  J.,  1940 
Elliott,  Ebenezer  N.,  874 
Elliott,  George  A.,   1341 
Elliott,  George  B..  1275 
Elliott,  Herbert  M.,  1933 
Elliott,  Jehu  T.,   1341 
Elliott,   Joseph    T.,   1275 
Elliott,   Robert.   2047 
Elliott,  William   H.,   1342 
Ellis,    Frank,   2001 
Ellis,   Horace,   2072 
Ellison,  Oscar  E.,  1493 
Ellsworth.  John  C.  1332 
Elmore,  James   B.,   1336 
Elston,  Isaac  C,  1435 
Elwood,  953 
Emancipation,    682;    gradual,    of    slaves, 

252 
Emancipation   Proclamation,   641 
Emenson,  diaries   P.,   814.   1504 
Emslie.  John  P..  1470 
Enabling   Act,   867 
"English    Conquest    of    the    Xorthwcst," 

173 
"English  Dialect  Dictionary,"  1146 
English,  William   E.,   2158 
English.  William  H..  146,  711,  731,  2154; 

(portrait),  714 
Epidemics.  903 
Equipment.  Civil  war,  595 
Era  of  reform,  728 
Erb,  Frederick  H.,  Jr..  1453 


INDEX 


Esarey,  Sol  H.,  1716 

Escape  of  Jlorgan,  624 

Espy.  Josiah,  244,  382.  423 

European   claimants,   08 

European  grant,   first   covering   Indiana, 

98 
Evans,  Edgar  H.,  1608 
Evans,   John,   811,    994,    999;    (portrait), 

995 
Everett,    Edward,    1208 
Ewing,  Nathaniel,   ,329;    (portrait),  328 
Expedition  against  Clark,  153 
Experiments   in   aiioys,    949 
Explanation  of  Feast  of  the  Dead,  21 
Exposition   bnilding,   973 

Face  of  an  Oolitic  Quarry  (illustration), 

964 
Facsimile    title    page    of    first    Indiana 

Jledical  Book,   807 
Fadely,   Lewis   E.,   1407 
Fahnley,  Frederick,  2008 
Fairbank,  Calvin,  524;    (portrait),  523 
Fairbanks,  Charles  W.,  758;   1321;    (por- 
trait),   757 
Fair,  first  at  Indianapolis,  973 
"Fair  God,  The,"  429 
Fallen  Timbers,  Battle  of   (illustration), 

209 
Falls   of  the  Ohio,  383 
Family  mounds,  22 
"Family  Visitor,"  1043 
Farmers  Library,  243 
Farmers  &  Mechanics  Bank  of  Madison. 

332 
"Farmers    and   Mechanics   Journal."    347 
Farnham,  John   H.,   877 
Farragut,  629 
Farwell,  Hart  F..  3165 
Farwig,  Henry  H..   1482 
Fasig,  Daniel,'  3349 
Fate  of  Mound  Builders.  35 
Father  of  American   Geology.   1084 
Fauna  of  Indiana,  early.  75 
Fauntlerov,   Constance,    1107 
Faust,  William  A.,  1414 
Fauvre,   Frank   M..   1439 
Feast   of  the  Dead,  explanation   of,  31; 

(illustration),  30 
Federalists,   218,    330;    oppose   admission 

of  the   state,  219 
Fee,  John,   1388 
Fee   system.   749 
Fenstermaker,   J.    Ralph,    1934 
Ferguson.  Thomas,   2016 
Ferree,  AVilliam  M.,  1639 
Ferris.  Ezra.  396 
Feuerlicht,  Morris  M.,  1846 
Fifer.  Claude.  1995 
Fifth   mayor   of  Indianapolis.   SSn 
Financial     conditions     during    the     Civil 

war.  643 
Financial  history,  764 


Financial  system,  provision  for  State, 
332 

Findlav,  James,  S30 

Fink.  JE.  J.  W.,  1836 

Finley,   George,   60.   65 

Finley,  Ida  D.,   1564 

Finley,  John,  1123.  1139,  1150;  (por- 
trait), 1147,  3264;  reputation  as  a 
poet,   1148 

Finley,  Robert   W..   323 

"Fire  Lands,"  314 

First   automobile    (illustration),  948 

First  book  known  to  have  been  printed 
in   Indiana,  1209 

First  Building  of  Indiana  University 
(illustration),  863 

First  call  in   Civil  war.   594 

First  Chancellor  of  Indiana.  245 

First   Constitution.    334 

First  District  Medical  Society  of  In- 
diana, 798 

First  European  grant  covering  Indiana, 
98 

First  Fair,  Indianapolis,  973 

First  fort  built  by  white  men,  109 

First  geological   survey  of  Indiana,   959 

First  Indiana  deed  of  land,  48 

First  Masonic  Temple,  Built  1848-50  (il- 
lustration),  496 

First  medical  practitioners,  794 

First  medical   society,   798 

First  move  for  Statehood,  219 

First  native  Hoosier  to  produce  a  book 
of  literary  merit,  1310 

First  Ohio  Company  Colony  (illustra- 
tion), 195 

First  person  operated  on  for  gall  stones 
in  the  world.   853 

First  Presbyterian  Clnn-ch  of  Indianap- 
olis. 118l' 

First  priest  ordained  from  the  West. 
1309 

First  regiment  called  into  service  in 
Civil  war.  596 

First   schools.   860 

First  State  Fair.  504 

First  State  Fair  Grounds  (illustration). 
505 

First  State  House  of  Indiana,  located  at 
Corydon  (illustration),  294 

First  Sunday  School  at  Indianapolis, 
1003 

First  temperance  paper,  1043 

First  Temperance  Society,   1003 

First  Thanksgiving  proclamation  in  In- 
diana,  431 

First  Union  soldier  killed  in  Rattle  after 
Fort   Sumter   Avas   taken,   599 

Fishback.  Frank  S.,  1573 

Fisher,   Isaac,   994 

Fisher,   William   F.,   161S 

Fitch,  Graham,  557,  849;  (portrait), 
849 


INDEX 


Five.   Nations.    53,   53 

Flag  of  Society  of  Colonial  Wars,  for 
Indiana   (illustration),  12'J 

Flat-boats,   239,   925 

Fleming,  James  R.,   1455 

Fletcher,  Calvin,  896,  933,   1425 

Fletcher,   James   C,   1210 

Fletcher   Sanatorium,   817 

Fletcher,  Stoughton  A.,  1236 

Fletcher,  Stoughton  A.,  Jr.,  1430 

Fletcher,  William  B.,  817,  1658;  (por- 
trait), 825 

Flour  mill  and  grist  mill  products,  945 

Flower,   Fdward,    1083 

Flower  Mission  Training  School  for 
Nurses,  1020 

Floyd,   Davis,   235,  298 

Flying   Squadron   Foundation,   1065 

Fl'ynn,   William,   853 

Fciltz,  Frederic.   1590 

Foltz,  Herbert  W.,  1589 

Foltz,  Howard  M.,  1590 

Food  and  drug  law,  831 

Foods,   Indian,    72,    76 

Foorman,   Amos   N.,    1277 

Foote  vault,  962 

Foote,  Winthrop,  961 

Fordney,  Josepii  W.,  1843 

Foreign  immigration,  439 

Foreign   vote,   452 

Forests,  1166 

Forrest,  J.  Dorsey,  2235 

Forrey,  George  C,  Jr.,  1592 

Fort  Azatlan,  description  of,  1 ;  springs 
at,  2;   map  of,  3 

Fort  Chartres,  111 ;  Ruins  of  Powder 
Magazine   (illustration).   111 

Fort  Defiance  built,  211 

Fort    Greenville,    210 

Fort  Hamilton,  207 

Fort  Harrison,  499;  attack  on,  268;  De- 
fense  of    (illustration),  267 

Fort  Jefferson,  207;  difficulty  of  main- 
taining,  180 

Fort  Miamis,   59,   122 

Fort   Pitt.   137 

Fort  Pontchartrain,   106 

Fort  Recovery,  207,  210 

Fort  Sackville  captured.  160;  Vincennes. 
1779    (illustration),  156 

Fort  Stanwix.  treaty  of,  187 

Fort  of  Vincennes.  130 

Fort  Wavne.  89;  post  at.  113;  Site  of  in 
1790  (illustration).  206;  built,  211; 
in  state  of  siege,  368 

Fort  Wayne  &  CTiicago  Railroad.  1000 

"Fort  Wayne  Medical  Journal-^Maga- 
zine,"  815 

"Fort  Wavne  Medical  Magazine."  815 

Forts.   207 

Forts,  stone,  5;  first  built  bv  white  men, 
109 


Fortune,  Charles  M.,  1609 

Fortune,  William,  1415 

Fosdick,  William,  1379 

Fosler,    .John,    1873 

Foster,  Craven  T.,  1798 

Foster,  Family,  1798 

Foster,   John   W.,   1883 

Foster,  Robert  S.,  610,  1748;  (portrait), 
611 

Foster,  Ronald  A..   1799 

Foster,    Samuel,    1798 

Foster,  Samuel  M„  2282 

Four  prominent  war  leaders  of  the  Dem- 
ocratic party,  592 

Fourteen   Mile   Creek,   7 

Fourth   of   July,   1863,   648 

Foucher.  Anthony,  132,  1209 

Fowke,  Gerard,  24,  27,  35 

Fox,  William  F.,  2169 

Francis,  Charles  W.,  1507 

Francis    Family,    1504 

Francis,  Joseph  M.,  1981 

Franklin,   Benjamin,   187,   191 

Franklin  College,  886;  first  building  (il- 
lustration),  892 

Frazier,  John   S.,  1414 

Fred,   Samuel,   1904 

Free   banks,   446 

Free   kindergartens,    1020 

"Free  Labor  Advocate  and  Anti-Slavery 
Chronicle,"  510 

Freeman,   .John,    506 

Freeman,   Thomas,    355 

Freeman's  Corners,  355 

Free  schools.  483,  877.  891,  893 

Free   Silver   Democrats,   756 

Free  silver  issue,  756 

Free    Soil    vote,    499 

Free  Soiler,  prominent,  542 

Free   Soilers,   498 

French  and  Indian  war,  122 

French,  Burton  L.,  1838 

French  Grant,  214 

French    Lick,    853:     (illustration),    969 

French  Relation  of  1718,  109 

French  settlers.  213;  Congress  of  1788 
confirms  land  titles.  201;  Clearing 
Land  at  Galliopolis    (illustration).  213 

Frenzel.   John  P.,  743 

Friedley,  Harmon  11.,  1614 

Friends,   509 

"Friends  to  Humanity,"  253 

Friends   Yearly   Meeting,   513 

Frontier  characters,  121 

Frontier  influences,   1164 

Frontier  life,  1169 

Frontier   Life    (Turner),    1158 

Frontier  political   oratory,   1174 

Frontier    settlements,    1156 

Frontier  towns,  1164 

Frontier  women,  1169 

Fugitive  Slave  law.  500,  506 

Fugitive    slaves,    531 


INDEX 


Fuller,  Hector,  2214 
Funeral   customs,    Indian,    C9 
Funk,   Walter  A.,   1318 
Furniture   and    refrigerators,    947 
Fur   traders,  rivalry  of,   118 
Furs,   957 

Gable,  Orlo  H.,  1466 

Gabriel's  Rock,  1078;    (illustration),  1079 

Gage,    General,   137 

Gallagher,  William  D.,  1207 

Galliher,  Charles  W..  1958 

Games  and  sports  of  Mound  Builders,  32 

Garber,  M.   C,   544 

Gardner,  Clyde  W.,  1872 

Gardner,   F'red  C   1582 

Gardner,  Jared,  2005 

Gardner,  Joseph  C,   1498 

(jarrett,  John  J.,  1930 

Garrison  Marching  Out  (Vincennes)  (il- 
lustration), 152 

Gartside.    Forrest    J.,    2038 

Gas  wells,  959 

Gates,   Alfred    B.,    1700 

Gates,  Austin  B.,  1756 

Gates,  Edward  E.,  1703 

Gates,  Frederick  E.,  1756 

Gates,  Glen  W.,  2113 

Gates,  Harry  B.,  1701 

Gates,  William  N.,  1703 

Gavisk,   Francis   H.,   2192 

Geddes,  Robert,  1680 

General  system  of  education,  310 

Geographer  of  the  Main  Army,  191 

Geographer   of   the   Southern   Array,   191 

Geological  survey  of  Indiana,  first,  959 

George,  Eliza  E.,  613 

Georgia   mounds,  22 

Gerard,  R.  H.,   1320 

Gernstein,  Bernard,  1659 

Ghost,   Dance,    134 

Gibault,  Father,  133,  148,  171,  180; 
reaches  Vincennes,  134 

Gibson.  John,  338,  383 

Gillespie,    Bryant   W.,    1448 

Gillespie,  Laura  A..  1449 

Gillespie,   Mrs.   B.  W..   1449 

Gillilan.   Strickland   W..   1150,   1713 

Gillman,  Joseph,   196 

Gilmer.  Frank,  1315 

Gilmore,   Allan    E..    1463 

Gilmore,  Russell  A.,  1463 

Gilmore,  Wallace  L..   1463 

Gilmore,  William   G.,   1463 

Girard.  William   T.,  599 

Girls'   Reformatory,   1016 

Gist,  Christopher."  121 

Glass   manufacturing,   947 

Glasscott,  John.  1636 

Glasscott.   Tliomas.   1637 

Glossary  of  Indiana  nanu'S.  86 

Glossbrenner,   Alfred  M.,   2056 


Goble,  Daniel  S.,  1742 

Godfroy,  Francois,  43,  89.  271 

Godfroy,  Gabriel,  43,  65,  75,  SO.  96; 
(portrait),  46 

Gold  Democrats,  756 

Golden,  Dale  D.,  1986 

Golightly,   William   J.,    1979 

Goodell,  Charles  E.,  3167 

Goodrich,  James  P.,  785;    (portrait),  784 

Good   Roads   Movement,   783 

Goodwin,  Thomas  A..  900,  1140 

Gookins,  J.  F.,  599,  600 

Gordon,  John  N.,  3010 

Gordon,  Jonathan  W.,  1404;  (portrait), 
473 

"Gore,  The."  236 

Goslee,  Mary  O.,  3033 

Gossom,  James  M.,  3167 

Gougar,  John  D..   1311 

Gough,  John   B.,   1039 

Gould   (B.  A.)    on   Indiana  Men,   1199 

Government  carried  on  by  War  Gov- 
ernor, 643 

Government  House  of  the  Territory  of 
Indiana,   Vincennes    (illustration).   238 

Governor  of  Indiana,  proclamation  from. 
1185 

Governor's  Mansion,  Corydon  (illustra- 
tion),  308 

Governors  Mansion  in  the  Circle  (illus- 
tration),  438 

Governors,  controversy  of,  376 

Gradual   emancipation   of   slaves,   252 

Graham,  Archibald  C,  1237 

Graham,  .John  K.,  398 

Graham.  William.  299 

Grain   Mill.  Primitive    (illustration).  937 

Grand-daughter  of  The  Little  Turtle.  79 

Grand    jury   system,   objection   to,   446 

Grant,  'U. 'S.."639,   630,   648 

Gravier.   Father.   32 

Gray,  Isaac  P.,  709.  718;    (portrait),  723 

Great  Conflagration  at  Pittsburgh,  Pa. 
(illustration).    1143 

Great  Hare,  63 

Greathouse,  Frank  M.,  1975 

Greek  fire.  661 

Green,   Alonzo   P.,   1456 

Green,  Conant  L.,  1457 

Green  River  Island,  controversv  over, 
759 

Greenbackism,  702 

Greenville  Treaty  line,  334 

Gresham.  Walter  Q..   1565 

Grist  mills.  939;  products.  945 

Grenfell.  St.  Leger,   657 

GrifTm.  -Tohn.  328 

Griflfitli.  Thomas  J..  1326 

GrifiTon.    61;    (illustration).   63 

Griswold.  Edward   H..  2104 

Gronendyke.  Oliver  J..  1438 

Gross,  Luther   M..  2018 


INDEX 


Grossart,  Frederick  C-,  1887 

Grover,  Arthur  B.,  1534 

Grover,  Ira,  1533 

Grow,  Galusha  A.,  536 

Guerrillas,  640 

Gurley,  Phineas,  406 

Gustin,  Amos  N.,  1774 

Guthrie,  William  A.,  1548 

Gutzwiller,  Carl,  1536 

Gwathmey,  .John,  382 

Gwin,   William,    612;    (portrait),   635 

Habits  of  Indians,  47 

Hack,  Elizabeth  M.,  1420 

Hack,  Oren  S.,  1419 

Hackedorn.  Hillis  F.,  1510 

Hackelman,  Pleasant  A.,  565,  606;  (por- 
trait),  607 

Hackman,   Frederick.  1483 

Haerle,  George  C,  2120 

Haerle,   AVilliam,   2120 

Hagelskamp,  George.   1886 

Haimbaugh.  Frank  D.,  2108 

Haimbaugh,  Mary  C,   1476 

Haines,  Matthias  L.,  1389 

Hall,  Arnold  A.  B.,  1594 

Hall,  Arthur  F.,  1395 

Hall,   Basil,   1168 

Hall,  Baynard  R.,  873 

Hall,  Columbus  H.,  1592 

Hamill,  Clialmers  M.,  1831 

Hamilton.  Henry,  140;  preparing  expe- 
dition against  Clark,  153;  (portrait), 
164 

Hamilton,  William  L.,  1530 

Hammerschmidt,  Louis  M.,  1906 

Hammond.   952 

Hammond,  Abram  A.,  567;  (portrait), 
565 

Hammond,   Edwin   P.,   1314 

Hamtramck,  .John  F.,  198;  ordinances, 
198;  letter  to  Gen.  Wayne,  198;  gov- 
ernment, 199;  Signature.  199;  Tomb 
(illustration).  199;  service  to  people 
of  Vincennes.  203;  at  Detroit,  212 

Hand,   Edward,    140 

Haner,   Frank   H..    1875 

Hanev,  William  E.,  2064 

Hanley,   Michael   T.,   2130 

Hanly.  J.  Frank,  765,  767,  1065;  (por- 
trait), 768 

Hanna.  Cliarles  A..   101 

Hanna,  John,  1953 

Hanna,    Robert,    296 

Hanna,  Samuel,   388,  413 

Hannegan,   Edward  A..   1523 

Hannum,  .James  M.,  1378 

Hanover  College,  911;  first  building  (il- 
lustration), 893 

Hanover,  .John  T.,  529;    (portrait),  531 

Hansen,  .John,   527 

Hanson.  Sarah.  1536 

Hardin,  Harley  F.,  1355 


Hardin,   Xewton,   1820 

Harding.   Stephen   S.,   512 

Hardy,  Horace  G.,  2059 

Harmar,   Josiah,   198 

Harmonists,  1075 

Harney,  .John   H.,   874 

Harper,  H.  Frank,  5 

Harper,  Ida  H.,   1706 

Harper,   Samuel   A..   2236 

Harrington,   .John   .J.,   Jr.,    1638 

Harris,   Addison  C,  1689 

Harris,  Bert  H.,   1988 

Harris,  James  W..  1954 

Harrison.   Alfred.    1536 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  564,  728;   (portrait), 

730 
Harrison,  Caroline   S.,  1411 
Harrison,   Christopher,  375,   384 
Harrison,  Hugh  H.,  1536 
Harrison,   John,   382 
Harrison,  John   S.,  728 
Harrison,  Joseph  W.,  1443 
Harrison,   J.   C.   S.,   352 
Harrison,  William  H..  218.  221.  248,  268; 

in  command  at  Fort  Washington,  228; 

secretary  of  Northwest  Territory,  228; 

arrives  at  Vincennes,   229;    (portrait), 

229;  preparing  for  operations  for  war, 

271 
Harsh,   Abraham,   2124 
Hart,  F,  E.,  1765 
Harting,  William  E..  2021 
Hartley,    Clarence   A.,   2145 
Hartloir,  Charles  W.,  2145 
Hartman,  George  W.,  2213 
Harve.y,   .Jonathan   S.,   454 
Harvey,   Lawson   M.,    1558 
Harvey,    Thomas    B.,    1553;     (portrait), 

829 
Haskett.  Orlando  D.,  1615 
Havelick,  Pearl  A..  1847 
Havens,   Ben,    1674 
Havens,  C.  H..  1990 
Haworth,  C.  V.,   2011 
Hav,  Frank  M..  1369 
HaV,  .John,   1530 
HaVden.   Walter   B.,   1249 
Hayes,  Charles  E.,   1761 
Hayes,   Halbert   R.,   1767 
Haynes  Auto  Company.   949 
Ha'ynes,   Elwood,   948,' 1215 
Haynes,  Paul  P.,  1494 
Hays,  Meade  S.,  1357 
Haywood.   George   P..   1302 
Health  laws,  830 

Health  of  State  in  early  days,  371 
Health  resorts,  969 
Hearsev,  Harrv  T..   1704 
Heath,"  Frederick  W..  3029 
Heatwole.  Joel   P..  1918 
Heckewelder,  .John,   163 
Heitschmidt.  August  C,  2118 
Heller,  F.  G.,  1693 


XXII 


INDEX 


Hemenway,  James  A.,  1761 

Henderson,  Albert,  1399 

Henderson,  Charles  R.,  1400 

Hendren,  Gilbert  H.,  2237 

Hendricks,  Thomas  A.,  569,  626,  665, 
697,  704,  705,  708,  720,  726,  903,  1858; 
(portrait),    590 

Hendricks,  William,  302,  374,  384,  704 

Henneman,   John   B.,    1138 

Hennings,   Joseph   E.,   1847 

Henry,  Albert  J.,  2104 

Henry,  Charles  L.,  1780 

Henry,  James  H.,  893 

Henry  Phipps  Institute  for  Tuberculosis, 
835 

Henshaw,   Frederic  R.,   1738 

Herman  and  Bebee  cases,  1052 

Heron,  Alexander,   2199 

Heron,  Helen  M.,  2199 

Herz,  Adolph,  1871 

Herz,   Milton,   1872 

Hesler,  Jennie  M.,  1305 

Hesler,  Lincoln,  1304 

Hess,  Michael,  2012 

Hetheringion,    Benjamin    F.,    1366 

Hetherington,  Frederick  A.,  1367 

Hiatt,  Julius  E.,  1537 

Hiatt,  Thomas,   1994 

Hibbard,  James  F.,  1639;    (portrait),  855 

Hides  and  furs,  957 

Hielscher,  Theodore,  553 

Hilburt,   Frank,    1808 

Hileman,   Alonzo   J.,   2073 

Hilgemeier,   Frank,  1529 

Hines,  Thomas  H.,  617,  656,  658;  (por- 
trait),  618 

Hitt,  Mrs.   George  C   1349 

Hoag,   William   G.,   2016 

Hobbs,  Barnabas  C,  331,  870,  1009; 
(portrait),    896 

Hobson's  Choice,  209 

Hodges,  Mrs.  Edward  F.,  1431 

Hoffman.  Edward  G.,  1400 

Hogan,  William  J..  1888 

Hogston,  Alfred,  1531 

Hogue,  John  L.,  2070 

Hoke,  Jacob   F.,  Jr..   1943 

Holaday,  Alpha  L.,  1346 

Holland,  J.  G.,1182 

Holliday,  F.  C,   1195 

Holliday,  John  H.,  584,  1225 

Hollis,  Charles  C,  3117 

Holloway,  David  P.,  681;    (portrait),  680 

Holloway,   William   A.,  2014 

Hollweg.  Louis,  1517 

Holnian,  .Jesse  L.,  334 

Holman,  Joseph,  296 

Holman,  Sidney  L.,  2133 

Holman,  AVilliam    S.,   564 

Holmes,   Henry   A..   2007 

Holmes,  Ira  M..  1464 

Holmes,   Oliver   W..    855 

Holmes,  William   H..   2008 


Holt,  Sterling  R.,  2200 

Home  industries,  412 

Homestead    bill,    536 

Honest   elections,  726,   771 

Hoosier,  1160;  origin  of  name,  1121; 
early  use  of  word,  1155;  first  native 
to  produce  book  of  literary  merit, 
1210 

"Hoosier  Year.  The,"  1185 

"Hoosier's  Nest,  The,  1133,  1123.  1161; 
facsimile  of  opening  lines,  1124;  (re- 
production of  painting),  1132;  (illus- 
tration), 1138 

Hoosier's  War  Record.  A,  2214 

Hoozier,   William.    1152 

Hopkins,  Samuel,  268 

Hord.   Oscar   B.,   665,   714 

Hornaday,  William  T.,  1741 

"Horsehead."   238 

Horsley,  William   E.,  2149 

Hoshour,  Samuel  K.    (portrait),  885 

Hospital  Board,  819 

Hospital  for  treatment  of  tuberculosis, 
1035 

Hospital  stewards,  849 

Hospitals,  831 

Hospitals   for   the   insane,   823 

Hoss,  P.  E..  1910 

Houser,  James  A.,  1291 

Houses  of  Correction,  1005 

Houses   of   Refuge,   1008 

Housing   law.    779 

Hovey,  Alfred   R.,   1535 

Hovey,  Alvin  P.,  481,  486;  (portrait), 
483 

Hovey,   Benjamin,   383 

Hovey,   Otis,    911 

Howard,   .James,  953 

Howard   Ship  Yard,   953 

Howard.  Tilghman  A.,  1166.  1959;  (por- 
trait),  1167 

Howard.  Timothy  E.,  1700 

Howat.  William  >..  2244 

Howe,   Daniel   W.,   1745 

Hubbard.  Erastus  W..  1778 

Hubbard.  R.   M..   1360 

Hubbard,  Walter  J.,  1779 

Hubbard,  Willard  W..   1779 

Hudson.    Grant    L..    1360 

Huffman,  Gideon.   1540 

Hull.    Matthew   R..    1151 

Humphrey.   Louis.   794,   811 

Hundred  Associates.  99 

Hunt.    Nathaniel.    397 

Hunter.  Charles   R..   1601 

Hunter.  James   W.,   3013 

Huntington,  89.  953 

Hurst,   Henry,   145 

Hurty,  John   N.,   1606 

Hurty,  Josiah,  493 

Husson.   Peter,   1474 

Huston.  Frank   C.   1551 

Hutchins.  Thomas.   191 


INDEX 


XXUl 


Hutchinson,   David,   830 
Hutchinson    family,    1039 
Hydrophobia  law,  831 

Iberville,  Pierre  L.,  106 

Iddings,  Mary  C,  819 

Idols,  Mound  Builders,  34 

Iglehart,   John   E.,   1986 

lies,   Orlando    B.,    1920 

lUinoia,   188 

Illinois  Company,  187 

Illinois  General  Hospital  of  the  Lakes, 
1000 

Illinois  Grant,  326 

Immigration,   439 

Improvements,  bill  for  internal,  393; 
history  of  bill  for  internal,  394;  in- 
ternal,  410 

Increase  of  manufactures,  951 

Indenture  law,  246 

Independent  property  rights  for  married 
women,   454 

Indian   agriculture,   74 

Indian  corn,  73 

Indian  council  at  Vincennes,  364 

Indian  employment,  supervisor  of,  82 

Indian  land  grant,   381 

Indian  mounds,  description,  18 

Indian   names,  glossary,   86 

Indian  potatoes,  77 

Indian   Signatures    (illustration),   51 

Indian   Springs,   969 

Indian  system,  beginning  of  present.  355 

Indian   Territory,  separate,   361 

Indian  traders,  187,  228 

Indian   women,   life  of,   81 

Indiana  about  1819,  direct  interest  in 
Northwest  Territory,  224;  First  State 
Governor,  289;  "Walking  history  of," 
479;  quota  in  Civil  war,  601;  War- 
den's description  of,  1158;  in  1828, 
HalTs  description  of,  1161;  first  book 
known  to  have  been  printed  in,  1209 

Indiana   Asbury   University,   900 

Indiana  Board  of  State  O'larities,  824 

Indiana  Boys'   School,  1010 

Indiana  Business  College.  2138 

Indiana   camp    meeting.    1177 

Indiana   Canal   Company.   245,   383 

Indiana  Central  Medical  College,  813 

Indiana  Central  University,  912 

Indiana    Company,    187 

Indiana  delegation   to   President,   676 

Indiana  Good   Roads   Association,  939 

Indiana  Harbor,  953 

Indiana  Historical  Commission,  memlwrs 
of    (illustration),   783 

Indiana  Historical  Society,  877 

Indiana   Hoosier    (boat),   1155 

Indiana  Hospital  for  Insane  Criminals, 
1004 

Indiana  fn  1811  (map),  334 

Indiana  in   1817,   showing  eflfect   of  La- 


Salle's  report  of  his  route  from  Lake 
Erie  to  the  Illinois   (map),  351 

Indiana  .Journal  of  Medicine,  814 

Indiana  lands,  main  survey  of,  355 

Indiana  Library  Association,  930 

Indiana  limestone,  965 

Indiana  Medical  College,   853 

Indiana  Medical  College  of  Laporte,  811 

Indiana  Medical  College,  Indianapolis, 
811 

Indiana  Medical  Journal,  814 

Indiana  nurses,  818 

Indiana  School  for  the  Blind,  Indianap- 
olis   (illustration),    1006 

Indiana  State  Board  of  Health,  828 

Indiana   State   Farm,   1035 

Indiana  State  Library,  833 

Indiana  State  Medical  Association,  Jour- 
nal   of.    806 

Indiana   State  Medical  Society,  805,  838 

Indiana  State  Medical  Society  and  Asso- 
ciation, presidents  of,  808 

Indiana  State  Prison,  Michigan  City  (il- 
lustration),  991 

Indiana  State  School  for  the  Deaf,  993 

Indiana  State  Soldiers'  Home,  Lafayette, 
1012 

Indiana  State  Wesleyan  Anti-Slavery 
Convention,   518 

Indiana   survey   system,   354 

Indiana   Teachers'   Reading  Circle,   921 

Indiana  Territory,  236,  933;  population 
in  1800,  336;  government  begun,  338; 
difficulty  of  communication  between 
different  parts,  339;  free  negroes  in 
1810.  244;  Centennial  Anniversary  of 
Establishment    of,   759 

"Indiana,  The,"  391 

Indiana  troops  (Civil  war)  return  and 
public  reception,   670 

Indiana  Tuberculosis  Hospital,  Rockville 
(illustration),  1026 

Indiana  Union  of   Literary  Clubs,  930 

Indiana  University,  853,  865;  first  build- 
ing   (illustration),   863 

Indiana  University  School  of  Medicine, 
813 

Indiana  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends,  1844 

(illustration).  516 
Indianapolis.  89;  new  capital.  363;  origin 
of  name,  364;  route  from  Lake  Michi- 
gan to,  383;  chief  source  of  water 
supplv  to.  402;  city  charter,  891; 
early'schools.  894;  in'l855,  503;  inter- 
urban    lines,    955 

Indianapolis    and    Her   Railroad    Connec- 
tions  (map).  973 
Indianapolis    Benevolent    Society,    1003, 

1020 
Indianapolis   Boys  Club.  1278 

Indianapolis   Commercial   Club.  974 
Indianapolis  Flower  Mission.  819 
■Indianapolis   Journal,"    569 


XXIV 


INDEX 


Indianapolis  Medical  Journal,  815 

Indianapolis   Medical   Society,   805 

"Indianapolis   News,"    1647 

Indianapolis,  Ralston's  plat  of  1821 
(map),  362 

Indianapolis,  Second  State  House  (illus- 
tration), 455 

"Indianapolis  Sentinel,''  737 

Indianapolis  Water  Company,  598 

Indians,  28,  43-85;  religion,  34,  61,  67; 
traditions,  39;  languages,  40,  47,  60; 
habits,  45,  47;  tribes,  52;  wars,  53,  59, 
305;  mythology,  61,  124;  customs, 
69;  food  of,  72,  76;  Perrot's  descrip- 
tion of,  75 ;  domestic  wants  of,  SO ; 
tribal  organization,  81;  removal  of, 
82;  sail  for  France,  112;  troubles,  118; 
uprising,  cause  of,  134;  lawlessness, 
204;  titles,  264;  treaties,  264,  354, 
388;  hostilities,  268;  titles  in  Indianii, 
extinguishment  of,  354;  schools,  358 

Indians  Driving  off  Eclipse  of  Moon 
(illustration),   71 

Indigent  deaf  and  blind.  988 

industrial  domination,  699 

Industries,  canning  and  preserving,  954 ; 
hides  and  furs,  957;  home,  412;  ter- 
rapin, 958 

Infant  blindness  law,  831 

Innes,   Judge,   204 

Insane   hospitals,   823,   980,  993,  1018 

Insane,  statistics  on,  982 

Insley,  William  H.,  2066 

Instruction  of  deaf  and  dumb,  history 
of,   990 

International    bimetallism,    757 

Internal  improvements,  382,  410;  bill  fur. 
393;  history  of  bill,  394 

Interurban  railroads.  955 

Itinerant  preachers,  1176 

Intoxication,  Wayne's  order  regarding, 
227 

Invasion  of  Indian  country,  179 

Investigating  Committee,  1022 

Iron  and  steel,  945 

Iroquois,  52,  53 

-iroquois    Captives    (illustration),    57 

Iroquois  Fort,  Attack  on  (illustration), 
54 

Irvin,   Arthur  B.,   2261 

Iserman,  Edmund  F.,  1475 

Isgrigg,  David  M.,  2064 

"Jacobin  clubs,"  223 

Jacoby,  Elias  J.,  1945 

James,  John  H.,  2181 

Janert.  Albert.  2000 

Jarrard,    Thomas    E.,   2361 

Jay,  John,  treaty,  212 

Jefferson  and  Johnston  petitions,  com- 
parison  of.   257 

Jefferson  Countv  mounds.  9;  stone  fort, 
9 


Jefferson  County,  Stone  fort  (map),  8 

Jefferson's  "Notes  on  Virginia,"  257 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  188,  220,  323,  252, 
254 ;  proposed  states  in  Northwest 
Territory  (map),  188;  opinion  on  slav- 
ery, 247 

Jeffersonville,   953 

oeffersonville  Township  Public  Library, 
2152 

Jenkins,  D.  C,  2002 

Jennings,  Augustus,  1611 

Jennings  County  mounds,  9;  stone  forti- 
fications, 9 

Jennings,  Harry  E.,  1651 

Jennings,  John.   1610 

Jennings,  Jonathan,  362,  280,  297,  354, 
376,  383,  386;  candidate  for  Governor, 
292;    (portrait),  389 

Jerry  Collins  and  Doctor  Cool  (illustra- 
tion), 1036 

Jessup,  Jennie  B.,  1434 

Jessup,  Maria  A..  816 

Jesuit  "Relations,"'  21,  24.  38,  30,  33,  38, 
55,  56,   58,  64.  72 

Jewett,  Charles  W.,  1301 

Jillson,  William  M.,  1246 

.John  Jay  treaty,  212 

John,  Robert,  388 

Johnson,  Alexander   (portrait),   1023 

Johnson,  Andrew,  536,  693;  inaugurated, 
676 

.Johnson.  Benjamin  B.,  1467 

Johnson,   Emsley   W.,   1588 

Johnson,  Henry  W.,  1457 

Johnson,  Honest  F.,  230 

Johnson,  John.  299,  334 

Johnson,  John  W.,  1472 

Johnson,  J.  Wallace,  2036 

Johnson,  Mary  E.,  1137 

Johnson,   Richard   0.,    1519 

Johnson.   William,   52,   121,  122,   126 

Johnston  and  .Jefferson  petitions,  com- 
parison  of,  257 

Johnston,  Annie  F.,  779,  2184 

Johnston,  Harriet  M.,  2125 

Johnston.  Washington,  256 

Joliet,  Louis,  67 

Jones,  A.,  1340 

Jones,  Aquilla,  758,  1956 

Jones,  Arthur  H.,  1648 

Jones,  Charles  C.  10.  22 

Jones,  Daniel  A.,  3253 

Jones,  Frank  M..  3321 

Jones,  Gabriel,  183 

Jones,  George  W.,  1513 

Jones,  G.   Edwin.   2253 

Jones,  John  R.,  179.  235,  358;  (portrait), 
259 

Jones,  Oliver  P.,  1338 

Jones,  Thomas  M..  1883 

Jones,  Walter.  1853 

.Tones.  William  A..  909 

Jones,  AVilliam  M.,  1833 


INDEX 


XXV 


Jordan,  Arthur,  1489 

Jordan,  David  S.,  905 

Joss,  Frederick  A.,  1931 

Jouett,  Matthew  H.,  141 

"Journal  of  tne  Indiana  State  Medical 
Association,"  806,  816 

"Journal  of  the  Medical  Sciences,"  815 

Judah,  Mrs.  John  M.,   1139 

Judah,  Samuel,  317;  portrait,  316 

Judges,   334;   early,  196 

Judicial  decisions,  Roosevelt's  plan  for 
recall  of,  774 

Julian,  George  W.,  534,  542,  546,  564, 
624,  632,  678,  698,  1150;  (portrait), 
538 ;  speech  on  slavery,  632 

Julian,  Isaac,  550;  speech,  attacking  ad- 
ministration of  1865,  682;  speech  of 
October  25,  1868,  694 

Jungclaus.  William  P.,  1711 

Jury  trial,  450 

Kahn,  David,  1544 

Kahn,  Henry,  1678 

Kahn,  I.   Ferdinand,   1545 

Jvankakee,   89 

Kankakee  portage,  45 

"Kansas  City  Star,"  737 

Kaskaskia,   capture  of,   148 

Kast,  Marie,  816 

Kattman,  Frank   A.,   1869 

Kaufman,  Rex  D.,  2046 

Kautz,  John  A.,  1969 

Kean,  John,   193 

Keely  cures,  1037 

Keightley,  Edwin  W.,  3090 

Keller,   Amelia   R.,    816,   1881 

Kem,  Omer  M..  1431 

Kemper,  G.  W.  H.,  820,  1670;  (portrait), 
786 

Kennedy.  Dumont,  1305 

Kennington,  Robert  E..  1440 

Kenvon,  Clarence  A.,  939 

Kern,  John  W..  769 

Kerr.  Michael  C,  564,  651,  1534 

Ketcham,  Jane  M.,  816 

Kidnaping   case,    atrocious,    352 

Kidnaping   free   negroes.   341,   506 

Kidnaping  of  slaves,   533 

Kilsore.  David,  394;    (portrait),  395 

Kiliikellv,   Sarah  H.,  1196,  1433 

Kilsokw'a,  The  Setting  Sun,  90;  (por- 
trait). 79 

Kimball,   Nathan.    600 

Kindergartens,  free,   1020 

King   (Rufus)   on  Ordinance  of  1787,  193 

King,  W.  F.,  831 

Kinnard,  George  S.,  1965 

Kinnev,   Amorv.   346 

Kinsey,  Carl  D.,  2235 

Kinsey,  Oliver  P..  911 

Kiper,  Roscoe.  1575 

Kirk.  Alvin   T..   1408 

Kirk,  Clarence  L.,  1350 


Kirkpatrick,  Lex  J.,  1403 

Kitchell,  Jirah  A.,  1396 

Kittredge,   Jonathan,    1031 

Kizer,  Robert  P..   1436 

Klausmann,  Henry  W.,  1634 

Klumpp,  John  F.,  2136 

Klute,  George  E..  1875 

Klute,  John  H.,  1879 

Knabe,    Helene    (portrait),    817 

Knapp.  Frank  H.,  3238 

Knauir,  Henry,   1993 

Knights  of  Elvas,  37 

Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,  434,  640 

Knightstown  Springs,   1011 

Knollenberg,  Everard  B.,  1876 

Knollenberg,  Henry  W.,  1875 

Know  Nothingism,  537,  543 

Knox  county  mounds,  13 

Knox  County  Seminary.  317 

Koehler,  Charles  F..   1684 

Koelln.  Henry,  2084 

Kokomo,  90,  953 

Koons,  Martin  L.,  1676 

Kop,  Peter,  1199 

Korbly.  Bernard,  1641 

Korbly,  Charles  A.,  Jr.,  1641 

Korbly,  Charles  A.,  Sr.,  1640 

Koss,  Louis,  1720 

Kramm,  Harry  D.,  1710 

Kreimeier.  Elmer,  1575 

Krietenstein.  George  W.,  3118 

Kroh.   Cora   E.,  2140 

Kroh,  James  H.,  2139 

Krout,  Caroline  V.,  1934 

Krout,  Mary  H..  1933 

Kuchenbuch,  Herman,  2137 

Kuessner,  Amalia    (Mrs.  Charles   duPont 

Coudert),  1304;    (portrait),  1305 
Kuhn.   Charles,  1399 
Kuhn,  Jolin  A.,  1299 
Kuhn.  William  F.,  1299 
Kuhner,  Godlip  C.  1983 
Kyle.  Jolm  J.,  819 

LaBalme,  175 
Laboratory  Law,  830 
Lacv,  Flay  S..  1946 
Lafayette,  953 
Lafit'au,  33.   54.   57.   71 
Lagle.  William  H.,  1837 
Lagro,  90 
LaHontan,  21,  71 
Lake   ilaxinkuckee.  91 
Lake    Michigan,    route    from    to    Indian- 
apolis, 383 
Land  act,   191 

Land  chief  wealth  of  tlie  country,  217 
Land  claims,  boundaries  of.  331 
Land  deed,  first  Indiana.  48 
Land   grant,   Indian,   381 
Land   grants,   early    (map).  316 
Land.  Harrv,  1467 
Land,  Walker  E.,   1486 


XXVI 


INDEX 


Landers,  Pierce  J.,   1498 

Landis,  Kenesaw  M.,  1849 

Landon,  George  W.,  1664 

Lane,  Daniel  C,  298,  367 

Lane,  Henry  S.,  547,  550,  564,  1174; 
(portrait),  551 

Lane,  James  H.,  1548;    (portrait),  432 

Lane,  Joseph,  1540 

Langsenkamp,  Frank  H.,  1845 

Langsenkamp,   William,   1934 

Languages,  Indian,  Algonkin,  40;  Mu3- 
cogean,  41 

Lanier.  James  F.  D.,  333,  403,  419,  643, 
1032;    (portrait),  418 

Lapenta,  Vincent  A.,  1590 

Laporte,  953 

La  Potherie,  45,  70 

LaSalle,  56;  letter  of  August  22,  1683, 
56;  discoveries.  99;  (portrait),  100; 
description  of  Ohio  district,  101;  writ- 
ings of,  103;    (map),  105;   Colony,  106 

Lasher,  Norman  J.,  1349 

Lasselle,  Hyacinthe,  346 

Last  Union  soldier  killed  in  battle,  599 

Lauck,  John,   1755 

Laughlin,  C.  E.,  827 

Lauter,  Herman,  1944 

Lauter  Company,  H.,  1944 

Law  concerning  negro  slaves,  237 

Law  concerning  servants,  337 

Law,  John  (portrait),  115 

Law  schools.  744 

Lawrence.  John  F.,  2353 

Lawson,  Charles  G..  2105 

Lawton,  Henry  W.,   761 

Leakey,  Joseph  R.,  1673 

Leathers,  James  M..  1374 

Leathers,   William   W.,    1373 

le  Drou,  Pierre,  373 

Lee.  Richard  H.,  192 

Lee's  surrender.  670 

Leeds.  Frank  R,,  2136 

Leedy,  Ulysses  G.,  1691 

Leeson,  Colonel  K.,  1966 

Leeson.  Richard  L.,  2033 

Legend  of  origin  of  Miamis,  44 

Legg  Brothers.  1811 

Legg,  Charles   D.,  3195 

Legg,   Oiristopher   E.,   1811 

Legislation,  1864,  670 

Legislation  for  charitable  institutions. 
996 

Legislation,  temperance  work  effect  on, 
1041 

Legislative  Reference  work.  749 

Legislature    of    1889,    1021 

Legrande.  Pacome.  131 

Le  Gras,  M..   181 

Lehmanowsky,  John  J..  1132.  1145 

LeJeune,   Father,   21,   64.   69 

Lemaux.    George.    1242 

Lemcke,  Julius   A.,   1343 

Lemcke,  Ralph  A.,   1345 


Lemen  diary,  347 

Lemen,   James,   298,   352 

Lemen,   John,   247 

LeMercier,  Father,  38 

Lenfestey,  John  R.,  2233 

Lensmann,  John  H.,  3193 

LePetit,   Father,   34,   38 

Lerman,  Meyer,  1655 

LeRoy,  John  W.,  1377 

Lesh,  Charles  P.,  1603 

LeSueur,   30,   345 

"Letters  of  Decius,"  242 

Levering,  Julia  H.,  1399 

Levering,  Mortimer,  1400 

Levi  Coffin  House,  Fountain  Cit}'  (illus- 
tration),  509 

Levy,  Henry,   1354 

Levy.   Leopold.   1353 

Levy,   Marie   C,    1355 

Levy,   Theresa,   1354 

Lewis,   Dio.   1057 

Lewis,  George  B.,  1549 

Lewis.  Thomas  R.,  3182 

Lewis,  Walter  H.,  2116 

Lewis,  Walter  L.,  2120 

Lexington,    323 

Libby.  Charles  L.,  1997 

Liberia,  colonization,  470 

Library,  709,  914;  medical,  822;  Sun- 
day School,  914;  township  school,  916; 
conditions  of  the  state,  916;  juvenile 
fiction,  917;  rural,  920;  traveling,  930; 
public,   921;   school.   921 

Library  Commission.   920 

Library   provision.   918 

Library   Society,   1118 

License   system,   703 

Lieber,  Herman,  1736 

Lieber,  Otto  R..   1737 

Lieber.  Richard,   2219 

Lieutenant  Governor,  duration  of  office, 
720;    contest  for,   721 

Lilly,  Eli,  1888 

Lilly,  James  W.,  1401 

Lilly,   William    H.,    339 

Limestone,  Brown's  report  on  Indiana's, 
962;  statistics,  968 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  581,  631,  655;  speech, 
582;  assassination,  670;  remains  in 
the  Capitol,  670;   Emancipation,  682 

Lindey.  Carl  S.,   1661 

Lindley,  Jonathan,    315 

Line,  .Tohn.  1376 

Linn,  William.  142 

Linthicum,  Edward,  3175 

Linthicum,  Porter  H.,  3175 

Liquor  decision,  1054 

Liquor  law,  local  option.  492 

Liquor  League,  781,  1061 

Liquor  legislation,   1052 

Liquor   licenses,    748.    1042 

Liquor  question.  767 

Lister,    Joseph,    833 


INDEX 


xxvn 


Literature,  1185;  fund,  475:  western, 
1306;  of  the  Great  Valley,  1206;  early 
American,  1209;  first  native  Hoosier 
to  produce  boolc  of  literary  merit,  1210 

Little,  Abraham,  254 

Little  Turtle,  37,  47,  53,  84,  175,  205, 
307,  210;  granddaughter  of,  79,  90; 
Indian  name  of,  92;  (portrait),  270; 
grave  of,  271 

Livezey,  John  C,  1561 

Local  option   liquor   law,   492,   1043 

Lockwood,  Bertha  G.,  1397 

Loclcwood,  George  B.,  1071;  (portrait), 
1073 

Lockwood,  Eufus  A.  (portrait),  567,  2266 

Lockwood,   Virgil   H.,   1396 

Logan   (Chief),  228 

Logan,   Robert   J.,    3043 

Logansport,  90,  955 

"Logansport  Pharos,"  742 

'•Log   Convention,"  262 

Log  Sclioolhouse  in  Wayne  County  (il- 
lustration),  868 

Logsdon,  Edwin  D.,  1410 

Lomax,  William,  811,  853,  1653;  (por- 
trait),  834 

Long,   Benjamin   F.,   1955 

Long.   Clara,   812;    (portrait),  813 

Long,  Crawford   W.,   833 

Long,    Robert    W.,    813;     (portrait),    813 

Long   Hospital,    906;     (illustration),    810 

Longcliif,  1018 

Lonn,   Edward   J.,    1849 

"Looking  Back  from  Sunset  Land,''  532 

Lookout    Mountain,    648 

Loramie,   Peter,   121 

Loramie's   Station,   131 

Lorenz,  John  W.,  2030 

Losantiville,   197 

Louisiana  purchase,   339 

Louisville  and  Portland  Canal,  subscrip- 
tion to,  385,  1135 

Lowe,   Richard,   1636 

Lowe,   William.   299 

Lowry,  .James  H.,  1372 

Loyd,'  Creth  J.,  1878 

Luecke,  Martin,  1334 

Luhring.  Oscar  R..  1974 

Lupear,   Alic  J.,   1727 

Lyell,  Sir  Oiarles.  30 

Lyon,  Matthew,  243 

Maag,  Bernard  J.,  Jr.,  1484 

Maas,   George  L.,    1791 

Macadamized   road.   393 

Maclure.      William,      481,      1084,      1114; 

estate,  1118 
Macluria,  1105 
Madden,  John  J.,  1785 
Madden,  Thomas,  1784 
Maddox.  John  AV.,  349 
"Madison  Courier,"  544 
Madison,  James,  165,  230 


Madison  Preceptoral  Institute,  884 

Madison  railroad  scheme,  400 

Madstone.  792 

Magee,   Rufus,   1961 

jiagnetic  Telegraph,  425 

Major,  Charles,  1194,   1366 

Main  Market  Highways  to  Be  Built  in 
Indiana  (map),  940 

Main  survey  of  Indiana  lands,  355 

Malarial  disease,  371 

Malott,  Volney  T.,  1585 

Malott,   William   P.,   1751 

Mancourt,  Charles  P.,   1833 

Manhattan,   91 

Manitos,    prayer   to,   62 

Mann,   Charles  B.,   3090 

Manning,   Frank  R.,   1689 

Manson,  JIahlon   D.,   720,   1504 

Manufactures,  944;  increase  of,  951; 
pioneer,  939 

Manwaring,   Solomon,   396 

Marest.   Father,   114 

Marietta,   195 

Marion,   953 

Marion  County  Medical  Society,  822 

Markle,  Major,  344 

Marott,  George  J.,  3086 

Marple,   E.   A.,   3135 

Marquette,  Father,  65,  67,  80 

Marquette's    Monster    (illustration),   66 

Married  women,  independent  property 
rights    for,    454 

Marsee,  Joseph  W.,  796 

Marshall,  Henry  W.,  3370 

Marshall,  John,  314 

Marshall,  Thomas  R.,  331,  769,  776,  1226; 
(portrait),   773 

Martin,  Asinae,  613 

Martin   (Betsey)  on  Temperance.  1034 

Martin,   Charles    E.,    1835 

Martin,   Evan  J.,   3179 

Martin.  Harry  A.,  1670 

Martin,  Henr'v  R.,   1893 

Martin,  William  A.,  1386 

Martindale,  Charles  A..  1788 

Martinsville,   854,    969 

Mason,   Augustus  L.,  1799 

Masonic  Temple,  Built  1848-50,  (illus- 
tration). 496 

Masons,   change   of   customs,   1039 

Massie,   Natlianiel.   223 

Masters,   M.   L,   1770 

Mathew,   Theobald.   1039 

Matthews,  Claude,  755;  (portrait),  754; 
Administration,   758 

Matzke,  Julius,   1833 

JIaumee  river,  74,  91 

Maxwell,  David  H.,  297 

Maximilian.   Prince.   30 

Mav,  Edward  R.,  465 

Mav,   Edwin,    709 

Mav.  Rav,  1G63 

Mayer,    Herman    A.,    1918 


INDEX 


Mavliew,  Royal,  491,  886,  893 

McAbee,  Daniel  H.,  1947 

McAJams,  William,  66 

McAithur,  Duncan   354 

McArthur.   General,   276 

MeBride,   Bert,   2163 

McBride,   Robert   W.,    1899 

McCabe,  James,   746 

McCarty,   Enoch,   296 

McCarty,   Nicholas,    500 

MeClellan,  George  B.,  597 

McClung,  John  A.,  1182 

McClure,  Robert  G.,  1516 

McConaha,  Everett  R.,  1479 

McCormick,  0.  N.,   1394 

McCormick  Theological  Seminar}',  901 

McCoy,   Cassius   C,   1882 

McCoy,  Christiana,   (portrait),  356 

McCoy,   Eliza,  361;    (portrait),  360 

McCoy    Indian   school,   358 

McCoy,  Isaac,  82,  84,  355,  1030,  1182; 
(portrait),    356 

McCVacken    C.   J.,    2122 

McCuUoch,  Hugh,  412,  413,  1165;  (por- 
trait),  414 

Mcailloch.  Oscar  C,  748,  1020 

McCullough,   Thomas,  1772 

McCutcheon,  George  B.,  1818 

McC^tcheon,   John   T.,    1877 

McDaniel,  Charles  M.,  2246 

McDonald,  Joseph  E..  669,  704,  705,  714; 
letter,   663;    (portrait),   664 

McDowell,   Ephraim,   788 

McElheny,  Franklin  K.,  1980 

McFall,  George,   1764 

McGettigan,  John   E.,  1597 

McGilliard,  M.  V..   1278 

McGuire,  William  M.,   2180 

Mcllvaine,   W.  A.,   1994 

Mclntire,   J.   S.,   1709 

Mclntire,   Robert,    299 

Mcintosh,   Sarah   N.,  2240 

Mcintosh,  William,  260 

McKamy,  Anna  T.,  817 

McKee,  "Edward  L.,  3190 

McKee,   Robert  S.,  2188 

McKinsey,  AVilliam   P.,  2037 

McMahan,  Adah,   816,  1828 

McMahan,   Herbert   B.,   1809 

McMurtrie,  IIz,  1783 

McRae,  Emma  Mont.,  921;  (portrait). 
922 

McShirlev,  Ella  B.,  1944 

McWhirt'er,  Felix  T.,  1734 

McWilliams,  Nannie   E.,   1468 

Mears,  George  W.,   (portrait),  822 

Mears,  J.   Ewing,   822 

Meat   packing.   945 

Meats,  artificial  cooling   of,  943 

Mechling.  Jacob  E.,  1252 

Medical   and  surgical  discoveries.  831 

"Medical  and  Surgical  Monitor,"  814 

Medical  authors.  819 


Medical  book,  facsimile  title  page  of 
tirst,   807 

Medical  Colleges,  811 

Medical  Convention  of  1849,   802 

Medical  fads,   790 

Medical  History  of  Indiana's  first  cen- 
tury,  787 

Medical  journals,    814 

Medical  libraries,   822 

Medical  officers  in  Volunteer  regiments, 
Civil   war,    848 

Medical  practice,  early,  801 

Medical   registration,    793 

Medical   schools,    794 

Medical   society,    first,   798 

Medical   teachers,   821 

Medicine,  early  domestic,  788;  laws  reg- 
ulating practice  of,  792;  laws  of  1897, 
793 

Meeker,   Thomas   S.,    1454 

Mees,   Carl   L.,   1536 

Meier,  Lewis,  1738 

Meigs,  Return  J.,  196,  223 

Meister,    Doris,   818,    1816 

Mellett,  Jesse  H.,   1412 

Mellor,  Walter  H.,  2074 

Meloy,  Alfred  0.,  1359 

Members  of  the  Convention  for  Admis- 
sion  as    State,   296 

Memorial  for  statehood.  290 

Memorial  of  early  convention  of  1801, 
235 

Memorial  on  Care  of  the  Unfortunate, 
979 

Menard,   Pierre,   233 

Mendenhall,   William,   1665 

Menominee,  359 

Mercer,    William    S.,    1999 

Merchants  associations,   974 

Mercurio.  Phillip  B.,  1475 

Mercy  Hospital,  1000 

Meredith,  Henry  C,  1457 

Meredith,  Solomon,   893;    (portrait),   691 

Meredith,  Virginia  C,  1457 

Mermet,  Jean,   131 

Merrill,  Catharine,  818,  1440 

Merrill,  Samuel,  364,  380,  412;  (por- 
trait),  368 

Merrimac,  600 

Methodist    Book   Concern,    1000 

Methodist  church  discipline,  1028 

Methodists,  518,  1195 

Metropolitan   Police  bill,  716 

Metzger,   Albert  E.,   1538 

Meurin,  Father,  133,  135 

Meuser,  Robert  J.,  1645 

Mexican  war,  429,  835 

Meyer,  Frederick  .T..  1715 

Meyer.  Henry.  1350 

Miami  Ax,  with  Mound  Builder  Stono 
Head,  (illustration)  2B 

Miami    chiefs,   84 

iliami  Company,  212 


INDEX 


XXIX 


Miamis,   39,   45,   92;    legend   of   origin   of 

tribe,    44;    origin    of,    47:    dialect.    60; 

tlieory    of    creation,    6.3;    food    of.    7:3; 

agricultural,  74;  hostile,  12u 
Michigania,  188 
Michigan  City,  93,  953 
Michigan  City  prison.   1004 
Michigan  Road.  380 
Military  hospital,  C^vil  War,  596 
Military  arrests,  638 
Jlilitary  Commission,  665 
Military   situation   in   the   west,    (1780), 

176 
Military   supplies,    (1812),   272 
Military  usurpation,  667 
Militia,   Civil  war,   641;   War  Governor's 

control  over,  641 
ililler,  Abram   0.,  845,   849 
Miller,   Calvin   S..  2106 
Miller,  Clem,  1899 
Miller.   Dick.   1568 
Miller,  Edward  C,  1598 
Miller,   Enrique  C,  1392 
Miller,   Fred.  2017 
Miller,   George   F.,   661 
Miller.   Joaquin.    1192;    early   life.    1183; 

tribute    to   pioneers.    1157:    (portrait). 

1159 
Miller,  John  F.,   610:    (portrait),   630 
Miller,  Robert   F..  1371 
Miller  Rvell  T.,  2285 
Miller.   Samuel  D..   1503 
Miller,    William   H.    H„    1501 
Milligan,  James  W.,  827 
Millikan,    Frank    M..    1867 
Millikan,   Lynn    B.,    1783 
Millikan.   Thomas  B.,   1380 
Milling.  941 

Mills,   Caleb,   474,   494,   891,   894,   911 
Milroy,  Robert  H..  607;   (portrait),  637 
Milrov,   Samuel,  299,  376 
Minear.  S.  P..  1896 
Mineral  waters.  853,  968,  1018 
Mineral  wealth,  958 
Mineral  wells,  970 
Minerva  Oub,  first  women's  club  in  the 

United  States,   1112 
Minnick,   Tra    A.,   1726 
Minor,  Benjamin  B.,  1558 
Minor.   John   R.,   744 
:Minshall,   Levi.    797 
Minute   men.   Civil   war.   623 
Misener.  Richard  H.,  1935 
Mishawaka.  92.  953 
Missionary  Ridge.   648 
Missionaries,  at  Vincennes,  131 
Mississinewa.  92 
Mississippi  Company.  Ill 
Mississippi  river.  604;  navigation  on.  628 
Mississippi   Valley    in    1801,    (map),   234 
Missouri  Compromise,  347,   504,  539 
Missouri  Enabling  Act  348 


Moccasin  from  Mammoth  Cave,  (illustra- 
tion),  31 

Moccasin  from  Salts  Cave,  (illustration), 
31 

Mogle,  Alvah  E..  1838 

Mogg,  Jlillard  E..   1771 

Money  contributions  for  Civil  war  pur- 
poses, 613 

Money   difficulty,    403 

Money  question,  715 

Monger,   Ora,    1479 

Monitor,   600 

"Monitor  and  the  Merrimac,"  1192 

Monninger.  Gottfried.  1975 

Montgomery,   Chester  R.,  2213 

Montgomery.   Edwin   R..  2140 

Montgomery,  Hugh  T..  2312 

Monument  to  Col.  Richard  Owen,  (illus- 
tration). 616 

Moodey.  John  W.,    (portrait),  799 

Moody,  William  V.,  1191,  1313;  (por- 
trait),  1193 

Mooney.   James   E.,   134;    (portrait),   133 

Moore,"  Asa.  388 

Moore,   Benjamin  F..   1990 

Moore.   Harry   C,   1869 

Moore,   Henry,   2110 

Moore,   John"  W.,  2208 

Moore  law.  1064 

Moore.  Otto  N..  2111 

Moore.  Roll  W..  1895 

Moorehead,  W.  K.,  33 

Moores,  Charles  W.,  1461 

Moorhead,  George   A.,   1921 

Moredock.    John.    233 

Moreland.  John  R.,  1177 

Morgan,  Otho  H..   2234 

Morgan  raid  through  Indiana.  619;  map 
of  route.  621;  Basil  Duke  account  of, 
622;  claims  for  damages  in,  623 

Morgan's  escape.  624 

Morris  Canal  and  Banking  Company.  404 

Morris.  John.   1422 

Morris,   Robert   A..    1356 

Morris.  Judge  .Tohn,  1422 

Morris.  Thomas  A..  597;    (portrait).  598 

Morrison,  Charles  B..  1513 

Morrison.   .Tohn    1..   4S7;     (portrait).    488 

Morrison-Reeves  Library.   2208 

Morri.son.    Robert,    233."  239 

Morrison,   Sarah   P.,  905,   915 

Morrison,   AVilliam.    217,   232 

Morrow.   Carl   F.,    1762 

Morse,   Elijah   A..  2084 

Morse,  Prof..  422 

Morss,  Samuel  E..  737.  757;  (portrait), 
751 

Morton,  Oliver  P..  536.  544.  546,  564, 
580.  593.  625.  629.  631.  641.  662.  678. 
1011:  speech  for  secession.  573;  mes- 
sage to  special  session  of  the  legis- 
lature in  1861.  587;  letter  to  Lincoln. 
637;     (portrait),     645;     as    a    lawyer. 


XXX 


INDEX 


646;  assumption  of  power,  648;  ''ila- 
sonic  Hall  speech,"   692 

Moser,  Newton  A.,   1488 

Mote,  Marcus,  206,  515,  1132;  Quaker 
Artist,   515 

Motor  speedway,  939 

Mott,  Frederick  E.,  2247 

Mouch,   Charles  W.,  1531 

Mound  Builders,  1.  11,  17,  25,  31,;  Fab- 
rics from  Kentucky  Caves,  (illustra- 
tion), 31;  dwelling,  31;  games  and 
sports.  32;  idols,  34;  origin  and  fate, 
35 

Mound  Builder  Stone  Head,  (illustra- 
tion),  29 

Mound  Building  Nation,  center  of,  13 

Mounds.  1-42;  Indian,  description,  18; 
Jefl'erson  County,  Clark  County,  Jen- 
nings County,  9;  Knox  County,  13; 
piupose  of,   38;    Randolph   County,   13 

Mount  Evans,  1001 

Mount  Jackson   Tavern,   999 

Mount.  James  A.,  759,  1306;  (portrait), 
760 

Movements  of  Indiana  troops  in  Civil 
war.  599 

Mudlavia,  854 

Mueller,  J.   George.   1992 

Mueller,  Lillian  B..  817 

Mulattoes,  471;   status  of,  465 

Muncie.  90,  93,  953 

Murphy,  Charles  J..  2107 

Murphy,   Edward.    823* 

!Murphy,   Francis,   1060 

Murray,  Amelia  M.,  503.  1136 

Murreil,   John,   342 

Muscogean  languages,  41 

Muscogees,  39 

Museum,   709 

Muskrats,   399 

Musseling,   958 

Mussel-shells,    collecting   of.    958 

Mustard,    Daniel   F..    1289 

Mustard.  Fred  E.,  2028 

Mythology.   Indian,   61  I 

Naekenhorst,  William,  1363 

Nappanee,  93 

Xashoba.  Frances  Wrighfs  Colonv,  (il- 
lustration),  1087 

National    Conventions.    544 

'•^"ational   Enquirer,"   1065 

National   highway,    783 

National    prohibition,   1065 

"National    Republican,"   1072 

National  Road,  936 

National  Road  Bridge  (Old)  over  White 
River,    (illustration).   937 

National  Temperance  Convention,  1037 

Natural   gas.   961 

Nave.   Joseph   S.,   1313 

Navigable   streams,   930 

Navigable  waters  common  highways,  194 


Needham,  Harry  S.,  1921 
Xeff.   Charles  H.,   2023 
NefT.   Joseph    E.,    1458 
Negley,  David  D.,  1620 
Negley.  Harry  E.,  1622 
Negro  question,   632 
Negro   suffrage,   466,   676,   686,   694 
Negroes,    471;    act    concerning    introduc- 
tion   of    into    Indiana    Territory,    243 ; 
in  Indiana  Territory  in  1810,  244;  kid- 
naping of,  341 ;  status  of.  465 
Nemeth,  Desiderius  D.,   1336 
Nesbit,  Wilbur  D.,  2239 
Netz,  Benjamin  F..   1667 
Neu.  John   B..  3091 
Neu.    William   J.,   2091 
New  Albany.   953 
Newby,   Leonidas    P..   1858 
New    Constitution,    497;    movement    for, 

438 
New.  Robert  A..  398.  338 
Newell,    (James)    Journal.   139 
New  Foundland  banks,  98 
New  Harmony,  14,  481,  1071;  colony,  35; 
first   community   at,    1074;    industries, 
1081;    labyrinth,    1083;    women,   1086; 
Pelham"s    description    of,    1093 ;    com- 
munity, failure  of,  1100;  schools,  1114 
Workingmen's   Institute   and   Library, 
1117 
Newman.  Omer   L.,   2020 
"New  Moral  World,"  1084 
"New   Purchase,   The."   354 
Newspapers.   550,   1128,   1202;    anti-slav- 
ery. 347 
New  York  great   fire,   1151 
Nichol,  George  E.,  1775 
Nicholas,  war  chief.  118 
Nichols.    Clarence    W.,    1273 
Nicholson   law,   1061,  1064 
Nicholson.   Meredith.   1121.   1138.    1526 
Nicholson  Remonstrance   law,   767 
Nicholson.   Timothy.   1032 
Nightingale.  Florence,  818 
Niles.  William.  1383 
Noble,  James,   396,  367,  374 
Noble,   Noah,  412,   420;    (portrait),  421 
Noel,  James  W.,  1480 
Noel,  S.  V.  B..  891 
Non-commissioned   schools.    913 
Normal   School  opened,  908 
Normal    schools,    907;    908 
Norris.  Rov,   1487 
North  Bend.  197 

Northern   Indiana   Hospital    for   the   In- 
sane. 749.  823,  836;    (illustration).  998 
Northern   Indiana   Normal   School,   911 
Northrup,  Leonard  E.,  1699 
Northwest  Territory,  183,  222;  proposed 
states    in,    188;    slavery    in.    215;    In- 
diana's direct  interest  in.  324;  divided. 
336 
"Northwestern  Christian  Advocate,"  1000 


INDEX 


XXXI 


Northwestern  Christian  (Butler)  College, 
illustration),  892 

Northwestern  University,  1000 

Norton,  Thomas   M.,   1786 

Norton,   William   J.,    1787 

Notre  Dame  University,  911;  first  build- 
ing, (illustration)  892;  (illustration) 
912 

Nowlin,  H.  L..  1583 

Nullification    message,    579 

Nuner,  J.  F.,  1543 

Nurses,   818;   Civil  war,  613 

Nusbaum,  Oliver  P.,   1585 

Oakes,   .John   D..    1532 

O'Bannon,  Lew  M.,  2283 

O'Brien,  Michael   G..  2049 

Observation  mounds,  10 

O'Connor,   JHchacl,    1713 

O'Connor,  William  L.,  1713 

Ohio  Company.  187,  192,  194,  213;  lands, 
194 

Ohio  county,   94;   smallest  in   State.  307 

Ohio  district,   LaSalle's  description,   101 

Ohio  river,   94,   101 

Ohio  Steamboat  Navigation  Company, 
928 

Oil  wells,  959:    (illustration),   960 

Oleott,  John  M.,  908 

Old  Bacon  Home,  Station  on  the  Under- 
ground  Railroad,    (illustration),   545 

Old  Bates  House,  where  Lincoln  spoke, 
(illustration),    581 

Old  Capitol  Hotel,  295;  (illustration), 
305 

Old  City  Hospital,  Indianapolis,  (illus- 
tration), 795 

Old  Constitutional  Elm,  Corydon,  (illus- 
tration), 300 

"Old  Lemen   fort,"  247 

Old  Rappite  cemetery,  1117 

Old  State  Bank  Building,  Brookville,  (il- 
lustration i,    324 

Olds,   Lee  M..   3148 

Olds,  Walter,  2147 

Oliver,   .Tames,   1473 

Oliver,  .Joseph  D.,  1641 

Ontario,   93 

Oolitic  limestone,  advantace  of,  965; 
block   of,    (illustration).   967 

Oolitic  quarry,  face  of,  (illustration). 
964 

v-ppenheim.  W.   S..   750 

Orbison.   Qiarles   J..    1817 

Order  of  American  Knights.  649,  663 

Order  of  Good  Templars,   1039 

Ordinance  of  1787.  193.  233.  251.  340, 
787.  929,  1073:  Facsimile  of  the  Sixth 
Article    of.    193;    modification    of.    236 

Ordinance  for  the  survey  and  sale  of  the 
public   lands.   190 

Oi'egon    nuestion,    498 

Origin  of  Mound  Builders,  35 


Origin   of  name   Indianapolis,   364 

Origin  of  the  Jliamis,  47;   legend  of,  44 

Orth,   Godlove   S.,   708 

Osborn,  Cliarles,   517 

Osborn,   John    W.,    344;     (portrait).    345 

Osborne,  Clarence  E.,  1509 

Osborne,  V.  H.,  1346 

Osborne,  William  C,  3199 

Osceola,   94 

Oswego,  94 

Ottawas,  60 

Otto,  William   T.,   565 

Ouiatanon   post,   113,    123 

Owasco,  94 

Owen-Campbell  debate,  1102:   Mrs.  Trol- 

lope's  account  of,  1102;    (illustration), 

1103 
Owen,   David   D.,   35.  959,   1071.   1081 
Owen,    Robert    D.,    398,    458,    575,    1073, 

1083,    1085.    1111;    Memorial    to,   461; 

religious    belief.    1091;    Monument    to, 

(illustration),    1106 
Owen.   Richard,  615;    Monument   to,   616 
Owen,  William,  1079;   diary.  260 
Owens,  John,  254 

Pack  horses,  934 

Packet  "Governor  Morton"  at  Old  Na- 
tional Bridge,    (illustration),  931 

Painted  Monsters,  67 

Painting,    1303 

Palmer,   .John   M.,   756 

Palmer.  .J.  Lewis.  1769 

Panic  of  1819-30,  325;  of  1873,  701:  of 
1893,   755 

Parke,  Benjamin.  340.  242.  354.  301.  329, 
331.  354,' 869;  Home  of.  (illustration), 
333 

Parker,  Charles  T..  1357 

Parks,  Beaumont.   874 

Parrott.   Burton   E..    1534 

Parry   Family.   1367 

Parry.   St.   Clair,   1368 

Parsons.   Samuel   H..    191.    196 

Parsons.  William  W..  909 

Parvin.  Theophilus.  814.  819.  822.  1634; 
(portrait).   833 

Pasteur.   835 

Patoka    river.    94 

Pattison,  .Joseph  H..  1796 

Paul.  .Tosenh  0..  1853 

Paul.  AV.   B...   1497 

Payne,  Gavin  L..  2249 

Payne,  George  W..  1S20 

Peart.  Morlev  W.,  1787 

Peck,  .John  :\r..  249:    (portrait),  250 

Peck.    Mrs.    Edwin    H..    1494 

Pelham.  William.  1093;  description  of 
New  Harmony.  1093 

Pelisi])ia,    189 

Penal  farm.  779 

Penal  institutions.  982 

Pennington.  iJennis,  298 


XXXll 


INDEX 


Pennington,  Joel,  801 

Pension  money,   330 

People's    Party,   542 

Peoria,   Baptiste,   83 

Perkins,  James  H.,  1202 

Perkins   letter,  492 

Perkins,  Samuel  E.,  1240 

Perrey,  Jean  F.,  233 

Perrot,  memoir,  61;  description  of  In- 
dian customs,  73-79;  description  of  In- 
dians, 75 

Perry.  Charles  C,  1686 

Perry,  John  C,  1765 

Perry,    Col.    Oran,    673;     (portrait),    675 

Perry's   victory   on   the   lake,   282 

Personal  prejudice  in  politics.  697 

Peru,  94 

Pestalozzi's   school;   1085 

Petering,  Carl  F.,   1377 

Peters,   John   C,    1612 

Peters,  John  H.,  2066 

Peterson,   Classon  V.,   1937 

Petroleum,   959 

Pettit,   John,   445,   490,;    (portrait),   449 

Pfaff,  Orange  G.,  1381 

Philadelphia  Academy  of  Natural  Sci- 
ences, founder  of,  1084 

"Philadelphia  Gazette,"   1091 

"Philanthropist,  The."   517 

Phillips,  .Samuel  G.,  1996 

"Philo  Parsons,"   660 

Phipps  Institute  for  Tuberculosis.  835 

Physicians,  early,  788,  794.  797;  pioneer, 
794,  798,   806;   women,  816 

Piasa  Bird   (illustration),  66 

Piasa  Rock,  66 

Piatt  claims,  278 

Piatt,  John   H.,  273;    (portrait),   276 

Piatt.  John  J..  1694 

Piatt  Relief  Bill.  277 

Picken,  William  N.,  1690 

Pickens.  Samuel  0.,   1681 

Pickering,  Timothy,   190 

Pictured  rocks,  65 

Picturesque  old  stone  mill  941 

Piehl,  W.   Clifl'ord.   1469 

Piel,   Oiarles   F.,    1244 

Piel.  William  F„  1243 

Pine,   Milton    B.,   2251 

Pinnell,  Julius  W..   1758 

Pioneer  advocate  of  women's  rights  in 
America.  1089 

Pioneer  temperance  society.  1030 

Pioneers,  1156;  labor  of,  1168;  religious 
sentiment  of,   1171 

Pittsburgh  big  fire,  1151 

Place,   Dixon  W.,  1865 

Plank   of  Democratic   platform.   667 

Plank  road,  938 

Playgrounds    la\f,    831 

Plea  for  honest  elections,  730 

Plot  to  release  Confederate  prisoners, 
654 


Plummer,  Mary  W.,  1674 

Pluto's    Well,   1018 

Poem,  Anti-slavery,  Ryland  T.  Brown. 
1046 

Poindexter,   Bertha    F.,   2153 

Police  force,  control  of,  716 

Political,  aflairs  of  1817,  334;  history  in 
1854,  537;  campaign  of  1860,  562; 
legislation,  720;  corruption,  729;  ora- 
tory, frontier,   1174 

Political    parties,    440;    strength   of,   703 

Politics,  territorial,  263;  early,  286,  374; 
before  Civil  war,  558;  after  Civil  war, 
676 

Polk   Milk   Plant    (illustration),   956 

Polke,  William,  301 

Pollock.  Oliver.  178;  commercial  agent  at 
New  Orleans.  179 

Polypotamia,  189 

Pontiac's  conspiracy,  134 

Pool,   W.   W..   1552 

Poor,  care  for,  976 

Pope,   Frederick  J..   1675 

Population,  411;  1815,  787;  1880,  828; 
1910,   951 

Pork-house,  largest.  943 

Pork  packing.   941 

Portages.   388 

Porter.  Albert  G.,  564.  715,  716;  (por- 
trait), 717 

Porter,   Edwin   M..   1834 

Porter,  Gene  Stratton,  1196,  1754 

Porter,  H.  R.,  1743 

Porter,  Moses,  212 

Posey.  Gen.  Thomas.  384;   (portrait),  279 

Post  Ouiatanon,  132 

Post  Vincennes,  127,  128,  131;  estab- 
lished.  129 

Potawatomi  Treaty,  380;  celebration 
of  ratification  of,  1033 

Potawatomi  tribe,  82,  94 

Potter,  Merritt  A.,  1683 

Potter.   Theodore.  819 

Potter.   William   S..   1940 

Pottlitzer,  Edward  L.,  1939 

Pottlitzer,  Leo.  1938 

Potts.  Alfred  F.,  1918 

Powell,   A.   P.,    1877 

Powell,   Hannah.   613 

Powell.   Major.   47 

Powell.    Nettie    B.,     817 

Powell,  Perry  E..  1897 

"Practicability  of  Indian   Reform,"   361 

Prange,  Anthony,  1694 

Prange.  Fred,  1703 

Pratt.  Daniel  D..   565.  1496 

Prayer   Stick,   136;    (illustration),   135 

Prayer   to  the   Manitos.   63 

Preachers,  itinerant.  1176 

Prehistoric  Hoosier.  1 

"Prehistoric  Men  of  Kentuckv."  (Young), 
33 

Prehistoric  population,  30 


INDEX 


XXXIU 


Preparation  of  American  lotus  by  Miami 
women,  77 

Presbyterian    P'ducation    Society,   87" 

Preserving  industry,  954 

Presidential  campaign  of  1888.  740 

Presidential  nominations,  713 

Presidential  vote  in  1864,  670;  in  1893, 
1758 

Presidential  voting,  339 

Priest,  first  ordained  from  the  West. 
1209 

Primitive   Grain    Mill    (illustration I.   937 

Primitive   medical   fads,   790 

Prince,   William,   335 

Prior,  Abner,  315 

Prison,  Michigan  City,  1004  (illustra- 
tion),  991 

Prisons  and  prison  discipline,  1012 

Pritchett,   Willis   S.,   2235 

Private  schools.  886 

Prominent  slave  cases,  525 

Proclamation  forbidding  spirituous  liq- 
uors to   Indians,   230 

Proclamation  from  the  Governor  of  In- 
diana,  1185 

Production  of  coal.  1912-15,  959 

Prohibition,  1042;  law,  contested,  1066; 
law,  overthrow  of,  1056;  national, 
1065;    of   1855,  1046 

Prominent  slave  cases,  519,  527 

Property,  taxable,  411 

Prophet.   Tracy  W..   1409 

Prophet.   The.   266.   269 

Prophet's  town,  94.   266 

Proposed  ballot  law,  745 

Props,  John  C,  2190 

Propst.  James  M.,  1572 

"Protectionist,  The,"  509 

Provision  for  a  state  financial  system, 
322 

Prunk.  Byron  r ..  1991 

Public  Depository  law.  767 

Public  instruction.  Superintendent  of. 
487;    report   of  superintendent.   913 

Public  ownership  of  western  lands. 
182 

Public  lands,  ordinance  for  the  survey 
and  sale  of.  190 

Public   libraries.   921 

Public    playgrounds    law,    831 

Public  Savings  Insurance  Company  of 
America,  2169 

Public  schools,  867,  896,  912 

Public  water  supply  law.  831 

Pulse.  William  C.  1879 

Pulszky.  Francis.  1135 

Pu'szky,  Mme.  Theresa.  1135;  visit  to 
Indianapolis.    502 

Punishment  of  bribery.  746 

Purdue  Engineering  Building  (illustra- 
tion). 919 

Purdue.  .Tohn   1252 

Purdue   University.    813.   909 


Pure  food   and  drug  law.   831 
Purpose  of  mounds.  38 
Puterbaugh,  Roy  H.,   1950 
Putnam.  Frederic  W.,  1 
Putnam,  Rufus,  191 
Pyatt,  Jacob,   131 
Pyramid,  The,  13 

Quaker   Artist,   515,   1132 

Quakers,  509;   reception  to  Henry  Clay, 

513 
Qualifications   for   admission   to   the   bar, 

770 
Quarantine   law,   831 

Questions   submitted    to   candidates.   500 
Quigg.  Eugene  K..  1480 
Quigley.   .James    A..    1483 
Quinine,    prohibitive   price   of.   803 
Quinlan.  John   R.,  1421 

Kabb.  .Joseph  M..  3071 

Race  prejudice.  638 

Rafinesque.    1090 

Rafts.  924 

Raid  through   Indiana.  619 

Railroad  assessment.   753 

Railroads.  380.  391.  401.  410;  in  1856. 
955;    interurban.    955;    steam.    955 

Railroad    track,    first   in    Indiana.    391 

Kaitano.   Harry   E..   1655 

Ralston.  Alexander.  363;  plat  of  In- 
dianapolis.  1821    (map),  362 

Ralston,  Samuel  M.,  778.  1187.  1228: 
(portrait),  777 

Randolph  County,  Eirth  mounds  (map), 
11 

Randoljih  County  mounds.   12 

Randolph.  John.  335 

Randolph.  Thomas.  261 

Rankin.  William  H.,  2215 

Rapp.    Frederick.    303,    1074 

Rapp.  George.  1074 

Rappite   cemetery.   1117 

Rappite   Church  '(illustration l .   1098 

Rasles.   Sebastian.   24 

Rateliffe.  Charles  D..   1293 

Rathert.   William.   3194 

Ratification  of  Potawatomi  treaty,  cele- 
bration  of.    1033 

Rau.  John.  1970 

Ranch,  Georoe  W..   1965 

Ray,  .Tames  B..  374.  379;    (portrait).  381 

Ray.  James  M.,  413.   1002 

Read.  Ezra    (portrait).  800 

Reading  circles.  931 

Reavis.  William  J..  3096 

Rebel  invasion.  616 

Recall  of  judicial  decisions,  Roosevelfs 
plan  for,  774 

Recker,  Gustav   A..    1714 

Reconstruction.  676;   legislation.  681 

"Record  of  Ancient  Races  in  the  Mis- 
sissippi  Valley."   66 


XXXIV 


INDEX 


Record  of  Three  Months  Soldiers,  Civil 
war,  598 

Records,   Walter  G.,  1981 

Reed,  Alfred  L.,  2031 

Reed,  Frank  I.,  1580 

Reed,   F.   T.,   2379 

Reed,   Isaac.   1180 

Reed.   Myron   W.,   1260 

Reehling,  Peter  J.,  2077 

Reese,  Samuel,  988 

Reformatory  influences,  987 

Reform   leorislation.   779 

Reform  of  Common  School  system.  473 

Reform  record,  legislature  of  1889,  1021 

Reform    School,    1009 

Reforms,   748 

Refrigerators,   947 

Reichart,  Frederick,   302 

Reisner,   George   A.,    1799 

"Relation    of    1679-80"     (LaSalle),    52 

"Relation  of   1695"    (Cadillac),   59 

"Relation  of  1718,"  French,  109 

"Relations,"  Jesuit,  21,  24,  30,  33,  38, 
55,   56,   58,   64,   72 

Religion  of  Indians,  34,  61 

Religious  establishment  in  Indiana  dur- 
ing the  French  and  British  dominions, 
131 

Religious   mounds,   13 

Religious  oratory,  1174 

Religious  sentiment  in  1819,  1180 

Religious  sentiment  of  pioneers.  1171 

Removal  act,  367 

Removal  of  capital,  actual  work  of,  367 

Removal   of   Indians.    82 

Remster.   Charles,    1949 

Repeal  bill,  264 

"Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  for 
1892-3."   124 

Republican  party.  556 

Republican  Tariff  Commission,  729 

Reserved  lands,  314 

Reticule  from  Salts  Cave  (illustration), 
31 

Return  of  Indiana  troops  from  Civil  war. 
670 

Revenue,  separation  of  State  anil  Munic- 
ipal. 750 

Revnohls.  David.  429;    (portrait).  430 

Reynolds,   Joseph   .T.,    1277 

Reynolds.   Mvron  G..  2060 

Reynolds.  Robert,  233 

Rhodes,  Clarence  R.,  1358 

Rho<les,  Samuel  S.,  1358 

Rice.  Luther  V..  2278 

Richardson.   Benjamin    A..   2053 

Richardson.   Nathan   H..   2055 

Ricliardville,  Jean   B.,   94 

Richardville.   John   Baptiste,   84 

Richey,  James   C,   1667 

Richmond,   953 

Ridgway,  Nathan,   1649 


Ridpath,  John   C,    1491 

Riesenberg.   Henry,    1491 

Riley,  James,   386 

Riley,  James  E.,  1352 

Riley,     James     VVhitcomb,     1133,     1185, 
16'83;    (portrait),    1186 

Riley,   Reuben   A.,   550 

Rlniie,  Charles  H.,  1935 

Risk.   Charles   M.,    1658 

Ristine.  Joseph,  903 

Ritchey.  James.   995 

Ritter."  Dwight  S.,  1262 

Ritter.    Eli    F..    1062,    1262;     (portrait), 
1063 

Ritter,  Mary  T.,  817 

Ritter,   Ralph,    1807 

River  transportation.  929 

Rivers.  101,  194 

Roach,  Josepli  R.,  2116 

Roach,   William   A..   1618 

Road  law,  935 

Roads,   371.   393,  933;    early,   936 

Roanoke,  95 

Robb,   Charles   J.,    1958 

Robb.   David,   301 

Robb,  J.   S..   1141 

Roberts.  James  E.,  2198 

Roberts.  John.  2198 

Robertson,  Robert,  254 

Robinson.   Arthur  R.,   2165 

Robinson,   Woodfin   D.,   3241 

"Rock  houses,"   30 

Rock-Spring  Seminary,  250 

Rockwood,  George  O'.  2203 

Rockwood,  William  E.,  2203 

Rockwood,   William   O.,   2203 

Roehm.  Frank   E.,   2083 

Roesener,   Charles   F..   1972 

Roeske,   Arthur,    2081 

Rogers,  George   P..   1297 

Rogers,  Jesse  B..  2069 

Rogers,   Joseph   (i.,  826.   1018 

Roland,  Charles  W.,  1602 

Romev.  William  H..   1870 

Roof, 'Robert  M..  2098 

Roosevelt,    Theodore,    163;    plan    for   re- 
call  of   judicial    decisions,   774 

Root,  Henry  A.,   2099 

Rose,    Benoni    S.,    1982 

Rose,   Chauncey.    1485 

Rose.  David  G".  615 

Rose.   Franklin    JI.,   2151 

Rose.  Jacob  W.,   1810 

Rose  Polytechnic  Institute,  1526 

Roseberry,  John  D..  1817 

Rosecrans,   General.   652 

Rosenthal,   Albert   M..   2210 

Rosenthal.   Moses,   2309 

Rosey,   Frank,   1289 

Ross!  John   A..   2121 

Rothley.    Victor    H..    2204 
Roush,   Wilbur  C,   1839 


INDEX 


xxsv 


Route  from  Lake  Jliehigan  to  Indian- 
apolis,  383 

Route   of   Celoron,   1749,    (map)    119 

Routh,   Estle   C,    1625 

Rov,  Pierre  G.,  107,  108;    (portrait),  109 

Royse,   James    T.,    2082 

Rubush,  Preston  C,  2340 

Rubusli.  \Villiam   A.,   1567 

Ruckle,  Nicholas  R.,  1909 

Ruddv,  Howard  S.,  1683 

Ruddell,   Richard,    1220 

Ruff,   Geortre   W..   1668 

Ruins  of  Powder  Magazine  Fort  Char- 
tres,    (illustration).    111 

Runcie,  Constance  F.,  story  of  her  con- 
version, 1107:    (portrait),  1109 

Runcie,  James,  987 

Rural  libraries,  930 

Rush,   Benjamin,    1030 

Russell,  John   F..   1SS2 

Russiaville,   95 

Ryan,  John   H.,   1757 

Sacred   Enclosure   mounds,  27 

Saffer,  Mendle,  2134 

St.  Ange  de  Bellerive,  118 

St.  Clair,  Arthur,  115,  194.  204,  207.  218, 

227;   loses  office,  230;    (portrait),  221: 

last  years  of,  232 
St.   Clair  Society  for  the  Prevention  of 

Slavery,  352  " 
St.    Clair,    William     317,   333 
St.  Francis  Xavier  Church,  erected  1786, 

134;    (illustration),  135 
St.   John,   John   P.,    1901 
St.  Joseph  County   Savings   Bank 
St,  Joseph   river,  45,   95 
St,  Louis,  314 

Saint   Mary-of-the-Woods,   913 
St.   Mary's  river,  95 
St.   Jlery,   iloreau,   117 
Salaries    of   State   officers,   310 
Sale  of  lands,  316 
Saline  Fund.  478 
Sallee,  Alva  C,  1283 
Saloon   license,   767 
Sandage,  William  L.,  1740 
Sanders,  John,  Clark's  guide.  147;    (por- 
trait),  146 
Sanders,  Thurman   C,  1979 
Sanitary  Commission,  Civil  war,  596,  613 
Sanitary   schoolhouse  law,  831 
Sansber'ry,    Charles    T.,    1411 
Saratoga',   188 
Sargent.    Winthrop,    114,    181.    194,    196. 

301,  330 
Sargent's  reply  to  citizens  of  Vincennes, 

303 
Saw  mills,  939 
Say,  Thomas,   1085 
Schauer.   George   S.,   1734 
Scheibler.   Frank   S.,   1748 
Schlegel,   Fred  J..   1736 


Schlosser  Brothers,  954,   1550 

Schlosser,   Henry,   1551 

Schmidt,   Gustave   G.,   1643 

Schneider,  Jacob  U.,  1984 

Schoenberger,   Frank   A.,   3097 

Schoolbook  trust,   748 

Schoolcraft,   1080 

School  for  Feeble-minded  Youth,  Fort 
Wayne,    (illustiation),    1019 

School  for  the  Blind,  Indianapolis,  (il- 
lustration),  1006 

School   fund,  refunding,   749 

School   funds,  477 

School  law  of  1853,  480 

School  libraries,  916,  931 

School   of   Industry,   1117 

School  question,   887 

School   teachers,   906 

School  tuition,  494 

Schools,  877,  912;  McCoy  Indian.  358; 
reform  of  Common  School  system,  473 ; 
free,  483;  unuorm  system  of,  487  ;  first, 
860;  bill  to  establish,  869;  common, 
877;;  special,  878;  superintendent  of, 
879;  private,  886;  illustrations  of  first 
buildings,  892 ;  early  Indianapolis, 
894;  tax-supported,  895;  of  territorial 
period,  900;  normal.  907,  908:  in  1817, 
(Darby),    1301 

Schortemeier,   Henry    E..    1533 

Schrader.    Christian    F.,    1499 

Schrader,  Christian  A.,   1500 

Schroeder,  Henry  C,   1942 

Schurman,  Edward,  2170 

Schurmann,  Gustavus.  2169 

1  chuster,  .Jacob.  2131 

Schutz,   Leon  B..  2043 

Schweitzer,  Ada   E.,  817 

Schweitzer,   Richard  H.,   1654 

Scioto   Company.   213 

Scoggan.   David  B..   1538 

Scott,    Charles,   306 

Scott,   Emmet   H..   1631 

Scott,  Homer  H.,   1340 

Scott,  James,  297,  334,  865 

Scott.   Samuel   T..   863 

Scott,  William,   1995 

Scudder,  Janet,  1736 

Sculpture.   1303 

Searles.  Ellis,   1800 

Seaward,  Harry  B.,   3001 

Secession,  opinions   on   569,  573 

Seeker,  William  R..  1646 

Second   Constitutional   convention,  350 

Second  Indiana  Regiment  at  Buena  Vis- 
ta,  431 

Second  State  House,  Indianapolis,  (illus- 
tration), 455 

Secret   political   orders,  648 

Sectarian  colleges,  897 

Seeburger,  Louis  P.,  1964 

Seeds.   Russel   M.,   1348 

Seiberling.   A,   G..    1657 


XXXVl 


INDEX 


Sell.   Charles   H.,   3051 

Scininaries,   886 

Senat,    Aiitoine,    131 

Senate  C'omraittee  on  Education.  867 

"Sentinel,"    758 

Separation  of  State  and  municipal  rev- 
enue. 750 

Seramur.  John   F.,  1683 

Servant,   objection   to   word,   1162 

Sessions.  Kenosha,  817 

Setting    Sun — Kilsokwa,    79 

Settlements,    mixed,    1165 

Settlers  ordered   off  lands.  291 

Seventv-ninth  Indiana  Regiment,  600 

Sewall"  Mary   W.,   1679 

Seybert,  D.  L.,   1594 

Shafer,   John   C,   1815 

Sharpe,  Joseph   K.,  1432 

Sharpe,  Jo.seph  K.,  Jr.,  1433 

Sharts   Benjamin   F.,   1960 

.Shea,  John   G.,   131 

Sheets,   William,    (portrait),  444 

Sheerin,   Simon   P.,   743;    (portrait),    741 

Shields,   Clarence   V.,   1465 

Shields,  Frank  B.,  1348 

Shields,    Patrick,    298 

Shipbuilding.  938,  953 ;  during  Civil  war, 
605 

Sliipshewana,  95 

Shirk,   Flbert  H..   1985 

Shirley.   B.   E..  1809 

Shively,  Benjamin  F.,  769 

Shooting  oil  well,  (illustration),  960 

Shortridge.  Abram   C,   918.   930 

Shumaker.   Edward   S..   1064 

Shurtleff   College,   250 

Siddall.  J.   P.,   602 

Siegert,  Julius   G..   1333 

Sifers,   "Doe,'    794 

Signal   mounds,    1 

Signatures,  Indian,   51 

Silver  O-eek  church,  253 

Silver,  demonetization  of,  755 

Simmons,    Edgar    A..    1973 

.Simon.  Milton  N.,   1842 

Sims.  Fred   A.,  1720 

Sims.   Thetus    W..   1138 

Singer  Sewing  Machine  Company.  951 

Sinking    Fund.    478 

Sioux,  59 

Sipe.    Richard   V..    1461 

Sixth  Article  of-  the  Ordinance  of  1787. 
(illustration).  192 

Sixty-ninth    Infantry    in   ilobile,   672 

Skinner.  John  H..  1913 

Slack.    Lemuel    E..    1735 

Slade.   William,   493 

.Slaughtering  and  meat  packing,  945 

Slave  cases.  344,  347,  472.  506,'  519,  525, 
527 

Slavery,  341.  468,  633;  admission  of, 
190;  established,  216;  proviso,  214, 
235,    303;    modification   of,   317;    trou- 


bles, 341;  petitions,  246,  356;  Thomas 
Jefferson's  opinion  on,  247;  in  the  ter- 
ritories, 500;  debate,  512;  question, 
233.  226,  231,  247,  393,  471,  500,  504, 
548,   1308;    test   case,   346 

Slaves,  law  concerning,  237;  gradual 
emancipation  of,  252;  kidnaping  of, 
532 

Slocum,   Frances,   81,   93 

Shiss.  John   W..   819 

Small.   John,   224 

Small,   Orange   L.,   1840 

Smart.    James    H..    909;     (portrait),    910 

Smith.  Andrew,  1688 

Smith,  A.  G.,   750 

Smith,  Caleb  B.,   565,   1610 

Smith,  Charles,  Steam  Mill  Company, 
339 

Smith.   Charles   I..  2069 

Smith.   Giarles   W.,   2277 

Smith,    Dwight,    1475 

Smith,   Edward  A.,   1565 

Smith.   George  H.,  1677 

Smith,  Harry  B.,  1754 

Smith,   Hiram  L.,   1675 

Smith,  Hubbard  M.,   798.  1624 

Smitli,  James.   301 

Smith.   Jesse   D.,   1663 

Smith,   Louis   F.,   1581 

Smith,  Oliver  H..  334,  336,  1133.   1603 

Smith,   Oscar   C.   1989 

Smith.   Samuel   E.,  836 

Smith,  W.  Edwin,  1600 

Smith,  William  G.,   1405 

Smither.   Henry   C.   1576 

Smithsonian    Institution,    1107 

Smock.   Samuel.   397 

Smogor.  Clement,   1261 

Smythe,  G.   C,   820 

Snider,   Albert   G..    1831 

Snider.   George   W..   1830 

Snider,   L.    A.,   1270 

Social  conditions   in   1794.  341 

Society  of  Friends.  517.   1009 

Soldier's  and  Sailor's  Monum<'nt.  749 

Soldier's  and  Sailor's  Orphans  Home.  749 

Soldier's   and    Seamen's   Home.    1010 

Soldier's   Friend.    The.    596 

Soldiers'    Home,    595 

Soldiers,  height  of,   1199 

Solitude.    1168 

Soltau.  John   A.,   1685 

Sons  of  Liberty.  648;  number  in  Indiana, 
656;    governor's  stand   on.   663 

Sons  of  Temperance.   1039,  1041.   1043 

Sorin,  Edwar.I.  911 

South   Bend,   45.   95.   951 

Soutli   Hanover  College.   875 

South    Sea   bubble,   336 

Southeastern  Hospital  for  the  Insane, 
823,  827:  JIadison.  1030;  Evansville 
(illustration),   1013 

Southern    Indians,    religion.    34 


INDEX 


XXXVll 


Southern   Insane   Hospital,   749 

Spahr,  John  0..   1553 

Spanish-American    War,    760;    surgeons, 

848 
Spaulding,  Andrew  J..  1777 
Special   schools.   878 
Special  session  of  the  legislature  in  1861, 

Morton's   message   to,   587 
Speech  on  slavery,  6.32 
Speier,    Nathan,    1288 
Spink.  Mary  A..  817,  1872 
Spink.  Urbane.  818 
Spirit  Pantlier.  64 

Spirituous    liquors,   proclamation   forbid- 
ding to  Indians.  230 
Spooner.  John  C,  2262 
Sports  of  Mound  Builders,  32 
Spraker.  David   C.   1959 
Springs.   2;    chalybeate.   970 
"Squatter   sovereignty,"   254 
"Squaw  Campaign,"   141 
Stafford,    Earl    E.,    1635 
Stalnaker.   Frank   D.,   1687 
Staler.  Joseph   H..   1447 
Stanley.   Lewis    E..    1469 
Stanley,   Marv   C,   819 
Stansburv.    Ele.    1406 
Stanton.  "Harry  L.,  1541 
Staples,   Alexander,   2243 
Star   Publishing  Co.,   1745 
Starr.  John  2258 
State   Anti-Slavery   Society,  511 
State  Archaeological  Society,  15 
State    Bank.    479 

Stat.e  Bank  of  Indiana,  412,  413,  446 
State  Bank.  Vincennes.  324 
State  Board  of  Agriculture,  504.   972 
State  Board  of  Charities  and  Corrections, 

748,  1022 
State  Board  of  Health,  828 
State  bonds.  393 
State  Capitol.   598;   first,   370 
State  Chamber  or  Commerce,  974 
State  charities,  1005 
State  conventions,   549 
State   debt   reduced.   763 
State   Educational   Society.   895 
State  equality.   583 
State  Exposition.  703 
State  Fair.  702:    first.  504 
State  financial  system,  provision  for,  322 
State  Ceologist  of  Indiana,  1,  36 
State   Hospital.    812 
State  House.   Commission   to   erect   new. 

709;     April     30.     1865.     (illustration). 

668;     (illustration),    710 
State  Librarian.  749 
State   Housing   Association.    779 
State    Library.    709.     749;    inaugurated. 

310;   cost   rif  moving,  371 
State  Library  Commission.  920 
State    ^fedical    Convention    of   1849,    803 
State   Museum.   709 


State  Normal  School,   (illustration),  902 
State  Ortices  at  Corvdon,    (illustration), 

312 
State  Printer,  442 
State   prison,  establishment   of,   984 
State  roads,  371 
State  school  tax,  481 
State   seal,   378;    (illustration),   379 
State    seminary,    314,    873 
State   Tax   Board,   752 
State    Teachers'   Association,   907 
State    Temperance   Alliance.    1056 
State  temperance  convention,   1044 
State    Temperance   Society,   1032 
State  University,  474,  476,  897,  901,  903; 

disposition     of,     486;     appropriations. 

904 
Statehood,    first    move    for,    319;    moves 

for.  340;   convention.  395 
Station    on    the    Underground    Railroad. 

(illustration).   545 
Statistics     law.     830;     Civil     war.     601; 

limestone,  968 
Status  of  negi'oes   and   mulattoes,   465 
Staub.    Michael   W.,    1993 
Steamboats,    938 
Steam  Boiler  Incrustation.  1018 
Steam  railroad  travel,  955 
Steamers  seized  by  Confederate  soldiers, 

660 
Steel,   945 

Steele,  Alvah   C,  2200 
Steele,    Theodore    C,    1843 
Stein,  Theodore,   2100 
Stein.  Theo  Jr..  1968 
Stembridge.   Mary,   2075 
Stempfel,  Theodore,   1617 
Stephens.   Josiah,    383 
Stephenson,    Edward   E..    1547 
Stephenson,   John   E..    1546 
Stephenson,  Joseph   M.,  2179 
Stephenson,  MacCrea.   1547 
Stephenson,   Robert  H.,   1547 
Stephenson,  Rome  C.   1268 
Stephenson,  William  H.  H.,  1546 
Sterne,  Albert  E.,  1718 
Stevens,  Ambrose   A..   615 
Stevens,   Thaddeus   M.,    1665 
Stevenson,   William   E..   1580 
Stewart.   Alexander   M..    1271 
Stewart.   Oliver   W..   1785 
Stewart,   Robert   R.,   1271 
Stewart,   W.   T..   1816 
Stidger.  Felix  (i..  652;    (|)ortrait),  653 
Still    (Peter).    Story   of.   519 
Stilson,    Edmund   R..    1730 
Stimson.  Fred  J..  1568 
Stimson.   Samuel   C,  2271 
Stimson.  .Stella  C.  2272 
Stites,   Benjamin,    196 
Stockman.  George  W..   943 
Stockton.  Sarah,  818 
Stoddard,  Amos,  67 


XXXVllI 


INDEX 


Stoddard.   James    M.,    2164 

Stolle,  Anton.   1486 

Stone,  Barton  W.,  1176 

Stone   fort.  Clark  County,  5 

Stone  Fort  in  Jefferson  County,  (map), 
8 

Stone  fortifications,  Jennings  County.  9 

Stone  mill,  pii'turesque  old,  941 

Stone  mounds,  Clark  County,  9 

Stone  quarries,  962 

Stone,  R.   French,  819 

Stone,  AVinthrop  E.,  910 

Storen.  Mark.   1692 

Stormon,  David,   519 

Storv  of  Peter  Still.  519 

Stott,   William    T.,   2113 

Stout,  Kdward  E..  2102 

Stout.  Floyd  W..  1455 

Stout,  Harry,  2102 

Stoy,  Marv  C,  1329 

Stov.    Wiiliam   V.,    1329 

Strange,  John,   1029.   1032.   1174,   1178 

Strange,  John  T.,   1347 

Stratton,   Stephen.   2271 

Stratton-Porter,  Gene,  1196 

Strauss.  Isaac  R..  1889 

Strauss.  .Juliet  V..  "the  Country  Con- 
tributor."  1196,  1890;    (portrait),  1197 

Street  improvements,  748 

Street  railroad  strike,  Indianapolis.  778 

Streeter.  Catherine   A..   1523 

Streight.  Abel  I)..  571;    (portrait).  572 

Stuart.  Gilbert.  270 

Stuart.  William  /..   1343 

Stuckmeyer.   Cliarles   H..    1362 

Stuckmeyer.  Edward  A..  1974 

Studebaker.  Clement.   1235 

Studebaker.  Henrv.  1235 

Studebaker  Plant'.  South  Bend  (illustra- 
tion). 952 

Student  Building,  Indiana  University  (il- 
lustration).  864 

Sturm.   Aucust  T>..   1792 

Sudhnff,  Charles  H.,   1478 

"Sufferers   Lands."   214 

Suffrage.  439.   451,  684 

Suffrage  act,  261 

Sucar  Loaf  Mourd.  13.  25 

SulGTOve.  Berry.  569.  580.  589.  1122 

Sullivan.  Jeremiah,  877,  893.  364.  389. 
1032;    (portrait),  365 

Sunday   school  libraries,  914 

Sund.TY  Schools,  1177;  first  at  Indian- 
apolis. 1003 

Sun-worshipers.    34 

Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction. 
487:  report  of.  913 

Superintendent  of  schools.  879 

Supervisor  of  Indian   Employment.  82 

Supplies.  Civil  war,  595 

Supposed  Human  Footprints  in  Lime- 
stone  (illustration).  1079 

Supreme  Court.  7  76 


Surgeons  in  Civil  war.  836;  in  colored 
regiments,  C^vil  war,  847;  in  Minute 
Men  regiments,  Civil  war,  847 ;  Span- 
ish-American war,  848;  Volunteer 
Navy,  Civil  war,  848;  appointed  by 
the  President  in  the  Volunteer  Army, 
849 

Surgical  discoveries,  831 

Surplus  Revenue   Fund.   478 

Survey  of  Vincennes  tract.  355 

Survej',  main,  of  Indiana  lands,  355 

Survey  system,  354 

Survey  and  sale  of  public  lands,  ordi- 
nance for,  190 

Surveys  and  land  grants,  earlv  (map), 
216 

Surveys,  canal,  387 

Sutton,  George   (portrait),  820 

Swamp   lands,   933 

Swain.  David  F.,  1497 

Swain.    .loseph,    905;     (portrait),    906 

Swain,  William  M.,  1813 

Sweet,   B.  J.,   660 

Sweitzer,  Clara   M..   1638 

Switzer.   George  W..   2206 

Swygart.  John  A.,  1257 

Sylvania,   188 

Symmes,   John   C,   196,   223,   1093 

System  of  education.  310 

Taggart.  Alexander.   1777 

Taggart,  James   E..   2151 

Taggart,  Thomas.   742 

Talbot.   Henrv   H..    1310 

Talcott.  Thad  M..  Jr.,   1318 

Talon,    General,    101 

Tamm.  August,  1698 

Tanner,  Gordon,  577:    (portrait),  579 

Tarkington,   Booth.   1194,   1232 

Tarascon,   Louis  A.,  928 

Tardiveau.  Bartholomew.  214 

Tariff.  714.  729.  737 

Tapscott.  Walter  A.,  1660 

Tarrant.  .James,  253 

"Tarrant's   Rules   Against    Slavery."   253 

Tauer.  Paul  0..  2210 

Taxable  property.  411 

Taxation.    750;    commission    to    invesli- 

gate.  753;   system.  448 
Tax  commissioners.  750 
Tax  investigations.  750 
Tax  laws,  violation  of,  751 
Tax-supported  schools,  895 
Taylor,  Henry  A.,  2127 
Taylor,  James  H.,  1731 
Taylor,  Samuel  J„  2041 
Taylor,  Silas  E..  1638 
Taylor.  Waller,  245 
Taylor,  William,  2127 
Taylor,   William   F.,  2129 
Taylor,  Zachary,  268 

Teachers.  494;  medical,  821;  pioneer.  870 
Teal.  Angeline.  1326 


INDEX 


Teal,  Norman,  1326 

Tecumseh   (P.  0.),  96 

Tecumseh,  Death   of   (illustration),  282 

Teeumtlia,    204,   282;    (portrait),   272 

Teeple,  David  H.,   1744 

Tee-total,  origin  of  word,  1037 

Telegraph  line,  423 

Temperance,  227,  492,  537,  715,  766,  776, 
1027;   advocate  of,  700 

"Temperance  Advocate,  The,"  1043 

"Temperance  Chart,"  1043 

Temperance  convention,  1044 

Temperance  organization,  first,  1029 

Temperance  paper,  first,  1043 

Temperance  singers,  1039 

Temperance  Society,  first,  1003;  pioneer, 
1030 

Temperance  Society  of  Marion  County, 
1032 

Temperance  work,  effect  on  legislation, 
1041 

"Temperance  Wreath."  1043 

Templars  of  Honor  and  Temperance, 
1039 

Temple   mounds.   1,   13 

Temporary  government  of  Western  Ter- 
ritory, 188 

Tennessee   Manumission   Society,   517 

Tertlinger,  Frederick  W.,  826 

Terraced  Mound,   14 

Terrapin  industry,  958 

Terre  Haute,  952" 

"Terre  Haute  Evening  Tribune,"  1072 

Terrell,  Charles  H.,  1351 

Territorial  .Judges  228;  legislature,  218; 
schools.  900;  politics,  262 

Test  slavery  case,  346 

Thanksgiving  Day,  422 

Thanksgiving,  first  proclamation  in  In- 
diana, 421 

"The  Griflon,"  106 

"The  Indiana,"  391 

Theological  debate,  458 

Thieme.  Tlieodore  ¥..  1891 

Third  Wesley  Cliapel    (illustration),   802 

Thirteenth    Indiana    Regiment,    600 

Thomas,  liurtis  P.,  2171 

Thomas.  Earl  A..  2211 

Thomas,  Henry  H..  2091 

Thomas.  .Jesse  B.    (portrait),  255 

Thomas.  JIartha  V.,   1256 

Thomas,  William,  2244 

Thompson.  Charles  B..  1673 

Tliompson.  Charles  F..  2255 

Tliompson.  Edward  R.  2058 

Thompson.  Edwin  E..  1258 

Thompson.  .John.  1860 

Thompson.  JIaurice.  1598 

Tliompson.  Richard   W.,   893.  2117 

Thomson  certificate,  facsimile  of,  791 

Thomson.  Samuel,  790 

Thomsoniasm.    790 

Thornton.  William  W.,  1619 


Thorntown.   96 

Tiedeman.  Christopher  G.,   1067 

Titlin,   Edward.  223 

Tillett.  .Joseph  N..  2058 

Timmons,  Benjamin  F.,  1880 

Tippecanoe,  96 

Tippecanoe  Battleground  near  EaFayette 
(illustration),   263 

Tippecanoe.  Battle  of,  266 

Tippecanoe  Camp  and  Battle   (map),  265 

Tippecanoe  County,  96 

Tippecanoe  i^ake.  96 

Tippecanoe   River,  96 

Tipton,  Ernest  L.,  1599 

Tipton.  .John,  387,  1591 

'1  obacco,  69 

Todd,  .John,  169,   181 

To<ld,  Robert  N..  1661 

Todd,  S.  S.,  811 

Todd,    W.   Newell,   1485 

"Tom  Jiarshall  Constitution,"  776 

Tonty,  47 

Topeka,  96 

Total  abstinence,  1031 

Total  call  for  men  in  1861,  Civil  War, 
594 

Totems,  23 

Township  scliool  libraries,  916 

Tracy.   -T.    Ross.    2248 

Training  School   for  Nurses,   1020 

Trainor.  Felix   J.,   1452 

Transportation,  392,  924;  by  water,  934 

Traveling  libraries,  920 

"Travels  of  .Jonathan  Carver,"  15 

Treason   organizations,   649 

Treaties.  212 

Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  187 

Treaty  of  October,  1818.  354 

Treaty   of   Utrecht.    110 

Treaty  with  Potawatomis  at  Chippewa- 
nung,  1836;    (illustration),  74 

Trees.  Fred  L.,  1977 

Trial  by  jury,  450 

Tribal  mounds.  22 

Tribal  organization.  Indian,  81 

Tribal  organization  in  Indiana.  85 

Tribe  of  Ben  Hur.  Tlie.  1320 

Tribes.    Indian,   52 

Trinity   Springs,   969 

Trollope  (Mrs.),  account  of  Owen-Camp- 
bell debate.   1102 

Troost.  (Gerard,  1086 

Trouble  between  .Julian  and  Morton,  679 

Troubles  between  Frencli  and  English, 
Dongan's  discussion  of.  104 

Trueblond,  Benjamin  F..  1743 

Trueman.  Major.  209 

Tuberculosis  hospital.  779 

Tuberculosis,  hospital  for  treatment  of, 
1025 

Tnbesing,  Harry  H..  1474 

Tunnel  mill,  941;    (illustration),  942 

Tupper,  Benjamin.  191 


xl 


INDEX 


Turkey  Run  (illustration),  1173 

Turner,  F.  J.,  1156 

Turjiie,   David.   564,  589,  704,  706,   1211; 

(portrait),  626 
Tuttle,   Joseph    F.,    911;     (portrait),    915 
Twenty-first   Indiana  Regiment,   600 
"Twin"  State"  process,  290 
Twining.  William,  883;   (portrait),  881 
Tyner.  .lames  N.,  1617 

Uhl,  Jessie  M.,  2064 
Umphrey,  William  A..  1703 
'•Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  500,  504 
"Uncle  Tom,"  Indianapolis  negro.  506 
Underground    Railroad,    526,    529,    882; 

Station  on    (illustration),  545 
Underground   Railroad  Lines   in   Indiana 

(map),  541 
Uniform  system  of  common  schools,  482 
Union    Literary    Institute,    914 
Union  spirit,   585 
Union   Theological   Seminary,   405 
Union  Railway,   598 
Union  victories,  669 
LInited  States,  early  financial  condition. 

177 
United  States  Geological  Survey,  1071 
University,     897;      appropriations.     904; 

first  woman   student,  905 
University  Fund,  477 
University  of  Denver,  1000 
University.  State,  865 
Urban  population.  951 
Usher,  John  P.,   1583 
Utrecht,  treaty  of,  110 

Vail,  Joshua,  243 
\  ail,  Samuel.   243 
Vajen.  Caroline  C.  2095 
Va'jen,  John  H..   2094 
Valparaiso  University.  911 

Van  Briggle.  Lilburii  H..  1605 
Van  Buren,  Martin.  498 
\'an   Camp.  Cortland.  2267 
Vance.  Samuel  C,  382 
Vandalia  Company's  claim,  187 
Vanderburgh,  Henry,  115,  215,  218,  328; 
tragic  death  of  son,  116;  report  to  Sar- 
gent, 116 

Van    Deusen.   (ierritt   S..   2142 

Van   Kirk,   John   P.,   1370 

\'an   Matre.  Howard  M..  1854 

Van  Osdol.  James  A..  3045 

Varner.  George  W.,  2229 

Varnum,  .Tames  M.,  196 

Vawter.  Charles  B..  1601 

Velpeau.  833 

Veneman.  Albert  J.,  2009 

Venesection,  791 

Vermillion  County.  96 

Vigo.  Francois.  178.  235  ;  advanced  money 
for  army  supplies.  177;    (portrait).  178 

Vigran,  Benjamin,  1904 


\'incennes.  City  of.  181,  197;  post  at, 
113;  foundation  of,  113;  origin  of 
name,  116;  defense  of,  117;  early 
missionaries  at,  131;  description  of 
mission  at,  132;  cathedral,  134;  cap- 
ture of,  151;  capitulation  of,  160; 
oath  of  inhabitants  of,  151;  (larrison 
Marching  Out  (illustrationi,  152;  In- 
dian account  of  the  capture  of.  163; 
memoir.  173;  address  of  inhabitants. 
201;  Sargent's  reply  to  citizens.  202; 
Hamtramck's  service  to  people  of,  203; 
capital,  225;  population  in  1800,  226; 
in  1801,  230;   injury  by  pestilence,  373 

Vincennes  Fort,  130;  fort  abandoned.  170 

Vincennes  Historical  and  Antiquarian 
Society.  113 

Vincennes  Post.  127.  128.  129.  131 

Vincennes,   Sieur  de,    107,   109,   117 

Vincennes  tract,  survey,  355 

\'incennes  University,  315  861,  866; 
bonds,  320;  claim, "318,  448.  767;  (il- 
lustration), 319 

Vinton,  Henry  H.,  1939 

Virginia   Baptists  253 

Virginia  cession.  185 

Virginia  law  "concerning  servants,''  237 

Virginia  Peace  Congiess.  580.  583 

Vital  statistics  law,  830 

Vivier,   Louis,  132 

Vocational  education    779.  913 

Volnev.  Count,  72 ;  on  Indiana  natives, 
1199 

Vonnegut,  Clemens.  2173 

Vonnegut.  Franklin.  2174 

Voorhees,  Daniel  W.,  565.  663.  704.  706; 
(portrait).  559 

Vote  buying.   746 

Vote,  foreign,  452 

Wabash,  96 

Wabash  and  Erie  Canal,  388,  393,  403; 
aqueduct  over  the  St.  Mary's  at  Fort 
Wayne  (illustration),  386;  repudiation 
of  debt,  404;  value  to  agriculture.  411; 
bonds,  713 

Wabash  and  Erie  debt,  886 

Wabash   Cemetery,   33 

Wabash  College,  911;  first  building  (il- 
lustration),   892 

Wabash    County,    96 

Wabash  Land  Company,  187 

Wabash   River,   96 

AVacker,    August,    1806 

Wacker,  Charles  J.,  2089 

Waco,  97 

Wade,  Harry,   1739 

Wade.  Will  H..  1464 

Wadsworth,  Sarah.  77;   (portrait).  68 

Wagons.  946 

Waits.  Charles   J.,   1617 

Wakarusa,   97 

Wales,  Ernest  De  W.,  819 


INDEX 


xli 


Walker,  Edwin.  1962 

"Walking  historv"  of   Indiana,  479 

Wallace,  David,"  420,  445,  1059;  (por- 
trait),  423 

Wallace,  James  B.,  1311 

Wallace,  Lew,  429,  499,  579,  5Sfi,  596, 
599,   1059,  1194,   1867:    (portrait),   585 

Wallace,  Zerelda  G.,  1059;  (portrait), 
1058 

Walled  enclosure,  largest  in  the  state, 
12 

Wallick,  John   F.,   1708 

Walton,  William  M.,  1645 

"Walum  Olum,"   1090 

Wampler,  Frank,  2101 

War   conditions,   631 

War  Department  factor}',  953 

War  governor,   control   over  militia.   641 

War  nurses,  613 

War  of  1813,  268 

War  spirit,  585 

War  with  Mexico,  429 

Warder,  Robert  B.,  10 

Warren,  Josiah,   1088 

Wars:  French  and  English,  118;  French 
and  Indian,  122;   Indian,  53,  59 

Warships,    Civil    war,    605 

Washington,  George,   122,  215 

Washington   County   launched,    196 

Washingtonian  Society.  1II3S 

Watelsky,  Nathan,  1446 

Water  routes,  835 

Waterman,  Luther  D..  853.  2321 

Water  supply,  chief  source  to  Indian- 
apolis'. 402 

Water  su])ply  law,  831 

Water  transportation.  924 

Water-ways,   933 

Watkins,  Ernest  R.,  1814 

Watson,  David  E..  1283 

Watson,  (Thomas  E.).  comment  on 
George  Rogers  Clark,  166 

Watt,  Harry  W.,  2263 

AVayne  County,  population  of,  in  1800, 
336;  sepai"ate  territorial  government, 
239 

Wayne,  Gen.  Anthony,  ("Mad  An- 
thonv.")  74,  208;  order  regarding  in- 
toxication, 237;   Orderly  Book,  208 

Webb.  Charles  E.,  1491 

Webb,  Fred  G.,  1960 

Weber,   George   H..   3183 

Weber,  John,  2183 

Weber.  Joseph   F.,  1773 

Weber  Milk   Company,  2183 

Webster,  Daniel,  478 

Weeks,  Raymond.   1139 

Weer,  Fraiik  W.,  1768 

Weidely.  George  A..  1695 

Weinsliank.  Theodore,  1364 

Weinstein.  Joseph  H..  2170 

Weir,  Ellsworth  E..  13S3 

Weiser,  Conrad.  121 


Weiss,    Anna,    1581 

Weist.  Jacob  R.,  830 

Welborn.   .James    Y.,   3196 

Welborn,  William  C.  2197 

Weller,  Charles  E.,   1387 

AA'ells,  Artluir  T.,  1393 

W'clls.  oil  and  gas,  959 

\\'ells.  William.  80 

Werwinski,  Joseph   A.,  2186 

Wesley   Chapel,   805 

Wesley,  John,   1178 

West  Baden,  853,  969 

West  Baden  Hotel   (illustration),  971 

West,  Henry  F.,  887,  889,  896;  (por- 
trait), 889 

Western   Eagle,  The,  302 

Western  Literary  Institute  and  College 
of    Professional   Teachers,   S73 

Western  literature,  1206 

"Western  Register  and  Tcrrc  Haute  Ad- 
vertiser," 347 

Western  Territory,  temporarv  govern- 
ment of,  188 

Whigs.  498 

Whisler,  Ralph   P.,   1471 

Whitcomb.   James.   437;    ())ortrait).   438 

White,  Charles,  911 

White,  Haffield,  195 

White,  John  H.,  1284 

White  River,  97.  932 

White.   William   M..   1402 

Whiteley,  Amos.  Jr..  2143 

Whitewater  Canal.  393.  ;!99 

Whittington.  Elva  D..  1295 

Whittington.  William  T..  1294 

Wickemeyer.  Raymond  H.,  1585 

Wilcox,   George   H..   1643 

Wild  onion.   78 

Wilder.  John   T..  2270 

AViley.  Charleys  F..  3032 

Wiley.  Harriet,  818 

Wiley,  Harvey  W.,  1733 

Wiley,  Ulric  'Z.,  1626 

Wilkinson,  James.   207 

Willard.  Ashbel  P.,  536,  559.  562.  1008; 
(portrait),  563 

Willard  school,  993 

Williams.  Alice  B.,  817 

Williams,  "Blue  Jeans."  708 

Williams,   Francis   M.,   1596 

Williams.  James  D..  1017.  1894:  (]>or- 
trait).  707 

Williams.   Jesse   L..    (portrait),  390 

Williams,  John  F..  1951 

Williams,  John  J.,  599 

Williams,  Josephus,  1661 

Williams,   Samuel,   narrative,   274 

Wilson,   George   R..   354,   1364 

Wilson,  Henry   L..   1721 

Wilson,  John'L..   1732 

Wilson,  John  R.,  743.  756;  (portrait), 
743 

Wilson,  Aledfor.l   P...   1733 


xlii 


INDEX 


Wilson,  Williara  T.,  3003 

Wilson.  Woodrow,  776 

Wimmor,  Vauglin.  1668 

Winamac,  97 

Winn,  Homer  V..  1750 

"Winning  of  the  West.  The"  (Roosevelt). 

163 
Winona,  97 

Winona  Assembly  and  Schools,  1073 
Winslow,  .Jennie  I..  1867 
Winslow.  Lanier  &  Co..  419 
Winslow,  William  W..  1866 
Wintersteen,  Charles  H..  3057 
Wishard,    William    H.,    811,    849,    1637; 

(portrait).    793 
Wishard.  William  N.,  1639 
Wolcott.   Eben   H.,    1781 
Wolfe.  Norman  F.,  1371 
Wolff.  Charles,  2019 
Wolfson.  Aaron,  1707 
\\  Oman  suffrage,  454 
Women    Crusaders    in    Saloon    (illustra- 
tion), 1050 
Women,  independent  property  rights  fur 

married,   454 
Women  physicians.  816 
Women's    Christian    Temperance    Union, 

1058 
Women's    Clubs.    Minerva    first    in    the 

United  States,  1113 
Women's  Crusade,  1057 
W^omen's  Prison  and  Girls'  Reformatory. 

1016 
Women's  Prison  Board,  1017 
Women's    rights.    456;    pioneer    advocate 

of.  in  America,  1089 
Wood.   Aaron,   1132.   1140 
Wood.  Charles  A.,  135S 
Wood.  John  G.,  1607 
W'ood,  Thomas.  104 
Woodard,  Horace  G.,  165S 
Woodard,  Walter  C,   2289 
Woodmere,   1020 
AVoods,  William  .A.,  738 
Woods.  William  D.,  1696 
Woollen.  Herbert  M..  2085 
Woollen,  Milton  A.,  3085 
Woollen,  William  W..  2355 


W'iKilverton,  Jacob.  1265 

Workmen's  Compensation  Law.  771 

W<irkingmen's  libraries,  916 

Works    on    Hill    North    of    Hardinsbuig. 

Dearborn  County    (map),   16 
Worthington,  B.  A.,  ,1911 
Wnrtliingion.   Thomas.   333 
Wright.  Anna  M.,  1383 
Wright,  Bert  L..  1853 
Wright,   C.   A,,   1484 
Wright,   Frances,   463.    1086;     (portrait), 

463,  1089 
AVright,  Frank  J.,  1916 
Wright,   Fred  D.,   1790 
Wright,  Isaac,  2035 
Wright,  Jacob  T.,  1282 
Wright,  Joseph  A.   (portrait),  501 
Wright,  Trevor  D..  1675 
Wrigley,  Sarah,  1132 
Writers,  1185 
Wyandotte.  97 
Wyckoff,  Stanley,  1717 
Wylie,  Andrew,  874,  877,  879 
Wylie,  Arthur.  1616 
Wyman.  Clara  L.,  1257 
Wyman,  George,  1256 
Wynn.  Frank  B.,  2280 
Wynne,  Thomas  A.,  1246 

X-ray,   832 

Vauky.  Henry  C.  1452 

Yellow  river,  97 

Young.  Bennett  H.,  32 

Young,  George  M.,  1953 

Young  Men's  Temperance  Society,  1037 

Young  People's  Reading  Circle,  921 

\oung.  AVilliam  T.,  1348 

Yount,  Warren  J.,  1823 

Zeigler.  R.  A..  1763 
Zion,  William  R..  1656 
Zoercher.  Philip.  2046 
Zollman.  Charles  K.,  2149 
Zorn.  Robert  P..  1353 
Zuttermeister.  Cliarles  E..  1478 
Zuver,  John  H.,  2177 
Zwick,  Charles,  1730 
Zwick,  Henry  F.,  1729 


Indiana  and  Indianans 


CHAPTER  I 
THE  PREHISTORIC  HOOSIER 

"Marley  was  dead  to  begin  with",  and  so  were  the  Mound  Builders 
of  Indiana;  but  unhappily  these  left  no  such  adequate  and  satisfactorj' 
records  as  there  were  in  Marley 's  ease.  In  consequence  it  has  not  been 
possible  to  organize  any  society  of  Sons  or  Daughters  of  the  Mound 
Builders  because  of  the  dearth  of  genealogical  material.  It  is  generally 
assumed  that  all  of  the  prehistoric  men  of  this  region  were  Mound 
Builders,  but  there  is  no  assurance  of  this.  Indeed,  unless  it  be  assumed 
that  they  were  fighting  among  themselves,  it  is  certain  that  they  had 
hostile  contemporaries,  for  their  extensive  fortifications  show  a  state 
of  "preparedness"  that  is  inconsistent  with  anything  but  a  well- 
grounded  fear  of  attack. 

Their  mounds,  or  earth  works,  have  been  divided  by  some  authorities 
into  four  classes,  viz.  1,  Defensive  mounds;  2,  Observation  or  Signal 
mounds;  3,  Temple  or  Religious  mounds;  and  4,  Burial  mounds.  Of 
these  the  last  named  are  by  far  the  most  numerous ;  and  the  first  named 
are  the  more  impressive.  All  four  classes  are  foimd  in  Indiana,  and 
some  of  the  more  remarkable  ones  are  worthy  of  detailed  description. 
One  of  the  most  notable  is  known  as  Fort  Azatlan,  near  Merom.  It  was 
so  named  by  Prof.  John  Collett,  the  Indiana  geologist,  from  Aztlan,  the 
legendary  place  of  origin  of  the  Aztecs.  In  1871,  Mr.  Frederic  Ward 
Putnam,  the  noted  anthropologist,  in  company  with  Prof.  Cox,  then 
State  Geologist  of  Indiana,  Prof.  Collett,  and  others,  examined  this 
work,  and  Mr.  Putnam  said  of  it: 

"The  fort  is  situated  on  a  plateau  of  loess,  about  one  hundred  and 
seventy  feet  in  height  above  low  water,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river. 

Vol.  I— 1 

1 


2  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

On  the  river  side,  the  bank,  which  principally  consists  of  an  outcrop  of 
sandstone,  is  very  steep,  and  forms  the  western  line  of  the  fortification, 
while  deep  ravines  add  to  its  strength  on  the  other  sides;  the  weak 
points  being  strengthened  by  earth  works.  The  general  course  of  the 
work  is  fi'om  the  north,  where  it  is  very  narrow  (not  over  50  feet) 
owing  to  the  formation  of  the  plateau,  south  along  the  river  bank  about 
725  feet  to  its  widest  portion  (at  H)  which  is  here  about  375  feet  east 
and  west.  From  this  point  it  follows  a  deep  ravine  southerly  about  460 
feet  to  the  entrance  end  of  the  fort.  The  bank  traversed  by  the  entrance 
road  is  here  much  wider  than  at  other  portions,  and  along  its  outer  wall, 
running  eastward,  are  the  remains  of  what  was  evidently  once  a  deep 
ditch.  The  outer  wall  (A,  B)  is  about  30  feet  wide  and  is  now  about 
IV2  feet  high ;  a  depressed  portion  of  the  bank,  or  walk  way,  then  runs 
parallel  with  the  outerwall,  and  the  bank  (C,  D)  is  then  continued  for 
about  20  feet  further  into  the  fort,  but  of  slightly  less  height  than  the 
front.  Through  the  center  of  these  banks  there  are  the  remains  of  a 
distinct  roadway  about  ten  feet  in  width. 

"From  the  northeastern  comer  of  this  wide  wall  the  line  continues 
northwesterly  about  350  feet  along  the  eastern  ravine  to  a  point  where 
there  is  a  spring,  and  the  ravine  makes  an  indenture  of  nearly  100  feet 
to  the  southwest.  The  mouth  of  the  indenture  is  about  75  feet  in  width 
and  the  work  is  here  strengthened  by  a  double  embankment  (E,  F). 
The  natural  line  of  the  work  follows  this  indenture  and  then  continues 
in  about  the  same  northerly  course  along  the  banks  of  the  ravine  to 
the  narrow  portion  of  the  plateau  about  550  feet  to  the  starting  point. 
There  is  thus  a  continued  line,  in  part  natural  and  in  part  artificial, 
which  if  measured  in  all  its  little  ins  and  outs  would  not  be  far  from 
2,450  feet. 

"Besides  the  spring  mentioned  as  in  the  indenture  of  the  eastern 
ravine,  there  is  another  spring  in  the  same  ravine  about  175  feet  to 
the  north  of  the  first,  and  a  third  in  the  southwestern  ravine  about  125 
feet  to  the  west  of  the  southwestern  comer  of  the  work. 

"Looking  at  all  the  natural  advantages  offered  by  this  location,  it 
is  the  one  spot  of  the  region,  for  several  miles  along  the  river,  that 
'would  be  selected  today  for  the  erection  of  a  fortification  in  the  vicinity, 
with  the  addition  of  the  possession  of  a  small  eminence  to  the  north, 
which  in  these  days  of  artillery  would  command  the  fort.  Having  this 
view  in  mind  a  careful  examination  was  made  of  this  eminence  men- 
tioned, to  see  if  there  had  ever  been  an  opposing  or  protective  work 
there,  but  not  the  slightest  indication  of  earthwork  fortification  or  of 
mounds  of  habitation  was  discovered. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  3 

"The  interior  of  this  fortification  contains  much  of  interest.  On 
crossing  the  outer  wall  a  few  low  mounds  are  at  once  noticed,  and  all 
around  are  seen  large  circular  depressions.     At  the  southern  portion  of 


Fort  Az.\tlan,  near  ^Ierom,  Ind. 

the  fort  these  depressions,  of  which  there  are  forty-five  in  all,  are  most 
numerous,  thirty-seven  of  them  being  located  south  of  a  line  drawn 
from  E  on  the  northern  side  of  the  indenture  of  the  eastern  ravine  to 
the  projecting  extreme  western  point  of  the  fort  at  H. 

"These  depressions  vary  in  width  from  ten  to  twenty-five  or  thirty 
feet,  and  are  irregularly  arranged,  as  shown  by  the  accompanying  en- 


4  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

graving,  where  they  are  represented  by  the  black  circles.  One  of  the 
six  depressions  opposite  the  indenture  of  the  eastern  ravine  is  oval  in 
shape,  and  is  the  only  one  that  is  not  nearly  circular,  the  others  varying 
but  a  foot  or  two  in  their  diameters. 

"Two  of  these  depressions  were  dug  into  and  it  was  found  that  they 
were  evidently  once  large  pits  that  had  gradually  been  filled  by  the 
hand  of  time  with  the  accumulation  of  vegetable  matter  and  soil  that 
had  been  deposited  by  natural  action  alone.  In  some  instances  large 
trees  are  now  growing  in  the  pits  and  their  many  roots  make  digging 
difficult.  A  trench  was  dug  across  one  pit  (J)  throwing  out  the  soil 
carefully  until  the  former  bottom  of  the  pit  was  reached  at  a  depth 
of  about  five  feet.  On  this  bottom  ashes  and  burnt  clay  gave  evidence 
of  an  ancient  fire,  and  at  a  few  feet  on  one  side  several  pieces  of  pottery, 
a  few  bones  of  animals,  and  one  stone  arrowhead  were  found.  A  spot 
had  evidently  been  struck  where  food  had  been  cooked  and  eaten,  and 
though  there  was  not  time  to  open  other  pits  there  is  no  doubt  but  that 
they  would  tell  a  similar  story,  and  the  legitimate  conclusion  to  be 
drawn  from  the  facts  is  that  these  pits  were  the  houses  of  the  inhabi- 
tants or  defenders  of  the  fort,  who  were  probably  further  protected 
from  the  elements,  and  the  arrows  of  assailants,"  by  a  roof  of  logs  and 
bark  or  boughs.  The  great  number  of  the  pits  would  show  that  they 
were  for  a  definite  and  general  purpose  and  their  irregular  arrangement 
would  indicate  that  they  were  not  laid  out  with  the  sole  idea  of  acting 
as  places  of  defence,  though  those  near  the  walls  of  the  fort  might 
answer  as  covers  from  which  to  fire  on  an  opposing  force  beyond  tlie 
walls,  and  the  six  pits  near  the  eastern  indenture,  in  front  of  three 
of  which  there  are  traces  of  two  small  earth  walls,  and  the  two  com- 
manding the  entrance  of  the  fort,  would  strengthen  this  view  of  the  use 
of  those  near  the  embankment. 

"In  many  of  the  ancient  fortifications  that  have  been  described  by 
Mr.  Squier  and  others,  pits  have  been  noticed,  but  they  have  been  only 
•  very  few  in  number  and  have  been  considered  as  places  for  the  storage 
of  food  and  water.  The  great  number  in  this  small  earthwork,  with 
the  finding  that  one  at  least  was  used  for  the  purpose  of  cooking  and 
eating  food,  is  evidence  that  they  were  used  for  some  other  purpose 
here,  though  some  of  the  smaller  ones  may  have  answered  for  store- 
houses. 

"The  five  small  mounds  were  situated  in  various  parts  of  the  en- 
closure. The  largest  (G)  was  nearly  fifty  feet  in  diameter  and  was 
probably  originally  not  over  ten  feet  in  height.  It  had  been  very 
nearly  dug  away  in  places,  but  about  one-fifth  of  the  lower  portion  had 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  5 

( 
not  beeu  disturbed.  From  this  was  exhumed  one  nearly  perfect  human 
skeleton  and  parts  of  several  others  that  had  been  left  by  former  ex- 
cavators. This  mound  also  contained  several  bones  of  animals,  princi- 
pally of  deer,  bear,  opossum  and  turtles ;  fragments  of  pottery,  one 
arrowhead,  a  few  flint  chips,  and  a  number  of  thick  shells  of  unios  two 
of  which  had  been  bored  near  the  hinge.  This  moimd  has  yielded  a 
number  of  human  bones  to  the  industry  of  Dr.  H.  Frank  Harper. 

"The  second  mound  (I)  which  was  partly  opened,  was  some  twenty- 
five  feet  in  diameter  and  a  few  feet  in  height,  though  probably  once 
much  higher.  In  this  a  number  of  bones  of  deer  and  other  animals 
were  found,  several  pieces  of  potteiy,  a  number  of  shells  and  a  few 
human  bones.  The  other  three  mounds,  one  of  which  is  not  over  ten 
or  twelve  feet  in  diameter  and  situated  the  furthest  to  the  north,  were 
not  examined  internallj'. 

"The  position  of  all  the  mounds  witiiin  the  enclosure,  which  are 
indicated  by  the  white  circles  on  the  cut,  is  such  as  to  suggest  that  they 
were  used  as  observatories,  and  it  may  yet  be  questioned  if  the  human 
and  other  remains  fomid  in  them  were  placed  there  by  the  occupants 
of  the  fort,  or  are  to  be  considered  under  the  head  of  intrusive  burials 
by  a  later  race.  Perhaps  a  further  study  of  the  bones  may  settle  the 
point.  That  two  races  have  buried  their  dead  witliin  the  enclosure  is 
made  probable  by  the  finding  of  an  entirely  different  class  of  burials 
at  the  extreme  western  point  of  the  fortification,  indicated  on  the  en- 
graving by  the  three  quadrangular  figures  at.  H.  At  this  point  Dr. 
Harper,  the  year  previous,  had  discovered  three  stone  graves,  in  which 
he  found  portions  of  the  skeletons  of  two  adults  and  one  child.  These 
graves,  the  stones  of  one  being  still  in  place,  were  found  to  be  made 
by  placing  thin  slabs  of  stone  on  end,  forming  the  .sides  and  ends,  the 
top  being  covered  by  other  slabs,  making  a  rough  stone  coffin  in  which 
the  bodies  had  been  placed.  There  was  no  indication  of  any  mound 
having  been  erected,  and  they  were  placed  .lightly  on  the  slope  of  the 
bank.  This  kind  of  burial  is  so  distinct  .from  that  of  the  burials  in  the 
mound  that  it  is  possible  that  the  acts  may  be  refeiTed  to  two  distinct 
races  who  have  occupied  the  territory  successively,  though  they  may 
prove  to  be  of  the  same  time  and  simply  indicate  a  special  mode  adopted 
for  a  distinctive  purpose."  ^ 

Even  more  striking  is  the  "stone  fort"  in  Clark  County.  Prof.  E. 
T.  Cox,  who,  after  surveying  it,  pronounced  it  "one  of  the  most  re- 
markable stone  fortifications  which  has  ever  come  under  my  notice", 
gave  the  following  description  of  it : 


1  Bulletin  of  Essex  Institute,  Vol.  3,  No.  2,  November,  1871. 


>UP  OP  J 

oil  flip  Ohio  Kh-pr:t  AlilosEnstofClmrleslawn.ritirkefo.,.. 
Iiitlrana> 
V\\\«N«AVi^\o\.  E.  T.  V07CS/a/f  f/eo/oytsf 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  7 

The  locality  selected  for  this  fort  presents  many  natural  advantages 
for  making  it  impregnable  to  the  opposing  forces  of  pre-historic  times. 
It  occupies  the  point  of  an  elevated  narrow  ridge  which  faces  the  Ohio 
river  on  the  east,  and  is  bordered  by  Fourteen  Mile  Creek  on  the  west 
side.  This  creek  empties  into  the  Ohio  a  short  distance  below  the 
fort.  The  top  of  the  ridge  is  pear  shape,  with  the  part  answering  to 
the  neck  at  the  north  end.  This  part  is  not  over  twenty  feet  wide  and 
is  protected  by  precipitous  natural  walls  of  stone.  It  is  two  hundred 
and  eighty  feet  above  the  level  of  the  Ohio,  and  the  slope  is  very 
gradual  to  the  south.  At  the  upper  field  it  is  two  hundred  and  forty 
feet  high  and  one  hundred  steps  wide.  At  the  lower  timber  it  is  one 
hundred  and  twenty  feet  high.  The  bottom  land  at  the  foot  of  the 
south  end  is  sixty  feet  above  the  river.  Along  the  greater  part  of  the 
Ohio  river  front  there  is  an  abrupt  escarpment  of  rock  entirely  too 
steep  to  be  scaled,  and  a  similar  natural  barrier  exists  along  a  portion 
of  the  north  west  side  of  the  ridge  facing  the  creek.  This  natural  wall 
is  joined  to  the  neck  by  an  artificial  wall  made  by  piling  up,  mason 
fashion,  but  without  mortar,  loose  stone,  which  had  evidently  been 
pried  up  from  the  corniferous  layers  at  the  point  marked  D.  This 
made  wall  at  this  point  is  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  long.  It 
is  built  along  the  slope  of  the  hill  and  had  an  elevation  of  about 
seventy-five  feet  above  its  base,  the  upper  ten  feet  being  vertical.  The 
inside  of  the  wall  is  protected  by  a  ditch.  The  remainder  of  the  hill 
is  protected  by  an  artificial  stone  wall  built  in  the  same  manner  but  not 
more  than  ten  feet  high.  The  elevation  of  the  side  wall  above  the 
creek  bottom  is  eighty  feet.  Within  the  artificial  walls  are  a  string 
of  mounds  which  rise  to  the  height  of  the  wall  and  are  protected  from 
the  washing  from  the  hill  sides  by  a  ditch  twenty  feet  wide  and  four 
feet  deep.  The  position  of  the  artificial  walls,  natural  cliffs  of  bedded 
stone,  as  well  as  that  of  the  ditch  and  moujids  will  be  better  understood 
by  a  reference  to  the  accompanying  map. 

"The  top  of  the  enclosed  ridge  embraces  ten  or  twelve  acres,  and 
there  are  as  many  as  five  mounds  that  can  be  recognized  on  the  flat 
surface,  while  no  doubt  many  others  existed  which  have  been  obliterated 
by  time  and  through  the  agency  of  man  in  his  efforts  to  cultivate  a 
portion  of  the  ground.  A  trench  was  cut  into  one  of  these  mounds  in 
search  of  relics.  A  few  fragments  of  charcoal  and  decomposed  bones 
and  a  large,  irregular  diamond-shaped  boulder,  with  a  small  circular 
indentation  near  the  middle  of  the  upper  part  that  was  worn  quite 
smooth  by  the  use  to  which  it  was  put,  and  a  small  piece  of  fossil  coral — 
favosites  goldfussi — comprised  all  the  articles  of  note  which  were  re- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  9 

vealed  by  the  excavation.  The  earth  of  which  the  mound  is  made 
resembles  that  seen  on  the  side  of  the  hill  and  was,  probably,  in  most 
part  taken  from  the  ditch.  The  margin  next  to  the  ditch  was  protected 
by  slabs  of  stone  set  on  edge  and  leaning  at  an  angle  corresponding  to 
the  slope  of  the  mound.  This  stone  shield  was  two  and  a  half  feet 
wide  and  one  foot  high.  At  intervals  along  the  great  ditch  there  are 
channels  formed  between  the  mounds  that  probably  served  to  carry 
off  surplus  water  through  openings  in  the  outer  wall. 

"On  the  top  of  the  enclosed  ridge,  and  near  to  the  naiTOwest  part 
(D)  there  is  one  mound  much  larger  than  any  of  the  othei-s  and  so 
situated  as  to  command  an  extensive  view  up  and  down  the  Ohio  Kiver, 
as  well  as  affording  an  unobstructed  view  east  and  west.  There  is  near 
this  mound  a  slight  break  in  the  cliff  of  rock  which  furnished  a  narrow 
passage  way  to  the  Ohio  River.  Though  the  locality  afforded  many 
natural  advantages  for  a  fort  or  stronghold,  one  is  compelled  to  admit 
that  much  skill  was  displayed  and  labor  expended  in  rendering  its 
defense  as  perfect  as  possible  at  all  points.  Stone  axes,  pe.stles,  aiTow 
heads,  spear  points,  totems,  charms  and  flint  flakes  have  been  found  in 
great  abundance  in  plowing  the  field  at  the  foot  of  the  old  fort.  "^ 

There  is  another  stone  fort  of  about  the  same  size  as  this  a  little 
farther  up  the  Ohio  valley  in  Jefferson.  County.  It  stands  on  the  bank 
of  Big  Creek,  eighty  feet  above  the  creek  bed,  and  incloses  about  ten 
acres.  On  the  north  and  south  sides  of  this  bluff  there  are  steep  stone 
cliffs  from  sixty  to  eighty  feet  in  height,  which  converge  at  the  west 
side,  leaving  only  a  narrow  strip  there  without  natural  protection. 
This  point  is  covered  by  an  artificial  stone  wall  similar  to  those  of  the 
preceding  fortification ;  and  so  is  the  east  side,  where  the  north  and 
south  lines  are  about  four  hundred  feet  apart.  This  long  stretch  of 
made  wall  was  originally  about  ten  feet  thick  at  the  base,  and  is  so 
curved  as  to  plainly  indicate  its  defensive  purpose.^  There  are  some 
other  stone  fortifications  in  Indiana,  but  they  are  smaller.  One  in 
Jennings  County  is  75  feet  in  diameter,  and  stands  on  a  cliff  75  feet 
above  an  adjacent  stream.^ 

There  are  also  several  stone  mounds  in  the  southern  part  of  the 
State.  Two  of  these,  in  Clark  County,  are  unique.  They  are  made 
of  flat  stones,  methodically  piled  up  so  as  to  leave  a  small  opening  in 
the  interior,  and  connecting  vrith   these  are  long,  low  entrance  ways 


2  Ind.  Geol.  Report,  1873,  pp.  126-7. 

3  Ind.  Geol.  Report,  1874,  p.  32. 

*  Ind.  Geol.  Report,  1875,  p.  174. 


10  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

of  stone,  arched  over,  somewhat  resembling  Eskimo  igloos.  Some  of 
the  people  in  the  vicinity  believe  that  there  were  underground  passages 
connecting  these  mounds  with  a  cave  near  by."  The  other  stone  mounds 
that  have  been  described  are  solid.  Of  these  three  are  near  the  town 
of  Deputy,  in  Jefferson  County.  One  of  them  is  oval  in  shape,  135 
feet  long  and  60  feet  wide.  The  other  two  are  much  smaller,  and  so 
are  similar  mounds  elsewhere,  as  in  Ripley  and  Scott  counties.*  All  of 
these  mounds  that  have  been  opened  have  been  found  to  contain  human 
bones,  and  usually  bones  of  anin^als,  and  other  matter.  It  is  heirdly 
questionable  that  these  are  burial  mounds.  Old  writers  mention  this 
mode  of  sepulture  among  the  Southern  tribes,  especially  when  the  dead, 
for  some  reason  or  other,  could  not  be  taken  to  the  customary  places  of 
burial  for  interment  with  the  usual  rites.  Adair  says:  "In  the  woods 
we  often  see  innumerable  heaps  of  small  stones  in  those  places  where, 
according  to  tradition,  some  of  their  distinguished  people  were  either 
killed  or  buried,  till  the  bones  could  be  gathered :  there  they  add  Pelion 
to  Ossa,  still  increasing  each  heap,  as  a  lasting  monument  and  honour 
to  them,  and  an  incentive  to  great  actions."^  Bartram  noted  "vast 
heaps  of  stones",  marking  the  graves  of  Cherokee  warriors  who  had 
fallen  in  a  disas,trous  battle  with  the  whites.*  Dr.  Brickell  mentioned 
at  a  much  earlier  date  the  custom  of  the  Carolina  Indians  to  make  such 
monuments.^  Mr.  Charles  C.  Jones,  the  learned  Georgia  anthropologist, 
says:  "In  order  to  designate  the  grave  of  a  remarkable  warrior,  who 
had  fallen  in  battle,  and  whose  body  could  not  at  the  time  be  brought 
home  by  his  companions,  the  Cherokees  and  other  nations  inhabiting 
hilly  regions  were  wont  to  cover  the  body  of  the  slain  with  stones 
collected  on  the  spot.  Every  passer-by  contributed  his  stone  to  the 
pile,  until  it  rose  into  a  marked  and  permanent  memorial  of  the 
dead."  10 

In  the  descriptions  of  the  first  two  forts  above,  mention  is  made 
of  "observation  mounds",  and  it  is  probable  that  these  were  made  at 
other  points  for  defensive  purposes.  In  a  report  on  Ohio  and  Switzer- 
land counties,  Mr.  Robert  B.  Warder  says:  "Dr.  J.  W.  Baxter,  of 
Vevay,  gives  me  the  following  account  of  a  series  of  mounds  or  signal 


6  Ind.  Geol.  Beport,  1874,  p.  29. 

6  See  Ind.  Geol.  Report,  1874,  pp.  35,  197-9;   8th  Eept.  Peabody  Mus.,  Vol.  1, 
47;  Bulletin  No.  1,  Brookville  Soc.  of  Nat.  Hist.  (1885)  p.  35. 
'  History  of  the  American  Indians,  p.   184.     London,  1775.  ' 

8  Travels  through  North  and  South  Carolina,  etc.,  p.  346.     London,  1792. 

9  Natural  History  of  North  Carolina,  p.  380.     Dublin,  1737. 

10  Antiquities  of  the  Southern  Indians,  p.  201.     N.  Y.  1873. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


11 


stations,  occupying  prominent  points  along  the  Ohio  river,  and  so 
located  that  each  may  be  seen  from  the  next  above  and  below.  These 
command  nearly  the  whole  bottom.  From  the  station  below  Patriot  the 
observer  may  look  across  Gallatin  County,  Kentucky,  and  the  valley 
of  Eagle  creek  to  the  hight  of  land  in  Owen  County.  Both  this  mound 
and  one  near  Rising  Sun  exhibit  traces  of  fires  that  were  doubtless 
used  as  telegraphic  signals  by  the  Mound  Builders.    The  mounds  at  the 


Earth  Mounds  in  Randolph  Cou*fTT 


following  places  form  a  complete  series,  though  others  may  have  been 
used  when  the  country  was  timbered:  Rising  Sun;  near  Gunpowder 
creek,  Kentucky;  the  Dibble  farm,  two  miles  south  of  Patriot;  the 
•'North  Hill",  below  Warsaw,  Kentucky;  the  Taylor  farm,  below 
Log  Lick  creek;  opposite  Carrollton,  Kentucky;  below  CarroUton.  A 
greater  number  of  wild  grapes,  plums,  crabapples  and  onions  are 
found  near  the  mounds  than  elsewhere."" 


11  Ind.  Geol.  Report,  1872,  p.  413. 


12  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

In  addition  to  the  stone  forts,  there  are  several  earth  works  whose 
defensive  character  is  obvious.  The  most  extensive  of  these  is  on 
White  River  in  Randolph  County,  and  is  described  by  Prof.  Cox  as 
follows:  "The  largest  walled  enclosure  in  the  State  is  situated  near 
the  town  of  Winchester,  in  Randolph  County.  It  is  figured  in  Squier 
and  Davis'  Antiquities  of  the  Mississippi  Valley,  but  as  that  plat  was 
inaccurately  made  it  is  reproduced  here  from  actual  measurements 
made  by  Dr.  G.  M.  Levette.  It  contains  thirty-one  acres,  and  a  good 
portion  of  it  lies  within  the  boundary  of  the  Randolph  County  fair 
ground,  the  remaining  portion,  with  the  exception  of  the  public  road- 
way on  the  west  end,  lies  in  cultivated  fields,  so  that  the  whole  work 
is  in  a  fair  way  to  be  obliterated.  There  are  two  gateways,  one  on  the 
eastern  end,  twelve  feet  wide,  and  has  no  defenses,  Sugar  Creek  and  the 
intervening  bluff  probably  being  deemed  sufficient;  but  at  the  west 
end  there  is  an  embankment  in  the  shape  of  a  half  circle  which  overlaps 
the  gate  and  complicates  the  passage-way.  The  enclosure  is  in  the 
shape  of  a  parallelogram  with  curved  angles ;  the  sides  are  1,320  feet 
long,  and  the  ends  1,080  feet.  There  is  a  mound  in  the  centre  100  feet 
in  diameter  and  nine  feet  high.  When  the  horses  are  trotting,  at  fair 
times,  this  mound  is  covered  with  spectators,  as  it  commands  a  view 
of  the  entire  track.  I  once  had  the  pleasure  of  witnessing  a  spirited 
trot  from  the  top  of  this  moiuid.  The  walls  of  the  enclosure  are  from 
eight  to  nine  feet  high  where  they,  have  not  been  disturbed  by  the  plow. 
A  cross  section  of  the  half-circle  at  the  west  gate  is  shown  on  the  plate ; 
it  has  a  slight  ditch  on  the  inside ;  also  a  cross  section  of  the  main  wall, 
which  has  no  fosse.  You  will  perceive  that  the  location  for  this  large 
and  remarkable  M'ork  was  selected  with  due  regard  to  protection  against 
the  sudden  attack  of  an  enemy.  It  is  at  the  junction  of  Sugar  Creek 
and  White  River,  which  affords  protection  on  two  sides,  and  the  mound 
in  the  centre  served  as  a  look-out  station.  "12 

I  am  inclined  to  doubt  the  conclusion  of  Prof.  Cox  as  to  the  purpose 
of  the  mound,  as  its  elevation  would  make  it  no  higher  than  the  walls, 
and  there  is  no  indication  that  it  was  higher  originally.  I  think  it 
more  probable  that  this  was  a  walled  town,  and  that  the  mound  was 
for  the  residence  of  the  chief,  or  cacique,  and  the  temple;  but  that  is 
a  matter  of  conjecture,  based  on  facts  which  will  appear  later.  The 
fact  that  no  large  quantity  of  Mound  Builder  relics  and  refuse  have 
been  found  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  so  large  an  establishment, 
whether  a  town  or  merely  a  fort,  would  indicate  that  it  was  not  occupied 
for  a  great  length  of  time. 


i=In(l.  Geo).  Eeport,  1878,  p.  134. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  13 

Near  Vineennes,  in  Knox  County,  there  are  three  large  works  of  a 
different  character,  which  were  described  by  Prof.  Collett.  It  is  ueces 
sary  to  remember  that  he  was  a  believer  that  the  Mound  Buildei-s  were 
the  ancestors  of  the  Aztecs,  and  that  he  was  one  of  those  enthusiastic 
scientists  to  whom  a  plausible  theory  assumed  the  character  of  a 
demonstrated  fact,  in  order  to  appreciate  the  assurance  of  the  following 
description:  "Temple  [Mounds.— This  region  was  well  to  the  center 
of  the  Mound  Building  Nation.  Remote  from  the  dangers  incident 
to  a  more  exposed  situation  and  encircled  by  a  bulwark  of  loving  hearts 

forts,    walled   enclosures,    and    citadels   were   unnecessary,    and    not 

erected  as  it  exposed  points  on  their  frontier.  Perhaps  the  seat  of  a 
Royal  Priesthood,  their  efforts  essayed  to  build  a  series  of  temples 
which  constituted  at  once  capitol  and  holy  city— The  Heliopolis  pf 
the  West.  Three  sacred  mounds  thrown  upon  or  against  the  sides  of 
the  second  terrace  or  bluff  east  and  southeast  of  Vineennes  are  the 
result,  and  in  size,  symmetry  and  grandeur  of  aspect,  rival  if  not  excel 
any  prehistoric  remains  in  the  United  States.  All  three  are  truncated 
cones  or  pyramidal;  and  without  doubt,  erected  designedly  for  sacred 
purposes,  the  flat  area  on  the  summit  was  reserved  for  an  Oratory  and 
Altar  as  in  the  Teocalli  of  Mexico. 

"The  Pyramid,  one  mile  south  of  Vineennes,  is  placed  on  a  slightly 
elevated  terrace  surrounded  by  a  cluster  of  small  mounds.  It  is  oblong, 
with  extreme  diameter  from  east  to  west  at  the  base  of  three  hundred 
feet,  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  wide,  and  is  forty-seven  feet  high.  The 
level  area  on  the  summit  fifteen  by  fifty  feet  is  crowded  with  intinisive 
burials  of  a  later  race. 

"The  Sugar  Loaf  Mound  on  Mr.  Fay's  land,  just  east  of  the  city 
line,  is  built  against  and  upon  the  side  of  the  bluff,  but  stands  out  m 
bold  relief  with  sharply  inclined  sides.  Diameter  from  east  to  west  two 
hundred  and  sixteen  feet,  from  north  to  south  one  hundred  and  eighty 
■  feet  and  towering  aloft  one  hundred  and  forty  feet  above  Vineennes 
Plain,  it  commands  bv  twenty-seven  feet  the  high  plateau  to  the  east. 
Area  on  top  sixteen  by  twenty-five  feet.  The  following  section  was 
developed  by  sinking  a  shaft  centrally  from  the  top : 


14  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Structure  of  Sugar  Loaf  Mound 

Loess  sand   10  ft.  00  in. 

Ashes,  charcoal  and  bones 10  in. 

Loess  sand 17  ft.  00  in. 

Ashes,  charcoal  and  bones 10  in. 

Loess  sand    9  ft.  00  in. 

Ashes,  charcoal  and  bones 2  ft.  00  in. 

Red  altar  clays,  burned 3  ft.  00  in. 


42  ft.     8  in. 


"This  shaft  closely  approached  or  actually  reached  the  former 
surface  of  the  hill.  It  settles  decisively  the  artificial  origin  of  the 
mound,  and  indicates  a  temple  three  stories  high. 

"The  Terraced  Mound  on  Burnett's  land,  one  mile  E.  N.  E.  of 
Vincennes  court  house,  has  an  east  and  west  diameter  of  three  hundred 
and  sixty-six  feet,  from  north  to  south  two  hundred  and  eighty-two 
feet,  and  rises  to  an  elevation  of  sixty-seven  feet  above  the  plain,  with 
a  level  area  on  top  ten  by  fifty  feet.  A  winding  roadway  from  the  east 
furnished  the  votaries  of  the  sun  easy  access  to  the  summit." 

Prof.  Collett  seems  to  have  been  under  the  impression  that  the 
Aztecs  burned  their  human  sacrifices  on  the  summits  of  their  teocallis, 
but  this  is  not  the  case.  The  victims  heart  was  cut  out,  and  consumed 
in  a  censer  before  the  idol,  but  his  body  was  taken  away  to  be  eaten. 
Whoever  made  the  Sugar  Loaf  ilound,  it  can  hardly  be  considered  a 
sacrificial  mound.  That  would  involve  the  supposition  that  they  began 
sacrificing  when  it  was  only  three  feet  high,  and  immolated  such  a  num- 
ber of  victims  as  to  make  a  deposit  of  ashes,  charcoal  and  bones  two 
feet  deep ;  that  on  this  they  put  nine  feet  of  soil,  and  then  immolated 
to  the  extent  of  ten  inches  more  of  ashes;  then  seventeen  feet  more  of 
earth,  followed  by  ten  inches  of  sacrificial  remains ;  and  finally  a  cover- 
ing of  ten  feet  of  earth.  You  must  also  suppose  the  sacrificial  priests 
wading  around  in  these  layers  of  ashes  until  the  deposits  attained  the 
thickness  named.  The  tax  on  imagination  is  too  great.  Some  more 
plausible  explanation  is  needed,  and  one  will  be  suggested  further  on. 
It  may  be  mentioned  here,  however,  that  the  Aztec  temples  had  on  their 
tops  huge  stone  idols,  which  could  not  well  be  removed  from  the  vicinity, 
or  concealed ;  and  nothing  of  that  sort  has  ever  been  found  in  Indiana. 

It  is  also  due  to  Prof.  Cox  to  say  that  he  was  also  a  doubter.  In 
fact  his  scientific  training  at  New  Harmony  made  him  so  cautious  that 
he  said  that  all  efforts  to  define  the  purposes  of  the  mounds,  "beyond 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  15 

the  fact  substantiated  by  exploration,  that  some  of  the  mounds  were 
used  as  sepulchers  for  the  dead,  is,  in  my  opinion  sheer  guesswork." 
In  1877  Prof.  Cox  delivered  an  address  on  Archaeology  before  a  newly 
organized  State  Archaeological  Society.  In  this  he  refers  to  Prof. 
Collett's  report,  quoted  above,  in  which  the  Knox  County  mounds  had 
been  classified  as  "mounds  of  habitation,  sepulchral  and  temple 
mounds",  and  said:  "Archaeologists  have,  as  I  think,  without  due  con- 
sideration, classified  the  mounds  into  altar  and  sacrificial  mounds, 
sepulchral  or  burial  mounds,  lookout  mounds  and  mounds  of  habita- 
tion. When  we  dig  into  a  mound  and  find  that  it  contains  human  bones, 
it  may  then  with  propriety  be  called  a  sepulchral  or  burial  mound.  But 
to  speak  of  others  as  altar  mounds  or  mounds  of  worship,  mounds  of 
habitation  or  lookout  mounds,  is  assigning  to  them  a  purpose  which  can 
not  be  sustained  unless  fortified  by  some  better  proof  than  the  mythical 
writings  of  Spanish  historians.  It  is  a  common  occurrence  to  find  in 
mounds  some  ashes  and  charcoal  mixed  with  human  bones,  and  for  this 
reason  the  builders  have  been  accused  of  cremating  their  dead.  So  far 
I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  charred  human  bones,  though  charred 
wood  and  charcoal  are  of  common  occurrence.  A  few  fragments 
of  charred  bones  are  reported  by  Squier  and  Davis  in  their  so-called 
sacrificial  mounds  at  Mound  City,  Ohio.  My  own  opinion  is  that 
mounds  were  simply  erected  as  burial  places  for  the  bones  of  dead 
chiefs  or  other  persons  high  in  authority.  The  bones  were  sprinkled 
over  with  ashes  and,  finally,  with  earth.  Where  ashes  and  charcoal  are 
found  in  mounds,  but  no  bones,  it  is  possible  that  the  latter  disappeared 
from  decay.  Charcoal,  as  is  well  known,  is  the  most  durable  of  all 
known  substances."  ^^ 

The  opinion  of  Prof.  Cox  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  Indians  of  the 
Ohio  Valley,  when  the  whites  came  in  contact  with  them.  None  of  them 
pretended  to  any  knowledge  of  the  origin  of  these  mounds,  but  re- 
garded them  as  burial  places  of  past  generations.  All  the  Indians  I 
have  talked  with  on  the  subject  regard  the  exploration  of  the  mounds 
by  the  whites  as  desecration.  The  Indians  never  disturbed  them  except 
to  make  additional  burials.  This,  and  the  fact  that  burial  mounds 
were  the  only  kind  reached  by  the  early  missionaries  of  this  region,  fur- 
nishes the  explanation  of  the  remarkable  lack  of  mention  of  mounds  in 
the  early  French  chronicles  of  the  Northwest.  The  earliest  notice  of  any 
in  this  region  that  I  have  ever  found  is  in  the  Travels  of  Jonathan 
Carver,  in  1768,i*  as  follows: 


13  Ind.  Geol.  Report,  1878,  p.  149. 

14  London,   1779,  p.   56. 


16 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


"One  day  having  landed  on  the  shore  of  the  Mississippi,  some  miles 
below  Lake  Pepin,  whilst  my  attendants  were  preparing  my  dinner, 
I  walked  out  to  take  a  view  of  the  adjacent  countiy.  I  had  not  pro- 
ceeded far  before  I  came  to  a  fine,  level,  open  plain,  on  which  I  per- 
ceived at  a  little  distance  a  partial  elevation  that  had  the  appearance 
of  an  intrenchment.  On  a  nearer  inspection  I  had  greater  reason  to 
suppose  that  it  had  really  been  intended  for  this  many  centuries  ago. 


Works  on  Hill  North  of  Hardinsburg,  Dearborn  County 

Notwithstanding  it  was  now  covered  with  grass,  I  could  plainly  discern 
that  it  had  once  been  a  breast-work  of  about  four  feet  in  height,  extend- 
ing the  best  part  of  a  mile,  and  sufficiently  capacious  to  cover  five 
thousand  men.  Its  fonn  was  somewhat  circular,  and  its  flanks  reached 
to  the  river.  Though  much  defaced  by  time,  every  angle  was  distin- 
guishable, and  appeared  as  regular,  and  fashioned  with  as  much  mili- 
tai-y  skill  as  if  planned  by  Vauban  himself.  The  ditch  was  not  visible, 
but  I  thought  on  examining  more  curiously,  that  I  could  perceive  there 
certainly  had  been  one.     From  its  situation  also,  I  am  convinced  tliat 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  17 

it  must  have  been  designed  for  this  purpose.  It  fronted  the  country, 
and  the  rear  was  covered  by  the  river ;  nor  was  there  any  rising  ground 
for  a  considerable  way  tliat  commanded  it;  a  few  straggling  oaks  were 
alone  to  be  seen  near  it.  In  many  places  small  tracks  were  worn  across 
it  by  the  feet  of  the  elks  and  deer,  and  from  the  depth  of  the  bed  of 
earth  by  which  it  was  covered,  I  was  able  to  draw  certain  conclusions 
of  its  great  antiquity.  I  examined  all  the  angles  and  every  part  with 
great  attention,  and  have  often  blamed  myself  since  for  not  encamping 
on  the  spot  and  drawing  an  exact  plan  of  it.  To  show  that  this  descrip- 
tion is  not  the  offspring  of  a  heated  imagination,  or  the  chimerical  talk 
of  a  mistaken  traveler,  I  find  on  enquiry  since  my  return,  that  Mons. 
St.  Pierre  and  several  traders  have,  at  different  times,  taken  notice  of 
similar  appearances,  on  which  they  have  formed  the  same  eon.jectures, 
but  without  examining  them  so  minutely  as  I  did.  How  a  work  of  this 
kind  could  exist  in  a  countiy  that  has  hitherto  (according  to  the  general 
received  opinion)  been  the  seat  of  war  to  untutored  Indians  alone, 
whose  whole  stock  of  military  knowledge  has  only,  till  within  two  cen- 
turies, amounted  to  drawing  the  bow,  and  whose  only  breast-work  even 
at  present  is  the  thicket,  I  know  not.  I  have  given  as  exact  an  account 
as  possible  of  this  singular  appearance,  and  leave  to  future  explorers 
of  these  distant  regions  to  discover  whether  it  is  a  production  of  nature 
or  art.  Perhaps  the  hints  I  have  here  given  might  lead  to  a  more 
perfect  investigation  of  it,  and  give  us  very  different  ideas  of  the 
ancient  state  of  realms  that  we  at  present  believe  to  have  been  from  the 
earliest  period  only  the  habitations  of  savages." 

Carver  was  a  well  read  man,  and  of  an  inquiring  mind.  His  state- 
ment demonstrates  the  prevailing  ignorance  of  such  mounds  at  that 
time,  and  this  ignorance  was  natural.  It  will  be  noted  that  his  discovery 
was  in  a  prairie,  where  he  could  view  the  entire  work  from  one  point. 
At  that  time  most  of  the  great  works  of  the  Ohio  Valley  were  covered 
by  dense  forests,  the  trees  on  the  mounds  not  differing  from  the  sur- 
rounding trees.  A  person  going  through  the  woods  at  that  time  might 
cross  such  a  fortification  as  that  in  Randolph  County,  and  never  dream 
that  he  had  crossed  anything  more  than  two  small  natural  ridges.  It 
was  not  until  the  Americans  began  the  settlement  and  survey  of  this 
region  that  the  remains  of  the  Mound  Builders  began  to  be  known; 
and  among  the  first  to  attract  attention  were  those  at  Cincinnati.  It  has 
been  stated  that  "the  eminent  naturalist,  C.  A.  LeSueur,  of  New  Har- 
mony, was  the  first  to  make  mention  of  mounds  in  this  State 
(Indiana)."  ^s     This  is  erroneoas.     LeSueur  did  not  come  to  Indiana 


islnd.  Geol.  Eeport,  1878,  p.  126. 

Vol.  1—2 


18  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

until  1826,  and  there  is  at  least  one  very  interesting  mention  of  mounds 
before  that  date.  Mr.  Samuel  R.  Brown  visited  the  State  ten  years 
earlier,  and  in  1817  published  his  Western  Gazeteer,  in  which  are 
several  mentions  of  Indiana  mounds,  the  most  interesting  being  the 
following  as  to  those  in  the  Whitewater  Valley : 

"The  traces  of  ancient  population  cover  the  earth  in  every  direction. 
Pn  the  bottoms  are  a  great  number  of  mounds,  very  unequal  in  point 
of  age  and  size.  The  small  ones  are  from  two  to  four  feet  above  the 
surface,  and  the  growth  of  timber  upon  them  small,  not  being  over  one 
hundred  years  old;  while  the  others  are  from  ten  to  thirty  feet  high, 
and  frequently  contain  trees  of  the  largest  diameters.  Besides,  the 
bones  found  in  the  small  ones  will  bear  removal,  and  exposure  to  the 
air,  while  those  in  the  large  ones  are  rarely  capable  of  sustaining  their 
own  weight;  and  are  often  found  in  a  decomposed  or  powdered  state. 
There  is  a  large  mound  in  Mr.  Allen's  field,  about  twenty  feet  high, 
sixty  feet  in  diameter  at  the  base,  which  contains  a  greater  proportion 
of  bones  than  any  one  I  ever  before  examined,  as  almost  every  shovel 
full  of  dirt  would  contain  several  fragments  of  a  human  skeleton. 
When  on  Whitewater,  I  obtained  the  assistance  of  several  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, for  the  pui-pose  of  making  a  thorough  examination  of  the  internal 
structure  of  these  monuments  of  the  ancient  populousness  of  the 
country.  We  examined  from  fifteen  to  twenty.  In  some,  whose  height 
was  from  ten  to  fifteen  feet,  we  could  not  find  more  than  four  or  five 
skeletons.  In  one  not  the  least  appearance  of  a  human  bone  was  to  be 
found.  Others  were  so  full  of  bones  as  to  warrant  the  belief  that  they 
originally  contained  at  least  one '  hundred  dead  bodies ;  children  of 
different  ages,  and  the  fiill  grown,  appeared  to  have  been  piled  together 
promiscuously.  We  found  several  scull,  leg  and  thigh  bones  which 
plainly  indicated  that  their  possessors  were  men  of  gigantic  stature. 
The  scull  of  one  skeleton  was  one  fourth  of  an  inch  thick ;  and  the  teeth 
remarkably  even,  sound  and  handsome,  all  firmly  planted.  The  fore 
teeth  were  very  deep,  and  not  so  wide  as  those  of  the  generality  of 
white  people.  Indeed,  there  seemed  a  great  degree  of  regularity  in 
the  form  of  the  teeth,  in  all  the  mounds.  In  the  progress  of  our 
researches  we  obtained  ample  testimony  that  these  masses  of  earth 
were  formed  by  a  savage  people,  yet  doubtless  possessing  a  greater 
degree  of  civilization  than  the  present  race  of  Indians.  We  discovered 
a  piece  of  glass  weighing  five  ounces,  resembling  the  bottom  of  a 
tumbler,  but  concave;  several  stone  axes,  with  grooves  near  their  heads 
to  receive  a  withe,  which  unquestionably  served  as  helves;  arrows 
formed  from  flint,  almost  exactly  similar  to  those  in  use  among  the 
present  Indians ;  several  pieces  of  earthern  ware ;  some  appeared  to  be 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  19 

parts  of  vessels  holding  six  or  eight  gallons;  others  were  obviously 
fragments  of  jugs,  jars  and  cups;  some  were  plain,  while  others  were 
curiously  ornamented  with  figures  of  birds  and  beasts,  drawn  while 
the  clay  or  material  of  which  they  were  made  was  soft  and  before  the 
process  of  glazing  was  performed.  The  glazier's  art  appears  to  have 
been  well  understood  by  the  potters  who  manufactured  this  aboriginal 
crockeiy.  The  smaller  vessels  were  made  of  pounded  or  pulverized 
muscle  shells,  mixed  with  an  earthem  or  flinty  substance,  and  the  large 
ones  of  clay  and  sand.  There  was  no  appearance  of  iron;  one  of  the 
sculls  was  found  pierced  by  an  arrow,  which  was  stiU  sticking  in  it, 
driven  about  half  way  through  before  its  force  was  spent.  It  was 
about  six  inches  long.  The  subjects  of  this  mound  were  doubtless  killed 
in  battle,  and  hastily  buried.  In  digging  to  the  bottom  of  them  we 
invariably  came  to  a  stratum  of  ashes,  from  six  inches  to  two  feet  thick, 
which  rests  on  the  original  earth.  These  ashes  contain  coals,  fragments 
of  brands,  and  pieces  of  calcined  bones.  From  the  quantity  of  ashes 
and  bones,  and  the  appearance  of  the  earth  underneath,  it  is  evident 
that  large  fires  must  have  been  kept  burning  for  several  days  previous 
to  commencing  the  mound,  and  that  a  considerable  number  of  human 
victims  must  have  been  sacrificed  by  burning  on  the  spot!  Prisoners 
of  war  were  no  doubt  selected  for  this  horrid  purpose.  Perhaps  the 
custom  of  the  age  rendered  it  a  signal  honor  for  the  chieftains  and 
most  active  warriors  to  be  interred,  by  way  of  triumph,  on  the  ashes 
of  their  enemies,  whom  they  had  vanquished  in  war.  If  this  was  not 
the  case,  the  mystery  can  only  be  solved  by  supposing  that  the  fanaticism 
of  the  priests  and  prophets  excited  their  besotted  followers  to  voluntary 
self-devotion.  The  soil  of  the  mounds  is  always  different  from  that  of 
the  immediately  surrounding  earth,  being  uniformly  of  a  soft  vegetable 
mould  or  loam,  and  containing  no  stones  or  other  hard  substances,  to 
'press  upon  the  dead  and  disturb  their  repose.' 

"Almost  every  buiMing  lot  in  Harrison  village  contains  a  small 
mound;  and  some  as  many  as  three.  On  the  neighboring  hills,  north 
east  of  the  to\vn,  are  a  number  of  the  remains  of  stone  houses.  They 
were  covered  with  soil,  brush,  and  full  grown  trees.  We  cleared  away 
the  earth,  roots  and  rubbish  from  one  of  them,  and  found  it  to  have 
been  anciently  occupied  as  a  dwelling.  It  was  about  twelve  feet  square ; 
the  walls  had  fallen  nearly  to  the  foundation.  They  appeared  to  have 
been  built  of  rough  stones,  like  our  stone  walls.  Not  the  least  trace 
of  any  iron  tools  having  been  employed  to  smooth  the  face  of  them  could 
he  perceived.  At  one  end  of  the  building  we  came  to  a  regular  hearth, 
containing  ashes  and  coals;  before  which  we  found  the  bones  of  eight 
persons  of  difi'erent  ages,  from  a  small  child  to  the  heads  of  the  family. 


20 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


The  positions  of  their  skeletons  clearly  indicated  that  their  deaths  were 
sudden  and  simultaneous.  They  were  probably  asleep,  with  their  feet 
towards  the  fire,  when  destroyed  by  an  enemy,  an  earthquake  or 
pestilence. ' '  i* 


The  Feast  of  the  Dead 
From  Lafitau's  Moeurs  des  Sauvages  Ameriquains,  Paris,  1724 

The  statement  of  facts  in  this  extract  is  so  careful  and  intelligent — 
aS,  indeed,  all  of  Mr.  Brown's  observations  were — that  one  wonders 
why  it  did  not  occur  to  him  that  the  occupants  of  the  stone  house  may 


i«  lud.  Hist.  Coll.  Indiana  as  Seen  by  Early  Travelers,  pp.  152-4. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  21  _ 

have  been  placed  there  after  death,  and  that  the  incinerated  occupants 
of  the  mounds  might  have  been  corpses.  The  probable  explanation  is 
that  he  was  not  familiar  with  Indian  mortuary  customs,  and  had  the 
common  American  idea  of  that  time  that  the  chief  occupation  of  the 
Indians  was  burning  prisoners.  Most  of  the  Indian  tribes  gave  a  great 
deal  of  attention  to  the  care  of  their  dead.  The  custom  of  placing 
bodies  on  scaffolds  was  preliminary  to  burial  or  cremation,  the  object 
being  to  get  rid  of  the  flesh,  as  the  bones  were  considered  the  essential 
portion  of  the  remains.  La  Hontan's  account  of  his  journey  to  "the 
Long  Kiver"  may  be  fictitious,  but  he  gave  a  correct  statement  of  the 
custom  of  some  tribes  when  he  wrote:  "The  savages  that  live  upon  the 
long  River  burn  their  Corps,  as  I  insinuated  before ;  but  you  must  know 
that  they  keep  them  in  vaults  or  Cellars  till  they  have  a  sufficient 
number  to  burn  together,  which  is  performed  out  of  the  village,  in  a 
place  set  apart  for  that  Ceremony."  "  Some  tribes  that  buried  instead 
of  cremating  had  the  same  custom  of  accumulating  corpses  before  bury- 
ing. Thus,  Father  Jouvency,  one  of  the  earliest  missionaries,  says: 
' '  Every  eight  or  ten  yeai-s  the  Hurons,  which  nation  is  widely  extended, 
convey  all  their  corpses  from  all  the  villages  to  a  designated  place,  and 
east  them  into  an  immense  pit.  They  call  it  the  day  of  the  Dead.'''^ 
In  his  Relation  of  1636,  Father  Le  Jeune,  speaking  of  the  Huron  Feast 
of  the  Dead,  gives  this  explanation  of  their  custom : 

"Returning  from  this  feast  with  a  Captain  (chief)  who  is  very 
intelligent,  and  who  will  some  day  be  very  influential  in  the  affairs  of 
the  country,  I  asked  him  why  they  called  the  bones  of  the  dead  atisken 
(i.  e.  souls— literally  "in  the  bones").  He  gave  me  the  best  explana- 
tion he  could,  and  I  gathered  from  his  conversation  that  many  think 
we  have  two  souls,  both  of  them  being  divisible  and  material,  and  yet 
both  reasonable ;  the  one  separates  itself  from  the  body  at  death,  yet 
remains  in  the  Cemeterj'  until  the  feast  of  the  Dead— after  which  it 
either  changes  into  a  Turtledove,  or,  according  to  the  most  common 
belief  it  goes  away  to  the  village  of  souls.  The  other  is,  as  it  were, 
bound  to  the  body,  and  informs,  so  to  speak,  the  corpse ;  it  remains  in 
the  ditch  of  the  dead  after  the  feast,  and  never  leaves  it,  unless  someone 
bears  it  again  as  a  child.  He  pointed  out  to  me,  as  a  proof  of  this 
metempsychosis,  the  perfect  resemblance  some  have  to  persons  deceased. 
A  fine  Philosophy,  indeed.  Such  as  it  is,  it  shows  why  they  call  the 
bones  of  the  dead  atisken  'the  souls'."  i» 


17  Thwaite  's  La  Hontan,  p.  473. 
IS  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  1,  p.  267. 
19  Jesuit  Eelations,  Vol.  10,  p.  287. 


22  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

The  Southern  Indians  genei-ally  collected  decaying  bodies  of  their 
dead  in  "bone  houses"  or  "charnel  houses",  as  the  DeSoto  chroniclers 
called  them,  to  save  them  for  burial ;  and  there  are  a  number  of  descrip- 
tions of  these  places,  and  of  the  horrible  old  custodians  who  cleaned 
the  flesh  from  the  bones,  by  early  chroniclers.  After  citing  and  quoting 
extensively  from  early  observers,  i\Ir.  Charles  C.  Jones  sums  up  the 
Georgia  field  as  follows: 

"Tumuli  filled  with  numerous  skeletons  may  be  regarded  as  Family 
or  Tribal  Mounds.  The  Indians  of  Southern  Georgia  frequently  burnt 
their  dead.  This  custom,  however,  was  not  universal,  and  it  obtained 
to  a  very  limited  extent  among  the  tribes  resident  in  the  middle  and 
upper  portions  of  the  State.  The  practice  of  reser^dng  the  skeletons 
until  they  had  multiplied  sufficientlj'  to  warrant  a  general  cremation 
or  inhumation  seems  to  have  been  adopted.  It  was  no  easy  task  for 
the  aborigines  to  erect  a  tumulus.  Hence,  saving  the  construction  of 
grave  mounds  in  honor  of  distinguished  personages,  the  labor  of 
sepulchral  mound-building  was  postponed  until  the  accumulations  of 
the  bone-house  claimed  the  attention  of  an  entire  community.  *  *  * 
Upon  the  islands  and  headlands  along  the  coast,  the  skeletons,  with  a 
requisite  amount  of  wood,  were  first  placed  in  a  pile  upon  the  ground. 
Fire  was  then  applied,  and,  above  the  smouldering  remains  carelessly 
heaped  together,  a  mound  of  earth  was  erected.  The  charred  bones  and 
partially  consumed  fragments  of  wood  are  seldom  seen  until  we  have 
reached  the  level  of  the  plain  upon  which  the  tumulus  stands.  "With 
.  rare  exceptions,  tribal  mounds  of  this  description  contain  but  a  single 
stratum  of  bones,  showing  that  when  the  cremation  was  ended  and  the 
tumulus  finished,  it  was  never  reopened.  As  may  well  be  expected,  the 
bones  in  these  mounds  are  disposed  without  order.  Being  at  best  but 
fragmentary  in  their  character,  they  are  inteinningled  with  ashes, 
charred  pieces  of  wood,  broken  pottery,  cracked  pipes,  and  other  relics 
sadly  impaired  by  the  action  of  fire.  The  fires  kindled  in  solemnization 
of  these  funeral  customs  were  so  intense  as  in  some  instances  to  crack 
the  stone  celts  deposited  with  the  dead.  Shell  ornaments  entirely  dis- 
appear, and  the  ordinary  clay  pipes  are  generally  broken  to  pieces. ' '  2" 

Such  is  the  only  adequate  explanation  that  has  ever  been  offered  for 
those  mounds  in  which,  as  Mr.  Brown  stated,  he  "invariably  came  to 
a  stratum  of  ashes,  from  six  inches  to  two  feet  thick,  which  rests  on 
the  original  earth."  His  "stone  residence"  was  apparently  an 
abandoned  "bone  house",  from  whose  vicinity  the  relatives  of  the 
occupants  had  been  driven  away  without  time  to  bury  their  dead.     The 


20  Antiquities  of  tiie  Southern  Indians,  pp.   191-2. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


23 


skeletons  found  above  the  basic  layer  of  ashes  were  probably  the  results 
of  "intrusive  burials"  by  the  Indians.  In  the  mound  in  which  no 
remains  were  found,  the  fire  had  presumably  been  sufficient  to  reduce 
everj-thing  to  ashes.  Of  course  this  explanation  will  not  apply  to 
mounds  that  have  no  layer  of  ashes  at  the  bottom,  for  there  were  Indian 


Bone  House 
(After  Lafitau) 


tribes  that  did  not  cremate,  as  well  as  tribes  that  did.  And  not  only 
did  tribes  with  differing  burial  customs  live  in  close  contact,  as  is  stated 
above  in  regard  to  the  Georgia  Indians,  but  in  some  cases  even  parts 
of  the  same  tribe  had  different  customs.  Thus,  among  the  Ottawas 
those  of  the  Great  Hare  totem,  or  clan,  cremated  their  dead  while  those 
of  the  other  two  clans,  of  the  Bear  and  the  Carp  totems,  buried  without 
cremating. 


24  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

The  reason  for  this  was  given  by  Father  Sebastian  Rasles  in  his 
letter  of  Oct.  12,  1723.  The  Great  Hare  was  the  Algonkin  demiurge, 
otherwise  known  as  Miehaboo,  Manabozho,  Nanaboush,  or  Wisakatca- 
kwa,  and  Rasles  gives  their  tradition  that:  "Before  quitting  the  earth 
he  directed  that  when  his  descendants  should  die,  their  bodies  should 
be  burned,  and  their  ashes  scattered  to  the  winds,  so  that  they  might 
be  able  to  rise  more  easily  to  the  sky."  The  verity  of  this  had  been 
established  by  the  fact  that  they  had  left  a  member  of  the  clan  unburned 
during  a  protracted  and  distressing  cold  spell,  until  an  old  woman 
pointed  out  their  offense,  and  his  cremation  was  followed  by  a  thaw — 
q.  e.  d.2i  Squier  and  Davis  mention  22  three  mounds,  one  of  them  "nine 
feet  high  and  forty  feet  in  diameter"  that  appeared  to  be  composed 
entirely  of  "something  resembling  long  exposed  and  highly  compacted 
ashes,  intermingled  with  specks  of  charcoal,  small  bits  of  burned  bones 
and  fragments  of  sandstone  much  burned."  Gerard  Fowke  thinks  this 
was  '  *  made  up  of  the  material  gathered  on  a  village  site,  and  containing 
all  the  debris  of  culinary  and  other  domestic  occupations."  ^s  It  is 
rather  difficult  to  imagine  savages  indulging  in  so  tremendous  a  sanitary 
elean-up ;  and  the  facts  may  be  explained  on  the  theory  that,  for  some 
reason,  the  builders  were  prevented  from  completing  these  mounds  by 
covering  them  with  earth. 

Cremation  also  furnishes  the  reasonable  explanation  of  what  are 
called  "altar  mounds",  which  have  at  the  base  a  raised  structure  of 
clay,  usually  with  a  sort  of  basin  at  the  top.  As  the  name  indicates, 
these  have  been  considered  places  where  human  beings  were  sacrificed, 
and  this  idea  is  still  widespread,  although  its  absurdity  has  often  been 
pointed  out.    As  Morgan  puts  it : 

"Wherever  human  sacrifices  are  known  to  have  occurred  among  the 
American  aborigines,  the  place  was  an  elevated  mound  platform  ar.d 
the  raised  altar  or  sacrificial  stone  stood  before  the  idol  in  whose  wor- 
ship the  rites  were  performed.  There  is  here  neither  a  temple  nor  a'i 
idol;  but  a  hollow  bed  of  clay  covered  by  a  mound  raised  in  honor  over 
the  ashes  of  a  deceased  chief,  for  assuredly  such  a  mound  would  not 
have  been  raised  over  the  ashes  of  a  victim.  Indians  never  exchanged 
prisoners  of  war.  Adoption  or  burning  at  the  stake  was  the  alternative 
of  capture;  but  no  mound  was  ever  raised  over  the  burned  remains. 
Another  use  suggests  itself  for  this  artificial  basin  more  in  accordance 
with  Indian  usages  and  customs,  namely,  that  cremation  of  the  body 


21  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  67,  pp.  153,  157. 

22  P.  180. 

23  Archaeological  History  of  Ohio,  p.  320. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  25 

of  a  deceased  chief  was  performed  upon  it,  after  which  the  mound  was 
raised  over  his  ashes.  "-^ 

One  of  the  most  interesting  features  of  the  Mound  Builder  problem, 
from  the  historical  point  of  view,  is  this  sacrificial  theory.  Among  the 
early  settlers  of  the  Ohio  Valley  there  were  dozens  of  men  who  were 
well  read  and  intelligent,  as  learning  went  at  that  time ;  and  most  of  the 
speculations  as  to  the  Mound  Builders  came  from  them.  It  was  natural 
that  they  should  adopt  the  sacrificial  idea,  because  they  commonly 
believed  that  the  ;\Iound  Builders  were  the  ancestors  of  the  Aztecs,  and 
they  were  familiar  with  the  Spanish  chronicles  of  the  conquest  of 
Mexico  through  English  translations.  Thus,  Gen.  Harrison,  who  had 
given  the  subject  much  attention,  in  his  discourse  on  the  Aborigines  of 
the  Ohio  Valley,  indorses  the  view  of  Bishop  Madison,  of  Virginia,  that 
the  Aztecs  and  the  Mound  Builders  "are  one  and  the  same  people", 
and  avers  that,  "There  were  a  numerous  priesthood,  and  altars  often 
smoking  with  hecatombs  of  victims".  Harrison,  like  many  others,  was 
familiar  with  the  classics  and  knew  that  the  Greeks  and  Romans  offered 
portions  of  their  ordinary  food  to  the  gods,  before  eating.  They  were 
in  general  better  acquainted  with  the  Bible  than  the  present  residents 
of  the  Ohio  Valley,  and  knew  about  the  reservation  of  parts  of  the 
Jewish  sacrifices  as  food  for  the  priests  and  their  families;  and  they 
were  familiar  with  the  Apostolic  troubles  over  eating  "meats  offered 
to  idols".  But  they  did  not  catch  the  fact,  as  they  might  have  done 
from  the  Spanish  chronicles,  that  the  Aztecs  were  cannibals,  and  that 
only  the  hearts  of  the  victims  went  to  the  gods,  while  the  bodies  were 
eaten  by  the  worshippers ;  and  they  did  not  know  that  when  the 
Europeans  came  in  contact  with  them,  all  of  the  American  Indians 
were  cannibals.  Anyone  who  harbors  the  idea  that  a  tribe  of  cannibals 
would  waste,  by  burning  them  up,  enough  perfectly  good  captives  to 
make  a  layer  of  ashes  two  feet  thick,  or  even  two  inches  thick,  is  sadly 
deficient  in  knowledge  of  human  nature;  especially  when  the  high  cost 
of  cannibal  living  is  considered. 

After  the  publication  of  Prescott's  Conquest  of  Mexico,  which  was 
widely  read,  and  accepted  as  conclusive,  the  belief  in  the  sacrificial 
theory  was  even  more  firmly  established ;  and  it  is  not  surprising  that 
a  man  like  Prof.  Collett,  educated  in  that  period,  should  have  held  the 
views  above  quoted  as  to  the  mound  at  Vincennes.  The  probable  expla- 
nation of  Sugar  Loaf  Jlound  is  that  it  is  the  result  of  three  general 
cremations,  one  superimposed  on  another.     It  may  be  suggested  also. 


=-4  Lewis  H.  Morgan,  Houses  of  the  Mound  Builders ;   in  Contributions  to  North 
American  Ethnology,  Vol.  4,  p.  217. 


o 


N 


O. 

7 


SOUiH  \_\nt  cv  ■itc  \5,  ^s.wft 


--■       I  m  =  250  FT 


7"  ,-'- 


Earth  Mounds  Near  Anderson 
(Plate  E.) 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  27 

as  to  cases  of  unusually  large  ash  deposits,  that  the  exigencies  of  war 
may  at  times  have  called  for  the  cremation  of  numbers  of  corpses,  with- 
out waiting  for  the  flesh  to  decay,  and  in  that  case  there  would  have 
been  a  large  increase  in  the  amount  of  fuel  required  for  consumption 
of  the  remains. 

There  is  another  class  of  mounds  sometimes  called  "sacred  enclo- 
sures", and  to  this  class  some  have  referred  the  remarkable  mounds 
near  Anderson,  which  are  the  best  preserved  of  the  large  works  in 
Indiana.  "The  principal  woi-k  in  a  group  of  eight,  shown  on  plate  E, 
is  a  circular  embankment  with  a  deep  ditch  on  the  inside.  The  central 
area  is  one  hundred  ajid  thirty-eight  feet  in  diameter,  and  contains 
a  mound  in  the  center  four  feet  high  and  thirty  feet  in  diameter.  There 
is  a  slight  depression  between  the  mound  and  the  ditch.  The  gateway 
is  thirty  feet  wide.  Carriages  may  enter  at  the  gateway  and  drive 
around  the  mound,  as  the  ditch  terminates  on  each  side  of  the  gateway. 
The  ditch  is  sixty  feet  wide  and  ten  and  a  half  feet  deep ;  the  embank- 
ment is  sixty-three  feet  wide  at  the  base  and  nine  feet  high,  and  the 
entire  diameter  of  the  circle  is  three  hundred  and  eightj^-four  feet."--' 

The  work  marked  H  is  181  feet  long,  and  its  wall  was  originally  six 
feet  high.  The  walls  of  the  other  works  were  two  to  three  feet  high. 
These  mounds  were  covered  with  trees  not  distinguishable  from  those 
of  the  surroiuiding  forest,  some  trees  on  the  walls  being  four  feet  in 
diameter.  These  works  are  located  on  the  south  side  of  White  river, 
on  a  bluff  seventy-five  feet  above  the  water.  At  the  foot  of  the  bluff 
are  several  fine  springs.  The  purpose  of  such  mounds  presents  a  wide 
field  for  conjecture;  and  without  any  matei'ial  danger  of  being  proven 
wrong — or  right. 

The  extent  of  these  structures  in  the  Ohio  Valley  has  usually  been 
taken  as  a  demonstration  of  a  large  population.  This  has  been  disputed 
in  recent  years,  but  the  estimates  of  those  who  argue  for  a  small  popula- 
tion seem  to  prove  the  opposite.  For  example,  Mr.  Fowke  gets  this  con- 
clusion from  an  elaborate  estimate:  "On  the  estimate  of  30,000,000 
cubic  yards  for  the  preliistoric  works  of  the  State,  one  thousand  men, 
each  working  three  hundred  days  in  a  year,  and  carrying  one  wagon 
load  of  earth  or  stone  in  a  day,  could  construct  all  the  works  in  Ohio 
within  a  century."  What  a  bagatelle!  Perhaps  it  would  seem  more 
impressive  in  the  equivalent  terms  of  one  hundred  thousand  men  for 
one  year,  or  ten  thousand  men  for  ten  years.  And  who  was  providing 
food  for  these  laborers  ?  The  Indians  often  went  hungry  even  when  all 
hands  were   giving  their  time  to  procuring  food.     Such  an   estimate 


■  Ind.  Geol.  Eeport,  1878,  pp.  129-32. 


28  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

implies  a  population  far  in  excess  of  any  Indian  population  known  in 
the  Ohio  Valley  in  historic  times. 

But  more  impressive  than  these  earth-works,  both  as  to  the  amount 
of  population  and  as  to  the  antiquity  of  the  Mound  Builders,  are  the 
artifacts  that  are  found  scattered  over  the  soil  everywhere.  When  the 
white  men  first  knew  this  re^ou,  Ohio  and  the  southern  two-thirds  of 
Indiana  were  covered  by  dense  forests.  When  the  forests  were  removed, 
and  cultivation  began,  the  plows  began  turning  up  arrow-heads,  spear- 
heads, stone  hoes,  mortars,  pestles,  discoidal  stones,  and  other  remains 
of  prehistoric  man's  occupancy.  The  Indians  could  not  have  left  them, 
for  there  were  not  enough  of  them,  and  they  did  not  live  in  the  forested 
country.  The  forest  feature  of  the  problem  is  usually  discussed  on  the 
basis  of  a  removal  of  the  forest  by  prehistoric  man,  and  a  subsequent 
reforestation ;  but  this  is  impossible.  No  savage  nation  could  have 
cleared  all  of  Ohio  and  Indiana,  and  these  artifacts  are  found  every- 
where. The  only  possible  explanation  is  that  they  were  scattered  before 
the  forest  existed. 

Caleb  Atwater  thought  that  these  remains  were  to  be  credited  to  the 
Indians,  and  not  to  the  Mound  Builders.  He  says:  "They  consist  of 
rude  stone  axes  and  knives,  of  pestles  used  in  preparing  maize  for  food, 
of  arrowheads,  and  a  few  other  articles  so  exactly  similar  to  those  found 
in  all  the  Atlantic  States,  that  a  description  of  them  is  deemed  quite 
useless."  And  after  giving  his  reasons  for  believing  that  the  Indian 
population  M'as  much  greater  on  the  sea  coast  than  in  the  interior,  he 
proceeds:  "Hence  the  numerous  other  traces  of  Indian  settlements, 
such  as  the  immense  piles  of  the  shells  of  oysters,  clams,  &c.  all  along 
the  sea  shore,  the  great  number  of  arrowheads  and  other  articles  belong- 
ing to  them,  in  the  eastern  states,  and  their  paucity  here. ' '  -^ 

This  seems  a  strange  statement  now,  but  when  it  was  written  the 
forests  had  not  been  removed  sufficiently  to  permit  knowledge  of  the 
quantity  of  such  remains.  Moreover  it  was  not  then  known  that  the 
Mound  Builders  used  stone  implements  not  materially  different  from 
those  of  the  Indians,  though  they  used  some  that  the  Indians  did  not. 
A  curious  case  of  this  is  one  of  a  stone  ax,  found  on  the  site  of  a  Miami 
village  on  the  Wabash,  the  head  of  which  was  an  unfinished  ]\Iound 
Builder  ceremonial  stone,  which  some  Indian  had  found,  and  fitted  with 
a  hickory  handle.-'  There  is  no  question  that  the  Indians  gladly  used 
Mound  Builder  arrow  and  spear  heads,  axes,  and  other  implements 
whenever  they  found  them.  An  interesting  illustration  of  this  is  given 
bj'  Father  Le  Mercier,  in  the  Kelation  for  1667-8,  as  follows: 


28  Arch.  Amer.,  Vol.  1,  pp.  Ill,  113. 

27  Moorehead.     The  Stone  Age  in  North  America,  Vol.  1,  p.  394. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


29 


"Arriving  (over  Lake  Champlain)  within  tliree  quarters  of  a  league 
of  the  Falls  by  which  Lake  St.  Saerement  (Lake  George)  empties,  we 
all  halted  at  this  spot,  without  knowing  why,  until  we  saw  our  savages 
at  the  water-side  gathering  up  flints,  which  were  almost  all  cut  into  shape. 
"We  did  not  at  the  time  reflect  upon  this,  but  have  since  then  learned 


Miami  Ax,  with  ;Mound  Builder  Stone  Head 
Found  in  Indiana 

the  meaning  of  the  mystery;  for  our  Iroquois  told  us  that  they  never 
fail  to  halt  at  this  place,  to  pay  homage  to  a  race  of  invisible  men  who 
dwell  there  at  the  bottom  of  the  lake.  These  beings  occupy  themselves 
in  preparing  flints,  nearly  all  cut,  for  the  passers-by,  provided  the  latter 
pay  their  respects  to  them  by  giving  them  tobacco.  If  they  give  these 
beings  much  of  it,  the  latter  give  them  a  liberal  supply  of  these  stones. 


30  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

The  occasion  of  this  ridiculous  story  is  that  the  Lake  is,  in  reality,  often 
agitated  by  very  frightful  tempests,  which  cause  fearful  waves, 
especially  in  the  basin  where  Sieur  Corlart,  of  whom  we  have  just 
spoken,  met  his  death ;  and  when  the  wind  comes  from  the  direction  of 
the  Lake,  it  drives  on  this  beach  a  quantity  of  stones  which  are  hard, 
and  capable  of  striking  fire. ' '  ^*  This  story  may  have  another  value.  The 
locality  can  probably  be  identified;  and  a  flint  workshop  in  the  soil 
under  the  waters  of  Lake  Champlain  may  furnish  some  geologist  data, 
for  estimating  the  antiquity  of  man  in  America. 

Another  evidence  of  large  prehistoric  population  that  has  come  to 
light  since  Mr.  Atwater  wrote  is  extensive  shell  heaps,  of  which  he  knew 
nothing  because  they  were  covered  with  earth,  some  of  them  ten  feet 
deep.-^  There  are  also  stone  fire  places,  often  in  connection  with  shell 
heaps.  Some  of  these  occur  in  river  terraces,  which  makes  their 
antiquity  questionable;  but  others  are  far  above  high  water  mark  as 
in  the  case  of  the  celebrated  "Bone  Bank",  on  the  Wabash,  which  has 
been  described  by  LeSueur,  Prince  Maximilian,  Sir  Charles  Lyell,  and 
others.  These  shell  heaps  show  that  fresh  water  mussels  and  snails 
were  very  largely  used  for  food  by  prehistoric  man;  but  the  Indians 
did  not  eat  them.  I  have  been  assured  by  old  Indians  that  their  people 
never  ate  snails  or  mussels,  and  I  have  never  found  a  statement  by  any 
person  who  had  been  with  the  Indians  that  they  did  eat  them. 

That  these  people  w-ere  largely  agricultural  is  obvious.  The 
numerous  stone  hoes  could  have  been  used  only  for  cultivation,  and  the 
numerous  mortars  and  pestles  could  have  been  used  only  for  gi'inding 
grain.  Permanent  mortars  have  been  found  in  connection  with  what 
are  called  "rock  houses",  i.  e.  projecting  rock  strata  which  form 
cavernous  shelters.^"  But  how  came  these  various  stone  weapons  and 
implements  to  be  scattered  so  widely  over  the  face  of  the  country  ?  Such 
implements  are  made  much  more  easily  than  is  commonly  supposed,  by 
workmen  who  are  skilled, ^^  but  still  the  labor  is  considerable,  and  the 
materials  often  had  to  be  procured  at  long  distances.  That  they  were 
much  valued  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  caches  of  them  have  been  found 
where  they  were  hidden  away  as  treasure.  It  is  certain  that  their 
owners  would  not  throw  them  away,  or  lose  them  if  they  could  avoid 
it.  The  hunter  would  recover  the  arrow  he  had  shot,  or  the  spear  he 
had  thrown,  if  he  could  do  so.     Presumably  then  these  articles  were 


28  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  51,  pp.  182-3. 

29lnd.  Geol.  Beport,  1872,  pp.  142,  408,  414;   1873,  pp.  125,  185,  371;   1878,  pp. 
127,  128. 

so  Ind.  Geol.  Report,  1872,  pp.  82,  88. 

81  Archaeological  History  of  Ohio,  pp.  524-6,  636-45. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


31 


lost  by  the  owners,  and  this  necessarily  implies  a  large  number  of  people 
to  lose  them. 

It  is  not  known  how  the  Mound  Builders  were  housed.  That  some 
of  them  lived  in  eaves  in  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee  is  clearly  shown; 
but  most  of  the  caves  of  Indiana  would  be  uninhabitable  on  account  of 
inundation,  and  the  evidences  of  any  temporary  occupation  would  soon 
disappear    for    the    same    reason.      Marengo    cave    would    have    been 


MOCCASIX 
l'"rtnn  Suits  Ca\-i- 


MOCCASIX 
From  Maiiiini>lh  Cav, 


KlCTICl  I.li 
I'rtiin  Satis  C.tVi 


Mound  Builder  Fabrics  from  Kentucky  Caves 

habitable,  but  there  is  no  indication  that  it  was  known  either  to  the 
Mound  Builders  or  to  the  Indians.  Wyandotte  cave  was  occupied  to 
some  extent,  but  apparently  only  for  the  purpose  of  mining  the  stalag- 
mite formations.  What  was  done  with  the  material  is  not  known,  but 
it  may  have  been  used  for  making  those  stone  ornaments  which  are 
ordinarily  called  "marble."  It  is  not  credible  that  there  were  not  some 
sort  of  houses  in  connection  with  their  extensive  earth  works,  and  the 
absence  of  any  remains  of  habitations  presumably  means  that  the  habita- 


32  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

tions  were  of  very  perishable  material.  Mr.  Morgan  advanced  the 
ingenious  theoiy  that  some  of  the  iuclosures  were  of  villages,  in  which 
joint-tenement  houses,  similar  to  the  long  houses  of  the  Iroquois  were 
ranged  along  the  inside  of  the  walls.  This  is  possible,  but  the  lack  of 
remains  both  of  houses  and  of  the  naturally  looked  for  contents  of 
hoases,  in  such  locations,  makes  the  theory  improbable. 

Remains  of  Jlound  Builders  work,  other  than  in  metal  and  stone, 
are  better  preserved  in  the  Kentucky  caves  than  elsewhere,  probably 
on  account  of  the  saltpeter  deposits.  Among  them  are  cloth,  moccasins, 
bags,  cords,  and  other  articles  made  of  vegetable  fiber;  pieces  of  melon 
and  squash  rinds,  corn-cobs,  tobacco,  seeds  of  watermelons,  grapes,  sun- 
flowers; numbers  of  gourd  cups  and  bottles;  and  one  entire  gourd  con- 
taining seeds,  some  of  which  grew,  and  furnished  a  present  supply  of 
Mound  Builder  gourds.  The  story  of  all  this,  and  much  more  is  told 
in  a  most  interesting  way  in  Col.  Bennett  H.  Young's  Prehistoric  Men 
of  Kentucky.  Among  other  curious  things  he  mentions  a  small  bag 
or  reticule,  apparently  intended  for  a  child's  plaything. 

In  this  connection,  it  may  be  noted  that  the  Mound  Builder  has 
probably  been  taken  too  seriously.  All  kno\ra  savage  tribes  have  their 
games  and  sports,  and  there  is  no  reason  why  prehistoric  man  should 
not  have  indulged  in  amusements.  It  is  now  generally  accepted  that  the 
discoidal  stones,  which  so  long  puzzled  antiquarians,  were  used  in  some 
game  similar  to  the  chungke  game  of  the  southern  Indians ;  which  was 
described  by  Adair,  DuPratz,  and  other  old  writers.  It  was  played 
on  a  carefully  leveled  plot  of  ground,  something  like  a  croquet  ground 
but  longer,  by  two  players,  who  have  specially  prepared  poles  about 
eight  feet  long.  One  of  them  rolls  a  round,  flat  stone,  three  or  four 
inches  in  diameter,  and  both  follow  and  throw  their  poles.  The  one 
who  lodges  his  pole  closest  to  the  stone  wins;  and  winning  was  impor- 
tant, for  it  was  a  great  gambling  game.  There  was  found  on  a  ridge 
in  the  northeastern  part  of  Vanderburgh  County  "an  area,  the  surface 
level  and  apparently  paved  with  plastic  clay  500  by  200  feet",  wiiich 
is  believed  to  be  a  prehistoric  chungke  yard ;  and  on  which  six  discoidal 
stones  were  found. ^- 

Many  of  these  stones  are  too  small  for  this  game  as  played  by  adults ; 
but  there  may  have  been  other  games.  Father  Gravier  mentions  one 
among  the  Houmas  as  follows:  "In  the  middle  of  the  Village  is  a  fine 
and  very  level  open  space,  where,  from  moi-ning  to  night,  young  men 
exercise  themselves.  They  run  after  a  flat  stone,  which  they  throw  in 
the  air  from  one  end  of  the  square  to  the  other,  and  try  to  IMake  it  fall 


s=  Iiid.  Geo).  Eeport,  1875,  p.  299. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


33 


On  two  Cylinders,  which  they  roll  wherever  they  think  the  stone  will 
fall."  2^  It  is  also  possible  that  these  smaller  stones  may  have  been  toys 
for  children.  Indians  are  very  indulgent  to  their  children,  and  they 
had  home-made  dolls  and  other  toys,  as  well  as  playthings  of  their  own 
construction.  In  the  Relation  of  1634,  Father  LeJeune  says:  "The 
little  savages  play  at  hide-and-seek  as  well  as  the  little  French  children. 
They  have  a  number  of  other  childish  sports  that  I  have  noticed  in  our 
Europe;  among  others  I  have  seen  the  little  Parisians  throw  a  musket 
ball  into  the  air  and  catch  it  with  a  little  bat  scooped  out;  the  little 
montagnard  savages  do  the  same,  using  a  little  bunch  of  Pine  sticks, 
which  thev  receive  or  throw  into  the  air  on  the  end  of  a  pointed  stick."  ^* 


Three  Effigy  Bowls 
From  the  "Wabash  Cemetery 

Mound  Builder  children  were  like  other  children.  In  1898  repre- 
sentatives of  Phillips  Academy,  Andover,  Mass.,  made  extensive  investi- 
gation of  a  prehistoric  cemetery  in  Indiana  at  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash 
river.  In  the  report  of  it,  Mr.  W.  K.  Moorehead  says:  "There  is  a 
pathetic  interest  in  the  fact  that  many  children  skeletons  were  found 
during  the  course,  of  the  explorations.  The  mothers  placed  alongside 
the  little  bodies  clay  toys,  such  as  rattles,  miniature  dishes,  bowls  and 
bottles.  These  served  the  same  purpose  in  ancient  times  as  do  the  toy 
dishes  and  playthings  used  by  our  children.  There  were  also  pendants, 
small  shells,  shell  discs  and  other  ornaments  buried  by  the  head  or  at 
the  wrists  of  these  infants  and  children.     The  toy  dishes  are  crudely 


3-1  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  65,  p.  147. 
34  Jesuit   Relations,  Vol.   7,  p.  97. 

Vol.  1—3 


34  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

made,  some  of  them  uot  even  baked.  Often  small,  waterworn  pebbles 
had  been  placed  within  the  toys. "  ^3  It  is  quite  possible  that  many  of 
the  problematic  articles  found  in  mounds  are  merely  playthings  of  the 
children.  And,  so,  probably  were  the  pebbles  found  with  these  toys. 
The  Ottawas  had  a  tradition  of  four  Indians  who  picked  up  some  pieces 
of  copper  on  the  shore  Lake  Superior,  and  were  rebuked  by  a  manito 
who  cried,  "Who  are  those  robbers  carrying  off  from  me  my  children's 
playthings?"  Father  Dablon  explains:  "Those  little  pieces  of  Copper 
that  they  were  carrying  off  are  the  toys  and  playthings  of  the  Savage 
children,  who  play  together  with  little  stones,  "^u 

The  southern  Indians  furnish  the  explanation  for  some  of  the  figure 
pottery  of  the  Mound  Builders.  In  speaking  of  the  Natchez  temple, 
Father  LePetit  says:  "Another  separate  shelf  supports  many  flat 
baskets,  very  gorgeously  painted,  in  which  they  preserve  their  idols. 
These  are  figures  of  men  and  women  made  of  stone  or  baked  clay,  the 
heads  and  the  tails  of  extraordinary  serpents,  some  stuffed  owls,  some 
pieces  of  crystal,  and  some  jaw-bones  of  large  fish.  In  the  year  1699 
they  had  there  a  bottle  and  the  foot  of  a  glass,  which  they  guarded  as 
very  precious.  "^^  These  little  clay  images  are  quite  common  among 
Mound  Builder  relics,  and  so  are  crystals  of  various  sorts.  Such  idols 
indicate  the  temperament  of  the  worshipers.  There  is  something 
somber  in  the  character  of  people  that  can  worship  an  idol  like  the 
Aztec  war  god  Iluitzilopochtli,  with  his  insatiate  craving  for  the  life 
of  men,  that  does  not  exist  in  a  people  with  a  comfortable  lot  of  small 
idols  which  can  be  laid  on  the  shelf  between  periods  of  worship. 

Moreover,  the  religion  of  the  southern  Indians  furnishes  the  explana- 
tion of  another  Mound  Builder  characteristic.  In  spite  of  all  attempts 
to  ridicule  the  idea,  the  extensive  prehistoric  works,  and  especially  large 
mounds  erected  over  only  one  or  two  bodies,  do  indicate  a  centralized 
authority  of  which  there  is  no  record  among  the  northern  Indians.  In 
the  southern  tribes  the  caciques  had  despotic  authority,  as  is  witnessed 
by  all  chroniclers,  from  those  with  De  Soto  to  the  French  missionaries. 
The  masses  not  only  fought  the  Spaniards  to  the  death  at  the  cacique's 
command,  but  also  at  his  command  went  into  slavery  to  the  same 
Spaniards.  At  the  death  of  a  cacique,  numbers  of  his  subjects  volun- 
tarily offered  themselves  for  death,  in  order  to  accompany  and  serve 
him.  They  were  stin-worshipers,  and  the  cacique,  as  the  "Brother  of 
the    Sun"    combined    divine    attributes    with    temporal    power.      Their 


35  Bulletin  3,  Phillips  Academy,  p.  65. 
3«  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  54,  p.  155. 
3'  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  68,  p.  125. 


1207823 

INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  35 

governments  were  theocracies,  in  which  the  ruler  was  not  merely  "God's 
anointed",  but  also  was  himself  divine. 

The  questions  of  the  origin  and  the  fate  of  the  Mound  Builders 
have  been  discussed  for  more  than  a  century  without  decision.  Some 
conclusions  have  been  fairly  established,  but  more  of  a  negative  than 
of  a  positive  character.  The  questions  involve  to  some  extent  the  ques- 
tion of  the  antiquity  of  man  in  America,  and  this  has  alwaj's  colored 
the  discussion.  In  the  earlier  part  of  the  last  century,  most  writers 
felt  themselves  bound  by  Bible  chronology,  and  the  dispersion  of  man- 
kind from  a  common  source  after  the  deluge.  In  the  last  half  centurj' 
there  has  been  an  equally  slavish  subserviency  to  the  Danvinian  Theory. 
Mr.  Darwin  decided  that  man  must  have  originated  in  the  old  world, 
because  he  was  descended  from  the  catarhine  apes,  and  there  were  only 
platyrhine  monkeys  in  America ;  and  in  consequence  everything  show- 
ing antiquity  of  man  in  America  has  been  assailed  and  belittled  in 
every  possible  way.  But  after  all  this  assault,  what  may  be  taken  as 
the  latest  unprejudiced  summaiy  of  the  matter  concedes  man's  exist- 
ence here  in  the  Glacial  period.^* 

But  even  on  that  basis,  immigration  is  the  only  possible  solution  for 
the  evolutionists.  As  Mr.  Fowke  puts  it:  "If  the  existence  of  a  'glacial' 
or  'paleolithic'  man  in  this  country  can  be  proven,  or  if  it  can  be  shown, 
as  Powell  contends,  that  America  was  inhabited  while  man  was  still 
but  little  beyond  the  stage  of  a  wild  beast,  his  presence  can  be  accounted 
for  in  only  three  ways: — He  gradually  developed  here  from  a  lower 
stage  into  a  human  being;  there  was  a  land  connection  between  the 
eastern  and  western  hemispheres  which  no  longer  exists ;  or  there  were 
islands,  or  possibly  continents,  now  destroyed,  so  distributed  that  he 
could  be  accidentally  carried  from  one  to  another.  "^^  The  literature 
of  the  subject  has  grown  to  appalling  proportions,  and  Mr.  Fowke 's 
book  is  one  of  the  most  satisfactory  compendiums  of  it  that  has  been 
made;  but  his  bias  causes  him  to  attack  statements  of  fact  by  observers 
as  well  as  statements  of  opinion.  He  assails  the  description  of  the  stone 
fort  in  Clark  County,  quoted  above  from  Prof.  Cox,  with  almost  pre- 
historic ferocity.*''  Nothing  could  be  more  uncalled  for.  Edward 
Travers  Cox  was  bom  in  Culpeper  County,  Virginia,  and  when  four 
years  old  was  brought  to  Indiana  by  his  father,  who  joined  the  New 
Harmony  colony.  He  grew  up  in  that  most  intellectual  atmosphere 
in  America ;  studied  chemistry  and  geology  under  David  Dale  Owen, 


38  Henry  W.  Haynes,  in  Winsor 's  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist,  of  Am.,  Vol.  1,  Chap.  6. 

39  Archaeological  History  of  Ohio,  p.  43. 
"lb.  pp.  65-6. 


36  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

whose  assistant  he  became  through  all  the  years  while  New  Harmony 
was  the  headquarters  of  the  United  States  Geological  Survey  of  the 
Mississippi  Valley,  until  Dr.  Owen's  death  in  1859.  He  was  then  engaged 
in  mining  investigations  for  private  parties,  for  the  national  govern- 
ment and  for  the  state  of  Illinois,  until  1868,  when  he  was  made  State 
Geologist  of  Indiana.     He  held  that  position  until  1880,  and  was  of 


Prof.  Edward  Travers  Cox 

immense  benefit  through  his  work  on  the  coal  fields,  and  other  economic 
geological  research.  Later  he  was  an  authoritative  mining  expert  on 
the  Pacific  slope,  in  New  York  City,  and  in  Florida,  where  he  was  in 
charge  of  large  phosphate  interests,  until  his  death,  on  Jan.  7,  1907. 
It  is  equally  aljsurd  to  question  his  ability,  his  veracity,  or  his  conserva- 
tism. If  the  statements  of  Prof.  Cox  as  to  matters  of  fact  cannot  be 
accepted,  we  may  as  well  burn  up  all  past  records  and  provide  by 
statute  that  hereafter  no  person  shall  examine  a  mound  unless  accom- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  37 

panied  by  two  hostile  witnesses,  of  opposing  political  parties,  who  shall 
be  examined  under  oath  as  to  the  results  of  the  work. 

When  Count  Volney  visited  this  country,  in  1795,  he  met  and  inter- 
viewed at  length  the  gi-eat  Miami  chief.  The  Little  Turtle.  Volney 
explained  to  him  his  theory  that  the  Indians  were  descendants  of 
Tartars  who  had  made  their  way  to  this  continent.  The  Little  Turtle 
inquired  what  was  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  going  over  to  Asia,  and 
becoming  the  ancestors  of  the  Tartars,  and  Volney  replied  that  he  knew 
of  no  objection  except  that  the  Black  Gowns  would  not  allow  it.  With 
true  Hoosier  independence.  The  Little  Turtle  expressed  his  opinion  that 
the  Black  Gowns  did  not  know  any  more  about  it  than  other  people. 
The  situation  is  not  greatly  changed  today.  Among  ethnologists  the 
general  tendency  is  to  the  belief  that  the  Mound  Builders  were  the 
ancestors  of  some  of  the  Indian  tribes,  probably  the  Muscogeans.  This 
faith  is  largely  based  on  the  mention  of  Indian  mound  building  by  the 
■  De  Soto  chronicles,  but  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  claims  that  they 
record  any  earth  work  approaching  that  of  the  Mound  Builders  in 
extent  is  not  well  founded. 

The  strongest  statement  in  them  is  that  of  the  Knight  of  Elvas,  as 
to  the  town  of  Ucita :  "The  chief's  house  stood  near  the  beach,  upon 
a  very  high  mount  made  by  hand  for  defense."  *^  De  Biedma,  speak- 
ing of  the  town  of  leasqui,  says:  "It  is  the  custom  of  the  Caciques  to 
have  near  their  houses  a  high  hill,  made  by  hand,  some  having  the 
houses  placed  thereon. "•'a  Ranjel  says:  "This  Talimeco  was  a  village 
holding  extensive  sway,  and  this  house  of  worship  was  on  a  high  mound 
and  much  revered. "^^  Hq  also  says  of  the  town  of  Athahaehi,  "The 
chief  was  on  a  kind  of  balcony,  on  a  mound  at  one  end  of  the 
square."  *-*  Gareilaso  de  la  Vega,  "the  Inca",  says  these  Indians  built 
mounds  to  escape  floods,  which  would  have  been  a  "thoughtful 
Gretehen"  performance  in  a  country  with  as  many  superfluous  hills 
as  the  United  States.  But  he  was  not  with  the  expedition,  and  he  says 
that  only  the  caciques  and  their  attendants  had  houses  on  the  mounds. 
This  is  the  sum  of  the  mounds  mentioned  and  there  is  not  a  word  about 
any  of  them  being  used  for  defense  in  any  way.  This  is  very  significant, 
for  the  chroniclers  were  all  .soldiers,  and  they  described  all  the  defenses 
they  met  in  their  repeated  conflicts.  Thus,  the  Knight  of  Elvas  says 
of  the  town  of  Ullibahali :  "The  place  was  enclosed,  and  near  by  ran 
a  small  stream.    The  fence,  which  was  like  that  seen  afterwards  to  other 


41  Bourne's  Narratives  of  De  Soto,  Vol.  1,  p.  23. 

42  lb.  Vol.  2,  p.  27. 

43  lb.  p.  101. 

44  lb.  p.   120. 


38  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

towns,  was  of  large  timber  sunk  deep  aud  firmly  into  the  earth,  having 
many  long  poles  the  size  of  the  arm,  placed  crosswise  to  nearly  the 
height  of  a  lance,  with  embrasures,  and  coated  with  mud  inside  aud 
out,  having  loop-holes  for  archery."  *5  And  Ranjel  says:  "They  came 
to  an  old  village  that  had  two  fences  and  good  towers,  and  these  walls 
are  after  this  fashion :  They  drive  many  thick  stakes  tall  and  straight 
close  to  one  another.  These  are  then  interlaced  with  long  withes,  and 
then  overlaid  with  clay,  within  and  without.  They  make  loop-holes  at 
intervals  and  they  make  their  towers  and  turrets  separated  by  the 
curtain  and  parts  of  the  wall  as  seems  best.  And  at  a  distance  it  looks 
like  a  fine  wall  or  rampart  and  such  stockades  are  very  strong."  ■*8  He 
also  says  as  to  the  town  of  Pacaha:  "This  town  was  a  very  good  one, 
thoroughly  well  stockaded;  and  the  walls  were  furnished  with  towers 
and  a  ditch  round  about,  for  the  most  part  full  of  water  which  flows 
by  a  canal  from  the  river.  *  *  *  Jn  Aquixo  and  Casqui  and 
Pacha,  they  saw  the  best  villages  seen  up  to  that  time,  better" 
stockaded  and  fortified."*^ 

It  is  quite  safe  to  assume  that  the  real  purpose  of  these  mounds  was 
the  same  as  that  stated  by  Father  LePetit  as  to  similar  mounds  in  the 
villages  of  the  Natchez.  He  says:  "The  Sun  is  the  principal  object 
of  veneration  to  these  people;  as  they  cannot  conceive  of  anything  which 
can  be  above  this  heavenly  body,  nothing  else  appears  to  them  more 
worthy  of  their  homage.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  the  great  Chief  of 
this  nation,  who  knows  nothing  on  the  earth  more  dignified  than  him- 
self, takes  the  title  of  brother  of  the  Sun,  and  the  credulity  of  the  people 
maintains  him  in  the  despotic  authority  which  he  claims.  To  enable 
them  better  to  converse  together,  they  raise  a  mound  of  artificial  soil, 
on  which  they  build  his  cabin,  which  is  of  the  same  construction  as  the 
temple.  *  *  *  When  the  great  Chief  dies,  they  demolish  his  cabin, 
and  then  raise  a  new  mound,  on  which  they  build  the  cabin  of  him  who 
is  to  replace  him  in  this  dignity,  for  he  never  lodges  in  that  of  his  prede- 
cessor." ^^  It  is  much  more  probable  that  the  mound  in  the  Randolph 
County  inclosure,  previously  described,  which  is  100  feet  in  diameter 
and  only  9  feet  high,  was  intended  for  the  Chief's  cabin  and  the  temple 
than  that  it  was  designed  for  observation  purposes. 

But  the  fact  that  the  southern  Indians  did  not  build  fortifications 
of  earth  is  no  more  argument  that  they  were  not  descendants  of  the 
Mound  Builders  than  would  be  the  fact  that  we  build  houses  of  brick 


"Vol.  1,  p.  85. 

"lb.  Vol.  2,  p.  115. 

"lb.  p.   139. 

"8  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  68,  pp.  127,  129. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  39 

and  stone,  instead  of  the  log  houses  of  a  century  ago,  an  argument  that 
we  were  not  descendants  of  the  log  house  builders.  The  defences  they 
did  build  were  the  same  as  those  commonly  built  by  the  northern 
Indians,  except  that  their  stockades  were  coated  with  clay,  which  pro- 
tected them  from  fire.  They  may  have  learned  from  their  enemies  that 
stockades  were  more  easily  constructed  and  more  easily  defended  than 
earth  walls.  The  fact  that  they  built  mounds,  and  that  the  building 
was  connected  with  their  religion;  coupled  with  the  fact  that  their 
mortuary  customs  furnish  the  rational  explanation  of  our  burial 
mounds,  and  their  games  furnish  an  explanation  for  our  discoidal 
stones,  puts  them  in  closer  relation  to  the  Mound  Builders  than  any 
other  living  people.  Of  course  it  is  possible  that  the  Mound  Builders 
were  entirely  exterminated ;  or,  what  would  be  more  probable  by  Indian 
custom,  that  the  adults  were  killed,  and  the  children  adopted  by  the 
conquerors;  but  if  not  exterminated,  their  most  probable  descendants 
are  among  these  tribes  of  the  southern  states. 

With  our  present  light,  which  may  never  be  increased,  the  origin 

and  fate  of  these  people  are  merely  matters  of  conjecture ;  and  in  that 

line  there   is   an   interesting  suggestion   in   the   tribal  legends   of  the 

southern  Indians.     The  Muscogees  and  the  Choetaws  have  traditions 

that  their  ancestors  came  out  of  a  hole  in  the  ground— not  a  lone  father 

and  mother  of  a  future  people,  but,  as  Captain  Komans  recorded  it: 

"their  whole,  very  numerous  nation,  walked  forth  at  once,  without  so 

much   as  warning  any  neighbor."     All  traditions  have  some  sort  of 

foundation,  and  Indian  traditions  are  commonly  based  on  a  perversion 

of  some  word.     This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  instead  of  compounding 

entire  words,  as  we  do,  they  make  compounds  of  syllables  of  the  primary 

words,  or  even  represent  them  by  a  single  letter.    In  consequence  a  very 

slight  change  in  the  pronunciation  of  a  compound  word  may  make  as 

startling  a  change  in  the  meaning  as  was  made  in  the  historic  poem 

when   the   printer   dropped   the    "r"    from    "friend",    and   the   poet 

lamented  that  "so  slight  a  change  should  change  a  friend  into  a  fiend." 

It  would  be  simple  and  natural  for  a  tribe  that  had  formerly  lived  in 

caves  to  develop  such  a  tradition  as  that  above  from  the  fact  that  they 

had  come  out  of  the  caves  for  future  residence.     An  exactly  similar 

perversion  of  this  concept,  "coming  out",  will  be  found  in  the  following 

chapter  in  a  legend  of  the  origin  of  the  Miamis.    If  we  assume  that  the 

Mound  Builders  of  Ohio  and  Indiana  were  driven  into  Kentucky  and 

Tennessee,  where  part  or  all  of  them  took  refuge  in  caves;  and  that 

centuries  later  they  migrated  or  were  driven  into  the  Gulf  States,  we 

have  at  least  a  basis  for  explanation  of  a  large  part  of  the  known  facts. 


40  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

But  more  forcible  than  all  of  these  cousiderations  is  the  considera- 
tion of  language.  The  most  astounding  delusion  as  to  Indian  languages 
is  the  idea,  constantly  repeated  by  ethnologists  and  anthropologists, 
that  they  "are  not  inflected  as  European  languages  are."  In  reality 
the  Algonkin  languages  are  more  highly  inflected  than  any  existing 
European  language,  as  may  be  shown  by  two  simple  Miami  sentences, 
as  follows: 

na-wa'-ka  wa-pi'-si-ta  lam'-wa,  I  see  a  white  dog. 
na-ma'-ni  wa-pi'-ki  sa'-ni,  I  see  a  white  stone. 

It  will  be  noted  that  each  of  these  words  ends  with  a  vowel,  and  in 
the  Miami  every  word  ends  in  a  vowel  sound  when  fully  pronounced, 
although  these  vowel  endings  are  commonly  dropped  in  many  eases  in 
ordinary  conversation.  The  basic  grammatical  distinction  of  the  lan- 
guage is  between  the  animate  and  the  inanimate,  the  animate  including 
those  things  that  have,  or  are  supposed  to  have,  sentient  life.  Things 
of  the  vegetable  world  are  not  animate  unless  personified  for  some  suffi- 
cient reason.  To  coordinate  it  with  Gender,  Number  and  Person,  we 
will  call  this  quality,  or  distinction  "Sentience".  The  ending  "a"  of 
lam'-wa  indicates  that  the  object  named  is  animate;  the  ending  "i"  of 
sa'-ni  indicates  that  the  object  named  is  inanimate;  and  these  two 
objects  control  the  inflection  of  the  remaining  words  in  the  sentences. 
In  Miami  no  verb  is  transitive  unless  the  action  actually  passes  over 
to  some  other  person  or  thing,  and  when  transitive,  the  inflection  indi- 
cates the  Sentience,  and  usually  the  Person  and  Number  of  the  object. 
Na-wa'-ka,  of  itself,  means  I  see  him,  or  her,  i.  e.  something  animate, 
third  Person,  singular  Number.  Na-ma'-ni,  of  itself,  means  I  see  it, 
something  inanimate,  and  therefore  necessarily  third  Person.  All  ad- 
jectives are  verbs  in  form,  conjugated  as  other  intransitive  verbs. 
"Wa-pi'-si-ta,  of  itself,  means  he  or  she  is  white.  Wa-pi'-ki,  of  itself, 
means  it  is  white.  If  I  wish  to  say  "I  am  white",  I  cannot  use  either 
of  the.se  forms,  but  must  say  wa-pi'-si-a'-ni. 

The  distinguishing  characteristic  of  most  of  the  languages  of  North 
and  South  America  is  not  "agglutination",  or  "polysynthesis",  which 
exist  to  some  extent  in  all  languages,  but  this  basic  grammatical  dis- 
tinction of  Sentience.  In  all  inflected  Old  World  languages,  Aryan, 
Semitic,  or  any  other,  the  basic  grammatical  distinction  is  of  sex.  Any- 
one who  has  attended  a  high  school  is  familiar  with  the  "hie,  haec,  hoc," 
and  "mens,  mea,  meum,"  of  the  Latin,  and  the  others  are  similar. 
After  wide  investigation,  and  inquiry  of  missionaries,  I  have  been  un- 
able to  find  any  Old  World  language  that  has  this  distinction  of  Sen- 
tience— not  even  the  Eskimo,  which  is  common  to  both  continents.     It 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  41 

is  an  universally  recognizf d  rule  of  philolo^'  that  no  language  ever  loses 
its  grammar  on  account  of  contact  with  other  languages.  Thus,  English 
has  changed  in  words  and  pronunciation  until  the  original  Anglo-Saxon 
is  like  a  foreign  language.  It  has  adopted  thousands  of  words  from 
Latin  and  various  other  languages,  but  it  has  naturalized  them,  and 
English  grammar  is  still  Teutonic.  Under  this  rule,  it  is  impossible 
that  a  people  having  the  basic  grammatical  distinction  of  sex  should 
change  it  to  a  basic  distinction  of  Sentience ;  and  this  appeals  to  common 
understanding,  for  it  is  impossible  to  conceive  how  such  a  change  could 
occur  in  a  language  handed  down  from  father  to  son. 

The  most  notable  exception  to  this  American  characteristic  is  in  the 
Muscogean  languages.  The  Choctaw,  for  example,  has  no  inflection 
whatever,  its  place  being  supplied  by  adjuncts.  The  Choctaw  word 
ha-tak  means  man  or  men,  with  no  change  of  form  for  Person,  Number 
or  Case,  and  Gender  shown  only  by  the  meaning  of  the  word  itself. 
Neither  does  it  affect  in  any  way  the  form  of  the  verb.  On  the  principle 
stated,  such  a  language  could  not  be  derived  from  an  Algonkin  source, 
or  vice  versa.  We  have  then  at  least  two  independent  origins  of  lan- 
guage on  this  continent,  both  independent  of  the  Old  World;  and  this 
would  be  accounted  for  on  the  hypothesis  that  the  southern  Indians  were 
descendants  of  the  Mound  Builders.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  exist- 
ing records  of  Indian  languages  do  not  furnish  sufficient  material  for 
the  full  development  of  this  theoiy.  ilax  IMuller  expressed  his  surprise 
that  Americans  had  not  given  more  attention  to  the  record  and  study 
of  Indian  languages,  and  so  have  a  few  Americans;  but  the  work  has 
made  little  progress,  and  the  opportunity  for  it  is  rapidly  passing  away, 
all  for  the  lack  of  money  by  those  who  see  its  importance.  If  any 
American  of  wealth  desires  a  monument  more  imperishable  than  stone 
or  brass,  he  could  not  secure  it  more  certainly,  or  more  economically, 
than  by  endowing  a  Society  for  the  Preservation  of  Indian  Languages. 

But  an  independent  origin  of  language  on  this  continent  implies  an 
independent  origin  of  man ;  and  here  we  come  into  opposition  to  both 
the  Black  Gown  and  the  Darwinian.  What  of  it?  Both  of  them  ought 
to  concede  the  Divine  origin  of  at  least  one  teaching  of  the  Bible,  and 
that  is:  "The  truth  shall  make  you  free."  In  this  case  the  difference 
between  the  Old  and  the  New  Worids  is  even  deeper  than  language.  It 
reaches  to  the  habits  of  thought  of  the  people.  Whether  you  regard  the 
Old  Testament  as  a  Divine  revelation  or  a  compilation  of  tradition,  you 
must  admit  its  antiquity.  From  the  first  it  is  full  of  the  sex  idea- 
"male  and  female  created  he  them";  "male  and  female"  they  went 
into  the  ark;  the  promise  "Thou  shalt  be  blessed  above  all  people: 
there  shall  not  be  male  or  female  barren  among  you,  or  among  your 


42  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

cattle";  and  the  curse  of  childlessness  which  caused  "the  mother  of  John 
the  Baptist  to  speak  of  "my  reproach  among  men".  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Indian,  without  domestic  animals,  cared  little  for  the  sex  of  the 
animal  he  pui-sued  for  food.  The  important  thing  to  him  was  what  was 
alive  and  what  was  not.  There  is  a  large,  and  probably  growing,  class 
who,  with  conscious  superiority,  dismiss  any  suggestion  of  a  direct  ac* 
of  creation  with  the  statement  that  it  is  not  scientific.  Very  well.  To 
all  such  I  offer  this  nut  to  crack.  On  what  scientific  principle  will  you 
account  for  the  unquestionable  fact  that  from  the  Hebrews,  whose  lan- 
guage, religion,  and  daily  habit  of  thought  were  saturated  with  the 
sex  idea,  there  suddenly  developed  the  three  unprecedented  and  ab- 
solutely unique  concepts  of  a  Sexless  Trinity,  a  Sexless  Heaven,  and  a 
Virgin  Birth  ? 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  INDIANA  INDIANS 

In  the  last  quarter  of  a  ceutury,  the  best  Miami  interpreter  in  Indiana 
was  Gabriel  Godfrey.  He  was  a  son  of  Francois  Godfrey,  a  French 
Miami  half  blood  and  his  wife  Sakwata,  a  Miami  woman.  It  is  stated 
in  local  histories  that  Fi-ancois  Godfrey 's  Indian  name  was  Pah-lens'-wa, 
but  he  had  no  Indian  name,  and  this  is  merely  the  Miami  effort  to  pro- 
nounce his  French  name.  They  have  no  sound  of  "f ",  ''r",  or  "v"  in 
their  language,  and  substitute  "p"  for  "f",  and  "1"  for  "r".  Gabriel 
was  born  near  Hartford  City,  in  Blackford  County,  January  1,  1834, 
and  a  few  days  later  his  mother  asked  an  old  Indian  friend  to  give  him 
a  name,  as  is  often  done  by  the  Indians.  The  old  man  gave  him  his  own 
name,  Wa'-pa-na-ki'-ka-pwa,  or  White  Blossoms.  The  old  man  held 
the  tribal  office  of  Ka'-pi-a,  which  they  usually  translate  "overseer", 
but  which  is  more  nearly  equivalent  to  umpire  or  judge.  His  chief 
function  was,  in  case  of  a  receipt  of  annuity  goods,  or  on  a  joint  hunt, 
to  see  that  an  equitable  distribution  was  made  of  the  proceeds.  Gabriel 
was  sometimes  called  Ka'-pi-a  on  this  account,  but  the  title  did  not  be- 
long to  him.  Neither  was  he  a  chief,  but  simply  an  amiable,  honorable 
gentleman,  who  bore  adversity  bravely,  and  was  universally  respected. 

Indeed  his  good-heartedness  was  his  financial  ruin.  His  father's 
family  was  one  of  those  left  in  Indiana  when  the  rest  of  the  tribe  was 
moved  to  Kansas,  and  was  given  several  reservation  tracts,  one  half 
section  of  which  was  in  the  Mississinewa  valley,  opposite  Peru,  near 
which  Francois  had  a  trading  house.  To  this  Gabriel  succeeded,  and  on 
it  he  erected  a  fine  brick  home,  where  he  kept  open  house  for  all  his 
Indian  and  white  acquaintances;  and  he  never  lacked  for  company.  He 
held  one  office — that  of  road  supervisor — and  he  blamed  politics  for  his 
reverses.  Politicians  persuaded  the  Indians  that  they  had  the  right  of 
suffrage,  and  ought  to  vote;  and  after  they  began  voting  the  County 
Commissioners  decided  that  they  ought  to  be  taxed,  and  put  the  Indian 
lands  on  the  tax-duplicate.  At  that  time  the  national  government  was 
not  giving  as  much  care  to  its  "wards"  as  it  does  now,  and  the  Indians 
had  to  look  out  for  themselves.  The  brunt  of  the  litigation  fell  on  God- 
frey ;  and  after  the  case  had  dragged  along  for  thirteen  years,  and  what 

43 


44 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


was  left  of  his  property  had  gone  for  costs  and  attorney's  fees,  it  was 
dismissed. 

He  had  no  schooling.  When  he  was  about  ten  years  old  his  father 
sent  him  to  Vincennes  for  instruction  by  M.  Bellier,  the  village  peda- 
gogue, but  within  a  week  the  youthful  student  was  so  homesick  that  he 
was  packed  back  home.  However  he  had  a  bright  mind  and  a  fine 
memory.  The  book  of  nature  was  very  attractive  to  him,  and  he  be- 
came an  encyclopedia  of  forest  lore  and  local  history.  His  excellence 
as  an  interpreter  was  due  to  his  general  information  and  the  fact  that 
he  knew  English  so  well  that  he  could  think  in  it  as  well  as  in  Miami. 
No  Indian  interpreter  is  very  reliable  until  he  reaches  that  point.  I 
did  considerable  language  work  with  him  in  the  last  five  years  of  his 
life — he  died  on  August  14,  1910 — and  one  day,  when  we  were  talking 
about  the  early  history  of  the  Rliamis,  he  gave  me  the  following  legend 
of  the  origin  of  the  tribe,  which  he  had  learned  from  Ki-tiin'-ga  (i.  e. 
Sleepy,  commonly  known  to  the  whites  as  Charley.)  who  used  to  take 
the  boys  fishing  at  night,  and  tell  them  stories  while  waiting  for  a 
bite: 

A-hon'-dji  Kin-do'-ki  Pi-a'-watc    Mi-a'-mi-a'-ki. 
Whence      First  They  came  The  Miamis. 


Mi-ta'-mi 

In  the  beginning 

sa-ka'-tci-wa-tcik'. 
they  came  out. 

Sa'-ki-wa-yun'-gi 
Coming  Out  Place 


Mi-a'-mi-a'-ki 
the  Miamis 


ni-pin-gon'-dji 
from  the  water 


A-hon'-dji       sa-ka'-tci-wa-watc' 
From  where  they  came  out 


i-ta'-ming. 
it  is  named. 


Ni-pin-gon'-dji 
Prom  the  water 


na-wa-yo'-sa-tcik' 
the  first  ones 


sa-ka'-kwe-lo' ", 
catch  hold  of", 

sa-ka'-tcT-wa-tcik' 
thev  came  out 


' '  Pa-mit'-ta-nok 
"Limbs  of  trees 

Nii'-hi 
And  when 


mo-ki-tci'-ki. 

they  came  to  the  top. 

il-li'-ti-tcik'. 

they  told  each  other. 

nun'-gi        ni-a'-hi        a-min-o'-ta-tcik'. 
now  there  they  made  a  town. 

Ni-an'-dji  ma'-tci-ka-tik' ;  min-o'-tii-ni        na-ka-tan'-gik. 

From  there      they  went  away       the  town  they  left  it. 


Ka-pot'-wa 
After  a  while 

kwi-ta-ka'-ki 
other 


n'go'-ti 
one 


a-pwa'-yat. 
he  went  back 


A-pwa'-pi-at 
When  he  came 


to-san'-)-a'-ki 
Indians 


na-wa'-kik 
he  saw  them 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  45 

Sa'-ki-wa-yun'-gi.  Na-pa'-sa  iia'-pi 

(at)  Coming  Out  Place.        He  was  surprised       but 

il-la-ta'-wa-tcik'         il-la-ta'-wai-aug'.  Na-hi'-sa  wen'-da-\vate' 

they  talked  (as)  we  talk.  And  then  he  called  them 

Ma-ta'-kis-sa'-na-ka'-na         il-la-tci'-ki  i'-na  to-san'-i-a'-ki. 

Old  Moccasins  he  named  them        those  Indians. 

Mot'-yi        n'gi'-ka-li'-ma-so'       wan'-dji-na-ko'-si-watc'. 
Not  I  do  not  know  of  what  tribe  they  were. 


Mot'-yi-wa-yak 

ki-ka-li'-mii-wat' 

a'-hi 

i-a'-watc.           O-ni'-ni 

Nobody 

he  knows 

where 

they  went.         This 

nin-gi'-ki 

i-ci'-mi-wa'-tci, 

nin'-gi-a 

Sa'-ka-kwat' 

my  mothers 

they  told  me, 

my  mother 

She  Takes  Hold 

a-mi-sa'-li 

"Wa-pan'-gi-kwa 

Tca'-ki 

to-san'-T-a'-ki 

her  elder  sister 

Swan  woman. 

All 

the  Indians 

ki-o'-ca-ki       a-lam'-tan-gik'.        Si-pi'-wi         Sa'-ki-wa-si-pi'-wi 
old  they  believe  it.        The  river        Coming  Out  River 

wen'-dan-gik'        a-hon'-dji  sa'-ka-tcl-wa-watc'.        I-ni'-ni 

they  call  it.  from  where       they  came  out.  That 

wi-on-gon'-dji       nin'-ji        wen-di'-tcT-tci'-ki       Sa'-ka-kwat', 
on  account  of       often  they  give  names         She  Takes  Hold, 

Sii-ka'-ko-nang'       Sa-ka'-ko-kwa. 
He  Grasps  It,  Holding  Woman. 

The  river  referred  to  is  the  St.  Joseph's,  of  Lake  Michigan,  and 
Sa-ki-wa-yun-gi  is  the  name  of  South  Bend.  This  fable  teaelies  many 
things,  and  first  the  tendency  of  mankind  to  make  stories  to  fit  names. 
The  obvious  source  of  the  story  is  the  fact  that  in  the  early  period  the 
site  of  South  Bend  was  the  beginning  of  the  portage  to  the  Kankakee, 
and  consequently  the  coming  out  place  for  travelers  going  that  way, 
while  the  chief  distinction  of  the  river  was  that  it  was  the  way  to 
reach  the  portage.  Godfroy  started  with  the  statement  that  he  got 
the'  story  from  Ki-tun'-ga;  but  he  winds  up  with  the  statement  that 
his  mother  and  aunt  told  him  about  it,  and  that  all  the  old  Indians  be- 
lieved it.  It  was  a  general  tradition,  and  yet  the  common  use  of  the 
portage  had  not  been  discontinued  as  much  as  a  century  when  Godfroy 
was  a  boy.  It  was  not  used  by  the  Miamis  after  they  settled  in  Indiana, 
for  they  were  never  a  "canoe  people".  La  Potherie  says  of  them: 
"They  travel  by  water  very  rarely  but  are  great  walkers,  which  has 


46  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

caused  thera  to  be  called  Metousceptinioueks,  or  Pilgrims".  They  did 
not  use  birchbark  canoes  in  Indiana,  partly  because  suitable  birch  did 
not  grow  here,  and  partly  because  a  boat  of  that  kind  would  soon  be 
made  useless  by  the  stones  and  snags  of  our  rivers.    An  Indiana  Indian 


Gabriel  Godfroy 
(Wa'-pa-na-ki'-ka-pwa — or  White  Blossoms) 

had  little  use  for  a  boat  except  for  hunting  and  fishing,  and  a  dug-out 
was  entirely  satisfactory  for  these  purposes.  The  French  fur  traders 
used  bateaux  or  the  large  dug-outs  called  pirogues.  In  emergency,  In- 
dians, French  and  pioneer  Americans  would  make  a  raft  of  logs  tied 
together  with  vines,  which  the  Canadians  called  a  "eajeu. " 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  47 

The  story  also  illustrates  a  habit  of  mind  of  the  Indian.  The  first 
essential  of  wood-craft  is  to  know  "the  reason  of  things",  and  he  was 
constantly  seeking  them.  An  Indian  will  revert  to  anything  unusual  or 
strange  again  and  again,  until  he  works  out  some  explanation  for  it. 
In  this  case  the  story  is  confirmed  not  only  by  the  names  of  the  place 
and  the  river,  but  also  by  the  personal  names.  Indian  babies  were 
often  named  on  account  of  some  little  peculiarity  manifested  in  the 
first  few  days  of  their  lives,  and  such  names  as  these  were  originally 
adopted  for  infants  that  showed  a  disposition  to  clutch  at  objects,  as 
many  babies  do,  and  later  were  still  more  widely  spread  by  the  practice 
of  naming  for  relatives  and  friends.  But  all  this  was  forgotten  when 
such  a  fine  theory  of  the  name  was  presented.  Such  stories  are  common 
everywhere.  Within  fifty  years  the  Winriebagoes  invented  a  story  that 
the  name  of  Chicago  originated  from  a  monster  manito  skunk  being  seen 
to  land  at  that  place,  whence  the  name  "Place  of  the  Skunk."  In  reality 
the  name  means  "Place  of  garlic — or  wild  onions",  the  same  stem, 
ci-kag,  occurring  in  both  words,  as  is  conclusively  shown  by  the  testimony 
of  Tonty,  LaMothe  Cadillac,  and  other  early  writers.  In  like  manner 
the  Romans  made  the  story  of  Romulus  and  Remus  to  fit  the  name  of 
Rome;  and  we  have  half-a-dozen  wholly  unfounded  stories  to  explain 
the  word  "Hoosier". 

As  to  the  words  of  the  story,  it  will  be  noted  that  some  of  them  do 
not  end  with  a  vowel.  This  is  due  to  the  common  practice  of  the  Miami 
to  abbreviate  in  ordinary  conversation,  just  as  we  use  can't  and  don't, 
when  the  context  shows  all  that  the  ending  would  show.  As  to  spelling, 
all  Indian  words  in  this  book  are  in  the  uniform  orthography  recom- 
mended by  Major  Powell,  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  which  may  be 
briefly  stated  as  follows:  All  unmarked  vowels  have  the  "Continental" 
force,  which  is,  e  as  a  in  fate  or  ey  in  they ;  a  as  in  far ;  i  as  in  pique, 
or  e  in-me;  o  as  in  note;  u  as  in  rule;  w  and  y  are  always  consonants, 
as  in  wet  and  yet.  The  short  vowels  are  a  as  in  bat ;  e  as  in  bet ;  i  as  m 
bit,  and  u  as  "in  but.  Others  are  a  as  in  law,  and  u  as  in  pull.  The 
diphthongs  are  ai  as  i  in  pine ;  au  as  ou  in  out ;  ai  as  oi  in  boil.  The 
consonants  have  their  usual  English  force,  with  these  exceptions :  g  is 
always  hard  as  in  gig;  c  is  always  soft  as  sh  in  shall ;  te  is  sounded  as 
eh  in  chin ;  j  is  as  z  in  azure ;  dj  is  as  j  in  judge ;  q  represents  a  rare 
sound  of  gh,  similar  to  German  eh.  _  • 

Finally,  the  story  comes  as  near  accounting  for  the  origin  of  the 
Miamis  as  'any  offered  elsewhere.  In  his  speech  to  Gen.  Wayne  at  the 
treaty  of  Greenville,  The  Little  Turtle,  the  Miami  head  chief,  said: 
"It  is  well  known  by  all  my  brothers  present,  that  my  forefathers 
kindled  the  first  fire  at  Detroit;  from  thence  he  extended  his  lines  to 


48  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  headwaters  of  the  Scioto;  from  thence  to  its  mouth;  from  theuco 
down  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash ;  and  fi'om  thence  to  Chicago, 
on  Lake  ]\Iichigan".  This  may  possibly  be  true,  but  it  certainly  is  not 
true,  as  he  farther  asserted,  that  the  territory  described  "has  been  en- 
joyed by  my  forefathers,  time  immemorial,  without  molestation  or  dis- 
pute". Of  assertions  of  title  to  this  region,  that  can  be  considered 
historical,  the  one  that  reaches  farthest  back  into  the  past  is  in  a  deed 
given  by  the  Iroquois  sachems  to  King  William  of  England  in  1701, 
and  it  is  here  presented  as  the  starting  point  in  Indiana  history. 

The  First  Indiana  Deed  op  Land  * 

To  All  Christian  &  Indian  People  in  This  Parte  of  the  World  and 
in  Europe  Over  the  Great  Salt  Waters,  to  Whom  These  Presents  Shall 
Come — Wee  the  Sachims  Chief  men,  Captns  and  representatives  of  the 
Five  nations  or  Cantona  of  Indians  called  the  Maquase  Oneydes  Onnaji- 
dages  and  Sinnekes  living  in  the  Government  of  New  Yorke  in  America, 
to  the  north  west  of  Albany  on  this  side  the  Lake  Cadarachqui  sendeth 
greeting — Bee  it  known  unto  you  that  our  ancestors  to  our  certain 
knowledge  have  had,  time  out  of  mind  a  fierce  and  bloody  warr  with 
seaven  nations  of  Indians  called  the  Aragaritkas  whose  chief  comand 
was  called  successively  Chohahise  - — The  land  is  scituate  lyeing  and 
being  northwest  and  by  west  from  Albany  beginning  on  the  south  west 
side  of  Cadarachqui  lake  and  includes  all  that  waste  Tract  of  Land 
lyeing  between  the  great  lake  off  Ottawawa  (Lake  Huron)  and  the  lake 
called  by  the  natives  Sahiquage  and  b.y  the  Christians  the  lake  of  Swege 
(Lake  Erie)  and  runns  till  it  butts  upon  the  Twichtwichs  (Miamis)  and  is 
bounded  on  the  right  hand  by  a  place  called  Quadoge  (near  Chicago)  con- 
teigning  in  length  about  eight  hundred  miles  sind  in  bredth  four  hundred 
miles  including  the  country  where  the  bevers  the  deers.  Elks  and  such 
beasts  keep  and  the  place  called  Tieugsachrondio,  alias  Fort  de  Tret  or 
wawyachtenok  (Ouiatanon)  and  so  runs  around  the  lake  of  swege  till  you 
come  to  place  called  Oniadarondaquat  which  is  about  twenty  miles  from 
the  Sinnekes  Castles  which  said  seaven  nations  our  predecessors  did  four 
score  years  agoe  totally  conquer  and  subdue  and  drove  them  out  of  that 


1  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.  Vol.  4,  p.  909.  In  his  encyclopedic.  Narrative  and  Critical 
History  of  the  TJ.  S.,  Winsor,  in  discussing  British  claims  based  on  this  transfer, 
says:  "No  treaty  exists  by  which  the  Iroquois  transferred  this  conquered  country 
to  the  English."  Vol.  5,  p.  564.  He  does  not  mention  this  deed,  though  he  quotes 
documents  that  refer  to  this  transaction,  presumably  not  having  noticed  its  existence. 

2  The  chiefs  of  "the  Neutral  Nation"  were  called  " Tsohahissen "  (Jesuit  Eela- 
tions.  Vol.  21,  p.  207)  and  the  author  of  the  Relation  of  1641-2  expresses  his  belief 
that  "the  Neutral  Nation"  originally  meant  "all  the  other  nations  which  are  south 
and  southwest  of  our  Hurons. ' ' 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  49 

country  aud  had  peaceable  and  quiet  possession  of  the  same  to  hunt 
bevers  (which  was  the  motive  caused  us  to  war  for  the  same)  for  three 
score  years  it  being  the  only  chief  place  for  hunting  iu  this  parte  of  the 
world  that  ever  wee  heard  of  and  after  that  wee  had  been  sixty  years 
sole  masters  aud  owners  of  the  said  land  enjoying  peaceable  hunting 
without   any    internegotion,   a   remnant   of   one   of   the   seaven   nations 
called  Tionondade  (Hurons)   whom  wee  had  expelled  and  drove  away 
came  and  settled  there  twenty  years  agoe  disturbed  our  beaver  hunting 
against  which  nation  wee  have  warred  ever  since  and  would  have  sub- 
dued them  long  ere  now  had  not  they  been  assisted  and  succoured  by 
the  French  of  Canada,  and  whereas  the  Governour  of  Canada  aforesaid 
hath  lately  sent  a  considerable  force  to  a  place  called  Tjeughsaghroude 
the  principall  passe  that  commands  said  land  to  build  a  Forte  there 
without  our  leave  and  consent,  by  which  means  they  will  possess  them- 
selves of  that  excellent  country  where  there  is  not  only  a  very  good 
soile  but  great  plenty  of  all  manner  of  wild  beasts  in  such  quantities 
that  there  is  no  maner  of  trouble  in  killing  of  them  and  also  will  be  sole 
masters  of  the  Boar  ( ?beaver)  hunting  whereby  wee  shall  be  deprived 
of  our  livelyhood  and  subsistance  and  brought  to  perpetual  bondage  and 
slavery,  and  wee  having  subjected  ourselves  and  lands  on  this  side  of 
Cadarachqui  lake  wholy  to  the  Crown  of  England  wee  the  said  Sachims 
chief  men  Captns  and  representatives  of  the  Five  nations  after  mature 
deliberation  out  of  a  deep  sence  of  the  many  Royall  favours  extended 
to  us  by  the  present  great  Monarch  of  England  King  William  the  third, 
and  in  consideration  also  that  wee  have  lived  peaceably  and  quietly  with 
the  people  of  albany  our  fellow  subjects  above  eighty  years  when  wee 
first  made  a  firm  league  and  covenant  chain  with  these  Christians  that 
first  came  to  settle  Albany  on  this  river  which  covenant  chain  hath  been 
yearly  renewed  and  kept  bright  and  clear  by  all  the  Governours  suc- 
cessively and   many  neighbouring  Governmts  of   English   and   nations 
of  Indians  have  since  upon  their  request  been  admitted  into  the  same. 
Wee  say  upon  these  and  many  other  good  motives  us  hereunto  moving 
have  freely  and  voluntary  surrendered  delivered  up  and  forever  quit 
claimed,  and  by  these  presents  doe  for  us  our  heires  and  successors 
absolutely   surrender,    deliver  up   and   for  ever   quit   elaime   unto  our 
Great  Lord  and  Master  the  King  of  England  called  by  us  Corachkoo 
and  by  the  Christians  William  the  third  and  to  his  heires  and  successors 
Kings  and  Queens  of  England  for  ever  all  the  right  title  and  interest 
and  all  the  elaime  and  demand  whatsoever  which  wee  the  said  five 
nations  of  Indians  called  the  Maquase,  Oneydes,  Onnondages,  Cayouges 
and  Sinnekes  now  have  or  which  wee  ever  had  or  that  our  heires  or  suc- 
cessors at  any  time  hereafter  may  or  ought  to  have  of  in  or  to  all  that  vast 
Tract  of  land  or  Colony  called  Canagariarchio  beginning  on  the  north- 


50  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

west  side  of  Cadaraehqui  lake  and  includes  all  that  vast  tract  of  land 
lyeing  between  the  great  lake  of  Ottawawa  and  the  lake  called  by  the 
natives  Cahiquage  and  by  the  Chi-istians  the  lake  of  Swege  and  runns 
till  it  butts  upon  the  Twichtwiehs  and  is  bounded  on  the  westward  by 
the  Twichtwiehs  by  a  place  called  Quadoge  conteining  in  length  about 
eight  hundred  miles  and  in  breath  four  hundred  miles  including  the 
County  where  Beavers  and  all  sorts  of  wild  game  keeps  and  the  place 
called  Tjeughsaghrondie  alias  Fort  de  tret  or  Wawyachtenock  and  so 
runns  round  the  lake  of  Swege  till  you  come  to  a  place  called  Oniagar- 
undaquat  which  is  about  twenty  miles  from  the  Sinnekes  castles  includ- 
ing likewise  the  great  falls  oakinagaro,  (Niagara)  all  which  (was) 
formerly  posest  by  seaven  nations  of  Indians  called  the  Aragaritka 
whom  by  a  fair  warr  wee  subdued  and  drove  from  thence  four  score 
years  agoe  bringing  many  of  them  captives  to  our  country  and  soe 
became  to  be  the  true  owners  of  the  same  by  conquest  which  said  land 
is  scituate  lyeing  and  being  as  is  above  expressed  with  the  whole  soyle 
the  lakes  the  rivers  and  all  things  pertaining  to  the  said  tract  of  land 
or  colony  with  power  to  erect  Forts  and  castles  there,  soe  that  wee  the 
said  Five  nations  nor  our  heires  nor  any  other  person  or  persons  for 
us  by  any  ways  or  meanes  hereafter  have  claime  challenge  and  demand 
of  in  or  to  the  premises  or  any  parte  thereof  alwayes  provided  and  it 
is  hereby  expected  that  wee  are  to  have  free  hunting  for  us  and  the 
heires  and  descendants  from  us  the  Five  nations  for  ever  and  that  free 
of  all  disturbances  expecting  to  be  protected  therein  by  the  Crown  of 
England  but  from  all  the  action  right  title  interest  and  demand  of  in 
or  to  the  premises  or  every  of  them  shall  and  will  be  utterly  excluded 
and  debarred  for  ever  by  these  presents  and  wee  the  said  Sachims  of 
the  Five  Nations  of  Indians  called  the  Maquase,  Oneydes,  Onnandages, 
Cayouges  and  Sinnekes  and  our  heires  the  said  tract  of  land  or  Colony, 
lakes  and  rivers  and  premises  and  eveiy  part  and  parcell  thereof  with 
their  and  every  of  their  appurtenances  unto  our  souveraigne  Lord,  the 
King  William  the  third  &  his  heires  and  successors  Kings  of  England 
to  his  and  their  proper  use  and  uses  against  us  our  heires  and  all  and 
every  other  person  lawfully  claiming  by  from  or  under  us  the  said 
Five  nations  shall  and  will  warrant  and  for  ever  defend  by  these 
presents — In  Witness  whereof  wee  the  Sachims  of  the  Five  nations 
above  mentioned  in  behalf  of  ourselves  and  the  Five  nations  have 
signed  and  sealed  this  present  Instrument  and  delivered  the  same  as 
an  Act  and  deed  to  the  Honble  John  Nanfan  Esqr  Lieutt  Govr  to  our 
Great  King  in  this  province  whom  wee  call  Corlaer  in  the  presence  of 
all  the  Magistrates  officers  and  other  inhabitants  of  Albany  praying 
oup  Brother  Corlaer  to  send  it  over  to  Carachkoo  our  dread  Souveraigne 
Lord  and  that  he  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  accept  of  the  same. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


51 


Actum  in  Albany  in  the  middle  of  the  high  street  this  nineteenth  day 
of  July  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  His  Majty's  reign  Annoque  Domini 
1701. 

SiNNEEES  SaCUJMS 


TehoDwaren 


^ 


genie     (l.  s). 


Sonahao  rO^     wanne  (ls). 

ToEoquat        -^s^    ^°*       (^  s). 


Tsina 


Maquasb  Sachims 
go  ( L  s. 


^ 


sagentisquoa  (l  s.). 
Onnandaob  Sachims 
nawadiqua  (l  s.) 

wadochoD  (l  s). 


Onacher      (KJi^"""^^  anoruin(LB). 

Teoni     ^''^^~~^~>  ahigarawe 
alios  Hendrik  (l  a). 

Tirogareo 
Sinon 


Taaoch 


•T"""^^]^^  alias  Cornelis  (ls). 
QM'j'      qittreso  (  l  a). 
^^^7         rachhoBs  (  l  a ). 


tsehede  (l  6). 
ganasltie  (l  s) 

rireho  (l  s). 

Oneyde  Sachims 

ronda  (l  s). 


gariaz  (lb). 
rachkoe  (l  s). 


Sealed  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of  us 

Dyrk  Wessels  justice 
James  Weemes 

Jonathan  Broadhurst  high  Sheriff 
M.  Clarkson  Secretary 
S  Clows  Surveyor 
Rt.    Livingston    Secretary    for    the 
Indian  affares 


Pr  Schuyler 

J  Jansen  Bleeker  Mayor 
Johs  Bleeker  Recorder 
John  Abeel  Alderman 
Johannes  Schuyler  Aldern 
David  Schuyler  Aldermn 
Wessells  ten  Broek  Alderman 
Johannes  Roseboom  Alderman 
Johannes  Cuyler  Alderman 

this  is  a  true  Copy 


John  Baptist  van  Eps)  . 
Lawrence  Olaese  ^ 

(Signed)  John  Nanfan. 


52  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

This  deed  was  drawn,  of  course,  by  a  representative  of  the  British 
government,  probably  Nanfan,  as  he  was  the  active  agent  in  the  matter, 
and  is  designed  to  make  the  Iroquois  claim  as  strong  as  possible.  The 
assertion  of  "peaceable  and  quiet  possession"  is  as  unfounded  as  the 
similar  claim  of  The  Little  Turtle.  But  the  general  statement  of  the 
extent  of  the  Iroquois  conquest  is  confirmed  by  all  English  and  French 
chroniclers  who  had  any  information  on  the  subject,  and  its  historical 
truth  is  beyond  question.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  no  more  explicit 
information  is  given  as  to  the  "seaven  nations  of  Indians  called  the 
Aragaritkas",  but  even  that  was  made  more  clear  by  others.  In  his 
letter  of  Nov.  1.3,  1763,  when  the  interior  of  the  country  was  very  much 
better  known  than  in  1700,  Sir  William  Johnson  said :  ' '  The  Five 
nations  having  in  the  last  Century  subdued  the  Shawanese,  Delawares, 
Twighties  (Miamis)  &  western  Indians  so  far  as  lakes  Michigan  & 
Superior,  *  *  *  In  right  of  conquest,  they  claim  all  the  Country 
(comprehending  the  Ohio)  along  the  great  Ridge  of  Blew  Mountains  at 
the  back  of  Virginia,  thence  to  the  Head  of  Kentucke  River,  and  down 
the  same  to  the  Ohio  above  the  Rifts,  thence  Northerly  to  the  South  end 
of  Lake  Michigan,  then  along  the  eastern  shore  of  said  lake  to  Missili- 
mackinac  thence  easterly  across  the  North  end  of  Lake  Huron  to  the 
great  Ottawa  River  (including  the  Chippawae  or  Missisagey  Country) 
and  down  the  said  River  to  the  Island  of  Montreal".* 

Among  the  French,  no  one  was  better  acquainted  with  the  situation 
than  LaSalle,  and  in  his  relation  of  1679-80  he  said  of  the  Iroquois: 
"They  are  shrewd,  tricky,  deceitful,  vindictive,  and  cruel  to  their 
enemies,  whom  they  burn  in  little  fires  with  torture  and  cruelty  incred- 
ible. Although  there  are  among  them  only  about  2,500  warriors,  as 
they  are  the  best  armed  and  most  warlike  of  all  North  America,  they 
have  defeated  and  then  exterminated  all  their  neighbors.  They  have 
carried  their  arms  on  all  sides  to  800  leagues  around,  that  is  to  say 
to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  to  Hudsons  Bay,  to  Florida,  and  even  to 
the  Mississippi.  They  have  destroyed  more  than  thirty  nations,  brought 
to  death  in  forty  years  more  than  600,000  souls,  and  have  made  desert 
most  of  the  country  about  the  great  lakes".*  In  his  letter  to  Frontenac, 
of  Aug.  22,  1682,  he  says  of  the  Iroquois:  "Those  who  wish  to  hunt 
beaver,  finding  few  north  of  the  lake  (Ontario)  where  they  are  com- 
paratively rare,  go  to  seek  them  towards  the  south,  to  the  west  of  Lake 
Erie,  where  they  are  in  great  abundance;  because,  before  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Illinois,  and  of  the  Kentaientonga  and  Ganeiensaga,  whom 
the  Iroquois  defeated  a  year  since,  and  of  the  Chaouanons,  Ouabachi, 
Tistontaraetonga,  Gandostogega,  Mosopolea,  Sounikaeronons  and  Ochi- 


.1  N.  Y.  Ccl.  Does.,  Vol.  7,  p.  572. 
*  Margry,  Vol.  1,  p.  504. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  53 

tagonga,  with  whom  they  have  also  been  contesting  for  several  years, 
they  dared  not  hunt  in  these  parts  infested  by  so  many  enemies  who 
had  the  same  fear  of  the  Iroquois,  and  little  habit  of  profiting  by  the 
skins  of  these  animals,  having  commerce  with  the  English  but  very 
rarely,  because  they  could  not  without  gi-eat  labor,  time  and  risk. ' '  ^ 

This  is  the  most  explicit  statement  of  the  situation  as  to  Indiana, 
for  this  beaver  land  is  necessarily  northern  Indiana,  and  probably  these 
seven  tribes  named  by  LaSalle  are  "the  seaven  nations".  The  Chaou- 
anons  (Shawnees)  and  ilosopolea  (or  Monsoupolea)  had  fled  into  Ken- 
tucky and  Tennessee,  and  are  so  located  on  the  map  of  Father  Mar- 
quette in  his  voyage  down  the  Mississippi,  in  1673.  He  says  in  his 
journal  the  Shawnees  "are  the  people  the  Iroquois  go  far  to  seek  in 
order  to  wage  an  unprovoked  war  upon  them"."  The  Gandostogega 
were  the  Conestogas.  By  the  Ouabachi  he  evidently  means  the  people 
living  on  the  Wabash  river,  and  by  the  Tistontaraetonga  the  people 
living  on  the  Maumee,  for  he  says  elsewhere  that  the  Iroquois  called  the 
Maumee  ' '  Tiotontaraeton '  'J 

This  extraordinary  war,  which  so  pi'ofoundly  affected  Indiana,  be- 
gan before  the  year  1600,  between  the  Adirondacks,  who  were  the  tribe 
specifically  called  Algonkins  by  the  French,  and  the  Iroquois.  It  was 
in  progress  when  the  French  made  their  first  settlement  in  Acadia, 
lasted  for  a  century,  and  aifected  the  attitude  of  the  Indians  in  all  of 
our  early  wars.  Golden  gives  a  long  account  of  it,  beginning:  "The 
Adirondacks  formerly  lived  three  hundred  Miles  above  Trois  Rivieres, 
where  now  the  Utawawas  are  situated ;  at  that  time  they  employ  'd  them- 
selves wholly  in  Hunting,  and  the  Five  Nations  made  planting  of  Com 
their  Business.  By  this  Means  they  became  useful  to  each  other,  by 
exchanging  Corn  for  Venison.  The  Adirondacks ,  however,  valued 
themselves  as  delighting  in  a  more  manly  Employment,  and  despised  the 
Five  Nations,  in  following  Business,  which  they  thought  only  fit  for 
Women".  The  Adirondacks  treacherously  murdered  five  Iroquois 
youths,  and  this  brought  on  a  quarrel,  which  led  the  Adirondacks  to 
make  war  on  the  Iroquois.  Colden  continues :  ' '  The  Five  Nations  tlien 
lived  near  where  ]\Iont  Real  now  stands ;  they  defended  themselves  at  first 
but  faintly  against  the  vigorous  Attacks  of  the  Adirondacks.  and  were 
forced  to  leave  their  own  Country,  and  fly  to  the  Banks  of  the  Lakes 
where  they  live  now.  As  they  were  hitherto  Losers  by  the  War,  it 
obliged  them  to  apply  themselves  to  the  Exercise  of  Arms,  in  which  they 
became  daily  more  and  more  expert.  Their  Sachems,  in  order  to  raise 
their  People's  Spirits,  turned  them  against  the  Satanas,  a  less  warlike 


5  M.irgry,  Vol.  2,  p.  237. 

6  Shea's  Disc,  and  Exp.  of  the  Miss.,  p.  42 
T  Margry,  Vol.  2,  p.  24.3. 


54  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Nation,  who  then  lived  on  the  Banks  of  the  Lakes;  for  they  found  it 
was  difficult  to  remove  the  Dread  their  People  had  of  the  Valour  of  the 
Adirondacks".* 

The  Iroquois  soon  subdued  and  drove  out  the  Satanas,  which  is  their 


Attack  on  Iroquois  Fort 
(After  Lafitau) 

name  for  the  Shawnees,  and  then  turned  their  attention  to  the  Adiron- 
dacks,  whom  they  finally  overcame.  As  refugees  from  a  defeated  tribe 
took  refuge  with  another  tribe,  the  Iroquois  attacked  their  host  and  so 
the  war  spread  from  tribe  to  tribe.     The  chief  cause  of  Iroquois  success 


8  Hist,  of  the  Five  Nations.     London,  1748,  p.  22. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  55 

was  that  they  obtained  tire-arms  from  the  Dutch  before  the  other  tribes 
secured  them ;  but  even  with  this  advantage  they  could  not  have  endured 
their  losses  in  battle  but  for  their  practice  of  adopting  captive  children 
and  bringing  them  up  as  Iroquois.  The  statement  of  Colden  is  confirmed 
on  the  French  side  by  the  Jesuit  Relation  of  1659-60,  which  states  that 
the  war  began  in  the  preceding  century,  and  that  the  Iroquois  had  the 
worst  of  it  until  the  Dutch  settled  at  Manhattan,  and  furnished  them 
with  fire-arms.  It  says  that  by  virtue  of  these  weapons  "they  actually 
hold  dominion  for  five  hundred  leagues  around,  although  their  number 
is  very  small".  It  estimates  their  warriors  at  only  2,000,  and  adds:  "If 
anyone  should  compute  the  number  of  pure-blooded  Ii'oquois,  he  would 
have  difficulty  in  finding  more  than  twelve  hundred  of  them  in  all  the 
Five  Nations,  since  these  are,  for  the  most  part,  only  aggregations  of 
different  tribes  whom  they  have  conquered, — as  the  Hurons;  the  Tion- 
nontatehronnons,  otherwise  called  the  Tobacco  Nation ;  the  Atiwendaronk, 
called  the  Neutrals  when  they  were  still  independent ;  the  Riquehronnons, 
who  are  the  Cat  Nation  (Erie)  the  Ontwagannhas,  or  fire  Nation;  the 
Trakwaehronnons,  and  others,  who,  utter  Foreigners  although  they  are, 
form  without  doubt  the  largest  and  best  part  of  the  Iroquois  ".^ 

This  concurrent  testimony  fairly  establishes  the  Iroquois  declaration 
that  they  drove  all  of  the  inhabitants  out  of  Indiana  about  the  year  1621 ; 
and  it  is  certain  that  when  the  French  first  came  in  contact  with  the 
tribes  known  as  Indiana  Indians  they  were  located  far  to  the  west. 
In  a  description  of  "the  recently  discovered  nations"  in  1657-8,  and 
their  location  with"  reference  to  the  new  missionary  establishment  of 
St.  Michel,  which  was  on  the  Bay  of  the  Puans,  or  Green  Bay,  on  the 
west  side  of  Lake  Michigan,  the  following  passages  occur : 

"The  fifth  nation,  called  the  Aliniouek  (Illinois)  is  larger;  it  is  com- 
puted at  fully  20,000  men  and  sixty  villages,  making  about  a  hundred 
thousand  souls  in  all.  It  is  seven  days  journey  westward  from  St. 
Michel. 

"The  sixth  nation,  whose  people  are  called  Oumamik  (Miamis)  is 
distant  sixty  leagues,  or  thereabout,  from  St.  Michel.  It  has  fully  eight 
thousand  men,  or  more  than  twenty-four  thousand  souls".^" 

Even  here  the  Iroquois  followed  them,  and  within  a  few  years  part 
of  them  were  driven  beyond  the  Mississippi,  where  the  Illinois  and 
the  Wawiatanons  (Weas)  are  located  on  Joliet's  map  of  1674.  There 
was  one  iliami  tribe,  however,  known  as  the  Miamis  of  Maramech,  which 
remained  throughout  this  period  on  the  "Wisconsin  river  with  the  Kick- 
apoos  and  ^Mascoutins,  and  of  this  joint  settlement  the  Relation  of  1671 
says:    "They  have  together  more  than  three  thousand  souls,  being  able 


9  Jesuit  Eel.,  Vol.  45,  p.  203-7. 

10  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  44,  p.  247. 


56  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

to  furnish  each  four  hundred  men  to  defend  themselves  from  the  Iro- 
quois, who  come  to  seeli  them  even  in  these  distant  lands". 

In  the  Relation  of  1672-4,  Father  Allouez  describes  this  joint  settle- 
ment on  the  Wisconsin  as  composed  of  "twenty  cabins  of  ilinoues 
(Illinois)  thirty  large  cabins  of  Kikabou  (Kickapoos)  fifty  of  Mas- 
koutench  (Mascoutins)  over  ninety  of  miamiak  (Miamis)  and  three  of 
ouaouiatanoukak  (Ouiatanons  or  Weas)  ".  Later  in  the  same  document, 
having  mentioned  the  mission  to  the  Potawatomis  at  Green  Bay,  and 
that  to  the  Outagamis  west  of  it,  he  says:  "Still  farther  to  the  west- 
ward, in  the  woods,  are  the  atchatchakangouen  i\  the  Machkoutench, 
Marameg,  Kikaboua,  and  Kitchigamich ;  the  village  where  the  atchat- 
chakangouen are,  and  whither  come  the  Ilinoue,  the  Kakackioueck  (Kas- 
kaskias),  Peoualen  (Peorias),  ouaouiatanouk,  memilounioue,  pepikoukia, 
kilitika,  mengakoukia,  some  for  a  short  time,  others  for  a  long  time. 
These  tribes  dwell  on  the  Banks  of  the  Mississippi,  and  all  speak  the 
same  language  ".*- 

The  changes  of  location  of  these  tribes  in  the  next  thirty  years  were 
due  to  French  influence,  and  the  only  record  of  any  of  them  being 
within  Indiana  in  that  time  is  LaSalle's  statement  of  finding  a  mixed 
village  of  Miamis,  Mascoutins  and  Ouiatanons  at  the  west  end  of  the 
South  Bend  portage  in  1679 ;  and  he  says  of  them :  ' '  The  Miamis  lived 
formerly  at  the  west  of  the  Lake  of  the  Illinois;  whence,  from  fear  of 
the  Iroquois,  they  fled  beyond  the  Mississippi,  where  they  established 
themselves.  The  Jesuit  fathers  sent  them  presents  for  several  years  to 
induce  them  to  return  to  their  old  homes,  and  they  concluded  finally  to 
detach  a  party  who  located  at  the  head  of  the  Teatiki  (Kankakee) 
river  ".13  LaSalle  recurs  to  this  in  his  letter  of  Aug.  22,  1682,  as 
follows : 

"The  Miamis  had  formerly  been  forced  to  abandon  their  ancient 
territory  by  fear  of  the  arms  of  the  Iroquois,  and  had  fled  to  that  of 
the  river  Colbert  (Mississippi)  towards  the  AVest,  among  the  Otoutanta 
(Otoes),  the  Paote  (lowas)  and  the  Mascoutins  Sioux  who  received 
them  four  years  ago.  Having  made  their  peace  with  the  Illinois,  a  part 
of  these  same  Miamis,  invited  by  presents  from  the  Jesuits  who  live  at 
Green  Bay,  moved  nearer  them,  under  the  conduct  of  Ouabichagan, 
which  is  to  say  the  White  Necklace,  chief  of  the  principal  tribe  named 
Tchatehakigoa.  which  is  to  say  in  their  langiiage  the  Crane,  and  of  one 
named   Sehaouac,  which  is  to  say  the  Eagle.     This  nation  established 


11  Elfewliere  called  Tchatehakigoa,  who  were  the  Crane  clan  of  the  Miamis,  called 
Twigh-twiglis,  or  Twightwees  by  the  Iroquois  and  English,  who  were  later  located  at 
Fort  Wayne;  and  who  were  called  "Elder  Brothers"  by  the  other  Miamis. 

1-'  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  58,  pp.  23,  41. 

13  Margry,  Vol.  1,  p.  505. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


57 


itself  to  the  "West  of  the  lake  of  the  Illinois,  on  this  side  of  the  great 
river  and  had  much  commerce  for  several  j'ears  with  the  Jesuit 
Fathers".  5* 

The  return   movement  to  the  east  will  be  considered  in  connection 


iRoyuois  Captives 
(After  Lafitau.    Above,  at  night;  below,  by  day) 

with  the  French  establishments,  but  it  may  be  mentioned  here  that 
LaSalle's  activities  aroused  the  Iroquois  to  more  vigorous  efforts.  When 
they  were  taken  to  task  by  :\I.  de  la  Barre,  in  council,  in  1684,  for  attack- 


1*  Margry,  Vol.  2,  p.  215. 


58  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

ing  the  French,  the  Iroquois  chief  Graugula  replied :  "We  have  robbed 
no  Frenchmen  but  those  who  supply 'd  the  Illinese  and  the  Oumamis 
(our  enemies)  with  fusees,  with  powder,  and  with  ball;  these  indeed  we 
took  care  of  because  such  arms  might  have  cost  us  our  life.  »  *  * 
We  fell  upon  the  Illinese  and  the  Oumamis  because  they  cut  down  the 
trees  of  peace,  that  serv'd  for  limits  or  boundaries  to  our  Frontiers. 
They  came  to  hunt  Beavers  upon  our  lands ;  and  contrary  to  the  customs 
of  all  the  savages,  have  carried  off  whole  Stocks,  both  Male  and 
Female  ".15 

After  the  destruction  of  LaSalle's  establishment  on  the  Illinois, 
Father  Jean  de  Laraberville  reported  from  the  Iroquois:  "Last  year 
they  brought  700  Illinois  captives,  all  of  whom  they  keep  alive.  They 
killed  and  ate  over  600  others  on  the  spot,  without  counting  those  whom 
they  burned  on  the  road.  They  saved  the  children  who  could  live 
without  the  milk  of  their  mothers,  whom  they  had  killed ;  but  the  others 
were  cruelly  roasted  and  devoured.  »  *  *  They  are  beginning  to 
attack  some  of  our  allies  called  the  Oumiamis,  a  nation  of  the  bay  des 
Puants,  and  they  have  already  burned  6  or  7  of  these,  without  counting 
those  whom  they  have  massacred ".^^  On  Nov.  4,  1686,  he  wrote:  "The 
army  of  200  Seneeas  returns  this  month  of  September  to  the  country 
of  the  Omiamicks,  500  of  whom  they  say  they  brought  away  or 
took  prisoners  ".^'^ 

In  1687,  in  reply  to  Gov.  Dongan's  appeal  to  them  to  make  peace 
with  the  Western  tribes,  and  secure  the  beaver  trade  for  the  English, 
the  Iroquois  replied:  "As  for  the  Twichtwicks  Indians,  who  are  our 
mortal  enemies,  and  have  killed  a  great  many  of  our  people  a  Beaver 
hunting,  wee  know  not  whether  wee  can  effect  a  peace  with  them ;  never- 
theless upon  our  Excellency's  desire  wee  will  try  and  doe  our  en- 
deavour".^^  But  peace  was  not  to  come  from  their  efforts.  That  same 
year  Gov.  Denonville  of  Canada  with  a  French  force,  to  which  were 
joined  a  hundred  and  eighty  coureurs  de  bois  and  a  large  body  of 
western  Indians,  including  Miamis  and  Illinois,  invaded  the  Seneca 
country  and  inflicted  a  severe  defeat  on  them.  His  Indian  allies  cele- 
brated the  victory  by  eating  twenty-five  of  their  Iroquois  enemies,  and 
it  is  probable  that  no  other  meal  ever  served  in  the  state  of  New  York 
gave  greater  satisfaction  to  the  guests.  This  banquet  marked  the  ter- 
mination of  Iroquois  terrorism  in  the  western  regions.  The  Iroquois 
turned  on  the  French,  and  in  the  war  that  raged  along  the  St.  Lawrence 
their  strength  was  so  broken  that  they  became  cautious  about  attacking 


15  Thwaite's  La  Hontan,  pp.  81-2. 
18  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  62,  p.  7. 
I'N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  Vol.  3,  p.  489. 
18  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  Vol.  3,  p.  443. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  59 

the  western  tribes,  who  were  now  as  well  armed  as  themselves;  and 
with  the  exception  of  an  unsuccessful  attack  on  Fort  Miamis  in  1695, 
there  was  no  further  trouble  from  them  in  the  western  country. 

This  Fort  Miamis  was  at  the  site  of  Chicago.  At  that  time  La 
Mothe  Cadillac  was  the  French  commander  in  the  west,  and  in  his  Ke- 
lation  of  1695,  after  describing  the  Indian  locations  west  of  Lake 
Michigan,  he  .says:  "The  post  of  Chicagou* comes  next.  This  word 
signifies  the  River  of  Garlic,  because  a  very  great  quantity  of  it  is 
produced  naturally  there  without  any  cultivation.  There  is  here  a 
village  of  the  Miamis,  who  are  well-made  men ;  they  are  good  warriors 
and  extremely  active.  We  find  next  the  river  of  St.  Joseph.  There  was 
here  a  fort  with  a  French  garrison,  and  there  is  a  village  of  this  same 
nation  of  Miamis.  This  post  is  the  key  to  all  the  nations  which  border 
the  north  of  Lake  Michigan,  for  to  the  south  there  is  not  any  village 
on  account  of  the  incursions  of  the  Iroquois;  but  in  the  depths  of  the 
north  coast  country  and  looking  toward  the  west  there  are  many,  as 
the  ^Mascoutins,  Piankeshaws,  Peorias,  Kickapoos,  lowas,  Sioux  and 
Tintons".!^  In  other  words,  the  Miamis  had  begun  moving  to  the  east, 
but  had  not  ventured  farther  than  these  two  posts  at  Chicago  and  La- 
Salle's  old  fort  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Joseph,  and  south  of  these 
"there  is  not  any  village".  In  1696  Father  Pierre  Francois  Pinet 
established  his  mission  of  L'Ange  Gardien  just  north  of  Chicago,  and 
there  were  said  to  have  been  two  villages  of  Lliamis  in  its  vicinity, 
numbering  three  hundred  cabins.-" 

In  the  meantime  the  Jliamis  had  become  involved  in  war  with  the 
Sioux,  and  LaMothe  Cadillac  states  that  in  1695  the  Sioux  treacherously 
attacked  them,  and  killed  three  thousand  of  them.^'  This  prolonged 
and  destructive  warfare  makes  somewhat  credible  the  large  early  esti- 
mates of  the  numbers  of  these  tribes,  as  compared  with  those  of  later 
date.  In  1718,  M.  De  Vaudreuil  reported  the  strength  of  the  Miamis, 
Ouiatanons,  Piankeshaws  and  Pepikokias,  then  composing  the  Miamis 
nation  proper,  at  fourteen  to  sixteen  hundred  warriors.  The  French 
estimates  of  1736  gave  the  Miamis  only  550  warriors  and  the  Illinois 
600.2  2  xhe  English  estimates  of  1763  gave  the  Miamis  800  warriors, 
and  the  estimate  of  Col.  Bouquet  and  Capt.  Hutchins,  in  176-1,  gives  the 
Miami  tribes  one  thousand  warriors. 

As  Father  AUouez  says,  all  of  these  tribes  of  the  Illinois  and  .Miamis 
spoke  the  same  language,  but  with  one  material  dialect  difference  which 
divided  them  into  two  nations,  as  named ;  but  the  dialects  are  commonly 


19  Margry,  Vol.  5,  pp.  123-4. 

2"  Shea 's  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days,  p.  537. 

21  Margry,  Vol.  5  p.  323. 

22  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  Vol.  9,  p.  1052. 


60  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

known  as  the  Miami  and  the  Peoria,  the  latter  word  having  become 
synonymous  with  "Illinois".  In  the  Peoria  (properly  Pi-o'-ri-a)  there 
is  no  sound  of  "1",  and  where  that  sound  occurs  in  the  Miami  it  is 
replaced  by  the  sound  of  "  r " ;  while  in  the  Miami  there  is  no  sound  of 
"r",  and  the  substitution  is  reversed.  The  cities  of  Peoria,  in  Illinois, 
and  Paoli,  in  Kansas,  are  continuing  memorials  of  this  difference  in 
dialect.  The  names  giv«n  by  Father  Allouez  are  in  the  Miami  form. 
Ilinioue  means  "he  is  a  man",  but  what  a  member  of  that  nation  called 
himself  was  I-rl'-ni-wa.  The  name  Miami  is  used  by  the  other  division 
but  it  is  not  of  their  language,  for  they  cannot  give  any  meaning  for 
it.  It  is  most  probably  the  name  given  them  by  the  Delawares,  Wemi- 
amiki,  which  means  "all  beavers",  or  figuratively,  "all  friends — or 
relatives".  The  tribes  that  were  located  in  Illinois  during  the  English 
and  American  periods  used  the  Peoria  dialect,  and  those  located  in  In- 
diana used  the  Miami  dialect.  Of  the  tribal  names,  Mascoutiu  is  prac- 
tically translated  in  the  English  name  "Fire  Nation",  and  Kickapoo  is 
derived  by  Schoolcraft  from  n 'gik'-a-boo,  or  "otter's  ghost".  These 
two  tribes  were  not  members  of  the  Illinois-Miami  nation,  but  were 
closely  related  to  it. 

Marameg,  otherwise  written  maramak  or  maramech,  is  the  Peoria 
word  for  catfish.  The  old  chroniclers  usually  made  the  Miami  form 
malamak,  and  the  Chippewa  form  manamak.  This  was  a  common  Algon- 
quian  name  for  streams,  which  we  have  preserved  in  the  Merrimac  of 
New  England,  and  the  Maramcc  of  Missouri.  Kitchigami  means  great 
water,  and  probably  implies  residence  near  one  of  the  great  lakes. 
Kaskaskia  is  kak-kak'-ki-a,  which  is  their  name  for  the  katydid. 
Pi-o'-ri-a,  Pe-o-li-a  or  Pe-wa-li-a,  which  are  forms  of  the  same  word,  is 
the  Miami  pa-wa'-li-a,  or  prairie-fire.  Ouaouiatanon  is  presumably  wa- 
wi'-a-tan'-wi,  an  eddy,  literally  "it  goes  in  a  round  channel",  with  the 
terminal  locative.  It  is  necessarily  a  place  name,  but  it  might  refer  to 
any  place  where  there  was  an  eddy,  and  there  is  no  tradition  of  what 
place  is  meant.  George  Finley,  who  is  of  Piankeshaw  descent,  thinks 
that  Piankeshaw  is  from  pi-an-gi'-sa,  which  means  "they  separated,  or 
■went  apart,  unwittingly",  which  is  very  plaiisible.  But  the  Gravier 
mss.  dictionary,  which  is  preserved  in  the  "Watkinson  library  at  Hart- 
ford, Conn.,  gives  the  meaning,  "slit  ears";  and  Godfrey  said  the  idea 
it  conveyed  to  him  was  of  "something  scattered  about  the  ears".  Pos- 
sibly it  refers  to  an  old  Miami  custom  of  hair-dressing.  In  the  Relation 
of  1670-1,  Father  Allouez  says  that  the  Ottawas  wear  their  hair  "short 
and  erect",  and  that  the  Illinois  "clipping  the  greater  part  of  the  head, 
as  do  the  above  named  people,  they  leave  four  great  mustaches,  one  on 
each  side  of  each  ear,  arranging  them  in  such  order  as  to  avoid  ineon- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  61 

venience  from  them".-3  The  meanijig  of  Pepikokias  is  lost,  as  is  their 
identity.  They  united  with  tlie  iliamis  of  Maramech  in  locating  on  the 
Kalamazoo  river,  in  Michigan,  about  1700,  and  it  is  probable  that  these 
two  constituted  what  were  known  as  the  Eel  Kiver  Indians  in  Indiana. 

The  Miamis  of  today  have  lost  even  the  tradition  of  their  ancient 
mythology,  though  they  retain  some  of  its  ideas  and  customs.  It  is 
known  historically  that  they  had  the  same  general  beliefs  as  the  other 
Algonquian  tribes ;  and  these  are  set  forth  most  satisfactorily  by  Nicolas 
Perrot,  who  was  almost  constantly  with  these  tribes,  and  especially  with 
the  Miamis,  from  1665  to  1699.  Father  Charlevoix  took  most  of  his 
material  on  this  subject  from  Perrot 's  memoii*.  As  there  is  a  very 
general  misconception  of  their  beliefs,  it  is  worth  while  to  reproduce 
here  a  part  of  Perrot 's  statement: 

"It  cannot  be  said  that  the  Indians  profess  any  doctrine;  it  is  un- 
questionable that  they  do  not  follow,  so  to  speak,  any  religion.  They 
observe  merely  some  judaic  customs,  for  they  have  certain  feasts  in 
which  they  do  not  use  a  knife  to  cut  cooked  meats,  but  devour  them  with 
the  teeth.  The  women  li,ave  also  the  custom  when  they  give  birth  to 
children,  to  be  for  a  month  without  entering  the  lodge  of  their  hus- 
band, and  they  cannot  during  this  time  eat  with  men,  or  of  what  has 
been  prepared  by  men.     For  them  special  cooking  is  done. 

"The  Indians  have,  for  their  principal  divinities,  the  Great  Hare, 
the  sun,  and  the  manitos  (diables),  I  mean  those  who  are  not  converted. 
They  invoke  most  often  the  Great  Hare,  because  they  respect  and  adore 
him  as  the  creator  of  the  land,  and  the  sun  as  the  originator  of  light 
but  if  they  put  the  manitos  in  the  number  of  their  divinities,  and  invoke 
them,  it  is  because  they  fear  them,  and  ask  life  of  them  when  they  make 
their  invocations.  Those  among  the  Indians  whom  the  French  call 
medicine-men  (jongleurs)  speak  to  the  demon  that  they  consult  con- 
cerning war  and  the  chase. 

"They  have  many  other  divinities,  to  whom  they  pray  and  which 
they  find  in  the  air,  on  the  earth,  and  in  the  earth.  Those  of  the  air 
are  the  thunder  and  the  lightning,  and,  in  general,  all  that  they  can 
see  but  are  unable  to  comprehend,  as  the  moon,  eclipses,  and  the  whirl- 
winds of  unusual  winds.  Those  which  are  on  the  earth  consist  of  all  evil 
and  harmful  creatures,  particularly  the  serpents,  panthers,  and  other 
animals  or  birds  similar  to  griffons.^*  They  also  include  those  which 
are  extraordinaiy  for  beauty  or  deformity  among  their  kind.  Those 
which  are  in  the  earth  are  the  bears,  which  pass  the  winter  without  eat- 


23  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  55,  p.  217. 

24  Champlain  reported  and  pictured  the  griffon  in  the  fauna  of  the  country,  from 
the  descriptions  of  the  natives. 


62 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


ing,  nourishing  themselves  only  by  the  substance  which  they  draw  from 
the  navel  by  sucking.  They  regard  in  this  way  all  the  animals  that 
sojourn  in  caverns  and  holes,  which  they  invoke  when,  in  sleeping,  they 
have  dreamed  of  any  of  them. 

"They  make  for  these  kinds  of  invocations  a  feast  of  food  or  tobacco, 
to  which  the  old  men  are  invited,  and  relate  in  their  presence  the  dream 


SSSiSSWSS^msSiWSSWS^^ 


The  Griffon 
(From  Oeuvres  de  Champlain,  Quebec  Ed.  1870) 

which  they  have  had  as  the  cause  of  the  feast,  which  they  owed  to  the 
one  of  whom  they  had  dreamed.  Then  one  of  the  old  men  acts  as  spokes- 
man, and,  naming  the  creature  to  which  the  feast  is  given  he  addresses 
to  him  the  following  words:  'Have  mercy  on  him  who  offers  to  thee 
(mentioning  each  thing  offered  by  name)  ;  have  mercy  on  his  family; 
grant  to  him  whatever  he  needs'.  All  the  assistants  respond  in  unison 
'  0  !  0  ! '  many  times,  until  the  prayer  is  concluded ;  and  this  word  '  0 ' 
signifies  the  same  with  them  as  it  does  with  us". 

This  illustrates  the  only  kind  of  praj^er  to  the  manitos  (ma-net'-o- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  63 

wa'-ki)  that  the  ^Miamis  use  at  present,  or  probably  used  at  that  time, 
i.  e.  supplication  accompanying  an  offering.  The  fundamental  concept 
of  the  Miami  faith  is  that  there  is  "no  getting  something  for  nothing". 
This  is  due  to  the  character  of  the  manitos,  for  outside  of  the  ideas  in- 
culcated by  Christian  teaching,  they  have  no  conception  of  any  super- 
natural being  that  is  absolutely  good  or  absolutely  bad.  All  of  them 
can  be  plai;ated,  and  will  treat  you  well  if  placated,  but  are  liable  to  do 
you  an  injury  if  not  placated.  And  these  prayers,  invocations  and 
feasts  are  not  to  the  earthly  animals  named  by  Perrot  but  to  the  spirit, 
or  manito  animals  of  the  same  name.  The  earthly  animals  are  regarded 
as  the  descendants  of  the  spirit  animal,  or  as  iinder  its  special  protection, 
and  may  receive  consideration  on  that  account,  but  they  are  not  objects 
for  prayer  or  invocation,  and  never  were.  Neither  are  there  now  any 
of  the  formalities  of  assemblage  mentioned  by  Perrot.  The  modern 
practice,  for  it  still  continues  to  some  extent  with  the  old  people,  and 
this  without  regard  to  their  professions  of  Catholic  or  Protestant  faith, 
is  for  the  person  making  the  offering  to  address  the  manito  direct,  calling 
him  Ni-mji'-co-mi'-na  (our  grandfather)  or,  in  abbreviated  form,  Ma'-ca. 
In  the  address,  however,  they  use  "secret  words",  that  I  have  never 
been  able  to  learn. 

The  Great  Hare,  otherwise  known  as  ilichaboo,  Manabozho,  Nana- 
bozho  Nanaboush,  Messou,  Oisakedjak,  etc.,  was  perhaps  the  nearest 
approach  to  a  beneficent  supernatural  in  the  iliami  theogony.  They 
have  lost  all  trace  of  him  now  except  in  their  legends  of  Wi-sa'-ka- 
tcak'-wa,  who  was  the  incarnation  of  Michaboo,  and  who  was  not  a 
worshipful  character  as  presented  in  these  legends.  This  is  no  doubt 
the  result  of  a  prolonged  debasement  of  the  original  conception.  As 
Brinton  aptly  puts  it:  "This  is  a  low,  modern  and  corrupt  version  of 
the  character  of  Michaboo,  bearing  no  more  resemblance  to  his  real 
and  ancient  one  than  the  language  and  acts  of  our  Savior  and  the 
apostles  in  the  coarse  Mystery  Plays  of  the  Middle  Ages  do  to  those 
revealed  by  the  Evangelists ".-^ 

The  Miami  theory  of  creation  starts  with  the  proposition  that  "there 
was  nothing  but  water  before  the  earth  (i.  e.  the  visible  earth,  the  dry 
land)  was  created;  and  that  on  this  vast  expanse  of  water  floated  a 
great  raft  of  logs,  on  which  were  all  the  animals  of  all  kinds  that  are 
on  the  earth,  of  which  the  Great  Hare  was  chief".  The  Great  Hare  told 
the  animals  that  if  he  could  get  some  earth  from  beneath  the  water, 
he  could  make  a  laud  large  enough  for  them  to  live  on.  The  beaver 
was  first  induced  to  dive  for  this  purpose,  but  after  a  long  stay  came 
up  insensible  from  exhaustion,  and  unsuccessful.     The  otter  then  tried. 


25  The  Myths  of  the  New  World,  p.  194. 


64  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

but  with  no  better  success.  Then  the  muskrat  went  down,  and  after 
a  stay  of  tweuty-four  hours  came  up  insensible;  but  in  one  of  his 
clenched  paws  they  found  a  grain  of  sand,  from  which  Michaboo  made 
an  island. 

They  proceeded  to  occupy  this  island,  which  was  increased  from 
time  to  time  by  Michaboo  until  it  became  the  continent;  and  when  one 
of  the  animals  died  i\Iiehaboo  would  take  its  body  and  make  a  man  of 
it,  as  lie  did  also  with  the  bodies  of  fish  and  animals  found  on  the  shores. 
This  was  the  ascribed  reason  for  the  animal  totems  of  the  various  clans, 
and  their  claimed  descent  from  various  animals.  It  will  be  noted  that 
Michaboo  required  matter  with  which  to  create  anything.  The  Indians 
had  no  conception  of  creation  by  fiat,  or  of  making  something  from 
nothing.  They  believed  that  matter  was  eternal,  and,  as  Perrot  says, 
"In  regard  to  the  ocean  and  the  firmament,  they  believe  that  these  were 
from  eternity".  This  creation  legend  had  numerous  variant  forms.''' 
In  several  of  these  the  story  of  Michaboo  appears  to  be  a  flood  legend 
instead  of  a  creation  legend ;  and  this  is  true  of  one  recorded  even 
earlier  than  that  of  Perrot.  In  his  Relation  of  1633,  Father  LeJeune 
records  the  Montagnaise  legend  of  Messou,  their  Michaboo,  who  offended 
certain  water  manitos;  and  they  brought  on  the  flood,  from  which  lie 
restored  the  earth.^'  But  in  all  of  these  the  deluge  was  prior  to  the 
creation  of  man  by  Michaboo;  and  this  fact  must  be  kept  in  mind  in 
considering  the  Indian  conception  of  divinity. 

It  is  singular  that  Michaboo  and  Mi-ci-bi-si  are  confused  in  some 
authoritative  works,-*  as  they  were  not  only  distinct,  but  also  enemies, 
and  both  of  them  are  frequently  mentioned  by  travelers.  Mi'-ci-bi-si  is 
the  Chippewa  name  of  the  panther,  or  as  La  Hontan  puts  it:  "The 
Michibichi  is  a  sort  of  Tyger.  only  'tis  less  than  the  common  Tyger,  and 
not  so  much  speckl'd''.-^  The  Spirit  Panther,  which  bears  this  same 
name  of  Mi'-ei-bi'-si  (i.  e.  the  big  cat)  was  "the  god  of  the  waters"  or 
"the  manito  of  the  waters  and  the  fishes".^"  He  was  supposed  to  dwell 
in  deep  places  where  the  water  seems  to  boil  up  in  lakes  and  rivers,  and 
this  motion  of  the  water  is  caused  by  moving  his  tail.  The  IndiaiLS 
offered  him  gifts  to  secure  his  aid  in  fishing,  and  to  secure  protection 


20  See  Journal  of  Am.  Folk  Lore,  Vol.  4,  p.  193 ;  Report  Bur.  of  Ethnology, 
1892-3,  pp.  161-209;  Kmerson's  Indian  Myths,  pp.  336-71;  Peter  Jones  and  the 
Ojibway  Indians,  p.  33;  Kohl's  Kitchigami,  p.  386;  Algic  Tales,  Vol.  1,  p.  166. 

"Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  5,  p.  155;  Vol.  6,  p.  157. 

28Brinton's  Myths  of  the  New  World,  p.  197;  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  50,  p.  328. 

29  Thwaite's  La  Hontan,  p.  345. 

30  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  50,  p.  289;  Vol.  54,  p.  155;  Vol.  67,  p.  159;  Blair's 
Indian  Tribes,  Vol.  1,  p.  59. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  65 

from  the  dangers  of  navigation.  These  dangers  were  frequent  in  the 
use  of  birch-bark  canoes,  and  whenever  the  lakes  were  rough  the  mis- 
sionary passengers  were  grieved  by  the  idolatry  of  the  Indians,  who 
believed  in  "safety  first"  when  it  could  be  obtained  by  throwing  a 
little  tobacco  to  Mi'-ci-bi'-si.  The  French  travelers  sometimes  called 
this  manito  L 'Homme  Tyger,  because  he  was  represented  as  having  the 
face  of  a  man. 

The  Miami  name  of  this  manito  is  Len'-ni-pin'-ja,  or  the  Man-Cat, 
and  a  pool  where  he  is  residing  is  called  Len'-ni-pin'-ja-ka'-mi.  There 
is  one  of  these  places  on  the  Mississinewa  river,  and  there  are  some 
startling  legends  concerning  events  there.  He  is  also  the  "spirit"  that 
was  supposed  to  inhabit  Lake  Manitou,  in  Fulton  County ;  and  he  gives 
the  name  to  the  Shawnese  clan  to  which  Tecumtha  belonged  of  Manetuwi 
Msi-pessi,  of  which  it  is  said:  "The  Msi-pessi,  when  the  epithet  mi- 
raculous (manetuwi)  is  added  to  it,  means  a  'celestial  tiger,'  i.  e.,  a 
meteor  or  shooting  star.    The  manetuwi  msi-pessi  lives  in  water  only,  and 

■  is  visible  not  as  an  animal,  but  as  a  shooting  star."  ^i  But  the  activities  of 
this  manito  are  not  confined  to  the  water.  He  corresponds  to  the  "Fire 
Dragon"  of  other  mythologies;  and  when  they  see  a  meteor,  the  old 
Miamis  say  that  it  is  Len'-ni-pin'-ja  going  from  one  sea  to  another. 
Godfrey  said  that  the  reason  he  stayed  in  deep  waters  was  to  avoid 
setting  the  world  on  fire;  but  Finley  said  that  it  was  to  avoid  danger 
of  being  harmed  by  Tcing'-wi-a,  the  Thunder,  who  is  a  sort  of  American 
Thor.  Although  not  now  worshipped,  Tcing'-wi-a  is  still  regarded  as  a 
manito,  but  the  lightning  is  considered  the  effect  of  his  blows.  Hence, 
the  Miamis  do  not  say  that  anything  has  been  struck  by  lightning,  but 
by  Thunder.  Finley  says  that  one  of  Lenni-pin-ja's  horns  is  white,  and 
one  blue. 

In  this  connection,  it  is  of  interest  to  refer  to  the  celebrated  pictured 
rocks  whicli  were  formerly  on  the  Mississippi  river  just  above  Alton, 
but  which  have  now  been  quarried  away.  When  Father  Marquette 
made  his  first  trip  down  the  Mis.sissippi  he  had  been  warned  against 
it  by  the  .Menominees,  who  told  him  that  the  great  river  was  "full  of 
horrible  monsters,  which  devoured  men  and  canoes  together",  and  that 
at  one  point  there  was  a  demon  that  barred  navigation.32  He  made 
light  of  the  warning,  but  apparently  was  on  the  lookout  for  them ;  and 
he  saw  one,  for  he  says:  "We  saw  on  the  water  a  monster  with  the  head 
of  a  tiger,  a  sharp  nose  like  that  of  a  wildcat,  with  whiskers  and  straight 
erect  ears.     The  head  was  gray  and  the  neck  quite  black;  but  we  saw 


31  Eeport  Bureau  of  Eth.  1892-?,,  p.  682. 

32  Jesuit  Eelatious,  Vol.  59,  p.  97. 

Vol.   1—5 


66 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


no  more  creatures  of  this  sort".^^  A  little  later,  when  he  reached  the 
pictured  rocks,  he  wrote:  "While  skirting  some  rocks,  which  by  their 
height  and  length  inspired  awe,  we  saw  upon  one  of  them  two  painted 
monsters  which  at  first  made  us  afraid,  and  upon  which  the  boldest 
savages  dare  not  long  rest  their  ej'cs.  They  are  as  large  as  a  calf :  they 
have  horns  on  their  heads  like  those  of  a  deer,  a  horrible  look,  red  eyes, 
a  beard  like  a  tiger's,  a  face  somewhat  like  a  man's,  a  body  covered  with 
scales,  and  so  long  a  tail  that  it  winds  all  around  the  body  passing  above 
the  head  and  going  back  between  the  legs,  ending  in  a  fish's  tail". 


THE  I'USrt  BIRD 


Marquette's  Monster 
(Len'-ni-pin'-ja,  or  Man-Cat  of  the  Peorias  and  Illinois;  Mi-ci-bi'-si,  of 

the  Northern  tribes.) 


This  rock,  which  had  numerous  other  pictographs  in  addition,  has 
been  quite  a  puzzle  to  antiquarians,  and  has  been  known  as  "the  Piasa 
Rock"  since  William  Mc Adams  published  his  "Record  of  Ancient 
Races  in  the  Mississippi  Valley",  in  1887,  in  which  he  said  it  was  so 
called.  Mr.  McAdams  was  a  farmer  of  the  vicinity,  who  took  great 
interest  in  prehistoric  matters,  and  he  performed  a  real  service  by  pre- 
serving two  pictures  of  Marquette's  monsters.  The  best  one,  which  is 
labeled  "Flying  Dragon",  and  inscribed  "Made  by  Wm.  Dennis,  April 
3d,  182.5",  is  reproduced  here.^*  McAdams  says:  "The  name  Piasa  is 
Indian,  and  signifies  in  the  Illini  'The  Bird  which  devours  men'  ". 


33  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  59,  p.  111. 

34  Both  pictures  were  reproduced  in  the  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  with 
an  extended  discussion,  in  1892-3,  p.  640. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  •     67 

There  is  no  such  word  in  the  Illinois,  and  it  would  not  have  that  mean- 
ing if  there  were.  Amos  Stoddard  came  nearer  to  it  seventy-iive  years 
earliei-,  when  he  wrote:  "What  they  (Joliet  and  Marquette)  call 
Painted  ilonsters  on  the  side  of  a  high  perpendicular  rock,  apparently 
inaccessible  to  man,  between  the  Missouri  and  Illinois,  and  known  to 
the  moderns  by  the  name  of  Piesa,  still  remain  in  a  good  state  of  preser- 
vation." ^s  That  this  was  the  early  pronunciation  is  shown  by  the 
following  entry  in  the  Executive  Journal  of  Indiana  Territory:  "Jan- 
uary 1st,  1807.  A  Liseence  was  granted  to  Eli  Langford  to  keep  a 
ferry  on  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi  in  St.  Clair  County  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Missouri  and  two  miles  from  Pyesaw  Rock.'.'  ^u 

The  Illinois  and  Miami  name  is  Pa-i'-sa,  plural  Pa-i'-sa-ki,  which  is 
the  name  of  a  race  of  "little  men"  corresponding  to  the  elves  and  ko- 
bolds.  They  are  rather  friendly  to  men,  and  will  not  injure  you  unless 
you  inti'ude  on  their  preserves.  They  live  under  the  water  usually,  and 
are  the  same  people  who  were  said  to  make  arrow-heads  for  Indians  in 
the  preceding  chapter.  When  an  Indian  dies,  two  of  them  come  to  guide 
his  spirit  over  the  ]\Iilky  Wa.y,  which  is  the  path  of  departed  spirits  to 
the  "happy  hunting  grounds".  The  monster  represented  is  Len'-ni- 
pin'-ja,  or  ]\Ii'-ci-bi'-si,  and  his  pictui-e  was  probably  believed  to  have 
been  placed  there  as  warning  of  the  Leu'-ni-pin'-ja-ka'-ml,  which  Mar- 
quette found  at  the  mouth  of  the  ilissouri,  five  miles  farther  down.  It 
is  probable  that  the  stories  of  a  race  of  dwarfs  in  this  country  originated 
in  Indian  legends  of  the  Pa-i'-sa-ki,  just  as  the  report  of  griffons  came 
from  their  I\Ii'-ei-bi'-si  stories. 

In  the  earliest  Peoria  and  Miami  texts  and  vocabularies,  the  word 
used  for  "God"  is  Ki'-ci-ma-net'-o-wa  (The  Great  Spirit — varied  in 
other  dialects  to  Gi'-tci-ma-ni'-to,  etc.),  and  this  is  still  used  by  some 
of  the  Algonquian  tribes  for  the  white  man's  God.  With  the  Miarais  it 
has  been  dropped  so  completely  that  I  have  never  found  a  Miami  who 
had  heard  the  word,  though  they  all  understood  its  primary  meaning  at 
once.  In  1797.  when  Yolney  obtained  his  iliami  vocabulary,  he  gave  for 
"God"  the  alternative,  "Kitehi  Manetoua  or  Kajehelangoua".  The 
latter  word.  Kii-ci'-hi-lan'-gwa,  means  literally  "he  who  made  us  all", 
and  unquestionably  in  its  original  use  referred  to  Michaboo.  But  both 
of  these  words  are  now  out  of  use,  and  Ka-ci'-hi-wi-a,  i.  e.  the  Creator, 
is  now  used  for  "God".  The  explanation  of  this  is  that  Ki'-ci-ma-net'- 
o-wa  was  the  name  of  the  Great  Serpent,  who  was  not  a  beneficent 
spirit,  but  merely  the  most  powerful  of  the  manitos,  and  with  rather  a 


•in  Sketches  of  Louisiana,  Phila.  1812,  p.  17. 
selnd.  Hist.  Soc.  Pubs.  Vol.  3,  p.  138. 


68 


INDIANA  AXD  IXDIANAXS 


worse  disposition  than  most  of  them.  He  was  an  enemy  of  Michaboo, 
and  altogether  corresponded  more  nearly  to  the  old  world  conception  of 
the  devil  than  to  the  conception  of  God.  The  Miamis  and  Illinois  were 
more  rapidly  Christianized  than  any  of  the  other  western  tribes,  and, 
no  doubt,  when  the  true  character  of  Ki'-ci-ma-net'-o-wa  was  learned  by 
the  missionaries,  their  influence  was  used  to  discontinue  the  use  of  the 


Sarah  Wadsworth 
(Wi-ka'-pi-min-d.ia,  or  The  Linn  Tree.    A  Wea  woman,  native  of  Indiana) 


word.  I  am  confident  that  the  Miamis  never  had  any  conception  of  a 
divine,  omnipotent,  beneficent  spirit,  similar  to  the  Christian,  Jewish, 
or  Platonic  conceptions  of  God,  until  they  got  it  from  the  missionaries ; 
and  I  think  this  was  time  of  all  the  Indians. 

In  his  dealings  with  the  manitos,  the  Miami  took  no  chances;  and 
therefore,  in  addition  to  ofi'erings  and  prayers,  if  he  knows  any  charms 
that  will  prevent  injury,  he  uses  them  also.     In  proposing  an  offering 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  69 

one  says  to  another:  "A-ko'-la  (smoke)  na-ma'-wa-ta'-wi  (let  us  offer) 
ki-ma'-co-mi'-na  (our  grandfather).  Grandfather  is  the  most  respectful 
and  endearing  term  that  can  be  used  to  an  elder  or  superior;  in  familiar 
usage  it  is  shortened  to  Ma'-ca.  Tobacco,  which  is  especially  agreeable 
to  all  intelligent  manitos,  is  smoked  and  puffed  out  towards  the  location 
of  the  manito,  or  sometimes  thrown  on  the  fire  to  ascend  in  smoke  or 
thrown  into  the  water  or  the  air.  The  word  for  sacrifice  implies 
throwing. 

In  addition  to  tobacco,  the  old  Miamis  use  a  mixture  of  the  common 
everlasting  (Gnaphalium  polycephalum),  which  the  Weas  call  pa'-wa- 
ki'-ki,  and  the  Miamis  pat-sa'-ki  (odorous),  and  the  leaves  of  the  red 
cedar.  These  are  dried,  rubbed  to  powder  in  the  hands,  and  thrown  to 
the  manito.  This  is  accompanied  by  a  prayer:  "Ni-ma'-co-mi'-na  (our 
grandfather)  lam-pa'-na-ci'-so-la'-ma  (do  not  harm  us)  ki-ta'-ma-ki-a'- 
li-mi-lo'-ma  (have  mercy  on  us)".  Sarah  Wadsworth  (Wi-ka'-pa- 
min'-dja,  or  Linn  Tree)  informed  me  that  one  day  an  ugly  cyclone  cloud 
was  moving  down  from  the  North  towards  their  house,  in  Oklahoma, 
when  she  ran  out  on  one  side  of  the  house  and  offered  the  above  incense 
and  invocation;  and,  unknown  to  her.  Aunt  Susan  Medicine  (Wa'-no- 
kam'-kwa,  or  Fog  Woman)  went  out  on  the  other  side  and  did  the  same. 
They  each  also  threw  oiit  a  shovelful  of  hot  coals,  which  the  storm 
manito  cannot  cross.  The  cloud  broke  in  two,  and  the  two  parts  went 
around  them  without  injury.  The  Miamis  had  a  small  variety  of  tobacco, 
which  they  raised  themselves,  that  was  used  for  offerings. 

Some  of  the  most  lasting  of  their  old  beliefs  are  in  their  funeral 
customs.  With  little  regard  to  their  Christian  affiliations,  the  Miamis 
believe  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul;  and  they  do  not  believe  in  the 
existence  of  a  hell.  They  believe  in  a  "happy  hunting  ground",  which 
they  call  a-tci'-pai-a  a'-hi  wi-a'-ki-wa'-tci  (where  the  spirit  dwells) 
This  delightful  spirit  land  is  reached  by  a  long  road,  including  what  we 
call  the  Milky  Way,  and  which  the  Miamis  call  a-tci'-pai-i-ka-na'-wa 
(the  spirit  path).  This  was  the  original  Algonquian  belief,  as  Father 
Le  Jeune  recorded  it  in  1634:  "They  call  the  milky  way  Tehipai 
meskanau,  the  path  of  souls,  because  they  think  the  souls  raise  them- 
selves through  this  way  in  going  to  that  great  village  ".^^  In  their 
funerals,  at  least  until  quite  recently,  they  observed  the  Indian  cere- 
monial, whether  accompanied  by  Christian  services  or  not.  In  this 
some  prominent  or  old  person  takes  position  at  the  foot  of  the  grave, 
and  delivers  an  address  to  the  dead,  which  they  call  pa-ko'-ma-ta.  A 
typical  form  of  this  address,  which  is  varied  more  or  less  at  the  will  of 
the  speaker,  is  as  follows: 


3'  Jesuit  Eelations,  Vol.  6,  p.  181. 


70  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Ni'-ka     I'-ci-iion'-gi  a-in'-^wi-lat'-kwi  mi'-to-sa'-ni-wi'-a-ni 

Friend,  as  it  is  now  you  have  come  to  the  end  you  were  living 

I-a'-kwa-mi'-si-lo'  a-i'-ci    i'-a-i'-a-ni.  A-pwa-lap'-so-lo'.     Wis'-sa 

Make  every  effort  where  you  are  going.    Do  not  look  back.    Many 

ka'-ti    ko-ta'-li-wa'-ki ;     ka'-ti    sa'-ki-ha'-ki.  I-a'-kwa-mi'-si-lo'; 

will       they  tempt  you ;   will       they  frighten  you.    Do  your  best; 

i'-ei-ka'-ti  na-wa'-tci,       a-wa'-man-g-wi'-ki  min'-dji-ma'-ha 
then  will  you  see  him,      our  relatives  long  ago 

na-wa-tci'-ki.  I-a'-kwa-mi'-si-lo' ;  i'-ci-ka'-ti  na-pil-sa'-tei, 

you  see  them.  Do  all  you  can ;       then  will    you  get  to  him, 

ki-ma-co-mi'-na.      Nii-na'-ta-wi  mi-kwa'-li-ma-ka'-ni  ki-ma'-eo-mi'-na. 
our  grandfather.    Always  you  think  of  him,     our  grandfather. 

It  will  be  noted  that  in  this  address  the  important  personage  of 
the  spirit  v\'orld  is  not  Ka-ci'-hi-wi-a,  but  Ki-ma'-co-mi'-na ;  and  this 
originally  meant  Michaboo.  Those  in  attendance  at  the  funeral,  who 
so  desire,  throw  bits  of  earth  into  the  grave,  the  object  of  which  is  to 
prevent  the  spirit  from  returning  to  trouble  them.  They '  dislike 
spiritual  visitations,  and  when  apijrehensive  of  them,  they  made  a  circle 
of  ashes  about  tlie  lodge,  or  house,  which  the  spirits  cannot  cross.  They 
also  used  a  vegetable  "medicine"  called  black  root  (ma-ka'-ta-wa- 
tcip'-ki),38  which  they  rubbed  on  a  gun-barrel,  and  then  fired  the  gun 
at  any  strange  noise  which  they  suspected  to  be  made  by  spirits,  at  the 
same  time  asking  ni-ma'-co-mi'-na  to  make  the  bullet  hit  the  mark. 

This  is  a  survival  of  an  ancient  and  widespread  faith.  La  Potherie 
recounts  how  the  Miamis  fired  guns,  beat  drums,  and  yelled  vociferously 
during  an  eclipse  of  the  moon,  and  the  chiefs  gave  the  explanation ; 
"Our  old  men  have  taught  us  that  when  the  Moon  is  sick  it  is  necessary 
to  assist  her  by  discharging  arrows  and  making  a  great  deal  of  noise,  in 
order  to  cause  terror  in  the  spirits  who  are  trying  to  cause  her  death ; 
then  she  regains  her  strength,  and  returns  to  her  former  condition. 
If  men  did  not  aid  her  she  would  die,  and  we  would  no  longer  see 
clearly  at  night ;  and  thus  we  could  no  longer  separate  the  twelve  months 
of  the  year  ".■■'''  This  unfailing  remedy,  as  shown  by  Lafitau,  was  general 
with  the  natives  of  America.  Civilized  man  probably  makes  enough 
noise  to  secure  the  result  without  any  special  effort. 


38  I  have  not  seen  this  plant,  but  imagine  that  it  is  Eudbeckia  hirta,  as  the  Indian 
said,  "the  Whites  call  it  Bachelor's  Button,  because  a  button  grows  on  the  top,  which 
is  in  the  midst  of  a  brown  flower.     The  stalks  are  from  two  to  three  feet  tall." 

39  Blair 's  Indian  Tribes,  Vol.   2,  p.   121. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


71 


The  general  loss  of  tlieir  original  religion  myths  by  the  Miamis  is 
due  to  their  general  early  acceptance  of  Christiauit}'.  The  pioneer 
missionaries  pronounced  them  "very  docile",  "the  most  civil  and  most 


Indians  DnmNG  Opt  Eclipse  of  Moon 

(After  Lafitau.    The  lower  part  portrays  the  12th  Chapter  of  the  Book 

of  Revelation,  wliieh  Lafitau  considered  analogous) 

liberal"  of  the  western  tribes,  aud  having  "a  docility  which  has  no 
savor  of  barbarism".*"  Their  conversion  also  had  a  material  effect  on 
their  habits  and  physical  characteristics.    La  Hontan  says  of  the  west- 


40  Jesuit  Eelations,  Vol.  59,  pp.  101-3;  Vol.  55,  p.  213. 


72  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

ern  Algonkins  at  the  earliest  period  of  contact  with  the  French:  "They 
are  neither  so  strong  nor  so  vigorous  as  most  of  the  French  in  raising 
of  weights  with  their  arms,  or  cari-ying  burdens  on  their  backs;  but  to 
make  amends  for  that  they  are  indefatigable  and  inured  to  hardships, 
insomuch  that  the  inconveniences  of  cold  and  heat  have  no  impression 
upon  them ;  their  whole  time  being  spent  in  the  way  of  exercise,  whether 
at  running  up  and  down,  at  hunting  and  fishing,  or  in  dancing  and 
playing  at  foot  ball,  or  such  games  as  require  the  motion  of  the  legs".''i 
This  was  the  result  of  a  Spartan  athletic  training  which  was  especially 
characteristic  of  the  Miamis;  and  La  Hontan  further  speaks  of  their 
sexual  continence,  in  this  connection,  and  their  explanation  that 
excesses  "so  enervate  them  that  they  have  not  the  same  measure  of 
strength  to  undergo  great  fatigues,  and  that  their  hams  are  too  weak 
for  long  marches  or  quick  pursuits". 

In  his  letter  to  the  Provincial,  on  Oct.  21,  1683,  Father  Beschefer 
says  of  the  conversion  of  these  Indians  by  Father  Allouez:  "With 
regard  to  the  superstitions  of  the  Miamis,  he  has  not  much  trouble  in 
disabusing  them  about  these,  because  nearly  all  consist  in  the  very 
strict  observance  of  certain  fasts,  of  several  days  duration — which  the 
old  men  cause  the  youth  to  undergo,  in  order  that  they  may  discover 
during  their  sleep  the  object  upon  which  their  good  fortune  depends 
and  no  sooner  had  the  father  shown  them  the  vanity  of  those  dreams 
than  the  young  men,  delighted  to  be  freed  from  that  obligation,  which 
to  them  seemed  a  very  hard  one,  abandoned  the  fasts.  The  old  men 
have  also  been  compelled  to  admit  that  their  only  reason — which  they 
had  nevertheless  covered  with  specious  pretext  of  religion — was  to  inure 
the  young  men  to  fatigue,  and  to  prevent  their  becoming  too  heavy  ".^^ 

The  food  of  the  Miamis  is  a  matter  of  ethnologic  interest.  Count 
Volney,  who  was  a  firm  believer  in  the  influence  of  climate,  soil  and 
food  on  the  human  race,  said  of  the  Indians  on  the  Wabash:  "They 
have  a  good  soil,  with  finer  maize,  and  greater  plenty  of  game  than  are 
found  east  of  the  mountains.  Hence  it  is  that  the  natives  are  a  stout, 
well-formed  race.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  Shawanese,  the  stature 
of  those  women  astonished  me  more  than  their  beauty".  At  that  time 
(1797)  the  Miamis  had  adopted  some  of  the  white  man's  food,  for 
William  Wells  told  Volney :  ' '  They  raise  some  corn  and  potatoes,  and 
even  cabbages  and  turnips.  Their  captives  have  planted  peach  and 
apple  trees,  and  taught  them  to  breed  poultry,  pigs,  and  even  cows;  in 
short  they  are  as  much  improved  as  the  Creeks  and  the  Choctaws".** 


■•iThwaite's  La  Hontan,  p.  415. 

«  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  62,  p.  205. 

43  View  of  the  Climate  and  Soil  of  the  U.  S.,  p.  360. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  73 

If  food  had  affected  their  physique,  its  effects  must  have  begun 
long  before  their  contact  with  the  whites ;  and  they  evidently  had  this 
advantage  at  an  early  day.  Perrot  notes  the  difference  between  the 
food  supplies  of  the  tribes  of  the  wooded  countries  and  those  of  the 
prairies.  Of  the  former  he  says :  "The  kinds  of  food  which  the  savages 
lilie  best,  and  which  they  make  the  most  effort  to  obtain,  are  the  Indian 
corn,  the  kidney  bean,  and  the  squash.  If  they  are  without  these  they 
think  they  are  fasting,  no  matter  what  abundance  of  meat  and  fish  they 
may  have  in  their  stores,  the  Indian  corn  being  to  them  what  bread  is 
to  Frenchmen.  The  Algonkins  (i.  e.  the  Canada  tribe),  however,  and 
all  the  northern  tribes,  who  do  not  cultivate  the  soil,  do  not  lay  up 
corn ;  but  when  it  is  given  to  th*m  while  they  are  out  hunting,  they 
regard  it  as  a  special  treat. 

"Those  people  commonlj'  live  only  by  hunting  or  fishing;  they  have 
moose,  caribou  and  bears,  but  the  beaver  is  the  most  common  of  all  their 
game.  They  consider  themselves  very  fortunate  in  their  hunting  expe- 
ditions when  they  encounter  some  rabbits,  martens,  or  partridges,  from 
which  to  make  a  soup ;  and  without  what  we  call  tripe  de  roche — which 
you  would  say  is  a  species  of  gray  moss,  dry,  and  resembling  oublies,^* 
and  which  of  itself  has  only  an  earthy  taste,  and  the  flavor  of  the  soup 
in  which  it  has  been  cooked — most  of  their  families  would  perish  of 
hunger.  Some  of  these  have  been  known  who  were  compelled  to  eat 
their  own  children,  and  others  whom  starvation  has  entirely  destroyed. 
For  the  northern  country  is  the  most  sterile  region  in  the  world,  since 
in  many  places  one  will  not  find  a  single  bird  to  hunt;  however  they 
gather  there  plenty  of  blueberries  in  the  months  of  August  and  Septem- 
ber, which  they  are  careful  to  dry  and  keep  for  a  time  of  need  ".■•'' 

But  passing  from  these  wooded  countries  to  the  lands  of  the  Miamis 
and  Illinois,  Perrot  continues:  "The  savage  peoples  who  inhabit  the 
prairies  have  life-long  good  fortune ;  animals  and  birds  are  found  there 
in  great  numbers,  with  numberless  rivers  abounding  in  fish.  Those 
people  are  naturally  very  industi'ious,  and  devote  themselves  to  the 
cultivation  of  the  soil,  which  is  very  fertile  for  Indian  corn.  It  also 
produces  beans,  squashes  (both  large  and  small)  of  excellent  flavor, 
fruits,  and  many  kinds  of  roots.  They  have  in  especial  a  certain  methotl 
of  preparing  squashes  with  the  Indian  corn  cooked  while  in  its  milk. 


4*  These  are  wafers,  used  to  fasten  paper  together.  The  referenee  is  to  the 
gelatinous  character  of  the  plant.  Tripe  de  roche  is  the  edible  lichen,  TJmbilicaria 
dillenii.  It  is  used  for  food  only  as  a  last  resort;  and  Father  Andre  well  says  of  it: 
"It  is  necessary  to  close  one's  eyes  when  one  begins  to  eat  it."  (Jesuit  Relations, 
Vol.  55,  p.  151.) 

<5  Blair's  Indian  Tribes,  Vol.  1,  p.  102. 


74 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


which  they  mix  and  cook  together  and  then  dry,  which  has  a  very  sweet 
taste.  Finally,  melons  grow  thei-e  which  have  a  juice  no  less  agreeable 
than  refreshing". 

The  Miamis  were  equally  agricultural  in  their  homes  on  the  Wabash 
and  Maumee.^'5  The  expeditions  of  the  whites  against  them  made  a 
specialty  of  destroying  their  crops,  and  Wilkinson,  Scott  and  others 
call  attention  to  the  extent  of  their  fields.  Gen.  Wayne  wrote:  "The 
very  extensive  and  highly-cultivated  fields  and  gardens  show  the  work 


Treaty  with  Potawatomis  at  Chippewanung,  1836 
(From  painting  by  Winters) 

of  many  hands.  The  margins  of  those  beautiful  rivers,  the  Miamis  of 
the  Lake  (]\Iaumee)  and  Auglaize  appear  like  one  continued  village 
for  a  number  of  miles  both  above  and  below  this  place;  nor  have  I  ever 
before  beheld  such  immense  fields  of  corn  in  any  part  of  America,  from 
Canada  to  Florida  ".^^ 

It  was  noted  by  the  French  that  the  Miamis  raised  a  kind  of  corn 
differing  from  that  raised  by  the  Indians  about  Detroit,  and  it  was  said : 
"It  is  whiter,  of  the  same  size  as  the  other,  the  skin  much  finer,  and 


46  Jesuit  Relations,  Vol.  55,  p.  213;  Vol.  69,  p.  219;  N.  Y.  Col.  Does.,  Vol.  9,  pp. 
891-2. 

17  Dillon  '3  Indiana,  p.   346. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  75 

the  meal  much  whiter  ".^^  rpj^^  ^^  probably  what  the  Miamis  called 
no-kin'-gwa-mi'-ni,  or  soft  corn,  because  it  ground  easily.  It  was  used 
for  lye  hominy,  and  was  the  favorite  corn  for  parching,  as  it  was  easily 
chewed.  Parched  corn,  not  ground,  is  called  kit'-sa-min'-gi ;  when 
ground,  as  it  usually  was  when  carried  for  food,  it  is  called 
ki-ta'-sa-ka'-ni.  Corn  in  the  milk  was  preserved  by  boiling  and  then 
drying  it.  This  is  called  min-dji'-pi  co-ko'-sa-min'-gi.  The  favorite  corn 
of  the  Miamis  of  recent  times  is  what  the  whites  call  "squaw  corn", 
and  they  call  ik-kl'-pa-kin'-gwa-mi'-ni  (blue  corn),  or  sometimes 
to-sa'-ni-a  min-dji'-pi  (Indian  corn),  or  ili-a'mi  min-dji'-pi  (Miami 
corn).  This  is  an  early  variety,  and  sweeter  than  ordinary  corn.  The 
Indians  are  very  fond  of  a  soup  made  of  scraped  green  corn,  which  is 
called  min-dji'-pi  n'po'-pi,  or  corn  soup. 

Perrot  further  says:  "The  various  kinds  of  animals  that  the 
(prairie)  country  furnishes  are :  buffaloes,  elks,  bears,  lynxes,  raccoons, 
and  pauthers.  whose  flesh  is  very  good  for  food.  There  are  also  beavers, 
and  black  and  gray  wolves,  whose  skins  serve  as  their  garments;  and 
still  other  animals  which  also  they  use  for  food.  The  birds  or  fowls  of 
the  rivers  and  swamps  are :  swans,  bustards,  wild  geese,  and  ducks  of  all 
kinds.  Pelicans  are  very  common,  but  they  have  an  oily  flavor,  whether 
alive  or  dead,  which  is  so  disagreeable  that  it  is  impossible  to  eat  them. 
The  land  birds  are  turkeys,  pheasants,  quails,  pigeons,  and  curlews  like 
large  hens,  of  excellent  flavor.  In  that  region  are  found  still  other  birds, 
especially  innumerable  cranes  ".^^ 

This  translation  is  somewhat  doubtful.  If  Perrot  did  not  intend  to 
include  deer  in  "eerfs",  which  is  hei-e  translated  "elks",  he  omitted 
the  most  important  food  animal  of  the  region.  He  certainly  did  not 
mean  what  we  commonly  call  lynxes  (i.  e.  the  Canadian  lynx)  by  "chats 
cerviers",  for  they  are  not  found  in  the  prairie  country  south  of  Canada. 
What  he  probably  intended  was  the  common  wildcat  (bay  lynx  or  bob 
cat)  which  was  common  in  the  region  referred  to  wherever  woods  were 
found.  Godfroy  informed  me,  however,  that  the  Indians  ate  only  the 
ribs  of  the  wildcat,  and  believed  that  eating  the  legs  would  cause  cramps. 
Like  other  sensible  people,  the  Indians  would  eat  almost  any  animal  or 
bird  in  case  of  emergency,  but  they  had  preferences.  They  did  not 
ordinarily  eat  wolves,  foxes,  minks,  or  skunks ;  nor  the  smaller  animals, 
such  as  ground  sqiiirrels,  weasels,  rats  or  mice.  They  ate  groundhogs, 
and  considered  porcupines  a  delicacy,  except  in  the  pine  woods,  where 
their  flesh  tastes  of  pine.    Godfroy  said  he  never  knew  an  Indian  to  eat 


48  N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  Vol.  9,  p.  891. 

40  Blair's  ludiau  Tribes,  Vol.  1,  p.  114. 


76  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

a  dog,  though  they  certainly  did  in  early  times.  Possibly  this  is  a  change 
of  custom  due  to  a  change  of  dogs,  from  their  original  wolf  dogs  to  the 
more  valuable  or  less  edible  European  varieties. 

Of  the  water  birds,  it  is  not  certain  what  Perrot  meant  by  bustards 
(outardes),  for  the  European  bustard  is  a  land  bird,  more  like  a  turkey 
than  any  other  American  bird.  Possibly  he  meant  the  American  bittern, 
which  is  eaten  both  by  whites  and  Indians,  and  I  can  testify  that  a  young 
bittern  is  very  palatable.  He  probably  measured  his  "curlews  like  large 
hens"  by  extent  rather  than  weight,  as  the  northern  curlew,  the  largest 
of  all,  seldom  weighs  over  a  pound  and  a  half,  though  it  is  two  feet  in 
length.  Godfrey  said  that  the  Indians  ate  all  the  water  fowl  except 
those  that  taste  fishy  such  as  loons,  fish-ducks  and  herons.  Of  land  birds, 
he  thought  they  did  not  eat  hawks  and  owls  until  they  learned  to  do  so 
from  the  whites.  They  did  not  eat  woodpeckers,  as  they  say  that  eating 
them  will  make  one  deaf.  With  these  exceptions  they  ate  all  birds  of  any 
size.  They  did  not  eat  frogs,  snakes,  lizards,  mussels  or  snails.  Of  turtles 
they  ate  only  the  soft-shell  and  snapping  turtles.  They  considered  the 
flesh  of  the  water-dog  (menobranchus)  poisonous.  Godfroy  said  his  dog 
bit  one,  and  it  made  him  sick,  although  he  did  not  eat  any  of  it. 

As  to  edible  roots  Perrot  says  they,  "have  in  their  country  various 

kinds  of  roots.   That  which  they  call  • ,  meaning  'bear's  root',  is  an 

actual  poison  if  it  is  eaten  raw  ;  but  they  cut  it  in  very  thin  slices,  and  cook 
it  in  an  ovea  during  three  days  and  three  nights;  thus  by  heat  they  cause 
the  acrid  substance  which  renders  it  poisonous  to  evaporate  in  steam, 
and  it  then  becomes  what  is  commonly  called  cassava  root".  This  is  a 
good  description  of  the  Indian  turnip  (Arisaema  triphyllum),  but  the 
Miamis  call  it  wi'-ko-pai'-si-a,  which  does  not  mean  "bear's  root". 
I  think  that  Perrot  here  confuses  his  omitted  word  with  the  meaning  of 
"macopin",  which  literally  would  mean  bear  root.  The  Miamis  do  not 
now  use  this  word,  nor  know  to  what  it  refers,  but  it  was  in  common 
use  in  Perrot 's  time,  and  the  Illinois  river  was  called  Macopin  river. 
Makopin  is  said  to  be  the  Chippewa  name  of  the  water-chinquepin ;  but 
micoupena  was  the  Peoria  name  of  the  white  water-lily,  Njinphaea 
tuberosa,  and  the  name  of  the  Illinois  river  was  probably  coi'rupted  from 
this  word.  The  "oven"  mentioned  was  a  hole  dug  in  the  ground,  and 
heated  by  a  fire  in  it,  after  which  it  was  cleaned  out,  filled  with  food, 
and  covered  over.  Further  mention  of  its  use  is  made  in  connection  with 
the  wild  onion. 

Perrot  continues:  "Also  in  winter  they  dig  from  under  the  ice,  or 
where  there  is  much  mud  and  little  water,  a  certain  root  of  better  quality 
than  that  which  I  have  just  mentioned ;  but  it  is  only  found  in  the  Louisi- 
ana country,  some  fifteen  leagues  above  (below)  the  mouth  of  the  Wis- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  77 

consin.  The  savages  call  this  root  in  their  own  language  pokekoretch ; 
and  the  Freiich  give  it  no  other  name  because  nothing  at  all  resembling 
it  is  seen  in  Europe.  It  has  the  appearance  of  a  root,  about  half  as  thick 
as  ones  arm,  or  a  little  more ;  it  also  has  firm  flesh,  and  externally 
resembles  an  arm;  in  one  word,  you  would  say  at  sight  of  these  roots 
that  they  are  certainly  great  radishes.  But  cut  it  across  the  two  ends, 
and  it  is  no  longer  the  same  thing;  for  you  find  inside  it  a  cavity  in  the 
middle,  extending  throughout  its  length  around  which  are  five  or  six 
other  and  smaller  cavities,  which  also  run  from  end  to  end.  To  eat  it, 
you  must  cook  it  over  a  brazier,  and  you  will  find  that  it  tastes  like 
chestnuts.  The  savages  are  accustomed  to  make  provision  of  this  root; 
they  cut  it  into  pieces  and  string  them  on  a  cord,  in  order  to  dry  them 
in  the  smoke.  When  these  pieces  are  thoroughly  dry,  and  as  hard  as 
wood,  they  put  them  into  bags  and  keep  them  as  long  as  they  wish.  If 
they  boil  their  meat  in  a  kettle,  they  also  cook  therein  this  root,  which 
thus  becomes  soft ;  and,  when  they  wish  to  eat,  it  answers  for  bread  with 
their  meat.  It  is  always  better  with  considerable  grease ;  for  although 
this  root  is  very  sweet  and  has  a  good  flavor,  it  sticks  to  the  throat  in 
swallowing  and  goes  down  with  difficulty,  because  it  is  very  dry.  The 
women  gather  this  root,  and  recognize  it  by  the  dried  stem,  which  appears 
sticking  up  above  the  ice.  The  shape  (of  the  dry  top)  is  like  a  crown, 
of  red  color ;  it  is  as  large  as  the  bottom  of  a  plate,  and  is  full  of  seeds 
in  every  way  resembling  hazelnuts;  and  when  these  are  roasted  under 
hot  cinders  they  taste  just  like  chestnuts". 

This  plant  is  plainly  Nelumbium  luteum — the  American  lotus,  yellow 
water-lily,  water  chinquepin,  wankapin  or  yoncopin.  Sarah  Wadsworth 
informed  me  that  the  common  mode  of  its  preparation  by  the  Miami 
women  was  to  gather  the  roots  (tubers),  soak  them  in  lye  to  loosen  the 
skin,  and  then  peel  and  boil  them.  The  seeds  were  likewise  soaked  in 
lye,  and  shelled.  Of  these  they  made  soup  or  cooked  them  as  desired. 
The  Miami  name  of  the  plant  is  pok'-ci-kwal-ya'-ki,  i.  e.  full  of  holes, 
or  nostrils,  which  will  be  appreciated  by  those  who  are  familiar  with 

the  plant. 

Perrot  continues:  "That  country  also  produces  potatoes;  some  are 
as  large  as  an  egg,  others  have  the  size  of  ones  fist,  or  a  little  more.  They 
boil  these  in  water  by  a  slow  fire  during  twenty-four  hours ;  when  they 
are  thoroughly  cooked  you  will  find  in  them  an  excellent  flavor,  much 
resembling  that  of  prunes— which  are  cooked  in  the  same  way  in  France, 
to  be  served  with  dessert".  This  passage  has  caused  no  little  worry  to 
students  of  Perrot,  to  know  just  what  plant  he  refers  to.  Possibly  he 
meant  more  than  one,  for  there  are  several  "Indian  potatoes".  First 
of  these  is  the  psoralea  eseulenta,  or  pomme  de  prairie,  or  navet  de 


78  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

prairie  of  the  western  plains,  which  I  think  may  be  excluded  as  forei^ 
to  the  Algonquian  region,  and  probably  unknown  to  Perrot.  The  Jeru- 
salem artichoke  (helianthus  tuberosa)  appears  to  me  to  meet  his  descrip- 
tion more  nearly  than  any  other  one  plant,  and  its  tubers  were  eaten  by 
the  Indians.  Possibly  he  may  refer  to  the  ground-nut,  or  ground-bean, 
Apios  tubei-osa.  The  tubers  of  this  plant  were  called  "rosaries"  by  the 
early  Canadians,  because  they  resembled  beads,5o  and  the  Miami  name, 
a-pi-ka'-ni-ta  is  similar  to  a-pi-ka'-na-ki,  which  is  their  name  for  "peace 
beads".  Another  plant  called  Indian  potato,  is  the  "man-of-the-earth", 
Ipomea  pandurata,  which  is  of  the  morning-glory  family.' i 

Perrot  continues:  "The  tribes  of  the  prairies  also  find  in  certain 
places  lands  that  are  fertile,  and  kept  moist  by  the  streams  that  water 
them,  whereon  grow  onions  of  the  size  of  ones  thumb.  The  root  is  like 
a  leek,  and  the  plant  which  grows  from  it  resembles  the  salsify.  This 
onion,  I  declare,  is  so  exceedingly  acrid  that  if  one  tries  to  swallow  it, 
it  would  all  at  once  wither  the  tongue,  the  throat,  and  the  inside  of  the 
mouth ;  I  do  not  know,  however,  whether  it  would  have  the  same  injurious 
effect  on  the  inside  of  the  body.  But  this  difficulty  hardly  ever  occurs, 
for  as  soon  as  one  takes  it  into  his  mouth  he  spits  it  out ;  and  one  imagines 
that  it  is  a  certain  wild  garlic,  which  is  quite  common  in  the  same  places, 
and  has  also  an  insuppoi'table  acridness.  When  the  savages  lay  in  a 
store  of  these  onions,  with  which  the  ground  is  covered,  they  first  build 
an  oven,  upon  which  they  place  the  onions,  covering  them  with  a  thick 
layer  of  grass;  and  by  means  of  the  heat  which  the  fire  communicates 
to  them  the  acrid  quality  leaves  them,  nor  are  they  damaged  by  the 
flames ;  and  after  they  have  been  dried  in  the  sun  they  become  an  excel- 
lent article  of  food".  The  wild  onion  is  still  eaten  by  the  Miamis  as  an 
early  vegetable,  but  without  this  formidable  preparation.  They  are 
washed,  cut  fine,  and  fried  in  grease  until  they  wilt;  then  a  little  water 
is  added,  with  salt,  pepper,  and  enough  flour  to  cream.  This  removes  the 
acrid  taste. 

Perrot  continues:  "The  prairies  inhabited  by  the  Illinois  produce 
various  fruits,  such  as  medlars,  large  mulberries,  plums,  and  abundance 
of  nuts,  as  in  France ;  and  many  other  fruits.  As  for  the  nuts,  some  are 
found  as  large  as  a  hen  ( 's  egg)  which  are  so  bitter  and  oily  that  they 


50  Jesuit  Eelations,  Vol.  6,  p.  273. 

61  The  mss.  dictionary,  ascribed  to  Le  Boulanger,  preserved  in  the  John  Carter 
Brown  Library,  at  Providence,  gives  the  following  definitions:  "pokicorewaKi, 
hollow  roots  " ;  "micopena,  large  root  in  the  water";  "apena,  pi.  apeniki,  potatoes"; 
wicapisia,  root  for  guarding  themselves  from  death  from  serpents  that  they  fear. 
The  bulb  is  white,  and  rises  out  of  the  ground.  The  stem  is  a  foot  high,  the  leaves 
of  four  ribs  (or  on  four  sides),  and  a  little  red  button  on  the  top. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


79 


are  good  for  nothing:  for  eating.  There  are  also  strawberi'ies  in 
abundance,  raspberries  and  potatoes.  But  the  people  farther  north,  as 
far  up  as  "Wisconsin,  have  no  longer  these  medlars,  and  those  who  are 


KiLSOKWA — The  Setting  Sun 
(Granddaughter  of  The  Little  Turtle) 


still  farther  away  are  without  these  nuts  like  those  of  France".  The 
medlars  are,  no  doubt,  persimmons.  The  "bitter  and  oily"  nuts  are 
more  doubtful.  He  wrote  "as  large  as  a  hen",  and  Father  Tailhan  adds 
the  "egg"  explanation,  but  even  that  does  not  help  much,  unless  Perrot 
meant  to  include  the  outer  covering  when  referring  to  the  size ;  in  which 


80  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

case  he  might  liave  intended  the  pig-nut  or  the  buckeye.  Tailhan  suggests 
that  he  refers  to  a  fruit  described  by  Marquette,  the  size  of  an  egg,  which 
he  broke  in  two  pieces,  "in  each  of  which  there  were  eight  or  ten  seeds 
inclosed.  They  have  the  shape  of  an  almond,  and  are  very  good  when 
they  are  ripe.  The  tree,  however,  which  bears  them,  has  a  veiy  bad 
odor,  and  its  leaf  is  like  that  of  the  walnut ' '.  It  is  hard  to  imagine  what 
Marquette  refen-ed  to  unless  it  was  the  pawpaw,  and  it  can  scarcely  be 
called  a  bitter  and  oily  nut.  The  Miamis  ate  pawpaws,  but  did  not  eat 
may-apples.  With  the  nuts  may  be  included  the  acorns  of  several  species 
of  oak,  which  they  gathered  and  cooked. 

The  ]\Iiamis  availed  themselves  of  "greens"  of  various  kinds,  some 
of  which  are  not  used  by  the  whites,  as,  for  example,  the  flowers  of  the 
mulberry,  which  they  gathered  and  cooked  as  a  vegetable.  Their  prefer- 
ence in  greens  is  for  the  shoots  of  the  common  (purple)  milkweed,  which 
is  prepared  much  the  same  as  asparagus.  Godfroy  said  that  milkweed 
"has  substance",  and  that  it  could  be  used  in  place  of  potatoes.  They 
do  not  eat  the  shoots  of  the  smaller  species  of  asclepias,  or  of  the  white- 
tlowered  milkweed,  which  they  call  la-mon-das'-sa,  or  "pups",  and  pro- 
nounce poisonous.  They  use  the  shoots  of  poke,  but  Godfroy 's  belief  was 
that  they  did  not  use  poke,  mushrooms,  or  wild  lettuce,  until  they  learned 
to  eat  them  from  the  whites.  He  was  probably  wrong  as  to  this,  as  the 
instruction  concerning  the  use  of  native  plants  came  the  other  way.  Of 
mushrooms,  the  iliamis  eat  the  morels  and  the  two  large  gyromitras — 
esculenta  and  brunnea.  They  do  not  eat  puff-balls,  believing  that  they 
cause  dropsy — in  fact  the  i;iame  given  to  them,  pa-sa'-to-wa-ka'-ni,  means 
"thing  that  causes  dropsy".  The  edible  sponge  mushrooms,  which  they 
used,  as  mentioned,  are  called  mi-no-sa'-ka-i,  which  is  the  name  given  to 
tripe. 

Most  of  the  domestic  wants  of  the  Indians  were  supplied  without 
much  difficulty.  For  example,  cordage  of  all  kinds  was  obtained  from 
the  inner  bark  of  the  linn  tree.  For  temporary  use  this  needed  no  prepa- 
ration. When  boys  went  hunting  with  men,  it  was  their  first  work  to  get 
linn  bark  to  hobble  the  horses,  while  the  men  hunted.  When  rope  was 
wanted  for  permanent  use,  the  squaws  boiled  this  bark,  and  twisted  or 
braided  it  while  it  was  damp.  If  they  wanted  canoes  lighter  than  dug- 
outs, they  made  them  of  the  bark  of  the  water-elm  or  hickory,  the  pig-nut 
hickorv  being  considered  best.  They  cut  down  a  tree,  and  peeled  off  the 
bark  with  flat  sticks.  In  the  spring,  when  the  trees  were  beginning  to 
leave,  the  bark  came  off  easily,  and  at  other  times  they  had  to  pound  it 
to  loosen  it.  This  kind  of  bark  was  also  used  for  tables  for  drying  com, 
berries  and  fruit.  The  strips  of  bark  were  pressed  out  flat  till  the.y  dried, 
and  were  then  laid  on  poles  placed  in  forked  sticks.    It  was  also  used  for 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  81 

sugar  troughs,  by  bending  the  ends  up  and  fastening  them.  The  joints 
in  these  and  in  canoes  were  stopped  with  gum  from  evergreen  trees  and 
beeswax.  When  through  with  a  season's  sugar-making,  the  troughs  were 
soaked,  straightened  out,  and  dried,  after  which  they  were  piled  up  like 
shingles  for  the  next  year ;  and  when  thus  cared  for  they  would  serve  for 
several  years.  They  also  made  boxes  of  this  kind  of  Imrk,  and  in  gen- 
eral used  it  for  most  of  the  purposes  for  which  we  use  lioards. 

Although  there  is  a  general  impression  among  white  pe<3ple  that  the 
life  of  an  Indian  woman  was  one  of  drudgery,  there  is  practical  agree- 
ment of  all  actual  witnesses  that  her  work  was  not  so  hard  as  that  of  the 
average  frontier  white  woman.  It  was  also  on  a  social  basis  that  made 
it  much  less  trying.  A  typical  testimony  is  the  following  from  Mary 
Jemison,  a  white  captive  among  the  Senecas:  "Notwithstanding  the 
Indian  women  have  all  the  fuel  and  bread  to  procure,  and  the  cooking 
to  perform,  their  ta.sk  is  prol>ably  not  harder  than  that  of  white  women 
who  have  those  articles  provided  for  them ;  and  their  cares  ai'e  certainly 
not  half  as  numerous  nor  as  great.  In  the  summer  season  we  planted, 
tended  and  harvested  our  c^i,  and  generally  had  all  our  children  with 
us;  but  we  had  no  master  to  oversee  or  drive  us,  so  that  we  could  work 
as  leisurely  as  we  pleased.  *  *  *  in  the  spring  they  chose  an  active 
old  squaw  to  be  their  driver  or  overseer,  when  at  labor,  for  the  ensuing 
year.  She  accepts  the  honor,  and  they  consider  themselves  bound  to 
obey  her.  When  the  time  for  planting  arrives,  and  the  soil  is  prepared, 
the  squaws  are  assembled  in  the  morning,  and  conducted  into  a  field, 
where  each  plants  one  row.  They  then  go  into  the  next  field  and  plant 
once  across,  and  so  on  till  they  have  gone  through  the  tribe.  If  any 
remains  to  be  planted,  they  again  commence  where  they  did  at  first  (in 
the  same  field)  and  so  keep  on  till  the  whole  is  finished.  By  this  rule 
they  perform  their  labor  of  every  kind,  and  every  jealousy  of  one  having 
done  more  than  another  is  effectually  avoided."  ^^ 

The  tribal  organization  was  managed  by  a  head  chief,  a  war  chief 
and  band  chief.  The  bands  were  merely  communities,  usually  of  rela- 
tives. After  the  removals  from  the  state,  those  who  remained  had 
bands  as  follows:  Mi-cin'-gwa-mm'-dja's  band,  near  Jalapa,  on  the 
]\rississinewa  were  called  Wis-sa'-ki-ha'-ki.  The  Slocum  family,  lower 
down  the  Mississinewa,  were  called  Ci-pa'-ka-na'-ki,  from  Ci-pa'-ka- 
na  (The  Awl)  the  husband  of  Frances  Slocum.  Those  of  the  settle- 
ment at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississinewa  were  called  Na-ma'-tcT-sin-wa'-ki ; 
those  on  upper  Eel  River  Ki-na-pi'-ko-ma-kwa'-ki;  those, on  Pipe  Creek 
Pwa-ka'-na-ki.    The  Miamis  about  Fort  Wayne  were  called  Ki-kai'-a-ki, 

52  See  collectecl  authorities  in  Archeologieal  Hist,  of  Ohio,  pp.  481-0. 
Vol.  1—6 


82  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

and  those  from  Roanoke  to  Little  River  were  called  Na-kau'-wi-ka'-mi- 
a'-ki,  or  people  of  the  Aboite  River.  There  could  be  no  better  illustration 
of  the  way  in  which  Indian  tribal  names  were  multiplied  in  earlier  days. 

The  early  settlement  of  Indiana  did  not  call  for  any  removal  of 
Indians,  as  they  were  in  the  northern  part  of  the  State,  and  the  American 
immigration  was  into  the  southern  portion.  The  first  to  feel  the  demand 
of  the  whites  for  more  land  were  the  Delawares,  who  had  settled  on  White 
River  about  1750,  by  permission  of  the  Miamis,  and  who  by  their  treaty 
of  1818  removed  within  three  years  thereafter.  The  other  Indians 
remained,  but  were  gradually  pushed  into  narrower  limits.  None  of 
them  wished  to  leave,  and  for  several  years  they  si;ccessfully  opposed 
removal.  In  the  report  of  the  treaties  at  the  mouth  of  the  ]\Iississinewa, 
in  1826,  the  Commissioners,  Lewis  Cass,  James  B.  Ray  and  John  Tipton, 
say:  "It  was  impossible  to  procure  the  assent  of  the  PattaAvatamies  or 
Miamis  to  a  removal  west  of  the  Mississippi.  They  are  not  yet  prepared 
for  this  important  change  in  their  situation.  Time,  the  destruction  of 
the  game,  and  the  approximation  of  our  settlements  are  necessary  before 
this  measure  can  be  successfully  proposed  to  them.  It  was  urged  as  far 
as  prudence  permitted,  and  in  fact,  until  it  became  apparent  that  further 
persuasion  would  defeat  every  object  we  had  in  view".^^ 

The  removal  of  the  Potawatomis  began  under  the  treaty  of  1832,  the 
last  of  their  removals  being  that  of  Menominee's  band  in  1838,  under 
circumstances  of  great  hardship  to  them,  and  causing  the  death  of  Father 
Petit,  who  accompanied  them.^'*  In  1840  the  greater  part  of  the  Miamis 
agreed  to  removal;  and  in  1844  a  contract  was  made  with  Thomas 
Dowling  for  their  removal ;  but  they  did  not  get  started  until  1846,  the 
first  party  reaching  their  destination,  Osage  River  Agency,  in  November 
of  that  year.  There  were  three  parties  or  sections  in  this  removal,  all 
under  charge  of  Christmas  Dagenet,  who  died  on  the  third  trip. 

Christmas  Dagenet  was  a  son  of  Ambrose  Dagenet,  an  early  French 
settler,  who  was  with  Harrison  in  the  Tippecanoe  campaign.  Ambrose 
married  Mi-cin'-gwa-min'-dja,  (Burr  Oak  tree)  a  Wea  woman,  and  their 
son  Christmas  was  born  Dec.  25,  1799,  at  the  old  "Wea  town  above  Terre 
Haute.  On  Feb.  16,  1819,  Christmas  was  married  by  Rev.  Isaac  McCoy, 
at  his  mission  school  in  Parke  County,  to  Mary  Ann  Isaacs,  daughter 
of  Chief  Joseph  Isaacs  of  the  Brotherton  Indians.  Their  grandson, 
Charles  E.  Dagenet,  is  now  Supervisor  of  Indian  Employment,  for  the 
national  government.  He  was  born  on  the  reservation  in  Kansas, 
Sept.  17,  1873,  and  accompanied  his  parents  to  Oklahoma  in  1882.    He 


63  Am.  State  Papers,  Indians,  Vol.  2,  p.  684. 
6*  True  Indian  Stories,  Dunn,  p.  234. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  83 

was  educated  at  Carlisle,  learning  the  printers  trade ;  edited  The  Miami 
Chief,  at  Miami,  Oklahoma,  for  two  years;  and  then  entered  the  Govern- 
ment service  on  Sept.  1,  1894,  as  a  teacher  among  the  Sioux,  in  South 
Dakota.  He  was  promoted  successively  to  Disciplinarian,  Clerk,  and  in 
1905  to  his  present  responsible  position,  which  he  has  filled  most 
efficiently.     He   married   Esther  Miller    (As-san'-zan-kwa,   or   Sunshine 


Charles  E.  Dagenet 

Woman)  a  daughter  of  Thomas  Miller,  or  Ma'-to-sa'-nl-a,  the  last  of  the 
Miami  head  chiefs  in  Kansas.  She  was  also  a  Carlisle  graduate,  and  a 
successful  teacher  in  the  Government  service. 

After  the  death  of  Christmas  Dagenet  his  widow  remained  m  Kansas, 
where  she  married  Baptiste,  a  full-blood  Peoria,  who  is  known  historically 
as  Baptiste  Peoria,  and  who  was  of  notable  service  to  the  emigrant 
Indians  While  these  were  in  Indiana  and  Illinois  the  havoc  wrought 
among  them  by  whiskv  was  shocking,  but  when  they  got  to  Kansas  it  was 


84  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

appalling.  Not  only  "boot-leggers"  but  licensed  traders,  in  open  viola- 
tion of  law,  supplied  them  with  all  the  liquor  they  could  pay  for,  and 
that  of  the  vilest  quality.  Everybody  knows  something  of  the  crimes  of 
violence  in  civilized  communities  caused  by  intoxication,  but  on  a  lawless 
frontier,  among  these  uncivilized  people,  the  deaths  from  violence  due 
to  whisky,  exceeded  deaths  from  all  other  causes  in  proportion  of  more 
than  five  to  one.  Isaac  McCoy,  who  saw  the  work  in  progress,  said:  "Of 
this  murderous  traffic  one  cannot  think  without  horror,  nor  speak  without 
indignation  tempting  him  to  transcend  the  bounds  of  moderation.  We 
talk  of  Indians  being  distressed  and  destroyed  by  war;  but  we  destroy 
them  much  faster  in  times  of  peace  than  in  times  of  war.  If  the  bloody 
history  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies  and  Mexico,  in  the  sixteenth 
century  is  revolting  to  the  feelings  of  the  reader,  what  must  we  say  of 
our  own  countrymen  in  this  nineteenth  century?  They  murdered  by 
slavery  in  the  mines,  or  by  cross-bows  and  blood-hounds;  but  we  murder 
by  poison,  which  if  more  slow  in  its  effects,  is  more  insidious,  and  certain, 
and  dreadful  ".5^ 

Baptiste  had  been  in  the  government  service  much  of  the  time  for 
thirty  years,  and  under  his  leadership,  the  demoralized  remnants  of  the 
Peorias,  Weas,  Kaskaskias,  and  Piankeshaws  confederated  before  their 
treaty  of  1854;  and  under  his  leadership  they  removed  to  Oklahoma  in 
1867,  where  Baptiste  died,  Sept.  13,  1873,  at  the  age  of  80  years.  The 
Western  Miamis  did  not  join  this  federation  until  1873,  and  then  not 
fully.  They  held  the  land  jointly,  but  had  separate  annuities,  and 
separate  tribal  organization. 

After  the  death  of  The  Little  Turtle,  in  1812,  his  nephew,  John 
Baptiste  Richardville  (Pin-ji'-wa,  or  The  Wild  Cat)  was  made  head 
chief  and  retained  that  office  until  his  death,  in  1841,  when  his  son-in-law 
To'-pi-a,  or  Francis  Lafontaine,  became  head  chief.  He  went  west  with 
the  removed  Miamis  in  1846;  and  on  his  return,  took  sick  and  died  at 
Lafayette,  Ind.,  in  the  spring  of  1847.  After  that  there  was  no  head 
chief  of  the  Miami  Nation.  The  emigrant  Miamis,  however,  had  made 
O-san'-di-a,  or  Poplar  Tree,  their  chief;  but  this  did  not  include  the 
Weas  and  Piankeshaws,  who  had  preceded  them.  He  was  followed  by 
Na'-wi-lan-gwan'-ga,  or  Four  Wings,  called  "Big  Legs"  by  the  whites, 
until  his  death  in  1858 ;  then  John  Osandia  until  1860 ;  then  Nap-cm'-ga, 
or  Lies  in  his  Place,  until  1862 ;  then  John  Big  Leg  (Wan-za'-pT-a,  or 
Sunrise)  imtil  1867.  He  died  while  east  to  make  a  treaty,  at  the  home 
of  his  sister-in-law  Kil-so'-kwa,  in  Indiana.  Lam-ki-kam'-wa,  or  Stamps 
Hard,  was  then  made  chief,  but  was  soon  impeached,  and  succeeded  by 


=5  History  of  Baptist  Missions,  p.  564. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  85 

John  Roubideau  (A-tci'-pau-g\vi-a,  or  Snapping  Turtle).  In  a  short 
time  charges  were  made  against  Roubideau,  and  at  his  trial  ruffians  were 
brought  in  to  break  up  the  council,  which  adjourned  to  avoid  trouble; 
but  Roubideau  resigned,  and  Thomas  Miller  and  David  Gibaut  were 
elected.  They  were  joint  chiefs  when  the  Western  Miamis  who  removed 
to  Oklahoma  made  this  change,  in  1873. 

In  Indiana,  tribal  organization  was  a  mere  formality  after  1846 
except  that  Mi-ein'-gwa-min'-dja's  band  held  their  reserve  in  common 
until  it  was  partitioned,  under  the  act  of  Congress  of  June  10,  1872, 
among  the  sixty-three  members  then  living,  each  of  whom  received  a 
patent  for  his  share.  With  this  the  last  remnant  of  Indian  tribal  title 
to  lands  in  this  State  was  extinguished. 


GLOSSARY  OF  INDIAN  NAMES  AND  SUPPOSED  INDIAN 
NAMES,  IN  INDIANA 


Aboite.  River  and  township  in  Allen  County;  corrupted  from  the 
French  name  Riviere  a  Boitte,  or  a  Bouette,  meaning  "River  of 
Minnovk's".  The  Miami  name  is  Na-kau'-wi-ka'-mi,  or  "Sandy- 
Water". 

Amo.  Town  in  Hendricks  County.  Said  to  be  the  Potawatomi  a'-mo,  or 
honey-bee;  in  reality  the  Latin  amo,  I  love. 

Anderson.  County  seat  of  Madison  County,  named  for  William  Ander- 
son, Delaware  head  chief,  whose  Indian  name  was  Kok-to'-wha-niind, 
or  "Making  a  cracking  Noise".  The  Delaware  name  of  his  town  at 
this  point  was  Wa'-pi-mins'-kink,  or  "Chestnut  Tree  Place". 

Anoka.  Town  in  Cass  County.  Said  to  be  a  "made-up"  name,  but  is 
also  a  Sioux  adverb  meaning  "on  both  sides". 

Apikonit.  Miami  name  of  Capt.  Wm.  Wells ;  abbreviated  form  of  a-pi- 
ka'-ni-ta,  meaning  the  "groundnut",  Apios  tuberosa. 

AsHKUM.  Reservation  and  village  of  Potawatomi  chief  of  that  name,  m 
Miami  County.     Signifies  "anything  continuous". 

Atchepongquaw^e.    See  Butternut  Creek. 

AuBBEENAUBBEE.  Township  in  Pulton  County,  and  reservation  of 
Potawatomi  chief,  Aub'-bi-naub'-bi.  Means  "Looking  Backward" — 
equivalent  to  our  slang  term  ' '  rubber-neck ' '. 

Black  Hawk.  Postoffice  in  Vigo  County,  named  for  celebrated  Sauk 
Chief  Ma-ka'-ta-mi'-ci-kiak'-kiak,  or  Black  Sparrow  Hawk. 

Black  Loon.  Resei-vation  in  Cass  County  for  Miami  named  Mii-ka'-ta- 
mon'-gwa,  or  Black  Loon. 

Buckongehelas.  Commonest  form  of  name  of  Delaware  war  chief,  and 
his  town  on  White  River.  Properly  Pak-gant'-ci-hi'-las,  or  ' '  Breaker 
to  Pieces". 

Butternut  Creek.  Tributary  of  the  Salominee  in  Jay  County.  Indian 
name,  usually  written  Atchepongquawe,  is  Miami  at-tci'-pang- 
kwa'-wa  or  "Snapping  Turtle  Eggs". 

86 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  87 

Cakimi.  Potawatomi  woman,  for  whose  children  reservation  known  as 
Burnett  Reserve,  on  the  Wabash  below  the  Tippecanoe,  was  made 
by  the  treaty  of  1818.  The  name  is  Ka-ki'-mi,  meaning  Run  Away 
from  Home. 

Calumet.  Two  streams  in  northwestern  Indiana  tributary  to  Lake 
Michigai),  the  names  of  which  were  formerly  written  Calomick,  Killo- 
mick,  Kenomick,  or  Kennoumie.  These  are  dialect  variations  of  the 
same  word,  ranging  from  Ken-nom'-kia  in  the  Potawatomi  to 
Ge-kel'-i-muk  in  the  Delaware,  and  signifying  a  body  of  deep,  still 
water. 

Cayuga.  Postoffice  in  Vermillion  County.  Corrupted  from  the  Iroquois 
Gwa-u'-geh,  said  to  mean  "the  place  of  taking  out";  i.  e.  the  begin- 
ning of  a  portage. 

Cedar  Creek.  Tributary  of  the  St.  Joseph,  in  Allen  County.  A  literal 
translation  of  its  Potawatomi  name,  Mes-kwa'-wa-si'-pi.  The  town  of 
the  Potawatomi  chief  Metea  was  at  its  mouth,  and  was  called  Mes- 
kwa'-wa-si'-pi-o'-tan,  or  Cedar  Creek  Town. 

Charley.  A  Miami  who  had  a  reservation  in  Wabash  County,  adjoining 
the  City  of  Wabash.  A  creek  emptying  there  is  called  Charley  Creek. 
His  Indian  name  was  Ki-tun'-ga,  or  Sleepy. 

Chechaukkose.  Reservation  and  village,  in  Marshall  County,  of 
Potawatomi  chief,  Tei'-tca-kos,  or  Little  Crane. 

Chicago.  (East)  Town  in  Lake  County.  Means  "Place  of  Wild  Onions". 

Chinquaqua.  Reservation  in  Cass  County.  Corruption  of  Cin-gwa'- 
kwa,  the  Miami  term  for  all  the  smaller  evergreen  trees. 

Chichipe  Outipe.  Given  by  Father  Petit  as  the  Potawatomi  name  of 
the  Catholic  mission  at  Twin  Lakes,  in  Marshall  County.  The  first 
word  is  ci-ci'-pa,  or  duck ;  second  word  not  identified. 

Chippecoke.  Common  form  of  name  of  Indian  village  at  Vincennes, 
also  written  Chipkawkay,  etc.  These  are  corruptions  of  the  abbrevia- 
tion of  the  Miami  name,  Tcip-ka'-ki-un'-gi,  or  Place  of  (edible)  Roots. 
The  Delaware  name,  written  Chuphacking,  Chupukin,  or  Chub- 
hicking,  has  the  same  meaning. 

Chippewanaung.  Treaty  ground  in  Fulton  County,  of  treaties  with 
Potawatoniis,  in  1836.  The  name  refers  to  the  proximity  of  Chip- 
wanic  Creek. 

Chipwanic.  Tributary  of  the  Tippecanoe,  near  Manitou  Lake,  in  Fulton 
County.    The  name  is  a  corruption  of  Tcip'-wa-uuk',  or  Ghost  Hole. 

Chopine.  French  nickname,  meaning  a  pint  measure,  applied  to  two 
Miamis  who  had  reservations  in  Whitley  and  Allen  counties,  respec- 
tively. Old  Chopine 's  name  was  Ma-kwa'-kia,  or  Beaver  Head. 
Young  Chopine  was  Pi-kan'-ga,  or  Striking. 


88  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

CoESSE.  Town  in  Whitley  County.  Corruption  of  Potawatomi  nick- 
name of  a  Miami  band  chief,  pronounced  Kii-wa'-zi  by  Potawatomis, 
and  Ko-wa'-zi  by  Miamis;  and  meaning  "Old  Man". 

Cornstalk.  Postoffice  in  Howard  County ;  also  Pete  Cornstalk  Creek,  a 
small  stream  in  the  same  county.  So  called  .from  the  nickname  of  an 
old  Miami,  whose  real  name  was  A-san'-zang,  or  Sunshine. 

Deer  Creek.  Tributary  of  the  Wabash,  emptying  below  Delphi.  For- 
merly called  Passeanong  Creek,. and  same  name  given  to  Deer  Creek 
prairie,  opposite  its  mouth.  This  is  the  Miami  name,  meaning  "The 
Place  of  the  Fawn". 

Delaware.  Name  of  county,  town,  and  several  townships.  This  is  an 
English  word,  referring  to  the  residence  of  the  Delaware  Indians  on 
Delaware  River,  which  was  named  for  Lord  De  La  Warr,  Governor 
of  Virginia.  They  call  themselves  Lenni  Lenape,  or  True  Men ;  apd 
the  western  Indians  usually  called  them  Wa'-pa-na'-ki,  or  Eastlanders. 

DoRJiiN.  Prairie  in  Laporte  County.  Corruption  of  m'da'-min,  the 
Potawatomi  word  for  maize  or  com. 

Driftwood.  Name  of  the  East  Fork  of  White  River.  Said  to  be  a  trans- 
lation of  the  Miami  name  On'-gwa-sa'-ka,  which  means  driftwood. 
In  the  Reminiscences  of  Col.  John  Keteham,  p.  11,  the  name  is  given 
Hangonahakwasepoo,  which  is  evidently  Delaware. 

E  AGLE  Creek.  Tributary  of  White  River,  in  Clarion  County.  Chamber- 
lain says:  "Its  Indian  name  was  Lau-a-shinga-paim-honuock,  or 
Middle  of  the  Valley". 

Eel  River.  Tributaiy  of  the  Wabash,  emptying  at  Logansport.  This 
and  the  French  name,  L'Anguille,  are  translations  of  the  Miami  name 
of  the  stream  which  is  Ki-na-pi'-kwo-ma'-kwa,  literally  snake  fish. 

Eel  River.  Tributary  of  White  River  in  Greene  County.  The  Delaware 
name  was  Cak'-a-mak,  literally  slipperj'  fish. 

Elkhart.  Tributary  of  the  St.  Joseph  of  Lake  Michigan ;  also  city  and 
county.  The  name  was  originally  Elk  Heart,  or  Elksheart,  which, 
like  the  French  name  Coeur  de  Cerf,  is  a  literal  translation  of  the 
Potawatomi  name,  Mi-ceh'-weh-u'-deh-ik'.  The  name  refers  to  the 
shape  of  an  island  at  the  mouth  of  the  stream. 

Fall  Creek.  Tributary  of  White  River  in  Marion  County.  Chamberlain 
gives  the  Delaware  name  as  " Soo-sooc-pa-hal-oc,  or  Spilt  Water". 
Sokpehelluk,  or  sookpehelluk,  is  the  Delaware  word  for  a  waterfall. 
The  Miami  name  of  the  stream  is  Tcank'-tiin-un'-gi,  or  "flakes  a 
Noise  Place".  Both  names  refer  to  the  falls  at  Pendleton,  the  only 
material  waterfall  in  central  Indiana. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  89 

Flat  Belly.    Reservation  in  Noble  and  Kosciusko  counties  for  the  baud 
of  Pa'-pa-ki'-tci,  of  which  the  English  name  is  a  literal  translation. 
His  village  was   at  what  is  now  called  Indian   Village,  in   Noble 
County. 
Fort  Wayne.    See  Ki'-ki-un'-gi. 

GODFROY.    Reservation  of  Francois  Godfroy.     He  had  no  Indian  name. 
The  name  Pah-lons'-Mah,  given  in  local  histories  is  the  Indian  effort 
at  pronouncing  Francois. 
Huntington.    County  seat  of  Huntington  County.    The  Miami  name  is 
Wi'-pi-tca'-ki-un'-gi,   or  Place   of  Flints,   referring  to  a  flint  ridge 
which  crosses  the  limestone  here. 
Ile  a  L'Ail.    French  name  meaning  Island  of  Garlic,  for  a  small  island 
in  the  Wabash,  in  Carroll  County.    The  name  is  used  in  the  treaty  of 
St.  Mary's,  in  1818,  to  locate  a  reservation  to  the  children  of  Antoine 
Bondie. 
INDL4NAP0LIS.     On  accouut  of  its  location  at  the  mouth  of  Fall  Creek, 
the  Miamis  called  this  place  Tcank'-tun-un'-gi,  or  "]Makes  a  Noise 
Place". 
Illinois.     The  stem  il-li'-ni,  signifying  "men",  with  French  ending. 
Iroquois.     Charlevoix  derives  this  from  their  word  hiro,  meaning  "I 
have  spoken";  others  as  meaning  "real  serpents".    In  Indiana  it  is 
the  name  of  a  river  tributary  to  the  Kankakee,  and  a  township  in 
Newton  County. 
JosiNA  Creek.     Corruption  of  To-san'-ia,  common  Miami  abbreviation 
of  Met'-o-san'-ia,  Miami  chief  whose  village  wa.s  at  its  mouth.     It  is 
made  Metocinyah  Creek  on  some  maps.     See  Metosania. 
Kankakee.     Father  Charlevoix  says  the  name  is  Theakiki.  which  the 
Canadians  had  corrupted  to  Kiakiki.    The  Potawatomi  name  is  Teh'- 
yak-ki'-ki'  or  Swampy  country.     Father  Marest  wrote  it  Iluakiki, 
which   is  a   corruption   of  the   Miami   name  M'wha'-ki-ki,   or  Wolf 
Country.     French    map   makei-s   from   these  coiTuptions,   developed 
Qui-que-que,  and  Quin-qui-qui,  which  were  Anglicized  to  Kan-ka-kee. 
Kekionga.    Common  form  of  name  of  Indian  town  at  Fort  Wayne,  and 
now  in  use  for  Fort  Wayne.     It  is  a  corruption  of  Kis'-ka-kon,  or 
Ki'-ka-kon,  an  Ottawa  tribe  that  had  a  town  there ;  the  meaning  is 
"Clipped  Head".     The  French  called  them  Queues  Coupees.     The 
Miamis  corrupted  this  to  Ki'-ki-un'-gi,  and  losrt,  its  meaning.     They 
now  call  Gen.  Wayne  Ki'-ki-a,  because  Ki'-ki-un'-gi  would  literally 
mean  Ki'-ki-a 's  place. 
Kenapacomaqua.     Common   form  of  name  of  Miami  town   at  site   of 
Logansport,    destroyed    by    Gen.    Wilkinson    in    1791.      The    Indian 
word  is  Ki-na-pi'-kn-o-ma'-kwa.  meaning  eel,  or  snake  fish.     It  is  the 
name  given  to  Logansport,  and  to  Eel  River  which  empties  there. 


90  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Kentucky.  A  stream  in  southern  Indiana.  Its  meaning  is  uncertain, 
as  it  is  not  known  from  what  language  it  comes,  and  statements  of 
the  original  form  vary  from  Kain-tuck  to  Cantuckey.  The  Kentucky 
river  in  the  State  of  Kentucky  was  formerly  also  called  Cuttawa, 
which  probably  is  an  Algonquian  word  for  Cherokee.  The  Miami 
name  for  a  Cherokee  is  Ka-to'-wa. 

Kevtanna.  Postoffice  in  Fulton  County,  and  reservation  for  Potawatomi 
chief  Ki-wa'-na,  the  Prairie  Chicken.    The  word  also  means  "lost". 

KiCKAPOO.  Creek  in  Warren  County.  The  meaning  of  the  word  is 
uncertain;  but  Schoolcraft  thought  it  a  corruption  of  N'gikaboo, 
meaning  "Otter's  Ghost". 

KiTHTippECANUNK.  Common  form  of  name  of  The  Prophet's  Town,  at 
the  mouth  of  Tippecanoe  river.  It  means  Tippecanoe  Town,  or 
Place.     See  Tippecanoe. 

KiLLBUCK.  Creek  in  Madison  County,  named  for  Charles  Killbuck,  a 
Delaware  who  lived  there.  It  is  the  family  name  of  the  descendants 
of  a  prominent  Delaware  who  was  converted  by  the  Moravian  mis- 
sionaries. 

KiLsoKWA.  Granddaughter  of  The  Little  Turtle.  Bom  1810;  died 
Sept.  4,  1915.  Pronounced  Kil-so'-kwa.  Her  father,  Little  Turtle's 
son,  was  named  Wak-cin'-ga,  or  The  Crescent  Moon,  literally  "Lying 
Crooked".  She  married  Antoine  Revarre,  and  passed  her  later 
years  near  Roanoke^  in  Huntington  County. 

KoKOMO.  County  seat  of  Howard  County ;  also  small  stream  near  there. 
Named  for  a  Thorntown  Indian,  whose  name  was  Ko-ka'-ma,  or  The 
Diver. 

Lagro.  Town  in  Wabash  County,  from  Le  Gros,  the  French  nickname 
of  a  Miami  chief  who  lived  there.  The  Miamis  called  him  0-sa'- 
mo-ni,  which  means  nothing,  and  is  no  doubt  a  corruption  of  On'za- 
la'-mo-ni,  the  original  name  of  the  Salominie  River,  which  empties 
at  this  point,  and  which  the  Indians  gave  the  same  name.  See  Sala- 
monie. 

Little  Deer  Creek.  Stream  in  Miami  County.  The  Miami  name  is 
a-pas'-sT-a,  which  is  their  word  for  fawn. 

Little  Munsee.  A  Delaware  town  four  miles  east  of  Anderson,  on  the 
site  of  the  old  Moravian  mission.    For  meaning  see  Muncie. 

LrrTLE  River.  Tributary  of  the  Wabash,  through  which  the  portage  to 
the  Maumee  was  reached.  Its  Miami  name  is  Pa-wi'-kam-si'-pi,  or 
"Standing  Still  River",  i.  e.  with  no  current. 

Logansport.  County  seat  of  Cass  County,  named  for  Captain  Logan, 
a  Shawnee  Indian.  His  Indian  name  was  Spemica  Lawba,  or  High 
Horn.     The  Indians  sometimes  call  Logansport  Ki-na-pi'-kwo-ma'- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  91 

kw-a,  because  it  is  on  the  site  of  the  old  Miami  Town  of  that  name ; 
and  sometimes  call  it  Sa'-ki-wa'-ki,  because  it  is  at  the  mouth  of  Eel 
River. 

Machesaw.  Common  form  of  name  of  reservation  for  a  Potawatomi 
named  Ma'-tcis-sa,  or  Bleating  Fawn. 

Manhattan.  Postoffice  in  Putnam  County,  named  for  Manhattan 
Island,  New  York.  The  original  form  of  the  word  was  Manatte — in 
Hudson's  journal  it  is  ilana-hata — which  is  almost  certainly  intended 
for  the  Delaware  word  "menatey",  meaning  an  island. 

j\Iajenica.  Postoffice,  and  creek,  in  Huntington  County,  named  for  a 
Miami  chief,  Man-ji'-ni-kia,  or  Big  Frame. 

Makkahtahmoway.  Common  form  of  name  of  a  Potawatomi  chief,  Ma- 
ka'-ta-m'wa,  or  Black  Wolf,  who  had  a  joint  reservation  with  Menomi- 
nee, at  Twin  Lakes,  in  Marshall  County. 

Manitou.  Lake  in  Fulton  County.  This  is  the  Potawatomi  ma-ni'-to 
referring  to  a  spirit  or  monster  said  to  inhabit  the  lake. 

Maumee.  River  of  northeastern  Indiana,  tributary  to  Lake  Erie.  The 
name  is  a  corruption  of  Mi-a'-mi.  It  was  formerly  called  Ottawa 
River  from  the  residence  of  part  of  that  tribe  on  its  banks.  John 
Johnston  gave  "Cagh-a-ren-du-te,  or  Standing  Rock"  as  the  Wyandot 
name  of  the  stream. 

Maeamech.  Old  name  of  a  band  of  Miamis.  It  is  the  Peoria  word  for 
catfish,  sometimes  written  maramek  or  maramak.  The  Miami  form  is 
mi-al'-lo-mak,  sometimes  written  malamak,  and  the  Odjibwa  form  is 
manamak,  or  manumaig.  The  Miamis  of  Maramech  were  probably 
incorporated  in  what  were  known  as  the  Eel  Rivers  at  a  later  date. 

Mascoutin.  a  tribal  name,  which  is  substantially  translated  in  their  old 
name  of  the  Fire  Nation. 

Maxinkuckee.     Lake  in  Mai-shall  County;  name  corrupted  from  the 
Potawatomi  name,  M6g-sin'-ki-ki,  or  Big  Stone  Countiy.    The  Miamis 
called  it  Miing-san'-ki-ki,  which  has  the  same  meaning.    In  the  report 
of  the  survey  for  the  Michigan  Road,  the  name  is  given  Mek-sin-ka- 
keek  (Ind.  Doc.  Journal,  1835,  Doc.  No.  8.). 
Mazaqua.    Resei-vation  in  Cass  County  for  Miami  chief  Mi-zi'-kwa,  mean- 
ing hail  or  hailstone. 
Memotway.    Reservation  in  Fulton  County  for  band  of  Potawatomi  chief 
Meh'-mot-we',  or  The  Cat  Bird.    The  literal  meaning  of  the  word  is 
"complaining",  or  "crying  out  from  pain",  referring  to  the  bird's 
note. 
Menominee.    Potawatomi  reservation  in  Marshall  County,  and  village  at 
Twin  Lakes,  for  band  of  Mi-nom'-i-ni.    The  name  means  wild  rice. 


92  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

]\Iereiaji.  The  iliamis  call  this  town  Tci'-kani-im'-gi,  or  Place  of  the 
Twin,  because  McClure,  who  had  a  trading  post  there,  had  a  twin 
brother. 

]\Ieshingomeshl\.  Most  common  corruption  of  name  of  reservation  in 
Wabash  and  Grant  counties  for  band  of  Miami  chief  Mi-cin'-gwa- 
min'-dja,  or  Burr  Oak  Tree. 

Mesquabuck.  Reservation  and  village  in  Kosciusko  County,  at  site  of 
town  of  Oswego,  for  Potawatomi  chief  Mes'-kwa-buk'.  The  name 
means  "reddish  or  copper  colored". 

Metea.  Postoffice  in  Cass  County,  named  for  Potawatomi  chief,  Mi'-ti-a, 
or  ' '  Kiss  Me ' '.    His  Village  was  at  the  mouth  of  Cedar  Creek,  q.  v. 

Metosanyah.  Reservation,  same  as  Meshingomeshia,  q.  v.,  his  father; 
also  a  neighboring  creek.  The  name  Ma'-to-san'-ia,  commonly  ab- 
breviated to  To-san'-ia  means  Indian,  or  literally,  "the  living". 

Miami.  Name  of  county,  town,  townships  and  streams,  all  named  for  the 
Miami  nation.  The  plural  form  is  Mi-a'-mi-a'-ki,  but  the  early 
French  chroniclers  wrote  it  Oumiamiouek  or  Oumiamiak,  which  is 
presumably  their  corruption  of  Wemiamik,  the  Delaware  name  of  the 
]\Iiamis,  as  given  in  the  Walum  Olum,  meaning  literally  "all 
beavers",  and  figuratively  "all  friends". 

]\Iichigan.  Name  of  lake  and  city ;  probably  of  Od,iibwa  origin ;  com- 
pounded of  Mi'-ci,  meaning  "great",  and  sa'-gi-e'-gan,  meaning 
"lake". 

Mishavfaka,  Town  in  St.  Joseph  County.  The  name  is  a  corruption 
of  the  Potawatomi  m'ee'-wa-ki'-ki,  meaning  "country  of  dead  trees", 
i.  e.  a  deadening. 

MiSHiKiNOQKWA.  Name  of  the  celebrated  chief  Little  Turtle,  also  his 
village  on  Eel  River,  pronounced  mi'-ci-ki-noq'-kwa,  the  "q"  repre 
senting  a  sound  of  "gh"  similar  to  German  "eh".  The  literal 
meaning  is  "the  Great  Turtle's  wife",  but  specifically  it  is  the  name 
of  the  painted  terrapin  (chrj'semys  picta).  It  is  commonly  used  a.s 
a  personal  name  by  the  Miamis. 

MississiNEWA.  Tributary  of  the  Wabash,  emptj-ing  at  Peru.  The  name 
is  a  corruption  of  the  ]\Iiami  name  Na-ma'-tci-sin'-wi,  which  means 
"it  slants",  or  as  applied  to  a  stream,  "it  has  much  fall". 

Modoc.  Postoffice  in  Randolph  County.  The  name  is  said  to  be  the 
Shasteeca  word  for  "enemy." 

iloHA-wK.  Postoffice  in  Hancock  County,  named  for  the  Iroquois  tribe. 
The  name  is  said  to  be  corrupted  from  Maugwawogs,  meaning  "man- 
eaters". 

MoNON.  Postoffice,  township  and  creek.  This  is  a  Potawatomi  word, 
equivalent  to  the  word  "tote"  as  used  in  the  South. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  93 

MoTA.  Reserv'ation  and  town  in  Kosciusko  County.  The  name  is  pro- 
nounced mo'-te,  and  means  a  jug,  or  big  bottle. 

MuKKONSQU.'V.  Name  given  to  the  celebrated  captive  Frances  Sloeum. 
It  is  pronounced  muk-kons'-kwa,  and  means  Little  Bear  Woman. 

Mtjkkose.  Reservation  and  village  in  ^Marshall  County,  meaning  Little 
Beaver. 

MuNCiE.  County  seat  of  Delaware  County,  fonnerly  called  Munseetown 
or  Muneey  Town.  This  word,  also  spelled  Monsy  and  Monthee,  was 
originally  Min'-si  or  ]\Iin'-thi-u,  meaning  "people  of  the  stony  coun- 
try". The  Delaware  name  of  their  town  which  stood  here,  or  of  the 
old  town  just  above  it  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  was  Wa'-pi-ka- 
mi'-kiink,  or  White  River  Town.  The  name  Outainink,  sometimes 
applied  to  it,  is  the  Delaware  u'-ten-ink,  which  means  "place  of  the 
town",  or  "place  where  the  town  was". 

MusKACKiTucK.  Biver  in  southern  Indiana,  often  improperly  written 
Museatatack.  The  Delaware  name  was  Mosch-aeh'-hit-tuk — "ch" 
sounded  as  in  German — or  Clear  River.  In  Ind.  House  Journal, 
1820-1,  p.  54,  tlie  name  is  given  Musehachetuek. 

MusKELONGE.  Lake  in  Kosciusko.  The  name  means  "the  great  pike". 
The  Odjibwa  form  of  this  word  is  maskinonge. 

Nancy  Town.  Delaware  village  on  White  River,  properly  Nantikoke, 
from  an  Indian  of  that  name  who  lived  there.  The  Nantikokes  were 
a  sub-tribe  of  the  Delawares,  the  name  meaning  "tide-water  people". 

Nappanee.  Town  in  Elkhart  County.  The  name  is  the  Missisauga 
na'-pa-ni,  meaning  "tlour". 

Nasvtawkee.  Reservation  in  Marshall  County,  of  Nas-wa'-ka,  a  Pota- 
watomi  chief.    The  name  means  "The  Feathered  Arrow". 

Neahlongquah.  Reservation  in  Allen  County,  for  a  Miami  named 
Na-wi'-leng-w6n'-ga,  meaning  "Four  Wings".  He  was  called  "Big 
Legs"  by  the  whites. 

Notawkah.  Potawatomi  chief  who  shared  the  Menominee  reservation 
in  Marshall  County.  The  name  No-ta'-ka  means  "he  hears",  or  "he 
listens". 

Okawmause.  Potawatomi  reservation,  properly  O'-ko-mouse,  meaning 
"Little  Chief". 

Ontario.  Postoffice  in  Lagrange  County.  Schoolcraft  says  this  is  a 
Wyandot  word— originally  on-on-ta-ri-o— meaning  "beautiful  hills, 
rocks,  waters". 

Osage.  Name  of  Miami  town  at  mouth  of  the  Mississinewa,  given  be 
cause  an  Osage  Indian  lived  there.  The  Miami  name  was  Wa-ca'-ei, 
which  is  their  name  for  the  Osage  tribe. 


94  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Ohio.  River  and  county.  Ohio  is  an  Iroquois  exclamation  signifying 
"beautiful".  The  Miami  name  of  the  river  is  Kan-zan'-za-pi'-wi, 
or  Pecan  River. 

Osceola.  Postoffiee  in  St.  Joseph  County,  named  for  the  Seminole  chief. 
The  word,  properly  6s'-y-o-hul'-la,  is  the  name  of  the  great  "medicine 
drink"  of  the  Creeks,  called  "black  drink"  by  the  whites,  a  decoc- 
tion of  the  leaves  of  the  cassena  or  yaupon  (ilex  vomitoria). 

Oswego.  Town  in  Kosciusko  County,  at  the  outlet  of  Tippecanoe  Lake. 
The  word  is  Irociuois,  meaning  "flowing  out".  The  tovm  is  on  the 
site  of  the  Potawatomi  village  of  Jleskwabuk. 

Otsego.  Township  in  Steuben  County.  The  name  is  Iroquois,  from 
the  New  York  lake,  and  is  said  to  refer  to  a  rock  in  that  lake. 

Ottavv^a.  Early  name  of  the  Mavimee  River.  This,  or  its  short  form, 
Tawas,  is  said  to  mean  "traders". 

OuiATANON.  Miami  tribe,  and  French  post  on  the  "Wabash,  now  short- 
ened to  Wea.  It  is  from  the  Miami  wa-wi'-a-tan'-wi,  meaning  "an 
eddy",  literally  "it  goes  in  a  round  channel";  and  the  terminal 
locative;  i.  e.  "Place  of  the  eddy". 

OwAsco.  Postoffiee  in  Carroll  County.  An  Iroquois  word  meaning 
' '  floating  bridge ' '. 

Patoka.  River,  tributary  to  the  Wabash.  Pa-to'-ka  is  the  Miami  word 
for  Comanche,  a  number  of  whom  were  held  as  slaves  by  the  Illinois 
and  Jliamis  in  early  days.  The  French  wrote  it  Padocquia  or 
Padouca. 

Peru.  The  site  of  this  city  was  called  ik'-ki-pis-sin'-nung,  or  Straight 
Place,  by  the  Miamis,  because  the  Wabash  at  this  point  is  straight 
for  about  two  miles. 

PiANKESHAw.  Miami  tribe.  The  name  is  pronounced  Pi-iin-gi'-ca ; 
meaning  uncertain. 

Pipe  Creek.  Stream  and  township  in  Cass  County.  The  name  is  a 
literal  translation  of  the  Miami  name  of  the  stream,  Pwa-ka'-na. 

Peshewa.  Common  corruption  of  Pin-ji'-wa,  the  name  of  Jean  Baptiste 
Richardville,  last  head  chief  of  the  Miami  nation.  The  word  is  the 
name  of  the  wildcat,  but  is  now  commonly  used  for  the  domestic 
eat. 

Ponceau  Pichou.  An  American  corruption  of  Pause  au  Pichou.  the 
French  name  of  Wildcat  Creek;  a  literal  translation  of  the  Miami 
name,  Pin-ji'-wa-mo'-tai,  or  Belly  of  the  Wildcat.  Written  also 
Ponce  Passu. 

Potawatomi.  Indian  tribe.  The  name  means  Makers,  or  Keepers,  of  the 
Fire. 

Prophet's  Town.    See  Kithtippiekanunk. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  95 

Raccoon  Creek.    Tributary  of  the  Wabash.    The  name  is  a  translation 

of  the  Miami  name,  a-se-pa'-na-si-pi'-wi. 
Roanoke.     Town  in  Huntington  County.     The  name  is  the  word  used 

by  the  Virginia  Indians  for  their  shell-money;  written  also  roenoke, 

rawrenoek,  etc. 
RussiAViLLE.     Town  in  Howard  County.    The  name  is  a  corruption  of 

Richardville,  the  name  originally  given  to  the  County,  in  honor  of 

the  Miami  chief. 
St.  Joseph  River.     Tributary  of  Lake  Michigan.     The  Miami  name  is 

Sa-ki-wa-si-pi'-wi,  or  Coming-out  River,  referring  to  the  portage  at 

South  Bend.    The  Potawatomi  form  of  the  name  is  Sag'-wa-si'-bi. 
St.  Joseph  River.    The  north  fork  of  the  Maumee.    The  Miami  name  is 

Ko-tci'-sa-si'-pi,  or  Beau  River. 
St.  Mary's  River.     South  fork  of  the  Maumee.     The  Miami  name  is 

Ma-me'-i-wa  si-pi'-wi,  or  Sturgeon  Creek.     John  Johnson  said  the 

Shawnee  name  was  Cokotheke  sepe,  or  Kettle  River. 
Salamonie.     Tributary  of  the  Wabash.     This  is  a  corruption  of  the 

Miami   name   On'-za-la'-mo-ni,   the  Miami  name  of  the  blood-root 

(sanguinaria  Canadensis),  literally  "yellow  paint",  which  is  given 

to  this  stream. 
Shankitunk.     Stream  in  southern  Indiana.    The  word  probably  means 

"Shady  place". 
Shawnee.     Creek  and  township  in  Fountain  County,  named  for  the 

Indian  tribe.    The  name  means  "Southerner".    The  Miami  form  is 

Ca-wan'-wa. 
Shepahcannah.     The   Miami   husband   of  Frances   Slocum ;    and   his 

village  on  the  Mississinewa.     The  word  means  "the  awl";  and  is 

pronounced  Ci-pa'-ka-na.     In  later  years  he  became  deaf,  and  was 

called  Kii-kip'-ca,  or  The  Deaf  Man ;  and  his  village  was  called  The 

Deaf  Man's  Village. 
Shipshewana.     Postoffiee  in  Lagrange   County,   also  creek  and  lake, 

named  for  a  Potawatomi  Indian,  Ciip'-ci-wa'-no,  or  "Vision  of  a 

Lion". 
South  Bend.    The  site  of  South  Bend  was  called  Sa'-ki-wa-yun'-gi,  or 

"Coming  out  place",  i.  e.  the  beginning  of  a  portage. 
Sugar  Creek.    Tributary  of  the  Wabash,  originally  called  Sugar  Tree 

Creek,  which  is  the  meaning  of  the  Miami  name  Sa-na-min'-dji  si- 
pi'-wi. 
TATAPACHsrr.    A  Delaware  chief,  otherwise  known  as  The  Grand  Glaize 

King,  and  his  town  on  White  River.    Ta-tii-pach'-si-ta  is  the  Miami 

form  of  his  name,  and  means  "It  splits  in  a  circle — or  spiral".    The 

Delaware  form  is  Ta-tii-pach-ski,  recorded  in  a  Pennsylvania  treaty 


96  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

as  " Tatabaiigsuy  or  The  Twisting  Vine".  Tlie  word  is  probably 
tlie  name  of  the  Amerieau  Woodbine  (lonieera  grata),  the  one  twist- 
ing woody  vine  of  the  Delaware  habitat. 

Tecumseh.  Postoffice  in  Vigo  County,  named  for  the  Shawnee  Chief 
Ti-kum'-tha.  The  name  means  "going  across"  or  "Crossing  over"; 
and  as  he  belonged  to  the  Spirit  Panther  clan,  it  indicates  a  meteor 
crossing  the  sky. 

Thorntown.  In  Boone  County.  Godfroy  gave  the  name  of  the  Indian 
village  here  as  Ka-wi-a-ki-un-gi  or  "Place  of  Thorns."  Sarah  Wads- 
worth  called  it  Ka-win-ja-ki-un-gi,  i.e.,  "Thorn  Tree  Place." 

Tippecanoe.  River,  lake,  county,  town  and  townshijjs.  The  name  is  a 
corruption  of  the  Potawatomi  Ki-tap'-i-kon-nong,  meaning  Ki-tap'- 
i-kon  place  or  town.  Ki-tap'-i-kon  is  their  word  for  the  buffalo  fish, 
and  was  the  name  of  the  river.     See  Kithtappecanunk. 

ToPEAH.  Reservation  in  Allen  County  of  Miami  chief,  known  as  Fran- 
cois Lafontaine.  His  Miami  name,  To'-pi-a,  means  "Frost  on  the 
Bushes". 

ToPEKA.  Postoffice  in  Lagrange  County,  named  for  city  in  Kansas.  The 
word  is  the  Shawnee  name  of  the  Jerusalem  artichoke  (helianthus 
tuberosus). 

Trail  Creek.  Tributary  of  Lake  Michigan,  at  Michigan  City.  The 
name,  and  the  French  name.  Riviere  du  Chemin,  are  translations  of 
the  Potawatomi  name,  Mi-e'-we-si-bi'-we. 

Twightwees.  English  name  for  the  Miamis,  formerlj^  written  Twich- 
twichs,  Tawixtwis,  or  twigh-twighs,  probably  the  Iroquois  word  for 
"snipe" 

Vermillion.  Tributary  of  the  Wabash,  and  County  named  for  the  river. 
Hough  gives  the  Indian  name  as  Osanamon,  which  is  an  Algonquian 
name  for  Vermillion  paint,  meaning  "yellow-red".  The  French 
called  the  river  Vermilion  Jaune.  The  Miamis  use  a-la-mo'-ni  for 
vermilion  paint. 

Wabash.  River,  county,  city  and  townships.  The  Miami  name  of  the 
river  is  Wa'-ba-ci'-ki,  or  Wa'-pa-ci'-ki,  "b"  and  "p"  being  convert- 
ible in  Miami.  This  is  an  adjective  implying  that  the  object  to 
which  it  is  applied  is  pure  or  bright  white,  inanimate,  and  natural. 
In  this  case  it  refers  to  the  limestone  bed  of  the  upper  part  of  the 
stream. 

Wabash.  County  seat  of  Wabash  County.  The  Miamis  called  this 
location  Ta'-king-ga'-mi-un'-gi,  or  "Cold  (running)  Water  Place", 
referring  to  a  fine  spring,  known  as  Paradise  Spring,  Hanna's 
Spring,  or  Treaty  Spring. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  97 

Waco.  Postoffice  in  Daviess  County.  Tlie  name  is  that  of  a  sub-tribe 
of  the  Witchita  Indians,  pronounced  We'-ko,  and  sometimes  wi'itten 
in  the  Spanish  form  Hueeo.    It  is  said  to  be  their  word  for  ' '  heron ' '. 

Wakarusa.  Postolfice  in  Elkhart  County,  named  for  the  Kansas  stream. 
It  is  said  to  mean  "hip-deep". 

Waluh  Olum.  The  celebrated  record  obtained  from  the  Delaware 
Indians  on  White  River.  The  name  is  pronounced  vra'-lum  o'-liim, 
and  means  "painted  record". 

Wapasepah.  Reservation  in  Allen  County,  for  Wa'-pa-se'-pa-na,  or 
The  White  Raccoon,  a  Miami. 

Wawasee.  Lake  and  postoffice  in  Kosciusko  County,  named  for  a  Pota- 
watomi  chief  Wa'-wi-as'-si.  This  is  the  word  for  the  full  moon, 
literally  "the  round  one". 

Wawpecong.  Postoffice  in  Miami  County.  Sarah  Wadsworth  says  this 
place  was  originally  called  Wa'-pi-pa-ka'-na,  or  shell-bark  hickories, 
from  a  number  of  these  trees  growing  there. 

Wea.  Creek,  postoffice  and  prairie  in  Tippecanoe  County.  The  name 
is  an  abbreviation  of  Ouiatanon,  which  see. 

Wesaw.  Reservation  and  creek  in  Miami  County  named  for  the  iliami 
chief  Wi'-sa.    The  name  means  the  gall-bladder. 

White  River.  The  largest  tributaiy  of  the  Wabash.  Its  Miami  name 
is  Wa'-pi-ka-mi'-ki,  or  "white  waters".  The  Delawares  some- 
times used  this  name,  and  sometimes  called  it  Wa'-pi-ha'-ni,  or 
White  River. 

WiNAMAc.  County  seat  of  Pulaski  County,  named  for  a  Potawatomi 
chief,  Wi'-na-mak'.  The  word  means  "cat-fish";  literally  "mud 
fish". 

Winnebago.  An  old  Indian  town,  whose  site  is  now  in  the  suburbs  of 
Lafayette.  The  name  means  "people  of  Winnipeg",  and  Winnipeg 
means  "stinking  water". 

Winona.  Lake  and  Assembly  ground  near  Warsaw.  The  name  is  the 
same  as  the  Wenonah  of  Longfellow's  Hiawatha.  It  is  a  Sioux 
proper  name,  given  to  a  female  who  is  a  first-born  child. 

Wyalusing.  Stream  in  Jennings  County,  named  for  the  Pennsylvania 
stream.  Heckewelder  says  that  the  word— "  properly  M'chwihillu- 
sink"— means  "at  the  dwelling-place  of  the  hoary  veteran". 

Wyandotte.  Postoffice  in  Crawford  County,  named  for  the  Indian 
tribe.  The  name  probably  means  "People  of  One  Speech".  The 
tribe  is  also  known  by  its  French  name,  Huron. 
Yellow  River.  Tributary  of  the  Kankakee,  which  Brinton  identifies 
with  the  Wisawana  (Yellow  River)  of  the  Walum  Olum.  The  Pota- 
watomi name  of  this  stream  is  We-thau'-ka-mik',  or  "Yellow 
Waters". 

Vol.  I— T 


CHAPTER  III  ^ 

THE  EUROPEAN  CLAIMANTS 

The  first  European  grant  covering  Indiana  quicklj'  followed  the  dis- 
covery of  America  by  Christopher  Columbus,  for  in  1493,  Pope  Alexander 
VI,  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  issued  a  bull  granting  to  the  ci'owus  of  Castile 
and  Aragon,  "all  lands  discovered,  and  to  be  discovered."  beyond  a  line 
drawn  from  pole  to  pole  one  hundred  leagues  west  from  the  Azores  or 
Western  Islands,  excepting  only  any  lands  that  had  previously  been 
occupied  by  any  other  Christian  nation,  of  which,  of  course,  there  were 
none  on  this  continent.  The  other  Christian  monarchs  paid  little  respect 
to  this  title,  however,  and,  in  1496,  Hem-y  VII  of  England  issued  a 
patent  to  John  Cabot  and  his  sons,  "to  seek  out  and  discover  all  islands, 
regions  and  provinces  whatsoever,  that  may  belong  to  heathens  and  in- 
fidels," and  "to  subdue,  occupy  and  possess  those  territories,  as  his 
vassals  and  lieutenants. ' '  Anned  with  this  authorit.y,  Cabot  and  his 
son  Sebastian,  in  the  next  two  or  three  years,  probably  discovered  the 
mainland  of  North  America,  and  skirted  the  Atlantic  coast  from 
Labrador  to  Florida. 

Very  little  resulted  from  this  except  the  resort  of  various  European 
nations  to  the  New  Poundland  banks  for  fishing.  The  principal  object 
of  Columbus  had  been  to  find  a  direct  route  to  the  East  Indies  to  trade 
for  spices,  and  especially  for  pepper.  For  the  next  century  the  explor- 
ers were  chiefly  engaged  in  efforts  to  find  a  Northwest  or  Northeast 
passage  to  "Cathay,"  for  the  same  purpose,  except  that  the  Spaniards, 
having  found  a  more  direct  road  to  wealth  by  plundering  the  natives 
of  ^Mexico  and  Peru  of  their  gold  and  silver,  turned  business  enterprise 
largely  in  that  direction.  In  1534  Jacfjues  Cartier  discovered  the  St. 
Lawrence  River,  and  later  brought  over  two  hundred  colonists,  who 
abandoned  their  settlement  after  two  years  of  hardship.  In  1538-42, 
De  Soto  made  his  eventful  progress  through  the  Gulf  states,  murdered 
some  thousands  of  Indians,  and  demonstrated  that  the  natives  of  the 
United  States  had  no  personal  property  that  was  worth  taking.  This 
exempted  those  unfortunates  from  the  advantages  of  civilization  until 
in  1607  the  English  settled  in  Virginia,  in  1608  the  French  settled  in 
Canada,  and  in  1609  the  Dutch  discovered  the  Hudson  River.    The  fur 

98 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  99 

trade  now  became  the  chief  attraction  in  North  America,  and  was  the 
controlling  factor  in  our  history  for  the  next  century  and  a  half. 

During  this  period,  nobody  in  Europe  attached  any  importance  to 
North  America  for  any  other  purposes,  except  as  a  dumping  ground  for 
penal  colonies  and  other  objectionables.  Even  Oliver  Cromwell  tried 
to  induce  the  New  Englanders  to  remove  to  Jamaica.  Trevelyan  very 
pertinently  saj's:  "So  little  was  the  Anglo-Saxon  plantation  of  the 
North  American  continent  due  to  the  deliberate  action  of  statesmen, 
or  to  any  man's  foreknowledge  of  the  vast  destinies,  that  Charles  I  gave 
the  New  World  to  the  Puritans  by  attempting  to  suppress  them  in  the 
Old;  while  Cromwell  in  his  greater  eagerness  to  spread  the  Gospel  and 
the  British  race,  attempted  a  State  policy  of  removal,  which,  if  it  had 
been  carried  through,  would  have  ruined  or  at  least  diminished  the 
colonial  expansion  prepared  by  individual  energy  and  religious  perse- 
cution." 1 

The  French  statesmen  showed  more  appreciation  of  the  importance 
of  their  American  possessions,  but  not  very  much  more.  In  1627  Car- 
dinal Richelieu  organized  the  company  of  the  Hundred  Associates  to 
promote  the  colonization  of  New  France ;  and  in  1663  Colbert  sent  over 
new  supplies  of  colonists  and  a  strong  detachment  of  troops;  but,  with 
the  French  as  with  the  English,  colonial  expansion  was  chiefly  due  to 
colonial  effort.  So  far  as  the  fur  trade  was  concerned,  the  French  had 
the  advantage  in  racial  character.  They  accommodated  themselves  to 
Indian  life  and  customs  much  more  readily.  A  witty  French  lady  ob- 
served that  it  was  vastly  easier  to  make  an  Indian  of  a  Frenchman  than 
to  make  a  Frenchman  of  an  Indian.  This  distinction  was  obvious  in  the 
clergy  as  well  as  in  the  colonists.  The  British  made  an  effort  to  put 
Anglican  clergymen  with  the  Iroquois  in  place  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries 
of  the  French,  but  they  could  not  endure  Indian  cooking  and  the  uneon- 
ventionality  of  Indian  life,  and  soon  retired  in  disgust.  Of  still  more 
importance  was  the  fact  that  the  company  system  of  English  coloniza- 
tion did  not  offer  the  same  opportunity  to  enterprising  individuals  that 
the  French  governmental  system  offered.  It  is  hardly  imaginable  that 
an  English  LaSalle  could  have  obtained  the  inducements  in  any  British 
colony  that  sustained  the  efforts  of  the  great  French  expansionist,  whose 
explorations  first  brought  knowledge  of  the  lands  of  Indiana. 

In  the  past  few  years  there  has  been  considerable  activity  among  the 
advocates  of  an  early  discovery  of  some  of  the  headwaters  of  the  Ohio 
by  English  colonists,  in  the  course  of  whose  arguments  it  has  been 
thought  desirable  to  question  that  LaSalle  discovered  the  Ohio  in  1669-70, 


England  Under  the  Stuarts,  p.  324. 


SiEUR  DE  La  Salle 


(From  a  painting  by  Leon  Meyer,  owned  by  Mrae.  Suehet  de  la 
Buesnerie.  Presents  three  reputed  likenesses:  Above,  the  Margry 
portrait ;  lower  left,  a  medallion  l)elonging  to  ]\[.  Edward  Pelay  of  Rouen  ; 
lower  right,  profile,  belonging  to  the  Public  Library  at  Rouen;  center, 
the  La  Salle  arms.) 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  101 

and  followed  it  to  a  poiut  below  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash.  The  leader 
in  this  assault  is  Mr.  Charles  A.  Hanna,  who  says:  "The  evidence  as  to 
LaSalle  having  explored  any  other  tributary  of  the  Ohio  than  (possibly) 
the  Wabash  bears  so  many  marks  of  having  been  fabricated  after  1684, 
for  the  purpose  of  strengthening  the  French  claim  to  the  Ohio  Valley, 
that  it  seems  to  the  writer  only  a  question  of  time  when  that  evidence 
must  be  declared  to  be  wholly  false."-  This  has  been  followed  by  some 
investigators  who  should  have  known  better,-'  for  there  is  an  abundance 
of  evidence  completely  refuting  any  such  theory,  ilr.  Hanna  is  pre- 
sumabl,y,  not  familiar  witli  the  literature  on  the  subject,  or  he  would  not, 
in  his  lengthy  discussion  of  it,  have  omitted  any  mention  of  such  contem- 
poraneous records  of  LaSalle 's  Ohio  expedition  as  Sieur  Patoulet's  letter 
of  November  11,  1669,  stating  that  "Messrs.  de  la  Salle  and  Dolier, 
accompanied  by  twelve  men,  had  set  out  with  a  design  to  go  and  explore 
a  passage  they  expected  to  discover  communicating  with  Japan  and 
China;"  or  Intendant  General  Talon's  report  of  October  10,  1670: 
"Since  my  arrival  I  have  dispatched  persons  of  resolution,  who  promise 
to  penetrate  further  than  has  ever  been  done ;  the  one  to  the  West  and 
Northwest  of  Canada,  and  the  others  to  the  Southwest  and  South;"  or 
Colbert's  reply  in  Februaiy,  1671:  "The  resolution  you  have  taken  to 
send  Sieur  de  la  Salle  towards  the  South,  and  Sieur  de  St.  Luisson  to 
the  North,  to  discover  the  South  Sea  passage,  is  very  good."-* 

Mr.  Hanna 's  argument  is  based  on  a  misundei'standing  of  a  frag- 
mentary document  quoted  by  Margry,  which  is  an  attempt  of  LaSalle  to 
reconcile  the  DeSoto  accounts  of  the  River  Chucagoa  with  his  own 
acquaintance  with  the  country,  and  an  equal  misunderstanding  of  other 
documents  quoted  by  him.  The  fragmentary  document  opens  with  a 
reference  to  the  Chiekasaws,  and  continues:  "The  Chucagoa,  which  is 
to  say  in  their  language  the  great  river,  as  ilississippi  in  Ottawa,  and 
Maseicipi  in  Illinois,  is  the  river  which  we  call  St.  Louis.  The  River 
Ohio  is  one  of  its  branches,  which  receives  two  othei-s  quite  large  before 
emptying  into  the  River  St.  Louis,  that  is  to  say  the  Agoussake  from  the 
north  and  the  river  of  the  Chaoucnons  from  the  south.  This  river  flows 
from  east  to  west,  and  therefore  it  should  empty  into  or  join  the  ]Mis- 
sissippi,  for  the  Takahagane,  who  live  on  the  banks  of  the  Chucagoa,  are 
not  more  than  three  days  from  the  Mississippi  where  we  saw  them  coming 
down  and  returning. "  ^ 


2  The  Wilderness  Trail,  p.  87. 

3  Alvord    and   Bidgood,   in    First   Explorations    of    the    Trans-Allegheny    Eegion, 
pp.  23-4. 

■IN.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  Vol.  ix,  pp.  787,  64,  789;  Margry,  Vol.  1,  p.  81. 
5  Margry,  Vol.  2,  pp.  196-203. 


102  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Ta-kii-ha-ka-ni  is  the  iliami  word  for  tomahawk,  and  this  was  pre- 
sumably the  band  of  some  chief  of  that  name.  Obviously  LaSalle  did 
not  see  them  when  he  was  descending  or  ascending  the  Mississippi,  as 
they  were  three  days'  journey  from  it.  What  he  plainly  means  is  that 
he  saw  them  when  he  descended  the  Ohio,  and  was  forced  to  take  to  the 
land  on  account  of  the  "vast  marshes."  Mr.  Hanna  mis-translates 
LaSalle 's  statement  of  1677,  that  he  discovered  the  Ohio  and  followed  it 
to  a  place  "ou  elle  tombe  de  fort  haut  dans  de  vastes  marais."  These 
words  do  not  mean  "where  it  falls  from  very  high  into  vast  marshes," 
but  "where  it  empties  after  a  long  course  into  vast  marshes. "^  Mr. 
Hanna  takes  an  unwarranted  liberty  in  translating  the  verb  descendre 
' '  explore, ' '  and  making  LaSalle  say  that  he  had  been  unable  to  explore  the 
"St.  Louis."  It  is  plain  that  he  had  in  mind  his  descent  of  the  Ohio, 
which  he  explicitly  says  is  a  branch  of  the  St.  Louis,  and  means  that  he 
had  been  unable  to  descend  the  latter. 

LaSalle 's  idea  that  the  Ohio  emptied  into  vast  marshes  can  be  ex- 
plained only  on  the  supposition  that  he  came  down  the  river  in  a  time  of 
flood,  when  the  low  lands  near  its  mouth,  which  were  then  covered  with 
canebrakes,  would  have  had  the  appearance  of  a  marsh.  And  this  same 
supposition  is  required  to  explain  every  other  reference  he  makes  to  it. 
In  this  same  document  he  says  that  the  Ohio  ' '  is  much  larger  in  all  its 
course  than  the  Mississippi;"  and  in  his  letter  of  1680  he  says  it  is 
' '  always  as  large  and  larger  than  the  Seine  at  Rouen,  and  always  deeper. ' ' 
As  Rouen  is  the  head  of  sea  navigation  on  the  Seine,  it  is  apparent  that 
LaSalle  has  seen  the  Ohio  but  once,  and  then  in  flood.  That  LaSalle  was 
completely  puzzled  is  fully  stated  in  this  document.  He  says:  "I  am 
not  able  to  say  certainly  whether  these  two  rivers  ( the  Chucagoa  and  the 
Mississippi)  join;"  and  gives  his  reasons.  He  says  that  "surely  the 
relation  of  Femand  Soto  is  not  a  chimera, ' '  and  yet  the  towns  named  by 
him  are  unknown  on  the  Mississippi,  and  the  size  of  the  Chucagoa  is  too 
great  for  the  Mississippi,  which  "is  no  larger  than  the  Loire  at  its 
mouth."  Further,  "unless  all  the  maps  are  wrong"  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  is  near  Mexico,  and  its  discharge  is  to  the  East-South-Bast, 
and  not  to  the  South ;  which  condition  is  only  possible  in  the  region  where 
the  Escondido  (the  Rio  Grande)  is  shown  to  empty.  Another  thing 
which  he  says  "makes  me  think  the  Chucagoa  is  other  than  the  Missis- 
sippi" is  that  no  large  tributary  enters  the  ]\Iississippi  from  the  east. 
He  had  seen  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  but  it,  being  then  at  low  water,  would 
not  do  for  the  Ohio  that  he  had  descended.  And  this  state  of  mind  is 
shown  in  the  Franquelin  map  of  168-4,  which  was  certainly  based  on  in- 


0  Indiana,  in  Am.  Commonwealth  Series,  p.  10,  and  note. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  103 

formation  from  LaSalle,  and  which  carries  the  Ohio,  also  called  Chueagoa 
and  Casquinambou,  far  to  the  west  of  the  Mississippi,  and  then  circling, 
enters  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  where  the  Escondido,  or  Rio  Grande  enters. 
And  that  is  probably  why  LaSalle  took  his  colony  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Grande  instead  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  (Espiritu  Santo) 
which  on  Franquelin  's  map  is  a  short  stream,  heading  south  of  the  Ohio, 
or  Chucagoa. 

It  is  not  possible  to  understand  the  writings  of  LaSalle,  or  of  anyone 
else  at  this  period,  unless  several  things  he  kept  in  mind.  And  first,  what 
is  now  Ohio  and  Indiana  was  entirely  uninhabited,  on  account  of  the 
raids  of  the  Iroquois.  Second,  this  region  was  unexplored,  because,  aside 
from  the  efforts  to  find  a  passage  to  the  South  Sea,  the  only  exploration 
was  by  fur  traders;  and  they  did  not  go  where  there  were  no  Indians. 
Third,  there  is  no  little  confusion  from  the  fact  that  different  Indian 
tribes  had  different  names  for  the  same  stream.  And  fourth,  both 
writers  and  map-makers  assumed  the  unknown  to  explain  the  known; 
and  occasionally  made  mistakes  in  so  doing.  One  of  LaSalle 's  state- 
ments that  has  been  widely  misunderstood,  and  especially  as  to  his 
acquaintance  with  Indiana,  is  his  reference  to  the  Maumee  portage,  in 
which  he  says  that  he  will  not  go  to  the  beaver-hunting  land  "hereafter 
except  by  Lake  Erie,  in  which  will  end  the  navigation  of  my  barques." 
He  continues:  "The  river  which  you  have  seen  marked  in  my  map  on 
the  south  side  of  this  lake,  and  towards  the  end,  called  by  the  Iroquois 
Tiotontaraeton  is  indeed  the  route  to  go  to  the  river  Ohio  or  Olighin- 
sipou,  which  is  to  say  in  Iroquois  and  in  Ottawa  the  Beautiful  river. 
The  distance  from  one  to  the  other  being  considerable,  the  communica- 
tion is  more  difficult ;  but  at  a  day  from  its  mouth  into  Lake  Erie,  where 
it  flows  through  beautiful  prairies,  in  gunshot  of  its  banks,  there  is  a  little 
lake  from  which  flows  a  stream  six  or  eight  yards  wide,  more  than  six 
feet  deep  where  it  leaves  the  lake,  and  which  soon  changes  to  a  river  by 
the  junction  of  a  number  of  similar  streams  which  after  a  course  of  more 
than  a  hundred  leagues  without  rapids  receives  another  little  river  which 
comes  from  the  neighborhood  of  that  of  the  Miamis,  and  five  or  six  other 
considerable  streams,  and  then  flowing  more  rapidly  along  the  foot  of  a 
mountain  it  discharges  into  that  of  the  Illinois  two  leagues  below  the 
village,  and  from  there  into  the  Mississippi.  It  is  called  the  Ouabanchi 
or  Aramoni.  This  route  is  the  shortest  of  all.  *  *  *  This  river, 
called  Ouabanchi  or  Aramoni,  by  which  I  expect  to  hold  communication 
between  Fort  Frontenac  and  the  Illinois,  has  some  veins  of  copper."" 

The  Aramoni,  as  has  long  been  known,  is  the  Vermillion  of  Illinois, 


■  Margry,   Vol.   2,   pp.   243-5. 


104  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  name  (Miami  a-la-mo-ni)  meaning  paint,  and  specifically  vermilion 
paint.  Of  course  there  is  no  such  connection  as  LaSalle  describes,  and 
he  probably  confused  some  Indian's  account  of  an  actual  route  of  this 
kind,  which  was  in  use  then,  and  afterwards.  It  is  to  ascend  the 
Maumee,  and  its  noi-theru  fork,  the  St.  Joseph,  to  Fish  Creek,  and  up 
that  to  Fish  Lake,  in  Steuben  County,  Indiana,  near  which  heads  Pigeon 
River,  a  tributary  of  the  St.  Joseph  of  Lake  iliehigan,  a  stream  often 
run  by  fishermen  to  this  day.  But,  on  account  of  LaSalle  "s  description, 
this  imaginary  stream  was  represented  on  maps  for  years  afterwards,  or 
the  Kankakee  was  extended  well  over  to  Lake  Erie.  But  this  is  always 
entirely  independent  of  the  Ohio,  and  there  is  no  known  map  of  this 
period,  or  for  some  years  later,  that  indicates  any  portage  from  the 
Maumee  to  the  Wabash. 

It  is  quite  possible  that  Thomas  Wood  discovered  the  head  waters  of 
the  Great  Kanawha  before  1669,  and  also  possible  that  Englishmen 
reached  the  head  waters  of  the  Tennessee  still  earlier;  but  that  does  not 
afliect  LaSalle 's  discovery  of  the  Ohio.  There  was  no  secrecy  about  his 
movements,  and  the  idea  that  the  accounts  of  them  were  fabricated  after 
1684  is  an  historical  absurdity.  Indeed  his  discoveries  were  soon  known 
in  the  English  colonies,  and  freely  admitted.  In  a  discussion  of  the 
troubles  between  the  French  and  the  English,  in  his  report  of  February 
22,  1687,  Governor  Dongan  of  New  York  says:  "The  great  difference 
between  us  is  about  the  Beaver  trade  and  in  truth  they  have  the  advan- 
tage of  us  in  it  @  that  by  noe  other  meanes  than  by  their  industry  in 
making  discoveries  in  the  country  before  us. 

"Before  my  coming  hither  noe  man  of  our  Governmt.  ever  went  be- 
yond the  Sinicaes  country.  Last  year  some  of  our  people  went  a  trading 
among  the  farr  Indians  called  the  Ottawais  inhabiting  about  three 
months  journey  to  the  West  @  W.  N.  W.  of  Albany  from  whence  they 
brought  a  good  many  Beavers.  *  *  *  It  will  be  very  necessary  for 
us  to  encourage  our  young  men  to  goe  a  Beaver  hunting  as  the  French 
doe. 

"I  send  a  Map  by  Mr.  Spragg  whereby  your  Lopps.  may  see  the 
several  Governmts  &e.  how  they  lye  where  the  Beaver  hunting  is  @ 
where  it  will  be  necessai-y  to  erect  our  Country  Forts  for  the  securing  of 
beaver  trade  @  keeping  the  Indians  in  community  with  us. 

"Alsoe  it  points  out  where  theres  a  great  river  discovered  by  one 
Lassal  a  Frenchman  from  Canada  who  thereupon  went  into  France  @ 
as  its  reported  brought  two  or  three  vessels  with  people  to  settle  there 
which  (if  true)  will  prove  not  only  very  inconvenient  to  us  but  to  the 
Spanish  alsoe  (the  river  running  all  along  from  our  lakes  by  the  back  of 
Virginia  @  Carolina  into  the  Bay  Mexico)  @  its  beleeved  Nova  Mexico 


> e  ^--'«yX^ 


^Tacaocfane' 


Map  of  La  Salle's  Colony 


106  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

can  not  bee  far  from  the  mountains  adjoining  to  it  that  place  l)eing  in 
36d  North  Latitude  if  your  Lops,  thought  it  fit  I  could  send  a  sloop  or 
two  from  this  place  to  discover  that  river. ' '  * 

In  1679  LaSalle  had  built  The  Griffon,  a  bark  of  60  tons,  on  the  Upper 
Niagara  River,  and  in  it  sailed  through  the  Great  Lakes  to  Green  Bay, 
where  he  loaded  it  with  furs,  and  sent  it  back  east.  Then,  in  bark  canoes, 
he  made  his  way  to  the  St.  Joseph  River,  and  by  the  South  Bend  portage 
to  the  Kankakee,  and  on  to  the  Illinois  River.  His  first  establishment 
there;  its  destruction  by  the  Iroquois;  and  his  second  fort  on  Starved 
Rock,  are  primarily  matters  of  Illinois  history,  but  about  the  latter  were 
gathered  all  of  the  Indians  that  subsequently  were  located  in  Indiana. 
These  were  in  the  villages  of  Oiatenon,  Ouabona,  Pepikokia,  Peanghichia, 
Miamy,  and  Maramech,  as  shown  in  the  accompanying  section  of  the 
Pranquelin  map,  their  total  being  over  twenty-three  hundred  warriors, 
as  marked.  There  was  no  material  change  of  location  for  several  years 
after  the  assassination  of  LaSalle,  in  1687. 

The  next  prominent  figure  among  the  French  in  the  "West,  after 
LaSalle,  was  Lamothe  Cadillac,  who  was  placed  in  command  in  1694, 
and  continued  until  1697.  In  that  year  the  Treaty  of  Ryswick  gave 
Louis  XIV  some  opportunity  to  look  after  his  American  possessions,  and 
he  soon  approved  the  plans  of  Cadillac  for  fortifying  the  Detroit  River, 
which  was  recognized  as  the  key  to  the  lakes.  In  1700  Robert  Livingston, 
Colonial  Secretary  of  Indian  Affairs,  urged  the  establishment  of  a  post 
at  the  same  place  by  the  English,®  but  Cadillac  anticipated  them,  and 
in  the  summer  of  1701,  came  to  the  place  with  fifty  soldiers  and  fifty 
colonists  and  built  Fort  Pontchartrain,  a  picket  inelosure  sixty  j^ards 
square.  A  number  of  the  western  Indians  located  near  the  fort,  and 
others  began  moving  eastward.  At  the  same  time  another  influence  came 
from  the  south.  In  1699  Pierre  Lemoyne  Iberville  was  sent  from  France 
to  make  an  establishment  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi.  He  built  a 
fort  at  Biloxi,  which  was  removed  to  Mobile  two  years  later.  In  1700  the 
Cahokias  and  Kaskaskias  left  the  Illinois  with  Father  Marest,  and  estab- 
lished themselves  on  the  Mississippi  at  their  well  known  villages,  and 
these  gradually  developed  into  settlements  of  the  frontier  Frenchmen. 
In  1702  Iberville  asked  for  the  removal  of  the  Illinois  Indians  to  the 
lower  Ohio,  which  was  not  attempted ;  but  in  that  year  Sieur  Juehereau, 
"Lieutenant  criminel  de  Montreal,"  came  with  thirty-five  Canadians 
and  established  a  post  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  to  collect  buffalo  skins, 
and  a  band  of  Mascoutins  located  there  to  aid  in  the  hunting.    Juehereau 


8N.  Y.  Col.  Docs.,  Vol.  1,  pp.   100-1. 
9N.  Y.  Col.   Docs.,  Vol.  4,  p.  650. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  107 

died  a  few  months  later,  and  the  fort  was  abandoned  in  1704  by  M. 
de  Lambert,  who  commanded  there  after  Juchereau's  death.'"  This 
Juchereau  has  been  confounded  with  Juchereau  St.  Denys,  who  has  also 
been  mixed  with  other  Juchereaus.  They  are  "unscrambled"  by  M. 
Pierre  Georges  Roy,  in  the  Revoie  Canadienne  for  January,  1917,  pp. 
49-60. 

Cadillac  was  appointed  Governor  of  Louisiana  in  1710,  and  left 
Detroit  the  next  year,  being  succeeded  there  by  Capt.  Joseph  Guyou 
Dubuisson.  In  1712  the  Detroit  post  was  attacked  by  the  Mascoutins, 
and  the  garrison  was  in  dire  straits  until  a  large  force  of  friendly 
Indians  was  brought  to  the  rescue  by  the  Sieur  de  Vincennes.  These 
soon  had  the  best  of  the  Mascoutins,  who  begged  for  their  lives ;  but  the 
French  and  their  Indian  allies  sternly  refused  any  terms.  The  Mascou- 
tins then  fled  to  the  Maumee,  whither  they  were  pursued,  and  there  de- 
feated with  great  slaughter.  The  Crane  tribe  of  the  Miamis  then  losated 
at  the  site  of  Fort  Wayne,  and  the  remainder  of  the  Miamis,  who  were 
generally  grouped  as  "Ouyatanons"  by  the  French,  soon  took  up  their 
residence  on  the  Wabash,  in  the  locations  which  they  retained  for  the 
next  century. 

Vincennes  had  been  in  disgrace  for  furnishing  liquor  to  the  Indians 
— the  Canadian  authorities  were  trying  to  enforce  prohibition  as  to 
Indians  at  that  time — but  his  services  had  demonstrated  how  invaluable 
he  was  on  the  frontier,  so  he  was  restored  to  favor,  and  stationed  with 
the  Miamis  at  Kiskakon  (later  corrupted  to  Kekionga),  their  village  at 
the  site  of  Fort  Wayne,  where  he  died  in  1719.  This  was  Jean  Baptiste 
Bissot,  second  Sieur  de  Vincennes,  who  has  often  been  mistaken  for  the 
founder  of  the  Indiana  post  on  the  Wabash.  The  fief  of  Vincennes  is  a 
beautiful  tract  of  land  just  below  Quebec,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  opposite  the  lower  end  of  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  with  seventy 
arpents  front  on  the  river,  and  a  league  in  depth.  It  is  high  towards  the 
river  with  several  small  streams,  one  of  which  was  used  to  run  a  grist 
mill.  It  was  granted  to  Francois  Bissot  (Byssot)  on  November  3,  1672. 
He  was  a  Norman  who  conducted  a  number  of  successful  business  enter- 
prises in  the  colony,  and  his  children  intermarried  with  the  best  Canadian 
families,  one  of  his  daughters  being  the  wife  of  Joliet,  the  discoverer  of 
the  Mississippi. 

Jean  Baptiste  was  declared  of  age  in  1687  by  the  Sovereign  Council, 
and  went  to  France  to  seek  an  appointment.  He  was  admitted  to  the 
military  establishment,  and  thereafter  spent  most  of  his  time  in  the  West, 
his  wife.  Marie-Marguerite  Forestier,  remaining  at  Quebec,  to  which  her 


10  Indiana,  in  Am.  Commonwealth  Series,  pp.  36-40. 


US  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

husband  paid  visits  as  his  service  permitted.  The  succession  to  his  title 
has  long  been  a  puzzle  to  students  of  Indiana  history;  and  it  was  re- 
served to  M.  Pierre  Georges  Roy,  a  descendant  of  the  former  owner  of 
the  lief  of  Vineennes,  and  an  accomplished  scholar,  to  find  the  solution 
in  Indiana's  centennial  year.  It  is  in  a  letter  of  Governor  De  Vaudreuil 
to  the  Council  of  ilarine,  dated  October  24,  1722,  and  preserved  in  the 
Canadian  archives,  being,  in  part,  as  follows : 

"I  have  received  the  letter  which  the  Council  did  me  the  honor  to 
write  on  June  14,  last,  in  whicli  it  had  the  kindness  to  mention  the 
approval  of  his  Royal  Highness  of  the  efforts  I  have  made  to  induce  the 
Indians  at  the  River  St.  Joseph  and  on  the  Kankakee  to  form  settlements, 
and  my  action  in  sending  Sr.  Du  Buisson,  Captain,  to  establish  a  post  at 
the  home  of  the  Miamis  and  to  command  at  this  post  as  well  as  at  that  of 
the  Ouiatanons,  and  to  so  manage  the  Miamis  as  to  counteract  the  prac- 
tices which  the  English  continue  to  use  to  attract  the  Indians  to  Orange 
(New  York)  *  *  *  The  stockade  fort  which  he  has  had  made,  and 
which  was  finished  last  May,  is  one  of  the  best  there  is  in  the  upper 
country.  It  is  strong  indeed,  and  a  shelter  from  the  insolence  of  the 
Indians.  This  post,  which  is  considerable,  ought  to  have  a  missionary. 
It  would  be  possible  to  send  one  in  1724  if  the  Council  sends  to  Canada 
next  year  the  four  Jesuits  I  have  asked. 

' '  The  band  of  forty  or  fifty  Ouiatanons  who  were  established  on  the 
Kankakee  have  decided  to  return  to  their  ancient  home  since  they  have 
seen  that  the  majority  of  the  nation  did  not  wish  to  abandon  it.  The 
Sieur  de  Vineennes,  the  son,  who  is  only  a  cadet  in  the  troops,  commands 
at  the  home  of  this  tribe  under  the  orders  of  Sieur  Du  Buisson ;  he  has 
been  there  since  1718,  and  he  has  become  very  useful  for  the  great  influ- 
ence he  has  acquired  among  these  Indians,  who  retain  for  him  the  same 
attachment  that  they  had  for  the  Sieur  de  Vineennes,  his  father.  His 
services  merit  the  careful  attention  of  the  Council.  If  I  had  foreseen  the 
establishment  which  the  King  has  made  this  year  of  a  second  ensign  in 
each  of  the  twenty-eight  companies  which  his  ]\Iajesty  maintains  in  Can- 
ada, I  should  have  proposed  to  the  Council  that  he  have  one  of  the  places 
which  were  not  filled  by  the  petty  ensigns.  These  are  now  filled,  but  as 
there  are  three  second  ensigns  with  orders  for  active  duty,  who  should 
not  be  admitted  to  this  rank  except  in  places  that  happen  to  become 
vacant,  I  humbly  pray  the  Council  to  accord  a  similar  order  for  active 
duty  to  Sieur  de  Vineennes,  so  that  he  may  receive  the  first  place  that 
becomes  vacant  after  Sieurs  Le  Verrier,  Sabrevois  and  Lignery  have  been 
promoted."  i' 


11  Corresponilance  Generale,  Can.  Archives,  Vol.  44.  This,  with  much  other  valu- 
able matter  collected  by  M.  Eoy,  is  printed  by  him  in  Vol.  7,  Ind.  Hist.  Soc. 
Publications,  under  the  title  "Sieur  de  Vineennes  Identified." 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


109 


Jean  Baptiste  Bissot  had  Init  three  sons :  and  of  these  Pierre  died  in 
infancy,  and  ^Michel  when  two  years  old.  The  remaining  son,  Francois 
Marie,  was  born  June  17,  1700,  and  was  the  Sieur  de  Viucennes  who 
figured  in  Indiana  from  1719  to  1736.  Judge  Law  says  that  he  signed 
his  name  "Francois  ilorgan  de  Vinsenne,"  which  is  explained  by  the 
facts,  first,  that  he  did  not  linow  how  to  spell  either  his  name  or  his  title ; 
second,  that  when  christened,  his  godfather  was  Francois  Margane  de 


PlEKrE-GEORGES  ROY 


Batilly,  his  cousin ;  and  third,  that  being  in  the  service  at  the  same  time 
as  his  father,  who  signed  his  name  ' '  Bissot  Vensenne, ' '  he  took  his  god- 
father's  family  name  for  distinction,  as  was  commonly  done  by  the  Cana- 
dians; and  writing  it  "Margan,"  it  was  mistaken  by  Judge  Law  for 
"Morgan,"  which  is  not  a  French  name.  The  letter  is  also  valuable  as 
showing  that  the  stockade  fort  at  the  site  of  Fort  Wayne  was  completed 
in  May,  1722,  and  this  was  the  first  fort  built  by  white  men  within  the 
bounds  of  Indiana.  The  "fort  of  the  Ouiatanons"  described  in  the 
French  relation  of  1718,  was  an  Indian  stockade,  such  as  they  commonly 


110  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

put  around  their  villages,  or  adjoining  them,  whenever  they  were  located 
in  exposed  positions.  The  letter  also  makes  evident  the  hostile  attitude 
of  the  French  and  the  British,  which  increased  in  iutensitj^  for  the  next 
forty  years. 

The  war  of  the  Austrian  Succession  had  closed  with  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  in  1713 ;  and  the  loth  section  of  that  treaty  contained  this  pro- 
vision: "The  subjects  of  France  inhabiting  Canada,  and  others,  shall 
give  no  hinderance  or  molestation  to  the  live  nations  or  cantons  of 
Indians,  subject  to  the  dominion  of  Great  Britain,  nor  to  other  natives 
of  America  who  are  friends  to  the  same.  In  like  manner,  the  subjects 
of  Great  Britain  shall  behave  themselves  peaceably  towards  the  Ameri- 
cans who  are  subjects  or  friends  to  France ;  and  on  both  sides  they  shall 
enjoy  full  liberty  of  going  and  coming  on  account  of  trade.  As  also  the 
natives  of  those  countries  shall,  with  the  same  liberty,  resort,  as  they 
please,  to  the  British  and  French  colonies,  for  promoting  trade  on  one 
side  and  the  other  Avithout  any  molestation  or  hinderance,  either  on  the 
part  of  British  subjects  or  of  the  French.  But  it  is  to  be  exactly  and 
distinctly  settled  by  commissaries,  who  are,  and  who  ought  to  be 
accounted  the  subjects  and  friends  of  Britain  or  of  France."  ^^ 

The  treaty  had  similar  provisions  for  free  trade  between  France  and 
England,  which  were  met  with  riotous  objection  by  the  protectionists  of 
England.  On  this  side  of  the  water  the  treaty,  in  this  feature,  was 
treated  as  a  "  scrap  of  paper, ' '  except  in  so  far  as  it  aided  either  side  to 
get  the  Indian  trade  away  from  the  other.  This  meant  that  each  would 
side  with  the  Indians  in  any  quarrel  with  the  other,  and  furnish  them 
with  arms  and  ammunition ;  also,  as  rum  was  the  most  attractive  com- 
modity to  the  Indians,  all  restraint  on  its  sale  was  soon  thrown  off,  and 
the  Indian  road  to  ruin  was  made  smooth.  On  account  of  the  energy 
with  which  the  English  sought  the  Indian  trade,  our  Indians  were  hardly 
settled  in  Indiana  before  the  French  began  trying  to  induce  them  to 
move  back  to  the  west,  ■where  the  English  could  not  so  easily  reach  them. 

Meanwhile  the  English  had  secured  the  friendship  of  the  southern 
Indians,  who  were  enemies  of  the  Algonquian  tribes,  and  incidentally 
hostile  to  the  French,  who  supplied  them  with  arms;  and,  in  consequence, 
trouble  opened  in  that  direction.  Louisiana  had  been  granted  to 
Anthony  Crozat  in  1712,  but  in  1717  he  surrendered  his  chartei",  and 
the  Mississippi  Valley  was  turned  over  to  the  Company  of  the  Occident. 
The  Illinois  country,  including  southern  Indiana,  was  added  to  Louisiana 
for  governmental  purposes,  and  Bienville  was  made  governor.  In  1718 
Bienville  sent  his  cousin.  Pierre  Dugue  de  Boisbriant,  with  one  hundred 


12  McDonald's  Select  Charters,  p.  232. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  111 

men,  to  build  a  fort  on  the  upper  Mississippi  for  the  protection  of  "the 
upper  settlements"  from  the  pacific  English  and  their  Indian  allies.  He 
selected  a  point  some  sixteen  miles  above  Kaskaskia  and  completed  the 
fort  in  1720,  naming  it  Fort  Chartres  in  honor  of  the  Due  de  Chartres. 
This  was  a  stockade  fort  of  logs,  which  was  replaced  thirty-four  years 
later  by  a  substantial  stone  fortress,  under  the  command  of  the  Chevalier 
Macarty. 

The  year  1720  was  eventful,  for  in  addition  to  the  completion  of  Fort 
Chartres,  which  was  the  seat  of  government  of  Illinois  and  southern 
Indiana  during  the  French  period,  the  Mississippi  Company,  into  which 


Ruins  of  Powder  ^Iagazixe  Fort  Chartkes 

the  Company  of  the  Occident  had  merged,  on  September  15  of  that  year 
asked  the  government  to  establish  a  post  on  the  Ouabache  (i.  e.  the 
Wabash  and  the  lower  Ohio,  treated  as  one  stream)  and  place  a  company 
of  troops  there  "to  occupy  first  the  entire  country,  and  prevent  the 
English  from  penetrating  it."  "  [Moreover,  in  this  year  Kaskaskia  was 
made  a  parish,  and  Father  de  Beaubois  was  located  there  as  priest,. 
He  was  very  ambitious  to  enlarge  his  jurisdiction  by  an  Indian  mission, 
but  being  in  Louisiana,  and  the  dividing  line  between  that  province  and 
Canada  crossing  the  Wabash  at  about  the  site  of  Terre  Haute,  all  of  the 
Indiana  Indians  were  in  Canada.  He  therefore  united  in  the  call  for  a 
post  on  the  Ouabache,  and  a  missionary  priest.  Everyone  who  came 
within  his  reach  was  duly  impressed  with  the  importance  of  a  post  on 


13  Margry,  Vol.  5,  p.  624. 


112  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  Ouabache.  Father  Charlevoix  explained  it  in  1721,  and  La  Harpe 
urged  it  in  1724. ^^  In  1725  Dugue  de  Boisbriant  wrote  to  the  Company 
that,  because  of  the  failure  to  establish  a  post  on  the  Wabash,  "it  is  much 
to  be  feared  that  the  English  will  take  possession  of  it,  and  this  would 
entirely  ruin  the  Upper  Colony,  because  it  would  be  easy  for  them,  with 
the  prodigious  quantities  of  merchandise  which  they  ordinarily  caiTv, 
to  win  all  of  the  Indians  of  this  region."  '^ 

In  the  early  spring  of  1725  Father  de  Beaubois  started  to  France  to 
get  something  done.  The  Chevalier  de  Bourgmont  gathered  twenty-two 
Indians  at  New  Orleans,  to  accompany  him ;  but  as  they  were  about  to 
embark,  their  ship  sank  at  its  moorings,  and  all  of  them  declined  to  try 
another  ship  except  six,  who  are  listed  as  follows:  "Agapit  Chicagou, 
chief  of  the  Metchigamia,  an  Illinois  nation ;  Menspere  (a  3Iissouri  chief), 
Boganienhein  (Osage),  Aguiguida  (Otoptata)  ;  also  Ignon  Ouaconisen, 
daughter  of  the  Missouri  chief,  and  a  slave  named  Pilate,  of  the  Atanana 
nation."  They  had  a  great  reception  in  France;  saw  all  the  wonders  of 
Paris  and  Versailles,  went  to  the  opera,  and  were  taken  hunting  by  the 
King.  The  account  of  their  visit  filled  thirty-three  pages  of  Le  ilercure 
de  France.  18  The  Queen  was  desirous  of  seeing  them,  but  the  King,  who 
was  fifteen  years  old  and  just  married,  feared  that  their  "assortment 
sauvage  &  trop  bizarre"  might  be  bad  for  her  health,  and  so  the  unfor- 
tunate bride  had  to  be  content  with  an  interview  with  Father  de 
Beaubois. 

Father  de  Beaubois  secured  orders  for  a  post  on  the  Ouabache ;  also 
a  missionary  for  the  same;  also  some  nuns  to  establish  a  convent  at  New 
Orleans.  The  missionary,  Father  D'Outreleau,  and  the  nuns,  who  estab- 
lished the  celebrated  Ursuline  convent  at  New  Orleans,  embarked  at 
L 'Orient  for  America,  Feb.  22,  1727,  on  the  ship  La  Gironde,  com- 
manded by  Captain  Vauberci,  and  after  a  rough  voyage,  arrived  at 
New  Orleans  at  the  end  of  July."  But  opposition  had  arisen.  The 
plan  involved  the  movement  of  the  Sieur  de  Vincennes  into  Louisiana, 
with  a  part  of  the  Waba.sh  Indians,  and  Gov.  de  Vaudreuil  of  Canada 
did  not  wish  to  lose  either  Vincennes  or  the  Indians;  so  both  Canada 
and  Louisiana  began  bidding  for  Sieur  de  Vincennes,  who  was  recog- 
nized by  all  as  the  one  man  who  could  control  the  Indians.  Action  was 
delayed,  and  meanwhile  the  English  were  coming  closer,  and  the 
Chickasaws  were  becoming  bolder  in  their  raids.     Finally,  on  Oct.  15, 


14  French's  Hist.  Coll.  of  La.,  pt.  3,  pp.  114,  123. 

15  Margry,  Vol.  6,  p.  657. 

leVol.  1,  1725;  December,  pp.  2827-2S59. 

17  For  detailed  account  of  these  events,  see  The  Mission  to  the  Ouabache,  Ind.  Hist. 
Soc.  Pubs.,  Vol.  3,  No.  4. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  113 

1730,  the  Governors  of  Canada  reported:  "The  Ouiatanons  have  been 
led  away  into  the  jurisidietion  of  Louisiana  by  Sieur  de  Vincennes."  i* 
It  had  been  intended  to  establish  the  post  at  the  junction  of  the  Wabash 
and  the  Ohio,  but  the  Indians  were  unwilling  to  risk  so  exposed  a  situ- 
ation, and  so  the  location  was  made  at  Vincennes,  the  place  being  called 
by  the  Indians  Tcip-ka-ki-un-gi,  or  Place  of  Roots  (corrupted  by  the 
whites  to  Chip-kaw-kay,  Chippecoke,  &c.)  on  account  of  the  plenty  of 
edible  roots  in  the  adjoining  prairies. 

The  allowance  for  salaries  and  support  of  the  new  post  begins,  in 
the  French  budget,  with  July,  1731 ;  in  the  same  year  the  post  first 
appeared  on  a  map,  and  was  first  mentioned  in  official  correspondence. 
On  March  7,  1733,  Vincennes  reported:  "You  have  done  me  the  honor 
to  ask  me  to  send  you  a  statement  of  the  works  finished  and  to  be  con- 
structed. There  is  onlj'  a  fort  and  two  houses  in  it,  and  there  should 
at  once  be  built  a  guard  room  with  barracks  for  lodging  the  soldiers. 
It  is  not  possible  to  remain  in  this  place  with  so  few  troops.  It  will 
need  thirty  men  with  an  officer.  I  am  more  embarrassed  than  ever  ih 
this  place  by  the  war  with  the  Chickasaws  who  have  come  here  twice 
since  spring.  It  is  only  twelve  days  since  the  last  party  brought  in 
three  persons,  and  as  it  is  the  French  who  have  put  the  tomahawk  in 
their  hands,  I  am  obliged  to  be  at  expense  continually.""  In  1735  a 
few  Canadian  families  settled  at  the  post;  and  so  the  first  permanent 
settlement  in  Indiana  was  begun.  The  post  at  Fort  Wayne  was  built 
ten  years  earlier,  but  it  was  temporarily  abandoned  later.  Post  Ouia- 
tanon  was  also  probably  established  prior  to  this  time,  on  the  north  side 
of  the  Wabash,  a  short  distance  below  Lafayette,  on  a  ridge  lying  west 
of  Sand  Ridge  Church ;  but  it  was  abandoned  before  the  American  oc- 
cupation. 

Inasmuch  as  there  is  a  large  amount  of  "local  history"  in  print  claim- 
ing an  earlier  date  for  the  foundation  of  Vincennes,  it  becomes  an  es- 
sential part  of  the  history  of  the  State  to  explain  its  being.  The  error 
began  with  Judge  John  Law,  in  an  address  delivered  by  him  on  Feb. 
22,  1839,  before  "The  Vincennes  Historical  and  Antiquarian  Society." 
It  was  evidently  the  result  of  extended  research  in  the  documents  access- 
ible at  Vincennes  and  in  the  Illinois  settlements;  and  the  substance  of 
the  results  of  his  research  is  contained  in  the  following  paragraph: 

"Francois  Morgan  de  Vinsenne  ('Vinsenne,'  for  so  he  spelled  his 
name)  was  an  officer  in  the  service  of  the  King  of  France,  and  served 
in  Canada  probably  as  early  as  1720,  in  the  regiment  '  de  Carignan. '    At 


IS  Ind.  Mag.  of  Hist.,  Vol.  12,  p.  134. 
19  The  Mission  to  the  Ouabache,  p.  304. 

Vol.  1—8 


lU  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

any  rate,  as  we  are  informed,  he  was  engaged  in  some  service  with  an 
other  officer  on  the  lakes  towards  Sanlt  St.  Marie,  for  the  Governor  of 
Canada,  ]\I.  de  Vaudreuil,  in  1725.  At  what  time  he  took  possession 
here  is  not  exactly  known,  probably  somewhere  about  the  year  1732. 
There  is  nothing  on  our  records  to  show,  but  an  act  of  sale  made  by 
him  and  Madame  Vinsenne,  the  daughter  of  Monsieur  Philip  Longprie 
of  Kaskaskia.  and  recorded  there.  The  act  of  sale,  dated  5th  January, 
1735,  styles  him  'an  officer  of  the  troops  of  the  King,'  and  'command- 
ant au  po^e  du  Oiiabache';  the  same  deed  expressing  that  Madame 
Vinsenne  was  absent  at  the  Post.  Her  signature  being  necessary  to  the 
deed,  she  sent  her  mark,  or  cross,  which  is  testified  to  as  hers,  'X  the 
mark  of  Madame  Vinsenne,'  and  showing  that  the  good  lady  was  not 
very  far  advanced  in  the  rudiments,  though  her  husband  was  com- 
mandant, and  her  father  the  wealthiest  citizen  of  Kaskaskia.  The  wiU 
of  Monsieur  Longprie,  his  father-in-law,  dated  the  10th  of  March,  1735, 
gives  to  him,  among  other  things,  408  lbs.  of  pork,  which  he  wishes  'kept 
safe  until  the  arrival  of  Mons.  Vinsenne',  who  was  then  at  the  Post. 
There  are  other  documents  there  signed  by  him  as  a  witness  in  1733-4 ; 
among  them  one  of  a  receipt  for  100  pistoles,  received  from  his  father- 
in-law,  on  his  marriage.  From  all  these  proofs,  I  think  it  evident  that 
he  was  here  previous  to  1733,  and  left  with  his  command,  on  an  expedi- 
tion against  the  Chickasaws,  in  1736,  by  orders  from  his  superior  offi- 
cer at  New  Orleans.  *  *  *  On  looking  at  the  register  of  the  Catholic 
church,  it  will  be  found  that  the  change  of  name  from  Vinsemie  to  Vin- 
cennes,  its  present  appellation,  was  made  as  early  as  1749.  Why  or 
wherefore  I  do  not  know.  I  wish  the  original  orthography  had  been  ob- 
served, and  the  name  spelled  after  its  founder,  with  the  's'  instead  of 
the  'c,'  as  it  should  be." 

Of  course  the  change  of  spelling  was  due  to  the  fact  that  the  parish 
pi'iest  knew  how  to  spell,  at  least  better  than  Sieur  de  Vincennes;  and 
the  "regiment  de  Carignan"  is  merely  an  unfortunate  pretension  to 
learning;  but  with  these  exceptions  Judge  Law's  conclusions  in  this 
passage  are  quite  accurate.  Unfortunately  he  found  a  reference  in  a 
letter  of  Father  ilarest,  dated  Nov.  9,  1712,  to  Sieur  Juchereau's  post 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  or  ' '  Ouabache "  as  it  was  then  called ;  and  took 
it  for  a  reference  to  Vincennes;  and  this  caused  him  to  abandon  the 
uniform  tradition  that  the  settlement  was  begun  by  the  Sieur  de  Vin- 
cennes. The  error  was  quickly  pointed  out,  but  Judge  Law  refused  to 
abandon  it ;  and  subsequent  writers  tried  to  fortify  his  position  by  fic- 
titious records  and  manufactured  tradition.  In  reality  local  tradition 
was  exhausted  half-a-century  before  Judge  Law's  time,  by  ilajor  Henry 
Vanderburgh.     Winthrop   Sargent,  the   Secretary   of  Northwest   Terri- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


115 


tory,  had  been  charged  with  the  duty  of  carrying  out  the  provisions 
of  a  resolution  of  Congress,  adopted  in  1788,  for  adjusting  the  laud 
claims  of  the  French  settlers.  He  called  on  Vanderburgh  for  informa- 
tion as  to  the  Vincennes  settlement,  and  he  could  not  have  made  a  bet- 
ter selection.  Vanderburgh  was  born  at  Troy,  N.  Y.,  in  1760,  and  en- 
tered the  5th  New  York  Regiment,  Continental  Line,  as  lieutenant,  at 
the  age  of  sixteen,  being  later  promoted  to  captain.     He  came  west 


Judge  John  Law 

about  1788  and  located  at  Vincennes,  where,  in  February,  1790,  he 
married  Frances  Cornoyer,  daughter  of  Pierre  Cornoyer,  one  of  the 
principal  residents  of  the  place.  In  1791  Gov.  St.  Clair  appointed  him 
Justice  of  the  Peace  and  Probate  Judge  for  Knox  County.  In  1799  he 
was  selected  by  President  Adams  as  a  member  of  the  Legislative  Coun- 
cil of  the  Territory,  and  was  chosen  President  of  that  body.  In  1800 
he  was  made  one  of  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  Indiana  Terri- 
tory, and  held  that  office  until  his  death  on  April  5,  1812.     It  was  his 


116  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

son  whose  tragic  death,  while  acting  as  agent  for  the  American  Fur  Com- 
pany, is  recounted  by  Irving  in  The  Adventures  of  Captain  Bonne- 
ville.    Judge  Vanderburgh's  report  to  Sargent  is  in  these  words: 

"In  answer  to  Col.  Sargent's  enquiries,  Major  Vanderburgh  has  the 
honor  of  replying  as  follows,  viz. 

"Vincennes  had  its  name  from  Monsieur  de  Vincennes,  who  was  the 
first  Frenchman  that  encamped  on  this  ground  as  he  passed  with  French 
troops  from  Canada,  to  Louisiana,  in  or  about  the  year  1737.  Monsieur 
de  Vincennes  was  afterwards  Inirnt  with  a  Jesuit  by  the  Chickasaws. 
It  appears  that  there  were  no  more  than  three  French  families  here  in 
the  year  1745. — That  Monsieur  St.  Ange,  the  only  French  officer  that 
ever  commanded  here  arrived  in  the  year  1747  or  48, — That  he  com- 
manded here  till  the  18th  May  1764,  on  which  day  he  appointed  Monsieur 
Rusherville,  who  it  appears  was  then  doing  the  duty  of  Captain  of  the 
Militia,  to  succeed  him  and  gave  him  instructions  accordingly, — after 
the  death  of  Rusherville,  which  happened  in  the  year  1767,  Lieutenant 
Chapard  commanded  until  his  decease,  when  the  command  devolved 
on  ]\Ionsieur  Racine  St.  Marie,  the  Ensign,  who  always  received  his 
orders  from  the  British  commandants  in  the  Illinois; — my  informants 
have  not  been  able  to  mention  the  duration  of  these  respective  commands, 
— Monsieur  Racine  continued  to  command  till  the  arrival  of  "Slv.  Abbet, 
a  British  officer  in  the  year  1777,  who  returned  to  Detroit  the  same  year 
after  building  a  small  Fort,  and  leaving  the  command  with  Monsieur 
Bolon,  who  surrendered  the  same  to  Capt.  Helmes,  of  the  Virginia  troops 
in  July,  1778 — Governor  Hamilton  arrived  in  Nov.  or  Dec.  in  the  same 
year,  and  took  Helmes  and  the  Governor  prisoners  and  repaired  the 
works, — he  was  taken  by  General  Clark,  in  the  month  of  February  1779. 
The  population  of  this  place  appears  then  to  have  been  about  three 
hundred  families, — at  this  time  there  are  about  110  houses  in  the  Vil- 
lage in  which  people  dwell,  and  about  75  in  the  country — I  estimate  the 
number  of  souls  upwards  of  1.200.  30,000  bushels  of  Indian  corn  raised 
last  year,  and  12,000  bushels  of  "Wheat,  weighing  about  60  lbs.  to  a 
bushel.     28th  Oct.  1797."  20 

It  will  be  noted  that  tradition,  when  tradition  actually  existed,  put 
the  dates  of  the  founding  of  the  post,  and  the  coming  of  St.  Ange  later 
than  the  reality,  instead  of  earlier ;  but  aside  from  this  feature  Vander- 
burgh's  statement  is  a  quite  full  statement  of  the  civil  govenmient,  which 
consisted  chiefly  of  the  will  of  the  Commandant,  at  Vincennes  as  well 
at  the  other  two  Indian  posts,  Ouiatanon  and  Fort  "Wayne.  Life  at  all 
of  them  was  a  monotonous  affair,  except  for  occasional  trouble  with 


"0  Farmers  &  Mechanics  Journal — Vincennes — March  29,  1823. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  117 

the  Indians,  which  was  usually  stirred  up  by  the  English.  The  first 
and  greatest  of  these  came  in  1736,  when  Gov.  Bienville,  of  Louisiana, 
determined  to  invade  the  Chickasaw  country,  and  called  on  the  upper 
settlements  for  assistance.  Vincennes,  with  a  part  of  his  little  garri- 
son, and  a  band  of  Indians,  joined  D 'Artaguiette,  with  a  contingent 
from  Fort  Chartres,  and  this  force,  arriving  in  the  enemy's  country 
before  the  Louisiana  troops,  undertook  to  attack  alone ;  but  fell  into 
an  ambuscade,  and  were  routed  with  great  slaughter.  It  was  a  terrible 
blow  to  the  little  settlements — as  Toussaint  Loizel  wrote :  "  It  is  a 
mortal  desolation  to  us  poor  people  of  Illinois  to  see  ourselves  deprived 
of  so  many  brave  men."  An  idea  of  it  may  be  had  from  the  state- 
ment of  the  "Monsieur  Rusherville, "  mentioned  above  as  the  successor 
of  St.  Ange  at  Vincennes,  as  recorded  by  IMoreau  St.  ilery  in  1739,  in 
his  historj'  of  Louisiana : 

"Relation  made  by  Sieur  Drouet  de  Richardville  of  the  engagement 
which  !M.  de  Artaguiette  had  with  the  Chickasaws  in  the  month  of 
March  1736,  on  the  way  to  Fort  St.  Frederic.  He  reports  that  in  this 
engagement  three  of  his  brothers  were  killed;  that  he  himself  received 
two  gunshot  wounds,  one  in  the  left  arm,  and  one  at  the  base  of  the 
stomach,  and  an  arrow  wound  in  his  wrist ;  that  he  was  taken  arms  in 
hand  by  three  Chickasaws  and  brought  to  a  village  with  22  French,  of 
whom  20  were  burned  at  the  stake,  among  others ;  Father  Senat,  Jesuit ; 
ilessrs.  d'  Artaguiette,  de  Vincennes,  de  Coulanges,  de  St.  Ange  fils, 
Du  Tisne,  d'Esgly  de  Tonty  the  younger.  These  gentlemen  were  burned 
with  Father  Senat  on  the  day  of  the  fight,  from  3  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon to  midnight.  The  others  who  were  burned  were  officers  and  militia- 
men. Sieur  Courselas,  or  Coustillas,  officer,  was  burned  three  days  later 
at  the  large  village,  with  an  Iroquois  from  the  Sault  St.  Louis;  Sieur 
Courselas  had  been  detailed  with  35  men  to  guard  the  ammunition. 
Being  misled  he  came  to  the  village  of  the  Chickasaws  without  know- 
ing where  he  was  going.  He  was  not  able  to  learn  what  became  of  the 
35  Frenchmen  who  were  with  Courselas.  He  was  conducted  to  the 
cabin  of  the  chief  of  the  village  of  Joutalla,  where  he  was  guarded  for 
six  months  by  the  young  men,  after  which  he  was  given  full  liberty, 
and  himted  with  the  Chickasaws. " -^ 

There  is  some  additional  light  thrown  on  this  tragic  affair  by  the 
following  reference  to  it  in  a  defense  of  the  Jesuits  after  their  expul- 
sion from  Louisiana  in  1763:  "In  1736,  Father  Senat,  missionary  to 
the  Illinois,  was  appointed  to  accompany  M.  d 'Artaguiette,  who  eon- 
ducted  a  party  of  French  against  the  Chickasaw.     The  enterprise  was 


21  Ind.  Mag.  of  History,  Vol.  12,  p.  135. 


118  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

unfortunate.  The  French  were  upon  the  point  of  being  sui-rcuuded  by 
the  savages  when  the  missionary  was  warned  that  he  still  had  time  to 
escape.  He  was  offered  a  hoi-se,  but  refused  it,  remembering  the  purpose 
of  his  voyage  and  the  need  that  the  French  captives  would  soon  have 
of  his  succor.  He  was  seized  with  them  and  led  as  they  were  to  tor- 
ture; a  savage  woman,  utterly  ignorant  of  the  Christian  religion,  was 
a  witness  of  their  death.  She  reported,  a  little  while  afterward,  that 
the  French  who  were  captured  by  the  Chickasaw  had  beeu  thrown  upon 
a  lighted  pile  of  wood  in  a  large  cabin,  'after  they  had  sung  in  order 
to  go  on  high. '  Seeing  their  manner  and  their  gestures,  she  had  compre- 
hended that  the  prayers  which  they  were  singing  were  to  guide  them 
to  heaven.  "-2 

After  this  calamity,  St.  Auge,  the  father,  who  was  commanding  tem- 
porarily at  Fort  Chartres,  and  whose  eldest  son,  Pierre,  had  been  killed 
with  Vincennes,  asked  the  place  of  Vincenues  for  his  younger  son,  Louis, 
who  was  then  at  a  post  in  Missouri,  and  the  request  was  granted.  "St. 
Ange ' '  was  a  nick-name  of  the  father,  his  real  name  being  Robert  Gros- 
ton;  and  our  new  Commandant,  pi-obably  to  distingiiish  himself  from 
his  father,  also  assumed  his  mother's  nick-name,  "Bellerive. "  The 
French  indicated  a  nick-name  by  the  word  "dit":  and  in  the  course 
of  years,  Louis  Groston,  dit  St.  Ange,  dit  Bellerive,  came  to  be  known 
as  Sieur  de  St.  Ange  de  Bellerive :  and  this  has  served  all  the  purposes 
of  "the  boast  of  heraldry"  quite  as  well  as  if  it  had  been  a  genuine  title 
of  nobility. 

The  wars  between  the  French  and  the  English  in  America  were  fought 
far  to  the  east  of  Indiana,  and  had  little  effect  on  the  settlements  here, 
the  only  immediate  troubles  were  due  to  the  rivalry  of  the  fur  traders, 
and  occurred  while  the  two  nations  were  at  peace.  In  1733  there  were 
three  French  traders  killed  by  some  Ouiatanon  youths  in  a  drunken  affray 
growing  out  of  a  trading  squabble,  but  this  was  purely  local  and  per- 
sonal, and  was  settled  without  bloodshed.  In  1745  a  band  of  Hurons, 
under  their  war  chief  Nicholas,  were  offended  by  the  French  at  Detroit, 
and  removed  from  the  Detroit  River  to  the  north  side  of  Sandusky 
Bay.  Late  in  the  same  year  a  party  of  English  traders  from  Pennsyl- 
vania visited  "Sandosket"  and  had  a  very  friendly  reception  from 
Nicholas,  who  gave  them  pemiission  to  erect  a  l)lockhouse  and  trad- 
ing post  at  Sandosket.  From  that  time  English  influence  grew  rapidly 
in  the  West.  On  June  23,  1747,  five  French  traders  from  near  Vin- 
cennes arrived  at  Sandosket  with  a  lot  of  peltries.  Nicholas  was  in- 
censed at  their  coming  to  his  village  without  his  consent,  and,  by  advice 


5=  111.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  10,  p. 


H 

o 

O 

c 
2; 


120  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

of  the  English  traders,  seized  them  and  their  goods.  The  next  day  he 
had  the  French  tradei-s  killed,  and  sold  their  peltries  to  the  English 
traders.  Under  instructions  from  the  Governor  of  Canada,  the  Chevalier 
de  Longueuil,  Commandant  at  Detroit,  demanded  the  surrender  of  the 
murderers,  the  expulsion  of  the  English  traders  from  the  town,  and  fu- 
ture alliance  with  the  French.  These  demands  were  not  complied  with, 
and  an  expedition  against  Sandosket  was  prepared.  ^Meanwhile  Nicholas 
was  also  preparing  for  trouble  and  by  August,  1747,  had  formed  a  con- 
spiracy of  parts  of  nearly  all  of  the  western  tribes  except  the  Illinois 
to  drive  the  French  out  of  the  country.  On  one  of  the  holidays  of 
Pentecost  all  of  the  French  forts  were  to  be  taken  by  surprise,  and  the 
French  were  to  be  massacred.  The  plot  was  revealed  by  a  squaw,  and 
the  energetic  measures  of  M.  de  Longueuil  prevented  most  of  the  con- 
templated work.  The  chief  success  was  at  Fort  Miamis,  at  Kekionga. 
Ensign  Douville,  who  commanded  there  was  absent,  having  gone  to 
Montreal  with  Coldfoot  and  the  Hedgehog,  two  friendly  Miami  chiefs, 
when  the  hostile  Miamis  took  the  fort  by  surprise,  and  burned  it  to  the 
ground.  The  eight  men  who  formed  the  garrison  were  made  prisoners, 
but  were  afterwards  released.  Kekionga  was  abandoned  until  in  Febru- 
ary, 1748,  Sieur  Dubuisson  came  with  a  party  of  French  soldiers  from 
Detroit  and  rebuilt  the  fort.  On  September  22,  1748  a  force  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  soldiers  from  Montreal  arrived  at  Detroit,  and 
Nicholas  sued  for  peace,  which  was  granted.  On  April  7,  1748,  he 
destroyed  his  village  and  the  English  blockhouse,  and,  with  one  hundred 
and  nineteen  warriors  and  their  families,  began  his  removal  to  the 
Ohio  River,  just  below  the  Wabash,  where  he  died  in  the  fall  of  the  same 
year. 

The  hostile  Miamis  moved  over  into  Ohio.  A  part  of  them,  under 
a  chief  called  La  Demoiselle,  located  on  the  Big  Miami,  opposite  th  = 
mouth  of  Loramie's  creek,  and  the  remainder,  under  Le  Baril,  located 
on  a  small  tributary  of  the  Ohio  known  as  Riviere  Blanche.  The  maps 
of  the  period  would  indicate  that  this  was  White  Oak  Creek,  in  Brown 
County,  Ohio;  but  M.  de  Vergennes,  Minister  of  Louis  XVI,  in  his 
Memoir  on  Louisiana,  mentions  but  this  one  stream  between  the  "Scu- 
hiato"  (Scioto)  and  Riviere  a  la  Roche  (Big  Miami),  and  says:  "The 
Riviere  Blanche  is  on  the  North,  it  has  also  about-  one  hundred  leagues 
course,  and  takes  its  rise  about  twenty-five  leagues  southeast  of  Lake 
Erie."  There  is  no  stream  that  answers  this  description,  but  the  Little 
Miami  approaches  it  more  nearly  than  White  Oak  Creek.  These  Miamis 
sent  word  to  the  English  through  the  Six  Nations  that  they  desired  an 
alliance,  and  a  treaty  for  this  purpose  was  made  at  Lancaster,  Penns.vl- 
vania,  in  July,  1748,  under  which  the  English  in  the  following  spring 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  121 

opened  a  road  from  the  ]\liami  towns  to  the  site  of  Pittsburg.     In  1749 

M.  de  Celoron  made  his  expedition  through  the  Ohio  country,  taking 

formal  repossession   of  the  country,   and  visiting  the    various    Indian 

tribes,  among  others  the  fugitive  Miamis.    He  urged  them  to  return  to 

"Kiskakon,  which  is  the  name  of  their  old  village,"  and  they  promised 

to  do  so,  but  instead  sent  information  of  the  matter  to  the  English, 

and  asked  for  more  traders.    These  were  supplied,  and  also  large  presents, 

on  account  of  which  the  English  were  allowed,  in  1750,  to  erect  a  strong 

trading  house  and  stockade  at  La  Demoiselle's  town.    This  place,  which 

had  been  commonly  called  the  Tawixtwi  town,  now  became  known  as 

Pickawillany,  or  sometimes  Picktown,  and  the  Miamis  living  there  were 

called  Picks  or  Piets.     The  trade  with  the  English  grew  apace.     In 

1749,   Sir  William  Johnson  reported  that  eleven  Miami  canoes,  with 

eighty-eight  men  came  to  Oswego  with  furs;  and  between  174.5  and 

1753  there  were  more  than  tifty  Pennsylvanian  and  Virginian  licensed 

traders  engaged  in  the  trade  with  the  Miami  towns,  among  whom  were 

such  well  known  frontier  characters  as  Conrad  Weiser,  George  Croghan, 

Hugh  Crawford,  Michael  Cresap,  Christopher  Gist,  Jacob  Pyatt,  and 

William  Campbell.     The  situation  grew  worse.     In  1751  three  French 

deserters  from  Fort  ]\Iiamis  were  given  refuge  at  Pickawillany,  and  early 

in  1752  several  French  traders  were  murdered.    Then  a  force  of  several 

Frenchmen  and  a  large  body  of  Ottawa  and  Chippewa  Indians  was 

sent  against  the  town,  under  command  of  M.  St.  Orr.     This  expedition 

took  the  town  by  surprise,  and  only  twenty  men  were  able  to  get  into 

the  fort.    After  firing  at  the  fort  for  some  hours,  the  assaulting  party 

offered  to  withdraw  if  the  white  men  in  the  fort  were  surrendered.   There 

being  a  shortage  of  water  in  the  fort,  the  Englishmen  agreed  to  this, 

and  surrendered.     One  of  them,  who  was  badly  wounded,  was  killed, 

and  the  assaiUting  party  withdrew  with  six  English  prisoners,  and  a 

large  amount  of  goods  from  the  houses  outside  of  the  fort.     They  had 

killed  five  Indians,  one  of  whom,  a  Piankeshaw  chief  commonly  known 

as  Old  Britain,  on  account  of  his  friendship  for  the  British,  was  boiled 

and  eaten  in  view  of  the  fort.     After  this,  most  of  the  English  traders 

abandoned  the  Ohio  trade,  and  most  of  the  Indians  were  brought  into 

alliance  with  the  French.     Little  more  was  heard  of  Pickawillany  until 

1769,  when  Peter  Loramie,  a  French  Canadian,  established  a  trading 

post  there,  and  the  place  became  known  as  Loramie 's  Station.    Loramie 

was  loyal  to  the  British,  and  hated  the  Americans;  and    during    the 

Kevolutionarj-  war,  his  post  became  an  outfitting  place  for  Indian  raids, 

until  it  was  destroyed  by  George  Sogers  Clark,  in  the  fall  of  1782. 

In  1753,  M.  Du  Quesne  established  a  post  at  the  site  of  Erie,  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  another  on  French  Creek.    Governor  Dinwiddie  of  Virginia 


122  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

sent  his  Adjutant  General,  George  Washington,  to  warn  Do  Quesue 
to  remove,  but  he  declined.  In  January,  1754,  Dinwiddie  ordered  Captain 
William  Trent  to  build  a  fort  at  the  site  of  Pitts})urg.  He  i-eached  the 
place  on  February  17,  and  began  his  work.  Early  in  April  he  was 
called  away ;  and  on  April  17  M.  de  Contrecoeur  appeared  before  the 
unfinished  fort  with  more  than  a  thousand  men,  and  eighteen  can- 
non, and  demanded  its  surrender.  Ensign  Ward,  who  was  in  command, 
had  only  forty-one  men  and  no  cannon.  He  obtained  permission  to 
withdraw  with  his  men,  and  surrendered  the  fort.  Thus  began  the 
French  and  Indian  war,  but  it  had  no  material  eft'ect  on  the  Indiana 
settlements  until  its  close.  After  the  suri'ender  of  Montreal,  Major 
Robert  Rogers  was  sent  west  to  take  possession  of  the  French  posts. 
Detroit  was  delivered  to  him  on  November  29,  1760,  and  soon  after 
otRcers  were  sent  to  take  possession  of  posts  iliamis  and  Ouiatanon; 
but  as  Post  Vincennes  and  the  Illinois  settlements  were  in  the  Prov- 
ince of  Louisiana,  no  attempt  was  made  to  take  possession  of  them 
until  after  the  treaty  of  1763,  by  which  the  French  territory  east  of 
the  Mississippi  was  ceded  to  the  English.  Meanwhile  the  English  made 
little  effort  to  placate  the  Indians,  and  the  French  traders  among  them 
did  what  they  could  do  prejudice  them  against  the  new  rulers.  Indian 
plots  were  made  in  1761  and  1762  for  the  destruction  of  the  British 
posts,  but  these  were  discovered  and  frustrated.  In  the  spring  of  1763 
a  new  con.spiracy  was  formed  with  Pontiac  at  its  head,  and  it  was  so 
far  successful  that  Sir  William  Johnson  reported  that  the  Indians  had 
"taken  and  destroyed  no  less  than  Eight  Forts,  murdered  great  part 
of  the  Garrisons,  killed  great  Numbers  of  his  ^lajestys  Sulijects  on  the 
Frontiers,  and  destroyed  their  Settlements,  and  that  in  about  the 
Compass  of  a  ]\Ionth." 

Two  of  the  forts  thus  taken  were  in  Indiana.  Although  Ensign 
Holmes,  who  commanded  at  Fort  Miamis,  and  Lieutenant  Jenkins,  who 
commanded  at  Post  Ouiatanon,  had  reported  efforts  to  engage  the 
Miamis  in  hostilities,  and  although  Pontiac  had  be2:un  the  open  siege 
of  Detroit  on  May  9,  both  officers  fell  victims  to  treachery.  On  ilay 
27,  Holmes  was  decoyed  from  the  fort  by  his  Indian  mistress,  and  shot 
from  ambush;  and  his  garrison  surrendered  on  promise  that  their  lives 
would  be  spared.  On  June  1,  Lieutenant  Jenkins  wrote  to  Major  Glad- 
win, who  was  still  besieged  at  Detroit:  "I  have  heard  of  your  Situ- 
ation which  gives  me  great  pain,  indeed  we  are  not  in  much  better, 
for  this  moi-ning  the  Indians  sent  for  me  to  Speak  to  me,  &  Immediately 
bound  me  when  I  got  to  their  Cahbin,  and  I  soon  found  some  of  my 
Soldiers  in  the  same  Condition,  they  told  me  Detroit,  Miamis  &  all 
these  posts  were  cut  of,  and  that  it  was  a  folly  to  make  any  resistance 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


123 


therefore  me  to  make  the  few  Soldiers  I  had  in  the  Fort  Surrender, 
otherwise  they  would  put  us  all  to  Death  in  Case  one  ]\Ian  was  kill'd. 
They  were  to  have  fallen  upon  us  &  kill'd  us  all  last  Night,  but  ]\Iessrs 
Maisonville  &  Lorrain.  gave  them  wampum  not  to  kill  us,  &  &  when 
they  told  the  Interpreter  we  were  all  to  be  kill'd,  and  he  knowing  the 
condition  of  the  Fort  beg'd  of  them  to  make  us  prisoners.     The.y  have 


James  E.  Mookey 


put  us  into  the  French  houses  &  both  Indians  and  French  use  us  very 
well.  All  these  Nations  say  they  are  very  Sorry,  but  that  they  were 
Obliged  to  do  it  by  the  other  Nations,  the  Belt  did  not  Arrive  here  till 
last  Night  about  eight  o 'Clock;  Mr.  Lorrain  can  inform  you  of  all, 
Just  now  received  the  News  of  St.  Joseph's  being  taken.  Eleven  Men 
kill'd  and  three  taken  prisoners  with  the  Officer;  I  have  nothing  more 
to  Say  but  that  I  sincerely  wish  you  a  Speedy  Succour,  &  that  we  may 
be  able  to  revenge  ourselves  on  those  that  deser\'e  it." 


124  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

In  the  consideration  of  Pontiac's  conspiracy,  tliere  is  usually  too 
much  stress  put  on  his  ability,  and  too  little  on  the  religious  movement 
that  was  back  of  the  uprising.  Pontiac  was  a  man  of  great  ability,  but 
no  one  man  is  ever  able  to  bring  about  great  popular  movements  unless 
there  is  some  powerful  agency  at  work  on  public  sentiment.  Napoleon 
Bonaparte  could  not  possibly  have  accomplished  what  he  did  but  for  the 
preparation  made  by  the  French  Revolution.  All  gi'cat  Indian  upris- 
ings in  America  have  been  the  results  of  religious  teachings;  and  it  is 
of  interest  that  this  fact  was  first  fully  shown  by  an  Indiana  ethnologist, 
James  E.  Mooney.  He  was  bom  at  Richmond,  Indiana,  February  10, 
1861,  his  parents,  James  and  Ellen  (Devlin)  Mooney,  being  Irish  immi- 
grants. He  was  educated  in  the  public  schools,  and  at  eighteen  became 
an  apprentice  in  a  newspaper  office,  where  he  remained  for  six  years 
in  mechanical  and  editorial  work.  From  boyhood  he  had  been  greatly 
interested  in  Indians,  and  had  availed  himself  of  every  opportunity 
to  study  their  history,  customs  and  language.  In  1885  he  went  to  "Wash- 
ington where  he  pursued  his  studies,  and  was  employed  by  the  Bureau 
of  Ethnologj',  in  which  employment  he  has  since  remained.  In  addi- 
tion to  numerous  articles  on  Irish  and  Indian  ethnology,  including  the 
ethnological  articles  in  the  New  International  and  Catholic  Cyclopedias, 
he  prepared  the  Government  Indian  exhibits  for  the  Chicago,  Nash- 
ville, Omaha  and  St.  Louis  expositions.  In  the  fall  of  1890,  at  his  re- 
ciuest,  he  was  sent  west  to  investig^tg  the  Ghost  Dance,  which  was  then 
beginning  to  attract  attention.  He  soon  discovered  that  there  was  more 
in  it  than  had  been  suspected,  and  his  study  was  continued  for  more 
than  three  years,  resulting  in  the  exhaustive  publication  which  forms 
the  second  volume  of  the  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology  for  1892-3. 

Each  of  these  American  uprisings  has  arisen  from  some  prophet  who 
foretold  the  coming  of  a  leader  who  would  deliver  them  from  the  op- 
pression of  the  white  races.  As  Mooney  puts  it:  "As  with  man,  so 
it  is  with  nations.  The  lost  paradise  is  the  world's  dreamland  of  youth. 
"What  tribe  or  people  has  not  had  its  golden  age,  before  Pandora's  box 
was  loosed,  when  women  were  n^nnphs  and  dryads  and  men  were  gods 
and  heroes  ?  And  when  the  race  lies  crushed  and  groaning  beneath  an 
alien  yoke,  how  natural  is  the  dream  of  a  redeemer,  an  Arthur,  who 
shall  return  from  exile  or  awake  from  some  long  sleep  to  drive  out  the 
usurper  and  win  back  for  his  people  what  they  have  lost?  The  hope 
becomes  a  faith  and  the  faith  becomes  the  creed  of  priests,  prophets, 
until  the  hero  is  a  god  and  the  dream  a  religion,  looking  to  some  great 
miracle  of  nature  for  its  culmination  and  accomplishment.  The  doctrines 
of  the  Hindi;  avatar,  the  Hebrew  Messiah,  the  Christian  Millennium,  and 
the  Hesunanin  of  the  Indian  Ghost  Dance  are  essentially  the  same,  and 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


125 


have  their  origin  in  a  hope  and  longing  common  to  all  humanity."  In 
this  ease  a  Delaware  prophet  had  appeared  at  Tuscarawas,  on  the 
Muskingum,  who  had  experienced  a  wonderful  vision,  in  which  he  had 
visited  The  Master  of  Life,  and  received  from  him  a  message  to  the 
Indians,  the  essentials  of  which  were  that  they  should  abandon  those 
things  which  they  had  obtained  from  the  Europeans,  refonn  their  lives. 


^Ji 


Prayer  Stick 


and  drive  out  the  British.  The  Master  of  Life  was  a  conception  they 
had  got  from  the  missionaries.  It  is  foreign  to  their  original  mythology, 
though  it  easily  harmonizes  with  the  conception  of  Manabozho.  He 
gave  the  prophet  a  "prayer  stick,"  or  bit  of  wood  with  hierogylphic 
carving,  and  this  instruction  as  to  the  prayer; 

"Learn  it  by  heart,  and  teach  it  to  all  the  Indians  and  their  children. 


126  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

It  must  be  repeated  morning  and  evening.  Do  all  that  I  have  told 
thee,  and  announce  it  to  all  the  Indians  as  coming  from  the  blaster 
of  Life.  Let  them  drink  but  one  draught  (of  whisky)  or  two  at  most, 
iia  one  day.  Let  them  have  but  one  wife,  and  discontinue  running 
after  other  people's  wives  and  daughters.  Let  them  not  fight  one  an- 
otlier.  Let  them  not  sing  the  medicine  song,  for  in  singing  the  medicine 
song  they  speak  to  the  evil  spirit.  Drive  from  your  lands  those  dogs 
in  red  clothing:  they  are  only  an  injury  to  you.  "When  you  want 
an.vthing,  apply  to  me,  as  your  brothers  do,  and  I  will  give  to  both. 
Do  not  sell  to  your  brothers  that  which  I  have  placed  on  the  earth 
as  food.  In  short  become  good,  and  you  shall  want  nothing.  When 
you  meet  one  another,  bow  and  give  one  another  the  (left)  hand  of 
the  heart.  Above  all,  I  command  thee  to,  repeat  morning  and  even- 
ing the  prayer  which  I  have  given  thee." 

The  prayer  stick  shown  in  the  accompanying  cut  was  not  one  of 
the  Delaware  prophet's  but  a  similar  one  from  Kanakuk,  a  Kickapoo 
prophet  who  attained  some  notoriety  about  1827.  In  1S30,  Rev.  James 
Armstrong,  a  ^Methodist  minister  and  missionary,  while  living  on  Shaw- 
nee Prairie,  about  three  miles  from  Attica,  Indiana,  was  visited  by  a 
band  of  Kickapoo  Indians  who  said  that  they  came  from  beyond  the 
IMississippi  River,  where  they  had  heard  of  him,  and  had  been  told 
that  they  could  get  the  true  Bible  from  him.  Each  of  them  had  one  of 
these  prayer  sticks,  which  they  called  their  bibles,  but  said  they  knew 
they  were  not  the  true  ones,  although  they  used  them  in  their  devo- 
tions. Mr.  Armstrong  took  their  prayer  sticks,  and  gave  them  testa- 
ments instead,  with  which  they  went  on  their  way  re.joicing.  Mr. 
Armstrong's  son,  R.  V.  Armstrong,  of  Mill  Creek,  Indiana,  presented 
one  of  these  prayer  sticks  to  C.  H.  Bartlett,  of  South  Bend,  who  in  turn 
presented  it  to  the  National  Mueseum,  and  it  is  portrayed  here.  It  is 
a  trifle  over  a  foot  long  and  two  and  one-half  inches  wide,  at  the  widest 
point,  and  three-eighths  of  an  inch  thick.  It  was  originally  painted  red 
on  one  side,  and  green  on  the  other.  The  engraving  is  on  one  side 
only. 

The  revelations  of  this  Delaware  prophet  were  the  chief  feature  of 
the  crusade  which  Pontiac  preached,  and  they  appealed  strongly  tn  a 
people  who  were  being  told  that  the  French  King  was  selling  their 
lands  to  the  English  King.  Its  effect  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the 
Shawnees  and  Delawares  of  Ohio,  who  had  been  very  good  friends  of 
the  English,  .joined  in  the  conspiracy,  and  did  no  little  damage  on  the 
frontier  until  Col.  Bouquet  invaded  their  country  and  forced  them  to 
sue  for  peace.  In  the  meantime  Sir  William  Johnson  had  been  impress- 
ing on  the  British  authorities  the  fact  that  the  cheapest  way  to  manage 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  127 

the  Indians  was  to  cultivate  their  friendship,  and  Col.  Croghan,  who 
was  the  first  English  emissary  to  reach  Pontiac,  had  the  long  experi- 
ence in  Indian  dealings  which  gave  him  the  same  opinion.  In  conse- 
quence, while  Major  Loftus  and  Captain  Pittman  had  not  been  able 
to  get  to  Fort  Chartres  from  New  Orleans,  nor  Captain  ilorris  by  the 
!Maumee,  and  Lieutenant  Fraser,  who  had  reached  that  point  by  the 
Ohio,  had  thought  it  wise  to  escape  down  the  Mississippi  is  disguise. 
Colonel  Croghan,  although  captured  by  a  party  of  hostiles,  was  able 
to  make  terms  with  the  Indians.  Of  course  this  was  largely  due  to  the 
fact  that  Pontiac  had  become  convinced  that  he  could  get  no  help  from 
the  French,  and  was  discouraged  by  the  defeat  of  the  Delawares  and 
Shawnees.  At  Post  Ouiatanou  he  announced  to  Croghan  that  the  French 
had  deceived  him,  and  that  he  would  fight  the  English  no  longer;  and 
the  two  proceeded  to  Detroit,  where  a  formal  agreement  of  peace  was 
made.  Croghan  at  once  sent  word  of  his  success  to  Fort  Pitt;  and 
Captain  Sterling,  of  the  Forty-Second  Highlanders,  the  famous  "Black 
Watch,"  started  down  the  Ohio  for  Fort  Chartres.  He  arrived  there 
on  October  9,  1765,  and  on  the  day  following  took  formal  possession 
from  St.  Ange,  who  had  been  commanding  there  for  the  past  year. 
With  this  French  rule  ended  in  Indiana,  though  nobody  came  to  take 
formal  possession  of  Post  Vincennes  until  Lieutenant  Governor  Abbott 
came  twelve  years  later.  The  command  at  Vincennes  simply  passed 
down  from  one  officer  to  another,  as  heretofore  stated  in  the  report  of 
Major  Vanderburgh,  the  Commandant  receiving  instructions  from  time 
to  time  from  the  British  officer  in  command  at  Fort  Chartres.  The 
government  at  the  Post  was  practically  military,  although  there  was 
usually  a  resident  Notary,  and  part  of  the  time  a  Jus-tice  of  the  Peace. 
The  people  also  chose  a  Syndic,  who  had  charge  of  the  common  field, 
and  other  communal  matters. 

In  fact  English  rule  in  the  West  was  chiefly  English  neglect.  When 
Captain  Sterling  took  command  at  Fort  Chartres,  he  reissued  General 
Gage's  proclamation  of  some  eight  months  earlier,  giving  liberty  of 
conscience,  and  guaranteeing  personal  and  property  rights.  It  also 
gave  the  French  settlers  freedom  to  emigrate,  but  required  an  oath  of 
allegiance  to  Great  Britain  if  they  remained.  A  proclamation  had  been 
issued  in  1763  reserving  the  lands  between  the  Alleghany  Jlouutains 
and  the  Mississippi  River  for  the  Indians,  and  prohibiting  any  pur- 
chases of  land  by  the  whites  from  the  Indians:  and  the  same  proclama- 
tion made  provision  for  regulating  Indian  affairs,  including  the  Indian 
trade.  Having  made  these  provisions,  the  British  authorities  were  too 
much  engaged  with  more  important  matters  to  give  much  attention  to 
these  small  French  posts.     Early  in  1764  Sir  William  Johnson  had  sent 


128  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Croghan  to  England  to  get  some  action  taken,  and  on  March  10  Croghan 
wrote  to  him:  "tho  I  have  been  hear  Now  a  ilonth  Nothing  has  been 
Don  Respecting  North  ailerriea  Mr.  pownal  Toukl  Me  yesterday 
that  I  wold  be  Soon  Sent  for  to  attend  to  board  of  Trade  what  Meshurs 
they  will  Take  the  Lord  knows  butt  Nothing  is  Talkt  of  Except  ocon- 
emy  *  *  *  I  am  Sick  of  London  &  wish  To  be  back  in  ailerriea  & 
Setled  on  a  Litle  farm  where  I  May  forgett  the  Mockery  of  pomp  & 
Greatness."  It  was  the  old  situation,  of  the  man  of  action  chafing  under 
the  delay  of  the  statesman  whose  strongest  quality  was  procrastination. 
Meanwhile  legal  proceedings  in  the  West  varied  according  to  the  ideas 
of  military  commanders.  Col.  Bouquet  court-martialed  a  couple  of 
spies,  and  they  were  sentenced  to  death ;  but  Gen.  Gage  refused  to  con- 
firm the  sentence,  on  the  ground  that  they  should  have  been  tried  for 
treason,  adding:  "But  these  trials  must  be  in  the  Country  below  by 
the  Civil  Magistrates,  to  whom  they  should  be  given  up.  The  Military 
may  hang  a  spy  in  Time  of  War,  but  Rebels  in  Anns  are  tried  by  the 
Civil  Courts.  At  least  I  saw  this  practised  in  Scotland ;  both  by  General 
Hawley,  and  the  Duke  of  Cumljcrland.  Mr.  Penn  should  be  applied  to, 
for  to  order  the  Attorney  Genl.  to  prosecute  all  those  Vilains,  against 
whom  any  proof  can  be  brought.  I  return  you  both  your  Coiirt-iMartials 
which  either  of  your  Judge-Advocates  may  transmit  to  Mr.  Gould, 
Deputy -Judge  Advocate  in  England,  as  always  practised."  On  the 
other  hand.  Captain  Sterling,  finding  that  all  of  the  old  judicial  officers 
had  left  the  Illinois  country,  appointed  a  habitant  named  LaGrange 
judge,  and  authorized  him  to  "decide  all  disputes  according  to  the 
Law  and  Customs  of  the  Country,"  with  right  of  appeal  to  the  Com- 
mandant by  dissatisfied  litigants.  Lt.  Col.  Wilkins  went  farther,  and 
on  November  12,  1768,  issued  commissions  to  six  of  the  habitants  "to 
form  a  Civil  Court  of  Judicatory,  with  powers  expressed  in  their  Com- 
missions to  Hear  and  Try  in  a  Summary  way  all  Causes  of  Debt  and 
Property  that  should  be  brought  before  them  and  to  give  their  Judge- 
ment thereon  according  to  the  Laws  of  England  to  the  Best  of  their 
Judgement  and  understanding."  On  March  4,  1770,  he  extended  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  court  to  assaults,  trespasses  and  other  misdemeanors, 
directing  the  judges  "to  impose  and  bring  such  Fines  and  Inflict  such 
Corporate  Punishment  or  commit  Offenders  to  Jayle  at  the  discretion 
of  the  said  Court."  This  court  appears  to  have  been  discontimied  in 
June,  1770,  for  some  cause  not  now  known. 

Although  Gen.  Gage  was  very  scrupulous  about  the  trials  of  Eng- 
lishmen, as  we  have  seen,  in  1772  he  issued  peremptory  orders  to  the 
inhabitants  of  Post  Vincennes  to  withdraw  from  the  Indian  country. 
In  September  of  that  year  they  forwarded  a  remonstrance  to  him,  as- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


129 


serting  their  legal  title  to  the  lauds  occupied  by  them;  and  in  the 
following  spring  Gen.  Gage  replied,  requiring  them  to  furnish  "con- 
vincing proofs"  of  their  statements.  This  letter  is  of  especial  inter- 
est, for  while  the  remonstrance  of  the  French  settlers  has  not  been 
found,  Gage  speaks  of  it  as  "insinuating  that  your  settlement  is  of 


Flag  of  Society  of  Colonial  Wars,  for  Indiana 

(Designed  by  W.  O.  Bates.  Presents  the  "Vineennes  Arms"  surmonnting  cross 
of  St.  George.  The  arms  were  ' '  supplied  "  by  a  Canadian  College  of  Heraldry.  There 
were  none.     Bissot  de  Vineennes  is  a  title  of  enfeoffment,  not  nobility.) 


seventy  years  standing, ' '  and  this  is  the  only  approach  to  any  historical 
evidence  that  Post  Vineennes  was  established  prior  to  1730.  This  is 
negatived  however  by  the  proofs  furnished;  for  the  only  evidence  of- 
fered as  to  the  founding  of  the  post  was  the  certificate  of  St.  Ange 
that  he  commanded  there  from  17X6  to  1764,  and  that  "the  said  post 


130  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

was  established  a  number  of  years  before  my  command,  under  that  of  M. 
de  Vineesne,  ofificer  of  the  troops,  whom  I  succeeded  by  order  of  the 
king."  The  assertion  which  has  sometimes  been  made  that  there  was 
a  post  or  settlement  at  this  point  prior  to  the  coming  of  Sieur  de  Vin- 
cennes,  has  not  a  shadow  of  evidence  to  support  it.  The  settlers  furnished 
very  fair  evidence  of  the  legality  of  their  titles,  but  of  a  total  of  88 
claimants,  only  one  claimed  to  have  received  a  grant  prior  to  1736 ;  and 
while  his  deed  was  lost,  and  he  could  not  give  the  date,  he  stated  that 
the  grant  was  from  Sieur  de  Vincennes. 

It  is  probable  that  Gage  had  no  real  understanding  of  the  status  of 
the  Vincennes  people  until  he  received  these  proofs.  In  1763,  M.  Aubry, 
the  last  acting  French  Governor  of  Louisiana  had  reported:  "The  Fort 
of  Vincennes  is  the  last  Post  in  the  Department  of  Louisiana,  it  is  situ- 
ated on  the  Ouabache  60  Leagues  above  its  entrance  into  the  Ohio,  and 
from  the  entrance  of  the  Ouabache  into  the  Ohio  to  the  Mississippi  is 
60  Leagues  more.  It  is  a  small  Piqueted  Fort  in  which  may  be  about 
Twenty  Married  Soldiers  and  some  few  Inhabitants.  The  land  is  very 
fertile  and  produces  plenty  of  Corn  and  Tobacco.  It  is  about  155 
Leagues  from  the  Illinois  by  water,  but  one  may  march  it  in  Six  days 
by  Land.  The  Indians  that  live  near  this  place  are  called  Peanguichia, 
they  are  about  6  warriors — Tho'  we  may  not  have  men  enough  to  oc- 
cupy this  Post  at  present,  it  is  very  interesting  to  us  to  do  it,  as  the 
Passage  to  Canada  lies  up  the  Ouabache.  It  is  60  Leagues  from 
Vincennes  to  Ouiatanons,  and  60  more  up  the  River  Ouabache  to 
Miamis,  and  from  thence  a  Carrying  place  of  Six  Leagues  to  the  River 
of  Miamis,  and  8  leagues  more  down  that  River  to  Lake  Erie.  This  was 
my  Rout  in  1759,  when  I  went  from  Illinois  to  Venango  with  more  than 
400  men,  and  a  hundred  thousand  weight  of  Flour."  In  1766  Lieuten- 
ant Fraser  had  reported  that  all  of  the  Western  forts  "excepting  fort 
Charters  are  intirely  in  ruins,  some  of  them  that  you  can  scarce  see 
any  appearance  of. ' '  Gage  presumably  supposed  that  the  place  had  been 
taken  possession  of  by  a  lot  of  French  coureurs,  who  were  trespassers 
in  the  Indian  countrj'.  It  is  true  that  he  had  a  census  of  the  place  taken 
in  1767,  giving  the  following  details:  "Inhabitants,  Men,  "Women  & 
Children,  232;  Strangers,  168:  Negro  Slaves,  10;  Savage  Slaves,  17; 
Oxen,  352 ;  Cows,  588 ;  Horses,  260 ;  Hoggs,  295 ;  Mills,  3 ;  Bushels  Corn 
to  be  reaped,  5450;  Bushels  Indian  Corn  to  be  reaped,  5420;  Tobacco 
growing  nt.    Pounds,  36,360."  ^^ 

It  will  be  noted,  however,  that  this  gives  no  indication  of  any  mili- 
tary or  other  governmental  establishment. 


23  lU.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  11,  p.  469. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  131 

The  only  religious  establishment  in  Indiana  during  the  French  and 
British  dominions  was  the  Roman  Catholic,  and  it  was  not  extensive. 
The  only  church  within  the  borders  of  the  State  was  at  Vincennes,  and 
its  parish  records  extend  back  only  to  1749,  when  the  first  entries  were 
made  by  Father  I\Ieurin.  Before  that  time  very  little  is  definitely  known 
about  the  church  at  Vincennes,  although  Vincennes  historians  have 
made  some  very  definite  statements  concerning  it.  For  example,  Mr. 
Cauthorn  asserts,  without  qualification  and  without  any  citation  of 
authority,  that  the  "pastors"  at  Vincennes,  prior  to  Meurin,  in  order 
of  succession,  were  "John  Mermet,  Antoninus  Senat  and  Mercurin 
Conic."  He  refers  in  a  general  way  to  Thwaite's  edition  of  the  Jesuit 
Relations,  but  apparently  overlooks  the  fact  that  in  the  last  volume 
of  this  work  there  is  a  brief  biographical  notice  of  all  the  priests  known 
to  have  served  in  this  region.  Father  Jean  Mermet  died  in  Illinois 
September  15,  1716,  and  could  not  possibly  have  served  at  Vincennes, 
because  there  was  neither  post,  white  settlement  nor  Indian  village  at 
that  point  during  his  life.  Father  Antoine  Senat  did  not  come  to 
America  until  1734,  is  known  only  a.s  a  mis.sionary  to  the  Illinois  Indians, 
and  was  killed  by  the  Chickasaws  in  the  spring  of  1736,  as  heretofore 
stated.  ' '  Mercurin  Conic ' '  is  beyond  me.  I  cannot  imagine  where  Mr. 
Cauthorn  found  him,  unless  perhaps  it  was  somewhere  in  the  Conic 
Sections.  It  is  impossible  that  there  should  have  been  a  church  estab- 
lishment at  Vincennes  from  1702  to  1749,  as  asserted  by  Mr.  Cauthome, 
and  no  mention  of  it  in  the  voluminous  correspondence  of  the  period,  and 
in  fact  the  assertion  is  completely  disproven  by  that  correspondence. 
The  whole  object  of  the  movement  that  arose  after  1720,  and  that  led 
to  the  establishment  of  Post  Vincennes,  was  to  get  a  post,  a  mission  and 
an  Indian  settlement  on  that  portion  of  the  Ouabache  that  was  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  Louisiana.  Father  D'Outreleau  was  sent  over  from 
France,  in  1726,  for  the  express  purpose  of  being  "missionary  to  the 
Ouabache"  in  the  projected  establishment.  He  is  named  in  the  oiScial 
church  list  of  1728  as  "at  the  Ouabache,"  but  this  was  by  title  only, 
for  the  projected  establishment  had  not  yet  been  made,  and  in  reality 
Father  D'Outreleau  was  then  over  in  the  Illinois  country,  trying  to 
fit  himself  for  his  contemplated  work.  He  never  entered  on  that  work 
on  account  of  his  inability  to  acquire  the  Indian  languages.  He  returned 
to  New  Orleans  in  1730,  where  he  later  became  Chaplain  of  the  Hos- 
pital. 

Naturally,  there  were  priests  that  visited  Vincennes  before  any 
church  was  established  at  that  place.  The  earliest  of  these  of  whom  John 
Gilmary  Shea,  the  distinguished  Catholic  historian,  could  find  any  rec- 
ord, was  the  Recollect  priest  Father  Pacome  Legrand,  who  died  on  his 


132  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

way  to  Niagara,  October  6,  1742,  "after  a  term  of  service  at  Vincennes. " 
Shea  thinks  it  probable  that  it  was  this  priest  who,  on  July  22,  1741, 
baptized  at  Post  Ouiatanon,  Anthony,  son  of  Jean  Baptiste  Foucher, 
who  became  the  first  priest  ordained  from  the  West,  and  who  died  at 
Lachenaie,  Canada,  where  he  was  then  priest,  in  1812.  Be  that  as  it 
may,  the  fact  that  Indiana  had  begun  contributing  to  the  clergy  in  1741 
indicates  that  the  intellectual  forces  of  the  climate  began  to  operate  at 
once.  That  Vincennes  was  subordinate  to  the  Illinois  missions  is  shown 
by  the  following  extract  from  the  defense  of  the  Jesuits  above  quoted : 
"At  eighty  leagues  from  the  Illinois  was  the  post  called  Vincennes  or  St. 
Ange  from  the  names  of  the  officers  who  commanded  there.  This  post 
is  upon  the  river  Wabash  which,  about  seventy  leagues  lower  down,  to- 
gether with  the  Ohio  which  it  has  joined,  discharges  iis  waters  into  the 
Mississippi.  There  were  in  this  village  at  least  sixty  houses  of  French 
people  without  counting  the  Miami  savages  who  were  quite  near.  There, 
too,  was  sufficient  cause  for  care  and  occupation — which  the  Jesuits  did 
not  refuse — a  conclusion  which  must  be  reached  if  one  considers  that  this 
post  was  every  day  increasing  in  population ;  that  the  greater  part  of 
its  new  inhabitants,  having  long  been  voyageurs,  were  little  accustomed 
to  the  duties  of  Christians ;  and  that,  to  establish  among  them  some 
manner  of  living,  many  instructions  and  exhortations,  private  and  public, 
were  necessary.  Now  the  proof  that  the  Jesuits  acquitted  themselves  of 
their  duty  in  this  respect  is  proved  by  the  complaints  that  the  parishoners 
made  against  them;  for  these  people  claimed  that  their  pastors  went 
beyond  their  duty,  and  assumed  too  much  care."  The  Jesuits  who 
served  at  Vincennes  after  Father  ]\Ieurin  were  Father  Peter  du  Jaunay 
in  1752,  Father  Louis  Vivier  in  1753,  and  Father  Julian  Devemai  in 
1756.  After  the  suppression  of  the  Jesuits  in  France,  on  June  9,  1763, 
the  Superior  Council  of  Louisiana  issued  a  decree  suppressing  the  Jesuits 
of  the  Province,  forbidding  their  performance  of  religious  functions, 
ordering  all  their  property  except  the  personal  clothing  and  books  of  the 
priests  to  be  seized  and  sold  at  auction,  and  the  priests  themselves  to  be 
expelled  from  the  Province.  This  was  a  high-handed  proceeding  as  to 
the  country  north  of  the  Ohio,  which  had  been  ceded  to  Great  Britain  by 
the  Treaty  of  Paris  on  February  10,  1763,  but  the  British  had  not  taken 
possession,  and  the  order  was  enforced  to  the  letter.  Father  Devernai 
was  dispossessed  at  Vincennes  and  shipped  down  the  river  with  the 
Illinois  Jesuits.  All  of  the  mission  property  was  sold  at  auction.  Father 
Duverger,  a  priest  of  the  Foreign  Missions,  seeing  this  movement,  sold 
all  of  the  property  of  the  Seminary  at  Cahokia,  and  went  down  the  river 
with  the  Jesuits.  The  only  priests  left  in  the  upper  country  were  two 
Franciscans  at  Fort  Chartres,  the  brothers  Hippolyte  and  Luke  Collet; 
and  of  these  the  former  withdrew  in  1764,  and  the  latter  died  September 


INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS  133 

10,  1765.  The  region  would  have  been  left  entirely  without  clergy  had 
not  Father  Meurin  insisted  on  returning,  and  this  the  Louisiana  authori- 
ties permitted  on  his  signing  an  obligation  to  hold  no  communication  with 
Quebec  or  Rome,  and  to  recognize  no  superior  but  the  Superior  of  the 
Capuchins  at  New  Orleans.  Until  1768,  this  lone  priest  looked  after  the 
spiritual  interests  of  the  upper  country,  appealing  for  aid  to  New 
Orleans,  to  Quebec,  to  Paris,  and  to  Philadelphia,  but  in  vain.  It  was 
not  even  possible  for  him  to  visit  all  of  the  settlements.  In  1767  he 
wrote  to  Bishop  Briand,  of  Quebec :  ' '  The  post  of  Vincennes  on  the 
"Wabash  among  the  Miami-Pinghichias,  is  as  large  as  our  best  villages 
here,  and  needs  a  missionary  even  more.  Disorders  have  always  pre- 
vailed there ;  but  have  increased  in  the  last  three  years.  Some  come  here 
to  be  married  or  to  perform  their  Easter  duty.  The  majority  cannot  or 
will  not.  The  guardian  of  the  church  publishes  the  banns  for  three 
Sundays.  He  gives  certificates  to  those  who  are  willing  to  come  here, 
whom  I  publish  myself  before  marrying  them.  Those  who  are  unwilling 
to  come  here  declare  their  mutual  consent  aloud  in  the  church.  Can 
such  a  marriage  be  allowed?"  His  misgivings  were  entirely  ecclesiasti- 
cal, for  the  guardian  of  the  church  was  Etienne  Phillibert,  commonly 
known  by  his  nick-name,  "Orleans,"  who  was  the  village  notary,  and 
was  authorized  to  keep  the  church  record  in  the  absence  of  the  priest, 
and  to  administer  lay  baptism  to  infants.  There  can  be  no  serious  ques- 
tion as  to  the  legality  of  civil  marriages  where  he  officiated.  In  June, 
1767,  Bishop  Briand  appointed  Father  Meurin  his  Vicar-General  for  all 
the  Illinois  country,  which  was  followed  by  his  commission  and  a  pastoral 
letter  in  August.  When  Rocheblave,  Commandant  at  New  Orleans,  heard 
of  this  he  forbade  Meurin  to  exercise  any  functions  west  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, and  ordered  his  arrest  for  recognizing  a  foreign  authority  in 
Spanish  territory. 

In  1768  Father  Pierre  Gibault  was  sent  to  the  aid  of  this  lone  Jesuit 
who  was  upholding  the  cross  in  the  upper  Mississippi  Valley.  He  was 
of  an  old  Canadian  family,  his  greatgrandfather,  "Gabriel  Gibaut,  dit 
Poitevin,"  a  native  of  Poictiers,  France,  having  been  married  at  Quebec, 
October  30,  1667.  His  grandfather  and  his  father  both  bore  the  name 
Pierre  Gibaut  ^-i  and  were  natives  of  Canada.  His  parents  were  married 
November  14,  1735,  at  Sorel,  and  he,  the  eldest  son,  was  christened  April 
7,  1737,  at  Montreal.  His  mother's  maiden  name  was  Marie-Joseph  St. 
Jean.  After  some  primary  schooling  and  travel  in  western  Canada,  he 
was  educated  in  theology  at  the  Seminary  of  Quebec,  the  expense  being 


2*  The  Abbe  Tanguay  uses  this  spelling  for  the  family  name,  and  treats  Gibault, 
Gibeau,  etc.,  as  variations. 


131  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

paid  out  of  a  remnant  of  the  Cahokia  Mission  property,  which  had  been 
invested  as  a  "rente,"  or  mortgage  annuity  of  333  livres  a  year,  on  the 
Hotel  de  Ville.  He  was  ordained  at  Quebec  on  the  feast  of  St.  Joseph, 
March  19,  1768 ;  celebrated  mass  the  next  day  in  the  Ursuline  church ; 
and  after  brief  service  in  the  Cathedral,  set  out  for  the  Illinois  country. 
Delayed  by  bad  weather,  he  reached  ^Michilimackinac  in  July,  and  passed 
a  week  there,  confessing  voyageurs,  baptizing  children,  and  blessing  one 
marriage.  It  was  intended  that  he  should  locate  at  Cahokia,  but  the 
people  there  wanted  Father  Meurin,  and  those  at  Kaskaskia  wanted  the 
young  priest,  so  Father  Meurin  took  charge  of  Cahokia  and  Prairie  du 
Rocher,  and  Father  Gibault  settled  at  Kaskaskia.  As  there  were  no 
priests  in  the  Missouri  settlements,  from  which  Father  Meurin  had  been 
debarred,  Gibault  also  attended  to  them,  and  in  1769  blessed  the  little 
chapel  which  the  settlers  had  built  at  St.  Louis.  Soon  after  arriving  at 
Kaskaskia  he  had  an  attack  of  ague  which  persisted  for  months,  but  he 
kept  on  with  his  work,  and  succeeded  in  getting  the  people  to  attend  to 
their  church  duties,  and  pay  their  tithes,  which,  by  the  Canadian  custom, 
were  one-twenty-sixth  of  their  produce.  He  did  not  reach  Vincennes 
until  the  winter  of  1769-70,  and  then  through  peril,  for  hostile  Indians 
were  attacking  the  settlements,  and  had  killed  twenty-two  of  the  settlers 
since  his  arrival  in  the  country.  Shea  says  that  "the  frontier  priests 
always,  in  these  days  of  peril,  carried  a  gun  and  two  pistols."  He  reached 
Vincennes  in  safety,  and  in  a  letter  to  Bishop  Briand,  after  deploring 
the  vices  and  disorders  that  prevailed  there,  he  said:  "However,  on 
my  arrival,  all  crowded  down  to  the  banks  of  the  River  "Wabash  to  receive 
me ;  some  fell  on  their  knees,  unable  to  speak ;  others  could  speak  only 
in  sobs;  some  cried  out:  'Father,  save  us,  we  are  almost  in  hell';  others 
said :  '  God  has  not  then  yet  abandoned  us,  for  He  has  sent  you  to  us  to 
make  us  do  penance  for  our  sins. '  '  Oh  sir,  why  did  you  not  come  sooner, 
my  poor  wife,  my  dear  father,  my  dear  mother,  my  poor  child,  would 
not  have  died  without  the  sacraments.'  "-^  He  remained  at  Vincennes 
for  two  months,  reviving  the  faith  of  the  Catholics,  and  also  brought  into 
the  church  a  Presbyterian  family  which  had  settled  there.  The  people 
gave  proof  of  their  zeal  by  erecting  a  frame  chapel,  which  was  occupied 
for  fifteen  years ;  and  when  he  left,  a  guard  of  twenty  men  accompanied 
him  across  the  Illinois  prairies.  The  church  building  known  to  the  early 
American  settlers  as  the  old  St.  Francis  Xavier  cathedral  was  not  erected 
until  1786.  Father  Gibault  did  not  take  up  peimianent  residence  at 
Vincennes  until  1785,  and  on  June  6,  1786,  he  wrote  to  Bishop  Briand : 
"I  should  not  have  succeeded  in  building  a  church  at  this  post,  had 


25  Life  and  Times  of  Archbishop  Carroll,  x>-  128. 


INDIANA  AND  INDTANANS 


133 


not  the  people  at  Cahokia  sent  a  messenger  in  the  name  of  the  whole 
parish,  to  beg  me  to  take  charge  of  them,  offering  me  very  advantageous 
terms.  The  people  at  Post  Vineennes  having  good  grounds  to  fear  that  I 
might  leave  them,  unanimously  resolved  to  build  a  church,  ninety  feet 
long  by  forty-two  broad,  on  a  foundation  and  of  l)oards.  Part  of  the 
wood  is  already  got  out,  and  several  fathoms  of  stone  for  the  foundation. 
The  upright  posts  will  be  only  seventeen  feet  high,  but  the  winds  are  so 
violent  in  these  parts,  that  even  this  is  rather  high  for  strength.  The 
house  which  is  now  used  as  a  church  will  serve  as  a  priest's  house,  and  I 
think  I  can  occupy  it  a  few  months  hence.     The  lot  is  a  large,  dry  one 


St.  Francis  Xavier  Church 
Erected  1786. 

in  the  middle  of  the  village,  which  I  myself,  with  the  marguillers,  ob- 
tained sixteen  years  ago.  I  beg  you  to  approve  this  erection  of  a  new 
church  under  the  title  of  St.  Francis  Xavier  on  the  Wabash,  and  to 
enjoin  me  to  proceed  to  complete  it,  and  also  to  adorn  it  as  well  as  the 
poverty  of  the  people  will  permit. 

Father  Gibault  ministered  to  the  Missouri  churches  until  1772,  when 
priests  were  sent  from  New  Orleans  to  take  charge  of  them.  In  1774 
there  came  a  cruel  blow  in  the  news  of  the  suppression  of  the  Jesuit 
order  by  Pope  Clement  XIV.  In  the  whole  Mississippi  Valley,  faithful 
Father  "Meurin  was  the  only  one  affected  by  the  Brief  of  Suppression, 
and  he,  knowing  no  divorce  from  duty,  wrote  to  Bishop  Briand :  "Free, 
I  would  beseech  and  beg  your  charitable  goodness  to  be  a  father  to  me, 


136  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

and  admit  absolutely  among  the  number  of  your  clergy,  instead  of  an 
auxiliary  as  I  have  been  since  February  1,  1742.  I  should  deem  myself 
happy,  if,  in  the  little  of  life  left  me,  I  could  repair  the  cowardice  and 
negligence  of  which  I  have  been  guilty  in  the  space  of  thirty-three  years. 
If  you  will  adopt  me,  I  am  sure  you  will  pardon  me  and  ask  mercy  for 
me."  In  March,  1775,  Father  Gibault  visited  Vincennes,  and  then  went 
on  to  Canada.  Returning,  he  was  unable  to  reach  the  Illinois,  and  passed 
the  winter  at  Detroit.  He  did  not  reach  Vincennes  again  until  the 
summer  of  1777,  Phillibert  officiating  in  lay  capacity  in  the  meantime. 
And  so  closed  the  church  history  of  Indiana  in  the  British  period. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  AMERICAN  OCCUPATION 

"John,  Earl  of  Dunmore,  Viscount  Fincastle,  Baron  Murray  of  Blair, 
of  Monliu  and  of  Tillimet,  Lieutenant  and  Govemour  General  of  his 
Majesty's  Colony  and  Dominion  of  Virginia,  and  Vice  Admiral  of  the 
same,"  was  decidedly  unpopular  with  our  Revolutionary  forefathers  on 
account  of  his  devotion  to  the  Royalist  cause ;  but  he  was  a  keen  observer 
of  men,  and  not  altogether  a  bad  sort  in  his  way.  He  had  come  over  as 
Governor  of  New  York  in  1770,  and  was  transferred  two  years  later  to 
Virginia,  where  he  was  soon  in  trouble  with  the  house  of  burgesses,  which 
he  dissolved  twice  on  account  of  its  revolutionary  sentiments.  His  one 
popular  act  was  his  war  on  the  Ohio  Indians,  who  had  been  committing 
depredations  on  the  frontier.  Fort  Pitt  had  been  abandoned  and  ordered 
demolished,  but  in  1774,  Dr.  John  Connolly,  a  major  of  militia,  under 
Dunmore 's  orders,  occupied  it  and  put  it  in  shape  for  defense.  From 
this  point  the  expedition  against  the  Shawnees  and  Mingos  proceeded ; 
Dunmore,  who  was  a  stocky,  stout-built  Scotchman,  marching  on  foot 
with  them,  and  carrying  his  own  knapsack.  The  Indians  were  worsted 
at  Point  Pleasant,  and  sued  for  peace.  They  gave  hostages,  who  were 
left  at  Fort  Pitt  (now  called  Fort  Dunmore)  under  charge  of  Connolly. 
The  Pennsylvania  authorities  were  indignant  at  this  invasion  of  territory 
claimed  by  the  Quaker  Colony,  but  Virginia  insisted  that  Pennsylvania 
had  no  rights  west  of  the  mountains,  and  trouble  would  have  ensued  but 
for  the  coming  on  of  the  Revolutionary  war.  Early  in  1775.  Dunmore 
removed  some  powder,  property  of  Virginia,  to  a  British  ship  of  war, 
whereupon  he  was  attacked  and  forced  to  take  refuge  on  the  ship.  Con- 
nolly, under  his  instructions,  disbanded  his  militia,  and  abandoned  Fort 
Pitt;  after  which  he  busied  himself  getting  up  a  plan  for  the  invasion 
of  Virginia  from  the  west.  Connolly  made  his  way  through  Virginia  to 
Dunmore 's  ship  with  some  difficulty,  being  arrested  several  times  by 
safety  committees.  With  Dunmore 's  approval,  he  went  to  New  York 
and  laid  his  plan  before  General  Gage,  who  also  approved  it.  Connolly 
then  tried  to  make  his  way  back  through  Maryland,  but  was  arrested 
near  Hagerstowii,   with   his   commission   as,  Lieutenant    Colonel   Com- 

137 


13S  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

mandant  and  a  copy  of  his  proposals  on  him.  His  next  five  years  were 
passed  in  prison. 

The  proposals,  after  reciting  that  he  had  "prepared  the  Ohio  Indians 
to  act  in  concert  \dth  me  against  his  ila,jesty's  Enemies/'  and  had 
promise  of  suppoi't  from  western  tories,  to  whom  he  had  promised  three 
hundred  acres  of  land  each,  continues:  "I  will  undertake  to  penetrate 
through  Virginia,  and  Join  his  Excellency  Lord  Dunmore  at  Alexandria, 
early  next  spring  on  the  following  conditions  &  authority.  1st.  That 
your  Excellency  will  give  me  a  commission  to  act  as  Ma.ior  Commandant 
of  such  Troops  as  I  may  raise  and  embody  on  the  Frontier,  with  a  power 
to  command  to  the  Westward,  &  employ  such  serviceable  French  and 
English  partisans  as  I  can  engage  by  pecuniary  rewards  or  otherwise. 
2dl3^  That  your  Excellency  will  give  orders  to  Capt.  Lord,  at  the  Illinois, 
to  remove  himself  with  the  Garrison  under  his  Command  from  Fort  Gage 
to  Detroit,  by  the  Ouabashe,  bringing  with  him  all  the  Artillery,  Stores, 
&ea.,  &ca.,  to  facilitate  which  undertaking  he  is  to  have  Authority  to 
Hire  Boats,  Horses,  Frenchmen,  Indians,  &ca.,  &ca.,  to  proceed  with  all 
possible  expedition  on  that  Rout  as  the  weather  may  occasionally  permit, 
and  to  put  himself  under  my  command  on  his  arrival  at  Detroit.  Thirdly. 
That  the  Commissary  at  Detroit  shall  be  empowered  to  furnish  such 
provisions  as  I  may  Judge  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  Service,  and 
that  the  Commanding  Officer  shall  be  instructed  to  give  every  possible 
assistance  in  encouraging  the  French  and  Indians  of  that  Settlement  to 
Join  me.  4thly.  That  an  officer  of  Artillery  be  immediately  sent  with 
me  to  pursue  such  Rout  as  I  may  find  most  expedient  to  gain  Detroit, 
with  orders  to  have  such  pieces  of  Ordnance  as  may  be  thought  requisite 
for  the  demolishing  of  Fort  Dunmore  &  Fort  Fincastle,  if  resistance 
should  be  made  by  the  Rebels  in  possession  of  those  Garrisons.  5thly. 
That  your  Excellency  will  empower  me  to  make  such  reasonable  presents 
to  the  Indian  Chiefs  and  others,  as  may  urge  them  to  act  with  Vigor  in 
the  execution  of  my  orders.  6thly.  That  your  Excellency  will  send  to 
Lord  Dunmore  such  anns  as  may  be  spared  in  order  to  equip  such  per- 
sons as  may  be  willing  to  serve  his  Majesty  at  our  Junction,  in  the 
vicinity  of  Alexandria." 

The  acts  of  Connolly  at  Fort  Pitt  and  the  complaints  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania people  had  called  forth  a  sharp  letter  from  Lord  Dartmouth  to 
Gov.  Dunmore,  in  which  especial  condemnation  was  made  of  allowing 
settlers  on  the  Indian  lands.  Dunmore  defended  himself  at  length,  and 
as  to  the  encroachments  on  Indian  lands  he  said:  "I  have  had,  My 
Lord,  frequent  opportunities  to  reflect  upon  the  emigrating  Spirit  of 
the  Americans,  Since  my  Arrival  to  this  Government.  There  are  con- 
siderable bodies  of  Inhabitants  Settled  at  greater  or  less  distances  from 


INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS  139 

the  regular  frontiers  of,  I  believe,  all  the  Colonies.  In  this  Colony  Proc- 
lamations have  been  published  from  time  to  time  to  restrain  them :  But 
impressed  from  their  earliest  infancy  with  Sentiments  and  habits,  very 
different  from  those  acquired  by  persons  of  a  Similar  condition  in  Eng- 
land, they  do  not  conceive  that  Government  has  any  right  to  forbid  their 
taking  possession  of  a  vast  tract  of  Country,  either  uninhabited,  or  which 
Serves  only  as  a  Shelter  to  a  few  Scattered  Tribes  of  Indians.  Nor  can 
they  be  easily  brought  to  entertain  any  belief  of  the  permanent  obliga- 
tion of  Treaties  made  with  those  People,  whom  they  consider  as  but  little 
removed  from  the  brute  Creation.  These  notions,  My  Lord,  I  lieg  it  may 
be  understood,  I  by  no  means  pretend  to  Justify.  I  only  think  it  my  duty 
to  State  matters  as  they  really  are. ' ' 

There  is  little  room  to  doubt  that  this  was  common  frontier  senti- 
ment. There  is  a  naive  contemporary  statement  of  it  in  some  verses 
preserved  in  the  Journal  of  James  Newell,  who  served  as  an  ensign  in 
"Dunmore's  War"  as  follow's: 

' '  Great  Dunmore  our  General  valiant  &  Bold 
Excels  the  great  Heroes — the  Heroes  of  old ; 
When  he  doth  command  we  will  always  obey, 
When  he  bids  us  to  fight  we  will  not  run  away. 

Come  Gentlemen  all,  come  strive  to  excel, 
Strive  not  to  shoot  often,  but  strive  to  shoot  well. 
Each  man  like  a  Hero  can  make  the  woods  ring, 
And  extend  the  Dominion  of  George  our  Great  King. 

The  land  it  is  good,  it  is  just  to  our  mind. 
Each  will  have  his  part,  if  his  Lordship  be  kind. 
The  Ohio  once  ours,  we  '11  live  at  our  ease. 
With  a  Bottle  &  glass  to  drink  when  we  please. ' ' 

It  was  natural  enough  that  there  should  be  such  sentiments  among 
the  Americans,  for  the  wars  with  the  French  had  been  fought  on  the 
theory  that  the  lands  northwest  of  the  Ohio  belonged  to  the  Iroquois  by 
conquest,  and  they  had  deeded  them  to  the  King  of  England.  If  this 
made  a  'good  title  against  the  French,  it  was  equally  good  against  the 
Indians  who  had  moved  into  the  region.  ^Moreover  all  the  colonies 
claimed  that  their  charter  boundaries  extended  at  least  as  far  west  as 
the  Mississippi  River  and  one  of  the  chief  sources  of  trouble  between  the 
colonies  was  the  question  of  title  to  western  lands.  At  this  very  time 
Pennsylvania  was  having  as  much  difficulty  in  resisting  the  encroach- 
ments of  Connecticut  on  the  north  as  of  Virginia  on  the  south.  Virginia 
was  active  in  warding  off  the  danger  in  the  west.  In  June,  1775,  she 
appointed  six  commissionei-s  to  act  with  others  in  making  a  treaty  at 


140  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Pittsburg  with  the  Ohio  Indians.  One  of  these  oommissioners,  Capt. 
James  Wood,  went  personally  to  the  Indians  and  invited  them  to  meet  in 
September  at  Pittsburg,  where,  after  three  weeks'  negotiations  a  treaty 
was  made  with  representatives  of  the  Ottawas,  Wyandots,  Mingos,  Shaw- 
nees.  Delawares  and  Seneeas.  In  the  spring  of  1776,  Congress  made 
Col.  George  Morgan,  an  experienced  frontiersman,  Indian  agent  for  the 
Middle  Department,  at  Pittsburg,  and  under  his  wise  management  Indian 
troubles  were  avoided  until  after  the  murder  of  Coi-ustalk  in  the  fall  of 
1777.  This 'allowed  time  for  preparation  for  defense  which  ultimately 
saved  the  western  settlements  from  destruction. 

The  British  were  not  idle.  In  the  spring  of  1775  Henry  Hamilton 
was  appointed  Lieutenant  Governor  at  Detroit,  and  arrived  there  on 
November  9.  He  was  of  Irish  birth,  and  had  been  in  the  army  since  1754, 
serving  in  France,  Canada  and  the  West  Indies.  He  was  quickly  in 
touch  with  the  situation,  and  on  November  30  wrote  to  Gen.  Carleton 
informing  him  about  the  treaty  at  Pittsburg,  the  details  of  which  he  had 
learned  from  "Mahingan  John,"  a  Delaware  who  had  taken  part  in  it, 
and  had  been  entrusted  with  belts  for  the  western  Indians.  Hamilton 
saw  that  Mahingan  John  was  "made  acquainted  with  some  of  the  par- 
ticulars which  are  sufficient  to  undeceive  the  Delawares  and  Shawanese," 
and  predicted  that  they  could  have  no  lasting  peace  with  the  Virginians, 
who  were  "haughty.  Violent  and  Bloody."  He  thought  that  if  the  war 
did  not  appear  hopeful  for  the  Colonies  "we  may  reasonably  expect, 
from  all  I  can  learn  of  the  disposition  of  the  savages,  the  frontier  of 
Virginia  in  particular  will  suffer  very  severely."  From  this  time  on  the 
two  hostile  camps  faced  each  other  across  the  lands  northwest  of  the 
Ohio.  The  British  were  established  at  Niagara,  Detroit  and  the  Illinois 
settlements.  The  Americans  held  the  headwaters  of  the  Ohio,  and  reached 
in  constantly'  growing  strength  through  Kentuckj'.  Both  considered 
all  the  possibilities  of  attack  and  defense.  In  1775  Arthur  St.  Clair 
projected  an  expedition  against  Detroit  from  Pittsburg,  and  partly 
prepared  for  it,  but  the  Seneeas  were  determined  to  remain  neutral,  and 
objected  to  passage  through  their  country;  and  so  the  expedition  was 
abandoned.  The  Seneeas  were  equally  firm  with  the  British,  and  pre- 
vented the  attack  of  Fort  Pitt  from  Niagara.  In  1777  Gen.  Edward 
Hand  was  made  Commander  in  Chief  in  the  West,  with  headquarters  at 
Pittsburg.  He  was  an  Irish  doctor,  who  came  to  America  in  1767  as 
Surgeon's  Mate  of  the  ISth  Royal  Irish  Regiment,  which  was  stationed 
at  Fort  Pitt.  Hand  was  popular  there  with  all  classes,  and  when  the 
regiment  was  ordered  East,  he  resigned  and  located  at  Lancaster,  Penn,, 
where,  in  1775,  he  married  Catherine  Ewing.  At  the  outbreak  of  the 
war  he  volunteered,  and  served  with  Washington  at  Boston,  on  Long 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  141 

Island,  and  in  the  Jersey  campaign.  He  attempted  an  expedition  against 
Sandusky  in  the  fall  of  1777,  but  succeeded  only  in  raiding  two  Indian 
towns  on  Beaver  Creek,  occupied  chiefly  by  squaws;  from  which  the 
expedition  became  known  as  "the  Squaw  Campaign."  He  prepared  for 
another  early  in  1778,  but  his  plans  were  frustrated  by  Alexander 
McKee,  former  Indian  Agent,  who  decamped  to  the  British  with  infor- 
mation of  Hand's  intentions. 


Gen.  George  Rogers  Clark 

(Prom  a  portrait  painted  by  ilattliew  Harris  Jouett,  owned  by  R.  T. 

Durret  of  Louisville) 

Such  was  the  situation  when  George  Rogers  Clark  came  to  the  front. 
Born  in  Albemarle  County,  Virginia,  about  a  mile  and  a  half  north  of 
Mouticello,  the  home  of  Jefferson,  November  19,  1752,  Clark  had  the 
meager  educational  advantages  of  a  Virginia  country  lad  in  a  large 
family.     He  is  said  to  have  had  nine  months'  schooling  under  Donald 


142  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Robertson,  and  his  maternal  grandfather,  John  Rogers,  was  a  surveyor, 
for  which  occupation  Clark  had  fitted  himself  when  nineteen  years  old. 
In  1772  he  made  his  first  trip  to  Kentucky  with  Rev.  David  Jones  and 
others,  going  down  the  Ohio  in  canoes.  They  returned  with  glowing 
descriptions  of  the  country,  and  in  the  Fall  Clark  located  on  the  south 
side  of  the  Ohio  near  the  mouth  of  Fish  Creek,  about  130  miles  below 
Pittsburg,  from  where  he  wrote  to  his  brother,  in  January,  1773,  that  he 
was  prospering  agriculturally,  and  "I  get  a  good  deal  of  cash  by  sur- 
veying on  this  River."  He  was  with  Capt.  Cresaps'  expedition,  and 
his  testimony  cleared  that  officer  of  the  charge  of  murdering  Logan's 
family.  He  served  in  Dunmore's  war  as  a  captain.^  In  April,  1775,  he 
wrote  to  his  brother:  "I  have  ingaged  as  a  Deputy  Surveyor  under 
Capn  Hancock  Lee  for  to  lay  out  lands  on  ye  Kentuck  for  ye  Ohio  Com- 
pany at  ye  rate  of  80  L  pr  year  and  ye  priviledge  of  Taking  what  Lands 
I  want."  His  occupation  gave  him  a  wide  acquaintance;  and  in  June, 
1776,  he  and  Capt.  John  Gabriel  Jones  were  elected  delegates  to  seek  aid 
and  protection  from  Virginia.  They  found  the  legislature  adjourned; 
and  Jones  returned  to  join  in  an  attack  on  the  Cherokees,  while  Clark 
went  on  to  see  Gov.  Henry.  He  induced  the  Governor  and  Executive 
Council  to  give  him  five  hundred  pounds  of  powder  for  the  Kentuckians, 
and  to  make  a  separate  county  of  Kentucky,  which  was  done  in  December. 
Clark  now  entered  actively  into  the  military  preparations  of  Kentucky, 
and  on  April  20,  1777,  sent  two  young  Virginians,  Benjamin  Linn  and 
Samuel  Moore  to  the  Illinois  settlements  to  ascertain  the  exact  condition 
of  affairs  there.  They  returned  on  June  22,  and  on  July  9  Clark  entered 
in  his  diary,  "Lieut  Linn  married  great  Merriment."  This  was  Lieu- 
tenant William  Linn,  who  had  also  just  finished  a  perilous  service.  The 
greatest  need  of  the  frontier  was  for  powder,  and  Capt.  George  Gibson 
of  the  Virginia  troops,  formed  the  project  of  getting  it  from  New  Orleans, 
where  the  Spanish  authorities  were  friendly.  On  July  19,  1776,  he  and 
Lieutenant  Linn  started  down  the  river  from  Pittsburg  in  a  skiff,  under 
the  guise  of  Indian  traders.  They  reached  New  Orleans  in  August,  and 
by  the  aid  of  Oliver  Pollock,  they  secured  98  barrels  of  powder — nearly 
10,000  pounds — wath  which  they  started  up  the  river  on  September  22, 
with  43  men  and  several  barges.  They  reached  Wheeling  with  it  on 
May  2,  1777.     With  his  information  from  his  emissaries  to  the  Illinois, 


'Dunmore's  War,  p.  157.  An  immense  amount  of  information  as  to  this  period 
has  been  furnished  by  the  publication  of  original  matter,  eollected  by  Dr.  Draper, 
by  the  Wisfonsin  Historiral  Society,  edited  by  Thwaites  and  Kellogg:  and  also 
by  the  publications  of  the  Illinois  Historical  Library  edited  by  Profs.  Alvord 
and  James.  These  are  the  principal  sources  of  the  new  matter  in  this  cliaiiter,  to 
Tvhich  no  special  reference  is  made  for  authority. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  143 

and  such  other  information  as  he  could  secure,  Clark  started  for  Virginia 
in  October,  and  on  December  10  laid  his  plan  before  Gov.  Henry,  as 
embodied  in  the  following  statement :  * 

"Sir — According  to  promise  I  hasten  to  give  you  a  description  of  the 
town  of  Kuskuskies,  and  my  plan  for  taking  of  it.  It  is  situated  30 
leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  on  a  river  of  its  own  name,  five 
miles  from  its  mouth  and  two  miles  east  of  the  Mississippi.  On  the  west 
side  of  the  Mississippi  3  miles  from  Kuskuskies  is  the  village  of  Mozier 
(Misere — Ste.  Genevieve)  Iwlonging  to  the  Spaniards.  The  town  of  Kus- 
kuskies contains  about  one  hundred  families  of  French  and  English  and 
carry  on  an  extensive  trade  with  the  Indians ;  and  they  have  a  consider- 
able number  of  negroes  that  bear  arms  and  are  chiefly  employed  in 
managing  their  farms  that  lay  around  the  town,  and  send  a  considerable 
qiiantity  of  flour  and  other  commodities  to  New  Orleans  (which  they 
barter  every  year  and  get  the  return  in  goods  up  the  Mississippi).  The 
houses  are  framed  and  very  good,  with  a  small  but  elegant  stone  fort 
situated  (but  a  little  distance  from)  the  centre  of  the  town.  The 
Mississippi  is  undermining  a  part  of  Fort  Chartress;  the  garrison  was 
removed  to  this  place,  which  greatly  added  to  its  wealth ;  but  on  the 
commencement  of  the  present  war,  the  troops  (were)  called  off  to  re- 
inforce Detroit,  which  is  about  three  hundred  miles  from  it — leaving  the 
fort  and  all  its  stores  in  care  of  one  Roseblack  ^  as  comdt  of  the  place, 
with  instructions  to  influence  as  many  Indians  as  possible  to  invade  the 
Colonies ;  and  to  supply  Detroit  with  provisions,  a  considerable  quantity 
of  which  goes  by  the  way  of  the  Waubash  R.,  and  have  but  a  short  land 
carriage  to  the  waters  of  ye  (Miami). 

"In  June  last  I  sent  two  young  men  there:  They  (Rocheblave  and 
the  French)  seemed  to  be  under  no  apprehension  of  danger  from  the 
(Americans)  The  fort,  which  stands  a  small  distance  below  the  town  is 
built  of  stockading  about  ten  feet  high,  with  blockhouses  at  each  corner, 
with  several  pieces  of  cannon  mounted — (10,000  lbs)  powder,  ball  and 
all  other  necessary  stores  without  (any)  guard  or  a  single  soldier.  Rose- 
black  who  acted  as  Governor,  by  large  presents  engaged  the  Waubash 
Indians  to  invade  the  frontiers  of  Kentucky ;  and  was  daily  treating  with 
other  Nations,  giving  large  presents  and  offering  them  great  rewards 
for  scalps.     The  principal  inhabitants  are  entirely  against  the  American 


2  In  a  note  preceding  this  document,  Dr.  Draper  says:  "Copy  of  an  old  and 
much  decayed  letter  of  Genl.  G.  R.  Clark,  written  plainly  in  the  summer  or  fall 
of  1777,  and  very  likely  addressed  to  Gov.  Patrick  Henry.  It  is  transcribed  as  full 
as  could  be  done — as  the  original  has  been  wet,  and  is  much  worn  and  faded." 
The    matter    in    parenthesis    was    supplied  by  Draper. 

3  He  means  Rocheblave. 


144  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

cause,  and  look  on  us  as  notorious  rebels  that  ought  to  be  subdued  at  any 
rate ;  but  I  dont  doubt  but  after  being  acquainted  with  the  cause  they 
would  become  good  friends  to  it.  The  remote  situation  of  this  town  on 
the  back  of  several  of  the  Westei-n  Nations;  their  being  well  supplied 
with  goods  on  the  Mississippi,  enables  them  (to  carry)  to  furnish  the 
diflferent  Nations  (with  goods),  and  by  presents  will  keep  up  a  strict 
friendship  with  the  Indians;  and  undoubtedly  will  keep  all  the  Nations 
that  lay  under  their  influence  at  war  witli  us  during  the  present  contest, 
without  they  are  induced  to  submission;  (that  being  situated  above  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio)  they  will  be  able  to  interrupt  any  communication 
that  we  should  want  to  hold  up  and  down  the  Mississippi,  without  a 
strong  guard;  having  plenty  of  swivels  they  might,  and  I  dont  doubt 
but  would  keep  armed  boats  for  the  purpose  of  taking  our  property. 
On  the  contrary,  if  it  was  in  our  possession  it  would  distress  the  gari'ison 
at  Detroit  for  provisions,  it  would  fling  the  command  of  the  two  great 
rivers  into  our  hands,  which  would  enable  us  to  get  supplies  of  goods 
from  the  Spaniards,  and  to  carry  on  a  trade  with  the  Indians  (line 
obliterated)  them  might  perhaps  with  such  small  presents  keep  them  our 
friends. 

' '  I  have  always  thought  the  town  of  Kuskuskies  to  be  a  place  worthy 
of  our  attention,  and  have  been  at  some  pains  to  make  myself  acquainted 
with  its  force,  situation  and  strength.  I  cant  suppose  that  they  could 
at  any  (time)  raise  more  than  six  (or  seven)  hundred  armed  men,  the 
chief  of  them  (are  French  the  British  at  Detroit  being  at  so  great  a) 
distance,  so  that  they  (blank  in  mss.)  more  than  (blank  in  mss.). 

"An  expedition  against  (Kaskaskia  would  be  advantageous)  seeing 
one  would  be  attended  with  so  little  expence.  The  men  might  be  easily 
raised  (blank  in  mss.)  with  little  inconvenience  Boats  and  canoes  with 
about  forty  days  provisions  would  (answer)  them:  they  might  in  a  few 
days  run  down  the  river  with  certainty  (to  the)  Waubash,  when  they 
would  only  have  about  five  to  march  to  the  town  with  very  little  danger 
of  being  discovered  until  almost  within  sight,  where  they  might  go  in 
the  night;  if  they  got  wind  (of  us  they  might)  make  no  resistance:  if 
(they  did)  and  were  able  to  beat  us  in  the  field,  they  could  by  no  means 
defend  themselves  for  if  they  fiew  to  the  fort,  they  would  lose  possession 
of  the  town,  where  their  provisions  lay,  and  would  sooner  surrender  than 
to  try  to  beat  us  out  of  it  with  the  cannon  from  the  post,  as  (they)  would 
be  sensible  that  should  (we  fire)  it  before  we  left  it,  which  would  reduce 
them  to  the  certainty  of  leaving  the  country  or  starving  with  their 
families,  as  they  could  get  nothing  to  eat. 

"Was  I  to  undertake  an  expedition  of  this  sort,  and  had  authority 
from  Government  to  raise  my  own  men,  and  fit  myself  out  without 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  145 

(much  delay)  I  should  make  uo  doubt  of  being  in  (full  po&sessiou  of  the 
country)  by  April  next. 

"I  am  sensible  that  the  ease  stands  thus — that  (we  must)  either  take 
the  town  of  Kuskuskies,  or  in  less  than  a  twelve  month  send  an  army 
against  the  Indians  on  Wabash,  which  will  cost  ten  times  as  much,  and 
not  be  of  half  the  service. ' ' 

Governor  Henry  submitted  this  proposal  to  the  Executive  Council, 
and  after  due  consideration,  on  January  2,  1778,  the  following  entry  was 
made:  "The  Governor  informed  the  Council  that  he  had  had  some  con- 
versation with  several  Gentlemen  who  were  well  acquainted  with  the 
Western  Frontiers  of  Virginia,  &  the  situation  of  the  post  at  Kaskastv 
held  by  the  British  King's  Forces,  where  there  are  many  pieces  of  cannon, 
&  militarj'  supplies  to  a  considerable  amount;  &  that  he  was  informed 
the  place  was  at  present  held  by  a  very  weak  garrison,  which  induced 
liim  to  believe  that  an  expedition  against  it  might  be  carried  on  with 
success,  but  that  he  wished  the  advice  of  the  Council  on  the  occasion. 

"Whereupon  they  advised  his  Excellency  to  set  on  foot  the  expedi- 
tion against  Ka.skasky  with  as  little  delay  &  as  much  secrecy  as  possible, 
&  for  the  purpose  to  issue  his  warrant  upon  the  Treasurer  for  twelve 
hundred  pounds  payable  to  Col.  George  Rogers  Clark,  who  is  willing  to 
undertake  the  service,  he  giving  bond  &  security  faithfully  to  account 
for  the  same.  And  the  Council  further  advised  the  Governor  to  draw 
up  proper  instiiietions  for  Colonel  Clark.  His  Excellency  having  pre- 
pared the  instructions  accordingly,  the  same  were  read,  (and)  approved 
of." 

Apparently  all  was  ready  for  action,  for  on  the  same  day  Clark  re- 
ceived his  instructions,  and  appointed  Wm.  B.  Smith  major,  with  au- 
thority to  raise  200  men.  To  insure  secrecy  he  was  given  two  sets  of 
instinictions  One  for  public  use  directed  him  to  raise  350  men  for 
service  in  Kentucky.  The  other,  and  secret,  instructions  directed  him 
to  proceed  with  this  same  force  against  Kaskaskia.  It  enjoined  humane 
treatment  of  the  people,  and  said :  "If  the  white  inhabitants  at  that  post 
&  the  neighbourhood  will  give  undoubted  evidence  of  their  attachment 
to  this  State  (for  it  is  certain  they  live  within  its  limits)  by  taking  the 
Test  prescribed  by  Law  &  by  every  other  way  &  means  in  their  power, 
Let  them  be  treated  as  fellow  Citizens  &  their  persons  &  property  duly 
secured.  Assistance  &  protection  against  all  Enemies  whatever  shall  be 
afforded  them  &  the  Commonwealth  of  Virginia  is  pledged  to  accomplish 
it."  This  last  document  later  came  into  the  possession  of  'Slajor  Henry 
Hurst,  first  clerk  of  the  Federal  Court  of  Indiana,  and  was  given  by  his 
daughter,  Mrs.  ^Mary  Leviston,  to  Dr.  N.  Field  of  Jeffersonville.  It  was 
lithographed  and  widely  circulated  by  the  Indiana  Historical  Society. 


146 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


Governor  Henry  also  gave  Clark  a  letter  to  Gen.  Hand  at  Fort  Pitt, 
requesting  him  to  furnish  Clark  with  boats  for  the  expedition,  and  to 
render  any  other  assistance  in  his  power.  On  January  3,  he  also  received 
a  joint  letter  from  George  "Wythe,  George  Mason  and  Thomas  Jefferson, 
giving  their  opinion  that  each  private  in  the  expedition  should  receive 
three  hundred  acres  of  land,  and  the  officers  in  proportion.  This  letter 
came  into  the  possession  of  Hon.  Wm.  H.  English,  and  was  first  published 


John  Sanders,  Clark's  Guide 
(From  crayon  owned  by  Col.  R.  T.  Durret  of  Louisville) 


by  him  in  his  valuable  ' '  Conquest  of  the  Northwest, ' '  which  was  at  the 
time  of  its  publication  the  most  exhaustive  account  of  Clark's  campaign 
that  had  been  produced.  Mr.  English  was  at  the  time  President  of  the 
Indiana  Historical  Society,  and  held  that  position  until  his  death. 

Armed  with  these  documents  Clark  started  for  Fort  Pitt,  attending 
to  details  on  the  way.     On  the  20th  he  reached  Leonard  Helm's  and 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  147 

arranged  for  him  to  raise  a  company ;  on  the  23d  with  Joseph  Bowman 
for  another;  and  so  on  with  John  Lindsey,  Joseph  Wilkerson,  W.  Harrod, 
Benj.  Linn,  J.  Bayley,  John  Maxfield,  A.  Chaplin  and  W.  Hughton. 
He  reached  Fort  Pitt  on  February  10,  where  he  was  followed  by  a  letter 
from  Governor  Henry,  of  Jan.  15,  adding  to  previous  instructions,  "that 
your  Operations  should  not  be  confin'd  to  the  Fort  —  the  Settlement  at 
the  place  mention 'd  in  your  secret  Instructions,  but  that  you  proceed 
to  the  Enemy 's  Settlements  above  or  across,  as  you  may  find  it  proper. ' ' 
Although  Clark's  public  instructions  expressly  state:  "You  are  em- 
powered to  raise  these  Men  in  any  County  in  the  Commonwealth  and 
the  County  Lieutenants  respectively  are  requested  to  give  you  all  possible 
assistance  in  that  Business,"  on  January  24,  Governor  Henry  wrote  a 
sharp  letter  to  Clark  complaining  of  his  raising  men  in  western  Virginia, 
and  saying:  "You  must  certainly  remember  that  you  inform 'd  Me, 
that  you  expected  to  get  Men  enough  to  compleat  the  seven  Companies 
partly  in  Kentuck  &  Partly  within  the  Carolina  Line,  and  that  if  you 
shou'd  fail  in  your  Expectation,  any  Deficiency  cou'ld  easily  be  made  up 
in  the  frontier  Coimties  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Fort  Pitt;  the  South 
Branch  &  the  Frontiers:  I  must  therefore  desire  you  to  pursue  your 
first  Intentions,  for  by  inlisting  any  men  in  the  lower  Counties,  You  will 
not  only  procure  improper  Persons,  but  you  may  also  throw  those 
Counties  into  great  Confusion  respecting  the  Act  of  Assembly  passed  this 
session  for  recruiting  the  Continental  Army.  The  men  you  enlist  will 
not  be  exempted  from  the  Draught. ' '  The  same  information  was  appar- 
ently given  to  the  draft  officers,  and  between  this  obstruction,  the  news 
of  the  capture  of  Daniel  Boone,  and  apprehensions  of  trouble  at  home; 
Clark  failed  to  get  more  than  half  of  his  seven  companies.  In  May  he 
started  down  the  river  with  the  men  raised  by  himself.  Bowman  and 
Helm,  and  near  the  last  of  that  month— probably  on  the  27th— reached 
the  falls  of  the  Ohio.  He  landed  on  Corn  Island,  then  about  seventy 
acres  in  extent,  and  built  a  block-house  for  the  protection  of  his  supplies. 
On  June  24,  leaving  twenty  men  at  Corn  Island,  part  of  them  with 
families  that  had  followed  him  down  the  river,  Clark  left  the  Falls  with 
his  "army"  of  153  men,  going  through  the  Indiana  chute  during  an 
eclipse  of  the  sun,  and  by  steady  rowing  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
Tennessee  on  the  28th.  Here  they  captured  a  party  of  hunters  from 
Kaskaskia,  who  proved  to  be  friendly,  and  asked  to  join  the  expedition. 
John  Sandei-s,  of  this  party,  acted  as  guide  from  old  Fort  Massac,  where 
they  landed,  to  Kaskaskia.  He  got  lost  on  the  way,  and  was  suspected 
of  treachery,  but  he  proved  his  good  intentions,  and  led  them  safely  to 
their  goal.  He  subsequently  located  at  the  new  settlement  at  Louisville, 
where  he  opened  the  first  bank  of  that  place,  doing  business  with  an 


148  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

original  paper  currency  based  on  skins.  On  the  evening  of  July  4,  Clark 
took  the  town  and  fort  of  Kaskaskia  by  surprise,  without  any  fighting, 
capturing  the  Commandant,  Rocheblave,  in  bed.  The  people  had  l)een 
told  by  British  agents  that  the  Virginians  were  of  savage  cruelty,  and 
Clark  purposely  increased  their  fear  by  his  haughty  bearing  until,  on 
the  next  day.  Father  Gibault  and  a  number  of  the  leading  citizens  came 
to  him  and  humbly  asked  that  their  families  should  not  be  parted,  and 
that  they  be  allowed  to  keep  some  of  their  clothing  and  provisions.  Clark 
then  informed  them  that  he  was  not  making  war  on  women  and  children. 
Just  before  leaving  the  Falls  he  had  received  a  letter  from  Col.  John 
Campbell,  at  Pittsburg,  informing  him  of  the  treaty  between  France  and 
the  United  States.  He  told  them  of  this,  and  that  they  might  become 
citizens  of  Virginia  if  they  desired,  but  that  he  would  not  administer  the 
oath  of  allegiance  for  a  few  days,  and  in  the  meantime  any  of  them  who 
desired  to  leave  the  country  might  do  so.  Father  Gibault  inquired  as  to 
religious  privileges,  and  Clark  informed  him  that  under  the  laws  of 
Virginia  there  was  complete  religious  liberty,  and  that  he  had  nothing 
to  do  with  churches  except  to  protect  them  from  insult.  With  this  the 
de.jection  of  the  French  was  turned  to  joy;  and  a  number  of  them  volun- 
teered to  go  to  Cahokia  with  a  detachment  sent  there  under  Major  Bow- 
man. This  was  accepted  and  on  the  day  following  Cahokia  became  as 
thoroughly  American  as  Kaskaskia.  Having  now  a  breathing  spell,  in 
order  "to  cause  the  peoples  to  feell  the  blessings  In  joyed  by  an  American 
Citizen,"  Clark  says:  "I  caused  a  Court  of  sivil  Judicature  to  be  Estab- 
lished at  Kohas  (Cahokia)  Elected  by  the  people.  Majr  Bowman  to  the 
supprise  of  the  people  held  a  pole  for  a  Majestacy  and  was  Elected  and 
acted  as  Judge  of  the  Court — the  policy  of  Mr.  Bowman  holding  a  pole 
is  easily  perseived — after  this  similar  Courts  ware  established  in  the 
Towns  of  Kaskas  and  St  Vincenes  ther  was  an  appeal  to  myself  in 
certain  Cases  and  I  believe  that  no  people  ever  had  their  business  done 
more  to  their  satisfaction  than  they  had  through  the  means  of  this  Regu- 
lation for  a  considerable  time. ' ' 

Clark  now  turned  his  attention  to  Vincennes,  and  called  Father 
Gibault  into  conference,  professedly  for  information.  Gibault  told  him 
that  Superintendent  Abbott  had  gone  to  Detroit,  and  that  he  thought  he 
could  induce  the  people  there  to  accept  American  rule  without  any  diffi- 
culty. He  offered  to  undertake  this  and  asked  that  Dr.  Jean  Baptiste 
Lafonte  be  sent  with  him.  To  this  Clark  acceded,  and  on  July  14  they 
started  for  Vincennes.    Clark  had  given  to  Lafonte  the  following  letter : 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  149 

"Fort  Clark,  July  14,  1778. 
"Sir. 

"Having  the  good  fortune  to  find  two  men  like  Mr.  Gibault  and  your- 
self to  carry  and  to  present  my  address  to  the  inhabitants  of  Post  Vin- 
cennes  I  do  not  doubt  that  they  will  become  good  citizens  and  friends  of 
the  states.  Please  disabuse  them  as  much  as  it  is  possible  to  do,  and  in 
case  they  accept  the  propositions  made  to  them,  you  will  assure  them 
that  proper  attention  will  be  paid  to  rendering  their  commerce  beneficial 
and  advantageous,  but  in  case  those  people  will  not  accede  to  offers  so 
reasonable  as  those  which  I  make  them,  they  may  expect  to  feel  the 
miseries  of  a  war  under  the  direction  of  the  humanity  which  has  so  far 
distinguished  the  Americans.  If  they  become  citizens  you  will  cause 
them  to  elect  a  commander  from  among  themselves,  raise  a  company,  take 
possession  of  the  fort  and  the  munitions  of  the  King,  and  defend  the 
inhabitants  till  a  gi'eater  force  can  be  sent  there.  (My  address  will 
serve  as  a  commission.)  The  inhabitants  will  furnish  victuals  for  the 
garrison  which  will  be  paid  for.  The  inhabitants  and  merchants  will 
trade  with  the  savages  as  customarily,  but  it  is  necessary  that  their 
influence  tend  toward  peace,  as  by  their  influence  they  will  be  able  to 
save  much  innocent  blood  on  both  sides.  You  will  act  in  concert  with 
the  priest,  who  I  hope  will  prepare  the  inhabitants  to  grant  you  your 
demands.  If  it  is  necessary  to  grant  presents  to  the  savages,  you  will 
have  the  kindness  to  furnish  what  shall  be  necessary  provided  it  shall 
not  exceed  the  sum  of  two  hundred  piastres.- 

"I  am  Sir,  respectfully  you,r  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant 

"G.R.  Clark." 

This  letter  was  in  French,  as  was  also  the  address  referred  to,  a 
translation  of  which  is  as  follows : 

"George  Rogers  Clark,  Colonel  Commandant  of  the  troops  of  Virginia 
at  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio  and  at  the  Illinois,  etc.,  Address  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Post  Vincennes. 

"The  inhabitants  of  the  different  British  posts  from  Detroit  to  this 
post,  having  on  account  of  their  commerce  and  position  great  influence 
over  the  various  savage  nations,  have  been  considered  as  persons  fitted  to 
support  the  tyrannies  which  have  been  practiced  by  the  British  ministry 
from  the  commencement  of  the  present  contest. 

"The  Secretary  of  State  for  America  has  ordered  Governor  Hamilton 
at  Detroit  to  intermingle  all  the  young  men  with  the  different  nations 
of  savages,  to  commission  officers  to  conduct  them,  to  furnish  them  all 
necessary  supplies,  and  to  do  everything  which  depends  on  him  to  excite 
them  to  assassinate  the  inhabitants  nf  the  frontiers  of  the  United  States 


150  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

of  America ;  which  orders  have  beeu  put  into  execution  at  a  council  held 
with  the  different  savage  nations  at  Detroit  the  17th  to  the  24th  day  of 
the  month  of  June,  1777.  The  murders  and  assassinations  of  women 
and  children  and  the  depredations  and  ravages  which  have  been  com- 
mitted cry  for  vengeance  with  a  loud  voice. 

"Since  the  United  States  has  now  gained  the  advantage  over  their 
British  enemies,  and  their  plenipotentiaries  have  now  made  and  con- 
cluded treaties  of  commerce  and  alliance  with  the  Kingdom  of  France  and 
other  powerful  nations  of  Europe,  His  Excellency  the  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia has  ordered  me  to  reduce  the  different  posts  to  the  west  of  the  Miami 
with  a  body  of  troops  under  my  command,  in  order  to  prevent  further 
shedding  of  innocent  blood.  Pursuant  to  these  orders  I  have  taken  pos- 
.session  of  this  fort  and  the  munitions  of  this  country ;  and  I  have  caused 
to  be  published  a  proclamation  offering  assistance  and  protection  to  all  the 
inhabitants  against  all  their  enemies  and  promising  to  treat  them  as  the 
citizens  of  the  Republic  of  Virginia  (in  the  limits  of  which  they  are)  and 
to  protect  their  persons  and  property  if  it  is  necessary,  for  the  surety  of 
which  the  faith  of  the  government  is  pledged ;  provided  the  people  give 
certain  proofs  of  their  attachment  to  the  states  by  taking  the  oath  of 
allegiance  in  such  cases  required,  as  provided  by  law,  and  by  all  other 
means  which  shall  be  possible  for  them,  to  which  offers  they  have  volun- 
tarily acceded.  I  have  been  well  pleased  to  learn  from  a  letter  written 
by  Governor  Abbott  to  M.  Rocheblave  that  you  are  in  general  attached 
to  the  cause  of  America. 

"In  consequence  of  which  I  invite  you  all  to  offers  hereafter  men- 
tioned, and  to  enjoy  all  their  privileges.  If  you  accede  to  this  offer,  you 
will  proceed  to  the  nomination  of  a  commandant  by  choice  or  election, 
who  shall  raise  a  company  and  take  possession  of  the  fort  and  of  all  the 
munitions  of  the  king  in  the  name  of  the  United  States  of  America  for 
the  Republic  of  Virginia  and  continue  to  defend  the  same  until  further 
orders. 

"The  person  thus  nominated  shall  have  the  rank  of  captain  and 
shall  have  the  commission  as  soon  as  possible,  and  he  shall  draw  for 
rations  and  pay  for  himself  and  his  company  from  the  time  they  shall 
take  the  fort,  etc.,  into  their  possession.  If  it  is  necessary,  fortifications 
shall  be  made,  which  will  be  also  paid  for  by  the  state. 

"I  have  the  honor  of  being  with  much  consideration,  sirs,  your  very 
humble  and  obedient  servant, 

"G.  R.  Clark." 

With  these  documents  Gibault  and  Lafonte  made  their  way  to  Vin- 
cennes,  and  found  little  difficulty  in  persuading  the  people  to  join  the 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  151 

American  cause.  A  few  Englishmen  and  French  who  saw  that  they 
were  in  a  hopeless  minority,  left  the  place  and  started  up  the  Wabash. 
On  July  20  the  remainder  gathered  at  the  church,  and  took  the  oath,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  translation: 

"Oath  of  Inhabitants  of  Vincennes. 

"You  make  oath  on  the  Holy  Evangel  of  Almighty  God  to  renounce 
all  allegiance  to  George  the  Third,  King  of  Great  Britain,  and  to  his 
successors,  and  to  be  faithful  and  true  subjects  of  the  Republic  of  .Vir- 
ginia as  a  free  and  independent  state ;  and  I  swear  that  I  will  not  do  or 
cause  anything  or  matter  to  be  done  which  can  be  prejudicial  to  the 
liberty  or  independence  of  the  said  people,  as  pi'escribed  by  Congress,  and 
that  I  will  inform  some  one  of  the  judges  of  the  country  of  the  said 
state  of  all  treasons  and  conspiracies  which  shall  come  to  my  knowledge 
against  the  said  state  or  some  other  of  the  United  States  of  America :  In 
faith  of  which  we  have  signed  at  Post  Vincennes,  the  20th  of  July,  1778. 
"Long  Live  the  Congress." 

To  this  oath  184  men  of  Vincennes  affixed  their  signatures,  or  in  most 
cases  their  marks.  Hamilton  said  that  Gibault  absolved  the  French  from 
their  allegiance  to  Great  Britain,  and  Clark  says  they  "went  in  a  body 
to  the  Church  where  the  Oath  of  Allegiance  was  administered  to  them 
in  the  Most  Solemn  Jlanner  an  officer  was  Elected  and  the  Fort  Amedi- 
ately  taken  pos.session  of  and  the  American  Flag  displayed  to  the  aston- 
ishment of  the  Indians  and  everything  setled  beyond  our  most  sanguine 
hopes."  Gibault  returned  about  the  first  of  August  with  the  cheering 
news,  and  Clark  was  now  ovei-whelmed  by  the  consideration  that  he  had 
more  territory  than  he  had  men  to  hold.  The  period  of  enlistment  of 
his  troops  was  ended,  and  many  of  them  desired  to  return  home.  Clark 
assumed  the  power  of  reenlisting  those  who  were  willing  to  stay,  and 
filled  up  his  companies  with  volunteer  Frenchmen.  He  sent  Captain 
Leonard  Helm  to  take  charge  of  Post  Vincennes,  appointing  him  Super- 
intendent of  Indian  Affairs  on  the  Wabash.  He  was  especially  charged 
with  securing  the  friendship  of  Young  Tabac,  the  chief  of  the  Pianke- 
shaws,  who  was  very  influential  among  the  Wabash  Indians.  Clark  sent 
a  letter  to  the  latter  offering  him  war  or  peace,  and  exhorting  him  if  he 
chose  the  former  to  fight  like  a  man  as  he  would  see  his  British  Father 
made  feed  for  the  dogs.  Helm  succeeded  so  well  that  Tabac  not  only 
became  a  firm  friend  of  the  Americans  but  formed  a  .strong  personal 
attachment  to  Helm.  Wlien  Helm  was  captured  by  Hamilton,  Tabac 
declared  himself  a  prisoner  also,  and  insisted  on  sharing  Helm 's  confine- 
ment.   Hamilton  made  everj'  effort  to  win  him  back,  but  he  was  obdurate, 


152 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


and  accepted  Hamilton's  presents  only  on  the  ground  of  sharing  them 
with  his  "brother"  Helm.  Hamilton  could  not  aft'ord  to  ofifend  him,  and 
so  Tabac  had  his  way.  Before  this  he  was  of  immense  service,  for  he 
made  such  representations  to  the  other  Indians  that  they  flocked  to 
Cahokia  to  seek  peace  with  Clark. 

This  was  what  Clark  wanted,  for  he  says  he  had  been  considering 
the  French  method  of  dealing  with  the  Indians,  and  had  decided  that  it 
was  a  mistake  to  ask  thciu  to  make  treaties.  He  says  that  Chippewas, 
Ottawas,  Potawatomis,  Missisagas,  Winnebagos,  Sauks,  Foxes,  Osages, 
lowas  and  Miamis  gathered  there  until  "I  must  confess  that  I  was  under 


The  Garrison  Marching  Oi't 


some  apprehention  among  such  a  number  of  Devils."  There  was  some 
cause,  for  a  party  of  Puans  undertook  to  capture  Clark  at  his  lodgings, 
but  were  detected  and  captured.  Clark  had  their  chiefs  put  in  irons, 
and  sternly  rejected,  all  pleas  in  their  behalf,  until  two  of  their  J'oung 
men  came  forward  and  offered  themselves  for  death  in  atonement.  After 
haughty  deliberation  Clark  took  these  two  youths  by  the  hand,  and 
pronounced  them  chiefs;  released  his  captives,  whom  he  denounced  as 
squaws  who  did  not  know  how  to  make  war,  and  told  them  to  go  join  the 
English.  To  all  the  rest  he  offered  war  or  peace,  as  they  might  choose, 
and  did  it  with  such  show  of  confidence  and  indifference  that  they  all' 
humbly  asked  for  peace.    In  the  space  of  five  weeks  he  concluded  peace 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  153 

with  "ten  or  twelve  ditferent  Nations."  This  was  timely,  for  no  rein- 
forcements were  coming:  for  him,  and  Hamilton  was  actively  preparing 
for  an  expedition  against  him  from  Detroit.  Hamilton  started  in  October 
with  36  regulars,  70  French  volunteers,  and  60  Indians.  He  gathered  up 
Indians  along  the  road  until  he  had  ahout  400.  On  December  17  Helms 
sent  a  messenger  to  Clark  with  a  letter  stating  that  the  British  were 
within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  town,  and  that  he  was  practically 
deserted  by  his  French  militia,  having  but  four  men  that  he  could  rely 
on.  His  estimate  of  the  reliables  was  four  times  too  large,  but  that  was 
immaterial.  The  messenger  was  captured  and  Clark  never  received  the 
letter.  Major  Hay,  who  had  been  sent  in  advance  by  Hamilton,  took 
possession  of  the  town  without  resistance,  and  when  Hamilton  arrived 
and  demanded  the  surrender  of  the  fort.  Helm  consented  on  being  allowed 
the  honors  of  war.  He  then  marched  out  with  the  one  man  who  had 
remained  with  him,  and  laid  down  his  arms.  The  identity  of  the  latter 
half  of  the  garrison  is  unknown.  Tradition  says  it  was  Closes  Henry, 
but  Clark  says  that  Henry  was  a  ".suspected  person"  who  had  been  con- 
fined in  the  fort  by  Hamilton  after  his  arrival,  and  Moses  Henry  was 
not  among  Clark's  soldiers  who  received  militaiy  lands  from  Virginia, 
although  he  was  made  Indian  agent  by  Clark  later,  and  resided  at  Vin- 
eennes  for  some  years  afterwards.  Henry's  wife  took  him  word  of  the 
arrival  of  Clark,  and  he  informed  Helm  and  the  other  prisoners  before 
Hamilton  had  any  suspicion  of  it. 

Clark  did  not  learn  of  the  capture  of  Vincennes  until  in  January, 
and  Hamilton  thought  he  got  his  information  from  six  French  deserters, 
one  of  whom  was  a  brother  of  Father  Gibault,  who  escaped  from  Vin- 
cennes in  the  latter  part  of  January.     Clark  had  learned  of  it  before 
that  time.     Shortly  after  Hamilton's-  arrival  at  Vincennes,  an  Ottawa 
chief  who  was  with  him  led  a  party  to  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash  to  try 
to  intercept  some  Americans.    As  none  appeared  he  led  his  party  to  the 
Illinois,    and    came   near   capturing   Clark    himself,    whoi   had    gone   to 
Prairie  du  Rocher.    They  fell  in  with  some  French  hunters,  who  brought 
word  to  Kaskaskia.    An  express  was  sent  to  Clark,  who  was  enjoying  a 
dance  at  Captain  Barber's,  with  the  alarming  information  that  a  party 
of  800  whites  and  Indians  were  within   a   few  miles  of  the  fort  and 
expected  to  attack  it  that  night.     There  was  some  wild  excitement  and 
preparation  for  the  next  twenty-four  hours,  when  it  was  learned  that 
the  party  had  retreated  to  Vincennes,  and  Clark  says :  "  it  was  now  con- 
jectured that  St.  Vincents  was  certainly  in  the  Hands  of  the  Enemy, 
and  that  the  party  that  had  been  in  the  Neighberhood  had  been  sent  from 
that  place  on  some  Errand  or  other."     He  remained  in  suspense,  pre- 
paring for  any  emergency,  until  January  29,  when  Francis  Vigo  arrived 


154  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

from  Vincennes  with  definite  information.  Vigo  was  at  the  time  a  fui' 
trader  at  St.  Louis,  who  had  been  furnishing  Clark  large  amounts  of 
supplies.  He  volunteered  to  go  to  Vincennes  and  furnish  Helm  with 
supplies  and  provisions  and  started  for  that  place  on  December  18,  not 
knowing  of  Hamilton's  arrival.  On  the  24th  he  was  captured  at  the 
Embarras  River  by  some  of  Hamilton's  Indians,  who  took  him  to  Vin- 
cennes. Hamilton  found  nothing  wrong  about  him,  but  Vigo  refused 
to  give  his  parole  "not  to  do  any  act  during  the  war  injurious  to  the 
British  interests, ' '  and  so  he  was  held  on  a  parole  requirement  to  report 
every  day  at  the  fort.  This  gave  him  ample  opportunity  to  learn  what 
was  going  on.  Hamilton  was  busy.  He  first  took  a  census  of  the  place 
and  found  that  there  were  621  people  there,  of  whom  217  were  fit  to  bear 
arms,  besides  several  who  had  gone  buffalo-hunting.    He  then  says : 

"Having  summon 'd  the  Inhabitants  to  assemble  in  the  Church,  I 
went  to  meet  them,  reproach 'd  them  with  their  treachery  and  ingrati- 
tude, but  told  them  since  they  had  laid  down  their  arms  and  sued  for 
protection,  that  on  renewing  their  Oath  of  Allegiance  they  should  be 
secured  in  their  persons  and  property.  Lenity  I  thought  might  induce 
the  French  inhabitants  at  Kaskaskias  to  follow  their  example,  tho'  the 
conduct  of  the  Canadians  at  large  was  but  poor  encouragement.  I  read 
twice  to  them  the  Oath  prepared  for  them  to  take,  explain 'd  the  nature 
of  it,  and  cautioned  them  against  that  levity  they  had  so  recently  given 
proof  of.  The  oath  being  administer 'd,  they  severally  kiss'd  a  silver 
crucifix  at  the  foot  of  the  Altar,  after  which  they  sign'd  their  names  to 
a  paper  containing  the  same  Oath  in  writing.  It  was  conceived  in  the 
following  terms :  (translation) 

"At  St.  Vincennes,  December  19,  1778. 

"We,  the  undersigned,  declare  and  acknowledge  to  have  taken  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  Congress,  in  doing  which  we  have  forgotten  our 
duty  to  God  and  have  failed  in  our  duty  to  man.  We  ask  pardon  of  God 
and  we  hope  from  the  goodness  of  our  legitimate  sovereign,  the  King  of 
England,  that  he  will  accept  our  submission  and  take  us  under  his  pro- 
tection as  good  and  faithful  subjects,  which  we  promise  and  swear  to 
become  before  God  and  before  man.  In  faith  of  which  we  sign  with  our 
hand  or  certify  with  our  ordinary  mark,  the  aforesaid  day  and  month  of 
the  year  1778." 

Having  thus  rectified  the  mental  and  moral  attitude  of  the  com- 
munity, Hamilton  turned  his  attention  to  the  fort,  which  he  says  he 
found,  "a  miserable  stockade,  without  a  Well,  barrack,  platform  for 
small  arms,  or  even  a  lock  to  the  gate."  He  further  says:  "In  the 
course  of  the  winter  we  built  a  guard-house.  Barracks  for  four  com- 
panies, sunk  a  Well,  erected  two  large  Blockhouses  of  oak,  musquet 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  155 

proof,  with  loop-holes  below,  and  embrasures  above  for  5  pieces  of 
Cannon  each,  alter 'd  and  lin'd  the  Stockade,  laid  the  Fort  with  gravel"; 
and  also,  ' '  The  fort  was  on  the  22nd  of  February  in  a  tolerable  state  of 
defence  the  Work  proposed  being  finished."  He  also  changed  the  name 
to  Fort  Saekville,  in  honor  of  Lord  George  Sactville,  then  British 
Secretaiy  of  State  for  the  Colonies.  After  about  a  month's  detention 
at  Vincennes,  Vigo 's  French  friends  intervened  in  his  behalf,  and  Ham- 
ilton consented  to  let  hiiu  go  on  parole  that  he  would  "not  do  anything 
injurious  to  the  British  interests  on  his  way  to  St.  Louis."  This  pledge 
he  kept  religiously,  as  he  always  did  a  promise  given ;  but  as  soon  as  he 
reached  St.  Louis  he  hastened  to  Kaskaskia,  and  gave  Clark  his  informa- 
tion. Desperate  as  the  situation  looked,  it  presented  an  opportunity  that 
appealed  to  Clark.  Disappointed  in  his  hope  for  reinforcement,  he 
leaped  at  the  chance  to  complete  his  conquest  with  the  force  he  had.  He 
called  his  officers  in  council  and  proposed  to  go  to  Vincennes  and  attack 
Hamilton.  They  agreed.  There  is  no  room  to  doubt  that  the  sentiments 
of  all  were  expressed  in  Clark's  letter  to  Henry  on  February  3,  in  which, 
after  recounting  Vigo's  arrival  with  information  of  Hamilton's  success, 
his  efi^orts  to  regain  the  friendship  of  the  Indians,  and  the  loyalty  of 
those  nearest  to  Vincennes  to  the  Americans,  Clark  puts  the  situation 
thus: 

"Ninety  Regulars  in  Garrison  a  few  Volunteers  and  about  Fifty 
Tawaway  Indians  that  is  Shortly  to  go  to  war  they  are  very  Busy  in 
Repairing  the  Fort  which  will  Shortly  be  very  Strong,  One  Brass  Six- 
pounder  two  Iron  four  pounders  and  two  Swivels  Mounted  in  the 
Bastians  plenty  of  Ammunition  and  provitions  and  all  kinds  of  warlike 
Stores,  flaking  preparation  for  the  Reduction  of  the  Illeuois  &  has  no 
Suspition  of  a  Visit  from  the  americans  this  was  Mr.  Hamilton's  Cir- 
cumstance when  Mr.  Vigo  left  him 

"Being  sensible  that  without  a  Reinforcement  which  at  present  have 
hardly  a  right  to  Expect  that  I  shall  be  obliged  to  give  up  this  Cuntrey 
to  ]\Ir.  Hamilton  without  a  turn  of  Fortune  in  my  favour,  I  am  Resolved 
to  take  the  advantage  of  his  present  Situation  and  Risque  the  whole  on  a 
Single  Battle.  I  shall  Set  out  in  a  few  Days  with  all  the  Force  I  can 
Raise  of  my  own  Troops  and  a  few  Militia  that  I  can  Depend  on  (in  the 
whole  only  one)  Hundred  (part  of  which  goes  on)  Board  a  Small  G 
(alley,  fitted)  out  some  time  ago  Mounting  two  four  pounders  and  four 
large  Swivels  one  nine  pounder  on  Board  this  Boat  is  to  make  her  way 
good  if  possible  and  take  her  Station  Tenn  Leagues  Below  St.  Vincens 
until  further  orders  if  I  am  Defeated  She  is  to  Join  Col.  Rogers  on  the 
Mississippi  She  has  great  Stores  of  Ammunition  on  Board  Comd  by 
Lieut.  Jno  Rogers.    I  Shall  Alarch  across  by  Land  myself  with  the  Rest 


156 


INDIANA  A-ND  INDIANANS 


of  My  Boj's  the  principle  persons  that  follow  me  on  this  forlorn  hope  is 
Captn  Joseph  Bowman  John  "Williams  Edwd  Worthington  Richd  M 
Carty  &  Frans  Charlovielle  Lieuts  Riehd  Brashears  Abm  Kellar  Abm 
Chaplin  Jno  Jerault  And  Jno  Bayley  and  several  other  Brave  Subalterns, 
You  must  be  Sensible  of  the  feelings  that  I  have  for  those  Brave  officers 
and  Soldiers  that  are  Determined  to  share  my  Fate  let  it  be  what  it  will 
I  know  the  Case  is  Desperate  but  Sr  we  must  Either  Quit  the  Cuntrey  or 
attact  Mr.  Hamilton  no  time  is  to  be  lost  was  I  Shoer  of  a  Reinforce- 
ment I  should  not  attempt  it  who  knows  what  fortune  will  do  for  us 
Great  things  have  been  affected  by  a  few  Men  well  Conducted  perhaps 
we  may  be  fortunate    we  have  this  Consolation  that  our  Cause  is  Just 


Fort  Sackville,  Vincennes,  Indiana,  1779 

and  that  our  Cuntrey  will  be  greatful  and  not  Condemn  our  Conduct  in 
ease  we  fall  through  if  so  this  Cuntrey  as  well  as  Kentucky  I  believe 
is  lost." 

Well  might  his  heart  warm  to  the  men  who  joined  him  in  that  perilous 
undertaking.  According  to  Bowman,  46  went  in  the  galley,  and  those 
who  marched  were  170,  including  "the  Artillery  Pack  Horsemen  &c." 
And  what  a  march !  From  the- afternoon  of  February  5  to  the  afternoon 
of  February  23,  through  muddy  overflowed  plains,  with  rain  falling 
ahnost  continually,  without  tents,  and  after  the  16th  almost  without 
provisions  except  one  deer  killed  on  the  20th.  The  only  favoring  feature 
was  that  the  weather  did  not  turn  cold  until  the  night  of  the  22nd,  when 
ice  formed  about  an  inch  thick.  This  brought  the  supreme  effort.  On 
the  23d  Bowman  records :    "Set  off  to  cross  a  plain  called  Horse  Shoe 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  137 

plain  about  4  Miles  long  cover  "d  with  Water  breast  higli^iere  we  ex- 
pected Some  of  our  brave  ilen  must  certainly  perish  having  froze  in  the 
Night  and  so  long  fasting  and  no  other  Resourse  Init  wading  this  plain 
or  rather  a  leak  (lake)  of  Water  we  pushed  into  it  with  Couraee  Col. 
Clark  being  the  tirst,  taking  care  to  have  the  Boats  close  by,  to  take  those 
that  was  weak  and  benumbed  (with  the  cold)  into  them  Never  was  ilen 
so  animated  with  the  thoughts  of  revenging  the  wrongs  done  to  their 
back  Settlements  as  this  small  Army  was."  Luckily  there  was  a  copse 
of  timber  on  the  way,  ^\hich  Clark  says  "was  of  great  conseciuence"  for 
"all  the  Low  men  and  Weakly  Hung  to  the  Trees  and  floated  on  the  old 
logs  untill  the.y  were  taken  off  by  the  Canoes  the  strong  and  Tall  got 
ashore  and  built  fires  many  would  reach  the  shore  and  fall  with  their 
bodies  half  in  the  water  not  being  able  to  Support  themselves  without 
it  this  was  a  deliglitful  Dry  spot  of  Ground  of  about  Ten  Acres  we 
soon  found  that  the  fires  answered  no  purpose  but  that  two  strong  men 
taking  a  weaker  one  by  the  Arms  was  the  only  way  to  recover  him  and 
being  a  delightfuU  Day  it  soon  did  But  fortunately  as  if  designed  by 
Providence  a  eanoe  of  Indian  squaws  and  Children  was  coming  up  to  the 
Town  and  took  through  part  of  this  plain  as  a  nigh  way  was  discovered 
by  our  Canoes  as  they  ware  out  after  the  men  they  gave  chase  and  took 
them  on  Board  of  which  was  near  half  Quarter  of  Buffaloe  some  com 
Tallow  Kettles  &c  this  was  a  grand  prise  and  was  Invaluable  Broath 
was  amediately  made  and  served  out  to  the  most  weak  but  with  great 
care  most  of  the  whole  party  got  a  little  but  a  great  many  would  not 
tast  it  but  gave  their  part  to  the  weakly  Jocosely  saying  something  cheary 
to  their  comrades  this  little  refreshment  and  fine  weather  by  the  after- 
noon gave  new  life  to  the  whole."  It  was  not  strange  that  Clark  wrote 
to  Mason :  "  If  I  was  sensible  that  You  wou  'd  let  no  Person  see  this 
relation  I  would  give  You  a  detail  of  our  suffering  for  four  days  in 
crossing  those  waters,  and  the  manner  it  was  done;  as  I  am  sure  that 
You  wou'd  Credit  it.  but  it  is  too  incredible  for  any  Person  to  believe 
except  those  that  are  well  acquainted  with  me  as  You  are,  or  had  ex- 
perienced something  similar  to  it."  Neither  was  it  strange  that  in  his 
Memoir,  under  date  of  ilarch  7 — two  weeks  later — he  recorded:  "A 
num'ber  of  our  men  now  got  sick  their  Intrepidity  and  good  suckcess 
had  untill  this  keep  up  their  spirits  but  things  falling  of  to  that  little 
more  than  that  of  common  Gan-ison  duty  they  more  sensibly  felt  the 
Pains  and  other  complaints  that  they  had  contracted  during  the  severity 
of  the  late  uncommon  march  to  which  many  of  those  Valuable  men  fell 
a  sacrifice  and  few  others  ever  perfectly  recovered  it. ' ' 

.  Clark  was  in  sight  of  the  town,  but  he  was  not  yet  safe.     He  says, 
"Ammunition  was  scarce  with  us  as  the  most  of  our  Stores  had  been  put 


158  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

on  board  of  the  Gaily."  Hamilton  says  that  although  he  had  required 
all  the  gunpowder  in  the  town  to  be  surrendered  to  him,  "nevertheless 
Colonel  Clarke  was  supplyed  by  the  Inhabitants,  his  own  to  the  last  ounce 
being  damaged  on  his  March."  "Waiting  till  near  sunset,  he  first  dis- 
patched a  captive  duck-hunter  to  the  town  with  a  warning  to  the  people 
that  he  was  about  to  attack  the  place,  and  for  those  who  wanted  to  help 
the  British  to  get  into  the  fort,  and  others  to  stay  in  their  houses.  He 
then  staged  a  moving  picture  show  for  them,  marching  and  counter- 
marching his  men  behind  ridges  of  land  where  nothing  could  be  seen  of 
them  except  flags  which  they  carried  on  poles.  As  soon  as  it  was  dark 
they  marched  direct  to  the  town,  and  sent  15  men  to  begin  firing  on  the 
fort,  while  the  rest  took  possession  of  the  town.  One  of  the  fii"st  moves 
was  to  the  houses  of  Col.  Legras  and  Major  Busseron,  who  had  "buried 
the  Greatest  part  of  their  powder  and  Ball"  when  Hamilton  first  came, 
and  had  probably  sent  word  of  it  to  Clark  by  Vigo.  Clark  says,  "this 
was  amediately  produced  and  we  found  our  selves  well  supplyed  by 
those  Gentn."  The  surprise  of  the  fort  was  complete.  Hamilton  says: 
"About  5  minutes  after  candles  had  been  lighted  we  were  alarmed  by 
hearing  a  Musquet  discharged ;  presently  after  some  more.  I  concluded 
that  some  party  of  Indians  was  returned  or  that  there  was  some  riotous 
frolic  in  the  Village,  going  upon  the  Parade  to  enquire  I  heard  the  Balls 
whistle,  order 'd  the  Men  to  the  Blockhouses,  forbidding  them  to  fire  till 
they  perceived  the  shot  to  be  directed  against  the  Fort.  We  were  shortly 
out  of  suspence,  one  of  the  Serjeants  receiving  a  shot  in  the  breast."  He 
says,  however  that  Maisonville  had  come  in  earlier  in  the  day  with  a 
report  that  "he  had  discover 'd  about  four  leagues  below  the  fort,  four- 
teen fires,  but  could  not  tell  whether  of  Virginians  or  Savages,"  and  he 
had  sent  Captain  Lamothe  with  twenty  men  for  further  information. 
Lamothe  made  a  circuit  aroiind  the  flooded  lands,  and  discovered  noth- 
ing until  he  heard  the  firing  on  the  fort.  He  got  back  into  the  fort  with 
his  men  early  the  next  morning.  Clark  says  he  let  them  in  for  fear  they 
might  go  for  aid  of  hostile  Indians. 

There  was  a  continuous  fusillade  during  the  night,  without  great 
damage,  though  Hamilton  says  he  had  "a  Serjeant  Matross  and  five 
Men  wounded" — a  Matross  was  an  assistant  artilleryman.  But  Clark 
utilized  the  darkness  to  make  an  entrenchment  across  the  street  about 
120  yards  in  front  of  the  gate  of  the  fort.  Young  Tabac  had  offered  to 
assist  in  the  attack  with  one  hundred  men,  but  Clark  thanked  him  and 
told  him  he  needed  no  assistance.  At  8  or  9  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
the  24th  Clark  sent  a  flag  of  truce  with  a  letter  to  Hamilton  demanding 
the  immediate  surrender  of  the  fort,  and  adding,  "if  I  am  obliged  to 
storm,  you  may  depend  upon  such  Treatment  justly  due  to  a  Murderer 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


159 


beware  of  destroying  Stores  of  any  kind  or  any  papers  or  letters  that  is 
in  your  possession  or  hurting  one  house  in  the  Town  for  by  heavens  if 
you  do  there  shall  be  no  ilercy  shewn  you."    To  this  ferocious  message 


(W^^X/    ^1, 


^y^-^^n-i^. fzy^      .^    yy/^^  > 


yi,i.,^t^-d^'>-^       ^*^^Z^       -6-^.jj-       -^^i^^j      V;      t-^^/^^^^^^     ^  ^^ 


X^>T^  /%^  /><  j 


a- 


^ 


fete. 


Clark's  Letter  to  Hamilton 
(From  original,   owned  by  Wisconsin   Historical  Society) 

Hamilton  curtly  replied  that  "he  and  his  Garrison  are  not  disposed  to 
be  awed  into  any  action  Unworthy  of  British  subjects. "  Firing  was  then 
resumed  until  Hamilton  sent  a  flag  of  truce  proposing  a  trace  of  three 
days,  and  a  conference  with  Clark  in  the  fort.     Clark  replied  that  he 


160  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

would  accept  no  terms  but  surrender  at  discretion,  but  that  if  Hamilton 
desired  a  conference  he  would  meet  him  and  Captain  Helm  at  tlie  church. 
The  latter  was  aecej^ted,  and  it  was  a  meeting  of  two  as  accomplished 
bluflfers  as  ever  met  on  Indiana  soil,  but  Clark  knew  Hamilton's  cards, 
and  Hamilton  did  not  know  Clark's.  Hamilton  was  willing  to  suiTender, 
but  wanted  honorable  terms.  Clark  told  him,  "on  you  Sir  who  have 
embrued  your  hands  in  the  blood  of  our  women  and  children,  Honor, 
my  country,  everything  calls  on  me  alloud  for  Vengeance."  Helm  tried 
to  intercede  but  Clark  refused  to  listen  to  him.  He  told  Hamilton  that 
he  had  only  35  or  36  men  in  the  fort  that  he  could  rely  on ;  and  Hamilton 
knew  it  was  true.  Finally  Clark  said  he  would  send  articles  that  he 
would  allow,  and  would  give  half  an  hour  to  consider  them,  and  so  they 
separated.     Clark  sent  his  articles  as  follows: 

"1st.  Lt.  Gov.  Hamilton  engages  to  deliver  up  to  Col.  Clark  Fort 
Sackville  as  it  is  at  present  with  all  the  stores,  ammunition,  pro- 
visions, &e. 

"2nd.  The  Garrison  will  deliver  themselves  up  Prisrs  of  War  to 
march  out  with  their  arms  accoutrements,  Knapsacks  &c. 

"3d.     The  Garrison  to  be  deliver 'd  up  to-morrow  at  10  o'clock. 

"4th.  Three  days  time  to  be  allowed  the  Garrison  to  settle  their 
accounts  with  the  tradei-s  of  this  Town. 

"5th.  The  Officers  of  the  Garrison  to  be  allowed  their  necessary 
baggage. 

' '  Signed  at  Post  Vincennes  the  24th  day  of  February,  1779. 

"G.R.Clark."     , 

Within  the  time  limit,  Hamilton  returned  this  with  the  following 
indorsement : 

"Agreed  to  for  the  following  reasons — 

"The  remoteness  from  succour,  the  state  and  quantity  of  provisions, 
the  unanimity  of  officers  and  men  on  its  expediency,  the  honorable  terms 
allowed  and  lastly,  the  confidence  in  a  generous  enem.y. 

"Henry  Hamilton 
"Lieut.  Govr.  &  Superintendent." 

In  this  connection,  Hamilton  adds  in  his  report: 

"Among  reasons  not  mentioned  on  the  face  of  the  capitulation  were 
the  treachery  of  one-half  our  little  garrison,  the  certainty  of  the  Inhabi- 
tants of  the  Village  having  joyned  the  Rebels — The  North-East  Angle 
of  the  fort  projecting  over  a  sandbank  already  considerably  undermined, 
the  miserable  state  of  the  wounded  Men,  the  impossibility  of  effecting  an 
escape  by  water,  while  the  half  of  our  number  had  shewed  their  poltron- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  161 

nerie  and  treason,  and  our  wounded  must  be  left  at  the  mercy  of  a 
mereyless  set  of  Banditti. 

"Having  given  the  necessary  orders,  I  pass'd  the  night  in  sorting 
papers  and  in  preparing  for  the  disagreable  ceremony  of  the  next  day. 
"^Mortification,  disappointment,  and  indignation  had  their  turns. 
"At  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  25th,  we  marched  out  with 
fix'd  Bayonets  and  the  Soldiers  with  their  knapsacks— the  colors  had 
not  been* hoisted  this  morning,  that  we  might  be  spared  the  mortification 
of  bawling  them  down." 

There  were  two  incidents  that  probably  hastened  Hamilton's  action. 
During  the  conference  in  the  church  a  party  of  Clark's  men  had  gone 
to  meet  a  party  of  Indians  who  were  returning  from  a  raid  with  scalps, 
and  who  mistook  the  Americans  for  friends  until  close  to  them.    A  dozen 
of  them  were  killed  or  wounded,  and  six  were  captured  and  brought  into 
town    where  four  of  them  were  tomahawked  in  view  of  the  fort,  the 
other  two  being  Frenchmen  who  were  saved  by  the  intercession  of  friends. 
This  was  probably  Hamilton's  first  opportunity  of  knowing  what  savage 
warfare  signified  when  brought  home  to  himself,  and  it  apparently  made 
a  lasting  impression.    In  his  report  he  says:    "One  of  them  was  toma- 
hawk'd  immediately.    The  rest  sitting  on  the  ground  m  a  ring  bound- 
seeing  by  the  fate  of  their  comrade  what  they  had  to  expect,  the  next  on 
his  left  sung  his  death  song,  and  was  in  turn  tomahawk 'd,  the  rest  under- 
went the  same  fate,  one  only  was  saved  at  the  intercession  of  a  Rebel 
Officer  who  pleaded  for  him  telling  Coll  Clarke  that  the  Savage  s  father 
had  formerly  spared  his  life.     The  Chief  of  this  party  after  haveing 
had  the  hatchet  stuck  in  his  head,  took  it  out  himself  and  deliver  d  it  to 
the  inhuman  monster  who  struck  him  first,  who  repeated  his  stroke  a 
second  and  a  third  time,  after  which  the  miserable  spectacle  was  dragged 
by  the  rope  about  his  neck  to  the  River,  thrown  in,  and  suffer  d  to  spend 
still  a  few  momenta  of  life  in  fruitless  strugglings-Two  sergeants  who 
had  been  Volunteers  with  the  Indians  escaped  death  by  the  interce^ion 
of  a  father  and  a  Sister  who  were  on  the  spot."    Hamilton  also  says  that 
Maisonville  was  partially  scalped  by  order  of  Clark;  but  Clark  says  this 
was  done  by  two  men  who  captured  this  "famous  Indian  partizan     and 
"was  so  Inhumane  as  to  take  a  part  of  scalp."  ,       ,        ,        i    , 

The  other  occurrence  was  at  the  conference  at  the  church  when 
Clark  was  emphasizing  his  determination  to  take  vengeance  on  Indian 
partizans.  Clark  says:  "Majr  Hay  paying  great  attention  I  had  ob- 
seZL  kind  of  distrust  in  his  countenance  which  in  a  great  measure 
iXnced  my  Conversation  during  the  time  on  my  CoBebjding  P-y 
Sir  says  he  who  is  that  you  call  Indian  partizans  Sir  I  Repjed  1  take 
nljr  Hay  to  be  one  of  the  Principals    I  never  saw  a  man  m  the  Moment 

Vol.  I— 11 


162  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

of  Execution  So  Struck  as  he  appeared  to  be  Pail  and  Trembling 
scarcely  able  to  stand  G  H.  blushed  and  I  observed  was  much  affected 
at  his  behaviour  in  the  presence  of  Captn  Bowmans  Countenance  Suffi- 
tiently  explained  his  disdain  for  the  one  and  his  sorrow  for  the  other. ' ' 
In  reality  Hay  was  a  light-hearted  and  light-headed  youth  who  was  not 
cut  out  for  a  hero,  and  did  not  fully  realize  what  he  had  been  doing. 
He  had  not  taken  part  in  Indian  raids,  but  had  represented  the  British 
at  Fort  Wayne  during  the  preceding  winter  in  dealings  with  the  Indians 
who  went  on  raids  from  there.  His  journal  ••  gives  a  most  interesting 
view  of  social  life  in  Fort  Wayne  at  that  time,  and  incidentally  shows 
that  he  was  much  more  at  home  singing  or  dancing  with  the  ladies,  or 
getting  drunk  with  the  men,  than  in  military  operations ;  but  it  does  not 
give  any  indication  that  he  was  hard-hearted  or  cruel. 

Presumably  Hamilton  was  largely  influenced  by  consideration  for 
him,  for  when  Clark  ordered  Hay  and  others  put  in  irons  after  the 
surrender,  Hamilton  says :  "I  observed  to  him  that  these  persons  having 
obey'd  my  orders  were  not  to  be  blamed  for  the  execution  of  them,  that 
I  had  never  known  that  they  had  acted  contrai-y  to  those  orders,  by 
encouraging  the  cruelty  of  the  savages,  on  the  contrary  and  that  if  he 
was  determined  to  pass  by  the  consideration  of  his  faith  and  that  of  the 
public,  pledged  for  the  performance  of  the  Articles  of  capitulation,  I 
desired  he  might  throw  me  into  prison  or  lay  me  in  irons  rather  than  the 
others."  But  Clark  had  "neck-irons,  fetters  and  handcuft's"  put  on  the 
three  Indian  partisans,  and  when  they  got  to  Virginia,  Governor  Jeffer- 
son had  handcuffs  put  on  Hamilton.  Later  these  were  exchanged  for 
fetters  riveted  on,  and  the  whole  party  were  confined  in  prison.  Pro- 
tests were  made,  but  Jefferson  insisted  that  it  was  a  right  to  so  confine 
prisoners  of  war  who  had  surrendered  without  specifications  as  to  treat- 
ment, until  Washington  finally  interposed  and  the  irons  were  removed. 
The  treatment  was  hardly  justifiable,  but  the  American  public  was  so 
indignant  over  the  ravages  of  Great  Britain's  Indian  allies  that  it  is 
surprising  that  nothing  worse  happened.  On  the  day  after  the  surrender 
of  the  fort,  Captain  Helm  was  sent  up  the  river  to  meet  a  party  coming 
down  with  supplies.  They  returned  on  March  5,  having  captured  Judge 
Dejean  of  Detroit,  M.  Adhemar,  Commissary  at  Fort  Miamis,  with  38 
soldiers  and  seven  boats  loaded  with  provisions  and  supplies.  The 
Willing — the  boat  sent  around  by  the  Mississippi — arrived  on  February 
27,  and  the  crew  were  much  disappointed  to  have  arrived  too  late  to 
take  part  in  the  victory.  Dejean  was  sent  to  Virginia  with  the  officers 
of  the  fort  and  eighteen  of  the  private  soldiers  who  belonged  to  the 


*  Published   in  the   Collections   of  the  Wisconsin   Historical   Society   for    1914. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  163 

British  army.  The  remainder  of  the  prisoners  were  paroled  and  allowed 
to  return  to  Detroit.  A  council  was  held  to  consider  an  attack  on 
Detroit,  but  it  was  deferred  to  summer. 

An  Indian  account  of  the  capture  of  Vincennes  was  received  by  Col. 
Brodhead  through  Rev.  John  Heckewelder,  who  wrote  from  his  mis- 
sion, on  April  28,  1779,  "The  Governor  of  Detroit  after  having  taken 
Fort  Chubhicking,  from  the  Americans,  sent  all  the  Indians  who  were 
with  him  home  again,  except  two  of  the  head  men  of  every  nation.  A 
few  weeks  ago  a  number  of  Virginians  appeared  unexpectedly  at  said 
fort,  surrounded  it  and  took  it  with  all  that  was  in  it,  and  the  Gov- 
erjior  made  a  prisoner.  That  the  night  after  the  fort  was  taken,  two 
Shawanese  made  their  escape  out  of  the  same,  upon  which  they,  the 
Americans  suspecting  the  Governor  hanged  him  immediately,  and  killed 
the  rest  of  the  Indians  who  were  in  the  fort.  That  the  Virginians  sent 
two  men  wdth  a  large  letter,  and  the  war  belt  they  had  found  by  the 
Governor,  over  to  Kentuck ;  that  these  two  men  were  killed  by  the  way 
by  20  warriors,  and  the  letter  band  all  taken ;  that  not  long  after,  these 
twenty  warriors  (said  to  be  Chippewas  and  Tawas)  were  coming  along 
with  some  stolen  horses,  and  being  at  last  in  sight  of  the  f^rt,  hobbled 
the  same  on  the  commons,  and  marched  with  the  death  halloo  towards 
the  fort,  upon  which  the  drums  began  to  beat,  but  the  warriors  having 
heard  nothing  of  what  had  happened,  as  they  had  gone  out  from  that 
place  to  war — said,  '  Our  Father  rejoices  that  we  are  coming  again ; 
we  shall  now  be  treated  well.'  They  then  being  about  half  gun  shot 
off,  they  fired  out  of  the  fort  and  killed  eighteen  on  the  spot,  upon 
which  the  other  two  ran  off,  and  brought  the  letters  to  the  Shawanee 
towns,  where  they  got  a  prisoner  to  read  them.  But  as  he  could  not 
read  well,  could  make  out  no  more  than  that  the  commandant  of  the 
Virginians  mentioned  what  he  had  done,  and  that  he  requested  a  strong 
reinforcement  immediately.  The  letters  are  now  in  the  hands  of  Alexr. 
McKee.  "■'  Chubhicking,  varied  tn  Chubhacking  and  Chupukin '• 
is  the  Delaware  name  of  Vincennes.  It  is  compounded  of  (fol- 
lowing Heckewelder 's  spelling)  tschiip-pic,  or  tschap-pik,  mean- 
ing a  root:  hacki,  ground,  earth,  region;  and  the  tenninal  lo- 
cative, i.  e.    Place  of  Roots,  which  is  a  translation  of  the  Miami  name. 

Of  recent  years  there  has  been  an  application  of  "the  higher  crit- 
icism" to  the  original  accounts  of  this  conquest  of  Gen.  Clark  by  some 
of  the  Real  Historians  of  the  East.  One  of  the  most  notable  instances 
is  to  be  found  in  The  Winning  of  the  West,  by  Theodore  Roosevelt, 
whose  mental  processes  have  given  him  an  unique  standing  as  an  his- 


5  Wise.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  23— Draper  Series,  Vol.  4,  p.  295. 

6  lb.,  pp.  231,  325,  334. 


164 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


torical  writer.  He  adds  Clark  to  his  Ananias  Club  on  account  of  liis 
Memoir,  having  no  less  than  eight  foot-notes,  in  the  oompass  of  fifty 
pages,  denouncing  the  inaccuracies  of  this  document."  He  says  it 
was  written  "some  thirty  or  forty  years  after  the  events  of  which  it 
speaks";  that  it  was  "written  by  an  old  man  who  had  squandered  his 
energies  and  sunk  into  deserved  obscurity";  that  "when  Clark  wrote 


Lieut. -Gov.  Hexry  Hamilton 
(From  portrait  owned  by  C.  M.  Burton  of  Detroit) 


his  memoirs,  in  his  old  age,  he  took  delight  in  writing  down  among  his 
exploits  all  sorts  of  childish  stratagems;  the  marvel  is  that  any  sane 
historian  should  not  have  seen  that  these  were  on  their  face  as  untrue 
as  they  were  ridiculous."  His  chief  basis  for  his  position  is  that  the 
Memoir  contains  a  number  of  statements  that  are  not  duplicated  in 
Clark's  official  reports  and  original  letters.    As  a  mere  matter  of  fact, 


Winning  of  the  West,  Vol.  2,  pp.  36,  47,  55,  57,  61,  63,  79,  82. 


■     INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  165 

the  Memoir  was  iinquestiouably  written  in  the  years  1789-91,  at  the 
special  request  of  James  Madison,  who  asked  Clark  "to  descend  in  the 
recital  even  to  minutia"  and  that  "in  collecting  materials  you  will  not 
use  a  sparing  hand.  ]\Iany  things  may  appear  very  interesting  to 
others  which  you  might  think  unimportant. "  ^  One  of  the  "childish 
stratagems"  to  which  Mr.  Roosevelt  objects  is  the  statement  that  they 
' '  marched  to  and  fro  with  many  flags  flying,  so  as  to  impress  the  British 
with  his  numbers.  Instead  of  indulging  in  any  such  childishness  (which 
would  merely  have  warned  the  British,  and  put  them  on  their  guard), 
he  in  reality  made  as  silent  an  approach  as  possible,  under  cover  of  the 
darkness. ' ' 

But  Clark  does  not  say  they  countermarched  to  impress  the  Brit- 
ish. On  the  contrary  he  says  that  they  marched  "in  full  View  of  the 
Town,"  but  that  "as  part  of  the  Town  lay  between  our  Line  of  March 
and  the  Garison  we  could  not  be  seen  by  the  sentinels  on  the  walls."  He 
was  deceiving  the  town  people,  and  he  always  misrepresented  his 
strength  to  the  French,  on  the  theory  that  while  most  of  them  were 
loj^al  there  were  others  from  whom  information  would  get  to  the  Brit- 
ish. This  is  exactly  what  happened  in  this  case,  for  the  first  informa- 
tion Hamilton  got  was  from  Lamothe,  who  said  that  a  woman  in  the 
town  had  told  him  that  ' '  Colonel  Clark  was  arrived  with  500  Men  from 
the  Ilinois":  and  Hamilton  knew  no  better  until  after  his  surrender. 
As  to  the  event  itself,  Clark  told  the  same  story  soon  after  to  Mason 
in  his  letter  of  November  19,  1779.  Bowman,  in  his  journal  for  the 
day  says :  ' '  We  began  our  ilarch  all  in  order  with  colors  flying  and 
drums  brased. "  The  first  account  of  the  capture  received  at  Detroit 
was  from  Captain  Chene  who  was  outside  the  fort  at  Vincennes  when 
the  attack  was  made,  and  who  made  his  escape.  His  report  says:  "The 
Rebels  entered  at  the  lower  end  of  the  village  with  a  drum  beating  and 
a  white  colour  flying."  From  all  this  testimony  it  would  appear  to  be 
estaWished  that  if  Mr.  Roosevelt  had  been  managing  the  campaign,  it 
would  not  have  been  as  Clark  managed  it. 

But  ilr.  Roosevelt's  choicest  morsel  is  this:  "Unfortunately,  most 
of  the  small  western  historians  who  have  written  about  Clark  have 
really  damaged  his  reputation  by  the  absurd  inflation  of  their  language ; 
they  were  adepts  in  the  forcible-feeble  style  of  writing,  a  sample  of 
which  is  their  rendering  him  ludicrous  by  calling  him  'the  Hannibal 
of  the  West,'  and  the  'Washington  of  the  West'  "  It  is  a  pity  that 
ilr.  Roosevelt  was  not  sufficiently  familiar  with  American  history  to 
know  that  the  "small  western  historian"  who  gave  the  title  of  "the 


8  111.   Hist.   Coll.,   Vol.   S,   pp.   619-29, 


166  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS     ' 

Hannibal  of  the  West"  to  Clark  was  John  Kandolph  of  Roanoke  ;8  and 
it  is  no  less  mournful  that  he  was  not  sufficiently  acquainted  with  ancient 
history  to  know  that  the  title  was  peculiarly  apt.  For  the  benefit  of  those 
who  may  share  Mr.  Roosevelt's  misfortune,  it  may  be  explained  that  the 
expression  does  not  imply  that  Clark  was  a  Carthaginian,  nor  that  he  was 
of  the  same  age,  weight,  color  or  previous  condition  of  servitude  as  Hanni- 
bal. The  similarity  that  appealed  to  Randolph  is  expressed  in  the  Latin 
phrase,  " Hannibal  ante  portas" — an  unexpected  enemy  at  hand.  Hanni- 
bal made  himself  immortal  by  accomplishing  the  daring  and  desperate  feat 
of  crossing  the  Alps  in  the  dead  of  winter,  and  striking  Rome  from  an 
unexpected  quarter.  The  analogy  lies  in  the  fact  that  Clark  accom- 
plished the  daring  and  desperate  feat  of  crossing  the  flooded  lands  of 
Illinois  and  Indiana  in  the  dead  of  winter,  and  striking  Vincennes  from 
an  unexpected  quarter.  Of  course  Hannibal's  army  was  larger,  but 
Clark  risked  the  greater  odds,  if  the  chance  of  striking  hastile  Indians 
be  taken  into  consideration.  But  that  is  immaterial.  It  is  the  element 
of  the  surprising  and  unexpected  that  is  associated  with  the  name  of 
Hannibal  by  classical  writers  and  speakers.  If  John  Randolph  were 
alive  today,  he  might  possibly  refer  to  Mr.  Roosevelt  as  The  Hannibal 
of  Oyster  Bay. 

He  might  note  that  although  Mr.  Roosevelt  tosses  aside  most  of  the 
stories  connected  with  Clark's  campaign,  he  accepts  the  story  of  his 
interrupting  a  dance  at  the  taking  of  Kaskaskia,  of  which  there  is  no 
mention  in  any  account  by  any  of  the  original  witnesses.  Moreover  it 
is  inconsistent  with  the  fact  that  the  Commandant,  Rocheblave,  was 
found  in  bed  when  this  midnight  surprise  was  made,  and  the  inhabitants 
were  warned  to  keep  in  their  houses,  on  pain  of  being  shot ;  in  conse- 
quence of  which  Clark  says:  "I  don't  suppose  greater  silence  ever 
Reagnd  among  the  Inhabitants  of  a  place  than  did  at  this  present  not 
a  person  to  be  seen,  not  a  word  to  he  heai-d  by  them  for  some  time." 
The  presentation  of  this  phase  of  the  subject  would  not  be  complete  with- 
out the  following  comment  from  Hon.  Thomas  E.  Watson,  who  is  some- 
thing of  a  critic  himself: 

' '  There  is  a  dramatic  story  to  the  effect  that  when  Clark 's  men  drew 
near  that  night  they  found  the  fort  lit  up,  fiddles  going  merrily,  and 
the  defenders  tripping  the  light  fantastic  toe.  Clark  made  his  way  to 
the  ballroom  and  leaned  back  against  the  door,  with  crossed  arms,  look- 
ing on.  An  Indian,  lying  on  the  floor,  gazed  intently  on  Clark's  face, 
then  sprang  up  and  gave  the  war-whoop,  the  unearthly  war-whoop.  A 
war-whoop,  by  the  way,  which  is  not  unearthly  is  not  up  to  standard  and 
is  not  allowed  in  the  books. 


oHow)soii'.s  Virginia,  Vol.   2,  p.   237. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  167 

"When  the  Indian  whooped  it  was  evidently  time  for  the  women  to 
scream ;  and  when  the  women  were  all  screaming,  it  was  impossible  to 
fiddle  and  dance. 

"The  story  goes  that  Clark  standing  unmoved,  arms  still  ci'ossed, 
countenance  unchanged,  bade  them  'On  with  the  dance' — warning  them, 
however,  that  they  must  now  dance  under  Virginia  and  not  under 
Great  Britian.    At  the  same  time  his  men  burst  into  the  fort,  etc. 

"Mr.  Koosevelt  likas  this  story  so  well  that  he  puts  it  into  his  Win- 
ning of  the  West,  saying  that  he  sees  no  good  reason  for  rejecting  it 
entirely. 

"For  the  same  reason  the  present  writer  likes  it,  and  has  not  re- 
jected it — entirely. 

"If  the  ston-  had  not  been  ended  so  abruptly,  if  we  had  been  told 
what  the  fiddlers  and  dancers  did  after  Clark  gave  them  permission 
to  proceed,  one's  ideas  might  be  clearer  and  more  satisfactory. 

"But  if  the  episode  of  the  l>allroom  draws  rather  heavily  upon  cred- 
ulity, the  wonderful  events  which  followed  are  involved  in  no  doubts."  ^'^ 

It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  how  Mr.  Roosevelt  might  indulge 
in  such  little  eccentricities  as  these,  but  the  mind  of  man  can  hardly 
comprehend  why  he  follows  them  with  this  statement  in  regard  to  the 
employment  of  Indian  scalp-hunters  by  the  British:  "A  certain  kind 
of  American  pseudo-historian  is  especially  fond  of  painting  the  British 
as  behaving  to  us  with  unexampled  barbarity ;  yet  nothing  is  more  sure 
than  that  the  French  were  far  more  cruel  and  less  humane  in  their  con- 
tests with  us  than  were  the  British. "  ^^  Here  are  a  few  extracts  from  the 
fifty  pages  following  this  remarkable  proposition. 

"De  Peyster,  a  New  York  tory  of  old  Knickerbocker  family,  had 
taken  command  at  Detroit.  He  gathered  the  Indians  around  him  from 
far  and  near,  until  the  expense  of  subsidizing  these  savages  became  so 
enormous  as  to  call  forth  serious  complaints  from  headquarters.  He 
constantly  endeavored  to  equip  and  send  out  different  bands,  not  only 
to  retake  the  Illinois  and  Vincennes,  but  to  dislodge  Clark  from  the 
Falls ;  he  was  continually  receiving  scalps  and  prisoners,  and  by  ^lay 
he  had  fitted  out  two  thousand  warriors  to  act  along  the  Ohio  and  the 
Wabash."  12  ■ 

"Nevertheless  small  strag^gling  bands  of  young  braves  occasionally 
came  down  through  the  woods ;  and  though  they  did  not  attack  any  fort 
or  any  large  body  of  men,  they  were  ever  on  the  watch  to  steal  horses, 
burn  lonely  cabins,  and  waylay  travellers  between  the  stations.     They 


10  Life  and  Times   of  Tliomas  Jefferson,  p.  226. 

11  Winning  of  the  West,  Vol.  2,  p.  87. 

12  lb.,  p.   102. 


168  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

shot  the  solitary  settlers  who  had  gone  out  to  till  their  clearings  by 
stealth,  or  ambushed  the  boys  who  were  driving  in  the  milk  cows  or 
visiting  their  lines  of  traps.  It  was  well  for  the  victim  if  he  was  killed 
at  once ;  otherwise  he  was  bound  with  hickory  withes  and  driven  to  the 
distant  Indian  towais,  there  to  be  tortured  with  hideous  cruelty  and 
burned  to  death  at  the  stake. ' '  i^ 

"Then  the  savages  instantly  fled,  but  they  had  killed  and  scalped, 
or  carried  off,  ten  of  the  children.  Be  it  remembered  that  these  in- 
stances are  taken  at  random  from  among  hundreds  of  others,  extend- 
ing over  a  series  of  years  longer  than  the  average  life  of  a  generation."  ^* 

"A  war  party  starting  from  the  wigwam-towns  would  move  silently 
down  through  the  woods,  cross  the  Ohio  at  any  point,  and  stealthily 
and  rapidly  traverse  the  settlements,  its  presence  undiscovered  until 
the  deeds  of  murder  and  rapine  were  done,  and  its  track  marked  by 
charred  cabins  and  the  ghastly,  mutilated  bodies  of  men,  women,  and 
children.  If  themselves  assailed,  the  warriors  fought  desperately  and 
effectively.  They  sometimes  attacked  bodies  of  troops,  but  always,  by 
ambush  or  surprise ;  and  they  much  preferred  to  pounce  on  unprepared 
and  unsusjiecting  surveyors,  farmers,  or  wayfarers,  or  to  creep  up  to 
solitary,  outlying  cabins.  They  valued  the  scalps  of  women  and  children 
as  highly  as  those  of  men.  Striking  a  sudden  blow,  where  there  was 
hardly  any  possibility  of  loss  to  themselves,  they  instantly  moved  on 
to  the  next  settlement,  repeating  the  process  again  and  again,  "i^ 

"One  of  the  official  British  reports  to  Lord  George  Germaine,  made 
on  October  23d  of  this  year  (1781),  deals  with  the  Indian  war  parties 
employed  against  the  northwestern  frontier,  'ilany  smaller  Indian 
parties  have  been  very  successful.  It  would  be  endless  and  difficult  to 
enumerate  to  your  Lordship  the  parties  that  continually  employed  upon 
the  back  settlements.  From  the  Illinois  country  to  the  frontiers  of 
New  York  there  is  a  continual  succession.  *  *  *  The  perpetual 
terror  and  losses  of  the  inhabitants  will  I  hope  operate  powerfully  in 
our  favor.'  "  i" 

And  during  this  era  of  horrors  the  one  man  who  stood  between  the 
frontier  settlements  and  destruction  was  George  Rogers  Clark.  Work- 
ing day  and  night  to  raise  troops  for  raiding  the  Indian  towns  and  at- 
tacking Detroit;  with  scant  supplies;  with  Virginia's  credit  ruined  in 
the  west  and  at  New  Orleans;  furnished  only  with  depreciated  paper 
currency,  and  little  of  that;  obstructed  by  white  enemies  and  jealous 


13  Winning  of  the  West,  Vol.  2,  p.  111. 
n  Ibid.,  p.  125. 
15  Ibid.,  p.  126. 
i«Ibid.,  p.  130. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  169 

rivals;  he  managed  to  keep  up  enough  force  to  punish  the  Indians  re- 
peatedl.y,  and  to  keep  Detroit  in  so  much  fear  of  attack  as  to  prevent 
any  strong  force  being  sent  against  the  frontier  stations.  Clark  not 
only  conquered  the  Northwest,  but  he  held  it  till  the  Revolutionary 
War  was  almost  concluded.  This  was  the  man  who,  Mr.  Roosevelt  says, 
"had  squandered  his  energies  and  sunk  into  deserved  obscurity."  Un- 
questionably republics  are  often  ungrateful,  and  repiiblican  writers  are 
sometimes  ungracious. 

Most  of  these  Indian  troubles  had  little  effect  on  Indiana.  They 
were  directed  mainly  against  Kentucky  and  the  settlements  on  the  up- 
per Ohio.  The  only  American  settlement  in  Indiana  was  at  Vincennes, 
and  the  fort  and  garrison  there  were  protected  against  any  general  at- 
tack, though  there  were  occasional  attacks  on  out-lying  settlers.  The 
only  material  encounter  in  southern  Indiana  was  the  surprise  of  Col. 
Archibald  Lochry,  with  a  party  of  107  Pennsylvanians  who  were  on 
their  way  to  join  Clark  at  the  Falls,  for  an  expedition  against  Detroit. 
Eight  men  that  Lochry  had  sent  in  advance  with  letters  to  Clark  fell 
into  the  hands  of  Joseph  Brant  who  ambushed  the  main  party  ten  miles 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Miami,  where  they  had  landed  to  cook  a 
buffalo  they  had  killed,  being  short  of  provisions,  and  also  of  ammuni- 
tion. Forty-one  were  killed  and  the  remainder  captured. i"  But  Vin- 
cennes suffered  indirectly  from  the  border  warfare  through  the  unsettled 
condition  of  public  affairs.  In  1778,  on  receipt  of  information  of  Clark's 
success,  Virginia  adopted  a  law  organizing  all  the  territory  northwest 
of  the  Ohio  as  the  County  of  Illinois,  under  a  "county  lieutenant  or 
commandant  in  chief,"  with  power  to  appoint  deputy  commandants, 
militia  officers  and  conimis.saries.  It  did  not  extend  the  laws  of  Vir- 
ginia over  this  territory,  but  provided  that:  "all  civil  officers  to  which 
the  said  inhabitants  have  been  accustomed,  necessary  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  peace  and  the  administration  of  justice,  shall  be  chosen  by  a 
majority  of  the  citizens  in  their  respective  districts,  *  *  *  -(vhieh 
said  civil  officers,  after  taking  the  oaths  as  above  prescribed,  shall  exer- 
cise their  several  jurisdictions,  and  conduct  themselves  agreeable  to 
the  laws  which  the  present  settlers  are  now  accustomed  to. ' '  Under  this 
law,  Gov.  Henry  appointed  Col.  John  Todd  County  Lieutenant,  on  De- 
cember 12,  1778. 

Todd  arrived  at  Kaskaskia  early  in  May,  1779,  and  called  an  elec- 
tion of  civil  officers  in  the  several  settlements.  Those  elected  at  Vin- 
cennes, as  shown  by  Todd's  record  book.i^  were  as  follows:    "The  Court 


3 'English's  Conquest  of  the  Northwest,  Vol.  2,  pp.  722. 

18  This   book   is   in   possession   of   the   Chicago    Historical    Society.     An    account 
and  abstract  of  it,  by  E.  G.  Mason  is  in  No.  12  of  the  Fergus  Hist.  Series. 


170  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

of  St.  Vincennes :   1,   P.   Le^-as ;  2,   Francois  Bosseron ;   3,    Perrot ;   4, 
Cardinal    (refused  to  serve)  ;  5,  Gueiy  La  Tulippe;  6,  P.  Gamelin;  7, 

Edeline;  8,  Dejenest;  9,  Barron;  Legrand,  Gierke; ,  Sheriff."  The 

appointive  officers  were,  "Jlilitia  Officers  of  St.  Vincennes:    P.  Legras, 
L.  Col. ;  P.  Bosseron,  Major ;  LaTulippe,  1  Capt. ;  Edeline,  2 ;  W.  Brouilet, 

3;  P.  Gamelin,  4 rank  (of  last  two)  not  settled.     Goden, 

2  Lieut. ;  Goden,  3  Lieut. ;  Joseph  Rougas,  2 ;  Richerville,  3 ;  Richer- 
ville,  4." 

Todd  promulgated  various  orders,  one  of  which  was  that  Virginia 
and  continental  paper  money  should  be  taken  at  par,  and  this  order 
was  backed  by  Captain  Helm,  then  commanding  at  Vincennes,  who  ac- 
cepted the  money  himself  for  his  land  claim  later  on,  and  lost  every- 
thing. A  law  of  Virginia,  in  1781,  fixing  a  "scale  of  depreciation"  of 
paper  money  as  compared  with  specie,  made  it  two  and  one-half  for  one 
at  the  close  of  1777 ;  six  for  one,  close  of  1778 ;  forty  for  one,  close  of 
1779,  seventy-five  for  one,  close  of  1780 ;  and  one  thousand  for  one,  close 
of  1780.  The  garrison  had  to  have  provisions,  and  when  the  people 
would  not  accept  this  currency  or  orders  on  Virginia,  they  "impressed" 
what  they  needed.  Even  on  this  basis,  the  forts  at  Vincennes  and  other 
points  had  to  be  abandoned  on  account  of  lack  of  supplies.  The  gar- 
rison at  Vincennes  was  transferred  in  the  winter  of  1780-81  to  Fort  Jef- 
ferson which  had  been  established  on  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi, 
five  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio;  but  on  February  15,  1781,  when 
whisky  had  become  the  only  circulating  medium  of  the  troops  that  had 
any  purchasing  value.  Captain  Robert  George,  commanding  at  Fort 
Jefferson  wrote  to  Col.  George  Slaughter,  at  the  Falls :  "  As  I  have  to 
purchase  Supplies  in  the  Illinois  it  draws  away  the  Liquor  from  me 
fast,  besides  I  have  to  send  a  Supply  to  the  Opost  (Vincennes),  &  Major 
Linetot  has  made  a  heavy  Draft  on  me  for  6  Hogsheads  &  the  half  of 
my  Ammunition  for  the  use  of  the  Indian  Department  and  three  Hogs- 
head more  to  purchase  Eight  Months  Provisions  for  25  Men  which  I 
have  sent  for  the  protection  of  the  Opost  and  under  the  command  of 
Capt.  Bayly — The  Credit  of  the  State  is  so  bad  that  nothing  can  be 
had  either  there  or  at  Kaskaskia  without  prompt  payment,  &  when  our 
little  Stock  is  exhausted  I  know  not  what  we  shall  do,  except  you  take 
some  Care  of  us.  Send  us  as  much  "Whisky  as  you  please  as  we  are 
forced  to  expend  our  Taffia  for  Provisions.  The  Enemy  are  approach- 
ing the  Opost  &  fortifying  themselves  at  Miamis,  so  that  the  Inhabitants 
of  the  Opost  have  petitioned  me  for  an  Officer  &  Men  to  uphold  the 
Honor  of  the  State  there,  which  I  have  complied  with  *  *  *  I  am 
under  tlie  necessity  of  putting  a  Stop  to  the  ilens  Rations  of  Liquor  in 
order  to  purchase  provisions.    Please  send  us  a  little  paper  by  the  first 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


171 


oppertunity  as  we  can  hardly  carry  on  business  for  want  of  that  Arti- 
cle." 

This  shows  quite  a  change  of  sentiment  at  Vinceunes  from  that  of 
the  preceding  summer,  when  Col.  de  la  Balme  came  west  on  a  mis.sion, 
the  exact  character  of  which  has  not  been  conclusively  shown,  some 
writers  asserting  that  he  was  acting  under  a  plan  of  Washington  and 


Father  Gibault 
(From  crayon,  owned  by  Col.  R.  T.  Durret  of  Louisville) 


Lafayette  to  secure  an  uprising  in  Canada,  and  others  holding  that  his 
aim  was  the  restoration  of  Canada  and  the  upper  Mississippi  Valley 
to  France.  1^  Soon  after  arriving  he  issiied  an  address  to  the  French 
on  the  Mississippi,  who  he  says  have  asked  his  "advice  concerning  the 
deplorable  condition  to  which  you  are  reduced,"  in  which  he  tells  them 


10  111.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  2,  p.  Ixxxix. 


172  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

to  appeal  to  the  King  of  France  against  the  exactions  of  the  Virginians. 
He  said :  "  It  is  well  that  you  be  informed,  gentlemen,  that  the  troops  of 
the  State  of  Virginia  have  come  here  against  the  will  of  the  other  states  of 
America,  as  I  learned  from  the  members  of  Congress,  even  before  my  de- 
parture from  Philadelphia,  and  that  the  different  deputies  who  compose 
the  said  Congress  are  ignorant  of  the  revolting  proceedings  and  acts  of 
violence,  not  only  to  be  blamed  but  to  be  condemned  before  the  tribunals 
of  the  whole  world,  which  these  troops  are  practicing  against  you.  »  *  * 
The  justice  which  characterizes  the  King  of  Prance,  your  former  and 
generous  monarch,  offers  to  you  a  protection  sure  and  invincible.  Im- 
plore his  favors  with  confidence,  for  I  can  assure  you  that  not  only  that 
magnanimous  potentate  will  not  suffer  his  allies,  for  whom  he  is  making 
very  great  sacrifices,  to  oppress  you  in  any  manner,  but  also  he  will 
succor  you,  as  far  as  he  is  able,  and  also  your  kinsmen  in  Detroit  and  in 
Canada,  when  informed  of  your  wretched  situation,  the  honorable 
Congress  will  do  no  less,  you  can  be  sure  of  that. ' ' 

On  the  other  hand,  "the  English  Barbarians"  were  inciting  the  In- 
dians to  make  war  upon  them,  and  the  remedy  was  to  capture  Detroit, 
where  the  French  would  welcome  them.  He  detailed  his  simple  plan 
as  follows:  "In  order  to  act  with  prudence  and  success  it  would  be 
necessary  to  reach  the  Ouiatanons  on  the  tenth  day  of  October,  so  as  to 
surprise  or  to  block  the  English  at  Detroit  in  the  order  explained  here- 
with: four  hundred  French  men  supplied  with  one  hundred  rounds  of 
ammunition  apiece  and  supplies  for  forty  days,  eight  hundred  chosen 
Indians  to  whom  there  would  be  distributed  twelve  rounds  of  ammuni- 
tion apiece  so  that  there  would  remain  still  as  many  rounds  to  be  dis- 
tributed to  an  equal  number  in  case  of  need ;  a  tent  in  order  to  put  the 
arms  and  munitions  under  cover  in  time  of  rain ;  eight  large  kettles  and 
eight  horses  to  carry  the  utensils  and  some  provisions  for  the  Indians. 
Moreover  the  inhabitants  of  Post  Vincennes  who  are  to  take  corn  and 
tobacco  to  the  place  of  meeting  at  the  Ouiatanons  in  order  to  give  it 
to  the  nations  allied  to  the  French,  would  need  in  exchange  one  hun- 
dred pounds  of  lead,  for  they  have  nothing  but  powder."  With  these 
supplies  he  assured  them  that  they  could  make  "an  expedition  which 
would  gain  for  you  the  confidence  and  support  of  the  honorable  Cong- 
ress ;  which  would,  in  short,  convince  the  King  of  France  of  the  keen  in- 
terest that  you  take  in  a  cause  for  which  he  has  already  made  great 
sacrifices,  and  which  would  procure  in  a  short  time  for  you  all  the  suc- 
cor imaginable."  The  unhappy  French  received  La  Balme,  as  one 
American  reported,  "like  a  Masiah."  The  people  of  Kaskaskia  pre- 
sented a  memorial  to  "M.  ]\Iottin  de  la  Balme,  French  Colenel,  and  Pen- 
sioner of  the  King  of  France,  former  Inspector  General  of  the  Cavalry 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


173 


of  the  United  States  of  America"  and  also  to  the  "Chevalier  de  Lu- 
zerne, Minister  Plenipotentiary^  to  the  United  States, ' '  setting  forth  their 
grievances  and  their  desires,  and  those  of  Cahokia  did  liljewise.-"  The  peo- 
ple of  Vincennes— or  at  least  17  otthem — also  sent  a  memoir  to  Luzerne, 
which  was  captured  by  the  British.  It  is  dated  August  20,  1780,  and  the 
following  passages  are  signiiicant : 

"From  the  bottom  of  their  hearts  and  with  the  frankness  which 
characterizes  all  good  Frenchmen,  the  inhabitants  of  Post  Vincennes, 
formerly  faithful    subjects  of  the  king  of  France,  dare  to  avow  to  your 


Clark's  Route  in  Indiana 
(From  English's  Conquest  of  the  Northwest) 


Excellency  that  they  are  ready  to  join  the  troops  of  this  monarch  their 
fonner  and  most  worthy  lord  to  act  sincerely  against  his  enemies  whoever 
they  may  be.  *  *  *  It  is  well  to  warn  your  Excellency,  that  it  is 
not  on  the  assistance  of  the  United  States  troops  that  we  count  to  break 
the  yoke  which  oppresses  us.  Besides  the  fact  that  the  Indians  can  not 
bear  them  and  their  aversion  towards  them  seems  unbreakable,  we  all 
believe  that  the  best  policy  would  be  not  to  receive  them  in  our  lands, 
where  English  blood  is  already  too  abundant.  *  *  *  When  we  shall 
have  expelled  our  tyrants  and  France  shall  have  recognized  our  abso- 


20  111.   Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  2,  p.   535;   Vol.  5,  pp.  189,  199. 


174  INDIANA  AND  LNDIANANS 

lute  independence,  her  allies  shall  be  ours,  and,  since  we  have  nothing 
more  in  our  hearts  than  to  show  proof,  not  doubtful,  of  the  respectful 
and  tender  affection  which  we  have  kept  for  the  King  of  France,  our 
former  ruler,  aiid  since  we  place  ourselves  entirely  under  his  protection, 
his  wishes  shall  always  be  our  rule.  *  *  *  Free,  we  can  put  one 
hundred  thousand  men  in  the  field,  the  Indians  two  hundred  thousand 
for  the  same  cause  consequently,  aided  by  the  assistance  which  we  ask 
now  from  the  King,  our  common  father,  to  give  us  as  the  events  may  re- 
quire, we  hope  in  a  short  time  to  become  a  power  and  count  among  the 
European  nations  established  on  this  vast  continent. 

"Perhaps  your  Excellency  has  not  been  well  infonned  concerning 
the  kind  of  service  which  the  United  States  troops  rendered  us  in  this 
war ;  it  will  be  well  to  give  your  Excellency  a  brief  outline  of  it.  *  *  * 
Virginia  acting  with  a  zeal  too  ardent  for  our  interests,  this  zeal  which 
can  legally  be  called  indiscreet,  sent  us  about  two  hundred  men  half 
naked  like  the  graces.  The  warriors  thus  equipped,  marched  under  the 
orders  of  Colonel  Clark,  who  came  to  free  us  and  capture  a  few  officers 
upheld  by  a  small  detachment  of  English  soldiers.  Your  Excellency 
will  see  hereafter  the  result  of  this  officious  undertaking.  These  troops, 
said  they,  came  on  behalf  of  the  French  and  of  Congress.  From  that 
time  no  one  thought  it  best  to  resist ;  on  the  contrary,  ^11  joined  them ; 
we  met  them  half  way  and  enrolled  under  their  colors ;  w&  helped  capture 
the  English;  we  restrained  the  Indians  who  wished  to  resist;  and  finally, 
we  gave  up  all  for  a  people  who  claimed  to  be  allied  with  France. 

"Gratitude  has  always  been  a  virtue.  Tour  Excellency  will  see  how 
the  Virginians  honor  it.  They  hastened  to  flood  this  covintry  with  their 
paper  money,  which  they  said  was  equal  in  value  to  the  metal  coins  and 
we  were  good  natured  enough  to  accept  it  as  such.  They  bought  all  our 
goods,  our  horses,  our  provisions  with  the  pretended  money;  and  when 
we  could  not  furnish  them  with  any  more,  they  had  the  audacity  to  go 
armed  into  the  public  mills  and  into  the  granaries  of  different  houses  to 
take  away  by  force  flour  or  grain  destined  for  our  food.  Not  satisfied 
with  this  violence,  they  thought  they  had  the  privilege  of  a  different  sort 
of  abuse.  They  went  and  shot  our  cattle  in  the  fields  and  our  pigs  in 
the  streets  and  in  the  yards ;  and  what  is  worse,  they  menaced  and  struck 
on  the  cheek  those  inhabitants  who  wished  to  stop  these  strange  extrac- 
tions. 

"By  these  revolting  proceedings  therefore  it  has  come  about  that 
the  Virginians  have  entirely  ruined  us,  and  have  brought  war  on  us 
with  several  lake  tribes,  from  which  about  twenty  unfortunate  inhabi- 
tants are  already  victims.  They  have  left  us  without  means  of  defense 
by  taking  away  the  arms  and  ammunition  which  they  sent  to  their  forts, 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  175 

so  that  the  Indians  of  the  Wabash  who  are  faithful  to  us  and  are  our  bul- 
wark, tribes  to  which  we  can  no  longer  furnish  anything,  are  obliged 
to  hunt  with  the  bow.  They  have  caused  more  than  one  hundred  young 
men  to  leave  us,  who  have  gone  to  find  resources  in  another  place.  They 
have  forced  us  to  abandon  the  cultivation  of  our  fields,  partly  through 
fear  of  being  killed  by  parties  who  come  there  to  surprise  us  as  a  fox, 
and  they  have  been  the  cause  of  the  death  of  a  great  and  intrepid  Indian 
chief  who  was  killed  in  avenging  our  people,  an  irreparable  loss  which 
we  mourn  as  well  as  the  tribes  attached  to  us.^i 

' '  Ho  Virginians !  if  it  is  thus  that  you  treat  the  former  and  faithful 
subjects  of  the  great  King,  our  ally,  if  it  is  thus  you  wish  to  enrich  us, 
to  free  us,  to  make  us  happy,  leave  us  to  the  rigor  of  our  fate !  If  it  is 
is  thus,  in  sum,  that  you  act  with  your  friends,  what  treatment  do  you 
have  for  your  enemies?" 

Following  this  indictment  comes  a  statement  of  the  advantages  that 
could  accrue  to  France  from  what  they  wanted,  but  the  exact  nature 
of  their  request  is  not  made  specific,  and  assurance  is  given  that  La 
Balme  in  whom  they  express  the  highest  confidence,  will  furnish  it 
orally.     Whatever  the  plan,  it  was  carried  out  entirely  by  the  French. 
The  Americans  were  not  asked  to  participate.    From  Kaskaskia  McCarty 
informed  Clark  of  what  was  going  on,  and  wrote  to  Todd,  "the  people 
have  sent  him  (La  Balme)  memorials  to  Congress  or  the  French  Envoy 
at  Philadelphia  setting  forth  all  the  Evil  we  have  done.     I  think  Gov- 
ernment  should   be  infonned   of   this   as  the  people  are   now   entirely 
Ag'st  us."     There  was  no  interference,  however,  probably  because  all 
the  Americans  in  the  country  were  willing  to  have  Detroit  captured  by 
anybody.     Without  waiting  for  his  entire  party,  La  Balme  moved  up 
the  Wabash  with  sixty  or  eighty  men,  who  were  mounted,  and  made 
good  time.     They  took  Kikiungi  by  surprise,  plundered  some  stores,  and 
fell  back  to  the  Aboite  to  await  reinforcements ;  they  did  not  even  post 
sentinels.     That  night  a  band  of  Miamis,  hastily  gathered  by  The  Little 
Turtle,  struck  the  sleeping  camp,  and  killed  all  of  the  party  but  one 
young  man,  named  Khy,  who  was  captured  and  taken  to  the  British 
authorities  at  Detroit.     On  December  1,  Le  Gras  wrote  to  Clark  from 
Vincennes:     "It  is  with  regret  I  inform  you  of  the  melancholy  defeat 
that  our  Frenchmen  encountered  at  the  Miami,  Colonel  de  la  Balme 
having  started  with  about  eighty  men  in  order  to  take  Baubin :  and  not 
having  found  this  infamous  scoundrel,  our  Frenchmen  plundered  the 
goods  belonging  to  him.     In  returning  they  were  attacked  by  the  Miami 

21  Presumably  a  reference  to  Young  Taliac,  who  died  in  1780,  and  by  his  re- 
quest was  buried  by  the  Americans.  His  body  was  taken  to  Cahokia  and  interred 
with  the  honors  of  war. 


176  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

nations  who  killed  the  bravest  of  them  and  retook  the  goods  which  be- 
longed to  the  king.  Colonel  de  la  Balme  was  killed  as  well  as  'SI.  Dup- 
laey,  Milliet,  Cardinal,  Joseph  Andre  and  a  number  of  other  volunteers. 
Doctor  Ray  is  a  prisoner.  This  affair  has  thrown  us  into  a  good  deal  of 
consternation,  for  there  is  a  great  scarcity  of  provisions  and  ammuni- 
tion." La  Balme  also  sent  an  expedition  against  the  British  fort  on  the 
St.  Joseph's  from  Cahokia,  and  the  Cahokians  after  plundering  some 
stores  we  were  overtaken  by  a  party  of  Indians  and  traders  and  defeated. 
They  returned  home  and  sought  aid  from  the  Spanish  at  St.  Louis. 
Captain  Eugenio  Pourre  and  a  body  of  Spanish  soldiers  was  sent  to. 
their  aid,  Spain  being  then  at  war  with  England,  and  they  marched  back 
and  captured  Fort  St.  Joseph's.  Spain  afterward  claimed  part  of  the 
northwest  on  account  of  this  expedition,  but  our  commissioners  declined 
to  concede  it.^^ 

These  experiences  dampened  the  ardor  of  the  French  as  to  protect- 
ing themselves,  and  those  at  Vincennes  asked  that  the  garrison  be  re- 
turned as  before  mentioned.  But  the  seeds  of  distrust  that  had  been 
sown  bore  their  fruit.  In  reality,  although  the  charges  made  by  the 
French  were  largely  true,  they  were  no  worse  off  than  the  rest  of  the 
country.  The  summer  of  1780  was  one  of  the  gloomiest  periods  of  the 
Revolutionary  War.  Public  credit  was  almost  destroyed,  and  it  was 
with  great  difficulty  that  the  American  troops  were  kept  in  the  field. 
The  first  ray  of  cheer  was  the  victory  at  Kings  Mountain  on  October  7, 
which  was  followed  improving  conditions  until  the  surrender  of  Corn- 
wallis  on  October  19,  1781.  But  the  military'  situation  in  the  west  was 
even  worse  than  in  the  east.  Captain  Helm's  letter  from  Fort  Jefferson, 
October  29,  1780,  "Siting  by  Capt.  Georges  fire  with  a  piece  of  Light 
wood  and  two  Ribs  of  an  old  Bufioe  which  is  all  the  meat  We  have  Seen 
this  many  days,"  was  an  expression  of  common  experience.  On  August 
6,  1781,  Capt.  Bailey  wrote  from  Vincennes,  "Sir  I  must  inform  j'ou 
once  more  that  I  cannot  keep  Garrison  any  longer  without  some  speedy 
relief  from  you  my  Men  have  been  15  days  upon  half  allowance,  there 
is  plenty  of  provisions  here  but  no  credit.  I  cannot  press  being  the 
weakest  party  some  of  the  Gentlemen  would  help  us  but  their  credit  is 
as  bad  as  ours  therefore  if  you  have  not  provisions  send  whisky  which 
will  answer  as  good  an  end."  On  August  10,  Capt.  Montgomery  wrote 
from  the  Falls  of  the  Ohio,  ' '  I  arrived  at  Fort  Jefferson  the  1st  May  last, 
where  I  found  the  Troops  in  a  very  low  and  Starving  Condition,  nor 
was  any  goods  or  other  Property  wherewith  to  purchase.  From  the 
Illinois  nothing  could  be  expected,  the  Credit. of  the  State  being  long 


22  Mag.  Am.   Hist.,  Vol.  15,  p.  457. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  177 

since  lost  there,  &  no  supplies  coming  from  this  place,  occasioned  an 
Evacuation  of  that  Post,  which  for  want  of  Provisions,  took  place  on  the 
8th  June  last.  Since  my  arrival  here  I  find  things  in  the  same  Condi- 
tion—not a  ilouthfull  for  the  Troops  to  eat  nor  money  to  purchase  it 
with,  &  I  have  just  reason  to  believe  the  Credit  of  Government  is  worn 
thread  bare,  here  also— The  Counties  of  Lincoln  &  Fayette  particularly, 
tho'  able  to  supply  us,  refuse  granting  any  relief  without  the  cash  to 
purchase  with  on  the  Spot.  I  am  constrained  to  Billet  the  Troops  thro' 
the  Country  in  Small  parties  for  want  of  neces.saries,  except  a  small 
Guard  I  keep  in  Garrison,  so  that  unless  supplies  soon  arrive,  I  fear  the 
Con.sequences  will  be  fatal."  On  August  17,  Capt.  Slaughter  wrote 
from  the  Falls,  "Inclosed  you'll  receive  the  duplicate  of  two  Letters 
which  just  now  came  to  hand  by  express  by  which  you  will  be  acquainted 
with  the  news  and  situation  of  the  Corps  to  the  Westward,  an  additional 
grievance  to  us  is  that  we  are  almost  in  the  same  situation  as  to  pro- 
visions, and  much  worse  as  to  Clothing  my  Corps  I  can  with  propriety 
say  intersely  naked." 

It  is  an  unquestionable  historical  truth  that  the  financial  condition 
of  the  United  States,  and  the  several  states,  made  the  closing  years  of 
the  Revolutionary  War  times  of  much  hardship  to  soldiers  and  civilians 
in  all  parts  of  the  country.  The  French  were  not  the  only  people  who 
suffered  from  worthless  paper  money  and  the  inability  of  Virginia  and 
the  United  States  to  pay  just  claims.  In  fact  there  was  hardly  a  person 
who  took  an  active  part  in  saving  the  northwest  who  was  not  ruined  or 
badly  worsted  on  this  account.  Vigo  advanced  about  $12,000,  for  sup- 
plies for  Clark,  and  his  warrants  were  returned  by  Oliver  Pollock,  Vir- 
ginia's agent  at  New  Orleans,  "not  paid  for  lack  of  funds."  His  claim, 
with  hundreds  of  others,  was  sent  to  Virginia.  Virginia  could  not  pay, 
and  when  she  ceded  her  claim  to  the  lands  northwest  of  the  Ohio  to  the 
United  States  the  nation  assumed  these  obligations.  In  the  months  of 
delay  the  papers  were  "lost":  and  not  until  1833  were  a  mass  of  them 
found  in  the  attic  of  the  capitol  at  Richmond.  Vigo  died  in  poverty. 
March  22,  1836,  and  was  buried  with  the  honors  of  war,  including  a 
tombstone  that  put  his  death  in  1835.23  His  heirs  pushed  his  claim,  but 
notwithstanding  repeated  favorable  committee  reports.  Congress  did  not 
even  let  it  go  to  the  Court  of  Claims  until  1872.  The  Court  of  Claims  al- 
lowed the  claim  with  five  per  cent  interest.  The  watch-dogs  of  the  treasury 
appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court  which  in  1876  affii-med  the  decision ;  but 
Justices  Clifford  and  Hunt  dissented,  saying:  "Unless  where  the  con- 
tract is  express  to  that  effect,  the  United  States  are  not  liable  to  pay  in- 

=s  English  's  Conquest  of  the  Northwest,  p.  268. 

Vol.  1—12 


178 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


terest.  Interest  should  never  be  allowed  on  old  claims,  when  pa3'ment 
has  been  deferred  because  the  accounting  officers  of  the  treasury  were 
of  the  opinion  that  further  legislation  was  necessary  to  authorize  their 
allowance,  unless  the  new  law  clearly  provides  for  the  payment  of  in- 
terest as  well  as  principal."  The  majority  of  the  Court  conceded  this, 
and  also  "That  this  rule  is  sometimes  at  variance  with  that  which  gov- 
erns the  acts  of  private  citizens  in  a  court  of  justice  would  not  authorize 


Francois  Vigo 
(From  a  paintin":  owned  by  the  University  of  Vincenues) 


us  to  depart  from  it  in  this  case,"  but  they  thought  the  act  authorized 
the  allowance  of  interest,  and  so  this  stain  of  refusing  common  justice, 
in  our  glorious  centennial  year,  was  avoided.  The  obvious  moral  is, 
if  you  have  a  just  claim  against  the  government,  "Agree  with  thine  ad- 
versary quickly." 

Oliver  Pollock,  who  financed  Clark's  expedition,  was  born  in  Ireland 


* 

INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  179 


in  1737,  and  brought,  to  Pennsylvania  when  a  child  by  his  parents.  In 
1762  he  engaged  in  business  at  Havana,  and  there  'became  a  friend  of 
General  O'Reilly,  the  Spanish  Governor.  When  O'Reilly  was  made 
Governor  of  Louisiana,  Pollock  went  to  New  Orleans,  where  he  became 
wealthy  and  influential.  In  1777  the  United  States  made  him  its  Com- 
mercial Agent  at  New  Orleans,  and  he  acted  in  the  same  capacity  for 
Virginia.  By  the  aid  of  Gov.  Galvez  he  borrowed  $70,000  from  the 
Royal  Treasury  which  was  used  to  support  Clark's  troops  in  the  west. 
As  demands  grew  he  mortgaged  his  private  property  for  $10,000  to 
meet  bills,  and  continued  to  redeem  paper  money  at  par  until  July, 
1779,  from  all  of  which  he  suffered  heavy  losses.  In  1783  he  was  made 
United  States  Agent  at  Havana,  and  in  1784  he  was  imprisoned  for 
debts  of  the  United  States  amounting  to  $150,000.  In  1785  he  was  re- 
leased on  parole  and  returned  to  the  United  States  where  in  1791  he 
induced  Congress  to  pay  this  debt,  but  it  did  not  remunerate  him.  He 
went  back  to  Pennsylvania  impoverished,  and  in  1800  was  in  the  debtors 
prison  at  Philadelphia.  He  managed  to  get  another  start,  and  in  1815 
removed  to  Mississippi,  where  he  died  December  17,  1823. 

Clark,  himself,  never  succeeded  in  collecting  what  was  due  him  from 
Virginia,  and  long  after  his  death  his  heirs  had  to  go  into  court  for  the 
division  of  over  $25,000  that  his  administrator  had  finally  recovered. 
Moreover,  in  1785,  the  hostile  Indians  having  begun  depredations  on  the 
Wabash,  the  Executive  Committee  of  Virginia  directed  an  invasion  of 
the  Indian  country  by  the  Kentucky  militia,  but  made  no  provision  for 
supplies.  Clark  was  put  in  command.  The  question  of  supplies  was 
su'bmitted  to  the  Supreme  Judges  and  Attorney  General  of  Kentucky', 
who  gave  a  written  opinion  that  the  officers  were  authorized  to  impress 
what  was  needed.  On  the  return  of  the  expedition,  a  council  of  the 
Officers  was  held  at  Vincennes  on  October  8,  and  it  was  unanimously 
decided  that  a  garrison  should  be  left  at  that  place,  to  be  supplied  "by 
impressment  or  otherwise,  under  the  direction  of  a  commissary,  to  be 
appointed  for  that  purpose."  Captain  Jolm  Holder  was  put  in  com- 
mand, with  250  infantry  and  a  company  of  artillery  under  Captain 
Dalton.  John  Rice  Jones  was  made  Commissary,  and  duly  impressed 
goods  of  Bazadone,  a  Spanish  merchant  lately  established  at  Vincennes. 
The  Executive  Committee  of  Virginia  repudiated  the  action,  and  the 
parties  whose  goods  were  taken  recovered  from  Clark  in  the  courts. 
Clark  felt  his  treatment  keenly.  On  May  11,  1792,  he  wrote  to  his 
brother,  "Why  did  they  not  do  me  the  justice  at  first  and  enable  me  to 
pay  for,  and  take  up,  those  accounts  sooner.  *  *  *  I  shall  follow 
your  advice  and  present  another  memorial  this  fall— am  now  making 
preparations  for  it.     If  I  meet  with  another  rebuff  I  must  rest  contented 


180  INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS 

with  it,  be  industrious,  and  look  out  furtlier  for  my  future  bread."  Ten 
years  later  he  wrote  his  brother  again,  "I  have  lost  all  prospect  of  get- 
ting my  just  claims  from  Virginia.  I  content  myself  by  viewing  their 
course  with  contempt. "  ^4  j^  j^^s  been  questioned  that  Clark  on  receiving 
a  sword  from  Virginia,  broke  it,  saying,  ' '  I  asked  Virginia  for  bread,  and 
she  sent  me  a  sword. ' '  He  might  truly  have  said :  "I  asked  Virginia 
to  pay  what  she  owed  me,  and  she  sent  me  a  second-hand  sword. "^^ 
In  1812,  when  Clark  was  paralyzed  and  in  poverty,  Virginia  sent  him 
another  sword,  and  a  pension  of  $400  a  year.  This  at  least  showed  an 
increase  of  appreciation  in  thirty  years. 

Father  Gibault,  in  addition  to  his  personal  services,  gave  an  exam- 
ple to  his  parishioners  by  accepting  paper  money  to  the  amount  of 
$1,500  which  became  worthless.  In  addition  to  that.  Archbishop  Car- 
roll appointed  Rev.  Peter  Huet  de  la  Valiniere  his  Vicar-General  for 
the  Northwest,  in  the  winter  of  1787-8,  and  on  receipt  of  a  letter  from 
Gibault  informing  him  that  he  had  been  Vicar-General  of  the  Bishop 
of  Quebec  for  nineteen  years,  wrote  to  Mgr.  Hubert,  Bishop  of  Quebec 
concerning  jurisdiction  of  the  Illinois  country ;  and  they  settled  it  by 
Hubert  retaining  Michigan,  and  Carroll  taking  Indiana  and  Illinois. 
Gibault,  thus  dispossessed,  retired  to  Missouri,  where  he  died  in  poverty 
at  New  Sladrid  in  1804.  He  was  allotted  land  as  other  residents  of  Vin- 
cennes,  but  want  caused  him  to  sell  his  claim  before  the  allotment  was 
made.  He  asked  Governor  St.  Clair  for  five  acres  of  land  formerlj'  held 
by  the  parish  priests  of  Kaskaskia,  and  St.  Clair  reported  that  the 
claim  was  just,  "but  it  was  not  for  me  to  give  away  the  lands  of  the 
United  States."  This  suggests  one  thing  that  Virginia  and  the  United 
States  might  have  done.  They  could  have  paid  these  claimants  in  land. 
There  was  plenty  of  that  in  the  treasury. 

But  land  was  the  chief  prospective  public  asset,  and  the  Virginia 
authorities  did  not  favor  gifts  of  it.  In  ]\Iarch,  1780,  writing  to  Todd 
of  the  bad  crops  and  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  Fort  Jefferson,  Clark 
said:  "our  only  Chance  at  present  to  save  that  Cuntrey  is  by  Incour- 
ageing  the  Families  but  I  am  sensible  nothing  but  land  will  do  it  I  should 
be  Exceedingly  Cautious  in  doing  anything  that  would  displease  govern- 
ment but  their  present  Interest  in  Many  Respects  obvious  to  lis  boath, 
Call  so  loud  for  it  that  I  think  Sr  that  you  Might  even  Venture  to  give 
a  Deed  for  Forty  or  fifty  Thousand  Acres  of  Land  at  Said  place  at  the 
price  that  government  may  derad  for  it."  The  French  at  Vincennes 
had  a  more  liberal  view,  and  Todd  had  undertaken  to  sustain  the  jDaper 


I  English 's   Conquest   of  the  Northwest,   pp.   789-90. 
ilbid.,  pp.  871-84. 


IXDIAN'A  AND  IXDIANANS  181 

money  by  redeeming  it  with  land,="  but  his  action  was  not  sustained. 
Todd  went  to  Kentucky  in  the  winter  of  1780-1,  and  did  not  return.  He 
was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Blue  Licks.  At  Vincennes  the  civil  government 
was  continued  by  the  militia  commandant  and  the  court  Todd  had  estab- 
lished. In  June,  1781,  the  principal  inhabitants  of  Vincennes  sent  a 
memorial  to  the  governor  of  Virginia  setting  forth  substantially  the  same 
grievance  as  in  their  memorial  to  Luzerne,  but  not  so  severe  on  the 
Virginians.  As  no  attention  was  paid  to  this  or  other  complaints,  they 
proceeded  to  administer  affairs  as  they  deemed  proper,  including  the  grant 
of  lands.  When  asked  by  Winthrop  Sargent  for  the  source  of  their-  au- 
thority to  grant  lands,  the  members  of  the  Vincennes  Court  answered, 
"that  since  the  establishment  of  the  country  the  commandants  have  al- 
ways appeared  to  be  vested  with  powers  to  give  lands.  Their  founder,  M. 
Vincennes,  began  to  give  concessions,  and  all  his  successors  have  given 
lands  and  lots.  M.  Le  Gras  was  appointed  commandant  of  Post  Vincennes 
by  the  lieutenant  of  the  county  and  commander-in-chief,  John  Todd,  who 
was  in  the  year  1779  sent  by  the  state  of  Virginia  for  to  regulate  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  country,  and  who  substituted  M.  Le  Gras  with  his  power. 
In  his  absence,  M.Le  Gras,  who  was  then  commandant,  assumed  that  he 
had  in  quality  of  commandant  authority  to  give  lands  according  to  the 
ancient  usages  of  other  commanders,  and  he  verisally  informed  the  court 
of  Post  Vincennes,  that  when  they  should  judge  it  proper  to  give  lands 
or  lots  to  those  who  should  come  into  the  country  to  settle,  or  other- 
wise, they  might  do  it,  and  that  he  gave  them  permission  so  to  do.  These 
are  the  reasons  that  we  acted  on."  The  grants  were  expressly  based  on 
"the  absolute  necessity,  not  only  to  the  City  of  Vincennes  but  to  the 
whole  country,  that  the  lands  hereabouts  should  be  settled"  and  "the 
great  quantity  of  land  uncultivated,  which  has  never  been  settled"; 
and  followed  the  old  feudal  form  of  the  grantee's  ".submitting  to  all 
regulations  made  between  a  potentate  and  subject."  These  grants  were 
not  recognized  by  the  United  States,  but  if  force  had  been  given  to  the 
provision  of  the  Virginia  law  that  the  government  should  be  "agreeable 
to  the  laws  whicli  the  present  settlers  are  now  accustomed  to,"  the  grants 
should  have  been  sustained,  in  the  absence  of  evidence  of  fraud,  which 
there  was  in  some  eases.  The  incongruity  of  the  action,  which  has  often 
been  the  subject  of  comment,  is  due  more  to  the  difficulty  of  reconciling 
British  and  American  customs  with  French  customs  than  to  any  serious 
impropriety  in  the  power  of  granting  itself. 


26  111.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  8,  p.  cvi. 


CHAPTER  V 
THE  NORTHWEST  TERRITORY 

The  inadequacy  of  the  national  government,  both  before  and  under 
the  Articles  of  Confederation,  was  very  impressive  while  the  Revolu- 
tionary War  lasted,  but  it  became  even  more  dangerous  when  peace 
came.  Notwithstanding  their  jealousies  and  dissensions,  the  colonies 
could  not  afford  to  fight  among  themselves  while  they  were  engaged 
with  the  common  enemy ;  but  when  it  came  to  apportioning  the  fruits 
of  victory  this  restraint  was  gone.  Fortunately  the  lessons  of  the  war 
were  too  fresh  to  be  forgotten;  but  even  with  these  in  mind,  it  remains 
cause  for  wonder  that  the  colonies  worked  their  way  into  "a  more  per- 
fect union."  One  of  the  chief  sources  of  friction  was  the  public  owner- 
ship of  the  western  lands,  which  rested  primarily  on  the  royal  charters, 
but,  fortunately  again,  this  was  substantially  disposed  of  before  the 
war  ended.  Virginia's  charter  had  come  first,  with  a  specific  grant  in 
1609  of  200  miles  north  and  200  miles  south  from  Old  Point  Comfort 
along  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  "from  Sea  to  Sea  West  and  Northwest." 
Although  this  grant  was  cut  into  hy  subsequent  gi'ants  of  Maryland, 
the  Carolinas,  Delaware  and  Pennsylvania,  and  was  judicially  vacated 
in  1624,  Virginia  adhered  to  it  in  her  claim  for  western  lands,  which  she 
fortified  by  Clark's  conquest,  and  her  actual  occupation.  The  grant 
of  the  Carolinas  was  also  "from  sea  to  sea,"  and  so  were  those  of  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Connecticut,  which  were  later  divided  by  the  grant  of 
New  York;  and  New  York  incidentally  claimed  everything  that  the 
Iroquois  had  claimed.  So  far  as  paper  titles  were  concerned,  the  juris- 
diction of  the  western  lands  was  in  hopeless  confusion. i 

The  matter  was  further  complicated  by  private  claims,  for  while 
the  British  g-overnment  had  prohibited  invasion  of  the  Indian  lands, 
it  had  recognized  some  purchases  from  the  Indians  by  private  parties. 


1  For  fuller  discussion  of  this  conflict  of  charters  see  Hinsdale 's  Old  North- 
west, pp.  70-146.  This  valuable  work  was  singularly  contemporaneous  with  my 
Indiana,  in  the  American  Commonwealth  Series,  Prof.  Hinsdale 's  introduction  be- 
ing dated  March  1,  1888,  and  mine  March  14,  1888;  and  the  books  going  through 
the  press  at  the  same  time.  They  cover  largely  the  same  subjects,  but  his  atten- 
tion centered  on  some  phases  and  mine  on  others. 

182 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  183 

Moreover  enterprising  pioneers  had  gone  into  the  Indian  lands,  and 
settled  in  defiance  of  royal  orders,  and  in  some  cases  they  had  been 
backed  by  the  colonies.  Among  the  principal  causes  for  which  George 
Rogers  Clark  and  Gabriel  Jones  were  sent  as  delegates  from  Kentucky 
to  Virginia  in  1776,  were  the  conflicts  with  royal  authority  and  with 
the  claims  of  the  proprietors  of  the  Henderson  grant  from  the  Chero- 
kees,  as  to  which  their  petition  says :  ' '  And  as  we  further  conceive,  that 
as  the  Proclamation  of  his  Majesty  for  not  settling  on  the  western  parts 
of  this  Colony,  is  not  founded  upon  law,  it  cannot  have  any  force,  and 
if  we  submit  to  that  Proclamation,  and  continue  not  to  lay  off  new 
counties  on  the  frontiers  that  they  may  send  representatives  to  the 
Convention,  it  is  leaving  an  opening  to  the  wicked  and  diabolical  de- 
signs of  the  Ministry,  as  then  this  immense  and  fertile  country  would 
afford  an  asylum  to  those  whose  principles  are  inimical  to  American 
Liberty.  *  *  *  And  we  cannot  but  observe  how  impolitic  it  would 
be  to  suffer  such  a  respectable  body  of  prime  riflemen  to  remain  even 
in  a  state  of  neutrality,  when  at  this  time  a  certain  set  of  men  from 
North  Carolina,  stiling  themselves  Proprietors,  &  claiming  an  absolute 
right  to  these  very  lands,  taking  upon  themselves  the  Legislative  au- 
thority, commissioning  officers  both  civil  and  military,  having  also 
opened  a  Land  Office,  Surveyors  General  &  deputies  appointed  and  act, 
conveyances  made,  and  land  sold  at  an  exhorbitant  price,  with  many 
other  unconstitutional  practices,  tending  to  disturb  the  minds  of  those 
who  are  well-disposed  to  the  wholesome  Government  of  Virginia,  and 
creating  factions  and  divisions  amongst  ourselves,  as  we  have  not  hither- 
to been  represented  in  Convention. " - 

All  of  these  claims  were  brought  before  Congress  by  petition  or  reso- 
lution, for  although  Congress  had  no  power  to  coerce  a  state,  each  of 
the  states  wanted  its  claims  recognized  by  the  general  government,  and 
by  the  other  states.  Almost  from  the  first,  Maryland  insisted  that 
Congress  be  given  absolute  power  over  the  matter.  On  October  15,  a 
month  before  the  Articles  of  Confederation  were  proposed  to  the  states 
for  ratification,  it  was  moved  "that  the  United  States  in  Congress  as- 
sembled, shall  have  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  to  ascertain 
and  fix  the  western  boundary  of  such  States  as  claim  to  the  ]ilississippi 
or  South  Sea,  and  lay  out  the  land  beyond  the  boundary,  so  ascertained, 
into  separate  and  independent  States,  from  time  to  time,  as  the  num- 
bers and  circumstances  of  the  people  may  require";  and  Maryland  was 
the  only  state  that  voted  in  the  affirmative.    Thereafter  Maryland  stead- 


2  The  ordinary  legislature  of  Virginia  was  called  ' '  the  Convention, ' '  and  numer- 
ous writers  have  been  misled  as  to  its  character  on  this  account. 


Colonial  Charter  Claims 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  185 

ily  refused  to  join  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation  until  satisfactory 
assurance  was  given  as  to  the  western  lands,  and  did  not  join  until 
March  1,  1781,  two  years  after  all  the  other  states  had  joined,  and  when 
a  satisfactory  solution  of  the  land  question  appeared  to  be  in  sight.  As 
the  subject  was  considered,  the  necessity  for  a  compromise  which  in- 
volved a  surrender  of  most  of  the  western  lauds  to  the  Confederation 
gradually  grew  plainer.  On  February  19,  1780,  New  York  led  the  way 
by  authorizing  her  delegates  in  Congress  to  make  either  a  full  or  a  re- 
stricted cession  of  her  claims  to  the  national  government.  On  Septem- 
ber 6,  of  the  same  year,  Congress  adopted  a  report  and  resolution 
recommending  the  states  that  had  claims  to  make  "a  liberal  surrender 
of  a  i^ortion  of  their  territorial  claims,  since  they  cannot  be  preserved 
entire  without  endangering  the  stability  of  the  general  confederacy." 
On  October  10,  Connecticut  offered  to  surrender  the  title  to  her  western 
lands,  provided  she  retained  jurisdiction  over  them ;  but  on  the  same 
day  Congress  precluded  this  by  a  resolution  that  the  ceded  lands  should 
be  formed  into  free  and  independent  states,  which  should  be  received 
into  the  union  as  the  original  states.  It  also  included  in  this  a  provision, 
evidently  intended  as  an  inducement  to  Virginia,  that  Congress  would 
reimburse  any  state  for  expenses  incurred  since  the  beginning  of  the 
war  in  subduing  or  defending  her  western  lands.  On  January  2,  1781, 
Virginia  agreed  to  cede  her  lands  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  on  eight  con- 
ditions, one  of  which  was  that  her  lands  south  and  east  of  the  Ohio 
should  be  confirmed  to  her;  and  another  was  that  no  private  purchases 
from  the  Indians,  or  claims  inconsistent  with  Virginia's  charter  rights 
should  be  recognized. 

These  provisions  were  rejected  by  Congress  after  long  consideration, 
or  rather  by  the  committee  to  which  it  was  referred,  for  the  report  wa.s 
never  acted  on,  though  the  ground  was  substantially  covered  by  the  re- 
port of  another  committee  on  September  13,  1783,  which  was  adopted. 
Virginia  then,  on  October  10,  authorized  the  cession  of  "the  territory  or 
tract  of  country  within  the  limits  of  the  Virginia  charter,  situate,  lying 
and  being  to  the  north-west  of  the  river  Ohio."  The  deed  made  in 
pursuance  of  this  act  of  Virginia,  executed  on  March  1,  1784,  became 
the  first  basic  law  of  Indiana  as  to  the  conditions  imposed  by  Virginia 
and  accepted  by  Congress,  for  although  Virginia's  title  to  the  lands 
was  questioned,  her  actual  dominion  at  the  time  was  unquestioned  and 
unquestionable.  The  Virginia  cession  was  "upon  condition  that  the 
territory  so  ceded  shall  be  laid  out  and  formed  into  States,  containing 
a  citable  extent  of  territory,  not  less  than^one  hundred,  nor  more  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  square,  or  as  near  thereto  as  circumstances 
will  admit:  and  that  the  States  so  formed  shall  be  distinct  republican 


186  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

States,  and  admitted  members  of  the  Federal  Union;  having  the  same 
rights  of  sovereignty,  freedom,  and  independence,  as  the  other  States. 

"That  the  necessary  and  reasonable  expenses  incurred  by  this  State, 
in  subduing  any  British  posts,  or  in  maintaining  forts  and  garrisons 
within,  and  for  the  defense,  or  in  acquiring  any  part  of,  the  territory 
so  ceded  or  relinquished,  shall  be  fully  reimbursed  by  the  United  States : 
and  that  one  commissioner  shall  be  appointed  by  Congress,  one  by  this 
Commonwealth,  and  another  by  those  two  commissioners,  who,  or  a 
majority  of  them,  shall  be  authorized  and  empowered  to  adjust  and 
liquidate  the  account  of  the  necessary  and  reasonable  expenses  incurred 
by  this  State,  which  they  shall  judge  to  be  comprised  within  the  intent 
and  meaning  of  the  act  of  Congi-ess,  of  the  tenth  of  October,  one  thou- 
sand seven  hundred  and  eighty,  respecting  such  expenses.  That  the 
French  and  Canadian  inhabitants,  and  other  settlers  of  the  Kaskaskia, 
St.  Vincents,  and  the  neighboring  villages,  who  have  professed  them- 
selves citizens  of  Virginia,  shall  have  their  possessions  and  titles  con- 
firmed to  them,  and  be  protected  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  rights  and 
liberties.  That  a  quantity  not  exceeding  one  hundred  and  fifty  thou- 
sand acres  of  land,  promised  by  this  State,  shall  be  allowed  and  granted 
to  the  then  colonel,  now  General  George  Rogers  Clark,  and  to  the  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  of  his  regiment,  who  marched  with  him  when  the  posts 
of  Kaskaskia  and  St.  Vincents  were  reduced,  and  to  the  officers  and 
soldiers  that  have  been  since  incorporated  into  the  said  regiment,  to  be 
laid  off  in  one  tract  the  length  of  which  not  to  exceed  double  the  breadth, 
in  such  place,  on  the  northwest  side  of  the  Ohio,  as  a  majority  of  the 
officers  shall  choose,  and  to  be  afterwards  divided  among  said  officers 
and  soldiers  in  due  proportion,  according  to  the  laws  of  Virginia.  That 
in  case  the  quantity  of  good  land  on  the  southeast  side  of  the  Ohio, 
upon  the  waters  of  Cumberland  River,  and  between  the  Green  River 
and  Tennessee  River,  which  have  been  reserved  by  law  for  the  Virginia 
troops,  upon  continental  establishment,  should,  from  the  North  Carolina 
line  bearing  in  further  upon  the  Cumberland  lands  than  was  expected, 
prove  insufficient  for  their  legal  bounties,  the  deficiency  should  be 
made  up  to  the  said  troops,  in  good  lands,  to  be  laid  off  between  the 
rivers  Scioto  and  Little  Miami,  on  the  northwest  side  of  the  river  Ohio, 
in  such  proportions  as  have  been  engaged  to  them  by  the  laws  of  Vir- 
ginia. That  all  the  lands  within  the  territory  so  ceded  to  the  United 
States,  and  not  reserved  for,  or  appropriated  to,  any  of  the  before-men- 
tioned purposes,  or  disposed  of  in  bounties  to  the  officers  and  soldiers 
of  the  American  army,  shal],  be  considered  as  a  common  fund  for  the 
use  and  benefit  of  such  of  the  United  States  as  have  become,  or  shall  be- 
come, members  of  the  Confederation  or  federal  alliance  of  the  said 
States,  Virginia  inclusive,  according  to  their  usual  respective  proportions 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  187 

in  the  general  charge  and  expenditure,  and  shall  be  faithfully  and  bona 
fide  disposed  of  for  that  purpose,  and  for  no  other  use  or  purpose 
whatsoever. ' ' 

This  made  the  way  open  for  preparation  for  government  in  the  west, 
for  the  private  land  claims  had  been  disposed  of  by  the  report  of  No- 
vember 3,  1781,  although  it  was  not  adopted.    That  of  the  Indiana  Com- 
pany for  some  3,500.000  acres  in  what  is  now  West  Virginia,  that  had 
been  granted  by  the  Indians,  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  in  1768,  to 
Samuel  Wharton,  William  Trent,  George  Morgan,  and  others,  Indian 
traders,  in  compensation  for  goods  destroyed  in  the  late  war,  was  held 
good,  as  made  in  accordance  with  the  laws  and  customs  of  Virginia  and 
New  York  at  the  time.    This  tract  was  later  included  in  the  recognized 
bounds  of  Virginia,  and  left  to  he  disposed  of  by  it.     The  Vandalia 
Company's  claim  was  also  southeast  of  the  Ohio.     It  was  a  company 
organized  chiefly  through  the  influence  of  Benjamin  Franklin,  who  had 
been  advocating  a  western  colony  from  before  the  French  and  Indian 
War,  and  had  united  with  the  old  Ohio  Company,  of  the  Lees,  Wash- 
ingtons  and  other  Virginians.     They  had  secured  Walpole,  a  London 
banker  as  president,  and  had  secured  a  grant  of  2,400,000  acres  for 
which  patents  were  about  to  be  issued  when  the  war  came  on.    The  com- 
mittee decided  against  this  claim,  but  said  that  the  proprietors  ought 
to   be  reimbui-sed   for   their  expenses   and  any   payments  made.     The 
other  two  companies  claimed  lands  northwest  of  the  Ohio,  and  were 
both  in  conflict  with  the  Iroquois  conquest  claims.     The  Illinois  Com- 
pany, composed  of  traders  at  Kaskaskia,  in  1773,  through  Louis  Viviat, 
purchased  from  several  Indian  chiefs  a  large  tract  on  the  Ilhnois  river, 
but  the  committee  found  that  the  land  described  in  the  deed  "begins 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Illinois  river,  and  contains  only  a  number  of 
lines  without  comprehending  any  land  whatever."     The  Wabash  Land 
Company  was  the  onlv  one  whose  claim  affected  what  is  now  Indiana. 
In  1742 "the  Indians  had  granted  to  the  French  at  Vincennes  the  lands 
along  the  Wabash  from  the  mouth  of  White  River  to  Pointe  Coupee,  a 
distance  of  alwut  seventv-five  miles,  and  of  equal  width.    In  1775,  the 
Wabash  Land  Company,  of  which  Gov.  Dunmore  was  a  stockholder, 
bought  from  the  Piankeshaw  Indians  all  the  lands  along  the  Wabash, 
outside  of  this  former  Vincennes  grant,  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  to 
the  mouth  of  Wildcat  Creek,  in  breadth  ninety  miles  to  the  west  of  the 
river  and  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  to  the  east.    The  consideration 
for  this  tract  of  between  thirty-five  and  forty  millions  of  acres  was  a 
few  hundi-ed  dollars  worth  of  goods.     Both  of  these  claims  were  held 
void,  and  they  continued  to  be  so  held,  although  efforts  were  made  to 
have  them  confirmed  until  1810.  ... 

On  March  1,  1784,  the  same  day  on  which  he  signed  the  Virginia 


188 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


deed  of  cession,  Thomas  Jefferson  reported  from  his  committee  an  ordi- 
nance "for  the  temporary  government  of  the  Western  Territory."  It 
provided  for  making  ten  states  of  the  "territory  ceded  or  to  be  ceded," 
lying  west  and  north  of  the  Ohio,  divided  by  parallels  of  latitude  and 
longitude.  The  parallels  of  longitude  were  to  be  drawn  north  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha  and  from  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  to  latitude 
43°  N. ;  and,  the  parallels  of  latitude  were  the  ones  with  odd  numbers, 


Jefferson  's  Proposed  States  in  Northwest  Territory 


commencing  with  parallel  45  at  the  North.  The  same  system  was  to 
be  used  on  the  south  side  of  the  Ohio,  down  to  parallel  31 ;  but  the  Ohio 
was  to  be  substituted  for  parallel  37  as  a  boundary.  The  region  north 
of  the  Ohio  and  east  of  the  Kanawha  was  to  be  one  state,  named  Wash- 
ington. That  north  of  parallel  45  and  west  of  the  lakes,  was  to  be  one 
state  called  Sylvania.  North  of  parallel  43  the  east  state  was  Cherson- 
esus,  and  west  state  Michigania.  From  43  to  41  the  east  state  was 
Metropotamia  and  the  west  state  Assenisipia.  From  41  to  39  the  east 
state  was  Saratoga  and  the  west  state  Illinoia.    Between  parallel  39  and 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  189 

the  Ohio  River  the  east  state  was  Pelisipia  and  the  west  state  Polypotamia. 
Indiana  would  therefore  have  been  divided  between  the  six  states  last 
naraed.3  This  ordinance  was  recommitted  and  amended,  and  finally 
adopted  on  April  23,  1784.  The  amendments  took  out  these  names,  but 
left  the  ten  divisions.  They  also  took  out  Mr.  Jefferson's  two  pet  pro- 
visions, viz.  that  none  of  the  new  states  shall  admit  any  "person  to  lie  a 
citizen  who  holds  any  hereditary  title";  and  the  following:  "That  after 
ihe  year  1800  of  the  Christian  era  there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  in- 
voluntary servitude  in  any  of  the  said  states  otherwise  than  in  punish- 
ment of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted  to  have 
been  personally  guilty."  This  provision,  extending  to  all  the  western  ter- 
ritory, north  and  south,  was  the  broadest  anti-slavery  proposal  offered 
by  any  of  our  Revolutionary  forefathers,  and  it  was  lost  by  only  one 
vote,  one  of  the  members  from  New  Jersey  being  sick,  and  absent.  On 
April  25  'Sir.  Jefferson  wrote  to  ]\Iadison  expressing  his  chagrin  at  the 
loss  of  this  slavery  provision,  and  especially  that  Virginia  had  voted 
against  it,  owing  to  the  sickness  and  absence  of  Monroe.  Two  years 
later  he  wrote :  ' '  The  voice  of  a  single  individual  would  have  prevented 
this  abominable  crime  from  spreading  itself  over  the  new  counti-y.  Thus 
we  see  the  fate  of  millions  unborn  hanging  on  the  tongue  of  one  man, 
and  Heaven  was  silent  in  that  awful  moment !  But  it  is  to  be  hoped 
it  will  not  always  be  silent:  and  the  friends  to  the  rights  of  human 
nature  will  in  the  end  prevail."* 

As  adopted,  this  ordinance  did  not  provide  any  temporary  govern- 
ment, and  did  not  take  effect  until  Congress  offered  the  lands  for  sale.  It 
provided  that  the  settlers  might,  on  permission  from  Congress,  adopt 
the  constitution  and  laws  of  any  of  the  original  states ;  and  in  the  mean- 
time Congress  might  adopt  "measures  not  inconsistent  with  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  confederation,  and  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  peace 
and  good  order  among  the  settlers. ' '  When  a  new  state  had  20,000  free 
inhabitants  it  might  adopt  a  constitution  of  its  own,  but  it  could  not  be 
admitted  to  the  United  States  until  it  had  as  many  free  inhabitants  as 
"the  least  numerous  of  the  thirteen  original  States."  It  is  of  course 
to  lie  remembered  that  the  only  people  at  that  time  who  had  any  legal 
rights  within  the  northwest  territory  were  those  of  the  French  settle- 
ment, whose  "rights  and  liberties"  had  been  preserved  by  the  Virginia 
deed  of  cession.  This  ordinance  remained  in  force  until  1787,  but  was 
amended  from  time  to  time.    At  the  time  of  its  passage  there  was  another 


s  The  purported  maps  of  this  proposed  division  are  often  sadly  confused ;  and 
some  locate  the  western  meridian  from  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash,  instead  of  the 
Falls  of  the  Ohio. 

4  Jefferson's   Works,   ix,   p.    276. 


190  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

man  who  was  as  indignant  as  Jefferson  over  the  rejection  of  the  anti- 
slavery  clause.  This  was  Colonel  Timothy  Pickering,  a  Eevolutionary 
soldier,  who  in  the  spring  of  1783  had  joined  an  organization  of  officers 
who  were  preparing  for  a  settlement  in  the  western  country  in  such 
numbers  as  to  anticipate  the  formation  of  a  new  state.  The  proposals 
for  the  company  were  drawn  up  by  Pickering,  and  one  of  them  was: 
"The  total  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the  State  to  form  an  essential  and 
irrevocable  part  of  the  Constitution."  The  movement  was  delayed  by 
the  withholding  of  the  cessions  by  the  states,  but  Pickering  kept  watch 
of  Congress,  which  had  taken  up  the  survey  and  sale  of  the  western 
lands  after  the  Virginia  cession.  On  March  8,  1785,  he  wrote  twice  to 
Eufus  King,  a  delegate  to  Congress  from  Massachusetts,  expressing  his 
regret  over  the  failure  of  the  anti-slavery  clause.  In  the  second  letter 
he  said:  "In  looking  over  the  Act  of  Congress  of  the  23d  of  April  last, 
and  the  present  report  of  an  ordinance,  relative  to  these  lands,  I  observe 
there  is  no  provision  made  for  ministers  of  the  gospel,  nor  even  for 
schools  and  academies.  The  latter  might  have  been  brought  into  view ; 
though  after  the  admission  of  Slavery,  it  was  right  to  say  nothing 
of  Christianity.  *  *  *  What  pretence  (argument  there  could  be 
none)  could  be  offered  for  its  rejection?  I  should,  indeed,  have  objected 
to  the  period  proposed  (the  year  1800)  for  the  exclusion  of  slavery;  for 
the  admission  of  it  for  a  day  or  an  hour  ought  to  have  been  forbidden. 
It  will  be  infinitely  easier  to  prevent  the  evil  at  first  than  to  eradicate 
or  check  it  at  any  future  time.  *  *  *  To  sufl'er  the  continuance  of 
slaves  till  they  can  be  gradually  emancipated,  in  States  already  over- 
run with  them,  may  be  pai'donable,  because  unavoidable  without  hazard- 
ing greater  evils ;  but  to  introduce  them  into  countries  where  none  now 
exist — countries  which  have  been  talked  of,  which  we  have  boasted  of, 
as  asylums  to  the  oppressed  of  the  earth — can  never  be  forgiven.  For 
God's  sake,  then,  let  one  more  efl^ort  be  made  to  prevent  so  terrible  a 
calamity."  On  receipt  of  this,  on  ]March  16,  ilr.  King  offered  a  resolu- 
tion for  the  prohibition  of  slavery,  with  no  time  limit,  the  same  to  be 
an  article  of  compact ;  and  this  was  committed  by  the  vote  of  Maryland 
and  seven  northern  states.  On  April  6  it  was  reported,  but  as  it  now 
came  to  men  who  knew  of  the  existence  of  slavery  among  the  French 
settlers,  whose  rights  had  been  guaranteed,  the  1800  time  limit  was 
added,  and  also  a  fugitive  slave  clause.  No  action  was  taken  on  the 
report. 

On  May  7,  1784,  Mr.  Jefferson  had  reported  an  ordinance  for  the 
survey  and  sale  of  the  public  lands,  which  introduced  the  rectangi:lar 
system,  all  the  surveying  in  the  colonies  up  to  that  time  having  been  in 
irregular  tracts,  except  twenty  thousand  acres  in  Georgia,  which  had  been 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  191 

divided  into  fifty  acre  lots.  Jefferson's  townships  were  to  be  ten  miles 
square,  and  to  be  subdivided  into  sections  one  mile  square.  On  I\Iay  3, 
1785,  on  motion  of  Grayson  of  Virginia,  seconded  by  Monroe,  the  towTi- 
ships  were  made  sis  miles  square,  and  on  May  20  the  ordinance  was 
passed.  It  provided  for  the  survey  and  sale  of  seven  ranges  west  of 
what  is  now  the  eastern  boundary  line  of  Ohio,  under  direction  of  "the 
geographer  of  the  United  States, ' '  who  was  to  ' '  personally  attend  to  the 
running  of  the  first  east  and  west  line."  This  line  was  duly  run  from 
the  point  where  the  east  boundary  line  of  Ohio  crosses  the  Ohio  river,  and 
became  known  as  "the  Geographers  line."  The  Geographer  was 
Thomas  Hutchins,  who  was  the  authority  on  the  western  country  at 
that  time.  He  was  born  at  Monmouth,  N.  J.,  in  1730,  and  entered  the 
British  army  before  sixteen  years  of  age,  he  became  an  engineer,  and 
later  was  commissioned  Captain  in  the  60th  Royal  American  Regiment. 
He  served  in  Bouquet's  expedition,  at  Fort  Pitt,  and  elsewhere  in  the 
West.  In  1768-70  his  headquarters  were  at  Fort  Chartres.  In  1779, 
while  at  London  he  was  arrested  on  suspicion  of  American  sympathies 
and  imprisoned  for  six  weeks.  He  escaped  to  France,  where  Benjamin 
Franklin  gave  him  a  letter  of  introduction  to  the  president  of  Congress, 
with  which  he  made  his  way  to  Charleston.  On  ^lny  4,  1781,  he  was 
made  Geographer  of  the  Southern  Army  by  Congress,  the  Geographer 
of  the  j\Iain  Army  being  Simeon  DeWitt.  On  July  11,  1781,  Congress 
made  the  title  of  both  of  these  officials  Geographer  of  the  United  States, 
but  in  1784  DeWittt  became  Sui"\-eyor  General  of  New  York,  and  Hutch- 
ins was  left  "the  Geographer."  He  was  evidently  in  close  touch  with 
this  land  act,  and  on  May  27  was  continued  in  office  for  three  years, 
and  re-elected  on  May  26,  1788.  He  died  at  Pittsburg,  April  28,  1789. 
Col.  Whittlesey  has  established  fairly  that  Hutchins  originated  the 
township  and  section  system  of  surveys  that  has  since  been  followed  in 
the  United  States.^ 

Gen.  Benjamin  Tupper,  an  associate  of  Pickering,  Gen.  Rufus  Put- 
nam and  others  in  the  settlement  project,  came  west  to  aid  in  the  survey, 
but  it  was  prevented  in  1785  by  the  hostility  of  the  Indians.  In  the  fall 
of  1785,  Gen.  Samuel  Holden  Parsons,  another  associate,  was  appointed 
with  George  Rogers  Clark  and  Col.  Richard  Butler  to  treat  with  the 
Indians.  They  secured  the  release  of  the  lands  in  southern  Ohio  without 
much  objection  except  from  the  Shawnees.  whose  towns  were  in  the 
district  desired.  But  tliey  were  there  by  sufferance  of  the  other  tribes, 
and  were  practically  given  the  choice  of  removal  or  war,  so  they  accepted 


5  Hicks'    edition    of    Hutchins'    Topographical    Survey;    Hinsdale's    Old    North- 
west, p.  262;   Tracts  57  and  71,  Western  Reserve  Hist.  Soc. 


192  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

lands  between  the  Wabash  and  upper  part  of  the  Big  Miami.  The  sur- 
veys were  made  in  1786.  On  January  10,  Tupper  reached  Rutland, 
Mass.,  the  home  of  Putnam,  and  they  called  a  meeting  for  March  1,  of 
the  Ohio  Company  at  the  Buneh-of-Grapes  Tavern  in  Boston.  The 
Company  had  1,000  shares  of  $1,000  each,  of  which  $10  was  paid  in  coin 
on  each  share,  and  the  balance  in  Continental  certificates.  Parsons, 
Putnam,  and  Dr.  Manasseh  Cutler  were  appointed  to  purchase  the  lands 
from  Congress,  and  Parsons  went  to  New  York  and  presented  their  pro- 
posal on  May  9.    From  May  12  to  July  4  Congress  had  no  quorum ;  and 

ifk^  L-K^U      Ms.^^      t-^^  ■  -h^  ,,^,/^r^^   i^fcft.  .^  ,.<J"Z.v.<f/i^^<-' 
j       Jl-A-iiy       / Aji.lt     hlLvx.     iJ«%c-«.     i-twi,      C^-n^t/tUi'^ ^Ul  J  t^.^/Vy,  //< , «w, 


Sixth  Article  of  the  Ordinance  of  17S7 
(In  the  Handwriting  of  Nathan  Dane) 

Parsons  went  home,  and  turned  the  purchase  over  to  Dr.  Cutler,  who 
reached  New  York  on  July  5.  On  July  9  the  ordinance  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  northwest  territory  was  referred  to  a  new  committee,  with 
Dane  and  Smith  of  the  old  committee,  and  Edward  Carrington  and 
Richard  Henry  Lee  of  Virginia,  and  John  Kean  of  South  Carolina  as 
new  members.  Up  to  this  time  the  ordinance  considered  was  a  mere 
outline  of  temporary  government,  commonly  known  as  Monroe's  plan. 
It  was  submitted  to  Cutler,  who  suggested  some  amendments,  and  then 
went  on  to  Philadelphia,  and  did  not  return  until  the  17th.  The  new 
ordinance  was  reported  on  the  11th  and  passed  on  the  13th  by  a  vote  of 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  .  193 

all  the  members  present  except  Abraham  Yates  of  New  York.  Thus,  the 
celebrated  Ordinance  of  1787,  was  framed  and  passed  in  four  days,  but 
of  matter  that  had  been  under  consideration  for  four  years.  The  first 
and  fullest  history  of  its  passage  is  in  a  letter  of  Nathan  Dane  to  Rufus 
King,  on  July  16,  1787,  in  which  he  says: 

"We  have  been  much  engaged  in  business  for  ten  or  twelve  days 
past,  for  a  part  of  which  we  have  had  eight  states.  There  appears  to  be 
a  disposition  to  do  business,  and  the  arrival  of  R.  H.  Lee  is  of  consider- 
able importance.  I  think  his  character  serves,  at  least  in  some  degree,  to 
check  the  effects  of  the  feeble  habits  and  lax  mode  of  thinking  of  some 
of  his  countrymen.  We  have  been  employed  about  several  objects — the 
principal  of  which  have  been  the  Government  inclosed  (the  Ordinance) 
and  the  Ohio  purchase ;  the  fonuer  you  will  see,  is  completed,  and  the 
latter  will  probably  be  completed  to-morrow.  We  tried  one  day  to  patch 
up  M(onroe)s  system  of  W.  government — started  new  ideas  and  com- 
mitted the  whole  to  Carrington,  Dane,  R.  H.  Lee,  Smith  and  Kean.  We 
met  several  times,  and  at  last  agreed  on  some  principles — at  least  Lee, 
Smith  and  myself.  We  found  ourselves  rather  pressed.  The  Ohio  com- 
pany appeared  to  purchase  a  large  tract  of  federal  lands — about  six  or 
seven  millions  of  acres — and  we  wanted  to  abolish  the  old  system  and  get 
a  better  one  for  the  government  of  the  country,  and  we  finally  found  it 
necessary  to  adopt  the  best  system  we  could  get.  All  agreed  finally  to 
the  enclosed  plan,  except  A.  Yates.  He  appeared  in  this  case,  as  in  most 
others,  not  to  understand  the  subject  at  all.  *  *  *  When  I  drew  the 
ordinance  (which  passed,  a  few  words  excepted,  as  I  originally  foi-med 
it)  I  had  no  idea  the  States  would  agree  to  the  sixth  article,  prohibiting 
slavery,  as  only  Massachusetts,  of  the  Eastern  States,  was  present,  and 
therefore  omitted  it  in  the  draft ;  but  finding  the  House  favorably  dis- 
posed on  this  subject,  after  we  had  completed  the  other  parts,  I  moved 
the  article  which  was  agreed  to  without  opposition." 

That  Dane  drafted  the  ordinance  and  introduced  the  slavery  section 
is  unquestioned.  He  stated  elsewhere  that  he  did  not  claim  originality 
except  as  to  the  provision  against  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts, 
fair  treatment  to  the  Indians,  and  minor  matters.^  The  system  of  tem- 
porary government  by  the  Governor  and  Judges,  with  gradual  advance 
is  Monroe 's  plan.  The  Articles  of  Compact,  which  are  the  constitutional 
features  that  give  the  Ordinance  its  greatest  merit,  are  a  revival  of 
Jefferson's  original  idea,  but  much  enlarged.  All  of  his  articles  are 
included  in  the  fourth  article  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  together  with  one 


e  Dane's  Abridgement,  Vol.  7,  pp.  389-90;  Proceedings  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.   1867-9, 
p.  479;   Ind.  Hist.  Soc.  Pubs.,  Vol.  1,  Letter  to  Farnham. 


Vol.  1—13 


194  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

other  that  will  probably  prove  of  more  importanee  than  all  the  rest,  if 
the  people  of  the  region  are  awake  to  their  public  interests.  It  is  this : 
"The  navigable  waters  leading  into  the  Mississippi  and  St.  Lawrence, 
and  the  cari-jdng  places  between  the  same,  shall  be  common  highways, 
and  forever  free,  as  well  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  territory  as  to  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  those  of  any  other  States  that  may  be 
admitted  into  the  confederacy,  without  any  tax,  impost,  or  duty  there- 
for." This  had  been  adopted  as  an  amendment  on  May  12,  1786,  on 
motion  of  Grayson,  seconded  by  King.'^  The  fifth  article  was  also  pro- 
posed by  Grayson  on  July  7,  1786,  and  Virginia  was  requested  to  modify 
her  deed  of  cession  to  allow  the  reduction  in  the  number  of  states.*  The 
third  article  was  probably  due  to  a  suggestion  from  Cutler,  though  the 
land  ordinance  of  1785  had  provided  for  the  reservation  of  section  16  in 
each  township  "for  the  maintenance  of  public  schools."  The  first  and 
second  articles  are  probably  due  to  Lee,  as  they  are  in  line  with  his 
special  ideas,  and  are  entirely  new  to  the  work  on  the  ordinance.  Of  all 
the  men  connected  with  the  Ordinance,  his  influence  in  the  recasting  of 
it  has  probably  been  most  underrated.  He  was  easily  the  ablest  man  on 
the  committee.  He  was  the  only  new  member  who  took  an  active  interest 
in  the  work.  In  seeking  the  man  who  "started  new  ideas,"  as  Dane  puts 
it,  this  man  who  moved  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  who  first 
pronounced  Wa.shington  "first  in  war,  first  in  peace,  first  in  the  hearts 
of  his  countrymen, ' '  is  not  to  be  overlooked.  Writing  to  Washington  on 
July  15,  and  inclosing  a  copy  of  the  Ordinance,  Lee  says:  "It  seemed 
necessary,  for  the  security  of  property  among  uninformed,  and,  perhaps, 
licentious  people,  as  the  greater  part  of  those  who  go  there  are,  that  a 
strong-toned  Government  should  exist,  and  the  rights  of  property  be 
clearly  defined." 

With  the  Ordinance  adopted,  it  took  Cutler  ten  days  to  make  his 
purchase,  and  when  he  got  through,  he  had  purchased  1,500,000  acres 
for  the  Ohio  Company,  and  3,500,000  acres  "for  a  private  speculation, 
in  which  many  of  the  principal  characters  of  America  are  concerned"; 
and  had  pledged  himself  to  Gen.  St.  Clair  for  Governor,  Winthrop 
Sargent  for  Secretary,  and  Parsons  for  first  .iudge.  On  the  advice  of 
Tupper  and  Geogi-apher  Hutchins,  the  Ohio  Company  lands  were  located 
on  the  Muskingum,  but  on  account  of  failure  of  payment,  only  1,064,285 
acres  were  patented  to  it.  No  time  was  lost  in  beginning  the  settlement. 
On  December  3,  1787,  two  hours  before  day,  the  first  company  of  pioneers 
assembled  at  Dr.  Cutler's  house  at  Ipswich,  in  tlie  northeast  corner  of 


'  Journal,  Vol.  4,  p.  637. 
8  Journal,  Vol.  4,  p.  662-3. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


195 


ilassachusetts,  for  the  start.  Probably  no  body  of  emigrants  started  out 
so  impressed  with  the  idea  that  they  were  going  to  found  a  state — at 
points  one  might  almost  think  they  were  staging  a  pageant.  After  lis- 
tening to  a  discourse  from  Cutler,  and  firing  a  salvo  of  three  volleys, 
they  started  off  on  foot,  preceded  by  a  wagon  covered  with  black  canvas, 
on  which  Cutler  himself  had  put,  in  white  letters,  "For  the  Ohio." 
The  party,  under  command  of  Major  Haffield  White,  made  its  way 
slowly  through  Massachusetts,  New  York,  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Youghiogheny,  where  they  were  joined  on  February 
14  by  a  second  party  from  Connecticut,  under  Gen.  Rufus  Putnam. 


Start  of  First  Ohio  Comp.\ny  Colony  from   Ipswich,  Dec.  3,  1787 

(From  an  old  cut) 


Here  they  stopped  to  build  boats,  and  started  down  the  river  on  April  1, 
the  fleet  consisting,  according  to  Putnam,  of  "the  Union  galley  of  forty- 
five  tons  burden,"  "the  Adelphia  Ferry-boat,  burden  three  tons"  and 
"three  log  canoes  of  different  sizes."  On  April  7,  Gen.  Putnam  stepped 
ashore  at  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum,  followed  by  his  forty-seven  com- 
rades, to  begin  the  building  of  the  new  capital  of  Northwest  Territory. 
They  made  a  large  stockade,  which,  as  classical  scholars,  they  called  The 
Campus  Martins ;  and  as  good  Federalists,  which  they  were,  they  called 
the  new  town  Marietta,  for  Marie  Antoinette.  So  came  to  the  west  the 
new  influence  which  dominated  Indiana  for  the  next  twelve  years. 

There  was  no  immediate  effect  on  Indiana.     Gov.  St.  Clair  did  not 
arrive  until  Julv  9,  when  he  was  received  at  Marietta  with  civic  and 


196  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

military  honors,  Fort  Harmar  being  located  at  that  place.  His  formal 
"entry"  was  on  the  15th,  when  addresses  were  delivered  at  "the  bower" ; 
and  on  September  2  the  Judges  were  inaugurated  with  still  more  im- 
pressive ceremonies.  Winthrop  Sargent,  the  Secretary,  accompanied  the 
Governor.  The  Judges  who  qualified  were  Samuel  Holden  Parsons, 
James  Mitchell  Varnum,  and  John  Cleves  Symmes.  On  July  27  Gov. 
St.  Clair  proclaimed  the  organization  of  Washington  County,  embracing 
all  of  Ohio  east  of  the  Scioto,  and  this  was  the  only  county  organized 
until  1790.  From  August  to  December  the  Governor  and  Judges  adopted 
a  number  of  civil  and  penal  laws,  in  which  they  ignored  the  Ordinance 
so  carefully  prepared  for  them.  It  authorized  only  their  adoption  of 
laws  from  some  of  the  states  of  the  Union,  but  these  were  not  found  con- 
venient, and  so  the  Judges  made  laws  to  suit  themselves,  the  Governor 
remonstrating.  Congress  neither  approved  nor  condemned  the  laws,  and 
so  they  were  enforced  in  Washington  County.  With  the  adoption  of  the 
new  constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  appointments  expired ;  and  on 
August  20,  1789,  all  of  these  officials  were  reappointed  except  that  Judge 
Vamum  was  replaced  by  George  Turner.  Judge  Parsons  was  drowned  in 
1789,  and  in  March,  1790,  Rufus  Putnam  was  appointed  in  his  place. 
Putnam  resigned  in  1796  to  accept  the  office  of  Surveyor  General,  and 
Joseph  Gillman  was  appointed  in  his  stead.  Judge  Turner  was  the  next 
to  resign,  and  his  place  was  filled  by  Return  Jonathan  Meigs  in  February, 
1798.  Some  of  these  earliest  laws  seem  odd  now.  The  militia  were  re- 
quired to  parade,  armed  and  accoutred,  on  Sunday  mornings  at  10  o  'clock, 
adjacent  to  the  places  "assigned  for  worship."  Pillories,  stocks  and 
whipping  posts  were  provided  for,  and  were  actually  used  for  both  men 
and  women.  Disobedient  children  and  servants  were  to  be  confined  until 
"they  shall  humble  themselves  to  the  said  parent's  or  master's  satisfac- 
tion." Imprisonment  for  debt  was  provided,  and,  for  debts  of  less  than 
$5,  it  could  be  inflicted  by  justices  of  the  peace,  with  no  appeal.  Drunken- 
ness was  finable  fifty  cents  for  the  first  offense,  and  a  dollar  thereafter. 
Profanity  was  not  penalized,  but  the  law  admonished  all  to  abstain  from 
and  discourage  it,  to  "prevent  the  necessity  of  adopting  and  publishing 
laws  upon  this  head."  Marriage  was  required  to  be  preceded  by  publish- 
ing the  banns  for  three  Sundays  at  worship,  or  posting  notice  under  the 
hand  and  seal  of  a  judge  in  some  public  place,  or  special  license  from  the 
governor. 

But  while  Washington  County  was  thus  launched  on  a  New  England 
basis,  the  rest  of  the  Territory  got  along  as  it  could.  Judge  SjTnmes  had 
purchased  a  large  tract  between  the  two  Miamis,  and  in  November,  1788, 
a  party  under  Major  Benjamin  Stites  founded  the  town  of  Columbia  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Little  Miami.    On  December  24,  1788,  a  party  under 


TNDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


197 


Matthias  Deuman  located  at  Ciucinuati,  which  they  called  Losantiville — 
i.e.,  L(icking)  os(mouth)  anti (opposite)  ville(to\\Ti).  A  third  party,  un- 
der Judge  Symmes,  located  at  North  Bend  in  February,  1789.  The  people 
of  these  settlements  formed  a  committee  of  safety,  appointed  Mr.  McMillan 
judge  and  John  Ludlow  sheriff,  and  proceeded  to  enforce  justice  by  giving 
one  man  twenty-nine  lashes  for  robbing  a  truck-patch,  and  similar  cor- 
rective acts.    They  got  into  a  row  M'ith  the  military  authorities,  however, 


"Campus  Martius" 

(Ohio  Company's  fort  at  Marietta — from  drawing  by 

Gen.  Rufus  Putnam) 


and  the  situation  was  happily  relieved  by  the  organization  of  a  court  by 
the  Territorial  authorities.^  Vincennes  had  returned  to  its  golden  age  of 
military  rule.  On  April  24,  1787,  on  a  report  from  the  Secretary  of  War 
on  a  letter  from  Major  Wyllys,  Congress  had  resolved :  ' '  That  the  secre- 
tary of  war  direct  the  commanding  officer  of  the  troops  of  the  United 
States  on  the  Ohio,  to  take  immediate  and  efficient  measures  for  disposing 
a  body  of  men,  who  have,  in  a  lawless  and  unauthorized  manner,  taken 


9  Burnet 's  Notes,  p.  57. 


198  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS     . 

possession  of  post  St.  Vincents,  in  defiance  of  the  proclamation  and  au- 
thority of  the  United  States,  and  that  he  employ  the  whole,  or  such  part 
of  the  force  under  his  command,  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  to  effect  the 
object."  In  pursuance  of  this,  Gen.  Josiah  Harmar  came  to  Vincennes 
on  July  19, 1787,  and  not  only  ended  the  Kentucky  military  occupation  but 
also  made  Major  John  F.  Hamtramck  Commandant,  and  in  the  absence  of 
other  authority,  he  remained  the  Czar  of  Vineennes  for  three  years. 

Hamtramck  was  a  native  of  Quebec,  whither  his  father,  Charles  David 
Hamtrenck,  a  German  perraquier,  nick-named  L'AUemand,  came  in  1749, 
and,  on  November  26, 1753,  married  Marie-Anne  Bertin.  He  was  a  native 
of  Luxembourg.  Their  second  child,  Jean  Francois,  was  christened 
August  16, 1756.  He  sympathized  with  the  Americans,  and  in  1776  joined 
Montgomery's  army  at  the  siege  of  Quebec.  He  was  made  a  captain  in 
the  First  U.  S.  Regiment  in  1785,  and  Major  the  year  following.  When 
Harmar  came  to  Vineennes  in  1787.  he  marched  across  from  the  mouth  of 
Pigeon  Creek  with  most  of  his  command,  and  Hamtramck  was  sent  around 
by  the  Wabash,  with  one  hundred  men,  with  the  boats  and  supplies.  Un- 
derstanding the  French  language,  and  the  Canadian  character,  he  was  an 
ideal  Commandant,  and  his  qualities  caused  him  to  be  put  in  command  at 
Fort  Wayne  in  1794,  and  at  Detroit  in  1796.  His  moral  and  disciplinary 
views  may  be  judged  from  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  by  him  to 
Gen.  Wayne  on  December  5, 1794,  from  Fort  Wayne :  "  It  is  with  a  great 
degree  of  mortification  that  I  am  obliged  to  inform  your  excellency  of  the 
great  propensity  many  of  the  soldiers  have  to  larceny.  I  have  flogged 
them  till  I  am  tired.  The  economic  allowance  of  one  hundred  lashes,  al- 
lowed by  the  government,  does  not  appear  a  sufficient  inducement  for  a 
rascal  to  act  the  part  of  an  honest  man.  I  have  now  a  number  in  confine- 
ment and  in  irons  for  having  stolen  four  quarters  of  beef  on  the  night  of 
the  3rd.  instant.  I  could  wish  them  to  be  tried  by  a  general  court  martial, 
in  order  to  make  an  example  of  some  of  them.  I  shall  keep  them  confined 
until  the  pleasure  of  your  excellency  is  known."  i"  This  does  not  mean 
that  Hamtramck  was  hard-hearted,  but  merely  that  he  realized  that  a 
system  of  government  that  did  not  produce  results  was  not  efficient.  He 
knew  that  Virginia  had  reserved  to  the  French  inhabitants  their  ancient 
laws  and  customs,  and  he  ruled  at  Vincennes  just  as  Sieur  de  Vincennes 
and  St.  Ange  had  ruled.  It  was  an  administration  of  the  French  colonial 
system,  under  American  auspices. 

One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  issue  a  proclamation,  on  October  3,  1787, 
prohibiting  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  to  the  Indians.  On  May  10, 
1789,  the  inhabitants  having  by  resolution  informed  him  that  unauthorized 


10  Mich.  Pioii.  and  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  34,  p.  734. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


199 


use  was  being  made  of  the  commons,  and  having  asked  that  fifty  yards 
square  be  set  off  for  the  separate  use  of  eacli  family,  he  issued  a  proclama- 
tion reading:  "In  consequence  of  a  request  presented  to  me,  all  persons 
are  expressly  prohibited  (under  the  penalty  of  a  fine  for  the  first  trespass 
and  imprisonment  for  the  secoud)  from  cultivating  any  lot  or  piece  of 
ground  on  the  commons,  or  occupying  any  part  thereof,  without  regular 
permission."     On  ilarch  24,  1790,  he  proclaimed  the  following  "ordi- 


Haiitramck's   Tomb 
(In  grounds  of  St.  Anne's  Orphanage  and  Church,  Detroit) 

nance":  "Many  persons  having  sold  their  goods  and  lands,  to  the 
prejudice  of  their  creditors,  the  inhabitants  and  others  of  the  district  of 
Post  Vincennes,  are  expressly  prohibited,  henceforth,  from  selling,  or 
exchanging,  or  mortgaging,  any  part  of  their  goods,  lands,  or  slaves,  under 
any  pretext,  witliout  express  permission  from  the  officer  commanding  at 
this  place.  This  ordinance  to  remain  in  force  until  the  arrival  of  his 
excellency,  the  governor."  This  last  was  issued  when  the  Governor  was 
expected  to  arrive  soon.    There  was  not  a  little  awaiting  the  arrival  of 


200  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  Governor,  who  was  so  absorbed  in  Ohio  polities  that  he  had  entirely 
neglected  Indiana  and  Illinois.  Early  in  1788  Hamtramek  had  abolished 
the  Grand  Court  of  Vincennes,  and  on  April  3,  he  wrote  to  Harmar  re- 
counting; the  irregularities  of  that  judicial  tribunal,  and  adding:  "In 
conseqixenee  of  which  I  have  dissolved  the  old  court,  and  ordered  new 
magistrates  to  be  elected,  and  established  a  few  regulations  for  them  to 
go  by,  a  copy  of  which  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose.  My  code  of  laws  vdll, 
no  doubt,  make  j'ou  laugh,  but  I  hope  you  will  consider  that  I  am  neither  a 
lawyer  or  a  legislator. "  ^  ^  Possibly  this  was  one  of  the  indications  of 
levity,  which  made  President  Washington,  on  being  informed  that  Ham- 
tramek was  to  make  a  treaty  with  the  Wabash  Indians,  express  a  regret 
that  some  "more  dignified  character  than  Major  Hamtramek"  had  not 
been  selected.  On  the  other  hand  the  Father  of  his  Country  may  have 
referred  to  Hamtramek 's  pereonal  appearance,  which  was  not  impressive. 
He  was  short  in  stature,  and  was  so  awkward-looking  that  he  was  some- 
times called  "the  Frog  on  Horseback" — an  expression,  by  the  way,  which 
has  rather  an  Indian  flavor.  But  at  any  rate,  his  court  and  his  code  of 
laws  worked  very  well  in  Vincennes,  until  they  struck  a  snag  in  the  red- 
eyed  law,  as  administered  in  Kentucky.  On  November  11.  1789,  he  wrote 
to  Harmar:  "It  is  high  time  that  Government  should  take  place  in  this 
country,  &  if  it  should  happen  that  the  Governor  was  not  to  come,  nor  any 
of  the  Judges,  I  would  beg  (for  the  sake  of  the  people)  that  his  Excellency 
would  give  me  certain  powers  to  create  magistrates,  a  sheriff  &  other 
officers  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  courts  of  Justice,  for,  at  present, 
there  are  none,  owing  to  the  daily  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Governor.  Those  that  had  been  appointed  by  the  people  last  year,  their 
authority  has  been  refused  in  the  courts  of  Kentucky,  they  declaring  that 
by  the  resolve  of  Congress,  neither  the  people  of  Vincennes,  or  the  Com- 
manding Officer,  had  a  right  to  appoint  magistrates ;  that  the  power  was 
vested  in  the  Governor  only,  &  that  it  was  an  usurped  authority.  You 
see,  Sir,  how  much  to  the  prejudice  of  the  people  their  present  situation 
is,  &  how  necessary  it  is  that  some  steps  should  be  taken  to  relieve  them. 

"The  powers  of  the  magistrates  may  be  circumscribed  as  his  Excel- 
lency may  think  proper,  but  the  necessity  of  having  such  characters  will 
appear  when  I  assure  you  that  at  present  no  person  here  can  administer 
an  oath  which  will  be  considered  legal  in  the  courts  of  Kentucky — and  for 
the  reasons  above  mentioned." 

The  complaint  of  neglect  was  not  confined  to  Vincennes.  With  this 
letter,  Hamtramek  inclosed  one  from  John  Edgar,  in  which  he  complains 
of  the  lawlessness  in  his  vicinity,  especially  by  Indians  from  the  Spanish 


111.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  5,  p.  507,  note;  Draper  mss.  IW  385. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  201 

side  of  the  Mississippi,  and  says:  "I  have  waited  five  years  in  hopes  of  a 
Government ;  I  shall  wait  until  March,  as  I  may  be  able  to  withstand  them 
in  the  winter  season,  but  if  no  succour  nor  government  should  then  aiTive, 
I  shall  be  compelled  to  abandon  the  country,  &  shall  go  to  live  at  St.  Louis. 
Inclination,  interest  &  love  for  the  country  prompt  me  to  reside  here,  but 
when  in  so  doing  it  is  ten  to  one  but  both  my  life  &  property  will  fall  a 
sacrifice,  you  nor  any  impartial  mind  can  blame  me  for  the  part  I  shall 
take.  "12 

In  1788  Congress  had  adopted  resolutions  for  confirming  the  land  titles 
of  the  French  settlers,  and  had  also  voted  four  hundred  acres  to  each  head 
of  a  family.  Nothing  was  done,  however,  by  the  Territorial  authorities. 
On  October  6,  1789,  President  Washington  wrote  to  St.  Clair,  giving  in- 
structions as  to  treating  with  the  Indians,  who  were  becoming  troublesome, 
and  added:  "You  will  also  proceed  as  soon  as  j'ou  can  with  safety,  to 
execute  the  orders  of  the  late  Congress,  respecting  the  inhabitants  at  Post 
Vincennes,  and  at  the  Kaskaskias,  and  the  other  villages  on  the  Mississippi. 
It  is  a  circumstance  of  some  importance  that  the  said  inhabitants  should, 
as  soon  as  possible,  possess  the  lands  to  which  they  are  entitled,  by  some 
known  and  fixed  principles."  Under  this  inspiration  the  Governor  and 
Judges  finally  decided  to  make  a  progress  to  their  western  dominions,  and 
got  started  late  in  December.  On  January  2,  1790,  at  Losantiville,  St. 
Clair  established  Hamilton  County,  of  the  lands  between  the  Miamis ;  and 
also  induced  the  proprietors  of  the  town  to  change  its  name  to  Cincinnati. 
They  stopped  for  a  couple  of  weeks  at  the  Falls  and  then  went  on  to 
Kaska.skia,  where  on  April  27  the  Governor  established  St.  Clair  County, 
including  all  of  Illinois  south  of  the  Illinois  River  and  west  of  Fort  Massac. 
On  June  11,  on  account  of  Indian  hostilities,  St.  Clair  started  back  to 
Marietta,  deputing  Sargent  to  act  in  his  stead.  Sargent,  with  Judges 
Symmes  and  Turner,  then  proceeded  to  Vincennes,  and  this  first  appear- 
ance of  the  Territorial  government  at  Vincennes  was  welcomed  with  almost 
as  much  ceremony  as  at  Marietta,  but  it  was  French  ceremony.  The 
"magistrates"  and  militia  officers  presented  an  address  on  behalf  of  the 
inhabitants,  as  follows: 

"Vincennes,  July  23,  1790. 

"To  the  honorable  Winthrop  Sargent,  esquire,  secretary  of  the  terri- 
tory of  the  United  States  northwest  of  the  river  Ohio,  and  now  vested  with 
all  the  powers  of  governor  and  commander-in-chief  thereof : 

' '  The  citizens  of  the  town  of  Vincennes  approach  you,  sir,  to  express 
as  well  their  personal  respect  for  your  honor,  as  their  full  approbation  of 
the  measures  you  have  been  pleased  to  pursue  in  regard  to  their  govem- 


12  111.  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  5,  pp.  512-14. 


202  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

mcnt,  and  the  adjustment  of  their  claims,  as  inhabitants  of  the  territory 
over  which  you  at  present  preside.  While  we  deem  it  a  singular  blessing 
to  behold  the  principles  of  free  government  unfolding  among  us,  we 
cherish  the  pleasing  reflection  that  our  posterity  will  also  have  cause  to 
rejoice  at  the  political  change  now  originating.  A  free  and  efficient  gov- 
ernment, wisely  administered,  and  fostered  under  the  protecting  wings  of 
an  august  union  of  States,  can  not  fail  to  render  the  citizens  of  this  wide 
extended  territory  securely  happy  in  the  possession  of  every  public 
blessing. 

"We  can  not  take  leave  sir,  without  offering  to  your  notice  a  tribute 
of  gratitude  and  esteem,  which  eveiy  citizen  of  Vineenues  conceives  he 
owes  to  the  merits  of  an  officer  (Major  Hamtramck)  who  has  long  com- 
manded at  this  post.  The  unsettled  situation  of  things,  for  a  series  of 
years  previous  to  this  gentleman's  arrival,  tended  in  many  instances  to 
derange,  and  in  others  to  suspend,  the  operations  of  those  municipal 
customs  by  which  the  citizens  of  this  town  were  used  to  be  governed. 
They  were  in  the  habit  of  submitting  the  superintendence  of  their  civil 
regulations  to  the  officer  who  happened  to  command  the  troops  posted 
among  them.  Hence,  in  the  course  of  the  late  war,  and  from  the  frequent 
change  of  masters,  they  labored  under  heavy  and  various  grievances. 
But  the  judicious  and  humane  attention  paid  by  Major  Hamtramck, 
during  his  whole  command,  to  the  rights  and  feelings  of  every  individual 
craving  his  interposition,  demands,  and  will  always  receive,  our  warmest 
acknowledgements. 

"We  beg  you,  sir,  to  assure  the  supreme  authority  of  the  United 
States  of  our  fidelity  and  attachment ;  and  that  our  greatest  ambition  is 
to  deserve  its  fostering  care,  by  acting  the  part  of  good  citizens. 

"By  order,  and  on  behalf,  of  the  citizens  of  Vinc^nnes." 

It  took  two  days  for  Sargent  to  rise  to  the  emergency,  but  he  did  so 
then  in  the  following  reply : 

"Vincennes,  July  25th.  1790. 

' '  Gentlemen :  Next  to  that  happiness  which  I  derive  from  a  con- 
sciousness of  endeavoring  to  merit  the  approbation  of  the  sovereign  au- 
thority of  the  United  States  by  a  faithful  discharge  of  the  important 
trusts  committed  to  me,  is  the  grateful  plaudit  of  the  respectable  citizens 
of  this  territory:  and  be  assured,  gentlemen,  that  I  receive  it  from  the 
town  of  Vincennes,  upon  this  occasion,  with  singular  satisfaction. 

"In  an  event  so  interesting  and  important  to  every  individual  as  is 
the  organization  of  civil  government,  I  regret  exceedingly  that  you  have 
been  deprived  of  the  wisdom  of  our  worthy  governor.  His  extensive 
abilities,  and  long  experience  in  the  honorable  walks  of  public  life,  might 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  '  203 

have  more  perfectly  established  that  system  which  promises  to  you  and 
posterity  such  political  blessings.  It  is  certain,  gentlemen,  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States  is  most  congenial  to  the  dignity  of  human 
nature,  and  the  best  possible  palladium  for  the  lives  and  property  of 
mankind.  The  services  of  Ma.ior  Hamtramck  to  the  public,  and  his 
humane  attention  to  the  citizens  while  in  command  here,  have  been 
highly  meritorious;  and  it  is  with  great  pleasure  that  I  have  officially 
expressed  to  him  my  full  approbation  thereof. 

"Your  dutiful  sentiments  of  fidelity  and  attachment  to  the  general, 
government  of  the  United   States,   shall  be  faithfully  transmitted   to 
their  august  president. 

"With  the  warmest  wishes  for  the  prosperity  and  welfare  of  Vin- 
cennes,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  gentlemen, 

"Your  most  obedient,  humble  servant, 

' '  WiNTHROP    S.VRGENT. ' ' 

The  people  had  occasion  to"  be  in  an  especially  grateful  frame  of  mind 
towards  Hamtramck,  for  he  had  just  performed  a  great  service  to  them. 
Their  corn  crop  of  the  preceding  year  had  been  completely  destroyed  by 
frost,  and  information  of  this  having  come  to  St.  Clair,  he  had  written 
to  Hamtramck  from  Fort  Steuben  (at  Jeffersonville )  on  January  23, 
1790:  "It  is  with  great  pain  that  I  have  heard  of  the  scarcity  of  com 
which  reigns  in  the  settlements  about  the  Post.  I  hope  it  has  been 
exaggerated;' but  it  is  represented  to  me  that,  unless  a  supply  of  that 
article  can  be  sent  forward,  the  people  must  actually  starve.  Corn  can 
be  had  here  in  any  quantity;  but  can  the  people  pay  for  it?  I  entreat 
you  to  inquire  into  that  matter,  and  if  you  find  they  can  not  do  without 
it,  write  to  the  contractor's  agent  here,  to  whom  I  will  give  orders  to 
send  forward  such  quantity  as  you  may  find  to  be  absolutely  necessary. 
They  must  pay  for  what  they  can  of  it  -.  but  they  must  not  be  suffered  to 
perish ;  and  though  I  have  no  direct  authority  from  the  government  for 
this  purpose,  I  must  take  it  upon  myself." 

To  this  Hamtramck  replied  on  I\Iarch  19:  "I  have  this  day  sent  a 
boat  to  the  Falls  for  800  bushels  of  com,  which  I  shall  deliver  to  the 
people  of  the  village,  who  are  in  a  starving  condition ;  so  much  so  that 
on  the  16th  instant  a  woman,  a  boy  of  about  thirteen,  and  a  girl  of  about 
seven  years  were  driven  to  the  woods  by  hunger,  and  poisoned  them- 
selves by  eating  some  wild  roots,  and  have  died  of  it."  ^^ 

While  Sargent  and  the  Judges  were  at  Vincennes,  they  adopted  three 
laws ;  one  prohibiting  the  sale  of  liquor  to  the  Indians ;  one  prohibiting 


■  St.  Clair  Papers,  Vol.  2,  pp.  131-2,  note. 


204 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


the  sale  of  liquor  to  soldiers;  and  one  "prohibiting  every  species  of 
gaming  for  money  or  other  property. ' '  The  last  two  were  regarded  as 
infringements  on  "personal  rights"  by  most  of  the  people  then  residing 
in  Indiana;  but  more  serious  trouble  was  at  hand.  The  Indians  were 
becoming  very  troublesome.  There  had  been  more  or  less  of  hostilities 
between  the  Indians  and  the  whites  ever  since  the  close  of  the  Kevolu- 
tionary  war,  but  it  had  been  due  chiefly  to  the  lawlessness  of  individuals 
rather  than  to  any  formal  warfare.  In  July,  1790,  Judge  Innes  wrote  to 
the  War  Department  the  statement  that  since  1783  "more  than  fifteen 
hundred  persons  had  been  killed  and  taken  prisoners  by  the  Indians — 


Jj^     ^    N 


J^'y^yTU^ 


<i^^  .,■<:.     A..     ,..-^  ...... 

,^'^.w.'<..,«.A.,  f,' .-  ,.„;. 

.•  -  ^  c^-.. ^^     ,   ..     .'     -^   '  -'   '       -     - 

<'.  ^ ^^./■'-'^     y-^-,         '^,-..      .     '  .  ,,   .     ^     , 


Anti-Gambling   Law- 


-Adopted   at   Vincennes,   Aug. 
Effect  Jan.  1,  1791 


4,    1790;    Took 


that  upwards  of  twenty  thousand  horses  had  been  taken  and  carried 
off,  with  other  property,  consisting  of  money,  merchandise,  household 
goods,  wearing  apparel,  etc.,  of  great  value."  St.  Clair  had  been  in- 
structed to  use  every  means  to  conciliate  the  Indians,  but  also  to  ex- 
tinguish as  soon  as  possible  the  Indian  title  as  far  west  as  the  Mississippi, 
and  as  far  north  as  parallel  forty-one.  This  was  exactly  what  the  Indians 
did  not  want.  St.  Clair  summoned  them  to  a  treaty  at  Port  Harmar  on 
January  9,  1789;  but  very  few  came,  and  he  proceeded  to  treat  with 
thirty-one  that  did  come,  who  were  supposed  to  represent  six  of  the 
principal  western  tribes,  and  who  confirmed  the  cessions  made  previously 
at  Fort  Mcintosh.  But  the  tribes  utterly  repudiated  this  treaty,  saying 
that  signers  were  not  even  chiefs — which  was  very  true.    There  was  an 


INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS  205 

immediate  increase  of  depredations,  the  situation  growing  worse  through 
1789  and  1790.  In  the  spring  of  1790  Major  Hamtramck  sent  Antoine 
Gamelin  up  the  Wabash  with  speeches  from  Governor  St.  Clair  to  the 
various  tribes.  He  received  scant  satisfaction.  It  was  evident  that  the 
Indians  were  receiving  aid  and  encoui-agement  from  the  British,  who 
still  held  Detroit  and  other  points  on  the  lakes.  The  only  course  open 
was  to  punish  the  Indians,  and  for  this  purpose  an  expedition  was  pre- 
pared under  command  of  Gen.  Harmar. 

On  September  30,  1790,  he  left  Fort  Washington    (at  Cincinnati) 
with  1,453  men,  of  whom  320  were  regulars,  and  the  remainder  militia 
and  volunteers  from  Kentucky,  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia.    The  irregu- 
lars included  many  boys  and  old  men;  they  were  poorly  armed  and 
equipped ;  and  there  was  the  insubordination  among  them  that  commonly 
characterized  frontier  troops.     They  reached  Kikiungi   (Fort  Wayne) 
and  found  it  recently  deserted.     On  October  18,  Col.  Trotter,  of  the 
militia  was  sent  out  with  300  men  to  look  for  the  Indians  but  returned 
without  finding  more  than  two.    There  was  rivalry  between  Trotter  and 
Col.  Hardin,  and  the  latter  asked  to  go  out  with  the  same  command  on 
the  19th.    He  led  his  men  into  an  ambush ;  all  of  the  militia  but  nine  ran 
away;  and  Hardin  got  back  with  a  loss  of  all  but  half-a-dozen  of  his 
regulars,  and  a  number  of  the  militia.    After  destroying  a  large  amount 
of  crops  on  the  20th  and  21st,  Harmar  was  asked  by  Hardin  for  permis- 
sion to  go  back  with  a  detachment  of  militia  picked  by  himself,  and 
surprise  the  Indians,  who  he  thought  would  return  to  their  village  as 
soon  as  the  troops  left.     Harmar  finally  consented,  and  Hardin  went 
back  with  four  hundred  men.    They  found  the  Indians,  but  the  militia 
officers  were  decoyed  into  separating  their  commands  by  Indians  appar- 
ently in  flight,  and  then  met  a  general  attack  in  which  the  militia  again 
fled  and  the  regulars  were  almost  exterminated.    Hardin  wanted  Harmar 
to  go  back  with  the  entire  army,  but  he  declined,  as  he  was  short  of 
supplies,  and  the  militia  were  now  completely  demoralized.     The  army 
had  destroyed  five  villages,  over  20,000  bushels  of  corn,  and  large  quan- 
tities of  beans,  pumpkins,  hay,  and  other  Indian  property;  but  they  had 
.  lost  183  killed  and  31  wounded,  and  had  left  the  belief  with  the  Indians 
that  thev  had  driven  the   Americans  back.     As  to  this  fighting,   the 
Americans  at  the  time,  and  our  writers  since  then,  have  failed  to  credit 
the  result  as  largely  as  they  should  to  the  Indian  leadership.    The  Little 
Turtle  was  in  command.    When  the  troops  first  reached  Kikiungi,  the 
warriors  were  absent  on  their  fall  hunt,  and  in  the  first  day's  fighting 
The  Little  Turtle  was  able  to  get  only  one  hundred  of  them  together;  but 
they  came  in  rapidly,  and  on  the  last  day  his  forces  were  equal  to  the 
enemy.     But  while  the  whites  did  not  understand  his  ability,  he  had 


206 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


gained  a  reputation  with  the  Indians  that  made  a  new  era  in  Indian 
warfare. 

The  necessity  of  getting  food  to  replace  what  had  been  destroyed,  and 
the  desire  for  revenge,  made  the  Indian  hostilities  worse  than  before. 
In  response  to  appeals  for  protection.  Congress  authorized  another  regir 
ment  to  be  raised,  bringing  the  standing  army  up  to  three  thousand  men, 
and  Virginia  directed  an  expedition  from  Kentucky  under  Brig.  Gen. 


Site  of  Fort  Wayne  in  1790 
(From  drawing  by  i\Iajor  Denny,  with  Harmar's  forces) 

Charles  Scott.  Scott  marched  for  the  Wabash  towns  on  I\Iay  23,  with 
some  eight  hundred  mounted  men.  He  readied  Wea  Prairie  on  June  1, 
sent  detachments  to  attack  small  villages,  and  pressed  on  with  his  main 
force  to  the  main  village  of  Ouiatanon,  on  the  banks  of  the  Wabash. 
His  advance  reached  it  in  time  to  destroy  five  canoe  loads  of  Indians,  the 
last  to  try  to  cross  the  river  to  the  Kickapoo  town  on  the  north  side.  The 
Wabash  was  flooded  by  recent  rain.s,  and  some  time  was  lost  before  troops 
could  get  across  and  take  the  Kickapoo  town.  On  the  evening  of  the 
2nd  Lt.   Col.'  Wilkinson  was  sent  with  360   men  to   destroy  the   town 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  207 

known  as  Kethtipecanuiik,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tippecanoe  River,  which 
he  accomplished.  Of  this  place  Scott  says:  "Many  of  the  inhabitants 
of  this  village  were  French,  and  lived  in  a  state  of  civilization.  By  the 
books,  letters,  and  other  documents  found  there,  it  is  evident  tliat  place 
was  in  close  connection  with,  and  dependent  on,  Detroit.  A  large  quan- 
tity of  corn,  a  variety  of  household  goods,  peltry,  and  other  articles,  were 
burned  with  this  village,  which  consisted  of  about  seventy  hou.ses,  many 
of  them  well  finished."  On  June  4,  having  destroyed  all  the  crops 
found,  Seott  started  on  his  return,  and  reached  the  Falls  oil  the  14th 
' '  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man  by  the  enemy,  and  five  only  wounded ; 
having  killed  thirt.y-two.  chiefly  warriors  of  size  and  figure,  and  taken 
fifty-eight  prisoners."  Sixteen  of  the  older  prisoners  were  released, 
with  warning  letters  to  the  other  Indians.  The  remainder  were  taken  to 
the  Falls,  and  held  until  their  tribes  made  peace,  which  proved  a  very 
efficacious  mode  of  procedure. 

Governor  St.  Clair  was  put  in  command  of  the  main  expedition,  which 
was  to  move  from  Fort  Washington  in  the  fall.  On  August  1.  a  force  of 
525  men  under  Brig.  Gen.  James  Wilkinson  was  started  for  another 
attack  on  the  Wabash  towns.  They  struck  the  Eel  River  town,  Kinapi- 
kwomakwa,  on  the  7th.  Having  destroyed  it,  and  the  crops  which  had 
been  replanted  at  Ouiatanon  and  Kethtipecanunk,  and  also  destroyed  a 
Kickapoo  town  of  thirty  houses,  west  of  Ouiatanon,  Wilkinson  returned, 
reaching  the  Falls  on  the  21st.  The  Indians  were  taking  note  of  St. 
Clair's  preparations,  and  decided  not  to  wait  for  another  destruction  of 
their  crops.  St.  Clair's  advance  moved  twenty -five  miles  northward  in 
September,  and  built  Fort.  Hamilton.  On  October  4,  it  advanced  forty- 
two  miles,  and  built  Fort  Jefferson.  On  October  24  the  army  moved 
forward,  and  on  November  3  reached  the  headwaters  of  the  Wabash 
where  Port  Recovery  was  afterwards  built.  The  Indians  also  were 
moving.  By  the  efforts  of  The  Little  Turtle,  Pachgantcihilas.  the  great 
Delaware  war  chief.  Blue  Jacket  the  Shawnee  chief,  and  others,  1,400 
warriors  had  lieen  gathered  on  the- prairie  south  of  Kikiungi  in  the  latter 
part  of  October.  There  was  some  dissension  as  to  who  should  have  the 
chief  command,  but  it  was  awarded  to  The  Little  Turtle.  He  organized 
his  forces  by  dividing  them  into  squads  or  messes  of  twenty  each,  and 
each  squad  into  five  bands  of  four  each,  who  acted  as  hunters  for  the 
mess  one  day  each  in  rotation.  These  hunters  were  to  liring  in  at  noon 
whatever  game  they  killed,  and  so  the  army  was  supplied.  They  marched 
to  meet  the  advancing  enemy.  On  the  night  of  November  3  they  crept 
close  in  about  St.  Clair's  camp,  and  prepared  for  attack.  They  watched 
the  soldiers  parade  at  daylight,  and  as  they  dispersed  for  breakfast, 
about  sis  o'clock,  The  Little  Turtle  gave  the  signal  for  attack.     The 


208  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Indians  kept  under  cover,  and  maintained  a  continuous  and  murderous 
rifle  fire.  The  troops  were  put  in  position,  and  fired  ineifectual  volleys 
at  their  concealed  foes.  Repeated  bayonet  charges  were  made,  but  the 
Indians  simply  fell  back  before  them,  while  others  poured  a  deadly  fire 
into  the  flanks  of  the  charging  squadrons.  The  Indians  made  special 
targets  of  officers  and  artillerymen.  By  half  past  eight  the  army  was 
helpless.  The  artillerj^  was  silenced.  Most  of  the  officers  were  dead,  and 
those  remaining  saw  that  the  only  hope  was  in  retreat.  A  charge  opened 
the  way  to  the  road,  and  the  militia  made  their  way  out,  followed  by  the 
regulars.  Everything  was  abandoned.  The  retreat  became  a  rout,  and 
although  the  Indians  pureued  for  only  about  four  miles,  it  continued 
until  Fort  Jefferson  was  reached,  after  sunset. 

This  was  the  greatest  defeat  ever  inflicted  on  American  troops  by 
Indians.  The  Little  Turtle  had  beaten  a  force  superior  to  his  own,  prob- 
ably fifty  per  cent,  greater,  on  their  own  ground,  with  a  loss  of  37  officers 
and  593  men  killed,  and  31  officers  and  242  men  wounded.  He  had 
captured  all  their  artillery,  camp  equipage  and  supplies,  valued  at 
$32,800,  with  much  private  property.  He  had  stopped  for  the  time 
being  the  invasion  of  his  country.  "War  parties  soon  appeared  all  along 
the  frontiers,  and  many  of  the  settlements  not  adjacent  to  the  forts  were 
abandoned.  St.  Clair  resigned  his  position  as  Ma.jor  General.  President 
Washington  asked  Congress  for  three  more  regiments  of  infantry  and  a 
squadron  of  horse.  There  was  opposition  on  account  of  the  poverty  of 
the  nation,  and  it  was  even  proposed  to  abandon  the  Northwest  Terri- 
tory, but  that  received  little  favor.  Congi-ess  provided  for  an  army  of 
5,000  men,  and  "Mad  Anthony"  Wayne  was  put  in  command.  Com- 
missioners were  appointed  to  try  to  settle  the  matter  peaceably,  who 
made  their  way  to  the  Indians  through  Canada ;  but  the  Indians  refused 
any  terms  but  withdrawal  from  the  lands  north  of  the  Ohio. 

Wayne  came  to  Pittsburg  in  June,  1792,  and  began  organizing  his 
army.  It  was  a  slow  and  difficult  task.  Drills  were  incessant,  and  courts 
martial  were  almost  as  common  as  police  courts  are  now.  His  Orderly 
Book  presents  the  most  remarkable  record  of  discipline  that  was  ever 
given  to  an  American  army.^*  The  chief  offenses  punished  were  products 
of  the  personal  independence  of  the  frontiersmen,  mutiny,  disrespect  to 
officers  and  desertion.  Punishments  were  severe.  The  limit  of  one  hun- 
dred lashes  was  frequently  administered  before  the  army  on  parade. 
Like  Hamtramck,  Wayne  found  this  insufficient,  and  tried  dividing  the 
hundred  lashes  through  four  successive  days,  and  using  a  cat  of  wires. 
This  did  not  suffice  to  stop  desertion,  and  a  number  of  offenders  were 


Hit  is  given  in  full  in  Mich.  Pion.  and  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  34,  pp.  341-73.3. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


209 


shot  before  the  army,  and  several  were  hanged.  In  tlie  effort  to  improve 
marksmanship,  rivalry-  was  encouraged  between  the  riflemen  and  the 
infantry,  though  the  latter  were  instructed  to  rely  chiefly  on  the  bayonet. 
Orders  were  given  to  "award  as  a  bounty  one  Gill  of  Whiskey  to  the 
best  shot,  or  marksman,  and  a  half  Gill  to  the  Second  best  of  the  Infantry 
and  a  like  quantity  to  the  first  and  Second  best  of  tlie  Riflemen.  Pro- 
vided always  that  should  the  Infantrys  shott  be  better  than  tlinse  of  the 
rifle,  then  the  Riflemen  shall  forfeit  any  claim  to  bounty  for  that  days 
practice. "'    The  dragoons  were  taught  to  rely  on  the  sabre.    In  the  spring 


TiiE  Battle  of  the  Fallen  Tiiibers 
( From  a  painting) 


of  1793  Wayne  moved  down  the  river  to  Fort  Washington,  and  camped 
just  below  Cincinnati  at  Hobson's  Choice. i^  Here  the  same  process  of 
discipline  was  continued  until  October  7,  except  that  there  appeared  to 
be  more  opportunity  for  getting  liquor,  and  punishment  for  drunken- 
ness became  more  frequent.  The  treaty  commissioners  were  put  off  b.y 
the  Indians  until  August,  and  then  returned  hopeless.  Meanwhile  it 
had  been  learned  that  Major  Trueman  and  Col.  Hardin,  who  had  been 
sent  from  Fort  Washington  with  peace  talks  for  the  Indians,  had  been 
taken  and  murdered  by  them.  Wayne  advanced  beyond  Fort  Jefferson 
by  October  23,  with  2,600  regulars,  and  400  auxilaries,  in  guides  and 


In  The  troops  tried  to  cross  the  river,  but  on  account  of  flood  could  do  so  only 
at  this  place,   which  consequently   was   Hobson's  choice,   1.   e.,   "that  or   nothing." 

Vol.  1—14 


210  INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS 

mounted  volunteers  from  Kentuelrv'.  The  main  body  of  volunteers  had 
not  arrived;  the  army  was  largely  incapacitated  by  an  epidemic  of 
influenza ;  and  it  was  too  late  in  the  season  for  an  effective  campaign ;  so 
Wayne  sent  the  volunteers  back  and  wintered  at  the  forts,  constructing 
Fort  Greenville  and  Fort  Recovery.  These  moves  disquieted  the  hostile 
Indians,  who  had  not  been  able  to  tind  an  opening  for  attack  on  Wayne 's 
army,  their  only  success  being  the  capture  of  a  wagon  train  on  October 
17.  Some  of  them  sent  a  message  to  Wayne  expressing  a  desire  to  make 
peace,  but  they  evaded  his  proposals,  and  if  their  intentions  were  ever 
sincere,  they  were  changed  by  a  new  complication. 

In  1793  the  French  Revolution  was  holding  the  attention  of  the 
world,  and  the  French  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  Genet,  was  holding  the 
attention  of  the  United  States  by  his  extraordinary  assumptions  of  power 
and  open  criticism  of  the  President  for  not  joining  France  in  a  war  on 
England.  The  people  of  the  west  were  not  nearly  so  much  shocked  by 
the  bloody  work  of  the  guillotine  as  they  were  by  the  massacre  of  their 
wives  and  children  by  the  allies  of  England.  Genet  easily  induced  num- 
bers of  western  men  to  join  in  his  scheme  for  an  attack  on  the  Spanish 
settlements  on  the  Mississippi,  and  when  President  Washington  called 
on  Governor  Shelby  of  Kentucky,  to  take  measures  to  prevent  it,  the 
latter  flatly  answered  that  he  had  "little  inclination  to  take  an  active 
part  in  punishing  or  restraining  any  of  my  fellow  citizens  for  a  supposed 
intention,  only  to  gratify  or  remove  the  fears  of  the  minister  to  a  prince, 
•who  openly  withholds  from  us  an  invaluable  right,  and  who  secretly 
instigates  against  us  a  most  savage  and  cruel  enemy."  So  tense  was  the 
feeling  that  on  Februan^  10,  1794,  at  Quebec,  Lord  Dorchester,  the 
Governor  General,  told  a  delegation  of  Indians,  "he  should  not  be  sur- 
prised if  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  were  at  war  in  the  course 
of  a  year."  Early  in  the  spring,  a  messenger  came  to  the  hostile  Indians 
at  the  rapids  of  the  Maumee,  from  the  Spanish  settlements  on  the 
Mississippi,  with  an  offer  of  assistance  from  them.  In  April,  three  com- 
panies of  British  soldiers  were  sent  from  Detroit  and  built  a  fort  at  the 
rapids  of  the  Maumee.  These  conditions  determined  the  Indians  to 
accept  the  arbitrament  of  war.  It  may  also  be  noted  in  passing  that  they 
were  the  chief  cause  of  the  rapid  spread  of  anti-Federalist  sentiment  in 
the  West. 

On  June  30  The  Little  Turtle  approached  Fort  Recoverj^  with  a 
force  of  1,500  men,  part  of  whom  were  whites  in  disguise,  expecting  to 
find  the  cannon  taken  from  St.  Clair,  and  use  them  against  the  fort ;  but 
the  Americans  had  found  them,  and  they  were  mounted  in  the  fort.  But 
they  intercepted  a  convoy  of  ninety  riflemen  and  fifty  dragoons  who  were 
returning  to  the  fort,  and  overwhelmed  them,  killing  five  officers  and 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  211 

seventeen  men,  and  wounding  thirty,  besides  killing  and  wounding  eighty- 
one  horses  and  capturing  204.  They  then  attacked  the  fort  for  about 
twenty-four  hours,  but  finding  that  their  rifles  had  no  effect  they  with- 
drew. A  division  arose  among  them.  A  part  wished  to  attack  Wayne's 
army.  The  Little  Turtle  opposed  this,  saying  that  it  was  useless  to  try  to 
surprise  ' '  a  chief  who  always  slept  with  one  eye  open, ' '  and  that  he  was 
too  strong  to  fight  in  the  open.  He  urged  that  they  get  between  him  and 
the  settlements,  cut  off  his  convoys,  and  leave  him  stranded  in  the  wilder- 
ness. He  was  overruled,  and  even  accused  of  cowardice.  On  July  26, 
Gen.  Scott  arrived  at  Greenville  with  1,600  mounted  volunteers  from 
Kentucky ;  and  on  the  28th  "Wayne  advanced.  Twenty-four  miles  north 
of  Fort  Kecovery  he  built  a  small  fort  on  the  St.  Marj^'s  River,  and 
advanced  again  on  August  4.  On  the  8th  he  reached  the  mouth  of  the 
Auglaize,  and  here  built  Fort  Defiance.  From  here  he  sent  a  last  mes- 
sage to  the  Indians,  advising  them  to  come  in  and  make  peace.  The 
messenger  returned  on  the  sixteenth,  with  a  request  for  a  delay  of  ten 
days ;  but  Wayne  had  started  for  the  foot  of  the  rapids  on  the  15th.  At 
that  point  he  erected  a  light  stockade  for  his  stores  and  baggage,  and  on 
the  20th  advanced  In  order  of  battle.  Five  miles  out,  in  a  tangle  of  fallen 
timber,  caused  by  a  tornado,  more  than  1,400  Indians  with  70  white 
allies,  were  lying  in  ambush.  The  advance  guard  received  a  heavy  fire 
which  caused  it  to  recoil,  but  the  first  line  promptly  charged,  rousing 
the  Indians  with  the  bayonet  and  firing  at  short  range.  The  battle  was 
fought  as  it  had  been  rehearsed  time  and  again  in  drills,  except  that  the 
charge  of  the  first  line  was  so  impetuous  that  the  second  line  could  not 
catch  up,  and  the  cavalry,  which  had  been  sent  around  to  cut  off  retreat, 
did  not  reach  its  position  in  time.  Driven  over  two  miles  through  the 
timber,  and  refused  admission  to  the  British  fort,  the  Indians  scattered 
in  every  direction,  and  offered  no  further  resistance. 

For  three  days  the  army  destroyed  Indian  property  in  the  vicinity, 
and  the  British  trading  houses  within  pistol  shot  of  the  British  fort, 
which  had  a  garrison  of  250  regulars  and  200  militia.  On  the  22nd 
Major  Campbell  protested  against  "those  insults  you  have  offered  to  the 
British  flag,"  and  Wayne  replied  with  a  demand  for  him  to  withdraw 
from  our  territory.  This  Campbell  declined  to  do,  but  he  did  not  inter- 
fere with  the  work  of  destruction.  On  the  27th  the  army  returned  to 
Fort  Defiance,  destroying  villages  and  cornfields  "for  about  fifty  miles 
on  each  side  of  the  Maumee. ' '  This  work  of  destruction  was  carried  on 
in  every  direction  for  about  a  month.  On  September  14  the  army  reached 
Kikiungi,  and  by  October  22  completed  a  strong  fort  at  that  point.  Col. 
Hamtramck,  who  had  served  with  distinction  in  this  campaign,  was  put 
in  command,  and  named  the  new  structure  Fort  Wayne.    The  garrison 


212  INDIANA  AND  LXDIANANS 

included  four  companies  of  infantry  and  one  of  artillery,  and  "fifteen 
rounds  of  cannon"  were  fired  on  taking  possession  of  the  fort.  This 
first  American  fort  was  replaced  by  a  new  one  in  1814.  The  remainder 
of  the  army  started  on  its  return  march  to  Greenville  on  October  28. 
On  November  19,  John  Jay  concluded  his  treaty  with  Lord  Grenville,  by 
which  Great  Britain  agreed  to  withdraw  her  troops  and  garrisons  from 
all  places  within  the  boundaries  of  the  United  States  by  June  1,  1796 ; 
and  the  Indians,  now  assured  that  they  would  have  no  further  support 
from  the  British,  came  to  Wayne  at  Greenville  during  the  winter  of 
1794-5  and  made  tentative  treaties  of  peace,  agreeing  to  return  in  the 
middle  of  June,  and  make  a  definitive  treaty.  Accordingly  1,130  chiefs 
and  warriors  gathered  there,  and  in  councils  held  from  June  16  to  August 
10,  surrendered  most  of  Ohio,  the  southeast  comer  of  Indiana,  including 
the  "Whitewater  valley,  and  tracts  at  Fort  Wayne,  Little  River,  Ouiata- 
non,  Vincennes,  and  Clark's  Grant.  It  was  a  magnificent  conclusion  of  a 
most  difficult  task  by  Gen.  Wayne,  and  his  service  was  hailed  with 
applause  by  Congress  and  by  the  public.  He  was  made  sole  commissioner 
to  treat  with  the  Indians,  and  receiver  of  the  ceded  British  posts.  The 
posts  were  not  actually  evacuated  until  July  11,  when  Port  Miamis,  be- 
low the  rapids  of  the  Maumee,  was  taken  possession  of  by  Col.  Hamtramek, 
and  Detroit  was  occupied  by  Capt.  Moses  Porter,  who  had  been  sent  with 
sixty-five  men  by  Hamtramek  for  that  purpose.  Hamtramek  arrived  at 
Detroit,  and  took  command  there  on  July  13.  Having  made  all  arrange- 
ments for  supplying  the  posts,  Wayne  started  back  to  the  East.  Burnet 
says  his  departure  was  hastened  by  unfounded  charges  that  had  been 
preferred  against  him.^*  On  his  passage  through  Lake  Erie  he  had  an 
attack  of  gout  of  the  stomach,  from  which  he  died.  He  was  buried  at 
Presque  Isle,  but  in  1809  his  remains  were  removed  to  his  native  home, 
and  buried  in  the  cemetery  of  St.  David 's  Church,  Chester  County,  Penn. 
In  1796  Congress  passed  an  act  for  the  survey  and  sale  of  the  lands 
to  which  the  Indians  had  ceded  title,  but  by  this  law  only  the  alternate 
townships  were  divided  into  sections,  and  the  others  were  to  be  sold  by 
quarter-townships.  However,  there  was  an  abundance  of  land  to  select 
from,  and  settlers  who  were  not  able  to  buy  a  section  could  club  together 
in  the  purchase  and  divide  the  land  among  themselves  later.  Popula- 
tion came  in  rapidly,  and  of  course  a  large  part  of  it  was  drawn  to  the 
large  grants  of  the  Ohio  and  Miami  companies,  where  established  settle- 
ments afforded  some  of  the  conveniences  of  civilization.  The  Scioto 
Company — composed  of  Col.  Duer's  "principal  characters" — sent  Joel 
Barlow  to  France,  where,  according  to  Volney,  he  distributed  circulars 


10  Burnet's  Notes,  pp.  275-9. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


213 


offering  land  for  five  shillings  an  acre  in  "a  climate  healthy  and  de- 
lightful ;  scarcely  such  a  thing  as  frost  in  winter ;  a  river,  called  by  way 
of  eminence,  'Beautiful,'  abounding  in  fish  of  enormous  size;  magnificent 
forests  of  a  tree  from  which  sugar  flows,  and  a  shrub  which  yields  can- 
dles ;  venison  in  abundance,  without  foxes,  wolves,  lions  or  tigers-;  no 
taxes  to  pay ;  no  military  enrollments ;  no  quarters  to  find  for  soldiers. ' ' 
Lured  by  this  picture,  a  number  of  Parisians  whose  education  had  been 


French  Settlers  Clearing  Land  at  Galliopolis 
(From  an  old  cut) 


limited  to  city  life,  invested  in  these  lands,  and  came  to  settle  on  them. 
They  found  a  primeval  forest  to  overcome,  and  their  inexperience  caused 
a  large  amount  of  amusement  to  their  American  neighbors.  It  was 
claimed  that  they  used  to  tie  ropes  to  the  branches  of  a  tree,  and  part 
of  them  pull  on  the  ropes  while  the  rest  hacked  at  the  trunk  with  hatchets 
and  axes.  And  when  a  tree  was  down,  not  knowing  how  to  dispose  of 
it  otherwise,  they  dug  a  trench  and  buried  it.  The  place  was  malarial, 
and  worse  than  all,  the  Scioto  Company  had  not  paid  for  the  lands. 
Congress  came  to  the  relief  of  the  victims  in  1795  with  a  grant  of  24,000 


214  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

acres  of  land  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Little  Sandy,  known  as  the 
French  Grant. 

Another  echo  of  the  Ordinance  daj^s  came  in  the  Connecticut  "Western 
Reserve.  Connecticut  had  insisted  on  having  both  the  title  and  the 
jurisdiction  of  a  tract  of  land  as  large  as  the  State  under  her  sea  to  sea 
charter,  until  the  Union  was  threatened  with  disruption.  After  the 
other  colonies  reluctantly  submitted,  Connecticut  granted  500,000  acres 
of  it  to  her  people  to  compensate  for  property  destroyed  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary War,  and  this  tract  was  known  as  "the  Sufferers  Lands"  or 
' '  The  Fire  Lands. ' '  The  rest  of  the  reserve  was  sold  to  a  syndicate  for 
$1,200,000.  The  proprietors  had  ideas  of  erecting  a  state  of  New  Con- 
necticut, but  when  Gov.  St.  Clair  proceeded  to  include  them  in  one  of 
his  new-made  counties,  the  controversy  developed  the  fact  that  their 
titles  were  in  danger.  They  appealed  to  Connecticut  to  assert  jurisdic- 
tion and  organize  them  as  a  county,  but  Connecticut  had  all  she  could 
get  out  of  the  lands,  and  ignored  them.  Finally,  after  a  great  deal  of 
trouble.  Congress  relieved  them  by  a  scheme  of  interchange  of  deeds 
between  Connecticut  and  the  United  States,  devised  by  John  Marshall, 
and  the  "Western  Reserve  was  turned  over  to  Northwest  Territory.^^ 
The  chief  immigration  to  Indiana  in  this  period  was  in  the  "Whitewater 
valley,  Clark's  Grant  and  about  Vincennes. 

The  provision  of  the  Ordinance  that  caused  the  most  trouble  to  the 
French  settlers  was  that  concerning  slavery.  On  June  30,  1789,  Bar- 
tholomew Tardiveau,  one  of  the  principal  residents  of  Cahokia,  wrote  to 
Governor  St.  Clair  informing  him  that  a  report  had  been  circulated  in 
the  Illinois  settlements  that  as  soon  as  the  Governor  arrived  all  the 
slaves  would  be  freed,  in  consequence  of  which  many  persons  had  sacri- 
ficed their  lands  and  removed  to  St.  Louis.  He  stated  that  while  east 
recently  he  had  brought  the  matter  before  members  of  Congress,  and 
that  they  had  assured  liim  that  the  slavery  clause  was  not  intended  to 
be  retroactive,  and  that  Congress  would  adopt  a  resolution  to  that  effect, 
but  it  was  not  done.  He  urged  the  Governor  to  get  such  a  declaration 
from  Congress,  and  if  possible  to  get  a  repeal  of  the  slavery  proviso. 
St.  Clair  did  not  comply  with  his  request,  but  assured  him  that  he  also 
understood  the  provision  not  to  be  retroactive. ^^  In  his  report  to  Presi- 
dent "Washington  of  his  proceedings  in  the  Illinois  country  in  1790,  St. 
Clair  said:  "St.  Louis  is  the  most  flourishing  village  of  the  Spaniards 
in  the  upper  part  of  the  Mississippi,  and  it  has  been  greatly  advanced  by 
the  people  who  abandoned  the  American  side.     To  that  they  were  in- 


17  Hinsflale's  Old  Northwest,  pp.  368-88. 
w  St.  Glair  Papers,  Vol.  2,  pp.  117-119. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  215 

dueed,  partly  by  the  oppression  they  suffered,  and  partly  by  the  fear  of 
losing  their  slaves,  which  they  had  been  taught  to  believe  would  be  all 
set  free  on  the  establishment  of  the  American  government.  Much  pains 
had  indeed  been  taken  to  inculcate  that  belief  (particularly  by  a  Mr. 
Morgan,  of  New  Jersey)  and  a  general  desertion  of  the  country  had  like 
to  have  been  the  consequence.  The  construction  that  was  given  to  that 
part  of  the  Ordinance  which  declares  there  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor 
involuntary  servitude,  was,  that  it  did  not  go  to  the  emancipation  of  the 
slaves  they  were  in  possession  of  and  had  obtained  under  the  laws  by 
which  they  had  formerly  been  governed,  but  was  intended  simply  to 
prevent  the  introduction  of  others.  In  this  construction,  I  hope,  the 
intentions  of  Congress  have  not  been  misunderstood,  and  the  apprehen- 
sions of  the  people  were  quieted  by  it.  But  the  circumstance  that  slaves 
cannot  be  introduced  will  prevent  many  people  from  returning  who 
earnestly  wish  to  return,  both  from  a  dislike  of  the  Spanish  Government 
and  that  the  coimtry  itself  is  much  less  desirable  than  on  the  American 
side.  Could  they  be  allowed  to  bring  them  back  with  them,  all  those 
who  retired  from  that  cause  would  return  to  a  man."  ^^ 

Washington  presumably  concurred  in  this  view,  for  St.  Clair  steadily 
adhered  to  it  thereafter.  In  a  letter  to  Luke  Decker,  of  Vincennes, 
October  11,  1793,  he  said  he  was  "more  and  more  confirmed"  in  this 
opinion,  and  compared  it  to  the  action  of  Congress  on  the  slave  trade, 
which  prevented  further  importation  of  slaves,  without  interfering  with 
those  already  in  the  country.  The  question  did  not  come  to  a  decision 
in  the  courts  of  the  Northwest  Territory  so  far  as  is  known,  but  there 
was  an  approach  towards  it  in  1794.  Judge  Turner  had  gone  to  Vin- 
cennes to  hold  court,  and  there  became  involved  in  a  quarrel  with  Henry 
Vanderburgh,  then  probate  judge  and  justice  of  the  peace  for  Knox 
County,  and  Capt.  Abner  Prior,  acting  as  superintendent  of  Indian 
affairs  on  the  Wabash.  An  application  was  made  to  Turner  for  a  writ 
of  habeas  corpus  for  the  release  of  two  slaves  held  by  Vanderburgh, 
whereupon  the  slaves  were  kidnaped  and  removed  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  coui-t.  Turner  wrote  to  St.  Clair  that  the  kidnapers  "were  em- 
ployed by  Vanderburgh  to  seize  and  forcibly  carry  away  two  negi'oes,  a 
man  and  his  wife,  who  are  free  by  the  Constitution  of  the  "Territory,  and 
who,  being  held  by  him  as  slaves,  has  applied  to  me  for  the  writ  of 
habea,s  corpus,  in  affirmance  of  their  freedom."  He  wanted  Vander- 
burgh's commission  revoked.  St.  Clair  declined,  and  wrote  to  Turner 
the  fullest  statement  of  his  views  on  the  question  that  has  been  preserved. 
He  said:     "Permit  me  sir,  to  offer  you  my  opinion  upon  the  subject. 


19  St.  Clair  Papers,  Vol.  2,  p.  176. 


216 


INDIANA  AND   INDIANANS 


which  is  shortly  this :  that  the  declaration  in  our  Constitution,  that  there 
shall  be  no  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  the  Territory,  applies  to, 
and  can  be  taken'  advantage  of  only  by,  those  slaves  who  may  have  been 
imported  since  the  establishment  of  that  Constitution.  Slavery  was 
established  in  that  country  when  it  was  under  the  dominion  of  France. 
It  was  continued  when  it  fell  under  that  of  Great  Britain;  and,  again, 


The   Early   Surveys  and  Land   Grants 


under  Virginia-,  a  part  of  the  Territory  of  which  it  was  considered  by 
that  State  until  the  cession  thereof  made  to  Congress ;  and  whether  that 
construction  of  the  State  was  ill  or  well  formed,  the  acceptation  of  the 
cession  by  Congress  confirmed  it  to  all  intents  and  purposes;  and  there 
is  also  a  clause  in  that  cession  about  continuing  to  the  ancient  settlers, 
and  those  who  had  settled  under  Virginia,  the  benefit  of  their  ancient 
laws  and  customs.  As  I  have  not  the  act  of  cession  of  that  State  by  me 
at  present,  I  can  not  give  you  the  words.     Slaves  were  then  a  property 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  ■         217 

acquired  by  the  inhabitants  conformably  to  law,  and  they  were  to  be  pro- 
tected in  the  possession  of  that  property.  If  so,  they  are  still  to  be  pro- 
tected in  it.  So  far  as  it  respects  the  past,  it  can  have  no  operation,  and 
must  be  construed  to  intend  that,  from  and  after  the  publication  of  the 
said  Constitution,  slaves  imported  into  that  Territory  should  immediately 
become  free;  and  by  this  construction  no  injuiy  is  done  to  any  person, 
because  it  is  a  matter  of  public  notoriety,  and  any  person  removing  into 
that  Colony  and  bringing  with  him  persons  who  were  slaves  in  another 
country,  does  it  at  the  known  risk  of  their  claiming  their  freedom ; 
whereas,  on  the  other  hand,  had  the  Constitution  the  effect  to  liberate 
those  persons  who  were  slaves  by  the  former  laws,  as  no  compensation  is 
provided  to  their  owners,  it  would  be  an  act  of  the  Government  arbitrarily 
depriving  a  part  if  the  people  of  a  part  of  their  property — an  attempt 
that  has  not  been  made  and  would  not  be  submitted  to,  and  is  not  to  be 
drawn  from  the  mere  construction  of  words.  I  have  troi;bled  you  with 
my  thoughts  upon  this  subject  because  I  have  heard  that  there  is  great 
agitation  among  the  people  respecting  it,  and  they  should  be  set  at  rest." 
This  view  was  followed  during  the  existence  of  Northwest  Territory  and 
the  territories  formed  from  it. 

Tardiveau,  in  his  letter  to  St.  Clair,  iirged  that  it  would  secure  de- 
sirable population  for  the  northwest  if  slaves  could  be  brought  in,  and 
St.  Clair  concurred  to  the  extent  of  desiring  the  return  of  the  Illinois 
slave-holders  who  had  moved  across  the  Mississippi.  This  was  a  common 
feeling  in  the  western  part  of  the  Territory,  and  for  obvious  reasons. 
The  chief  wealth  of  the  countiy  was  in  land,  and  all  who  could  were 
speculating  in  it.  On  Januaiy  12,  1796,  a  petition  was  drawn  up  at 
Kaskaskia  asking  Congress  for  the  repeal  or  modification  of  the  slaveiy 
clause.  It  was  signed  by  John  Edgar  and  William  Morrison,  two  of  the 
wealthiest  and  most  influential  men  of  Randolph  County,  and  William 
St.  Clair  and  John  Du^Moulin,  who  were  equally  prominent  in  St.  Clair 
County.  The  argument  offered  was  this:  "Tour  petitioners  humbly 
hope  they  will  not  be  thought  presumptuous  in  venturing  to  disapprove 
of  the  article  concerning  slavei-y  in  toto,  as  contrary  not  only  to  the 
interest,  but  almost  to  the  existence  of  the  country  they  inhabit,  where 
laborers  cannot  be  procured  to  assist  in  cultivating  the  ground  under 
one  dollar  per  day,  exclusive  of  wa.shing,  lodging,  and  boarding;  and 
where  every  kind  of  tradesmen  are  paid  from  a  dollar  and  a  half  to  two 
dollars  per  day ;  neither  is  there,  at  these  exorbitant  prices,  a  sufficiency 
of  hands  to  be  got  for  the  exigencies  of  the  inhabitants,  who,  attached  to 
their  native  soil,  have  rather  chosen  to  encounter  these  and  many  other 
difficidties  than,  by  avoiding  them,  remove  to  the  Spanish  dominions, 
where  slavery  is  permitted,  and  consequently  the  price  of  labor  is  much 


218  INDIANA  ANT)  INDIANANS 

lower."  They  desired  the  repeal  of  the  slavery  clause,  or  provision  for 
the  introduction  of  slavery  by  indenture.  The  petition  was  promptly 
rejected  by  the  Congressional  committee  to  which  it  was  referred,  on  the 
ground  that  there  was  no  evidence  that  the  petitioners  represented  public 
sentiment;  "and  your  committee  having  information  that  an  alteration 
of  the  Ordinance,  in  the  manner  prayed  for  by  the  petitioners,  would 
be  disagreeable  to  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  Territory ;  they 
have  conceived  it  needless  to  enter  into  any  consideration  of  the  policy 
of  the  measure,  being  persuaded  that,  if  it  could  be  admissible  under  any 
circumstances,  a  partial  application,  like  the  present,  could  not  be 
listened  to.  "20 

No  farther  effort  in  this  line  was  made  until  the  Territory  advanced 
to  the  second  grade.  In  1798,  having  become  satisfied  that  the  Territorj- 
contained  ' '  five  thou.sand  free  male  inhabitants  of  full  age, ' '  the  Governor 
called  an  election  of  delegates  to  a  Territorial  legislature,  which  con- 
vened on  February  4,  1799.  Of  the  twenty-two  representatives  elected 
under  the  apportionment,  sixteen  were  from  what  is  now  Ohio,  three 
from  Michigan,  two  from  Illinois,  and  one  from  Indiana.  They  nomi- 
nated ten  men  for  councillors,  from  whom  President  Adams  selected  five, 
four  from  Ohio  and  one,  Henry  Vanderburgh,  who  was  made  president 
of  the  council,  from  Indiana.  As  to  their  politics,  there  is  no  reason  to 
question  the  statement  in  1840  by  William  Henry  Harrison,  who  was 
elected  to  Congress  by  this  House  of  Representatives:  "In  1799  I  was 
selected  by  the  Republican  party  of  the  Territorial  Legislature  to  be 
their  candidate  for  the  appointment  of  delegate  to  Congress.  Between 
Mr.  Arthur  St.  Clair,  Jr.  (the  son  of  Governor  St.  Clair),  the  Federal 
candidate,  and  myself,  the  votes  were  divided  precisely  as  the  two  parties 
stood  in  the  Legislature,  with  the  exception  of  one  Republican,  who  was 
induced  by  his  regard  for  the  Governor  to  vote  for  his  son.  The  vote 
was  11  to  10, — not  one  of  the  Federalists  voting  for  me."  It  should  be 
understood,  however,  that  the  party  alignment  had  very  little  to  do  with 
the  doctrine  of  "states  rights,"  which  is  commonly  assumed  by  writers 
of  later  date  as  the  distinguishing  feature  between  the  two  parties.  Gov- 
ernor St.  Clair  was  the  head  of  the  Federalists,  and  proved  his  thorough 
loj^alty  by  writing  a  defense  of  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  but  his  states 
rights  ideas  were  so  extreme  that  they  would  have  shocked  Jolin  C. 
Calhoun.  In  1795,  long  after  the  "whiskey  insurrection,"  he  contended 
that  the  whiskey  tax  did  not  apply  to  the  Territory;  that  it  would  be 


20  por    petition    and    report,    see    Am.    State   Papers,   Pub.    Lands,    Vol.    1,    pp. 
60,  61. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  219 

unjust  to  tax  people  who  were  not  represented;  "that  the  inhabitants  of 
a  Territorj'  are  not  a  part  of  the  people  of  the  United  States."  21 

But  more,  the  Ohio  Federalists  opposed  the  constitutional  convention 
for  the  admission  of  the  state  on  the  ground  that  Congress  had  no  power 
to  call  it,  and  when  the  convention  met  Governor  St.  Clair  was  "per- 
mitted" to  address  it,  and,  among  other  things,  he  said:  "That  the 
people  of  the  Territory  should  form  a  convention  and  a  constitution 
needed  no  act  of  Congress.  To  pretend  to  authorize  it  was,  on  their  part, 
an  interference  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the  country,  which  they  had 
neither  the  power  nor  the  right  to  make.  The  act  is  not  binding  on  the 
people,  and  is  in  truth  a  nullity,  and,  could  it  be  brought  before  that 
tribunal  where  acts  of  Congress  can  be  tried,  would  be  declared  a  nullity. 
To  all  acts  of  Congress  that  respects  the  United  States  (they  can  make 
no  other)  in  their  corporative  capacity,  and  which  are  extended  by  ex- 
press words  to  the  Territory,  we  are  bound  to  yield  obedience.  For  all 
internal  affairs  we  have  a  complete  legislature  of  our  own,  and  in  them 
are  no  more  bound  by  an  act  of  Congress  than  we  would  be  bound  by  an 
edict  of  the  first  consul  of  France.  Had  such  an  attempt  been  made 
upon  any  of  the  United  States  in  their  separate  capacity,  the  act  would 
have  been  spumed  from  them  with  indignation.  We,  I  trust,  also  know 
oiir  rights,  and  will  support  them,  and,  being  assembled,  gentlemen,  as 
a  convention,  no  matter  by  what  means  it  was  brought  about,  you  may  do 
whatever  appears  to  you  to  be  for  the  best  for  your  constituents  as  freely 
as  if  Congress  had  never  interfered  in  the  matter.  *  *  *  Form, 
then,  gentlemen,  or  direct  a  new  election  for  the  piii-pose,  a  Constitution 
for  the  whole  Territory;  assert  your  right  to  a  full  representation  in 
the  councils  of  the  nation ;  direct  the  legislature  forthwith  to  cause  a 
census  to  be  taken;  it  will  not  require  much  time  if  set  about  in  earnest. 
Let  your  representatives  go  forward  with  that  in  their  hands,  and  de- 
mand the  admission  of  the  Territory  as  a  State.  It  will  not,  it  can  not 
be  refused.  But,  suppose  it  should  be  refused,  it  would  not  affect  your 
government,  or  anything  you  have  done  to  organize  it.  That  would  go 
on  equally  well,  or  perhaps  better.  It  was,  I  think,  eight  years  after  the 
people  of  Vermont  had  formed  government,  and  exercised  all  the  powers 
of  an  independent  State,  before  it  was  admitted  into  the  Union.  The 
government  was  not  retarded  a  single  moment  on  that  account.  It 
would  be  incomparably  better  that  we  should  be  deprived  of  a  share  in 
the  national  counciLs  for  a  session  or  two,  or  even  for  years,  than  that 
we  should  be  degraded  to  an  unequal  share  in  them  for  nine  years ;  but 
it  will  not  happen.    We  have  the  means  in  our  own  hands  to  bring  Con- 


21  St.  Clair  Papers,  Vol.  2,  pp.  377-84. 


220  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

gress  to  reason,  if  we  should  be  forced  to  use  them.  If  we  submit  to  the 
degradation,  we  should  be  trodden  upon,  and,  what  is  worse,  we  should 
deserve  to  be  trodden  upon."  ^^ 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  then  President,  and  the  casual  reader  of  our 
American  histories  might  imagine  he  would  receive  with  approbation  such 
independent  sentiments.     This  was  his  comment: 

' '  Department    op    State. 
"Washington,  November  22,  1802. 
"Arthur  St.  Clair,  Esq.: 

' '  Sir : — The  President  observing,  in  an  address  lately  delivered  by  you 
to  the  convention  held  at  Chillicothe,  an  intemperance  and  indecorum  of 
language  toward  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States,  and  a  disorganizing 
spirit  and  tendency  of  very  evil  example,  and  grossly  violating  the  rules 
of  conduct  enjoined  by  your  public  station,  determines  that  your  commis- 
sion of  Governor  of  the  North-western  Territory  shall  cease  on  the  receipt 
of  this  notification.  I  am,  etc. 

' '  James  Madison.  ' ' 

St.  Clair  returned  thanks  for  being  released  from  "an  office  I  was 
heartily  tired  of,  about  six  weeks  sooner  than  I  had  determined  to  rid 
myself  of  it,"  and  reiterated  his  opinion  of  "the  violent,  hasty,  and 
unpredeeented  intrusion ' '  of  Congress.  Madison 's  letter  was  inclosed  In 
one  to  Charles  W.  Byrd,  Secretaiy  of  the  Territory,  advising  him  that 
the  duties  of  the  office  would  devolve  on  him.  Winthrop  Sargent  had 
resigned  in  1798,  and  had  been  succeeded  by  William  Henry  Harrison, 
who  in  turn  resigned  when  elected  to  Congress,  and  was  succeeded  by 
Byrd.  Jefferson  has  been  criticised  for  not  permitting  St.  Clair  to 
complete  his  term  of  office,  but  it  is  hardly  fair  to  say  that  any  other 
action  should  have  been  tiiken,  in  view  of  the  public  nature  of  the  offense, 
as  the  sentiment  of  resistance  to  Congress  was  not  confined  to  St.  Clair. 
The  Federalists  had  made  their  campaign  for  delegates  to  the  conven- 
tion on  the  same  basis  of  lack  of  authority  in  Congress  to  pass  the  en- 
abling act.  Paul  Fearing,  Representative  of  the  Territory  in  Congress 
had  opposed  the  enabling  act  as  "uncon.stitutional,"  and  urged  that 
"Congress  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  arrangements  for  calling  a  con- 
vention." Mr.  Griswold  of  Connecticut  had  supported  Fearing,  declar- 
ing that  the  act  was  "an  usurpation  of  power  by  the  United  States — a 
power  not  lielonging  to  them."  The  AVayne  County  people  thought  that 
putting  them   into  Indiana  was  ruinous,   and   a  Federalist  meeting  at 


-■-  St.  Clair  Papers,  Vol.  2,  pp.  .594-7. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


221 


Dayton  adopted  the  following  resolution  of  resistance:  "We  consider 
the  late  law  of  Coug-ress  for  the  admission  of  this  Territory  into  the 
Union,  as  far  as  it  relates  to  the  calling  a  convention  and  regulating  the 
election  of  its  members,  as  an  act  of  legislative  usurpation  of  power 
properly  the  province  of  the  territorial  legislature,  bearing  a  striking 
similarity  to  the  course  of  Great  Britain  imposing  laws  on  the  provinces. 


Gov.  Artiifr  St.  Clair 
(From   portrait   liy   Charles  Willson   Peale) 


We  view  it  as  unconstitutional,  as  a  bad  precedent,  and  unjust  and  par- 
tial as  to  the  representation  in  the  different  counties.  We  wish  our 
legislature  to  be  called  immediately  to  pass  a  law  to  take  the  enumera- 
tion, to  call  a  convention,  and  to  regulate  the  election  of  members  to  the 
same,  and  also  the  time  and  place  for  the  meeting."  Most  of  the  Fed- 
eralists who  were  elected  to  the  convention  voted  that  it  was  expedient 
to  form  a  constitution,  but  Ephraim  Cutler  was  so  entirely  "unrecon- 


222  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

structed"  that  he  voted  against  it  all  by  himself;  and  wrote  to  his 
father  congratulating  himself  on  "the  opportunity  to  place  my  feeble 
testimony  against  so  wicked  and  tyrannical  a  proceeding — although  I 
stand  alone." 

As  President,  Jefferson  could  not  aJford  to  ignore  such  resistance  to 
the  authority  of  the  United  States  coming  from  an  United  States  ofiBcial. 
Formal  charges  had  been  preferred  against  St.  Clair  months  before,  by 
zealous  Republicans,  charges  of  usurpation  of  legislative  power,  nepot- 
ism, collection  of  illegal  fees,  etc.,  and  Jefferson  had  taken  no  action  on 
them.  The  real  injustice  to  St.  Clair  was  in  the  failure  of  the  United 
States  to  pay  what  it  owed  him.  Under  the  instructions  of  President 
Washington  he  had  treated  with  the  Indians  for  land  titles.  It  was 
necessary  to  make  presents  and  payments,  and  St.  Clair  bought  the 
goods  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States.  "When  he  presented  the  bills 
there  was  no  appropriation  to  pay  them,  but  Secretary  Hamilton  prom- 
ised that  they  should  be  paid,  and  on  that  assurance  St.  Clair  gave  his 
personal  bond  for  the  money.  Biit  they  were  not  paid,  and  Hamilton 
went  out  of  office.  The  new  Secretary  would  do  nothing,  and  in  1796 
the  papers  in  the  case  M'cre  destroyed  by  a  fire  in  the  war  office.  The 
accounting  officers  refused  to  settle,  and  when  application  was  made  to 
Congress  a  claim  was  raised  that  the  statute  of  limitations  had  barred 
the  debt.  But  it  did  not  bar  St.  Clair's  bond.  Judgment  wa.s  taken  against 
him,  and  finally  in  1810,  when  the  embargo  had  made  money  almost  im- 
possible to  obtain,  his  home,  on  land  which  had  been  given  him  for 
service  in  the  Revolution,  was  sold — property  worth  over  $50,000  sacri- 
ficed to  pay  a  government  debt  of  $4,000.  The  brave  old  man  said: 
' '  They  left  me  a  few  books  of  my  classical  library,  and  the  bust  of  Paul 
Jones,  which  he  sent  me  from  Europe,  for  which  I  was  very  grateful." 
Reduced  to  destitution,  St.  Clair  passed  his  few  remaining  years  in  a 
log  cabin  in  the  barrens  of  Chestnut  Ridge,  five  miles  west  of  Ligonier, 
Pennsylvania,  another  warning  to  those  who  deal  with  the  United  States 
not  to  let  patriotism  lead  them  into  any  situation  where  they  have  not 
written  guaranty. 

In  reality  the  enabling  act  for  the  atlmi.ssion  of  Ohio  was  a  Republi- 
can political  move,  two  objects  of  which  were  making  a  Republican  state 
of  Ohio,  with  the  capital  at  Chillicothe,  and  making  William  Henrj'  Har- 
rison Governor  of  Indiana  Territory,  but  the  matter  was  complicated  with 
other  issues.  So  far  as  national  politics  w^as  concerned,  the  dominating 
issue  in  Northwest  Territory  was  sympathy  with  the  French  democracy. 
"Jacobin  clubs"  were  formed  at  a  number  of  centers.  In  a  speech  at 
Cincinnati,  in  1802,  St.  Clair  said  that  they  were  first  started  at  Cincin- 
nati by  a  Mr.  Kerr,  who  was  not  even  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.    He  ■ 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  223 

condemned  these  clubs  roundly,  and  as  to  their  claims  of  republicanism 
said:    "What  is  a  republican?    Is  there  a  single  man  in  all  the  country 
that  is  not  a  republican,  both  in  principle  and  practice,  except,  perhaps, 
a  few  people  who  wish  to  introduce  negro  slavei-y  amongst  us,  and  those 
residing  chiefly  in  the  county  of  Ross  ? "    It  is  to  be  regretted  that  he  was 
not  more  specific,  for  Ross  County  was  supposed  to  be  settled  by  people 
who  left  the  South  on  account  of  slavery.     The  region  was  explored  orig- 
inally by  Col.  Nathaniel  JIassie  and  others  in  1792,  and  on  :\Iassie's  re- 
ports parts  of  the  Presbyterian  congregations  of  Cane  Ridge  and  Concord, 
in   Bourbon   County,   Kentucky,   decided  to   emigrate   in   a   body,   with 
their  pastor,  Rev.  Robert  W.  Finley.     Pinley  freed  his  slaves  for  tliis 
purpose,  and  they  moved  to  Ohio  in  1796.    In  1797  there  were  two  notable 
additions  to  the  colony  in  Dr.  Edward  Tiffin  and  Col.  Thomas  Worthing- 
ton  brothers-in-law,  of  Berkeley  County,  Virginia,  who  freed  their  slaves 
to  move  to  free  soil.     Wortliington  was  the  Republican  leader  in  Ohio 
almost  from  his  arrival,  and  Tiffin  was  the  first  Governor  of  the  State. 
"When  the  enabling  act  was  passed,  Solomon  Sibley,  of  Detroit,  wrote  to 
Judge  Burnet,  "We  may  thank  our  good  friends  Judges  Symmes  and 
Meigs,  and  Sir  Thomas,  for  what  is  done."    "Sir  Thomas"  was  Worth- 
ington,  but  the  Federalists  made  little  headway  in  that  line  of  epithet, 
for  the  Jacobins  had  them  all  labeled  as  "Aristocrats."    Even  a  nabob 
like  John  Cleves  Symmes  wrote  that  the  Cincinnati  editors  "print  every- 
thing for  Aristocrats,  and  only  now  and  then  a  piece  for  Democrats. 
We  shall  never  have  fair  play  while  Arthur  and  his  Knights  of  the  Round 
Table  sit  at  the  head." 

There  was  apparently  no  party  division  on  the  slavery  question.  At 
the  opening  of  the  legislative  session  of  1799  several  officers  of  the  Vn-- 
ginia  line  petitioned  for  "toleration  to  bring  their  slaves  into  this  Terri- 
tory, on  the  military  lands  between  the  Little  Miami  and  Scioto  rivers," 
and  on  Sept.  27,  the  fourth  day  of  the  session,  the  committee  to  which  it 
was  referred  reported  that  this  would  be  incompatible  with  the  Ordinance 
whereupon  it  was  "Resolved  imanimously.  That  the  House  doth  agree  to 
the  same."  Yet  of  this  House,  as  we  have  seen,  twelve  were  Republicans 
and  nine  Federalists.  On  November  19,  another  petition  was  presented 
from  Thomas  Posey  and  other  officers  of  the  Virginia  line,  asking  that 
slaves  might  be  brought  in  "under  certain  restrictions,"  probably  under 
indenture,  with  emancipation  at  certain  ages.  The  House  went  into 
committee  of  the  whole  on  this,  and  then  referred  it  to  a  committee  of 
three  "to  report  by  bill  or  otherwise,"  hut  nothing  further  was  heard  of 
it,  and  Gen.  Posey  and  others  located  in  southern  territory-.  The  senti- 
ments of  the  Ohio  members  are  not  known,  but  John  Edgar,  who  repre- 
sented Randolph  County  in  this  legislature  had  petitioned,  for  the  admis- 


224 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


siou  of  slavery  three  years  earlier ;  Shadrach  Bond,  who  represented  St. 
Clair  County,  joined  in  at  least  two  petitions  for  slavery  later;  and  John 
Small,  who  represented  Knox  County,  was  himself  a  slaveholder  in 
Indiana,  and  identified  with  the  pro-slavery  party  there.     This  attitude 


INDIANA   IN  1611. 


Ft 
Dearbor. 


of  this  legislature  is  of  interest  in  connection  with  an  attempt  to  permit 
slavery  in  the  constitution  of  Ohio,  which  we  shall  have  occasion  to 
notice  later. 

Indiana's  direct  interest  in  Northwest  Territory  ended  with  the 
division  act  of  1800,  except  that  until  the  admission  of  Ohio  in  1802,  the 
southeastern  corner  of  Indiana,  east  of  the  Greenville  Treaty  line,  and 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  225 

also  the'' eastern  part  of  the  lower  peninsula  of  Michigan,  remained  a 
part  of  Northwest  Territoiy.  The  division  act  was  obtained  by  Harri- 
son, substantially  as  he  and  his  political  associates  had  planned,  with 
C'hillicothe  as  capital  of  Northwest  Territory,  and  Vineennes  as  capital 
of  Indiana  Territory.  Harrison's  appointment  as  Governor  of  Indiana 
Territory  followed  in  course.  Harrison  also  secured  the  passage  of  a 
land  law  which  was  a  just  source  of  popularity  in  his  future  life.  Under 
the  land  law  of  1796,  providing  for  the  survey  and  sale  of  lands  east  of 
the  mouth  of  the  Kentucky  River,  only  the  alternate  townships  were 
divided  into  sections,  and  there  was  no  provision  for  sale  of  less  than  a 
section  in  the  other  townships.  The  undivided  townships  were  to  be  sold 
by  quarters,  excepting  the  four  central  sections,  or,  in  other  words,  in 
quantities  of  eight  sections.  This  practically  put  half  of  the  public  land 
out  of  the  market,  except  to  companies  or  wealthy  individuals.  The  man 
who  was  not  able  to  buy  640  acres  had  to  buy  from  some  other  person  or 
company.  Harrison  brought  his  plan  before  the  House,  and  it  was 
referred  to  a  committee  of  which  he  was  chairman.  He  brought  in  a 
report  favoring  sale  by  half  and  quarter  sections,  with  easy  terms  of  pay- 
ment. This  was  regarded  as  too  great  encouragement  to  the  impecunious 
by  the  Senate,  but  a  compromise  was  made  on  allowing  sale  by  half  sec- 
tions, with  four  years  for  payment,  and  eight  per  cent  discount  if  paid 
before  due.  Sale  by  quarter  sections  was  not  conceded  until  by  the  act 
of  March  26,  1804,  for  the  sale  of  lands  in  Indiana  Territory. 


CHAPTER  VI 

INDIANA  TERRITORY 

Northwest  Territory  was  divided  by  act  of  May  10,  1800 ;  and  by  tlie 
census  of  that  year  there  were  45,365  inhabitants  left  in  Northwest 
Territory  and  5,641  included  in  Indiana  Territory.  But  at  that  time  the 
latter  did  not  include  two  important  tracts  that  M'ere  added  two  years 
later,  when  Ohio  became  a  state.  These  were  Wayne  County,  or  the  part 
of  Michigan  east  of  the  eastern  line  of  Indiana,  with  a  portion  of  north- 
western Ohio,  and  that  part  of  the  Whitewater  valley  lying  between  the 
Greenville  Treaty  line  and  the  present  east  line  of  Indiana,  sometimes 
called  "the  Gore."  The  census  showed  3,206  inhabitants  in  Wayne 
County.  The  number  in  the  Gore  was  not  reported  separately,  but  it 
was  probably  more  than  1,000.  More  than  half  of  the  population  of 
Indiana  Territory  was  outside  of  what  is  now  Indiana.  There  were 
1,103  in  Randolph  County,  Illinois;  1,255  in  St.  Clair  County;  251  at 
Miehilimackinac,  65  at  Prairie  du  Chien ;  50  at  Green  Bay ;  100  at  Peoria ; 
and  300  Canadian  boatmen,  estimated,  with  no  fixed  abodes.  In  Indiana 
proper  there  were  714  at  Vineennes,  which  was  the  only  town  returned 
separately.  There  were  also  819  returned  as  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Vineennes,  a  few  of  them  of  course  west  of  the  Wabash,  and  55  "traders 
on  the  Wabash."  In  Clark's  Grant,  or  "the  Illinois  Grant,"  as  it  was 
called,  there  were  929.  Of  the  total  population  there  were  reported  135 
slaves  and  163  negroes,  i.e.,  "all  other  persons  except  Indians  not  taxed." 
It  is  certain  that  a  number  of  those  reported  as  free  negroes  were  in 
fact  slaves,  for  in  Cahokia  and  Cahokia  Township  there  were  reported 
42  negroes  and  no  slaves,  and  in  Vineennes  and  neighborhood  there  were 
reported  71  negroes  and  only  23  slaves.  There  is  no  way  of  determining 
the  exact  number  of  each  class. 

This  little  seed  of  slaveiy  developed  the  chief  political  crops  of  the 
next  quarter  of  a  century.  The  four  Illinois  men  Avho  had  petitioned  for 
the  admission  of  slavery  in  1796  had  not  rested  quietly.  In  1800  they  had 
sent  a  second  petition  to  Congress  asking  a  modification  of  the  slavery 
clause  to  admit  slaves  from  other  parts  of  the  United  States,  but  whose 
children  should  be  free,  the  males  at  the  age  of  thirty-one  and  the  females 
at  the  age  of  twenty-eight.    This  was  presented  in  the  Senate  on  January 

226 


INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS  227 

23,  1801,  and  laid  on  the  table,  as  the  petitioners  were  no  longer  in 
Northwest  Territory.  It  does  not  appear  to  have  been  presented  in  the 
House.  This  failure  merely  turned  the  efforts  of  the  Illinois  people  in 
new  directions.  Under  the  law  creating  it,  Indiana  could  advance  to  the 
second  grade  whenever  the  Governor  was  satisfied  that  the  people  desired 
it.  This  would  give  the  Territory  a  representative  in  Congress,  and  also 
a  mode  of  expressing  the  local  popular  will.  Accordingly  they  moved  for 
it  at  once,  and  on  April  11,  1801,  John  Edgar  wrote  to  Gov.  St.  Clair: 
"During  a  few  weeks  past  we  have  put  into  circulation  petitions  ad- 
dressed to  Governor  Harrison  for  a  General  Assembly,  and  we  have  had 
the  satisfaction  to  find  that  about  nine-tenths  of  the  inhabitants  of  St. 
Clair  and  Kandolph  approve  of  the  measure,  a  great  proportion  of  whom 
have  already  put  their  signatures  to  the  petition.  I  have  written  to 
Judge  Clark,  of  Clark  County,  to  ]\Ir.  Buntin  and  Mr.  Small,  of  Post 
Vincennes.  urging  them  to  be  active  in  the  business.  I  have  no  doubt 
but  that  the  undertaking  will  meet  with  early  success  so  as  to  admit  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  meeting  in  the  fall. ' ' 

This  was  the  first  political  problem  that  confronted  Governor  Harri- 
son. He  was  only  twenty-seven  years  old  when  appointed,  but  had  seen 
-  considerable  of  public  life.  The  youngest  son  of  Governor  Benjamin 
Harrison  of  Virginia,  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, and  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress,  he  was  heir  to 
the  friendship  of  numerous  public  men.  After  a  classical  course  at 
Hampden-Sidney  College,  he  began  the  study  of  medicine  in  1790,  and 
in  1791  was  started  to  Philadelphia  to  continue  his  studies  under  Dr. 
Benjamin  Rush,  but  his  father  died  at  this  time,  and,  disliking  medicine, 
he  applied  to  Secretary  Knox  and  President  Washington  for  a  military 
appointment,  and  was  at  once  made  an  ensign  in  the  Tenth  U.  S.  Infantry. 
He  walked  to  Pittsburg,  and  went  down  the  Ohio,  reaching  Fort  Wash- 
ington just  as  the  remnants  of  St.  Clair's  defeated  army  ari-ived  there. 
He  was  not  popular  at  first,  probably,  in  part  at  least,  on  account  of  his 
temperate  habits.  Array  life  was  rather  rough  on  the  frontier,  and 
Cincinnati  was  altogether  "over  the  Rhine"  at  that  time.  Harrison 
said  he  saw  more  drunken  men  in  his  first  two  days  there  than  he  had 
seen  in  all  his  previous  life.  On  June  1,  1793,  when  Wayne  was  at 
Hobson's  Choice,  he  issued  an  order  reading:  "The  Intoxicated  and 
Beastly  situation  in  which  a  great  Number  of  the  Soldiery  belonging  to 
almost  every  Corps,  was  discovered  by  the  Commander  in  Chief  yester- 
day, and  at  other  times  in  the  village  of  Cincinnati  makes  it  his  duty  to 
prohibit  anv  passes  or  Permits  to  be  given  to  any  Non  Commissioned 
officer  or  soldier  to  pass  the  chain  of  Centinels  out  of  Camp,  except  by 
the  field  Officer  of  the  Day ;  and  then  not  more  than  one  :Man  in  a  Com- 


228  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

pany,  who  first  must  be  particularly  recommended  by  Ms  Commanding 
Officer."  Harrison  kept  sober,  and  devoted  his  spare  time  to  study, 
especially  of  tactics.  His  favorite  study  had  been  ancient  history ;  and 
he  says  he  had  read  RoUin  three  times  before  he  was  seventeen  years  old. 
In  1792  he  was  made  lieutenant,  and  in  1793,  after  Wayne  had  seen 
something  of  his  service,  he  made  him  his  aide-de-camp,  in  which  posi- 
tion he  won  praise  for  gallantry  at  the  battle  of  the  Fallen  Timbers.  In 
November,  1795,  he  married  Anne  Cleves  Symmes,  daughter  of  Judge 
Symmes,  and  soon  after  Wayne  put  him  in  command  at  Fort  Washing- 
ton. In  the  spring  of  1798  he  resigned  his  position  in  the  army,  and  was 
soon  appointed  Secretary  of  Northwest  Territory,  resigning  this  position 
a  year  later  to  enter  Congress.  He  was  at  this  time  identified  with  the 
Ohio  Republicans,  but,  as  he  himself  states,  maintained  a  reticence  on 
national  politics  that  made  his  position  the  subject  of  much  controversy 
at  a  later  date. 

He  did  not  desire  Indiana  Territory  to  advance  to  the  second  grade 
in  1801,  for  various  reasons.  Primarily  it  would  largely  decrease  his 
own  power,  as  he  had  a  large  part  in  legislation  in  the  first  grade ;  and 
secondly  the  French  settlers  and  a  number  of  the  influential  Americans 
were  of  Federal  tendencies  in  politics.  He  had  not  yet  had  opportunity 
to  become  fully  acquainted  with  the  situation.  The  government  of 
Indiana  Territory  had  begun  on  July  4,  1800,  but  with  none  of  the  offi- 
cials on  the  ground  except  John  Gibson,  the  Territorial  Secretary.  Wil- 
liam Clark,  Henry  Vanderburgh  and  John  Griffin  had  been  appointed 
Territorial  Judges,  but  they  took  no  action  until  after  the  arrival  of 
Governor  Harrison  on  January  10,  1801.  Gibson  was  therefore  the 
whole  government  until  that  time.  He  was  a  notable  frontier  character, 
born  at  Lancaster,  Penn.,  ilay  23,  1740,  and  fairly  educated.  At  eighteen 
he  joined  the  expedition  of  Gen.  Forbes  against  Fort  DuQuesne,  and 
after  its  capture,  and  change  of  name  to  Fort  Pitt,  located  at  that  point 
as  an  Indian  trader.  Soon  after  he  was  captured  by  the  Indians,  and 
doomed  to  death,  but  was  saved  by  an  old  squaw,  who  adopted  him  in 
place  of  her  dead  son.  He  remained  with  the  Indians  for  several  years, 
becoming  skilled  in  their  languages,  manners  and  customs,  and  marrying 
a  sister  of  Logan  (Tahgahjnte,  a  Cayuga  chief)  ;  and  then  returned  to 
Fort  Pitt  and  resumed  business  as  a  trader.  He  was  quite  commonly 
known  as  "Horsehead,"  which  is  presumably  a  translation  of  his  Indian 
name.  In  1774  he  accompanied  Lord  Dunmore's  expedition  against  the 
Shawnee  towns,  acting  as  interpreter,  and  in  this  capacity  received  the 
celebrated  speech,  ""SVho  is  there  to  mourn  for  Logan?"  his  squaw  wife 
having  been  one  of  the  victims  that  Logan  had  avenged.  He  told  Logan 
that  Col.  Cresap  was  not  responsible  for  the  massacre,  but  delivered  the 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  229 

speech  to  Lord  Duumore  as  lie  had  received  it,  and  it  later  came  to  the 
possession  of  Thomas  Jefiferson,  who  gave  it  to  the  world.  At  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Eevolutionai-y  war  he  raised  a  regiment,  and  served  under 
Washington  in  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  and  at  the  close  of  the  war 
he  went  back  to  Indian  trading  at  Pittsburg.  He  served  also  as  a  member 
of  the  first  constitutional  convention  of  Pennsylvania,  in  1788,  and  later 


AViLLiAji  Henry  Harrisox.  when  Governor  of  Indiana 
(From  the  portrait  by  Peale) 

as  General  of  the  Pennsylvania  militia,  and  .judge  of  the  Court  of  Common 
Pleas  of  Alleghany  County.  With  a  strong  natural  sense  of  justice,  and 
good  common  sense,  he  was  always  popular ;  and  his  knowledge  of  Indians 
made  him  invaluable  to  Indiana  Territory.  He  served  as  Secretary  until 
the  admission  of  the  State  in  1816,  acting  as  Governor  in  1812-13,  and 
shortly  afterwards  went  to  live  with  his  son-in-law,  George  Wallace,  at 
Braddock's  Field,  where  he  died  April  10,  1822. 

As  soon  as  Harrison  arrived  at  Vincennes  he  called  a  session  of  the 


230  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Governor  and  Judges  for  January  12.  The  session  lasted  for  two  weeks, 
and  six  laws  and  three  resolutions  were  adopted,  all  but  one  of  the  laws 
being  amendatory,  or  in  repeal  of,  laws  of  the  Northwest  Territory,  which 
were  held  to  be  in  force  in  Indiana  Territory.  The  duties  of  the  Governor 
were  not  arduous.  On  October  15,  1801,  Harrison  wrote  to  James  Find- 
lay,  of  Cincinnati,  "  I  am  much  pleased  with  this  country.  Nothing  can 
exceed  its  beauty  and  fertility.  I  have  purchased  a  farm  of  about  three 
hundred  acres  joining  the  town,  which  is  all  cleared.  I  am  now  engaged 
in  fencing  it,  and  shall  begin  to  build  next  spring  if  I  can  tind  the  means. 
How  comes  on  the  distillery?  I  wish  you  to  send  me  some  whisky  as 
soon  as  possible.  *  *  *  ^q  ^ave  here  a  company  of  troops  com- 
manded by  Honest  F.  Johnson  of  the  4th.  We  generally  spend  half  the 
day  together,  making  war  upon  the  partridges,  grouse  and  fish  ;  the  latter 
we  take  in  great  numbers  in  a  sein."  His  peace  and  quiet  were  inter- 
rupted by  the  petition  for  advance  to  the  second  grade  but  he  was  equal 
to  the  emergency.  He  wrote  a  "letter  to  a  friend,"  and  it  found  its 
way  into  print,  arguing  against  the  proposal  on  account  of  the  great 
expense  it  would  entail.  Of  the  effectiveness  of  this  letter,  one  of  his 
bitterest  enemies  said:  "Previous  to  this  famous  letter  of  the  Governor 
against  the  second  grade  of  government,  the  people,  whether  right  or 
wrong,  had  generally  petitioned  the  Governor  to  adopt  the  measure.  A 
declaration  of  his  own  opinion,  accompanied  with  an  exaggerated  calcula- 
tion of  the  expenses  incident  to  this  form  of  government,  alarmed  the 
people,  by  a  representation  of  heavy  taxes :  and  they  immediately  changed 
their  opinions,  for  no  other  rea.sons  than  those  stated  by  the  Governor. ' '  ^ 
Harrison  had  been  giving  attention  to  real  public  needs  from  the 
beginning.  On  May  9,  1801,  he  issued  a  proclamation  forbidding  all 
persons  from  settling,  hunting  or  surveying  on  the  Indian  lands.  The 
object  of  this  was  to  prevent  trouble  with  the  Indians,  and  it  was  fol- 
lowed five  weeks  later  by  the  following :  ' '  July  20.  This  day  the  Gov- 
ernor Issued  a  proclamation  expressly  forbiding  any  Trader  from  selling 
or  giving  any  Spirituous  Liquors  to  any  Indian  or  Indians  in  the  Town 
of  Vincennes  and  ordering  that  the  Traders  in  future  when  they  sold 
Liquor  to  the  Indians  shoiild  deliver  it  to  them  at  the  distance  of  at 
least  a  mile  from  the  village  or  on  the  other  side  of  the  Wabash  River, 
and  Whereas  certain  evil  disposed  persons  have  made  a  practice  of  pur- 
chasing from  the  Indians  (and  giveing  them  Whiskey  in  exchange)  arti- 
cles of  Cloathing,  Cooking,  and  such  other  articles  as  are  used  in  hunting 
viz ;  Guns  powder.  Ball  &c.  he  has  thought  proper  to  publish  an  Extract 
from  the  Laws  of  the  United  States,  that  the  persons  offending  against 


1  Letters  of  Deeius,  p.  7. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  231 

the  Law  may  know  the  penalties  to  which  they  are  subject,  he  also  exhorts 
and  requires  all  Magistrates  and  other  Civil  officers  vigilantly  to  dis- 
charge their  duties,  by  punishing,  as  the  Law  directs,  all  persons  who 
are  found  drunk,  or  rioting  in  the  streets  or  public  houses,  and  requests 
and  advises,  the  good  Citizens  of  the  Territory  to  aid  and  assist  the 
Magistrates,  in  the  execution  of  the  Laws  by  Lodgeing  information 
against,  and  by  assisting  to  apprehend  the  disorderly  and  riotous  per- 
sons, who  constantly  infest  the  streets  of  Vincennes  and  to  inform 
against  all  those  who  violate  the  Sabbath  by  selling  or  Bartering  Spirit- 
uous Liquors  or  who  pursue  any  other  unlawfull  business  on  the  day  set 
apart  for  the  service  of  God."  ^  Five  days  earlier  he  had  written  to  the 
Secretary'  of  "War  concerning  this  evil,  saying  that  he  could  tell  from 
looking  at  an  Indian  whether  he  belonged  to  a  neighboring  or  a  distant 
tribe,  as  "The  latter  is  generally  well  clothed,  healthy  and  vigorous;  the 
former,  half  naked,  filthy,  and  enfeebled  by  intoxication;  and  many  of 
them  are  without  arms,  excepting  a  knife  which  they  carry  for  the  most 
villainous  purposes."  He  says  there  were  about  six  thousand  gallons  of 
whisky  sold  annually  to  the  six  hundred  Indians  on  the  Wabash,  and 
those  near  Vincennes  were  "daily  in  town  and  frequently  intoxicated  to 
the  number  of  thirty  or  forty  at  once,  when  they  committed  the  greatest 
disorders,  drawing  their  knives  and  stabbing  every  one  they  met ;  break- 
ing open  the  houses,  killing  cattle  and  hogs  and  breaking  down  fences." 
The  people  soon  appreciated  the  need  of  such  action,  for  on  August  6, 
1805,  the  legislature  adopted  a  law  prohibiting  the  sale  of  liquor  within 
thirty  miles  of  any  Indian  council;  and  on  December  6,  1806,  another 
prohibiting  the  sale  or  gift  of  liquor  to  Indians  within  forty  miles  of 
Vincennes. 

One  of  the  great  sources  of  trouble  was  the  establishment  of  bound- 
aries of  land  claims,  and  a  session  of  the  Governor  and  Judges  was  held 
Jan.  30-Feb.  3,  1802,  which  adopted  laws  for  county  surveyors  and  their 
fees.  But  the  one  subject  that  was  uppermost  with  the  most  influential 
men  of  the  Territorv^  was  the  slavery  question.  The  chief  wealth  of  the 
Territory  was  in  land,  and  in  the  Illinois  country  this  was  mostly  prairie 
laud,  needing  only  cultivation  to  be  productive.  Labor  was  scarce  and 
dear.  Poor  men  could  secure  small  farms  and  do  their  own  cultivation, 
but  the  wealthy  land  owner  saw  his  lands  lying  idle,  while  across  the 
Ohio  and  the  Mississippi  similar  owners  were  utilizing  slave  labor.  More- 
over the  French  settlers  in  the  TeiTitory  had  just  enough  slaves  to  make 
the  situation  tantalizing.  The  small  iramber  of  slaves  also  made  the 
institution  much  less  repulsive  than  where  large  numbers  were  worked 


2  Executive  Journal,  Ind.  Hist.  Soc.  Pubs.,  Vol. 


232  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

in  gangs,  like  animals,  most  of  the  Illinois  slaves  lieing  house  servants, 
and  all  in  direct  touch  with  their  owners.  And  further,  if  we  may 
credit  the  French  writers  of  the  period,  slavei-y  had  not  produced  the 
demoralizing  effects  on  the  whites  that  was  already  observable  in  Louis- 
iana.3  Paul  AUiot,  the  French  doctor  who  dedicated  a  memoir  to  Jeffer- 
son, after  severe  reflections  on  the  people  of  Louisiana,  says:  "After 
having  gone  thirty  leagues  farther,  the  traveler  reaches  that  place  and 
good  country  known  bj'  the  name  of  Illinois.  It  is  in  that  enchanting 
abode  that  those  good  inhabitants  exercise  with  kindness  and  humanity 
hospitality  toward  those  who  present  themselves  there,  and  those  whom 
fortune  has  cast  from  its  bosom,  or  who  have  been  constrained  to  flee 
through  persecution.  Those  fine  inhabitants  are  prodigal  of  help  to 
them  and  aid  them  without  any  selfish  end  in  view  in  forming  their 
settlements.  *  *  *  ^Marriage  is  honored  there  and  the  children  re- 
sulting from  it  share  the  inheritance  of  their  parents  without  any  quarrel- 
ing. Never  does  that  self  interest  which  divides  families  in  France,  and 
even  in  other  parts  of  Europe,  disunite  them.  None  of  those  blood- 
suckers known  under  the  name  of  bailiffs,  lawyers  and  solicitors  are  seen 
there.  *  *  *  Those  good  and  courageous  people,  far  distant  from 
all  faction,  as  well  as  from  perfidy  and  tyranny,  occupy  themselves  in 
the  bosom  of  peace  which  they  have  at  last  found  in  a  coantry  which  was 
formerly  the  abode  of  those  men  whom  nature  forms  without  need  and 
without  criminal  passions,  in  rearing  their  children,  in  teaching  them  at 
an  early  age  to  love  one  another,  to  work,  and  finally,  to  enjoy  as  a 
consequence  that  terrestrial  happiness  which  good  spouses  find  in  their 
homes." 

It  should  also  be  borne  in  mind  that  most  of  the  Illinois  settlers,  aside 
from  the  French,  were  foreigners,  and  that  Southerners  who  were  familiar 
with  the  objectionable  features  of  slavery,  so  far  as  they  had  been  de- 
veloped at  that  time,  were  few.  John  Edgar,  who  was  the  leading  advo- 
cate of  slavery  in  Randolph  County,  was  an  Irish  naval  officer,  who 
commanded  a  British  vessel  on  the  lakes  at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, but  espoused  the  American  cause  from  principle.  He  was  wealthy, 
and  was  celebrated  for  benevolence  and  public  spirit.  Next  to  him  in 
Randolph  was  "William  ilorrisou,  a  native  of  Pennsylvania,  who  had 
come  to  the  Illinois  as  a  fur-trader,  and  had  become  the  wealthiest  resi- 
dent of  the  region.  William  St.  Clair,  the  slavery  leader  in  St.  Clair 
County  was  a  Scotchman,  youngest  son  of  the  then  Earl  of  Roslin,  and 
a  cousin  of  Governor  St.  Clair.  John  Duiloulin,  who  joined  with  these 
other  three  in  the  slavery  petition  of  1796,  was  a  highly  educated  Swiss, 


3  See   collected   extracts   in   Eobertson's   Louisiana. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  233 

who  acquired  wealth  in  Illinois,  and  was  a  useful  citizen.    It  was  natural 
enough  that  such  men  should  see  no  reason  why  they  should  be  excluded 
from  the  benefits  of  an  institution  which  existed  on  all  sides  of  them,  and 
they  persisted  in  demanding  it.    In  the  fall  of  1802,  Harrison  went  to  the 
Illinois  country  on  business,  and  the  people  there  made  their  desires 
very  plain.     In  the  discussion  of  the  mode  of  securing  a  modification  of 
the  Ordinance,  Harrison  stated  his  willingness  to  call  a  convention  to 
give  the  consent  of  the  Territory  to  the  change,  if  petitioned  so  to  do. 
Petitions  were  at  once  put  in  circulation,  and  on  November  22,  the  fol- 
lowing entry  was  made  in  the  Executive  Journal :     ' '  Petitions  having 
been  presented  to  the  Governor  by  a  Considerable  number  of  the  Citizens 
of  the  Territory  praying  that  a  proclamation  should  Issue  from  the 
Executive  authority  for  Calling  a  General  Convention  for  the  purpose 
of  taking  into  consideration  the  propriety  of  repealing  the  sixth  article 
of  Compact  between  the  United  States  and  the  people  of  the  Territory, 
and  for  other  purposes,  and  proof  having  been  adduced  to  the  governor 
that  a  very  large  majority  of  the  Citizens  are  in  favor  of  the  measures : 
the  Governor  in  Compliance  with  their  wishes  Issued  his  proclamation 
notifying  all  whom  it  may  concern  that  an  Election  will  be  held  at  the 
Respective  Court  Houses  in  Each  County  of  the  Territory  on  tuesday 
the  11th.  day  of  December  for  Choosing  representatives  to  a  General 
Convention,  and  the  number  of  Representatives  from  the  several  Coun- 
ties to  be  as  follows  Viz.  from  the  County  of  Knox,  four,  from  the  County 
of  Randolph  three,  from  the  County  of  St.  Clair  three,  and  from  the 
County   of  Clark  two,   and   the   Sheriffs  of  the' several   Counties  are 
authorized  and  required  to  hold  the  Elections  in  their  Respective  Coun- 
ties, and  in  case  any  of  the  Sheriffs  are  Candidates,  then  the  election  to 
be  held  by  the  Coroners." 

These  elections  were  duly  held;  Clark  County  having  been  created 
on  Februaiy  3,  1801,  from  Knox  County,  and  including  all  of  the  Terri- 
tory lying  east  of  Blue  River  and  south  of  the  east  fork  of  White  River. 
The  delegates  to  the  convention  were  leading  men  of  their  counties,  but 
their  names  narrowly  escaped  obli\don.  Fortunately  Governor  Reynolds 
preserved  the  record  as  to  Illinois  in  his  Pioneer  History,  in  the  sketches 
of  Pierre  Menard,  Robert  Reynolds  and  Robert  Morrison,  of  Randolph 
County,  and  Jean  Francois  Perrey,  Shadrach  Bond  and  Ma.ior  John 
Moredock,  of  St.  Clair  County,  who  were  the  delegates  from  those  two 
counties.  As  to  Knox  County,  all  record  was  lost,  until  1886,  when,  in 
moving  some  papers  in  the  oifice  of  the  Auditor  of  State,  the  original 
poll  list  was  found.  The  Auditor.  James  H.  Rice,  did  not  know  what  it 
was,  and  sent  it  to  Henry  Cauthorn,  of  Vincennes,  as  an  historical  local 
relic.    ^Ir.  Cauthorn  likewise  had  never  heard  of  this  convention,  but  he 


T1E7 


Mississippi  Valley  in  1801 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  235 

wrote  an  article  about  the  poll  list  for  the  Vincennes  Sun,  which  was 
luckily  reprinted  in  the  Indianapolis  Sentinel  of  January  13,  1886,  and 
which  gives  the  result  of  the  election  in  the  choice  of  Gen.  Harrison,  Luke 
Decker,  Francis  Vigo,  and  William  Prince.  I  at  once  wrote  to  ]Mr. 
Cauthorn,  and  was  informed  that  the  paper  had  been  put  on  display  in 
the  office  of  the  Vincennes  Sun,  and  had  been  carried  away  by  some  un- 
known person.  The  names  of  the  delegates  from  Clark  County  have 
never  been  found,  but  a  guess  has  been  ventured  that  they  were  Davis 
Floyd  and  one  of  the  Beggs  brothers.  The  only  thing  certainly  known 
about  them  was  that  they  opposed  the  introduction  of  slavery.  The 
convention  organized  by  electing  Harrison  president  and  John  Rice 
Jones  secretary.  Jones  was  a  talented  Welsh  lawyer,  who  had  been  in 
the  Territory  since  Clark's  expedition  of  1785.  On  December  28  the 
convention  agreed  on  its  memorial,  which  asked  for  the  suspension  of  the 
slavery  clause  for  a  period  of  ten  years,  but  with  no  provision  for  the 
gradual  emancipation  of  either  the  slaves  so  introduced  or  their  children. 
The  memorial  also  asked  for  the  extinction  of  Indian  titles,  the  right  of 
preemption  for  actual  settlers,  land  grants  for  schools,  and  to  persons 
who  would  open  roads  and  establish  houses  of  entertainment  on  the  prin- 
cipal lines  of  travel  between  the  settlements,  the  grant  of  the  saline  spring 
below  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash,  i>ermission  to  the  French  .settlers  to 
locate  their  donations  outside  of  the  original  surveys,  abolition  of  the 
freehold  qualification  for  suffrage,  and  payment  of  a  salary  to  the 
Attorney  General  of  the  Territory.  They  also  adopted  a  formal  resolu- 
tion of  consent  to  the  suspension  of  the  ordinance  for  ten  years,  but 
provided  that  if  Congress  did  not  suspend  the  clause  by  March  4,  1805, 
their  consent  was  withdrawn.  They  also  recommended  the  reappoint- 
ment of  Harrison,  whose  term  expired  in  1803,  and  the  appointment  of 
John  Rice  Jones  as  Chief  Justice  of  the  Territorial  couii:.  Obviously 
Harrison  and  Jones  had  some  influence  with  the  convention.  They  were 
close  personal  and  political  friends  at  the  time,  but  became  bitter  enemies 
afterwards. 

These  papers,  with  a  formal  letter  of  transmission  from  Governor 
Harrison,  were  sent  to  Congress  by  a  special  messenger,  and  on  February 
8,  1803,  were  referred  to  a  committee  of  which  John  Randolph  was  chair- 
man. On  March  2,  it  reported  adversely  on  all  the  requests  except  the 
right  of  preemption  and  the  payment  of  a  salary  to  the  Attorney  General. 
John  Randolph  has  been  bitterly  assailed  by  New  England  writers,  and 
in  some  of  his  later  speeches  there  is  an  incoherence  that  might  indicate 
mental  failure,  but  in  this  report,  there  is  the  clearest  evidence  of  his 
sanity.  No  abler  appeal  to  the  petitioners  could  have  been  made  than 
his  statement  as  to  the  slavei-y  proviso,  which  is  in  these  words :  ' '  The 
rapidly  increasing  population  of  the  State  of  Ohio  sufficiently  evinces, 


236  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

in  the  opinion  of  your  committee,  that  the  labor  of  slaves  is  not  neces- 
sary to  promote  the  growth  and  settlement  of  colonies  in  that  region; 
that  this  labor,  demonstrably  the  dearest  of  any,  can  only  be  employed 
to  advantage  in  the  cultivation  of  products  more  valuable  than  any 
known  to  that  quarter  of  the  United  States;  that  the  commitee  deem  it 
highly  dangerous  and  inexpedient  to  impair  a  provision  wisely  calculated 
to  promote  the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  the  Northwestern  country, 
and  to  give  strength  and  security  to  that  extensive  frontier.  In  the 
salutary  operation  of  this  sagacious  and  benevolent  restraint,  it  is  be- 
lieved that  the  inhabitants  of  Indiana  will,  at  no  very  distant  day,  find 
ample  remuneration  for  a  temporary'  privation  of  labor  and  emigi'ation. " 
There  was  no  action  taken  on  the  report,  but  on  December  15,  1803,  the 
petition  was  recommitted  to  a  committee  composed  of  Mr.  Rodney  of 
Delaware,  Mr.  Boyle  of  Kentuckj',  and  Mr.  Rhea  of  Tennessee,  who,  on 
February  17,  1804,  reported  in  favor  of  suspending  the  slavery  clause 
for  ten  yeai-s,  but  with  provision  that  the  descendants  of  imported  slaves 
should  be  free,  the  males  at  the  age  of  twenty-five  and  the  females  at  the 
age  of  twenty-one.  They  also  recommended  the  repeal  of  the  property 
qualification  for  electors.  No  action  was  taken  on  this  report,  and  none 
thereafter  until  after  the  period  of  consent  set  by  the  convention. 

This  convention  was  unique  in  that  it  was  the  only  one  ever  held  to 
consent  to  a  modification  of  the  Ordinance.  In  character  it  was  analogous 
to  a  constitvitional  convention,  for  although  the  Territory  was  under 
the  government  of  Congress,  the  articles  of  compact  were  irrevocable 
except  "by  common  consent"  of  Congress  and  the  people  of  the  Terri- 
tory. No  mode  was  specified  for  giving  this  consent ;  and  it  is  notable 
that  nobody  questioned  the  legality  of  the  convention,  as  would  cer- 
tainly be  done  if  such  a  thing  were  attempted  now.  At  that  time,  how- 
ever, Americans  believed  that  the  people  had  an  inherent  and  inalienable 
right  to  alter  and  amend  their  form  of  government,  and  that  this  right 
could  not  be  destroyed  by  a  mere  failure  to  specify  the  mode  of  its  exer- 
cise. The  Ordinance  did  not  give  the  Governor  any  authority  to  call  a 
convention  for  any  purpose,  in  express  terms.  It  did  not  even  mention  a 
convention.  But  it  did  sjieak  of  the  consent  of  the  people,  and  how  was 
that  consent  to  be  obtained?  Clearly  the  people  could  not  speak  except 
in  some  prescribed  form.  The  Judicial  department  could  not  prescribe 
the  form.  The  legislative  department  was  restricted  to  adopting  laws  of 
the  original  states.  The  initiative  could  be  lodged  only  in  the  Execiitive, 
and  Harrison's  common-sense  method  of  using  the  power  did  not  even 
raise  a  criticism  from  his  ninuerous  enemies.  His  stand  on  the  slavery 
question,  however,  raised  criticism  later,  and  was  the  cause  of  the  first 
appearance  of  the  Abolition  party  in  American  politics. 

There  was  more  reason  for  criticism  of  liis  next  step.    Judge  Clark 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  237 

had  died  on  November  11,  1802,  and  Thomas  Tern^  Davis  had  been 
appointed  in  his  place.  A  session  of  the  Governor  and  Judges  was  called 
for  September  20,  and  on  September  22,  1803,  Harrison,  with  Judges 
Vanderburgh  and  Davis,  adopted  a  Virginia  law  ' '  concerning  servants, ' ' 
which  provided  that:  "All  negroes  and  mulattoes  (and  other  persons 
not  being  citizens  of  the  United  States  of  America)  who  shall  come  into 
this  Territory  under  contract  to  serve  another  in  any  trade  or  occupa- 
tion shall  be  compelled  to  perform  such  contract  specifically  during  the 
term  thereof."  The  apparent  purpose  of  the  provision  as  to  "others 
not  being  citizens ' '  was  to  cover  panis,  or  Indian  slaves,  which  were  quite 
numerous  among  the  French  settlements,  but  as  the  language  would  also 
cover  white  servants,  it  was  further  provided  that:  "No  negro,  mulatto 
or  Indian  shall  at  any  time  purchase  any  servant,  other  than  of  their 
complexion;  and  if  any  of  the  persons  aforesaid  shall  nevertheless  pre- 
sume to  purchase  a  white  servant,  such  .servant  shall  immediately  become 
free."  The  law  required  the  master  to  provide  "wholesome  and  suffi- 
cient food  clothing  and  lodging,"  specifying  "one  complete  suit  of 
cloathing  suited  to  the  season  of  the  year,  towit :  a  coat,  waistcoat,  pair 
of  breeches  and  shoes,  two  pair  of  stockings,  two  shirts,  a  hat  and  a 
blanket."  The  contract  was  assignable  with  the  consent  of  the  servant, 
and  both  master  and  servant  could  appeal  to  the  courts  for  protection  in 
their  rights.  Penalties  were  prescribed  for  helping  servants  to  escape 
and  for  trading  with  them.  A  servant  who  refused  to  work  was  to  serve 
two  days  for  every  day  lost,  and  for  any  offense  punishable  by  fine  was 
to  receive  instead  a  whipping,  not  exceeding  forty  lashes.  There  was  no 
provision  for  indenturing  negroes  within  the  TeiTitory,  but  only  for 
importing  those  already  indentured,  and  no  provision  for  the  freedom 
of  slaves  or  their  children  except  as  provided  by  the  contract.  It  is 
difficult  to  conceive  of  this  relation  now  as  not  being  involuntaiy  servi- 
tude, as  the  contracts  contemplated  were  made  in  slave  states,  by  actual 
slaves ;  and  yet  it  is  also  difficult  to  distinguish  it  from  that  kind  of  free- 
dom which  Blackstone  states  to  exist  under  the  common  law  of  England, 
as  follows:  "A  slave  or  negro,  the  instant  he  lands  in  England,  becomes 
a  freeman ;  that  is.  the  law  will  protect  him  in  the  enjoyment  of  his  per- 
son and  his  property.  Yet,  with  regard  to  any  right  which  the  master 
may  have  lawfully  acquired  to  the  perpetual  service  of  John  or  Thomas, 
this  will  remain  exactly  in  the  same  state  as  before ;  for  this  is  no  more 
than  the  same  state  of  subjection  for  life,  which  every  apprentice  sub- 
mits to  for  the  space  of  seven  years,  or  sometimes  for  a  longer  term." 
Nevertheless  it  was  extensively  criticised  as  a  violation  of  the  Ordinance, 
and  the  controversy  over  it,  and  succeeding  laws  of  similar  character 
resulted  in  their  condemnation  by  the  people. 

But  even  this  law  did  not  satisfy  the  Illinois  people.     In  1800  Spain 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  239 

had  ceded  Louisiana  to  France,  and  our  diplomats  had  been  vainly  trying 
to  purchase  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Mississippi  to  its  mouth.     In  the 
spring  of  1803  an  opportunity  arose  to  purchase  all  of  Louisiana,  and 
they  entered  into  an  unauthorized  treaty  for  the  purchase.     There  is 
little  reason  to  question  that  President  Jefferson  considered  this  pur- 
chase unconstitutional  when  it  was  made,  but  he  saw  its  vital  importance 
to  the  country,  and  took  the  chances,  calling  a  special  session  of  Congress 
for  October  to  consider  the  matter.    News  of  the  purchase  reached  Indiana 
that   summer,    and   the   anti-Harrison   faction   in    Illinois   at   once   put 
petitions  in  circulation  asking  to  be  joined  to  Louisiana.     John  Edgar 
and  the  ilon-isons  were  the  leaders  in  this,  and  it  was  charged  by  the 
Harrison  party  that  they  had  formed  a  plan  to  make  Edgar  governor 
and  Robert  j\Iorrison  secretary  of  the  new  Territory.    This  may  have  been 
true,  for  there  were  several  plans  advocated,  and  numerous  candidates, 
but  at  the  same  time  this  annexation  furnished  the  shortest  and  most 
certain  road  to  slavery,  and  closer  ties  of  blood  and  trade.    The  petition 
was  presented  to  Congress,  but  it  had  other  views,  and  by  act  of  March 
26,  1804,  all  of  Louisiana  south  of  the  present  south  line  of  Arkansas 
was  made  the  Territory  of  Orleans,  and  that  to  the  north  of  this  line  was 
put  temporarily  under  the  government  of  the  Governor  and  Judges  of 
Indiana,  but  without  being  joined  to  Indiana,  and  was  called  the  District 
of  Louisiana.    The  act  was  to  take  effect  on  October  1,  1804,  but  posses- 
sion of  the  District  had  been  given  to  Captain  Stoddard,  for  the  United 
States,  on  March  9,  and  Congress  had  provided  that  the  laws  already  m 
effect  should  continue  until  repealed  or  amended  by  the  Governor  and 
Judges  of  Indiana.    Preparation  was  made  during  the  summer,  and  on 
October  1,  the  Governor  and  Judges  passed  six  laws  for  the  District  of 
Louisiana,   including   an  elaborate  law   for  the  regulation   of   slaverj^ 
which  remained  in  force  in  Missouri  for  many  years  after.    The  people 
of  the  District,  however,  objected  to  this  anomalous  form  of  government, 
and  petitioned   Congress  for  an  independent  government,  which  was 
granted  on  March  3,  1805. 

Meanwhile  the  people  of  Wayne  County  were  also  clamornig  for  a 
separate  territorial  government,  and  with  good  cause.  In  a  petition  for 
separation  prepared  in  October,  1804,  it  is  stated  that  the  laws  passed 
by  the  Governor  and  Judges  in  September,  1803,  had  not  been  seen  m 
the  conntv.  It  is  not  easv  at  the  present  time  to  realize  the  dii^culty  of 
communication  between  the  different  parts  of  Indiana  Territory,  but 
Judge  Burnet  tells  of  one  trip  which  will  illustrate  it.  In  December, 
1799,  he,  with  ^Mr.  ^Morrison  and  Mr.  St.  Clair,  had  occasion  to  go  from 
Cincinnati  to  Vincennes  on  legal  business.  They  purchased  a  ^'Kentucky 
boat  "  or  ark— a  flat-boat  commonly  used  on  the  Ohio,  and  in  this  loaded 


240  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

their  horses  and  provisions,  and  started  down  the  river.  On  the  after- 
noon of  the  fourth  day  they  reached  tlie  Falls,  where  they  abandoned 
the  boat,  and  proceeded  on  horseback.  The  first  two  nights  they  camped 
out,  on  the  trail  to  Vineennes,  and  the  third  night  was  passed  in  a  de- 
serted cabin,  which  they  found  on  the  bank  of  White  River.  He  does 
not  mention  meeting  a  solitary  white  settler  on  the  journey,  except  at 
the  Falls,  but  they  encountered  a  band  of  Indians,  two  panthers,  a  herd 
of  buffalo,  and  a  wildcat.  There  was  snow  or  rain  during  the  trips  going 
and  coming.  The  travel  to  Detroit  from  Vineennes  was  more  difficult 
than  this,  and  that  to  the  Illinois  settlements  was  at  times  as  bad  as  in 
the  days  of  Clark's  campaign.  From  such  difficulties  there  arose  the 
consensus  of  opinion  among  the  early  settlers  that  the  capital  of  a  state 
or  territory  should  be  as  near  the  center  of  population  as  possible,  and, 
if  possible,  on  a  navigable  stream.  In  response  to  the  Wayne  County 
petition.  Congress  passed  an  act  on  January  11,  1805,  providing  that 
after  June  30  of  that  year  the  Territory  of  Michigan  should  be  estab- 
lished. The  news  of  this  did  not  reach  Indiana  Territory  in  time  to 
prevent  action  treating  Wayne  County  as  still  a  part  of  the  Territorj-. 
In  the  summer  of  1804  the  matter  of  advance  to  the  second  grade 
suddenly  came  up  again;  and  this  time  from  the  Harrison  party,  which 
had  opposed  it  three  years  before.  Dawson  gives  Harrison  great  credit 
for  the  advance,  and  says:  "notwithstanding  the  patriotism  and  disin- 
terestedness which  he  evinced  in  that  important  business,  he  has  been 
charged  with  being  an  ambitious  man,  and  has  brought  upon  himself  the 
ire  of  the  selfish  land-jobbers  among  his  neighbors,  who  did  not  hesitate 
to  arraign  his  conduct,  merely  because  they  conceived  their  taxes  would 
be  raised  to  pay  the  expenses  of  a  representative  government. ' '  ^  But 
this  was  exactly  the  argument  that  Harrison  had  made  three  years  be- 
fore, and  the  people  who  had  favored  it  before  now  opposed  it.  The 
argument  made  for  it  in  1804,  from  a  statement  supposed  to  have  been 
made  by  Benjamin  Parke,  was  this:  "With  aariculture  improved,  popu- 
lation increased,  the  counties  of  Wayne  and  Dearborn  added  to  the 
territory;  possessed  of  all  the  lands  from  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  to  the 
Mississippi,  with  the  exception  of  the  Pyan  Kashaw  claim,  of  no  great 
extent,  and  which  was  shortly  purchased ;  and  offices  established  at  Kas- 
kaskia  and  Vineennes  for  the  sale  of  public  lands,  it  was  thought  that 
the  measure  might  be  safel.y  gone  into.  To  this  advantageous  change  in 
our  situation  was  added,  that  the  expenses  of  the  establishment  would  not 
exceed  $3,500  (I  thought  about  $3,000)  ;  that  the  people  would  be  en- 
titled to  a  partial  representative  government ;  that  they  would  have  the 


*  Life  of  Harrison,  p.  78 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  241 

absolute  control  over  one  branch  of  the  Legislature ;  that  it  would  give 
them  a  Representative  in  Congress,  and,  although  he  would  not  be  en- 
titled to  vote,  yet  from  his  situation  he  would  acquire  respect  and  atten- 
tion, and  would  give  a  faithful  representation  of  our  situation,  and  that 
some  sacrifices  ought  to  be  made  to  obtain  even  the  partial  exercise  of 
the  rights  considered  so  dear  and  of  such  universal  importance  to  the 
several  States."  »  This  looks  plausible,  but  it  does  not  account  for  the 
opposition,  and  it  does  not  account  for  the  extraoi'dinary  haste  with 
which  the  measure  was  adopted.  Harrison  issued  his  proclamation  on 
August  4,  calling  for  a  vote  on  the  question  on  September  11.  The  call 
did  not  reach  Wayne  County  in  time  to  allow  an  election,  and  in  the  other 
counties  the  number  of  votes  cast  was  in  inverse  proportion  to  their  dis- 
tance from  Vineennes.  Only  400  votes  were  cast  in  the  entire  Territory, 
and  of  these  175  were  cast  in  Knox  County,  all  but  12  favoring  the 
change.  The  total  majority  for  the  change  was  138,  but  outside  of  Knox 
County  the  majority  was  against  it.  So  far  as  furnishing  any  satisfactory 
evidence  of  the  wishes  of  the  voters  is  concerned,  the  election  was  a 
farce,  but  Harrison  acted  on  it,  and  on  December  5,  1804,  he  issued  his 
proclamation  announcing  the  advance  to  the  second  grade,  and  calling 
an  election  for  representatives  to  tlie  legislature  for  January  3,  1805. 

The  move  was  manifestly  political,  and  the  apparent  motive  was  the 
slavery  question.  A  case  had  arisen  which  had  brought  it  to  the  front. 
In  the  spring  of  1804,  Simon  Vanorsdell,  claiming  to  act  as  the  agent  of 
the  heirs  of  John  and  Elizabeth  Kuykendall,  seized  a  negi-o  named  George, 
and  a  negress  named  Peggy,  at  Vineennes,  and  was  about  to  carry  them 
out  of  the  Territor\%  when  Harrison  issued  a  proclamation  forbidding  it, 
based  on  information  that  Vanorsdell  was  "about  to  transport  from  the 
Territory  certain  indented  servants,  without  their  consent  first  had  and 
obtained,  with  a  design  as  is  supposed  of  selling  them  for  slaves."  Van- 
orsdell was  arrested  and  indicted,  and  habeas  corpus  proceedings  were 
brought  for  the  release  of  the  nesrroes.  At  the  September  term  of  the 
Territorial  court.  Judges  GrifBn,  Vanderburgh  and  Davis  all  being  pres- 
ent, the  negroes  were  released  on  an  insufficiency  of  evidence  for  their 
claimant,  the  court  giving  an  opinion  that  they  were  fugitives  neither 
from  justice  nor  from  slavery.  Vanorsdell  was  also  released,  nobody 
appearing  to  prosecute.  He  at  once  rearrested  the  negroes,  and  a  new 
habeas  corpus  proceeding  was  instituted,  Harrison,  General  W.  John- 
ston and  John  Johnson  becoming  bail  for  the  negroes.  At  the  June  term, 
1805,  the  negroes  were  produced,  but  George  having  indentured  himself 
to  Harrison  for  a  term  of  eleven  years,  the  claim  as  to  him  was  dropped. 


■  Woollen's    Sketches,   pp.   3-9. 
Vol.  r~i6 


242  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

At  the  September  term,  Judge  Vanderburgh,  sitting  alone,  postponed 
the  hearing  as  to  Peggy  until  one  or  both  of  the  other  Judges  were 
present.  At  the  April  term,  1806,  Judges  Davis  and  Vanderburgh  heard 
the  ease  and  released  Peggy,  holding  that  she  was  not  a  fugitive  from 
justice  or  from  slavery ;  but  they  added  to  their  decision  this  remarkable 
proviso:  "But  this  order  is  not  to  impair  the  right  that  Vauorsdell 
(the  defendant)  or  any  other  person  shall  have  to  the  said  negro  girl 
Peggy,  provided  he,  Vauorsdell,  or  any  other  person,  can  prove  said 
negro  Peggy  to  be  a  slave.'  Nor  shall  this  order  impair  the  right  of  said 
Peggy  to  her  freedom,  provided  the  said  Peggy  shall  establish  her  right 
to  the  same."  In  other  words,  under  a  basic  law  which  prohibited  both 
slavery  and  involuntary  servitude',  and  a  local  law  that  permitted  slavery 
by  indenture,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Territory  were  unable  to  decide 
whether  this  woman  was  a  slave  or  not.  Tliis  case  must  have  produced 
an  extensive  discussion  of  fundamental  principles  at  Vincennes,  and  the 
absurdity  of  a  valid  contract  between  a  master  and  a  slave  in  a  slave 
state  was  probably  realized.  The  Governor  and  Judges  could  not  rectify 
the  law,  because  they  had  power  only  to  adopt  the  laws  of  the  states. 
For  this  reason,  and  because  it  would  give  them  a  representative  in 
Congress,  which  had  been  ignoring  slavery  petitions,  who  might  obtain 
"the  rights  considered  so  dear,"  and  especially  the  introduction  of 
slavery.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Parke  says  "some  sacrifices  ought  to  be 
made";  and  he  also  states  in  this  same  paper  that  in  1801,  "the  expenses 
of  the  second  grade  were,  by  some,  estimated  at  al)out  from  .^1 2.000  to 
$15,000." 

The  election  was  duly  held,  and  the  members  elect  convened  at  Vin- 
cennes on  February  1,  to  nominate  councilors,  and  pass  on  the  credentials 
of  members.  The  Wayne  County  delegation  was  dropped  on  account  of 
the  establishment  of  Michigan  Territory,  and  the  election  in  St.  Clair 
was  held  void  on  account  of  the  polling  having  been  stopped  by  a  mob 
of  opponents  to  the  second  grade.  This  left  only  five  members,  Init  on 
April  18,  tbe  Governor  called  an  election  in  St.  Clair  County  for  two 
representatives,  to  be  held  on  May  20,  and  in  July  the  legislature  con- 
vened with  the  minimum  number  of  representatives  allowed  by  the 
division  act.  As  soon  as  the  composition  of  the  legislature  was  known, 
Benjamin  Parke  was  announced  as  a  candidate  for  Congress.  The 
Letters  of  Decius  then  began  to  appear  in  the  Farmers  Library,  pub- 
lished at  Louisville,  bitterly  criticising  Harrison,  and  denouncing  Parke 
as  his  tool,  who  wanted  to  go  to  Washington  to  secure  Harrison's  reap- 
pointment. They  began  on  May  10,  1805,  and  continued  at  intervals 
until  December  1,  1805,  after  which  they  were  published  in  pamphlet 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  243 

form.  Prof.  Homer  J.  Webster  has  identified  Isaac  Darneille  as  the 
author  of  the  letters.''  The  Farmers  Library  was  the  first  paper  pub- 
lished at  Louisville,  the  first  number  appearing  on  January  18,  1801. 
It  was  established  by  Samuel  Vail,  a  disciple  and  protege  of  Matthew 
Lyon,  the  impetuous  Irishman,  who  succeeded  in  making  himself  a  martyr 
to  the  alien  and  sedition  laws  through  his  newspaper  called  "The  Scourge 
of  Aristocracy  and  Repository  of  Political  Truth."  Joshua  Vail  was 
the  "associate  editor  and  owner."  Darneille  was  a  native  of  Maryland, 
who  came  to  Cahokia  in  1794,  being  the  second  resident  lawyer  in 
Indiana  Territory,  preceded  only  by  John  Rice  Jones.  He  had  been  a 
preacher,  but  was  too  much  devoted  to  gallantry  to  last  long  in  that  line. 
He  was  a  fine  looking  fellow,  and  probably  caused  more  domestic  in- 
felicity in  the  Territory  than  any  other  one  man  of  his  time.  Reynolds 
says:  "He  never  married  according  to  the  laws  of  the  country,  but  to 
all  appearances  he  was  never  without  a  wife  or  wives.  It  was  rumored 
that  he  left  a  married  wife  in  Maryland  who  was  an  obstacle  to  a  second 
marriage  in  this  country."  It  certainly  was  an  obstacle,  for  one  of  the 
laws  of  the  Governor  and  Judges  had  made  Bigamy  a  felony,  punishable 
by  death.  In  1806  Harrison  waited  on  Vail  and  demanded  the  name  of 
the  author  of  the  letters.  Vail  called  on  Darneille  for  proofs,  and  as 
none  were  forthcoming  he  made  a  full  retraction,  which  was  published 
in  his  own  paper,  and  republished  in  the  Frankfort  Palladium. 

The  legislature  elected  Parke  to  Congress,  and  passed  a  number  of 
vei-y  fair  laws ;  but  the  one  law  passed  that  attracted  general  attention 
was  "An  Act  concerning  the  introduction  of  Negroes  and  Mulattoes  into 
this  Territory."  This  provided  that  a  slaveholder  might  bring  a  slave, 
over  fifteen  years  of  age  into  the  Territory,  who  might  within  thirty  days 
enter  into  agreement  before  the  clerk  of  a  court  of  common  pleas  for  any 
number  of  years  of  service  to  his  master;  and  if  he  refused  to  make  such 
an  agreement  the  master  could,  within  sixty  days,  remove  him  from  the 
Territory.  Any  slave  under  fifteen  years  of  age  could  be  registered,  and 
held  without  indenture,  males  until  thirty-five  years  of  age,  and  females 
until  thirty-two.  Children  of  indentured  mothers  were  to  serve  their 
masters,  males  until  thirty  years  of  age,  and  females  until  twenty-eight. 
Indentured  servants  were  not  to  be  removed  from  the  Territory  without 
their  consent,  given  before  a  common  pleas  judge.  On  a  complaint  of  ill 
usage  before  a  justice  of  the  peace,  the  indenture  might  be  cancelled; 
and  if  an  indentured  servant  became  free  at  the  age  of  forty,  or  more, 
his  master  was  to  give  bond  of  $500  that  the  servant  should  not  become 
a  public  charge.     This  law  received  newspaper  publication   that   the 


ilnd.  Hist.   Soc.  Pubs.,  Vol.  4,  pp.  292-3. 


244  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

former  law  of  the  Governor  and  Judges  did  not,  and  therefore  received 
attention  outside  of  the  Territory.  The  "Liberty  Hall,"  of  Cincinnati, 
published  an  abstract  of  the  law,  inclosed  in  turned  rules,  and  said :  "If 
it  were  possible,  with  tears  of  blood  we  are  constrained  to  publish  the 
following  sketch  of  the  law  of  Indiana  Territory  respecting  Negroes." 
The  "National  Intelligencer"  denounced  it  roundly  as  a  violation  of  the 
Ordinance  and  a  menace  to  the  entire  Union ;  and  said  that  the  Governor 
should  he  removed  if '  he  enforced  the  law,  and  that  Congress  should 
refuse  Indiana  admission  to  the  Union  until  the  law  was  repealed.  Un- 
fortunately the  files  of  the  only  paper  published  in  the  state  at  this  time 
are  not  preserved,  but  the  law  met  condemnation  in  Indiana.  Josiah 
Espy,  who  traveled  through  Indiana  in  1805,  says  :  ' '  The  Indiana  terri- 
tory was  settled  first  under  the  same  charter  as  the  state  of  Ohio,  pro- 
hibiting the  admission  of  slaves,  but  the  genius  of  a  majority  of  the 
people  ordering  otherwise  (the  southern  climate,  no  doubt,  having  its 
influence),  the  legislature  of  that  territory  during  the  last  summer, 
passed  a  law  permitting  a  partial  introduction  of  slavery,  much  to  the 
dissatisfaction  of  the  minority.  This  circumstance  will  check  the  emi- 
gration of  farmers  who  do  their  own  labor,  while  the  slave  owners  of  the 
Southern  states  and  Kentucky  will  be  encouraged  to  remove  thither; 
consequently  the  state  of  society  there  will  be  altogether  different  from 
that  of  Ohio.  Its  manners  and  laws  will  assimilate  more  and  more  to 
those  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky,  while  Ohio  will,  in  these  respects,  more 
closely  imitate  Pennsylvania  and  the  middle  states. " "  It  is  hardly 
possible  that  these  thoughts  as  to  the  effects  of  the  law  were  confined  to 
Mr.  Espy.  They  manifestly  present  the  political  basis  of  the  action; 
and  it  is  certain  that  it  was  discussed  in  Indiana  on  that  basis,  for  one  of 
the  correspondents  of  "Liberty  Hall"  says:  "I  have  been  making  some 
enquiries  respecting  the  growing  population  of  Indiana  Territory,  but 
cannot  find  any  comparison  in  the  numbers  to  those  who  come  to  this 
state.  The  bait  has  not  taken.  The  cunning  slave-holder  feels  too  flimsy 
a  security  to  bring  his  horde  to  a  country  where  the  term  of  holding 
them  is  so  precarious.  And  those  who  ai'e  opposed  to  that  hellish  traffic 
are  afraid  to  risk  themselves  in  a  country  where  there  is  a  prospect  of 
its  introduction."  The  inducement  evidently  did  not  appeal  strongly  to 
slave-holders,  for  though  the  population  of  Indiana  proper  increased 
from  2,500  in  1800  to  24,520  in  1810,  the  number  of  free  negroes,  as  re- 
ported by  the  census  of  Indiana  Territon-,  increased  only  from  87  to 
393,  and  the  number  of  slaves  from  28  to  237.  The  increase  of  slaves  in 
Illinois  proper  was,  however,  greater  in  propoi'tion.  The  incoming  anti- 
slavery  population  was  locating  chiefly  in  Clark  and  Dearborn  counties. 


A  Tour  &e.,  p.  24-5. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


24  0 


This  legislature  also  established  a  Court  of  Chancery — the  only  one 
in  this  region  ever  exclusively  confined  to  chancery — which  continued 
until  1813,  John  Badollet,  Thomas  T.  Davis  and  Waller  Taylor  serving 
successively  as  chancellors.  It  also  chartered  the  first  corporations  in 
the  state — "'the  Boi-ough  of  Vincennes"  and  "the  Indiana  Canal  Com- 
pany," the  latter  to  construct  a  canal  around  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  on 


John  Badollet,  First  Chancellor  op  Indlvna 
(From  a  portrait  by  Leseuer) 

the  Indiana  side.  Espy  says  of  the  latter:  "At  the  late  session  of  the 
legislature  of  Indiana  a  company  was  incorporated  for  this  purpose  on 
the  most  liberal  scale.  Books  were  opened  for  subscription  while  I  was 
there,  which  were  filling  rapidly.  Shares  to  the  amount  of  about  $120,000 
were  already  suliscribed  by  men  of  the  first  .standing  in  the  Union.  When 
the  canal  is  finished  the  company  intend  erecting  all  kinds  of  water 
works,  for  which  they  say  the  place  is  highly  calculated.  From  these  it 
is  expected  that  more  wealth  will  flow  into  the  coffers  of  the  company 


246  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

than  from  the  passage  of  vessels  up  and  down  the  river.  If  these  expec- 
tations should  be  realized,  there  remains  but  little  doubt  the  falls  of  the 
Ohio  will  become  the  centre  of  wealth  of  the  Western  World." 

The  legislature  probably  realized  that  the  indenture  law  would  not 
appeal  strongly  to  slave  owners,  and  they  had  another  trouble  in  sight. 
During  the  summer  a  petition  to  Congress  had  been  circulated  in  the 
Illinois  country  asking  for  the  introduction  of  slavery  and  for  a  division 
of  the  TeiT-itory.  The  proslavery  people  of  Knox  County  did  not  want 
division  because  it  meant  that  the  capital  must  .soon  be  moved  from  Yin- 
cennes.  A  petition  was  therefore  prepared  asking  for  the  admission  of 
slavery,  and  proposing  that  the  Territory  be  divided  by  an  east  and  west 
line,  instead  of  a  north  and  south  line,  so  as  to  make  two  states  similar 
to  Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  There  was  some  reason  for  this  in  the  fact 
that  the  Indian  title  had  been  extinguished  to  the  southern  part  of  the 
Territory  from  the  Falls  to  the  Mississippi.  This  was  adopted  by  the 
Council,  but  was  rejected  by  the  House.  It  was  then  signed  by  Benjamin 
Chambers,  John  Rice  Jones  and  Pierre  l\Ienard,  of  the  Council,  and  by 
Jesse  B.  Thomas,  John  Johnson,  George  Fisher  and  Benjamin  Parke,  of 
the  House,  and  forwarded  to  Washington  as  "The  petition  of  the  sub- 
scribers, members  of  the  Legislative  Council  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives of  the  Indiana  Territory,  and  constituting  a  majority  of  the  two 
Houses  respectively."  This  proposal  for  the  division  of  the  Territory 
by  an  east  and  west  line  completed  the  break  between  the  proslavery 
factions  in  Indiana  proper  and  the  Illinois  country.  The  Illinois  people 
appointed  a  committee  from  the  several  townships  of  their  region,  which 
prepared  another  petition  for  the  division  of  the  Territory'  as  provided 
in  the  Ordinance.  All  of  these  petitions  were  sent  on  to  Washington, 
and  also  one  from  Dearborn  County  asking  to  be  joined  to  Ohio,  as  a 
matter  of  convenience.  The  committee  to  which  they  were  referred  re- 
ported in  favor  of  suspending  the  slavery  clause,  but  no  further  action 
was  taken.  The  legislature  of  1806  made  another  petition  to  Congress 
for  the  admission  of  slavery,  and  similar  petitions  were  sent  in  from  the 
Illinois  countiy.  Again  the  committee  of  Congress  reported  favorably, 
but  no  further  action  was  taken.  The  Indiana  legislature  of  1807  adopted 
another  petition  for  slavery,  and  a  fonnal  resolution  consenting  to  the 
modification  of  the  Ordinance;  and  also  adopted  a  revision  of  the 
statutes,  including  the  indenture  law. 

Up  to  this  time  no  petition  had  been  sent  from  Indiana  against 
slavery;  and  when  I  wrote  my  "Indiana,  a  Redemption  from  Slavery," 
thirty  years  ago,  I  said  at  this  point,  "The  anti-slavery  people  were  now 
thoroughly  roused  to  the  danger  of  the  situation,  and  determined  to 
make  a  vigorous  resistance  in  Congress."    I  had  not  been  able  to  find  any 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  247 

special  cause  for  this  change  of  policy,  but  some  twenty  years  later  there 
was  made  public  one  of  the  most  remarkable  secrets  in  the  history  of  the 
United  States — a  secret  which  had  been  kept  for  more  than  a  century. 
In  the  summer  of  1786  there  came  to  Kaskaskia  John  Lemen,  a  young 
Virginian,  who  had  come  down  the  Ohio  with  his  family.  Though  only 
twenty-six  years  of  age,  he  had  been  a  soldier  in  the  Revolution,  and  had 
made  friends  of  some  of  the  great  men  of  the  day,  as  may  be  gathered 
from  his  modest  entries  in  his  diary.  On  October  4,  1781,  he  records : 
"I  carried  a  message  from  my  Colonel  to  Gen.  Wa.shington  today.  He 
recognized  me  and  talked  vei-y  kindly  and  said  the  war  would  soon  be 
over,  he  thought.  I  knew  Washington  before  the  war  commenced."  On 
the  same  day  he  says :  "I  saw  Washington  and  La  Fayette  looking  at  a 
French  soldier  and  an  American  soldier  wrestling,  and  the  American 
threw  the  Frenchman  so  hard  he  limped  off,  and  La  Fayette  said  that 
was  the  way  Washington  must  do  to  Cornwallis. ' '  On  the  15th  he  says : 
"I  was  in  the  assault  which  La  Fayette  led  yesterday  against  the  British 
redoubt,  which  we  captured.  Our  loss  was  nine  killed  and  thirty-four 
wounded."  On  the  19th  he  says:  "Our  victory  is  great  and  complete. 
I  saw  the  surrender  to-day.  Our  officers  think  this  will  probably  end  the 
war."  After  a  short  stay  near  Kaskaskia  he  located  at  New  Design,  a 
settlement  some  four  miles  south  of  Bellefontaine,  Monroe  County,  Illi- 
nois, and,  as  the  Indians  were  troublesome,  built  "the  old  Lemen  fort." 
He  was  a  notable  hunter  and  Indian  fighter,  though  he  is  better  known 
in  Illinois  history  as  a  Baptist  minister  and  an  active  enemy  of  slavery. 
His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Capt.  Joseph  Ogle,  for  whom  Ogle  County, 
Illinois,  was  named.  The  entries  in  Lemen 's  diary  that  are  of  especial 
interest  to  Indiana  relate  to  his  connection  with  Thomas  Jefferson,  and 

are  as  follows : 

"Hanger's  Ferry,  Va.,  Dec.  11,  1782. 
"Thomas  Jefferson  had  me  to  visit  him  again  a  short  time  ago,  as  he 
wanted  me  to  go  to  the  Illinois  country  in  the  North  West,  after  a  year 
or  two,  in  order  to  try  to  lead  and  direct  the  new  settlers  in  the  best  way 
and  also  to  oppose  the  introduction  of  slavery  in  that  country  at  a  later 
day,  as  I  am  known  as  an  opponent  of  that  evil,  and  he  says  he  will  give 
me  some  help.  It  is  all  because  of  his  great  kindness  and  affection  for 
me.  for  which  I  am  very  grateful,  but  I  have  not  yet  fully  decided  to  do 

so,  but  have  agreed  to  consider  the  case." 

"May  2,  1784. 

"I  saw  Jefferson  at  Annapolis,  IMaryland,  to-day  and  had  a  very 
pleasant  visit  with  him.  I  have  consented  to  go  to  Illinois  on  his  mission 
and  he  intends  helping  me  some,  but  I  did  not  ask  nor  wish  it.  We  had 
a  full  agreement  and  understanding  as  to  all  terms  and  duties.     The 


248  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

agreement  is  strictly  private  between  us,  but  all  his  purposes  are  per- 
fectly honorable  and  praiseworthy." 

"Dec.  28,  1785. 
"Jefferson's  confidential  agent  gave  me  one  hundred  dollars  of  his 
funds  to  use  for  my  family,  if  need  be,  and  if  not  to  go  to  good  causes, 
and  I  will  go  to  Illinois  on  his  mission  next  Spring  and  take  my  wife 
and  children." 

"Sept.  4,  1786. 
"In  the  past  summer,  with  my  wife  and  children  I  arrived  at  Kas- 
kaskia,  Illinois,  and  we  are  now  living  in  the  Bottom  settlement.     On 
the  Ohio  river  my  boat  partly  turned  over  and  we  lost  a  part  of  our 
goods  and  our  son  Robert  came  near  drowning." 

"New  Design,  111.,  Feb.  26,  1794. 
' '  My  wife  and  I  were  baptized  with  several  others  to-day  in  Fountain 
Creek  by  Rev.  Josiah  Dodge.    The  ice  had  to  be  cut  and  removed  first." 

"New  Design,  May  28,  1796. 
"Yesterday  and  to-day,  my  neighbors  at  my  invitation,  gathered  at 
my  home  and  were  constituted  into  a  Baptist  church,  by  Rev.  David 
Badgley  and  Joseph  Chance." 

"New  Design,  May  3,  1803. 
"As  Thomas  Jefferson  predicted  they  would  do,  the  extreme  southern 
slave  advocates  are  making  their  influence  felt  in  the  new  territory  for 
the  introduction  of  slavery  and  they  are  pressing  Gov.  William  Henry 
Harrison  to  use  his  power  and  influence  for  that  end.  Steps  must  soon 
be  taken  to  prevent  that  curse  from  being  fastened  on  our  people." 

"New  Design,  May  4,  1805. 
"At  our  last  meeting,  as  I  expected  he  would  do.  Gov.  Harrison  asked 
and  insisted  that  I  should  cast  ray  influence  for  the  introduction  of 
slavery  here,  but  I  not  only  denied  the  request,  but  I  informed  him  that 
the  evil  attempt  would  encounter  my  most  active  opposition  in  every 
possible  and  honorable  manner  that  my  mind  could  suggest  or  my  mears 
accomplish." 

"New  Design,  May  10,  1805. 
.  "Knowing  President  Jefferson's  hostility  against  the  introduction  of 
slavery  here  and  the  mission  he  sent  me  on  to  oppose  it,  I  do  not  believe 
the  pro-slavery  petitions  with  which  Gov.  Harrison  and  his  council  are 
pressing  Congress  for  slavery  here  can  prevail  while  he  is  President,  as 
he  is  very  popular  with  Congre.ss  and  will  find  means  to  over-reach  the 
evil  attempt  of  the  pro-slavery  power." 

"Jan.  20th,  1806. 
"As  Gov.  William  Henry  Harrison  and  his  legislative  council  have 
had  their  petitions  before  Congress  at  several  sessions  asking  for  slavery 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  249 

here,  I  seut  a  messenger  to  Indiana  to  ask  the  churches  and  people  there 
to  get  up  and  sign  a  coimter  petition  to  Congress  to  uphold  freedom  in 
the  territory  and  I  have  circulated  one  here  and  we  will  send  it  on  to 
that  body  at  next  session  or  as  soon  as  the  work  is  done." 

"New  Design,  Sept.  10,  1806. 

"A  confidential  agent  of  Aaron  Burr  called  yesterday  to  ask  my  aid 
and  sympathy  in  Burr's  scheme  for  a  Southwestern  Empire  with  Illinois 
as  a  province  and  an  offer  to  make  me  governor.  But  I  denounced  the 
conspiracy  as  high  treason  and  gave  him  a  few  hours  to  leave  the  terri- 
tory on  pain  of  arrest."' 

"New  Design,  Jan.  10,  1810. 

"I  received  Jefferson's  confidential  message  on  Oct.  10,  1808,  sug- 
gesting a  division  of  the  churches  on  the  ciuestion  of  slavery  and  the 
organization  of  a  church  on  a  strictly  anti-slavery  basis,  for  the  purpose 
of  heading  a  movement  to  finally  make  Illinois  a  free  State,  and  after 
first  trying  in  vain  for  some  months  to  bring  all  the  churches  over  to 
such  a  basis,  I  acted  on  Jefferson 's  plan  and  Dec.  10,  1809,  the  anti-slavery 
element  formed  a  Baptist  church  at  Cantine  creek,  on  an  anti-slavery 
basis." 

"New  Design,  Mar.  3,  1819. 

"I  was  reared  in  the  Presbyterian  faith,  but  at  20  years  of  age  I 
embraced  Baptist  principles  and  after  settlement  in  Illinois  I  was  baptized 
into  that  faith  and  finally  became  a  minister  of  the  gospel  of  that  church, 
but  some  years  before  I  was  licensed  to  preach  I  was  active  in  collecting 
and  inducing  communities  to  organize  churches,  as  I  thought  that  the 
most  certain  plan  to  control  and  improve  the  new  settlements,  and  I  also 
hoped  to  employ  the  churches  as  a  means  of  opposition  to  the  institution 
of  slavery,  but  this  only  became  possible  when  we  organized  a  leading 
church  on  a  strictly  anti-slavery  basis,  an  event  which  finally  was  marked 
with  great  success,  as  Jeft'erson  suggested  it  would  be." 

"New  Design,  Dec.  10,  1820. 

"Looking  back  at  this  time,  1820,  to  1809,  when  we  organized  the 
Canteen  creek  Baptist  Church  on  a  strictly  anti-slavery  basis  as  Jefferson 
had  suggested  as  a  center  from  which  the  anti-slavery  movement  to  finally 
save  the  State  to  freedom  could  be  directed,  it  is  now  clear  that  the  move 
was  a  wise  one  as  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  it  more  than  anything  else 
was  what  made  Illinois  a  free  State." 

Lemen  kept  his  compact  with  Jeft'erson  secret  through  his  life,  as  he 
had  agreed,  and  his  children  kept  it  after  him,  but  in  1851,  when  Rev. 
John  JIason  Peck  was  pastor  of  Bethel  Baptist  Church — the  one  which 
Lemen  had  founded  on  "Cantine"  (Quentin)  Creek — they  intrusted  to 
him  the  preparation  of  an  account  of  their  father's  life.    Peck,  known  in 


250 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


Illinois  history  as  the  founder  of  Rock-Spring  Seminary,  which  later 
developed  into  Sliurtleif  College,  and  also  as  the  author  of  an  Illinois 
Gazetteer,  and  other  books,  was  an  old-time  associate  of  the  elder  Lemen 
in  the  fight  against  slavery,  and  his  statements  add  something  to  the 
meager  recital  of  the  diary.     He  says  that  at  their  meeting  in  1784, 


Rev.  J.  M.  Peck 


Jefferson  and  Lemen  "agreed  that  sooner  or  later  there  would  be  a  great 
contest  to  try  to  fasten  slavery  on  the  Northwestern  Territoiy, "  and 
that  Jefferson  "looked  forward  to  a  great  pro-slavery  contest  to  finally 
try  to  make  Illinois  and  Indiana  slave  states,  and  as  Mr.  Lemen  was  a 
natural  born  anti-slavery  leader  and  had  proved  himself  such  in  Vir- 
ginia by  inducing  scores  of  masters  to  free  their  slaves  through  his  pre- 
vailing kindness  of  manner  and  Christian  arguments,  he  was  just  Jeffer- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  251 

son's  ideal  of  a  man  who  could  safely  be  trusted  with  his  anti-slavery 
mission  in  Illinois."  He  says  that  Jefferson  sent  messages  to  Lemeu 
when  opportunity  presented,  and  that  Jefferson  sent  a  contribution  of 
$20  to  the  new  anti-slavery  Baptist  church  when  it  was  organized ;  and 
that  when  Lemen  sent  his  agent  to  Indiana  he  paid  him  $30  out  of  the 
money  that  Jefferson  had  supplied  him.  He  quotes  a  letter  written  by 
Jefferson  on  September  10,  1807,  to  Lemen 's  brother  Robert,  who  was 
then  living  near  Harper's  Ferry,  Virginia,  in  which  he  says:  "If  your 
brother  James  Lemen  should  visit  Virginia  soon,  as  I  learn  he  possibly 
may,  do  not  let  him  return  until  he  makes  me  a  visit.  I  will  also  write 
him  to  be  sure  and  see  me.  Among  all  my  friends  who  are  near,  he  is 
still  a  little  nearer.  I  discovered  his  worth  when  he  was  but  a  child  and 
I  freely  confess  that  in  some  of  my  most  important  achievements  his 
example,  wish  and  advice,  though  then  but  a  veiy  young  man,  largely 
influenced  my  action.  This  was  particularly  true  as  to  whatever  share 
I  may  have  had  in  the  transfer  of  our  great  Northwestern  Territory  to 
the  United  States,  and  especially  for  the  fact  that  I  was  so  well  pleased 
with  the  anti-slavery  clause  inserted  later  in  the  Ordinance  of  1787. 
Before  any  one  had  ever  mentioned  the  matter,  James  Lemen,  by  reason 
of  his  devotion  to  anti-slavery  principles,  suggested  to  me  that  we  (Vir- 
ginia) make  the  transfer  and  that  slavery  be  excluded;  and  it  so  im- 
pressed me  that  whatever  is  due  me  as  credit  for  my  share  in  the  matter 
is  largely,  if  not  wholly,  due  to  James  Lemen 's  advice  and  most  righteous 
counsel.  His  record  in  the  new  country  has  fully  justified  my  course  in 
inducing  him  to  settle  there  with  the  view  of  properly  shaping  events  in 
the  best  interest  of  the  people."  Mr.  Peck  concludes  his  account  of 
Lemen 's  work  in  Illinois  with  this  statement:  "With  people  familiar 
with  all  the  circumstances  there  is  no  divergence  of  views  but  that  the 
organization  of  the  Bethel  Church  and  its  masterly  anti-slavery  contest 
saved  Illinois  to  freedom ;  but  much  of  the  credit  of  the  freedom  of 
Illinois,  as  well  as  for  the  balance  of  the  territory  was  due  to  Thomas 
Jefl'erson's  faithful  and  efficient  aid.  True  to  his  promise  to  Mr.  Lemen 
that  slavery  should  never  prevail  in  the  Northwestern  Territory  or  any 
part  of  it,  he  quietly  directed  his  leading  confidential  friends  in  Congress 
to  steadily  defeat  Gen.  Harrison's  pro-slavery  petitions  for  the  repeal  of 
the  anti-slavery  clause  in  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  and  his  friendly  aid  to 
Rev.  James  Lemen,  Sr.,  and  friends  made  the  anti-slavery  contest  of 
Bethel  Church  a  success  in  saving  the  state  to  freedom."^ 


8  These  details  are  from  Mr.  Willard  C.  MaeNaul's  paper  "The  Jefferson- 
Lemen  Compact"  published  by  the  Chicago  Historical  Society,  in  1915.  Much 
of  the  matter  was  published  in  the  Belleville  Advocate  in  1908  and  1909. 


252  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

The  liglit  thrown  on  the  character  of  Thomas  Jefferson  by  these 
records  is  of  more  than  local  interest.  Unhappily,  what  passes  for  his- 
tory and  biography  in  the  United  States  is  largely  nothing  but  post 
mortem  politics,  and  few  of  our  public  men  have  escaped  being  painted 
in  very  dark  colors  by  one  group  of  writers  while  they  are  lauded  to  the 
skies  by  another.  This  is  so  notable  that  even  a  prosaic  encyclopedia 
says:  "Washington  was  accused  of  murder,  treachery,  corruption,  hy- 
pocrisy, ingratitude,  moral  cowardice,  and  private  immorality ;  Franklin 
was  charged  with  theft,  debauchery,  intrigue,  slander  and  irreligion;. 
while  the  manifold  charges  against  Lincoln  remain  within  the  memory 
of  many  now  living ;  and  there  is  nothing  strange  in  the  fact  that  Jeffer- 
son was  accused  of  dishonesty,  craftiness,  slander,  irreligion,  immorality, 
cow-ardice,  and  incompetence." ^  It  is  a  trifle  strange,  however,  that 
with  Jefferson's  well  known  sentiments  on  slavery,  he  has  been  accused 
of  trying  to  introduce  slavery  into  Ohio.  Ephraim  Cutler  was  a 
member  of  the  committee  on  the  bill  of  rights  of  the  Ohio,  of  which  John 
W.  Browne  was  chairman,  and  he  records  that:  "Mr.  Browne  proposed 
a  section,  which  defined  the  subject  thus:  'No  person  shall  be 'held  in 
slavery,  if  a  male,  after  he  is  thirty-five  years  of  age ;  or  a  female,  after 
twenty-five  years  of  age.'  The  handwriting,  I  had  no  doubt,  was  ^Ir. 
Jefferson's.  *  *  «  ]t,ii-  Browne  observed  that  what  he  had  intro- 
duced was  thought  by  the  greatest  men  in  the  Nation  to  be,  if  established 
in  our  constitution,  obtaining  a  great  step  toward  a  general  emanciijation 
of  slavery.  This  statement  is  reinforced  by  a  statement  that  Gov.  Worth- 
ington  had  told  him,  that  Jefferson  had  told  him,  that  he  hoped  such  an 
article  might  be  put  in  the  constitution.  A  footnote  adds  the  statement 
that  A.  H.  Lewis  said  that  Gov.  Morrow,  of  Ohio,  told  him  that  he  talked 
with  Jefferson  after  the  constitution  was  adopted,  and  that  Jefferson 
said:  "It  would  have  been  more  judicious  to  have  admitted  slavery  for 
a  limited  period."  On  the  face  of  these  statements  it  would  appear 
evident  that  Jefferson,  knowing  that  slavery  already  existed  in  North- 
west Territory,  thought  that  a  gradual  emancipation  of  the  slaves  would 
be  more  just  than  an  immediate  emancipation.  That  he  wanted  any 
more  brought  in,  is  hardly  credible,  as  he  was  the  only  man  in  the 
United  States  at  the  time  who  had  an  agent  in  the  Territory  for  the 
special  purpose  of  keeping  slavery  out.  It  will  be  recalled  that  Jeffer- 
son's clause  excluding  slavery  from  the  western  lands,  both  north  and 
south  of  the  Ohio,  was  struck  out  on  April  19,  1784;  and  it  was  on  May 
2,  two  weeks  later,  that  he  made  his  final  agreement  with  Lemen  to  go 
west  and  fight  slavery  on  the  ground.  Jefferson  never  gave  up  a  fight  if 
there  was  a  chance  to  win  by  a  change  of  tactics. 


Encyclopedia    Americana,    Title,    Jefferson. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  253 

The  new  anti-slavery  Baptist  church  did  not  object  to  Jefferson's 
contribution  as  "tainted  money."  Jefferson  was  unpopular  with  the 
Congregationalists  of  New  England  on  account  of  his  tight  against  a 
state-supported  church  in  Virginia,  although  the  Virginia  church  was 
Episcopalian.  But  this  did  not  hurt  the  feelings  of  the  Baptists,  who 
were  taxed  in  both  New  England  and  Virginia  to  support  churches  that 
they  did  not  believe  in.  The  Virginia  Baptists  made  a  very  able  protest 
against  this  injustice  in  1775,  and  sent  an  address  to  Washington  in  1789, 
objecting  to  the  lack  of  a  guarantee  of  religious  freedom  in  the  new 
national  constitution.  Some  of  the  Virginia  Baptists  had  been  preaching 
emancipation  for  some  years,  and  one  of  them,  Rev.  James  Tarrant, 
moved  on  into  Kentucky,  and  later  organized  the  association  of  Baptists, 
who  called  themselves  "Friends  to  Humanity."  Lemen's  new  church 
called  itself,  "The  Baptized  Church  of  Christ  Friends  to  Humanity,  on 
Cantine  Creek" — "Cantine"  being  an  Americanization  of  "Quentin." 
They  adopted  what  were  known  as  ' '  Tarrant 's  Rules  Against  Slaveiy. ' ' 
At  this  time  there  were  only  two  Baptist  churches  in  Indiana  proper. 
The  second  one  was  constituted  on  May  20,  1809,  by  Samuel  and  Phoebe 
Allison,  Charles,  Sr.,  Charles,  Jr.,  Margaret,  Achsah,  William  and  Sally 
Polke,  John  and  Polly  Lemen,  William  and  Sally  Bruce,  and  John 
Morris,  "a  man  of  color."  It  was  located  in  Knox  County,  near  Vin- 
eennes,  and  was  called  the  Maria  Creek  Church.  Its  tenth  article  of 
faith  was  in  these  words:  "We  believe  that  African  slavery  as  it  exists 
in  some  parts  of  the  United  States,  is  unjust  in  its  origin  and  oppressive 
in  its  consequences;  and  is  inconsistent  with  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel. 
But  viewing  our  situation  in  this  Territory,  as  the  Law  does  not  tolerate 
hereditary  slavery,  we  think  it  inexpedient  to  meddle  with  the  subject  in 
a  Church  capacity."  Apparently  none  of  the  members  were  slave- 
holders, hereditary  or  otherwise,  for  in  February,  1812,  Peter  Hans- 
hrough  asked  for  admission  to  the  church,  and  five  of  the  then  members 
objected  on  the  ground  that  he  was  a  slave-holder.  The  next  month  a 
majority  of  the  membere  having  decided  to  admit  Hansbrough,  all  of  the 
objectors  except  William  Bruce  withdrew  their  objections  and  "Bro. 
Bruce  being  unwilling  to  continue  in  union  with  slave-holders,"  was 
dropped  out,  though  the  church  declared  they  "have  no  objections  to 
his  moral  character  as  a  Christian." 

The  first  Baptist  church  in  Indiana  had  been  constituted  on  Novem- 
ber 22,  1798,  near  Owens  Creek  (otherwise  Foui'teen  ^Mile  Creek)  in 
Clark  County,  by  John  and  Cattern  Pettet  and  John  and  Sophia  Fislar. 
In  1803  it  was  removed  to  "Silver  Creek  near  the  mouth  of  Sinking 
Fork"  and  was  thereafter  known  as  the  Silver  Creek  church.  This 
church  took  no  stand  on  slaveiy,  for  on  February  26,  1814,  a  brother 


254  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

was  reported  for  "treating  his  slaves  ill."  The  examining  committee 
reported  that  "although  he  had  chastised  his  slaves,  yet  not  so  severely 
as  reported,"  and  recommended  that  "the  brother  ought  to  receive  a 
caution  for  the  future,"  which  he  duly  received.  There  were,  however, 
some  Baptists  in  Clark  County  who  were  not  in  connection  with  this 
church,  and  there  were  numerous  settlers  there  who  were  opposed  to 
slavery,  when  Lemen's  messenger  arrived  to  urge  action.  A  meeting 
was  called  for  October  10,  1807,  at  Springville,  an  Indiana  metropolis, 
which  has  since  joined  Babylon  and  Nineveh  as  civic  memories.  It  was 
a  mile  or  two  southwest  of  Charlestown,  and  was  the  first  county  seat  of 
Clark  County.  It  flourished  for  a  short  time,  being  very  popular  with 
the  Indians  as  a  trading  point  on  account  of  a  distillery  located  there. 
The  Indians  called  it  Tul-ly-un-gi,  or  Tullytown,  on  accoiuit  of  a  trader 
named  Tully  who  had  an  establishment  in  the  place.  But  in  1802  the 
county  seat  was  removed  to  Jeffersonville,  which  had  just  been  laid  out  on 
a  plan  suggested  by  President  Jefferson,  with  the  alternate  squares  re- 
seinred  for  parks,  except  that  instead  of  running  the  streets  between  the 
squares,  as  proposed  by  Jefferson,  the  proprietor  ran  them  diagonally 
through  the  park  squares,  in  order  to  save  ground,  much  to  the  disgust 
of  Gov.  Harrison,  who  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  correspondence 
with  Jefferson  concerning  the  matter.  The  meeting  at  Springville  or- 
ganized by  electing  John  Beggs,  who  was  a  Baptist  and  an  anti-slavery 
man,  chairman,  and  Davis  Floyd,  secretary.  A  resolutions  committee 
was  appointed,  composed  of  Abraham  Little,  John  Owens,  Robert  Rob- 
ertson, and  Charles  and  James  Beggs,  brothers  of  the  chairman.  James 
Beggs  had  represented  the  County  in  the  last  legislature,  and  was  familiar 
with  the  details  of  the  legislative  petition.  He  was  probably  the  writer 
of  the  resolutions,  which  are  strong  and  well-worded.  James  Beggs  was 
very  particular  about  grammar,  so  much  so  that  he  was  called  "]Mr. 
Syntax"  by  his  legislative  associates.  These  resolutions  are  notable  as 
containing  the  first  known  suggestion  of  "squatter  sovereignty,"  as 
they  ask  that  Congress  make  no  change  until  the  people  are  ready  to 
form  a  state  government;  and  the  Senate  committee  to  which  these 
petitions  were  referred  notes  this  fact  in  its  report  that  "it  is  not  expedi- 
ent at  this  time  to  siispend  the  sixth  article  of  compact."  Presumably 
Lemen's  messenger  went  to  Dearborn  County  also,  for  the  people  there 
sent  in  a  memorial  stating  that  the  legislature  had  passed  an  unconstitu- 
tional law  as  to  slaves,  and  asking  that  the  law  be  revised  or  that  they 
be  added  to  Ohio.  It  is  probable  that  Congressmen  adopted  the  squatter- 
sovereignty  idea  as  a  happy  solution  of  the  problem,  for  Benjamin 
Parke,  who  represented  Indiana  in  Congress  could  get  no  action  on  the 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  255 

matter,  and  after  his  return  stated  that  Congress  would  not  permit  the 
introduction  of  slavery  even  if  a  majority  of  the  people  asked  for  it.!** 
The  revelations  of  Lemen  's  diary  not  only  explain  the  sudden  awaken- 
ing of  the  Indiana  anti-slavery  men,  but  also  the  continuous  refusal  of 
Congress  to  suspend  the  slavery  proviso  year  after  year,  when  committees 
were  reporting  in  favor  of  its  suspension.     Jeffei*son's  influence  at  the 


Jesse  B.  Thomas 

time  was  enormous,  not  only  in  Washington,  but  throughout  the  country. 
It  was  felt  still  further  in  Indiana.  When  the  legislature  of  1808  met 
the  proslavery  people  began  a  new  effort  for  slavery  by  sending  petitions 
to  the  legislature  for  another  appeal  to  Congress.  But  now  that  the  anti- 
slaveiy  element  had  started  petitioning  they  also  kept  at  it,  and  the 
little  legislative  body  was  fairly  stormed  with  petitions  for  and  against 


10  Western  Sun,  February  25,  1809. 


256  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

slavery,  winding  np  with  a  petition  from  William  Atchison  and  others 
of  St.  Clair  County,  asking  that  all  anti-slavers'  petitions  be  thrown 
under  the  table.  Atchison  was  noted  for  vehement  expression.  AVilliam 
Morrison,  whose  principal  mercantile  house  was  at  Kaskaskia,  had  several 
branch  stores,  and  Atchison  managed  his  store  at  Cahokia.  On  account 
of  the  high  prices  he  charged,  he  was  commonly  known  as  "Chape 
Wollie."  Reynolds  tells  of  this  eccentric  Irishman  inviting  Rev.  Benja- 
min Young,  a  Methodist  cii'cuit  rider,  to  preach  at  his  store  one  Sunday 
in  1807.  The  congregation  was  small,  and  by  way  of  apology  to  the 
preacher,  Atchison  said  to  him:  "For  my  part,  I'd  walk  miles  on  Sun- 
day, through  briai's  and  hell,  to  hear  such  a  sermon  as  that  ye  prached ; 
but  these  d — d  French  love  dancing  better  than  praehing.  An '  ]\Iisther 
Young,  could  ye  not  stay  with  us  to-night  and  go  to  the  ball  this 
evening?"  His  facetious  petition  itself  escaped  being  thrown  under  the 
table  by  the  narrow  margin  of  one  vote.  It  was  no  time  for  joking.  The 
anti-slaveiy  petitioners  outnumbered  their  opponents  by  over  600,  and 
they  were  mostly  from  the  eastern  counties.  It  was  practically  assured 
that  the  Territory  would  be  divided  very  soon,  and  that  Indiana  would 
be  left  strongly  anti-slavery.  The  Harrison  party  had  begun  going  to 
pieces,  and  he  had  lost  control  of  the  legislature.  By  a  combination  of 
the  anti-Harrison  factions  of  proslavery  men  from  the  Illinois  counties, 
and  anti-slavery  men  from  the  eastern  counties,  the  Harrison  candidate 
for  Congress  was  defeated,  and  Jesse  B.  Thomas  of  Dearborn  was  elected, 
but  it  was  openly  said  that  the  Illinois  representatives  had  required  him 
to  give  bond  that  he  would  work  for  division  before  they  voted  for  him. 
This  was  the  first  time  that  Harrison  had  failed  to  get  his  candidate  for 
Congress  elected,  but  a  still  more  fatal  l)low  was  to  be  struck  at  his 
organization. 

The  slavery  petitions  were  referred  to  a  committee  of  which  General 
Washington  Johnston — the  "General"  is  a  name,  and  not  a  title — was 
chairman.  He  was  a  Virginian  who  came  to  Vincennes  in  1793,  and 
entered  the  practice  of  law.  He  ranked  high  in  every  way,  especially  in 
Masonry,  being  the  customary  local  orator  of  the  order  on  public  occa- 
sions. Up  to  this  time  he  had  acted  openly  with  the  proslavery,  Harri- 
son party,  but  now  he  faced  about.  He  said  that  he  had  always  been 
morally  opposed  to  the  introduction  of  slaverj',  and  had  favored  it  as  a 
representative  only  because  his  constituents  did  so  ^^  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  question  this.  Indeed  it  is  impossible  that  he  could  have  had 
any  such  radical  change  of  views  if  he  had  personally  favored  slavery 
before.  On  October  19,  1808,  he  made  the  committee's  report,  which 
was  a  paper  that  would  do  credit  to  any  American  statesman.    It  covers 


11  Western    Sun,   February   4,   11,    18,    1809. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


257 


tlie  entire  range  of  the  slavery  question,  and  condemns  slavery  at  every 
point ;  shows  that  slavei-y  is  inexpedient  and  undesirable,  by  comparing 
the  slave  states  with  the  free  states ;  declares  the  indenture  law  contrary 
to  both  the  spirit  and  the  letter  of  the  Ordinance,  and  that  "the  most 
flagitious  abuse  is  made  of  that  law ;  that  negroes  brought  here  are  com- 
monly forced  to  bind  themselves  for  a  number  of  years  reaching  or  ex- 
tending the  natural  term  of  their  lives,  so  that  the  condition  of  those 
unfortunate  persons  is  not  only  involuntarj-  servitude  but  do-Kmright 
slavery":  and  concludes  with  a  finding  that  it  is  inexpedient  to  ask  Con- 
gress to  modify  the  Ordinance,  and  that  the  indenture  law  ought  to  be 

repealed. 

The  source  of  much  of  his  argument  is  unquestionable.  Jefferson's 
Notes  on  Virginia  were  written  in  1781-2  in  answer  to  a  series  of  queries 
from  Secretary  De  Marbois,  of  the  French  Legation,  who  had  been  in- 
structed by  his  government  to  collect  information  as  to  the  colonies. 
Jefferson  had  a  few  copies  printed  for  personal  use,  and  a  French  edition, 
with  some  omissions  was  printed.  In  1787  a  public  edition  was  printed, 
in  the  original  form;  and  after  Jefferson's  death  various  editions  were 
printed  from  an  annotated  copy  found  in  his  papers.  There  was  a  copy 
of  this  book  in  the  Vincennes  library  at  this  time,  and  very  probably 
other  copies  in  the  town.  A  comparison  of  one  passage  will  show  the 
relation  of  the  two : 


JEFFERSON 

"There  must,  doubtl3ss,  be  an  un- 
happy influence  on  the  manners  of  our 
people,  produced  by  the  existence  of 
slavery  among  us.  The  whole  commerce 
between  master  and  slave  is  a  perpetual 
exercise  of  the  most  boisterous  passions, 
the  most  unremitting  despotism  on  the 
one  part,  and  degrading  submissions  on 
the  other.  Our  children  see  this,  and 
learn  to  imitate  it;  for  man  is  an  imi- 
tative animal.  This  quality  is  the  gerra 
of  all  education  in  him.  From  his  cra- 
dle to  his  grave  he  is  learning  to  do 
what  he  sees  others  do.  If  a  parent 
could  find  no  motive  either  in  his  philan- 
thropy or  his  self  love  for  restraining  the 
intemperance  of  passion  towards  his 
slave,  it  should  always  be  a  sufficient 
one  that  his  child  is  present.  But  gen- 
erally it  is  not  sufficient.  The  parent 
storms,  the  child  looks  on,  catches  the 
lineaments  of  wrath,  puts  on  the  same 
airs  in  the  circle  of  smaller  slaves,  gives 

Vol.  I— IT 


a  loose  to  his  worst  of  passions,  and 
thus  nursed,  educated  and  daily  exer- 
cised in  tyranny,  cannot  hut  he  stamped 
by  it  with  odious  peculiarities.  The  man 
must  be  a  prodigy  who  can  retain  his 
manners  and  morals  undepraved  by  such 
circumstances.  *  *  *  Ajid  can  the 
liberties  of  a  nation  be  thought  secure 
when  we  have  removed  their  only  firm 
basis,  a  conviction  in  the  minds  of  the 
people  that  these  liberties  are  of  the 
gift  of  God?  That  they  are  not  to  be 
violated  but  with  his  wrath?  Indeed 
I  tremble  for  my  country  when  I  re- 
flect that  God  is  just;  that  his  justice 
cannot  sleep  forever;  that  considering 
numbers,  nature  and  natural  means  only, 
a  revolution  of  the  wheel  of  fortune,  an 
exchange  of  situation  is  among  possible 
events;  that  it  may  become  probable  by 
supernatural  interference.  The  Al- 
mighty has  no  attribute  which  can  take 
side  with  us  in  such  a  contest." 


258 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


JOHNSTON 

' '  With  respect  to  the  influence  which 
the  practice  of  slavery  may  have  upon 
morals  aJid  manners;  when  men  are  in- 
vested with  an  uncontrolled  power  over 
a  number  of  friendless  human  beings 
held  to  incessant  labor;  when'  they  can 
daily  see  the  whip  hurrying  promiscu- 
ously the  young,  the  aged,  the  infirm, 
the  pregnant  woman,  and  the  mother 
with  her  suckling  infant  to  their  daily 
toil;  when  they  can  see  them  unmoved 
shivering  with  cold  and  pinched  with 
hunger;  when  they  can  barter  a  human 
being  with  the  same  unfeeling  indiffer- 
ence that  they  barter  a  horse;  part  the 
wife  from  her  husband,  and  unmindful  of 
their  mutual  cries  tear  the  child  from  its 
mother;  when  they  can  in  the  unbridled 
gust  of  stormy  passions  inflict  cruel 
punishments  which  no  law  can  avert  or 
mitigate;  when  such  things  can  take 
place,  can  it  be  expected  that  the  milk 
of  human  kindness  will  ever  moisten  the 
eyes  of  men  in  the  daily  practice  of  such 
enormities,  and  that  they  will  respect  the 
moral  obligations  or  the  laws  of  jus- 
tice which  they  are  constantly  outrag- 
ing with  the  wretched  negro?  *  »  « 
At  the  very  moment  that  the  progress 
of  reason  and  general  benevolence  is 
consigning  slavery  to  its  merited  desti- 
nation, that  England,  sordid  England,  is 


blushing  at  the  practice,  that  all  good 
men  of  the  Southern  states  repeat  in  one 
common  responise  'I  tremble  for  my 
country  when  I  reflect  that  God  is  just,' 
must  the  Territory  of  Indiana  take  a 
retrograde  step  into  barbarism  and  as- 
similate itself  witli  Algiers  and  Mo- 
rocco? With  respect  to  its  political  ef- 
fects, it  may  be  worthy  of  enquiry  how 
ling  the  political  institutions  of  a  peo- 
ple admitting  slavery  may  be  expected  to 
remain  uninjured,  how  proper  a  school 
for  the  acquirement  of  republican  vir- 
tues is  a  state  of  things  wherein  usur- 
pation is  sanctioned  by  law,  wherein  the 
commands  of  justice  are  trampled  un- 
der foot,  wherein  those  claiming  the 
rights  of  free  men  are  themselves  the 
most  execrable  of  tyrants,  and  where  is 
consecrated  the  dangerous  maxim  that 
'  power  is  right. '  Your  committee  will 
here  only  observe  that  the  habit  of  un- 
limited dominion  in  the  slave-holder  will 
beget  in  him  a  spirit  of  haughtiness  and 
pride  productive  of  a  proportional  habit 
of  servility  and  despondence  in  those 
who  possess  no  negroes,  both  equally  in- 
imical to  our  institutions.  The  lord  of 
three  or  four  hundred  negroes  will  not 
easily  forgive  and  the  mechanic  and  la- 
boring man  will  seldom  venture  a  vote 
contrary  to  the  will  of  such  an  iiiduen- 
tial  being."  12 


The  effect  of  this  report  was  remarkable,  for  the  House  at  once  con- 
curred in  it  without  division,  and  the  House  as  constituted  had  stood  five 
to  one  for  slavery.  Furthermore  they  at  once  took  up  the  bill  for  the 
repeal  of  the  indenture  law  which  the  committee  had  reported,  put  it 
through  three  readings,  and  passed  it ;  and  it  was  signed  and  sent  to  the 
Council  that  same  morning.  Five  days  later  it  was  taken  up  by  the 
Council,  when  only  John  Rice  Jones,  Shadraeh  Bond  of  St.  Clair  County, 
and  George  Fisher  of  Randolph,  were  present,  and  they  defeated  it 
without  division.  It  would  have  been  political  suicide  for  the  Illinois 
men  to  have  passed  the  repeal  bill,  and  yet  all  of  them,  including  Rice 
Jones,  the  son  of  John  Rice  Jones,  had  voted  for  it  under  the  spell  of 


12  At  this  time  all   voting  was  by  open   announcement   of  choice  at   the   polling 
place,  and  everybody  knew  how  everyone  else  voted. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  259 

Johnston's  report.  The  vote  of  the  Council  saved  the  indenture  system 
for  Illinois,  where  it  made  a  great  deal  of  trouble  for  many  years  after- 
wards. The  bitterness  resulting  from  this  legislature  was  very  deep ; 
and  this  was  evidenced  by  the  burning  of  Jesse  B.  Thomas  in  effigy  at 
Vincennes,  and  by  the  murder  of  Rice  Jones  at  Kaskaskia  by  Dr.  Dunlap. 
But  the  demonstrations  of  anger  did  no  good,  for  Thomas  went  to  Con- 


JoHN  Rice  Jones 

gress  and  secured  all  he  had  pledged.  An  act  for  the  division  of  the 
Territory  was  approved  on  Februai-j-  3,  1809,  and  he  also  secured  laws 
making  councilors  and  the  delegate  to  Congress  elective  by  the  people, 
and  putting  the  power  of  apportionment  for  the  representatives  in  the 
hands  of  the  legislature.  He  obtained  for  himself  an  appointment  of 
Judge  of  the  Territorial  court  of  Illinois,  and  removed  to  that  state, 
where  he  became  prominent,  being  one  of  its  first  national  senators.    John 


260  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Rice  Joues  also  left  Indiana  at  this  time,  locating  in  Missouri,  where  he 
was  for  years  a  member  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

Some  of  the  descendants  of  Jones  have  felt  outraged  by  mere  his- 
torical statements  about  his  career  in  Indiana,  but  they  seem  to  have 
overlooked  really  severe  criticisms  of  him,  that  were  made  while  he  had 
opportunity  to  answer  them.^^  The  historical  truth  is  that,  as  the  Terri- 
torial government  advanced  to  higher  grades,  the  Governor's  appointing 
power  decreased,  and  at  the  same  time,  by  the  growth  of  population,  the 
luimber  of  necessary  political  allies  increased,  until  thei'e  were  not  offices 
enough  to  go  around.  Influenced  perhaps  by  a  consideration  of  family 
or  pei-sonal  relation,  Harrison  put  to  the  front  a  number  of  the  later 
comers  to  the  Territory,  among  them  Waller  Taylor,  Benjamin  Parke 
and  Thomas  Randolph,  who  were  appointed  to  the  class  of  offices  to 
which  Jones  aspired.  As  long  as  Jones  was  in  office  he  was  a  political 
friend  of  Harrison;  when  lie  went  out  of  office  he  became  Harrison's 
enemy,  and  thete  is  no  other  visible  cause  for  his  change  of  attitude.  To 
an  unprejudiced  observer,  this  would  seem  to  come  within  the  scriptural 
rule:  "When  it  is  evening,  ye  say.  It  will  be  fair  weather:  for  the  sky 
is  red.  And  in  the  morning,  It  will  be  foul  weather  to  day :  for  the  sky 
is  red  and  lowering."  There  can  be  no  question  that  after  Jones  went 
out  of  office,  Harrison  was  assailed  in  the  newspapers  by  Jones,  Elijah 
Bachus,  and  William  Mcintosh,  who  had  been  Territorial  Treasurer. 
These  attacks  continued  after  Jones  left  the  Territory,  and  it  is  a  matter 
of  judicial  record  that  Harrison  finally  sued  Mcintosh  for  slander  and 
recovered  judgment  for  $4,000.  Harrison  was  usually  fortunate  in  the 
character  of  his  assailants:  and  in  this  case  an  interesting  light  is  thrown 
on  Mcintosh — and  incidentally  on  the  Owens  colony  at  New  Harmony — 
by  the  following  naive  entry  in  the  diary  of  William  Owen,  as  to  a  visit 
to  Mcintosh :  "We  found  a  fine  old  man.  His  house  is  pretty  large,  but 
only  partly  finished  inside.  It  is  situated  on  a  bank  near  the  river  oppo- 
site the  rapids  and  in  floods  is  quite  surrounded  by  water.  We  were 
introduced  to  a  black  woman  as  his  housekeeper  but  who  seems  to  answer 
all  the  purposes  of  a  wife,  as  he  has  three  black  children  by  her.  Two 
of  them  are  fine  children.  Mrs.  J.  Mcintosh,  who  is  from  New  Jersey, 
had  informed  us  of  them  before,  saying  she  would  go  often  to  see  him, 
were  it  not  that  he  had  a  black  woman  and  that  he  fondled  the  little 
black  things  as  if  they  were  as  white  as  snow.  Mr.  Mcintosh  showed  us 
a  number  of  papers  relative  to  a  meeting  held  at  Vincennes  by  the 
French  in  order  to  reply  to  some  insinuations  made  against  their  fidelity 
by  Gen.  Harrison.    We  had  a  good  deal  of  conversation  with  him  and  he 

13  Woollen's   Sketches,  p.  373  et  seq. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  261 

seemed  much  ineliued  to  go  all  together  with  us.  He  apj^eared  to  be  a 
deist.  It  raiued  in  the  evening.  After  we  had  si;pped  the  black  woman 
and  the  children  and  a  negro  man  sat  down  with  ns.  They  also  remained 
in  the  room  during  the  evening."  ^^ 

The  division  act  of  1809  left  Indiana  with  its  present  boundaries 
except  that  the  north  line  ran  through  the  southern  extreme  of  Lake 
Michigan.  in.stead  of  ten  miles  north  of  it ;  and  the  strip  east  of  the 
"Wabash  and  west  of  a  line  drawn  north  from  Vincennes  was  then  put  in 
Illinois  Territory ;  and  both  of  these  so  remained  until  added  to  Indiana 
when  the  state  was  admitted.  Although  the  division  act  was  approved 
on  February  3,  1809,  it  did  not  reach  Indiana  for  several  weeks,  and  an 
election  for  delegates  to  the  legislature  was  held  on  April  3  under  the 
old  law.  This  was  of  interest  as  showing  public  sentiment  in  Knox 
County,  where  there  were  five  candidates,  and  two  to  be  elected.  One  of 
the  candidates  was  Thomas  Randolph,  then  Attorney  General  of  the 
Territory,  and  he  was  the  only  one  who  stated  his  position  on  slavery, 
which  was  as  follows:  "Your  former  delegate  will  inform  you  that 
Congress  would  not  give  its  sanction  to  the  introduction  of  slaves  was 
there  a  majority  of  the  citizens  of  the  Territory  in  favor  of  it.  Tou  say, 
and  I  believe  it  probable,  a  majority  is  opposed  to  it.  I  differ  with  them 
in  opinion ;  my  voice  would  be  in  favor  of  the  introduction.  Let  us  not, 
however,  agitate  this  question  when  more  important  subjects  loudly  de- 
mand our  attention."  The  important  subjects,  as  he  explained  at  length, 
were  foreign  complications;  but  he  did  not  explain  what  the  legislature 
of  Indiana  Territory  had  to  do  with  them.  The  election  in  Knox  re- 
sulted, John  Johnson  203,  General  "W.  Johnson  140,  John  Haddon  120, 
Thomas  Randolph  110,  Dennis  Sullivan  66.  On  April  4,  the  day  after 
the  election,  Harrison  proclaimed  the  division,  redistricted  the  Territory, 
and  called  an  election  for  May  22.  He  could  not  have  done  this  unless 
he  had  received  the  division  act  before  April  3.  But  Congress  had  also 
passed  a  suffrage  act  which  put  the  power  of  legislative  apportionment 
in  the  legislature,  and  when  Harrison  received  this  he  again  let  the 
election  proceed,  and  the  legislature  was  held  illegal  and  void  by  Con- 
gress; and  in  consequence  Indiana  did  not  get  a  valid  legislature  until 
1810. 

The  suffrage  act  also  called  for  the  election  of  a  Congressman  by  the 
people,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  received  John  Johnson  and  Thomas  Ran- 
dolph announced  themselves  as  candidates.  Johnson  said  nothing  as  to 
slavery,  but  he  had  always  been  a  proslavery  man.  Randolph  tried  to 
trim.     In  his  published  address  he  said:    "It  is  my  belief  that  a  great 


Hind.  Hist.  Soc.  Pubs.,  Vol.  4,  p.  113. 


262  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

majority  of  the  people  of  the  Territory  are  opposed  to  me  in  opinion.  I 
therefore  yield  the  point.  I  think  this  question  ought  now  to  sleep.  I 
think  the  interests  of  the  Territory  demand  it ;  and  should  I  be  honored 
with  your  suffrages  I  will  not  make  an  attempt  to  introduce  negroes  into 
the  Territory  unless  a  decided  majority  of  my  constituents  should  par- 
ticularly instruct  me  to  do  so."  This  situation  opened  the  way  for  an 
anti-slavery  candidate,  and  the  man  Avas  at  hand,  in  the  person  of  young 
Jonathan  Jennings.  He  was  born  in  Hunterdon  County,  New  Jersey, 
but  his  father,  who  was  a  Presbyterian  preacher,  removed  to  Fayette 
County,  Pennsylvania,  soon  after  Jonathan's  birth;  and  here  the  boy 
grew  to  manhood,  receiving  a  common  school  education,  with  some  Latin, 
Greek  and  higher  mathematics  in  a  grammar  school  at  Canuonsburg, 
Pennsylvania.  He  began  the  study  of  law,  but  in  1S06  went  west,  com- 
ing down  the  Ohio  in  a  flatboat  to  Jeffei-sonville,  where  he  stopped  for  a 
time,  and  then  went  on  to  Vincennes.  Here  he  completed  his  legal 
studies,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  at  the  April  term,  1807.  Legal 
business  -was  not  abundant,  and  as  he  was  a  good  penman,  he  found  addi- 
tional occupation  as  clerk  for  Nathaniel  Ewing,  Receiver  of  the  Lant' 
Office,  and  put  in  a  week  helping  copy  the  Revised  Statutes  of  1807.  -He 
also  had  a  very  brief  journalistic  experience.  Elihu  Stout,  proprietor  of 
the  Vincennes  Sun,  was  accustomed  to  get  an  ' '  assistant  editor ' '  who  was 
a  partner,  i.e.,  had  as  his  compensation  a  share  of  the  profits.  He  had 
fallen  out  with  an  assistant  editor  named  Smoot,  in  November,  1807,  and 
in  December  Jennings  took  the  place  for  a  couple  of  weeks,  and  then 
the  partner.ship  was  "dissolved  b.y  consent."  Possibly  the  difSeulty  lay 
in  Jennings'  slavery  views,  for  Stout  was  a  pronounced  proslavery  man. 
Jennings  found  that  there  was  not  much  prospect  for  him  at  Vincennes, 
and  decided  to  go  back  to  Clark  County.  As  he  was  starting,  Ewing 
said  to  him,  "Look  us  up  a  good  candidate  for  Congress,"  and  Jennings, 
who  had  -apparently  been  giving  the  matter  some  thought,  replied,  "Why 
wouldn't  I  do?"  After  a  brief  talk,  they  agreed  that  he  might  be  elected 
if  he  could  get  the  support  of  the  anti-slavery  people  of  the  eastern 
counties.  The  time  was  short.  Jennings  hastened  to  Charlestown,  and 
consulted  the  Bcggs  brothers.  A  meeting  was  called,  and  he  was  ac- 
cepted as  a  candidate.  He  then  went  on  to  Dearborn.  In  the  southern 
district,  where  Captain  Samuel  Vance,  a  brother-in-law  of  Harrison,  and 
General  James  Dill,  a  Harrison  office-holder,  were  the  leading  politicians, 
he  received  no  encouragement.  In  the  northern  district,  where  the  Hol- 
mans,  a  Baptist  family,  were  the  leaders,  a  backwoods  convention  had 
been  held,  known  later  as  "the  Log  Convention,"  and  George  Hiuit  had 
been  selected  as  a  candidate,  but  with  the  understanding  that  if  Clark 
County  had  another  candidate  Hunt  would  be  withdrawn ;  and  Joseph 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


263 


Holmau  had  gone  to  Clark  to  learii  the  situation.  Before  he  returned, 
Dill  and  Vance  came  up  from  Lawrenceburgh,  and  circulated  charges 
against  Jennings,  and  also  induced  Hunt  to  withdraw  in  favor  of  Vance. 
When  Joseph  Holman  returned,  Jennings  made  satisfactory  explanation 
of  the  charges  of  Dill  and  Vance,  and  the  Holmaus  gave  him  their  active 
support.  In  the  election  Jennings  got  every  vote  in  the  northern  district 
except  that  of  George  Hunt.  The  votes  of  Clark  and  Dearborn  out- 
balanced those  of  Knox  and  Han-ison,  and  the  result  was  Randolph  402, 
Jennings  428,  and  Johnson  81.     Randolph  contested  the  election,  and 


Tippecanoe  Battleground  Near  Lafayette 


the  committee  reported  the  election  void,  on  account  of  irregularities  in 
Dearljorn  County;  but  the  House  refused  to  concur  in  the  report,  and 
Jennings  retained  his  seat.  He  defeated  Randolph  again  in  1811; 
Waller  Taylor  in  1812 ;  and  Judge  Elijah  Sparks  in  1814.  His  success 
was  largely  due  to  the  slavery  question,  or  rather  to  the  recollection  of 
it,  which  his  opponents  tried  in  vain  to  avoid.  In  addition  to  this, 
Jennings  was  unsurpassed  as  a  frontier  politician.  He  was  thoroughly 
one  of  the  people,  joining  in  their  sports  and  their  work,  while  his 
opponents  usually  assumed  some  superiority  over  the  masses  in  their 
style  of  life.  Hence  the  Harrison  party  came  to  be  called  "the  Virginia 
Aristocrats"  and  the  Jennings  party  called  themselves  "the  People"— 


26i  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

and  they  were,  so  far  as  carrying  elections  was  concerned.  The  slavery 
ques-tion  as  a  living  issue,  had  been  removed  by  the  repeal  of  the  in- 
denture law  by  the  legislature  of  1810.  The  repeal  bill  passed  the  House 
easily,  but  in  the  Council  the  vote  was  a  tie,  and  the  bill  was  passed  by 
the  vote  of  James  Beggs,  President  of  the  Council. 

Harrison  had  raised  enmity  in  another  quarter.  He  had  been  in- 
structed to  extinguish  the  Indian  titles  in  Southern  Indiana  and  Illinois 
as  rapidly  as  possible,  and  had  been  very  .successful  in  doing  so.  But  in 
his  treaties  he  had  recognized  only  the  tribes  who  had  originally  claimed 
the  region.  When  Wayne  treated  with  the  Indians  at  Greenville,  all  of 
the  Ohio  Indians  were  thrown  back  into  Indiana,  but  without  having 
any  lands  assigned  to  them.  All  of  them,  Wyandots,  Ottawas,  Seneeas  of 
Sandusky,  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  joined  in  a  request  to  him  to 
assign  lands  to  them,  telling  him  that  if  he  did  not  it  "would  bring  on 
disputes  forever."  Wajaie  refused  to  do  this,  telling  them  that  they 
best  knew  their  own  boundaries,  and  adding :  ' '  Let  no  nation  or  nations 
invade,  molest  or  disturb  any  other  nation  or  nations  in  the  hunting 
grounds  they  have  heretofore  been  accustomed  to  live  and  hunt  upon, 
within  the  boundary  which  shall  now  be  agreed  on."  This  was  impos- 
sible, because  the  Indiana  Indians  claimed  all  of  Indiana.  They  did 
not  object  to  the  Ohio  Indians  living  in  their  claimed  Territory,  and, 
indeed,  seem  to  have  given  some  assent  to  the  idea  that  the  Indiana  lands 
belonged  to  all  the  tribes  in  common.  At  least  Harrison  wrote,  in  1802, 
"There  appeare  to  be  an  agreement  amongst  them  that  no  proposition 
which  relates  to  their  lands  can  be  acceded  to  without  the  consent  of  all 
the  tribes."  But  he  did  not  i;ndertake  to  get  this  general  consent  to  any 
treaty,  unless  it  was  the  treaty  of  June  7,  1803,  by  which  only  eight 
square  miles  were  ceded.  In  this  treaty  three  Shawnees  joined,  but  in 
none  of  his  other  treaties  in  Indiana  Territory  did  any  Ohio  Indian  join, 
and  apparently  they  were  not  consulted  at  all.  By  1806  he  had  made 
five  other  treaties,  for  about  46,000  square  miles  of  Indian  lands  in 
Indiana  and  Illinois;  and  when  by  the  treaties  of  1809  some  3,000,000 
acres  more  were  added,  Tecumtha  became  defiant  and  said  that  the  lands 
should  not  be  taken.  It  was  this  claim  for  a  common  title  that  Tecumtha 
urged  at  the  celebrated  council  at  Vincennes  on  August  20,  1810.  when, 
after  threatening  vengeance  on  the  chiefs  who  had  signed  the  treaties, 
he  said  to  Harrison:  "It  is  you  that  are  pushing  them  on  to  do  mis- 
chief. You  endeavor  to  make  distinctions.  You  wish  to  prevent  the 
Indians  to  do  as  we  -wish  them,  to  unite  and  let  them  consider  their  lands 
as  the  common  property  of  the  whole.  You  take  tribes  aside  and  advise 
them  not  to  come  into  this  measure ;  and  until  oiir  design  is  accomplished 
we  do  not  wish  to  accept  your  invitation  to  go  and  see  the  President." 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


265 


This  was  the  council  that  Teeumtha  broke  up  by  telling  Harrison  that  he 
lied.  After  some  attempts  at  resuming,  in  which  he  was  told  that  the 
President  would  never  admit  his  claims,  he  ended  the  negotiations  by 
saying:  "Well,  as  the  great  chief  is  to  determine  the  matter,  I  hope  the 
Great  Spirit  will  put  sense  enough  into  his  head  to  induce  him  to  direct 
you  to  give  up  the  land.  It  is  true,  he  is  so  far  off  he  will  not  be  injured 
by  the  war.  He  may  sit  still  in  his  town,  and  drink  his  wine,  while  you 
and  I  will  have  to  fight  it  out." 


The  trouble  had  been  brewing  for  several  years.  Teeumtha  and  his 
brother,  La-lu-i-tsi-ka.  the  Prophet,  had  located  in  the  Delaware  towns  on 
"White  River,  and  the  resistance  to  the  treaties  began  there.  There 
La-lu-i-tsi-ka  (the  Loud  Voice)  assumed  the  name  Tems-kwa-ta-wa  (He 
who  keeps  the  Door  Open)  and  began  his  career  as  a  prophet.  His  moral 
teachings  were  unobjectionable,  as  he  condemned  all  the  ordinary  Indian 
vices,  but  he  also  taught  that  the  Indians  were  being  pimished  by  the 
Great  Spirit  for  adopting  the  customs  of  the  whites.  They  adopted  the 
plan  of  accusing  Indians  who  favored  the  whites  of  witchcraft,  and  an 


266  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Indian  accused  of  witchcraft  was  certain  of  death  unless  he  could  prove 
his  innocence,  which  was  usually  impossible.  Three  Indians  were  put  to 
death  on  these  charges,  on  White  River,  and  the  Moravian  mission,  which 
had  been  started  just  east  of  Anderson  in  1801  was  broken  up.  In  1808 
the  Prophet  and  his  followers  removed  to  Ki-tap-i-kon-nunk  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Tippecanoe  River,  and  liere  the  new  religion  flourished  wonder- 
fully, reaching  the  tribes  far  and  near,  in  every  direction.  There  were 
some  depredations  on  the  settlements,  but  the  most  alarming  feature  of 
tlie  situation  was  the  defiant  attitude  of  the  Indians.  In  the  summer  of 
1811  it  was  decided  that  the  safety  of  the  frontier  called  for  breaking  up 
the  Prophet's  town,  and  on  September  26  the  main  body  of  the  forces 
called  for  the  expedition  started  from  Vincennes.  Two  miles  above 
Terre  Haute,  Fort  Harrison  was  built :  and,  the  remainder  of  the  forces 
having  arrived,  the  march  from  that  point  began  on  October  28.  On 
November  2,  the  army,  which  now  consisted  of  about  one  thousand  men, 
one-fourth  mounted,  and  including  nine  companies  of  regulars,  stopped 
two  miles  below  the  mouth  of  tlie  Vermillion  and  erected  a  blockhouse, 
to  protect  the  boats,  in  which  the  supplies  had  been  brought  thus  far. 
On  November  6,  thej'  came  in  sight  of  the  ProiDhet's  town,  and  after 
some  parleying  it  was  agreed  that  the  troops  should  go  into  camp  over 
night,  and  that  a  conference  should  be  held  the  j,iext  day.  The  troops 
accordingly  camped  on  what  is  now  known  as  Tippecanoe  Battle  Ground ; 
but  a  little  after  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  Indians  attacked  them. 
For  two  hours  the  Indians  fought  stubbornly,  relying  on  the  Prophet's 
promise  to  protect  them  by  his  magic,  and  then  they  fled  in  all  directions. 
It  wa.s  said  by  the  Indians  that  the  attack  was  due  to  the  insistence  of 
the  Potawatomi  chief.  "Winemac ;  and  at  a  grand  council  of  the  Indians 
which  was  held  on  the  ]Mississinewa  River  in  ilay,  1812,  Tecumtha  said, 
"had  I  been  at  home,  there  would  have  been  no  blood  shed  at  that  time." 
However  that  may  have  been,  the  reputation  of  the  Prophet  was  ruined, 
and  that  was  the  most  important  result  of  the  battle,  for  in  the  ensuing 
hostilities  the  Americans  were  merely  fighting  Indians  with  British 
backing,  and  that  was  much  less  serious  than  fighting  Indians  who  be- 
lieved that  a  divinely  inspired  Prophet  was  guiding  them. 

During  the  year  following  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe,  nearly  all  of  the 
Indians  professed  repentance,  and  desired  to  make  peace,  blaming  the 
Prophet  for  having  led  them  astray ;  but  Harrison  refused  to  make  peace 
until  they  gave  substantial  evidence  of  a  change  of  heart.  His  policy 
would  probably  have  been  successful  if  the  war  with  Great  Britain  had 
not  given  the  Indians  new  backing,  with  ample  supplies.  Henry  Clay, 
and  many  others,  imagined  that  all  that  was  necessary  for  the  conquest 
of  Canada  w-as  to  send  some  one  to  take  possession,  as  Clark  had  done 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


267 


with  Vincennes.  Never  was  there  a  greater  mistake.  England  had  an 
able  and  efficient  man  in  charge  in  Gen.  Brock,  which  was  in  marked 
contrast  with  the  United  States.  Among  all  the  crimes  that  have  been 
charged  to  Thomas  Jefferson,  it  is  singular  that  nobody  has  dwelt  on 
his  appointment  of  Gen.  Hull  as  governor,  and  Judge  Woodward  as 
chief  justice  of  Michigan  Territory.  Woodward  has  been  described  as 
a  man  who  would  attempt  "to  extract  sunbeams  from  cucumbers,"  and 
Hull  evidently  could  not  get  cucumbers  from  sunbeams.  When  Con- 
gress formally  declared  war,  on  June  18,  1812,  word  was  at  once  sent  to 


Defence  of  Fort  Harrison 

Hull,  which  was  received  before  the  British  in  western  Canada  had  any 
knowledge  of  it :  but  Hull  promptly  managed  to  let  this  dispatch,  with  the 
rest  of  his  private  papers,  be  captured  by  the  British.  Then  the  British 
sent  an  expedition  which  took  the  fort  at  Mackinac  by  surprise,  before 
the  commandant  knew  that  war  had  begun,  and  they  set  all  their  agencies 
to  work  to  stir  the  Indians  to  hostilities.  Hull  helped  on  the  good  work 
by  sending  orders  to  Captain  Heald  to  evacuate  the  post  at  Chicago,  and 
brint^  his  garrison  to  Detroit.  Heald  started  on  August  15,  and  the 
troops  were  massacred  by  the  Indians.  If  they  had  not  been  massacred 
there,  they  probably  would  have  been  elsewhere,  as  Hull  surrendered 
Detroit  to  Brock  on  August  16.  He  was  court-martialed  afterwards, 
and  sentenced  to  be  shot,  but  was  pardoned.    He  later  published  a  lengthy 


268  INDIANA  AND  LNDIANANS 

defense,  in  which  he  dwells  on  the  things  lacking  to  his  forces,  but  does 
not  mention  that  their  one  serious  lack  was  a  commander.  Two  weeks 
later  the  results  were  manifested  on  the  Indiana  frontiers.  Fort  Wayne 
was  invested  by  hostile  Indians  and  put  in  a  state  of  siege.  On  Septem- 
ber 3,  Fort  Harrison,  which  was  held  by  Capt.  Zachary  Taylor,  with  a 
company  of  the  Seventh  regulars,  was  attacked  by  Indians  under  the 
Kickapoo  chief  Josey  Renard  (Na-ma-to-ha,  or  Standing,  signifying 
Mau-on-his-Feet),  but  it  was  successfully  defended  imder  circumstances 
ten  times  as  disadvantageous  as  those  that  had  confronted  Hull ;  and  so 
was  Fort  Wayne.  On  September  3,  a  war  party  of  Shawnees  invaded 
the  Pigeon  Roost  settlement,  in  Scott  County,  and  in  a  few  hours  killed 
one  man  and  twenty-one  women  and  children. 

Fortunately  Indiana  was  pretty  well  prepared  for  the  storm.  On 
April  16,  Governor  Harrison  had  issued  general  orders  directing  the 
militia  offices  to  put  their  commands  in  readiness  for  active  service,  and 
warning  the  people  to  build  blockhouses  at  convenient  points,  in  which 
refuge  could  be  found.  These  directions  were  followed  in  the  spring  and 
summer  of  1812,  and  in  consequence  there  was  little  loss  of  life  after  the 
first  attacks.  Governor  Scott  of  Kentucky,  was  also  active  in  preparation, 
and  in  August  appointed  Harrison  General  of  the  Kentucky  militia  which 
was  to  act  for  the  defense  of  the  frontier.  As  soon  as  news  of  the  attack 
on  Fort  Harrison  reached  Vincennes,  Col.  Russell  of  the  Seventh  regu- 
lars marched  from  that  place  with  1,200  men,  including  one  regiment  of 
Kentucky  volunteers,  two  regiments  of  Indiana  militia,  and  three  com- 
panies of  "Rangers,"  who  were  State  troops  maintained  by  the  United 
States.  Fort  Harrison  was  relieved  on  September  16.  Meanwhile  Gen. 
Harrison  had  marched  from  Piqua  at  the  head  of  two  thousand  Ken- 
tuckians  and  seven  hundred  Ohio  men,  to  relieve  Fort  Wayne,  which  was 
accomplished  on  September  12.  On  September  19  Gen.  Harrison  relin- 
quished command  of  the  troops  at  Fort  Wayne  to  Gen.  James  Winchester, 
and  on  the  24th  received  orders  to  take  command  of  the  army  of  the 
Northwest.  His  orders,  dated  September  17,  said:  "Having  provided 
for  the  protection  of  the  western  frontier,  you  will  retake  Detroit;  and, 
with  a  view  to  the  conquest  of  Upper  Canada,  you  will  penetrate  that 
country  as  far  as  the  force  under  your  command  will  in  your  judgment 
justify."    He  at  once  entered  on  the  work  of  preparation  for  this  task. 

Early  in  October,  Gen.  Samuel  Hopkins  led  a  force  of  two  thousand 
mounted  Kentucky  volunteers  from  Vincennes  on  an  expedition  against 
the  hostile  Indians  between  the  Wabash  and  Illinois  rivers.  After  wan- 
dering rather  aimlessly  through  the  prairies  for  five  days,  his  troops 
mutinied  and  returned  home.  The  militia  and  volunteer  forces  of  this 
period  were  wholly  unmanageable  unless  they  had  confidence  in  their 


INDIANA  AND  LXDIANANS  269 

officers,  and  this  must  be  borne  in  mind  to  attain  any  just  understanding 
of  the  service  of  Harrison,  which  was  performed  with  troops  of  this 
character.  His  usual  course  on  entering  upon  any  hazardous  or  trying 
enterprise,  was  to  tell  his  men  what  would  be  expected,  and  request  any 
who  did  not  relish  what  was  before  them  to  withdraw  at  the  outset.  At 
the  same  time  that  Hopkins  started  on  his  expedition,  Governor  Edwards 
of  Illinois,  marched  from  Cahokia  with  360  men,  including  two  com- 
panies of  Indiana  Rangers  under  Col.  Russell,  against  the  Kickapoo 
town  at  the  head  of  Peoria  Lake.  The  force  destroyed  the  town,  killed 
twenty  Indians,  captured  eighty  horses,  and  destroyed  a  large  amount  of 
corn  and  other  Indian  property,  with  a  loss  of  only  four  men  wounded. 
After  his  return  from  his  first  expedition,  Gen.  Hopkins  made  another 
one  up  the  east  side  of  the  Wabash,  with  1,2.50  men,  and  destroyed  the 
Winnebago  town  on  Wildcat  creek,  in  which  the  Prophet  had  taken 
refuge  after  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe.  It  contained  ' '  about  forty  houses, 
many  of  them  from  thirty  to  fifty  feet  in  length,"  besides  a  number  of 
huts.  He  also  destroyed  a  Kickapoo  town,  on  the  other  side  of  the  creek, 
containing  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  cabins  and  huts,  together  with 
a  considerable  amount  of  corn  and  other  supplies;  and  met  with  no 
casualties  except  that  a  detachment  of  Captain  Beckes'  Rangers  fell 
into  an  ambuscade,  and  lost  sixteen  men  killed  and  three  wounded.  Cold 
weather  having  set  in,  the  force  returned,  after  an  absence  of  twenty 
days. 

As  a  number  of  hostiles  had  gathered  on  the  Mississinewa  River, 
under  orders  from  Gen.  Harrison,  a  force  of  600  men,  commanded  by 
Col.  John  B.  Campbell,  of  the  19th  U.  S.  Infantry,  marched  from  Dayton, 
Ohio,  against  their  villages  on  December  14.  Early  on  the  morning  on 
the  17th  they  surprised  a  Miami  and  Munsey  town  near  Jalapa,  killed 
eight  warriors,  and  captured  eight  warriors  and  thirty-six  women  and 
children.  Confining  his  prisoners  in  two  or  three  of  the  houses,  Camp- 
bell had  the  rest  of  the  town  burned,  and  the  cattle  and  stock  shot ;  and 
then  leaving  his  infantry  to  guard  the  prisoners,  he  proceeded  down  the 
river  with  two  companies  of  dragoons,  destroyed  three  more  villages, 
killed  a  number  of  cattle,  and  captured  some  horses ;  after  which  he  re- 
turned to  the  first  village  and  camped.  Shortly  after  four  o'clock  ov. 
the  morning  of  the  18th  his  camp  was  attacked  by  a  body  of  Indians  which 
he  estimated  to  number  three  hundred,  and  for  an  hour  a  fierce  fight 
followed,  in  which  eight  of  Campbell's  men  were  killed,  and  forty -two 
wounded.  The  Indians  were  driven  off,  leaving  fifteen  dead  on  the 
field.  As  Campbell  had  lost  a  large  number  of  his  horses  in  the  fight,  a 
large  number  of  hostiles  were  reported  to  be  at  the  principal  village,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississinewa — known  as  the  Osage  Village — and  the 


270 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


weather  had  become  intensely  cold,  Campbell  decided  to  return  to  Green- 
ville. His  return  was  slow,  seventeen  of  his  wounded  being  carried  on 
litters,  and  when  he  arrived  at  Greenville,  303  of  his  men  were  so  badly- 
frost-bitten  as  to  be  unfit  for  duty.     In  his  instructions  to  Campbell, 


Ml-CI-KI-NOQ-KWA — THE  PaINTED  TerRAPIN — KnOWN  AS  THE 

Little  Turtle 
(From   the   painting  by   Gilbert   Stuart,  made  by   order  of  President 
Washington,    and   destroyed   when   the   British   burned    the   capital 
in'1814) 


Harrison  had  told  him  to  avoid  as  far  as  possible  any  injury  to  chiefs 
who  had  been  friendly,  naming  Richardville  (Pin-je-wa,  or  the  "Wildcat), 
Silver  Heels  (Am-bau-wit-ta,  or  the  Flyer),  White  Loon  (Wa-pi-man- 
gwa),  Pecan  (Pa-ka-na,  or  the  Nut),  Charley  (Ki-tun-ga,  or  Sleepy), 
and  ' '  the  son  and  brother  of  the  Little  Turtle,  who  continued,  to  his  last 
moments,  the  warm  friend  of  the  United  States,  and  who,  in  the  coui-se 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  271 

of  his  life,  rendered  them  many  important  f?ervices. "  He  also  gave  in- 
strixetions  to  avoid  injury  to  Francois  Godfrey,  who  had  a  trading  house 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Mississinewa.  The  Little  Turtle  had  died  on  July 
14,  1812,  at  Fort  Wayne,  where  he  had  gone  for  treatment  for  gout. 
He  was  buried  there  with  military  honors,  and  his  grave  was  treated  with 
veneration  by  the  Indians  for  many  years.  Finally  the  city  spread  over 
it,  and  its  location  was  forgotten,  until,  on  July  4,  1911,  some  workmen 
making  an  excavation  uncovered  it.  Fortunately  this  came  to  the  notice 
of  ilr.  J.  M.  Stouder,  of  Fort  Wayne,  who  gathered  up  and  preserved 
the  articles  that  had  been  buried  with  the  chief,  including  the  sword 
presented  to  him  by  President  Washington.  It  was  due  to  the  efforts  of 
Mr.  Stouder  that  the  grave  was  identified  as  that  of  the  Little  Turtle. 

While  these  events  were  occurring,  Haii'ison  was  preparing  for  opera- 
tions against  Detroit  and  Canada.     His  chief  difficulty  was  in  getting 
sufficient  provisions  and  supplies  for  an  army  to  a  point  that  was  within 
reach  of  his  objective.     The  War  Department  seemed  to  think  that  all 
that  was  necessary  was  men ;  but  the  nearest  point  of  supply  was  Cin- 
cinnati, and  there  was  no  road  from  there  to  the  Maiimee,  except  that 
the  timber  had  been  cut  for  the  width  of  a  roadway  through  part  of  the 
intervening  forest,  in  the  expeditions  of  St.  Clair,  Wayne  and  others. 
There  has  been  much  foolish  criticism  of  Harrison  for  his  delay  in  act- 
ing ;  but  when  one  contemplates  the  absurdity  of  getting  an  array  into  a 
wilderness  without  supplies,  and  with  no  chance  of  getting  them,  it  is 
apparent  that  Harrison's  movement  on  the  enemy  was  remarkably  speedy. 
After  the  forest  was  passed,  the  difficulties  became  even  greater,  as  will 
be  seen  from  the  following  description  by  one  familiar  with  it :    "  In  this 
part  of  the  country,  one  of  the  greatest  difficulties  which  an  army  has  to 
surmount  is  that  which  arises  from  the  difficulty  of  transporitng  pro- 
visions and  stores.    At  all  seasons  the  road  is  wet  and  miry.    The  coun- 
try, though  somewhat  level,  is  broken  by  innumerable  little  runs,  which 
are  generally  dry,  except  during  or  immediately  after  a  heavy  rain,  when 
they  are  frequently  impassahle  until  the  subsiding  of  the  water,  which  is 
generally  from  twelve  to  twenty-four  hours.    Another  of  the  difficulties 
of  transportation  arises  from  the  nature  of  the  soil,  which  being  generally 
a  rich  loam,  free  from  stones  and  gravel,  in  many  places  a  horse  will 
mire  for  miles  full  leg  deep  every  step."  " 

Scant  notice  has  been  given  by  historians  to  the  herculean  task  of 
overcoming  these  difficulties,  although  HaiTison's  official  papers  indicate 
the  agency  through  which  they  were  surmounted.  In  his  orders  of 
September  19, 1812,  when  he  turned  the  command  at  Fort  Wayne  over  to 


15  Palmer  's  Historical  Register,  Vol.  2,  p.  31. 


272 


INDIANA  AND  INDIA  NANS 


Winchester,  lie  said:  "The  supplies  which  have  been  reported  to  me, 
or  ordered  by  ine,  are  as  follows :  400,000  rations  of  beef  and  150,000  of 
flour,  purchased  by  Mr.  John  H.  Piatt,  under  the  authority  of  Gen.  Hull. 
A  part  of  this  flour,  and  about  50,000  lbs.  of  beef  has  been  brought  on 
and  consumed  by  the  army.     The  balance  of  the  flour  is  either  on  the 


1 

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^'t<«. 

1  .-;:,  .  ..        '     -^ — 

-         —      — 

Tecumtha 
(From  the  only  known  portrait — a  pencil  sketch  by  Pierre  le  Drou,  a 
young  trader  at  Vincennes.    Probably  not  an  exact  likeness.    Repre- 
sents Tecumtha  in  his  British  uniform) 

way  hither  or  to  St.  Mary's  where  it  was  to  be  deposited.  I  also  directed 
Mr.  Piatt  to  purchase  and  send  on  to  St.  Mary 's,  whiskey,  and  other  com- 
ponent parts  of  the  ration  to  make  the  150,000  lbs.  of  flour  complete 
rations. ' '  i*  On  September  27,  he  wrote  to  Secretary  Eustis,  ' '  Agreeably 
to  the  authority  given  me  by  your  letter  of  the  17th  I  have  appointed 


16  Dawson's  Harrison,  p.  295. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  273 

Mr.  John  H.  Piatt  deputy  eonunissary ;  lie  is  the  same  person  employed 
by  General  Hull,  and  will,  I  think,  make  a  most  excellent  officer. ' '  ^' 
On  October  4,  he  wrote  from  Fort  Defiance,  "I  have  directed  the  com- 
missary Mr.  Piatt  to  procure  all  the  wagons  in  his  power  for  transporting 
the  provisions  from  St.  Hilary's  to  this  place." '^  On  October  22,  he 
wrote  to  Eustis,  "I  am  not  able  to  fix  any  period  for  the  advance  of  the 
troops  to  Detroit.  It  is  pretty  evident  that  it  cannot  be  done  upon  proper 
principles  until  the  frost  shall  become  so  severe  as  to  enable  us  to  use 
the  rivers  and  the  margin  of  the  lake  for  transportation  of  the  baggage 
and  artillery  upon  the  ice.  To  get  them  forward  through  a  swampy  wil- 
derness of  near  two  hundred  miles,  in  wagons  or  on  pack  horses,  which 
are  to  cari-y  their  own  provisions,  is  absolutely  impossible.  The  enclosed 
extract  of  a  letter  just  received  from  the  commissaiy  Piatt,  will  give  you 
some  idea  of  the  state  of  the  road,  and  the  difficulty  of  getting  provisions 
even  to  Defiance."  ^^  In  fact  Harrison  depended  on  Piatt  so  fully  that 
certain  contractors,  notably  the  firm  of  Orr  &  Greeley,  accused  him  of 
favoritism,  and  intimated  that  he  was  interested  with  Piatt.  On  Decem- 
ber 20,  1815,  Harrison  demanded  a  congressional  inquiry  into  the  matter, 
in  which  the  accusing  parties  offered  no  proof,  and  the  satisfactory  char- 
acter of  Piatt's  service  was  certified  to  by  Generals  James  Taylor  and 
James  Findlay,  and  Col.  Thomas  P.  Jesup ;  and  the  committee  reported 
that  "Gen.  Harrison  stands  above  suspicion."  20 

John  H.  Piatt  was  born  in  New  Jersey,  August  15,  1781.  His  father, 
Jacob  Piatt,  was  one  of  five  sons  of  John  Piatt  (Pyatt)  whose  family, 
being  HugTienots,  took  refuge  in  Holland  after  the  revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes.  The  sons  located  in  New  Jersey,  prior  to  1760,  and 
three  of  them  were  officers  in  the  Revolutionary  army,  and  charter  mem- 
bers of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati ;  of  these  Jacob  entered  the  army  in 
1775.  and  served  to  the  close  of  the  war.  Another  brother,  William,  after 
serving  through  the  Revolution,  raised  a  company  for  St.  Clair's  expedi- 
tion in  1791,  and  was  mortally  wounded  in  the  disastrous  defeat  of  that 
year.  His  men  undertook  to  carry  him  with  them  on  the  retreat,  but  he 
told  them  that  they  were  wasting  their  time— to  prop  him  up  against  a 
tree,  with  his  loaded  rifle  in  his  lap  to  take  one  last  shot  at  the  redskins — 
and  so  they  left  him.  His  grandson,  John  James  Piatt,  kept  his  memory 
in  his  poem  "An  Unmarked  Grave."  John  H.  Piatt  came  to  Cincinnati 
at  the  age  of  fourteen,  and  having  a  natural  aptitude  for  business,  ac- 
qilired  large  wealth  while  quite  young.     He  is  mentioned  by  the  Cin- 


1"  Dawson  's  Harrison,  p.  303. 

18  lb.,  p.  307. 

19  1b.,  p.  313. 

20  Am.   State  Papers,  Mil.   Aff.,  Vol.  1,  pp.   644-61,  667. 

Vol.  1—18 


274  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

cinnati  historians  as  one  of  the  most  enterprising  and  public  spirited  of 
the  early  business  men  of  the  place.  An  interesting  account  of  his  first 
step  in  supplying  the  army  is  preserved  in  a  narrative  by  Samuel  Wil- 
liams.21  Gen.  Hull  withdrew  his  army  to  Detroit  on  July  5,  1812,  and 
on  the  11th  wrote  to  Gov.  Meigs  of  Ohio,  that  he  was  short  of  provisions, 
and  had  authorized  Piatt  to  purchase  two  months '  supply.  At  the  same 
time  that  he  received  this,  Meigs  received  a  message  from  Piatt,  then  at 
Urbana,  that  the  supplies  would  be  ready  as  soon  as  the  escort  asked  by 
Hull  was  ready.  The  next  morning  Meigs  called  a  meeting  of  the  citizens 
of  Chillicothe,  and  in  two  hours  ninety-five  men  volunteered  to  go  as  an 
escort.  They  chose  Capt.  Henrys  Brush  as  commander,  and  the  next 
morning,  July  21,  started  on  their  march.  At  Urbana  they  picked  up 
the  train  of  ' '  seventy  pack-horses,  each  laden  with  two  hundred  pounds 
of  flour,  in  a  bag,  lashed  on  a  pack-saddle ;  and  a  drove  of  about  three 
hundred  beef  cattle, ' '  and  were  joined  by  twenty  soldiers  of  the  Fourth 
U.  S.  Infantry.  Williams'  description  of  the  march  presents  some  of  the 
features  of  frontier  service,  such  as  sleeping  on  the  groi;nd  without 
tents,  drinking  from  wagon  ruts,  and  dining  thus:  "Our  company  is 
divided  into  '  messes '  of  six  men  each.  Our  rations  are  delivered  together 
to  each  mess  when  we  encamp  at  night.  This  consists  of  flour,  fat  bacon 
and  salt.  The  flour  is  kneaded  in  a  broad  iron  camp-kettle,  and  dra^vn 
out  in  long  rolls  the  size  of  a  man's  wrist,  and  coiled  around  a  smooth 
pole  some  three  inches  in  diameter  and  five  or  six  feet  long,  on  which 
the  dough  is  flattened  so  as  to  be  half  an  inch  or  more  in  thickness.  The 
pole,  thus  covered  with  dough,  except  a  few  inches  at  each  end,  is  placed 
on  two  wooden  forks  driven  into  the  ground  in  front  of  the  camp-fire, 
and  turned  frequently  till  it  is  baked.  Our  meat  is  cooked  thus :  a  branch 
of  a  tree  having  several  twigs  on  it  is  cut,  and  the  ends  of  the  twigs 
sharpened ;  the  fat  bacon  is  cut  in  slices  and  stuck  on  these  twigs,  leaving 
a  little  space  between  each,  and  then  held  in  the  blaze  and  smoked  till 
cooked.  Each  man  then  takes  a  piece  of  the  pole  bread,  and  lays  thereon 
a  slice  of  bacon,  and  with  his  knife  cuts  therefrom,  and  eats  his  meal 
with  a  good  appetite.  Enough  is  thus  cooked  each  night  to  serve  for 
the  next  day  ;  each  man  stowing  in  his  knapsack  his  own  day's  provision. ' ' 
The  train  was  following  Hull's  trace,  and  a  few  miles  north  of  Find- 
lay,  "the  expedition  entered  the  Black  Swamp,  through  which  the  road 
passed  for  many  miles,  much  of  which  was  almost  impassable."  They 
reached  the  Maumee  on  August  2,  and  on  the  9th  came  to  the  River 
Raisin,  where  there  was  a  post,  and  there  they  had  orders  from  Hull  to 


21  Ohio  Valley  Historical  series,  Miscellanies,  No.   2.     Cincinnati,  Robert  Clarke 
&  Co.,  1871.  « 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  275 

stop  until  he  sent  a  convoy.  Hull  tried  this  twice.  His  first  detachment, 
under  Major  Vanhorne,  was  met  by  the  British  and  Indians  at  Mag^laga, 
and  driven  back  to  Detroit  after  a  hard  fight.  Col.  ililler  was  then  sent 
with  nine  hundred  men.  He  was  met  by  the  enemy  at  Brownstown,  and 
defeated  them  in  a  fierce  battle,  but  his  force  was  so  crippled  that  he  re- 
turned to  Detroit.'  A  third  detachment  was  sent,  by  a  circuitous  route, 
under  Col.  McArthur,  but  it  did  not  get  to  its  destination.  On  August 
17,  Captain  Elliott,  of  the  British  army,  arrived  at  the  River  Raisin 
under  a  flag  of  truce,  with  the  astounding  news  that  Hull  had  surren- 
dered not  only  Detroit,  but  Brush's  volunteers.  Brush  decided  that 
Elliott  was  a  British  spy,  and  imprisoned  him,  but  in  the  evening  two 
Ohio  soldiers  who  had  escaped  from  Detroit,  arrived  with  confirmation 
of  the  surrender.  The  Chillicothe  volunteers  did  not  propose  to  be  sur- 
rendered, so  at  ten  o'clock  that  night  they  released  Elliott,  and  started 
for  home,  which  they  reached  safely  on  August  23 ;  however,  the  Govern- 
ment conceded  that  they  were  properly  prisoners  of  war,  and  they  were 
dul.y  exchanged  for  British  prisoners.  They  were  fully  convinced  that 
Hull  was  a  deep-dyed  traitor;  and  for  that  matter  so  were  most  of  the 
people  of  the  West,  though  some  only  charged  him  with  cowardice  or 
incompetence.  For  years  afterwards  there  was  a  popular  western  song 
running, 

"Let  General  Hull 
Be  counted  null, 
And  let  him  not  be  named 
Among  Columbia's  gallant  sons, 
For  worth  and  valor  famed." 

Piatt  continued  as  Commissary  General  of  the  Army  of  the  Northwest 
until  January  26,  1814,  when  he  entered  into  a  contract  to  furnish  rations 
to  the  army  for  one  year  from  June  1,  at  a  rate  of  twenty  cents  a  ration. 
At  that- time  the  Government's  credit  was  good,  and  it  was  paying  its 
debts  in  gold  and  silver,  "and  as  the  usage  then  was  to  make  advances  in 
money  to  contractors,  he  retaining  in  his  hands,  as  an  advance  from  the 
department,  the  balance  of  the  commissariat  fund ;  which  at  the  close  of 
his  engagements  amounted  to  .ii4S,230.77. "  This  contract  was  made  with 
General  John  Armstrong,  then  Secretary  of  War,  who  retired  during  the 
year,  whereupon  James  Monroe,  then  Secretary  of  State,  acted  also  as 
Secretary  of  War.  By  June  1,  the  Government  was  financially  em- 
barrassed, and  had  to  issue  paper  money,  which  at  once  went  to  a  dis- 
count. In  August  the  British  captured  Washington,  and  burned  the 
capitol.  A  panic  came  on,  and  all  the  banks  south  and  west  of  New 
York  suspended  specie  payments.  Prices  of  course  went  up,  until  supplies 


276 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


could  uot  be  bought  for  less  than  forty -five  cents  a  ration;  but  Piatt 
went  on  with  his  contract  until  December,  when  his  drafts  on  the  Govern- 
ment for  supplies  furnished,  to  the  amoiuit  of  $210,000,  had  gone  to 
protest.  On  December  26,  General  McArthur  made  a  requisition  on  him 
for  800,000  rations,  to  be  furnished  within  thirty  days.  Unable  to  com- 
ply, on  account  of  the  Government's  failure  to  pay,  Piatt  hastened  to 
Washington,  and,  as  found  to  be  the  facts  by  the  Coui't  of  Claims,  "at  a 


John  H.  Piatt 


personal  interview  there  with  him,  notified  to  Mr.  Monroe,  then  Secre- 
tary of  War,  that  he  would  furnish  no  more  rations  under  the  contract. 
Secretary  Monroe  admitted  to  Piatt  the  inability  of  the  Government  to 
comply  with  the  terms  of  the  contract  on  their  part,  both  as  to  money 
already  due,  and  as  to  money  which  might  become  due  for  future  sup- 
plies. Biit  the  military  exigency  then  rendering  it  necessary  that  a 
large  quantity  of  rations  should  be  furnished  immediately  for  the  North- 
western Army,  it  was  thereupon  agreed  by  parol,  between  Piatt  and  the 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  277 

secretary-,  that  if  Piatt  would  fnniish  the  rations  which  might  be  re- 
quired, he  should  receive  for  them  whatever  price  they  should  be  rea- 
sonably worth  at  the  time  and  place  of  delivei-y ;  and  that  the  defendants 
(the  United  States),  instead  of  paying  as  required  by  the  terms  of  the 
original  contract,  should  defer  payment  until  such  time  or  times  as  they 
should  have  the  requisite  funds. "'^ 

Under  this  agreement,  Piatt  furnished  the  ai-my  730,070  rations, 
which  the  evidence  showed  to  be  worth  $328,531.54,  and  also  furnished, 
under  orders  from  the  commander  of  the  army,  transportation  and  goods 
to  distressed  refugees  of  Michigan  and  friendly  Indians,  to  the  amount 
of  $63,620.48.  But  when  he  came  to  settle  with  the  Government,  Wm. 
H.  Crawford,  then  Secretary  of  War,  would  only  allow  the  oi'igiual  con- 
tract price  of  twenty  cents  a  ration,  refusing  the  parol  contract  because 
"by  reason  of  what  he  considered  countervailing  evidence,  he  had  doubts 
whether  such  assurances  had  been  given.  "Inasmuch  as  Mr.  ]\Ionroe 
was  then  President,  it  can  only  be  inferred  that  the  "countervailing  evi- 
dence" came  from  him.  This  presumption  is  supported  by  the  fact  that 
Piatt  secured  several  statements  addressed  to  the  President,  in  support 
of  the  parol  agreement,  and  the  makers  state  that  they  made  them  at 
the  request  of  the  President,  but  this  was  at  a  later  date.  At  the  time, 
Piatt  was  allowed  $148,791.87,  or  the  original  contract  price,  for  the 
rations,  and  the  claim  for  what  was  furnished  to  the  Indians  and  refugees 
was  refused  in  toto.  In  September,  1819,  while  Piatt  was  in  Washington 
trying  to  get  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  million  dollars  that  was  still  due  to 
him,  the  United  States  brought  suit  against  him  for  the  $48,230.77 
balance  of  the  commissariat  fund,  which  had  been  advanced  to  him  on 
his  contract.  He  was  arrested  on  a  caputs  ad  respondendum,  and  would 
have  been  imprisoned  but  for  the  intervention  of  friends.  As  it  was  he 
was  allowed  to  give  bail,  and  remain  "on  the  bounds"  in  Washington. 
On  ilay  8, 1820,  while  this  action  was  pending,  Congress  passed  a  private 
bill  for  his  relief  as  follows : 

"Be  it  enacted,  That  the  proper  accounting  officei's  of  the  Treasury 
Department  be,  a.nd  they  are  hereby  authorized  and  recjuired  to  settle 
the  accounts  of  J.  H.  Piatt,  including  his  accounts  for  transportation,  on 
just  and  equitable  principles,  giving  all  due  weight  and  consideration  to 
the  settlements  and  allowances  already  made,  and  to  the  assurances  and 
decisions  of  the  War  Department : 

"Provided,  That  the  sum  allowed  under  the  said  assurances  shall 
not  exceed  the  amount  now  claimed  by  the  United  States,  and  for  which 
suits  have  been  commenced  against  the  said  Piatt." 


■  Piatt 's  Administrator  vs.  United  States,  22  Wallace,  p.  496. 


278  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Apparently  Mr.  Monroe  was  now  conviueed  that  he  had  given  assur- 
ances, for  he  approved  this  bill.  But  no  appropriation  was  made  for  the 
settlement;  and  the  Second  Comptroller  and  Third  Auditor  disagreed 
as  to  the  meaning  of  the  bill,  the- latter  claiming  that  the  total  allowance 
could  not  exceed  the  $48,230.77  for  which  the  Government  had  brought 
suit,  and  the  former  holding  that  the  limitation  of  the  proviso  aj^plied 
only  to  the  "assurances,"  i.e.,  the  parol  contract  for  additional  rations. 
In  consequence  Piatt  received  nothing  whatever,  except  credit  for  the 
amount  for  which  the  Government  was  unjustly  suing  him.  The  obvious 
injustice  of  the  bill  was  in  making  any  limitation,  for  if  the  assurances 
were  not  made,  the  Government  owed  Piatt  nothing,  and  he  owed  it  the 
$48,230.77 ;  but  if  they  were  made  he  was  entitled  to  the  full  amount  of 
his  claim.  Meanwhile  he  had  borrowed  money  to  appease  pressing  credi- 
tors, and  had  assigned  his  claim  against  the  Government  as  collateral ; 
and  scarcely  was  he  released  from  imprisonment  on  the  Government's 
suit,  when  creditors  had  him  arrested  on  another  action  for  debt.  Worn 
out  by  his  vain  efforts  to  obtain  justice,  and  depressed  by  the  financial 
ruin  that  faced  him,  he  died  on  February  12,  1822,  a  prisoner  on  the 
bounds  at  Washington.  Congressman  John  E.  FoUett,  of  Ohio,  who  later 
made  a  thorougli  study  of  the  case,  said  that  he  knew  of  nothing  in 
history  to  equal  it  since  Columbus  was  brought  home  in  chains. 

Piatt  had  married  Martha  Ann  Willis,  a  niece  of  Mrs.  Nicholas  Long- 
worth,  of  Cincinnati,  and  after  his  death  Nicholas  Longworth  and  Ben- 
jamin M.  Piatt,  a  brother  of  John  H.,  were  appointed  administrators  of 
his  estate.  They  at  once  presented  a  petition  to  Congress  asking  for  a 
construction  of  the  bill  of  1820.  This  went  to  a  committee  of  which 
John  Sergeant,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  chairman — he  who  was  the  Whig 
candidate  for  Vice  President  in  1832.  Sergeant  made  a  very  careful 
investigation  of  the  case  in  all  its  ramifications,  and  in  his  report  pays 
high  tribute  to  Piatt's  honor  and  patriotism.-*  lie  supported  the  Comp- 
troller's view  of  the  act  of  1820,  and  recommended  an  appropriation  of 
$63,620.48  to  pay  what  was  due  for  aid  to  refugees  and  friendly  Indians, 
and  this  was  done  by  act  of  May  24,  1824.  The  singular  feature  of  the 
report  is  that  while  Sergeant  found  that  Piatt  had  furnished  the  rations 
as  claimed,  and  that  they  were  worth  what  was  claimed,  he  only  urged  on 
the  House  that  the  Government  was  making  a  good  thing  by  settling  on 
the  basis  recommended.  Throughout  the  entire  history  of  the  case,  no- 
body questioned  that  Piatt  furnished  the  rations  as  claimed,  or  that  they 
were  worth  what  was  claimed,  or  that  the  most  disastrous  results  would 
have  followed  in  the  war  if  he  had  not  furnished  them.     In  the  entire 


23  Am.   State   Papers,   Claims,  p.  894. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


279 


report,  the  only  discordant  note  is  a  statement  by  Tench  Ringold,  who 
was  Monroe's  assistant,  and  whose  statement  conclusively  established 
the  parol  agreement,  that  he  ' '  was  certain  that  Piatt  had  made  a  fortune 
out  of  the  contract."  Sergeant  disposed  of  this  by  letters  from  Judge 
Burnet,  and  John  McLean,  showing  that  in  reality  Piatt  was  ruined  by 
it.     As  a  matter  of  fact,  at  that  very  time  Piatt  owed  the  Bank  of  the 


Governor  Posey 


United  States  at  Cincinnati,  $300,000,  which  he  had  borrowed  to  buy 
these  rations  for  the  Government,  and  which  he  had  mortgaged  his  real 
estate  to  secure. 

Piatt's  sister  Hannah,  who  had  married  Philip  Grandin,  his  partner 
in  the  banking  house  of  J.  H.  Piatt  &  Co.,  which  is  said  to  have  been  the 
first  private  bank  in  the  Ohio  Valley,  was  determined  that  ju-stice  should 
be  done  to  her  brother's  memory,  and  she  showed  as  much  courage  and 
persistence  in  her  fight  as  :\Iyra  Gaines  did  in  her  long  struggle  for 


280  INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS 

justice.  The  claim  for  the  balance  due  Piatt  was  kept  before  Congress 
almost  continuously  for  years.  Committee  after  committee  reported 
favorably  on  it,  but  Congress  took  no  action.  Finally  the  Court  of 
Claims  was  organized,  and  Mrs.  Grandin  was  appointed  administratrix 
de  bonis  non,  and  brought  suit  in  the  new  court.  At  this  point  the 
representatives  of  the  Government  raised  the  new  point  that  Piatt  had 
barred  suit  by  accepting  the  benefits  of  the  act  of  1820.  The  court 
divided  evenly,  and  the  case  went  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  which,  in  1875,  gave  judgment  for  .$131,508.90  in  full  of  the 
amount  originally  claimed  by  Piatt,  though  four  of  the  justices  dissented 
on  the  theory  of  estoppel.  The  court  held  that  the  act  of  1820  did  not 
imply  a  final  settlement,  and  that  if  it  did,  it  could  not  estop  Piatt,  who 
was  under  duress  when  he  accepted  his  release  under  the  act,  and  his 
release  was  all  that  he  received  under  it.  Moreover,  as  Sei-geant  showed, 
Piatt  had  protested  against  the  injustice  of  the  act  during  its  passage. 
No  interest  was  allowed,  under  the  legal  fiction  that  the  United  States 
is  always  ready  to  pay  its  debts,  when  claims  are  proper!}'  presented. 
Ever  since  the  Piatt  heirs  have  been  vainly  trying  to  induce  Congress  to 
allflw  them  the  interest  which  any  court  would  allow  at  once  in  a  case 
between  man  and  man. 

It  is  probable  that  Piatt's  heirs  woiild  never  have  recovered  anything 
but  for  the  fact  that  when  he  went  to  see  Monroe  he  took  with  him  John 
McLean,  then  Representative  of  thg  Cincinnati  district,  and  later  Justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court.  In  1857  Judge  McLean  made  a  statement  in 
behalf  of  the  heirs,  which  shows  the  probable  cause  of  Mr.  Monroe's  for- 
getfulness.  After  a  preliminary  statement  of  the  situation.  Judge  ]\Ic- 
Lean  says:  "It  would  be  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  at  this  time,  to 
impress  anyone  fully  with  the  distressing  embarrassments  of  the  Govern- 
ment at  this  time.  *  *  *  p^iijUg  credit  seemed  to  be  utterly  pros- 
trated. Under  the  circumstances,  Mr.  Piatt  came  to  Washington  with 
the  determination,  as  I  imderstood,  to  surrender  the  contract.  He  in- 
formed me  that  he  had  tried  to  have  an  interview  with  Mr.  Monroe, 
acting  Secretary  of  War,  but  was  not  admitted.  I  accompanied  him  to 
the  private  residence  of  Mr.  Monroe,  and  we  were  admitted.  Mr.  IMonroe 
was  esceedingl.y  feeble.  I  understood  that  he  had  not  sufficient  strength 
to  go  to  his  office.  His  system  appeared  to  be  nearly  exhausted  by  the 
]>ressure  of  his  public  duties;  and  I  observed  that  he  was  very  nervous. 
I  have  no  distinct  recollection  of  the  words  used  in  the  interview ;  nor 
whether  Mr.  Piatt  or  myself  first  stated  to  the  Secretary  the  failures  of 
the  Government  to  meet  his  drafts ;  but  I  have  a  distinct  recollection  that 
Mr.  Piatt  expressed  to  me  a  strong  determination,  before  the  interview, 
that  he  should  give  up  his  contract,  as  it  would  be  ruinous  to  him  to 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  281 

continue  it  under  the  circumstances ;  and  on  his  return  he  expressed  him- 
self satisfied  with  the  assurances  given,  and  that  at  all  hazards  he  would 
continue  the  supplies.  I  entertained  no  doubt,  under  the  circumstances, 
the  Government's  failures  had  released  him  from  the  obligations  of  his 
contract,  and  this  being  the  ease  he  had  a  right  to  expect  an  indemnity. 
I  did  not  understand  that  Mr.  Piatt  claimed  anything  more  than  this. 

' '  I  urged  Jlr.  Piatt  strongly  not  to  withhold  his  supplies,  and  I  could 
not  have  done  this  had  I  not  believed  the  conversation  with  ]\Ir.  IMonroe 
authorized  him  to  rely  on  the  assiirances  given.  I  am  impressed  that  it 
was  on  the  same  occasion  Mr.  Monroe  said  that  he  had  made  temporary 
loans  from  the  banks  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  the  ad.joining 
states,  for  the  use  of  the  Government,  and  that  these  loans  had  become 
payable,  and  he  had  not  the  means  of  paying  them.  He  said  that  treasury 
notes  would  not  be  taken  in  the  North  for  provisions,  and  that  imless 
Congress  should  do  something  to  revive  the  public  credit  he  was  appre- 
hensive that  our  northern  army  could  not  be  kept  in  the  field.  These 
facts  were  so  impressed  upon  my  mind,  and  I  have  so  often  adverted  to 
them  in  conversation  and  in  writing,  that  I  remember  them  as  well  as  if 
I  had  heard  them  recently.  *  *  *  When  we  had  the  interview  with 
Mr.  Monroe,  I  was  but  little  acquainted  with  public  affairs,  and  I  have 
never  recurred  to  the  circumstances  that  I  did  not  regret  that  a  written 
assurance  was  not  required.  Before  Mr.  Piatt  engaged  in  the  above 
contract  he  had  the  means,  as  I  supposed,  of  acquiring  the  largest  fortune 
of  any  individual  in  Cincinnati.  I  think  his  resources  were  greater  than 
those  of  any  other  individual  of  my  acquaintance.  I  have  always  under- 
stood, and  believed,  that  he  was  ruined  by  the  contract.  Being  in  "Wash- 
ington, urging  his  claims,  I  was  informed  and  believe  that  he  was  arrested 
by  a  creditor,  and  that  he  was  confined  to  the  prison  limits,  where  he 
died.  This,  as  I  believe,  was  the  frtiit  of  a  devotion  to  his  country,  un 
surpassed,  if  equalled,  by  any  army  contractor.  "2* 

Although  Piatt's  estate  was  announced  to  be  insolvent  after  his 
death,  it  included  a  large  amount  of  real  estate.  His  administrators 
made  a  settlement  with  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  by  which  it  took 
the  mortgaged  real  estate  for  its  debt  of  over  $300,000;  after  which  they 
proceeded  to  sell  the  remainder,  and  buy  most  of  it  in  themselves,  in  1  he 
name  of  third  parties.  This  was  not  learned  by  Piatt's  heirs  for  years 
afterwards:  and  then,  in  :\rarch,  1850,  they  brought  suit  for  the  recovery 
of  these  lands.  This  case  was  in  the  Ohio  courts  for  twenty-five  years, 
and  at  the  December  Term,  1875,  the  Supreme  Court  of  Ohio  gave  the 
heirs  judgment  for  about  one  hundred  pieces  of  property,  much  of  it  in 


24  This   document,   with   the   other   eviilence   in   the   case,   is   in   Printed   Records 
of  the  Court  of  Claims,  Dee.  Term,  1872,  Vol.  45,  P  to  S,  No.  2205. 


282 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


the  heart  of  Cineiiuiati.  The  original  parties  were  now  long  since  dead, 
much  of  the  property  had  been  reconveyed,  and  the  settlement  involved  a 
lengthy  accounting  for  rents,  improvements,  profits,  etc.,  so  the  Longworih 
heirs  offered  the  Piatt  heirs  a  compromise  settlement  of  $400,000  in  cash, 
which  was  accepted.^^  Half  of  this  amount  went  for  attorneys'  fees, 
under  contract,  as  was  also  the  case  in  the  recovery  from  the  United 
States.  Such  was  the  wrecking  of  one  of  the  finest  estates  west  of  the 
Alleghenies.  Piatt's  name  belongs  with  those  of  Vigo,  St.  Clair  and 
Pollock,  as  a  man  who  let  his  patriotism  get  the  better  of  his  business 
judgment.    But  he  saved  the  Ai-my  of  the  Northwest,  and  the  Armv  of 


Battle  of  the  Thajies — Death  of  Tecumseh 
(From  Brackenridge's  History  of  the  Late  War) 


the  Northwest  saved  the  United  States  in  the  War  of  1812,  by  showing 
England  that  she  stood  fair  to  lose  Canada;  and  that  lesson  has  given  a 
century  of  peace  between  the  two  countries  since  then. 

Tliere  was  no  trouble  in  finding  men  for  that  war,  on  the  American 
side.  The  indignation  in  the  west  over  the  employment  of  Indians  in- 
creased with  the  surrender  of  Hull,  and  went  to  fever  heat  at  the 
massacre  at  the  River  Raisin.  The  battle-cry  of  the  western  troops  was 
"Remember  the  River  Raisin."  Detroit  was  reoccupied  without  resist- 
ance, and  Perry's  victory  on  the  lake,  and  Harrison's  victory  on  tl\e 
Thames  put  an  effective  damper  on  British  hostilities  in  the  west.  The 
career  of  Tecumtha  also  ended  with  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  in  which 


Piatt  et  al.  vs.  Longworth  et  al.,  27  Ohio  State,  p.   159. 


LNDIAXA  AND  INDIANANS  283 

he  was  probably  killed,  though  Harrison  and  his  staff  were  not  assured 
of  it  until  after  they  returned  to  Detroit.  He  made  almost  as  much  dis- 
turbance in  his  death  as  in  his  life,  for  the  question  got  into  polities  when 
Col.  Riehai-d  Johnson  was  a  candidate  for  the  Vice  Presidency.  There 
are  three  lines  of  evidence,  one  that  he  was  killed  by  Col.  Johnson,  one 
that  he  was  killed  by  Col.  Whitley,  one  that  he  was  killed  by  a  private 
named  David  King.  Each  of  these  is  supported  by  affidavits  and  state- 
ments, neither  of  which  would  furnish  satisfactory  historical  evidence 
if  it  stood  alone. 2''  There  is  also  an  Indian  statement  that  he  was  not 
killed  at  the  battle,  but  lived  for  some  time  later.  It  appears-  to  be  con- 
ceded that  he  is  dead  now.  The  conventional  portraits  of  Tecumtha  and 
the  Prophet  were  originally  published  by  Benson  J.  Lossing,  who  said 
that  they  were  drawn  by  Pierre  LeDru,  a  young  trader  on  the  Wabash, 
from  whose  son  he  obtained  them.^'  There  is,  however  no  such  name 
as  LeDru,  or  LeDrou,  given  in  Tanguay's  Geneological  Dictionary,  or 
in  Lasselle's  list  of  traders  on  the  Waba.sh.^s  LeDru  may  be  a  nick-name, 
as  it  means  "The  Thickset,"  and  French  nick-names  often  became  family 
names  by  adoption.  •  There  was  a  Pere  LeDru,  whom  Shea  describes  as 
"an  apostate  Dominican,"  who  officiated  for  a  time  at  Vincennes  and  in 
the  Illinois  countiy,  and  then  took  an  appointment  at  St.  Louis.^"  Pos- 
sibly he  was  the  artist  who  made  the  pictures. 

Harrison's  war  activities  took  him  away  from  Vincennes  late  in  the 
spring  of  1812,  and  Secretary  John  Gibson  became  acting  Governor,  and 
served  until  the  arrival  of  Governor  Posey,  about  a  year  later.  His 
duties  were  largely  military,  in  the  keeping  of  the  frontier  in  a  state  of 
defense.  The  most  notable  thing  of  his  administration  is  that  in  his 
message  to  the  legislature,  which  convened  in  February,  1813,  he  made 
the  first  known  suggestion  in  the  line  of  modem  civil  service  reform  in 
the  United  States.  At  that  time  the  militia  elected  their  own  officers,  and 
with  little  regard  to  fitness.  Discussing  the  evils  of  this,  Gibson  said : 
"This  evil  having  taken  root,  I  do  not  know  how  it  can  be  eradicated: 
but  it  mav  be  remedied.  In  place  of  men  searching  after,  and  accepting 
of  commissions,  before  they  are  even  tolerably  qualified,  thereby  sub- 
jecting themselves  to  ridicule,  and  their  country  to  ruin,  barely  for  tlic 
name  of  the  thing,  I  think  may  be  remedied  by  a  previous  examination. 
This,  however,  among  other  important  territorial  concerns,  rests  witli  the 


28Dr?lke's    Tecumseh,    p.    199. 

:t  Field  Book  of  the  War  of  1812,  p.  189. 

28lnd.  Mag.   of  Hist.,  1906,  p.   1. 

29  Shea's    Life    of    Archbishop   Carroll,   pp.    471,   479;    111.    Hist.    Coll.,   Vol.    5, 

pp.   510,   515. 


284  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

legislature. "30  The  United  States  did  not  adopt  any  law  for  "pass  ex- 
aminations" nntil  1853,  although  they  had  been  used  for  a  few  years 
earlier  than  that  in  the  Treasurj'  Department.^i  The  test  of  "fitness" 
had  been  urged  since  the  time  of  Washington,  but  the  idea  of  ascertain- 
ing fitness  by  an  examination  was  not  suggested  until  long  after  Gibson 
had  proposed  it  in  Indiana.  This  same  legislature  of  1813  pro%-ided  for 
the  removal  of  the  capital  of  the  Territory  to  Corydon,  and  the  removal 
was  made  that  year. 

Gen.  Posey  was  serving  as  senator  from  Louisiana  when  he  was  ap- 
pointed Governor  of  Indiana  Territory  by  President  Madison.  The 
appointment  was  confirmed  on  ilarch  3,  1813.  He  was  a  native  of  Vir- 
ginia, born  July  9,  1750,  on  a  farm  on  the  Potomac  River,  near  Mount 
Vernon.  He  served  in  Dunmore's  war,  raised  a  company  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  Revolution,  in  1775,  and  served  through  that  war,  served 
under  Wayne  in  1793,  and  raised  a  company  in  Louisiana  for  the  war  of 
1S12,  from  which  he  was  appointed  to  the  senate.  He  was  identified  with 
the  old  Harrison  party  in  the  Territory,  being  their  candidate  for 
Governor  against  Jonathan  Jennings  in  1816,  but  did  not  take  any  great 
interest  in  politics.  In  fact  his  health  was  so  bad  that  he  was  unable  to 
live  at  Corydon  during  most  of  his  term,  his  physician  living  at  Louis- 
ville, and,  as  he  officially  advised  the  legislature  of  1813-4,  "I  have  taken 
all  the  medicine  brought  with  me."  The  legislature,  which  was  not  of 
his  politics,  wa.s  very  conciliatory,  and  finally  adjourned  after  authoriz- 
ing the  president  of  the  council  and  speaker  of  the  house,  with  the  clerks 
of  the  two  bodies,  to  receive  bills  and  messages  from  the  Governor,  as  if 
the  houses  were  in  session,  and  make  the  necessary  entries,  in  order  to 
avoid  "the  expense  of  near  fifty  dollars  a  day,"  which  would  result 
from  keeping  the  legislature  in  session.  The  legislature  and  the  Gov- 
ernor continued  in  admirable  harmony  during  the  remainder  of  the 
Territorial  period ;  but  the  legislature  and  the  Judges  were  not  so  har- 
monious. The  legislature  undertook  to  fix  the  districts  in  which  the 
three  judges  of  the  Territorial  Court  should  sit  at  nisi  prius,  and  the 
judges  promptly  refused  to  obey  the  law,  stating  that  they  derived  all 
their  powers  from  Congress,  and  the  legislature  had  no  power  over  them. 
The  legislature  then  petitioned  Congress  to  make  provision  by  which 
litigants  could  have  their  cases  tried  somewhere  near  their  places  of 
residence.  The  Jennings  party  had  the  legislature  and  the  Congressman ; 
and  they  were  showing  real  political  discretion  in  developing  as  little 
friction  as  possible  with  the  Governor  and  the  Judges.    But  thej^  were 


30  Western  Sun,  Feb.  6,  1813. 

31  The   Civil    Service   and   Patronage,   Harvard    Hist.    Studies,   Fish,   p.    183. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS    .  285 

not  losing  any  political  opportunities.  In  December,  1815,  when  the 
legislature  petitioned  Congress  for  admission  as  a  state,  the  leading  issue 
of  Territorial  politics  was  deftly  introduced  as  follows :  ' '  And  whereas 
the  inhabitants  of  this  territory  are  principally  composed  of  emigrants 
from  eveiy  part  of  the  Union,  and  as  various  in  their  customs  and  senti- 
ments as  in  their  persons,  we  think  it  prudent,  at  this  time,  to  express  to 
the  general  government  our  attachment  to  the  fundamental  principles 
of  legislation  prescribed  by  congress  in  their  ordinance  for  the  govern- 
ment of  tills  territory,  particularly  as  respects  personal  freedom  and 
involuntary  servitude,  and  hope  they  may  be  continued  as  the  basis  of 
the  constitution." 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  NEW  STATE 

There  seems  to  be  a  hazy  idea  with  some  writers  that  there  was  a 
golden  age  in  the  United  States  when  polities  was  unkno^\^l.  If  there 
was  ever  siieh  a  period  in  the  world,  it  was  in  prehistoric  times.  The 
one  constant  factor  in  history  is  human  nature ;  and  wherever  society 
has  existed,  there  has  been  the  desire  for  preferment,  position  and  power. 
It  is  manifested  not  only  in  public  life  but  also  in  societies,  churches,  and 
all  the  various  kinds  of  organizations  of  mankind.  The  politics  of  early 
Indiana  did  not  have  the  outward  manifestations  of  the  party  organiza- 
tions of  the  present,  but  it  was  of  a  very  similar  character,  and  office- 
holding  and  personal  advantages  of  ditiferent  kinds  were  its  chief  ends. 
National  politics  was  at  low  ebb.  The  Federalist  party  was  in  a  comatose 
condition,  and  nearly  everybody  called  himself  a  Republican.  Whenever 
that  state  is  reached  in  any  conimnnity,  factions  grow  up  within  the 
dominant  party  which  result  in  the  formation  of  new  parties.  This  con- 
dition had  existed  in  Indiana  Territory  almost  from  its  formation;  and 
after  the  separation  of  Illinois  Territory  it  crystallized  as  a  Harrison  and 
anti-Harrison  division  of  the  voters.  Harrison,  as  Governor,  controlled 
most  of  the  local  patronage,  but  from  1809,  the  anti-Harrison  party,  led 
by  Jonathan  Jennings,  controlled  the  legislature  and  elected  the  delegate 
to  Congress. 

The  chief  division  in  matters  of  principle  was  on  the  slavery  ques- 
tion, the  Harrison  party  having  tied  itself  hopelessly  to  the  proposal  to 
admit  slavery  to  the  Territory,  and  the  Jennings  party  having  openly 
opposed  it.  The  greatest  strength  of  the  Harrison  party  was  naturally 
in  Knox,  and  adjoining  counties  where  mo.st  of  the  slaves  were  held, 
iloreover,  most  of  the  Territorial  officers  lived  at  Vincennes,  and  had 
their  property  interests  there.  It  was  certain  that  the  removal  of  the  seat 
of  government  from  that  place  would  be  a  serious  injury  to  local  property 
interests ;  but  it  was  equally  certain  that  the  remainder  of  the  Territory 
would  not  long  consent  to  its  continuance  on  the  western  border.  These 
considerations  M'ere  the  bases  of  the  political  issues  of  the  later  Terri- 
torial period.  There  were  no  formal  party  names,  but  there  were  some 
epithets  used  in  discussion.     In  moderate  discussion,  the  adherents  of 

286 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  287 

Jennings  were  called  his  "friends,"  but  this  was  intended  and  understood 
simply  as  his  party  friends.  Jennings  was  an  adroit  politician.  He  had 
an  important  advantage  over  the  opposition  in  the  slavery  question,  and 
that  issue  was  not  allowed  to  die,  even  after  the  legislature  of  1810  had  re- 
pealed the  indenture  law.  The  repeal  law  practically  annulled  existing 
indentures  by  removing  the  provision  for  their  enforcement  by  the 
courts ;  but  there  was  no  effort  made  to  release  the  indentured  servants. 
Indeed  the  anti-Harrison  legislature  of  1813  recognized  the  indentures  by 
levying  a  tax  of  two  dollars  on  "every  slave  or  servant  of  color." 

The  first  effort  to  remove  the  capital  was  in  the  legislature  of  1811. 
While  the  members  who  wanted  it  removed  from  Vincennes  were  in 
large  majority  they  were  much  divided  as  to  where  it  should  go.  The 
location  of  the  seat  of  government  was  an  important  factor  in  real  estate 
prices,  and  every  enterprising  town  wanted  it.  ^ladison  was  always 
active  in  looking  after  its  own  welfare,  and  it  was  first  on  the  field. 
William  ^IcFarland,  the  active  and  able  representative  of  Jefferson 
County,  after  much  effort,  succeeded  in  getting  a  law  passed  locating 
the  capital  at  Madison — and  tlien  Governor  Harrison  vetoed  it.  General 
W.  Johnston,  who  defended  the  Governor's  veto,  said:  "The  many  and 
various  attempts  to  remove  it  to  ^Madison  failed  in  either  one  or  the  other 
of  the  Houses,  or  before  the  Executive;  for  said  he  'remove  it  to  a  more 
centrick  scite,  and  it  shall  meet  my  most  hearty  approbation'."  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  Johnston  says  to  his  Knox  County  constituents  in 
this  same  article,  ' '  I  have  resigned  my  seat  as  representative ;  and  have 
been  honored  by  his  Excellency  Governor  Harrison  with  the  office  of 
Attorney  General  of  the  territory  and  prosecuting  attorney  for  your 
court. ' '  1  The  ^Madison  people  were  naturally  disappointed  at  losing 
their  plum ;  and  on  January  20,  1812,  Jennings  presented  to  Congress 
the  "representation  of  sundry  inhabitants  of  Indiana  Territory  com- 
plaining of  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  the  Governor  of  that  Territoiy  in 
withholding  his  approbation  to  an  act  passed  by  the  legislature,  for  the 
removal  of  the  seat  of  the  Territorial  Government."  But  Jennings  was 
not  dependent  on  Madison  for  presenting  to  Congress  the  woes  of  Indiana. 
On  January  1,  he  had  presented  two  petitions  from  the  legislature  of 
1812,  one  asking  for  admission  as  a  state,  and  the  other  asking  that 
"the  inhabitants  of  that  Territory  may  be  authorized  and  empowered 
to  elect  the  sheriffs  of  their  respective  counties."  On  the  13th  the  speaker 
presented  a  letter  containing  a  protest  against  the  petition  for  admission 
as  a  state,  signed  by  James  Dill  and  Peter  Jones,  members  of  the  legisla- 
ture.   Jones  was  a  Vincennes  man,  and  a  member  of  the  Harrison  party. 


1  Western  Sun,  December  28,  1811. 


288  INDIANA  AND  INDJANANS 

Dill  Avas  the  chief  representative  of  the  Harrison  party  in  Dearborn 
County,  and  was  kept  in  office  in  that  county  Ijy  Harrison,  as  clerk, 
recorder  and  prosecuting  attorney  all  through  the  Territorial  period,  as 
well  as  being  in  the  legislature  a  large  part  of  the  time. 

In  April  Jennings  otfered  a  resolution  for  a  committee  to  inquire  into 
the  desirability  of  authorizing  changes  of  venue  in  the  Indiana  courts. 
The  official  record  says  : ' '  Mr.  J.  made  a  number  of  remarks  on  presenting 
his  resolution.  He  lamented  the  general  prevalence  of  a  party  s^Hrit  in 
the  community,  which,  in  the  Territory  in  question,  actuated  every  officer, 
from  the  Executive  to  the  lowest — the  judicial  officers  not  excepted — in- 
somuch as  to  corrupt  the  fountain  of  justice.  The  sheriffs  were  appointed 
by  the  Executive,  and  juries  selected  at  their  discretion,  etc.  It  wa.s 
essential,  he  said,  to  the  interest  and  welfare  of  every  individual  in  the 
community,  that  the  purity  of  jury  trial  should  be  preserved ;  and  for 
that  purpose,  he  wished  some  provision  to  be  reported  by  the  committee 
referred  to  in  the  resolution."  2  This  evidently  refers  to  charges  then 
in  circulation  that  the  jurj'  in  the  case  of  Harrison  against  Mcintosh  was 
packed.  The  committee  requested  was  appointed,  but  did  nothing.  The 
legislature  of  1813  then  passed  an  elaborate  law  for  changes  of  venue. 
This  legislature  also  passed  a  law  for  the  removal  of  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment to  Corydon.  The  removal  was  directed  to  be  made  by  May  1,  1813, 
and,  presumably,  to  forestall  any  failure  on  the  plea  that  removal  would 
be  unsafe,  it  was  provided  that  the  Governor  could  call  out  "any  number 
of  militia  that  he  may  deem  necessary  for  the  more  safe  conveyance  of 
any  books,  papers,  or  other  thing  by  this  act  made  necessary  to  be  con- 
veyed to  the  said  town  of  Corydon."  The  choice  of  Corydon  was  not 
made  until  after  a, long  contest.  Madison  was  on  hand  again,  with  an 
offer  of  a  donation  of  .$10,000,  if  given  the  capital,  and  the  House  voted 
for  iladison,  notwithstanding  Harrison's  former  veto;  but  the  Council 
would  not  consent  to  it.  Charlestown,  Lawrenceburg,  Clarksville  and 
Jefifersonville  received  some  votes,  and  Corydon  was  finally  accepted  as 
a  compromise. 

The  Jennings  party  now  had  everything  except  control  of  the  appoint- 
ments, and  that  could  be  obtained  only  by  admission  as  a  state.  The 
request  of  1812  for  admission  had  been  referred  to  a  committee  of  which 
Jennings  was  chairman,  and  he  had  reported  favorably,  and  introduced 
a  resolution  that  Indiana  should  be  admitted  when  it  had  35,000  popula- 
tion. Congress,  however,  decided  to  wait  for  the  60,000  inhabitants  stip- 
ulated by  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  This  political  warfare  continued  on 
the  same  lines  after  Harrison  had  ceased  to  be  Governor,  for  his  party 


=  Annals  of  Cong.  1811-12,  p.  1248. 


Jonathan  Jennings  of  Ciiarlestown,  Indiana, 

First  State  Governor 
(From  a  miniature  owned  In-  Mr.  Willis   Barnes) 


290  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

still  existed,  its  leaders  being  the  men  whom  he  had  put  in  office.  Owing 
to  the  mode  of  party  formation,  the  political  controversies  were  in 
appearance  personal,  the  assaults  of  the  Harrison  party  being  directed  at 
Jennings,  and  the  "counter  offensive"  at  Harrison.  This  continued  to 
the  last.  In  1816  Jennings  introduced  a  resolution  in  Congress  for  an 
investigation  of  the  conduct  of  Indian  affairs  in  the  Territorj',  which  was 
under  the  Governor,  stating  expressly  that  it  was  not  directed  at  Gover- 
nor Posey,  but  at  Gen.  Harrison.  The  only  material  result  of  this  was 
a  warm  attack  on  Jennings  by  the  editor  of  the  Western  Sun.^  With 
these  facts  in  mind,  it  is  easy  to  understand  the  political  atmosphere  in 
which  the  state  came  into  being. 

The  legislature  of  1814  sent  a  memorial  to  Congress  asking  for  admis- 
sion, which  was  presented  by  Jennings  on  February  1,  1815,  and  was 
laid  on  the  table.  In  the  meantime  a  census  of  the  state  was  being  taken, 
which  was  ready  when  the  legislature  met  on  December  4,  1815,  aiid  it 
showed  a  population  of  63,897.  The  legislature  at  once  prepared  another 
memorial  for  statehood,  which  was  presented  in  Congress  on  December 
28,  but  was  printed  in  Niles'  Register  on  December  14.  If  there  were  any 
question  as  to  the  political  complexion  of  that  legislature,  it  would  be 
disposed  of  by  the  concluding  sentence  of  the  memorial,  which  reads : 
■ "  And  whereas  the  inhabitants  of  this  territory  are  principally  composed 
of  emigrants  from  every  part  of  the  Union,  and  as  various  in  their  cus- 
toms and  sentiments  as  in  their  persons,  we  think  it  prudent,  at  this  time, 
to  express  to  the  general  government  our  attachment  to  the  fundamental 
principles  of  legi.slation  prescribed  by  congress  in  their  ordinance  for 
the  government  of  this  territory,  particularly  as  respects  personal  free- 
dom and  involuntary  servitude,  and  hope  they  may  be  continued  as  the 
basis  of  the  constitution."  This  memorial  was  referred  to  a  committee 
of  which  Jennings  was  chairman,  and  on  January  5,  1816,  he  reported 
an  enabling  act.  Then  followed  a  delay  of  three  months,  which  was  not 
due  to  any  objection  to  the  admission  of  Indiana,  but  to  opposition  to 
the  admission  of  ^Mississippi.  It  was  here  that  Congress  inaugurated  the 
"twin  state"  process,  i.  e.,  admitting  a  free  state  and  a  slave  state  at 
the  same  time.  The  enabling  acts  for  the  two  states  finally  passed  the 
House  on  April  13,  1816,  at  the  same  sitting  and  without  any  intervening 
business.  On  Monday,  the  15th,  the  House  concurred  in  the  Senate 
amendments,  and  on  April  19  the  bill  was  signed  by  the  President. 

Meanwhile  the  opponents  of  the  Jennings  party  had  trained  their 
guns  on  Jennings  in  the  columns  of  the  Sun.  On  January  20  there  began 
a  series  of  articles  signed  "Farmers  &  Patriots  Rights,"  complaining 


3  Annals  14th  Cong.,  p.  127.3 ;  Western  Sun,  April  20,  1816. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  291 

of  a  proclamation  which  President  Madison  had  issued  in  December 
ordering  people  who  had  settled  on  the  public  lands,  that  had  not  been 
offered  for  sale,  to  be  removed;  and  urging  that  he  had  no  authority  to 
do  so  under  the  land  law  of  1807.  On  February  10,  "A  Settler"  joined 
in  the  discussion,  suggesting  that  the  President  had  been  imposed  on  by 
designing  advisors,  and  adding:  "Might  not  Mr.  Jennings  (as  I  have  no 
doubt  his  cunning  lead  him )  say  to  himself,  my  friends  make  the  repre- 
sentations to  the  President,  get  the  proclamation  issued — and  then  1  can 
move  Congress  to  pass  a  special  act  or  resolution  excepting  the  settlers 
on  the  public  lands  in  the  Indiana  Territory.  Then,  forsooth,  I  can, 
with  more  assurance  &  prospect  of  success,  offer  as  a  candidate  for  Gov- 
ernor of  the  state.  And  this  deep  laid  scheme  I  am  informed  is  going 
fast  into  operation.  The  proclamation  issued — The  motion  made  and 
Jonathan  Jennings  declared  by  his  friends  in  this  quarter  of  the  territory 
as  a  candidate  for  the  Gubernatorial  chair ! ! !  Let  my  fellow  citizens 
.judge  these  men — they  want  offices."  To  this,  "Farmers  &  Patriots 
Rights"  offered  a  feeble  defense  on  the  17th,  insisting  that  the  President 
was  to  blame,  and  saying:  "^Ir.  Jennings  at  the  present  moment  is 
discharging  his  duties  as  the  peoples  representative,  and  such  of  his 
particular  friends  here  as  I  am  intimate  with,  are  pure,  incapable  of 
such  conduct,  and  should  be  unsuspected."  Then,  on  February  24th,  "A 
Settler"  replied  with  an  inquiry  as  to  the  occupation  of  Mr.  Jennings  in 
past  moments,  and  sarcastic  comment  on  his  "duties,"  and  the  purity  of 
his  friends,  concluding  his  article  :  "Mr.  Jennings  and  his  friends  should 
no  longer  be  confided  in — they  must  no  longer  force  themselves  upon  the 
people — if  they  have  only  studied  their  ovni  selfish  and  contracted  views,, 
their  a.scendency  will  be  more  injurious  hereafter  than  it  has  been  here- 
tofore— our  approaching  change  into  a  state  points  to  the  necessity  of 
changing  men  also,  and  for  that  change  I  pray." 

This  assault  had  little  effect.  It  was  glaringly  inconsistent  in  holding 
Jennings  up  as  the  power  behind  the  throne  who  was  controlling  the 
action  of  the  President,  and  at  tlie  same  time  portraying  him  as  an  insig- 
nificant character ;  and  the  whole  alleged  controversy  was  on  its  face 
either  the  work  of  one  man,  or  of  two  acting  in  conjunction.  It  was 
promptly  charged  that  John  Ewing  was  the  author  of  all  of  the  letters. 
This  he  denied  with  a  show  of  great  indignation  at  being  charged  with 
such  base  conduct,  but  he  did  not  deny  that  he  was  the  author  of 
"Farmers  &  Patriots  Rights,"  and  he  clearly  intimated  that  he  knew  "A 
Settler,"  to  whose  personal  character  he  paid  high  compliment.''  The 
only  public  attention  paid  to  the  attack  by  Jennings  was  the  publication. 


4  Western  Sun,  Aug.  17,  1816. 


292  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

on  March  30,  of  his  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  settlers  who  had  been  ordered 
out  of  the  public  lands,  which  gave  them  the  right  of  pre-emption  on 
lands  actually  occupied  by  them. 

On  May  3  the  Sun  published  the  enabling  act,  stating  that  it  had 
been  received  the  day  before,  and  assailed  Jennings  for  allowing  only 
ten  days  for  preparation  for  the  election,  which  was  set  for  May  13. 
This  complaint  was  feeble,  for  the  memorial  of  the  legislature  had  ex- 
pressly asked  that  the  election  be  held  on  that  date,  and  the  Sun  had 
published  the  memorial  on  January  27,  with  the  clause  as  to  the  date 
of  the  election  in  italics;  and  it  had  thereafter  printed  several  notices 
of  the  progress  of  the  bill,  with  as.surances  that  it  would  pass.  This  was 
generally  understood  throughout  the  Territory.  The  correspondence 
above  quoted  is  based  on  the  announced  facts  that  Indiana  was  to  be  a 
state,  and  Jonathan  Jennings  was  to  be  a  candidate  for  Governor.  Like 
the  other  attacks  of  the  Sun  in  this  campaign,  it  failed  to  do  any  damage. 
The  principal  attacks  had  been  made  in  the  Sun  of  April  20.  One  of 
these,  signed  "Farmer  of  Knox  County,"  complained  of  the  change  of 
the  paj'ment  of  congressman  from  a  per  diem  basis  to  a  salary,  observ- 
inig  that  whereas  Jennings  had  heretofore  "received  six  dollars  a  day 
of  the  people's  money,"  he  would  now  get  fifteen  hundred  dollars  a  year. 
He  also  objected  to  a  law,  for  which  Jennings  had  voted,  giving  to 
Canadians  who  had  volunteered  in  our  army  in  the  war  of  1812  a  land 
bounty,  ranging  from  960  acres  for  a  colonel  to  320  acres  for  a  private. 
But  the  war  was  too  recent,  and  the  sense  of  obligation  to  the  Canadians 
who  had  sacrificed  their  interests  in  Canada  from  sympathy  with  the 
American  cause  was  too  strong,  for  this  to  arouse  any  material  complaint. 
A  third,  and  more  substantial  charge  was  that  Jennings  had  attended 
a  caucus  at  Washington  for  the  nomination  of  a  candidate  for  President 
"thus  influencing  improperly  the  free  and  unbiased  voic«  of  the  people 
on  that  important  subject."  But,  on  the  other  hand  this  demonstrated 
that  the  insignificant  Jennings  must  be  a  man  of  some  importance  in 
Washington. 

While  the  attacks  of  the  Sun  did  little  damage,  it  gave  the  Jennings 
party  aid  and  comfort  by  opening  its  columns  to  a  discussion  of  the 
slavery  question  early  in  the  campaign.^  This  so  quickly  and  thoroughly 
aroused  the  people  that  Mr.  Timothy  Flint,  who  was  traveling  in  the 
Territory  at  the  time,  was  impressed  with  the  idea  that  it  was  the  only 
thing  in  issue.  He  says:  "The  population  was  very  far  from  being 
in  a  state  of  mind,  of  sentiment,  and  affectionate  mutual  confidence, 
favourable  to  commencing  their  lonely  condition  in  the  woods  in  har- 


5  Western  Sun,  Feb.  .3,  March  2,  20. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  293 

monious  intercourse.  They  were  forming  a  state  government.  The  ques- 
tion in  all  its  magnitude,  whether  it  should  go  a  slave-holding  state  or 
not,  was  just  now  agitating.  I  was  often  compelled  to  hear  the  question 
debated  by  those  in  opposite  interests,  with  no  small  degree  of  aspei'ity. 
Many  fierce  spirits  talked,  as  the  clamorous  and  passionate  are  accus- 
tomed to  talk  in  such  cases,  about  opposition  and  'resistance  unto  blood.' 
But  the  preponderance  of  more  sober  and  reflecting  views,  those  habits  of 
order  and  quietness,  that  aversion  to  shedding  blood,  which  so  generally 
and  so  honorably  appertain  to  the  American  character  and  institu- 
tions, operated  in  these  wildernesses,  among  these  inflamed  and  bitter 
spirits,  with  all  their  positiveness,  ignorance,  and  clashing  feeling,  and 
with  all  their  destitution  of  courts  and  the  regular  course  of  settled 
laws,  to  keep  them  from  open  violence.  The  question  was  not  long  after 
finally  settled  in  peace. ' '  " 

That  this  wa.s  the  chief  matter  of  consideration  in  the  election  of 
May  13  is  shown  by  the  following  statement  in  the  next  issue  of  the 
Western  Spy,  an  Ohio  paper:  "A  gentleman  of  respectability  from 
Lidiana  informs  us  that  from  the  sentiments  of  the  members  elected  to 
the  convention  as  far  as  they  are  known,  he  has  no  doubt  that  a  constitu- 
tion will  be  formed  which  will  exclude  involuntary  slavery  from  that 
rising  state.  We  sincerely  hope  this  expectation  will  be  realized. ' '  ^ 
There  is  scant  room  to  doubt  that  the  counties  were  all  pretty  thoroughly 
organized  on  the  established  party  lines  long  before  the  enabling  act 
was  passed,  and  the  Jennings  party  won  by  an  overwhelming  majority. 
They  carried  all  the  counties  but  Knox,  Gibson  and  Posey,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  a  few  scattering  delegates  elsewhere.  In  its  issue  of  May  3,  • 
announcing  the  election,  the  Vincennes  Smi  announced  the  following 
named  persons  as  candidates :  G.  W.  Johnston,  J.  Ewing,  AV.  Wilson, 
G.  R.  C.  Sullivan,  S.  T.  Scott,  John  Badollet,  William  Polke,  John  John- 
son, Benjamin  Parke,  and  Elias  McNamee.  It  ingenuously  stated  that  it 
had  not  consulted  these  gentlemen,  but  that  it  considered  them  desirables. 
It  was  more  probably  announcing  agreed-on  names  of  strong  men  in 
its  own  party,  and  weak  ones  of  the  opposition  party.  Benjamin  Parke, 
John  Badollet,  William  Polke  and  John  Johnson  were  strong  men  of  the 
Harrison  party,  and  were  elected.  General  W.  Johnston  was  as  able 
a  man  as  there  was  in  the  Territory,  and  might  have  been  elected  in  any 
anti-slavery  county,  but  he  had  killed  himself  with  the  Knox  County 
voters  by  his  stand  against  slavery.  John  Ewing  was  an  able  man,  but  he 
was  then  a  comparative  new  comer  at  Vincennes,  was  of  Irish  birth,  and 


"  Recollections  of  the  Last  Ten  Years,  p.  57. 
^  Quoted  in  Liberty  Hall,  May  27,  1816. 


First  State  House  op  Indiana,  Located  at  Coeydon 


INDIAXA  AND  INDIANANS  295 

was  charged  in  the  campaign  with  being  pro-British,  which  was  about  as 
popular  then  as  being  pro-German  is  at  present.  G.  R.  C.  Sullivan  was 
an  active  young  lawyer,  but  was  a  new  comer,  not  well  known  and  not 
popular.  Dr.  William  Wilson  was  a  new  comer,  and  not  popular.  Dr. 
Elias  McNamee  had  long  been  known  as  an  anti-Harrison  man,  was  very 
unpopular  politically  at  Vincenues,  and  could  not  have  been  elected  to 
anything.    On  May  11,  two  days  before  the  election,  the  Sun  announced 

four  more  names — "Moses  Hoggett,  John  Benefield,  Posey,  and 

Ebenezer  Jones."  Benefiel  had  some  personal  popularity,  and  was 
elected,  chiefly,  no  doubt,  on  account  of  the  weakness  of  the  Sun's  other 
candidates.  He  was  the  only  anti-slavery  man  that  was  elected  fi'om 
Knox  County.* 

On  June  10,  as  provided  by  the  enabling  act,  the  convention  assembled 
at  Corydon,  all  of  the  members  being  present  except  Benjamin  Parke, 
who  did  not  appear  until  tlie  14th.  Corydon  would  not  be  classed  as 
overgrown  at  present,  but  it  is  quite  metropolitan  as  compared  with  what 
it  was  in  1816.  The  tow^l  had  been  laid  out  in  1808  by  R.  ]\L  Heth.  On 
December  8,  of  that  year,  Harrison  County  was  organized,  and  Corydon 
was  made  the  county  'seat.  The  court  house  was  built  in  1811-12  by 
Dennis  Pennington,  and  was  a  rather  imposing  building  for  the  time  in 
Indiana.  It  was  built  of  limestone,  and  was  forty  feet  square.  The 
foundations  were  three  feet  under  ground,  the  walls  two  and  a  half  feet 
thick  in  the  first  story  and  two  feet  in  the  second  story.  On  the  lower 
floor  there  was  but  one  room,  with  a  stone  floor  and  two  fire  places,  and 
a  ceiling  fifteen  feet  high.  Originally  there  wa.s  a  stairway  from  the 
lower  room  to  the  second  floor,  but  in  1873  this  was  removed  to  the  out- 
side of  the  building.  This  building  was  the  Territorial  and  State  capitol 
from  1813  to  1825,  the  House  of  Representatives  meeting  in  the  lower 
room  and  the  Council — later  the  senate — in  the  rooms  above.  It  was 
in  this  building  that  the  convention  of  1816  met,  though  at  times  they 
held  sessions  under  a  wide-spreading  elm  tree,  some  two  hundred  yards 
away.  There  were  not  accommodations  in  the  town  for  the  convention 
crowds.  Sometimes  there  were  as  many  as  eighty  non-residents  there  in 
one  day.  Hence  most  of  the  delegates  lodged  at*a  hotel  a  mile  east  of 
town  on  the  road  to  New  Albany,  a  fine  old  limestone  building,  built  in 
1809  by  Jacol]  Conrad,  a  Pennsylvania  Dutchman,  and  still  standing  and 
used  as  a  residence.  It  is  now  known  as  the  old  Capitol  Hotel.  There  is 
here  a  fine  spring  which  is  said  to  furnish  excellent  water  for  mixed 
drinks. 


8  This  name  is  commonly  printed  Benefield,  or  Bennefield  in  local  histories,  but 
he  wrote  it  Benefiel. 


296  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

The  members  of  the  convention  were  as  good  an  assembly  as  could 
have  been  picked  in  the  Territory,  men  in  whom  the  people  trusted  from 
personal  acquaintance  with  them.  Joseph  Holman  was  the  leading  man 
of  the  four  delegates  from' Wayne  County,  and  had  been  a  close  friend 
of  Jennings  ever  since  the  campaign  of  1809.  He  served  in  the  war 
of  1812,  and  had  a  blockhouse  on  his  farm  near  Centerville.  He  was 
prominent  in  the  state  for  years  afterwards,  among  other  official  posi- 
tions being  receiver  of  public  moneys  for  six  years  under  appointment 
from  President  ^lonroe.  "With  him  were  two  North  Carolina  Quakers, 
Patrick  Baird  and  Jeremiah  Cox,  who  had  come  North  to  get  away  from 
slaver.v,  and  Hugh  Cull,  a  Methodist  circuit  rider  and  local  preacher. 
Cull  located  in  the  Whitewater  Valley  in  1805,  and  at  the  close  of  1808 
he  and  Joseph  Williams  had  165  white  and  one  colored  member  in  the 
circuit.  At  the  head  of  the  five  delegates  from  Franklin  County  was 
James  Noble,  a  lawyer  of  Virginia  birth,  and  one  of  the  most  effective 
public  speakers  in  the  Territory.  He  was  a  militia  general,  and  when 
mounted  on  his  charger,  ''Wrangler,"  was  an  impressive  military  figure. 
He  was  one  of  the  first  senators  from  the  new  state.  With  him  was 
Robert  Hanna  .jun.,  better  known  as  Gen.  Robert  Hanna,  also  a  fine 
looking  military  man,  who  succeeded  Noble  in  the  Senate  at  the  latter's 
death  in  1831.  The  others  were  Enoch  McCarty,  a  prominent  citizen  of 
Brookville,  as  was  his  father  before  him,  who  served  later  as  legislator, 
clerk  and  .iudge ;  William  H.  Eads,  uncle  of  Capt.  J.  B.  Eads  the  cele- 
brated engineer,  who  had  a  store  and  a  tannery  at  Brookville :  and  James 
Brownlee,  father  of  Judge  John  Brownlee  of  Marion,  who  was  a  Penn- 
sylvanian  of  Scotch-Irish  descent,  and  who  represented  the  county  in 
the  legislature  for  four  sessions,  and  at  the  time  of  his  death  in  1828, 
was  circuit  judge. 

The  Dearborn  County  delegation  was  not  united  politically.  James 
Dill  was  the  head  of  the  Harrison  party  in  the  county.  He  had  married 
a  widowed  daughter  of  Gov.  St.  Clair,  whose  daughter  by  her  former 
marriage  was  the  wife  of  Thomas  Randolph,  the  former  Attorney  General 
of  the  Territory.  Dill  was  of  Irish  birth  and  a  lawyer  by  profession, 
who  was  clerk  of  the  local  courts,  Territorial  and  State,  for  about  thirty 
years.  He  paid  much  attention  to  dress,  wearing  knee-breeches  with 
silver  buckles,  and  a  long,  carefully  plaited  queue :  but  notwithstanding 
this  fastidiousness  he  was  popular  with  the  people  for  his  wit  and  his 
courtly  politeness.  His  election  was  due  to  his  personal  popularity,  for 
the  people  of  Dearboi'n  were  not  with  him  politically,  nor  were  his  col- 
leagues Ezra  Ferris  and  Solomon  Manwaring.  Ferris  was  a  native  of 
Connecticut,  brought  west  by  his  parents  in  1789,  when  six  years  old,  but 
educated  in  the  East,  and  licensed  as  a  Baptist  preacher.    He  practised 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  297 

medicine  and  kept  a  drug  store  at  Lawreneebnrgh,  preaching  for  the 
Baptist  churches  of  the  vicinity.  He  was  the  backbone  of  the  Baptist 
church  in  the  county,  and  wrote  the  best  account  we  have  of  the  early 
settlement  of  the  region.^  Manwaring  was  a  lawyer,  born  in  Delaware 
in  1776.  He  was  made  a  Common  Pleas  Judge  in  1810,  and  after  the 
Councilors  were  made  elective,  was  elected  to  the  Territorial  Council 
from  1810  to  1816.  Switzerland  County's  one  delegate  was  William 
Cotton,  who  was  one  of  the  county's  earliest  settlere,  having  located  on 
Indian  Creek  in  1798.  At  the  first  recorded  Fourth  of  July  celebration, 
in  1805,  he  read  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  John  Francis 
Dufour  made  the  oration.  Cotton  served  as  a  justice  of  the  peace  and 
an  associate  judge.  His  popularity  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  in  the  elec- 
tion for  the  convention  he  defeated  John  Dumont,  who  was  a  very  promi- 
nent man,  later  a  candidate  for  Governor.  It  may  be  noted  here  that 
this  election  did  not  go  by  default.  There  were  rival  candidates  in  all 
the  counties,  and  two  contested  elections  reported  to  the  convention. 

The  ablest  man  in  the  Jefferson  County  delegation  was  Dr.  David 
Hervey  Maxwell,  who  was  a  son  of  Bezaleel  Maxwell,  a  Virginian  Revolu- 
tionary soldier,  who  located  three  miles  southwest  of  Hanover  in  1810, 
and  who  left  a  large  line  of  descendants,  including  a  number  of  the  most 
prominent  people  of  Indiana.  David  H.  ^Maxwell  read  medicine  in  Ken- 
tucky with  Dr.  Ephraim  McDowell,  the  man  who  performed  the  first 
operation  of  ovariotomy  in  the  United  States.  He  practised  medicine 
at  Hanover  and  Madison  until  1819,  and  then  removed  to  Bloomington. 
He  was  the  chief  factor  in  the  establishment  of  the  State  University,  and 
was  a  member  of  the  Board  of  Trustees,  usually  president,  until  his  death 
in  1854.  :\Iaxwell  Hall  at  the  University  commemorates  him  and  his  son, 
Dr.  James  Darwin  Maxwell.  During  the  war  of  1812  Maxwell  served  as 
surgeon  in  the  Ranger  company  of  his  brother-in-law  Capt.  Williamson 
Dunn.  The  other  two  delegates  from  Jefferson,  Nathaniel  Hunt  and 
Samuel  Smock,  had  been  officials  in  Jeffersoi)  County  for  a  number  of 
years;  Hunt  serving  as  county  commissioner  and  assoeiate  judge,  and 
Smock  as  justice  of  the  peace,  militia  officer,  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas 
Court,  and  Judge  of  the  Circuit  Court. 

The  leader  of  the  Clark  County  delegation,  and  the  master  spirit  of 
the  Convention,  was  Jonathan  Jennings.  With  him  wa.s  James  Scott, 
an  able  judge  who  had  been  appointed  Prosecuting  Attorney  of  Clark 
County  in  1810 ;  and  elected  to  the  Territorial  House  of  1813,  of  which 
he  was  Speaker,  and  from  which  he  resigned  on  being  appointed  Chan- 
cellor of  the  Territory.    The  remaining  three  delegates  from  Clark  were 


>Ind.  Hist.  Soc.  Pubs.,  Vol.  1,  Appendix. 


298  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

James  Lemon,  John  K.  Graham,  and  Thomas  Carr.  Lemon  had  been  a 
justice  of  the  peace,  and  a  popular  militia  officer.  Graham  was  a  sur- 
veyor, and  was  later  one  of  those  who  located  the  ]\Iichigan  Road. 
Thomas  Carr  was  born  in  Chester  County,  Pennsylvania,  December  12, 
1777.  His  father  died  in  1784,  and  he  went  to  live  with  an  uncle  at 
Perrysville,  Kentucky,  where  he  grew  up,  married,  and  in  1804  removed 
to  Indiana,  locating  near  Charlestown.  In  1813  he  moved  to  Valonia, 
where  he  had  command  of  the  blockhouse.  He  had  two  bachelor  brothers, 
John  and  Samuel,  who  wei-e  in  the  mounted  Rangers,  and  were  with 
Harrison  at  Tippecanoe.  In  1816,  after  the  war,  he  located  on  a  farm 
on  "Pea  Ridge,"  where  he  lived  until  his  death,  March  10,  1847.  He 
was  the  father  of  George  W.  Carr,  the  President  of  the  Constitutional 
Convention  of  1851,  and  John  F.  Carr,  who  was  a  delegate  to  the  Con- 
vention of  1851. 

There  were  two  men  of  commanding  natures  in  the  Harrison  County 
delegation.  Dennis  Pennington,  who  came  to  the  county  in  1802,  had 
been  a  justice  of  the  peace  since  1807,  and  was  speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives  in  1811  and  1815.  His  strong  common  sense  and  sterling 
character  made  him  the  most  influential  man  in  the  county.  He  was 
later  noted  as  a  personal  friend  and  supporter  of  Henry  Clay.  Davis 
Floyd  was  better  educated,  being  a  lawyer  by  profession,  and  very  effec- 
tive before  a  jury.  He  also  kept  a  tavern  and  operated  a  ferry  at  the 
Falls  of  the  Ohio.  Governor  Harrison  had  early  made  him  a  favorite, 
appointing  him  Recorder  in  1801,  Sheriff  in  1802,  and  Pilot  at  the  Falls 
in  1803.  But  Floyd  became  involved  in  the  Aaron  Burr  conspiracy,  and 
in  1808  Harrison  revoked  his  commissions,  possibly  at  the  suggestion 
of  President  Jeii'erson;  though  Floyd's  acting  as  Secretary  of  the  anti- 
slavery  convention  at  Springville  in  1807  may  have  reconciled  him  to 
the  action.  There  is  no  question  that  Floyd  and  Robert  A.  New  were 
Burr's  agents  at  Jeffersonville,  or  that  they  raised  two  boat-loads  of 
men  there,  who  accompanied  Burr  on  his  expedition.  Floyd  was  in- 
dicted and  convicted,  and  received  a  depressing  sentence  of  three  hours 
imprisonment.  He  had  been  elected  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives while  he  was  under  indictment,  and  was  made  Auditor  of  the  Ter- 
ritory in  1813.  New  was  elected  assistant  secretary  of  the  convention 
of  1816,  and  Secretary  of  State  by  the  first  state  legislature.  It  is  not 
apparent  that  Burr's  treason  was  very  odious  in  the  West,  and  it  cer- 
tainly had  little  ei¥ect  on  the  public  esteem  of  these  men.  It  may  be 
added  that  Floyd  was  a  prominent  Mason,  and  one  of  the  founders  of 
the  Grand  Lodge  of  Indiana.  With  Pennington  and  Floyd  were  John 
Boone,  Daniel  C.  Lane  and  Patrick  Shields.  Boone,  better  known  as 
Squire  Boone,  was  a  brother  of  Daniel  Boone,  who  had  come  from  Ken- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  299 

tucky  in  1802,  and  had  been  a  justice  of  the  peace  since  1808.  Lane 
had  been  associate  judge,  and  was  the  tirst  Treasurer  of  State,  serving 
for  seven  years.  Sliields  was  an  Irishman,  who  came  to  Indiana  in  1805, 
after  previous  residence  in  Virginia  and  Kentucky.  He  served  as  a 
private  at  the  Battle  of  Tippecanoe,  and  was  a  jvidge  of  the  Common 
Pleas  Court. 

There  were  five  delegates  from  Washington  County.  Jolin  DePauw 
was  a  son  of  the  Charles  DePauw  who  came  over  with  LaFayette,  and 
fought  under  him  in  the  Revolution.  John  laid  out  the  town  of  Salem 
in  1814.  He  was  a  merchant,  a  colonel  of  militia,  and  represented  his 
county  in  the  legislature  at  numerous  sessions.  He  became  quite  wealthy, 
and  his  son,  Washington  DePauw  endowed  DePauw  University.  Wil- 
liam Graham  was  the  only  member  of  the  convention  who  was  born  at 
sea,  which  nautical  event  occurred  on  March  16,  1782.  His  parents  lo- 
cated in  Kentucky,  and  William  received  his  early  education  at  Harrods- 
burg.  In  1811  he  removed  to  Vallonia,  where  he  studied  law,  and  was 
elected  to  the  legislature  in  1812.  Subsequently,  he  was  speaker  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  1820,  and  represented  his  district  in  Con- 
gress for  eight  years,  1831-9,  being  elected  as  a  Whig.  He  died  near 
Vallonia,  August  17,  1858.  William  Lowe  had  been  an  associate  judge, 
and  was  later  the  first  clerk  of  Monroe  County,  and  for  six  years  post- 
master at  Bloomington.  He  died  in  1840,  aged  73.  Robert  Mclntire 
had  been  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  later  served  in  the  legislature.  Gen. 
Samuel  Milroy  was  born  in  Mifflin  County  Pennsylvania,  August  14, 
1780,  and  is  said  to  have  been  a  lineal  descendant  of  Robert  Bruce.  He 
removed  to  Kentucky  in  1806,  and  to  Indiana  in  1814.  He  was  a  popu- 
lar militia  officer  being  appointed  ilajor  in  1816,  Colonel  in  1817,  and 
Brigadier  General  in  1819.  He  was  prominent  in  politics  for  years 
afterwards,  serving  in  the  legislature  repeatedly,  and  distinguishing 
himself  by  the  unusual  record  of  opposing  the  State's  borrowing  $10,- 
000,000  for  internal  improvements.  President  Jackson  appointed  him 
a  visitor  to  West  Point,  and  he  was  for  some  time  Register  of  the  Land 
Office  at  Crawfordsville,  but  Jackson  removed  him  for  criticising  his 
veto  of  the  Wabash  improvement  bill.  Milroy  removed  to  Carroll 
County  in  1826.  He  secured  the  passage  of  the  act  for  the  organization 
of  the  county,  and  gave  the  name  of  Delphi  to  the  county  seat.  He  was 
the  father  of  Major  General  Robert  H.  Milroy,  of  Civil  War  fame,  and 
of  Major  John  B.  Milroy. 

It  was  natural  that  Knox  County  should  send  a  strong  delegation. 
It  was  the  seat  of  the  oldest  settlement,  and  Vincennes  had  long  been  the 
capital  and  metropolis  of  the  Territory.  John  Johnson  was  unquestion- 
ably the  leader  of  the  delegation  in  the  convention.    He  was  a  Virginian 


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INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  301 

and  was  probably  the  best  lawyer  in  the  Territory.  If  any  of  the  other 
delegates  from  Knox  could  have  contested  intellectual  superiority  with 
him,  it  was  Benjamin  Parke,  but  he  was  a  younger  man,  and  recognized 
Johnson's  seniority.  Parke  was  born  in  New  Jersey,  in  1777,  and  went 
to  Lexington,  Kentucky,  at  the  age  of  twenty.  Here  he  read  law  in 
the  office  of  James  Brown,  later  Minister  to  France.  He  married  Eliza 
Barton,  and  in  1801  they  removed  to  Vincennes.  He  formed  a  warm 
friendship  with  Governor  Harrison,  who  appointed  him  Attorney  Gen- 
eral. He  was  elected  to  the  first  Territorial  Legislature,  and  twice  to 
Congress.  In  1808  President  Jefferson  made  him  a  Territorial  Judge, 
and  he  held  that  position  until  Indiana  became  a  state.  A  third  mem- 
ber was  John  Badollet,  a  Swiss  friend  of  Albert  Gallatin.  The  tradition 
is  that  the  two  wanted  to  come  to  America,  but  had  only  enough  money 
between  them  for  one  fare.  They  drew  lots  and  it  fell  to  Gallatin  to 
come  first.  He  prospered  in  the  new  world,  and  sent  back  money  to 
help  Badollet  over.  As  a  member  of  Jefferson's  cabinet,  Gallatin  se- 
cured for  him  the  position  of  Register  of  the  Land  Office  at  Vincennes, 
which  opened  January  1,  1805.  Harrison  made  him  Chancellor  of  the 
Territorial  Court  of  Chancery,  but  he  resigned  this  position  after  a  few 
months.  Judge  William  Polke  served  the  public  in  various  capacities 
at  various  times  and  always  well.  At  this  time  he  was  best  known  as 
Harrison's  chief  of  seouts  in  the  Tippecanoe  expedition.  Col.  John 
Benefiel,  the  fifth  member  of  the  Knox  County  delegation,  as  has  been 
mentioned,  was  the  only  anti-slavery  member  of  it,  and  the  only  one 
irom  outside  of  Vincennes.  He  was  one  of  the  pioneers  of  the  Busseron 
settlement,  in  the  vicinity  of  Carlisle,  which  at  that  time  was  included 
iu  Kuox  County. 

Gibson  County  had  four  delegates,  of  whom  Major  David  Robb  was 
the  most  influential.  He  was  born  in  Ireland,  July  12,  1771.  His  father 
emigrated  to  America,  and  settled  in  Kentucky.  From  there  David 
came  to  Indiana,  in  1800,  and  located  near  the  present  town  of  Hazel- 
ton.  He  had  served  as  justice  of  the  peace,  surveyor,  and  President  of 
the  Legislative  Council.  He  was  a  captain  at  Tippecanoe,  and  a  per- 
sonal friend  of  Harrison.  He  was  a  slave-holder,  having  purchased  two 
slaves  at  the  sale  of  Captain  Warrick's  estate,  and  having  also  two  in- 
dentured servants  of  his  own.  JIajor  James  Smith  of  this  delegation 
was  a  Virginian,  who  served  as  aide-de-camp  to  Harrison  at  Tippecanoe, 
and  took  command  of  Warrick 's  company  when  that  officer  fell  mortally 
wounded.  He  was  for  years  a  school  commissioner,  and  also  served 
as  county  surveyor.  A  third  member  was  Alexander  Devin,  a  Baptist 
minister,  who  came  to  Indiana  from  Warren  County,  Kentucky,  in  1810. 
His  son,  Joseph,  married  a  daughter  of  Major  Robb.    The  fourth  mem- 


302  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

ber  was  Frederick  (Reichart)   Rapp,  the  adopted  son  of  George  Rapp, 
the  founder  of  New  Harmony. 

Posey  County  had  one  delegate,  Dan  Lynn.  He  operated  the  Dia- 
mond Island  Ferry,  twelve  miles  above  Mount  Vernon,  at  the  present 
site  of  West  Franklin.  He  had  served  as  justice  of  the  peace  and  asso- 
ciate judge,  and  was  later  a  member  of  the  Legislature.  The  one  repre- 
sentative of  Warrick  County  was  Daniel  Grass.  He  entered  the  land 
on  which  Roekport  now  stands,  in  1807,  and  settled  there.  In  1808  he 
was  made  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  in  1814  an  associate  judge.  He 
was  elected  representative  and  senator  several  times  after  the  admis- 
sion of  the  state.  Perry  County  also  had  one  delegate,  Charles  Polke. 
He  was  a  Baptist  minister,  who  has  been  heretofore  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  the  Maria  Creek  Church.  He  was  the  father  of  William 
Polke,  the  delegate  from  Knox  Countj'. 

The  convention  organized  by  electing  Jonathan  Jennings  President 
and  William  Hendricks  Secretary.  William  Hendricks  was  a  man  who 
would  have  become  prominent  anywhere.  He  was  born  at  Ligonier, 
Pennsylvania,  of  Huguenot  ancestors,  who  had  settled  among  the  Ger- 
mans of  the  Ligonier  Valley.  His  father,  Abraham  Hendricks,  repre- 
sented the  county  for  four  terms  in  the  Pennsylvania  Legislature. 
William  was  educated  at  Jefferson  College,  at  Cannonsburg — later 
united  with  Washington,  as  Washington  and  Jefferson — where  he  was 
a  classmate  of  Andrew  Wylie,  afterwards  President  of  Indiana  Uni- 
versity. After  reaching  manhood  he  came  west  and  located  at  Cin- 
cinnati, where  he  studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  In  1814  he 
removed  to  iladison,  Indiana,  where  he  located  permanently.  He  brought 
with  him  a  printing  press,  and  established  the  second  paper  in  the  Terri- 
tor.y,  known  as  The  Western  Eagle.  He  was  received  with  open  arms 
by  the  Jennings  party,  whose  members  had  no  love  for  Elihu  Stout,  of 
the  Vincennes  Sun.  They  nominated  and  elected  him  to  the  Legislature 
in  1814,  and  took  the  public  printing  away  from  Stout,  and  gave  it  to 
the  Eagle.  This  was  the  cause  of  the  meager  and  belated  notices  of 
public  affairs  in  the  Sun  after  that  time,  which  has  been  commented  on 
by  some  students  of  our  history.  It  was  soon  found  that  Hendricks 
had  rare  political  sagacity,  and  he  took  rank  as  one  of  the  partj^  leaders. 
He  married  a  daughter  of  Col.  John  Paul,  the  founder  of  Madison,  a 
connection  which  added  materially  to  his  influence  in  the  Territory. 

The  fir.st  question  that  the  convention  was  to  decide,  under  the 
enabling  act,  was  whether  it  was  expedient  for  it  to  form  a  constitu- 
tion. The  determination  to  form  one  wa.s  so  manifest  that  the  leaders 
of  the  Harrison  party  wisely  decided  to  make  no  serious  issue  on  it,  and 
so,  by  a  vote  of  33  to  8,  the  eonventio'"  resolved  "to  launch  our  political 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  '      303 

vessel  of  state,"  as  the  Western  Sun  expressed  it.  The  formation  of 
the  constitution  was  not  a  really  great  task.  There  were  few  questions 
on  which  there  was  any  material  difference  of  opinion,  and  on  these 
the  majorities  were  usually  overwhelming:.  It  is  plainly  apparent  that 
the  members  had  before  them  the  constitutions  of  Virginia,  Ohio  and 
Kentucky,  for  most  of  tlie  constitution  adopted  was  taken  from  these 
three  sources.  Virginia  furnished  the  bill  of  rights,  and  Ohio  and  Ken- 
tucky the  remainder,  except  the  provisions  for  schools  and  amendments ; 
so  that  there  is  some  justice  in  the  statement  of  Mr.  Dillon:  "In  the 
clearness  and  conciseness  of  its  style — in  the  comprehensive  and  just 
provisions  which  it  made  for  the  maintenance  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty — in  its  mandates,  which  were  designed  to  protect  the  rights  of 
the  people,  collectively  and  individually,  and  to  provide  for  the  public 
welfare — the  Constitution  that  was  formed  for  Indiana,  in  1816,  was  not 
inferior  to  any  of  the  State  Constitutions  which  were  in  existence  at 
that  time."  Incidentally  this  explains  why  the  convention  was  in  ses- 
sion for  only  seventeen  days. 

The  nearest  approach  to  a  party  vote  was  on  the  slavery  proviso  of 
the  amendment  section.  As  originally  reported  this  section  only  pro- 
vided for  a  vote  by  the  people  every  twelfth  year,  and  for  the  Legisla- 
ture calling  an  election  for  a  convention  if  the  vote  favored  it.  In  com- 
mittee of  the  whole  house,  this  was  amended  by  adding:  "and  which 
convention,  when  met,  shall  have  it  in  their  power  to  revise,  amend,  or 
change  the  constitution.  But,  as  the  holding  any  part  of  the  human 
Creation  in  slavery,  or  involuntary  servitude,  can  only  originate  in 
usurpation  and  tyranny,  no  alteration  of  this  constitution  shall  ever 
take  place  so  as  to  introduce  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude  in  this 
State,  otherwise  than  for  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party 
shall  have  been  duly  convicted."  On  June  20,  Johnson  moved  to  strike 
out  these  words,  and  substitute  these:  "But  as  the  holding  any  part 
of  the  human  family  in  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude,  can  only  origi- 
nate in  usurpation  and  tyranny,  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  convention 
that  no  alteration  of  this  Constitution  ought  ever  to  take  place,  so  as 
to  introduce  slavery  or  involuntary  servitude  in  this  State,  otherwise 
than  for  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  has  been  duly 
convicted."  This  was  an  ingenious  presentation  of  two  questions,  1, 
authorizing  a  convention  to  change  the  constitution  without  a  vote  of 
the  people,  and  2,  prohibiting  any  change  in  one  particular.  The  first 
question  was  not  difficult.  Most  of  the  constitutions  then  in  existence 
had  been  adopted  without  submission  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  and  the 
enabling  act  authorized  this  convention  to  adopt  a  constitution.  They 
were  going  to  adopt  a   constitution   without  submission  to  the  people. 


304  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

They  were  the  chosen  representatives  of  the  people.  Why  ask  anything 
more  of  a  future  body  of  similar  representatives?  But  as  to  the  second 
question,  a  committee  had  already  reported  a  provision  that  the  people 
"have  at  all  times  an  unalienable  and  indefeasible  right  to  alter  or 
reform  their  Government  in  such  manner  as  they  may  think  proper." 
If  this  were  true,  they  could  not  bind  a  future  convention  as  to  slavery 
or  any  other  subject.  True,  the  mere  expression  of  an  opinion  in  a 
constitution  had  no  force,  but  there  was  a  precedent  for  it  in  the  pro- 
vision of  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  that  "no  law  ought  ever  to  be  made, 
or  have  force  in  the  said  territory,  that  shall,  in  any  manner  whatever, 
interfere  with  or  affect  private  contracts."  On  the  other  hand,  the 
legislature  of  1815  had  specially  asked  Congress  for  a  prohibition  of 
slavery,  and  the  enabling  act  expressly  provided  that  the  new  consti- 
tution should  not  be  repugnant  to  the  articles  of  the  Ordinance  "which 
are  declared  to  be  irrevocable;"  and  among  these  was  the  provision  that 
there  "shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  sei'vitude  in  the  said 
territory,  otherwise  than  iu  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party 
shall  have  been  duly  convicted."  If  they  meant  to  keep  this  compact, 
why  not  say  so?  Practically  it  was  a  question  whether  the  delegates 
favored  putting  every  possible  bar  in  the  way  of  admitting  slavery. 
Those  who  voted  for  Johnson's  amendment  were:  BadoUet,  Dill,  Devin, 
Johnson,  Lane,  Lemon,  Lynn,  Polke  (of  Knox),  Parke,  Rapp,  Robb, 
Smith  and  Scott.  The  remaining  meml>ers  voted  against  the  amend- 
ment, with  the  exception  of  Daniel  Grass,  who  had  been  given  leave  of 
absence  on  the  19th,  on  account  of  illness,  and  did  not  return.  The 
vote  therefore  stood  13  to  29 ;  and  even  this  was  probably  due  to  Lane, 
Lemon  and  Scott,  acting  on  the  theory  that  they  should  not  attempt 
to  bind  a  subsequent  convention. 

Johnson  next  moved  to  strike  out  the  provision  that  a  subsequent 
convention  could  revise  the  constitution  without  submission  to  the  peo- 
ple, leaving  the  slavery  clause  as  it  stood.  On  this  Floyd,  Graham 
(of  Clark)  and  Jennings  joined  the  thirteen  who  had  voted  for  the 
original  amendment.  Then  Johnson  moved  to  strike  out  the  words  "or 
invohnitary  servitude,"  and  this  was  negatived  without  division.  It  is 
to  be  noted  that  on  these  questions  William  Polke  voted  on  one  side  and 
his  father  on  the  other,  although  both  were  members  of  the  Maria  Creek 
Church,  with  its  anti-slavery  article.  The  probable  explanation  is  that 
William  considered  himself  bound  by  the  known  sentiments  of  his  Knox 
County  constituents.  The  evident  purpose  of  Johnson's  last  amend- 
ment was  to  save  the  possibility  of  indentured  servants,  and  while  the 
convention  was  clearly  against  the  introduction  of  these  in  the  future, 
it  was  not  so  explicit  as  to  those  already  in  the  Territory.    The  provision 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


305 


for  the  exclusion  of  slavery,"'  as  originall.v  reported  read:  "There  shall 
be  neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  in  this  State,  otherwise 
than  for  the  punishment  of  crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been 
duly  convicted ;  nor  shall  any  male  person,  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty- 
one  years,  npr  female  person,  arrived  at  the  age  of  eighteen  j-ears,  be 
held  to  serve  any  person  as  a  servant  under  pretense  of  indenture  or  other- 
wise, unless  sTich  person  shall  enter  into  such  indenture  while  in  a  state 
of  perfect  freedom,  and  on  condition  of  a  bona  fide  consideration  received 
or  to  be  received  for  his  or  her  service,  except  as  before  excepted :  Nor 
shall  anv  indenture  of  any  negro,  or  mulatto,  hereafter  made  and  exe- 


Old  Capitol  Hotel 


cuted  out  of  the  bounds  of  this  State  be  of  any  validity  within  the  State; 
neither  shall  any  indenture  of  any  negro  or  mulatto,  hereafter  made 
within  the  State,  be  of  the  least  validity  except  in  the  case  of  appren- 
ticeships." In  committee  of  the  whole,  this  was  amended  to  read  as  it 
went  into  the  constitution :  ' '  There  shall  be  neither  slavery  nor  invol- 
untary servitude  in  this  State,  otherwise  than  for  the  punishment  of 
crimes,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted:  nor  shall  any 
indenture  of  any  negro,  or  mulatto,  hereafter  made  and  executed  out 
of  the  bounds  of  this  State,  be  of  any  validity  within  the  State."  The 
part  struck  out  refers  to  indentures  made  within  the  State,  which  were 
the  only  kind  provided  for  by  the  laws  of  the  Territory,  and,  further- 


II'  See.  7,  Art.  11. 

Vol.  1—2  0 


306  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

more,  the  provision  extends  only  to  future  indentures.  It  therefore 
appears  to  have  been  the  intention  of  the  convention  not  to  interfere  with 
existing  indentures  made  within  the  State,  but  to  let  the  servants  serve 
for  the  periods  for  which  they  were  bound.  This  was  the  construction 
adopted  in  practice.  The  census  of  1820  reported  190  slaves  in  Indiana. 
A  local  census  at  Vincennes  in  1830  showed  32  slaves  at  that  point.i^ 
The  national  census  of  1840  credits  three  slaves  to  Indiana.  However, 
the  Supreme  Court,  in  1820,  held  that  specific  performance  of  these  in- 
dentures could  not  be  enforced,  on  the  ground  of  "involuntary  servi- 
tude."    (Case  of  Mary  Clark,  1  Blackf.,  p.  122.) 

The  closest  contest  that  developed  in  the  convention  was  over  the 
eligibility  of  legislators  to  office.  In  1811,  Jennings  had  secured  an  act 
of  Congress  removing  the  property  qualifications  of  voters;  requiring 
sheriffs  to  hold  elections  as  provided  by  law ;  and  providing  that,  ' '  any 
person  holding,  or  who  may  hereafter  hold,  any  office  of  profit  from  the 
Governor  of  the  Indiana  Territory  (justices  of  the  peace  and  militia 
oifieers  excepted),  shall  be  ineligible  to,  and  disqualified  to  act  as  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Legislative  Council  or  House  of  Representatives  for  said  Ter- 
ritory." The  shoe  was  now  on  the  other  foot.  As  originally  reported, 
section  20,  of  Article  3,  was  an  ideal  civil  service  reform  measure,  read- 
ing: "No  person  holding  any  office  under  the  authority  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  or  of  this  State  or  Territory,  Militia  officers  ex- 
cepted, shall  be  eligible  to  a  seat  in  either  branch  of  the  General  Assembly, 
unless  he  resign  his  office,  previous  to  his  election ;  nor  shall  any  member 
of  either  branch  of  the  General  Assembly,  during  the  time  for  which  he  is 
elected,  be  eligible  to  any  office,  the  appointment  of  which  is  vested  in  the 
General  Assembly."  This  produced  some  consternation.  Under  the 
system  they  adopted  the  General  Assembly  elected  not  only  the  Treasurer, 
Auditor  and  Secretai-y  of  State,  but  also  the  Circuit  Judges.  It  was 
desirable  that  these  should  be  high  grade  men,  but  it  was  also  desirable 
that  the  first  General  Assembly  should  have  high  grade  men,  as  it  was 
to  frame  the  laws  under  which  the  new  State  was  to  begin  operation. 
On  June  26,  Mr.  Cotton  moved  to  amend  this  section  by  adding :  ' '  Pro- 
vided, That  nothing  in  this  Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to 
prevent  any  member  of  the  first  session  of  the  first  General  Assembly 
accepting  any  office  that  is  created  by  this  Constitution,  or  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States,  and  the  salaries  of  which  are  established." 
This  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  22  to  19,  all  of  the  lawyers  except  Scott 
voting  for  it.  Mr.  Fenis  then  moved  to  add  ju>stices  of  the  peace  to 
militia  officers  in  the  exemption  from  the  article.     This  was  defeated 


11  Cauthorn  's  Vincennes,  p.  23. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  307 

by  a  vote  of  14  to  25.  By  consent,  the  words  "or  Territory"  were  then 
struck  out,  so  that  it  would  not  apply  to  existing  appointments.  Mr. 
Smith  then  moved  to  strike  out  the  entire  section,  and  this  was  lost  by 
a  vote  of  9  to  28.  The  net  result  was  practically  to  nullify  the  section 
as  to  the  first  session. 

This  action  was  on  Jiuie  26,  and  that  day  appears  to  have  been  the 
time  of  adjusting  compromises.    One  of  them  was  a  much  vexed  question 
of  the  size  of  counties.     On  the  24th  the  committee  of  the  whole  had 
adopted  a  section  reading:     "No  new  county  shall  be  established  by 
the  General  Assembly,  which  shall  reduce  the  county  or  counties,  or  either 
of  them  from  which  it  shall  be  taken,  to  less  contents  than  four  hundred 
square  miles;  nor  shall  any  county  be  laid  off  of  less  contents."    This 
protected  the  existing  counties,  but  it  put  an  insuperable  ban-ier  in  the 
way  of  new  counties  which  were  especially  desired  by  various  towns  that 
aspired  to  be  county  seats,  especially  along  the  Ohio  River.     On  the 
26th  Mr.  Maxwell  moved  to  amend  this  by  adding:  "except  counties  bor- 
dering on  the  Ohio  and  Wabash  rivers,  and  in  such  other  parts  of  the 
State  as  may  be  naturally  circumscribed,  so  as  to  render  such  small 
county  or  counties  necessary."    Thereupon  Mr.  Smock  moved  to  strike 
the  section  out  entirely.    This  was  defeated  by  a  vote  of  26  to  14.     In 
the  afternoon  the  matter  was  settled  by  adopting  a  new  section  reading : 
"The  General  Assembly,  when  they  lay  off  any  new  county,  shall  not 
reduce  the  old  county  or  counties  from  which  the  same  shall  be  taken, 
to  a  less  content  than  four  himdred  square  miles."    It  may  excite  some 
surprise  that  five  of  the  thirteen  counties  represented  in  this  convention 
now  have  less  than  four  hundred  square  miles  of  area,  and  that  they 
suffered  this  reduction  under  this  constitutional  provision.    The  shortage 
in  Franklin,  Wayne  and  Jefferson  is  small,  and  may  be  due  to  uninten- 
tional error;  but  Switzerland  has  only  225  square  miles,  and  Dearborn 
only  207.    The  method  was  discovered  at  an  early  date.    In  1818  Ripley 
County  was  organized  of  lands  north  of  Switzerland  Comity.    In  1821, 
the  north  end  of  Switzerland  County  was  added  to  Ripley,  but  as  the 
General  Assembly  did  not  do  this  "when  they  lay  off  any  new  county," 
the  constitution  remained  intact.     The  amputation  of  Dearborn  did  not 
occur  until  1844,  when  that  county  had  a  scant  four  hundred  square 
miles.    By  counting  an  unusually  low  water  mark,  the  General  Assembly 
justified  itself  for  taking  Ohio  County  out  of  it.    Ohio  is  now  the  smallest 
county  in  the  State,  but  when  created  it  contained  only  a  fraction  of  one 
of  its  present  townships;  and  later  enough  was  taken  from  Dearborn 
to  bring  it  to  its  present  size.    There  was,  however,  no  objection  to  this 
from  the  county.    The  people  had  fallen  out  in  1836  over  the  rival  claims 
of  Lawrenceburg  and  Rising  Sun  for  the  county  seat,  and  the  legisla- 


308 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


ture,  with  strict  impartiality,  established  the  county  seat  at  Wiliuiugtoii. 
This  action  brought  reconciliation  of  the  rivals  on  the  basis  of  the  divi- 
sion above  described,  the  act  providing  that  Lawrenceburg  and  Rising 
Sun  should  be  the  county  seats  of  the  two  counties  respectively. 

On  this  same  June  26  it  was  determined  that  Corydon  should  be  the 
capital  of  the  State  until  1825 ;  and  thereby  hangs  a  tale.  On  the  morn- 
ing of  June  28,  as  recorded  in  the  convention  journal,  "The  President 
laid  before  the  convention  the  writing  obligatory  of  Davis  Floyd,  Esq., 
relative  to  his  propositions  on  the  subject  of  the  accommodations,  &c.,  of 
the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Indiana,  during  the  continuance  of  the  seat 
of  government  at  Corydon."     In  the  afternoon,  on  motion  of  Mr.  Dill. 


The  Governor's  Mansion,  Corydon 

the  convention  "Resolved,  That  it  be  recommended  to  the  General  As- 
sembly of  the  State  of  Indiana,  to  appropriate  the  money  voluntarily 
given  by  the  citizens  of  Harrison  County  to  the  State,  to  the  purchase 
of  books  for  a  librai-y  for  the  use  of  the  Legislature  and  other  officers  of 
government ;  and  that  the  said  General  Assembly  will,  from  time  to  time, 
make  such  other  appropriations  for  the  increase  of  said  library,  as  they 
may  deem  necessary."  Here  was  a  bright  prospect  for  a  State  Library 
from  the  generosity  of  Corydon — contemporaneous  with  the  temporary 
location  of  the  capital. 

This  dream  was  destined  to  fade  away.  When  the  legislature  arrived 
there  were  no  evidences  of  action  by  the  people  of  Corydon;  and  on 
November  1.5,  Senator  James  Beggs  offered  a  joint  resolution  for  a  com- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  309 

mittee  to  inquire  "what  contracts  or  engagements  have  been  made  by 
certain  individuals  to  provide  a  suitable  house  of  accommodation  for 
the  Governor  in  the  town  of  Corydon,  and  to  pay  certain  sums  for  certain 
purposes,   etc."     The   committee   was   appointed,   and   on   December   6 
reported  that  no  house  had  been  provided,  but  that  Mr.  Floyd  stated  to 
the  committee  that  he  had  given  an  obligation  to  provide  one,  but  it  had 
been  impossible  to  do  so;  Init  that  he  is  ready  to  give  up  the  building 
which  he  now  lives  in  for  that  purpose  at  any  time  when  demanded,  and 
pay  a  reasonable  sum  for  the  deticieney  till  completed,  or  he  will  keep 
possession  and  pay  an  equivalent  rent  for  the  whole  imtil  spring,  but 
no  obligation  can  be  found  by  your  committee.    They  also  reported  that 
they  had  "made  every-  inquiry  for  a  certain  bond  said  to  have  been  given 
by  certain  individuals  in  Harrison  County  for  the  sum  of  one  thousand 
dollars  payable  on  the  twenty-ninth  instant  for  the  use  of  the  state,  but 
cannot  get  any  information  where  it  is,  or  in  whose  hands  it  was  de- 
posited."    The  matter  drifted  over  to  the  next  legislature,  when,  on 
December  19  the  House  showed  its  teeth  by  adopting  a  resolution  for  a 
committee  "to  take  into  consideration  the  propriety  of  taking  the  sense  of 
the  people  of  this  State,  on  that  part  of  the  Constitution  which  fixes  the 
seat  of  Government  at  Corydon  until  the  year  1825,  with  leave  to  report 
by  bill  or  otherwise."     The  committee  reported  in  favor  of  submitting 
the  question  to  the  people,  and  the  report  was  considered  at  length,  but 
on  January   12,   1818,   it  was  indefinitely   postponed.     The  legislature 
contented  itself  instead  with  a  resolution  reciting  that  whereas  a  bond 
has  been  given  by  certain  citizens  of  the  County  of  Harrison  for  the 
payment  of  one  thousand  dollars,  which  had  been  lost  or  mislaid,  the 
Trea,surer  was  authorized  to  make  demand,  and  the  Auditor  to  bring  suit 
for  the  money. 

Seven  years  elapsed  before  the  next  scene,  opening  when,  on  January 
18,  1825,  'Sir.  Beckes,  of  Knox,  introduced  a  resolution  asking  the  Auditor, 
Treasurer  and  Secretary  of  State  to  attend  the  session  of  the  House  on 
the  24th  and  furnish  what  information  they  had  "relative  to  a  bond 
heretofore  given  to  the  Governor  for  the  use  of  the  State,  under  arrange- 
ment between  the  members  of  the  Convention  and  the  citizens  of  Corydon, 
at  the  formation  of  the  Constitution:  in  pursuance  of  which,  it  wa.s 
agreed  and  consequently  a  provision  inserted  in  said  Constitution,  fixing 
the  seat  of  government  at  Corydon,  until  the  year  1825;  also,  what  pro- 
ceedings have  been  taken  for  the  collection  of  said  bond,  and  that  accom- 
panying which  information  they  furnish  this  House  with  a  copy  of  said 
bond."  As  there  is  no  record  of  the  appearance  of  these  officials,  it  may 
be  that  the  gentleman  from  Knox  was  merely  making  a  record  for  his- 
torical purposes.    At  any  rate  this  is  the  last  appearance  of  Shylock  and 


310  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Corydon's  men  of  promise.  The  State  Library  was  inaugurated  a^t  this 
same  session,  with  a  modest  annual  appropriation  of  $50  and  a  salary 
of  $15  payable  quarterly  to  the  Librarian,  which  office  was  filled  by 
the  Secretary  of  State,  ex  officio.  It  may  be  added,  however,  that  in  1820, 
a  ' '  law  library ' '  for  the  use  of  the  State  officers  was  formed  at  Corydon, 
by  subscription,  which  was  later  removed  to  Indianapolis.  Possibly  this 
was  accepted  in  place  of  the  lost  bond,  but  nothing  appears  in  the  records 
on  the  subject. 

To  return  to  the  convention,  another  matter  settled  on  that  June  26 
was  the  salaries  of  State  officers,  the  Governor  being  allowed  $1,000,  the 
judges   of   the   Supreme   and    Circuit    courts   $800   each,    the   Auditor, 
Treasurer  and  Secretary  of  State  $400  each,  and  members  of  the  General 
Assembly  $2  per  day  and  8  cents  per  mile  for  actual  travel.    The  Harri- 
son leaders  made  a  record  for  economy  by  ottering  amendments  reducing 
the  Treasurer's  salary  to  three  hundred  dollars,  and  the  compensation 
of  legislators  to  a  dollar  a  day.     These  were  voted  down  by  large  ma- 
jorities ;  but  to  prevent  an  undue  accumulation  of  wealth  by  office-holders 
a  clause  was  adopted  providing  that,  ' '  No  persons  shall  hold  more  than 
one  lucrative  office  at  the  same  time,  except  as  in  this  constitution  is 
expressly  permitted."     Even  considering  the  greater  purchasing  power 
of  money  at  the  time,  it  must  be  conceded  that  the  convention  was  not 
extravagant.     The  total  expense  was  only  $3,076.21.     The  members  al- 
lowed themselves  $2  per  day  and  mileage,  and  the  most  princely  salaries 
allowed  were  $3.50  per  day  to  the  Secretary  and  his  two  assistants,  and, 
of  course  they  had  to  work  at  night,  as  they  had  to  write  everything 
in  long  hand.    While  the  convention's  work  was  not  strikingly  original 
in  most  respects,  it  was  progressive  for  the  time.     It  was  distinctly  to 
the  convention's  credit  that  it  abolished  imprisonment  for  debt.    Its  pro- 
visions for  education  were  wise  and  far-sighted,  both  in  its  provisions 
for  husbanding  the  resources  that  were  to  be  available  for  schools,  and 
in  its  provision  that,  "It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  General  Assembly,  as 
soon  as  circumstances  will  permit,  to  provide,  Ijy  law,   for  a  general 
system  of  education,  ascending  in  a  regular  gradation,  from  township 
schools  to  a  state  university,  wherein  tuition  shall  be  gratis,  and  equally 
open  to  all."    Of  the  same  character  was  its  provision  that  when  a  new 
county  should  be  laid  off,  ten  per  cent  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  lots 
in  the  seat  of  justice  should  be  appropriated  for  a  public  library,  and  a 
library  company  should  be  incorporated  to  care  for  it.     It  was  creditable 
that  the  convention  made  it  the  duty  of  the  General  Assembly  to  enact 
a  penal  code  "founded  on  the  principles  of  reformation,  and  not  of  vin- 
dictive Justice ;  and  also  to  provide  one  or  more  farms  to  be  an  asylum 
for  those  persons,  who  by  reason  of  age,  infirmity,  or  other  misfortune, 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  311 

may  have  a  claim  upon  the  aid  and  beneficence  of  society ;  on  such  prin- 
ciples, that  such  persons  may  therein  find  employment,  and  every  reason- 
able comfort,  and  lose,  by  their  usefulness,  the  degrading  sense  of  de- 
pendence. ' ' 

The  criticism  of  the  constitution  at  the  time  was  wholly  political,  and 
notably  weak.  It  was  charged  to  contain  provisions  ' '  contrary  to  every 
principle  of  true  republicanism,  and  subversive  of  the  rights  of  the 
people,"  and  this  was  done  to  "the  frenzy  and  intrigue  which  marked  the 
progress  of  the  measure  of  a  State  government  in  every  stage."  But 
when  it  came  to  specifications,  all  that  was  cited  was  keeping  the  capital 
at  Corydon,  and  depriving  the  people  of  the  right  of  changing  the 
constitution  oftener  than  once  in  twelve  yeare.  These  objections  met  with 
no  favor  except  from  those  who  were  seeking  something  to  complain  of. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  plainly  obvious,  the  only  sensible  thing  to  do  was  to 
let  the  capital  remain  where  it  was  for  the  time  being.  Everybody  knew 
that  ultimately  it  must  be  removed  farther  north,  to  a  central  point  in 
the  State.  But  at  that  time  the  Indian  title  had  been  extinguished  to 
only  about  one  ^hird  of  the  state,  at  the  southern  end.  Corydon  was  as 
central  a  point  of  the  inhabited  part  of  the  state  as  could  be  found ;  and, 
indeed,  in  1825,  when  the  capital  was  removed,  Corydon  was  much  nearer 
the  center  of  population  than  Indianapolis.  The  second  objection  was 
unfounded,  and  the  public  saw  this  so  clearly  that  it  was  quickly  dropped. 
The  provision  neither  prohibited  a  convention  oftener  than  once  in 
twelve  years,  nor  any  other  mode  of  amendment.  What  it  said  was  that, 
"Every  twelfth  year,  after  this  constitution  shall  have  taken  efl:'ect,  at  the 
general  election  held  for  Governor  there  shall  be  a  poll  opened,  in  which 
the  qualified  electors  of  the  State  shall  express,  by  vote,  whether  they 
are  in  favour  of  calling  a  convention,  or  not,  and  if  there  should  be  a 
majority  of  all  the  votes  given  at  such  election  in  favour  of  a  convention, 
the  Governor  shall  inform  the  next  General  Assembly  thereof,  whose  duty 
it  shall  be  to  provide,  by  law,  for  the  election  of  the  members  to  the 
convention,  tlie  number  thereof  and  the  time  and  place  of  meeting. "  This 
was  self-executing  and  compulsoiy.  Without  any  legislation,  and  with- 
out any  expression  of  desire  for  it,  the  expression  of  the  people  was  to 
be  taken  every  twelfth  year.  To  say  that  a  convention  could  not  be  held 
oftener  would  be  to  nullify  the  provision  of  the  bill  of  rights  that  the 
people  "have  at  all  times  an  unalienable  and  indefeasible  right  to  alter 
or  reform  tlieir  Government  in  such  manner  as  they  may  think  proper." 
At  that  time  the  American  people  believed  this,  and  meant  it  when  they 
said  so.  The  courts  had  not  yet  perpetrated  the  absurdity  of  applying 
the  doctrine  that  "the  expression  of  one  made  is  the  exclusion  of  an- 
other, "  to  a  public,  natural  and  indefeasible  right.    No  such  construction 


312 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


was  ever  given  to  this  section  by  anyone  in  authority,  and  if  it  had  been 
the  meaning  of  the  section,  our  present  constitution  would  be  a  nullity, 
for  it  was  not  adopted  in  that  way. 

The  nearest  approach  to  a  sane  objection  to  the  constitution  at  the 
time  was  a  criticism  of  limiting  the  terms  of  judges  to  seven  years,  the 
writer  holding  that  they  should  serve  during  good  behavior.  This  was 
sound,  but  the  mode  of  choosing  judges  was  intinitely  preferable  to  our 
present  system — the  Supreme  judges  being  appointed  by  the  Governor, 
with  the  consent  of  the  senate ;  and  the  Circuit  judges  being  elected  by  the 
legislature.  Comment  has  often  be^n  made  on  the  small  number  of 
officials  made  e'eetive  by  the  people,  in  this  constitution.    But  this  system. 


State  Offices,  .\t  Corydon 


which  is  what  is  now  commonly  called  "the  short  ballot,"  was  universal 
in  the  United  States  at  that  time,  and  its  evils  had  not  yet  developed. 
As  party  organization  came  into  use,  this  system  ottered  the  easiest  and 
most  effective  basis  for  the  construction  of  a  political  "machine"  that 
could  be  devised,  and  it  was  on  that  account  that  it  was  generally  aban- 
doned about  the  middle  of  the  last  century.  It  is  difficult  to  say  which  is 
the  more  absurd,  the  claim  of  advocates  of  the  "short  ballot"  that  their 
plan  is  new,  or  their  claim  that  it  would  prevent  machine  domination.  In 
Indiana  the  only  state  officers  elected  by  the  people  were  the  governor, 
lieutenant-governor,  and  the  legislators.  All  the  others  were  appointed 
or  elected  by  them,  and  chiefly  by'  the  legislature.  This  was  in  accord 
with  the  fundamental  American  idea  that  the  legislators  are  "the  repre- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  •  313 

sentatives  of  the   people";   and  the   Americans   of   that   time   actually 
believed  in  this  idea. 

Another  comment  that  has  been  made  on  this  convention  is  that  a 
large  percentage  of  the  members  subsequently  held  office,  which  has  been 
taken  as  evidence  that  they  were  "scheming  politicians."     This  charge 
was  made  at  the  time  by  the  Harrison  party.     In  the  assault  on  the 
convention  quoted  from  above,  it  is  said:  "The  p.ernicious  practices  that 
have  unfortunately  been  elsewhere  tolerated,  have,  I  am  told,  been  here 
introduced — I  have  heard  it  said  that  a  caucus,  composed  of  membei-s  of 
the  convention,  met  at  Corydon,  and  pledged  themselves  to  support  cer- 
tain men  for  certain  offices,  without  consulting  the  people  or  knowing 
their  wishes  or  opinion  on  the  subject;  and  I  am  told  some  of  these  men, 
whom   they   promised   to  support,    were   members   of   their   own   body. 
Should  this  have  been  the  case,  what  are  the  people  to  think  of  such  men  ? 
Such  conduct  would  be  a  treacherous  imposition  on  the  community,  and 
give  a  mortal  stab  to  our  civil  liberty— if  permitted  to  be  practiced  with   . 
impunity,  it  will  deprive  us  of  the  pillar  on  which  it  rests,  at  the  same 
time  producing  the  most  injurious  effects  to  the  happiness  and  freedom 
of  our  State.    Such  proceedings  here  can  only  proceed  from  a  political 
delirium,  and  must  not  be  practiced  among  us  with  success,  else,  if  it  be, 
artifice  of  sinister  knaves  will  render  it  habitual,  deprive  the  people  of  all 
opinion  of  their  own,  and  thus  undermine  our  dearest  and  best  rights. 
If  it  be  a  fact  that  our  members  intended  an  assemblage  so  illegal  and 
injurious,  they  should  be  exposed."    As  nobody  took  the  trouble  to  deny 
that  a  caucus  had  been  held,  it  is  very  probable  that  there  was  one.    At 
that  time  nominating  conventions  had  not  been  devised,  and  there  was 
no  way  to  get  harmonious  party  action  in  a  state  election  without  some 
kind  of  agreement  on  candidates.    Very  probably  it  was  agreed  that  Jen- 
nings should  be  the  candidate  for  Governor,  Hendricks  for  Congressman 
and  Noble  for  Senator.     These  three  men  unquestionably  constituted  a 
triumvirate  that  controlled  the  State  for  a  number  of  years  afterwards. 
But  the  offices  later  held  by  members  of  the  convention  were  almost 
wholly  elective  offices,  which  shows  that  the  majority  of  the  people  were 
with  them.     Somebody  must  occupy  the  offices,  and  it  is  hardly  feasible, 
in  a  republic,  to  let  the  minority  name  them. 

The  really  singular  thing  was  the  liberality  of  the  controlling  party 
to  the  minority.  The  advance  to  statehood  was  a  political  revolution. 
Prior  to  it,  most  of  the  appointing  power  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Gover- 
nor, and  while  Harrison  was  Governor  it  wa.s  exercised  almost  exclusively 
for  the  benefit  of  his  personal  and  political  friends.  He  expected  per- 
sonal loyaltv  from  them.  There  is  a  world  of  significance  in  the  entry 
of  :^Iay  4,  1805,  in  James  Lemen's  diary,  heretofore  quoted:  "At  our  last 


314  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

meeting,  as  I  expected  he  would  do,  Gov.  Harrison  asked  and  insisted  that 
I  should  cast  my  influence  for  the  introduction  of  slavery  here."  Why 
did  lie  expect  this?  He  knew  that  Harrison  favored  it,  and  Harrison 
had  appointed  him  a  justice  of  the  Quarter  Sessions  Court,  and  a  .judge  of 
the  Common  Pleas.  Lemen  refused,  and  he  was  not  thereafter  appointed 
to  anything.  The  members  of  the  Harrison  party  in  the  convention  had 
received  appointments  .from  him,  but  of  the  others  there  were  seventeen 
who  had  never  held  an  appointive  office  of  any  kind,  and  sixteen  others 
who  had  been  only  justices  of  the  peace  or  associate  judges,  and  these 
were  not  considered  remunerative  offices.  And  now  this  ostracised  class 
was  in  control,  and  the  people  of  the  State  were  back  of  them.  What  was 
their  course  ?  John  Johnson,  the  Harrison  leader  in  the  convention,  was 
appointed  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  by  Jennings,  and  confirmed  by 
a  senate  of  Jenning's  politics.  Waller  Taylor,  one  of  the  foremost  Harri- 
son leaders  in  the  Territory,  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate, 
with  James  Noble.  Benjamin  Parke,  who  was  one  of  Harrison's  closest 
friends,  and  who  had  been  constantly  in  office  since  1803,  as  Attorney 
General,  Congressman,  and  Territorial  Judge,  was  made  U.  S.  District 
Judge  by  President  Madison.  Of  course  this  last  may  have  been  a  per- 
sonal matter  of  Madison's,  but  it  is  hardly  probable  that  the  appointment 
would  have  been  made  if  Hendricks  and  Noble  had  opposed  it.  Aside 
from  the  Parke  appointment,  it  is  certain  that  a  few  years  later  no 
political  party  would  have  given  two  of  the  most  important  offices  within 
its  control  to  political  opponents.  This  action  must  be  attributed  to  the 
conciliatory  policy  of  Jennings,  for  Waller  Taylor  had  gone  out  of  his 
way  to  insult  Jennings,  and  to  try  to  provoke  him  to  a  duel,  in  1809. 

There  were  some  minor  matters  in  which  less  generosity  was  exer- 
cised. The  convention  had  its  printing  done  by  Mann  Butler,  the  Ken- 
tucky historian,  who  was  then  publishing  The  Correspondent,  at  Louis- 
ville. This  was  bitterly  resented  by  Elihu  Stout,  of  the  Vincennes  Sun, 
who  complained  of  sending  the  work  out  of  the  Territory.  However  he 
had  little  ground  for  complaint.  Louisville  was  the  closest  point  at 
which  the  work  could  be  satisfactorily  done,  and  it  would  have  seriously 
incommoded  the  convention  to  have  had  its  printing  done  at  Vincennes, 
with  the  facilities  for  transportation  then  existing.  There  was  more 
ominous  action  for  Vincennes  in  the  proceedings  relating  to  the  State 
seminary.  Jennings  had  secured  very  favorable  terms  from  Congress  as 
to  land  gi'ants.  The  donations  offered,  and  of  course  accepted,  were,  1, 
section  16  in  each  township  for  the  support  of  public  schools;  2,  all  of 
the  salt  springs  "and  the  lands  resen'ed  for  the  use  of  the  same,  not 
exceeding  thirty-six  sections,"  for  the  use  of  the  people  of  the  state;  3, 
five  per  cent,  of  the  net  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  public  lands  in  the 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  315 

State,  for  roads  and  cauals,  of  which  three-fifths  was  to  be  expended 
under  direction  of  the  legislature,  and  two-fifths  under  the  direction  of 
Congress;  4,  one  entire  township  for  "the  use  of  a  seminary  of  learning," 
which  was  ' '  in  addition  to  the  one  heretofore  reserved  for  that  purpose ' ' ; 
and  3,  four  sections  for  the  location  of  a  seat  of  government.  On  June 
19,  the  convention  appointed  Jonathan  Lindley,  Benjamin  Parke,  and 
James  Noble  a  committee  to  select  the  seminary  and  saline  lands,  Parke 
and  Noble  being  members  of  the  convention.  Jonathan  Lindley  was  a 
splendid  selection  for  this  purpose.  He  was  a  Quaker  who  had  settled 
near  Paoli  in  1811.  David  Thomas,  who  traveled  through  Indiana  in 
1816,  and  who  had  a  letter  of  introduction  to  Lindley,  says  of  him  :  "This 
distinguished  Friend  removed  from  North  Carolina  about  five  years  ago ; 
and  with  a  few  others  fixed  his  abode  in  the  wilderness.  During  the 
late  war,  this  little  community  formed  the  frontier;  but  its  members 
appear  not  to  have  suffered  either  from  fear  or  injury.  He  has  fre- 
quently explored  the  lands  beyond  the  borders  of  the  settlement  in  the 
time  of  that  commotion,  and  never  considered  either  himself  or  his  com- 
panions in  danger.  Indeed  there  was  small  cause.  No  instance  of  Indian 
hostility  towards  this  society  is  known ;  so  firm  and  inviolate  has  been  the 
peace  which  the  ancestors  of  these  savages  established  with  William  Penn, 
and  so  faithfully  is  the  memory  of  his  virtues  transmitted  from  sire 
to  son."  12  The  appointment  of  this  commission  was  a  preliminary  to 
the  establishment  of  a  State  University  in  place  of  Vineennes  University, 
but  the  constitution  provided  that  none  of  the  school  lands  should  be  sold 
before  1820. 

On  ilarch  26,  1804,  Congress  had  granted  a  township  to  Indiana 
Territory  for  a  "seminary  of  learning."  On  October  10,  1806,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  designated  a  township  in  Gibson  County  for 
this  purpose ;  and  on  November  29,  of  the  same  year  the  Indiana  legis- 
lature incorporated  The  Board  of  Trustees  for  the  Vineennes  University, 
appointing  the  Board  and  making  them  trustees  for  this  land  grant,  with 
authority  to  sell  not  to  exceed  4,000  acres  of  it.  The  Board  sold  the  4,000 
acres,  erected  a  brick  building,  and  opened  a  school  in  1810.  On  April 
27,  1816,  Congress  added  its  sanction  to  the  proceedings  thus  far  by  an 
act  confirming  the  titles  of  those  who  had  purchased  from  the  Board. 
In  1817  and  1818  the  Board  petitioned  Congress  for  authority  to  sell 
the  remainder  of  the  land  as  the  school  was  in  need  of  funds,  and  the 
timber  was  being  stolen.  The  Senate  Committee  on  Public  Lands,  with- 
out any  suggestion  that  the  land  was  under  State  control,  refused  the 
petition  on  the  gi-ound  that  the  State  was  not  sufficiently  populated  "to 


:  Ind.  Hist.  Coll.  Indiana  as  Seen  by  Early  Travelers,  p.  54. 


316  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

keep  ill  respectable  standing  an  institution  such  as  is  contemplated,  even 
after,  by  anticipation  of  its  fund,  it  had  been  forced  into  a  premature 
existence."     (Am.  State  Papers,  Pub.  Lands,  Vol.  3,  p.  302.) 

In  1820,  as  soon  as  the  constitution  allowed  the  sale  of  lands,  the 
legislature  established  a  Board  of  Trustees  for  a  State  Seminary,  at 
Bloomington.    At  the  same  time  a  joint  resolution  was  adopted  appoint- 


Samuel  Judah 
(Fi'om  a  portrait) 

ing  an  agent  to  take  charge  of  the  Gibson  County  lands,  rent  them  for 
terms  of  not  more  than  two  years,  and  collect  ''all  arrears  of  rent  that 
may  be  due  to  said  State."  In  1822,  the  legislature  created  a  commission 
to  sell  the  Gibson  County  lands,  pay  the  proceeds  into  the  State  treasury 
as  a  fund  for  the  benetit  of  the  State  Seminary,  and  also  to  execute 
deeds  for  the  lands  sold  liy  the  Trustees  of  Vincennes  University  for 
which  deeds  had  not  been  given,  thus  recognizing  it  as  the  original  bene- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  317 

fieiary.  After  this  blow  Viiiceniies  University  suspended  operations, 
and  in  1824,  on  representation  to  the  legislature  that  "the  building  is 
rapidly  decaying  for  want  of  funds  to  repair  the  same,"  a  law  was  passed 
adopting  Vineennes  University  as  Knox  County  Seminary,  under  the 
school  system  then  in  vogue,  giving  it  the  revenues  appertaining  to  a 
county  seminary,  but  to  be  "under  the  direction  and  control  of  the  Board 
of  Trustees  of  said  university."  This  last  provision  was  repealed  at  the 
next  session,  and  the  university  became  a  seminary  under  the  general  law 
of  the  State.  For  a  decade  it  ran  along  in  this  condition  until  Samuel 
Judah  appeared  on  the  scene.  He  was  one  of  the  longest-headed  lawyers 
and  politicians  in  Indiana,  and  he  recognized  in  this  another  Dartmouth 
College  case.  His  first  step  was  to  introduce  in  the  legislature  of  1838 
a  bill  reciting  that  whereas  it  is  "reported  that  from  neglect  to  supply 
the  vacancies  occasioned  by  death  or  removal  from  the  state,  in  the 
Board  of  Trustees  of  s'aid  university,  it  is  now  doubted  whether  a  lawful 
board  of  trustees  can  be  assembled,"  therefore  the  persons  named  are 
appointed  trustees,  with  all  the  rights  and  powers,  etc.  It  was  a  very 
simple  little  bill  for  legalization,  such  as  the  legislature  frequently  passed, 
and  so  it  became  a  law,  nobody  dreaming  what  it  would  cost  the  State. 
So  the  phoenix  arose  from  its  ashes,  and  Knox  County  Seminary  again 
bloomed  forth  as  Vineennes  University,  with  all  of  its  original  territorial 
rights,  as  expressly  preserved  by  the  12th  article  of  the  constitution. 
True  the  act  provided  that  "nothing  in  this  act  shall  be  so  constnied 
as  to  give  the  trustees  any  right  to  or  power  over  the  college  township 
in  Gibson  County,"  but  nobody  was  asking  to  be  given  any  right  of  that 
kind.  All  the  trustees  wanted  was  the  revival  of  the  University,  whose 
rights  were  guaranteed  by  the  constitution. 

The  next  move  was  the  presentation  to  the  legislature  of  1843  of  a 
petition  reciting  the  facts,  stating  that  the  sales  of  the  Gibson  County 
lands  were  illegal,  but  that  the  Trustees  "do  not  desire  to  disturb  or  dis- 
quiet the  titles  of  a  numerous  body  of  citizens  to  a  large  and  valuable 
tract  of  country.  They  only  desire  justice,  and  would  rather  receive  a 
compensation  from  the  State  than  by  a  resort  to  a  legal  proceedings 
regain  the  lands  from  the  purchasers."  This  was  ignored,  and  thereupon 
suits  for  the  lands  were  instituted  in  Gibson  Comity.  Then  arose  a 
chorus  of  indignation  from  the  purchasers  of  the  land  that  reconciled 
the  legislature  of  1846  to  assuming  the  responsibility  for  the  State,  and 
authorizing  the  Trustees  to  bring  an  action  in  chancery  in  the  I\Iarion 
Circuit  Court  to  settle  the  question.  The  Circuit  Court  decided  for  the 
Trustees,  and  the  State  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court,  which  reversed 
the  decision.  Then  the  Trustees  took  the  case  to  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  United  States  on  writ  of  error,  and  that  tribunal  affirmed  the  decision 


318  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

of  the  Marion  Circuit  Court.  Chief  Justice  Taney  and  two  of  the  asso- 
ciate justices  dissented  from  the  decision  on  two  grounds :  first,  that  the 
Territorial  legislature  had  no  power  to  designate  the  beneficiai-y ;  and 
second,  that  the  words  of  the  grant  in  the  enabling  act  made  it  a  grant 
of  two  sections  for  one  seminary.  The  first  ground  is  untenable.  It 
would  be  absurd  to  make  a  gi-ant  to  a  territory  for  a  seminary  if  the 
territory  could  not  designate  a  seminary  to  receive  it;  and  furthermore, 
if  there  had  been  any  question  of  territorial  power.  Congress  had  sanc- 
tioned the  action  of  the  legislature  by  its  act  of  1816  ratifying  the  sales 
by  the  Board  of  Trustees.  In  support  of  the  second  proposition  Taney 
argued  that  in  no  other  instance  had  Congress  undertaken  to  endow  two 
seminaries,  but  that  both  donations  had  gone  to  one  institution.  This  is 
historically  true ;  but  he  overlooked  the  obvious  fact  that  in  all  other 
cases  both  donations  had  gone  to  the  original  beneficiary.  The  words  of 
the  grant — ' '  That  one  entire  township,  which  shall  be  designated  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  addition  to  the  one  heretofore  reserved 
for  that  purpose,  shall  be  reserved  for  the  use  of  a  seminarj'  of  learning, 
and  vested  in  the  legislature  of  the  said  State,  to  be  appropriated  solely 
to  the  use  of  such  seminary  by  the  said  legislature" — could  just  as 
properly  be  construed  to  mean  that  Congress  intended  both  townships  for 
Vineennes  University;  and  if  the  Chief  Justice  had  followed  his  argu- 
ment to  its  legitimate  conclusion  he  would  have  so  held.  The  majority 
decision  makes  the  grant  read  of  one  entire  township  for  a  seminary  of 
learning  "in  addition  to  the  one  heretofore  reserved  for  that  purpose  to 
another  seminary." 

Under  an  act  of  February  13,  1855,  Mr.  Judah  settled  with  the  State, 
accepting  its  bonds  for  $66,585  and  leaving  2,200  acres  of  land  that  had 
not  yet  been  sold  to  be  accounted  for.  Of  this  amount  he  retained 
$26,728.23  for  fees  and  expenses,  and  turned  the  remainder  over  to  the 
Board.  The  Board  sued  him  for  an  accounting,  and,  among  other  things, 
Judah  answered  that  he  had  used  $4,500  "in  procuring  the  passage  of  the 
act  of  1855";  whereupon  the  Trustees  replied  that  he  had  "fraudulently 
and  corruptly  expended  such  sums  in  hiring  pei'sons  to  aid  him  in  in- 
fluencing members  of  the  legislature  and  in  bribing  members  to  procure 
the  passage  of  said  act. ' '  But  the  court  found  for  Judah  for  the  amount 
he  claimed.  Forty  years  slipped  away,  and  in  1895  the  Trustees  of  the 
University  bobbed  up  with  a  supplemental  claim  for  the  2,200  acres  of 
land  that  had  not  been  sold  in  1855.  In  the  meantime  the  State  had 
sold  practically  all  of  it  for  a  total  of  $1,547.30,  it  being  swampy  and 
undesirable.  The  legislature  appropriated  $15,000  more  "in  full  settle- 
ment of  all  claims  against  the  State";  and  the  Trustees  accepted  it  by 
formal  resolution.    But  this  opened  the  eyes  of  a  new  bmich  of  lawyers 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


319 


to  the  enormity  of  the  wrong  done  to  Vineennes  University.  In  the  Su- 
preme Court  decision  of  1852  i*  the  court,  in  commenting  on  early  dona- 
tions to  Indiana  and  other  states,  said  that  "if  these  reservations  had  been 
judiciously  managed,  they  would  have  realized  a  fund  at  this  time  of  at 
least  $200,000  each."    Plainly,  here  was  the  correct  measure  of  damages, 


t  ► 


n 


Present  Vincennes  University 


judicially  found  by  the  highest  court  of  the  land.  Up  to  this  time  the 
State  had  paid  Vincennes  University  $81,585  for  lands  that  it  had  sold 
for  $16,598.66,  the  difference  being  for  interest  allowed.  But  if  the 
State  had  wrongfully  taken  the  lands,  as  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  had  decided,  it  was  morally  liable  for  the  wrong  done,  and 
not  for  the  benefit  it  had  received,  and  the  State  had  authorized  a  settle- 
ment on  an  equitable  basis.     Moreover,  the  State  had  been  fully  reim- 


13  14  Howard,  p.  268. 


320  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

bursed  by  the  acts  of  Con^-ess  of  July  12,  1852,  and  February  23,  1854, 
by  which  it  was  granted  23,206  acres  to  indemnify  it  against  loss  of  the 
Gibson  County  lands;  and  it  had  sold  these  new  lands  for  $80,000  and 
turned  the  proceeds  over  to  Indiana  University.  Manifestly  justice 
needed  to  be  warmed  over. 

Accordingly  the  matter  was  brought  before  the  legislature  of  1899, 
which  passed  a  bill  for  the  issue  of  $120,000  of  bonds  to  Vineennes  Uni- 
versity in  one  more  full  and  final  settlement  of  the  claim.  Gov.  ]Mount 
vetoed  the  bill,  on  the  ground  that  the  finals  had  been  played,  but  recom- 
mended that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  report  to  the  next  session 
"whether  or  not  there  is  anything  due  Vineennes  University  by  reason 
of  the  sale  of  these  lands,"  referring  to  the  lands  unsold  in  1855.  The 
Senate  then  appointed  a  committee  of  three  hold-over  senators,  N.  L. 
Agnew,  Eph.  Inman  and  Geo.  C.  IMiller,  to  investigate  the  entire  matter 
and  report  to  the  next  ses.sion.  This  committee  reported  a  finding  of 
facts,  with  this  conclusion :  ' '  The  compensation  rendered  by  the  State 
to  the  University  was  evidently  very  inadequate  to  repair  the  wrong  done, 
while  the  State  on  the  other  hand  has  not  retained  any  of  the  fruits  of 
the  wrongful  act  so  far  as  we  can  determine.  We  submit  upon  the  fore- 
going statement  of  facts  there  is  no  legal  claim  against  the  State  in  favor 
of  the  Vineennes  University.  As  to  whether  the  State  should  recognize 
an  equitable  or  moral  responsibility  for  the  wrong  inflicted  by  the  State 
upon  the  University,  we  leave  to  the  judgment  of  the  Senate."  This 
brought  the  cjuestion  into  the  political  arena ;  for  it  was  plainly  a  ques- 
tion for  the  people  whether  the  State  should  stand  on  legal  technicalities, 
or  do  what  its  own  representatives  had  found  to  be  "equitable  and 
moral"  in  dealing  with  a  public  educational  institution.  The  claim  was 
urged  on  the  legislatures  of  1901  and  1903,  and  the  latter  determined  on 
a  new  investigation.  The  judicial  and  legislative  departments  had  in- 
vestigated the  claim,  and  all  that  was  left  was  the  executive  department. 
Therefore  a  concurrent  resolution  was  adopted  making  the  Governor, 
Secretary,  Auditor  and  Treasurer  of  State  a  committee  to  investigate 
and  report  "on  just  and  ecjuitable  grounds." 

The  majority  of  this  committee,  the  Secretary,  Auditor  and  Treasurer, 
reported  in  favor  of  paying  the  University  $120,548,  and  Governor 
Durbin  made  a  dissenting  minority  report,  in  which  he  showed  very 
satisfactorily  that  the  lands  were  not  worth  anything  like  $200,000  in 
1852,  and  added  a  mass  of  other  matter  that  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
case.  He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  charter  of  the  Vineennes 
University  had  authorized  it  to  conduct  a  lottery  to  raise  funds,  that 
Congress  had  given  it  land  donations  in  addition  to  this  one,  and  that 
with  all  this  assistance  it  was  never  anything  but  a  grammar  school.    It 


INDIAi\A  AND  INDIANANS  321 

may  be  mentioned  that  the  lottery  was  not  a  productive  asset.  This 
franchise  lay  dormant  until  May  1,  1879,  when,  as  authorized  by  its 
charter,  the  University  appointed  "five  discreet  persons"  to  conduct  a 
lottery  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  sum  not  exceeding  $20,000  ' '  for  the 
purpose  of  procuring  a  library  and  the  necessary  philosophical  and  ex- 
perimental apparatus."  The  State  constitution  had  prohibited  lotteries, 
and  this  action  of  the  University  was  evidently  taken  with  some  appre- 
hension, for  a  test  case  was  decided  at  the  May  term,  1879,  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  The  court  held  that  the  lottery  franchise  was  a  vested  right  which 
could  not  be  taken  away  by  the  constitution."  The  discreet  managers 
then  proceeded,  but  a  ticket  seller  was  arrested,  and  the  case  again  went 
to  the  Supreme  Court,  which  had  an  access  of  light,  and  reversed  itself.i^ 
Bills  were  presented  to  the  legislature  of  1905,  but  not  passed.  Durbin'a 
stand  brought  the  matter  into  still  greater  political  prominence,  for  he 
had  been  trying  to  make  a  record  for  economy,  and  had  made  hini.self  so 
unpopular  that  the  Democratic  platform  of  1904  made  an  issue  of  his 
"cheese-paring  policy."  The  legislature  of  1907  passed  a  bill  for  the 
issue  of  $120,548  of  bonds  to  the  University  in  settlement  of  its  claim, 
and,  when  Gov.  Hanly  vetoed  it,  passed  it  over  his  veto.  His  veto  was 
based  on  the  ground  that  the  bill  violated  section  5  of  article  10  of  the 
constitution,  which  prohibits  contracting  State  debt  except  to  meet  casual 
deficits,  pay  interest,  or  provide  for  public  defense.  The  University's 
contention  was  that  the  debt  already  existed,  but  Hanly  said  that  the 
word  "debt"  meant  an  obligation  that  could  be  enforced  at  law,  and  not 
a  mere  equitable  claim.  On  that  basis  the  legislature  could  never  pay 
an  equitable  claim,  for  it  would  be  creating  a  debt  of  it.  After  the  bill 
was  passed  over  his  veto.  Governor  Hanly  refused  to  sign  the  bonds,  and 
so  the  matter  rested  until  Thomas  R.  Marshall  was  elected  Governor. 

Governor  Marshall  took  a  residence  in  the  north  part  of  Indianapolis 
preparatory  to  his  inaugural.  It  had  been  the  custom  for  some  years 
for  the  out-going  Governor  to  escort  the  in-coming  Governor  to  the  in- 
augural ceremonies  ;  and  when  the  day  arrived,  Hanly  secured  the  services 
of  Fred  Sims,  Secretary  of  State,  as  aide-de-camp,  and  proceeded  to  the 
Marshall  mansion.  After  very  formal  salutations,  they  and  Marshall 
took  seats  in  the  carriage  and  started.  For  the  first  mile  the  decorum 
observed  was  up  to  the  standard  observed  in  the  hearse  at  a  well-regulated 
funeral.  Hanly  is  not  effusively  jovial  in  his  lightest  moments,  and  there 
was  nothing  in  the  occasion  to  exhilarate  him.  Marshall  was  tempo- 
rarily distraught,  owing  to  the  fact  that  .iust  before  he  started  one  of 


14  Kellvuii  vs.  the  State,  66  Ind.,  p.  588. 

15  The  State  vs.  Woodward,  89  Ind.,  p.  110. 

Vol.  1—21 


322  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

his  inaugural  guests  had  fallen  down  stairs,  and  incurred  unliquidated 
damages.  Sims,  with  characteristic  deferential  courtesy,  thought  it  was 
not  for  him  to  take  the  offensive  in  such  presence.  Not  a  word  was 
spoken  until  they  reached  ^Monument  Place,  when  it  occurred  to  Mar- 
shall, who  is  a  very  thoughtful  man  when  he  is  thinking,  that  some  one 
ought  to  do  something  to  liven  up  the  joy  ride,  and  he  obsei'ved,  "By 
the  way,  Governor,  I  am  going  to  sign  those  Vincennes  University 
Bonds."  Hanly  turned  on  him  with  an  icy  glare,  and  replied,  "Very 
well,  sir.  That  is  your  privilege."  Having  thus  happily  reached  a  com- 
plete agreement,  the  party  came  to  its  destination  without  any  further 
interruptions.  IMarshall  signed  the  bonds,  and  so  the  Vincennes  Uni- 
versity land  claim  ended — unless  the  Trustees  shall  find  some  basis  for 
an  additional  claim. 

In  the  constitution  of  1816,  in  addition  to  the  provision  of  a  frame  of 
government,  and  the  declaration  of  fundamental  principles  in  which 
everybody  agreed,  there  are  some  provisions  that  look  more  like  adjust- 
ments of  local  interests  than  proper  constitutional  provisions.  One  of 
these  is  the  regulation  of  banking,  in  Article  10,  as  follows:  "There 
shall  not  be  established  or  incorporated,  in  this  state,  any  Bank  or  Bank- 
ing company  or  monied  institution,  for  the  purpose  of  issuing  bills  of 
credit,  or  bills  payable  to  order  or  bearer ;  Provided  that  nothing  herein 
contained  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prevent  the  General  Assembly  from 
establishing  a  State  Bank,  and  branches,  not  exceeding  one  branch  for 
any  three  Counties,  and  be  established  at  such  place,  within  such  Coun- 
ties, as  the  directors  of  the  State  Bank  may  select ;  provided  there  be 
subscribed  and  paid  in  specie,  on  the  part  of  individuals,  a  sum  equal 
to  thirty  thousand  dollars :  Provided  also,  that  the  Bank  at  Vincennes, 
and  the  Farmers'  and  Mechanics'  Bank  of  Indiana,  at  Madison,  shall  be 
considered  as  incorporated  Banks,  according  to  the  true  tenor  of  the 
charters  granted  to  said  Banks  by  the  Legislature  of  the  Indiana  Terri- 
tory :  Provided  that  nothing  herein  shall  be  so  construed,  as  to  prevent 
the  General  Assembly  from  adopting  either  of  the  aforesaid  Banks  as  the 
State  Bank:  and  in  case  either  of  them  shall  be  adopted  as  the  State 
Bank,  the  other  may  become  a  branch,  under  the  rules  and  regulations 
herein  before  prescribed."  In  the  light  of  existing  conditions,  however, 
this  was  a  very  rational  provision  for  a  state  financial  system.  The 
Territory  had  never  had  a  general  banking  law,  and  there  had  been 
little  opportunity  for  the  use  of  one  if  it  had  existed.  The  wealth  of 
the  people  was  almost  exclusively  in  lands  and  chattels.  There  was 
very  little  money  in  circulation,  and  the  smaller  forms  of  domestic  com- 
merce were  chiefly  on  a  basis  of  barter.  In  this,  skins  and  furs  were 
largely  the  medium  of  exchange.  Specie  came  into  the  Territoiy  mainly 
from  the  sale  of  produce  taken  to  New  Orleans  in  flatboats,  and  as  brought 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  323 

ill  by  immigrants,  especially  those  who  intended  to  purchase  lands.  It 
was  both  difficult  and  dangerous  to  transport  specie  in  any  material 
quantity.  As  long  as  the  old  United  States  Bank  existed,  its  bills  fur- 
nished a  convenient  medium  for  carrying  money ;  but  its  charter  expired 
in  1811,  and  was  not  renewed.  Instead  of  it  a  system  of  private  banks 
arose,  beginning  in  New  England,  and  developing  from  there  to  the 
middle  and  western  states. 

Under  statutory  provision,  or  in  the  absence  of  any  statute,  as  in 
Indiana,  anybody  could  start  a  bank  and  issue  bills,  for  a  bank  bill  is 
merely  a  note  payable  on  demand.    Very  little  of  this  was  done  in  Indiana 
though  some  merchants  issued  "shinplasters"  for  small  change,  of  which 
the  only  other  supply  was  obtained  by  cutting  silver  coins  into  sections. 
In  1814,  Indiana  Territory  relieved  the  local  scarcity  of  money  by  incor- 
porating the  two  banks  named  in  article  10  of  the  constitution.    Their 
charters  were  identical,  that  of  the  Madison  bank  being  copied  from  that 
of  the  Vincennes  institution,  and  they  were  granted  within  a  few  days  of 
each  other.     Both  had  capital  stocks  of  $750,000;  the  managers  of  both 
were  among  the  wealthiest  and  most  respected  men  of  the  Territory ;  by 
the  efforts  of  the  Indiana  Congressman  and  Senators,  both  were  made 
depositories  of  land  office  receipts;  and  both  were  prosperous,  and  being 
conducted  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  shareholders  and  of  the  public.    There 
were  four  or  five  other  banking  institutions  in  the  Territory,  most  of  them 
in  good  standing,  but  too  small  to  lie  considered  as  State  agencies.     One 
was  regarded  as  suspicious — the  bank  at  Lexington — and  in  1815  an  act 
had  been  passed  "to  prevent  swindling,"  which  was  directed  at  this 
institution,  and  which  required  banks  to  publish  the  names  of  their  stock- 
holders.   Lexington  was  an  ambitious  young  town  which  had  been  made 
the  county  seat  of  Scott  County;  and  William  Hendricks'  newspaper. 
The  Eagle,  had  been  sold  and  removed  to  that  point.     The  suspicions  as 
to  the  bank  were  realized,  as  is  mentioned  by  most  of  the  early  visitors 
to  the  State.     David  Thomas  speaking  of  Lexington    (New  Lexington, 
it  was  then  called)  -says:    "At  this  place  the  sign  of  the  Lexington  Bank 
was  displayed  by  nine  swindlers;  several  of  them  are  now  imprisoned." 
Samuel  R.  Brown   (1817)  says:     "This  flourishing  town  is  famous  for 
having  produced  the  pretended  monicd  institution  called  'The  Lexington 
Indiana  Manufacturing  Company.'  which  has  exploded."   Timothy  Flint 
(1828)  says:     "The  bank  of  New  Lexington  was  a  notorious  scheme  of 
iniquity;  and  was  one  of  the  first  bubbles  that  burst  in  this  young  com- 
munity.   Though  the  people  did  not  immediately  take  warning  they  were 
among  the  first  that  discarded  all  the  ridiculous  temporizing  expedients 
of  relief,  and  restored  a  sound  circulation."  i" 


16  Indiana  as  Seen  by  Early  Travelers,  Ind.  Hist.  Comn.,  pp.  49,  156,  462. 


324 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


The  constitution  plan  for  a  State  Bank  was  carried  out  by  an  act  of 
January  1,  1817,  which  adopted  the  Vincennes  Bank  as  the  State  Bank. 
Its  capital  stock  was  increased  to  $1,500,000,  and  14  branches  were 
authorized,  one  for  every  three  counties,  of  which  the  Madison  bank  was 
to  lie  one.  The  Madison  bank  declined,  and  only  three  branches  were 
organized  at  Brookville,  Corydon  and  Vevay.  The  experiment  could  not 
have  been  tried  at  a  more  unfortunate  time.  The  new  Bank  of  the 
United  States  began  business  on  January  1,  1817,  and  began  business  in  a 


Old  State  Bank  Building,  Brookville 


very  poor  way.  By  authorizing  discounts  on  pledges  of  stock,  before  it 
issued  any  bills,  the  payment  of  the  stipulated  capital  was  evaded ;  and 
the  actual  paid-in  capital  of  the  Bank  was  two  millions  in  specie  instead 
of  seven  millions,  and  twenty-one  millions  in  funded  debt  instead  of 
twenty-eight  millions.  The  remaining  twelve  millions  was  made  up  of 
stock-holders'  notes.  Discounts  were  made  at  an  appalling  rate.  The 
officials  of  the  Baltimore  branch,  who  had  borrowed  $1,957,700  from  the 
parent  bank,  on  a  pledge  of  18,290  shares  of  its  stock,  took  out  of  the 
Baltimore  branch  $1,540,000  additional  on  a  pledge  of  "the  surplus 
value"  of  the  same  shares.     Bv  March,   1819,  the  los.ses  at  Baltimore 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  325 

approximated  a  million  and  three  quarters,  and  for  the  whole  country 
more  than  three  millions  and  a  half,  which  was  half  a  million  more  than 
the  protits.  Meanwhile  dividends  of  $4,410,000  had  been  made.  In  the 
fall  of  1818  a  committee  of  Congress  investigated  the  Bank,  and  on  Janu- 
ary 16,  1819,  reported  that  it  had  violated  its  charter  in  four  particulars, 
and  recommended  a  forfeiture  of  its  charter.  Congress  took  no  action, 
but  the  stock  fell  to-  93,  and  William  Jones,  the  President  of  the  Bank, 
soon  fled.  Mr.  Cheves,  of  South  Carolina,  took  his  place  on  March  6, 
1819,  and  at  once  instituted  measures  of  curtailment,  and  collection 
of  balances.  He  put  the  Bank  in  a  safe  condition  in  seventy  days ;  but  he 
brought  on  a  panic  that  paralyzed  the  whole  country.  In  the  words  of 
one  of  the  most  intelligent  writers  of  the  period :  ' '  The  Bank  was  saved 
and  the  people  were  ruined.  For  a  time,  the  question  in  ilarket  street, 
Philadelphia,  was,  every  morning,  not  who  had  broken  the  previous  day, 
but  who  yet  stood.  In  many  parts  of  the  country  the  distress  was  as  great 
as  it  was  in  Philadelphia,  and  in  others  it  was  still  more  deplorable."  ^^ 
For  months  afterwards  the  papers  were  full  of  tales  of  woe.  On  April 
10,  Niles  Register  said:  "From  all  parts  of  our  country  we  hear  of  a 
severe  pressure  on  men  in  business,  a  general  stagnation  of  trade,  a  large 
reduction  in  the  price  of  staple  articles.  Real  property  is  rapidly  de- 
preciating in  its  nominal  value,  and  its  rents  or  profits  are  exceedingly 
diminishing.  Many  highly  respectable  traders  have  become  bankrupts, 
and  it  is  agreed  that  many  others  must  'go':  the  Banks  are  refusing 
their  customary  accommodations ;  confidence  among  merchants  is  shaken, 
and  three  per  cent,  per  month  is  offered  for  the  discount  of  promissory 
notes,  which  a  little  while  ago  were  considered  as  good  as  '  old  gold, '  and 
whose  makers  have  not  since  suffered  any  losses  to  render  their  notes 
less  valuable  than  heretofore." 

On  August  7,  the  same  paper  said:  "It  is  estimated  that  there  are 
20,000  persons  daily  seeking  work  in  Philadelphia ;  in  New  York,  10,000 
able-bodied  men  are  said  to  be  wandering  about  the  streets  looking  for 
it,  and  if  we  add  to  them  the  women  who  desire  something  to  do,  the 
amount  cannot  be  less  than  20,000;  in  Baltimore  there  may  be  about 
10,000  persons  in  unsteady  employment,  or  actually  suffering  because 
they  cannot  get  into  business."  On  October  9,  the  Register  quoted 
from  The  Kentucky  Gazette:  "Slaves  which  sold  some  time  ago,  and 
could  command  the  most  ready  money  have  fallen  to  an  inadequate  value. 
A  slave  which  hires  for  80  or  100  dollars  per  annum,  may  be  purchased 
for  $300  or  $400.    A  house  and  lot  on  Limestone  street,  for  which  $15,000 


"  William   M.    Gouge,  A    Short   History   of   Paper   Money  and   Banking   in   the 
United  States,  Phila.,  1833. 


326  INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS 

had  been  offered  some  time  past,  sold  under  the  officer's  hammer  for 
$1,800.  A  house  and  lot  which,  I  am  informed,  was  bought  for  $10,000, 
after  $6,000  had  been  paid  by  the  purchaser  was  sold  under  a  mortgage 
for  $1,500,  leaving  the  original  purchaser  (besides  his  advances)  $3,500 
in  debt.  A  number  of  sales,  which  excited  at  the  same  time  astonish- 
ment and  pity,  have  occurred  in  this  town."  There  was  a  similar  de- 
preciation of  values  everywhere.  Speaking  of  the  situation  in  Indiana, 
Samuel  Merrill  says :  ' '  From  1820  to  1824,  the  prices  of  produce  were 
only  from  a  third  to  a  fourth  of  what  they  had  previously  been,  except 
where  extensive  new  settlements  created  temporary  demands.  All  real 
property  fell  in  much  the  same,  and  town  property  in  even  a  greater 
proportion.  *  *  *  There  was,  no  doubt,  much  wrong  feeling  and 
wrong  principle  that  led  to  the  relief  laws  and  other  efforts  to  prevent 
the  collection  of  debts;  yet  when  property  to  large  amounts  was  sacri- 
ficed for  costs  merely,  as  was  often  the  case,  even  the  creditors  derived 
no  benefit.  It  was  for  the  interest  of  creditors,  generally,  not  le.ss  than 
of  debtors,  that  the  latter  should  not  be  ruined  needlessly,  and  that  as 
many  of  the  former  as  possible  should  receive  at  least  a  part  of  their 
dues.  About  this  time  the  following  circumstances  occurred  :  A  farm  of 
200  acres  had  been  sold  for  $4,000,  of  which  $3,000  was  paid  in  hand, 
and  a  mortgage  given  on  the  property  for  the  $1,000.  This  sum  not 
being  paid,  the  mortgaged  premises  were  taken  and  sold  to  the  original 
owner  for  less  than  half  the  sum  due,  and  he  afterwards  proceeded  to 
collect  the  balance,  with  costs,  of  the  mortgagor.  The  land  would,  at 
any  time  for  the  last  twenty  years  (from  1850),  have  sold  at  from  $30 
to  $60  an  acre.  There  were  many  even  still  harder  eases  which  called, 
at  least,  for  such  provisions  in  relation  to  the  sale  of  real  property  as 
would  be  best,  on  the  whole,  for  all  creditors  and  all  debtors.  The  state  of 
public  opinion  may  well  be  imagined,  from  the  fact  that  many  of  those 
who  had  so  managed  the  Banks  that  they  became  a  fraud  on  community, 
still  retained,  to  a  considerable  extent,  the  respect  of  their  fellow 
citizens.^  ^ 

In  regard  to  the  remedies  for  such  conditions,  I  will  quote  here  the 
words  of  Mr.  Gouge,  which  ought  to  be  inscribed  on  imperishable  monu- 
ments in  every  township  in  the  United  States  :  ' '  There  was  one  measure 
which,  as  it  might  have  alleviated  the  distress,  we  have  sometimes  won- 
dered was  not  adopted.  "We  have  wondered  it  was  not  adopted  because  it 
is  a  measure  which  has  been  adopted  in  other  countries,  and  in  our 
own  country  at  other  times.  "We  mean  ^n  equitable  ad.iustment  of  the 
affairs  of  debtor  and  creditor.    When  the  South  Sea  bubble  bursted,  the 


islnd.  Gazetteer,  p.  120. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  327 

British  Parliament  saw  that  to  require  a  literal  fulfilment  of  the  obliga- 
tions which  were  affected  by  that  stock-jobliing  concern,  would  be  to  give 
the  getters  up  of  that  scheme  all  the  property  of  their  miserable  dupes. 
It  therefore,  in  some  cases,  reduced  the  amount  of  money  to  be  paid,  as 
much  as  nine-tenths.  During  the  Revolutionary  War,  scales  of  depre- 
ciation, of  continental  money  were  from  time  to  time  published  by  the 
Legislature,  by  which  the  courts  were  governed  in  enforcing  such  con- 
tracts as  were  submitted  to  adjudication.  The  great  Banking  bubble  of 
America  was  the  same  in  principle  as  the  South  Sea  bubble,  but  of  longer 
continuance,  and  involved  in  it  the  fortunes  of  the  whole  community. 
But  nothing  like  an  equitable  adjustment  of  the  affairs  of  debtor  and 
creditor  was  attempted.  An  obligation  to  pay  10,000  dollars  entered  into 
in  1816  or  181S,  when  the  current  dollar  was  in  some  parts  of  the  country 
worth  perhaps  but  50  cents  in  silver,  was  enforced  according  to  the  strict- 
ness of  the  letter,  in  1819  and  1820,  when  the  current  dollar  was  of  equal 
value  with  the  legal  dollar,  and  worth  one  hundred  cents  in  silver.  It  is 
an  awful  thing  to  change  the  money  standard  of  a  country;  but  it  is 
equally  awful  to  refuse  to  recognize  such  a  change,  after  it  has  actually 
been  made.  Effecting  an  equitable  adjustment  of  the  affairs  of  debtor 
and  creditor,  by  a  legislative  or  a  judicial  recognition  of  the  practical 
changes  which  had  been  made  in  the  standard  of  value,  would  not  have 
'impaired  the  obligation  of  contracts.'  Both  debtor  and  creditor,  when 
they  entered  into  the  contract,  had  the  '  current '  dollar  in  view. ' '  i* 

Nothing  can  be  more  ruinous  to  all  legitimate  business  than  a  con- 
tinuous fall  of  prices,  resulting  from  a  gradual  return  of  a  depreciated 
currency  to  its  face  value.  After  the  Napoleonic  wars,  France  was  the 
only  European  country  that  was  wise  enough  to  resume  specie  payments, 
and  at  the  same  time  adjust  existing  business  on  the  existing  value  of 
her  paper  money,  which  was  worth  about  three  cents  on  the  dollar.  The 
other  nations  resumed  in  the  same  way  that  the  United  States  used  in  the 
years  following  the  Civil  "War,  and  had  the  same  experience  of  a  long 
extended  period  of  bankruptcy  and  business  paralysis.  A  nation  that 
stupidly  persists  in  treating  a  dollar  as  a  fixed  quantity,  no  matter 
whether  it  be  specie  or  depreciated  paper,  is  necessarily  bringing  ruin 
to  its  people. 

The  Bank  of  Vincennes  began  business  as  the  State  Bank  when  the  tide 
of  inflation  and  speculation  was  at  its  full.  Its  management  was  a  close 
parallel  to  that  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  which  began  business  at 
the  same  time.  It  loaned  money  freely,  especially  to  land  purchasers 
and  promising  business  enterprises.    It  favored  its  own  officials.    It  had  a 


19  Short  Hist.*  of  Paper  Money,  etc.,  pp.  125-6. 


328 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


set-back  when  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  took  the  public  deposits 
away  from  it,  and  from  numerous  other  banks,  but  these  were  restored 
under  an  arrangement  that  relieved  the  Bank  of  the  United  States, 
which  w^as  the  Government's  fiscal  agent,  from  responsibility  for  the  de- 
posits, by  making  the  debt  a  direct  one  to  the  United  States.  But  the 
Vincennes  Bank  did  not  liave  a  Cheves  to  pull  it  from  under  the  impend- 


Nathaniel  Ewing 
(From  a  portrait) 


ing  ruin.  It  steered  straight  into  the  maelstrom  with  every  sail  set. 
In  1820  disaster  was  in  sight.  From  April,  1819,  to  June,  1820,  the  land 
office  had  deposited  $295,325.77  to  the  credit  of  the  United  States,  and 
but  $77,062.87  of  this  had  been  paid.  In  July,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
Crawford  objected  to  the  Bank's  failure  to  meet  his  drafts,  and  stopped 
the  deposits.  It  leaked  out  that  the  Bank  was  in  trouble,  and  attacks 
on  it  began  to  appear  in  hostile  newspapers.    These  vver<?  discounted  by 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  329 

friendly  newspapers  as  political,  but  the  report  of  the  Bank  to  the  Legis- 
lature in  December  showed  that  it  was  insolvent.  On  January  2,  1821, 
it  suspended  specie  payments,  and  on  February  3  called  a  meeting  of 
stockholders  to  consider  surrendering  its  charter.  This  meeting,  held  on 
February  5,  elected  a  new  board  of  directors,  made  David  Brown  presi- 
dent, and  appointed  a  committer  to  examine  the  Bank. 

Another  calamity  was  at  hand.  The  principal  debtor  of  the  Bank 
was  Charles  Smith's  Steam  Mill  Company.  Steam  power  was  just  be- 
ginning to  be  introduced  in  the  West,  and  the  newspapers  had  glowing 
accounts  of  its  superiority  over  water  power,  and  anticipations  of  home 
manufacturers  of  all  kinds,  without  the  heavy  expense  of  transportation 
from  the  East.  Nathaniel  Ewing,  Receiver  of  the  Land  Office,  Pension 
Agent,  and  former  president  of  the  Vineennes  Bank,  was  largely  in- 
terested in  the  Steam  Mill  Company,  and  Judge  Benjamin  Parke  was 
its  nominal  agent,  though  the  actual  business  of  the  agent  was  largely 
transacted  by  others.  This  company,  as  various  others  in  early  times 
was  authorized  by  its  charter  to  transact  banking  business,  and  issued 
bills  of  its  own,  in  addition  to  maintaining  a  mercantile  establishment, 
for  the  disposal  of  its  own  and  other  produce.  On  the  night  of  February 
10,  it  was  discovered  to  be  on  fire,  and  the  helpless  people  of  the  town 
saw  it  burn  to  the  ground.  The  Steam  ilill  company  owed  the  Bank 
$91,000,  and  its  assets  were  practically  wiped  out  of  existence.  It  was 
said  that  the  fire  was  incendiary,  which  was  probably  true,  though  the 
ineendiarv  was  never  located. 

Notwithstanding  this  crowning  disaster.  President  Brown,  who  seems 
to  have  been  a  very  guileless  person,  wrote  of  the  Bank  to  Secretary 
Crawford,  on  April  5  :  "  There  is  no  doubt  of  its  solvency  ;  its  losses  are 
but  nominal."  Crawford  replied  on  :May  4.  with  a  very  pointed  inquiry 
why  the  Bank  did  not  pay  the  $218,262.90  that  it  owed  the  Government ; 
and  on  receipt  of  this.  Brown  made  this  mournful  reply : 

"Vineennes.  Mav  22,  1821. 
"Sir. 

Your  communication  of  the  4th  inst.  was  received  today,  and  will 
be  laid  before  the  directors  at  their  meeting  on  the  24th. 

I  stated  to  you,  in  my  communication  of  the  5th  April,  that  we  might 
probably  retrieve  the  character  of  the  bank.  Further  investigations, 
however,  have  given  me  such  views  of  the  situation  of  affairs  as  to  con- 
vince me  of  the  fallacy  of  all  hopes  of  placing  the  institution  on  a  respec- 
table footing  again.  I  therefore  advertised,  the  12th  instant,  a  general 
meeting  of  the  stockholders,  to  take  place  the  13th  June  ensuing,  to  in- 
vestigate the  situation  of  the  bank,  and  to  take  into  consideration  the 
expediency  of  winding  up  its  business. 


3c:0  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

In  relation  to  the  pension  business,  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  state  that  no 
funds  for  the  payment  of  pensioners  have  ever  come  into  my  hands. 
How  your  appropriations  have  been  disposed  of,  I  am  unable  to  say. 

It  was  an  unfortunate  day  which  brought  me  to  preside  over  an 
already  ruined  institution.  ^ly  character,  to  me,  is  more  than  all  the 
world  liesides ;  and  I  have  to  regret  the  possibility  of  my  reputation  suf- 
fering for  the  sins  of  others.  The  evils  which  have  been  done  were  before 
the  7th  of  March  last  (the  period  of  my  appointment). 

Very  respectfully  yours,  &e., 

David  Brown." 

The  "pension  money"  referred  to  was  $10,006  that  Ewing  had  re- 
ceived to  paj'  Indiana  pensioners,  who  had  not  been  paid.-''  Ewing  was 
dismissed,  and  suit  against  him  ordered.  A  week  after  this  sad  plaint, 
the  directors  met  and  voted  a  dividend  of  ten  per  cent,  for  the  past  six 
months.  A  year  later  they  voted  another  of  twenty  per  cent.  The 
apparent  purpose  of  these  was  to  give  stockholders  credit  on  their  in- 
debtedness to  the  Bank.  At  the  meeting  in  June,  1821,  a  committee  was 
appointed  to  wait  on  the  stockholders  of  the  Steam  Mill,  and  see  what 
could  be  done  concerning  their  debt.  Judge  Parke  told  them  he  would 
surrender  all  of  his  property,  but  that  if  the  debt  was  as  large  as  stated, 
full  payment  was  hopeless.  The  meeting  then  decided  to  wind  up  the 
Bank,  and  those  stockholders  who  were  indebted  to  the  Bank  were  author- 
ized to  surrender  their  stock,  and  receive  a  corresponding  credit  on  their 
indebtedness.  In  the  meantime,  the  State  had  become  involved.  It  had 
borrowed  from  the  Bank  and  deposited  State  bonds  as  security ;  and  had 
been  accepting  bills  of  the  Bank  with  which  to  pay  the  debt.  When 
payment  was  offered,  it  was  found  that  the  bonds  had  been  turned  over 
to  the  United  States  on  its  claim.  When  news  of  the  June  meeting 
reached  Governor  Jennings,  he  called  a  special  session  of  the  Legislature 
for  November  to  deal  with  the  situation.  The  Legislature  passed  a  law 
directing  the  Governor  to  appoint  an  agent  to  bring  suit  to  determine 
whether  the  Bank  had  violated  its  charter.  The  agent  brought  an  action 
of  quo  warranto,  charging  twelve  breaches  of  the  charter  in  the  informa- 
tion. The  .Jury  found  the  Bank  guilty  of  nine  of  these  violations ;  and 
the  Court,  instead  of  appointing  a  receiver  to  wind  up  the  business,  for- 
feited the  charter,  and  ordered  all  the  property,  rights  of  action  and 
credits  turned  over  to  the  State.    The  Bank  took  a  writ  of  error  to  the 


-0  Tlie  correspondence  concerning  the  bank  is  in  American  State  Papers,  Finance, 
Vol.  .3,  p.  737;  Vol.  4,  p.  244;  and  Vol.  5,  p.  104.  The  best  detailed  study  is  Esarey's 
State  Banking  in  Indiana,  Ind.  Univ.  Studies,  Vol.  10,  No.  2. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  331 

Supreme  Court,  its  chief  contention  being  that  under  its  charter  it  could 
not  be  dissolved  until  it  had  paid  its  debts.  The  Court  held  that  this 
provision  of  its  charter  merely  prevented  a  voluntary  dissolution  with- 
out first  paying  the  debts,  and  did  not  interfere  with  a  dissolution  for 
cause.  But  it  held  that  when  a  corporation  is  dissolved,  it  expires  with- 
out heirs  or  successors;  that  the  State  could  not  sieze  the  property;  and 
that  all  debts  to  the  Bank  died  with  it.^i  This  decision,  which  was 
reached  at  the  November  term,  1823,  released  all  debtors  to  the  Bank 
from  farther  liability,  and  the  debtors  were  chiefly  officials  and  stock- 
holders of  the  Bank.  In  the  meantime  they  had  settled  with  the  Govern- 
ment by  turning  over  to  it  the  real  estate  of  the  Bank,  and  their  personal 
holdings ;  so  that  the  main  loss  fell  on  the  note  holders. 

There  was  one  debtor  who  desired  no  release.  Judge  Parke  fell  under 
condemnation  with  the  others,  at  the  time,  though  he  never  lost  the  esteem 
of  the  best  people  of  the  State.  He  condemned  himself  more  severely 
than  others  condemned  him,  and  it  left  a  shadow  over  a  life  that  knew 
many  sorrows.  He  had  two  children,  a  son  and  a  daughter.  The 
daughter  married  Abram  Hite,  a  young  merchant  of  Louisville,  and  died 
young,  leaving  a  son,  who  came  to  live  with  his  grandparents.  Judge 
Parke's  son,  Barton,  was  a  promising  boy  who  was  preparing  for  college, 
at  the  Salem  Seminary,  when,  in  1833,  the  great  epidemic  of  cholera  took 
away  both  the  son  and  the  grandson.  Not  long  after  this  bereavement, 
a  young  man  came  to  Salem  to  atteYid  the  Seminary,  whom  Judge  Parke 
invited  to  live  in  his  lonely  home.  It  was  Barnabas  C.  Hobbs,  later 
Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction.  They  became  warm  friends  until 
the  Judge's  death  on  July  12,  1835.  Mr.  Hobbs  left  the  following  state- 
ment of  a  phase  of  his  friend's  life,  that  the  outside  world  did  not  know: 
"Judge  Parke  was  honest  and  generous  to  the  core.  He  scorned  all 
subterfuge,  dishonesty  and  hypocrisy.  While  at  Vincennes  he  was  in- 
duced to  unite  his  fortunes  with  two  other  men  in  the  organization  and 
management  of  a  bank.  He,  of  course,  was  busy  witli  professional  duties, 
and  left  the  management  of  the  bank  and  his  own  fortune  to  the  other 
partners.  They  found  a  desirable  time  and  way  to  let  the  bank  break 
and  to  liide  its  resources,  leaving  Judge  Parke  to  attend  to  its  liabilities. 
These  reverses  made  him  banki-upt  for  life,  or  nearly  so.  All  who  knew 
him  knew  his  honesty  and  integrity,  and  admired  his  patience  and  resig- 
nation to  his  fate.  After  Governor  Harrison  left  Vincennes  Judge  Parke 
moved  to  Salem,  in  "Washington  County,  a  place  at  that  time  more  central. 
He  took  an  inexpensive  house,  and  year  by  year  used  all  his  savings  to 
cancel  his  bank  indebtedness.    He  closed  it  all  out  a  short  time  before  ho 


21  State  Bank  vs.  The  State,  1  Blackford,  p.  267. 


332 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


died.  He  was  for  years  afflicted  with  tubercular  consumption,  and  must 
have  struggled  with  much  infirmity  while  steadily  performing  his  judicial 
duties.  He  suffered  also  from  paralysis  of  his  right  side,  so  that  he  could 
not  use  his  right  hand  in  writing.  He  overcame  this  disadvantage  by 
learning  to  write  with  his  left  hand,  which  he  used  with  elegance  and 
dispatch."  -- 


■ri8W!a>8i^^^>-^~JS-^-fe5-l. 


Home  op  Benjamin  Parke 
(This  house  was  originally  built  at  Vincennes,  and  removed  in  sections 

to  Salem) 

It  should  be  added  here  that  the  Farmers  &  Mechanics  Bank  of  Madi- 
.son  had  a  more  creditable  fate  than  its  Vincennes  twin.  When  the  fir.st 
order  was  made  for  the  withdrawal  of  the  Government  deposits,  in  1818, 
the  bank  withdrew  its  circulation,  which  was  being  used  to  withdraw  the 
specie  from  its  vaults.  In  1820  the  deposits  were  restored,  but  the  bank 
was  embarrassed  by  the  apparent  unfriendly  management  of  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States,  and  finally  the  directors  decided  to  close  it,  which 
w^as  done  after  fully  meeting  all  of  its  obligations.    The  winding  up  was 


22  Woollen's  Sketches,  p.  388. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  333 

done  gradually,  so  as  not  to  disturb  business,  and  the  last  step  was  the 
sale  of  its  uncollected  assets  to  ililton  Stapp  and  J.  F.  D.  Lanier,  later 
the  founder  of  the  great  banking  house  of  Winslow,  Lanier  &  Co.  At 
that  time  Lanier  was  a  lawyer  at  Madison,  and  Stapp  was  a  student  in 
his  office,  though  his  preceptor  was  not  much  older  than  himself.  James 
F.  D.  Lanier  was  born  in  North  Carolina,  November  22,  1800,  a  descend- 
ant of  Thomas  Lanier,  a  French  Huguenot.  His  grandfather,  James 
Lanier,  served  in  the  Revolutionary  army,  and  in  Wayne's  campaign 
against  the  Indians.  He  later  emigrated  to  Tennessee,  and  from  there 
to  Kentucky.  In  1807,  Alexander  Chalmers  Lanier,  father  of  J.  F.  D. 
Lanier,  removed  to  Ohio,  and  freed  his  slaves.  He  served  in  the  war  of 
1812,  attaining  the  rank  of  ]Major;  and  in  1817,  removed  to  Madison, 
Indiana,  where  he  conducted  a  store  until  his  death,  in  1820.  James  F. 
D.  received  his  education  in  the  common  schools  of  Eaton,  Ohio,  an 
academy  at  Newport,  Ky.,  and  at  Madison,  where  he  had,  as  he  says, 
"for  a  year  and  a  half,  the  almost  inestimable  advantage  of  a  private 
school  taught  by  a  very  superior  person  from  the  Eastern  states" — pre- 
sumably Rev.  Wm.  Robinson,  a  Presbyterian  missionary  who  located 
there  in  1810.  and  conducted  a  private  school,  in  addition  to  founding  the 
fir.st  Sunday  school  and  the  first  Presbyterian  church.  In  1819  Lanier 
began  reading  law  in  the  office  of  Gen.  Alexander  A.  Meek,  and  con- 
cluded his  studies  at  Transylvania,  where  he  graduated  in  1823.  He  was 
assistant  Clerk  of  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1824,  and  at  each 
succeeding  session  until  1827,  when  he  was  made  Chief  Clerk.  His  pur- 
chase of  the  assets  of  the  Farmers  &  Mechanics  Bank  was  his  first  re- 
corded financial  venture,  and  probably  started  him  on  the  career  in  which 
he  -was  so  phenomenall.y  successful,  and  of  so  great  service  to  the  State 
and  to  the  Nation. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
UNDER  THE  FIRST  CONSTITUTION 

iMention  has  been  made  of  the  charge  of  a  caucus  of  the  Jennings 
party  at  the  time  of  the  constitutional  convention  at  Corydon ;  and  as  an 
apparent  fact  the  convention  served  the  purpase  of  political  conventions 
for  both  parties.  Oliver  H.  Smith,  who  was  in  position  to  know,  says: 
"I  came  to  Indiana  in  the  spring  of  1817.  The  political  affairs  of  the 
State  were  then  in  the  hands  of  three  parties,  or  rather  one  party  with 
three  divisions — the  Noble,  Jennings  and  Hendricks  divisions — which 
were  all  fully  represented  in  the  convention  that  formed  the  constitution 
of  1816.  Gen.  James  Noble  and  Jonathan  Jennings  were  delegates.  Jen- 
nings was  elected  President  and  William  Hendricks  Secretary  of  the  con- 
vention. It  was  evident  to  the.se  leaders  that  personal  political  conflicts 
must  arise  between  them  unless  the  proper  arrangements  were  made  to 
avoid  them.  It  was  then  agreed  between  them  to  aid  each  other  in  mak- 
ing Noble  United  States  Senator,  Jennings  Governor,  and  Hendricks 
Congressman.  *  *  *  There  were  three  judges  to  be  appointed  for 
the  Supreme  Court.  Each  subdivision  was  entitled  to  one.  Gen.  Noble 
selected  Jesse  L.  Holman,  living  on  the  beautiful  hights  of  the  Ohio 
river,  above  Aurora,  a  good  lawyer  and  one  of  the  most  just  and  con- 
scientious men  I  ever  knew.  Gov.  Jennings  selected  John  Johnson,  a  fine 
lawyer  and  an  excellent  man.  He  lived  but  a  short  time,  and  after  his 
death,  in  the  winter  of  1822-3.  I  named  the  county  of  Johnson  for  him 
in  the  legislature,  and  not  for  Col.  Richard  "SI.  Johnson,  as  some  suppose. 
Gov.  Hendricks  named  James  Scott,  of  Clark  County,  a  Pennsylvanian, 
one  of  the  purest  men  in  the  State,  a  good  scholar,  and  a  fine  lawyer. 
The  opinions  of  no  judge  of  our  Supreme  Court  up  to  the  present  day, 
are,  I  think,  entitled  to  stand  higher  with  the  profession  than  his.  A 
strong  common  sense  view  of  the  case  enabled  him  to  select  the  grain  of 
wheat  from  the  stack  of  straw,  and  say,  holding  it  up  to  the  parties 
without  discussing  the  chafl',  'It  is  my  opinion  that  this  is  a  grain  of 
wheat'."' 

In  this  connection,  it  may  be  noted  that  Judges  Holman  and  Scott 
both  served  for  two  full  terms  of  seven  years  each,  but  Judge  Johnson 


1  Early  Indiana  Trials,  p.  84. 

334 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


335 


died  in  1817,  and  was  replaced  by  Judge  Isaac  Blackford,  who  remained 
on  the  Supreme  Bench  until  1853 ;  and  whose  fame  is  greater  than  that  of 
any  of  his  colleagues.  He  was  one  of  the  most  unicpie  characters  that 
have  appeared  in  Indiana  history.  He  was  born  at  Bound  Brook,  Somer- 
set County,  New  Jersey,  November  6,  1786,  and  at  the  age  of  sixteen 
entered  Princeton  College,  from  which  he  graduated  after  the  regular 


Ji'DGE  Isaac  Blackford 
(From  a   portrait.) 


four  years  course.  He  then  read  law  for  a  year  in  the  office  of  Col.  George 
JIcDonald,  later  with  Gabriel  Ford,  and  in  1810  was  admitted  to  practice. 
In  1812  he  came  West,  carrying  letters  of  introduction  to  Judge  Isaac 
Dunn,  of  Lawrenceburg,  and  others.  He  stopped  for  a  time  at  Brook- 
ville,  and  then  located  at  Salem.  At  the  organization  of  Washington 
County,  in  1813,  he  was  elected  Clerk  and  Recorder.  The  next  year  he 
was  elected  Clerk  of  the  Territorial  legislature,  which  he  resigned  on 
being  appointed  Circuit  Judge.     He  then  removed  to  Vincenncs,  and  in 


336  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

1815  resigned  as  Judge  and  opened  a  law  office.  In  1816  he  was  elected 
to  the  first  State  legislature.  In  1819,  Col.  McDonald  also  located  at 
Vinc^nnes;  and  on  December  25,  1819,  the  Sun  said: 

'"The  world  was  sad,  the. garden  was  a  wild, 
And  man,  the  hermit,  sighed  till  woman  smiled. 

Married, — By  tlie  Rev.  Samuel  T.  Scott,  on  Tliursday  evening  last, 
the  lion.  Isaac  Blackford,  one  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  this 
State,  to  Miss  Caroline  McDonald,  daughter  of  Col.  George  McDonald,  all 
of  this  place." 

They  had  one  son,  George,  the  mother  dying  at  his  birth,  to  whom 
Judge  Blackford  was  tenderly  attached ;  but  he  died  in  youth,  and  the 
father  was  never  the  same  afterward.  While  Judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court  at  Indianapolis,  he  occupied  rooms  in  the  old  "Governor's  ]\Ian- 
sion,"  which  stood  in  the  Circle — now  Monument  Place — alone  with  his 
work  and  his  books,  for  he  was  a  great  reader,  and  took  the  best  British 
magazines,  in  addition  to  other  reading.  His  reputation  rests  chiefly  on 
his  Reports  of  the  Supreme  Court  decisions,  which  he  edited  and  pub- 
lished for  the  first  thirty-five  years  of  the  Court's  existence,  and  which 
have  always  held  high  standing  with  the  legal  profession.  He  was  very 
particular,  not  only  about  the  substance  of  the  Reports,  but  also  about 
spelling  and  punctuation,  and  numerous  anecdotes  are  preserved  of  his 
care  in  tliis  matter.  On  one  occasion,  Samuel  Judah,  desiring  to  delay 
a  decision,  asked  Blackford  for  the  correct  spelling  of  a  word  that  he 
knew  would  be  used  in  the  decision.  Blackford  gave  him  the  accepted 
form,  and  he  at  once  dissented,  and  argued  for  another  spelling  until 
Blackford  became  uncertain,  and  put  in  two  days  looking  for  authorities, 
by  which  time  the  Court  had  adjourned,  and  the  decision  went  over  to 
the  next  term.  In  1825,  Judge  Blackford  was  a  candidate  for  Governor, 
but  was  defeated  by  James  Brown  Ray.  Later  in  the  same  year  he  was 
defeated  for  Ignited  States  Senator  by  William  Hendricks.  In  1855,  on 
the  organization  of  the  Court  of  Claims,  at  Washington,  lie  was  appointed 
a  Judge,  and  held  this  office  until  his  death,  on  December  31,  1859.  His 
remains  were  lirought  to  Indianapolis,  and  interred  in  Crown  Hill 
Cemetery. 

But,  to  return  to  1817,  it  is  apparent  that  the  opposition  faction  held 
a  caucus  also,  for  on  July  13,  G.  R.  C.  Sullivan,  a  brother-in-law  of  Elihu 
Stout,  announced  himself  as  a  candidate  for  Congress,  and  on  the  20th. 
in  an  article  in  the  Sun  supporting  Sullivan,  "Indiana"  said,  of  the  pro- 
ceedings at  Corydon:  "Mr.  A.  D.  Thorn  was  pitched  upon  by  a  party 
there,  wlio  pledged  themselves  to  support  him."  The  convention  had 
adjourned  on  June  29,  and  on  July  6  the  Sun  had  announced  that  it  was 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  337 

"authorized"  to  announce  Thoni  for  Congress,  and  had  "heard"  that 
Hendricks  was  a  candidate.  It  also  had  "understood"  that  Thomas 
Posey  and  Jonathan  Jennings  were  candidates  for  Governor.  Manifestly 
the  opposition  had  agreed  on  both  Posey  and  Thom,  and  the  members  of 
that  party  were  so  fully  in  support  of  this  move  that  on  August  3d 
Sullivan  withdrew  in  favor  of  Thom.  The  constitution  directed  Jen- 
nings, as  President,  to  call  an  election  on  the  first  ilonday  in  August 
(August  5),  for  Governor,  Lieutenant  Governor,  Congressman,  members 
of  the  General  Assembly,  sheriffs  and  coroners,  and  this  call  was  duly 
issued  on  June  29.  There  was  no  delay,  and  no  occasion  for  any  with 
the  party  in  power.  Their  organization  was  complete,  and  the  delegates 
carried  all  necessary  information  to  their  several  counties.  The  time 
was  short,  but  there  was  little  to  be  considered.  The  opposition  under- 
took a  feeble  remonstrance  to  being  prematurely  rushed  into  the  expense 
of  a  state  government,  but  this  was  not  popular  in  a  state  where  most  of 
the  people  were  speculating  in  lands,  and  wanted  "progress."  The  gen- 
eral sentiment  was  expressed  in  a  toast,  at  the  Fourth  of  July  dinner  at 
Fort  Harrison  :  ' '  Indiana — another  star  upon  the  national  banner,  just 
rising  into  importance — may  she  always  unite  simplicity  of  manners  with 
virtuous  firmness  and  energetic  patriotism." 

Most  of  the  electioneering  in  those  days  was  by  personal  appeal  to 
the  voter.  There  were  no  parades,  and  few  speeches.  Letters  were  used 
freely ;  and  it  was  quite  common  to  have  a  letter,  or  article,  published 
in  a  newspaper,  and  then  have  it  reproduced  in  a  hand-bill,  which  was 
handed  about  or  mailed  to  the  voter.  In  the  electioneering  by  mail  the 
members  of  Congress  had  a  great  advantage  in  the  franking  privilege 
and  they  used  it  as  much  then  as  in  later  times.  On  March  31,  1821. 
complaining  of  the  lack  of  mail  matter,  the  Vincennes  Sentinel  said : 
"With  the  exception  of  the  land  law,  which  we  got  hold  of  by  accident, 
we  have  little  of  interest  to  give  to  our  readers.  This  dearth  of  news 
here  is  in  part  owing  to  the  small  number  of  newspapers  received;  the 
cause  of  which,  as  we  are  informed,  is  this:  The  members  of  Congress 
when  about  returning  to  their  homes,  have  a  fashion  of  bundling  up  the 
articles  they  have  collected  at  Washington  such  as  dress  patterns,  boiniets 
and  reticules  for  their  wives  and  daughters ;  quarto  bibles,  novels,  plays 
and  state  papers,  kegs  of  oysters,  lobsters,  Irish  potatoes  and  garden  seeds, 
franking  them  all  home  in  the  mails  at  Uncle  Sam's  expense,  along  with 
their  unwashed  shirts,  cravats,  waistcoats  and  breeches."  The  editor 
cautiously  observes,  however,  that  this  offen.se  does  not  come  from  the 
Indiana  meml>ers,  but  "there  are  packages  passing  through  the  state 
destined  for  other  states,  weighing  more  pounds  than  the  law  prescribes 


338  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

ounces;  thereby  turning  the  mail  carriage  into  a  baggage  waggon,  full  of 
pedlar's  packs  of  natural  and  artificial  curiosities." 

The  election  passed  off  quietly,  Jennings  receiving  5,211  votes  to  3,934 
for  Posey,  the  total  being  about  two-thirds  of  the  voters  of  the  State. 
The  majority  for  Hendricks  was  still  larger;  but  the  greatest  ma.ioritj' 
was  for  Christopher  Harrison,  for  Lieutenant  Governor,  as  to  which  there 
appears  to  have  been  no  caucus  action.  Harrison  received  6,570  votes, 
his  leading  opponent  being  John  Vawter,  a  Baptist  preacher,  after- 
wards cjuite  prominent,  who  received  847  votes.  There  was  a  scattering 
vote  for  this  office  of  18  for  Abel  Finley,  14  for  John  Johnson,  13  for 
Davis  Floyd,  and  12  for  Amos  Lane.  The  General  Assembly  met  on 
November  4,  with  ten  senators  and  twenty-nine  representatives  as  appor- 
tioned by  the  constitution.  Six  of  the  senators  and  ten  of  the  representa- 
tives had  been  members  of  the  constitutional  convention,  and  a  number 
of  strong  men  were  added,  among  them  William  Prince,  Joseph  Holman, 
John  Paul,  James  Beggs,  John  Conner,  Amos  Lane,  Williamson  Dunn, 
Jonathan  Lindley,  Isaac  Blackford,  and  Ratliff  Boone.  Isaac  Blackford 
was  elected  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  after  inaugurating  Governor  Jen- 
nings and  Lieutenant  Governor  Harrison,  the  caucus  program  was  carried 
out  without  a  hitch.  James  Noble  and  Waller  Taylor  were  elected 
senators,  and  Jesse  L.  Holman  and  James  Scott  Judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  A  law  was  adopted  for  the  establishment  of  three  Circuit  Courts, 
and  the  judges  were  selected  very  probably  as  the  .judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court — Benjamin  Parke  for  the  first  circuit,  David  Raymond  for  the 
second  and  John  Test  for  the  third.  On  November  6  the  legislature  pro- 
ceeded to  the  election  of  a  Secretary  of  State,  and  chose  Robert  A.  New, 
by  a  vote  of  23  to  11  for  Alexander  Holton,  three  votes  scattering.  New 
was  the  oldest  son  of  Jethro  New,  a  Revolutionary  soldier  from  Dela- 
ware, who  removed  to  North  Caroline,  and,  in  1794  to  Kentucky,  where 
he  located  in  Owen  County,  near  New  Liberty,  some  fifteen  miles  from  the 
Ohio  river.  He  was  the  father  of  thirteen  children,  who  preferred  free 
soil  to  slave  territory,  and  began  moving  to  Indiana.  Robert  was  a 
captain  in  the  Indiana  militia  in  1814,  and  in  1815  was  made  "aid-de- 
camp to  his  excellency"  Gov.  Posey,  with  the  rank  of  colonel.  In  the 
spring  of  1816,  he  was  made  associate  judge  for  Clark  County.  His 
brother  John  Bowman  New  located  at  Madison  in  1815.  He  became  a 
noted  Campbellite  preacher,  and  was  the  father  of  John  C.  New,  Consul 
General  to  London ;  and  the  grandfather  of  Senator  Harry  S.  New.  A 
third  son  of  Jethro,  Hickman  New,  father  of  Judge  Jeptha  D.  New, 
located  near  Vernon,  in  Jennings  County ;  and  in  1821  Jethro  New,  with 
the  rest  of  his  family,  removed  to  the  same  place.  Robert  A.  New  had 
a  very  good  education,  and  in  March,  1819,  while  Secretary  of  State, 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  339 

joined  with  R.  W.  Nelson,  editor  of  the  local  paj^er,  in  conducting 
Corydon  Seminary,  ''in  which  the  Greek  and  Latin  lan^ages  and  the 
ilathematics  will  be  taught  at  the  usual  prices  per  quarter.  The  English 
Grammar  will  be  taught  for  $8  per  quarter.  Reading,  writing  and 
arithmetic  at  $5  per  quarter."  Jethro  New  was  a  "Primitive  Baptist" 
of  the  strict  school,  and  his  children  were  brought  up  in  that  faith. 
There  were  some  aspirants  in  the  General  Assembly  for  the  other  State 
offices,  but  after  consideration,  the  House  decided  that  it  would  be  a  viola- 
tion of  the  constitution  to  elect  a  member  to  the  office  of  circuit  judge, 
or  auditor  or  secretary  of  state.  Accordingly  they  proceeded  to  election, 
and  chose  Daniel  C.  Lane  Treasurer — of  whom  more  hereafter.  They 
also  elected  William  H.  Lilly  Auditor.  He  was  a  practising  physician, 
and  devoted  most  of  his  time  to  his  profession,  leaving  the  auditing  to  a 
competent  deputy.  Moreover,  jiis  family  lived  in  Kentuckj',  and  after 
the  capital  was  moved  to  Indianapolis,  on  ]May  9,  1826,  the  Indianapolis 
Gazette  published  an  article  inquiring  whether  the  State  had  an  Auditor 
and  suggesting  that  as  ;\Ir.  Lilly  had  "his  family,  property,  etc.,  in  Ken- 
tucky alwa.ys,  and  is  only  absent  one-third  of  the  year  in  the  sister  state 
of  Indiana"  it  was  doubtful  whether  he  was  within  the  constitutional 
rec|uirement  of  residence  within  the  State.  This  appears  to  have  affected 
the  Auditor,  for  seven  weeks  later  it  was  announced  that  he  had  formed 
a  partnership  with  Dr.  Galen  Jones,  a  recent  arrival  at  the  capital,  and 
that  their  office  was  in  "the  small  frame  building  on  Washington  street, 
near  IVIr.  Henderson 's  Tavern. ' '  -  Both  members  of  the  firm  became 
intemperate,  and  Dr.  Lilly  died  in  1829. 

There  was  another  election  that  caused  some  reflection.  On  November 
5,  1816,  Amos  Lane  moved  for  a  committee  to  consider  the  expediency 
of  electing  electors  to  cast  the  vote  of  the  State  for  President  and  Vice 
President  of  the  United  States.  On  the  11th  the  committee  report  that 
it  was  expedient,  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  20  to  4.  On  the  14th  Jesse 
L.  Holman,  Joseph  Bartholomew  and  Thomas  H.  Blake  were  chosen  for 
this  duty.  The  people  had  not  voted  on  the  presidency,  either  in  Indiana 
or  elsewhere,  it  being  the  custom  at  that  time  for  the  legislature  to  choose 
the  electors,  and  the  people  to  do  their  presidential  voting  in  their 
choice  of  legislators.  But  Indiana  had  not  yet  been  admitted  as  a  state 
of  the  Union ;  and  when  the  subject  came  up  in  Congi'ess  there  were  grave 
doubts  whether  Indiana  was  entitled  to  a  vote.  On  December  2,  at  the 
opening  of  Congress,  the  Indiana  senators  and  representative  presented 
their  credentials.  Mr.  Hendricks  was  at  once  seated ;  but  the  credentials 
of  the  senators  were  referred  to  a  committee,  which  was  also  charged  with 


2  Journal,  June  27,  1826. 


340  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  duty  of  inquiring  whether  "any,  and  if  any,  what  Legislative  meas- 
ures may  be  necessary  for  admitting  the  State  of  Indiana  into  the 
Union."  On  the  6th  the  committee  reported  a  joint  resolution  for  the 
admission  of  the  State,  which  wa-s  adopted.  On  the  8th  this  resolution 
came  up  in  the  House,  where  some  members  pronounced  admission  a  mere 
formality,  but  othei-s,  especially  llr.  Taylor  of  New  York,  thought  that 
".so  solemn  an  act  as  pronouncing  on  the  character  and  republican  prin- 
ciples of  a  State  constitution  ought  to  be  more  deliberately  con.sidered 
than  was  proposed."  Accordingly  the  resolution  went  over  to  the  9th, 
when  it  was  adopted.  It  was  approved  by  the  President  on  the  11th  and 
the  admission  of  the  State  therefore  dates  from  that  day.  The  senators 
were  sworn  in  and  took  their  seats  on  the  12th. 

Tlie  count  of  the  electoral  votes  was  taken  up  by  the  joint  session 
of  the  Senate  and  House  on  February  12,  1817.  When  Indiana  was 
reached  Taylor,  of  New  York,  objected  to  counting  the  vote  as  a  dan- 
gerous precedent.  The  Speaker  ruled  that  nothing  was  in  order  at  the 
joint  session  but  counting  the  votes,  notwithstanding  protests  that  this 
necessarily  included  deciding  what  votes  could  be  counted.  The  Senate 
then  withdrew,  and  the  House  proceeded  to  discuss  the  question.  Most  of 
the  members  appeared  to  think  it  was  too  late  to  question  the  right  of  the 
State  to  vote  after  its  admission ;  and  the  debate  was  closed  by  the  maiden 
speech  of  Mr.  Hendricks,  who  took  a  position  that  seems  rather  radical 
at  this  day.  He  held  to  the  view  later  announced  by  Daniel  "Webster, 
that  the  articles  of  compact  in  the  Ordinance  of  1787  were  superior  to 
any  constitution,  and  said:  "The  only  question  for  Congress  to  decide 
was  whether  the  State  had  complied  with  the  requisition  of  the  act  of  the 
last  session — whether  the  constitution  adopted  was  republican  or  not — 
nothing  more.  Suppose,  indeed,  that  the  State  had  adopted  no  constitu- 
tion at  all ;  had  chosen  to  live  under  their  laws  alone,  and  had  not  thrown 
their  State  government  into  the  form  of  a  constitution,  would  the  State 
have  been  therefore  deprived  of  her  rank  in  the  Union  ?  The  Ordinance 
of  '87  had  guaranteed  a  State  government  when  they  had  reached  a 
certain  population,  and  Congress  could  require  of  them  no  more  than  had 
been  done."  He  insisted  that  he  had  been  admitted  as  a  Congressman 
before  the  resolution  admitting  the  State  had  been  adopted,  and  that 
the  right  of  the  electors  to  vote  was  as  clear  as  his  right.^  The  House 
decided  that  Indiana  had  the  right  to  join  in  the  election,  by  a  vote 
that  was  so  nearly  unanimous  that  no  division  was  asked.  The  Senate  had 
also  gone  into  the  discussion,  but  before  it  reached  any  conclusion, 
notification  came  that  the  House  was  ready  to  go  on  with  the  count. 


3  Annals  of  Congress,  1816-7,  p.  947. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  341 

And  so  Indiana's  first  vote  was  recorded  for  James  ]\Ionroe  for  a  second 
term.  It  did  not  make  any  material  difference,  for  his  vote  was  183  to 
34  for  Rufus  King. 

In  his  message  to  the  legislature  of  1816-7,  Governor  Jennings  intro- 
duced the  subject  of  slavery,  which  was  the  chief  disturbing  factor  in 
Indiana  for  years  to  come,  in  these  words:  "I  recommend  to  your  con- 
sideration the  propriety  of  providing  by  law,  to  prevent  more  effectually 
any  unlawful  attempts  to  seize  and  carry  into  bondage  persons  of  color 
legally  entitled  to  their  freedom ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  as  far  as  prac- 
ticable, to  prevent  those  who  rightfully  owe  service  to  the  citizens  of 
any  other  State  or  territory,  from  seeking,  within  the  limits  of  this 
State,  a  refuge  from  the  possession  of  their  lawful  owners.  Such  a 
measure  will  tend  to  secure  those  who  are  free  from  any  unlawful 
attempts  to  enslave  them,  and  secure  the  rights  of  the  citizens  of  the  other 
States  and  territories  as  far  as  ought  reasonably  to  be  expected."  The 
legislature  understood  the  necessity  for  such  legislation ;  and  adopted  a 
law  against  man-stealing,  an  offense  which  consisted  of  attempting  to 
remove  anyone  from  the  State  except  as  provided  by  this  law.  Anyone 
claiming  a  right  to  the  service  of  another  was  required  to  bring  him  before 
a  .iiidge,  or  justice  of  the  peace,  for  a  hearing  of  both  parties;  and  if  the 
judge  thought  the  claim  well  founded,  he  could  bind  the  pereon  claimed 
over  to  the  next  term  of  the  Circuit  Court,  where  he  was  to  have  a  jury 
trial  of  his  right  to  freedom.  If  he  could  not  give  bail,  he  must  go  to  jail 
until  the  trial.  The  claimant  was  to  pay  the  costs,  in  any  event.  Viola- 
tion of  these  provisions  was  punishable  by  fine  of  not  less  than  $500  nor 
more  than  $1,000.  By  the  same  law,  harboring  escaping  slaves,  or  en- 
couraging slaves  to  desert  their  masters,  was  made  punishable  by  fine 
of  not  over  $500;  and  giving  a  slave  a  false  certificate  of  emancipation 
was  made  punishable  by  fine  of  not  over  $1,000.^ 

At  this  period  the  chief  offense  was  the  kidnaping  of  free  negroes. 
The  population  of  Indiana  was  within  a  comparatively  short  distance 
from  the  Ohio  river,  and  Kentucky  extended  to  low  water  mark  on  the 
Indiana  shore.  From  the  earliest  times  of  American  occupation  the  river 
had  been  infested  by  outlaws  who  preyed  on  their  fellow-men.  For  illus- 
tration, Benjamin  Van  Cleve,  who  was  thoroughly  familiar  with  rough 
life  on  the  frontier,  gives  this  picture  of  social  conditions  at  Red  Bank 
(now  Henderson,  Ky.),  in  1794:  "This  place  is  a  refuge,  not  for  the 
oppressed,  but  for  all  the  horse  thieves,  rogues  and  outlaws  that  have 
been  able  to  effect  their  escape  from  justice  in  the  neighboring  states. 
Neither  law  nor  gospel  has  been  able  to  reaeh  them  here  as  yet.    A  com- 


'Acts  of  1817,  p.  150. 


342  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

mission  of  the  peace  had  beeu  seut  by  Kentucky  to  one  Mason ;  and  an 
effort  had  been  made  by  the  southwest  teiTitory  (Tennessee)  to  intro- 
duce a  law,  as  it  was  unknown  as  yet  to  which  it  belonged ;  but  the 
inhabitants  drove  the  persons  away  and  insisted  on  doing  without.  I 
enquired  how  they  managed  to  marry,  and  was  told  that  the  parties 
agi'eed  to  take  each  other  for  husband  and  wife  before  their  friends.  I 
was  shown  two  cabins,  with  about  the  width  of  a  street  between  them, 
where  two  men  a  short  time  ago  had  exchanged  wives.  An  infair  was 
given  today  b.y  Mason,  to  a  fellow  named  Kuykendall,  who  had  run  away 
from  Carolina  on  account  of  crimes,  and  had  run  oft"  with  Mason's 
daughter  to  Diamond  island  station,  a  few  days  ago.  The  father  had 
forbid  him  his  house  and  had  threatened  to  take  his  life,  but  had  become 
reconciled,  and  had  sent  for  him  to  come  home.  The  parents  and 
friends  were  highly  diverted  at  the  recital  of  the  young  couple's  in- 
genuity in  the  courtship,  and  laughed  heartily  when  the  woman  told  it. 
She  said  she  had  come  down  .stairs  after  all  the  family  had  retired, 
having  her  petticoat  around  her  shoulders,  and  returned  with  him 
through  her  parents'  room,  with  the  petticoat  around  them  both  and  in 
the  morning  she  brought  him  down  in  the  same  manner  before  daylight. 
This  Kuykendall,  I  was  told,  always  carried  in  his  waistcoat  pockets 
'devil's  claws,'  instruments,  or  rather  weapons,  that  he  could  slip  his 
fingers  in,  and  with  which  he  could  take  off  the  whole  side  of  a  man's 
face  at  one  claw.  We  left  them  holding  their  frolic.  I  afterwards  heard 
that  Kuykendall  was  killed  by  some  of  the  party  at  the  close  of  the  ball. 
A  few  years  afterwards,  Mason  and  his  sons,  with  some  others,  formed  a 
party  and  waylaid  the  roads  between  Natchez  and  Tennessee,  and  com- 
mitted many  daring  robberies  and  murders. ' '  ^ 

Such  lawlessness  reached  its  culmination  in  the  gang  of  that  talented 
pirate,  John  Murrell,  whose  business  motto  was,  "Never  rob  a  man 
unless  you  are  willing  to  kill  him."  To  this  element  a  free  negro  ranked 
very  much  as  a  stray  horse.  One  of  Murrell 's  favorite  occupations  was 
inducing  a  negro  to  run  away  from  his  master,  under  pretense  of  guid- 
ing him  to  freedom,  and  then  selling  him  to  some  other  slave  owner.  At 
times  he  would  arrange  this  with  the  negro,  it  being  understood  that  he 
would  run  away  from  his  new  owner,  and  seek  fresh  fields  with  'Murrell, 
but  he  always  landed  in  slavery.  In  early  Indiana  kidnaping  was  as 
easy  as  it  was  profitable  and  there  was  probably  not  a  river  county  of  the 
State  that  did  not  have  its  victims.  Usually  they  simply  disappeared ; 
but  occasionally  trace  of  them  was  found  later.  When  it  was  certain  that 
slavery  was  going  to  be  abolished  by  the  constitution  of  Indiana,  the 


■  Mioh.  Pion.  and  Hist.  Coll.,  Vol.  oi,  p.  74-1. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  343 

disappearance   of   slaves  and   indentured   negroes   increased.     A   negro 
woman  held  by  John  Warrick,  near  Owensville,  disappeared  in  this  way 
just  before  the  constitution  of  1816  was  adopted,  and  later  turned  up  in 
Kentucky,  where  through  the  intervention  of  friends  she  was  released  by 
a  court,  on  account  of  her  residence  in  Indiana,  under  the  Ordinance 
of  1787.     Three  slaves  of  John  Decker  had  a  similar  experience,  being 
kidnaped  from  Gibson  County,  and  later  being  released  by  a  Mississippi 
court."    At  that  time  the  prejudice  of  southern  courts  in  favor  of  slaveiy, 
was  offset  by  the  policy  of  preventing  emigration  to  free  states,  as  well 
as  by  a  natural  sense  of  justice  that  had  not  yet  become  blunted.     In 
1821,  William  Forster  wrote  from  Vincennes :    "I  am  sorry  to  say  there 
are  many  slaves  in  the  town — I  suppose  mostly  such  as  were  held  under 
the  territorial  government ;  but  the  State  Legislature  had  made  provision 
for  their  freedom.    We  hear  sad  stories  of  kidnaping.    I  wish  some  active 
benevolent  people  could  induce  every  person  of  colour  to  remove  away 
from  the  river,  as  it  gives  wicked,  unprincipled  wretches  the  opportunity 
to  get  them  into  a  boat,  and  carry  them  off  to  Orleans  or  Missouri,  where 
they  still  fetch  a  high  price.    I  have  been  pleading  hard  with  a  black  man 
and  his  wife  to  get  off  for  some  settlement  of  Friends,  with  their  five 
children ;  and  I  hope  they  will  go.    I  hardly  know  anything  that  would 
make  me  more  desperate  than  to  be  in  the  way  of  this  abominable  system 
of  kidnaping;  I  cannot  say,  when  once  set  on  to  rescue  a  poor  creature, 
where  I  would  stop.     It  is  most  shocking  to  think  that  they  will  betray 
one  another,  and  sometimes  the  black  women  are  the  deepest  in  these 
schemes.    A  poor  man  told  us  that  he  never  went  to  bed  without  having 
his  arms  in  readiness  for  defence."  '^ 

There  was  nothing  unfair  in  the  Indiana  law,  but  the  Kentuckians 
seemed  to  regard  it  as  a  grievance.  On  July  14,  1818,  Niles  Register  con- 
tained this  item:  "Three  Kentuckians,  armed,  on  the  5th  inst.  (June) 
knocked  down  a  negro  woman  in  the  street  at  Corydon,  Indiana,  and 
carried  her  off,  threatening  death  to  any  persons  that  should  interfere. 
Such  infractions  of  the  law  cannot  be  suffered,  and  if  not  cheeked,  will 
produce  very  unpleasant  collisions  among  our  western  brethren."  For 
obvious  reasons,  Indiana  people  were  not  in  a  very  conciliatory  frame  of 
mind  when,  at  the  next  session  of  the  legislature.  Gov.  Jennings  pre- 
sented a  letter  from  Gov.  Slaughter  of  Kentucky,  written  in  pursuance 
of  a  resolution  of  the  legislature  of  Kentucky,  "concerning  the  difficulty 
said  to  be  experienced  by  our  citizens  in  reclaiming  their  slaves,  who 
escape  into  vour  state."  The  letter  was  courteous  in  form,  but  it  ex- 
pressed regret  that  the  writer  had  not  received  a  statement  of  the  cases 


700. 


6  Cockrum  's  Pioneer  Hist,  of  lud.,  pp.  572 
^  Indiana  as  Seen  by  Early  Travelers,  p.  2.j7. 


344  •  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

on  which  the  complaint  was  Vjased,  and  stated  that  he  did  not  know 
whether  the  difficulty  complained  of  was  due  to  a  lack  of  energy  on  the 
part  of  Indiana  officials  or  to  the  prejudice  against  slavery.  This  part 
of  the  Governor's  message  went  to  a  committee  that  reported  its  opinion 
that  the  Governor  and  Legislature  of  Kentucky  had  teen  influenced  "by 
the  improper  representations  of  individuals  who  have  been  disappointed 
in  their  attem.pts  to  carry  away  those  whom  they  claimed  as  slaves,  from 
this  state,  without  complying  with  the  preliminary  steps  required  by  law ; 
together  with  the  groundless  assertions  of  unprincipled  individuals,  who 
have  attempted  in  many  instances,  to  seize  and  cari-j'  away  people  of 
color,  who  were  free,  and  as  much  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  laws  as 
any  citizen  of  Indiana."  Furthermore,  if  the  Governor  of  Kentucky 
would  specify  his  cases,  they  would  be  found  to  be  of  one  of  these  two 
classes.  They  resented  the  intimations  of  lack  of  energy  on  the  part  of 
Indiana  officials,  and  of  a  prejudice  against  slavery.  There  was  some 
difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  enormities  of  slavery,  but  there  was  "but 
one  sentiment  on  the  subject  of  people  of  color  migrating,  in  any  circum- 
stance, to  the  State.  It  is  believed,  if  not;  restricted,  it  would  in  time  be- 
come of  not  much  less  magnitude  than  slavery  itself."  But  while 
colored  citizens  were  not  desired,  they  owed  it  to  the  dignity  of  the  State 
"to  defend  them  against  the  grasp  of  miscreants,  who  have,  in  repeated 
instances,  attempted  to  carry  them  away  from  our  shores  into  perpetual 
slavery,  "s  No  action  was  taken  on  the  line  of  this  report,  probably 
because  the  members  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  a  hardship  to 
make  the  claimants  wait  until  the  next  session  of  the  court  for  a  trial. 
An  act  was  passed,  approved  Jan.  2,  1819,  providing  that  when  an 
alleged  slave  was  held  for  trial  by  a  justice,  the  judges  of  the  Circuit 
Court  should  hold  a  special  session,  at  which  the  question  should  be  tried 
by  a  jury.  It  also  added  to  the  punishment  for  man-stealing  a  public 
whipping  of  not  less  than  ten  nor  more  than  one  hundred  lashes.  This 
concession  did  not  satisfy  the  Kentuckians,  and  there  wa.s  continued 
complaint  for  several  years.  ^Meanwhile  Indiana  was  stiffening  up  on 
the  slavery  question.  Even  Vincennes  was  invaded  by  the  anti-slavery 
element.  In  1817  a  number  of  Canadians  who  had  served  in  the  Ameri- 
can army  came  to  the  state  to  claim  the  bounty  lands  which  Congress 
had  appropriated  for  them  in  Indiana.  Among  them  was  Major  Markle, 
who  located  near  Terre  Haute,  and  built  a  celebrated  old  mill,  and  John 
Willson  Osborn,  who  went  to  Vincennes.  Osborn  was  a  grandson  of 
Col.  John  Willson,  a  British  officer,  stationed  in  New  York,  who  went 
to   Canada  at   the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution.     Ilis  father  was  Capt. 


f*  House   Journal,  p.  50. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  345 

Samuel  Osboru  of  the  British  navy.  Although  his  people  were  wealthy, 
young  Osborn  learned  the  printing  trade  in  the  office  of  the  Upper  Cana- 
dian Guardian  and  Freeman's  Journal,  which  was  conducted  by  Joseph 
Willock,  Member  of  Parliament  from  the  Niagara  district,  who  was 
decidedly  pro-American  in  his  views,  and  who  was  killed  in  the  Ameri- 
can service,  near  Fort  Erie.    In  this  employment  Osborn  took  on  Ameri- 


JoHN  W.  Osborn 

can  ideas,  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  War  of  1812,  went  across  Lake 
Erie  and  joined  Capt.  Mahar's  company  of  "Irish  Greens,"  for  which 
he  was  disinherited  by  his  grandfather.  This  did  not  worry  Osborn, 
who,  when  he  got  through  soldiering,  went  into  the  newspaper  business 
at  Homer,  N.  Y.,  for  a  time,  and  then  started  the  Cortland  Republican, 
at  Cortlandville.  While  here  he  married  Ruby  Bishop.  He  arrived  in 
Vineennes  in  June,  1817,  and  at  once  found  employment  in  the  office 
of  the  Western  Sun,  and  a  few  weeks  later  became  a  partner,  and  edi- 


346  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

tor  of  the  paper.  This  lasted  Imt  a  few  months  as  Osborii  had  very 
pronounc-ed  anti-slavery  views,  which  did  not  hinge  with  those  of  Elihu 
Stout,  the  proprietor  of  the  paper;  and  so  they  "dissolved"  and  Osborn 
went  to  farming. 

In  1819  Osborn  was  joined  at  Vincennes  by  his  brother-in-law,  Amory 
Kinney,  a  native  of  Vermont,  who  had  read  law  at  Cortlandville,  in  the 
office  of  Samuel  Nelson,  later  a  justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
.  United  States.  Both  Osborn  and  Kinney  were  satisfied  that  the  slavery 
existing  in  Indiana  was  illegal,  and  they  united  to  make  a  test  case  with 
two  lawyers.  Col.  George  McDonald,  of  New  Jersey,  the  preceptor  and 
father-in-law  of  Judge  Isaac  Blackford,  who  entered  the  practice  at 
Vincennes  in  1819 ;  and  Moses  Tabbs,  a  son-in-law  of  Charles  Carroll 
of  Carrollton,  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  who  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  at  Vincennes  in  1818.  The  test  was  made  by  an 
action  of  habeas  corpus  on  behalf  of  a  mulatto  woman  named  Polly, 
held  as  a  slave  by  Col.  Hyacinthe  Lasselle,  the  principal  tavern  keeper 
of  Vincennes.  Lasselle  was  one  of  the  old  families  of  the  French  in 
Indiana.  His  father,  James  Lasselle,  was  an  Indian  trader  at  Ki-ki-on-ga 
(the  Indian  village  at  the  site  of  Fort  Wayne)  until  the  attack  on  that 
place  by  LaBalme ;  and  Hyacinthe  was  born  there  in  1777.  He  entered 
the  fur  trad&  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  at  Detroit,  removing  to  Fort  Wayne 
after  Wayne's  victory,  and  then  to  the  Wabash,  where  he  traded  until 
1804.  In  that  year  he  located  at  Vincennes,  and  the  next  year  married 
Julie  Frances  Busseron,  daughter  of  Major  Francis  Busseron,  who 
gave  notable  aid  to  Gen.  George  Rogers  Clark.  The  suit  was  of  a  friendly 
character,  the  defense  being  conducted  by  Judge  Jacob  Call,  later  a 
representative  in  Congress.  The  case  presented  the  question  of  the 
old  French  slavery,  Polly  being  the  daughter  of  a  negro  woman  who  had 
been  captured  by  the  Indians  in  the  Revolutionary  period.  The  Circuit 
Court  held  her  to  be  a  slave,  but  the  Supreme  Court  held  that  the  people 
of  Indiana  had  the  power  to  abolish  slavery,  without  regard  to  the  Vir- 
ginia Deed  of  Cession,  and  that  "the  framers  of  our  constitution  intended 
a  total  and  entire  prohibition  of  slavery  in  this  state.  "^ 

This  decision  was  made  in  July,  1820,  and  it  created  some  resentment 
among  the  slave-holders,  who  threatened  vengeance  on  Osborn  and  Kin- 
ney, liut  those  gentlemen  manifested  a  readiness  to  meet  any  one  hunt- 
ing for  trouble,  and  no  casualties  resulted.  For  some  time  a  news- 
paper had  been  edited  at  Vincennes,  by  Nathan  Blackman  which  was 
not  exactly  anti-slavery,  but  was  in  opposition  to  the  Sun.  Blackman 
died  on  December  19,  1821,  and  when  his  estate  was  disposed  of,  Kinney 


0  State   V.   Lasselle,   1   Blackf.,  p.   60. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  347 

bought  the  printing  office,  and,  on  December  14,  1822,  began  the  publi- 
cation of  The  Farmers  and  Mechanics  Journal,  with  Osborn  as  edi- 
tor.    This  was  as  fully  anti-slavery  as  any  of  the  papers  of  the  period, 
and  for  that  reason  was  not  popular  at  Vincennes,  so  after  six  months, 
Osborn  removed  to  the  new  town  of  Terre  Haute,  and  on  July  21,  1823, 
began  the  publication  of  the  Western  Register  and  Terre  Haute  Adver- 
tiser.    His  papers  at  both  places  were  ably  conducted,  and  had  large 
inlluence  in  crystallizing  the  growing  sentiment  against  slavery,  which 
was  stimulated  by  the  lawless  acts  of  the  Kentucky  roughs  and  their 
Indiana  allies.     At  the  legislative  session  of  1820,   impeachments  pro- 
ceedings were  instituted  against  Jacob  Brookhart,  a  justice  of  the  peace 
of  Clark   County,   charging  that  he  did  "wilfully  and  corruptly  aid, 
abet  and  assist  in  unlawfully  arresting,  imprisoning  and  running  out 
of  the  state  one  Isaac  Crosby,  a  man  of  color."     The  trial  was  set  for 
December    21,    but    Brookhart    resigned,    and    the    proceedings    were 
dropped. ^^    On  February  8,  1821,  there  was  a  riot  at  New  Albany  over 
an  attempt  to  kidnap  a  negro  named  Closes,  who  was  brought  there  by 
a  Kentuekian  named  Case.     After  he  had  lived  at  New  Albany  for  a 
year,  and  it  was  commonly  understood  that  he  was  free  on  that  account, 
he  was  seized  on  an  execution  against  Case.    The  hearing  before  a  jus- 
tice of  the  peace  was  set  for  February  8;  the  claimant's  agent  appeared 
at   the   trial    accompanied   by   "forty-three    able    bodied   men."      Only 
nine   of  these  were  sworn   as  witnesses,   and   the  talk  and  manner  of 
the  delegation  were  so  threatening  that  the  sheriff  called  out  the  militia, 
twenty  of  whom,  under  Col.  Charles  Paxson,  paraded  near  the  court. 
The  court  released  jMoses,  and  the  Kentuckians  seized  him,  and  under- 
took  to   carry   him   off,    which    was   promptly   resisted    by    bystanders. 
Thereupon,  "Judge  Woodruff  stood  forth  and  with  a  loud  voice  com- 
manded the  peace,  no  .sooner  were  the  words  uttered  than  he  was  knocked 
flat  on  the  ground  by  a  person  from  the  other  side  of  the  river."    When 
this   occurred    the   militia   charged   the   Kentuckians,    and   "several   of 
them   were  knocked  down   with  muskets  and  others   pricked  with   the 
bayonets,    and   some   badly   wounded."     The   result   of  the   affair   was 
that  Moses  remained   on   free   soil,   and   the   discomfited  kidnapers  re- 
turned to  their  old  Kentucky  home.^i 

There  were  other  cases  of  kidnaping  in  Indiana,!^  but  these  will  suffice 

to  present  the  local  backgroimd  when  the  Missouri  Compromise  brought 

f  ■      slavery   to   the   front   in  national   politics,   or  rather   tlie   admission   of 

10  Hou?e  Journal,  1820-1,  pp.  9.3,  118,  155. 

11  Centinel,  March  .3,  1821. 

12  For    an    interesting    collection    of    kiilnajiing    stories,    see    Cockrum 's    Pioneer 
History  of  Indiana,  Chap.  28. 


348  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Missouri,  which  is  sometimes  called  "'the  second  ^Missouri  Compromise." 
The  Missouri  enabling  act  provoked  little  antagonism,  but  when  Mis- 
souri offered  a  constitution  that  prohibited  the  emancipation  of  slaves, 
and  the  introduction  of  free  negroes  to  the  state,  there  was  widespread 
remonstrance.  Gradual  emancipation  was  one  of  the  unquestionable 
Jeffei-sonian  doctrines,  and  the  national  constitution  clearly  prohibited 
any  state  from  denying  rights  to  citizens  of  other  states  that  were 
exercised  by  its  own  citizens.  Missouri  refused  to  recede,  and  the  mat- 
ter was  compromised  by  an  act  of  Congress  admitting  the  state,  but 
on  the  "fundamental  condition"  that  its  legislature  should  promise 
never  to  pags  a  law  excluding  negroes.  The  Missouri  legislature  then 
passed  a  "solemn  act,"  promising  not  to  pa.ss  such  a  law,  which  was  of 
course  not  valid,  as  it  was  in  direct  conflict  with  the  constitution  from 
which  the  legislature  derived  its  existence :  but  Missouri  was  in.  Con- 
gressman Hendricks  and  Senator  Noble  voted  against  the  admission, 
and  Senator  Taylor  voted  for  it.  The  Indiana  House  of  Representa- 
tives, on  December  20,  1820,  passed  a  concurrent  resolution  condemn- 
ing the  ilissouri  constitution,  and  directing  the  Indiana  senators  and 
representatives  to  urge  the  calling  of  another  Missouri  convention,  and 
give  the  people  of  the  state  an  opportunity  to  adopt  a  constitution  with- 
out these  obnoxious  provisions;  and  similar  action  was  taken  in  other 
northern  states.  The  resolution  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  22  to  5, 
but  it  was  not  passed  by  the  Senate.  It  did  not  mention  any  names, 
but  of  course  condemned  Taylor  by  implication. 

The  Missouri  people  denounced  these  objections  as  hypocritical,  and 
with  apparent  cause.  Indiana  did  not  want  free  negroes.  The  report 
on  Governor  Slaughter's  letter,  quoted  abov<»,  declared  that  there  was 
"but  one  sentiment"  in  Indiana,  and  that  was  against  the  immigra- 
tion of  negroes,  slave  or  free.  In  1816  M.  E.  Sumner,  of  Tennessee,  had 
asked  legislative  permission  to  settle  in  Indiana  forty  slaves  that  he 
proposed  to  emancipate,  promising  to  provide  for  them  so  that  they 
would  not  become  public  charges.  Representative  Boone  moved  that  the 
petition  be  thrown  under  the  table,  but  it  was  referred  to  a  committee, 
of  w'hich  John  Dumont  was  chairman,  and  he  reported  in  substance,  "It 
would  be  impolitic  to  sanction  by  any  special  act  of  the  general  assem- 
bly, the  admission  of  emancipated  Africans  into  this  state;  the  reasons 
are  that  the  negi-oes  being  a  distinct  species,  insuperable  objections  exist 
to  their  participation  in  the  rights  of  suffrage,  representation  in  the  gov- 
ernment or  alliance  by  marriage,  and  that  in  consequence,  they  could 
never  feel  themselves  completely  free."  The  report  further  suggests 
"the  probability  of  intestine  war  at  a  future  period."  and  urges  that 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  349 

Congress  should  take  action  foi"  foreign  colonization. ^^  There  was  some 
discussion  of  the  report,  but  no  dissent  as  to  the  sentiments ;  and  finally, 
as  no  agreement  could  be  reached,  the  matter  was  dropped.  In  reality 
there  was  no  occasion  for  any  action,  for  Mr.  Sumner  could  have  brought 
as  many  negroes  into  Indiana  as  he  liked  without  any  legislative  permis- 
sion. The  only  restriction  of  the  constitution  was  that  they  could  not 
vote,  nor  serve  in  the  militia.  And  while  the  objection  to  negro  immigra- 
tion was  almost  as  pronounced  in  Indiana  as  in  Missouri,  there  was  noth- 
ing hypocritical  about  Indiana's  objection  to  Missouri's  constitution. 
The  point  was  tlmt  if  Missouri  could  exclude  the  undesirable  class,  it 
would  force  them  into  other  states  which  wanted  them  as  little  as  IMis- 
souri.  Moreover,  the  states  that  tolerated  slavery  were  the  responsible 
source  of  the  free  negroes,  and,  in  fairness,  ought  to  keep  at  least  their 
share  of  them.  ^Missouri  kept  faith  with  the  nation  until  1847,  and  then 
passed  a  law  prohibiting  negro  immigration.  Four  years  later,  Indiana 
did  the  same  thing,  by  the  constitution  of  1851. 

In  connection  with  the  Missouri  question,  it  may  be  mentioned  that 
some  Indiana  writers  have  been  misled  as  to  Indiana  sentiment  by  an 
article  published  in  the  National  Intelligencer  of  February  5,  1821,  giv- 
ing what  purported  to  be  resolutions  adopted  at  a  mass  meeting  at  Mont- 
gomeryville,  Gibson  County,  Indiana,  which  condemned  Hendricks  and 
Noble  for  their  votes,  and  commended  Taylor.'  *  This  article  was  widely 
republished  in  Indiana  papers  with  indignant  and  sarcastic  comments. 
The  Corydon  Gazette  printed  the  resolutions,  which  request  John  "W. 
JIaddox  "to  inform  members  who  voted  against  the  admission  of  Missouri 
that  they  disapprove,"  and  expressed  satisfaction  that  this  would  advise 
the  outside  world  that  there  was  such  a  politician  as  John  W.  Maddox 
in  Indiana.  It  also  stated  that  Montgomery ville  was  "a  town  only  in 
name,  as  it  contains  only  three  or  four  round  logged  cabin  roofed  houses, 
and  some  of  them  without  a  tenant."  In  reality  Montgomeryville  was 
something  like  Boston, — "not  a  place,  but  a  state  of  mind" — but  Major 
John  "W.  Maddox  was  a  man  of  some  prominence  in  Gibson  County,  for 
he  gave  one  of  the  toasts  at  the  dinner  to  Gen.  Harrison,  at  Princeton, 
on  June  9,  1821.  On  April  7,  the  Centinel  printed  a  letter  over  his 
name,  protesting  against  the  disparagement  of  Montgomeryville,  which 
he  asserted  to  possess  some  houses  of  "hughed  loggs,"  but  it  is  so  fear- 
fully and  wonderfully  spelled  and  composed  as  to  throw  doubt  on  its 
authenticity.  The  matter  attracted  so  much  attention  that  a  genuine 
Gibson  County  meeting  was  held,  and  Samuel  Montgomery,  Jesse  Emer- 
son and  Maj.  James  Smith,  prominent  citizens,  were  appointed  to  draft 


13  Niles  Register,  Vol.   11,  p.  313. 
iiEsarey's  Indiana,  p.  252. 


350  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

resolutions.  They  reported  that  the  prevailing  discussion  was  liable  to 
injure  the  reputation  of  Gibson  County,  and  stated  that,  "Montgomery- 
ville  is  neither  Town  nor  Village;  that  there  are  not  more  than  two  or 
three  voters  resident  at  said  place,  and  that  the  resolutions  spoken  of 
must  have  been  the  production  of  some  one  or  two  individuals  only.i^ 
Possibly  the  whole  thing  may  have  been  a  scheme  of  ]\Iaddox  to  adver- 
tise himself. 

During  all  these  years  there  had  been  some  demand  for  another  con- 
stitutional convention,  and  it  was  formally  proposed  in  the  legislatures 
of  1819,  1821  and  1822.  At  the  last  named  session  a  bill  was  passed  to 
submit  the  question  to  the  voters  at  the  election  in  August,  1823.  It 
is  unquestionable  that  there  were  some  defects  in  the  constitution  of  1816, 
that  were  already  apparent  to  some  of  the  people,  the  principal  ones 
being  the  expense  of  annual  sessions  of  the  legislature,  the  absurdity  of 
associate  judges  of  the  circuit  courts,  and  the  unsatisfactory  system  of 
removal  of  local  officers  by  impeachment  in  the  legislature ;  but  they  were 
not  apparent  to  the  masses,  and  they  were  ready  to  suspect  that  there 
was  .some  sinister  design  in  the  proposition.  This  was  promptly  supplied 
by  the  charge  that  the  object  was  to  introduce  slavery  into  the  State. 
It  is  simply  incredible  that  the  legislature  of  1822  had  any  such  motive, 
but  as  the  campaign  developed  everything  seemed  to  support  that  theory. 
The  advocacy  was  chiefly  by  Kentucky  papers,  which,  with  rare  imbe- 
cility, expressed  the  hope  that 'Indiana  would  admit  slavery. i"  The  one 
Indiana  newspaper  that  declared  for  a  convention  was  the  Vincennes 
Sun,  and  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  of  the  Knox  County  people 
had  been  dreaming  of  a  convention  that  would  admit  slavery,  for  one  of 
the  standing  toasts  at  Vincennes  dinners  had  been  to  the  effect  that  the 
people  had  made  the  constitution,  and  could  change  it  at  their  pleasure. 
But  Vincennes  now  had  an  anti-slavery  paper,  and  on  July  3,  Oshorn 
printed  an  article  signed  "B.  Whitson,"  in  which  is  said:  "Most  of 
you  who  settled  in  Indiana  under  territorial  government  were  emigrants 
from  those  states  where  you  could  say,  'My  ears  are  pained,  my  soul  is 
sick,  with  every  days  report  and  outrage  with  which  the  earth  is  filled.' 
You  saw  the  land  of  freedom  with  anxious  eye.  Yoii  braved  the  difficul- 
ties of  removing;  you  endured  the  hardships  and  underwent  the  priva- 
tions of  settling  in  a  country  where  you  no  more  expect  to  witness  those 
scenes  of  inhuman  barbarity  inflicted  on  the  unfortunate  and  unoffend- 
ing descendants  of  Africa.  But  some  of  our  citizens  have  rose  to  opu- 
lency;  and  it  seems  that  they  now  wish  to  be  placed  in  easier  circum- 
stances, as  to  themselves  and  their  children.    They  think  it  too  hard  for 


If'  Centinel,  May  5,  1821. 

i«  Kettleborough's  Constitution  Making  in  Indiana,  Vol.  1,  pp.  xlvii-li. 


This  is  the  latest  map  showing  the  effect  of  LaSalle's  report  of  his 
route  from  Lake  Erie  to  the  Illinois,  by  way  of  the  ]\Iaiimee,  St. 
Josephs,  and  Kankakee,  which  caused  Lake  Michigan  and  the  sources 
of  the  Kankakee  to  be  thrown  to  the  East.) 


352  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

'Master  Tominy  to  saddle  his  own  horse,  and  little  iliss  to  wash  the 
dishes  and  sweep  the  kitchen.'  Can  any  discerning  mind  doubt  for  a 
moment,  but  that  our  last  legislature  was  infested  with  men  of  this 
description  *?  From  what  else  could  the  bill  originate,  but  from  a  desire 
to  introduce  slavery  into  this  state  ?  Can  we  consent  to  sink  our  reputa- 
tion to  a  level  with  those  states  who  say  one  thing  and  do  another? 
*  *  *  Some  will  tell  you  it  is  impracticable  to  introduce  slavery  into 
this  state,  because,  they  say,  w*  are  under  the  control  of  congress ;  and 
that  we  cannot  frame  a  constitution  contrary  to  the  principles  under 
which  we  went  into  state  government.  But  I  will  assert  on  the  authority 
of  Governor  Hendricks'  word,  that  congi-ess  has  no  power  over  us,  to 
prevent  us  from  forming  a  constitution  which  will  admit  slavery.  It  is 
true  congress  would  not  suffer  us  to  form  a  constitution  tolerating  slav- 
ery; yet  the  act  of  congress  was  for  the  purpose  'of  admitting  us  into 
the  Union,  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  original  states.'  But  many  of 
the  original  states  constitutions  tolerate  slavery,  and  if  we  are  'on  an 
equal  footing,'  we  may,  if  we  please,  tolerate  slavery  too.  «  *  * 
What  if  there  are  small  defects  in  our  constitution?  If  there  are  it  shuts 
out  from  our  state  the  sooty  slave,  and  his  sable  master.  *  *  »  Never 
give  up  a  certainty  for  an  uncertainty.  It  is  easier  to  prevent  an  evil 
than  to  remove  it.i'^ 

There  was  another  outside  inlluence  as  potent  as  Kentucky  advocacy 
of  a  convention.  Illinois  had  called  for  a  vote  on  calling  a  convention 
this  same  year,  and  James  Lemen  was  still  on  guard  in  that  state.  On 
ilarch  '22,  1823,  a  convention  was  held  at  Belleville,  and  The  St.  Clair 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Slavery  in  the  State  of  Illinois  was  organ- 
ized, with  John  Messinger  as  Chairman,  and  James  Lemen  and  Samuel 
Mitchell  as  ^lanagers.  They  issued  a  strong  address  against  slavery, 
which  was  charged  to  be  the  avowed  purpose  of  the  proposed  Illinois 
convention.  Osborn  published  an  account  of  the  convention,  the  address, 
and  a  strong  editorial  urging  the  Illinois  people,  a  number  of  whom 
were  his  subscribers,  to  vote  against  a  convention.  He  also  warned  the 
Indiana  people  to  be  on  their  guard  against  the  like  danger.^*  The  final 
touch  was  added  by  an  atrocious  kidnaping  case.  On  May  23,  J.  C.  S. 
Harrison  wrote  from  Vincennes  to  his  father.  Gen.  Harrison,  in  Ohio, 
that  Jack  Butler,  a  former  bond-servant  of  the  General,  had  been  carried 
off,  together  with  his  wife,  two  boys  and  four  girls.  He  said  they  had 
evidently  been  kidnaped  by  three  men,  calling  themselves  Baird,  Myres 
and  Welsh,  who  had  come  over  from  Vandalia  some  days  earlier,  and  had 
bought  a  skiff  on  the  22d.,  with  which  they  had  disappeared.     He  had 

1'  Farmers  and  Mechanics  Journal,  July  .3,  1823. 

^  Farmers  and  Mechanics  Journal,  June  19,  July  10,  1823. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  353 

sent  a  man  to  try  to  intercept  them,  but  without  success.  General  Har- 
rison at  once  published  the  letter  in  the  Cincinnati  National  Republican, 
together  with  an  offer  of  $50  reward  for  the  arrest  of  any  of  the  kidnap- 
ers, and  the  same  amount  for  conviction.  He  asked  newspapers  of  the 
southern  states  to  copy  and  made  a  personal  appeal  to  the  governors  of 
Louisiana  and  Mississippi  to  arrest  the  fugitives  if  possible.  In  this 
article  he  said:  "Jack  Butler,  the  man,  belonged  to  a  respectable 
farmer  in  Washington  Co.,  Ky.,  from  whom  he  ran  away  in  the  year  1801 
and  came  to  Vincennes.  His  master  pursued  him,  and  having  appre- 
hended him  was  about  to  take  him  home,  when  on  the  solicitation  of  the 
negro,  I  purchased  him  for  the  sum  of  four  hundred  dollars,  upon  his 
agreejuent  to  serve  me  for  twelve  years.  This  he  faithfully  performed, 
and  was  discharged  in  1813.  His  wife,  whom  he  married  during  the  time 
that  he  was  my  servant,  was  the  daughter  of  a  free  woman  named  I\Iary 
Cauty,  who  then,  and  had  for  years  before,  resided  in  Vincennes.  I  do 
not  know  from  whence  the  mother  originally  came,  but  she  could  not  have 
been  a  native  of  any  of  the  U.  States,  as  she  spoke  no  English — herself 
and  family  using  altogether  the  French  language.  After  Jack  was  dis- 
charged from  my  service,  he  lived  in  Vincennes  until  the  year  1816 ;  and 
from  that  time  until  he  was  taken  away  he  remained  on  a  small  farm  of 
mine  on  the  Illinois  side  of  the  Wabash,  which  I  permitted  him  to  occupy 
in  consideration  of  his  faithful  services  to  me." 

Harrison's  efforts  were  successful;  and  within  a  month  it  was  an- 
nounced that  the  kidnapers  were  arrested  and  in  jail  at  New  Orleans. 
Osborn  said :  ' '  They  were  on  the  point  of  embarking  for  some  of  the 
W.  India  islands,  when  from  some  deficiency  in  their  clearance  papers, 
suspicion  was  excited  and  they  were  taken  up,  examined,  and  committed 
to  jail."  He  added:  "We  have  frequently  remarked  the  promptitude 
with  which,  in  general,  the  citizens  of  slave  states,  both  those  in  authority 
and  in  private  stations,  have  come  forward  to  rescue  from  illegal  bond- 
age persons  of  colour.^^  Here  was  an  illustration  of  the  evils  of  slavery 
that  could  not  be  questioned,  and  it  had  weight  in  the  election,  which 
resulted  in  only  2,601  votes  for  a  convention  with  11,991  against.  Osborn 
printed  the  returns  from  Knox  County,  which  had  favored  the  conven- 
tion, but  by  a  vote  of  only  353  to  345  against,  with  the  comment:  "This 
is  much  as  we  expected  it  would  be,  although  some  of  the  sage  '  resident- 
ers'  of  the  ancient  order  felicitated  themselves  with  the  pleasing  dream 
of  'three  to  one  in  favor  of  the  new  Convention,'  and  as  they  termed  it 
'plenty  of  sarvents.'  "  ^o 

After  the  War  of  1812  immigration  to  the  northwest  became  rapid, 


19  Farmers  and  Mechanics  Journal,  July  10,  24,  182.3. 

20  Western  Reffister  &  Terre  Haute  Advertiser,  August  13,  1823. 

Vol.    I— 23 


354  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

and  measures  were  taken  by  the  Government  to  extinguish  more  of  the 
Indian  titles  in  Indiana  and  Illinois.  There  was  trouble  over  conflicting 
claims  of  Indians  to  the  same  lands,  and  uncertainty  as  to  some  boundary 
lines,  which  necessitated  some  minor  treaties,  and  caused  provisions  in 
others  ratifying  previous  treaties  and  boundaries.  In  1809  Gen.  Har- 
rison had  bought  from  the  Kickapoos  a  tract  west  of  the  Wabash  running 
twenty  miles  up  the  Vermillion,  and  in  1816  Benjamin  Parke  made  a 
treaty  with  the  Kickapoos  and  Weas  for  the  same  land.  In  September, 
1817,  Lewis  Cass  and  Duncan  McArthur  made  a  treaty  with  the  Wyan- 
dots  and  others  for  a  tract  in  northwestern  Ohio  and  northeastern  Indi- 
ana, connecting  Fort  Wayne  with  Lake  Erie  and  the  ceded  lands  in  Ohio. 
The  important  treaty  for  Indiana,  however,  wa.s  made  at  St.  Marys,  in 
October  1818,  by  Jonathan  Jennings,  Lewis  Cass  and  Benjamin  Parke. 
On  October  2,  the  Weas  released  all  of  their  lands  in  Indiana  except  a 
reservation  seven  miles  square  on  the  Wabash,  running  north  from  the 
mouth  of  Big  Raccoon  Creek.  On  the  same  day  the  Potawatomis  re- 
leased all  claims  south  of  the  Wabash,  and  a  strip  twenty-five  miles  wide  . 
north  of  the  Wabash,  extending  from  the  Vermillion  to  the  Tippecanoe. 
On  the  3d  the  Delawares  released  all  their  claims  in  Indiana,  and  agreed 
to  move  west  of  the  Mississippi  within  three  years,  for  which  j^urpose 
they  were  to  be  furnished  120  horses,  pirogues  and  provisions.  On  the 
6th  the  Miamis  released  all  of  their  lands  south  of  the  Wabash,  except- 
ing some  small  reservations,  and  one  large  one,  extending  from  the 
mouth  of  the  Salominie  to  the  mouth  of  Eel  river,  and  an  equal  distance 
south,  and  including  1,500  square  miles.  The  large  tract  in  Indiana  thus 
obtained  was  commonly  known  as  "The  New  Purchase,"  and,  indeed, 
was  so  called  in  the  act  of  the  legislature  for  the  division  of  Wayne 
County,  of  January  10,  1818.  In  his  message  to  the  legislature,  of 
December  7,  1819,  Governor  Jennings  calls  it  "the  late  purchase";  but 
the  legislature,  in  its  act  establishing  counties  in  it,  call  it  "the  new 
purchase,  lately  acquired  from  the  Indians." ^i  Before  these  treaties, 
only  the  southern  part  of  the  State,  about  one  third  of  its  extent,  was 
open  to  settlement.  They  added  substantially  another  third,  in  the  cen- 
ter of  the  State.  The  act  of  1820,  above  mentioned,  added  parts  of  the 
new  purchase  to  adjoining  counties,  and  divided  the  remainder  on  the 
line  of  the  second  principal  meridian,  the  part  east  of  the  line  being 
called  Delaware  County,  and  that  west  Wabash  County. 

In  this  connection  it  will  be  well  to  note  the  survey  system  of  Indi- 
ana, the  history  of  M'hich  has  been  very  fully  unearthed  by  Mr.  Geo.  R. 
Wilson  of  "the  Freeman  Line  Commission."     Although  following  the 


Acts  of  1820,  p.  95. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  355 

same  system  of  division,  the  Indiana  surveys  are  entirely  independent  of 
the  Ohio  surveys,  except  in  the  triangular  tract  in  the  southeastern  part 
of  the  State,  east  of  the  Greenville  Treaty  line,  which  is  known  as  "the 
Gore."  The  first  large  survey  in  Indiana  was  of  the  Vineennes  Tract, 
originally  given  by  the  Indians  to  the  French  in  1742,  and  ceded  to  the 
United  States  by  the  Treaty  of  Greenville.  In  1801  Governor  Harrison 
wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War  that  the  difficulty  of  keeping  squatters  ofiE 
the  Indian  lands  was  much  increased  by  the  fact^that  the  tract  had  not 
been  surveyed,  and  the  boundaries  established.  In  1802  the  Government 
sent  Thomas  Freeman,  a  Government  Surveyor,  who  had  been  appointed 
in  1796  to  run  the  line  between  Spanish  Florida  and  the  United  States, 
to  survey  the  Vineennes  Tract.  This  tract  was  twenty-four  leagues  in 
width,  up  and  down  the  Wabash,  from  White  river  to  Pointe  Coupee 
near  ^lerom,  by  twice  that  length,  extending  on  both  sides  of  the  Wabash. 
Freeman  made  the  survey  in  1802  and  1803 ;  and  the  two  Indiana  cor- 
ners, the  northeastern  in  Orange  County,  and  the  southeastern  in  Perry 
County,  are  still  known  as  "Freeman's  Corners."  In  making  the  survey 
it  was  found  that  white  settlements  had  already  encroached  on  the  Indian 
lands  in  the  vicinity  of  Carlisle,  in  Sullivan  County,  and  of  Princeton, 
in  Gibson  County,  and  by  a  supplemental  treaty  at  Fort  Wayne,  on 
June  7,  1803,  it  was  agreed  that  offsets  should  be  made  to  take  in  these 
two  settlements  and  the  north  and  south  lines  were  so  surveyed.  In 
1804,  Ebenezer  Buckingham,  Jr.,  began  the  main  survey  of  Indiana  lands, 
and  he  took  Freeman's  southeast  corner  for  his  starting  point.  He  ran 
the  Base  Line  east  and  west  from  this  point,  and  also  evidently  intended 
to  run  the  second  principal  meridian  through  this  point,  but  in  1805,  he 
threw  this  twelve  miles  east,  presumably  to  take  it  out  of  the  Vineennes 
Tract,  which  makes  it  run  through  Freeman's  northeast  corner.  In  con- 
sequence, all  land  descriptions  in  Indiana  refer  back,  by  township  and 
range  numbers,  to  Freeman's  corners. 

Here  also  may  be  noted  the  beginning  in  Indiana  of  our  present 
Indian  system.  The  Indian  school  of  Isaac  McCoy  has  often  been  men- 
tioned by  Indiana  writers,  but  the  significance  of  his  work  has  been  over- 
looked. McCoy  was  a  most  remarkable  character.  Many  of  the  pioneer 
preachers  underwent  great  hardships,  but  no  other  equaled  McCoy  in 
this  respect.  In  fact,  St.  Paul  himself  had  no  more  strenuous  life.  Like 
the  Apostle  to  the  Gentiles,  he  was  converted  by  a  great  light.  At  the 
age  of  seventeen,  while  working  in  the  woods,  on  a  dark  misty  day,  he 
suddenly  had  the  impression  of  a  bright  light  about  him,  and  turned  to 
see  if  the  sun  had  come  out,  when  it  vanished.  At  the  same  time  he  had 
his  "call."  He  says:  "I  not  only  felt  an  impression  to  preach,  but  I 
felt  strong  impressions  to  publish  salvation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Vin- 


I  \ 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  357 

eeniies.  I  could  not  account  for  these  impressions,  as  I  was  an  entire 
stranger  to  the  place,  and  knew  but  little  of  it  by  information,  and  the 
accomplishment  of  such  a  thing  seemed  impracticable."  He  knelt  in 
prayer,  and  thereafter  had  no  doubt  as  to  his  duty.  He  had  not  been 
especially  sinful.  He  was  born  in  Fayette  County,  Pennsylvania,  June 
13,  1784.  His  father,  who  was  a  Baptist  preacher,  removed  to  Kentucky 
when  he  was  six  years  old,  and  he  grew  up  there,  known  throughout  the 
neighborhood  as  a  boy  with  a  fondness  for  books,  and  an  aversion  to  evil 
in  all  forms.  In  1803  he  married  Christiana  Polke,  a  daughter  of 
Charles  Polke,  the  Baptist  preacher  who  was  a  member  of  the  Indiana 
Constitutional  Convention  of  1816.  His  calling  was  so  impressed  on  his 
mind  that  "in  settling  the  match  he  told  her  that  he  must  move  directly 
to  Vincennes. "  Six  months  after  their  marriage  they  removed  to  Vin- 
cennes;  but  finding  the  climate  sickly,  and  no  opening  for  missionary 
work,  they  went  to  Clark  County,  and  located  near  the  Silver  Creek 
Baptist  Church,  to  which  his  father,  William  ^IcCoy,  had  been  minister- 
ing for  several  years.  Here  they  lived  for  three  years,  and  here  he  was 
licensed  to  "exercise  his  gift"  of  preaching.  Then  they  moved  back  to 
"the  Wabash  country,"  and  settled  eight  miles  northeast  of  Vincennes 
near  his  wife's  uncle,  ilajor  William  Bruce.  Here  he  purchased  tifty- 
four  acres  of  land,  on  Maria  Creek,  and  soon  after  the  Maria  Creek  Bap- 
tist Church  was  constituted,  with  him  as  pastor.  He  was  not  a  tent- 
maker  as  Paul  was,  but  he  had  learned  the  trade  of  a  wheelwright  trom 
his  father,  and  not  only  made  spinning-wheels,  but  repaired  all  sorts  of 
farming  implements.  During  the  War  of  1812,  all  the  settlers  in  the 
vicinity  lived  in  a  fort,  and  ilcCoy,  who  had  frontier  training  with  a 
rifle,  was  a  leader  in  the  precautions  against  hostile  Indians.  Between 
times  he  went  on  missionary  journeys  through  Kentucky  and  as  far  as 
Missouri. 

After  the  war,  McCoy's  thoughts  were  turned  towards  the  Indians, 
whose  wretched  condition  attracted  the  sympathy  of  all  intelligent  men 
familiar  with  it.  The  controversy  in  the  Baptist  church  over  the  subject 
of  missions  had  already  begun.  The  Calvinistic  brethren,  holding  to  pre- 
destination and  election,  considered  missions,  Sunday  schools,  an  edu- 
cated ministry,  tracts,  and  all  other  organized  efforts  at  salvation  as 
works  of  the  devil,  being  officious  interferences  with  the  established  will 
of  God.  In  the  division  of  the  church  that  followed  these  were  known  as 
"Primitive  Baptists,"  or  more  familiarly  as  "Hard  Shells."  ilcCoy 
met  some  opposition  from  these,  but  his  personal  popularity  gave  him 
support  in  the  churches  where  he  was  known.  In  October,  1817,  he 
succeeded  in  getting  an  appointment  from  The  Board  of  the  Baptist 
Triennial  Convention  (now  Missionary  Union),  for  one  year,  for  parts 


358  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

of  Indiana  and  Illinois,  with  instructions  "to  give  attention  to  the 
Indians  as  far  as  practicable."  He  began  his  work  with  seeming  hope- 
less obstructions.  He  knew  nothing  of  Indian  languages,  and  the  only 
available  interpreters  were  French  Catholics,  who  used  their  influence 
with  the  Indians  against  him.  In  this  first  year  he  obtained  the  promise 
of  only  two-half-breed  children  for  his  proposed  mission  school  from 
their  Indian  mothers;  and  these  were  refused  by  their  Catholic  fathers. 
The  net  result  of  the  first  year's  work  was  that  he  bought  a  small  tract 
of  land  on  Raccoon  Creek,  near  the  present  town  of  Montezuma,  Indiana, 
as  near  the  new  Wea  reserve  as  he  could  conveniently  get,  and  put  up 
two  log  cabins  for  his  proposed  mission.  In  October  1818,  although  his 
appointment  had  not  been  renewed,  he  moved  with  his  wife  and  seven 
small  children  to  this  location,  accompanied  only  by  a  young  man  named 
Martin,  who  was  employed  as  an  assistant,  ilartin  was  a  professed 
atheist,  but  he  was  the  only  help  available,  and  he  was  later  converted 
through  the  efi'orts  of  McCoy,  and  himself  became  a  missionary.  After 
getting  settled,  he  left  his  family  at  the  mission,  and  went  with  Martin 
on  a  journc.y  through  the  wilderness  of  central  Indiana,  in  search  of 
Indian  pupils,  going  as  far  as  the  Shawnee  towns  on  the  Ohio  border. 
The  Indians,  when  sober,  were  courteous,  but  rather  suspicious.  They 
could  not  understand  a  white  man  who  wished  to  do  something  for  them 
from  purely  disinterested  motives.  Chief  Anderson,  who  had  just  taken 
part  in  the  New  Purchase  treaty,  told  him  that  when  the  Delawares  were 
settled  beyond  the  ^lississippi,  and  had  some  assurance  that  they  would 
not  again  be  disturbed,  he  would  be  glad  to  consider  his  proposals,  but 
for  the  present  nothing  would  be  done.  McCoy  returned  to  the  mission, 
and  on  January  1,  1819,  opened  his  school,  %vith  six  white  children  from 
the  families  of  the  nearest  settlers,  and  one  lone  Brotherton  Indian  boy, 
who  was  taught,  boarded  and  clothed  gi'atuitously. 

McCoy  had  come  home  with  a  fever,  and  he  had  repeated  attacks 
afterwards,  which  several  times  brought  him  to  death's  door.  He  had  a 
weak  stomach,  and  the  Indian  cooking  on  which  he  had  to  rely  when 
traveling,  was  often  of  a  character  to  try  a  strong  stomach.  This,  added 
to  great  exposure  in  a  country  where  malarial  disease  was  prevalent 
even  among'  the  Indians,  brought  recurrent  spells  of  sickness  that  at 
times  prostrated  him  for  weeks.  But,  when  strong  enough  to  ride  a 
horse,  he  kept  at  his  work,  and  gradually  broke  down  the  distrust  of  the 
Indians,  as  well  as  gaining  the  confidence  of  the  whites  with  whom  he 
came  in  contact.  At  the  same  time  he  was  making  every  effort  to  acquire 
the  Indian  languages,  under  the  most  discouraging  circumstances.  Late 
in  the  fall,  Martin  left  him,  to  preach  in  the  white  settlements,  and  was 
replaced  by  Johnston  Lykins,  another  unbeliever,  who  later  became  a 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  359 

convert,  and  a  devoted  Indian  missionary.  In  May,  1820,  in  response  to 
an  invitation  from  John  Johnston,  the  Indian  agent  at  Fort  Wayne,  and 
influential  ^Miami  chiefs,  the  mission  was  moved  to  Fort  Wayne.  The 
effects  of  the  mission  were  sent  up  the  Wabash  in  a  batteau,  except  some 
cattle  and  hogs,  which  were  driven  overland,  McCoy  and  his  wife  and 
children  going  on  horseback.  In  this  removal  they  were  assisted  by 
McCoy's  brother-in-law,  William  Polke,  of  the  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion of  1816,  who  subsequently  took  much  interest  in  the  mission,  and 
aided  on  the  material  side  of  the  work.22  On  May  29,  1820,  the  school 
was  opened  at  Fort  Wayne  with  ten  English  pupils,  six  PVeuch,  eight 
Indians  and  one  negro.  The  school  grew  rapidly,  and  the  difficulty  of 
maintaining  it  grew  in  proportion,  for  it  had  no  regular  support.  If 
generous  people  had  not  responded  to  McCoy's  appeals  for  aid  with 
gifts  of  food  and  clothing  it  must  have  been  abandoned.  Gov.  Cass 
heard  of  it  at  Detroit,  and  came  to  the  rescue  with  $450  worth  of  food  and 
clothing  from  public  funds.  But  with  all  of  this,  ilrs.  McCoy  was  at 
times  left  with  two  or  three  dozen  scantily  clad  Indian  children,  and  no 
food  in  the  house  but  a  small  .supply  of  hominy.  She  was  entitled  to 
as  much  credit  as  McCoy  for  pulling  the  school  through.  She  not  only 
attended  to  the  housekeeping  but  instructed  the  Indian  girls  in  all  sorts 
of  domestic  employments.  McCoy's  mechanical  skill  enabled  him  to  give 
instruction  in  all  sorts  of  mechanical  work  that  was  useful  on  the  frontier, 
and  between  them  the  school  demonstrated  its  utility  to  the  most  skep- 
tical ;  for  there  were  skeptics,  some  of  whom  even  pronounced  ]\IcCoy  a 
fool  for  trying  to  teach  Indians.  One  notable  convert  to  the  usefulness 
of  the  work  was  John  Vawter,  an  elder  of  the  Silver  Creek  church, 
who  had  often  discoursed  against  missionary  work  of  all  kinds.  He 
had  become  U.  S.  marshal  for  Indiana,  and  after  a  visit  to  the  mission 
school,  completely  reversed  his  views,  and  wrote  a  circular  letter  urging 
aid  to  the  mission,  which  was  widely  published  in  the  West,  and  brought 
much  needed  aid. 

The  fame  of  the  school  also  spread  among  the  Indians,  and  came  to 
ilenominee,  a  Potawatomi  who  had  set  up  as  a  religious  leader,  with  a 
pretty  fair  religion  of  his  own,  but  with  no  knowledge  of  Christianity. 
On  McCoy's  invitation  he  visited  Fort  Wayne,  and  decided  to  adopt 
McCoy's  religion.  He  went  back  with  a  promise  from  ^IcCoy  to  visit 
him.  This  was  done  in  June,  1821 ;  and  McCoy  was  received  with  dis- 
tinguished honor,  and  protestations  of  friendship  from  all  the  Potawa- 
tomis  in  the  vicinity.  This  was  of  importance  for  a  treaty  with  the 
Potawatomis  was  to  be  held  at  Chicago  in  August.     ]\IcCoy  decided  to 


22  Polke  Memoirs,  in  Ind.  Mag.  of  Hist.,  1914. 


360 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


accept  the  invitation  of  these  Indians  to  locate  among  them,  if  satis- 
factory arrangements  could  be  made.  He  confided  his  plans  to  Sena- 
tor Trimble,  of  Ohio,  who  visited  the  mission  on  his  waj'  to  the  treaty, 
and  secured  the  warm  cooperation  of  this  representative  of  the  Govern- 
ment. At  the  treaty  the  Potawatomis  agreed  to  give  a  section  of  land 
for  a  school,  and  the  Government  agreed  to  pay  $1,000  a  year,  for  fifteen 


Eliza  McCoy 


years,  for  the  support  of  a  teacher  and  blacksmith.  There  was  a  moment 
of  danger,  when  the  interpreter  represented  that  the  Indians  wanted 
a  Catholic  teacher,  but  one  of  the  Indians  understood  English,  and  made 
a  protest ;  and  all  of  the  Indians  announced  that  they  wanted  ]\IcCoy. 
The  school  at  Fort  Wayne  had  grown  to  more  than  forty  pupils,  but 
in  December,  1822,  it  was  removed  to  the  St.  Josephs,  near  Niles,  Michi- 
gan, and  the  Carey  ]\Iission  was  established.  It  remained  until  1828, 
when  ]McCoy  followed  the  Indians  to  the  West.    Thev  were  in  sore  need 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  ^  361 

during  the  rest  of  the  winter,  owing  to  the  failure  of  supplies  to  arrive, 
but  after  that  the  mission  prospered,  and  there  was  no  serious  physical 
discomfort.  In  the  course  of  his  work,  McCoy  became  satisfied  that  the 
only  hope  for  the  Indians  lay  in  separating  them  from  contact  with  the 
whites,  and  he  evolved  the  idea  of  a  separate  Indian  Territory  west  of 
the  Mississippi,  where  they  could  live  to  themselves,  luitil  thoroughly 
civilized.  He  had  gained  the  confidence  of  officials  at  Washington,  who 
were  persuaded  of  the  soimdness  of  his  view.  It  found  ready  acceptance 
from  politicians  who  wanted  to  get  rid  of  the  Indians  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi. The  only  material  objection  came  from  Southern  politicians  who 
did  not  want  the  Indians  colonized  south  of  the  Mason  and  Dixon's 
line.  McCoy  was  put  forward  as  the  champion  of  the  system,  which  fi- 
nally resulted  in  the  establishment  of  Indian  Territory,  and  our  present 
system  of  education  and  aid  to  the  Indians.  The  Government  did  not 
do  its  full  duty  in  suppressing  outlaws  and  disreputable  whites  who 
furnished  liquor  to  the  Indians;  but  McCoy  and 'his  family  followed 
the  Indians  and  devoted  themselves  to  their  welfare.  His  pamphlet, 
"The  Practicability  of  Indian  Reform,"  published  in  1829,  was  the  argu- 
ment on  which  the  new  system  rested. 

He  realized,  however,  that  the  work,  if  successful,  could  not  be  left 
to  governmental  agencies  alone.  He  advocated  church  action  until,  in 
1842,  he  succeeded  in  organizing  the  American  Indian  Mission  Associa- 
tion, and  located  at  Louisville  to  take  charge  of  its  work.  He  continued 
in  this  until  his  death,  on  June  21,  1846.  His  tombstone  in  the  old 
"Western  Cemetery"  at  Louisville  bears  the  merited  inscription:  "For 
nearly  thirty  years  his  entire  time  and  energies  were  devoted  to  the 
civil  and  i-eligious  improvement  of  the  aboriginal  tribes  of  this  country. 
He  projected  and  founded  the  plan  of  their  colonization,  their  only 
hope,  and  the  imperishable  monument  of  his  wisdom  and  benevolence." 
His  daughter  Delilah,  a  native  of  Indiana,  who  had  married  Johnston 
Lykins,  remained  with  him  on  the  mission  field.  His  niece,  Eliza  McCoy, 
entered  the,  work,  and  became  one  of  the  most  noted  of  Indian  mission- 
aries. She  was  also  a  native  of  Indiana.  At  her  death  she  left  a  hand- 
some fortune  to  the  cause.  In  all  of  Indiana  history  there  is  no  brighter 
record  than  that  of  this  devoted  family. 

The  treaties  of  1818  gave  opportunity  for  the  location  of  a  permanent 
capital,  which  was  something  that  the  Stat-e  had  been  looking  forward 
to  for  several  years.  As  before  mentioned,  when  the  State  was  admitted 
Congress  donated  four  sections  for  a  capital,  to  be  selected  by  the  legis- 
lature from  "such  lands  as  may  hereafter  be  acciuired  by  the  United 
States,  from  the  Indian  tribes  within  the  said  territory."  By  an  act 
of  January  11,  1820,  ten  commissioners  were  appointed  to  select  the  site. 


/>     f}ia^3   ^ottitf  •\i'li',t 

jlif  ?  rtiv/d  y^sTTrHfiMir  jnr^ro.   ""J 

t4  fi-T  ^mf^&r«rt    -mfr-  .  '■', 

hni  ef  Till  Jvwtt  .  t  V,"^ 

I 


Ralston 's  Plat  of  1821 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  363 

The  commissioners  were  George  Hunt,  of  Wayne  County;  John  Conner 
of  Fayette ;  Stephen  Ludlow,  of  Dearborn ;  John  Gilliland,  of  Switzer- 
land; Joseph  Bartholomew,  of  Clark;  John  Tipton,  of  Harrison;  Jesse 
B.  Durham,  of  Jackson;  Frederick  Rapp,  of  Posey;  William  Prince,  of 
Gibson ;  and  Thomas  Eramerson,  of  Knox.  With  the  exception  of  Will- 
iam Prince,  the  appointees  accepted,  and  met  at  the  house  of  William 
Conner,  on  White  river,  about  four  miles  below  Noblesville,  where  Con- 
ner had  kept  a  trading  station  since  1802.  Governor  Jennings  accom- 
panied the  party.  After  examining  the  land  for  thirty  or  forty  miles 
along  the  river,  they  agreed  on  May  27  to  locate  at  the  mouth  of  Fall 
Creek,  but  as  the  survey  of  the  township  in  which  this  lay  was  not  com- 
pleted, they  adjourned  for  a  week,  and  on  June  7  made  the  selection 
by  exact  description.  By  act  of  January  6,  1821,  the  legislature  rati- 
fied the  selection,  as  everybody  expected,  and  provided  for  thre«  com- 
missioners to  lay  out  the  town.  It  provided  that  they,  "or  a  majority 
of  them,"  should  meet  on  the  town  site,  on  the  first  Monday  in  April, 
1821,  and  lay  out  a  town,  "on  such  plan  as  they  may  conceive  will  be 
advantageous  to  the  State  and  to  the  prosperity  of  said  town,  having 
speciality  in  view  the  health,  utility  and  beauty  of  the  place."  The 
commissioners  chosen  were  James  W.  Jones,  Samuel  P.  Booker  and 
Christopher  Harrison,  but  only  Harrison  appeared  at  the  time  and 
place  designated.  He,  however,  was  equal  to  the  emergency,  and,  hold- 
ing himself  a  majority  of  those  present  and  voting,  he  went  ahead  with 
the  work,  employing  Alexander  Ralston,  a  surveyor  who  had  helped 
Major  L 'Enfant  lay  out  Washington  City,  and  Elias  Pym  Fordham, 
an  Englishman  from  Birkbeck's  Illinois  colony,  to  make  the  survey. 
The  design  was  Ralston 's,  and  was  a  modification  of  the  Washington 
plan,  the  plat  covering  a  mile  square,  ten  blocks  in  each  direction,  with 
diagonal  streets  running  to  each  of  the  four  corners ;  and  Ralston 
asserted  that  "it  would  make  a  beautiful  city,  if  it  were  ever  built." 
Gen.  John  Carr,  who  had  been  appointed  Agent  for  the  sale  of  the 
town  lots,  also  went  on  with  the  sale  in  October,  and  314  lots  were  sold 
at  a  price  of  $35,596.25,  of  which  $7,119.25  was  paid  in;  but  161  of 
these  lots  were  afterwards  forfeited  or  released,  as  they  did  not  attain 
the  selling  value  anticipated  by  speculative  purchasers.  The  sui-\'ey 
and  sale  of  lots  were  legalized  by  act  of  November  28,  1821. 

The  act  for  the  appointment  of  the  commissioners  also  gave  the 
name  Indianapolis  to  the  new  capital,  and  this  point  caused  almost 
as  much  discussion  as  all  the  remainder  of  the  bill.  Gen.  !Marston  G. 
Clark  had  proposed  "Tecumseh,"  before  the  legislature  met,  and  it  had 
been  advocated  by  some  of  the  newspapers ;  but  this  and  several  other 
names  were  rejected  by  the  House,  and  "Indianapolis"  was  adopted. 


364  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

The  controvei-sy  was  a  household  story  in  Indiana,  but  nearly  half  a 
century  passed  before  there  was  any  known  statement  as  to  who  sug- 
gested Indianapolis.  Then  Judge  Jeremiah  Sullivan,  in  answer  to  an 
inquiry  from  Governor  Baker,  stated  that  he  originated  it,  and  went 
to  Corydon  with  the  intention  of  proposing  it ;  that  he  at  first  confided 
in  Samuel  Merrill,  a  fellow  member  of  the  House,  who  approved  the 
name  and  went  with  him  to  Governor  Jennings,  who  also  approved ; 
that  he  then  moved  the  adoption  of  the  name,  and  ^lerrill  seconded  the 
motion,  which  was  adopted.  Judge  Sullivan's  story  was  published  in 
Holloway's  History  of  Indianapolis,  in  1870,  and  in  Sulgrove's  Indian- 
apolis, in  1884.  and  was  not  questioned  publicly  until  1910.  It  was  then 
announced  that  ilrs.  John  Ketcham,  a  daughter  of  Samuel  ^Merrill,  in 
some  unpublished  memoirs,  stated  that  her  father  had  always  claimed 
to  have  originated  the  name,  and  that  he  reiterated  the  claim  after  she 
called  his  attention  to  Judge  Sullivan's  statement,  but  said  to  "let  the 
matter  drop."  As  all  the  parties  concerned  were  of  unquestionable 
integrity,  there  is  manifestly  a  case  of  poor  memory  on  the  part  of  some- 
body. Aside  from  Judge  Sullivan's  published  statement,  there  are  two 
facts  that  would  favor  his  claim.  The  fii-st  is  that  ilr.  ^Merrill  wrote 
what  is  known  as  Chamberlain's  Gazetteer  of  Indiana,  originally  pub- 
lished in  1849,  and  in  his  account  of  the  foimding  of  Indianapolis,  he 
says,  "the  name  of  Indianapolis  was  given  to  it,"  and  nothing  more. 
Second,  while  the  discussion  of  the  question  was  in  committee  of  the 
whole,  and  therefore  is  not  reported  in  the  .iournal,  it  does  record  that 
on  December  22,  when  the  bill  wa.s  reported  out,  "ilr.  :\Ierrill  moved  to 
amend  the  said  bill  by  striking  out  the  sixth  section  and  inserting  in 
lieu  thereof  the  following :  the  said  town  shall  be  called  and  known  by 
such  name  a.s  the  commissioners  sliall  select."  Section  six  of  the  act 
has  no  reference  to  the  name,  but  on  December  30  the  senate  struck  out 
all  of  the  bill  after  the  enacting  clause  and  inserted  a  substitute,  which 
accounts  for  the  transfer  of  the  name  to  section  21.='''  As  there  was  no 
action  liy  the  House,  in  the  way  of  amendment,  after  Mr.  Merrill's  mo- 
tion, which  was  lost,  it  is  evident  that  Indianapolis  was  in  the  bill  at 
that  time. 

The  name  "Indianapolis"  excited  as  much  hilarity  in  the  State, 
at  the  time,  as  the  other  names  had  caused  in  the  House.  The  Vin- 
cennes  Centinel,  on  January  15,  1821,  announced  the  new  name  thus: 
"Such  a  name,  kind  readers,  you  would  never  find  by  searching  from  Dan 
to  Beersheba :  nor  in  all  the  liliraries,  museums,  and  patent  offices  in  the 
world.     It  is  like  nothing  in  heaven,  nor  on  earth,  nor  in  the  waters 


■H.  J.,  p.  1.59;   S.  J.,  p.  155. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


365 


under  the  earth.  It  is  not  a  name  for  man,  woman  or  child ;  for  empire, 
city,  mountain  or  morass;  for  bird,  beast,  fish  nor  creeping  thing;  and 
nothing  mortal  or  immortal  could  have  thought  of  it,  except  the  wise 
men  of  the  East  who  were  congregated  at  Corydon."  A  week  later  it 
had  another  editorial  comment  in  similar  vein,  and  a  communication, 
which  closed  with  the  words:    "Should  you  require  the  etymology  of 


Jeremiah  Sullivan 


the  word  itself,  I  beg  leave  to  refer  you  to  the  Pataphreazely  (a  new 
work  and  very  rare)  under  the  head  'Sil.'  (This  work  serves  as  a  Lexi- 
con to  the  ancient  Hindoo  language!)  and  reversing  the  letters  you  have 
Silopanaidni  which  signifies  'A  Head  Without  Brains.'  "  However, 
the  public  rather  liked  the  name  after  they  became  accustomed  to  it; 
and  it  has  not  only  had  niany  imitations,  but  also  has  been  appropriated 
bodily  for  towns  in  Texas,  Colorado,  Iowa  and  Oklahoma.  This  dupli- 
cation of  names  caused  so  much  miscarriage  of  mails  that  the  postal 
authorities  had  all  of  them  changed  except  the  Oklahoma  town. 


366  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Being  designated  as  the  capital,  and  being  the  capital  were  two 
different  things.  Oliver  H.  Smith,  who  made  his  debut  in  political  life 
as  a  representative  in  the  legislature  of  1822-3,  says  that  among  the 
few  measures  in  which  he  took  an  active  interest,  was  "the  act  giving  a 
representation  to  'the  new  purchase,'  to  strengthen  the  middle  and 
northern  parts  of  the  State,  in  passing  a  law  for  the  removal  of  the 
seat  of  government  from  Corydon  to  Indianapolis.  This  latter  act  was 
warmly  contested,  debated  weeks  and  finally  passed  by  a  very  close  vote. 
The  first  constitution  provided  that  'Corydon,  in  Harrison  County, 
shall  be  the  seat  of  government  of  the  State  of  Indiana,  until  the  year 
eighteen  hundred  and  twenty-five,  and  until  removed  by  law.'  It  fur- 
ther provided,  'the  General  Assembly  may,  within  two  years  after  their 
first  meeting,  and  shall  in  the  year  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty-five, 
and  every  other  subsequent  term  of  five  years,  cause  an  enumeration  to 
be  made,  of  all  the  white  male  inhabitants  above  the  age  of  twenty-one 
years;  the  number  of  Representatives  shall  at  the  several  periods  of 
making  such  enumeration  be  fixed  by  the  General  Assembly,  and  ap- 
portioned among  the  several  counties.'  The  question  was  whether  it 
was  competent  for  the  Legislature  to  take  the  census  and  make  the  ap- 
portionment at  any  intermediate  time,  or  whether  it  could  only  be  done 
at  the  expiration  of  every  five  years.  We  carried  the  biU  in  favor  of 
the  first  construction,  and  the  seat  of  government  wa.s  removed  years 
sooner  than  it  would  otherwise  have  been."-^  This  is  not  quite  exact. 
The  new  counties  that  had  been  formed  since  the  last  constitutional  ap- 
portionment had  no  representation.  The  people  of  Marion  County  met 
at  Crumbaugh's  tavern,  on  September  26,  1822,  and  petitioned  for 
representation.  The  people  of  the  New  Purchase  were  in  close  political 
touch  with  "the  Whitewater,"  from  which  many  of  them  came,  and 
which  ]Mr.  Smith  represented.  What  the  General  Assembly  of  1822-3 
did  was  to  give  representation  to  the  new  counties,  to  the  extent  of  three 
representatives  and  two  senators.-^  which  was  enoiigh  to  give  a  majority 
at  the  next  session.  There  is  no  record  of  any  census  or  enumeration 
being  ordered  in  any  intermediate  year ;  but  the  Auditor  of  State  had  in 
his  office  a  report  of  the  taxable  polls  in  each  county  and  furnished 
the  information  to  the  legislature  when  it  was  wanted.  Such  a  re- 
port was  made  in  1824,  although  there  is  no  official  record  of  it.-" 
The  polls  that  year  were  34,061,  and  at  the  regular  enumeration, 
which  was  reported  by  the  Secretary  of  State  in  1825,  the  polls  were 


"*  Early  Indiana  Trials,  p.  76. 

2^' Acts,  p.  110. 

20  Isaac  Eeed's  Christian  Traveller,  p.  194. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  367 

36,977.  The  population  in  these  years  was  estimated  at  five  times  the 
number  of  polls,  which  was  probably  very  close  to  the  fact. 

The  removal  act  was  approved  January  20,  1824,  a  year  later.  It 
provided  that  Indianapolis  should  be  "the  permanent  seat  of  govern- 
ment of  this  state  upon,  from,  and  after  the  second  ilonday  in-  January 
(January  10)  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  twenty -five," 
provided  for  the  removal,  and  reciuired  all  state  officials  to  be  estab- 
lished there  at  that  time.  What  especially  grieved  the  Corydon  people 
was  a  provison  in  the  bill  that  the  next  legislative  session  should  begin 
on  the  second  Monday  in  January,  1825,  instead  of  the  "first  Jlonday 
in  December"  1824,  as  provided  by  the  constitution,  "unless  directed 
by  law,"  and  which  would  have  kept  the  capital  at  Corydon  for  a  year 
longer.  The  bill  passed  the  House  after  a  vigorous  fight.  It  yas  amended 
in  the  Senate,  and  then  passed  that  body  by  one  vote.  It  came  back  to 
the  House,  and  on  January  7,  "Uncle  Dennis"  Pennington  moved  to 
amend  by  substituting  "December"  for  "January,"  but  the  previ- 
ous question  was  demanded,  and  the  amended  bill  was  passed  by  a  vote 
of  25  to  17.  On  January  23  Pennington  introduced  a  bill  to  suspend  the 
operation  of  the  act  until  1826,  but  this  was  laid  on  the  table.  On  the 
27th  Pennington  and  John  Zenor,  his  colleague  from  Harrison  County, 
filed  a  protest,  denouncing  the  law  as  in  violation  of  the  constitution, 
which  last  sad  rite  the  majority  respectfully  attended.  On  February  20, 
the  Marion  County  people  gave  a  supper  to  their  Senator,  James  Greg- 
ory, and  Representative,  James  Paxton,  at  which  numerous  toasts  were 
drunk,  and  "great  harmony  and  good  feeling  prevailed  during  the 
festivities  of  the  evening." 

The  actual  work  of  removal  was  entrusted  to  Samuel  Merrill,  who 
was  then  Treasurer  of  State,  as  a  result  of  a  falling  out  of  the  party 
in  power.  At  some  time  prior  to  1827,  Senator  Noble  and  Governor  Jen- 
nings had  a  disagreement  that  put  them  out  of  speaking  relations  for 
several  years,^^  but  whether  this  early  is  not  known.  There  had  been 
trouble,  however,  between  Senator  Noble  and  Daniel  C.  Lane  over  the 
recovery  of  the  $25,000  of  state  bonds,  which  the  Vincennes  Bank  had 
turned  over  to  the  United  States.  The  settlement  of  the  State's  debt 
to  the  Bank  was  made  in  bills  of  the  Bank,  which  had  been  taken  for 
taxes,  as  provided  by  law,  but  which  had  gone  to  a  discount.  Through 
a  misunderstanding  as  to  the  amount  due.  Noble  had  settled  for  more 
than  Lane  had  provided,  and  Lane  insisted  that  he  was  liable  only  for 
the  bills  of  the  Bank  in  his  hands,  which  were  sufficient  to  cover  the 
diflference.    At  the  session  of  1822-3  all  of  the  State  officers  came  up  for 


"'  Smith 's  Early  Indiana  Trials,  p. 


368 


INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS 


reelection  before  the  legislature,  and  Noble's  adherents  made  war  on 
Lane.  In  the  House  a  committee  was  appointed  to  examine  his  accounts, 
with  Jlr.  Beckes  as  chairman,  which  reported  on  December  13,  that  when 
the  bond  adjustment  was  made  there  was  in  the  Treasurer's  hands 
$540.37  '!  which  sum  might  have  been  paid  to  the  honoi-able  James  Noble 
on  said  bonds."    Lane  had  that  amount  in  Bank  bills,  but  it  was  too  late 


Samuel  Merrill 


to  use  them,  as  the  settlement  with  the  Bank  and  the  Government  had 
been  made.  The  Noble  party  had  brought  out  Samuel  Merrill  against 
Lane.  Merrill  was  a  Vermonter,  of  good  education,  who  had  taught 
school  in  Vermont  and  Pennsylvania,  read  law  at  York,  Pennsylvania, 
and  located  at  Vevay  to  practice.  He  was  elected  Representative  for 
Switzerland  County  in  1821.  Notwithstanding  the  committee  report,  the 
friends  of  Lane  were  standing  by  him,  but  that  night  he  brought  on  his 
own  downfall,  which  is  related  by  Oliver  H.  Smith  as  follows:  "The 
day  for  the  election  was  not  fixed.    I  was  among  the  warm  friends  of 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  369 

Mr.  Merrill.  Our  prospects  for  his  election  were  very  poor — chances 
as  ten  to  one  against  iis.  Mr.  Lane,  as  was  his  custom,  l>egan  his  course 
of  entertainments,  and,  as  his  house  was  small,  he  only  invited  to  his 
first  dinner  the  senators  and  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, General  Washington  Johnston, — intending,  no  doubt,  to  feast  the 
members  of  the  House  on  some  other  evening  before  the  election.  Next 
morning  the  House  met,  and  a  few  of  us  understanding  each  other  passed 
around  among  the  uninitiated,  and  soon  had  them  in  a  perfect  state 
of  excitement  against  Lane.  The  time  had  now  come,  and  I  introduced 
a  resolution  inviting  the  Senate  to  go  into  the  election  instanter.  The 
resolution  was  reciprocated,  and  down  came  the  Senate.  The  joint 
convention  was  immediately  held,  and  Mr.  Merrill  was  elected  by  a 
large  ma.iority,  the  Senators  voting  for  Mr.  Lane  and  the  members  of 
the  House  for  Mr.  Merrill,  who  made  the  State  a  first  rate  officer,  "^s 
The  vote  was  32  for  Merrill  and  25  for  Lane,  and  the  real  reason  for  the 
fight  on  Lane  was  set  out  in  a  letter  from  Dr.  J.  B.  Slaughter,  Senator 
for  Harrison  and  Crawford,  in  a  letter  to  the  Corydon  Gazette,  on  April 
23,  1823,  in  which  he  gives  the  correspondence  between  Lane,  Noble  and 
Jennings.  When  Lane  went  out  of  office,  he  left  the  $540.37  in  Vin- 
cennes  Bank  bills  for  his  successor.^" 

Mr.  Merrill  was  not  only  a  good  Treasurer,  but  also  an  exceptionally 
good  man  to  move  a  capital.  He  made  a  two  weeks  trip  to  Indianapolis 
to  get  acquainted  with  his  landing  place ;  sold  off  such  furniture  as  could 
not  advantageously  be  moved ;  packed  the  books  and  records  carefully 
in  boxes;  and  started,  along  with  the  State  Printer,  for  Indianapolis. 
He  says:  "The  journey  of  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  miles  occupied 
two  weeks.  The  best  day's  travel  was  eleven  miles.  One  day  the  wagons 
accomplished  but  two  miles,  passages  through  the  woods  having  to  be 
cut  on  account  of  the  impassable  character  of  the  road.  Four  four- 
hoi-se  wagons  and  one  or  two  saddle-horses  formed  the  means  of  convey- 
ance for  the  two  families,  consisting  of  about  a  dozen  persons,  and  for 
a  printing  press  and  the  state  treasury  of  silver  in  strong  wooden  boxes. 
The  gentlemen  slept  in  the  wagons  or  on  the  ground  to  protect  the  silver, 
the  families  found  shelter  at  night  in  log  cabins  which  stood  along  the 
road  at  rare  though  not  inconvenient  intervals.  The  country  people 
were,  many  of  them,  as  rude  as  their  dwellings,  which  usually  consisted 
of  but  one  room,  serving  for  all  the  purposes  of  domestic  life, — cooking, 
eating,  sleeping,  spinning  and  weaving,  and  the  entertainment  of  com- 
pany." Col.  :Merriirs  daughter,  Mrs.  Ketcham,  records  her  infant 
memorv  that  when  this  train  approached  a  settlement,  "the  ambitious 


^8  Early  Indiana  Trials,  p.  77. 
29  House  Journal,  1822-3,  p.  143. 

Vol.  1—24 


370  •        INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

teamster"  used  to  put  all  his  bells  on  his  horses,  to  give  the  populace  a 
fitting  impression  of  this  State  progress.  At  Indianapolis  the  Clerk  of 
the  Supreme  Court  and  the  Secretary  of  State  were  lodged  in  small 
rooms  on  the  second  floor  of  the  new  Mai'ion  County  court  house,  and 
the  other  State  offices  were  kept  in  rented  quarters,  until  the  State  put 
up  buildings.  The  legislature  of  1825  appropriated  $1,000  "to  build  on 
lot  number  one  in  square  number  sixty-eight  in  Indianapolis,  a  sub- 
stantial brick  house  for  the  residence  of  the  treasurer  of  state,  to  contain 
the  offices  of  the  treasurer  and  auditor,  and  a  fire  proof  vault  for  the 
better  security  of  the  funds  and  records  of  the  state."  This  first  dis- 
tinctively State  building  of  Indiana  stood  on  the  southwest  corner  of 
Washington  street  and  Capitol  avenue.  It  was  a  two  story  building 
with  the  offices  on  the  west  side  and  Auditors  office  upstairs,  and  the 
Treasurer's  residence  on  the  east  side,  with  a  one-story  dining  room 
and  kitchen  back  of  the  main  building.  It  was  occupied  by  the  Treasurer 
until  1857,  and  was  torn  down  in  1865,  to  be  replaced  by  a  more  preten- 
tious brick  building,  which  was  occupied  by  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
all  the  State  offices  except  the  Governor  and  State  Librarian,  until  1877. 
From  tlie  point  of  view  of  the  present,  the  most  remarkable  thing 
about  this  removal  was  the  expense,  of  which  J\Ir.  IMerrill  was  directed  to 
keep  a  careful  account.    His  bill,  to  the  next  legislature  was  as  follows : 

"To  Messrs.  Posey  and  Wilson  for  boxes $  7.56 

To  Mr.  Lefler  for  one  box 50 

To  Seybert  &  Likens  for  transportations  of  3,945  lbs. 

at  $1.90  per  hundred 74.95 

To  Jacob  &  Samuel  Kenoyer  for  transportation  of 

one  load  35.06 

$118.07 
Deduct  for  proceeds  of  sale  of  furniture  at  Corydon, 

November  22nd,  1824 52.52 


$65.55" 

For  some  mysterious  reason  there  was  a  cut  of  five  dollai-s  from 
this  by  the  specific  appropriation  bill  of  February  12,  1825,  which 
allowed  to  Samuel  Merrill  "sixty  dollars  and  fifty-five  cents  for  cash 
advanced  by  him  for  expenses  incurred  in  removing  the  property  of  the 
state  from  Corydon  to  Indianapolis."  However,  this  did  not  include 
the  cost  of  removing  the  State  Library,  for  which  there  was  a  separate 
bill  for  $9.50;  and  to  the  eternal  credit  of  the  State,  the  legislature 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


371 


allowed  Col.  Merrill  "also  one  hundred  dollars  for  his  personal  trouble 
and  expenditure  in  packing  and  moving  the  property  of  the  state."  The 
thing  that  made  the  lasting  impression  on  Col.  Merrill  was  the  bad  roads, 
although  Indiana  roads  were  supposed  to  be  at  their  best  in  November, 
when  this  trip  was  made.  The  legislature  of  182.5  had  appropriated 
$55,624.94  for  making  state  roads  to  the  new  capital,  from  ten  different 
points,  and  these  roads  consisted  of  openings,  forty-eight  feet  wide,  cut 
through  the  forests  that  covered  the  southern  and  central  parts  of  Indi- 
ana. Trees  eighteen  inches  or  more  in  diameter  were  cut  twelve  inches 
above  the  ground,  and  smaller  ones  were  cut  even  with  the  ground.    This 


■-    '' ^  f     -y             ,/•■'           <-< /^    J  >  ;■  '  <   •■    < 

,.'■     ■:,i^  ,ij.,,j    /..■-  UA  ^ 

<■  ^^'■'^'y   7^   c/-.ir-    .. 

,    ...  ^■'■ 

.;/;.,^ 

>           -  " 

■  ■  ■'••  .  /,.     i     -       '■■■■■ 

,     -'\ 

> 

,<,;    /^^ 

m 

Cost  of  Moving  St.vte  Libi:.\ry 


made  a  road ;  and  the  more  it  was  traveled,  especially  in  wet  weather, 
the  worse  it  became.  Col.  ilerrill's  favorite  story  in  later  years  was 
about  an  Ohio  man  who  traveled  through  Indiana.  When  he  got  home 
he  was  a.sked  "whether  he  had  been  pretty  much  through  the  state.  He 
said  he  could  not  tell  with  certainty,  but  he  thought  he  had  been  pretty 
nearly  through,  in  some  places."  The  cause  of  the  bad  roads  was  that 
they  were  usually  mere  passages  over  the  natural  surface,  which  in  the 
wooded,  and  then  inhabited  part  of  the  State,  was  composed  of  decayed 
vegetable  matter,  very  poroiis,  overlying  clay  soil.  The  surface  of  the 
State  is  quite  level ;  there  was  only  natural  drainage ;  and  the  rain  fall 
was  greater  than  at  present.  Consequently  loaded  wagons  made  mud 
holes,  and  mud  holes  were  of  a  rather  permanent  character. 

The  same  conditions  affected  the  health  of  the  State,  there  being  a 
great  deal  of  malarial  disease.  While  other  transportation  was  difficult 
the  facilities  for  the  transportation  of  germs  was  unsurpassed.     The 


372  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

pools  and  swamps  afforded  unlimited  breeding  ground  for  mosquitoes, 
and  if  one  may  judge  from  the  universal  complaints  of  travelers,  the 
mosquitoes  were  much  more  numerous  than  the  leaves  of-  the  forest. 
Says  Col.  Merrill:     "The  years  1820,  1821,  and  1822,  were  attended 
with  more  general  and  fatal  sickness  than  has  ever  been  experienced, 
either  before  or  since,  in  the  west.     Palestine,  on  the  East  Fork  of 
White  river,  then  the  seat  of  justice  of  Lawrence  county,  was  nearly 
depopulated;  Vevay,  Jeffersonville,  Vincennes,  and  many  other  towns, 
lost  nearly  one-eighth  of  their  inhabitants  the  first  year  and  probably 
one-fourth  in  the  three  years;  and  during  that  time,  in  most  neigh- 
borhoods, there  were  but  few  persons  who  escaped  without  one  or  more 
severe  attacks  of  fever.     The  prevailing  diseases  were  bilious  and  in- 
termitting fevers,  the  former,  in  many  cases,  differing  very  little  from 
the  yellow  fever  of  New  Orleans. "  ^o     At  the  new  settlement  of  In- 
dianapolis the  year  1821  was  worst,  there  being  only  three  persons  in 
the  settlement  who  were  not  prostrated.    Ignatius  Brown  says :  ' '  Though 
so  general,  the  disease  was  not  deadly,  about  twenty-iive  cases  only, 
mostly  children  who  had  been  too  much  exposed,  dying  out  of  several 
hundred  eases."  ^^     The  affliction  was  so  prevalent  that  in  December 
the  legislature  adopted  a  resolution:    "That  the  second  Friday  in  April 
next  be  observed  as  a  day  of  public  supplication  and  prayer  to  Almighty 
God,  that  he  may  avert  the  just  judgments  impending  our  land ;  and 
that  in  his  manifold  mercies  he  will  bless  the  country  with  fruitful 
seasons,  and  our  citizens  with  health  and  peace.    Resolved  also,  that  the 
Governor  be  requested  to  issue  his  proclamation  requiring  the  citizens 
to  abstain  from  all  servile  labor  on  said  day;  and  soliciting  religious 
societies  of  every  denomination  to  keep  and  observe  the  .same  as  a  day 
of  humiliation,  fasting  and  prayer."     Good  Friday  was  perhaps  chosen 
to  get  the  Catholic  influence.     Governor  Jennings  duly  issued  his  proc- 
lamation ]\larch  12,  1822,  and  the  day  was  generally  ol)served. 

There  were  numerous  discussions  of  the  disease  in  the  newspapers, 
the  general  opinion  being  that  it  was  due  to  "miasmatic  exhalations" 
in  the  atmosphere.^-  At  Vincennes  opinions  were  advanced  that  the 
exhalations  were  the  result  of  throwing  garbage  and  refuse  into  the 
streets;  to  a  lack  of  shade  trees;  and  to  decaying  "water  grasses"  in 
the  river.  Some  thought  the  "pond"  adjoining  the  town  was  the  cause, 
but  it  was  pointed  out  that  the  people  who  lived  nearest  the  pond  were 
the  least  affected.  On  one  point  there  was  unirersal  agreement,  and 
that  was  that  the  situation  was  deplorable;  and  at  A^incennes  the  eom- 


^"  Chamberlain  's  Gazetteer,  p.   119. 

"1  Hist,  of  Indianapolis,  p.  .5. 

32  Vincennes  Sun,  March  16,  2,3,  April  6,  1822;  Centinel,  May  6,  13,  1820. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  373 

bination  of  sickness,  hard  times,  burning  of  the  steam  mill,  removal  of 
the  capital,  and  failure  of  the  Bank,  caused  the  Sun  to  say:  "A  few 
years  past  Vineennes  was  the  very  emblem  of  prosperity;  every  wind 
wafted  her  some  good.  Our  houses  were  fiUed  with  inhabitants,  our 
streets  were  crowded  with  citizens,  the  noisy  hum  of  business  resounded 
in  our  ears.     All  was  life  and  activity.     How  sadly  is  the  picture  re- 


Gov.  Ratlifp  Boon 

(From  portrait  by  Jacob  Cox.) 

versed.  More  thau  one-third  of  our  dwelling  houses  are  destitute  of 
inhabitants,  our  population  has  decreased  nearly  or  quite  one-half,  our 
real  property  has  suffered  a  greater  diminution.  Buildings  that  a  few 
years  ago  rented  for  $200  to  $300  per  annum  now  rent  for  $50  to  $100. 
An  universal  despondency  prevails. ' '  ^^ 

There  was  little  change  in  the  political  control  of  Indiana  during 


33  Western  Sun,  February  16,  1822. 


374  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  first  dozen  years  of  the  State's  existence,  except  in  an  exchange  of 
offices  among  the  leaders.  National  politics  caused  no  division  until 
1824,  and  did  not  control  State  elections  until  1840.  Governor  Jen- 
nings was  reelected,  and  served  six  years — all  that  the  constitution  al- 
lowed— except  that,  having  been  elected  to  congress  at  the  August 
election  in  1822,  he  resigned  on  August  12,  and  the  remainder  of  his 
term,  until  December  5,  was  filled  by  Lieutenant  Governor  Ratliff 
Boon.  Boon  was  born  in  Georgia,  January  18,  1781,  and  settled  in 
Warrick  County,  Indiana,  in  1809.  He  was  the  first  treasurer  of  that 
county,  and  represented  it  in  the  House  and  in  the  Senate  until  1819, 
when  he  was  elected  Lieutenant  Governor.  He  was  reelected  to  that 
office  in  1822,  and  resigned  in  1824  to  go  to  Congress.  He  was  de- 
feated for  reelection  to  Congress  at  the  next  two  elections,  but  was 
returned  in  1829,  1831,  1833,  1835,  and  1837.  At  the  close  of  his  congres- 
sional service,  in  1839,  he  removed  to  ^Missouri,  where  distinguished  him- 
self by  leading  the  revolt  against  Thomas  H.  Benton,  in  1844.  He 
died  November  20,  of  that  year.  Jennings  was  reelected  to  Congress, 
in  1824,  1826,  and  1828.  In  1830,  having  become  addicted  to  intoxicat- 
ing liquor,  he  was  defeated  by  General  John  Carr.  His  last  public 
service  was  as  commissioner  to  treat  with  the  Potawatomis,  in  1832,  at 
the  Forks  of  the  Waba.sh.  He  died  at  his  farm,  near  Charlestown, 
July  26,  1834.  s 

At  the  election  of  1822,  William  Hendricks  was  chosen  Governor  by 
an  unanimous  vote,  there  being  no  opponent  in  the  field.^*  On  Feb- 
ruary 12,  1825,  he  resigned  this  office,  having  been  elected  U.  S.  Senator. 
He  was  reelected  Senator  in  1831 ;  and  3-t  the  close  of  his  term  re- 
tired to  private  life.  He  was  a  warm  friend  of  education,  and  showed 
especial  interest  in  Hanover  College  and  the  State  University,  until 
his  death,  on  May  16,  1850.  When  Governor  Hendricks  resigned  in  1825, 
Lieutenant  Governor  Boon  having  resigned  in  1824,  James  Brown 
Ray,  President  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate,  succeeded  as  Governor.  He 
was  elected  Governor  in  August,  1825,  defeating  Judge  Isaac  Black- 
ford by  2,622  majority.  He  was  reelected  in  1828,  receiving  15,141 
votes,  to  12,315  for  Dr.  Israel  T.  Canby,  and  10,904  for  Harbin  H. 
]\Ioore.  Senator  James  Noble  was  continued  in  the  Senate  until  his 
death,  on  February  26,  1831.  In  brief,  the  State  remained  in  control 
of  the  men  who  were  in  control  in  1816,  and  those  in  political  alliance 
with  them.  The  nearest  approach  to  a  slip  in  the  movement  of  the 
machine  was  in  1818.     In  that  year  Governor  Jennings  was  a  commis- 


si There  is  no  authentic  portrait  of  William  Hendricks  in  existence.  Formerly 
there  was  what  purported  to  be  one  in  the  State  Library,  but  Gov.  Thos.  A.  Hendricks, 
his  nephew,  caused  it  to  be  removed,  because  it  was  uot  a  real  portrait. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  375 

sioiier,  with  Gen.  Cass  and  Judge  Parke,  in  making  the  New  Purchase 
treaties.  On  October  3,  he  wa-ote  to  Lieutenant  Governor  Christopher 
Harrison  that  his  duties  would  detain  him  for  a  time,  and  requested 
him  to  attend  to  the  duties  of  the  Executive  office.  Harrison  was  a 
somewhat  eccentric  character.  He  was  of  one  of  the  old  aristocratic 
families  of  Maryland,  born  at  Cambridge,  on  the  Eastern  Shore.  He 
was  well  educated,  being  a  graduate  of  St.  John's  College,  Annapolis, 
and  entered  business  life  as  confidential  clerk  of  William  Patterson,  one 
of  the  leading  merchants  of  Baltimore,  and  president  of  the  Bank  of 
Baltimore.  Living  in  his  family,  Harrison  acted  as  tutor  to  his  daugh- 
ter Elizabeth,  a  very  beautiful  and  talented  girl.  The  common  Indiana 
tradition  is  that  the  two  fell  in  love,  and  that  the  match  was  opposed 
by  Mr.  Patterson,  who  had  more  ambitious  views;  and  that  in  conse- 
quence Harrison  became  a  hermit  in  Indiana.  Harrison's  relatives, 
however,  held  that  it  was  another  fair  one  who  bi'oke  his  heart,^^  and 
the  movements  of  Harrison  seem  to  confirm  this  view.  The  date  of 
his  coming  to  Indiana  is  not  certainly  known,  but  it  is  probably  indicated 
by  the  words  "Christopher  Harrison,  July  8,  1808,"  which  were  carved 
on  a  beech  tree  that  stood  near  his  cabin,  on  a  bluff  overlooking  the 
Ohio  River,  near  Hanover.  ]\Iiss  Patterson  was  married  to  Lieutenant 
Jerome  Bonaparte,  younger  brother  of  Napoleon,  on  December  24,  1803, 
and  remained  in  America  until  the  spring  of  1805,  when  she  and  her 
husband  started  for  France.  They  found  all  the  ports  there  closed 
to  them,  by  order  of  Napoleon,  who  refused  to  recognize  the  marriage. 
Madame  Bonaparte  took  up  her  abode  in  England,  where  her  son 
Jerome  was  born  on  July  7.  Meanwhile  her  husband  was  trying  to 
appease  Napoleon,  but  without  success.  After  unsuccessful  efforts  to 
have  Pope  Pius  VII  annul  the  marriage.  Napoleon  issued  a  decree  de- 
claring it  null  and  void ;  and  on  August  12,  1807,  Jerome  was  married 
to  Princess  Catherine  Sophia,  of  Wurtemberg;  and  on  Januaiy  1,  1808, 
crowned  King  of  Westphalia.  It  is  hardly  credible  that  a  man  of  Har- 
rison's impulsive  character  would  have  remained  on  the  scene  of  his 
blighted  hopes  for  five  years,  and  then  become  a  hermit. 

However  that  may  have  been,  Harrison  lived  in  his  cabin  on  the 
Ohio,  with  no  companion  but  his  dog,  amusing  himself  by  hunting, 
fishing,  and  painting — he  had  some  artistic  ability — until  1815 ;  and 
then  he  sold  his  hermitage,  and  engaged  in  the  dry  goods  business  at 
Salem,  Indiana,  in  partnership  with  Jonathan  Lyons.  His  election  as 
Lieutenant  Governor  does  not  appear  to  have  been  sought  by  him, 
but  after  he  began  acting  as  Governor  he  thought  he  was  entitled  to  con- 


s 3  Woollen 's  Sketches,  p.  161. 


876  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

tinue  in  the  same  capacity.  When  Jennings  returned,  Harrison  de- 
clined to  surrender  the  office.  On  demand  from  Jennings  he  gave  up 
the  room  used  as  the  Governor's  office,  but  he  took  the  State  seal 
with  him,  and  opened  a  Governor's  office  of  his  own.  Until  the  legis- 
lature met,  Indiana  had  more  Governors  than  at  any  other  period  in 
her  history.  On  December  10,  1818,  Senator  Ratliff  Boon  came  to  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  announced  that  he  and  Senator  DePauw 
had  been  appointed  by  the  Senate  to  wait  on  ' '  the  Lieutenant  Governor, 
and  late  acting  Governor,"  and  inform  him  that  the  General  Assembly 
was  ready  to  receive  anj-  communication  he  might  desire  to  make:  and 
requested  a  similar  committee  from  the  House.  The  request  was  granted, 
and  the  joint  committee  reported  that  they  had  performed  their  mis- 
sion, and  that  Sir.  Harrison  had  replied,  "That,  as  Lieutenant  Governor 
he  had  no  communication  to  make  to  the  Senate  or  House  of  Representa- 
tive, but  as  Lieutenant  and  Acting  Governor,  if  recognized  as  such, 
he  had."  The  House  then  appointed  an  investigating  committee,  with 
General  Jlilroy  as  chairman,  which,  •  on  December  12,  reported  its 
opinion  that  Governor  Jennings  had  accepted  an  appointment  under 
the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  had  jnade  a  treaty  with  the 
Indians  under  that  appointment.  It  was  a  very  pretty  question.  The 
constitution  provided:  "No  member  of  Congress,  or  person  holding 
any  office  under  the  L^nited  States,  or  this  State,  shall  exercise  the  office 
of  Governor,  or  Lieutenant  Governor.'  But  was  the  position  of  treaty 
commissioner  an  "office"?  Technically  it  was,  but  it  is  not  probable 
that  the  makers  of  the  constitution  had  any  temporary  service  of  that 
character  in  mind  when  they  adopted  the  provision,  as  it  did  not  fall 
within  the  reason  of  the  prohibition.  Further,  Harrison  was  proceed- 
ing on  the  theory  that  such  service  vacated  the  office  of  Governor : 
whereas  the  provision  of  the  constitution  was:  "In  case  of  impeach- 
ment of  the  Governor,  his  removal  from  office,  death,  refusal  to  qualify, 
resignation,  or  absence  from  the  State,  the  Lieutenant  Governor  shall 
exercise  all  the  powers  and  authority  appertaining  to  the  office  of  Gov- 
ernor, until  another  be  duly  qualified,  or  the  Governor  absent,  or  im- 
peached, shall  return,  or  be  acquitted."  This  seems  to  mean  that  the 
office  could  be  vacated  only  by  death,  voluntary  withdrawal,  or  im- 
peachment. Would  it  be  safe  to  impeach  Jonathan  Jennings  for  mak- 
ing the  mo.st  important  and  most  popular  Indian  treaty  that  Indiana 
ever  had? 

The  indications  are  that  the  House  had  started  in  for  impeach- 
ment, for  Milroy,  the  chairman  of  the  committee,  was  against  Jennings 
throughout,  and  the  House  gave  him  all  the  powers  he  asked  as  to 
compelling  testimony.    But  the  committee  struck  a  snag.     Col.  ]\Ierrill 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  377 

says  that  Jennings  "was  much  mortified  when  he  learned  that  his  con- 
duct had  been  called  in  question.  He  threw  his  commission  into  the 
fire,  and  left  it  to  his  enemies,  as  he  called  them,  to  sustain  their  charges.^'' 
If  so,  it  was  a  fortunate  bit  of  mortification ;  for  the  commission  could 
not  be  proven.  Jennings  declined  to  appear  before  the  committee, 
except  by  counsel — Judge  Charles  Dewey  representing  him.  In  reply 
to  Milroy's  call  for  documents,  he  replied  by  letter:  "If  I  were  in 
possession  of  any  public  documents  calculated  to  advance  the  public 
interest,  it  would  give  me  pleasure  to  furnish  them,  and  I  shall  at 
all  times  be  prepared  to  afford  you  any  information  which  the  constitu- 
tion or  laws  of  the  State  may  require."  He  also  casually  added:  "If 
the  difficulty,  real  or  supposed,  has  growni  out  of  the  circumstances 
of  my  having  been  connected  with  the  negotiation  at  St.  i\Iary's,  I  feel  it 
my  duty  to  state  to  the  committee  that  I  acted  from  an  entire  conviction 
of  its  propriety  and  an  anxious  desire,  on  my  part,  to  promote  the  wel- 
fare and  accomplish  the  wishes  of  the  whole  people  of  the  State  in 
assisting  to  add  a  large  and  fertile  tract  of  country  to  that  which 
we  already  possess."  Milroy  summoned  everybody  that  could  know 
about  it,  but  they  were  all  hopeless.  Some  had  seen  something  that 
looked  like  a  commission,  but  they  could  not  swear  to  it.  Others  had 
heard  what  sounded  like  a  commission  read  at  the  treaty  council,  but 
they  had  not  seen  it,  and  did  not  know  whether  it  bore  the  seal  of  the 
United  States.  By  December  16,  the  friends  of  the  Governor  felt  it 
safe  to  force  an  issue,  on  a  resolution  that  "it  is  inexpedient  to  further 
prosecute  the  inquiry  into  the  existing  difficulties  in  the  executive  de- 
partment of  the  State."  This  was  adopted  by  the  narrow  margin  of 
15  to  13,  and  was  a  clear  victory  for  "Whitewater."  Wayne,  Franklin, 
Dearborn,  Orange,  Harrison,  Perry  and  Jefferson  Counties  voted  solid 
for  Jennings ;  and  Switzerland,  Clark,  Washington,  Jackson,  Gibson  and 
Knox  voted  solidly  against  him,  except  that  Warner,  of  Knox,  who 
had  been  seated  over  General  W.  Johnston,  in  a  contest,  voted  with  the 
Jennings  party. 

Harrison  promptly  sent  in  his  resignation,  stating:  "As  the  officers 
of  the  executive  department  of  government  and  the  General  Assembly 
have  refused  to  recognize  and  acknowledge  that  authority  which,  ac- 
cording to  my  understanding,  is  constitutionally  attached  to  the  office, 
the  name  itself,  in  my  estimation,  is  not  worth  retaining."  On  the 
reading  of  this,  the  House  adopted  the  following:  "Resolved,  That 
the  House  of  Representatives  view  the  conduct  and  deportment  of 
Lieutenant  Governor  Christopher  Harrison  as  both  dignified  and  cor- 


se chamberlain 's  Gazetteer,  p.  117. 


378  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

rect  during  the  late  investigatiou  of  the  differences  existing  in  the 
executive  department  of  this  State."  Nothing  could  be  more  character- 
istic of  the  Jennings  policy  of  conciliation.  The  singular  thing  is  that 
nobody  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  all  this  time  Harrison  had  been 
acting  as  agent  for  the  three  per  cent  fund,  which  was  as  much  a 
violation  of  the  provision  of  the  constitution  quoted  above  as  was  the 
acting  of  Jennings  as  treaty  commissioner;  and  it  was  also  a  viola- 
tion of  the  provision  that,  "No  persons  shall  hold  more  than  one  lucrative 
office  at  one  time."  But  Harrison  did  not  want  to  be  placated.  At 
the  election  of  1816  his  majority  had  been  far  and  away  greater  than 
that  of  any  other  candidate;  and  so  he  carried  his  fight  to  the  people 
in  the  election  of  1819,  as  a  candidate  for  Governor  against  Jennings, 
with  the  very  unsatisfactory  result  of  being  defeated  by  a  vote  of  9,168 
to  2,088.  The  Jennings  party  did  not  cherish  malice,  however;  and 
Harrison  was  not  only  allowed  to  remain  as  agent  of  the  three  per  cent 
fund,  but  also,  as  mentioned,  was  made  a  commissioner  to  plat  the  cap- 
ital in  1821,  and  was  put  on  the  commission  to  build  the  Ohio  Falls 
canal  in  1824.  Harrison  remained  in  Indiana  until  1834,  when  he  re- 
turned to  Maryland.  He  died  there  in  1863.  He  was  a  notably  lovable 
man,  especially  with  children,  and  had  troops  of  juvenile  friends  wherever 
he  went. 

The  State  seal,  which  came  into  such  prominence  in  the  Jennings- 
Harrison  controversy,  was  provided  for  in  the  constitution  in  these 
words:  "There  shall  be  a  seal  of  this  State,  which  shall  be  kept  by 
the  Governor  and  used  by  him  officially,  and  shall  be  called,  the  seal  of 
the  State  of  Indiana."  This  seal  has  been  the  subject  of  much  jest, 
and  of  many  surmises  as  to  its  significance.  In  1895,  Mr.  R.  S.  Hatcher, 
clerk  of  the  Senate,  who  took  an  interest  in  historical  matters,  had  him- 
self appointed  a  special  commi.ssioner  to  investigate  whether  the  State 
"has  any  legalized,  authorized  great  seal."  He  found  that  by  act  of 
December  13,  1816,  the  Governor  was  authorized  to  procure  a  seal 
and  a  press,  and  $100  was  appropriated  for  this  purpose.  In  the  con- 
sideration of  this  act  in  the  House  on  November  22,  Davis  Floyd  moved 
to  amend  by  .striking  out  the  description  following  the  word  "device," 
and  inserting:  "A  forest  and  a  woodman  felling  a  tree,  a  buffalo  leav- 
ing the  forest  and  fleeing  through  the  plain  to  a  distant  forest,  and  the 
sun  setting  in  the  west,  with  the  word  Indiana."^"  But  this  was  not 
the  origin  of  this  design,  for  it  had  been  used  all  through  the  Territorial 
period,  the  earliest  preserved  specimen  of  its  use,  so  far  as  is  known, 


3"  This   was    adopted    by    the   House,    but    on    disagreement    of    the    Senate    the 
description  -was  omitted  altogether. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


379 


being  on  the  petition  of  the  Vincennes  convention  of  1802.3s  The  in- 
terpretation of  the  design,  above  quoted  is  merely  an  illustration  ,of  the 
utter  perversity  of  the  people  of  Indiana  in  the  interpretation  of  works 
of  art.  It  is  not  a  "setting  sun,"  but  a  sun  rising  on  a  new  common- 
wealth, west  of  the  mountains,  by  which,  at  that  time,  was  always  meant 
the  Allegheny  Mountains.  The  woodman  represented  civilization  sub- 
duing the  wilderness ;  and  the  buffalo,  which  in  the  original  was  headed 
away  from  the  sun,  with  tail  down,  going  west,  and  not  east,  repre- 
sented the  primitive  life  retiring  in  that  direction  before  the  advance 
of  civilization.     There   is   no   known   record   of  any   adoption   of  the 


State  Seal 


Territorial  seal,  and  perhaps  there  was  no  occasion  for  any.  The 
ci'eation  of  the  Territory  by  Congress,  and  conferring  executive  power 
on  the  Governor,  would  imply  the  use  of  a  seal;  and  presumably 
Governor  Harrison  had  one  made,  and  brought  it  out  with  him  when 
he  came  to  begin  his  official  duties,  in  January,  1801. 

James  Brown  Ray,  who  succeeded  Governor  William  Hendricks  on 
his  resignation,  and  was  twice  afterwards  elected  Governor,  was  one 
of  the  most  eccentric  men  that  ever  held  that  position.  He  was  born 
in  Kentucky,  February  19,  1794,  and  when  hardly  grown  went  to 
Cincinnati,  and  i-ead  law  with  Gen.  Gano.  In  1819  he  removed  to 
Brookville,  and  soon  became  a  political  factor.  He  was  a  popular 
speaker,  although  his  style  was  pompous  and  not  always  lucid.  He 
was  very  egotistical,  dressy,  and  fond  of  the  spectacular.  Some  peo- 
ple regarded  him  as  insane,  especially  in  his  later  years,  but  the  chief 
grounds  of  the  belief  were  matters  of  foresight  on  his  part  in  which 


38  lud.  Hist.  Soc.  Pubs.,  Vol.  2,  p.  468. 


;3S0  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

his  contemporaries  did  not  share.  He  was  one  of  the  early  advocates 
of  railroads,  and  pointed  out  their  advantages  over  canals  in  his  mes- 
sage to  the  legislature  in  1827.  He  prophesied  that  Indianapolis  would 
some  daj-  be  a  great  railroad  center,  with  lines  running  in  every  di- 
rection like  the  spokes  of  a  wheel,  which  was  the  subject  of  ridicule 
by  the  people  who  considered  themselves  sane  at  the  time.  Another 
of  his  hobbies  was  the  Michigan  Road,  and  he  succeeded  in  having 
himself  made  one  of  the  Commissioners  for  the  Potawatomi  treaty  of 
1826  to  get  a  donation  for  that  work.  Warned,  however,  by  the  troubles 
of  Governor  Jennings  on  account  of  similar  service  while  governor,  he 
reqviested  that  no  commission  be  issued  to  him,  and  served  on  a  simple 
letter  of  request.  A  resolution  that  he  had  forfeited  his  office  was  in- 
troduced in  the  House  of  Representatives  at  the  next  session,  and  a 
committee  was  appointed  to  notify  him  to  appear  and  defend  himself. 
He  replied  with  a  letter  stating,  in  a  very  circuitous  way,  that  he  did 
not  desire  to  appear,  and  adding:  "If  I  have  erred  in  the  manner  in- 
timated in  a  resolution  sent  me,  I  have  erred  with  the  fathers  of  the 
republic,  the  first  patriots  of  the  age,  and  in  attempting  to  do  good 
and  advance  the  highest  interests  of  our  beloved  country.  As  custom, 
precedent  and  example  passed  in  review  before  me,  I  could  not  be 
insensible  of  their  force,  and  have  been  made  to  feel  as  if  I  had  done 
my  duty  to  my  conscience  and  the  State."  After  a  prolonged  debate, 
the  House  defeated  the  resolution  by  a  vote  of  30  to  28,  and  so  the  matter 
rested  for  the  time  being. 

The  incident  was  not  closed  as  to  the  public,  however,  for  Ray 
had  a  remarkable  faculty  for  getting  into  rows  with  those  with  whom 
he  came  in  contact ;  and  among  others,  he  stirred  up  a  controversy  with 
Samuel  Merrill,  who  forthwith  assailed  him  in  a  twenty-four  page 
pamphlet,  in  which  he  made  the  following  remarks  about  the  Potawatomi 
treaty :  ' '  The  truth  is,  that  his  conduct  at  the  Treaty  was  neither  honor- 
able to  himself  nor  beneficial  to  the  cause  in  which  he  was  engaged. 
Such  is  the  general  statement  made  by  almost  everyone  in  any  way 
acquainted  with  the  facts.  Some  of  the  particulars  are  too  odious  to  be 
repeated.  The  Treaty  was  once  nearly  broken  off  by  his  imprudence, 
much  delay  was  occasioned  by  him,  and  it  was  not  thought  expedient 
to  entrust  him  with  a  knowledge  of  the  proceedings  as  they  took  place. 
The  Potawatomi  Treaty  was  agreed  on  several  days  before  the  fact  was 
communicated  to  him.  In  short  it  required  all  the  knowledge  of  In- 
dian character  which  is  so  eminently  possessed  by  Gov.  Cass  and  Gen. 
Tipton  to  prevent  the  indiscretion  of  the  other  Commissioner  from  being 
fatal  to  the  Treaty.  For  those  services  thus  performed,  I  have  been  as- 
sured that  Gov.  Ray  charged  and  received  from  the.  United  States  at 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  381 

the  rate  of  eight  dollars  per  day  for  double  the  time  he  was  aetually 
employed.  All  of  the  same  time  he  charged  and  received  his  pay  as 
Governor. ' '  ^^  Governor  Ray  passed  this  assault ' '  with  silent  contempt, ' ' 
which  was  so  contrary  to  his  custom  that  it  may  be  inferred  that  iler- 
rill's  statements  were  very  well  fortified.  Ray  contented  himself  with 
a  statement  in  his  next  message  to  the  legislature  of  the  gi-eat  importance 


Gov.  James  B.  Ray 
(From  portrait  by  Jacob  Cox) 

of  the  grant  from  the  Indians,  which  was  of  a  strip  100  feet  wide 
through  their  lands,  with  a  contiguous  section  of  land  for  every  mile 
of  road.  South  of  the  Wabash,  the  State  was  to  have  a  section  of  unsold 
land  for  each  mile  of  road.  This  treaty  was  confirmed  by  the  United 
States  on  February  7,  1827 ;  and  the  gift  to  the  State  by  act  of  ilarch 
2,  1827.     John  I.  Neely,  Chester  Elliott  and  John  McDonald  were  ap- 


39  Lawrenceburgh  Palladium,  Sept.  1,  1827;   see  also  July  28. 


382  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

pointed  commissioners  in  1828  to  select  the  route  from  Lake  Michigan  to 
Indianapolis.  They  selected  the  mouth  of  Trail  Cri'ek — the  site  of 
JMiehigan  City — for  the  northern  terminus,  and  made  two  surveys,  one 
on  a  direct  line  through  the  Kankakee  swamps,  and  the  other  on  com- 
paratively dry  land,  by  way  of  South  Bend  and  Logansport.  After 
a  large  amount,  of  squabbling,  the  route  was  finally  adopted  by  the 
legislature  in  Januarj^,  1830,  by  way  of  South  Bend,  Logansport,  In- 
dianapolis, and  Greensburg  to  Madison,  and  the  entire  line  was  put 
under  contract  by  June  30,  1831.  The  road  was  cleared  of  timber  for 
the  full  100  feet  in  width,  and  thirty  feet  was  grubbed  and  graded. 
It  did  not  make  an  Appian  Way,  and  it  was  constantly  getting  out  of 
repair,  but  it  was  a  vast  improvement,  and  was  a  great  thoroughfare 
for  settlers  and  travelers.  In  1837  it  was  put  under  special  guardian- 
ship of  the  counties  through  which  it  passed;  and  in  1841-2  it  was  put 
under  the  general  road  laws  of  the  State. 

The  canal  around  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  was  the  beginning  of  internal 
improvements  in  Indiana,  the  Indiana  Canal  Company,  chartered  to 
construct  it  by  act  of  August  24,  1805,  being  the  first  corporation  in- 
corporated by  the  Territorial  legislature  of  Indiana.  It  is  not  certain, 
however,  whether  this  was  a  genuine  business  enterpi'ise  or  merely  a 
blind  for  the  movements  of  Aaron  Burr.  On  his  celebrated  trip  to 
the  west,  he  arrived  on  May  11,  1805,  at  Cincinnati,  where  he  was  the 
guest  of  Senator  John  Smith,  and  where  he  met  Gen.  Jonathan  Dayton, 
an  old  Revolutionary  friend,  and  late  U.  S.  Senator  from  New  Jersey, 
who  was  later  indicted  for  complicity  in  Burr's  conspiracy.  It  is 
recorded  that  Smith  and  Dayton  "were  represented  as  busy  with  a 
scheme  to  dig  a  canal  around  the  falls  of  the  Ohio,  "^f'  Burr  was  at 
the  falls  a  few  days  later,  and  then  went  south,  i-eturning  to  Indiana  in 
September,  and  on  the  23d  of  that  month  arriving  at  Vincennes,  where 
he  presented  letters  of  introduction  to  Gen.  Harrison,  ileanwhile  The 
Indiana  Canal  Company  had  been  chartered,  with  George  Rogers  Clark, 
John  Brown,  Jonathan  Dayton,  Aaron  Burr,  Benjamin  Hovey,  Davis 
Floyd,  Josiah  Stephens,  "William  Croghan,  John  Gwathmey,  John  Har- 
rison, Marston  6.  Clark,  and  Samuel  C.  Vance  as  directors.  It  was  a 
very  liberal  charter,  giving  the  corporation  power  to  increase  its  capital 
stock  at  pleasure;  and  fixing  tolls  at  $2  for  a  "keel  boat,  perogue  or 
canoe  not  more  than  35  feet  long,"  and  up  to  $5  for  a  craft  60  feet  long, 
after  which  there  was  an  additional  charge  per  foot  of  length.  The 
capital  stock  was  20,000  shares  of  $50  each.  The  company  started  oS 
with  a  boom.     Josiah  Espy,  who  was  at  the  falls  on  Oct.  2,  1805,  says 


•JO  McCaleb  "s  Aaron  Burr's  Conspiracy,  p.  26. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  383 

of  the  canal:  "At  the  late  session  of  the  legislature  of  Indiana  a  com- 
pany was  incorporated  for  this  purpose  on  the  most  liberal  scale.  Books 
were  opened  for  subscription  while  I  was  there,  which  were  filling  rapidly. 
Shares  to  the  amount  of  $120,000  were  already  subscribed  by  men  of 
the  first  standing  in  the  Union.  When  the  canal  is  finished  the  com- 
pany intends  erecting  all  kinds  of  water  works,  for  which  they  say 
the  place  is  highly  calculated.  From  these  it  is  expected  that  more 
wealth  will  flow  into  the  coffers  of  the  company  than  from  the  passage 
of  vessels  up  and  down  the  river.  If  these  expectations  should  be 
realized,  there  remains  but  little  doubt  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  will  become 
the  centre  of  wealth  in  the  Western  World.""  The  active  promoters 
of  the  project  were  Josiah  Stephens  and  Gen.  Benjamin  Hovey ;  and 
the  latter  wrote,  at  the  time:  "When  I  first  visited  the  rapids"  of  the 
Ohio,  it  wa.s  my  object  to  have  opened  a  canal  on  the  side  of  Louisville, 
but  on  examination  I  discovered  such  advantages  on  the  opposite  side 
that  I  at  once  decided  in  favor  of  it."  His  chief  specification  of  advan- 
tage was  two  deep  ravines,  "one  above  the  rapids,  and  the  other  below 
the  steepest  fall.^- 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  connection,  this  canal  project  went 
to  pieces  with  the  collapse  of  the  Burr  expedition,  and  nothing  further 
was  done  until  the  admission  of  the  State.  There  was  a  persistent  de- 
mand from  everybody  that  used  the  river  for  a  canal ;  and  there  was  a 
continuing  rivalry  between  the  two  sides  of  the  river  as  to  which  shoiild 
have  it..  Indiana  started  first,  in  1816,  by  incorporating  another  com- 
pany with  a  capital  stock  of  $1,000,000  to  build  the  canal.  It  was  com- 
posed chiefly  of  local  people,  and  did  not  succeed  in  raising  the  neces- 
sary capital.  Governor  Jennings  was  a  strong  advocate  of  the  enter- 
prise, and  at  his  recommendation,  another,  and  still  more  liberal  charter 
was  granted  in  1818.  It  allowed  the  company  to  fix  its  own  tolls,  to 
receive  government  subscriptions,  and  to  raise  $100,000  by  a  lottery, 
but  of  the  lottery  proceeds  one-half  was  to  purchase  stock  for  the  State. 
The  chief  promoters  were  Bigelow  and  Beach,  as  had  been  the  case 
in  the  1816  company,  but  the  management  was  more  diversified, 
Madison  being  represented  on  the  board  of  directors  by  John  Paul, 
Lawreneeburg  by  Stephen  Ludlow,  and  Cincinnati  by  Jacob  Burnet. 
Work  was  begun  in  1819,  the  contract  being  let  to  IMichael  I.  Meyers. 
The  line  was  two  and  a  half  miles  long,  over  the  same  course  that  had 
attracted  Hovey.  It  began  at  the  mouth  of  the  ravine  through  which 
Cane  Run  flows  before  entering  the  Ohio,  above  Jeffei-sonville,  followed 
the  two  ravines  in  the  back  part  of  Jeffersonville  to  the  eddy  below 

■11  Ohio  Valley  Hist.  Ser.,  Misc.,  Vol.  1,  No.  7. 
*-  Hist.  Ohio  Tails  Cities,  Vol.  1,  p.  47. 


384  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  rapids.  The  scheme  of  excavatiou  was  ingenious.  Cane  Run  was 
dammed,  and  enough  excavation  was  made  to  start  it  through  the  ravines, 
in  expectation  that  it  would  wash  all  of  the  earth  and  loose  material 
out  of  the  channel.  Maurice  Thompson  says  that  someone  cut  the  dam, 
and  so  stopped  the  work;  and  suggests  that  Louisville  rivalry  was  re- 
sponsible for  it.  There  were  people  in  the  vicinity  who  would  do  such 
a  thing.  On  January  23,  1833,  an  attempt  w^as  made  to  blow  up  the 
locks  in  the  Louisville  canal.  The  hostile  spirit  in  1819  is  shown  in 
Dr.  McMurtrie's  Sketches  of  Louisville,  published  in  that  year,  in  which 
he  represents  the  Indiana  project  in  a  very  unfavorable  light. 

There  were  others,  however,  who  took  a  very  hopeful  view  of  it. 
Edmund  Dana  wrote  of  it,  in  1819:  "In  M^y,  1819,  a  survey  and  loca- 
tion having  previously  been  made,  the  excavation  was  commenced,  and 
continues  to  be  prosecuted  with  spirit,  and  the  fairest  prospects  of  suc- 
cess. The  extent  of  this  canal  will  be  2%  miles;  the  average  depth 
45  feet ;  width  at  top  100,  and  at  bottom  50  feet.  Except  one-fourth  of 
a  mile  at  the  upper  end,  there  is  a  bed  of  rock  to  be  cut  through,  10 
or  12  feet  deep.  The  charter,  which  expires  in  1899,  requires  that  the 
canal  should  be  completed  before  the  end  of  the  year  1824.  The  per- 
pendicular height  in  the  whole  extent  of  falls  being  about  23  feet,  the 
canal  is  expected  to  furnish  excellent  mill  seats,  and  a  water  power 
sufficient  to  drive  machinery  for  very  extensive  manufacturing  estab- 
lishments. In  navigating  the  Ohio,  the  saving  of  time,  expense,  and 
waste  of  property,  by  means  of  a  canal,  to  a  great  extent,  above  the 
falls,  is  incalculable.  It  has  been  estimated  that  Cincinnati  alone,  for 
several  years  past,  has  paid  an  extraordinary  expense  for  transporting 
goods  around  the  falls  exceeding  $50,000.  The  several  states  bordering 
on  the  river  above,  are  each  interested  in  the  success  of  this  great  under- 
taking, and  it  is  presumed  they  will  liberally  contribute  their  aid  to 
perfect  it.  The  territoiy  and  population  to  be  benefited  by  this  work  is 
so  extensive,  strong  hopes  have  been  entertained  that  some  adequate 
provision  will  be  made  by  the  general  government.  Capital  cannot,  per- 
haps, at  the  present  day,  be  vested  in  any  public  funds  that  will  yield 
a  more  productive  regular  income  than  in  this  establishment."^^  Uh- 
fortunately  for  the  Indiana  enterprise,  a  joint  commission  appointed  by 
the  states  of  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Virginia  and  Kentucky  in  1819  decided 
that  the  Louisville  side  was  the  more  advantageous,^-'  and  that  ended 
the  hope  of  outside  assistance.  In  1824  "William  Hendricks  and  Chris- 
topher Harrison  were  appointed  by  the  State  to  finish  the  canal ;  but 
before  they  accomplished  anything,  Kentucky  incorporated  a  company. 


■t3  Skptclios,  in  Ind.  Hist.  Coll.  Indiana  as  Seen  hy  Early  Travelers,  p.  207. 
«Niles  Register,  Dec.  2.5,  1819. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  385 

in  1825,  which  was  backed  by  Philadelphia  capital,  and  the  United 
States  government  came  to  its  assistance,  which  ended  the  Indiana  canal. 

The  first  government  subscription  to  the  Louisville  and  Portland 
Canal  was  for  a  thousand  shares  of  stock.  May  13,  1826.  On  March 
2,  1829,  subscription  for  not  over  1,350  shares  additional  was  author- 
ized, and  1,335  were  taken.  The  work  was  pushed  with  reasonable 
rapidity,  though  the  Indiana  papers  charged  that  it  was  being  held 
back  for  the  profit  of  Louisville  merchants,  and  made  facetious  com- 
ments on  the  force  of  workmen  employed.  On  April  28,  1S26,  the 
New  Albany  Recorder  said  that  the  Louisville  canal  work  had  been 
flooded  for  thirteen  days  from  JIarch  10,  and  asserted  that  the  con- 
tractor's agent  had  come  over  to  New  Albany  and  bought  three  dozen 
eggs  and  half  a  pound  of  butter,  to  provision  the  force  during  the  stop.^-' 
The  canal  was  not  completed  until  1831,  though  the  first  boat  went 
through  it  on  December  21,  1829.  It  cost  $750,000  instead  of  $400,000 
as  estimated  by  the  .joint  commission,  but  it  was  very  profitable  from 
the  start.  By  1842  the  United  States  had  received  returns  of  $257,778 
on  its  original  investment  of  $233,500,  and  had  converted  interest  and 
profits  into  567  shares  additional.  In  1872  it  had  acquired  all  but  five 
of  the  shares,  and  took  over  the  control  of  the  canal,  reducing  the  tolls, 
of  which  there  had  been  much  complaint,  to  a  maintenance  basis.  In 
the  41  years  of  operation,  to  that  date,  the  toll  receipts  had  been  $4,971,- 
121.86,  or  an  average  of  over  $100,000  a  year. 

The  loss  of  the  canal  at  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  was  only  a  local  dis- 
aster, affecting  Indiana  interests  in  that  immediate  vicinity;  but  it 
largely  monopolized  official  attention  while  it  was  a  live  pro.ject.  For 
example,  one  of  the  chief  reasons  for  locating  the  state  prison  at  Jef- 
fersonville  was  for  using  convict  labor  in  the  construction  of  the  canal.*" 
By  the  time  it  was  out  of  the  way,  the  demand  for  canals  was  arising 
from  all  parts  of  the  State.  New  York  had  begun  the  movement  in 
1817,  and  prosperity  and  population  flowed  to  that  state  at  once.  By 
the  time  DeWitt  Clinton  went  over  the  canal,  in  1825,  in  his  barge, 
from  Lake  Erie  to  New  York  Bay,  hailed  by  ringing  bells,  and  roaring 
cannons,  the  "West  was  aflame  with  the  canal  fever;  and  so  was  the 
rest  of  the  country.  Calhoun's  bill  devoting  the  bonus  and  profits  from 
the  second  Bank  of  the  United  States  to  internal  improvements  had 
passed  in  1816,  and  all  the  states  wanted  a  share  of  it.  Northern  In- 
diana seemed  peculiarly  fitted  for  canals,  and  the  whole  state  was  com- 
pai-atively  level.  From  the  days  of  LaSalle,  Indians  and  fur  traders  had 
used  a  dozen  water  routes  through  Indiana  between  the  Wabash  and 


*5  Quoted  in  Palladium,  May  13,  1826. 
«  Chamberlain 's  Gazetteer,  p.  135. 

Vol.  1—25 


386 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


the  lakes.  Tlie  route  by  the  ]\laiiinee  and  the  Wabash  was  the  most  di- 
rect way  from  Canada  to  New  Orleans.  It  was  on  account  of  these 
portage  routes  that  the  provision  was  put  in  the  Ordinance  of  1787 
that,  "The  navigable  waters  leading  into  the  Mississippi  and  St.  Law- 
rence, and  the  carrying  places  between  the  same,  shall  be  common  high- 
ways, and  forever  free,  as  well  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  territory, 
as  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States.''  All  the  streams  in  Indiana 
that  w'ere  navigable  on  that  basis  had  been  surveyed  out,  and  reserved 
from  sale  by  the  United  States ;  l)ut  most  of  them  could  ])e  used  only 
in  high  water,  and  they  did  not  reach  many  desired  points.  Railroads 
were  still  in  the  experimental  stage,  and  steam  engines  were  foreign  to 


Wabash  and  Erie  Canal  Aqueduct  over  the  St.  Marys,  at  Fort 

Wayne 
V  (From  a  drawing  by  Ellis  Kaiser) 


the  o1)servati(in  of  tlie  average  Indiana  farmer.     But  he  knew  all  about 
ditch  digging,  and  making  dams.    Plainly,  the  canal  was  tlie  thing. 

Governor  Jennings  had  advocated  canals  from  the  time  of  his  mes- 
sage of  December  2,  1817,  and  called  attention  to  the  availability  of 
the  three  per  cent,  fund  for  this  purpose,  but  nothing  was  done  by  the 
legislature  for  several  years.  The  people  took  it  up.  Fort  Wayne  was 
moved  to  action  by  the  report  of  Capt.  James  Riley,  an  United  States 
surveyor,  in  1818  and  1819,  that  the  St.  Marys  and  Little  River  could 
be  connected  by  a  canal  six  miles  long,  .thus  connecting  the  Wabash  and 
Lake  Erie.  This  was  true  enough,  for,  in  high  water,  canoes  had  often 
passed  lietween  the  two  rivers;  but  on  reflection  the  Fort  Wayne  people 
concluded  that  for  practical  purposes  a  canal  could  not  be  limited  to 
high  water  conditions;  and,  in  1823,  the  citizens  of  Fort  Wayne  em- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  387 

ployed  Col.  Young  and  A.  L.  Davis  to  make  a  survey  from  the  Wabash 
at  the  mouth  of  Little  River  to  the  ilauraee,  a  distance  of  25  miles. 
They  found  that  the  greatest  difference  of  levels  on  line  was  only  twenty 
feet.  On  December  9,  1825,  a  mass  meeting  was  held  at  Fort  Wayne, 
presided  over  by  Gen.  John  Tipton,  at  which  resolutions  were  adopted 
asking  the  national  government  to  locate  a  line  between  the  Maumee 
and  the  Wabash.  This  was  in  response  to  an  act  of  Congress  of  May 
26,  1824,  giving  the  State  of  Indiana  the  "privilege"  of  constructing 
a  canal  "fit  for  navigation"  from  the  ^Maumee  to  the  Wabash,  and 
granting  a  right  of  way,  with  90  feet  on  each  side  of  the  canal,  but 
the  canal  must  be  finished  within  twelve  years,  and  when  finished,  must 
be  forever  free  for  all  public  uses  of  the  United  States  government. 
When  this  came  before  the  legislature,  at  its  first  session  at  Indianapolis, 
the  House  committee  indignantly  reported  that  the  grant  would  amount 
to  621  acres  for  the  construction  of  a  canal  23  miles  long,  and  said 
the  proposition  "bears  on  its  face  such  a  character  of  closeness  and 
penury  that  no  politician  having  a  .just  regard  to  the  interest  of  the 
state  ought  to  be  willing  to  accept  it."  It  recommended  another  me- 
morial and  a  recjuest  for  a  grant  of  a  section  of  land  for  each  mile  of 
canal.*" 

The  Indiana  protests  had  some  effect  in  Washington,  and  on  May  24, 
1826,  the  national  Board  of  Internal  Improvements  ordered  Engineer 
James  Shriver  to  make  examinations  and  surveys  for  practicable  routes 
for  canals  in  Indiana,  connecting  the  Wabash  and  St.  Mary's  by  way 
of  Little  River;  Lake  Michigan  and  the  Wabash  by  way  of  the  St. 
Joseph,  Kankakee,  Yellow  River,  and  the  Tippecanoe;  the  Wabash  and 
White  River  by  the  Mississinewa  and  the  Wild  Cat ;  the  Whitewater 
and  the  Wabash ;  and  around  the  falls  of  the  Ohio  on  the  Indiana  side. 
These  routes  may  seem  absurd  to  the  reader  of  today ;  but  most  of  them 
are  not  only  perfectly  fea.sible,  but  also  were  common  routes  of  In- 
dian travel,  mentioned  in  all  the  descriptions  of  the  region  then  extant. 
Not  only  the  older  writers,  as  M.  de  Vergennes,  Foreign  ^Minister  to  Louis 
XVI,  Volney,  and  others,  but  the  later  writers  referred  to  them.  In  a 
letter  to  Secretary  Eustis,  in  1809,  Gov.  Harrison  speaks  of  the  portages 
from  the  Tippecanoe  to  the  Kankakee  and  the  St.  Joseph's,  as  "nine  to 
fourteen  miles,  much  used  by  Indians  and  sometimes  by  traders. ' '  ^^ 
This  route  was  through  Lake  ^laxinkuckec,  the  portage  being  from 
that  lake  to  Yellow  river.  Barring  wire  fences,  it  is  easy  to  run  a 
light  boat  from  Lake  Maxinkuckee  to  the  Tippecanoe  at  tlie  present 
time.    In  his  Western  Gazetteer  (1817)  Samuel  Bro^ii  says:    "All  the 

■"  H.  J.,  1825,  p.  176. 

<8  Dawson  's  Harrison,  p.  1.33. 


388  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

streams  in  the  northern  parts  of  the  state,  which  empty  into  the  Wabash 
and  Illinois,  liave  their  branches  interwoven  with  many  of  the  rivers 
running  into  Lakes  Erie  and  Michigan.  Indeed,  as  before  observed, 
they  not  unfrequentlj'  issue  from  the  same  marsh,  prairie,  pond  or 
lake.  There  are  upwards  of  twenty  portages  near  the  Michigan  frontier, 
only  two  of  which  have  hitherto  been  used  by  the  whites.  *  *  * 
There  is  a  portage  of  four  miles  between  the  St.  Joseph 's  of  Lake  Michi- 
gan and  the  Theakaki  (Kankakee)  ;  of  two  miles  between  the  Theakaki 
and  the  Great  Kennomic  (Calumet)  ;  of  half  a  mile  between  the  Great 
and  Little  Kennomic;  of  four  miles  between  the  Chemin  (Trail  Creek) 
and  Little  Kennomic ;  and  of  three  miles  between  the  west  fork  of  Chicago 
and  Plein ;  besides  numerous  ones  between  the  head  branches  of  the 
two  St.  Josephs,  Black,  Raisin  and  Eel  rivers,  which  vary  in  length 
according  to  the  dryness  or  moisture  of  the  season."  In  his  Emigrants' 
Guide  (1818),  William  Darby  says  that,  "with  one  extremity  upon  the 
Ohio  river,  and  the  opposite  upon  Lake  Michigan,  with  intersecting 
navigable  streams,  Indiana  will  be  the  real  link  that  will  unite  the 
southern  and  northern  part  of  the  United  States. ' '  *^ 

Shriver  died  shortly  after  beginning  this  survey  work,  and  it  was 
continued  by  Major  Asa  Moore,  who  surveyed  the  line  between  the 
Maumee  and  the  Wabash  in  1826,  and  reported  that  it  would  be  easy 
to  build  a  canal  on  that  route.  He  continued  the  sui-veys  in  1827-8,  but 
took  sick  and  died  at  the  rapids  of  the  Maumee  on  Octolier  4,  1828. 
Meanwhile  Congi-ess  arose  to  the  situation,  and  by  act  of  March  2,  1827. 
gave  to  the  State,  for  construction  of  the  Waba.sh  and  Erie  canal,  the 
alternate  sections  in  a  strip  of  land  five  miles  wide,  bordering  the  line 
of  the  canal.  This  was  the  beginning  of  national  grants  in  aid  of  in- 
ternal improvements,  and  marks  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  nation. 
Also,  in  October,  1826,  Lewis  Cass,  James  B.  Ray  and  John  Tipton 
had  made  treaties  with  the  Miamis  and  Potawatomies,  by  which,  among 
other  things,  the  Indians  granted  rights  of  way  through  their  reserva- 
tions for  the  canal.  Indiana  was  now  ready  for  business,  as  soon  as  the 
proceeds  of  the  land  sales  were  available,  but  there  were  various  causes 
for  delay.  By  act  of  January  5,  1828,  Indiana  accepted  the  Govern- 
ment gift.  A  board  of  commissioners  was  appointed,  consisting  of 
Samuel  Hanna  of  Fort  Wayne,  Robert  John  of  Franklin  County,  and 
David  Burr  of  Jackson  County,  to  take  charge  of  the  work;  but  the 
board  found  itself  without  sufficient  funds  or  sufficient  authority  to  do 
anything  but  report.  Moreover,  the  eastern  end  of  the  canal  was  in 
Ohio,  and  Indiana  had  no  control  over  it.     Ohio  had  wanted  the  canal 


4D  Inil.  Hist.  Coll.  Indiana  as  seen  by  Early  Travelers,  pp.  165,  167,  193. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  389 

made  by  the  line  of  the  Big  Miami  river  to  Cincinnati,  and  on  May 
24,  1828,  secured  an  act  of  Congress  granting  the  alternate  sections  in 
a  five-mile  strip  for  the  extension  of  the  iliami  canal  from  Dayton  to 
Lake  Erie,  by  the  Maumee  route.  The  fourth  section  of  this  law  pro- 
vided that  Indiana  might  relinquish  so  much  of  her  canal  lands  as  lay 
within  Ohio  to  that  state  on  such  terms  as  the  two  states  might  agree 
upon,  Ohio  to  construct  the  Wabash  and  Erie  within  its  borders  on 
the  same  terms  as  originally  provided  for  Indiana.  After  more  than  a 
year  of  negotiation,  on  October  3,  1829,  Wyllys  Silliman,  of  Zanesville, 
on  the  part  of  Ohio,  and  Jeremiah  Sullivan,  on  the  part  of  Indiana, 
met  at  Cincinnati,  and  agreed  that  Ohio  should  take  the  lands  within 
her  boundaries  and  build  the  canal  east  of  the  Indiana  line,  both  states 
to  finish  their  work  within  fifteen  years.  By  act  of  January  28,  1830, 
Indiana  established  a  new  board  of  commissioners,  composed  of  David 
Burr.  Jordan  Vigus  and  Samuel  Lewis,  to  take  charge  of  the  land  sales 
and  preliminary  work.  They  employed  Joseph  Kidgewa.y,  of  Columbus, 
Ohio,  an  experienced  engineer,  to  prepare  plans  and  specifications  for 
the  work  from  the  state  line  to  the  mouth  of  the  Tippecanoe  river,  which 
was  the  extent  of  the  original  land  grant.  The  amount  of  the  granted 
lands  in  Indiana  was  349,261  acres.  Ridgeway's  estimate  of  the  cost 
of  the  canal  completed  was  $1,081,970. 

Then  came  more  delay.  The  Ohio  legislature  failed  to  ratify  the 
Cincinnati  agreement.  Sentiment  in  Indiana  was  divided.  Some  pre- 
dicted the  cost  of  the  canal  would  be  much  greater  than  the  proceeds 
'of  the  lands,  and  the  people  would  be  subjected  to  heavy  taxation. 
Quite  a  strong  party  had  gro'wn  up  in  favor  of  railroads  instead  of 
canals.  Finally  the  canal  advocates  won  out,  and  on  January  9,  1832, 
an  act  was  passed  creating  a  board  of  fund  commissioners,  authorized  to 
borrow  $200,000  and  keep  the  canal  commissioners  supplied  with  funds. 
Work  was  ordered  to  be  commenced  before  March  2,  which  was  the  ex- 
piration of  the  five  years  in  which  the  work  was  to  begin  under  the 
grant  by  Congress,  or  the  grant  forfeited.  It  was  indeed  time  for  action. 
Washington 's  birthday  was  selected  for  the  saving  act.  Vigus  hastened 
up  to  Fort  Wayne,  where  the  ceremony  was  to  occur.  LTnder  the  plans, 
the  canal  came  up  the  south  side  of  the  Maumee,  followed  the  St.  Mary's 
through  part  of  Fort  Wayne,  and  then  crossed  the  valley  of  the  St. 
Mary's  to  what  is  now  the  northwest  part  of  the  city,  where  it  wa-s 
to  be  joined  by  the  branch  from  the  feeder  dam  on  the  St.  Joseph's, 
some  six  miles  above  the  city.  On  February  22,  most  of  Fort  Wayne 
formed  a  procession,  marched  out  to  the  chosen  spot,  preceded  by  a 
band,  with  the  national  colors  flying,  and  there  formed  in  a  circle. 
Vigus  told  of  the  obstacles  encountered  and  overcome,  and  announced, 


390 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


"I  now  begin  the  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal  by  authoi'ity  of  the  State 
of  Indiana,"  and  "struck  the  long  suspended  blow."  Charles  W. 
Ewing,  native  of  New  York,  and  first  prosecuting  attorney  of  Allen 
County,  made  "an  appropriate  and  eloquent  address";  and  then  Judge 
Samuel  Hanna,  Captain  Murray,  and  other  enthusiastic  citizens  fell 
to,  and  made  an  extensive  hole  in  the  ground.^"     The  land  grant  was 


Jesse  L.  Williams 


saved,  and  it  was  a  great  day  for  the  ^launiee  and  Wabash  valleys. 
On   March    1,   the    Canal    Commissioners   began   letting   contracts    and 

the  first  fifteen  miles,  including  the  St.  Joseph's  feeder  dam,  were  let 
for  $63,358.86,  or  $850.42  less  than  Ridgeway's  estimates;  whereupon 
the  canal  advocates  hooted  in  derision  at  the  prophets  of  unexpected 
expense.  The  Commissioners  employed  Jesse  L.  Williams,  a.  North 
Carolina  Quaker  who  had  been  chief  engineer  of  the  iliami  Canal,  and 


50  Cass  County  Times,  March  2,  1832. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  391 

who  later  arose  to  national  distinction  in  his  profession,  to  supei^vise  the 
work  of  construction.  For  the  next  ten  years  he  was  the  Indiana  au- 
thority on  engineering  problems.  Under  his  supervision,  work  on  the 
canal  proceeded  as  well  as  could  be  asked. ^^  The  stretch  from  the  feeder 
dam  to  Fort  Wayne  was  completed  and  the  water  turned  in,  in  June, 
1834 ;  and  the  entire  population  of  the  place  celebrated  the  glorious 
Fourth  by  a  trip  to  the  feeder  dam  in  a  big  scow,  hastily  constructed  by 
F.  P.  Tinkham,  and  a  day  of  revelry  at  that  location.  By  the  next 
Fourth,  the  canal  was  completed  to  Huntington,  and  Capt.  Asa  Fair- 
field  had  built  a  regular  canal  "packet,"  named  "The  Indiana,"  and 
commanded  by  Oliver  Fairfield,  an  old  sea  captain.  On  July  4,  1835, 
the  Indiana  made  its  first  trip  over  the  thirty-two  miles  connecting  the 
Wabash  with  the  Maumee,  carrying  a  party  of  gentlemen  only,  reputed 
by  tradition  to  have  be«n  the  liveliest  part}'  that  ever  traveled  on  a 
canal  boat.  Thereafter  the  Indiana  made  regular  trips  on  alternate 
days,  from  Fort  Wayne  to  the  terminus  of  the  canal,  as  it  progressed 
down  the  AVabash,  carrying  freight  and  passengers.  This  division  of 
the  canal,  including  the  feeder  dam,  cost  only  an  average  of  .$7,177  per 
mile,  although  constructed  through  a  comparative  wilderness,  where 
the  transportation  of  supplies  was  costly.  But  even  here,  it  ran  into 
the  log  cabiii  of  old  Chopine,  on  the  White  Raccoon  reservation,  which 
had  to  be  removed  and  rebuilt  out  of  the  canal  fund,  and  much  to  the 
disgust  of  the  dispossessed  native. 

Jleanwhile  the  railroad  people  had  been  moving.  On  February 
2  and  3,  1832,  the  legislature  of  Indiana  had  chartered  eight  railroad 
companies,  five  of  which  were  to  connect  Indianapolis  with  the  Ohio 
river  at  various  points.  One  of  tliese  was  from  Indianapolis  to  Lawrence- 
burg,  by  way  of  Gneenburgh  and  Shelbyville.  This  company'  laid  the 
first  railroad  track  in  Indiana — a  mile  and  a  quarter,  at  Shelbyville. 
The  common  mode  of  construction  at  that  time  was  to  lay  the  ends 
of  the  cross-ties  on  two  flat  stoneS,  and  on  them  put  wooden  rails,  which, 
when  the  finuls  of  the  company  permitted,  were  capped  with  strips  of 
bar  iron.  Tli'ere  being  no  stone  available  near  Shelbyville,  the  experi- 
ment had  been  tried  of  resting  the  cross-ties  on  logs  laid  lengthwise  the 
road.  As  tlie  company  had  been  unable  to  secure  an  engineer,  the  road 
was  built  by  two  contractors — "men  without  experience  in  such  works, 
and  with  the  ordinary  labor  of  the  country."  On  the  Fourth  of  July, 
1834,  while  the  Fort  Wayne  people  were  junketing  at  the  feeder  dam, 
the  people  of  Shelbyville  indulged  in  the  first  railroad  ride  in  Indiana. 
James  Blake,  of  Indianapolis,  President  pro  tem  of  the  company,  says 

51  For  full  sketches  of  Jesse  L.  Williams  see  Stuart's  Lives  and  Works  of  Civil 
and  Military  Engineers  of  America ;  Knapp  's  Hist,  of  the  Maumee  Valley,  p.  415. 


392  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

in  liis  report  for  1834,  "In  tlie  course  of  the  day  between  six  and  eight 
hundred  persons  were  passed  upon  the  road  by  one  ear,  a  distanfce  out 
and  in  of  two  and  a  half  miles.  One  horse  was  found  able  to  draw  from 
forty  to  fifty  persons  at  the  rate  of  nineteen  miles  per  hour,  and  this 
when  all  the  work,  both  of  ear  and  road,  was  new  and  rough.  Owing 
to  the  diffieulty  of  procuring  an  engineer,  the  directors  superintending 
the  work  did  not  deem  it  proper  to  carry  it  into  Shelbyville,  as  they 
could  not  tell  where  the  engineer  might  choose  to  cross  the  river.  The 
work  was,  therefore,  stopped  three-quarters  of  a  mile  from  town,  "i  et  it 
is  believed  that  it  affords  a  fair  specimen  of  the  cost  of  construction 
through  the  line  of  level  country  already  spoken  of.  Upon  it  there  is 
one  cut  of  five  feet ;  one  embankment  of  five  feet,  and  one  of  ten — two 
curves  and  two  bridges,  already  mentioned, — all  in  the  distance  of  one 
and  a  quarter  miles,  and  the  whole  cost  was  one  thousand  five  hundred 
dollars  per  mile."  Mr.  Blake  also  adds,  for  the  enlightenment  of  the 
stockholders:  "The  road  in  every  respect  is  calculated  for  the  use  of 
locomotive  power — and  the  speed  and  cheapness  of  that  power  over  every 
other,  will  no  doubt  occasion  it  to  be  adopted  on  this  road  as  it  has 
been  on  almost  every  other  of  any  extent  in  the  United  States  and  in 
Europe.  It  would,  therefore,  be  proper  at  once  to  save  the  expense  of 
a  horse  path.  This  is  estimated  to  cost  three  hundred  dollars  per  mile, 
and  supposing  the  road  to  be  ninety  miles  long,  twenty-seven  thousand 
dollars  may  be  saved.  A  sum  sufficient  to  procure  all  the  locomotive 
power  necessary  for  a  long  time.  And  it  will  supercede  the  outlay 
of  capital  that  would  otherwise  be  necessarily  invested  in  horses.  In 
addition  to  these  advantages,  if  steam  alone  should  be  used,  the  inter- 
mediate space  between  the  rails  need  not  be  so  entirely  filled  with  earth 
as  is  required  by  the  horse  path,  and  thus  the  rails,  at  least,  may  be  made 
to  last  many  years  longer  than  they  would  do  were  they  brought  into 
immediate  contact  with  the  earth." 

With  this  situation,  it  is  easy  to  understand  the  sentiment  for  inter- 
nal improvements  in  Indiana  in  the  period  from  1830  to  1840.  It  wjus 
evident  that  the  crying  need  of  the  State  was  for  cheaper  transporta- 
tion. Grain  was  selling  for  from  30  to  50  cents  a  biishel  more  on  the 
Ohio  river  than  it  was  in  central  Indiana.  The  cost  of  transportation 
by  canal  or  railroad  was  not  more  than  one-third  of  what  it  was  by 
wagon.  The  diff'erence  in  the  value  of  the  product  of  an  acre  of  land 
was  greater  than  the  market  value  of  the  land.  The  chief  wealth  of  the 
State  was  in  lands  and  agricultural  products.  Everybody  wanted  im- 
proved transportation  of  some  kind.  The  difficulty  lay  in  this  almos* 
universal  demand.  It  was  a  problem  of  dividing  five  apples  among 
ten  boys,  and  giving  each  one  an  apple — the  apples  being  somewhat  pros- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  393 

pective,  but  regarded  as  certain.  Nobody  was  willing  to  wait.  Somt 
advocated  railroads  and  some  canals,  but  both  were  operating  success- 
fully in  other  states,  and  both  had,  by  July  4,  1834,  been  demonstrated 
to  be  fea.si'ble,  on  a  small  scale,  in  Indiana.  It  was  necessary,  to  secure 
any  action,  to  get  a  majority  of  the  ten  boys  to  agree  on  some  plan, 
and  that  task  fell  to  the  legislature  of  1834.  The  solution  reached  was 
a  bill  providing  for  eight  improvements,  as  follows: 

1.  The  Whitewater  Canal,  from  Nettle  Creek,  near  Cambridge  City, 
in  Wayne  County,  to  Lawreneeburg,  with  connection  by  canal  or  rail- 
road to  the  Central  Canal.  The  surveys  for  this  canal  had  been  made 
in  1834  by  Je.sse  L.  Williams  and  William  Gooding,  and  their  report, 
which  was  before  the  legislature,  estimated  the  cost  at  $1,142,126.  For 
this  work  the  legislature  appropriated  $1,400,000. 

2.  The  Central  Canal,  from  some  point  on  the  Wabash  between 
Fort  Wayne  and  Logansport,  to  Muneie;  thence  down  White  River  to 
Indianapolis ;  and  from  there  by  the  most  feasible  route  to  Evansville. 
For  this  the  appropriation  was  $3,500,000.  - 

3.  An  extension  of  the  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal  to  Terre  Haute; 
with  connection  from  there  to  the  Central  Canal.  Appropriation  $1,- 
300,000. 

4.  A  railroad  from  Madison  to  Lafayette,  by  way  of  Columbus  and 
Indianapolis.     Appropriation  $1,300,000. 

5.  A  macadamized  road  from  New  Albany  to  Vincenncs,  by  way 
of  Greenville,  Fredericksburg,  Paoli,  Mount  Pleasant,  and  Washington. 
Appropriation  $1,150,000. 

6.  A  survey  of  a  line  from  Jeffersonville  to  Crawfordsville,  for  a 
railroad,  or,  if  that  were  found  impracticable,  for  a  macadamized  road ; 
by  way  of  New  Albany,  Salem,  Bedford,  Bloomington,  and  Greeneastle ; 
the  survey  to  be  completed  by  October,  1835,  and  construction  to  follow. 
Appropriation  $1,300,000. 

7.  For  removal  of  obstructions  to  navigation  in  the  Wabash  River 
an  appropriation  of  $50,000. 

8.  A  surve.y  for  a  canal,  if  possible,  otherwise  a  railroad,  from 
Fort  Wayne  to  Michigan  City,  by  way  of  Goshen,  South  Bend,  and 
Laporte.  No  appropriation  was  made  for  this,  but  the  work  was  to 
be  commenced  within  ten  years. 

In  addition  to  these  appropriations,  the  Lawreneeburg  and  Indian- 
apolis was  authorized  to  borrow  $500,000  on  the  credit  of  the  State, 
giving  the  State  a  mortgage  on  unimproved  lands  for  .security.  To 
secure  the  money  for  prosecuting  these  works,  the  fund  commissioners 
were  directed  to  issue  $10,000,000  of  State  bonds,  payable  in  twenty- 
five  years,  with  six  per  cent  interest ;  and  for  the  payment  of  this  loan 


394:  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  various  works,  and  their  profits  were  to  be  pledged.  This  measure 
met  with  general  approval,  except  from  those  localities  that  were  not 
directly  reached  by  the  proposed  improvements.  All  through  the  State, 
where  there  was  a  feeling  of  local  benefit,  there  were  bonfires,  illumina- 
tions and  general  rejoicing.  And  from  all  parts  of  the  nation  there 
was  applause  of  the  enterprise  of  Indiana.  This  legislation  had  a  more 
extensive  effect  on  the  history  of  Indiana  than  any  other  act  ever  passed 
by  the  Indiana  legislature,  and  was  the  source  of  more  political  con- 
troversy. In  later  years,  when  the  ' '  system ' '  had  gone  to  pieces,  leaving 
ruin  in  its  wake,  the  Democrats  charged  the  Whigs  with  responsibility 
for  it,  which  was  true  enough,  but  there  were  very  few  Democrats  who 
could  point  to  any  consistent  opposition  to  it  while  it  was  in  process 
of  adoption.  The  subject  was  threshed  over  in  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention of  1851,  which  devoted  a  considerable  part  of  its  time  to  po- 
litical ventilation ;  and  there  is  no  room  for  question  that  the  substantial 
facts  as  to  the  passage  of  the  bill  were  accurately  presented  by  Judge 
David  Kilgore  at  that  time.'  Kilgore  was  born  in  Kentucky,  April  3, 
1804,  and  came  to  Franklin  County,  Indiana,  in  1819,  with  his  father, 
01>ed  Kilgore.  With  a  common  school  education,  he  read  law  without 
a  preceptor,  but  receiving  occasional  aid  from  James  B.  Ray  and  John 
T.  McKinney,  later  of  the  Supreme  Court.  In  1830,  having  "finished 
Blackstone,"  he  walked  to  Delaware  County,  with  "a  small  bundle  of 
clothes,  four  law  books,  and  $4.75  in  money";  took  a  pre-emption  claim, 
and  began  the  practice  of  law.  He  was  successful  from  the  start ;  was 
elected  to  the  legislature  of  1832,  and  several  times  thereafter;  and 
served  as  Speaker  of  the  House,  Judge,  and  Congressman.  He  was  an 
open  and  ardent  advocate  of  internal  improvements  and  education, 
without  apologj'  for  either. 

In  the  Convention,  on  November  21,  1850,  after  some  preliminary  re- 
marks about  the  attacks  on  the  improvement  system,  Kilgore  announced 
his  intention  of  giving  the  true  history  of  it,  and  "speaking  plainly." 
He  said:  "At  the  sessions  of  the  Legislature  of  1834,  1835,  the  members 
of  that  body,  believing  that  it  was  high  time  for  Indiana  to  engage  in 
some  system  of  internal  improvements,  set  about  the  work  of  devising 
a  plan  for  action  upon  the  subject.  A  bill  was  introduced  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  having  in  view  that  object.  The  bill,  as  originally 
introduced,  was  not  such  as  met  the  approbation  of  the  majority.  The 
objection  to  it  was,  not  that  it  contained  too  much,  but  that  it  did  not 
contain  enough.  And  some  of  those  who  are  now  most  loud  in  their 
denunciations  of  the  system,  were  amongst  the'  foremost  in  adding  amend- 
ment to  amendment  until  we  had  literally  checkered  the  whole  State 
with  imaginary  canals  and  roads  of  different  kinds.     That  bill,  sir,  be- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


395 


came  too  ponderous  to  be  carried  by  its  original  friends ;  and  those  wlio 
were  the  true  friends  of  the  State  and  her  best  interests,  by  common 
consent,  laid  it  upon  the  table  to  sleep  the  sleep  of  death.  But  they 
did  not  abandon  the  hope  of  adopting  some  system  that  might,  in  the 
end,  prove  beneficial  to  the  people.  As  yet  no  provision  had  been  made 
for  the  further  prosecution  of  the  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal,  which  had 


Judge  David  Kilgore 

been  commenced  some  years  before;  and  to  the  friends  of  that  work 
other  portions  of  the  State  looked  for  aid  in  the  commencement  and 
prosecution  of  a  well  digested  system  of  improvements.  And  for  the 
purpose  of  securing  that  aid,  we  were  unwilling  to  see  that  work  pro- 
vided for  alone.  A  proper  feeling  was  evinced  from  that  quarter  to- 
wards other  interests.  *  *  *  But  whilst  we  were  devising  some 
safe  and  proper  plan  for  such  a  system,  to  our  great  astonishment,  a 
messenger  from  the  Senate  announced  the  passage  of  a  bill  through  that 


396  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

body,  providing  for  the  further  prosecution  of  the  Wabash  and  Erie 
Canal.  This,  sir,  was  unexpected,  and  produced  that  confusion  in  our 
ranks  that  might  well  be  expected  under  such  circumstances.  All  knew 
full  well  that  if  that  bill  passed,  it  would  take  from  us  many  votes  upon 
which  we  had  been  confidently  relying  to  aid  us  in  what  we  conceived 
to  be  an  important  and  laudable  undertaking. 

"What  is  to  be  done?  was  the  first  inquiry  made  by  every  man  who 
felt  an  interest  in  the  matter.  All  knew,  sir,  that  whatever  was  to  be 
done  must  be  done  quickly  in  order  to  be  successful.  Now,  ilr.  Presi- 
dent, for  the  information  of  gentlemen  who  have  been  so  free  in  charging 
the  friends  of  that  system  with  bargain,  sale  and  corruption,  (terms,  sir, 
which  I  seldom  use,  and  never  apply  unless  I  am  properly  posted  upon 
the  subject)  I  will  say  that  I  never  in  my  life  used  more  untiring  in- 
dustry than  I  did  on  that  memorable  night,  in  order  to  secure  strength 
enough  to  amend  the  Senate  bill  so  as  to  provide  for  the  survey  of 
other  works.  I  well  recollect  calling  upon  the  lamented  James  H.  Wal- 
lace, then  a  representative  from  the  county  of  Jefferson,  at  a  late  hour 
in  the  night,  to  see  what  strength  he  could  bring  to  the  bill  in  case  we 
would  provide  for  the  ^Madison  road.  He  gave  me  the  desired  informa- 
tion, and  pledged  the  support  of  a  certain  number  of  members  who  were 
interested.  And  this  secured  to  the  citizens  of  Madison  and  Indian- 
apolis, and  the  intermediate  country,  that  important  work  which,  costly 
as  it  was,  has  proved  so  useful  and  profitable  to  all  concerned.  From 
him  I  passed  to  other  gentlemen ;  still  leaving  each  to  propose  a  short 
description  of  his  favorite  work;  until,  with  my  tally  paper  in  hand, 
I  could  count  sufficient  strength  to  amend  the  Senate  bill,  and  thus 
prepare  for  a  general  survey.  *  *  *  The  true  friends  of  the  State's 
best  interests  did  not  at  that  time  contemplate  the  prosecution  of  more 
than  some  three  or  four  works :  the  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal,  the  Central 
Canal,  the  White  Water  Canal,  and  perhaps  one  railroad.  *  *  «  it 
was  carried  by  a  union  of  interests;  it  could  be  carried  by  no  other 
means;  and  the  same  means,  sir,  would  have  given  it  the  aid  of  every 
man  then  in  the  Legislature.  *  *  *  As  I  have  said  before,  sir, 
the  survey  of  the  various  works  designated  unsettled  the  public  mind, 
dethroned  reason  for  the  time  being,  and  prepared  the  people  for  their 
own  ruin.  The  next  session  found  each  one  of  these  various  projects 
amply  represented ;  and  each  Representative  urging  the  superior  claims 
of  his  favorite  work.  We  had  sought  information,  we  had  obtained  it, 
and  we  were  by  force  of  public  opinion  re(|uired  to  use  the  information 
most  profitably,  as  was  supposed,  by  commencing  a  system,  embracing 
every  practicable  work  which  had  been  surveyed.     We  were  not  only 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  397 

required  to  commence,  but  each  iiiterest  being  jealous  of  the  others,  all 
had  to  be  prosecuted  simultaneously.     *     »     » 

' '  It  was  not  a  system  of  internal  improvements,  Mr.  President,  that 
these  gentlemen  opposed.  It  was  the  system.  I  mean,  sir,  the  one  that 
made  no  provision  for  their  constitutents.  I  know,  sir,  such  was 
the  case  with  my  friend  from  Ripley  (Thomas  Smith)  ;  he  voted  for 
adding  other  works  to  the  system;  and'  this  he  surely  would  not  have 
done  unless  he  was  for  the  measure.  And  so  with  my  worthy  friend 
from  Harrison  (John  Zenor),  for  whom  I  entertain  the  highest  respect. 
He,  sir,  voted  for  additions  to  the  amount  of  one  and  a  half  million  of 
dollars.  *  *  *  So  it  was  with  the  gentleman  from  Posey  (Robert 
Dale  Owen).  *  *  *  He  came  upon  the  political  stage  the  year 
after  its  adoption.  And  unfortunately  for  that  gentleman,  when  he  did 
come,  his  vision  did  not  seem  so  vivid  and  clear  as  it  now  is,  until  the 
scales  of  self-interest  were  removed  from  his  eyes,  by  a  refusal  on  the 
part  of  the  Legislature  to  pass  his  favorite  measure,  providing  for 
additional  works  to  the  amount  of  something  like  three  millions  of 
dollars,  as  a  part  of  that  odious  system.  Its  adoption  was  strenuously 
urged  V)y  that  talented  gentleman,  with  more  than  his  ordinary  zeal, 
and  not  one  whisper  was  he  heard  to  make  against  the  extent  of  the 
system  within  the  legislative  hall,  until  his  darling  project  was  voted 
down ;  then,  sir,  for  the  first  time,  the  ruin  and  bankruptcy  of  the 
State  seeme.d  to  stare  him  in  the  face,  and  has  been  haunting  his  imag- 
ination ever  since.  *  *  *  Allusion  was  made  by  my  friend  who 
preceded  me  (Jlr.  Zenor)  to  the  scenes  that  occurred  in  this  city  on 
the  evening  after  the  passage  of  this  bill,  and  to  similar  scenes  all  over 
the  State  when  its  passage  was  made  known.  I  very  well  remember 
those  scenes,  and  many  other  circumstances  connected  therewith.  1  well 
recollect  the  brilliancy  with  which  tlie  city  was  illuminated,  and  not  only 
this  city,  but  towns  and  villages  throughout  the  State.  All  of  which 
tends  to  prove  what  I  before  stated,  sir,  that  the  system  was  forced 
upon  tlie  people  by  their  own  action ;  and  that  if  blame  is  to  attach 
anywhere,  it  should  attach  to  the  people  themselves,  without  regard  to 
party  or  party  politics.  *  *  *  j  hope  I  will  be  pardoned,  sir,  for 
referring  to  a  conversation  had  on  the  evening  of  the  passage  of  this 
mammoth  bill,  between  the  distinguished  gentleman  who  represented 
the  county  of  A^igo,  and  myself.  We  were,  I  believe,  alone  at  mj-  room, 
and  whilst  others  were  enjoying  the  glee  and  hilarity  of  the  citj-,  we 
calmly  reviewed  our  action,  and  the  state  of  public  feeling  with  relation 
to  it.  We  looked  to  the  future  with  fearful  forebodings.  We,  sir, 
there  predicted  all  that  has  followed;  we  Eigreed,  and  that  too  without 
the  spirit  of  prophecy,  that  in  less  than  five  years  the  joy  of  the  people 


a98  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

would  be  turned  into  mourning,  that  they  were  then  looking  at  the 
bright  side  of  the  picture  only,  and  that  they  would  soon  leam  by 
experience  their  precipitate  and  inconsiderate  action.  *  *  *  ^.1- 
though,  sir,  I  am  not  one  of  those  who  consider  a  public  debt  a  public 
blessing;  yet,  sir,  disastrous  as  our  public  works  have  proved,  I  have  no 
doubt  that  in  many  respects  we  are  at  least  twenty-five  years  in  advance 
of  what  we  would  have  been,  had  ovir  system  of  internal  improvements 
never  been  commenced.  *  By  our  misfortunes  our  people  have  learned  by 
dear  experience  what  they  could  not  otherwise  have  known  so  well. 
Individual  enterprise  has  been  pointed  to  proper  objects,  and  individual 
capital  has  found  proper  investments,  which  in  the  end  will  redound 
to  the  wealth  of  the  State,  and  the  general  prosperity  of  the  people."  -'"^ 
Such  was  the  defense  of  the  internal  improvement  bill  by  its 
author,  and  it  must  be  conceded  the  merit  of  entire  frankness.  It  was 
not  questioned  in  any  material  point.  Robert  Dale  Owen  made  a  feeble 
effort  to  demonstrate  his  consistency,  but  his  speech  had  been  published 
in  the  Democrat  of  December  23,  1836,  and  it  was  produced,  showing 
his  warm  plea  that  the  forty-six  counties  not  touched  by  any  of  the 
proposed  works  should  be  allowed  their  "modest,  equitable  demand" 
for  two  million  dollars  of  additional  improvements.'''^  The  weakness  of 
the  defense  was  that  Kilgore  confessed  to  exactly  the  thing  of  which  he 
complained  in  others.  His  pet  measure  was  the  Whitewater  Canal,  and 
to  secure  it  he  forced  the  amendment  of  the  bill  for  the  Wabash  and 
Erie,  to  which  the  State  was  already  committed,  by  adding  all  the  others, 
although  he  says  he  foresaw  ruin  from  it  at  the  time.  His  first  ally 
was  the  Madison  and  Indianapolis  Railroad,  with  the  Central  Canal 
following,  and  these  three  proved  the  most  hopeless  enterprises  of  the 
lot.  No  doubt  he  thought  they  were  good  things  at  the  time,  and  so 
did  the  other  legislators.  And  no  doubt,  when  he  started  in  he  did 
not  expect  to  be  forced  to  the  absurdity  of  attempting  to  construct 
everything  at  once..  He  might  have  immortalized  himself  by  abandoning 
the  entire  plan  when  he  saw  that  situation  developed,  but  that  would 
have  been  political  suicide.  He  declares  that,  "It  never  entered  into 
the  minds  of  those  who  voted  for  the  bill  directing  those  surveys  that 
all  the  public  w^orks  therein  contemplated  should  be  carried  on  simul- 
taneously;" and  no  doubt  this  was  true  as  to  himself;  but  the  bill 
carried  appropriations,  and  on  its  face  it  meant  what  it  said.  The 
substance  of  the  defense  of  Kilgore  and  his  party  is  that  they  created 
a  Frankenstein  monster  that  they  could  not  control ;  and  that  the  results 
were  not  so  ruinous  as  they  misht  have  been.     It  must  be  understood, 


^•■'-  Debates,  Vol.  1,  p.  676. 
S3  Debates,  pp.  684,  686. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  399 

however,  that  they  thought  their  particular  improvements  would  be  of 
great  value ;  and  that,  at  this  time,  even  engineers  were  not  acquainted 
with  the  difficulty  of  maintaining  high  line  canals.  It  is  practically 
impossible  to  maintain  a  high  line  canal  with  earthen  banks  and  wooden 
locks  and  dams  in  a  country  that  is  subject  to  heavy  floods,  and  abounds 
in  burrowing  water  animals,  especially  muskrats.  The  muskrat  has  a 
propensity  for  digging  holes  through  canal  banks,  and  when  the  water 
begins  running  through  one  of  such  holes  the  embankment  quickly 
washes  out  and  the  canal  is  gone,  until  the  embankment  is  replaced. 
As  an  illustration,  the  seven  miles  of  the  Central  Canal  between  Indian- 
apolis and  Broad  Ripple,  of  which  about  on<>-third  is  high  line,  has 
been  washed  out  repeatedly  from  this  cause.  The  Indianapolis  Water 
Company,  present  owner  of  the  canal,  has  for  years  kept  two  men 
patrolling  the  canal  to  watch  for  breaks,  and  kill  these  animals;  and 
has  also  paid  a  bounty  for  tail  tips,  and  distributed  traps,  free  of 
charge,  to  farmers  along  the  line  of  the  canal.  Even  in  the  settled  condi- 
tion of  the  region,  in  the  five  years,  1905-1910,  there  were  more  than  one 
hundred  muskrats  killed  in  this  little  stretch  of  canal. 

The  Whitewater  Canal,  as  surveyed,  had  a  fall  of  491  feet  in  its  total 
length  of  76  miles,  and  49  chains.  The  engineers  reported  that  con- 
struction would  be  "rendered  expensive  by  the  great  amount  of  lock- 
age," which  was  evident,  as  their  plans  called  for  55  locks  and  seven 
dams,  to  overcome  this  fall  of  an  average  of  seven  feet  to  the  mile.  In 
addition  to  this,  it  had  to  cross  ten  creeks,  besides  crossing  the  White- 
water river  at  two  points ;  and  at  a  number  of  places  had  to  be  built  in 
the  river  to  get  around  hills,  an  artificial  enlargement  of  the  river  being 
made  on  the  opposite  side.  The  State  built  the  easiest  stretch,  from 
Lawrenceburg  to  Brookville,  at  a  cost  of  $664,665,  and  the  first  boat 
passed  over  this  section  on  June  8.  1839.  By  this  time  the  State  was 
out  of  funds  and,  under  a  law  of  1841,  all  of  the  improvements  except 
the  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal  were  turned  over  to  companies  that  agreed 
to  complete  them.  The  Whitewater  Canal  was  taken  over  by  an  Ohio 
company,  the  chief  interest  being  held  by  Henry  S.  Vallette  of  Cincinnati, 
in  1842.  :\Ieanwhile  an  Ohio  company  had  begun  the  construction  of 
a  branch  from  Harrison  to  Cincinnati,  which  was  completed  in  1845. 
Vallette 's  company  completed  the  canal  to  Laurel  in  November,  1843, 
and  a  boat  took  an  excursion  party  to  that  place  from  Brookville.  Dur- 
ing the  entertainment  the  canal  bank  broke,  and  left  the  party  stranded 
eight  miles  from  home.  In  Januai-y,  1847,  before  the  canal  was  fairly 
completed,  a  flood  destroyed  the  aqueducts  at  Laurel  and  washed  out 
five  of  the  feeder  dams.  In  the  next  summer  $70,000  was  expended  in 
repairs,  but  in  November  another  flood  did  damage  that  caused  an  addi- 


400  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

tional  expenditure  of  $80,000,  and  it  was  estimated  there  were  still  re- 
pairs needed  to  the  amount  of  $30,000.  One  disaster  followed  another 
until  the  summer  of  1862,  the  cost  of  maintenance  exceeding  the  total 
revenues,  and  then  it  was  sold  on  a  judgment  in  the  Federal  Court  to 
H.  C.  Lord,  President  of  the  Indianapolis  and  Cincinnati  Railroad,  for 
$63,000.  It  had  cost  the  State  and  the  company  about  $2,500,000.  The 
railroad  company  wanted  the  tow-path  for  a  right  of  waj'  and  especially 
the  tunnel  at  North  Bend,  which  had  been  made  to  take  the  canal  through 
the  ridge  that  separates  the  Miami  and  Ohio  valleys  at  that  point.  This 
sale  was  set  aside,  and  in  1865  the  canal  was  resold  to  H.  C.  Lord,  Pres- 
ident of  the  Whitewater  Valley  Railroad  Company,  for  $137,348.12.  The 
railroad  put  the  canal  out  of  use,  except  at  a  few  points  where  it  is  still 
used  locally  for  water  power. 

The  chief  defect  in  the  Madison  railroad  scheme  was  the  difiSculty  of 
getting  out  of  ^Madison  into  Indiana.  The  original  plan  was  to  get  up 
the  hill  back  of  the  town  by  an  inclined  plane,  the  cars  being  hoisted 
by  a  windlass.  The  State  began  work  in  1838,  and  had  only  28  miles 
completed  by  1842  and  about  half  the  grading  for  the  next  28  miles; 
it  then  turned  the  road  over  to  a  private  company.  The  expense  had 
been  about  forty  thousand  dollars  a  mile,  on  the  average,  for  the  56 
miles.  The  company  finished  the  road  to  Indianapolis  in  1847,  at  an 
average  cost  of  $8,000  a  mile.  The  mistake  of  Madison  as  a  terminal 
may  be  seen  from  the  fact  that  the  Jeffersonville  road,  built  only  a  few 
years  later,  cost  for  the  78  miles  from  Jeffersonville  to  Edinburgh  only 
$1,185,000,  or  about  two-thirds  of  what  the  State  paid  for  less  than  half 
the  distance.  The  new  Madison  road  company  was  in  trouble  from  the 
start.  Almost  all  of  the  original  work  was  inadequate,  and  had  to  be 
replaced.  It  was  very  difficult  to  get  water  for  the  locomotives  on  the 
southern  end  of  the  line.  On  March  28,  1844,  a  loaded  freight  car  broke 
loose  on  the  incline  and  smashed  into  a  passenger  train,  killing  five  per- 
sons and  maiming  others.  The  company  then  bought  the  right  to  use 
the  Cathcart  patent  cog-rail  system  for  six  thousand  dollars.  After 
spending  $2,000  in  defending  the  patent,  and  $75,000  for  installing  it, 
it  was  found  to  be  neither  safe  nor  convenient.  Still  there  were  some 
signs  of  prosperity.  The  receipts  from  transportation,  which  were  $22,1 10 
in  1843,  with  33  miles  of  track,  and  $60,053  in  1845,  with  50  miles  of 
track,  rose  to  $272,308  in  1850,  and  $516,414  in  1852.  The  terms  of 
transfer  to  the  company  by  the  State,  in  1843,  included  the  payment  to 
the  State  of  a  rental  of  $1,152  per  year  for  three  years — later  extended 
to  ten  years — after  which  the  profits  were  to  be  divided  between  the 
State  and  the  company  in  proportion  to  the  mileage  constructed  by 
each,  giving  the  State  about  one-third.     In  1852  the  State  sold  its  in- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


401 


terest  to  the  Company  for  $300,000,  taking  a  second  mortgage  for  the 
amount.  But  immediatelj-  after  the  sale  the  State  adopted  a  general  law 
for  Ihe  free  incorporation  of  railroads,  under  which  the  Jeffersonville 
and  Indianapolis  and  the  Lawrenceburg  and  Upper  Mississippi  roads 
were  at  once  built,  and  their  competition  ruined  the  iladison  company. 
Its  stock,  which  sold  at  $1.60  in  1852,  dropped  to  21/0  cents  in  January, 
1856.  A  legislative  commission  that  year  reported  the  liabilities  of 
the  road  at  $3,132,396,  with  a  certainty  that  the  property  would  not 
satisfy  the  tirst  mortgage  of  $600,000,  which  became  due  in  1861.     The 


The  Big  Grade  at  Madison 


commissioners  accepted  $75,000  in  settlement  of  the  State's  claim,  in 
5  per  cent  State  bonds.  The  State  also  had  $31,450  of  stock,  issued  for 
earnings  dividends  in  1852  whieh  it  exchanged  to  Winslow,  Lanier  &  Co. 
for  $59,300  of  State  2I/2  per  cent  bonds.  These  were  the  State's  returns 
from  the  ^Madison  railroad  venture. 

The  Central  Canal  rejoiced  in  six  different  lines  of  location  between 
the  Wabash  and  Muncie,  none  of  which  was  ever  decided  on.  There 
were  three  stretches  of  it — from  Broad  Ripple  to  Indianapolis,  and 
sixteen  miles  below  to  Port  Royal,  or  "The  Blutfs;"  the  "Cut  Off," 
from  Terre  Haute  to  Point  Commerce,  connecting  the  Central  with  the 
"Wabash  and  Erie ;  and  the  Pigeon  Creek  section  in  Vanderburgh  County. 
These  cost  the  State  $1,820,026  and  were  of  no  material  benefit  to  any- 
body as  they  were  entirely  disconnected.  There  were  some  slight  local 
benefits  in  the  way  of  water  power.    At  Indianapolis  there  were  great 


402  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

expectations  of  the  benefits  of  "the  hydraulic,"  and  several  industries 
located  on  the  canal,  and  rented  power  from  the  State.  But  the  flood 
of  184:7  washed  out  the  aqueduct  over  Fall  Creek,  and  the  mills  were 
forced  to  shut  down  for  months  before  the  break  was  repaired.  The 
owners  refused  to  pay  the  rent,  and  suits  were  brought  for  it.  In  1850 
Governor  Wright  was  authorized  to  compromise  the  suits  and  sell  the 
property  at  public  auction.  He  did  so,  and  obtained  for  the  entire  canal 
property  in  Marion  County  $2,245  from  George  G.  Shouj),  James  Rariden 
and  John  S.  Newman,  from  whom  it  passed  by  various  transfers  to  the 
Indianapolis  Water  Company  and  it  is  now  the  chief  source  of  water 
supply  to  the  City  of  Indianapolis,  after  passing  through  filtration  beds. 
The  remainder  of  the  "Indianapolis  section,"  in  IMorgan  County,  which 
was  merely  land  with  partial  excavation,  was  bought  by  Aaron  Alldredge 
for  $600. 

Such  were  the  results  of  Mr.  Kilgore  's  three  principal  works,  but  they 
were  not  wholly  due  to  intrinsic  defects.  There  was  unquestionably 
much  financial  mismanagement  and  inefficiency,  and  some  downright 
fraud ;  but  even  with  the  best  of  management  the  system  would  have 
failed.  It  taxed  the  credit  of  the  State  to  the  utmost,  and  just  at  the 
point  where  credit  was  most  needed,  Presddent  Jackson's  controversy 
with  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  his  order  of  July  11,1836,  that 
nothing  but  specie  and  Virginia  land  scrip  should  be  accepted  in  pay- 
ment for  government  lands,  brought  on  the  panic  of  1837,  which  par- 
alyzed business  of  all  kinds  in  the  United  States.  The  financial  trouble 
was  not  confined  to  the  United  States.  Most  of  the  states  had  gone  in 
for  internal  improvements,  and  most  of  them  had  borrowed  money 
abroad.  In  1830  the  total  debts  of  the  several  states  of  the  Union 
amounted  to  only  about  $13,000,000.  In  1842  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  reported  them  at  $207,894,613,  with  an  annual  interest  charge 
of  $10,394,730.  The  drain  of  specie  from  Europe  was  so  great  that  the 
Bank  of  England  raised  its  discount  rate  several  times  and  in  1839  it 
was  reduced  to  a  specie  fund  of  less  than  two  and  a  half  million  pounds, 
and  wovild  have  been  forced  to  suspend  specie  payments  but  for  aid  from 
the  Bank  of  Prance.  In  consequence  of  this  situation,  Indiana  was  un- 
able to  get  any  money  for  her  bonds,  which  had  been  negotiated  abroad 
in  the  spring  of  1839.  In  this  emergency  the  State  issued  a  million  and 
a  half  of  treasury  scrip,  which  held  off  the  finish  for  a  few  months  longer ; 
but  the  case  was  hopeless.  The  State  could  not  get  money  to  go  on  with 
the  improvements — not  even  to  pay  the  interest  on  her  debt.  She  was 
simply  forced  to  stop.  The  results  were  much  the  same  elsewhere.  In 
1880  there  were  in  the  United  States  1,953  miles  of  abandoned  canals, 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  403 

which  had  cost  $44,013,16*6,  and  of  these  453  miles,  that  cost  $7,725,262, 
were  credited  to  Indiana.'''* 

Under  the  settlements  provided  for  by  the  act  of  1841  all  of  the 
improvements  were  disposed  of  except  the  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal.  The 
State  had  agreed  to  build  the  canal  between  Lake  Erie  and  navigable 
water  on  the  Wabash.  The  latter  was  originally  understood  to  mean 
the  mouth  of  the  Tippecanoe  river,  but  later  was  by  agi-eement  extended 
to  Lafayette,  which  was  considered  an  unquestionable  point  accessible 
to  navigation  at  the  time.  The  canal  was  completed  from  Lake  Erie, 
and  opened  to  navigation  in  1843.  Its  revenues  proved  little  more  than 
enough  to  cover  the  cost  of  maintenance,  and  the  State  was  unable  to 
meet  the  interest  on  its  bonds.  In  1845  Charles  Butler  of  New  York, 
an  attorney  representing  the  New  York  and  London  capitalists  who 
held  nearly  all  of  the  bonds,  came  to  Indiana  to  adjust  matters.  His 
general  proposition  was  to  refund  the  debt,  which  bore  5  per  cent  inter- 
est, with  long  time  securities,  bearing  21/2  per  cent  interest,  to  be  paid 
by  taxation,  the  other  2i/2  per  cent  to  be  paid  from  the  profits  of  the 
canal ;  the  bondholders  to  furnish  $2,225,000  to  extend  the  canal  to  the 
Ohio  river  at  Evansville.  He  revived  hope  to  such  an  extent  that  the 
legislature  passed  a  law  to  that  effect  in  1846.  The  big  bondholders 
refused  to  furnish  this  additional  sum,  and  Butler  came  back  for  further 
negotiation.  After  much  parleying,  and  against  a  large  amount  of  op- 
position, the  matter  was  settled  by  the  act  of  January  27,  1847,  under 
which  the  State  turned  the  entire  property  over  to  the  bondholders  for 
half  of  the  debt,  and  issued  State  stock  for  the  remainder.  Mr.  Butler 
announced  entire  satisfaction  with  the  settlement,  and  there  is  no  good 
reason  to  doubt  that  his  statement  was  true.  Both  he  and  the  bondhold- 
ers evidently  thought  the  canal  would  be  a  paying  property  if  it  were 
extended  to  Evansville,  for  they  expended  a  large  amount  of  money  in 
that  work.  At  the  time  there  was  a  seeming  fair  prospect  that  it 
would  be.  There  was  no  transportation  route  competing  with  it,  and 
the  use  of  the  canal  was 'steadily  increasing.  It  is  a  perversion  of  lan- 
guage to  speak  of  this  settlement  as  "repudiation,"  as  has  been  done. 
A  compromise  settlement,  in  which  the  debtor  surrenders  the  entire  mort- 
gaged property  and  a^ees  to  pay  one-half  of  the  entire  debt  in  addition, 
is  very  far  from  repudiation.  In  this  case  the  settlement  was  not 
merely  made  with  Butler  as  agent  for  the  bondholders.  In  1847,  after 
the  passage  of  the  act,  J.  F.  D.  Lanier  went  to  Europe  as  representative 
of  the  State,  and  secured  the  surrender  of  most  of  the  bonds  on  the 
terms  of  the  law.    A  committee  appointed  by  the  Rothschilds,  Barings, 


54  Ringwalt  "s  Development  of   Transportation  Systems  in  the  United   States,   p. 
52. 


404  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

and  other  heavy  bondholders,  adopted  resolutions  approving  the  settle- 
ment. The  Finance  Committee  of  the  U.  S.  Senate  approved  it,  and 
recommended  the  surrender  of  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $265,549.53  held 
by  the  United  States.  The  Senate  committee,  in  this  report,  stated  that 
"Scientific  men  have  given  the  opinion  that  when  the  canal  shall  be 
completed  to  Evansville,  on  the  Ohio  river,  the  revenues  will  be  ample 
to  meet  the  interest  and  ultimately  to  redeem  the  principal  of  that 
half  of  the  existing  debt  which  is  to  be  chargeable  upon  it.°5  That  the 
State  hoped  that  the  earnings  of  the  property  would  pay  the  debt  is 
shown  by  the  careful  provision  for  the  return  of  the  property  after  the 
debt  was  paid. 

There  are  few  matters  in  Indiana  history  to  which  there  has  been 
more  misundei-standing  than  this  of  "repudiation"  of  the  Wabash  and 
Erie  Canal  debt.  The  only  repudiation  that  was  ever  proposed  by  any- 
body was  of  something  over  .$3,000,000  of  bonds  for  which  the  State  had 
never  received  payment.  Most  of  these  had  been  sold  to  the  Morris  Canal 
and  Banking  Company  on  credit.  It  was  doing  a  brokerage  business 
and  had  been  taking  the  bonds  in  this  way,  with  the  understanding  that 
they  were  to  be  resold  and  paid  for  from  the  proceeds.  The  firm  was 
generally  supposed  to  be  sound,  and  it  actually  sold  and  paid  for  over 
four  millions  of  the  bonds  before  it  failed.  It  made  Indiana  a  preferred 
creditor,  but  its  assets  were  mostly  worthless  securities  of  companies  that 
had  failed  in  the  general  smash  of  1837-8.  Michigan  had  been  caught 
in  the  same  way  on  its  "five  million  dollar  loan,"  and  by  act  of  Feb- 
ruary 17,  1842,  had  repudiated  all  of  its  bonds  for  which  it  had  not  re- 
ceived payment.  They  had  been  sold  largely  to  this  same  firm  of  the 
Morris  Canal  and  Banking  Company,  and  in  the  same  way.  Butler's 
first  mission  had  been  to  Michigan;  and  he  had,  after  a  long  struggle, 
succeeded  in  getting  a  compromise  which  recognized  these  unpaid-for 
bonds.  This  was  in  1843,  and  the  nature  of  the  settlement  was  known 
in  Indiana.  Butler's  first  proposition  to  the  Indiana  legislature  was 
not  as  favorable  as  the  Michigan  settlement,  ahd  was  apparently  made 
with  the  intention  of  making  a  better  offer  if  it  was  rejected.  His  real 
fight  in  Indiana  was  to  get  an  agreement  of  payment  for  the  bonds  for 
which  the  State  had  received  nothing.  That  he  expressed  himself  per- 
fectly satisfied  with  the  result  is  unquestioned,  but  the  sincerity  of  his 
statements  has  been  questioned  on  the  ground  that  he  "was  an  attorney 
and  must  be  interpreted  as  such";  that  "he  had  got  all  he  could,  and 
it  was  clearly  to  his  interest  to  put  on  the  best  face  possible  before  his 
clients.     It  would  have  been  foolish  to  report  to   them  that  he  had 


5=  Sen.  Reports,  1st  Sess.  30th  Congress;  Life  of  Lanier,  pp.  38-9. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


405 


failed."  56  Possibly  his  being  an  attorney  might  be  prima  facie  evidence 
of  insincerity  but  it  is  at  least  subject  to  rebuttal.  He  was  a  man  of 
very  high  moral  and  religious  principles  and  fortunately  his  private 
correspondence  during  this  period  has  been  preserved.  He  wa.s  one 
of  the  founders  of  Union  Theological  Seminary,  and  for  twenty-seven 
years  preceding  his  death  was  president  of  its  board  of  directors.     His 


Charles  Butler 

letters  are  preserved  in  a  history  of  the  Seminary,  by  G.  L.  Prentiss,  a 
brother  of  that  remarkable  genius.  Sergeant  S.  Prentiss.  The  Indiana 
letters  were  written  to  his  wife  and  children,  and  it  is  hardly  probable 
that  he  had  any  interest  in  deceiving  them.  Moreover  they  are  so  frank 
and  convincing  as  to  remove  any  possibility  of  suspicion. 

Naturally,  his  first  public  address,  with  its  hopeful  view  of  the  future 
of  the  canal,  was  not  fully  credited  by  all  of  those  who  had  fallen  into 

■'•'■  Ind.  Hist.  Soe.  Pubs.,  Vol.  5,  p.  143. 


406  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

despondency  over  the  prospects.    On  December  12,  1845,  he  wrote  to  his 
son,  Ogden :    ' '  My  letter  to  the  Governor  will  be  printed  tomorrow.    I 
was  amused  at  a  remark  of  one  of  the  plain  country  members,  who  said 
to  Mr.  Bright  (Jesse  D.)  that  there  'was  first  a  little  sugar,  then  a  little 
soap,  then  sugar,  and  then  soap,  and  it  was  sugar  and  soap  all  the  way 
through. '  Another  said  that  I  had  '  mollassoed '  it  well.    You  will  think 
from  this  it  was  a  strange  document,  but  the  critics  were  real  Hoosiers 
and  'no  mistake,'  as  they  say  here.     At  any  rate  they  liked  it  well^ 
for  maple  sugar  and  soap  and  maple  molasses,  you  will  understand,  are 
three  of  the  greatest  staples  in  this  country.  They  don't  make  much  use 
of  the  soap,  but  they  do  of  the  sugar  and  molasses,  so  I  infer  from  it 
that  they  were  pleased."    Following  this  come  a  series  of  letters  describ- 
ing the  contest  day  by  day.    The  subject  was  referred  to  a  joint  com- 
mittee of  twenty-four  members  who  met  in  the  evenings  usually,  in  the 
Senate  chamber,  and  Butler  gradually  made  converts  among  them  on 
his  main  proposition  of  paying  the  bonds  for  which  the  State  had  re- 
ceived nothing.    He  was  making  friends  outside  of  the  legislature  also, 
among  them  Rev.  Phineas  Gurley,  later  pastor  of  Lincoln's  church  at 
"Washington,  and  Henry  Ward  Beecher,  both  of  whom  were  preaching 
at  Indianapolis  at  the  time.     On  December  24  the  joint  committee  re- 
jected his  original  proposition,  but  adjourned  to  the  next  evening  to 
receive    his    "ultimatum" — both    the    committee    and    the    legislature 
worked  on  Christmas  and  New  Year's  day  as  on  other  days.   On  Christ- 
mas afternoon,  while  Butler  was  working  on  his  second  proposition,  the 
enemies  of  the  bill  in  the  senate,  who  had  got  wind  that  something  was 
in  prospect,  undertook  to  revoke  the  powers  of  the  joint  committee,  and 
Butler 's  friends  were  speaking  against  time  to  prevent  the  question  from 
coming  to  a  vote,  when  a  fire  broke  out  in  the  Palmer  House,  and  as 
about  half  of  the  members  stopped  there,  the  legislature  adjourned  for 
the  fire,  and  Butler's  chance  to  make  his  second  proposition  was  saved. 
He  read  it  to  the, committee  and  a  large  number  of  spectators.     That 
night  he  wrote:    "The  effect  was  electrical;  and  if  I  can  judge,  it  really 
routed  the  last  hold  of  the  enemy.     One  man,  a  Senator  who  has  been 
exceedingly  bitter  and  personal  in  his  opposition,  so  much  so  that  my 
friends  have  christened  him  with  the  nickname  of  'Tallow  Face,'  said 
that  he  could  not  go  against  that.     The  friends  of  public  credit  and 
the  canal  are  now  in  ecstasies.    I  think  the  blow  has  been  struck  that 
will  sweep  the  opposition  and  save  the  great  object,  to  wit,  the  restora- 
tion of  credit  and  payment  of  the  debt.     *     *     *    By  the  proposition 
I  have  made,  I  have  no  doubt  but  it  will  be  ultimately  paid  to  the  last 
farthing.    The  friends  of  the  canal  and  public  credit,  on  the  committee, 
had  not  one  of  them  anticipated  the  proposition  I  submitted,  and  it  took 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


407 


them  by  surprise.  It  met  their  most  sanguine  expectations — indeed, 
they  had  not  dreamed  that  I  would  make  one  so  liberal  and  fair,  and 
they  were  overwhelmed,  whilst  the  enemy  were  scattered  in  every  direc- 
tion. They  may  rally,  however,  again,  for  it  is  impossible  that  it  should 
pass  in  any  shape  without  a  great  fight." 

He  was  right  as  to  the  fight.  All  sorts  of  tactics  were  resorted  to  to 
defeat  the  bill.  One  of  the  most  dangerous  was  a  proposition  to  submit 
the  question  to  the  people,  which  the  friends  of  the  bill  succeeded  in 
defeating.    Beecher  preached  a  strong  sermon  in  favor  of  the^bill.    The 


Beecher's  Church,  1893 
As  Remodeled  for  High  School 


Democratic  and  Whig  conventions  met  early  in  January  and  both  took 
stand  for  the  State's  meeting  its  debts.  On  the  12th  Butler  wrote: 
"This  has  been  a  most  exciting  day,  and  yet  I  have  been  cool.  The 
enemy  made  a  terrible  assault  on  me,  as  the  representative  of  the  Britisli 
bondholders.  One  man  said  the  bill  sold  out  the  whole  people,  land  and 
all,  to  the  British.  The  oldest  gentleman  in  the  House,  Father  Penning- 
ton, made  a  most  excellent  speech  in  my  defense,  and  vindicated  me  from 
the  attacks  in  a  very  manly  and  gratifying  manner."  On  the  same  day 
he  wrote:  "Gov.  Whitcomb  has  taken  the  most  manly  and  decided 
course  throughout,  and  more  than  sustained  his  pledges  to  me,  and  so 
has  Mr.  Bright."  He  refers  to  this  several  times  and,  indeed,  had  writ- 
ten the  night  before:  "Gov.  Whitcomb  and  Mr.  Bright  work  night  and 
day,  day  in  and  day  out;  the  Governor  said  he  could  not  sleep  at  all." 


408  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

On  January  17,  when  the  bill  came  to  a  final  vote  in  the  Senate,  the 
day  was  carried  by  a  spectacular  expose.  Eleven  of  the  Senators  had 
entered  into  a  written  agi-eement  that  if  they  could  not  defeat  the  bill 
in  any  other  way,  they  would  "bolt"  and  break  a  qiiorum.  Senator 
Coffin  (William  G.),  who  favored  the  bill,  happened  to  go  into  the  room 
of  Senator  Hollo  way  (David  P.)  and  saw  this  paper  lying  on  the  table. 
He  made  a  memorandum  of  its  contents  and  the  signatures,  and  sprung 
it  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  The  bill  then  passed  the  Senate  by  a  two 
to  one  vote.  On  the  19th  Butler  wrote :  "I  am  happy  to  say  to  you  that 
the  bill  to  redeem  the  credit  of  Indiana  and  finish  her  great  canal,  has 
this  da.v  received  the  signature  of  the  Governor.  He  signed  it  in  bed 
in  my  presence,  sayingthat  it  was  one  of  the  most  gratifying  acts  of  his 
life.  He  is  yet  very  sick  and  confined  to  his  bed,  not  being  able  to  be 
removed  to  his  own  house.  The  necessary  tax  bill,  and  all  the  other 
needful  bills  to  give  effect  to  the  measure,  have  also  passed.  Thus  my 
mission  is  accomplished,  and  God  has  smiled  on  me  and  on  all  my  en- 
deavors. «  *  *  The  friends  of  public  credit  are  overjoyed.  They 
are  now  taking  leave  of  me.  I  assure  you  that  I  have  become  so  attached 
to  some  of  these  people,  who  have  stood  by  me  through  thick  and  thin, 
that  I  feel  sorry  to  part  with  them." 

If  there  were  any  room  for  doubt  that  Butler  felt  that  he  had  ac- 
complished a  great  work  for  the  bondholders  and  for  Indiana,  it  wo\ild 
be  dispelled  by  his  letter  from  Cincinnati,  on  February  22:  "I  thought 
that  in  this  business  I  was  doing  good  and  promoting  the  welfare  of  a 
State  and  its  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  and  of  generations  yet  to 
come.  The  influence  of  my  operations  is  not  limited  to  Indiana  itself, 
but  will  tell  on  the  destiny  of  other  States  and  the  country  at  large. 
The  measure  is  not  yet  sufficiently  estimated,  nor,  indeed,  can  it  be. 
A  few  years  will  develop  its  fruits  and  effects  more  strikingly,  and  it 
will  be  regarded  with  admiration."  It  is  true  that  there  was  complaint 
from  the  bondholders  after  the  failure  of  the  canal  but  the  basis  on 
which  Butler  had  opposed  "repudiation"  of  the  bonds  for  which  the 
State  had  received  nothing  was  that  they  had  passed  into  the  hands  of 
innocent  purchasei-s,  through  the  acts  of  agents  of  the  State.  Butler  was 
not  only  the  agent  of  the  bondholders,  but  his  agreement  was  formally 
ratified  by  them,  as  before  mentioned.  That  they  fully  understood  that 
they  were  taking  the  canal  for  half  the  debt,  is  beyond  question,  for  But- 
ler expressly  said  in  his  proposal:  "If  the  income  of  the  canal  turns  out 
to  be  sufficient  to  make  up  the  other  two  and  a  half  per  cent  of  interest, 
the  bondholders  and  the  people  of  Indiana  will  equally  rejoice — the 
former  because  they  get  their  full  interest,  and  the  latter  because  they 
pay  in  full.     If  the  revenues  fall  short  the  bondholders  will  lose,  and  if 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  409 

they  exceed  the  overplus  is  to  be  paid  into  the  State  treasury,  to  be 
applied  to  the  redemption  of  the  principal."  This  letter  was  printed 
and  widely  circulated,  to  bondholders  and  the  people  of  the  State.  Years 
afterward  Baron  Rothschild  urged  on  Governor  Morton  that  the  people 
of  Indiana  were  in  honor  bound  to  take  up  this  half  of  the  canal  debt, 
because  the  canal  had  been  ruined  by  the  railroads  which  the  State  char- 
tered. Morton  replied  that  "the  progress  of  the  age  and  the  necessities 
of  commerce  made  railroads  indispensable,  and  that  the  State  was  no 
more  liable  for  the  injuries  which  these  might  inflict  upon  old  methods 
of  transportation  than  for  the  damage  which  might  be  done  by  a  flood 
or  a  tornado-.^'  The  settlement  was  on  the  same  basis  as  that  of  Mich- 
igan. The  difference  wa.s  that  Michigan  had  built  railroads  instead  of 
canals,  and  they  proved  valuable  after  they  had  been  turned  over  to 
the  bondholders.  On  the  other  hand,  the  people  of  Michigan  got  the 
benefit  of  their  completed  railroads;  and  those  of  Indiana  lost  the  ben- 
efit of  their  collapsed  canal,  and  of  all  that  they  had  put  into  it. 

The  canal  was  put  in  the  hands  of  trustees,  of  whom  Butler  was 
one,  who  had  complete  control  of  the  funds  and  the  work.  The  bond- 
holders voluntarily  advanced  $815,900,  which  with  the  proceeds  of  the 
unsold  lands  and  other  revenues,  was  sufficient  to  complete  the  canal 
to  Evansville.  On  September  22,  1853,  the  "Pennsylvania,"  commanded 
by  Capt.  Sharra,  reached  Evansville — the  first  boat  to  pass  through  the 
entire  length  of  the  canal,  from  Toledo.  But  the  profits  did  not  meet 
expectations.  The  Reports  of  the  Trustees  present  a  dreary  succession 
of  wash-outs  and  other  mishaps  that  played  havoc  with  net  earnings, 
though  the  canal  was  doing  immense  benefit  to  the  whole  region  tributary 
to  it.  For  example,  on  ^lay  4,  1856,  14,000  cubic  yards  of  canal  slid 
bodily  into  the  river  at  Feassel's  feiTy,  four  miles  from  the  aqueduct 
over  White  river.  The  break  was  repaired  and  the  water  turned  in, 
whereupon  another  10,000  cubic  yards  slid  into  the  river.  The  break 
was  repaired  very  carefully,  and  the  banks  lined  with  clay,  but  within 
24  hours  after  the  water  had  been  turned  in,  5,000  cubic  yards  more 
slid  in.  The  engineers  finally  got  it  patched  up  so  that  it  would  stay, 
but  meanwhile  the  canal  was  out  of  use.  There  were  also  troubles 
from  human  agencies,  the  worst  being  at  the  Birch  Creek  reservoir.  This 
reservoir,  made  by  damming  Birch  creek,  a  tributary  of  Eel  river,  in 
Clay  County,  was  the  only  means  by  which  water  could  be  furnished  to 
a  long  stretch  of  canal  in  that  vicinity.  The  people  of  the  neighborhood 
got  an  insane  idea  that  it  would  cause  "malaria,"  and  warmly  opposed 
its  construction.     On  June  21,  1854,  they  cut  the  dam,  and  the  canal 


sTFoulke's  Life  of  Morton,  p.  461. 


410  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

was  put  out  of  commission  for  the  season.  The  Trustees  rebuilt  the 
dam,  and  on  May  10,  1855,  a  mob  of  men,  with  blackened  faces,  drove 
off  the  workmen  at  noon-day,  and  again  cut  the  dam.  Militia  were 
promptly  sent  to  protect  the  work,  but  on  May  31  an  attempt  was  made 
to  burn  the  aqueduct  over  Eel  river  which  did  considerable  damage ;  on 
June  20  the  shanties  of  the  workmen  were  burned  and  on  June  29  they 
succeeded  in  cutting  the  dam  again.  A  large  number  of  persons  were 
arrested,  but  they  were  all  released  by  the  local  courts  without  punish- 
ment. In  1856  a  compromise  was  reached,  by  which  the  Trustees  had 
all  of  the  timber  removed  from  the  lands  covered  by  the  reservoir,  and 
the  reconstructed  dam  was  allowed  to  remain  intact  thereafter. 

By  this  time  a  more  serious  danger  had  appeared  in  competing  rail- 
roads, which  paralleled  the  entire  canal,  and  the  canal  went  from  bad 
to  worse,  until  by  1870  it  was  abandoned,  except  in  localities  where  it 
was  kept  up  for  water  power.  In  1856  the  principal  bondholders  peti- 
tioned the  legislature  to  buy  the  canal,  claiming  that  they  had  been 
deceived,  and  that  the  State  had  not  kept  faith  by  chartering  competing 
railroads,  which  proposal  the  legislature  emphatically  declined.  The  thing 
drifted  along  until  1874,  when  Jonathan  K.  Gapin  of  New  York  brought 
foreclosure  proceedings  in  the  U.  S.  Cireut  court,  and  on  February  12, 
1876,  the  canal  property  was  sold,  under  decree,  fOr  $96,260.  There 
were,  however,  191  of  the  original  bonds  of  1836  that  had  never  been 
surrendered,  and  in  1870  John  W.  Garrett  of  Baltimore  brought  suit 
against  the  Trustees  of  the  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal  to  foreclose  the  orig- 
inal mortgage,  under  which  he  held  41  bonds.  As  this  would  have  received 
the  debt  disposed  of  by  the  Butler  compromise.  Gov.  Baker  brought  the 
matter  before  the  legislature  of  1871,  which  appropriated  money  to  pay 
them.  At  the  same  time  he  called  attention  to  a  movement  to  get  the 
State  to  pay  the  canal  debt  for  which  the  canal  had  been  taken,  on  the 
ground  that  the  State  had  destroyed  its  value  by  incorporating  com- 
peting railroads.  The  legislature  submitted  an  amendment  to  the  con- 
stitution prohibiting  any  such  payment  which  was  adopted.  The  last 
20  of  the  old  1836  bonds  turned  up  in  1877,  and  the  legislature,  which 
was  in  session  at  the  time,  promptly  provided  for  their  payment,  thus 
closing  all  of  the  liability  of  the  State  under  the  compromise  of  1847. 

It  is  easy  to  look  back  now  and  see  how  the  movement  for  internal 
improvements  might  have  been  made  an  even  greater  success  than  Illinois 
made  of  her  Central  railroad.  If  the  advocates  of  railroads  had  been 
stronger  in  Indiana  than  the  advocates  of  canals;  if  even  the  Jefferson- 
ville  influence  in  politics  had  been  stronger  than  that  of  Madison,  and 
the  first  railroad  had  been  built  from  Jeffersonville  to  Indianapolis;  if 
any  one  thing  had  been  taken  up,  finished  and  put  on  a  paying  basis, 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  .  411 

instead  of  trying  to  do  everything  at  once,  the  movement  might  have  been 
an  inspiring  success  in  State  ownership.  There  is  no  room  for  question 
that  Kilgore's  claim  of  indirect  benefit  to  the  State  is  well  founded. 
Notwithstanding  the  cost  of  the  failure,  it  did  cause  an  increase  of  pop- 
ulation and  an  increased  value  of  property  in  the  State  far  in  excess  of 
the  cost  of  the  improvements.  The  population  of  the  State  grew  fi'om 
343,031  in  1830  to  685,866  in  1840,  988,416  in  1850,  and  1,350,428  in 
1860.  This  growth  was  largely  in  the  central  and  northern  portions  of 
the  State,  which  were  practically  destitute  of  population  prior  to  1820. 
The  increase  in  values  was  still  more  rapid.  In  1836  the  total  taxable 
property  of  the  State  was  reported  at  $78,589,061,  and  in  1840  at  $91,- 
756,019.  In  1850  the  true  value  by  census  estimates  was  $202,650,264, 
and  in  1860,  $411,042,424.  In  1844  the  Senate  committee  on  Public 
Lands,  in  a  report  on  granting  additional  lands  for  the  extension  of  the 
Wabash  and  Erie  Canal  below  Lafayette,  said:  "The  influence  of  the 
work,  so  far  as  completed,  upon  the  general  prosperity  of  the  fertile 
regions  through  which  it  passed  were  immediately,  and  even  by  antici- 
pation, felt.  The  value  of  all  real  estate  throughout  the  country  was 
enhanced ;  its  population  greatly  and  rapidly  increased ;  its  agricultural 
industry,  too,  was  greatly  promoted,  because  better  rewarded."  The 
committee  urged  that  the  United  States  had  lost  nothing,  because  the 
canal  had  imparted  "to  the  whole  of  the  public  domain  there  an  in- 
creased value  more  than  equal  to  the  previous  estimate  of  all  which 
may  have  been  granted  to  aid  in  its  construction."  It  therefore  urged 
the  grant  of  additional  lands  which  had  remained  unsold  "after  offer- 
ing them  for  sale  during  every  day  for  the  whole  of  the  last  thirty-five 
years  or  more. ' '  ^^  The  value  of  the  canal  to  agriculture  may  be  judged 
from  the  fact  that  in  1844  there  was  shipped  from  Toledo  5,262  bushels  of 
corn,  coming  from  the  Maumee  and  Wabash  valley.  In  1846  the  ship- 
ments had  increased  to  555,250  bushels,  and  in  1851  to  2,775,149  bushels. 
In  the  latter  year  the  canal  also  carried  east  to  Toledo  1,639,744  bushels 
of  wheat  and  242,677  barrels  of  flour ;  while  one  item  of  the  return  ship- 
ments was  88,191  barrels  of  salt.  A  pioneer  counted  400  farmer's  wagons 
unloading  grain  for  the  canal  at  Lafayette  in  one  day,  and  similar 
scenes  of  activity  were  reported  from  other  points  on  the  canal.^^  In 
1840,  at  Delphi,  farmers  were  selling  wheat  at  45  cents  a  bushel,  and 
paying  $9  a  barrel  for  salt.  In  1842,  when  the  canal  reached  that  point, 
they  got  a  dollar  a  bushel  for  wheat,  and  bought  salt  for  less  than  four 


58  Senate  Doc.  No.  11,  2nd  Sess.  28th  Cong.,  Vol.  5,  March  18,  1844. 

59  The  "Wabash  Trade  Eoute,  E.  J.  Benton — this  is  the  best  presentation  of 
details  in  regard  to  the  Wabash  and  Erie  Canal;  Whicker,  Sketches  of  the  Wabash 
Valley,  p.  79. 


412 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


dollars  a  barrel,  iloreover  the  canal  developed  home  industries.  In 
1851  the  Trustees  reported  that  the  canal  was  furnishing  water  power 
for  9  flour  mills,  8  saw  mils,  3  paper  mills,  8  carding  and  fulling  mills, 
2  oil  mills,  and  1  iron  "blowery  and  forge."  The  shipments  of  lum- 
ber were  heavy  for  years,  and  the  shipments  of  lime  and  building  stone 
witnessed  the  development  of  those  sources  of  wealth.  The  people  prof- 
ited largely,  althoTigh  the  State  lost,  as  a  government. 

Contemporary  with  the  internal  improvement  system,  and  controlled 
by  men  who  were  interested  in  both,  was  another  State  enterprise  that 
was  phenomenally  successful,  the  State  Bank  of  Indiana.  Jackson's  veto 
of  the  bill  for  rechartering  the  United  States  Bank,  and  his  reelection 


Bill  of  Bank  of  the  State  of  Indiana,  Jeffersonville  Branch 
(Portraits  ai'e  Saml.  ^lerrill.  Cashier,  and  Hugh  ^McCulloch.  Presi- 
dent.   See  .McCuUoch's  Men  and  Measures,  p.  130) 

in  1832  had  warned  the  states  to  prepare  for  the  change  which  must 
come  when  the  charter  expired  in  1836.  National  politics  did  not  yet 
control  Indiana  state  elections,  and  Noah  Noble,  who  was  not  the  can- 
didate of  the  ultra  Jackson  men,  was  elected  in  1831  and  1834  to  the 
officer  of  Governor.  Under  his  leadership  there  was  formed  a  practical 
coalition  of  Jackson  and  Clay  men  who  were  in  favor  of  internal  im- 
provements and  a  state  bank.  The  legislative  se.ssion  of  1832-3  was 
largely  occupied  with  efforts  to  agree  on  a  bank  system,  but  without 
success.  In  the  campaign  of  1833  the  chief  issues  were  internal  improve- 
ments and  a  state  bank,  and  the  advocates  of  these  measures  won.  The 
legislature  met  in  December,  1833.  On  the  4th  of  that  month  a  joint 
committee  was  appointed  to  prepare  a  bill;  and  on  January  28,  1834, 
the  act  incorporating  the  bank  was  approved.  On  February  13  the 
directors  met;  elected  James  :M.  Ray  cashier ;and  established  branches 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  413 

at  Indianapolis,  Lawrenceburgh,  Richmond,  Madison,  New  Albany, 
Evansville,  Viucennes,  Bedfoi'd,  Terre  Haute,  and  Lafayette — a  branch 
was  added  at  Fort  Wayne  in  1835,  and  others  at  South  Bend  and  Mich- 
igan City  in  1836.  On  ilay  20,  1834,  the  stock  was  reported  fully  sub- 
scribed. On  August  6  the  State  made  its  loan  to  pay  for  its  half  of  the 
stock.  On  November  19  the  Governor  proclaimed  the  bank  open  for 
business.  On  Januarj-  1,  1835,  the  bank  made  its  first  report  to  the 
legislature,  showing  deposits,  $127,236 ;  notes  in  circulation,  $456,065 ; 
cash  on  hand,  specie,  $751,083 ;  bills  of  other  banks  $78,150.  The  law  is 
said  to  have  been  drawn  by  Judge  Samuel  Hanna,  of  Fort  Wayne,  a 
senator,  and  a  member  of  the  joint  committee.'^"  Hanna  was  born  in 
Scott  County,  Kentucky,  October  18,  1797.  He  was  a  son  of  James 
Hanna,  who  removed  to  Dayton,  Ohio,  in  1804,  and  began  farming  there. 
Young  Hanna  "s  first  employment  outside  of  the  farm  was  as  a  post  rider, 
or  in  present  phrase  a  news  carrier,  except  that  in  those  days  the  news- 
paper patrons  were  so  scattered  that  the  delivery  of  their  papers  was 
largely  made  on  horseback.  At  eighteen  he  became  a  clerk  at  Piqua ;  in 
1818  attended  the  Indian  treaty  at  St.  Mary's  as  a  sutler,  and  in  1819 
located  at  Fort  Wayne  as  a  trader.  He  was  soon  made  agent  of  the 
American  Fur  Company,  the  commercial  "octopus"  of  the  period,  and 
served  as  Associate  Judge  of  the  Circuit  Court.  He  was  a  zealous  fi'iend 
of  internal  improvements,  and  by  consensus  of  opinion,  did  more  for 
the  prosperity  of  Fort  Wayne  than  any  other  one  man. 

In  October,  1835,  the  eminent  financier,  Hugh  McCulloch,  the  only 
man  ever  called  to  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  by  three  Pres- 
idents of  the  United  States,  was  appointed  cashier  and  manager  of  the 
Fort  Wayne  branch.  He  was  bom  at  Kennebunk,  Maine,  December  7, 
1808,  educated  at  Bowdoin  College,  read  law,  and  began  practice  at 
Fort  Wayne  in  1833.  He  had  no  practical  knowledge  of  banking  when 
appointed,  and  was  selected  by  the  directoi-s  as  "better  fitted  for  the 
place  than  anybody  else  whose  services  they  could  obtain. "  As  a  banker 
he  was  a  product  of  the  State  Bank  of  Indiana,  and  while  there  are 
more  detailed  account  of  the  institution,''^  his  description  of  its  work 
has  a  professional  and  first  source  authority  that  gives  it  unique  stand- 
ing. He  says:  "In  nothing  was  the  wisdom,  the  practical  good  sense 
of  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  Indiana  in  the  legislative  as- 
sembly more  strikingly  exhibited  than  in  the  charter  of  this  bank.  In 
some  respects  it  resembled  the  charter  of  the  United  States  Bank;  but 
it  contained  grants  and  obligations,  privileges  and  restrictions  quite  un- 

eoBrice's  Fort  Wayne,  App.  p.  7. 

61  "W.  F.  Harding,  The  State  Bank  of  Indiana,  in  Jour,  of  Pol.  Eeon.  Dec.  1895: 
Logan  Esarey,  State  Banking  in  Indiana. 


414 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


like  those  which  were  to  be  found  in  any  other  bank  charter,  and  which 
were  admirably  adapted  to  the  condition  of  the  State  and  the  circum- 
stances of  the  people.  The  number  of  branches  was  limited  to  thirteen, 
the  capital  of  each  of  which  was  to  be  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  dol- 
lai-s,  one-half  of  which  was  to  be  furnished  by  the  State.  During  the 
existence  of  the  charter  no  other  bank  or  corporate  banking  institution 


Hugh  McCulloch 


was  to  be  authorized  or  permitted  in  the  State.  As  there  were  no  cap- 
italists and  few  men  of  more  than  very  moderate  means  in  Indiana,  the 
charter  provided  that  to  every  stockholder  who  should  pay  eighteen  dol- 
lars and  seventy-five  cents  on  each  fifty  dollar  share  by  him  subscribed 
for,  the  State  should  at  his  request  advance  as  a  loan  thirty-one  dollars 
and  twenty-five  cents,  so  that  the  stock  might  be  fully  paid  up.  The 
loan  was  to  be  secured  by  bond  and  mortgage  on  real  estate  at  one-half 
its  appraised  value.  The  stockholder  was  to  be  charged  six  per  cent 
on  the  loan,  and  credited  with  whatever  dividends  might  be  declared 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  415 

on  that  part  of  the  stock  which  was  thtis  to  be  paid  for  by  the  State. 
*  *  *  Many  stockholders  availed  themselves  of  this  option,  and 
as  in  most  of  the  branches  the  dividends  largely  exceeded  six  per  cent, 
they  found  themselves  before  the  expiration  of  the  charter  to  be  the 
owners  of  the  stock  subscribed  for,  free  from  the  lien  of  the  State.  In 
the  best  managed  branches,  the  lien  of  the  State  was  discharged  some 
years  before  the  charter  expired.  The  branch  at  Fort  Wayne  was  not 
the  best,  but  it  was  one  of  the  best-managed  branches.  The  profits  of 
this  branch  so  much  exceeded  six  per  cent  that  the  loan  was  paid,  if  I 
recollect  rightly,  seven  years  before  the  expiration  of  the  charter  (during 
which  period  the  largest  profits  were  made),  and  the  borrowing  stock- 
holder received  for  that  period  the  dividends  on  the  full  amount  of  his 
shares.  Nor  was  this  all.  At  the  winding  up  of  the  business  of  the 
branch,  he  received  not  only  the  par  value  of  his  stock,  but  an  eciual 
amount  from  the  accumulated  surplus. 

"To  pay  for  its  stock  and  the  advances  to  stockholders,  the  State 
issued  and  sold  in  London  its  coupon  bonds,  bearing  five  per  cent  in- 
terest, to  run  for  a  period  slightly  exceeding  the  time  for  which  the  bank 
had  been  chartered.  These  bonds  were  known  as  bank  bonds,  the  in- 
terest and  principal  of  which  were  equitably  secured  by  the  stock  of 
the  State  in  the  branches,  and  its  lien  upon  individual  stock  for  advances. 
Long  before  their  maturity  the  State  was  in  a  condition  to  retire  them ; 
but  although  her  general  credit  had  been  broken  down  in  the  crisis  of 
1837,  and  her  other  bonds  were  for  a  number  of  years  regarded  as  being 
well  nigh  valueless,  these  bank  bonds  could  not  be  reached,  although  a 
handsome  premium  was  olfered  for  them.  *  *  *  The  result  of  the 
connection  of  the  State  with  the  bank  was  a  net  profit  of  nearly  three 
millions  of  dollars,  which  became  the  basis  of  her  large  and  well-man- 
aged school  fund.  Nor  was  the  pecuniary  gain  the  only  benefit  which 
the  State  derived  from  the  bank.  *  *  *  Wliat  the  State  needed 
was  the  means  for  sending  its  agricultural  productions  to  market.  What 
the  bank  needed,  in  order  to  be  able  at  all  times  to  meet  its  liabilities, 
was  what  was  called  prompt  paper.  Both  of  these  requirements  were 
met  by  the  policy  which  the  bank  adopted  in  1843  and  steadily  pursued. 
Not  only  did  the  bank  furnish  the  needfid  means  for  sending  the  surplus 
productions  of  the  State  to  market,  but  by  its  judicious  loans  to  fanners, 
to  enable  them  to  increase  their  stock  of  cattle  and  hogs  to  consume  their 
surplus  of  corn,  which  loans  were  taken  up  by  bills  of  exchange  drawn 
against  shipments,  it  greatly  stimuated  and  increased  production.  I  do 
not  exaggerate  when  I  say  that  the  profits  of  the  State  upon  her  bank 
stock,  large  as  they  were,  were  small  in  comparison  with  the  increase  of 
her  wealth  by  the  manner  in  which  the  business  of  the  bank  was  con- 


416  INDIANA  AND  1NDIANAN8 

ducted.  Its  capital  was  a  little  more  than  two  millions  of  dollars,  but 
its  discount  line  was  so  active  that  it  was  able  to  do  a  business  quite 
disproportioned  to  its  capital,  the  aggregate  of  its  loans  sometimes 
amounting  in  a  single  year  to  ten  or  fifteen  millions.  I  have  said  that 
its  charter  was  in  many  respects  peculiar.  It  was  not,  like  the  BanK 
of  the  United  States,  a  bank  with  branches,  but  rather  a  bank  of  branches. 
It  was  a  bank  in  this  respect  only :  it  had  a  president,  a  cashier,  and  a 
board  of  director,  but  as  a  bank  it  transacted  no  banking  business.  The 
president,  who  was  ex-officio  a  member  of  the  board,  was  elected  by  the 
legislature,  as  were  also  five  directors,  on  the  part  of  the  State ;  the  other 
directors  were  elected  by  the  branches,  one  by  each.  It  was  a  board  of 
control,  and  its  authority  over  the  branches'  was  arbitrary,  almost  un- 
limited. It  could  suspend  a  branch  for  mismanagement,  or  close  it  up 
if  the  mismanagement  was  likely  to  imperil  the  other  branches,  or  to 
affect  injuriously  their  credit.  The  power  to  put  a  branch  in  liquida- 
tion was,  however,  never  exercised,  and  only  in  one  instance  was  the 
business  of  a  branch  suspended,  and  that  suspension  was  only  temporary. 

"The  stockholders  of  each  branch  were  liable  for  the  debts  of  the 
branch  to  an  amount  equal  to  the  par  value  of  their  shares,  and  each 
branch,  although  independent  in  respect  to  its  profits,  was  liable  for  the 
debts  of  very  other  branch.  This  responsibility  of  the  branches  for  the 
debts  of  the  respective  branches  created  a  general  vigilance  which  was 
productive  of  excellent  results.  No  branch  could  make  a  wide  departure 
from  the  line  of  prudent  banking  (the  other  branches  being  responsible 
for  its  debts)  without  being  subjected  to  a  rigid  overhauling  and  incur- 
ring the  risk  of  being  closed.  The  cii'culating  notes  of  the  branches 
were  obtained  from  the  officers  of  the  bank,  and  there  could  be  no  over- 
issue except  by  collusion  between  them  and  the  officers  of  the  branches, 
which  was  rendered  quite  impossible  by  checks  that  could  not  be  circum- 
vented. Dividends  of  the  profits  of  the  branches  were  declared  by  the 
directors  of  the  bank.  None  were  declared  which  had  not  been  earned, 
and  a  part  of  the  profits  were  always  reserved  for  the  purpose  of  creating 
a  surplus  fund.  The  amount  of  the  surplus  at  the  expiration  of  the 
charter  I  have  already  spoken  of.  Such  were  the  restrictions  and  con- 
servative features  of  the  charter.  On  the  other  hand,  its  privileges 
were  of  the  most  liberal  character.  The  branches  could  issue  circulating 
notes  to  twice  the  amount  of  their  capitals,  and  while  they  could  not 
extend  their  regular  discount  lines  beyond  twice  their  capitals,  they 
could  use  their  surplus  funds  in  dealings  in  foreign  and  domestic 
exchange. 

"Privileges  like  these,  notwithstanding  the  checks  and  restrictions 
which  were  imposed  upon  them,  might  have  been  aibused,  and  the  State 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  417 

Bank  of  Indiana  might  have  shared  the  fate  of  the  State  Bank  of  Illinois, 
which,  chartered  in  the  same  year,  disastrously  failed  in  1837,  had  it 
not  been  for  the  eonsei'vative  and  high  moral  character  of  the  men  who 
controlled  it.  None  of  the  directors  or  officers  of  the  bank  or  of  its 
branches  had  made  banking  a  study  or  had  any  practical  knowledge  of 
the  business,  and  yet  no  serious  mistakes  were  made  by  them.  Cautious, 
prudent,  upright,  they  obtained,  step  by  step,  the  practical  knowledge 
which  enabled  them  to  bring  the  transactions  of  the  branches  into  close 
accord  with  the  public  interests,  and  to  secure  for  the  bank  a  credit 
coextensive  with  the  country  west  of  the  Alleghenies,  and  which  was 
never  shaken.  Its  notes  were  current  and  of  the  best  repute  throughout 
the  Mississippi  Valley,  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf.  It  suspended  specie 
payments  in  1837,  as  did  all  other  banking  institutions  of  the  country 
except  the  Chemical  Bank  of  New  York,  but  it  always  furnished  New 
York  exchange  to  its  customers  at  one  per  cent  premium,  for  its  own 
notes  or  other  bankable  funds.  Nor  was  its  suspension  absolute,  as  there 
never  was  a  time  that  it  failed  to  supply  the  home  demand  for  coin,  which 
at  that  time  was  silver,  and  practically  silver  only.  Although  the  double 
standard  existed  in  the  United  States,  the  metallic  currency  of  the  coun- 
try chiefly,  and  throughout  the  West  exclusively,  from  the  time  the  bank 
was  organized  in  1834  to  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California  in  1848,  was 
silver.  The  capital  of  the  bank  was  paid  up  in  Spanish  and  ilexican 
dollars,  and  its  reserve  continued  to  be  in  this  coin  until  it  was  sold 
for  gold  at  a  premium  of  about  three  per  cent  on  Mexican  dollars  and 
six  per  cent  on  Spanish.  I  had  been  a  banker  for  fourteen  years  before 
1  handled  or  saw  a  dollar  in  gold  except  the  ten-thaler  pieces  which  were 
brought  into  this  country  by  German  immigrants.  If  Professor  Sumner 
had  been  a  banker  at  any  time  prior  to  1848,  he  would  not  have  gone  so 
wide  of  the  mark  as  he  did  in  saying  in  the  1885  June  number  of  the 
North  American  Review,  'We  do  not  want  or  need  silver  as  a  circulating 
medium,  and  shall  not  abandon  it,  because  we  never  had  it. '  We  did  have 
it,  and  sooner  or  later  we  shall  have  it  again,  and  without  its  being 
degraded.      *     *     * 

"There  was  never  a  more  wholesome  banking  business  done  between 
banks  and  their  customers  than  was  done  by  the  State  Bank  of  Indiana 
and  its  customers  through  a  large  part  of  its  career.  It  is  proper  for 
me  to  remark  that  while  the  ruling  rate  of  discount  on  all  home  paper 
and  on  bills  payable  at  the  seaboard  cities  was  six  per  cent,  the  Southern 
branches  did  charge  a  small  commission  in  addition  to  interest  on  bills 
payable  in  New  Orleans,  where  New  York  exchange  was  sometimes  at  a 
discount,  sometimes  at  a  premium.  The  charter  of  the  bank  for  active 
business  expired  on  the  first  day  of  January,  1857,  but  its  legal  exist- 


•418 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


eiiee  for  the  winding  up  of  its  atfairs  continued  until  1859,  before  which 
time  it  became  certain  that  a  considerable  amount  of  its  circulating  notes, 
widely  circulated  as  they  had  been,  would  be  outstanding  after  its  ex- 
istence had  ceased.  In  order,  therefore,  to  prevent  loss  to  note  holders 
and  to  maintain  the  honor  of  the  bank  after  its  dissolution,  contracts 


J.  P.  D.  Lanier 


were  made  by  the  bank  with  responsible  parties  for  the  redemption  of 
all  notes  not  presented  in  its  lifetime. 

'  ■  If  the  history  of  this  bank  should  be  written  it  would  be  both  in- 
teresting and  instructive.  It  would  be  the  history  of  a  bank  which, 
although  established  in  a  new  State  and  committed  to  the  charge  of  in- 
experienced men,  through  periods  of  speculation  and  depression,  pros- 
perous and  unprosperous  years,  was  so  managed  as  largely  to  increase 
the  wealth  of  the  State  and  secure  for  itself  a  reputation  for  honorable 
dealings  and  fidelity  to  its  engagements  which  placed  it  in  the  front 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  419 

rank  of  wisely  and  honorably  conducted  banking  institutions.     Of  its 
managers,  my  associations — some  of  them  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  cen- 
tury— my  recollections   are   of  the  pleasautest  nature.     ]\lore  upright, 
trustworthy  men  could  not  be  found  anywhere.     There  may  have  been, 
there  may  be  now,  better  bankers;  but,  wide  as  my  acquaintance  and 
observation  have  been,  it  has  not  been  my  good  fortune  to  meet  them. 
Merrill  and  Ray,  the  president  and  cashier  of  the  bank ;  Lanier,  Fletcher, 
Blanchard,  Dunning,  Fitch,  Ball,  Rathbone,  Ross,  Burkham,  Orr,  Rector, 
Chapin,''-  and  others,  directors  of  the  bank  and  managers  of  the  branches, 
were  all  of  them  men  of  sterling  qualities  and  great  aptitude  for  business. 
In   this   bank   there   was   no   betrayal   of   trust,    and   only   one   single 
instance  was  there  of  official  dishonesty.     *     *     *     j  bave  dwelt  at  some 
length  upon  the  State  Bank  of  Indiana,  because  it  was  one  of  the  best 
managed  banking  institutions  of  its  day,  and  because  there  is  scarcely  any 
part  of  a  long  and  busy  life  which  I  look  back  upon  with  more  real 
satisfaction  than  that  which  was  spent  in  its  service.     Of  those  who 
were  prominent  in  connection  with  the  bank,  the  only  one  who  left  it 
and  the  State  to  enter  into  business  elsewhere  was  Mr.  J.  F.  D.  Lanier, 
who  resigned  the  presidency  of  the  branch  at  Madison  and  his  director- 
ship of  the  bank,  to  establish  with  ]\Ir.  Winslow,  a  gentleman  of  high 
financial  standing,  the  banking  house  of  Winslow,  Lanier  &  Co.    In  this 
new  field  Mr.  Lanier  displayed  the  knowledge  of  men  and  of  business 
which  he  had  acquired  in  Indiana,  and  the  quickness  of  apprehension 
and  decision  for  which  he  had  been  there  distinguished — (lualities  es- 
sential to  success  in  a  city  celebrated  not  only  for  the  magnitude  but  the 
celerity  of  its  transactions ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  the  house  of  Wins- 
low, Lanier  &   Co.  stood  in  the  front  rank  among  the  great  banking 
houses  of  New  York.     Mr.  Lanier  was  not  only  a  man  of  great  financial 
ability,  but   one  whose  open  manners,  social  disposition   and  excellent 
character  commanded  the  esteem  of  those  who  became  his  intimates  in 
private  life."  "^ 

Lanier  was  the  recognized  diplomat  of  the  bank.  Mention  has  been 
made  of  his  mission  to  Europe  in  1847  to  arrange  for  the  surrender  of 
the  internal  improvement  bonds,  under  the  Butler  compromise.  He  was 
also  the  customary  agent  of  the  Madison  branch  to  settle  balances  and 
adjust  other  matters  at  New  Orleans,  where  the  iladison  branch  had 
extensive  dealings.    When  the  bank  suspended  in  1837,  it  was  holding 


«2  The  men  nanieil  were  Samuel  Merrill,  James  M.  Ray,  J.  F.  D.  Lanier,  Cahin 
Fletcher,  Albert  C.  Blanchard,  Mason  C.  Fiteh,  Cyrus  Ball,  G.  W.  Rathlione,  John 
Ross,  Elzey  G.  Burkham,  Joseph  Orr,  Isaac  Rector,  and  Horatio  Chapiu.  "Dun- 
ning ' '  is  perhaps  a  misprint  for  Demas  Deming. 

03  MeCuUoch,  Men  and  Measures  of  Half  a  Century,  pp.  114-12.3. 


420  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

a  million  and  a  half  of  government  funds,  and  Lanier  was  selected  to 
go  to  Washington  and  adjust  matters  with  Levi  Woodbury,  then  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury.  The  suspension  was  a  matter  of  policy.  The 
bank  had  a  million  in  specie  in  its  vaults  at  the  time,  but  it  had  twice 
that  amount  of  notes  in  circulation  and,  with  all  the  other  banks  in  the 
country  suspended,  it  was  certain  that  its  specie  would  be  rapidly  taken 
from  the  State,  unless  it  took  the  same  course.  It  made  a  public  state- 
ment of  its  reasons,  which  was  accepted  by  the  people  and  approved  by 
the  legislature.  Lanier  took  $80,000  in  specie  and  started  for  Wash- 
ington, taking  a  steamboat  to  Wheeling  and  chartering  a  stage  from 
there  to  Frederick,  Maryland,  which  was  then  the  western  terminus  of 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio,  where  he  says  he  was  "not  a  little  relieved  on 
reaching  the  safe  conduct  of  a  railroad."  On  reaching  Washington  he 
at  once  waited  on  Secretary  Woodbury  and  says:  "He  received  me  with 
great  cordiality,  and  said  that  our  bank  was  the  only  one  that  had  of- 
fered to  pay  any  portion  of  its  indebtedness  in  specie.  We  were  allowed 
to  retain  the  Government  deposits  till  they  were  drawn  in  its  regular 
disbursements."  An  indication  of  the  impression  he  made  is  found  in 
the  fact  that  he  was  tendered  the  position  of  pension  agent  for  several 
of  the  western  states.  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  the  acquaintance  he 
made  on  these  missions  was  the  foundation  of  the  speedy  success  that 
followed  his  partnership  with  Richard  H.  Winslow,  of  New  York,  on 
January  1,  1849. 

The  internal  improvements  and  the  State  Bank  had  been  the  chief 
features  of  political  controversy  since  1830.  Noah  Noble  was  elected 
Governor  in  1831  chiefly  on  account  of  his  advocacy  of  internal  improve- 
ments, defeating  James  G.  Reed,  who  was  regarded  as  the  Jackson  can- 
didate, by  2,791  votes,  although  Milton  Stapp,  regarded  as  a  Clay  candi- 
date, received  4,422  votes.  Noble  was  a  younger  brother  of  Senator  James 
Noble,  and  an  older  brother  of  Lazarus  Noble,  who  had  been  Receiver 
of  the  Land  Office  at  Brookville  until  his  death  in  1826.  President  Adams 
then  appointed  Noah  in  his  place  and  the  office  was  removed  to  Indian- 
apolis. He  served  acceptably  in  this  position  until  removed  by  President 
Jackson  in  1829.  This  did  not  appear  to  affect  his  popularity  in  Indiana, 
although  Indiana  was  a  Jackson  state.  He  was  reelected  in  1834,  de- 
feating Reed  again  by  a  vote  of  27,676  to  19,994.  David  Wallace,  who 
succeeded  as  Governor  in  1837,  was  also  an  advocate  of  internal  im- 
provements. He  was  born  in  Mifflin  County,  Pennsylvania,  April  24, 
1799.  Wliile  a  child  his  father  moved  to  Cincinnati,  where  he  became  a 
friend  of  Gen.  Harrison,  who  has  David  made  a  cadet  at  West  Point. 
He  graduated  in  1821,  and  after  serving  for  about  a  year  as  a  lieutenant 
of  artillery  resigned,  and  came  to  Brookville,  where  his  father  had  pre- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


421 


ceded  him.  Here  he  read  law  with  Judge  Miles  Eggleston  and  became 
a  successful  practitioner.  He  was  elected  to  the  legislature  in  1828, 
1829  and  1830;  and  Lieutenant  Governor  in  1831  and  1834.  He  was 
elected  Governor  in  1837  as  a  Whig,  but  in  1840,  on  account  of  the  in- 
ternal improvement  collapse,  the  Whigs  nominated  Samuel  Bigger,  who 
had  not  been  identified  with  the  improvement  system,  for  that  office. 


Governor  Noah  Noble 
(From  portrait  by  Jacob  Cox) 


Wallace  was  elected  to  Congress  from  the  Indianapolis  district  in  1841, 
but  was  defeated  by  Wm.  J.  Brown  in  1843,  largely  because  he  had 
voted  for  an  appropriation  to  Prof.  ]\Iorse  to  test  his  invention  of  the 
magnetic  telegraph.  He  served  in  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1850, 
and  was  elected  Judge  of  the  Common  Pleas  Court  in  1856.  He  was 
holding  this  office  at  the  time  of  his  death,  on  September  4,  1859.  Gov. 
Wallace  issued  the  first  Thank.sgiving  proclamation  in  Indiana.   Governor 


422  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Jcnuinj^  had  proclaimed  a  day  of  hnmiliation  and  prayer  in  1822,  as 
heretofore  mentioned;  and  in  1828  Governor  Ray,  in  his  message  of 
December  1,  recommended  the  legislature  "to  enquire  into  the  practice 
of  the  three  per  cent  Road  Commissioners,  of  cutting  down  timber  in  the 
public  highways,  and  suft'ering  it  to  remain  there  an  unreasonable 
time,  to  the  public  annoyance,  and  to  provide  a  remedy ;  and  to  appoint 
a  day  in  the  ensuing  year  for  returning  thanks  to  the  great  Dispenser  of 
universal  good,  for  the  blessings  that  surround  us."  The  legislature 
succeeded  in  separating  the  subjects,  and  passed  a  law  against  obstruct- 
ing roads,  but  did  nothing  for  thanksgiving.  On  November  4,  1839, 
Governor  Wallace  made  his  proclamation,  naming  November  28  as 
Thanksgiving  Day,  and  requesting  its  observance.  He  stated  that  he 
did  it  at  the  request  of  representatives  of  religious  organizations.  The 
only  newspaper  comment  that  I  have  found  on  it  was  by  the  Vincennes 
Sun,  which  published  a  recipe  for  pumpkin  pies  in  anticipation  of  the 
event.  There  is  a  tradition,  however,  that  some  critics  said  it  should 
have  been  a  day  of  humiliation  and  fasting;  but  that  may  have  been 
due  to  political  bias,  as  the  State  was  at  the  time  in  the  agonies  of  the 
internal  improvement  collapse.  The  custom  was  commonly  followed  from 
that  time. 

It  may  be  added  here  that  Wallace  had  his  return  engagement  with 
the  people  who  voted  him  out  of  Congress  for  his  vote  on  the  Morse 
telegraph.  On  August  17,  1858,  Indianapolis  celebrated  the  successful 
laying  of  the  Atlantic  cable. by  a  mass  meeting  that  filled  the  Governor's 
Circle.  Wallace  was  the  speaker  of  the  occasion.  After  reference  to  the 
discouragements  that  beset  Columbus,  Fulton  and  other  leaders  of 
thought,  he  said:  "The  inventor  of  the  electro-magnetic  telegraph  forms 
no  exception  to  the  general  rule.  I  recollect  liim  well.  Some  sixteen 
years  ago  I  had  the  honor  of  a  seat  in  Congress  as  the  Representative  of 
this  District.  The  Whig  party  had  just  achieved  a  great  victory.  They 
held  possession  of  the  Government.  In  the  midst  of  the  political  strife 
around  us  two  remarkable  persons  appeared — Espy,  the  'Storm  King,' 
and  Morse,  the  Electrician.  Each  was  asking  for  assistance.  Each 
became  the  butt  of  ridicule,  the  target  of  merciless  arrows  of  wit.  They 
were  voted  downright  bores,  and  the  idea  of  giving  them  money  was 
pronounced  farcical.  They  were  considered  monomaniacs,  and  as  such 
were  laughed  at,  punned  upon,  and  almost  despised.  One  morning  I 
entered  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  to  my  astonishment  saw  a 
gentleman  rise  from  his  seat  whom  I  had  never  heard  open  his  mouth 
before,  unless  it  was  to  vote  or  address  the  Speaker.  'I  hold  in  my  hand,' 
he  said,  'a  resolution  which  I  respectfully  offer  for  the  consideration  of 
the  House.'     In  a  moment  a  page  was  at  his  desk,  and  the  resolution 


INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS 


423 


was  transferred  to  the  Speaker  and  by  him  delivered  to  the  Clerk,  who 
read:  'Resolved,  that  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means  be  instructed 
to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  appropriating  thirty  thousand  dollars 
to  enable  Professor  Morse  to  establish  a  line  of  teleo^raph  between  Wash- 
ington and  Baltimore.'  The  gentleman  who  offered  it  was  Mr.  Ferris, 
one  of  the  Representatives  from  the  city  of  New  York,  a  man  of  wealth 


Gov.  D.wiD  Wallace 
(From  portrait  by  Jacob  Cox) 


and  learning,  but  modest,  retiring  and  diffident  in  his  demeanor.  It 
being  merely  a  resolution  of  inquiry,  it  passed  without  opposition  and, 
out  of  regard  to  the  mover,  without  comment.  In  time  it  came  to  the 
Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  and  when  in  its  order  it  came  before 
the  Committee,  a  scene  presented  itself  that  I  shall  not  soon  forget.  The 
committee  was  composed  of  five  Whigs  and  four  Democrats.  The  latter 
were  Mr.   Atherton  of  New   Hampshire,   John  W.   Jones  of  Virginia, 


424  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Frank  rickens  of  North  Carolina,  and  Dixon  H.  Lewis  of  Alabama.    On 
the  "Whig  side  were  Millard  Fillmore  of  New  York,  Jos.  R.  IngersoU  of 
Pennsylvania,  Sampson  ]Mason  of  Ohio,  Thomas  F.   ^Marshall  of  Ken- 
tucky, and  David  Wallace  of  Indiana — all  of  whom,  both  Whigs  and 
Democrats,  excepting  your  humble  servant,  had,  by  their  public  services 
and  brilliant  talents,  acquired  a  national  reputation.     The  clerk  of  the 
Committee  read  the  resolution.    The  chairman,  Mr.  Fillmore,  in  a  clear, 
distinct  voice,  said:  'Gentlemen,  what  disposition  shall  be  made  of  it?' 
There  was  a  dead  paiise  around  the  table.     No  one  seemed  inclined  to 
take  the  initiative.     I  confess  that,  inasmuch  as  the  mover  of  the  reso- 
lution in  the  House  was  a  Democrat,  I  expected  the  Democratic  side  of  the 
Committee  to  stand  god-father  to  it  there.    But  not  a  bit  of  it.   They  gave 
it  no  countenance.  At  length  Mr.  lugersoll,  or  Mr.  Mason,  I  cannot  now 
recollect  which,  broke  the  ominous  silence  by  moving  that  the  committee 
instruct  the  chairman  to  report  a  bill  to  the  House,  appropriating  $30,000 
for  the  purpose  named  in  the  resolution.    This,  as  the  saying  is,  brought 
us  all  up  standing.    No  speeches  were  made.    The  question  was  called 
for.    The  ayes  and  nays  were  taken,  alphabetically,  and  to  my  astonish- 
ment, I  found  every  Democrat  voting  No ;  Fillmore,  Mason,  IngersoU 
and  Marshall  voting  in  the  affirmative.    My  vote  would  decide  the  ques- 
tion either  way.    To  tell  the  truth,  I  had  paid  no  attention  to  the  matter. 
Like    the    majority    around    me,    I    considered    it    a    great    humbug. 
I  had  not  the  faintest  idea  of  the  importance  of  my  vote.    But  as  fortune 
would  have  it,  I  recollected  that  Mr.  Morse  was  then  experimenting 
in  the  Capitol  was  his  telegraph.     He  had  stretched  a  wire  from  the 
basement  story  to  the  ante-room  of  the  Senate  Chamber,  and  it  was  in 
my  power  to  satisfj^  myself  in  regard  to  its  feasibility.     I  determined  to 
try  it.    I  asked  leave  to  consider  my  vote.    It  was  granted.  I  immediately 
stepped  out  of  the  committee-room  and  went  to  the  ante-room.    I  found 
it  crowded  with  Representatives  and  strangers.    I  requested  permission 
to  put  a  question  to  the  'madman'  at  the  other  end  of  the  wire.    It  was 
granted  immediately.    I  wrote  the  question  and  handed  it  to  the  teleg- 
rapher.  The  crowd  cried  '  Read !  read ! '  In  a  very  short  time  the  answer 
was  received.    When  written  out  the  same  cry  of  'Read'  came  from  the 
crowd.     To  my  utter  astonishment  I  found  that  the  madman  at  the 
other  end  of  the  wire  had  more  wit  and  force  than  the  Congressman  at 
this  end.    He  turned  the  laugh  upon  me  completely.    But,  as  you  know, 
we  Western  men  are  never  satisfied  with  one  fall,  that  never  less  than 
two  out  of  three  can  force  from  us  an  acknowledgment  of  defeat.     So 
I  put  a  second  question,  and  there  came  a  second  answer.    If  the  first 
raised  a  laugh  at  my  expense,  the  second  converted  that  laugh  into  a  roar 
and  a  shout.    I  was  more  than  satisfied.    I  picked  up  my  hat,  bowed  my- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  425 

self  out  of  the  crowd,  and  as  I  passed  along  the  halls  and  passages  of  the 
Capitol,  that  shout  followed  me.  As  a  matter  of  course  I  voted  in  the 
affirmative  of  the  motion  then  pending  before  the  committee,  and  it  pre- 
vailed. The  Chairman  reported  the  bill.  The  House,  if  I  mistake  not, 
passed  it  nem  con.  without  asking  the  ayes  and  nays.  And  thus  con- 
curring the  Whig  portion  of  that  committee,  and  that  Old  New  Yorker, 
pla.yed  the  part  of  Isabella  toward  Mr.  Morse  in  his  last  struggle  to  dem- 
onstrate the  practicability  of  the  most  amazing  invention  of  the  age,  the 
^lagnetic  Telegraph !  If  the  committee  had  ignored  the  proposition  there 
is  no  telling  what  would  have  been  the  result.  That  the  experiment  would 
have  been  finally  made,  no  one  can  entertain  doubt.  But  when  or  by 
whom  is  the  question.  It  was  not  within  the  range  of  individual  fortiine  to 
make  it,  and  if  it  was,  none  but  Professor  Morse  would  have  hazarded  it. 
Had  he  failed,  it  might  have  shared  the  fate  of  the  Ocean  Telegi-aph. 
Although  conceived  years  ago,  as  I  read  in  a  Cincinnati  paper  a  few 
days  since,  by  the  editor  of  the  Commercial,  an  application  was  made  to 
Congress  for  assistance,  which  was  entirely  disregarded,  yet  English 
sagacity  seized  with  avidity  what  American  supineness  had  neglected, 
and  took  the  initative  in  this  magnificent  enterprise,  and  plucked  from 
American  brows  the  glory  of  the  achievement." 

Samuel  Bigger  was  born  in  Warren  County,  Ohio,  March  20,  1802. 
Owing  to  his  feeble  health,  his  father,  John  Bigger,  who  was  for  many 
years  a  member  of  the  Ohio  legislative,  decided  to  fit  him  for  professional 
life.  He  graduated  from  the  college  at  Athens,  Ohio ;  read  law ;  and  in 
1829  located  at  Liberty,  Indiana,  removing  shortly  afterward  to  Kush- 
ville.  He  was  elected  to  the  legislature  in  1834  and  1835 ;  and  in  1836 
was  elected  Circuit  Judge.  His  election  as  Governor  in  1840,  over 
Tilghman  G.  Howard,  one  of  the  ablest  Democrats  in  Indiana,  was 
largely  due  to  the  Harrison  craze.  Harrison  had  carried  the  State  in  1836, 
chiefly  on  account  of  Jackson's  veto  of  the  bill  for  the  improvement  of 
the  Wabash  river;  and  the  "Tippecanoe"  sentiment  grew  in  Indiana 
until  in  1840  it  swept  everything  before  it.  Bigger  defeated  Howard  by 
8,637  votes,  but  Ilowai-d  was  the  abler  man  of  the  two.  He  was  born  in 
South  Carolina,  November  14,  1797 ;  grew  up  in  North  Carolina ;  and  at 
the  age  of  19  went  to  Tennessee ;  where  he  taught  school  for  a  time,  and 
then  read  law  with  Hugh  Lawson  White,  one  of  the  most  eminent 
lawyers  of  his  day.  At  twenty-seven  he  was  elected  to  the  Tennessee 
senate,  where  he  became  an  intimate  friend  of  Gen.  Sam  Houston,  then 
Governor  of  the  State.  In  1828  he  was  put  on  the  electoral  ticket  as  a 
personal  friend  of  Gen.  Jackson.  In  1830  he  came  to  Indiana,  and 
practiced  law  at  Bloomington,  and  later  at  Rockville.  He  had  success- 
ively as  partners.  Gov.  James  Whitcomb,  Judge  Wm.  P.  Bryant,  and 


426  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Gov.  Josepli  A.  Wrigrht.  In  1832  he  was  appointed  U.  S.  District  At- 
torney, ami  lield  that  position  until  1839,  when  he  was  elected  to  Congress. 
In  1842  he  was  the  Democratic  condidate  for  U.  S.  Senator  before  the 
people,  and  his  party  carried  the  legislature.  He  received  all  of  the  party 
vote  but  three,  and  it  was  said  that  he  might  have  had  them  by  a 
promise  of  official  appointment,  which  he  declined  to  make.    Possibly  his 


Gov.  S.\MUEL   Bigger 
(From  portrait  by  Jacob  Cox) 

defeat  was  due  to  his  pronounced  stand  against  a  high  tariff  and  the 
United  States  Bank,  on  which  subjects  he  publicly  refused  any  com- 
promise. 

Bigger  made  no  headway  in  getting  out  of  the  internal  improvement 
tangle,  which  had  involved  the  State  in  a  debt  of  thirteen  millions,  on 
which  it  could  not  even  pay  the  interest;  and  in  1843  he  was  defeated 
by  James  Whitcomb.     In  this  election  church  influence  was  powerful 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  427 

for  the  first  time  in  Indiana.  Bigger  was  a  Presbyterian  elder ;  also  a 
bass  singer,  and  choir  leader,  and  a  violinist  of  some  ability.  Wliiteomb 
was  an  equally  zealous  Methodist,  a  class-leader,  and  an  even  better 
violinist  than  his  opponent.  It  was  charged  that  in  some  legislation  con- 
cerning the  establishment  of  Asbury  (now  DePauw)  University,  Bigger 
had  said  that  the  Methodist  church  did  not  need  an  educated  elergj' ; 
that  an  ignorant  one  was  better  suited  to  the  capacity  of  its  membership. 
Whether  he  said  this  or  not,  the  Methodists  of  the  State  thought  he  did, 
and  there  was  no  little  warmth  between  the  two  churches  at  the  time  over 
educational  questions,  the  Methodists  claiming  that  the  Presbyterians 
had  made  a  monopoly  of  the  State  University.  In  1846,  Bishop  Ames 
remarked :  "It  was  the  amen  corner  of  the  Methodist  church  that  de- 
feated Governor  Bigger,  and  I  had  a  hand  in  the  work.""*  There  was 
of  course  more  than  this  in  the  campaign.  Whitcomb  had  written  a 
pamphlet  on  the  tariff  question,  entitled  "Facts  for  the  People,"  which 
the  Democrats  printed  as  a  campaign  document.  There  has  never  been 
a  tariff  argument  on  either  side  of  the  question  that  approached  it  in 
clearness  and  simplicity  of  presentation  unless  it  was  Henry  George's 
argument.  Anyone  could  understand  it,  and  it  had  an  effect  long  re- 
mejnbered.  In  1882,  when  the  question  was  up  again.  Senator  Joseph  K. 
McDonald  hunted  up  a  copy,  and  had  it  reprinted  in  the  Indianapolis 
Sentinel,  after  which  it  was  put  in  pamphlet  form,  and  widely  circu- 
lated in  that  campaign.  Later,  W.  D.  Bynum  had  it  printed  in  a  "leave 
to  print"  Congressional  speech,  and  gave  it  another  wide  circulation. 

Whitcomb  was  one  of  the  most  attractive  characters  in  Indiana  puh- 
lic  life.  Of  fine  presence,  with  a  notably  refined  face,  and  elegant  man- 
ners, he  had  a  brilliant  mind,  and  a  remarkable  store  of  varied  informa- 
tion. Born  near  Windsor,  Vermont,  December  1,  1795,  he  passed  his 
youth  on  a  farm  near  Cincinnati,  devoting  more  time  to  reading  than  to 
work,  to  the  despair  of  his  father  who  prophesied  that  he  would  never 
amount  to  anything.  But  he  was  reading  to  some  purpose.  He  fitted 
himself  for  college,  entered  Transylvania,  supported  himself  by  teaching 
while  a  student,  read  law,  and  in  1822  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  Fayette 
County,  Kentucky.  In  1824  he  located  at  Bloomington,  Indiana,  where 
he  quickly  attained  standing,  and  in  1826  was  appointed  Prosecuting 
Attorney  by  Governor  Ray.  In  1830  and  1833  he  was  elected  to  the 
State  senate,  and  made  a  record  for  opposition  to  the  mammoth  improve- 
ment bill.  Notwithstanding  the  almost  univer.sal  demand  for  internal 
improvements,  he  was  one  of  nine  who  voted  against  it ;  and  though  this 
made  hijn  unpopular  at  the  time,   it  aided  materially  in  making  him 


n*  Woollen  's  Sketches,  p.  80. 


428 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


Govei-nor  in  1843 ;  and  he  was  largely  instrumental  in  getting  the  State 
out  of  its  dilemma,  for  his  earnest  support  of  the  Butler  compromise 
made  that  action  possible.  In  1836  President  Jackson  appointed  him 
Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office,  and  finding  himself  confronted  by 


Gov.  James  Whitcomb 


numerous  laud  grants  in  French  and  Spanish,  he  at  once  took  up  the 
study  of  those  languages,  and  qualified  himself  to  read  them.  Personally 
he  was  extremely  economical,  the  result  no  doubt  of  his  youthful  poverty, 
though  he  both  smoked  and  took  snuff.  But  this  did  not  interfere  with 
his  always  being  neat  and  well  dressed ;  and  as  Governor  he  gave  enter- 
tainments at  the  old  "Governor's  mansion,"  where  the  Interurban 
Station  in  Indianapolis  now  stands,  so  elaborate  that  none  of  his  sue- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  429 

cessors  ever  attempted  to  rival  them.  As  Governor  he  was  instrumental 
in  turning  the  minds  of  the  people  to  public  charitable  and  correctional 
reform,  and  the  State  institutions  had  their  beginnings  in  his  adminis- 
tration. He  also  gave  an  impetus  to  the  movement  for  a  better  public 
school  system.  His  most  unpopular  act  was  a  refusal  to  reappoint  Judges 
Dewey  and  Sullivan,  whose  terms  as  Supreme  Judges  expired  while  he 
was  Governor,  but  he  justified  his  position  on  the  ground  that  the  docket 
was  behind,  and  that  younger  men  were  needed  to  bring  it  up.  He  was 
himself  an  able  lawyer.  Governor  Porter  rated  him  the  first  in  the  State 
in  his  day  and  he  had  a  high  professional  standard  that  must  be  kept  in 
mind  in  judging  his  motives  in  such  a  case. 

On  J\Iay  13,  1846,  the  act  declaring  war  with  Mexico  was  approved, 
and  President  Polk  issued  his  proclamation.  Wlien  the  news  reached 
Indianapolis,  a  "hurry-up"  mass  meeting  was  held  at  the  Court  House, 
and  patriotic  resolutions  were  adopted,  not  only  to  resist  invasion,  but 
' '  to  carry  the  war  into  the  enemy 's  country  and  plant  the  star-spangled 
banner  in  the  City  of  Mexico  on  the  halls  of  the  Montezumas."  Governor 
Whitcomb  was  present  and  pledged  prompt  cooperation  if  the  State  were 
called  upon  for  troops.  On  May  16,  the  Secretary  of  War  issued  his 
call  to  Indiana  for  three  regiments  of  infantry,  which  reached  Indian- 
apolis on  May  21,  in  the  evening ;  and  the  next  morning  Whitcomb  issued  a 
call  for  volunteers.  The  State  was  in  woeful  condition  for  the  emergency. 
The  militia  system  had  been  generally  abandoned  for  years,  and  there 
were  not  arms  and  equipment  for  a  corporal's  guard  at  the  command  of 
the  State.  No  appropriation  had  been  made  for  such  an  emergency.  The 
Adjutant  General  of  the  State,  David  Reynolds,  was  getting  a  salary 
of  $100  a  year,  but,  as  Col.  Oran  Perry  truly  says:  "He  was  a  man  of 
superior  executive  ability,  dauntless  in  all  emergencies,  a  tireless  worker, 
and  blessed  with  an  abundance  of  common  sense."  Neither  he  nor  the 
Governor  had  any  military,  or  even  militia  training;  but  a  military 
expert  had  already  volunteered  assistance,  in  the  person  of  young  Lew 
Wallace,  who  had  been  an  enthusiastic  militiaman.  He  was  supposed  to 
be  reading  law  in  Indianapolis,  but  he  had  already  begun  writing  "The 
Fair  God,"  and  a  chance  to  see  "the  halls  of  the  Montezumas"  came  like 
a  visit  from  a  fairy  godmother.  Between  them  they  got  the  literary 
part  of  the  work  under  way,  and  reports  from  companies  soon  began 
coming  in.  On  May  26  the  branch  of  the  State  Bank  at  Madison  tendered 
the  Governor  a  loan  of  $10,000  for  war  expenses,  which  he  accepted  with 
thanks,  and  sent  letters  to  the  other  branches  suggesting  similar  advances. 
Indianapolis  and  Lawrenceburgh  advanced  $10,000  each,  and  Lafayette 
offered  $5,000 ;  and  so  the  army  was  financed  for  the  time  being. 

As  nobody  was  attending  to   recruiting  in   Indianapolis,   Wallace 


David  Reyn(_ili)S 
(Adjutant  General  of  Indiana,  1846) 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  431 

rented  a  room  on  Washington  street,  put  out  a  flag,  and  a  transparency 
with  inscriptions,  "For  Mexico.  Fall  in";  hired  a  drummer  and  a 
tifer,  and  paraded  the  streets  for  recruits.  Within  three  days  he  had  a 
company  raised,  largely  composed  of  former  members  of  the  Marion 
Guards,  familiarly  known  as  "The  Grays,"  and  the  Marion  Rifles,  known 
as  "The  Arabs,"  two  local  companies  of  a  few  years  earlier.  The  com- 
pany elected  James  P.  Drake  Captain,  and  John  McDougall  First  Lieu- 
tenant, making  Wallace  Second  Lieutenant.  It  was  taken  into  the  First 
Indiana  Regiment,  which  on  June  17,  started  for  the  rendezvous  at  ' '  Old 
Fort  Clark,"  between  Jeffersonville  and  New  Albany.  The  Indiana 
volunteers  far  outnumbered  the  call.  Two  more  regiments  were  or- 
ganized later,  but  meanwhile  two  full  companies  went  into  the  16th, 
U.  S.  Infantry,  three  companies  into  the  U.  S.  Mounted  Riflemen,  and 
one  company  into  the  1st  U.  S.  Dragoons,  while  over  300  Indianans,  un- 
able to  get  into  regiments  from  their  own  State,  went  across  the  Ohio 
and  joined  Kentucky  regiments.""  Captain  Drake  was  elected  Colonel 
of  the  First  Regiment ;  William  A.  Bowles  Colonel  of  the  Second ;  James 
H.  Lane  of  the  Third ;  W.  A.  Gorman  of  the  Fourth ;  and  James  H.  Lane 
(reenlisted)  of  the  Fifth. 

The  Indiana  troops  went  down  the  Mississippi  in  steamboats  to  New 
Orleans,  and  thence  across  the  Gulf  to  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Grande.  The 
First  Indiana  was  stationed  ten  miles  up  the  river,  "to  guard  communi- 
cations," and  did  not  get  away  from  this  unsanitary  location  during  the 
war — many  of  them  never,  as  they  died  and  were  buried  there.  Lew 
Wallace  was  so  indignant  that  when  Gen.  Taylor  was  nominated  for  the 
presidency,  he,  a  Whig  bom  and  bred,  went  over  to  the  Democrats,  and 
remained  with  them  until  the  Civil  War.  The  chief  interest  of  Indiana 
in  the  Mexican  War  is  in  connection  with  the  record  of  the  Second  regi- 
ment at  Buena  Vista ;  and  enough  has  been  written  about  that,  in  various 
ways,  to  make  several  volumes.  The  material  facts  are  unquestionable. 
On  February  22,  1847,  the  day  before  the  battle,  eight  companies  of  the 
Second  regiment,  numbering  about  400  men  were  stationed  at  the  ex- 
treme left  of  the  battle  line,  which  stretched  across  the  valley,  on  the 
edge  of  the  mountain,  and  in  advance  of  the  other  troops,  except  that 
there  ^\x^s  with  them  a  battery  of  three  guns,  iinder  Captain  O'Brien. 
Col.  Bowles,  like  many  other  militia  and  volunteer  commanders  elected 
by  the  men,  had  been  chosen  from  popularity  and  not  for  military  exper- 
ience. Under  his  command,  the  regiment's  experience  was  like  nautical 
life  on  "The  Snark, "  where  "the  liowsprit  got  mixed  with  the 'rudder 


'•5  Intliana.  in  the  Mexican  "War.  Col.  Oran  Perry  deserves  a  monument  from 
Indiana  for  compiling  this  volume  of  oflfioial  records,  newspaper  accounts,  and 
other   material,   while   Adjutant   General   of  the   State,   and   publishing   it  in    1908. 


432 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


sometimes."  About  dusk  somebody  started  a  report  that  the  enemy  was 
advancing  on  them  from  the  mountain,  and  in  an  effort  to  get  the  men 
into  line,  Bowles  started  them  in  the  wrong  direction,  and  had  them 
hopelessly  confused  when  it  was  discovered  that  the  advancing  enemy 


Col.  James  H.  Lane 

was  a  party  of  American  troops.  They  men  lay  on  their  arms  through 
the  night,  and  in  the  morning  were  in  a  state  of  mutiny  on  account  of 
the  inefficiency  of  Bowles,  as  shown  on  the  preceding  day.  They  were 
finally  pacified  by  Gen.  Joe  Lane,  who  came  up,  and  agreed  to  take  com- 
mand himself,  Bowles  still  officiating  as  Colonel.  Early  in  the  morning 
the  Mexicans  advanced  in  force  against  this  position,  their  numbers  being 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


433 


estimated  all  the  way  from  3,000  to  7,000.  The  battle  began,  the  firing 
at  this  point  lasting  for  twenty-five  minutes,  and  the  ^Mexicans  coming 
lip  within  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  yards ;  and  about  ninety  of  the 
Second  regiment  being  killed  or  wounded.  While  Gen.  Lane  was  at  the 
left,  shifting  the  position  of  the  battery,  Col.  Bowles  gave  the  order  to 
retreat  on  the  right.    The  men  fell  into  confusion,  which  was  added  to  by 


Gov.  Paris  C.  Dunning 
(From  portrait  by  James  P^rbes) 

the  fact  that  Bowles  ordered  them  to  form  in  the  ravine  back  of  their 
original  position,  and  Lane  and  Lt.  Col.  Haddon  ordered  them  to  form 
on  the  ridge  back  of  the  ravine.  About  250  of  them  reformed  at  the 
latter  place,  with  the  Third  Indiana  and  a  Mississippi  regiment,  and 
drove  back  the  Mexicans,  fighting  gallantly  throughout  the  day,  until 
Santa  Anna  withdrew.  The  Second  regiment  lost  36  killed  and  68 
wounded  during  the  day ;  and  all  of  it  stayed  in  the  fighting  except  about 
a  dozen  men,  who  retreated  to  Saltillo.    The  first  reports  of  both  Lane 


434  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

and  Taylor  were  made  without,  kuowledge  of  Bowles'  orders  to  retreat, 
and  this  was  tlie  cause  of  the  unjust  reflections  on  the  Second  regiment, 
which  were  the  source  of  much  mortitication  to  the  officers  and  men.  The 
Court  of  Inquiry  which  investigated  the  charges  preferred  against 
Bowles  by  Lane,  found  that  Bowles  was  incompetent,  and  that  his  order 
to  retreat  was  not  due  to  cowardice,  but  to  "manifest  want  of  capacity 
and  judgment."""  The  culpability  of  Bowles  seems  to  have  been  in- 
creased, in  the  view  of  some  writers,  by  the  fact  that  he  belonged  to  the 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle  during  the  Civil  War.  There  is  no  con- 
nection between  the  two,  except  that  Bowles  was  as  incompetent  as  a 
conspirator  as  he  was  as  a  soldier. 

After  the  Mexican  War  Indiana  settled  down  to  her  former  quiet 
existence,  though  with  an  element  of  reform  appearing  in  the  begin- 
nings of  charitable  institutions,  which  will  be  considered  elsewhere,  and 
a  renewed  effort  for  better  schools,  likewise  treated  elsewhere.  In  Decem- 
ber, 184:8,  Governor  Whitcomb  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate. 
He  died  during  his  term,  at  New  York  City,  October  4,  1852.  He  was 
succeeded  as  Governor  by  Lieutenant  Governor  Paris  C.  Dunning,  of 
Bloomington.  Paris  Chipman  Dunning  was  bom  in  Guilford  County, 
N.  C,  March  15,  1806,  the  son  of  James  and  Rachel  (North)  Dunning. 
He  had  a  good  education,  graduating  at  the  academy  and  university  at 
Greensboro,  the  county  seat,  at  the  age  of  seventeen.  His  father,  died  and 
his  mother  removed,  first  to  Kentucky  and  then  to  Bloomington,  Indiana. 
Here  Paris  taught  school  for  a  time,  and  read  medicine,  graduating  at 
the  medical  college  at  Louisville.  He  began  the  practice  of  medicine  at 
Rockport,  but  changed  his  mind  and  read  law  with  Gov.  Whitcomb  at 
Bloomington.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1833,  and  in  the  same  year 
was  elected  to  the  legislature.  He  was  reelected  in  1834  and  1835,  and 
was  then  elected  to  the  Senate  for  the  then  term  of  three  years.  After 
completing  his  term  as  acting  Governor,  he  resumed  practice  at  Bloom- 
ington. He  declined  a  nomination  for  Congress,  but  took  an  active  part 
in  political  matters.  He  was  a  Douglas  Democrat,  and  was  a  delegate  to 
the  Charleston  and  Baltimore  conventions,  serving  on  the  platform  com- 
mittees in  both,  and  joining  in  the  minority  report  which  was  adopted, 
and  on  which  Douglas  ran.  In  1863  he  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate, 
and  was  chosen  President  of  that  body.  As  Governor  ]*Iorton  was  then 
serving  in  place  of  Governor  Lane,  resigned.  Dunning  was  again  one  step 
from  the  Governor's  chair.  Governor  Dunning  was  married  July  6,  1826, 
to  Sarah,  daughter  of  James  Alexander.  She  died  in  1863,  and  on 
September  27,  1865,  he  married  ^Irs.  Allen  D.  Ashford,  daughter  of  Dr. 
Daniel  S.  Lane.    He  died  at  Bloomington,  May  9,  1884. 


'■'■■  Ind'fiua  in  the  Mexicin  War,  p.  311. 


CHAPTER  IX 
THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  1851 

The  known  quantity  in  all  historical  problems  is  human  nature ;  and 
the  strongest  influence  in  human  nature  is  self-interest.  There  are,  of 
course,  many  instances  where  men  have  risen  above  it,  but  where  action 
is  taken  by  any  considerable  body  of  men  it  is  almost  invariably  the 
dominating  factor.  This  does  not  necessarily  involve  any  reflection  on 
the  motive.  It  is  no  disparagement  to  "the  love  of  freedom"  in  our 
ancestors  to  say  that  they  probably  desired  independence  of  Great 
Britain  because  they  considered  it  advantageous  to  themselves,  and  not 
from  any  abstract  devotion  to  a  principle.  If  Great  Britain  had  righted 
what  they  considered  their  wrongs,  they  would  probably  have  been 
entirely  satisfied.  They  practically  said  this  in  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. In  the  action  of  political  parties  this  motive  is  constant.  The 
makers  of  political  platforms  often  declare  for  things  that  they  con- 
scientiously believe  in ;  but  no  sane  political  leader  would  desire  his  party 
to  espouse  a  cause  that  he  believed  to  be  unpopular  with  the  voters.  In 
consequence  of  this,  there  is  a  large  element  of  the  fictitious  in  the  pre- 
vailing idea  of  the  "conservatism"  of  the  American  people  concerning 
constitutional  changes.  As  a  rule,  very  few  of  them  pay  any  attention  to 
constitutional  questions  until  some  constitutional  provision  becomes 
fairly  intolerable.  Proposals  for  changes  usually  come  from  the  minority. 
The  party  in  power  naturally  regards  the  existing  condition  as  beneficial 
to  itself;  else  why  would  it  be  in  power?  Hence  its  tendency  is  to  oppose 
change  to  unknown  fields  until  a  demand  arises  that  threatens  its  power, 
or  which  it  thinks  would  make  its  tenure  more  stable.  These  principles 
were  fully  demonstrated  in  Indiana  in  the  period  between  the  constitu- 
tions of  1816  and  1851. 

Demands  for  constitutional  changes  began  to  arise  as  early  as  1820. 
The  Constitution  of  1816  provided  for  a  referendum  vote  on  a  Con- 
stitutional Convention  every  twelfth  year,  or  in  1828,  1840,  and  1852. 
But  referendum  votes  were  actually  taken  not  only  in  1828  and  1840, 
but  also  in  1823,  1846  and  1849 ;  and  in  addition  to  these,  unsuccessful 

435 


436  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

efforts  for  a  convention  were  made  tifteen  times  between  1820  and  1847.' 
The  earlier  efforts  were  probably  connected  with  a  desire  for  the  intro- 
duction of  slaverj^,  and  were  defeated  on  that  ground,  as  has  been  men- 
tioned, by  the  party  in  power.  There  were,  however,  other  causes  for 
desiring  changes  that  were  quite  as  valid  in  1820  as  in  1851.  For 
example,  the  Constitution  of  1816  made  no  provision  concerning  the 
granting  of  divorces,  beyond  the  separation  of  governmental  powers 
into  executive,  legislative  and  judicial,  and  providing  that  neither  depart- 
ment should  exercise  any  function  of  another.  But  the  legislative  depart- 
ment assumed  this  power  from  the  beginning.  In  1818  a  law  was  passed 
authorizing  Circuit  Courts  to  decree  divorces,  but  the  legislature  also 
continued  to  grant  them,  and  just  complaint  was  made  of  this  invasion 
of  judicial  functions.  But  although  this  wrong  was  manifest,  it  was  to 
the  vast  majority  of  the  people  what  the  courts  call  damnum  absque 
injuria.  It  was  an  abuse  in  principle  that  affected  very  few  persons,  and 
usually  the  decisions  of  the  legislature  were  as  rational  as  the  average 
decisions  of  the  courts  in  divorce  cases.  The  greatest  evil  of  this,  and 
other  special  and  local  legislation,  was  seen  tardily,  and  then  not  fully. 
The  best  statement  of  it  was  made  in  1849  by  Colonel  llerrill,  speaking  of 
legislation  at  Corj'don,  as  follows:  "Private  and  local  acts  of  legisla- 
tion were  not  so  common  as  they  have  since  been ;  yet  even  then,  they 
often  interfered  with  other  important  business,  for  it  was  very  rare  that 
subjects  of  general  interest  could  array  in  their  support  the  warm  feel- 
ings which  private  interests  frequently  called  forth.  A  State  Road,  or 
a  Divorce  Bill,  of  consequence  only  to  a  few  constituents,  and,  by  its 
being  a  bad  precedent,  often  contributed  to  decide  the  most  important 
measures  that  came  before  the  Legislature.  The  question  whether  the 
Seat  of  Justice  of  Wayne  County  should  be  at  Salisbury  or  Centreville, 
which  was  warmly  contested  from  1817  to  1822,  elected  Senators  of  the 
United  States,  formed  new  counties,  and  decided  much  of  the  important 
legislation  of  the  State  for  several  years.  While  this  subject  was  pend- 
ing, the  advocates  of  every  exciting  measure  would  'go  round',  as  they, 
said,  'and  scare  up  the  Wayne  County  delegation'.  One  of  them,  who 
most  heartily  disliked  Divorce  Bills,  was  occasionally  induced,  'for  a 
consideration, '  to  vote  in  their  favor,  though  he  usually  contrived,  before 
the  bill  was  through  with,  either  by  absence  on  the  tinal  vote,  or  by  chang- 
ing his  own  vote  at  that  time,  to  undo  the  mischief  he  had  previously 
helped  forward.  The  negligence  with  which  private  legislation  was 
attended,  and  the  corruption  to  which  it  led,  may  be  illustrated  by  the 
following  circumstances:     About  the  vear  1818,  a  husband  obtained  a 


1  Constitution  Making  in  Indiana,  Vol.  1,  p.  xxxv. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  437 

divorce  from  his  wife  on  an  affidavit  that  she  had  been  seen  in  bed  with 
another  man,  and  covered  witli  the  bed  clothes.  It  afterwards  appeared 
that  she  had  been  held  there  by  violence,  in  order  that  a  partial  statement 
of  the  facts  might  be  made.  A  few  years  later,  a  Senator  submitted  a 
petition  for  a  divorce,  on  the  ground  that  the  wife  had  borne  a  colored 
child,  and  as  he  stated  that  there  was  no  doubt  of  the  fact,  a  bill  granting 
the  divorce  passed  without  objection  to  its  third  reading.  Before  its 
final  passage,  however,  the  Senator  rose  and  said  that  there  was  another 
fact  not  yet  stated,  which  possibly  ought  to  have  some  influence,  and 
this  was,  that  both  husband  and  wife  were  colored  persons.  This,  of 
course,  put  an  end  to  the  bill,  as  it  had  been  prepared  merely  to  .show 
the  absurdity  of  ex  parte  proceedings  in  private  legislation. "  ^ 

To  the  average  citizen  then,  as  now,  such  things  as  these  were  merely 
good  jokes;  and  the  "log-rolling"  was  an  inherent  weakness  of  republi- 
can government  that  has  always  existed,  and  will  always  exist.  The 
representative  is  responsible  to  his  constituents,  and  if  he  gets  what  they 
want  there  is  seldom  any  complaint  of  the  mode  of  getting  it.  If  some 
unusually  conscientious  constituent  criticizes  his  vote  for  some  meas- 
ure, it  is  usually  sufiScient  answer  to  say:  "That  was  the  price  that  I 
had  to  pay  to  get  support  for  the  just  measure  that  you  wanted."  The 
culpability  then  goes  over  from  the  martyr  who  paid  the  price  to  the 
person  who  wrongfully  demanded  it.  This,  it  will  be  recalled,  was  the 
line  of  Judge  Kilgore's  defense  of  "the  mammoth  internal  improvement 
bill,"  and  it  was  entirely  satisfactory  to  "Whitewater.  In  this  fact  lies 
the  justification  for  his  claim  that  the  people  themselves  were  responsible 
for  the  bill.  The  appreciation  of  the  absurdity  of  the  numerous  func- 
tions conferred  on,  or  assumed  by  the  legislature,  did  not  grow  rapidly 
until  after  the  collapse  of  the  internal  improvement  scheme,  when  the 
state  was  burdened  with  debt,  and  Governor  Whiteomb  was  preaching 
economy  at  every  opportunity.  It  then  dawned  on  many  that  it  was 
needlessly  expensive  to  have  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  sitting  as  judges 
in  a  divorce  case,  which  could  be  much  better  decided  by  one  man.  It 
was  needlessly  expensive  for  them  to  wrangle  for  a  day  or  two  over  a 
corporation  charter  that  could  be  issued  by  a  clerk,  under  a  general  law, 
in  half  an  hour.  Moreover,  with  the  abandonment  of  the  state  improve- 
ment idea,  there  came  a  great  increase  of  large  private  corporations,  for 
transportation  and  other  purposes,  and  there  were  some  legislators  who 
wanted  something  more  than  the  public  welfare  in  compensation  for 
their  votes.  Business  interests  found  that  this  was  an  unduly  expensive 
mode  of  incorporation,  and  when  business  interests  want  a  change,  "con- 


2  Chamberlain 's  Gazetteer,  pp.  122-3. 


438 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


servatisin"  usually  melts  away  quite  rapidly.  But  the  movemeut  for  a 
new  constitution  was  not  based  wholly  on  selfish  interests.  There  was 
one  demand  that  was  wholly  fi-om  considerations  of  public  welfare,  and 
that  was  the  call  for  a  better  system  of  public  schools,  which  was  State 
wide.  The  common  accounts  of  this  school  movement  might  lead  one  to 
suppose  that  it  was  entirely  the  work  of  Caleb  Mills,  but  the  actual 
facts,  which  will  be  presented  in  a  later  chapter,  will  show  that  while  he 
was  a  factor  in  it,  there  were  many  others  who  were  on  the  ground  from 


The  Governob's  Mansion  in  the  Circle 
(From  an  old  cut) 

the  beginning,  and  whose  just  claim  for  recognition  for  service  in  this 
line  have  been  sadly  overlooked. 

The  abolition  of  annual  .sessions  of  the  legislature  had  been  called 
for  ever  since  1823,  but  the  demand  for  biennial  sessions,  like  that  for 
the  abolition  of  special  and  local  legislation,  did  not  appeal  strongly  to 
the  legislators,  who  had  the  initiation  of  the  process  of  amendment. 
There  is  a  notable  sameness  in  the  make-up  of  the  earlier  legislatures  of 
Indiana,  many  of  the  members  being  returned  for  session  after  session. 
It  was  obviously  a  pleasant  duty  for  a  citizen  who  enjoyed  political  life 
to  go  to  the  capital  for  the  winter,  with  expenses  covered,  enjoy  the 
association  with  all  the  political  leaders  of  the  State,  and  participate 
in  tlie  history-making  of  the  occasion.  Why  should  they  favor  any  move- 
ment to  lessen  their  prerogatives,  or  reduce  expenses  by  cutting  off  their 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  431» 

own  salaries,  until  public  sentiment  clearly  demanded  such  changes? 
The  interesting  question  is  what  it  was  that  overcame  this  feature  of 
"conservatism."  It  must  have  been  some  political  consideration,  and 
the  most  probable  cause  in  the  political  field  was  the  suffrage  question. 
A  distinctive  foreign  immigration  had  first  begun  in  Indiana  during  the 
internal  improvement  work,  when  the  riots  of  the  Irish  canal  workei-s 
were  the  alternate  sources  of  alarm  and  amusement  to  the  older  Hoosiers. 
From  that  time  it  increased  more  rapidly.  The  total  foreign  immigra- 
tion to  the  United  States  in  the  twenty  years  from  1825  to  1845  was  only 
a  little  over  one  million.  In  the  next  five  years  the  immigration  was 
as  much  in  the  preceding  twenty  years,  due  chiefly  to  Irish  famine  of 
1847,  and  the  continental  revolutionary  movements  of  1848-9.  In  the 
next  five  years  this  was  doubled.  Although  the  Hartford  Convention  of 
1814  had  declared  against  aliens  holding  office,  the  nativist  movement 
was  not  manifested  in  any  practical  form  until  the  spring  of  1844,  when 
a  Native  American  candidate  was  elected  mayor  of  New  York  City  by 
4,000  majority  over  the  Democratic  candidate,  the  Whig  party  being  prac- 
tically out  of  the  field.  This  movement,  however,  did  not  reach  Indiana 
until  some  years  later,  and  both  the  Whigs  and  the  Democrats  made 
appeals  for  the  foreign  vote,  which  went  almost  solidly  to  the  Democrats. 
In  1844  the  Indianapolis  Journal,  in  giving  the  reasons  why  Henry  Clay 
should  be  supported  for  President,  said:  "The  honest,  patient  German 
can  vote  for  him,  for  he  is  the  advocate  of  their  best  interests,  and  the 
eulogist  of  their  frugal  habits,  their  peaceful  quietude,  and  their  love 
of  liberty,  law  and  order.  The  friends  of  Ireland  can  vote  for  him,  for 
he  has  ever  been  the  advocate  of  Irishmen,  likening  them  in  his  fervid 
eloquence  to  his  own  warm-hearted  Kentuckians."  ^  In  the  same  year  the 
Whigs  in  the  East  voted  largely  with  the  Native  party,  to  secure  their 
votes  for  Clay,  and  he  had  four  Native  American  electoral  votes  from 
New  York,  and  two  from  Pennsylvania.  This  settled  the  party  allegiance 
of  the  immigrants,  but  under  the  Indiana  constitution  a  voter  had  to  be 
a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  that  required  five  year.s'  residence. 
The  only  way  to  reap  this  foreign  harvest  was  to  change  the  constitution. 
One  of  the  first  resolutions  introduced  in  the  Convention,  after  the  pre- 
liminaries of  organization,  was  by  James  W.  Borden,  one  of  the  most 
active  and  influential  Democrats:  "That  the  committee  on  elective 
franchise  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  providing  in  the  Constitution 
for  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  suffrage,  so  that  in  no  instance  shall  the 
exercise  of  that  right  depend  upon  the  naturalization  laws  of  Congress; 
and,  also,  to  inquire  into  the  propriety  of  allowing  persons  of  foreign 


3  Journal,  April  20,  1844. 


•440  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

birth,  who  shall  have  resided  one  year  in  this  State,  declared  their  inten- 
tions to  become  citizens  of  the  United  States  (or  denizens  of  this  ^tate), 
and  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  our  own,  and  abjuration  of  all  for- 
eign governments,  the  privilege  of  voters."'* 

The  submission  of  the  question  of  a  convention  to  the  people  iu  1840 
had  resulted  in  an  overwhelming  defeat  for  the  measure.  About  two- 
thirds  as  many  votes  were  cast  on  this  question  as  for  the  election  of 
Governor,  and  the  vote  was  12,277  for  and  61,721  against,  with  14 
counties  not  heard  from,  as  reported  by  the  Secretary  of  State  at  the 
next  session  of  the  legislature.^*  A  majority  of  the  total  vote  was  against 
it,  and  Steuben  was  the  only  couuty  with  a  favorable  vote,  aud  that  a 
"faint  praise"  vote  of  203  to  151.  In  this  election  the  notices  to  the 
voters,  as  provided  by  law,  notified  them  that  they  "will  not  have  the 
right  to  vote  for  or  against  another  convention  for  the  space  of  twelve 
years."  The  Democratic  State  organ  ascribed  the  result  to  "the  course 
of  the  Whigs, ' '  and  as  the  Whigs  swept  the  State,  it  was  at  least  probable 
-that  they  had  something  to  do  with  it.  Notwithstanding  this  result,  reso- 
lutions for  a  convention  were  introduced  in  the  legislatures  of  1841  and 
1843;  and  in  1844  a  bill  for  a  convention  reached  second  reading.  On 
January  17,  1846,  an  act  was  approved  for  the  submission  of  the  question 
again.  The  Whig  papers  generally  opposed  the  measure,  chiefly  on  the 
ground  that  the  question  could  be  submitted  only  once  in  twelve  years, 
under  the  provisions  of  the  Constitution ;  while  the  Democratic  papers 
generally  favored  it.  The  vote,  at  the  August  election,  showed  less  than 
half  the  voters  voting  on  the  question,  with  32,468  for  and  27,123  opposed 
to  a  convention.  An  effort  was  made  at  the  next  session  of  the  legislature 
to  pass  a  bill  for  a  convention,  but  it  was  defeated.  The  Whigs  controlled 
this  legislature.  At  the  session  of  1847-8,  Governor  Whitcomb  again 
called  attention  to  the  unnecessary  expense  of  the  existing  system,  and 
bills  for  submission  of  the  question  to  the  people  were  introduced,  but 
lost.  At  the  session  of  1848-9  Governor  Whitcomb  made  a  strong  appeal 
for  submission,  and  the  Democratic  legislature  passed  a  bill,  after  it  had 
been  indorsed  by  the  Democratic  State  Convention.  The  act  was  ap- 
proved January  15,  1849,  and  when  submitted  at  the  regular  election  in 
August,  81.500  votes  were  given  for  a  convention,  and  57.418  against. 
This  was  a  clear  majority  of  all  the  voters  of  the  State,  and  the  legislature 
of  1849-50  provided  for  the  election  of  150  delegates  to  a  convention,  at 
the  regular  election.  Efforts  to  have  the  election  at  another  time  were 
defeated.     Some  efforts  were  made,  chiefly  by  the  Whigs,  to  have  the 


4  Convention  Debates,  p.  51. 

5  Senat-e  Journal,  p.  41. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


441 


election  put  on  a  non-partisan  basis,  but  without  success.  The  Whigs 
held  a  meeting  on  January  16.  and  adopted  resolutions  in  favor  of  most 
of  the  changes  that  had  been  proposed.  Their  suffrage  resolution  was  for 
"the  extension  of  the  suffrage  to  all  native  and  naturalized  citizens  over 
the  age  of  21  years."    On  March  1,  the  Democratic  State  Central  Com- 


George  Whitfield  Carr 
(President  Constitutional  Convention) 


mittee  issued  a  circular  calling  for  party  nominations,  which  were  made 
by  both  parties,  and  appeared  on  the  tickets  with  the  other  candidates. 
The  election  resulted  33  Democrats  and  17  Whigs  from  the  senatorial 
districts;  and  62  Democrats  and  38  Whigs  from  the  representative 
districts.* 

The  Convention  met  in  the  hall  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  at 


6  For  a  more  detailed  account  of  these  preliminary  steps,  see  Constitution  Making 
in  Indiana,  Vol.  1,  pp.  xxxv,  Ixi-lxxxiii. 


U2  INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS 

Indianapolis,  on  the  morning  of  October  7,  1850,  and  was  called  to  oi'der 
by  the  Secretary  of  State,  Charles  H.  Test.  The  oaths  of  office  were  ad- 
ministered by  Judge  Blackford  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  the  Conven- 
tion elected  as  president  George  W.  Carr,  a  delegate  from  Lawrence 
County,  who  had  been  Speaker  of  the  House  for  the  two  preceding 
sessions. 

George  Whitfield  Carr  was  of  a  very  conventional  family.  His  father, 
Thomas  Carr,  was  a  member  of  the  Convention  of  1816,  and  served  in  the 
legislature  afterwards.  His  older  brother,  John  P.  Carr,  was  in  the 
House  or  the  Senate  continuously  from  1835  to  1845,  and  was  also  a 
member  of  the  Convention  of  1850.  George  W.  was  born  on  his  father's 
farm,  on  "Pea  Ridge"  near  Charlestown,  Indiana,  October  7,  1807.  He 
lived  on  the  farm  until  he  was  17,  when  he  was  apprenticed  to  Marma- 
duke  Coffin,  a  tanner,  at  Salem,  and  worked  for  him  for  four  j^ears.  In 
1829,  he  and  his  brother  opened  a  tannery  on  their  father's  farm,  which 
was  continued  until  1831,  when  George  removed  to  Leesville,  in  Lawrence 
County,  and  conducted  a  tannery  there  for  ten  years.  Between  1839 
and  1850  he  was  five  times  elected  representative,  and  three  times  sen- 
ator. After  the  Convention,  Gov.  Wright  appointed  him,  with  Lucian 
Barbour  and  Walter  March,  commissioners  to  revise  and  simplify  the 
Code.  In  the  Whig  convention  of  1852,  George  G.  Dunn,  who  was  an 
adept  in  ridicule,  said  of  this  commission:  "March  is  to  furnish  the 
law,  Barbour  to  read  the  version,  and  if  Carr  can  understand,  it  will 
be  within  the  comprehension  of  all.""  This,  however,  was  merely  for 
Whig  consumption,  for  Carr  was  a  good  presiding  officer,  and  a  very 
level-headed  man.  He  was  Receiver  of  the  Land  Office  at  Jeffersonville 
from  1852  to  1854,  when  the  office  there  was  abolished,  after  which  he 
farmed  the  old  Carr  homestead,  near  Charlestown,  until  1886,  and  then 
removed  to  'CraM'fordsville,  where  he  died  on  May  27,  1892.  He  was  a 
Jackson  Democrat,  later  an  adherent  of  Douglas,  and  after  1860  became 
a  Republican. 

The  first  week  was  consumed  in  organization  and  discussions  of  the 
printing,  the  employment  of  a  stenographer,  and  the  place  of  meeting. 
Jacob  Chapman,  the  State  Printer,  was  also  a  member  of  the  Convention  ; 
and  he  claimed  that  the  printing  was  covered  by  his  contract  with  the 
State.  The  committee  to  which  the  matter  was  referred  held  otherwise, 
but  he  was  a  man  of  influence,  and  the  controversy  dragged  on  until  the 
18th,  when  it  was  settled  by  electing  Austin  H.  Brown  printer  to  the 
Convention.  The  hall  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  where  the  Con- 
vention met,  was  too  small  for  so  large  an  assembly,  was  badly  ventilated, 
and  had  a  leaky  roof.    A  committee  was  appointed  to  rent  the  Masonic 


7  Woollen 's  Sketches,  p.  245. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  443 

Hall,  which  had  just  been  completed,  at  not  more  than  $100  a  month. 
Mr.  Sheets,  the  manager  of  the  haU,  declined  the  proposition,  but  offered 
the  hall  for  $20  a  day.  This  roused  the  wrath  of  a  number  of  the  mem- 
bers, and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  see  what  the  city  of  Madison 
would  do  in  the  way  of  accommodations.  Madison  promptly  offered 
"Jenny  Lind  HaU" — i.  e.  the  pork  house  in  which  Jenny  Lind  had  sung 
— free  of  charge.  This  subject  was  considered  at  length,  and  on  reflec- 
tion that  it  would  cost  too  much  to  move,  the  Convention  decided  to  sta.y 
in  the  Representative  hall,  which  they  did  until  the  session  of  the  legis- 
lature was  at  hand,  when  an  arrangement  was  made  to  get  Masonic  hall 
for  twelve  dollars  a  day,  and  on  December  26  the  Convention  opened  its 
session  there,  and  continued  there  to  its  close.  About  two  days  and  a 
half  had  been  consumed  in  discussion  of  the  extravagance  of  taking  the 
hall,  which  discussion  as  estimated  at  the  time,  cost  the  State  about 
$1,500.8 

The  woi-k  of  the  Convention  may  be  considered  from  the  various 
standpoints.  When  it  adjourned,  on  February  10,  1851,  it  had  been  in 
session  127  days.  The  total  cost  was  $88,280.39,  which  was  not  serious 
of  itself;  but  at  least  half  of  the  session  was  consumed  in  the  discussion 
of  polities,  personal  matters,  and  other  extraneous  subjects,  notwith- 
standing repeated  appeals  from  some  of  the  members  to  confine  attention 
to  the  business  of  the  Convention.  On  December  21,  delegate  James  G. 
Read,  of  Clark  County,  in  advocating  a  more  expeditious  mode  of  amend- 
ment, said  that  if  "such  a  provision  had  been  contained  in  the  present 
constitution,  the  State  would  not  have  been  under  the  necessity  of  ex- 
pending some  eighty  thousand  dollars  in  the  calling  of  this  Convention. 
There  were  but  few  of  its  provisions  that  required  amendment,  and  those 
amendments  could  have  been  easily  made  by  the  legislature  with  the 
approbation  of  the  people,  they  having  the  opportunity  to  accept  or 
reject  the  proposed  amendments.  *  «  *  j  think  our  present  condition 
admonishes  us  that  such  a  provision  ought  to  be  adopted.  We  have  been 
in  session  eleven  weeks,  and  are  not  yet  able  to  say  when  our  work  will 
be  completed.  Indeed  the  end  seems  to  be  as'  far  off  now  as  it  was  at 
the  commencement  of  our  session.  Forty  or  fifty  members  are  now 
absent,  although  perhaps  if  they  stay  away  altogether  we  shall  get  along 
just  as  well.  I  apprehend  the  country  will  not  suffer  much  by  their 
absence;  but,  sir.  they  come  back  here  and  move  to  reconsider  what  has 
been  done  in  their  absence,  and  we  have  to  go  over  the  whole  ground  again- 
This  has  been  the  case  ever  since  the  commencement.  I  have  never  known 
an  instance  where  there  were  so  many  absentees  in  the  case  of  any  de- 


'  Debates,  p.  1227. 


444 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


liberative  body. "  "  Nobody  questioned  this  statement ;  and  it  did  not  occur 
to  anyone  that  the  Convention  itself  could  have  disposed  of  these  "few 
of  its  provisions  that  required  amendment"  in  thirty  days,  without  the 
slightest  difficulty,  for  there  was  practical  agreement  as  to  them  from 
the  start.     There  was  never  any  question  that  the   Convention   would 


William  Sheets 
(From  a  portrait) 

provide  for  biennial  sessions  of  the  legislature  instead  of  annual  sessions, 
or  that  it  would  do  away  with  legislative  divorces,  elections  and  impeach- 
ments, or  that  it  would  abolish  local  legislation  and  associate  judges,  or 
several  other  things  that  had  been  complained  of  for  years.  The  time 
of  the  Convention  was  not  consumed  with  these  matters,  to  any  large 
extent ;  ajid  the  only  objection  to  their  action  as  to  such  matters  is  in 
the  fact  that  they  went  too  far  in  some  things.  It  was  the  old  story  of 
"the  swing  of  the  pendulum." 

9  Debates,  p.  1259. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  445 

For  example,  everybody  was  in  favor  of  doing  away  with  tlie  evils 
of  local  and  special  legislation,  and  section  22,  of  article  4  of  the  con- 
stitution prohibits  legislation  of  that  kind  in  a  long  list  of  cases ;  and  the 
next  section  extends  the  provisions  to  "all  other  cases  where  a  general 
law  can  be  made  applicable,"  so  that  "all  laws  shall  be  general,  and  of 
uniform  operation  throughout  the  State."  One  of  the  expressly  prohibited 
subjects  was  county  and  township  business.  Remonstrance  against  this 
was  made  in  the  Convention.  The  delegates  from  Adams,  Wells,  Dear- 
born, Ohio  and  Switzerland  counties  protested  that  their  people  had  a 
system  of  county  government  by  three  trustees,  which  had  been  originally 
established  in  Dearborn  County  in  1825,  and  which  the  people  desired  to 
retain.  John  Pettit,  of  Tippecanoe,  one  of  the  most  influential  of  the 
Democratic  leaders,  vehemently  opposed  any  exceptions.  He  said:  "Sir, 
we  are  one  people  from  the  Ohio  to  Lake  Michigan ;  and  we  should  have 
but  one  system ;  and  I  am  willing  rather  than  have  any  exception  in 
regard  to  this  matter,  that  the  legislature  should  say  they  will  pass  no 
other  laws  in  reference  to  township  business,  but  that  they  would  consider 
the  law  as  it  exists  in  the  counties  of  Adams,  and  Wells,  and  Dearborn, 
and  Ohio  and  Switzerland,  as  the  law  of  the  whole  State."  ^°  This  view 
prevailed,  and  it  has  been  a  source  of  complaint  ever  since,  especially 
as  to  city  and  town  government,  although  the  provision  of  the  constitu- 
tion has  been  largely  evaded  by  the  system  of  "classification"  to  which 
the  courts  have  resorted.  In  reality  Pettit 's  position  was  a  distortion  of 
the  real  demand,  which  was  to  cut  off  the  unnecessary  expense  and  waste 
of  time  involved  in  legislative  consideration  of  local  and  special  matters 
that  could  better  be  decided  by  others,  or  disposed  of  under  general 
laws ;  and  not  to  establish  a  Procrustean  bed  to  which  every  locality  must 
fit  itself.  For  example,  if  Terre  Haute  should  desire  to  try  the  com- 
mission form  of  government,  there  is  no  reason  why  any  other  city 
should  object;  nor  is  it  imaginable  that  the  "oneness"  of  the  people 
would  be  disturbed  by  varying  systems  of  local  government.  On  the 
other  hand,  this  requirement  to  stay  in  the  rut  has  been  a  formidable 
obstruction  to  progress,  for  no  locality  could  go  forward  with  local 
reform  until  the  entire  State  was  ready  to  move. 

It  is  also  notable  that  some  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  convention  spoke 
very  seldom,  and  usually  to  prevent  the  Convention  from  adopting  some 
absurdity.  David  Wallace  was  one  of  these.  An  accomplished  orator, 
and  easily  the  mental  equal  of  any  man  in  the  Convention,  his  only 
speech  of  any  length,  and  that  not  very  long,  was  in  opposition  to  Pettit 's 
resolution  to  abolish  grand  juries.     Pettit,  who  was  both  dogmatic  and 


10  Debates,  pp.  1770-1. 


446  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

illogical,  objected  to  the  grand  jury  system  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
trying  a  man  without  giving  him  an  opportunity  for  defense,  and  about 
half  of  the  Convention  adopted  his  logic,  overlooking  the  fact  that  al- 
though the  grand  juries  occasionally  indicted  men  who  were  acquitted 
on  trial,  they  much  more  frequently  relieved  persons  wrongfully  accused 
of  offenses,  from  trial,  without  publicity  and  the  expense  of  defense. 
This  subject  was  debated  at  gi-eat  length  although  no  amendment  of  the 
kind  had  ever  been  proposed  before  this  occasion.  Finally  William  S. 
Holman,  who  occupied  the  floor  very  seldom,  offered  an  amendment, 
leaving  control  of  the  matter  to  the  legislature.  This  amendment  was 
strongly  supported  by  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  another  member  who  spoke 
but  rarely,  and  this  course  was  taken  by  the  Convention,  with  the  result 
that  the  grand  jury  system  is  still  in  existence.  In  this  connection  may 
be  noted  the  most  vicious  form  of  lunacy  that  developed  in  the  Con- 
vention. With  all  the  experience  of  the  State  and  the  country  in  wild- 
cat banking,  and  with  fifteen  years'  experience  of  the  security  of  the 
State  Bank  of  Indiana,  the  Convention  wanted  "free  banks."  Jackson's 
fight  on  the  United  States  Bank  had  produced  a  general  idea  that  oppo- 
sition to  any  kind  of  a  state  bank  was  a  hall  mark  of  true  democracy. 
The  State  Bank  was  a  monopoly;  it  was  bringing  wealth  to  a  favored 
few ;  it  did  not  furnish  enough  paper  money  for  the  community ;  and  it 
preferred  loaning  money  to  farmers,  on  tangible  security,  to  loaning  it 
to  anyone  who  asked  for  it,  on  any  sort  of  security  offered.  Mr.  Hen- 
dricks called  the  attention  of  the  Convention  to  the  fact  that  what  the 
State  was  really  interested  in  was  not  the  kind  of  banks  but  the  security 
of  the  bills  issued  by  them,  and  he  offered  an  amendment  containing 
eight  provisions  to  guarantee  the  circulation  and  other  debts  of  the 
banks,  which  were  adopted.  The  eighth  provision  was:  "No  notes  or 
bills  shall  be  issued  as  money,  except  upon  a  specie  basis,  which  shall  be 
paid  in  by  the  stockholders  before  any  issues  are  made."  The  committee 
on  revision  took  the  liberty  of  changing  this  to  a  provision  that  "their 
notes  shall  at  all  times  be  redeemable  in  gold  and  silver";  and  this  was 
not  discovered  by  the  Convention  until  February  8,  two  days  before  the 
adjournment  of  the  Convention.  An  attempt  was  made  to  have  the 
adoption  of  their  report  reconsidered,  but  the  free  bank  men  were  able 
to  defeat  it.  Mr.  Hendricks  appears  not  to  have  been  present  on  that 
day,  but  Mr.  Wallace  called  the  attention  of  the  Convention  to  the  fact 
that  this  gave  no  security  for  the  bank  bills;  and  so  it  proved  in  the 
disastrous  experience  of  the  next  five  years. i'  The  legislature  of  1851-2 
promptly  passed  a  free  banking  law  which  took  effect  on  July  1,  1852, 


"Debates,  pp.   1501-7,  2051-6. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  4^7 

and  which  provided  for  the  issue  of  paper  money,  countersigned  by  the 
Auditor  of  State,  and  stamped  "Secured  by  the  pledge  of  public  stocks." 
The  security  deposited  with  the  Auditor  might  consist  of  two-thirds 
United  States  or  State  stocks,  with  a  discrimination  in  favor  of  Indiana 
bonds,  and  one-third  of  real  estate  mortgages.  Indiana  bonds  were  at  a 
discount  of  over  50  per  cent  on  the  New  York  market,  and  real  estate 
mortgages  could  be  made  to  order.  Within  six  months  fifteen  banks  had 
been  started,  and  had  taken  out  $800,000  of  circulation,  depositing 
$910,000  face  value  of  bonds.  By  May,  1854,  there  was  $9,000,000  of 
free  bank  money  in  circulation,  when  the  Crimean  war  caused  a  drain  of 
gold  to  Europe,  and  a  call  for  specie  payments  in  this  country.  The 
free  banks  did  not  have  the  specie  to  protect  their  bills,  and  their  se- 
curities deposited  with  the  State  coidd  not  be  converted  into  specie. 
Then  the  people  realized  the  fallacy  of  securing  a  debt  by  a  debt,  which 
Hendricks  had  explained  to  the  Convention.  Considerable  of  this  money 
is  still  preserved  in  museums  and  collections  of  curios,  but  it  is  seldom 
recognized  as  a  monument  to  ' '  the  wisdom  of  our  forefathers, ' '  which  is 
so  much  in  evidence  in  regulation  discussions  of  any  change  of  our 
constitution. 

One  of  the  most  important  changes  made  by  the  Convention  was  in 
the  matter  of  elections  and  appointments.     There  is  no  room  for  doubt 
that  the  old  "short  ballot"  system  had  become  thoroughly  unpopular, 
although  there  is  no  record  of  any  formal  effort  to  change  it  by  constitu- 
tional amendment.    It  consumed  the  time  of  the  legislature,  was  a  prolific 
source  of  "log-rolling,"  and  built  up  a  political  machine.    The  movement 
for  the  abolition  of  the  system,  which  had  been  universal  in  the  United 
States,  was  general  throughout  the  country,  as  was  manifest  in  the  new 
constitutions  of  other  states.    Its  strength  in  Indiana  is  evident  from  the 
Whig  resolutions  of  1850  for  the  substitution  of  popular  elections.    These 
would  never  have  been  adopted  if  public  sentiment  on  the  question  had 
not  been  clear  and  well  defined.    But  in  this  also,  the  pendulum  swung 
too  far  in  making  the  Supreme  and  Circuit  judges  elective.    It  is-true 
that  the  greatest  popular  resentment  had  been  raised  in  Indiana  over  the 
use   of  the   appointing  power  had   been   in   the   appointments  to   the 
Supreme  Court  by  Governors  Ray  and  Whitcomb,  but  in  both  cases  the 
complaint  was  of  the  failure  to  reappoint  the  holding  judges.    The  plain 
teaching  of  this  experience  was  that  the  fault  of  the  old  system  was  not 
in  the  appointing  power,  but  in  the  tenure  of  the  judges.    At  the  present 
time  there  is  a  very  general  consensus  of  opinion  that  the  best  system  is 
the  appointment,  of  Supreme  judges  at  least,  for  life,  or  during  good 
behavior ;  and  there  would  probably  be  almost  a  general  consensus  that 
the  old  Indiana  system,  even  with  its  seven  years'  term,  was  a  great  deal 


448  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

better  than  the  elective  system  adopted  in  1851.  As  to  the  "log-rolling," 
the  reform  adopted  by  the  Convention  was  altogether  commendable. 
This  was  Section  19  of  Article  4,  ' '  Everj'  act  shall  embrace  but  one  sub- 
ject Eind  matter  properly  connected  therewith;  which  subject  shall  be 
expressed  in  the  title.  But  if  any  subject  shall  be  embraced  in  an  act 
which  shall  not  be  embraced  in  the  title,  such  act  shall  be  void  only  as 
to  so  much  thereof  as  shall  not  be  expressed  in  the  title. ' '  The  only  ob- 
jection to  this  is  that  the  courts  have  made  arbitrary  and  conflicting 
constructions  of  the  language,  with  the  result  that  cautious  drawers  of 
legislative  bills  often  make  their  titles  very  cumbersome,  and  in  case  of 
amendment  the  titles  at  times  become  absurd.  The  effort  has  been  made 
several  times  to  remedy  this  by  adopting  the  English  practice  of  per- 
mitting a  declaration  in  a  bill  of  a  brief  title  by  which  it  shall  be  known, 
but  this  has  not  yet  been  accomplished. 

Another  section  conunendable  in  purpose,  but  short-sighted  in  its 
wording,  is  section  24  of  the  same  article:  "Provision  may  be  made,  by 
general  law,  for  bringing  suit  against  the  State,  as  to  all  liabilities  origi- 
nating after  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution ;  but  no  special  act  author- 
izing such  suit  to  be  brought,  or  making  compensation  to  any  person 
claiming  damages  against  the  State  shall  ever  be  passed."  "Why  this 
should  have  been  limited  to  future  claims  is  not  apparent,  unless  it  was 
due  to  the  pending  Vineennes  University  claim ;  and  if  that  was  the 
cause,  it  left  the  legislature  free  to  make  the  additional  compensation 
which  it  afterwards  gave  in  that  case.  Neither  is  it  apparent  why  this 
section  was  not  made  obligatory.  The  legislature  has  not  yet  provided 
for  all  claims  to  be  heard  by  the  courts,  and  claims  are  constantly  pre- 
sented to  the  legislature  for  adjustment  which  could  much  more  satis- 
factorily be  settled  by  the  courts.  It  is  obvious  that  if  the  principle  of 
separation  of  the  powers  of  government  is  correct,  as  practically  all 
Americans  believe,  the  legislature  should  be  divested  of  all  judicial 
powers.  The  provision  for  "a  uniform  and  equal  rate  of  assessment  and 
taxation"  with  "a  just  valuation  for  taxation  of  all  property,  both  real 
and  personal"  was  wise  enough  in  the  day  and  generation  in  which  it 
was  adopted,  but  its  plain  purpose  to  limit  taxation  to  real  and  personal 
property  has  stood  as  an  unconquerable  obstacle  to  every  effort  to  get 
actually  equal  taxation,  by  means  of  an  income  tax,  or  any  othei'  mode 
than  the  general  property  tax.  The  failure  to  provide  a  just  and  equal 
system  of  taxation  has  been  the  cause  of  more  injustice  to  the  people 
of  Indiana  than  all  other  forms  of  misgovernment  combined.  Primarily 
this  is  the  fault  of  the  people  themselves,  because  they  do  not  insist  on 
the  enforcement  of  the  tax  laws.  Demands  for  law  enforcement  are 
common  enough,  and  insistent  enough,  but  thev  are  commonly  confined 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


449 


to  liquor  and  social  evil  laws,  and  overlook  the  more  inexcusable  and 
more  vicious  violation  of  the  tax  laws. 

The  recognition  of  God  in  the  preamble  was  not  due  to  any  particular 
reverence,  on  the  part  of  the  delegates,  but  to  a  petition  from  the  people 
of  Gibson  County.  It  occasioned  considerable  debate,  but  was  finally 
adopted  by  a  vote  of  124  to  1,  the  objector  being  Judge  Pettit  who  never 


-^s. 


neglected  an  opportunity  to  air  his  hostility  to  religion.  Pettit  was  one 
of  Indiana's  most  noted  freaks.  He  was  born  at  Sackett's  Harbor, 
N.  Y.,  where  his  father  was  a  shipbuilder.  His  parents  were  pious  folk, 
and  desired  to  educate  him  for  the  ministry,  but  he  early  developed  a 
dislike  for  theologj',  and  refused  to  continue  his  collegiate  course  imless 
the  plan  was  abandoned,  and  he  was  allowed  to  study  law.  To  this  his 
parents  reluctantly  consented,  but  the  president  of  the  college  entered 
on  a  special  campaign  to  convert  the  young  rebel,  and  finally  succeeded 


450  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

in  making  him  so  angry  that  he  ran  away,  and  found  a  job  as  office  boy 
with  Judge  Potter,  of  Waterloo.  In  1830  he  started  west;  stopped  to 
teach  school  for  a  year  near  Troy,  Ohio,  and  on  May  12,  1831,  aj'rived 
at  Lafayette,  with  a  fortune  of  $3.  He  had  a  forcible,  rather  rough  style 
of  oratory,  that  took  with  the  frontier  population,  and  a  fair  share  of 
native  ability.  He  soon  attained  standing  at  the  bar,  and  in  1838,  was 
elected  to  the  legislature.  In  1839  he  was  appointed  U.  S.  District  At- 
torney for  Indiana,  which  office  he  filled  until  1843,  when  he  was  elected 
to  Congress.  By  this  time  his  hatred  of  Christianity  had  become  an  ob- 
session, and  he  obtained  notoriety  by  objecting  to  the  appointment  of  a 
Chaplain  to  the  House  of  Representatives.  12  But  he  was  conceded  to  be 
honest,  and  his  peculiar  form  of  independence  did  not  affect  him  polit- 
icall}-.  He  was  elected  U.  S.  Senator  in  1853,  for  Whitcomb's  unexpired 
term ;  Judge  of  the  Tippecanoe  Circuit  Court  in  1855 ;  appointed  Chief 
Justice  of  Kansas  Territory  in  1859 ;  elected  City  Attorney  of  Lafayette 
in  1861 ;  Mayor  of  Lafayette  in  1867 ;  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  in 
1870.  He  served  as  Supreme  Judge  for  six  years,  retiring  January  1, 
1877,  and  died  June  17,  1877,;  at  Lafayette.  When  he  was  intoxicated, 
which  was  quite  usual  inhis  later  y6ars,  his  flow  of  blasphemy  and  scur- 
rility was  so  picturesque  that  it  was  almost  entertaining. 

The  bill  of  rights,  which  is  always  relied  upon  as  strong  evidence  of 
the  wisdom  of  the  fathers, ;ii|;;%  statement  of  fundamental  principles  that 
are  the  result  of  the  growtKi  of  centuries,  proclaimed  at  various  times  in 
Magna  Charta,  the  Bill  of  Rights,  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and 
other  epoch  markers.  They  are  substantially  the  same  in  all  American 
constitutions,  and  there  are  only  two  points  that  are  additional  to  the 
declaration  in  the  Constitution  of  1816,  as  to  religious  liberty.  They  are 
that  no  person  shall  be  made  incompetent  as  a  witness  on  account  of 
religious  views,  and  no  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury  for  the 
benefit  of  any  religious  or  theological  institution.  These  were  included 
in  several  new  constitutions  adopted  shortly  before  the  Indiana  Consti- 
tution, and  are  included  in  spirit,  if  not  in  letter,  in  the  Constitution  of 
1816.  The  right  of  trial  by  jury,  which  was  not  guaranteed  by  the  old 
Constitution  in  civil  cases  involving  less  than  twenty  dollars,  or  in  crim- 
inal cases  pmiishable  by  fine  of  not  over  three  dollars,  was  extended  to  all 
civil  and  criminal  cases.  The  principle  of  exemption  of  a  reasonable 
amount  of  the  property  of  a  debtor  from  seiziire  for  debt  was  asserted, 
which  although  not  included  in  the  Constitution  of  1816,  had  been  recog- 
nized in  the  laws,  to  the  extent  of  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars. 
A  new  provision  of  importance  was  that:  "The  General  Assembly  shall 
not  grant  to  any  citizen,  or  class  of  citizens,  privileges  or  immunities, 


1=  IiulianapoHs  Journal,   Jan.   1,  1847. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  451 

which,  upon  the  same  terms,  shall  not  equally  belong  to  all  citizens." 
Another  new  provision  was  that  no  man 's  property  should  be  taken  with- 
out just  compensation  first  assessed  and  tendered,  except  by  the  State. 
The  exception  ought  to  have  been  restricted  to  cases  of  necessity,  as  the 
State  should  be  just,  as  well  as  compelling  its  citizens  to  be  just. 

The  most  reprehensible  action  of  the  Convention  was  its  regulation  of 
suffrage.  There  can  be  no  question  of  the  allegiance  of  Jesse  D.  Bright 
to  the  Democratic  party,  nor  of  his  full  knowledge  of  the  policies  of  the 
Convention.  Very  shortly  after  its  adjournment  he  said  :  "I  am  opposed 
to  that  clause  in  the  new  Constitution  allowing  foreigners  to  vote,  and 
am  sorry  it  is  there.  Both  parties  tried  to  see  how  far  they  could  go  to 
get  the  foreign  vote.  If  it  was  left  open,  as  the  negro  clause,  it  would 
be  voted  down  by  twenty  thousand  votes. "'^  This  expression  from  a 
Democratic  United  States  Senator,  is  the  more  notable  because  his 
brother,  Michael  G.  Bright,  was  a  member  of  the  Convention,  and  made 
the  motion  that  five  thousand  copies  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  Ad- 
dress to  the  Electors  in  support  of  it,  which  had  been  prepared  by 
Robert  Dale  Owen,  and  adopted  by  the  Convention,  be  printed  in  the 
German  language.^'*  If  there  were  any  question  as  to  the  accuracy  of 
his  declaration  it  would  be  removed  by  an  examination  of  the  record. 
The  Convention  not  only  removed  the  requirement  that  voters  should 
be  citizens  of  the  United  States,  which  required  five  years'  residence, 
but  reduced  the  residence  in  the  State  from  one  year  to  six  months.  The 
only  rational  thing  in  the  provision  was  the  restriction  of  the  right  of 
voting  to  the  township  or  precinct  where  the  voter  resided,  instead  of 
the  county,  as  provided  by  the  old  Constitution,  and  which  privilege 
had  been  abused  by  the  purchasable  voters  flocking  to  the  county  seats, 
where  treating  was  most  profuse,  but  where  they  had  no  real  interest  in 
the  local  candidates  for  whom  they  voted.  But  the  Convention  made  no 
provisions  as  to  registration,  or  period  of  local  residence,  which  might 
interfere  with  the  voting  of  some  newly  arrived  foreigner,  and  this  was 
the  source  of  many  frauds  later  in  the  colonization  of  voters  from  one 
county  in  another  where  their  votes  were  desired.  In  the  debate  the 
discussion  was  chiefly  as  to  whether  the  Democrats  or  the  "Whigs  were  the 
true  friends  of  the  foreigner.  A  forcible  appeal  was  made  to  self -interest 
on  the  ground  that  other  states  would  get  the  immigration  which  Indiana  ' 
desired,  if  the  broadest  inducements  in  the  privileges  of  citizenship  were 
not  offered;  and  Pettit  offered  a  salve  to  patriotic  qualms  by  the  state- 
ment: "Sir,  these  foreigners  vote  just  as  we  vote.  It  might  as  well  be 
said  that  we  would  endeavor  to  overthrow  the  institutions  of  the  country. 


1^  Journal,   July  19,   1851. 
14  Debates,  p.  2066. 


452  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

as  that  they  will.  They  vote  either  with  the  Whigs  or  with  the  Demo- 
crats. If  they  vote  with  the  Democrats,  there  is  no  danger  ('consent' 
and  laughter).  And  I  will  not  say  that  if  they  vote  with  the  Whigs, 
there  would  be  danger.    The  only  effect  is  to  swell  the  vote."  ^'' 

But  this  was  not  the  only  effect.  These  loose  provisions  opened  the 
doors  for  a  carnival  of  election  frauds  that  have  disgraced  the  State, 
and  from  which  it  still  suffers,  notwithstanding  the  palliatives  that  have 
been  attempted  by  legislation.  Urgent  calls  for  remedies  were  made 
by  Governors,  of  all  parties,  almost  from  the  inauguration  of  the  new 
policy,  but  the  evil  was  a  disease  of  the  blood,  which  could  not  be  cured 
by  applying  salves  and  lotions  to  the  skin.i^  In  addition  to  that,  it  led 
all  parties  to  bid  for  the  foreign  vote,  and  this  logically  resulted  in  the 
segregation  of  that  vote  on  racial  lines,  and  its  demand  for  the  highest 
political  price.  The  Democrats  held  it  until  the  Civil  war,  and  then  lost 
it  on  the  slavery  question.  After  the  war  they  bought  it  back  on  the 
liquor  question,  and  lost  it  again  on  the  money  question.  During  the 
two-thirds  of  a  century  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  there  has 
been  an  almost  continuous  effort  on  all  sides  to  get  ' '  the  German  Ameri- 
can vote"  and  "  the  Irish  American  vote"  that  has  led  to  repeated  out- 
breaks of  nativism  in  the  form  of  secret  organizations  opposed  to  even 
reasonable  treatment  of  foreigners.  Instead  of  the  amalgamation  and 
harmony  which  it  was  predicted  would  result  from  the  policy,  it  has 
been  a  perpetual  cause  of  discord,  prejudice,  and  racial  animosity.  Its 
danger  in  time  of  war  is  now  being  forcibly  impressed  on  the  whole 
American  people,  and  will  no  doubt  lead  to  a  correction  of  this  folly 
at  no  distant  time  in  Indiana.  In  the  entire  period  there  has  been  only 
one  benefit  from  it,  and  that  was  not  contemplated.  The  older  Germans 
clung  tenaciously  not  only  to  their  manners  and  customs,  but  also  to 
their  langiiage.  The  first  concession  to  this  sentiment  was  having  the 
laws  printed  in  German,  and  this  was  continued  for  years  by  all 
parties.  But  wherever  the  Germans  were  sufficiently  numerous,  they 
maintained  separate  schools,  in  which  the  instruction  was  in  German. 
As  they  paid  the  same  taxes  for  the  public  schools  as  other  people, 
the  next  political  move,  in  1869,  was  to  have  German  taught  in  the 
public  schools,  in  order  to  relieve  them  of  this  self-imposed  burden. 
The  German  schools  were  gradually  discontinued ;  but  instead  of  anybody 
learning  German  in  the  public  schools  the  effect  was  to  Americanize  the 
rising  generation  of  Germans.  In  years  of  observation,  I  have  never 
found  a  solitary  person  who  ever  learned  to  read,  write  or  speak  the 
German  language  in  the  public  schools  of  Indiana.    It  appears  probable 


15  Debates,  p.  1303. 

'»  For  detailed  statement  see  Constitution  Making  in  Indiana,  pp.  xcv-cxvii. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  453 

that  this  German  instruction  is  doomed  to  go,  but  its  effect  of  breaking 
up  the  separate  German  schools  was  well  worth  all  it  has  cost  the  tax- 
payers. 

The  atmosphere  of  local  and  personal  prejudice  that  pervaded  the 
Convention  was  conspicuously  displayed  in  the  discussion  of  law  re- 
form.   On  one  side  learned  lawyers  contended  vigorously  for  the  preser- 
vation of  antiquated  forms,  and  the  absurd  intricacies  of  special  plead- 
ing, on  the  ground  of  the  time-tested  excellences  of  the  Common  Law, 
as  if  the  excellences  of  that  system  were  any  reason  for  retaining  its 
evils.     On  the  other  side  the  non-professionals,  mostly  farmers,  were 
determined  that  the  law  should  no  longer  be  a  learned  science ;  and,  being 
in  majority,  they  carried  their  idea  to  the  extreme  of  providing  that, 
"Every  person  of  good  moral  character,  being  a  voter,  shall  be  entitled 
to  admission  to  practice  law  in  all  courts  of  justice."    The  efforts  of 
lawj'ers  who  take  some  pride  in  the  standing  of  their  profession  to  get 
rid  of  this  provision  have  been  futile.    Even  some  persons  of  ordinary 
intelligence  meet  the  demand  with  the  argument  that  "It  is  the  smart 
lawyers  that  do  the  damage,  and  not  the  poor  ones."    The  fact  that 
the  "damage"  done  by  the  smart  ones  is  increased  by  having  the  poor 
ones  to  oppose  them,  has  had  no  more  effect  on  the  voters  than  the  consid- 
eration that  the  injury  done  by  a  poor  lawyer  is  not  to  himself  but  to  his 
client.    There  is,  of  course,  no  more  reason  why  a  person  of  good  moral 
character  should  be  held  out  to  the  public  as  selling  a  good  quality  of 
legal  counsel,  that  he  does  not  possess,  than  that  a  grocer  of  good  moral 
character  should  be  allowed  to  sell  oleomargarine  for  butter.    In  reality 
the  grocer  could  not  possibly  do  so  much  harm  to  his  fellow  citizens  as 
the  poor  lawyer.     The  simplification  of  the  law  was  a  step  of  progress 
that  has  been  fully  vindicated.    The  only  difficulty  is  that  the  courts, 
by  means  of  rules  and  precedents,  have  gradually  built  up  a  system  that 
is  almost  as  complicated  and  technical  as  that  of  the  Common  Law,  which 
grew  up  in  the  same  way.     It  was  especially  the  intention  of  the  Con- 
vention to  abolish  all  fictions  of  the  law,  but  some  of  them  are  still 
retained,  and  still  obstruct  the  doing  of  justice.    For  example,  the  only 
way  in  which  the  constitutionality  of  a  law  can  be  tested  before  it  is 
put  in  force,  is  by  injunction,  and  to  maintain  an  injunction  suit  the 
complainant  must  allege  and  prove  some  personal   injury  that  would 
result.    For  this  reason,  the  law  for  a  constitutional  convention,  passed 
at  the  session  of  1916-17,  could  not  be  tested  until  it  was  duly  published, 
for  it  was  not  a  law  until  that  time.     The  plaintiff  alleged  a  threatened 
injury  to  himself,  which  was  sufficient  under  judicial  rulings,  although 
he  could  not  in  fact  be  injured  any  more  than  any  other  person  who 
objected  to  the  convention.    By  the  time  a  decision  was  obtained  from  the 


454  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Supreme  Court,  a  large  expense  had  been  incurred  in  the  registration 
of  voters,  provided  for  by  the  law.  The  delay  of  the  decision  on  the 
woman's  .suffrage  law,  passed  at  the  same  session,  increased  the  trouble 
and  the  expense.  Under  a  rational  system  the  whole  question  could  have 
been  settled  within  thirty  days  after  the  adjournment  of  the  legislature, 
and  the  expense  of  i-egistration  avoided.  By  a  similar  fiction,  the  appeal  * 
of  Governor  Marshall  in  his  constitution  case,  was  disposed  of  on  the 
technicality  that  he  had  appealed  as  Governor  and  not  as  an  individual 
who  was  damaged.  Hence  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  would 
not  decide  whether  a  republican  form  of  government  in  Indiana  was 
destroyed  by  the  Judicial  Department  usurping  the  functions  of  the 
Executive  and  Legislative  Departments.  And  yet  who  was  damaged  if 
those  Departments  were  not?  The  damage  to  any  individual  must  have 
been  purely  theoretical. 

The  most  picturesque  contest  in  the  Convention  was  the  losing  fight 
of  Robert  Dale  Owen  for  independent  property  rights  for  married 
women.  In  fact  it  was  so  picturesque  that  it  has  left  a  common  im- 
pression that  Owen,  single-handed  and  alone,  invaded  a  benighted  com- 
monwealth, and  wrested  from  its  unwilling  representatives  the  estab- 
lishment of  woman's  present  status  in  Indiana.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
the  work  of  removing  the  Common  Law  disabilities  of  women  had  been 
inaugurated  four  years  earlier,  by  the  act  of  January  23,  1847,  which 
provided:  "That  no  real  estate  whereof  any  married  woman  was  or  may 
be  seized,  or  otherwise  entitled  to  at  the  time  of  her  marriage,  or  which 
she  has  or  may  fairly  acquire  during  her  coverture,  or  any  interest 
therein,  shall  be  liable  for  the  debts  of  her  husband ;  but  the  same  and  all 
interest  therein,  and  all  rents  and  profits  arising  therefrom,  shall  be 
deemed  and  taken  to  be  her  separate  property,  free  and  clear  from  any 
and  all  claim  or  claims  of  the  creditors  or  legal  representatives  of  her 
husband,  as  fully  as  if  she  had  never  been  married :  Provided,  That  this 
law  shall  not  be  construed' as  to  apply  to  debts  contracted  by  such  married 
woman  before  such  marriage,  but  in  all  such  cases  her  said  property  shall 
be  first  liable  therefor."  This  act  was  introduced  by  Jonathan  S.  Harvey, 
a  native  Hoosier,  born  in  Wayne  County,  January  16,  1817.  He  became 
a  lawyer,  and  located  in  Hendricks  County,  from  which  he  was  several 
times  elected  to  the  legislature,  as  a  Whig.  He  was  one  of  the  founders 
of  the  Republican  party  in  Indiana,  and  a  delegate  from  the  Indian- 
apolis congressional  district  to  the  Republican  National  Convention  of 
18.56,  which  nominated  Fremont.  In  1858  he  was  made  president  of  the 
Jefifer.sonville  branch  of  the  State  Bank,  and  in  1861  was  elected  Treas- 
urer of  State  on  the  Republican  ticket,  serving  until  1863.    His  bill  met 


456  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

with  general  approval  in  the  legislature  of  1846-7,  and  passed  the  House 
by  a  vote  of  72  to  17,  and  in  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  38  to  9.'' 

In  the  Convention  of  1850,  Mr.  Owen  was  made  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee on  rights  and  privileges  of  the  people  of  the  State.  On  October 
19  he  moved  the  instruction  of  this  committee  to  inquire  into  the  expe- 
diency of  incorporating  in  the  hill  of  rights  this  section:  "Women  here- 
after married  in  this  state  shall  have  the  right  to  acquire  and  possess 
property,  to  their  sole  use  and  disposal ;  and  laws  shall  be  passed,  secur- 
ing to  them,  under  equitable  conditions,  all  property,  real  and  personal, 
whether  owned  by  them  before  marriage,  or  acquired  afterwards,  by 
purchase,  gift,  devise  or  descent,  and  also  providing  for  the  registration 
of  the  wife's  separate  property."  This  was  reported  without  change  on 
October  29,  with  another  section  providing  that:  "Laws  shall  be  passed 
securing  to  women  now  married,  the  right  to  all  propertj'  hereafter  to 
be  acquired  by  them,  in  every  case  in  which  such  married  women,  in 
conjunction  with  their  husbands,  shall  file  for  record,  in  the  recorder's 
office  of  the  county  in  which  they  reside,  a  declaration,  duly  attested, 
expressing  the  desire  of  the  parties  to  come  under  the  provisions  of  such 
law."  On  November  13,  the  debate  was  opened  by  Jlr.  Owen  with  a 
statement  of  the  Indiana  law  as  it  then  stood.  As  to  real  estate  a  widow 
had  only  a  life  estate  in  her  husband's  lands  to  the  extent  of  one-third 
of  the  rents  and  profits,  while  a  widower  had  a  life  estate  in  all  of  his 
wife's  land  as  tenant  by  courtesy.  At  marriage,  all  of  the  wife's  per- 
sonal property,  except  necessary  wearing  apparel,  became  the  property 
of  the  husband,  and  all  that  she  acquired  afterwards  as  earnings  or  from 
other  sources.  He  told  of  two  scoundrels  who  married  two  sisters  in 
Kentucky,  and  brought  them  to  New  Harmony.  Leaving  the  girls  at  a 
cabin  in  the  country,  they  returned  to  town,  opened  several  boxes  con- 
taining their  bridal  outfits  of  clothing  and  household  goods,  sold  them 
at  auction,  and  decamped.  Proposals  to  follow  them  were  stopped  by 
information  that  they  could  not  be  punished,  as  they  had  only  sold  their 
own  property.  Referring  to  the  law  of  1847,  which  secured  the  wife 
her  real  estate,  he  asked:  "Do  we  mete  out  fair  and  equal  justice  to 
rich  and  poor,  when  we  enact  laws  to  protect  the  land-owner  in  her  rents, 
and  neglect  to  afford  similar  protection  to  the  less  fortunate  and  wealthy  ? 
To  her  who  owns,  perhaps,  but  a  single  hundred  dollars'  worth  of  prop- 
erty? Or  a  graver  injustice  yet,  to  her  who  has  inherited  nothing  but 
willing  hands  and  a  stout  heart,  and  who  but  asks,  in  case  a  vagabond 
husband  leave  her  to  toil  on,  unaided,  in  fulfillment  of  the  duties  he 
violates  and  neglects,  that  the  law  will  secure  to  her,  that,  to  which  every 
human  being  has  an  inherent  right,  the  ownership  of  the  produce  of 

17  H.  J.,  p.  360;    S.  J.,  p.  470. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  457 

her  own  labor."  He  read  from  a  letter  from  Chancellor  Kent,  that  he 
was  "not  insensible  to  the  many  harsh  features  contained  in  the  English 
Common  Law  code  relative  to  the  relation  of  husband  and  wife";  and 
from  a  letter  from  Judge  Story:  "The  present  state  of  the  Common 
Law,  with  regard  to  the  rights  of  property  between  husband  and  wife, 
is  inequitable,  unjust,  and  ill  adapted  to  the  purposes  of  a  refined  and 
civilized  society."  He  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  nearly  half  of 
the  states,  including  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Maine,  Ohio,  Wisconsin, 
Arkansas,  Florida,  Alabama,  Texas  and  California,  had  already  made 
women  independent  owners  of  property,  and  that  it  was  a  principle  of 
the  Civil  Law,  which  was  in  force  in  Louisiana.  This  was  the  substance 
of  his  ease,  and  his  position  was  logically  impregnable. 

But  it  was  an  assault  on  an  established  custom,  and  what  was  to  be 
given  to  the  wife  was  taken  from  the  husband,  who  did  the  voting.  It 
was  met  by  the  host  of  arguments  that  are  always  to  be  found  for  an 
intrenched  wrong,  and  the  debate  took  a  range  almost  as  broad  as  human 
life.  The  proposal  was  unjust  to  the  husband,  who  was  responsible  for 
his  wife's  debts,  contracted  before  or  after  marriage.  It  would  destroy 
the  unity  and  harmony  of  the  marriage  relation  which  was  the  special 
merit  of  Christian  and  Common  Law  marriage.  The  superiority  of  the 
Common  Law  over  the  Civil  Law  in  this  respect  was  shown  by  the  fact 
that  in  the  Common  Law  countries  of  England  and  the  United  States, 
woman  stood  higher  morally,  intellectually  and  socially  than  in  the 
Civil  Law  countries  of  Europe,  and  Central  and  South  America.  Was  it 
desired  to  bring  Indiana  women  to  the  condition  of  those  in  Mexico, 
which  had  been  made  familiar  to  everybody  during  the  recent  Mexican 
War?  The  subject  was  not  a  proper  one  to  introduce  in  the  constitution 
because  it  was  a  legislative  matter  which  the  representatives  of  the 
people  should  be  left  free  to  act  upon  as  their  constituents  might  from 
time  to  time  direct.  There  was  a  tendency  to  go  to  extremes.  Some 
women  were  already  demanding  the  right  to  vote,  and-  others  were 
trying  to  introduce  dress  reform  in  the  shape  of  bloomer  costumes. 
If  this  went  on,  it  would  soon  come  to  pass  that  women  would  take  the 
place  of  men,  and  men  would  stay  at  home,  wash  dishes,  and  tend  to  the 
children.  There  was  no  demand  from  the  women  of  the  state  for  this 
change;  and  if  they  wanted  it,  they  would  say  so,  and  delegates  would 
vote  for  it.  Worst  of  all,  it  was  a  blow  at  Christianity,  which  enjoined 
woman  to  be  submissive  to  her  husband,  who  was  the  head  of  the  family, 
and  not  to  be  put  on  an  equality  with  him.  This  was  especially  the  plea 
of  Mr.  Badger,  the  delegate  from  Putnam  County,  who  offered  to  demon- 
strate that  the  proposal  was  "contrary  to  the  genius  and  spirit  of  the 
Christian  Scriptures"  if  any  gentleman  were  willing  "to  assume  the 


458  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

negative  of  this  proposition."    Owen  was  willing,  and  a  theological  debate 
resulted. 

Oliver  P.  Badger  was  born  in  Kentucky,  January  9,  1819.  His  father, 
David  Badger,  a  Pennsylvanian  by  birth,  moved  to  Putnam  County  in 
1833,  where  Oliver  grew  up  on  a  farm.  They  were  New  Lights,  and 
Oliver  was  a  youth  "of  great  piety  and  religious  zeal."  He  began 
preaching  at  the  age  of  nineteen  and  soon  gained  a  local  reputation  as 
an  expounder  of  the  scriptures.  There  is  no  reason  to  question  that  he 
was  thoroughly  conscientious  in  his  position.  Like  most  of  the  religious 
people  of  his  day,  he  regarded  the  King  James  version  of  the  Bible  as 
the  inspired  word  of  God  from  cover  to  cover,  and  his  elaborate  quota- 
tions from  the  Old  Testament  and  the  Pauline  epistles  sustained  his 
proposition.  Owen  made  an  ingenious  answer,  demonstrating  that  there 
were  many  things  in  the  Mosaic  law  which  nobody  would  think  of  adopt- 
ing in  Indiana ;  and  that  this  law  had  been  superseded  by  the  revelation 
of  Christ,  whose  gospel  was  one  of  justice  to  all,  culminating  in  the  Golden 
Rule,  as  to  the  relations  between  man  and  man.  The  traditional  account 
is  that  Owen's  "view  uiDon  moral  and  religious  questions  were  savagely 
attacked  by  Mr.  Badger,"  and  that  Owen  replied  by  quoting  Leigh 
Hunt's  poem  "Abou  ben  Adhem,"  declaring  that  his  religion  was  love 
for  his  fellow  men.'^  In  reality  Badger  made  no  attack  on  Owen,  per- 
sonally, at  this  time,  except  that  he  said  that,  "some  gentlemen  had  not 
more  faith  than  was  necessary  in  sacred  things,"  with  a  significant  look 
at  Owen.^9  Owen,  who  had  announced  his  anticipation  of  personal  at- 
tacks, .jumped  at  the  opportunity,  and  worked  off  his  Abou  ben  Adhem 
answer.  The  set-to  was  rather  in  Owens'  favor,  and  probabh^  left  Badger 
in  a  ruffled  spirit.  Possibly  he  may  have  been  furnished  with  additional 
ammunition  from  the  outside,  for  Owen  was  at  the  time  a  candidate  for 
U.  S.  Senator  before  the  legislature,  and  there  were  several  echoes  of  that 
contest  in  the  Convention.  He  had  also  been  attacked  by  several  other 
speakers,  and  on  December  16  he  returned  to  the  subject  with  a  personal 
assault  on  Owen.  He  produced  a  copy  of  Owen's  marriage  contract, 
and  read  extracts.  Owen  had  been  married  in  New  York,  in  1832,  before 
a  notary  public,  which  was  entirely  legal  and  unobjectionable,  although 
there  were  a  great  many  people  in  Indiana  who,  while  not  objecting  to 
such  marriages  bj^  others,  would  not  have  felt  that  they  were  married  at 
all  if  the  knot  were  not  tied  by  a  preacher.  But  Owen,  like  other  New 
Harmony  reformers,  and  many  others,  seemed  to  delight  in  shocking  the 
pul)lic,  and  at  that  time  there  were  not  so  many  shock-absorbers  as  at 
present.    At  his  marriage  the  contracting  parties  entered  into  a  written 

18  Woollen's  Sketches,  p.  295. 

19  Debates,  p.  825. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  459 

contract,  reciting  among  other  things,  the  reasons  for  their  style  of  mar- 
riage, one  of  which  was  that  it  did  not  "involve  the  necessity  of  calling 
in  the  aid  of  a  member  of  the  clerical  profession — a  profession,  the  cre- 
dentials of  which  we  do  not  recognize,  and  the  intlnence  of  which  we  are 
led  to  consider  injurious  to  society." 

This,  of  itself,  was  unquestionablj-  legitimate  evidence  of  Owen's 
attitude  towards  religion,  in  the  only  tangible  form  in  which  it  existed, 
and  it  was  an  attitude  which  Owen  freely  admitted  on  numerous  occa- 
sions. He  stated  that  he  had  no  idea  of  having  this  contract  published, 
but  an  admiring  friend  had  published  it,  and  made  it  available  to  anyone 
who  wished  to  use  it.  Badger  said  he  had  other  extracts  from  the  writ- 
ings of  Owen,  but  "decency  forbids  their  use."  His  reference  was  to  a 
pamphlet  on  "birth  control,"  which  Owen  had  published,  and  which 
had  been  widely  circulated  in  Indiana.  It  was  undoubtedly  the  chief 
cause  of  the  cesvsation  of  the  multitudinous  families  that  characterized 
the  earlier  years  of  the  state ;  but  it  was  no  doubt  as  shocking  to  Badger, 
and  many  others,  as  it  would  be  to  Colonel  Roosevelt  today.  There  was 
probably  nobody  in  the  Convention  who  did  not  understand  the  refer- 
ence. Badger  also  quoted  from  the  marriage  contract  this  sentence :  "  Of 
the  unjust  rights  which,  in  virtue  of  this  ceremony,  an  iniquitous  law 
totally  gives  me  over  the  person  and  property  of  another.  I  cannot 
legally,  but  I  can  morally,  divest  myself,  and  I  hereby  distinctly  and 
empTiatically  declare  that  I  consider  myself,  and  earnestly  desire  to  be 
considered  by  others,  as  utterly  divested  now  and  during  the  rest  of  my 
life,  of  any  such  rights."  Owen  thanked  him  for  this,  as  showing  his  sin- 
ceritj'  in  regard  to  the  pending  measure,  which  it  certainly  did.  Having 
finished  with  Owen,  Badger  made  the  serious  mistake  of  assailing  women 
who  favored  separate  ownership,  and  ventured  the  prediction  that  on 
investigation  of  any  woman  of  that  class,  it  would  be  found  that  "she 
wears  the  breeches  at  home."-"  In  reply,  Owen  showed  Badger  how 
"to  be  severe  without  being  unparliamentary."  He  said  that  Badger 
might  scrutinize  his  record  as  closely  as  he  wished,  if  it  interested  him, 
"but,  for  myself  I  say,  that  if  his  biography,  written  by  his  worst  enemy, 
lay  before  me  on  this  desk,  I  would  not  open  a  page. — I  would  not  read 
a  line.  Detraction  and  ribald  abuse  are  within  any  man's  reach.  Noth- 
ing is  easier  than  to  use  such  weapons.  The  brutal  bully,  the  disgrace 
of  the  bar-room,  is  an  adept  in  their  use.  The  difficulty — with  a  gentleman 
it  is  an  insuperable  one — the  only  difficulty  is  in  resolving  to  use  them. 
Others  were  more  severe,  or  at  least  less  refined,  in  their  comments  on 
the  reverend  gentleman's  remarks,  notably  so  Thomas  W.  Gibson,  who 


=0  Debates,  p.  1161. 


460  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

was  especially  indignant  at  the  reflection  on  the  women  who  favored 
the  provision.- 1 

The  section  had  come  to  a  vote  on  November  27,  and  was  adopted  by 
66  to  59.  On  December  16,  this  decision  was  reconsidei-ed  by  a  vote  of 
76  to  40,  and  another  debate  ensued  in  which  the  speeches  last  above 


Sarah  T.  Bolton 

referred  to  were  made.  Meanwhile,  the  women  had  been  getting  into 
the  fight.  The  chief  mover  was  Sarah  T.  Bolton,  the  poetess,  whose 
husband,  Nathaniel  Bolton,  a  newspaper  man,  and  a  Democrat  of 
some  prominence.  At  this  time,  ]\Irs.  Bolton  was  at  the  noon-day  of  her 
popularity.  Her  maiden  name  was  Sarah  Tittle  Barrett,  and  her  par- 
ents came  to  Indiana  when  she  was  a  small  child.  They  located  first  on 
a  farm  near  Vernon,  and  later  in  Madison,  to  get  better  schooling  for 
their  children.  Sarah  mastered  her  studies  as  rapidly  as  she  mastered 
housewifery.     From  the  age  of  fourteen  she  was  composing  almost  con- 

^■1  Debates,  p.  1174-5. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  461 

tinuously.  Among  others,  her  poetry  attracted  the  attention  of  Bolton, 
who  had  been  associated  with  George  Smith  in  editing  the  Gazette,  the 
first  paper  published  in  Indianapolis ;  and  they  were  married  on  October 
15,  1831.  They  came  to  Indianapolis,  and  lived  for  two  years  on  their 
Mt.  Jackson  farm,  where  the  Central  Insane  Hospital  is  now  located, 
after  which  they  moved  into  town,  where  Bolton  edited  the  Indiana 
Democrat.  In  1836,  on  account  of  financial  reverses,  they  returned  to 
the  farm,  and  opened  a  tavern,  which  became  a  great  resort  for  the  young 
people  of  the  town.  There  were  always  parties  at  the  Bolton  tavern  dur- 
ing the  sessions  of  the  General  Assembly,  and  the  Boltons  did  not  miss 
any  of  the  town  functions,  for  Mrs.  Bolton  was  a  social  favorite.  Viva- 
cious and  intelligent,  she  won  the  friendship  and  respect  of  most  of  the 
prominent  men  of  the  State.  She  wrote  poems  for  Democratic  political 
occasions,  and  for  the  Masons,  and  was  very  much  in  evidence,  on  that 
account,  in  many  public  events.  In  1851,  when  her  husband  was  elected 
State  Librarian,  over  John  B.  Dillon,  two  of  the  votes  were  cast  for  her. 
But  for  all  this,  she  did  not  neglect  her  household  duties.  During  the 
nine  years  that  they  kept  the  tavern,  she  was  usually,  "her  own  house- 
keeper, chamber-maid  and  cook,  besides  superintending  a  dairy  of  ten 
cows,  caring  for  the  milk,  and  making  large  quantities  of  butter  and 
cheese  for  the  market."  Owen  was  a  warm  admirer  of  her  genius,  and 
she  had  high  regard  for  his  talent.  She  was  also  deeply  interested  in 
this  reform,  and  did  her  part  by  "writing  articles  setting  forth  the 
grievances  resulting  from  woman's  status,  as  under  the  common  law, 
and  the  necessity  of  reform;  and  scattering  these  articles  through  the 
newspapers  over  the  State  to  make  public  opinion.  "22 

Mrs.  Bolton  had  an  active  coadjutor  in  Mrs.  Priscilla  Drake,  whose 
husband,  James  P.  Drake,  had  been  Colonel  of  the  First  Indiana  Regi- 
ment in  the  Mexican  War,  and  who  was  at  this  time  Treasurer  of  State. 
She  was  a  social  leader,  and  a  woman  of  strong  intellect.  The  two  de- 
cided, after  the  vote  adopting  Owen's  section,  that  the  women  of  the  State 
ought  to  present  him  a  memorial,  and  on  December  10,  1850,  the  follow- 
ing appeared  in  the  Indianapolis  Sentinel: 

"On  Behalf  op  the  Women  of  Indlvna" 

"Deprecating  the  efforts  of  those  of  our  sex  who  desire  to  enter  the 
political  arena — to  contend  with  men  at  the  ballot  box,  or  sit  in  our 
public  councils,  and  demanding  only  protection  for  the  property  that 
Providence  may  enable  lis  to  give  our  daughters— protection  for  our 


22  Mrs.   Bolton's   letter,   in   Woollen's    Sketches,   p.   296. 


462  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

sex  against  the  improvidences  or  the  vices  of  weak  or  bad  men ;  we  tender 
our  sincere  acknowledgments  to  the  high-minded  gentlemen.  Delegates 
in  the  Constitutional  Convention,  who  favored  the  adoption  of  the  section 
securing  the  married  women  of  Indiana  independent  rights  of  propertj'  ; 
and  we  have  determined  to  present  to  the  Hon.  Robert  Dale  Owen  as 
the  original  mover  a  testimonial  in  the  form  of  a  piece  of  plate,  with 
suitable  inscriptions,  as  a  slight  token  of  our  lasting  gratitude. 

"That  the  women  of  Indiana,  generally,  may  have  an  opportunity  to 
contribute  to  this  most  laudable  object,  we  have  limited  the  contributions 
to  one  dollar  from  each." 

This  bore  the  signatures  of  P.  Holmes  Drake,  Pauline  Chapman,  Ann 
0.  Morrison,  Mary  B.  West,  Mary  Hammond,  and  Sarah  T.  Bolton,  of 
Indianapolis;  Alice  Read,  of  Bloomington ;  Jane  H.  Pepper,  of  Rising 
Sun;  Louisa  F.  Kent  and  Ann  E.  Smith,  of  New  Albany;  IMary  E. 
Ellsworth,  of  Lafayette ;  Susan  M.  Huntington  of  Cannelton ;  Mary  St. 
C.  Buel  and  Mary  P.  Lane,  of  Lawrenceburgh ;  and  Sophia  A.  Hall,  of 
Princeton.  Papers  of  the  State  were  asked  to  copy,  and  subscribers  were 
asked  to  send  their  names  and  addresses  to  James  P.  Drake,  Treasurer 
of  State.  It  will  be  noted,  therefore,  that  when  Badger  made  his  obser- 
vation about  "wearing  the  breeches."  these  women  M'ere  in  print  in  favor 
of  the  reform.  The  guarded  expressions  of  the  letter  show  their  realiza- 
tion that  they  were  entering  on  dangerous  ground.  At  that  time,  advo- 
cates of  woman's  suffrage  and  dress  reform  were  subjects  of  almost 
universal  condemnation  and  ridicule,  and  the  great  majority  of  women 
shrank  from  anything  that  savored  of  political  publicity.  The  only 
Indiana  woman  who  had  ventured  to  champion  these  causes  was  Frances 
Wright,  of  New  Harmony,  and  she  had  advocated  both,  with  much  ability. 
She  was  a  personal  friend  of  Robert  Dale  Owen,  and  the  two  had  been 
associated  in  a  journalistic  venture  in  New  York.  There  was  need,  there- 
fore, to  point  out  clearly  the  distinction  between  the  two  movements,  but 
even  with  that  done,  there  were  comparatively  few  women  who  were  will- 
ing to  appear  actively  in  the  movement. 

In  1882,  Mrs.  Bolton  wrote:  "Canvassing  the  city  of  Indianapolis 
to  get  lady  signers  to  this  circular,  we  got,  I  think,  but  four  names — 
Mrs.  Drake's  and  mine  making  six."  But  more  than  a  hundred  women 
responded  with  subscriptions,  and  a  handsome  antique  silver  pitcher  was 
purchased,  and  duly  presented  to  Mr.  Owen  on  May  28, 1851.  The  House 
of  Representatives  was  obtained  for  the  occasion,  and  elaborately  decor- 
ated with  flowers  and  wreaths.  Prof.  W.  C.  Larrabee,  of  Asbury,  made 
the  presentation  speech,  and  all  Indianapolis  turned  out  for  the  event.^^ 
On  Julv  6,  1851,  Owen  wrote  to  Mrs.  Bolton:     "It  must  be  confessed 


-3  The  speeches  are  in  full  in  the  Sentinel  of  May  .SO,  May  .31  and  June  3,  1851. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


463 


that  tlie  whole  affair  has  been  eminently  successful,  and  promises  to 
leave  behind  it  important  results.  To  whom  the  credit  is  due  of  effecting 
these  I,  at  least,  know,  if  the  public  does  not.  I  think  it  will  always  be  a 
pleasant  reflection  to  you  that  by  dint  of  perseverance  through  many 


Frances  Wright 
(In  Eeform  Dress — divided  skirt) 

obstacles,  you  have  so  efficiently  contributed  to  the  good  cause  of  the 
property  rights  of  your  sex."'* 

It  is  very  probable,  however,  that  the  testimonial  was  a  tactical  mis- 
take at  the  time.  As  mentioned,  Owen  was  a  candidate  before  the  legis- 
lature then  in  session,  and  his  glorification  looked  like  a  political  move, 
which  his  opponents  would  do  well  to  end.  After  the  vote  for  reconsid- 
eration on  December  16,  the  section  was  defeated  on  December  17  by  a 
vote  of  75  to  55.    There  is  no  apparent  cause  for  the  change  of  votes,  and 


i-i  This  letter  is  owned  by  Mrs.  CTiapin  C.  Foster,  of  Indianapolis. 


464  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  increased  attendance,  but  this  senatorial  contest.  On  February  4, 
Owen  brought  the  subject  up  again,  with  a  section  reading:  "Laws 
shall  be  passed  for  the  security  of  the  property  of  married  women,  of 
widows,  and  of  orphans"  and  it  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  71  to  61.  The 
opposition  got  to  work  again,  and  a  motion  to  reconsider  was  made  that 
same  afternoon.  On  the  next  day  the  vote  was  reconsidei-ed,  and  the 
section  was  defeated  iby  a  vote  of  68  to  63.-'^  So  ended  the  fight  in  the 
Convention,  but  Owen  came  to  the  next  legislature  to  continue  the  fight. 
Badger  was  defeated  for  the  Senate  in  the  same  election.  Owen  secured 
the  passage  of  the  act  of  July  24,  1853,  the  first  four  sections  of  which 
are  amendatory,  and  the  fifth  additional,  securing  to  married  women 
independent  ownership  of  personal  property.  The  first  four  sections 
were  held  unconstitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court,  but  the  fifth  was  sus- 
tained.-** The  final  removal  of  disabilities  of  women,  in  business  rela- 
tions, was  not  made  until  the  sessions  of  1879  and  1881.  As  to  the  con- 
temporary contest  between  Owen  and  Jesse  D.  Bright,  William  Wesley 
Woollen,  the  accredited  custodian  of  Indiana  political  anecdote,  has  the 
following:  "In  1850  he  (Bright)  was  a  candidate  for  reelection  to  the 
Senate.  Robert  Dale  Owen,  who  was  also  a  candidate,  openly  charged 
him  with  having  attempted  to  secure  his  return  by  bribery.  Being  ad- 
vised of  this  charge  a  few  days  before  the  election  he  applied  to  Post- 
master-General Campbell  and  obtained  a  special  order  to  be  taken  to  the 
Ohio  river  in  the  United  States  mail  coach.^^  At  Wheeling  he  took  a 
steamer  for  Cincinnati,  and  from  that  city  telegraphed  to  Madison  to 
have  an  engine  and  car  ready  to  convey  him  to  Indianapolis.  When  he 
stepped  ashore  in  the  city  of  his  home  he  at  once  boarded  the  car,  which 
awaited  him,  and  was  borne  to  the  State  capital  as  fast  as  steam  could 
propel  him.  Great  was  the  wonderment  among  the  politicians  at  Indian- 
apolis when  they  saw  him  upon  the  streets  of  that  city.  They  thought 
he  was  at  Washington,  and  expected  the  election  to  come  oS.  in  his 
absence.  He  sought  Mr.  Owen,  and  soon  satisfied  that  gentleman  that 
he  had  been  misinformed  about  the  alleged  bribery.  Mr.  Owen  thereupon 
withdrew  from  the  race,  and  Mr.  Bright  was  reelected  without  further 
contest. "  28  The  whole  matter  was  aired  at  the  time  in  a  newspaper  con- 
troversy between  Owen  and  Dr.  George  B.  Graff.  The  telegram  to 
Bright  was  sent  on  January  3d,  and  he  arrived  in  Indianapolis  on  the 
7th.  But  the  personal  attacks,  which  were  common  in  such  contests, 
had  begun  before  that,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  7th  the  Sentinel  con- 


=5  Debates,  pp.  2011-1.3. 

ssWilkins  vs.  Miller,  9  Ind.,  p.  100;   Laws  1853,  p.  55. 

2T  At  that  time  no  railroad  crossed  the  mountains. 

28  Sketches,  p.  226. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  465 

tained  Owen's  defense  of  the  charge  of  appointing  relatives  to  office  while 
Congressman,  in  which  he  admitted  that  he  had  favored  his  brother, 
David  Dale  Owen,  and  his  brother-in-law,  Robert  H.  Fauntleroy,  for 
scientific  work,  which  they  were  the  only  men  in  the  West  fitted  to  do ; 
and  that  he  had  recommended  Gen.  Joe  Lane,  and  was  proud  of  it.    The 
same  paper  contained  a  long  letter  from  Graff,  charging  Owen  with  hav- 
ing offered  an  appointment  for  a  vote,  and  stating  that  Owen  had  been 
talking  about  "bribes  and  improper  inducements."     Owen  neither  re- 
tracted nor  withdrew,  but  on  the  9th  published  in  the  Sentinel  the 
rather  weak  explanation  that  all  he  had  said  to  Graff  was  this:    "I  had 
heard  a  report  that  a  certain  gentleman,  known  to  be  strongly  opposed 
to  Mr.  Bright,  had  been  offered  by  a  friend  of  Mr.  Bright 's  a  share  in  a 
speculation,  demanding  no  advance  of  money,  accompanied  with  little 
risk,  and  promising  a  profit  of  five  thousand  dollars.     I  mentioned  no 
names.     I  expressly  added  that  I  could  not  vouch  for  the  truth  of  the 
report."    The  Democratic  caucus  was  held  on  January  10,  and  of  the  94 
votes.  Bright  received  on  the  first  ballot  56,  Owen  23,  James  H.  Lane  1, 
E.  m'.  Chamberlain  3,  John  Pettit  10,  and  one  blank.    Bright  was  notori- 
ously dictatorial  in  political  matters,  and  never  forgot  or  forgave  opposi- 
tion ;  and  it  is  not  to  be  imagined  that  his  influence  with  the  Convention 
was  not  thrown  against  anything  that  he  considered  favorable  to  Owen.2» 
Another  subject  that  attracted  about  as  much  debate  as  the  property 
right  of  women  was  the  status  of  negroes  and  mulattoes.    The  discussion 
was  brought  on  first  by  a  resolution  offered  by  Schuyler  Colfax,  repre- 
senting St.  Joseph  County,  "That  the  committee  on  the  elective  franchise 
be  instructed  to  inquire  into  the  expediency  of  separately  submitting  the 
question  of  negro  suffrage  to  the  people."    Three  days  earlier,  Nathan 
B.  Hawkins,  of  Jay  County,  had  introduced  a  resolution  for  inquiry  into 
the  expediency  of  allowing  the  people  at  any  time  to  adopt  universal 
suffrage,  without  regard  to  race  or  sex,  and  this  had  been  voted  down 
without  debate.    Colfax  urged  in  favor  of  his  proposition  that  there  was 
no  harm  in  submitting  the  question  to  the  people  once.    Other  states  had 
done  so.    He  was  opposed  to  negro  suffrage  himself,  but  there  were  five 
or  ten  thousand  people  in  the  State  (the  Liberty  party)  who  favored  it, 
and  it  would  probably  remove  their  ob.jections  to  the   constitution   if 
they  were  allowed  to  vote  on  this  question  separately.     The  debate  de- 
veloped the  fact  that  the  only  man  in  the  Convention  who  was  in  favor 
of  negro  suffrage  at  all  was  Edward  R.  May  of  DeKalb  and  Steuben,  and 
he  wanted  restrictions.    His  position  was  that  a  negro  was  either  a  man 
or  a  brute,  and  should  be  treated  consistently  as  one  or  the  other.    He 
29  Mr.    Hovey,    in    the    Convention,    expressly    charged    that    it    was.      Debates, 

pp.  1156,  1139. 

vol.  1—30 


466  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

said  that  he  knew  little  personally  about  negroes,  "But  I  say,  that  if 
the  blaek  man  has  not  intelligence  and  discretion  enough  at  the  age  of 
twenty-one,  to  make  him  worthy  the  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise, 
then  extend  the  prescribed  age  to  thirty-one,  or  forty-one,  or,  if  need  be 
to  ninety-one.  (Much  laughter.)  Draw  the  line  somewhere.  Let  it  l)e  at 
the  most  suitable  and  proper  age,  whether  it  be  fixed  early  or  late  in 
life.  "2"  May  voted  by  himself,  against  the  other  124  delegates  who 
were  present,  on  his  resolution  for  restrictions ;  and  the  subject  came  up 
next  on  the  proposal  to  exclude  negroes  from  the  State.  As  to  this 
sentiment  varied  more  widely,  but  a  decided  majority  of  the  Conven- 
tioii  favored  exclusion.  The  line  of  majority  argument  was  that  the 
negroes  were  a  separate  race  and  could  never  be  amalgamated  nor 
admitted  to  citizenship;  that  the  slave  states  were  excluding  free  negroes 
from  their  borders  and  thereby  driving  them  into  the  free  states ;  that  if 
Indiana  did  not  protect  herself  she  would  be  overrun  by  decrepit  and 
worn-out  negroes  froip  Kentucky ;  that  the  free  negroes  ought  to  be  sent 
to  Africa,  and  colonized  in  Liberia,  where  they  would  be  free,  independ- 
ent and  happy.  Several  delegates  expressed  their  profound  sympathy 
with  the  negro,  but  did  not  want  him  in  Indiana.  Robert  Dale  Owen 
said:  "They  can  never  obtain  political  rights  here.  They  can  never 
obtain  social  rights  here.  And  for  these  reasons,  I  think,  we  ought  not 
to  have  them  amongst  us.  We  ought  not  to  have  in  our  midst  a  race, 
daily  inci-easing,  who  must,  of  necessity,  remain  disfranchised ;  a  class 
of  people  to  be  taxed,  without  being  represented ;  on  whom  burdens  are 
imposed,  and  who  have  no  voice  in  deciding  what  these  burdens  shall  be. 
That  is  my  deliberate  judgment." 

There  was  one  man  in  the  Convention  who  seemed  to  have  beem 
awakened  by  the  stand  of  Mr.  May  on  negro  suffrage,  and  that  was 
Schuyler  Colfax.  His  own  remarks  on  suffrage  were  weak  and  apolo- 
getic, but  on  this  subject  he  rose  nearer  .to  statesmanship  than  was  done  in 
any  other  speech  in  the  convention.  Beginning  with  a  statement  that 
those  who  had  been  charging  everyone  who  opposed  the  utter  social  anni- 
hilation of  the  negro  with  pandering  to  anti-slavery  sentiment,  were 
themselves  open  to  the  charge  of  pandering  to  proslavery  sentiment,  he 
said  that  he  did  not  condemn  them,  because  they  were  doing  what  they 
supposed  their  constituents  demanded.  He  then  proceeded:  "But  sir, 
I  ask  gentlemen  to  pause  one  moment,  to  look  out  beyond  the  narrow  circle 
of  this  chamber  and  of  this  State,  and  reflect  what  position  we  occupy 
before  the  world.  Are  we  in  South  Carolina — are  we  sitting  in  this 
chamber  as  delegates  of  the  people  of  South  Carolina — delegates  repre- 


30  Debates,  p.  246. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


467 


senting  their  feelings,  and  making  haste  to  fulfil  their  behests  ?  No,  sir, 
strange  as  it  may  seem,  we  are  the  delegates  of  the  people  of  a  Free 
State — of  a  State,  at  least,  which  claims  to  be  free.  We  are  the  assembled 
Representatives  of  a  State  that  has  lived  for  thirty-four  years  under  a 
Constitution,  which,  at  its  opening,  at  its  very  threshhold,  contains  this 
sublime  declaration :     '  That  the  general,  great,  and  essential  principles 


r 


of  liberty  and  free  government  may  be  recognized  and  unalterably  estab- 
lished, we  declare  that  all  men  are  born  equally  free  and  independent, 
and  have  certain  natural,  inherent,  and  inalienable  rights ;  among  which 
are  the  enjoying  and  defending  life  and  liberty,  and  of  acquiring,  possess- 
ing, and  protecting  property,  and  pursuing  and  obtaining  happiness  and 
safety. '  *  *  *  We  propose — for  the  committee  who  reported  the  sec- 
tion under  consideration,  expressly  and  purposely  omitted  that  noble 
declaration — we  propose,  if  I  may  be  allowed  the  expression,  to  abolish 


468  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

that  great  and  undeniable  truth,  uttered  in  our  present  Constitution — 
that  truth  which  was  ushered  into  the  world  on  the  auspicious  morning  of 
our  Nation 's  birth,  which  had  for  its  author,  Jefferson,  and  for  its  vindi- 
cators his  compatriots  of  the  Kevolution.  *  *  »  i  appeal  to  gentle- 
men if  this  is  in  consonance  with  the  spirit  of  our  time — is  it  a  step 
impelled  by  the  out-gushing  heart  of  humanity,  or  is  it  a  stride  backward 
into  the  darkness  of  past  prejudices  and  oppression?  Are  we  prepared 
to  take  such  an  attitude  before  the  country  and  the  world,  because  some 
of  the  delegates  from  the  southern  portion  of  the  State  represent  it  to 
be  the  desire  of  the  majority  of  their  people?     *     *     *' 

"We  make  professions,  which  seem  in  strong  and  marked  contrast 
with  a  provision  like  this  one  proposed  for  our  new  constitution.  We  say 
to  our  constitutents,  to  the  Nation,  and  to  the  world,  that  we  abhor  the 
institution  of  human  slavery.  In  their  presence  we  fervently  exclaim, 
'would  to  God  that  slavery  were  abolished  in  the  southern  states,  but 
we  have  no  power  over  the  institutions  of  a  sovereign  state,  we  cannot 
compel  tliem  to  abolish  slavery,  but  we  would  i-ejoice  if  they  would  them- 
selves wipe  out  that  blot. '  And  while  we  are  professing  such  liberal,  and, 
with  the  people  of  nearly  the  whole  State,  such  popular  sentiments,  what 
are  we  doing  here,  what  example  are  we  setting  to  the  people  of  the 
slaveholding  states,  whose  peculiar  institution  everj^  gentleman  on  this 
floor  is  ready  ta  condemn  ?  We  are  showing  them,  sir,  by  a  solemn  con- 
stitutional provision,  that  the  prejudice  of  this  free  state  against  negroes 
and  their  descendants  is  greater,  and  embodies  itself  in  more  oppressive 
and  imjust  laws  than  in  the  slave  states  themselves.  There  the  prejudice 
is  against  the  condition  of  the  negro;  the  dislike  is  not  personal  in  char- 
acter. In  the  South  they  live  in  constant  intercourse  with  the  blacks, 
they  have  them  in  their  families  from  infancy  to  old  age,  from  the  cradle 
to  the  grave.  They  are  their  companions,  dependent  to  be  sure,  but 
oftentimes  trusted  at  home  and  abroad.  But  here  in  Indiana,  one  of  the 
great  states  carved  out  of  that  North-Western  territory,  over  which  the 
beneficent  Ordinance  of  1787  was  extended,  we  are  about  to  abrogate  what 
the  founders  of  our  State  declared  to  be  inherent  and  inalienal)le  rights. 
and  to  declare  that  the  black  man  shall  be  pi-ohibited  from  immigrating 
within  our  limits,  and  from  purchasing  a  homestead  with  the  proceeds 
of  his  toil !  A  delegate  of  the  people  rises  in  the  dignity  of  his  place  anct 
position,  and  characterizes  the  whole  class  as  'vermin';  that,  I  regret  to 
say,  was  the  language  of  the  gentleman  fi-om  Monroe  (William  C.  Fos- 
ter, Sr.). 

"Sir,  I  shall  not  deny  that  the  black  race  of  this  country  is  debased, 
that  as  a  class  they  are  inferior  to  the  whites,  that  they  are  poor,  weak, 
and  to  some  extent  degraded.     I   admit  their  intellectual   and  social 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  469 

inferiority.  But  I  ask  gentlemen  who  tell  me  all  these  things,  who, 
before  the  judgment  bar  of  God  who  created  us  and  them,  is  responsible 
for  that  degradation  ?  They  are  debased  by  the  lust  and  avarice  of  the 
white  race.  *  *  *  As  the  gentleman  from  Steuben  (Mr.  May)  said 
a  few  days  since  in  that  calm,  cool,  and  firm  utterance  of  his  sentiments, 
sentiments  which,' so  far  as  the  extension  of  suffrage  to  them,  by  a 
constitutional  provision,  were  concerned,  he  knew  were  opposed  by  every 
other  delegate  in  this  Convention,  'the  negro  is  either  a  man  or  he  is  a 
brute.'  The  moral  courage  evinced  in  the  avowal  of  the  sentiments  which 
he  alone  held,  gained  him  honor ;  and  although  I  did  not  concur  with  all 
his  conclusions,  I  cannot  but  feel  that  he  has  deserved  all  the  commenda- 
tions I  have  heard  from  those  most  opposed  to  him,  for  the  fearlessness 
which,  upon  that  occasion,  he  so  fully  displayed.  But  that  presentation 
of  the  case  is  a  forcible  one,  'the  negro  is  either  a  man  or  a  brute.'  If  a 
brute,  let  us  in  all  respects  treat  him  as  we  treat  other  brutes;  if  he  is 
a  man  let  us  act  towards  him  as  we  should  act  towards  those  who,  in  com- 
mon with  us,  received  life  from  the  same  Creator.  If  he  be  degi-aded 
and  mentally  and  morally  inferior,  then  reserve,  if  you  will,  the  bestowal 
of  the  highest  privileges  of  citizenship,  such  as  the  exercise  of  the  elective 
franchise.  "We  ask  here,  we  expect  here,  no  extension  of  their  privileges, 
but  we  ask  you  to  treat  them  with  humanity,  and  not  to  crush  them  as 
you  would  vermin  out  of  your  sight.  But  if  you  will  not  do  this,  let 
no  man  on  this  floor  speak  against  the  cruelties  inflicted  on  the  race  in 
the  Southern  States,  the  slave  factories  of  the  African  coast,  or  the 
horrors  of  'the  middle  passage.'  Your  mouths  will  be  stopped,  the  utter- 
ance of  your  condemnation  checked,  for  by  your  own  solemn  and  deliber- 
ate acts  you  declare  the  negro  a  brute,  by  excluding  him  from  the  com- 
monest, the  humblest,  privileges  of  human  beings — the  right  to  live  and 
to  possess  the  means  of  living  purchased  by  the  sweat  of  his  toil. 

"Mr.  President,  do  as  we  may  here,  our  action  is  not  final.  Sooner  or 
later  this  case  will  receive  a  fairer  hearing,  and  calmer  consideration  at 
the  bar  of  public  opinion.  That  judgment  we  cannot,  if  we  would,  escape. 
What  is  done  here  precipitately,  under  the  influence  of  prejudice,  will 
receive  a  searching  examination  there,  and  thence  will  come  a  condemna- 
tion of  this  matter  as  withering  as  it  will  be  just.  Cover  over  the  matter 
as  you  will,  with  the  pleas  of  expediency,  this  act  will  hereafter  stand  out 
in  its  naked  deformity,  unshielded  even  by  popular  prejudice,  as  an  act 
of  inexcusable  tryanny  done  to  a  prostrate  and  defenseless  class.  Public 
opinion,  if  not  right  now,  is  ripening  for  an  hour  when  we  shall  look 
back  to  this  act  with  burning  cheeks.  *  *  *  But,  sir,  we  are  told  by 
the  gentleman  from  Clark  (Thomas  W.  Gibson)  and  others,  that  the  slave, 
states  are  expelling  the  free  negroes  and  emancipated  slaves,  and  there- 


470  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

fore  we  in  self-defense  must  prohiljit  them  from  immigrating  into  this 
State  and  from  aetjuiring  and  possessing  property.     The  gentleman  de- 
nounced in  the  strongest  terms  of  his  sarcastic  eloquence  the  provision  in 
the  Kentucky  constitution  prohibiting  an  emancipated  slave  from  remain- 
ing in  the  State  upon  pain  of  confinement  in  the  state's  prison,  and  yet, 
such  seems  the  inconsistency  of  gentlemen  in  a  bad  cause,  they  ask  us  to 
engraft  a  similar  provision  in  the  Constitution  of  this  free  State.    "We 
have  not  the  excuse  of  Kentucky;  we  were  not  born  and  reared  in  the 
midst  of  slaves,  om-  minds  accustomed  to  treating  them  as  chattels  and 
prejudiced  against  every  assertion  of  their  manhood.    We  live  surrounded 
by  the  beneficent  influences  of  freedom,  and  yet,  forsooth,  we  must  follow 
the  example  of  .slaveholding  Kentucky !    Sir,  the  argument  of  the  gentle- 
man is  bad — two  wrongs  can  never  make  one  right.    Let  iis  do  right,  that 
by  its  superior  contrast  with  the  wrong  it  shall  condemn  that  wrong."  ^i 
But,  unhappily,   after  steering  a  straight   course  thus   far,   Colfax 
ruined  his  chance  of  immortality  as  a  prophet  by  announcing  that 
colonization  in  Liberia  was  the  solution,  and  "when  the  National  Govern- 
ment comes  forward  and  employs  steamers  to  transport  the  free  negroes 
to  Liberia,  free  of  expense  to  themselves,  the  work  wall  be  consummated." 
He  said :  "When  the  United  States  thus  brings  the  resources  of  a  mighty 
nation  to  bear  upon  the  colonization  of  Africa,  the  shores  of  that  Con- 
tinent which  once  echoed  to  the  shrieks  and  groans  of  the  captured  native, 
and  witnessed  the  manacled  cofBes  driven  on  board  the  slaver,  and  con- 
signed to  the  terrible  sufferings  of  the  passage  across  the  ocean,  will  be 
lined  with  republican  settlements,  instead  of  slave  factories;  the  slave 
trade  will  be  abolished,  and  civilization  and  Christianity  will  illumine 
its  dark  interior.    I  look  hopefully  forward  to  that  day.     But  no  such 
measures  as  the  one  now  before  the  Convention  will  aid  in  the  realization 
of  this  hope;  they  are  calculated  rather  to  intensify  the  prejudice  against 
the  race,  and  put  afar  off  the  day  of  their  deliverance  and  ours."    While 
this  dream  excites  mild  wonder  today,  it  was  the  hope,  and  the  only  hope, 
of  humane  men  at  that  time.    There  were  few  of  that  class,  without  dis- 
tinction of  party,  who  were  not  members  of  the  Indiana  branch  of  the 
Colonization  Society.     Six  years  earlier,  Kev.  B.  P.  Kavanaugh,  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  had  been  welcomed  to  Indiana  as  State 
Agent  by  the  Indiana  organization,  which  had  for  President  Judge  Isaac 
Blackford ;  Treasurer,  Isaac  Coe ;  Secretary,  James  M.  Kay ;  Managers, 
William   Sheets,   Samuel  Merrill,  and  James  Blake,   jointly  with   Gov. 
Whitcomb,  Judge  Wm.  Wick,  John  Cook  and  John  Wilkins.s^    The  chief 
mission  of  this  society  was  to  urge  on  the  public  what  a  magnificent  thing 


3'  Debates,  pp.  4.5.5-7. 

32  Sentinel,  November  8,  1845. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  471 

it  would  be  when  the  negroes  were  all  returned  to  Africa,  and  in  reality, 
Colfax  could  have  made  no  more  ingenious  plea  than  this  at  the  time. 
But  it  had  little  effect.  If  there  was  anything  that  the  average  citizen 
understood  fully,  it  was  the  slavery  question.  He  had  it  for  breakfast, 
dinner  and  supper  365  days  in  the  year,  and  one  extra  in  leap  years.  He 
had  viewed  it  from  every  angle,  and  his  mind  was  made  up  as  to  the 
solution,  no  matter  how  much  unreasonable  people  might  differ  with  him. 
The  Convention  proceeded  to  agree  on  its  solution,  which  was  as  follows : 

Article  XIII — Negroes  and  Mulattoes 

Section  1.  No  Negro  or  Mulatto  shall  come  into,  or  settle  in  the  State, 
after  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution. 

Sec.  2.  All  contracts,  made  with  any  Negro  or  Mulatto  coming  into 
the  State  contrary  to  the  provision  of  the  foregoing  section,  shall  be 
void ;  and  all  persons  who  shall  employ  such  Negi*o  or  Mulatto,  or  other- 
wise encourage  him  to  remain  in  the  State,  shall  be  fined  in  any  sum  not 
less  than  ten  dollars,  nor  more  than  five  hundred  dollars. 

Sec.  3.  All  fines  which  may  be  collected  for  a  violation  of  the  provi- 
sions of  this  article,  or  of  any  law  which  may  hereafter  be  passed,  for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  the  same  into  execution,  shall  be  set  apart  and 
appropriated  for  the  colonization  of  such  Negroes  and  Mulattoes  and 
their  descendants,  as  may  be  in  the  State  at  the  adoption  of  this  Consti- 
tution, and  may  be  willing  to  emigrate. 

Sec.  4.  The  General  Assembly  shall  pass  laws  to  carry  out  the  pro- 
visions of  this  article. 

This  article  was  submitted  to  the  voters  separately  from  the  remain- 
der of  the  Constitution,  lest  it  should  interfere  with  the  adoption  of  the 
remainder,  but  it  proved  more  popular  than  the  Constitution  itself.  The 
vote  for  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  was  113,230  to  27,638.  and  the 
vote  for  Negro  exclusion  was  113,828  to  21,873.  Only  four  of  the  north- 
ern counties,  Elkhart,  Lagi-ange,  Randolph  and  Steuben,  voted  against 
exclusion,  and  their  combined  vote  was  2,130  for  to  3,034  again.st.  If 
anyone  had  predicted  that  in  ten  years  this  barrier  of  words  would  be 
a  dead  letter,  he  would  have  been  considered  insane.  And  it  was  enforced 
for  a  time  to  an  extent  that  perhaps  its  framers  never  contemplated. 
Two  acts  were  passed  by  the  legislature  of  1851-2,  to  carry  out  the  pro- 
visions of  this  section.  One,  of  April  28,  appropriated  $5,000  and  all 
fines  under  Article  13,  to  the  use  of  the  Colonization  Society.  Of  this 
$3,000  was  to  be  used  in  the  purchase  of  land  in  Africa,  and  each  negro, 
who  was  willing  to  emigrate  was  to  be  given  100  acres  of  this  land  and 
$50  in  money.     The  other  law,  of  June  18,  provided  for  exclusion.     In 


472 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


1854,  a  negro  named  Arthur  Barkshire,  living  at  Rising  Sun,  brought  a 
negi-ess  named  Eliza  Keith  from  Ohio,  where  she  had  resided  for  years, 
and  married  her  in  Ohio  County,  Indiana.  He  was  arrested  and  lined  $10. 
The  case  was  appealed  to  the  Supreme  Court  by  Jonathan  W.  Gordon, 
on  the  ground  that  the  law  was  not  intended  to  apply  to  eases  of  marriage. 
Gordon  was  a  picturesque  character  in  Indiana  for  manj-  years;  and  he 


Jonathan  W.  Gordon 

was  especially  interested  in  all  questions  of  personal  right. "^  The  court 
held  that  not  only  was  marriage  no  defense,  but  that  the  marriage  itself 
was  void,  and  that  the  woman  was  also  subject  to  prosecution  for  coming 
into  the  Statc^*  Just  ten  years  later,  the  Supreme  Court  held  that  the 
whole  article  was  void,  as  in  contravention  of  the  then  laws  of  the  United 
States.35     The  words  remained  in  the  Constitution,  however,  until  they 


23  A  sketch  of  his  life  will  be  fouiiil  elsewhere, 
s-*  Barkshire  vs.  the  State,  7  Ind.,  p.  389. 
35  Smith  vs.  Moody,  26  Ind.,  p.  299. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  473 

were  removed  by  ameiulment  iu  1881.  The  reformers  of  that  year  left 
one  other  relic  of  the  negro-phobia  of  1851  in  the  Constitution,  in  the 
restriction  of  the  militia  to  "white  male  pei'sons";  and  it  still  remains 
there.  It  is  noticeable,  nevertheless,  that  there  have  been  a  number  of 
criticisms  of  the  negroes  for  slowness  to  volunteer  in  the  present  war,  and 
when  the  next  constitutional  convention  meets,  it  is  probable  that  this 
absurdity  will  be  removed  also.  In  justice  to  the  fathers,  it  should  be 
said  that  the  provisions  adopted  as  to  negroes  were  not  quite  so  bad  as 
some  that  were  proposed — such  as  that  negroes  then  living  in  the  State 
should  not  be  allowed  to  own  real  estate ;  that  any  coming  in  should  be 
sold  to  the  highest  bidder  for  a  term  of  six  months,  and  the  proceeds 
given  to  the  Colonization  Society;  that  they  should  not  be  allowed  to 
testify  against  white  persons.  In  1853,  however,  a  law  was  passed  pro- 
viding that.  "No  Indian,  or  person  having  one-eighth  or  more  of  negro 
blood,  shall  be  permitted  to  testify  as  a  witness  in  any  cause  in  which  any 
white  person  is  a  party  in  interest."  ^^  It  is  a  somewhat  singular 
fact  that  in  an  act  passed  in  1861,  permitting  parties  to  actions  to  testify, 
which  became  a  law  without  the  approval  of  the  Governor  it  is  provided 
that  "where  a  negro,  Indian,  or  person  excluded  on  account  of  mixed 
blood  is  a  party  to  a  cause,  his  opponent  shall  also  be  excluded."  ^^  There 
■\vas  nothing  said  about  negroes  in  connection  with  the  public  schools  in 
either  of  the  constitutions,  or  in  any  of  the  laws,  until  1855,  when  a  pro- 
vision was  made  that  negroes  should  not  be  taxed  for  schools,  and  should 
not  participate  in  their  benefits.  This  was  continued  until  1867,  when  a 
law  was  passed  for  apportionment  of  the  school  revenues  for  negro 
children  as  well  as  whites,  and  for  separate  schools  for  them. 

The  reform  of  the  common  school  system  was  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant things  done  by  the  Convention,  but  it  excited  little  debate,  and  that 
not  on  the  essential  feature  of  the  reform,  which  was  a  State-supported 
system  as  distinguished  from  a  system  in  which  the  school  taxes  were 
entirely  local.  The  movement  for  better  public  schools  had  been  in  prog- 
ress for  years,  and  the  sentiment  had  been  created  among  the  people, 
as  well  as  in  the  Convention,  for  a  State  system.  The  differences  were 
matters  of  detail,  which  were  largely  disposed  of  in  committee,  or  out- 
side ;  and  the  subject  did  not  come  before  the  Convention  for  action  until 
January  27,  almost  at  the  close  of  the  session.  The  old  Constitution  made 
grandiloquent  specification  of  the  purposes  for  which  the  school  funds 
might  be  used,  and  made  it  the  duty  of  the  General  Assembly,  "as  soon 
as  circumstances  will  permit,  to  provide  by  law,  for  a  general  system  of 
education,  ascending  in  a  regular  gradation,  from  township  schools  to 


an  Acts,  1853,  p.  60. 
37  Acts,  1861,  p.  51. 


474  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

a  state  university,  wherein  tuition  shall  be  gratis,  and  equally  open  to 
all."  But  circumstances  had  never  permitted,  and  the  tixed  sentiment 
was  to  concentrate  on  something  definite.  Accordingly,  the  words  "as' 
soon  as  circumstances  will  permit"  were  left  out,  and  the  General 
Assembly  was  directed  "to  provide,  by  law,  for  a  general  and  uniform 
system  of  Common  Schools,  wherein  tuition  shall  be  without  charge, 
and  equally  open  to  all."  In  other  words,  the  Convention  meant  that 
State  support  was  for  Common  Schools  only,  and  not  for  higher  educa- 
tion. The  next  point  was  provision  for  a  Superintendent  of  Public  In- 
struction ;  the  provision  for  this  being  introduced  from  the  floor,  as  an 
additional  section  to  the  committee  report,  by  John  I.  Morrison,  the  chair- 
man of  the  committee.  Obviously  this  had  been  defeated  in  committee, 
and  Mr.  Morrison  carried  the  fight  to  the  Convention,  and  won  by  a 
vote  of  78  to  50.  The  provision  was  passed  as  he  introduced  it,  except 
that,  by  his  consent,  a  provision  that  the  Superintendent  should  be  paid 
"out  of  the  income  arising  from  the  educational  funds"  was  struck  out. 
This  proposition  for  a  State  Superintendent  had  been  discussed  before 
the  people  for  several  years,  and  was  in  imitation  of  the  action  of  other 
school  reform  states,  but  the  credit  of  "seeing  it  through"  lielongs  to  ]\Ir. 
Morrison.  Following  this,  the  Convention  voted  down  proposals  that  the 
voters  of  a  school  district  might  decide  to  have  other  than  the  English 
language  taught  in  the  school,  and  also  a  provision  that  each  district 
should  receive  its  proportion  of  the  school  revenues,  whether  it  had  a 
school  house  or  not.  Then  came  the  fight  on  the  State  University,  which 
was  the  chief  bone  of  contention  connected  with  the  subject  of  education. 
There  were  three  factions.  As  heretofore  recounted,  the  United 
States  had  granted  the  State  a  township  of  land  for  "a  seminary  of 
learning,"  which  had  originally  been  turned  over  to  Vineennes  Univer- 
sity, but,  in  1816,  had  been  taken  away  and  given  to  Bloomington.  One 
party  now  desired  to  take  it  away  from  Bloomington  and  devote  it  to 
the  Common  Schools.  Another  desired  to  take  it  from  Bloomington.  and 
divide  its  revenues  among  all  the  colleges  of  the  State,  through  the 
medium  of  a  State  University  on  the  New  York  plan,  which  is  to  make 
it  a  supervising  corporation  over  all  educational  interests,  without  any 
special  connection  with  any  one  institution.  The  third  party,  composed 
of  the  friends  of  Bloomington,  of  course  desired  to  preserve  the  status 
quo.  It  is  a  singular  fact  that  Caleb  Mills  has  been  commonly  regarded 
as  "the  father  of  the  Indiana  school  system,"  although  in  fact  he 
belonged  with  the  second  party  mentioned,  and  his  plan  was  not  adopted. 
In  his  first,  second,  and  third  "messages  to  the  legislature,"  and  in  his 
fifth,  which  was  addressed  to  the  Convention,  he  argues  at  length  for  the 
New  York  plan.    In  his  second  message,  1847,  he  says:    "There  are  five 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  475 

colleges  in  operation,  including  the  State  institution,  whose  course  of 
study  is  published.    Four  of  these  have  been  reared  and  sustained  by  as 
many  different  denominations,  and  are  points  around  which  are  clustered 
the  sympathies  of  those  portions  of  our  citizens.    They  are  conveniently 
situated  to  accommodate  their  friends  and  patrons.     The  interests  of 
sound  learning  suffer  by  the  multiplicity  of  institutions,   having   the 
same  nominal  character.    It  may  justly  be  questioned  whether  the  real 
wants  of  Indiana  require  any  increase  of  the  number  of  colleges  for  the 
next  thirty  years.    Let  the  Regents  of  the  University  have  charge  of  the 
Literature  fund,  to  be  distributed  to  the  academies,  one  in  each  county, 
as  fast  as  they  shall  be  established  by  private  enterprise,  and  comply 
with  the  rules  regulating  the  distribution.    Let  them  have  the  jwwer  of 
determining  whether  the  interests  of  learning  require  an  increase  of 
colleges  and  let  the  legislature  grant  charters  for  such  institutions  only 
upon  the  recommendation  of  the  Regents.     Every  college,  previous  to 
being  admitted  as  a  member  of  the  association  shall  exhibit  satisfactory 
evidence  to  the  Regents  that  the  corporation  is  a  bona  fide  possessor  of 
$25  000  worth  of  property.    Let  the  college  buildings,  grounds,  library 
and  apparatus  of  the  Institution  at  Bloomington,  valued  probably  at 
$25  000  be  sold  to  any  association  of  citizens  who  will  give  $12,000,  and 
pledge  themselves  to  sustain  a  college,  as  one  of  the  affiliated  institutions 
of  the  Universitv."     He  proposed  that  the  proceeds  of  the  university 
lands  and  other  funds  of  the  Bloomington  institution,  amounting  to  some 
$90,000,  be  turned  over  to  the  Regents  for  the  welfare  of  the  colleges  and 

academies.  , 

Furthermore,  in  this  same  second  message.  Mills  earnestly  opposes  the 
proposal  for  a  state  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction.     He  says: 
"Create  the  office,  and  it  will  require  no  prophet  to  tell  us  that  there  will 
be  a  greater  crowd  of  ignoramuses  to  fill  it  than  ever  presented  themselves 
to  the  Board  of  the  State  University  as  candidates  to  fill  the  mathematical 
chair     Let  him  be  elected  by  popular  vote,  or  appointed  by  Executive 
authority,  or  chosen  by  .joint  ballot  of  the  Legislature,   the  question 
would  be  immediately  asked  by  thousands,  not  is  he  qualified,  but  is  he 
a  Presbyterian?    Then  he  will  employ  his  official  and  personal  influence 
in  favor  of  Presbyterian  colleges  and  Presbyterian  teachers.     Is  he  a 
Methodist'    Then  he  will  traverse  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  State, 
extolling  the  character,  and  magnifying  the  superiority  of  Methodist 
institutions,  in  the  extent  and  thoroughness  of  their  course  of  studies 
Is  he  a  Baptist?  Then  his  s^^npathies  will  be  enlisted  m  favor  of  that 
denomination  and  its  literary  institutions.    Does  he  belong  to  no  religious 
denomination?     Then  he  will  not  have  the  confidence  and  hearty  co- 
operation of  a  large  portion  of  the  community,  for  however  diversified 


476  INDIANA  AND  LXDIANANS 

may  he  our  religious  sentiments,  there  is  a  strong  and  prevailing  impres- 
sion in  society  that  the  great  principles  of  the  Bible  are  inwrought  in,  and 
inseparable  from  the  civil  institutions  of  the  land.  *  *  #  ^^  minister 
of  public  instruction  should  be  a  man  of  sterling  worth  and  religious 
principle,  else  he  will  be  destitute  of  an  essential  element  of  success,  and 
an  indispensable  qualification  for  the  office.  Is  there  any  hope  that  such 
a  man  can  be  obtained  to  labor  in  Indiana  without  awakening  denomina- 
tional prejudice  and  sectarian  bigotry  to  such  an  extent  as  to  forbid  all 
reasonable  expectations  of  success?"  Mr.  Mills  then  advocates  county 
superintendents  as  the  remedy  needed,  and  after  citing  several  reports 
from  other  states,  says:  "The  perusal  of  them  will  be  sufficient  to  con- 
vince every  candid  mind  that  the  county  superintendents  are  the  only 
officers  that  can  apply  the  appropriate  remedy  to  the  evils  found  to 
exist,  to  a  greater  or  less  extent,  in  all  the  common  school  systems  of  the 
Union.  Let  us  retain  our  present  arrangements,  by  which  the  Treasurer 
of  State  becomes  ex-officio  superintendent  of  common  schools,  and  so 
perfect  our  system  that  he  shall  have  the  materials  put  into  his  hands 
for  a  full  and  able  report  to  the  legislature."  ^*  And  yet,  notwithstand- 
ing this  record  in  black  and  white,  and  some  other  variations  that  might 
be  mentioned,  even  Dr.  Boone  says  of  Mills:  "After  1843,  until  the  time 
of  his  death  (October  17,  1879),  the  influence  of  his  views  may  be  traced 
in  almost  every  important  legislative  act  concerning  education  in  the 
State. 3"  Estimates  of  this  character  take  too  much  of  just  credit  from 
other  men  who  aided  in  shaping  the  school  system  of  Indiana ;  but  that 
will  be  considered  elsewhere.  Our  present  interest  is  in  his  influence  on 
the  Convention. 

Unquestionably,  on  January  27, 1851,  the  State  University  of  Indiana 
passed  through  "the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death."  The  Committee  on 
Education  reported  a  section  confirming  the  grants  that  had  been  made 
to  it,  and  James  B.  Foley,  of  Decatur,  promptly  moved  to  lay  it  on  the 
table.  The  vote  was  taken  withoiit  debate,  and  carried,  62  to  61.  Judge 
Pettit  at  once  offered  the  following  additional  section:  "All  trust  funds 
held  by  the  State  shall  be  faithfully  applied  to  the  purposes  for  which 
the  trust  was  created."  He  was  backed  by  Robert  Dale  Owen  with  a 
brief  but  incisive  speech  reminding  the  delegates  that  the  funds  of  the 
university  had  not  come  from  the  State,  but  from  the  United  States,  and 
for  the  express  purpose  of  a  "seminary  of  learning";  and  that  to  apply 
it  to  any  other  purpose  "will  redound  little,  we  may  be  assured,  to  the 
credit  of  our  State  throughout  the  United  States,  and  the  world." 
Thomas  D.  "Walpole,  of  Hancock  and  Madison,  saw  the  point,  and  moved 


"5  The  messages  of  Calpli  Mills  are  printed  in  full  in  Vol.  3,  Ind.  Hist.  Soc.  Pubs. 
39  Hist,  of  Education  in  Indiana,  p.  94. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANAN3  '177 

to  amend  by  adding  that  "nothing  in  this  section  shall  be  so  construed 
as  to  prevent  the  Legislature  from  divei-ting  the  University  Fund,  with 
the  consent  of  the  General  Government,  to  the  use  of  common  schools." 
The  debate  now  turned  on  the  merits  of  the  University  as  it  then  existed, 
and  it  must  be  admitted  that  its  friends  did  not  make  a  very  impressive 
showing.  But  there  were  a  number  of  delegates  who  thought  that  the  one 
essential  remedy  was  a  normal  school,  and  John  Davis,  of  Madison  moved 
to  amend  the  amendment  by  adding  ' '  or  for  the  establishment  of  a  normal 
school."  William  Bracken,  of  Bush,  moved  to  lay  the  amendment,  and 
the  amendment  to  the  amendment,  on  the  table;  and  Pettit  called  for  a 
division  of  the  question.  The  normal  school  amendment  was  tabled  by 
a  vote  of  68  to  56,  and  this  left  the  advocates  of  appropriating  the  Uni- 
versity fund  to  the  public  schools  standing  against  the  field.  Their 
amendment  was  tabled,  and  the  motion  to  table  Pettit 's  new  section  was 
lost  by  a  vote  of  39  to  80.  Pettit 's  section  was  then  adopted  by  a  vote 
of  81  to  41,  and  went  into  the  Constitution.  So  the  State  University  was 
saved,  but  it  was  saved  as  a  trust  from  the  general  government.  It  is 
manifest  that  if  the  Convention  had  anticipated  that  it  would  be  taken 
up  as  a  State  institution,  and  receive  the  State  aid  that  it  has  received,  it 
would  have  gone  the  way  of  the  county  seminaries.  Those  institutions 
were  ordered  to  be  sold,  and  the  proceeds  placed  in  the  Common  School 
Fund.  The  wisdom  of  the  action  is  doubtful,  but  the  records  are  too 
incomplete  to  .judge  accurately.  Many  of  the  seminary  buildings  were 
new,  and  some  had  not  been  paid  for.  There  were  50  of  them,  and  the 
total  proceeds  of  the  sales,  which  were  strung  out  until  1854,  amounted 
to  only  ,$103,2.38.03.  It  would  probably  have  been  wiser  to  have  turned 
them  over  for  common  school  purposes,  and  fortunately  that  was  what 
was  done  with  some  of  them.  They  simply  served  the  purpose  of  high 
schools,  and  the  various  localities  where  they  existed  replaced  them  with 
high  school  buildings,  at  a  later  date. 

The  Common  School  Fund,  of  which  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  sem- 
inaries was  to  form  a  part,  together  Avith  fines  and  forfeitures,  which 
had  theretofore  gone  to  the  seminaries,  included  also  the  Congressional 
Township  Fund,  the  Saline  Fund,  the  Bank  Tax  Fund,  the  Sinking 
Fund,  the  proceeds  of  escheated  estates,  proceeds  of  land  grants  to  the 
State  for  which  no  specific  purpose  was  expressed  in  the  grant,  and  taxes 
on  corporations  assessed  by  the  legislature  for  the  benefit  of  the  schools. 
These  were  to  be  held  by  the  State  as  a  permanent  fund,  and  the  interest 
distributed  to  the  townships.  At  the  time,  over  three-fourths  of  the  total 
of  these  was  in  the  Congressional  Township  Fund,  which  was  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  sale  of  section  16,  in  each  township,  as  donated  by  Congress 
to  the  State,  for  school  purposes.     One  of  the  great  purposes  of  the 


478  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

school  reformers  had  been  to  equalize  these  grants,  as  section  16  in  some 
townships  was  the  best  of  land,  while  in  others  it  was  almost  worthless. 
But  the  people  who  had  the  good  sections  objected  to  this,  and  a  test  ■ 
ease  was  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court  in  1854,  and  it  decided  that  the 
grant  was  to  "the  inhabitants  of  such  township  for  the  use  of  schools", 
and  could  not  be  taken  away.  In  all  the  other  states  of  Northwest  Terri- 
tory it  was  to  the  state.  Consequently,  this  fund  had  to  be  taken  out  of 
the  Common  School  Fund,  and  administered  separately,  the  proceeds 
going  to  the  townships  from  which  they  came.  The  Saline  Fund  was 
the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  saline  lands,  chiefly  about  the  French  Lick,  in 
Orange  County,  and  amounted  in  1853,  to  $61,270.05.  The  Surplus 
Revenue  Fund  was  the  result  of  a  division  of  surplus  revenues  of  the 
United  States,  in  1836,  which  was  a  project  of  Daniel  Webster.  In- 
diana's share  was  over  $1,100,000,  which  was  to  be  paid  in  four  yearly 
installments.  The  legislature  of  1837,  in  anticipation  of  the  payments, 
appropriated  the  first  two  to  the  common  schools,  and  the  third  and 
fourth  to  the  purchase  of  stock  in  the  State  Bank.  The  fourth  install- 
ment was  never  paid.  The  school  portion,  in  1853,  amounted  to 
$552,529.22.  The  Bank  Tax  Fund  was  the  result  of  a  provision  in  the 
State  Bank  charter  for  reserving  12yo  cents  from  dividends,  on  each 
share  of  stock  not  owned  by  the  State,  to  be  paid  to  the  school  fund  in 
lieu  of  all  other  taxes.  These  four  funds,  which  were  all  that  were  avail- 
able in  1853,  made  a  total  of  $2,278,588.14.  The  most  important  factor 
was  yet  to  materialize,  in  the  Sinking  Fund,  or  as  it  is  called  in  the  Con- 
stitution, "the  fund  arising  from  the  one  hundred  and  fourteenth  sec- 
tion of  the  charter  of  the  State  Bank  of  Indiana."  The  State  had  taken 
half  of  the  stock  of  the  Bank,  and  this  section  provided  for  a  sinking 
fund,  managed  by  the  Bank,  of  the  profits  on  the  State's  shares,  to  be 
applied  first  to  the  payment  of  the  interest  and  principal  of  the  bonds 
which  the  State  issued  to  make  the  investment,  and  the  remainder  to  the 
school  fund.  The  total  eventual  proceeds  of  this  were  $4,255,731.87,  but 
none  of  it  had  been  realized  in  1853. 

This  provision  was  incorporated  in  the  Bank  charter  on  the  suggestion 
of  John  Beard,  a  native  of  North  Carolina,  who  located  in  Montgomery 
County,  Indiana,  in  1823.  He  wa.s  elected  to  the  legislature  in  1827,  and 
returned  to  either  the  House  or  the  Senate  for  years  afterwards,  making 
a  total  legislative  service  of  15  years,  and  a  record  that  any  legislator 
might  be  proud  of,  for  he  stood  for  the  abolition  of  imprisonment  for 
debt,  liberal  exemption  for  debtors,  abolition  of  capital  punishment, 
internal  improvements,  and  free  education.  He  was  the  Receiver  of  the 
Land  Office  at  Crawfordsville  from  1841  to  1843,  and  was  universally 
respected  as  a  level-headed,  public-spirited  man,  and  "a  walking  history 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


479 


of  Indiana,"  until  his  death,  ou  September  29,  1874.  Gen.  John  Coburn 
stated  that  when  he  proposed  the  reservation  in  the  Bank  charter,  "it 
was  hardly  treated  seriously."  Nobody  thought  anything  would  be  left 
as  a  surplus ;  he  himself  doubtless  did  not  realize  its  importance.  But  so 
it  was,  he  put  the  net  where  it  caught  the  golden  fish,  and  we  thank  him 
for  it  ten  thousand  times;  and  we  thank  those  steady,  straightforward 


John  Beard 


financiers  who  husbanded  these  funds  for  us.*"  It  might  be  said  with 
equal  force  that  the  delegates  to  the  Constitutional  Convention  did  not 
realize  what  they  were  doing.  Certainly  the  opponents  of  the  State 
Bank  did  not,  if  we  may  believe  they  were  sincere  in  what  they  said. 
John  Pettit,  in  the  course  of  one  of  his  wild  attacks  on  the  State  Bank, 
said:  "You  tell  me  that  the  bank  has  made  a  large  profit;  that  it  has 
accumulated  an  immense  sinking  fund,  but  I  ask  gentlemen  to  point  out 


40  Goodrich  &  Tuttle's  Indiana,  p.  394. 


480  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

to  me  the  number  of  banks,  or  shaving  shops,  or  paper  machines,  or 
whatever  else  you  may  choose  to  call  them,  that  have  been  established 
in  this  Union,  that  have  ever  wound  up  and  paid  out  of  their  stock  all 
of  their  liabilities.  How  many  of  your  million  of  banks,  that  ever  did 
run  out,  and  divide  out  their  stocks  as  it  was  put  in  and  redeem 
their  bills?  You  cannot  find  one  out  of  five  hundred  that  have  ever 
wound  up  solvent,  nor  will  you  find  one  in  five  thousand  hereafter.  They 
cannot  do  it.  I  will  not  say  that  it  is  the  business  of  this  convention  or  of 
the  present  legislature  to  withdraw  from  the  State  Bank  the  capital 
stock,  the  saline  fund,  or  the  college  fund,  or  the  loan  fund,  or  the  school 
fund,  all  of  which  have  been  deposited  there,  and  I  trust,  for  the  benefit 
of  the  rising  generation,  that  that  too  will  not  be  absorbed;  but  I  will 
not  say  that  I  have  not  my  misgivings  on  the  subject,  for  I  do  expect 
when  seven  years  more  shall  come  around  and  the  State  shall  say  'pay 
me  back  the  money  I  deposited  here  as  capital  stock — the  millions  of 
specie  which  I  deposited,'  that  the  bank  officer  will  say  first  and  fore- 
most 'Oh,  you  withdrew  your  patronage  from  the  bank,  and  we  have 
to  stop ;  our  paper  was  out  largely  and  it  took  all  the  specie  to  redeem 
our  bills.  Now  here  is  an  old  banking-house  or  two  and  a  few  protested 
or  slow  notes;  you  may  have  these  in  place  of  your  specie.'  'Oh,  then,' 
says  the  State  officer,  'give  me  back  the  college  fund.'  To  which  the 
bank  replies  'That  is  all  gone,  too.  And  you  cannot  much  regret  that 
for  the  college  is  an  aristocratic  institution  which  ought  to  be  leveled 
to  the  ground.'  'Well,  then,'  says  your  officer,  'if  that  is  gone,  do  give 
me  the  saline  fund. '  And  he  receives  for  an  answer,  '  Oh,  that  is  a  matter 
of  no  consequence,  there  is  plenty  of  salt  coming  from  the  Kanawha  and 
the  lakes.  There  is  no  necessity  for  salt.'  (Laughter.)  Then  last  of  all, 
staring  and  wild,  with  anxiety  in  his  countenance,  he  says,  'For  God's 
sake  give  me  the  little  pittance  that  belongs  to  the  rising  generation,  the 
money  that  belongs  to  the  boys  and  girls;  give  us  that  they  may  learn 
to  read  and  write,  and  know  their  rights  and  learn  the  history  of  your 
wrongs  and  oppressions.'  And  they  will  answer  you,  'No,  we  have  sunk 
that  fund  on  purpose  that  we  might  keep  them  in  ignorance,  that  they 
might  not  know  how  we  have  wronged  them.'  "  *i  There  is  absolutely  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  Pettit  believed  what  he  was  saying,  and  that  many 
others  believed  the  same  thing. 

The  most  serious  unanticipated  feature  of  the  article  of  the  Consti- 
tution on  education  was  the  construction  the  Supreme  Court  put  on  it. 
The  friends  of  education,  having  the  Constitution  satisfactorily  con- 
structed, secured  from  the  legislature  the  school  law  of  1852  to  carry  its 


■•1  Debates,  p.  1456. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  481 

provisions  into  effect;  and  a  state  school  tax  of  ten  cents  on  one  hundred 
dollars.  This  was  the  same  amount  that  had  been  levied  by  the  law  of 
1849,  and  indeed  the  tax  section  was  copied  from  that  law,  except  that 
as  Prof.  Larrabee  says,  the  engrossing  clerk  omitted  the  provision  for 
a  poll  tax  of  25  cents,  which  left  the  State  revenues  some  $40,000  less 
than  they  would  have  been  under  the  old  law.  It  also  reenacted  the 
provision  of  the  law  of  1849  that  the  townships  might  vote  a  tax  for 
buildings,  apparatus,  etc.,  "and  for  continuing  their  schools  after 
public  funds  have  been  expended,"  but  raised  the  limit  of  this  local 
tax  from  15  cents  on  $100  to  50  cents  and  a  50-eent  poll  tax.  In  the 
sgring  of  1853  Greencastle  Township,  Putnam  County,  voted  a  tax  of 
15  cents  and  25  cents  poll  for  common  schools,  and  Alexander  Black 
brought  suit  to  en.join  its  collection,  and  on  December  12,  1854,  the  Su- 
preme Court  held  the  local  tax  unconstitutional.  The  opinion  was  written 
by  Judge  Alvin  P.  Hovey,  who  had  been  appointed  in  May,  1854,  to  fill 
a  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Judge  Addison  L.  Roache,  and 
who  was  replaced  after  the  October  election  by  Samuel  Gookins.  In  the 
decision  on  the  petition  for  rehearing  in  this  case.  Judge  William  Z. 
Stuart  says:  "Judge  Hovey,  who  delivered  the  opinion  of  the  Court 
on  that  occasion  being  no  longer  on  the  bench,  it  is  not  improper  to  say 
that  his  position  as  a  distinguished  member  of  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention .justly  imparted  great  weight  to  his  opinions  on  questions  of 
constitutional  construction."  This  introduces  the  personal  equation. 
Alvin  Peterson  Hovey  was  born  at  Mt.  Vernon,  Indiana,  September  6, 
1821.  His  parents,  Abie!  Hovey  and  Frances  (Peterson)  Hovey,  both 
natives  of  Vermont,  who  had  located  on  a  farm  in  Posey  County  in 
1818.  The  father  died  in  1823,  and  the  mother  in  1836.  Young  Alvin 
found  various  employments,  finally  becoming  a  mason.  Then  he  began 
reading  law  at  night  in  the  office  of  Judge  John  Pitcher,  and  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  bar  in  1843.  He  attained  celebrity  by  ousting  the  execu- 
tors of  William  Maelure,  of  New  Harmony,  and  becoming  adminis- 
trator of  the  large  estate  of  that  eccentric  philanthropist.  He  was 
elected  to  the  Constitutional  Convention  of  1850,  and  served  as  Circuit 
Judge  from  1851  to  1854.  He  was  the  youngest  man  who  had  served  on 
the  Supreme  bench  at  the  time  of  his  appointment.  In  1856  he  was 
appointed  U.  S.  District  Attorney  by  President  Pierce,  but  was  removed 
by  President  Buchanan  on  account  of  his  allegiance  to  Stephen  A. 
Douglas.  He  was  a  "war  Democrat,"  and  at  Lincoln's  first  call  for 
troops  began  organizing  a  company.  He  was  made  Colonel  of  the  First 
Regiment  of  the  Indiana  Legion,  and  later  of  the  Twenty-fourth  Indiana 
Infantry;  was  with  Grant  on  the  Vicksburg  campaign,  and  was  made 
Brigadier  General  for  gallantry  at  Shiloh.     At  Champion's  Hill  his 


482  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

In-igado  bore  the  brunt  of  the  battle,  and  lost  one-third  of  its  numbers  in 
killed  and  wounded.  In  July,  1864,  Grant,  who  had  a  high  regard  for 
him,  made  him  Major  General,  and  directed  him  to  raise  ten  thousand 
men,  which  Ilovey  did.  He  a.sked  for  enlistments  of  unmarried  men  only, 
and  this  command,  known  as  "Hovey's  Babies,"  did  effective  service  on 
Sherman's  march  to  the  sea.  Later,  in  1864,  he  was  made  military  com- 
mander of  Indiana,  on  account  of  the  supposed  danger  from  the  "Sons 
of  Liberty."  From  1865  to  1870  he  was  Minister  to  Peru,  after  which 
he  resumed  the  practice  of  law  at  Mt.  Vernon.  He  refused  the  Kepubli- 
can  nomination  for  Governor  in  1872,  but  was  elected  to  Congress  in 
1886,  and  in  the  same  year  was  elected  Governor  of  Indiana.  He  died 
at  Indianapolis,  November  23,  1891.  He  was  somewhat  eccentric.  His 
intimates  said  that  he  believed  he  was  a  reineaAation  of  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte, and  that  he  used  to  retire  to  solitary  contemplation  on  the  anni- 
versary of  the  death  of  the  great  Corsican.  He  had  something  of 
Napoleon's  self-will;  but  it  was  currently  believed  that  this  impression 
of  his  was  erroneous. 

Hovey's  opinion  is  of  historical  interest  as  showing  how  he  and  those 
who  agreed  with  him  arrived  at  their  idea  of  what  the  Constitution 
meant,  for  it  is  very  certain  that  diiTerent  members  of  the  Convention 
understood  the  provision  differently.  Referring  to  the  school  law  of 
1849,  he  says:  "No  county  was  to  be  bound  by  its  provisions  until  it 
was  assented  to  by  a  majority  of  its  popular  vote.  Several  counties  in 
the  State  never  assented  to  the  act.  Besides  these,  many  local  laws  were 
enacted  for  the  management  of  schools  in  different  counties  and  town- 
ships throughout  the  State,  dissimilar  in  many  respects  to  each  other, 
and  to  the  general  law.  These  laws  gave  the  officers  having  control  of  the 
system  the  management  of  the  school  funds,  the  right  to  rent  and  sell 
school  lands,  and  in  some  instances  to  levy  taxes  for  the  support  of 
schools.  Under  their  operation  large  sums  of  money  were  wasted,  and 
some  of  the  most  valuable  lands  in  the  State  sacrificed,  without  producing 
any  perceptible  results.  Every  step  in  legislation  seemed  to  involve  the 
system  in  greater  expense  and  difficulty,  until  inefficiency,  confusion 
and  waste  seemed  to  be  the  legitimate  offspring  of  our  legislation  on 
that  (Subject."  Such  was  the  condition  when  the  Convention  provided 
for  "a  general  and  uniform  s.ystem  of  Common  Schools,  wherein  tuition 
shall  be  without  charge,  and  equally  open  to  all."  and  also  provided  that 
there  should  be  no  local  or  special  laws  "providing  for  supporting  com- 
mon schools,  and  for  the  preservation  of  school  funds."  He  continued: 
"Placed  in  this  condition,  the  State  occupied  the  position  of  a  parent  to 
her  children,  whose  duty  it  is  to  see  that  all  are  equally  provided  with 
the  means  of  education.     For  the  purpose  of  supplying  such  means, 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


483 


the  Constitution  authorizes  her  not  only  to  use  the  funds  heretofore  set 
apart  for  that  purpose,  but  to  compel  the  elder  brothers  of  the  same 
family,  by  'a  uniform  and  equal  rate  of  assessment  and  taxation'  to  aid 
her  in  carrying  out  the  scheme;  and  as  the  diffusion  of  knowledge  and 
learning  is  regarded  by  the  Constitution  as  'essential  to  the  preservation 
of  free  governments,'  it  would  seem  but  just  that  those  who  enjoy  such 
a  government  should  equally  assist  in  contributing  to  its  preservation. 


Colonel  Alvin  P.  Hovey,  Twenty-fourth  Infantry. 


The  inhabitants  of  one  county  or  township  should  not  be  compelled  to 
bear  greater  burdens  than  are  borne  by  all."  If  local  taxation  were  al- 
lowed, some  townships  might  provide  for  schools  "for  six,  nine,  or  twelve 
months;  so  that  there  would  really  exist  no  uniformity  either  as  to  the 
time  the  schools  should  be  kept,  or  as  to  taxes  to  be  paid  by  the  inhabitants 
of  the  respective  townships."  Not  only  would  there  be  inequality,  but 
local  officers  would  have  full  control  of  the  local  funds,  and  "should 
the  legislature  pass  a  law  for  the  assessment  of  a  mere  nominal  tax  (a 
supposition  not  remote  from  possibility)  the  whole  school  system  would 
be  left  at  the  mercy  of  a  popular  vote  of  the  different  townhips,  and  thvis 
all  the  evils  of  the  old  system  which  were  intended  to  be  avoided  by  the 


484  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

new  constitution — inequality  in  education,  inequality  of  taxation,  lack 
of  uniformity  in  schools,  and  a  shrinking  from  legislative  responsibilities, 
would  be  the  inevitable  result."  Of  course  the  Court  regretted  if  any 
delay  or  inconvenience  should  result,  but  it  was  its  duty  to  decide  what 
the  law  is,  and  it  was  the  province  of  the  legislature  to  make  the  laws 
conform  to  the  constitution. 

The  decision  raised  a  storm  of  protest  and  criticism  of  the  court 
from  the  friends  of  education,  who  saw  the  prize  for  which  they  had 
struggled  for  more  tlian  fifteen  years  thus  snatched  from  their  gi'asp. 
A  petition  for  rehearing  was  filed,  and  earnestly  argued.  Hovey  was 
oif  the  bench,  but  the  majority  of  the  Court,  in  a  labored  opinion  by 
Judge  William  Z.  Stuart,  adhered  to  the  original  decision.  He  admitted 
that  inconvenience  would  result,  but  "men  who  reason  on  such  questions 
not  from  principles,  but  results,  are  but  poorly  fitted  to  solve  constitu- 
tional difficulties."  Judges  must  not  be  intimidated  or  overawed  by 
criticism.  He  argued  that  the  Common  Law  rules  of  statutory  con- 
struction necessitated  the  decision ;  portrayed  the  horrors  that  would 
result  from  local  taxes,  and  concluded,  "and  the  courts  are  upbraided 
in  high  places,  for  upholding  the  constitution  and  the  public  faith  against 
such  pernicious  policy."  Petition  for  rehearing  overruled.'*-  The  effect 
on  the  schools  was  paralyzing.  Dr.  Boone  sums  it  up  thus :  "  As  a 
result,  the  school  term  was  shortened  to  two  and  a  half  months.  Many 
schools  were  altogether  closed.  Three  thousand  teachers  received  for 
their  services  an  average  of  $21.42  per  month,  or  $54.41  for  the  year's 
salary.  Real  teachers  were  driven  into  other  occupations,  or  opened 
private  schools.  The  education  of  the  rural  districts  was  at  a  discount. 
'A  three  months'  school,'  said  Superintendent  Mills  in  1855,  'followed 
by  a  nine  months'  recess,  is  so  near  an  approximation  to  nothing  in  its 
practical  results  that  it  seems  better  fitted  to  illustrate  perpetual  motion 
in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge  than  prove  itself  a  wise  and  efficient  means 
of  obtaining  it."*^  Superintendent  Larrahee  said:  "If  the  legislature 
will  pass  and  the  people  will  sustain  a  law  levying  a  tax  of  sufficient 
amount  to  support  the  schools  from  eight  to  ten  months  each  year,  we 
can  educate  the  people  under  the  present  system.  If  not,  we  had  better 
change  the  constitution  as  speedily  as  possible,  and  go  back  to  the  system 
of  1849,  or  some  other  system,  that  will  leave  the  people  to  manage  their 
school  affairs  in  their  own  way."  But  he  doubted  that  either  the  people 
or  the  legislature  would  consent  to  a  State  tax  sufficiently  large  to  cover 
the  entire  tuition  charge  of  the  State.  That  plan  is  of  course  feasible 
in  the  abstract.     The  Spartans  went  far  beyond  it  in  their  system  of 


4=  Greencastle  Township  vs.  Black,  5  Ind.,  p.  557. 
■■■'  Hist,  of  Edueation  in  Indiana,  p.  156. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  485 

state  education.  But  it  can  hardly  be  imagined  as  practicable  in  the 
United  States,  as  it  involves  a  very  complete  surrender  of  local  self- 
government  ;  and  there  is  no  point  where  government  touches  the  citizen 
more  closely  than  in  the  education  of  his  children. 

The  legislature  of  1855  did  not  undertake  a  system  of  complete  State 
support.  The  chief  demand  for  better  schools  came  naturally  from  the 
cities  and  towns ;  and  a  law  was  passed  making  them  school  districts,  and 
authorizing  them  to  levy  taxes  for  the  support  of  public  schools,  inde- 
pendent of,  but  not  interfering  with  the  common  schools.  Many  of  the 
cities  and  town  proceeded  to  reestablish  their  schools  under  this  law, 
among  them  the  city  of  Lafayette,  and  William  M.  Jenners  of  that  city 
brought  suit  to  enjoin  the  collection  of  the  tax.  Judge  John  Pettit,  then 
on  the  bench  in  Tippecanoe  County,  granted  the  injunction,  and  the  City 
appealed.  The  Supreme  Court  sustained  the  injunction,  saying,  in  the 
opinion,  by  Judge  Perkins  that  the  case  was  the  same  in  principle  as  the 
previous  township  case,  which  it  unquestionably  was.  He  reasserted 
broadly  the  former  position  of  Judge  Hovey,  saying:  "It  is  evidently 
the  intention  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  to  place  the  common 
school  system  under  the  direct  control  and  supervision  of  the  State,  and 
make  it  a  quasi  department  of  the  State  government."  Again  a  petition 
for  rehearing  was  made,  argued,  and  overruled.**  All  efforts  to  get  a 
change  in  the  Constitution  failed,  but  public  opinion  changed,  and  in 
1867  a  law  allowing  local  school  taxes  was  passed,  and  has  since  been 
enforced,  although  it  is  not  distinguishable  in  principle  from  the  laws 
of  1852  and  1855.  The  two  decisions  above  described,  remained  without 
being  formally  overruled  until  1885,  when  the  question  was  again  pre- 
sented to  the  Supreme  Court  on  an  appeal  from  Switzerland  County. 
The  Court  then,  in  an  elaborate  opinion  by  Judge  Byron  K.  Elliott,  ex- 
pressly overruled  both  of  the  early  decisions,  and  declared  that  they  had 
been  "long  since  overruled"  in  principle.  The  Court  then  said:  "There 
is  not  a  word  in  the  entire  article  of  the  Constitution  that,  directly  or 
indirectly,  prohibits  the  Legislature  from  making  use  of  these  agencies 
of  government  in  the  administration  of  local  school  affairs";  and  this 
is  certainly  interesting  in  connection  with  the  plea  of  the  Court  in  the 
earlier  cases  that  it  was  their  duty  to  enforce  the  Constitution  without 
regard  to  clamor  or  criticism.  Here  you  have  two  constructions  of  the 
same  provisions  of  the  Constitution,  by  the  highest  court  of  the  State, 
diametrically  opposite,  and  unless  it  is  assumed  that  the  members  of  the 
Court,  at  one  time  or  the  other,  were  either  imbecile  or  dishonest,  you  are 
forced  to  the  conclusion  that  the  Constitution  was  so  faultily  written  as 
to  give  legitimate  basis  for  two  conflicting  constructions.    The  historical 


**  City  of  Lafayette  vs.  Jenners,  10  Ind.,  p.  70. 


486 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


interest  lies  in  the  problem  of  tiiuling  some  rational  explanation  of  the 

facts. 

As  to  the  Courts,  the  natural  presumption  would  be  that  the  earlier 
judges  were  more  in  touch  with  the  purpose  of  the  Convention,  as  they 
were  not  only  contemporaneous  with  it,  but  Judge  Hovey  and  Judge 


Judge  B.  K.  Elliott 


Pettit  were  prominent  members  of  it.  On  the  other  hand,  neither  of 
them  took  any  part  in  the  debate  on  the  school  sections,  and  the  debate 
did  not  involve  this  question,  but  was  confined  to  other  features,  the 
chief  of  which  was  the  disposition  of  the  State  University,  as  above 
noted.  It  is  manifest  that  the  prohibition  of  local  and  special  legislation 
"providing  for  supporting  common  schools,  and  for  the  preservation  of 
school  funds,"  which  is  made  so  prominent  in  Judge  Hovey 's  argument, 
has  nothing  to  do  with  the  case.  No  stretch  of  language  could  make  the 
school  laws  of  1852  and  1855,  or  tJie  tax  sections  of  those  laws,  either 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  487 

local  or  special.  They  apply  equally  to  all  parts  of  the  State.  The 
only  room  for  difference  of  construction  of  the  words  is  in  the  meaning 
given  to  the  word  "uniform."  The  Constitution  of  1816  provided:  "It 
shall  be  the  duty  of  the  General  Assembly,  as  soon  as  circumstances  will 
permit,  to  provide,  by  law,  for  a  general  system  of  education,  ascending 
in  a  regular  gradation,  from  township  schools  to  a  state  university, 
wherein  tuition  shall  be  gratis,  and  equally  open  to  all."  The  Constitu- 
tion of  1851  made  it  the  duty  of  the  General  Assembly  "to  provide  by 
law,  for  a  general  and  uniform  system  of  Common  Schools,  wherein 
tuition  shall  be  without  charge,  and  equally  open  to  all."  The  latter 
provision,  as  reported  by  the  committee  on  education,  also  included  the 
words  "as  soon  as  circumstances  will  permit";  and  in  moving  to  strike 
these  words  out,  Col.  James  R.  M.  Bryant,  of  the  committee,  .said:  "I 
will  say  that  this  clause  was  inserted  inadvertently  by  the  committee. 
It  was  not  intended  to  retain  any  thing  more  of  the  first  section  of  the 
present  Constitution,  than  those  parts  of  it  that  were  applicable  to  our 
system.  We  certainly  did  not  intend  to  insert  anything  that  would  have 
the  effect  of  preventing  or  postponing  the  establishment  of  free 
schools. ' '  *^  Here  is  a  frank  confession  that  the  committee  did  not  give 
careful  scrutiny  to  the  words  of  the  section.  There  were  only  two  other 
changes  in  these  words.  The  substitution  of  "without  charge"  for 
"gratis"  was  no  doubt  due  to  the  objection  of  Edward  R.  May,  who  was 
a  member  of  the  committee,  to  the  use  of  Latin  words,  as  to  which  he 
addressed  the  Convention  at  length.""'  The  other  was  the  addition  of 
the  words  "and  uniform."  Presumably  the  object  of  this  was  to  do  away 
with  the  various  systems  that  had  grown  up  in  the  various  counties 
through  the  agency  of  local  and  special  laws,  and  wholly  independent 
officials.  The  only  reference  to  it  in  the  debates  was  by  John  I.  ]\Iorri- 
son,  the  chairman  of  the  committee  on  education.  He  was  a  school 
teacher,  and  one  of  the  best  in  the  State.  In  the  discussion  of  the  pro- 
vision for  a  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  which  he  had  intro- 
duced, he  said:  "Every  gentleman  must  be  aware  that  our  common 
school  system  has  not  answered  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  devised. 
The  truth  is  we  have  no  uniform  system.  In  one  county  a  particular 
course  of  instruction  is  pursued ;  and  in  an  adjoining  county  the  course 
is  altogether  different.  If  we  wish  to  have  a  system  that  will  be  general, 
uniform,  and  efficient,  we  miist  have  an  officer  whose  special  business  it 
mil  be  to  direct,  control,  and  guide  that  system."*''  Obviously  what  he 
meant  here  by  a  uniform  system  of  schools,  was  one  in  which  the  instruc- 


*-=  Debates,  p.  1858. 
4<!  Debates,  p.  1383. 
f  Debates,  p.  1861. 


4b  8 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


tion  was  similar,  and  not  one  in  wliich  the  schools  were  conducted  for 
the  same  number  of  days,  or  with  the  same  number  of  pupils,  or  by 
teachers  with  equal  salaries. 

Twenty-seven  yearsL  later,  Mr.  Morrison  wrote  an  article  on  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Constitution  as  to  education,  in  which  he  gave  "a  little  of 
its  inside  and  unpublished  history,  as  it  was  moulded  by  the  Committee 


John  I.  Morrison 


on  Education."  In  this  he  says:  "The  standing  Committee  on  Educa- 
tion, selected  by  the  president  chiefly  on  account  of  their  well-known 
sentiments  in  favor  of  free  schools  and  liberal  education,  was  announced 
in  the  following  order :  Messrs.  Morrison,  of  Washington ;  Bryant,  May, 
Hitt,  Foster,  Stevenson,  Nofsinger,  Milligan,  and  Blythe.  This  commit- 
tee went  to  work  immediately,  elected  Col.  James  R.  M.  Bryant,  of 
Warren,  secretary,  and  resolved  to  hold  stated  meetings  weekly,  daily, 
when  necessary;  to  compare  views,  collect  information,  and  take  action 
upon  all  subjects  of  special  reference  by  the  convention.    Without  ex- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  489 

agge ration  it  may  be  added  that  every  member  was  fully  impressed  with 
a  deep  sense  of  the  heavy  responsibility  that  rested  upon  him,  and  long 
and  earnest  were  the  conflicts,  before  the  general  principles  were  settled, 
which  should  be  embodied  in  the  final  report  of- the  committee.  Indeed, 
the  first  section  of  the  article,  which  in  the  main  was  copied  from  the 
old  constitution,  gave  rise  to  many  warm  and  exciting  discussions.  A 
close  comparison,  however,  will  reveal  differences  vitally  important  to 
the  success  and  efficiency  of  the  whole  scheme.  By  the  new  constitution, 
a  general  and  uniform  system  of  common  schools  is  established,  wherein 
tuition  shall  be  without  charge  and  equally  open  to  all.  Under  the  old 
constitution  all  was  chaos  and  uncertainty;  and  the  legislature  was 
authorized  to  act  "as  soon  as  circumstances  will  permit."  By  the  new, 
every  provision  is  mandatory.  The  system  cannot  remain  inert,  it  must 
be  in  active  operation;  it  must  have  motion;  it  must  move  everywhere 
and  at  all  times;  and  it  must  be  uniform.  While  every  word  in  this 
first  section  was  submitted  to  the  severest  scrutiny,  there  was  none  that 
was  canvassed  with  more  care  and  diligence  than  the  word  "uniform." 
One  member  of  the  committee  contended  with  great  zeal  and  pertinacity, 
that  "equitable"  was  the  proper  word;  but  a  wiser  and  better  judgment 
preponderated,  and  this  term  was  allowed  to  stand. 

"The  second  section,  which  particularizes  what  the  principal  of  the 
Common  School  Fund  shall  consist  of,  was  adopted  in  committee  after 
much  labor  and  painstaking,  especially  the  clause  which  makes  the  fund 
to  be  derived  from  the  sale  of  county  seminaries  and  the  fines  assessed  for 
breaches  of  the  penal  laws  of  the  state,  and  all  forfeitures  that  may  accrue, 
a  part  of  the  principal  of  the  common  school  fund.  It  was  earnestly 
contended  that  all  moneys  arising  from  such  sources  should  be  regarded 
as  so  much  annual  income,  and  be  applied  as  fast  as  it  accrued  to  defray 
the  current  expenses  of  tuition.  But  a  majority  of  the  committee  would 
entertain  no  proposition  which  did  not  contemplate  a  constant  addition 
to  the  principal  of  the  fund — an  ever  swelling  tide — to  such  an  extent 
as  would,  within  a  limited  time,  produce  an  income  amply  sufficient, 
without  any  supplement  from  taxation,  to  educate  every  child,  of  suit- 
able age,  in  the  state.  This  point  being  settled,  the  way  was  opened  for 
the  adoption  of  the  third  section  without  much  debate  with  the  exception 
of  a  little  sharp  criticism  of  the  redundancy  of  the  phrase  '  to  no  other 
purpose  whatever.'  in  the  seeond  clause,  which  reads  as  follows:  'and 
the  income  thereof  shall  be  inviolably  appropriated  to  the  support  of 
common  schools,  and  to  no  other  purpose  whatever.'  Although  the 
retention  of  this  phrase  was  said  to' be  in  deference  to  the  wishes  of  the 
chairman,  yet,  in  the  light  of  experience,  its  necessity  has  been  fully 
vindicated ;  and  it  is  believed  that  no  true  friend  of  common  schools  can 


490  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

be  found,  at  the  present  day,  so  hypercritical  as  to  extract,  if  he  could, 
that  clincher  from  the  constitution. 

"The  sixth  section,  which  held  the  several  counties  liable  for  so  much 
of  the  fund  as  may  be.  entrusted  to  them,  and  for  the  payment  of  the 
annual  interest  thereon,  met  with  very  formidable  opposition,  when 
first  suggested  in  the  committee;  but  when  it  was  shown  that  this  section 
was  an  exact  copy  of  the  law  already  upon  the  statute  books,  all  opposition 
was  withdrawn.  This  section  has  done  its  full  share  in  preserving  the 
integi'ity  of  the  principal,  and  securing  the  payment  in  full  of  all  the 
accruing  interest.  For  the  seventh  section  which  makes  all  trust  funds 
remain  inviolate,  the  state  is  indebted  to  the  late  Hon.  John  Pettit, — 
not  a  member  of  the  committee,  but  one  of  the  ablest  delegates  of  the 
Convention.  For  the  eigthth  section  wliicli  provides  for  the  election  of 
a  State  Superintendent  of  .Public  Instruction,  the  chairman  of  the  com- 
mittee must  alone  be  held  responsible.  By  a  ma.iority  vote  in  committee 
this  section  was  stricken  out  from  the  final  report.  The  potent  argu- 
ment used  to  defeat  the  measure,  was  the  creation  of  an  additional  State 
officer,  and  the  consequent  expense  of  maintaining  such  an  office.  The 
news  of  the  decision  of  the  committee  in  rejecting  the  section  was  re- 
ceived with  very  *reat  alarm  by  its  friends  on  the  floor  of  the  convention. 
It  was  regarded  as  a  fatal  blow  against  the  State's  undei'taking  to  edu- 
cate the  children  of  the  State.  Without  a  sentinel  to  guard  the  public 
funds  from  pillage  and  misappropriation,  as  well  as  a  head  to  guide  the 
general  system  and  mould  it  into  proper  form,  it  was  believed  that  the 
whole  system  would  soon  become  a  wreck ;  as  certainly  as  the  richly  laden 
vessel,  when  deprived  of  a  captain,  to  keep  its  reckoning  and  control  its 
helm.  In  the  midst  of  general  despondency,  the  chairman,  having  found 
a  few  sympathizing  friends  who  proffered  their  support,  determined  to 
submit  the  re.iection  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Convention.  To  his 
great  relief,  after  a  somewhat  stormy  debate,  the  additional  section  was 
adopted,  and  was  ordered  to  be  engrossed  by  a  vote  of  78  to  50.  To 
satisfy  any  regrets  that  the  term  of  office  was  not  made  four  years  in 
stead  of  two,  it  may  sufifice  to  add  that  the  aid  referred  to  was  promised 
on  the  express  condition  that  the  term  of  office  should  be  limited  to  two 
years."** 

This  statement  as  to  the  adoption  of  the  word  "uniform"  opens  a 
new  field.  AVhat  is  an  "equitable  school  system"?  And  in  what  relation 
to  a  school  system  could  the  word  "equitable"  be  used  to  make  it  prac- 
tically synonj'mous  with  "uniform"?  In  the  contemporary  discussion 
of  the  schools,  I  have  found  the  word  used  but  once,  and  that  by  Royal 


4S  Indiana  School  Journal,  1878,  p.  435. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  491 

Mayliew,  in  1846,  he  being  then  Treasurer  of  State,  and  ex  officio  Super- 
intendent of  Common  Schools.  In  his  report  for  that  year,  he  refers  to 
the  distribution  of  the  local  taxes  to  the  school  districts,  by  the  Township 
trustees,  the  taxes  being  then  collected  on  a  township  basis  only,  as  pre- 
senting many  abuses.  He  says:  "Instances  are  not  wanting  where  the 
most  populous  district  of  a  township,  in  which  resided  all  the  Township 
Trustees,  or  an  acting  ma.jority,  has  received  all  the  funds  due  the  town- 
ship for  several  years  in  succession."  And  further,  "Most  of  the  com- 
plaints which  have  come  to  this  office  in  reference  to  the  distribution  of 
funds,  have  been  on  this  point,  and  I  have  been  compelled  to  notice,  in 
the  most  instances,  that  a  strong  equitable  claim  seemed  to  be  presented 
in  favor  of  the  deprived  district."  The  obvious  equitable  system  was 
to  divide  the  funds  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  children  of  school 
age  in  each  district.  With  this  abuse  in  mind,  and  with  the  added  facts 
that  now,  for  the  first  time,  they  were  preparing  for  a  State  tax  for 
tuition,  and  were  putting  all  of  the  school  funds  under  control  of  the 
State  for  distribution  of  the  interest — even  attempting  to  include  the 
Congressional  Township  fund,  for  the  purpose  of  "equalization" — it 
is  evident  that  the  member  who  insisted  on  the  word  "equitable"  was 
referring  to  the  distribution  of  the  funds,  and  that  the  Committee  was 
satisfied  that  in  this  sense  the  meaning  was  covered  by  "uniform."  And 
this  system  of  distribution  was  adopted  in  the  school  law  of  1852,  and 
has  been  used  ever  since.  To  this  idea  of  each  child  receiving  equal 
benefit  from  the  State's  funds  for  tuition,  Hovey  evidently  added,  by 
a  natural  process  of  enlargement,  the  idea  "and  no  benefit  from  any 
other  fund  for  tuition." 

The  weakest  point  in  the  argument  of  the  early  decisions  was  that 
the  Court  made  no  pretense  of  giving  the  same  construction  to  the  same 
words  elsewhere  in  the  constitution.  The  prohibition  of  local  and  special 
laws  reads:  "  In  all  the  cases  enumerated  in  the  preceding  section,  and 
in  all  other  cases  where  a  general  law  can  he  made  applicable,  all  laws 
shall  be  general,  and  of  uniform  operation  throughout  the  State."  This 
is  even  stronger  language  than  the  other,  for  the  "operation"  must  be 
uniform.  One  of  the  specifications  is  "county  and  township  business," 
but  the  Court  did  not  hold  this  to  mean  that  counties  must  pay  equal 
amounts  for  their  court  houses,  or  townships  pay  equal  amounts  for 
roads  and  bridges.  The  Constitution  required  the  legislature  to  provide 
by  law  for  ' '  a  uniform  and  equal  rate  of  taxation ' ' ;  but  the  Court  did 
not  hold  that  the  rate  of  taxation  must  be  the  same  in  all  places.  Why, 
then,  did  the  Court  adopt  this  construction  in  this  case?  In  the  later 
case  of  Robinson  vs.  Schenk,  the  Court  says:  "It  is  impossible  to  logic- 
ally maintain  that  a  system  which  confers  iipon  all  localities  alike  the 


4:12  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

power  of  governing  and  maintaining  schools  is  not  a  general  and  uniform 
system.  Where  there  is  no  discrimination  made  in  favor  of  one  sub- 
division or  against  others,  there  is  neither  want  of  uniformity  nor  is  the 
system  any  other  than  a  general  one.  *  *  *  It  is  difficult,  if  not 
impossible,  to  perceive  the  shadow  of  a  reason  for  characterizing  the 
sj'stem  as  wanting  in  uniformity  or  generality."  If  this  statement  be 
accepted,  there  must  have  been  some  outside  cause  for  the  earlier 
decisions. 

It  was  charged  at  the  time  that  they  were  for  political  purposes,  and 
there  is  some  color  of  basis  for  the  charge.  The  legislature  of  1853  had 
passed  a  local  option  liquor  law,  and  the  Supreme  Court  had  held  it  un- 
constitutional, on  the  ground  that  the  legislature  could  not  delegate  its 
authority  to  the  people  in  such  a  way  that  a  law  could  have  one  effect 
in  one  locality,  and  a  different  effect  in  another.  This  was  charged  to 
have  been  done  in  the  interest  of  the  liquor  business,  and  as  a  concession 
to  the  Germans,  who  were  practically  unanimous  against  any  interference 
with  their  personal  rights.  In  the  spring  of  1854,  the  Democratic  State 
Convention  declared  against  prohibition,  and  against  political  organiza- 
tions based  on  temperance.  The  Supreme  Court  was  Democratic,  and  to 
maintain  an  appearance  of  consistency  they  had  to  stand  against  local 
option  in  other  things,  including  taxes  for  schools.  But  there  was  a 
more  plausible  reason.  In  the  elections  of  that  year,  the  "Peoples 
Party,"  composed  of  free-soil  Democrats,  anti-slavery  Whigs,  Know- 
nothings  and  Temperance  men,  carried  the  State  and  elected  a  majority 
of  both  houses  of  the  legislature,  in  the  October  election.  The  first  school 
decision  was  handed  down  two  months  later.  One  of  the  commonest 
kinds  of  political  finesse  is  making  trouble  for  the  opposition,  without 
regard  to  its  eifect  on  the  public.  The  first  school  decision  was  an  express 
declaration  that  it  was  the  duty  of  this  newly  elected  legislature  to  levy 
a  State  school  tax  large  enough  to  maintain  all  the  schools  in  the  State, 
and  thereby  make  ' '  the  elder  brothers ' '  pay  for  the  tuition  in  the  poorer 
parts  of  the  State.  On  failure  to  do  this,  the  new  legislature  was  charged 
with  intent  to  ruin  the  schools.  Of  course  the  newspapers  of  the  new 
party  bombarded  the  Supreme  Court,  and  they  were  ably  aided  by  the 
teachers  of  the  State,  without  regard  to  party.  After  the  second  de- 
cision, the  criticism  centered  on  Judge  Perkins,  who  wrote  the  opinion, 
and  who  was  also  held  responsible  for  the  overthrow  of  the  prohibition 
liquor  law  of  1855.  Perkins  was  somewhat  sensitive — in  the  expressive 
phrase  of  the  agricultural  frontier,  "He  couldn't  .stand  the  gad" — and 
he  broke  into  print  with  a  letter  to  the  editor  of  the  Richmond  Jeffer- 
sonian,  which  was  republished  in  the  Indianapolis  Sentinel.  The  School 
Journal  published  it  in  its  issue  for  May,  1857,  with  the  statement  that 


INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS  493 

it  "is  certainly  worthy  the  attention  of  teachers,  and  we  therefore  give 
all  whom  it  may  concern,  Judge  Perkins  especially,  the  benefit  of  our 
circulation."    It  is  as  follows: 

"Indianapolis,  April  27,  1857. 
"Dear  Jeff. 

"I  see  by  the  last  number  of  our  School  Journal  that  Mr.  Hurty,  of 
your  city,  has  been  appointed  agent  of  the  State  Teachers'  Association 
in  place  of  E.  P.  Cole,  late  of  this  city.  The  change  is  unimportant,  as 
both  of  the  men  seem  to  be  self-important,  rabid,  Kansas-screeching 
Abolitionists.  Such  appears  to  be  Hurty 's  character,  as  given  in  the 
Richmond  papers — such,  I  infer,  to  be  Cole's,  from'  his  flings  at  the 
South  in  the  School  Journal — a  publication,  unworthy  from  its  partisan 
bearings,  of  the  patronage  of  the  people  of  the  State.  The  truth  is  the 
success  of  our  attempt  to  establish  free  schools  in  this  State  is  likely  to 
be  endangered  by  the  efforts  of  the  Abolitionists  to  convert  them  to 
partisan  purposes.  The  teachers  of  our  children  are  mostly  picked  up 
by  that  old-school  Abolitionist,  Slade,  of  Vermont,  and  shipped  out  here, 
from  that  great  cesspool  of  treason,  free-soilism.  Abolitionism,  Atheism, 
and  a  Kansas-screeching,  adulterous  clergy — New  England — the  section 
ihat  voted  for  Aaron  Burr  and  Fremont,  and  against  the  country  in 
the  war  of  1812 ;  while  the  Republicans  here  manoeuvre  to  get  them 
employed  in  the  schools,  and  secretly  stimulate  them  to  teach  their  i»)ns 
in  school,  and  insult  those  children  of  Democrats  who  will  not  swallow 
them.  There  are,  I  wish  to  Hay.  .some  good  and  patriotic  men  and  women 
in  New  England,  but  Slade  don't  ship  them  out  here. "^^ 

By  way  of  explanation,  it  may  be  stated  that  Josiah  Hurty,  father  of 
Dr.  John  N.  Hurty,  our  etificient  State  health  agent,  was  a  school  teacher 
and  an  active  and  aggressive  advocate  of  free  schools.  E.  P.  Cole  had 
been  principal  of  the  first  Indianapolis  high  school,  which  was  held  in 
the  old  Marion  County  Seminar.y  building,  on  University  Square,  from 
1853.  He  remained  in  this  position  until  the  second  school  decision 
broke  up  the  Indianapolis  schools  in  1858 ;  when  he  was  called  to  the 
office  of  Superintendent  of  Schools  at  Minneapolis.  He  was  a  New 
England  man,  but  was  not  "shipped  out  by  Slade,"  and  he  was  a  very 
efficient  school  official.  Gov.  William  Slade  was  a  well  educated  man, 
of  both  legal  and  literary  accomplishments,  who  represented  Vermont 
in  Congress  from  1830  to  1842,  after  which  he  was  appointed  Reporter  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  that  State,  and  elected  Governor  for  two  terms, 
in  1844  and  1845.     Later,  he  was  for  fifteen  years  secretary  of  "The 


•49  Ind.  School  Journal,  Vol.  2,  p.  149. 


494  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

National  Board  of  Popular  Education,"  an  organization  which  prepared 
and  sent  to  the  West  and  Northwest  some  500  women  teachers,  part  of 
whom  came  to  Indiana.  Slade  was  a  strong  anti-slavery  man,  and  on 
December  20,  1837,  made  a  speech  in  Congress  on  a  petition  for  the 
abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  roused  the  special 
wrath  of  the  South,  and  madi-  him  noted  throughout  the  country.  There 
is  no  known  evidence  that  the  young  women  sent  to  Indiana  were  in- 
strumental in  overthrowing  the  political  prejudices  of  the  State,  and  in 
fact  they  were  cordially  welcomed.  The  popular  sentiment  was  fairly 
expressed  by  Prof.  Daniel  Read,  in  an  address  on  education  to  the 
legislature,  on  December  30,  1851,  in  which  he  said:  "Is  the  question 
asked,  where  are  we  to  obtain  our  teachers  of  common  schools?  Gov- 
ernor Slade,  I  suppose,  will  send  us  well  qualified  Yankee  girls.  Well, 
we  are  glad  to  receive  them — some  of  our  young  men,  especially  our 
bachelors  and  widowers.  We  are  glad  to  receive  them  upon  any  terms, 
whether  as  teachers  or  as  wives ;  or  first  as  teachers  and  then  as  wives. 
The  more  that  can  be  sent,  or  come  of  their  own  accord,  the  better.  We 
have  a  broad  land.  It  is  our  State  policy  to  invite  and  encourage  im- 
migration to  our  borders.  With  this  view,  we  allow  men  coming  among 
us  that  most  sacred  privilege  of  citizenship,  the  right  of  voting,  after  a 
residence  among  us  of  but  six  months.  True,  we  exclude  colored  pop- 
ulation; but  to  the  fair,  and  especially  if  very  fair,  coming  in  whatever 
capacity,  and  from  whatever  quarter,  we  proffer  rights  and  privileges 
dearer  far  than  the  right  of  voting  and  that,  too,  it  may  be,  in  a  much 
shorter  time  than  even  six  months." 

There  is  no  way  of  determining  definitely  the  motives  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  in  the  early  decisions,  but  my  personal  belief,  from  ac- 
quaintance with  the  man,  is  that  Hovey  was  perfectly  honest  in  his 
expressed  opinion,  and  that  in  reality  the  minds  of  the  delegates  to  the 
Convention  never  met  on  this  subject.  Among  the  friends  of  free  schools, 
the  almost  universal  idea  was  that  the  State  should  furnish  tuition  for 
a  three  months'  school,  and  that  idea  was  repeatedly  expressed  in  dis- 
cussions of  the  subject  outside  of  the  Convention,  as  well  as  being  what 
the  laws  of  1852  and  1855  aimed  to  provide.  But  none  of  them  had  any 
idea  of  limiting  it  to  three  months  by  cutting  off  local  support.  Caleb 
Jlills  was  elected  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  in  1854,  and  in 
his  first  report,  of  January  19,  1855,  he  discusses  the  decisions— the  one 
holding  that  the  townships  must  furnish  everything  but  tuition,  and  the 
other  holding  that  the  State  alone  must  furnish  tuition — as  if  the  idea 
were  novel  to  him.  His  evident  purpose  was  to  make  the  best  of  the  sit- 
uation, and,  with  proper  regard  for  his  official  position,  he  does  not  blame 
the  Supreme  Court,  bijt  the  people  who  broufrht  the  suits.     He  says  that 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  495 

"these  questions  are  now  settled,  to  the  satisfaction  at  least  of  those  who 
raised  them,"  and  that  "it  is  exceedingly  important  that  our  educational 
progress  should  not  hereafter  be  again  interrupted  by  the  interposition  of 
any  more  such  legal  questions  as  have  stopped  the  erection  of  our  school 
houses,  closed  our  schools,  arrested  the  education  of  our  youth,  and  sent 
our  children  with  tears  and  sadness  to  their  homes."     As  to  the  deci- 
sions themselves,  he  says:    "There  is  no  hazard  in  the  assertion  that  the 
idea  of  the  State,  in  her  sovereign  capacity,  pledging  herself  to  furnish 
not  only  the  funds  for  tuition,  but  the  means  to  provide  buildings  and 
books,  fuel  and  furniture,  never  entered  the  minds  of  the  framers  of  the 
Constitution.     They   entertained  no   such   transcendental   scheme;   they 
contemplated  no  such  Utopian  mission  for  our  educational  funds;  they 
anticipated  no  such  centralization  of  power,  nor  would  they  tolerate  such 
greedy  partners  of  the  educational  patrimony  of  our  youth.    If  this  view 
be  correct,  then  we  can  see  very  clearly  the  reason  and  correctness  of  this 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court.    The  legislature  is  compelled  by  this  de- 
cree to  meet  the  responsibility  of  providing  the  requisite  funds  by  tax- 
ation.   They  cannot  divide  the  responsibility  with  the  townships.    That 
feature  of  the  law  authorizing  township  taxation  for  the  purpose  of  rais- 
ing means  for  tuition  is  not  only  unconstitutional  on  the  ground  of  a  want 
of  uniformity  but  is  exceedingly  inequitable  and  oppressive.     On  the 
assumption  that  the  expense  of  a  six  months'  school  would  require  a  levy 
of  a  three  mills  tax  (on  one  dollar)  on  the  property  of  the  State,  then 
it  is  evident  that  if  the  avails  of  a  one  mill  tax  are  furnished  by  the 
State  the  balance  must  be  provided  by  the  townships,  or  the  requisitions 
of  the  Constitution  are  not  met.     Experience  has  shown  that  townships 
of  equal  population  will  often  differ  in  wealth  more  than  one  hundred  per 
cent.     On  the  basis  of  such  a  difference  of  valuation  but  an  equality  of 
population,  we  shall  have  an  inequality  of  an  hundred  per  cent,  in  taxa- 
tion for  a  specific  object,  for' which  the  Constitution  requires  the  State 
to  make  uniform  provision.     *     *     *     Tj^g  Constitution  requires  uni- 
formity in  other  departments  as  well  as  in  education.     *     *     *     If  this 
view  be  correct,  the  decision  is  rather  a  matter  of  rejoicing  than  regret." 
On  this  basis  he  urged  the  legislature  to  levy  a  tax  sufficient  for  uni- 
versal six  months'  school,  which  he  said  was  all  that  could  be  asked  of 
the  State.    But  if  Mills  had  held  such  views  as  these  before  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution,  he  would  certainly  have  made  some  expression  of 
them ;  and  the  readiness  with  which  he  adopted  them  is  guaranty  of  their 
seeming  feasibility.    It  is  easy  enough  to  see  how  a  man  like  Hovey,  who 
showed  no  special  interest  in  the  school  reform,  might  have  got  his  idea 
from  the  general  demand  for  the  abolition  of  local  and  special  legisla- 
tion, and  the  common  talk  about  "State-supported  schools."  Of  course  it 


496 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


is  possible  that  he  may  have  been  put  forward  by  the  rest  of  the  Court 
to  render  tlie  decision,  on  account  of  his  known  views. 

The  Convention  practically  ended  its  labors  on  Saturday,  February 
8,  but  adjourned  to  Monday  morning  at  6  o'clock.  At  that  time  a 
few  formal  resolutions  were  adopted,  the  completed  Constitution  was 
read,  and  the  Chairman  delivered  his  farewell  address.  The  only  I'oll 
call  showed  79  members  present,  but  a  note  states  that  "Messrs.  Ristine, 
Biddle  and  Hogin  were  in  the  city,  but  unable  to  attend  by  reason  of 
severe  indisposition."    The  rest  of  the  members  had  presumably  gone 


First  Masonic   Temple,   Built  1848-50 
(Where  Constitutional  Convention  closed) 

home.  Before  adjourning,  the  Convention  ordered  50,000  copies  of  the 
Constitution  printed  in  English,  and  5,000  in  German,  together  with  the 
Address  to  the  People.  In  accordance  with  the  recommendation  of  the 
Convention,  the  legislature  ordered  the  Constitution  submitted  to  the 
voters  at  the  August  election,  the  question  of  negro  exclusion  being  sub- 
mitted separately.  There  was  no  organized  opposition  to  its  adoption, 
and  the  general  satisfaction  of  the  people  with  the  instrument  is  shown 
by  the  vote  of  113,2.30  for  adoption  to  27,638  against.  It  is  notable  that 
although  eighteen  counties  had  voted  against  a  convention,  only  one 
voted  against  the  Constitution.  This  was  Ohio,  where  the  vote  was  315 
to  438 ;  but  there  were  some  of  the  other  southern  counties  where  the 
vote  was  close,  as  in  Ripley  1,059  to  941,  Switzerland  966  to  942,  and 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  497 

Vanderburgh  655  to  628.  On  the  other  hand,  the  vote  against  the  Con- 
stitution in  some  of  the  northern  counties  was  remarkably  light,  the  op- 
position being  only  6  votes  in  Benton,  12  in  Blackford,  10  in  Jasper,  8 
in  Lake,  18  in  Marshall,  2  in  Porter,  6  in  Pulaski,  and  none  in  Starke. 
On  September  3,  1851,  Governor  Wright  issued  his  proclamation  cer- 
tifying the  vote  for  the  Constitution,  and  for  Article  13  (negro  ex- 
clusion), and  reciting:  "I  do,  therefore,  by  virtue  of  the  authority 
vested  in  me,  declare  and  make  known  that  the  New  Constitution  is 
adopted  by  the  good  people  of  this  State,  as  the  Constitution  of  the 
State  of  Indiana ;  and  that  the  said  thirteenth  article  is  declared  to  be  a 
part  of  said  New  Constitution — the  whole  to  take  effect  and  be  in  force 
on  and  after  the  first  day  of  November,  A.  D.  1851."  The  existing  of- 
ficials continued  in  office  until  replaced  after  the  election  of  1852,  but 
took  an  oath  to  support  the  new  Constitution.  And  so  it  went  into  effect 
without  making  a  ripple  on  the  surface,  but  the  people  are  not  yet  as- 
sured as  to  what  all  of  its  provisions  mean. 


Vol.  1—3  2 


CHAPTER  X 

DRIFTING  INTO  WAR 

The  decade  from  1850  to  1860  belongs  with  the  history  of  the  Civil 
War,  as  the  period  in  which  the  war  feeling  developed.  There  had  been 
an  abundance  of  more  or  less  angry  squabbling  between  the  North  and 
the  South  before  that  time,  and  even  some  threats  of  secession,  but  the 
recurrent  causes  of  friction  had  been  removed  by  compromises,  and  each 
time  the  nation  dropped  back  into  a  comparatively  pacific  state  until 
some  new  point  of  controversy  stirred  up  the  feeling  of  antagonism 
again.  The  Mexican  ^Yar  had  a  unifying  influence,  with  soldiei-s  from 
all  parts  of  the  country  fighting  side  by  side  against  a  foreign  enemy. 
In  the  Oregon  question,  the  sentiment  of  "Fifty-four  Forty  or  Fight" 
had  come  to  an  inglorious  but  sensible  end  by  a  compromise  on  parallel 
49  as  the  boundary;  and  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California  soon  di- 
verted attention  from  it  altogether.  In  the  campaign  of  1848,  the  Demo- 
crats deprecated  any  further  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  and  the 
Whigs  ignored  it  entirely,  and  nominated  General  Taylor  on  his  Mexican 
War  record.  Taylor  ignored  the  slavery  question  as  completely  in  his 
.speeches  as  the  party  did  in  its  platform,  and  both  the  Whigs  and  the 
Democrats  devoted  much  of  the  campaign  to  abuse  and  ridicule  of  the 
Free  Soilers,  who  had  appeared  as  a  new  party,  with  ]\Iartin  Van  Buren 
as  their  candidate.  The  .election  was  eloquent  of  the  suppression  of  the 
slavery  question  as  a  national  issue.  Taylor's  popular  vote  was  1.360, 
099;  that  of  Governor  Cass,  the  Democratic  nominee  was  1,220,544; 
while  Van  Buren  received  only  291,263;  but  Van  Buren 's  vote  was  so 
located  that  it  formed  the  balance  of  power  in  a  half-dozen  northern 
states.  In  the  South,  Van  Buren 's  total  popular  vote  was  80  in  Delaware, 
125  in  ilaryland,  and  9  in  Virginia.  Taylor,  a  Louisiana  slave  holder, 
carried  all  of  New  England  except  Maine  and  New  Hampshire,  while 
Cass  carried  all  of  the  old  Northwest  Territory  and  Iowa.  Of  the  south- 
ern states,  Cass  carried  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  Alabama,  Mississippi, 
Texas,  Arkansas  and  Missouri.  South  Carolina  had  not  yet  adopted  the 
popular  vote  for  electors,  and  the  vote  of  that  state  was  cast  by  the  legis- 

498 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  499 

lature.  Massachusetts  required  a  majority  vote  in  elections,  and  there 
being  no  majority  vote  in  that  state,  its  legislature  also  voted  for  Taylor 
along  with  the  legislature  of  South  Carolina. 

On  its  face,  the  election  in  Indiana  was  very  like  that  in  the  other 
northern  states,  but  there  were  some  local  characteristics.  Gen.  Taylor, 
when  a  captain,  in  1812,  had  successfully  defended  Fort  Harrison,  which 
was  long  remembered  in  the  State,  but  he  had  reflected  severely  and 
unjustly  on  the  Second  Indiana  regiment  at  Buena  Vista,  and  that  was 
a  fi-esh  and  open  sore.  It  was  made  worse  by  the  fact  that  Taylor's 
report  was  largelj-  based  ou  the  report  to  him  of  Col.  Jefferson  Davis, 
later  of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  who  commanded  the  Mississippi 
regiment  which  came  to  the  relief  of  the  Indiana  troops  at  Buena  Vista. 
Davis  was  a  son-in-law  of  Taylor.  There  is  a  tradition  at  Vincennes 
that  the  courtship  of  Davis  and  Sarah  Knox  Taylor  began  at  Vincennes— 
a  tradition  confirmed  by  the  preservation  of  the  boulder  on  which  they 
were  wont  to  sit  in  those  blissful  days,'  but  the  biogi-aphers  of  Davis  omit 
any  mention  of  his  ever  being  at  Vincennes.  He  graduated  at  "West 
Point  in  1828,  and  reported  for  service  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  St.  Louis. 
Soon  after  he  was  sent  to  Prairie  du  Chien,  to  assist  in  rebuilding  Fort 
Crawford.  Col.  Taylor  wa.s  put  in  command  of  Fort  Crawford  in  1832, 
and  Lieutenant  Davis  became  engaged  to  his  daughter,  but  owing  to  a 
quarrel  with  Taylor,  was  refused  consent  to  marry  her.  After  waiting 
until  1835  for  the  old  gentleman  to  cool  off.  Miss  Taylor  informed  him 
that  she  was  going  to  marry  Davis  without  his  consent,  which  she  did, 
at  Louisville,  at  the  residence  of  her  aunt.  They  went  to  Mississippi, 
where  Mrs.  Davis  died  a  few  months  later,  on  September  15,  1835.  As 
the  old  fort  at  Vincennes  was  torn  down  in  1816,  aaid  there  were  no  U.  S. 
troops  stationed  there  afterv^ards,  it  would  appear  to  have  been  some 
other  Davis  who  sat  on  the  romantic  boulder.  But,  to  return  to  the  elec- 
tion of  1848,  the  First  Indiana  regiment  also  had  a  grievance  against 
Taylor,  for  being  kept  on  the  Rio  Grande  during  the  war,  and  this  made 
Lew  "Wallace  abandon  the  party  of  his  father,  and  himself,  and  take  the 
stump  for  Cass.  How  many  others  went  with  him  is  unknown,  but  Cass 
carried  Indiana  by  4,538  plurality,  and  Van  Buren  had  8,100  votes  in  the 
State.  This  large  Free  Soil  vote  in  Indiana  was  not  the  only  indication 
of  the  popular  sentiment  on  slavery.  The  Democrats  carried  the  legis- 
lature, and  a  senator  was  to  be  elected.  There  were  four  candidates  for 
the  office.  Gov.  "Whitcomb,  Robert  Dale  Owen,  Senator  Ned  Hannegan, 
and  E.  M.  Chamberlain.    A  caucus  was  held  by  82  of  the  87  Democratic 


1  Greene 's  Vincennes  and  Knox  County,  p.  319. 


500  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

lueinbers  of  the  legislature,  which  called  the  candidates  before  it,  and 
submitted  to  them  the  following  questions: 

1.  "Has  Congress  the  constitutional  power  to  exclude  slavery  from 
the  territories  so  long  as  they  remain  territories? 

2.  If  such  power  exists,  are  j-ou  in  favor  of  so  excluding  slavery? 

3.  If  elected,  will  you  abide  by  the  instructions  of  the  General  As- 
sembly ? 

4.  Will  you  go  into  caucus  and  abide  by  the  result? 

All  of  the  candidates  answered  all  of  the  questions  in  the  affirmative ; 
and  the  most  important  phase  of  the  slavery  question  at  that  time,  was 
the  question  of  slavery  in  the  territories.  It  was  soon  to  come  to  the 
front  in  far  more  exciting  forms  than  it  had  yet  taken,  and  to  understand 
future  sentiment  in  Indiana,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  sentiment 
shown  in  this  Democratic  caucus  was  at  this  time  the  general  sentiment 
of  the  State,  without  regard  to  party.  It  may  seem  strange  that  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  1850,  dominated  also  by  Democrats,  and 
holding  these  same  views  on  the  national  slavery  question,  should  hive 
adopted  such  harsh  measures  for  the  exclusion  of  negroes  from  Indiana, 
but  that,  like  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  the  territories,  was  for  the 
benefit  of  the  whites,  and  not  of  the  negroes.  The  compromise  measures 
of  1850  aroused  no  material  resentment  in  Indiana  at  the  time.  The 
admission  of  Oregon  and  California  as  free  states,  and  the  abolition  of 
the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia  more  than  offset  the  "exten- 
sion of  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States"  to  New  Mexico,  and 
the  reinforcement  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  at  least  before  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  latter  began.  The  appearance  of  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin"  late 
in  1851  had  little  effect  beyond  increasing  the  general  dislike  of  slavery, 
for  some  months.  At  the  election  of  1852  the  Democrats  swept  the  coun- 
try, and  Indiana  went  with  the  crowd.  The  election  was  held  in  October, 
as  provided  by  the  new  constitution,  for  State  officers.  Gov.  Joseph  A. 
Wright  was  renominated  by  the  Democrats,  and  as  none  of  the  Whig 
leaders  desired  to  take  the  nomination,  they  persuaded  Nicholas  Me- 
Carty,  a  prominent  Indianapolis  merchant,  to  make  the  race.  McCarty 
was  a  native  of  Virginia,  born  September  26,  1795.  Left  an  orphan 
when  a  child,  he  found  employment  in  a  mercantile  establishment,  and 
gradually  worked  his  way  up,  at  Pittsburg  and  at  Newark,  Ohio,  until 
he  came  to  Indianapolis,  in  1823.  Here  he  achieved  success.  He  estab- 
lished the  first  large  mercantile  house  in  the  city,  and  had  several  branch 
houses  at  other  points.  He  did  not  seek  political  life,  but  was  called  on 
several  times  by  his  party.  He  served  as  Commissioner  of  the  Canal 
Fund;  made  a  losing  race  for  Congress  in  1847;  and  was  elected  to  the 
State  Senate  in  1850.     He  accepted  the  nomination  for  Governor  only 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


501 


oil  the  most  earnest  solicitation  of  Wliig  leaders  and  made  a  very  good 
candidate.  He  was  no  match  for  Wright  as  a  debater,  but  he  was  a  good 
talker,  with  a  fund  of  catchy  stories,  and  he  probably  ran  better  than 
anyone  else  the  Whigs  could  have  nominated.  Gov.  Wright  was  born 
at  Washington,  Penn.,  April  17,  1810.  When  a  boy  his  parents  removed 
to   Bloomington,    Indiana ;   and   as   they   were   poor,   he   made   his   ^ay 


Gov.  Joseph  Albert  Wright 


through  college  by  serving  as  janitor — earning  money  to  buy  books  and 
clothing  by  working  in  a  brick  yard.  He  then  read  law  with  Judge 
Hester,  was  admitted  to  practice  in  1829,  and  opened  a  law  office  at 
Rockville.  In  1833  he  was  elected  a  representative;  in  1840  a  senator; 
in  1843  a  congressman ;  in  1849  Governor.  His  later  life  wa.s  prominent, 
but  as  a  Republican.  He  was  a  Douglas  Democrat,  and  left  his  party  at 
the.  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War.  He  had  been  appointed  Minister  to 
Prussia  in  1857.  and  served  his  full  term   of  four  vears.     In  1861  he 


502  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

was  appointed  to  the  Senate  by  Gov.  Morton,  to  fill  the  unexpired  term 
of  Jesse  D.  Bright,  who  had  been  expelled.  In  1863  President  Lincoln 
appointed  him  Commissioner  to  tlie  Hamburg  Exposition,  and  in  1865 
President  Johnson  appointed  him  Minister  to  Prussia  again.  He  held 
this  office  at  his  death  in  Berlin,  March  11,  1867. 

Governor  Wright  always  made  a  point  of  showing  courtesies  to  visitors 
to  the  city,  and  in  consequence  is  mentioned  at  some  length  by  those 
who  wrote  books  about  their  travels.  Mme.  Theresa  Pulszkj-,  who  was  at 
Indianapolis  with  Kossuth's  party,  in  1852,  says:  "Governor  Wright  is 
a  type  of  the  Hoosiers,  and  justly  proud  to  be  one  of  them.  »  *  * 
The  Governor  is  plain,  cordial  and  practical,  like  a  farmer,  with  a  deep 
religious  tinge.  Yesterday  we  went  with  him  to  the  Methodist  church, 
and  I  saw  that  Methodism  is  the  form  of  Protestantism  that  best  suits 
the  people  of  the  West.  *  *  *  After  dinner  the  Governor  went  with 
Mr.  Pulszky  to  visit  the  Sunday  schools,  which  he  very  often  attends. 
*  *  *  Mr.  Pulszky  had  to  make  a  speech  in  each  of  the  schools,  and 
Governor  Wright  addressed  them  also,  explaining  to  them  that  religion 
was  the  basis  of  social  order,  and  instruction  the  only  way  to  preserve 
freedom.  He  illustrated  the  obligation  to  submit  to  the  law  of  the  coun- 
try by  several  happy  examples  from  recent  events  in  America.  Such 
constant  and  personal  intercourse  between  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  the 
State  and  the  people  he  governs  is  really  patriarchal,  and  is  in  harmony 
with  the  intellectual  standard  of  an  agi'icultural  population."  Mme. 
Pulszky  also  attended  a  "levee"  at  the  "Governor's  mansion,"  which 
was  a  two-.story  brick  house,  standing  where  the  Traction  Terminal  Sta- 
tion now  stands,  with  its  front  on  Market  Street.  She  says:  "We  went 
to  the  house  of  the  Governor ;  it  is  small,  and  I  soon  perceived  why  it  is 
not  so  comfortable  as  it  could  be.  In  thronged  the  society  and  people 
of  Indianapolis,  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  every  description.  Muddy  boots 
and  torn  clothes,  and  again  desperate  attempts  at  finery;  glass  jewels 
and  French  silk  dresses,  which,  after  having  found  no  purchasers  in  New 
York,  have  been  sent  to  the  AVest.  Some  of  the  mothers  had  their  babies 
in  their  arms;  workmen  appeared  in  their  blouses  or  dusty  coats,  .just 
as  they  came  from  the  workshop ;  farmers  stepped  in  high  boots.  Once 
more  we  saw  that  the  house  of  the  Governor  is  the  property  of  the  people. 
And  yet  this  incongruous  mass  did  not  behave  unbecomingly  to  a  draw- 
ing-room. There  was  no  rude  elbowing,  no  unpleasant  noise,  or,  disturb- 
ing laughter.  Had  they  but  shaken  hands  less  violently!  I  yet  feel 
Western  cordiality  in  my  stiff  arm. ' '  ^ 

That  there  was  some  similaritv  in  the  Governor's  entertainment  of 


2  White,  Bed,  Black,  Vol.  2,  pp.  6-13. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  503 

visitors  may  be  seen  from  tlie  account  of  Hon.  Amelia  M.  Murray,  who 
arrived  in  Indianapolis  on  Saturday,  May  19,  1855,  and  soon  received 
a  call  from  the  Governor  at  her  hotel.  On  Sunday,  she  recorded:  "The 
Governor  came  early  and  took  me  to  his  house.  At  half -past  ten  o'clock 
we  went  to  the  Episcopal  church,  where  the  duty  was  admirably  done 
by  a  Mr.  Talbott  (later  the  Bishop),  originally  from  Kentucky,  who 
preached  a  sermon,  good  in  matter  as  in  manner.  Dinner  was  at  one 
o'clock,  and  at  two  I  accompanied  the  Governor  to  visit  two  large  Sunday 
schools,  belonging  to  different  denominations.  *  *  *  The  Sunday 
is  kept  at  Indianapolis  with  Presbyterian  strictness.  No  trains  start, 
letters  do  not  go,  nor  are  they  received,  so  that  a  father,  mother,  husband, 
or  wife,  may  be  in  extremity,  and  have  no  means  of  communicating  their 
farewells  or  last  wishes  if  Sunday  intervenes."  On  Mondaj-  morning  at 
four  o'clock  the  Governor  took  her  for  a  walk,  and  in  the  afternoon  drove 
with  her  and  Justice  McLean,  of  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court,  who  was 
holding  court  in  the  city,  to  visit  the  Blind  Asylum  and  the  Deaf  and 
Dumb  Asylum.  On  Wednesday  morning  she  went  with  him  to  market, 
and  in  the  evening  attended  a  "levee"  at  the  Governor's — strange  that 
this  word,  originally  designating  the  assemblage  of  courtiers  who  came 
to  see  the  King  of  France  get  out  of  bed  and  put  on  his  clothes,  should 
have  come  to  mean  an  evening  party  in  the  United  States.  She  says  of 
it:  "This  evening  the  Governor  had  what  is  now  in  the  States  univers- 
ally called  a  levee  after  the  same  fashion  as  the  President's  receptions. 
Governors  of  individual  States  occasionally  open  their  doors  to  all  the 
citizens  who  choose  to  attend,  and  it  is  considered  a  compliment  to 
stranger  guests,  like  the  Governor  of  Kentucky  and  myself,  that  the 
attendance  should  be  good;  so  the  rooms  were  filled.  The  Governor  and 
his  lady  do  not  receive  their  visitors,  but  we  all  went  into  the  room  after 
they  had  assembled.  No  refreshments  are  expected  on  these  occasions, 
but  everyone  shakes  hands  upon  being  introduced.  The  assemblage  was 
very  respectable  and  orderly;  it  concluded  about  eleven  o'clock,  having 
begun  at  nine."  The  Hon.  Amelia  summed  up  her  impressions  thus: 
"I  have  heard  much  of  Democracy  and  Equality  since  I  came  to  the 
United  States,  and  I  have  seen  more  evidences  of  Aristocracy  and  Des- 
potism than  it  lias  been  before  my  fortune  to  meet  with.  The  'Know- 
nothings',  and  the  'Abolitionists',  and  the  'Mormonites',  are,  in  my 
opinion,  consequent  upon  the  mammonite,  extravagant  pretensions  and 
habits  which  are  really  fashionable  among  Pseudo-Republicans.  *  *  * 
Now  at  Indianapolis  I  have  found  something  like  consistency  for  the 
first  time  since  I  came  this  side  the  Atlantic.  *  *  *  Governor  Wright 
did  not  think  it  a  degi'adation  to  carry  a  basket  when  I  accompanied 


504  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

him  into  the  market  this  morning,  and  his  whole  demeanor  is  that  of  a 
consistent  Republican."  ^ 

In  reality,  going  to  market  was  a  rather  fashionable  thing  in  In- 
dianapolis, for  improved  agriculture  was  a  fashionable  topic,  and  accom- 
plished gentlemen  and  ladies  were  expected  to  know  something  about 
choice  fruits  and  vegetables.  The  State  Board  of  Agriculture  had  been 
chartered  in  1851,  and  organized  with  Governor  AVright  as  President, 
John  B.  Dillon  as  Secretary,  and  Royal  Mayhew  as  Treasurer.  The  first 
State  Fair  was  held  in  what  is  now  Military  Park,  October  19-25,  1852, 
and  was  considered  a  great  success,  which  it  certainly  was  in  side-shows, 
if  in  nothing  else.  Governor  Wright  gave  a  great  deal  of  attention  to 
improved  agriculture,  even  in  his  political  speeches,  and  his  political 
opponents,  as  he  had  never  been  a  farmer,  retaliated  with  various  forms 
of  ridicule,  one  of  their  stories  being  that  he  had  advised  farmers  to  buy 
hydraulic  rams  to  improve  their  breeds  of  sheep.*  This  jest  was  an  inven- 
tion of  Jesse  D.  Bright,  who  used  to  give  a  fetching  imitation  of  this 
alleged  speech  of  the  Governor's.  It  may  also  be  mentioned  that  although 
no  refreshments  were  served  at  the  levee  attended  by  Miss  Murray,  it 
was  his  custom,  in  season,  to  have  a  table  loaded  with  red  apples,  to  which 
the  guests  helped  themselves  in  cafeteria  style.  Such  was  the  quiet, 
rather  primitive  life  of  Indiana  on  the  surface,  in  the  fifties,  but  beneath 
the  surface,  forces  were  working  that  brought  this  peaceful  life  to  an 
end,  not  only  in  Indiana,  but  throughout  the  Union. 

On  April  22,  1820,  after  the  adoption  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
Thomas  Jefiferson  wrote  to  John  Holmes:  "But  this  momentous  ques- 
tion, like  a  fire-bell  in  the  night,  awakened  and  filled  me  with  terror.  I 
considered  it  at  once  as  the  knell  of  the  Union.  It  is  hushed  indeed  for 
the  moment,  but  this  is  a  reprieve  only,  not  a  final  sentence.  A  geograph- 
ical line,  coinciding  with  a  marked  principle,  moral  and  political,  once 
conceived  and  held  up  to  the  angry  passions  of  men,  will  never  be 
obliterated,  and  every  new  irritation  will  mark  it  deeper  and  deeper."^ 
In  Indiana  the  geographical  line  was  the  Ohio  river,  and  that  line  had 
a  profound  significance.  As  Edward  May  had  said,  the  negro  was  either 
a  man  or  a  brute.  South  of  the  Ohio  he  was  a  brute,  a  chattel,  a  part  of 
the  stock,  like  a  horse.  North  of  the  Ohio  he  was  not  a  man  socially  or 
politically,  but  he  was  a  human  being.  The  really  great  efi'ect  of  "Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin"  was  impressing  on  the  readers  that  the  negro  was  a  man 
in  his  feelings,  who  could  suiter  as  deeply  as  other  men.  Nobody  under- 
stood that  it  presented  events  that  ordinarily  happened  to  slaves,  but 


3  Letters  from  the  ITiiited  States,  &e.,  pp.  .128-34. 
*  Woollen  's  Sketches,  pp.  97,  460. 
•"■.Jefferson's  "Works,  Vol.  7,  pp.  1.58-9. 


First  State  Fair  Grounds 


506  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

everybody  knew  it  described  things  that  might  happen  to  any  slave,  and 
that  had  occasionally  happened  to  some  of  them.  The  book  was  widely 
read  in  Indiana,  not  only  for  its  story,  but  also  on  account  of  the  prom- 
inence of  the  Beeehers  in  the  State,  and  because  the  composite  character 
of  "Uncle  Tom"  was  believed  to  have  been  drawn,  in  part  at  least,  from 
an  old  Indianapolis  negro,  formerly  a  slave  in  the  Noble  family,  who 
was  known  as  "Uncle  Tom,"  and  whose  humble  home  was  always  called 
"Uncle  Tom's  Cabin."  He  was  very  religious,  was  a  favorite  of  Henry 
Ward  Beecher,  and  his  family  coincided  with  that  in  the  book.  It  was 
said  that  Mrs.  Stowe  visited  his  home,  while  at  her  brother's  in  Indian- 
apolis.'^  There  were  two  features  of  the  fugitive  slave  law  that  soon 
aroused  deep  resentment  in  Indiana,  as  well  as  in  other  northern  states. 
One  was  the  section  making  it  a  penal  offense  to  refuse  to  act  on  a  posse 
for  the  arrest  of  a  fugitive  slave,  and  the  other  was  the  provision  of  a 
fee  of  $10  for  the  court  if  the  negro  were  found  to  be  a  slave,  while  only 
$5  was  allowed  if  the  negi-o  were  found  to  be  free.  The  insane  folly  of 
the  makers  of  the  law  in  putting  such  a  provision  in  it  is  beyond  compre- 
hension. Its  glaring  injustice  was  conclusively  put  in  the  question, 
"How  would  you  like  to  be  tried  by  a  court  that  got  twice  as  much  for 
finding  you  guilty,  as  for  finding  you  innocent  ? ' ' 

The  distinction  between  sentiment  north  and  south  of  the  Ohio  grew 
as  the  years  passed  by.  In  the  earlier  period  the  Southern  courts 
indulged  the  presumption  of  freedom  for  a  negro,'  but  as  complaints  of 
runaway  slaves  increased  this  presumption  was  reversed ;  as  well  also 
the  public  presumption.  North  of  the  river  there  were  so  many  cases 
of  kidnaping  free  negroes  that  the  public  presumption  was  that  every 
negro  claimed  as  a  .slave  was  about  to  be  kidnaped.  While  there  were 
thousands  of  people  in  the  Soutli  who  condemned  kidnaping,  there  was 
a  large  class  to  whom  a  free  negro  ranked  like  an  ownerless  horse.  To 
tliem  the  region  north  of  the  river  was  like  a  game  preserve  to  a  hungry 
poacher.  It  was  quickly  demonstrated  that  the  law  of  1850  gave  slight 
protection  to  the  free  negro.  On  June  20,  1853,  John  Freeman,  a  negro 
who  had  lived  in  Indianapolis  for  nine  years,  was  arrested  under  the 
Fugitive  Slave  law,  on  affidavit  of  Pleasant  Ellington,  who  claimed  that 
Freeman  was  his  runaway  slave  Sam.  Luckily  for  Freeman,  he  had 
accumulated  some  property,  and  made  numerous  friends.  He  owned 
nearly  a  block  of  land,  between  Mei-idian  and  Pennsylvania  streets, 
north  of  Eleventh,  where  he  had  a  garden;  and  had  a  restaurant  in  the 
basement  at  the  northwest  corner  of  Washington  and  Meridian  streets. 
Henry  P.  Colburn,  William  S.  Hubbard,  and  others  came  to  his  assist- 

"  Greater  Indianapolis,  pp.  242-4. 

7  Winny  ts.  Whitesides,  1  Mo.,  p.  472. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  507 

ance,  and  John  L.  Ketehum,  Lucian  Barbour  and  John  Coburn  were 
employed  to  defend  him.  Ellington  brought  three  men  from  Kentucky, 
who  identified  Freeman  as  Ellington's  Sam.  The  U.  S.  Marshal,  John 
L.  Robinson,  made  Freeman  strip,  in  jail,  and  these  three  witnesses  swore 
to  identifying  marks  on  his  body  and  limbs.  But  his  lawyers  found  the 
real  Sam  in  Canada,  and  two  Kentucky  gentlemen,  neighbors  and 
friends  of  Ellington,  went  to  Canada  and  identified  him  absolutely. 
They  also  found  Freeman's  former  guardian  in  Georgia,  who  came  to 
Indianapolis,  and  identified  him.  Finally  Ellington's  son  came,  and  said 
that  Freeman  was- not  Sam  and  Ellington's  lawyer  dismissed  the  case. 
Ellington  sneaked  out  of  the  city  over-night,  but  service  on  him  was 
obtained,  and  judgment  was  taken  against  him  for  $2,000  for  false  im- 
prisonment, which  still  stands  unsatisfied  on  the  docket.  Judgment  was 
also  taken  against  Robinson  for  assault,  and  for  extorting  three  dollars 
a  day  from  Freeman  while  he  was  confined  in  jail  for  "safety",  but  this 
was  reversed  by  the  Supreme  Court  on  a  question  of  jurisdiction.** 

This  ease  attracted  universal  attention  in  Indiana.  On  August  29 
1853,  a  mass  meeting  was  held  in  Masonic  Hall,  and  resolutions  adopted 
congratulating  Freeman  on  his  escape.  Five  gentlemen  from  the  South, 
who  had  come  to  testify  in  his  behalf,  had  seat.s  on  the  stage,  and  George 
W.  Julian  made  a  speech  hotly  denouncing  the  Fugitive  Slave  law.  The 
Democratic  papers  called  it  an  "Abolition  Whig  meeting",  and  the  Whig 
papers  generally  fought  shy  of  it ;  but  the  Indiana  American  spoke  out 
in  these  pointed  words :  ' '  We  see  in  this  ease  the  most  remarkable 
instance  on  record  of  mistake  in  personal  identity,  or  else  stupendous 
perjury.  Here  comes  Ellington  and  swears  to  his  'chattel';  then  come 
others  to  testifj'  to  his  identity;  and  yet  after  all  he  is  no  slave,  but  a 
bona  fide  free  man.  Now  were  Ellington  and  his  co-swearers  all  this 
time  mistaken?-  If  so,  what  a  lesson  to  the  courts  on  the  difficulty  of 
'personal  identity'.  If  not  'mistaken'  then  were  they  all  the  while  prac- 
tising deep  perjury.  And  now,  who  pays  all  these  costs  ?  Who  pays  the 
loss  of  Freeman 's  time,  the  sacrifice  of  his  business,  and  the  destruction 
of  its  profits?  *  *  #  By  t]je  'mistake'  or  perjury  of  the  eovetovis 
wretch  who  sought  to  increase  his  ownership  in  groaning  humanity,  has 
this  man  been  stripped  of  his  property.  Has  he  a  remedy?  Does  this 
'glorious  compi-omise'  furnish  any  offset  against  a  grievance  so  oppres- 
sive? Must  this  man — innocent  and  free — bear  all  this  outrage  and 
have  no  legal  redress ?  Must  he?  Is  this  justice?  Shall  no  legal  justice 
be  visited  on  the  woidd-be  man  stealer  and  the  marshal  who  was  his 
tool  and  co-oppressor  ? "  ^  Moreover,  the  plain  speaking  was  not  all  on 


s  Freeman  vs.  Robinson,  7  Ind.,  p.  321. 

9  Quoted  in  Indianapolis  Journal,  September  22,  1853. 


508  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

party  lines.  The  Fort  Wayne  Sentinel,  a  leading  Democratic  paper, 
when  Freeman  sued  Ellington  for  $10,000  said:  "We  hope  he  may 
recover  the  full  amount.  A  more  flagrant  case  of  injustice  we  have  never 
seen,  and  he  is  richly  entitled  to  most  exemplary  damages.  It  appears 
to  us  that  if  in  such  cases  the  persons  swearing  to  the  identity  of  the 
accused,  and  seeking  to  consign  a  free  man  to  slavery,  were  tried  and 
punished  for  perjury,  a  wholesale  lesson  would  be  given,  which  might 
prevent  much  injustice  to  free  persons  of  color.  The  fugitive  slave  law 
evidently  needs  some  amendment,  to  give  greater  protection  to  free  per- 
sons of  color.  As  it  now  stands  almost  any  of  them  might  be  dragged 
into  slavery.  If  Freeman  had  not  had  money  and  friends  he  must  inevi- 
tably have  been  taken  oft'  into  bondage.  Any  poor  man,  without  friends, 
would  at  once  have  been  given  up  and  taken  away,  and  it  was  only  by 
the  most  strenuous  exertions  that  he  was  rescued.  A  law  under  which 
such  injustice  can  be  perpetrated,  and  which  holds  out  such  inducements 
to  perjury,  is  imperfect,  and  must  be  either  amended  or  repealed.  The 
American  people  have  an  innate  sense  of  justice  which  will  not  long 
allow  such  a  law  to  disgrace  our  Statute  books."  i»  It  is  unquestionably 
true,  as  Ignatius  Brown  says,  that,  "This  ease  had  no  small  influence  on 
political  matters  afterwards,  and  made  many  earnest  opponents  of  slav- 
ery among  those  who  had  been  formerly  indifferent  on  the  subject. "'^ 
It  was  a  large  factor  in  the  carrying  of  the  State  by  the  People 's  Party 
in  1854. 

But  while  the  region  north  of  the  Ohio  was  in  the  nature  of  a  game 
preserve  to  many  persons,  the  region  south  of  the  river  had  much  the 
same  standing  with  the  radical  abolitionists.  There  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  any  material  escape  of  slaves  to  Canada  until  after  the  War 
of  1812,  partly  because  they  did  not  know  anything  about  Canada,  and 
partly  because  there  were  no  roads  opened  through  froin  the  Ohio  river. 
John  F.  Williams,  of  Economy,  Ind.  said  that  fugitives  "commenced 
coming  in  1820",  and  approximately  that  date  is  fixed  by  others. '^ 
When  Levi  Coffin  came  to  Newport,  Indiana,  in  1826,  he  found  that 
fugitive  slaves  were  being  aided  by  free  negroes  in  that  vicinity,  and 
soon  engaged  in  it  himself,  as  he  had  been  doing  on  his  own  account  in 
the  South  for  a  dozen  years  earlier.  He  and  his  wife  were  North  Caro- 
lina Quakers,  and  their  work  in  behalf  of  fugitive  slaves  is  a  part  of  the 
open  history  of  the  nation;  and  it  is  well  known  that  they  were  the 
"Simeon  and  Rachel  Halliday"  of  "Uncle  Tom's  Cabin."    Before  com- 


ioO"C)te<l  ill  .ToiiriKil,  Scjitember  8,  18.5.S. 

11  Hist.  Indianapolis,   p.   R7.     For   iletails  of  tlie  case  see  Greater  Indianapolis, 
pp.   244-2.50. 

i^Sieliert's   I^ndercrroiind    Railroad,   pp.    .'!7-42. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


509 


ing  to  Indiana  their  work  had  been  in  the  line  of  aiding  negroes  to  make 
their  way  to  the  northern  states,  and  this  was  the  extent  of  flight  gener- 
ally, in  these  earliest  years.  But  soon  ways  to  Canada  were  opened, 
and  it  became  more  dangerous  for  runaways  to  stop  in  the  northern 
states.  At  the  same  time  the  conditions  of  slavery  were  becoming  harder. 
The  demand  for  slaves  from  the  cotton  states  was  met  by  sales  from  the 
border  states,  and  threatened  separations  of  families,  and  fear  of  being 
"sold  South"  added  to  the  stream  of  fugitives.  The  work  of  aiding  the 
fugitives  naturally  grew  more  systematic  as  the  work  itself  increased. 


^^^TS.O      _ 


Levi  Coffin  House,  Fountain  City 


Meanwhile  the  moral  sentiment  against  slavery  was  growing,  and  espe- 
cially among  the  Quakers.  In  1838  the  Friends  at  Newport,  Indiana,  or- 
ganized an  Anti-Slavery  Library  Society,  and  collected  $2.5  to  purchase 
anti-slavezy  literature  for  circulation.  In  1840,  Arnold  Buffum,  the  noted 
Rhode  Island  Quaker  Abolitionist,  visited  the  West.  He  was  a  charter 
member  of  Garrison's  first  Anti-Slavery  Society,  at  Boston,  in  1832,  and 
was  president  of,  and  lecturer  for  that  organization.  He  made  his  head- 
quarters at  Levi  Coffin's  for  several  months,  and  lectured  at  various 
points  in  Indiana.  In  January,  1841,  the  first  number  of  "The  Protec- 
tionist" appeared  at  Newport,  announcing,  among  other  things,  "The 
character  of  the  paper  will  be  essentially  different  from  that  of  any  now 
published ;  its  first  object  being  the  vindication  of  the  rights  of  the 
people  of  the  non-slaveholding  states  to  protection  against  the  possibility 
under  any  circumstances  of  being  claimed  by  mortal  men  as  an  article 


510  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

of  property."  The  first  number  contains  an  advertisement  tliat  anti- 
slavery  publications  are  "for  sale  at  the  New  York  prices  at  the  office 
of  The  Protectionist,  over  Levi  Coffin's  store,  by  Arnold  Buffum. " 

Arnold  Butfum  was  the  editor  of  this  first  abolition  paper  in  Indiana, 
and  between  his  lectures  and  his  editorials  he  seriously  disturbed  the 
peace  of  the  Quaker  church  in  Indiana.  On  October  30,  1841,  he  wrote 
to  his  daughter,  Elizabeth  Buffum  Chace:  "We  came  to  Richmond  a 
week  ago  to  attend  Yearly  meeting.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Committee  on 
the  concerns  of  the  people  of  color,  the  question  of  Abolition  came  up, 
and  they  got  into  confusion,  and  finally  the  report  was  whispered  round 
that  Arnold  Buffum  was  there,  and  so  to  prevent  me  from  heaj-ing  their 
wrangles  they  broke  up  the  meeting.  I  was  all  the  time  a  mile  from 
them."  In  fact  the  peculiar  non-resistance  doctrines  of  the  Quakers 
made  the  question  a  very  doubtful  one  at  the  time,  as  is  manifest  from 
the  following  extract  from  a  letter  of  Mrs.  Chace  to  her  father  on  Febru- 
ary 21, 1841,  she  being  at  the  time  both  a  consistent  Friend  and  an  ardent 
abolitionist:  "We  have  received  thy  paper  and  are  much  interested  in 
reading  it.  We  want  to  send  the  pay  for  it,  but  Samuel  says  one  of  our 
bills  would  not  be  good  with  you.  The  Abolitionists  here  are  generally 
opposed  to  the  third  party  policy,  and  they  feel  it  their  duty  to  do  all 
they  can  for  the  Standard  and  for  the  Liberator.  I,  myself,  dear  father, 
was  sorry  that  it  (the  Protectionist)  espoused  that  policy,  or  that  it  was 
a  political  paper  at  all,  and  it  does  seem  to  me  that  thy  editorials,  which 
in  most  particulars  are  excellent,  do  almost  condemn  that  course.  The 
assertion  that  our  weapons  afe  not  carnal  but  spiritual,  does  not,  in  my 
view,  agree  with  the  recommendation  to  use  the  ballot  for  the  overthrow 
of  slavery.  Is  not  the  ballot  a  carnal  weapon?"  '^  But  such  cffinpinic- 
tions  were  not  universal  either  in  the  East  or  in  the  West ;  or  with  women 
more  than  with  men. 

In  April,  1841,  the  first  number  of  "The  Free  Labor  Advocate,  and 
Anti-Slavery  Chronicle"  appeared  at  New  Garden,  with  Henry  H.  Way 
and  Benjamin  Stanton  as  editors.  On  September  5,  1841,  a  Female  Anti- 
Slavery  Society  was  organized  at  Newport,  whose  charter  members  were 
Beulah  Puckett,  Efizabeth  Stanton,  Rachel  Green,  Mary  Hockett,  Edith 
Osborn,  Elizabeth  Lacy.  Ann  Reynolds,  Keziah  Hough,  Jane  Porch, 
Achsah  Thomas.  ;\Iary  Parker,  Mrs.  Henry  Way  and  Catharine  Coffin. 
This  society  not  only  aided  in  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question,  but 
made  clothes  for  fugitives  who  needed  them. 

The  organization  work  spread  into  other  localities,  and  in  1842  the 
Free  Labor  Advocate  gives  accounts  of  meetings  of  anti-slavery  societies 


13  Life  of  Elizabeth  Buffum  Chace,  pp.  87,  90. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


511 


in  Randolph,  Henry,  Union,  Hamilton,  Jay  and  other  counties;  and  on 
January  12,  1843,  a  meeting  of  the  State  Anti-Slavery  Society  was  held 
at  Salem,  and  one  of  the  principal  attractions  was  Stephen  S.  Harding, 
the  Liberty  candidate  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  In  fact  1842  had  been 
an  epoch  marker,  with  Newport  very  much  in  the  limelight.  On  Septem- 
ber 5,  the  State  convention  of  the  Libertj'  party  had  met  there,  and 


Dr.  Elizur  Deming 


nominated  Elizur  H.  Deming  for  Governor,  with  Harding  in  second 
place.  They  made  a  formidable  team.  Dr.  Elizur  Deming  was  of  Puri- 
tan ancestry,  born  at  Great-Barrington  Park,  Mass.,  March  4,  1798.  He 
was  well  educated,  and  at  the  age  of  twenty,  having  graduated  in  letters 
and  in  medicine,  he  married  Hester  Carpenter,  at  Wilkesbarre,  Penn., 
and  then  emigrated  to  Ohio,  where  he  practised  for  a  time  at  Milford' 
and  Chillieothe,  and  in  1834  located  at  Lafayette.  He  soon  took  high 
rank  as  a  physician,  and  became  prominent  in  Masonry,  being  for  many 


512  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

years  Jlaster  of  Perry  Lodge,  at  Lafayette.  A  Whig  in  polities,  he  took 
the  stump  in  18-10,  and  surprised  even  his  friends  by  his  campaign 
oratory.  In  1841,  the  Whigs  elected  him  to  the  legislature,  and  hi.4 
service  there  ended  his  Whig  affiliation.  Notwithstanding  his  open  advo- 
cacy of  abolition,  he  was  chosen  Grand  Master  of  Masons  in  Indiana  in 
1847,  and  reelected  in  1848,  1849  and  1850.  In  this  position  he  laid  the 
corner  stone  of  the  Masonic  hall,  at  Washington  street  and  Capitol  Ave- 
nue, and  presided  at  its  dedication.  He  lectured  at  Laporte  medical 
school  from  1847  to  1850,  and  then  at  the  Indianapolis  school  until  its 
dissolution  in  1852.  He  was  then  called  to  the  chair  of  General  Pathology 
and  Clinical  Medicine  at  the  University  of  Missouri,  and  held  this  posi- 
tion until  his  death  on  February  23,  1855.  He  took  an  active  part  in 
organizing  the  union  People's  Party  in  1854,  and  was  tendered  the  nom- 
ination for  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  on  its  ticket,  but  de- 
clined and  insisted  on  the  nomination  of  Caleb  Mills.  Stephen  Selwyn 
Harding  was  a  native  of  New  York,  born  in  Ontario  County,  February 
24,  1808.  In  1820  his  parents  removed  to  Ripley  County,  Indiana.  He 
had  few  school  advantages,  but  was  an  omnivorous  reader.  He  studied 
law  at  Brookville,  and  in  1828,  opened  an  office  at  Richmond.  Six  months 
later  he  went  to  New  Orleans  to  practice,  but  returned  to  Versailles  in 
1829,  and  soon  built  up  a  large  practice  there.  He  was  a  strong  speaker, 
and  utterly  fearless.  In  1844  he  was  asked  to  speak  at  the  court  house 
at  Versailles,  and  a  number  of  men  gathered  in  the  audience  for  the  usual 
indignities  offered  to  abolition  speakers  in  those  days.  Mounting  the 
stand,  he  said  that  he  understood  that  there  were  per.sons  in  the  audience 
who  had  come  there  to  egg  him,  and  invited  them  to  take  a  good  look  at 
him,  and  see  whether  he  was  the  sort  of  man  that  would  submit  to  it. 
He  added :  "If  anyone  here  is  resolved  to  do  this  thing,  he  will  assuredly 
meet  his  God.  green  in  his  sins,  for  that  man  shall  die.  Nothing  under 
heaven  can  prevent  me  having  the  innermost  drop  of  blood  that  courses 
his  craven  heart."  He  wa.s  not  disturbed,  although  he  made  a  fiery  aboli- 
tion speech,  and  predicted  that  within  twenty  years  slavery  would  be 
wiped  out  of  existence  in  the  United  States.  In  1850  Rev.  B.  P.  Kavan- 
augh,  the  State  Agent  of  the  Colonization  Society,  issued  a  challenge  for 
a  debate,  in  which  he  proposed  to  maintain  on  Bible  grounds  that  slavery 
was  a  divinely  instituted  custom.  Some  Quaker  friends  asked  Harding 
to  accept  the  challenge,  and  he  did  so.  The  debate  was  held  in  the  Quaker 
meeting  house  at  Knightstown,  before  a  large  audience.  Kavanaugh  was 
a  fine-looking  man,  with  all  the  oratorical  graces,  and  made  a  very 
plausible  opening;  but  he  was  no  match  for  Harding,  who  painted  the 
horrors  of  slavery,  contrasted  the  humanity  of  Christ,  and  then  turned 
to  a  denunciation   of  the  professed  follower  of   Christ's  teaching  who 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  513 

would  advocate  such  cruelty.  Kavanaugh  turned  pale,  and  sat  trembling, 
with  clenched  hands,  as  Harding  showered  invectives  on  him,  reaching  a 
climax  when  he  rose  to  full  height  and  launched  at  him  Moore's  lines, 

' '  Just  Alia !  what  must  be  thy  look 

When  such  a  wretch  before  thee  stands 
Unblushing,  with  thy  sacred  Book, — 

Turning  the  leaves  with  blood-stained  hands. 
And  wresting  from  its  page  sublime 

His  creed  of  lust,  and  hate,  and  crime." 

Kavanaugh  issued  no  more  challenges  in  Indiana,  and  soon  after  went 
South,  where  his  talents  were  appreciated,  and  he  was  made  a  bishop. 
Harding  became  an  active  member  of  the  Republican  party.  In  1862, 
President  Lincoln  appointed  him  Governor  of  Utah,  where  he  had  numer- 
ous controversies  with  the  Mormons,  until  1864,  when  he  was  made  Chief 
Justice  of  Colorado.  In  1865  he  returned  to  Indiana  and  resumed  prac- 
tice. He  died  February  12,  1893,  at  his  old  home,  at  Milan,  in  Ripley 
County,  which  had  been  a  station  of  the  Underground  Railroad  in  his 
earlier  years. 

The  election  for  Governor  did  not  occur  until  August,  1843,  and  the 
Presidential  election  in  November  of  that  year,  but  the  Liberty  Part.v 
already  had  its  presidential  candidates  in  the  field — Birney  and  Morris — 
and  Henry  Clay  was  in  training  for  the  Whig  nomination.  On  October 
5,  1842.  Clay  attended  a  barbecue  at  Indianapolis,  and  returned  East  by 
way  of  Richmond,  where  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends  was  in  session. 
The  anti-slavery  brethren  of  Newport  were  waiting  for  him  with  a  peti- 
tion for  him  to  free  his  slaves.  The  astute  Henry  replied  to  their  note 
asking  an  audience,  that  he  would  receive  their  petition  at  the  public 
meeting  which  he  was  to  address,  and  would  answer  it  there.  He  got  the 
committee  up  on  the  platform,  and  after  a  clever  defense  of  his  position, 
and  reflection  on  their  political  motives  and  lack  of  courtesy  to  a  visitor, 
offered  to  free  his  slaves  if  they  would  furnish  the  liberated  negroes  with 
an  amount  equal  to  their  market  value,  as  capital  on  which  to  begin  a 
life  of  freedom.  But  this  incident  attracted  little  attention  as  compared 
with  his  reception  by  the  Friends  Yearly  Meeting,  which  was  the  sub- 
ject of  wide  comment,  and  some  misrepresentation,  by  the  press.  The 
facts,  as  stated  by  the  Free  Labor  Advocate,  after  careful  inquiry,  and 
with  apparent  accuracy,  were  as  follows :  "The  clerk  of  the  Yearly  meet- 
ing took  or  sent  his  carriage  to  Clay's  lodging,  on  first  day  morning,  to 
convey  him  to  meeting.  It  has  been  stated  that  the  carriage  containing 
the  slaveholder  and  the  Yearly  meeting  clerk  was  driven  to  the  meeting 


5U  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

house  by  the  slave  Charles,  but  this  seems  to  be  incorrect.  We  have  no 
account  of  Charles'  attendance  of  the  meeting  though  he  might  have 
been  in  the  crowd.  At  any  rate  we  are  safe  in  saying  that  he  was  not 
seated  by  the  side  of  the  other  stranger  from  Kentucky;  and  as  our 
Divine  Master  and  Lawgiver,  when  personally  on  earth  made  no  dis- 
tinction in  his  intercourse  with  men,  or  in  the  dispensation  of  favors 
between  the  rich  and  the  poor,  between  the  black  and  the  white  man,  or 
between  the  master  and  the  slave ;  it  would  be  reasonable  to  suppose  that, 
as  Friends  profess  to  be  his  followers,  if  Charles  had  been  there,  the 
same  attention  would  have  been  paid  to  him  that  was  paid  to  his  master. 
We  shall  therefore  conclude  he  was  not  present.  The  company  arrived 
some  time  previous  to  the  sitting  of  the  meeting.  It  is  common  at  these 
large  meetings  to  keep  the  doors  shut  until  the  hour  of  meeting  arrives. 
But  when  Clay  and  his  suit  arrived,  the  north  door  of  the  men's  apart- 
ment was  opened,  and  they  entered.  C.  and  some  of  his  particular  Whig 
friends  were  conducted  to  the  head  of  the  seat  commonly  designated  as 
the  second  gallery  immediately  in  front  of  the  seat  occupied  by  the 
foreign  ministers  in  attendance,  and  the  clerk  of  the  meeting  took  his 
seat  by  their  side.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  meeting  a  scene  took  place 
which  we  believe  is  altogether  unprecedented  in  the  history  of  the  Society. 
A  member  of  the  Yearly  meeting,  a  minister  of  gi'eat  notoriety,  who  has 
signalized  himself  in  stirring  up  opposition  to  abolition  Friends,  arose 
and  commenced  the  business  of  a  formal  introduction  of  the  distinguished 
slaveholder  to  his  Friends ;  proclaiming  aloud  This  is  Henry  Clay. — This 
is  Friend  —  this  is  Friend — etc.  The  Friends  of  both  sexes  gathered 
around,  apparently  eager  to  shake  his  bloodstained  hand.  When  this 
part  of  the  scene  had  closed  the  clerk  took  the  slaveholder  by  the  arm 
and  conducted  him  out  of  the  house,  to  the  carriage  near  the  north  door 
and  handed  him  in,  taking  a  seat  with  him.  *  *  *  Though  we  be- 
lieve that  such  special  honors,  such  marked  attentions  were  never  before 
publicly  paid  by  Friends  to  any  man  however  good  or  great,  as  were  on 
this  occasion  paid  to  this  prince  of  slaveholders,  yet  it  may  be  plead  as 
an  excuse  that  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case  justified  it.  It  was 
probably  thought  .iustifiable  and  necessary  to  make  this  extraordinary 
demonstration  of  respect,  in  order  to  evince  to  Henry  Clay  the  determined 
hostility  of  Friends  to  abolitionism  (which  they  must  have  been  sensible 
was  a  great  annoyance  to  him),  and  their  unwavering  attachment  to 
Whigism,  of  which  he  was  looked  up  to  as  the  representative  head. 
Whether  it  was  justifiable  or  not,  inider  the  circumstances  let  others  judge. 
It  is  our  business  at  present  to  correct  errors,  and  to  give  if  possible  a 
true  statement  of  facts.  Respecting  the  kissing,  so  much  talked  about, 
it  was  not  done  in  the  meeting  house  that  we  know  of.    All  the  informa- 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  515 

tion  we  have  ou  the  subject  that  we  can  rely  on  is  this:  Henry  Clay 
being  at  the  temperance  boarding  house,  and  about  to  take  leave  of  the 
place,  when  he  came  down  stairs,  a  considerable  number  of  females,  old, 
and  young.  Orthodox  and  Hicksites,  were  arranged  in  a  line,  along  which 
he  passed  from  one  end  to  the  other,  giving  each  an  affectionate  parting 
kiss.  We  shall  conclude  by  saying  that  we  hope  there  are  yet  'seven 
thousand  in  our  Israel  who  have  not  bowed  the  knee  to  the  Baal  of 
slavery,  nor  kissed  his  image.'  "  "  Marcus  Mote,  "The  Quaker  Artist", 
who  made  the  painting  of  "Indiana  Yearly  Meeting"  reproduced  here- 
with, gives  a  very  faithful  picture  not  only  of  the  grounds,  but  also  of 
the  costumes  and  the  vehicles  then  in  vogue.  He  was  born  near'  West 
Milton,  Ohio,  in  1817,  and  b«gan  drawing  when  a  small  child,  purloining 
his  mother's  indigo  for  art  work.  He  often  visited  Richmond,  and  came 
there  to  reside  in  1863.  His  chief  work  was  in  the  line  of  Sunday  School 
and  Bible  illustrations,  of  which  he  said  he  had  made  "more  than  any 
other  artist  he  ever  heard  of."  He  maintained  for  some  time  a  "school  of 
design  for  women"  at  Richmond,  in  which,  in  all  he  had  541  students, 
many  of  whom  took  up  professional  work  in  various  lines,  three  of  them 
becoming  physicians. 

But  while  this  reception  to  Henry  Clay  was  what  excited  the  most 
comment  outside,  it  was  not  the  most  significant  event  of  the  meeting. 
The  anti-slavery  Friends  had  been  teaching  doctrines  entirely  outside 
of  the  "testimony"  of  the  meeting  on  slavery,  and  in  1841,  a  "minute  of 
advice"  had  been  adopted  warning  against  opening  meeting  houses  for 
anti-slavery  meetings;  mentioning  that  "there  are  some  periodicals  with- 
in our  limits"  (the  Protectionist  and  the  Free  Labor  Advocate)  which 
were  printing  articles  to  which  sanction  could  not  be  given,  as  they  were 
not  under  the  supervision  of  the  meeting;  and  adding  "as  the  subject  of 
slavery  is  producing  great  excitement  in  our  land,  we  again  tenderly 
advise  our  dear  friends  not  to  join  in  association  with  those  who  do  not 
profess  to  wait  for  Divine  direction  in  such  important  concerns."  '^  On 
October  3,  1842,  just  before  Henry  Clay's  visit,  the  "meeting  on  suffer- 
ings" reported  that  "Benjamin  Stanton,  Jacob  Grave,  William  Locke 
and  Charles  Osborn  (appointed  by  the  Yearly  Meeting  to  be  members  of 
this  meeting)  have  become  disqualified  for  usefulness  in  this  body,  which 
being  weightily  considered  was  united  with.''^^  The  "disqualified" 
asked  for  a  statement  of  their  shortcomings  to  be  put  on  record,  but  as 
their  offense  was  wholly  anti-slavery  activity,  this  request  was  not  com- 
plied with.     Stanton  was  the  editor  of  the  Free  Labor  Advocate,  and 


'4  Free  Labor  Advocate,  December  10,  1842. 
1';  Minutes,  Ind.  Yearly  Meeting,  1841,  p.  17. 
16  Minutes,  p.  18. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  517 

from  the  historical  point  of  view,  Charles  Osboi-n  was  easily  the  most 
notable  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends  in  Indiana.  He  was  born  in 
North  Carolina,  August  21,  1775,  and  at  the  age  of  19  emigrated  to 
Tennessee,  where  he  entered  the  ministry.  In  1814  he  took  the  lead  in 
organizing  the  "Tennessee  Manumission  Society",  which  fii'st  adopted 
the  doctrine  of  "immediate  and  unconditional  emancipation",  and  this 
doctrine  was  advocated  by  Osborn  thereafter.  In  1816  he  removed  to 
Mount  Pleasant,  Ohio,  and  on  August  29,  1817,  issued  the  first  number 
of  "The  Philanthropist",  which  was  the  first  anti-slavery  paper  published 
in  the  United  States.  Benjamin  Lundy  started  in  anti-slavery  work  as 
an  agent  for  and  contributor  to  this  paper.  It  was  continued  until 
October,  1818,  after  which  Osborn  removed  to  Indiana,  where  he  resided 
until  his  death  in  1852. i"  The  "disqualified",  to  whom  a  dozen  more  had 
been  added,  met  at  Newport  on  January  4,  1843,  and  appointed  a  com- 
mittee to  call  a  convention  of  Friends  for  the  purpose  of  "reorganizing 
the  Yearly  Meeting  of  Indiana  upon  the  true  principles,  and  in  accord- 
ance with  the  discipline  and  usages  of  the  Society  of  Friends."  This 
convention  met  at  Newport,  February  6,  1843,  with  a  larger  attendance 
than  was  expected,  and  continued  in  session  till  the  10th,  as  a  Yearly 
meeting.  It  issued  an  address,  and  started  otf  full-fledged  as  Indiana 
Yearly  fleeting  of  Anti-Slavery  Friends.  The  Free  Labor  Advocate 
said:  "Numerous  individuals  who  came  entirely  unprepared  for  a 
separation,  and  several  who  left  their  homes  for  the  pui-pose  of  opposing 
it,  became  fully  satisfied  and  heartily  united  in  the  measure."  This  was 
probably  due  in  part  to  the/  action  of  the  Yearly  meeting  of  1842,  for 
while  it  did  not  specify  its  reasons  for  churching  Osborn  and  his  co-labor- 
ers, it  went  scjuarely  on  record  against  abolition  in  its  "epistle  of  ad- 
vice," as  follows:  "We  are  again  concerned  to  warn  all  our  dear  friends 
against  joining  or  participating  in  the  excitement  and  overactive  zeal  of 
the  anti-slavery  societies,  and  to  be  cautious  about  the  kind  of  reading 
admitted  into  their  families ;  as  the  effect  of  all  those  books  and  papers 
must  be  pernicious  which  have  the  tendency  to  set  one  part  of  society 
against  another."  In  the  same  epistle  is  the  following  passage,  which 
may  indicate  qualms  of  conscience  for  the  Log  Cabin  and  Hard  Cider 
campaign  of  1840:  "The  increasing  frequency  of  political  celebrations 
and  parades,  has  drawn  the  attention  of  the  meeting  to  the  necessity  of 
increased  caution  on  the  part  of  our  members,  not  to  take  an  active  part 
therein..  To  join  in  those  marches,  accompanied  as  they  generally  are 
with  martial  display  is  evidently  inconsistent  for  Friends,  and  contrary 
to  our  good  order." 


1'  The  Eank  of  Charles  Osborn  as  an  .\nti-Slavery  Pioneer,  Ind.  Hist.  Soc.  Pubs., 
Vol.  2,  p.  231. 


518  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Tlie  trouble  was  not  confined  to  the  Quaker  church.     In  the  fall  of 
1842  tlie  True  Wesleyan,  a  leading  Methodist  paper,  withdrew  from  con- 
nection with  the  Methodist  church,  presenting  an  indictment  of  its  pro- 
slavery  oft'euses  as  long  as  Jefferson's  indictment  of  Great  Britain  in  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  refusing  to  "continue  in  fellowship 
with  a  church  which  receives,  shields  and  defends  thousands  and  tens  of 
thousands  who,  according  to  Mr.  Wesley,  are  'exactly  on  a  level  with 
men-stealers. '  "    The  move  met  approbation  in  Indiana,  and  on  February' 
27,  1843,  the  Indiana  State  Wesleyan  Anti-Slavery  Convention  met  at 
Ne\\'port,  and  unanimously  resolved  to  secede  from  the  Methodist  church, 
and  recommended  all  Abolitionists  to  do  so.     On  April  22,  1843,  thirty- 
two  members  of  the  Methodist  church  at  Newport  withdrew  from  its 
iuembership,  being  a  majority  of  the  church,  and  formed  a  new  society, 
which  was  joined  two  daj's  later  by  thirteen  more.     A  national  conven- 
tion of  Methodist  seeeders  had  been  called  to  meet  at  U tica,  N.  Y.,  on  Jlay 
31,  and  when  it  met  it  organized  the  Wesleyan  Connection  of  the  United 
States,  vntii  a  membership  of  about  6,000.    Methodists  all  over  the  North 
realized  the  danger,  and  numerous  meetings  called  for  reform  in  the_ 
church.    For  the  first  time,  the  columns  of  the  Christian  Advocate  were 
opened  to  articles  on  slavery,  and  they  were  used.    At  the  General  Con-' 
ference  of  1844  two  slavery  eases  came  up.    Rev.  Francis  A.  Harding  had 
been  suspended  from  the  ministry  by  the  Baltimore  Conference,  for 
refusing  to  manumit  slaves  that  had  come  to  him  by  marriage,  and  the 
action  of  the  Baltimore  Conference  was  sustained,  on  appeal,  by  a  vote 
of  111  to  53,  the  division  being  practically  North  and  South.     Bishop 
James  0.  Andrew  had  married  a  slave  owner,  and  thereby  became  a  slave- 
owner, and  a  resolution  was  offered  suspending  him  from  episcopal  func- 
tions "so  long  as  this  impediment  remains."    After  a  protracted  debate, 
it  was  adopted  by  a  vote  of  111  to  69.     The  Southern  members  then 
decided  to  withdraw  and  an  amicable  separation  was  arranged.    It  came 
in  good  time  for  the  church  in  the  North,  for  at  the  first  annual  con- 
ference of  the  Wesleyan  Connection  the  membership  was  reported  at 
15.000.    These  movements,  small  as  they  may  seem,  were  manifestations 
of  the  moral  awakening  that  was  going  on  in  the  North,  and  turning 
sympathy  towards  the  escaping  slave,  which  made  the  escape  of  fugitives 
through  the  northern  states  more  easy,  but  there  was  very  little  effort  to 
induce  slaves  to  run  away  iintil  after  the  passage  of  the  fugitive  slave 
law  of  1850,  and  what  there  was  was  chiefl_y  by  free  negi-oes.^*     • 

Most  of  the  early  cases  of  work  by  white  men  in  this  line  were  purely 
individual  effort,  and  two  of  them  were  connected  with  Indiana.     The 


isSiebert's  tTndergrotmd  Eailroad,  pp.  150-160. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  519 

first  was  that  of  Seth  Concklin,  a  young  man  of  Philadelphia,  who  read 
in  the  "Pennsylvania  Freeman"  the  story  of  Peter  Still,  whose  mother 
had  escaped  from  slavery  in  Maryland,  and  whose  enraged  master  had 
then  sold  him  South,  at  the  age  of  six.  For  more  than  forty  years  he 
labored  before  he  was  able  to  save  enough  to  purchase  his  freedom ;  and 
then,  returning  to  Philadelphia,  found  his  brother  William  agent  of  the 
Anti-Slavery  League.  He  was  joined  with  his  long  lost  family,  but 
mourned  his  wife  and  three  children  left  in  the  South.  In  a  spirit  of 
knight-errantry,  Concklin  volunteered  to  go  South  and  rescue  them. 
Peter  first  went  South,  reached  his  family  by  stealth,  and  arranged  for 
their  flight  when  Concklin  should  come,  taking  a  cape  and  other  trifles 
as  tokens,  by  which  they  should  know  Concklin  when  he  came.  Concklin 
went  to  Alabama  in  January,  1851,  got  in  touch  with  Still's  wife  and 
boys,  who  were  grown ;  arranged  to  meet  them  at  the  Tennessee  river, 
seven  miles  above  Florence,  on  March  1st.  He  then  went  down  the 
Tennessee  by  steamer  to  learn  his  route ;  went  to  Cincinnati  to  see  Levi 
Coffin  and  get  information;  and  by  the  middle  of  February  was  in 
Gibson  County,  Indiana,  from  where  he  wrote  this  letter: 

"Princeton,  Gibson  County,  Indiana,  Feb.  18,  1851. 

"To  "VVm.  Still: — The  plan  is  to  go  to  Canada,  on  the  Wabash,  oppo- 
site Detroit,  (i.  e.  on  the  Wabash  route  to  a  point  in  Michigan  west  of 
Detroit).  There  are  four  routes  to  Canada.  One  through  Illinois,  com- 
mencing above  and  below  Alton ;  one  through  to  North  Indiana,  and 
the  Cincinnati  route,  being  the  largest  route  in  the  United  States. 

"I  intended  to  have  gone  through  Pennsylvania,  but  the  risk  going 
up  the  Ohio  river  has  caused  me  to  go  to  Canada.  Steamboat  traveling 
is  universally  condemned;  though  many  go  in  boats,  consequently  many 
get  lost.  Going  in  a  skiff  is  new,  and  is  approved  of  in  my  case.  After 
I  arrive  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee  river,  I  will  go  up  the  Ohio 
seventy-five  miles,  to  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash,  then  up  the  Wabash 
forty-four  miles  to  New  Harmony,  where  I  shall  go  ashore  by  night, 
and  go  thirteen  miles  east  to  Charles  Grier,  a  farmer,  (colored  man) 
who  will  entertain  us,  and  next  night  convey  us  sixteen  miles  to  David 
Stormon,  near  Princeton,  who  will  take  the  command  and  I  be  released. 

"David  Stormon  estimates  the  expenses  from  his  house  to  Canada 
at  forty  dollars,  without  which  no  sure  protection  will  be  given.  They 
might  be  instructed  concerning  the  course,  and  beg  their  way  through 
without  money.  If  you  wish  to  do  what  should  be  done,  you  will  send 
me  fifty  dollars,  in  a  letter,  to  Princeton,  Gibson  County,  Indiana,  so  as 
to  arrive  there  by  the  8th  of  March.  Eight  days  should  be  estimated  for 
a  letter  to  arrive  from  Philadelphia.     The  money  to  be  State  Bank  of 


520  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Ohio,  or  State  Bank,  or  Northern  Bank  of  Kentucky,  or  any  other  eastern 
bank.  Send  no  notes  larger  than  twenty  dollars.  Levi  Coffin  had  no 
money  for  me.  I  paid  twenty  dollars  for  the  skiff.  No  money  to  get 
back  to  Philadelphia.  It  was  not  understood  that  I  would  have  to  be 
at  any  expense  seeking  aid. 

"One-half  of  my  time  has  been  used  in  trying  to  find  persons  to 
assist,  when  I  may  arrive  on  the  Ohio  river,  in  which  I  have  failed, 
except  Stormon.  Having  no  letter  of  introduction  to  Stormon  from  any 
source,  on  which  I  could  fully  rely,  I  traveled  two  hundred  miles  around 
to  find  out  his  stability.  I  have  found  many  Abolitionists,  nearly  all 
who  have  made  propositions,  which  themselves  would  not  comply  with, 
and  nobody  else  would.  Already  I  have  traveled  over  three  thousand 
miles.  Two  thousand  and  four  hundred  by  steamboat,  two  hundred  by 
railroad,  one  hundred  by  stage,  four  hundred  on  foot,'  forty-eight  in  a 
skiff.  I  have  yet  five  hundred  miles  to  go  to  the  plantation,  to  commence 
operations.  I  have  been  two  weeks  on  the  decks  of  steamboats,  three 
nights  out,  two  of  which  I  got  perfectly  wet.  If  I  had  paper  money, 
as  McKim  desired,  it  would  have  been  destroyed.  I  have  not  been  en- 
tertained gratis  at  any  place  except  Stormon 's.  I  had  one  hundred  and 
twenty-six  dollars  when  I  left  Philadelphia,  one  hundred  from  you, 
twenty-six  mine. 

"Telegraphed  to  station  at  Evansville,  thirty-three  miles  from  Stor- 
mon's,  and  at  Vinclure's  twenty -five  miles  from  Stormon 's.  The  Wabash 
route  is  considered  the  safest  route.  No  one  has  ever  been  lost  from 
Stormon 's  to  Canada.  Some  have  lost  between  Stormon 's  and  the  Ohio. 
The  wolves  have  never  suspected  Stormon.  Your  (i.  e.  anybody)  asking 
aid  in  money  for  a  case  properly  belonging  east  of  Ohio,  is  detested.  If 
you  have  sent  money  to  Cincinnati  you  should  recall  it.  I  will  have  no 
opportunity  to  use  it. 

"Seth  Coneklin,  Princeton,  Gibson  county,  Ind. 

"P.  S.  First  of  April  will  be  aboiit  the  time  Peter's  family  will 
arrive  opposite  Detroit.  You  should  inform  yourself  how  to  find  them 
there.  I  may  have  no  opportunity.  I  will  look  promptly  for  your  letter 
at  Princeton,  till  the  10th  of  March,  and  longer  if  there  should  have 
been  any  delay  by  the  mails." 

Coneklin  made  his  way  to  the  rendezvous  in  Alabama,  with  his  skiff, 
and  met  the  Stills  at  the  appointed  time.  Thej^  got  down  the  Tennessee 
in  safety,  although  hailed  once,  and  fired  at  by  a  patrol.  After  rowing 
for  seven  days  and  nights,  they  reached  New  Harmony,  and  made  their 
way  across  the  country  to  David  Stormont's  (the  "Stormon"  of  the 
above  letter — an  active  Underground  Railroad  man)   in  safety.     Here 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  521 

also  they  met  Rev.  N.  R.  Johnston,  a  Covenanter  minister,  who  had 
formerly  edited  the  "Free  Press"  at  New  Concord,  Ohio,  and  who  had 
met  Coneklin  at  Cincinnati.    For  some  reason,  the  original  programme 
was  changed,  and  Coneklin  started  on  north  with  the  negroes.    They  had 
reached  a  point  twenty-three  miles  above  Vincennes,  when,  during  a  tem- 
porary absence  of  Coneklin.  they  were  arrested  on  suspicion  by  a  party 
of  "slave-catchers,"  and  carried  to  Vincennes,  from  which  point  tele- 
grams were  sent  through  the  South,  seeking  for  claimants.    Their  owner, 
B.  McKiernon,  of  South  Florence,  Alabama,  had  telegraphed  the  Mar- 
shal of  Evansville  to  be  on  the  look-out  for  them,  and  the  two  soon  ap- 
peared at  Vincennes  to  claim  them.    Coneklin,  who  was  passing  under 
the  name  of  John  H.  Miller,  came  to  their  rescue,  and  tried  to  have  them 
released  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  but  was  himself  arrested  and  thrown 
into  jail.    As  soon  as  they  heard  of  the  capture,  Stormont  and  Johnston 
started  for  Vincennes,  but  learned  that  the  party  had  already  passed 
on  the  way  to  Evansville,  with  Coneklin  in  chains.     Johnston  hurried 
to  Evansville,  to  find  that  they  had  taken  a  steamboat  there  three  hours 
before  he  had  arrived.     It  was  reported  that  Coneklin  had  "escaped" 
somewhere  near  the  mouth  of  the  Cumberland  river.     Possibly  he  at- 
tempted to  do  so,  as  his  body  was  afterwards  found  in  the  river,  with 
hands  and  feet  chained,  and  his  skull  crushed.     Little  is  preserved  of 
his  antecedents  except  that  Still  says  that  when  his  sister  was  told  of 
his  fate,  she  said,  "it  was  only  natural  for  him  in  this  case  to  have  taken 
the  steps  he  did,"  and  "recalled  a  number  of  instances  of  his  heroic  and 
daring  deeds  for  others. ' '     What  a  record !    Where  in  the  chronicles  of 
Froissart,  in  the  legends  of  the  Round  Table,  in  the  fairy  tales  of  cap- 
tives rescued  from  giants  and  ogres,  will  you  find  the  equal  of  this  story 
of  altruism?     He  was  not  seeking  the  release  of  a  princess  who  might 
reward  him  with  her  hand.     He  had  no  prospect  of  treasure  or  prefer- 
ment.   He  was  not  a  Damon  going  to  the  relief  of  a  friend.    He  under- 
took an  almost  impossible  task  in  behalf  of  utter  strangers,  and  them  of 
a  despiped  and  down-trodden  race.     He  had  no  hope  of  glory,  for  he 
knew  that  his  action  was  a  crime  by  the  laws  of  his  country.     It  is  not 
strange  that  when  Levi  Coffin  wrote  to  William  Still  of  Johnston  visiting 
him  and  telling  the  story,  he  said,  "We  wept  together." 

Of  course  the  public  knew  nothing  of  the  facts.  The  only  contempo- 
rary mention  of  the  ease  in  Indiana,  that  I  have  found,  is  the  following 
from  the  Evansville  Daily  Journal,  of  April  15,  1851 : 

"Fugitive  Sl-Wes 

"We  take,  the  following  letter  from  the  Cape  Girardeau  Eagle,  as 
it  relates  to  persons  who  left  this  city  not  a  great  while  back  in  company 


522  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

with  several  fugitive  slaves  arrested  in  this  state.  The  arrest  of  these 
slaves  was  eflfected  without  any  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  citizens 
of  Indiana,  thus  proving  their  faithfulness  to  the  laws,  and  the  utter 
idleness  of  those  attempts,  which  have  been  made  by  agitators  to  excite 
good  men  into  mutiny  and  mobocraej^ : 

"  'Steamer  Paul  Anderson,  Aprill,  1851. 

"  'Mr.  Editor: 

"  '"We  had  quite  an  adventure  on  this  boat  last  night.  At  Evansville 
we  took  on  board  a  Mr.  B.  McKennon,  of  Florence,  Alabama,  with  four 
or  five  negroes  that  had  been  stolen  from  him  in  Alabama,  by  some 
Abolitionists,  one  of  whoni  he  had  manacled.  The  negroes  and  the  thief 
were  taken  in  Knox  County,  Indiana,  and  the  owner  permitted  to  take 
them  out  of  the  state  without  any  difficulty  and  brought  on  board  this 
boat.  But  at  this  stage  of  affairs,  his  trouble  seemed  to  begin— for  there 
was  on  board  a  lot  of  emigrants  from  Ohio,  many  of  them  were  ranting 
Abolitionist  and  who  raised  a  perfect  storm.  Colonel  Benton  is  on 
board,  and  he  was  appealed  to,  to  give  "aid  and  comfort"  but  he  sent 
them  with  a  flea  in  their  ears,  and  told  them  he  had  nothing  to  say  where 
property  was  the  matter  of  controversy. 

"  'Notwithstanding,  the  criminal,  who  called  himself  "Miller,"  ac- 
knowledged that  he  and  four  others  had  stolen  the  negroes,  carried 
them  into  a  skilf  down  the  -Tennessee  river,  up  the  Ohio  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Wabash,  and  up  that  river  to  Harmony,  and  then  by  land  to  Knox 
County  (near  Vincennes).  The  men  did  all  they  could  to  get  the  Cap- 
tain to  put  to  shore  in  order  to  have  him  released,  which  he  peremptorily 
refused  to  do.  The  boat  landed  at  Smithland  and  while  there  the  prisoner 
escaped  to  the  great  joy  of  the  worthy  Ohioans.  I  ascertained  the 
names  of  the  two  of  them; — Wright,  a  chap  with  one  eye,  and  wears 
green  spectacles — the  other  a  Mr.  Meechan. 

"  'We  have  since  understood  that  the  body  of  a  man  was  found  in  the 
river  below  Smithland,  in  irons  and  much  bruised  as  if  struck  by  a 
steamboat  wheel.     It  is  supposed  to  have  been  that  of  Miller.'  " 

Rev.  N.  R.  Johnston  went  down  the  river  on  the  next  boat  after  that 
carrying  the  prisoners,  and  made  inquiries  along  the  way.  Years  after- 
wards he  published  a  book,  "Looking  Back  from  Sunset  Land,"  in 
which  he  gave  a  detailed  account  of  the  ease.  He  had  got  the  idea  that 
the  officer  from  Evansville  was  an  United  States  Marshal,  but  it  was  in 
fact  the  City  Marshal  of  Evansville,  J.  S.  Gavitt,  who  had  attained  some 
celebrity  as  a  slave-catcher.  He  went  down  the  river  with  McKiernon 
and  the  captives,  and  in  the  night,  after  leaving  Paducah,  went  to  sleep, 
and  left  McKiernon  on  guard.    As  to  Concklin's  death,  Johnston  found 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


523 


three  theories  in  circulation :  first,  that  Conelilin  had  jumped  overboard, 
intending  to  drown  himself  rather  than  be  taken  to  Alabama  for  trial; 
second,  that  he  had  jumped  overboard  expecting  to  escape,  but  had 
accidentally  struck  his  head,  as  "on  one  side  of  his  head  was  a  severe 
wound,  probably  a  broken  skull'';  and  third  that  McKiernon  had  killed 
him  and  thrown  him  overboard.     The  last  was  believed  by  Johnston, 


■'7?       -  '       /     •    J 

(/:.ct  /y-y  y  J  'At  /  I  / 


J.'/' 


who  gives  these  reasons  for  his  belief:  "It  was  said,  but  upon  what 
authority  I  do  not  remember,  that  McKiernon  had  promised  to  pay  the 
United  States  Marshal  one  thousand  dollars  on  condition  that  he  would 
return  the  fugitives  and  the  man  Miller  at  South  Florence,  Alabama. 
As  at  Paducah  ]\Iiller  was  found  dead,  and  as  the  four  slaves  were  in 
the  possession  of  the  master  in  his  own  state,  he  had  no  more  need  of  the 
Marshal  who  now  returned  to  Evansville.  •  Report  said  moreover,  that 
McKiernon  and  tlie  Marshal  had  quarreled  about  the  money  promised, 
the  former  refusing  to  pay  because  ililler  had  not  been  returned  accord- 


524  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

ing  to  contract ;  this  probably  had  not  been  written.  Then  the  suppo- 
sition was  inferred  that  in  order  to  have  revenge  upon  the  man  who  had 
taken  away  his  property,  and  to  get  rid  of  the  payment  of  one  thousand 
dollars,  he  had  taken  a  bludgeon  or  something  and  had  struck  the  fatal 
blow  on  the  head  of  Miller,  and  then  threw  him  overboard,  expecting 
to  escape  detection  as  all  were  fast  asleep  and  none  could  testify  to  the 
facts  which  would  condemn  the  murderer." 

Concklin's  case  is  almost  eciualed  by  that  of  Calvin  Fairbauk,  who 
was  born  in  New  York  in  1816,  of  Quaker  parents,  and  attended  Oberlin 
College.  He  contracted  an  intense  hatred  of  slavery  when  a  child,  listen- 
ing to  the  stories  of  an  escaped  slave ;  and  began  his  work  of  liberation 
at  the  age  of  21,  when  taking  a  raft  of  lumber  down  the  Ohio.  He  put 
nine  fugitives  across  the  river  on  that  trip,  and  although  he  spent  more 
than  seventeen  years  in  prison,  he  says:  "Forty-seven  slaves  I  guided 
toward  the  north  star,  in  violation  of  the  state  codes  of  Virginia  and 
Kentucky.  I  piloted  them  thi-ough  the  forests,  mostly  by  night ;  girls, 
fair  and  white,  dressed  as  ladies ;  men  and  boys,  as  gentlemen,  or 
servants ;  men  in  women 's  clothes,  and  women  in  men 's  clothes ;  boys 
dressed  as  girls,  and  girls  as  boys ;  on  foot  or  on  horseback,  in  buggies, 
carriages,  common  wagons,  in  and  .under  loads  of  hay,  straw,  old  fur- 
niture, boxes  and  bags ;  crossing  the  Jordan  of  the  slave,  swimming  or 
wading  chin  deep ;  or  in  boats  or  skiifs ;  on  rafts,  and  often  on  a  pine 
log.  And  I  never  suffered  one  to  be  recaptured. ^^  In  September,  1844, 
he  and  Miss  D.  A.  Webster,  a  Vermont  girl  who  was  assisting  him  in 
teaching  at  Lexington,  Kentucky,  took  three  slaves,  Lewis  Hayden.  his 
wife  and  boy,  across  the  Ohio  in  a  carriage,  and  started  them  on  their 
way  to  freedom.  They  returned,  and  were  arrested,  and  Miss  Webster 
was  tried  first,  and  sentenced  to  two  years  in  the  penitentiary.  Learning 
that  the  governor  was  inclined  to  pardon  Miss  Webster  if  he  were  con- 
victed, Fairbank  pleaded  guilty,  in  February,  1845,  and  was  sentenced 
to  fifteen  j'ears  in  the  penitentiary.  He  served  until  pardoned  on  August 
23,  1849,  by  Governor  John  J.  Crittenden.  In  a  little  more  than  two 
years  he  was  arrested  again,  this  time  in  Indiana,  whither  he  had  carried 
off  a  mulatto  girl  named  Taraar,  the  property  of  A.  L.  Shotwell  of  Louis- 
ville. Without  any  legal  formalities,  he  was  taken  to  Louisville,  where 
he  was  tried  in  February,  1853,  and  again  sentenced  for  fifteen  years. 
The  Civil  War  came  on,  but  Kentucky  remained  in  the  Union  and  held 
her  slaves.  Governor  Bramlette,  although  a  strong  Union  man,  refused 
to  pardon  so  notorious  an  offender  as  Fairbank.  In  July,  1864.  President 
Lincoln  put  Kentucky  under'military  rule,  and  sent  Gen.  Speed  S.  Fry 


19  During  Slavery  Times,  p.  10. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  525 

to  enroll  the  negroes,  in  the  state.  On  account  of  interference  with 
this,  Governor  Bramlette  was  summoned  to  Washington  to  answer 
charges,  and  Lieuteuant  Governor  Richard  T.  Jacob  became  acting  Gov- 
ernor. Jacob  was  a  son-in-law  of  Thomas  H.  Benton,  and  a  slave-holder, 
but  of  anti-slavery  tendencies.  On  his  first  day  as  Governor,  General 
Fry  remarked  to  him:  "Governor,  the  President  thinks  it  would  be  well 
to  make  this  Fairbank's  day";  and  on  the  following  morning  Fairbank 
was  pardoned.-" 

These  isolated  cases  attracted  very  little  attention  in  Indiana  outside 
of  the  little  circle  that  were  acquainted  with  the  real  facts,  and  they  kept 
quiet,  for  obvious  reasons.    There  had  been  other  cases,  however,  that  did 
attract  attention,  and  that  showed  the  trend  of  public  sympathy,  and 
the  growing  suspicion  of  attempts  to  carry  negroes  away  from  the  state. 
The  first  of  these  occurred  in  1844.    For  five  or  six  years  a  negro  named 
Sam,  with  his  wife  and  child,  had  been  living  in  Hamilton  County,  when 
a  man  named  Vaughan,  from  Missouri,  appeared  and  claimed  them  as 
slaves.     He  made  no  public  announcement,  but  secured  the  assistance 
of  a  constable,  and  several  men  who  were  willing  to  become  slave-catchers 
for  pay ;  went  to  Sam 's  cabin  and  demanded  admittance,  which  was  re- 
fused.    They  then  threw  down  the  chimney  and  pried  the  door  off  its 
hinges,  after  which  the  inmates  surrendered.     By  this  time  it  was  day, 
and  the  neighbors  began  to  gather.    The  party  started  for  Noblesville, 
five  miles  away,  hut  some  of  the  party  insisted  that  they  should  stop  at 
the  farm  of  a  Mr.  Anthony  for  breakfast,  which  was  done  over  Vaughan 's 
protest.     A  delay  of  two  or  three  hours  was  managed  at  this  point,  and 
then  they  started  on,  with  the  negroes  in  a  wagon  furnished  by  Anthony. 
Apparently  an  alarm  had  lieen  sent  out,  for  when  they  reached  the  fork 
of  the  road  to  Westfield,  a  couple  of  miles  out  of  Noblesville,  the  party 
had  grown  to  150.    At  this  point  the  driver  of  the  wagon  turned  up  the 
Westfield    road   and   whipped   up   his  horses.      Vaughan   tried   to   stop 
them,  but  was  obstructed,  and  they  got  away.     Vaughan  then  brought 
suit  against  a  man  named  Williams,  who  had  shown  an  active  interest 
in  the  negroes,  which  was  tried  at  the  May  term  of  the  U.  S.  Circuit 
Court,  1845.    It  was  shown  that  Williams  was  not  near  the  wagon  when 
the  escape  was  made;  and  also  that  a  former  owner  of  Sam  and  his 
wife,  named  Tipton,  had  taken  them  into  Illinois  and  kept  them  there 
for  six  months,  when,  on  account  of  talk  among  the  neighbors  that  they 
were  freed,  he  ran  them  off  in  the  night  to  Missouri.     Here  they  were 
sold,  finally  passing  to  Vaughan,  and  in  April,  1837,  they  ran  away. 
The  jury  found  for  the  defendant.-^ 


2"  Siehert's  TInclerground  Eailroarl,  pp.  157-9.     This  is  by  far  the  most  exhaustive 
work  on  this  subject. 

"I  Vaughan  vs.  Williams,  3  McLean,  p.  .5.30. 


526  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

In  1849  a  case  came  up  from  Decatur  County.  Woodson  Clark,  living 
near  Clarksburg,  twelve  miles  northeast  of  Greensburg,  saw  a  child 
carrying  food  to  the  barn  of  his  neighbor,  Jane  Speed,  a  colored  woman, 
living  on  "the  Peyton  place,"  and  proceeded  to  investigate.  He  found 
a  negro  woman  and  four  children,  who  had  escaped  on  October  31,  1847, 
two  days  earlier,  from  George  Ray,  a  tavern  keeper  in  Kemble  County, 
Kentucky.  Clark,  who  had  seen  the  negroes  at  Ray's,  told  them  he  would 
take  them  to  a  safer  place,  and  locked  them  up  in  his  son's  fodder  house. 
News  of  this  came  promptly  to  friends  of  the  fugitives,  and  Luther 
Donnell  and  William  Hamilton  got  out  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  on  in- 
formation that  they  were  at  Woodson  Clark's  house.  They  reached  his 
house  after  night,  and  searched  it,  but  found  nobody,  and  went  away. 
Richard  Clark,  the  son,  swore  that,  anticipating  an  attempt  to  release 
the  negroes,  he  watched  his  fodder  house,  and  that  between  three  and 
four  o'clock  in  the  morning  he  saw  Donnell  and  Hamilton  come  and  take 
them  away,  while  he  was  hid  in  a  fence  corner.  Ray  sued  Donnell  and 
Hamilton  in  the  U.  S.  Court  for  the  value  of  the  negroes,  and  the  case 
came  on  for  trial  at  the  May  term,  1849.  The  testimony  was  very  con- 
flicting, some  of  the  witnesses  swearing  that  Richard  Clark  had  said  that 
the  fugitives  were  released  by  negroes.  Whatever  the  truth,  there  was 
so  much  sturdy  lying  in  the  testimony  that  the  Court  observed:  "Never 
in  my  experience  have  I  witnessed  so  great  a  conflict  of  statements  among 
respectable  witnesses."  He  instructed  the  jury,  however,  that  they 
might  make  up  their  minds  from  circumstantial  evidence,  reminded 
them  of  the  defendants  getting  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  dilated 
on  the  importance  of  enforcing  the  law.  The  jury  gave  a  verdict  for 
$1,500  damages.  The  probabilities  seem  to  be  that  Clark  lied  about  seeing 
them,  and  that  the  Court  was  wrong  in  guessing  that  they  released  the 
negroes.2  2  Donnell  was  a  station  agent  of  the  Underground  Railroad, 
but  in  a  statement  made  years  afterwards,  Hamilton  frankly  told  how 
the  negroes  were  brought  in  on  the  Underground ;  how  Clark  lured  them 
away  under  pretense  of  taking  them  to  a  safer  place ;  how  he  and  Donnell 
failed  in  their  search ;  and  how  the  woman  made  her  escape,  and  fell 
in  with  some  colored  men  who  rescued  the  entire  party,  and  got  them 
out  of  the  neighborhood.^^  Action  was  also  brought  against  Donnell 
for  the  .$500  penalty  prescribed  by  the  State  law  for  aiding  a  fugitive 
slave,  but  the  Supreme  Court  held  that  the  State  law  was  unconstitu- 
tional, and  the  jurisdiction  wholly  in  the  federal  courts.^* 


--  Ray  vs.  Boiinell  and  Hamilton,  4  McLean,  p.  504. 
2'*  History  of  Decatur  County,  p.  .399. 

-*  Donnell  vs.  State,  ."!  Ind.,  p.  480,  follovring  the  TJ.  S.  Court  in  Prigg  vs.  Penn- 
sylvania, 16  Peters,  p.  613. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  527 

Perhaps  the  most  exciting  of  the  ludiaua  slave  cases  was  one  in 
St.  Joseph  County  in  1849.     In  1847,  four  slaves  escaped  from  John 
Norris,  iu  Boone  County,  Kentucky,  and  made  their  way  to  Cass  County, 
Michigan,  where  they  located  in  a  settlement  of  negroes,  with  abolitionist 
neighbors.     Two  years  later  Norris  learned  where  they  were;  made  up 
an  armed  party;  went  quietly  to  Michigan;  broke  open  their  house  in 
the  night ;  captured  the  negroes,  and  got  them  into  Indiana,  below  South 
Bend.    Alarm  was  given,  and  a  neighbor  followed;  secured  the  aid  of 
Edwin  B.  Crocker,  an  attorney ;  obtained  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus ;  went 
out  with  a  party ;  and  found  Norris  and  his  captives,  who  had  stopped 
to  get  some  food.     The  Norris  party  drew  weapons  and  showed  fight, 
but  finally  consented  to  obey  the  writ,  and  the  negroes  were  taken  to 
South  Bend  and  lodged  in  jail.     Armed  negroes  began  coming  in  from 
Michigan,  and  by  the  time  of  the  hearing  there  was  a  fair  sized  mob  on 
hand.     The  Court  released  the  negroes,  but  in  the  meantime  Norris  had 
got  out  warrants  for  their  arrest  under  the  State  law,  and  his  party  drew 
their  weapons,  and  seized  the  negroes  in  the  court  room.     After  some 
parley  they  were  again  taken  to  jail,  and  another  writ  of  habeas  corpus 
was  taken  out.    Norris  and  his  party  were  arrested  on  charges  of  assault 
and  riot,  but  these  were  not  pressed.    Concluding  that  it  was  hopeless  to 
get  the  negroes  away,  he  refused  to  attend  the  second  hearing,  and  said 
he  would  hold  the  people  responsible  who  had  interfered  with  him. 
The  negroes  were  released  and  hurried  off  to  Canada.     Norris  brought 
suit  in  the  U.  S.  Court  against  Leander  Newton,  Crocker,  and  others, 
and  at  the  trial,  in  1850,  recovered  judgment  for  $2,850.2s     There  were 
twelve  additional  suits  brought  for  the  $500  penalty  under  the  State 
law  but  these  were  disposed  of  by  the  law 's  being  held  unconstitutional. 
By  these  and  similar  cases  elsewhere,  it  was  made  manifest  that  the 
federal  courts  would  enforce  the  law,  and  that  open  violation  was  dan- 
gerous.    The  new  law  of  1850  was  still  more  stringent,  but  instead  of 
preventing  aid  to  fugitive  slaves,  it  merely  increased  the  secrecy  of  their 
friends  and  stimulated  them  to  greater  activity.    In  1851  there  came  to 
the  farm  of  Col.  James  W.  Cockrum,  at  the  site  of  Oakland  City,  Gibson 
County,  a  man  known  as  John  Hansen.    He  apparently  knew  where  he 
was  coming,  for  the  two  were  seen  on  confidential  terms,  and  Hansen 
made  the  house  his  headquarters  for  more  than  five  years  after.    Cockrum 
was  born  in  North  Carolina,  in  1799.    He  migrated  to  Tennessee,  and  in 
1816  to  Indiana,  locating  in  Gibson  County.     He  was  a  man  of  superior 
intelligence  and  business  capacity,  and  soon  became  active  in  flat-boating 
•  produce  to  New  Orleans.     He  then  got  into  the  steamboat  business  on 


25  Norris  vs.  Newton,  5  McLean,  p.  92.    Howard's,  Hist.  St.  Joseph  Co.,  p.  202. 


528  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

southern  rivers  for  teu  years,  during  which  he  owned  and  operated 
consecutively  two  boats,  the  "Otsego"  and  the  "Nile."  Later  he  devoted 
his  attention  to  farming  and  mercantile  business  in  Gibson  County.  He 
was  a  zealous  Baptist,  a  champion  of  free  schools,  and  an  ardent  temper- 
ance and  anti-slavery  man.  Politically  he  was  a  Whig,  later  a  Kepubli- 
cau,   and  represented  his  county  in  the  legislatuj-e  of  1848  and  1852. 


Col.  James  W.  Cockrum 
(Of  Executive  Committee  of  Auti-Slavery  League) 

He  had  his  title  from  service  in  the  militia  as  colonel.  Hansen  passed 
as  the  representative  of  a  Philadelphia  real  estate  firm,  and  incidentally 
was  interested  in  natural  history.  One  day  he  was  bitten  by  a  poisonous 
snake  that  he  was  trying  to  capture,  and  for  ten  weeks  was  laid  up  at 
the  Cockrum  home,  having  a  narrow  escape  from  death  from  the  effects 
of  the  poison.  During  this  time  the  Colonel's  youngest  son,  William, 
went  to  Princeton  for  his  mail,  and  finally  was  taken  into  his  confidence, 
and  attended  to  his  correspondence ;  and  to  this  personal  acquaintance 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  529 

Indiana  is  indebted  for  the  most  explicit  account  of  the  work  of  the 
Underground  Kailroad  in  Indiana  that  has  ever  been  made  public,  for 
young  Cockrum  entered  into  it  with  zest  and,  having  historical  tastes, 
collected  a  mine  of  information  on  the  subject,  which  he  has  recounted 
with  perfect  frankness  in  a  volume  that  is  as  thrilling  as  any  novel.-" 
Hansen,  whose  real  name  was  John  T.  Hanover,  was  an  agent  of  the 
Anti-slavery  League,  and  the  Superintendent  of  its  work  in  Indiana. 
The  organization  was  extensive,  controlled  by  men  of  ability,  and  well 
supplied  with  funds.  Cockrum  says:  "They  had  a  detective  and  spy 
system  that  was  far  superior  to  anything  the  slave  holders  of  the  United 
States  had.  There  were  as  many  as  fifty  educated  and  intelligent  young 
and  middle-aged  men  on  duty  from  some  ways  above  Pittsburg,  Penn- 
sylvania, along  down  the  Ohio  on  both  sides  of  it  to  the  Mississippi  River. 
These  men  had  different  occupations.  Some  were  book  agents  and  other 
sort  of  agents;  some  were  singing  teachers,  school  teachers,  writing 
teachers  and  others  map  makers,  carrying  surveying  and  drawing  outfits 
for  that  purpose ;  some  were  real  Yankee  peddlers ;  some  were  naturalists 
and  geologists  carrying  their  hammers  and  nets  for  that  purpose.  They 
belonged  to  any  and  all  sorts  of  occupations  and  professions  that  gave 
them  the  best  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  and  mix  with  the  people 
and  gain  a  knowledge  of  the  traveled  ways  of  the  country.  They  never 
engaged  in  political  arguments,  making  it  a  point  always  to  acquiesce 
with  the  sentiment  of  the  majority  of  the  people  they  were  associating 
with.  There  were  ten  young  men  who  were  carried  on  the  rolls  of  the 
anti-slavery  league  who  took  upon  themselves  the  role  of  a  spy.  These 
spies  were  loud  in  their  pro-slavery  talk  and  were  in  full  fellowship  with 
those  who  were  in  favor  of  slavery.  In  this  way  they  learned  the  move- 
ments of  those  who  aided  the  slave  masters  in  hunting  their  runaways 
and  were  often  enabled  to  put  them  on  the  wrong  track,  thus  helping 
those  who  were  piloting  the  runaways  to  place  them  beyond  the  chance 
of  recapture.  There  was  also  a  superintendent  for  each  of  the  four 
states,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania,  who  had  the  manage- 
ment of  the  men  working  in  the  state  that  he  was  assigned  to."  There 
were  soon  four  regular  crossing  places  established  on  the  Ohio  between 
the  Falls  and  the  mouth  of  the  Waba.sh  ;  one  at  Diamond  island,  one  near 
the  mouth  of  Little  Pigeon,  one  between  Owensboro  and  Rockport,  and 
one  near  the  i#outh  of  Indian  Creek  in  Harrison  County.  At  these 
places  there  were  men,  usually  supposed  to  be  fishermen,  who  were  al- 
ways prepared  to  take  fugitive  parties  across  the  river. 

Hansen  left  nothing  unprovided  for.    He  called  on  A.  L.  Robinson, 


=8  The  Underground  Railroad,  Oakland  City,  1915. 

Vol.  1—34 


530  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  well  known  Evansville  attorney,  and  paid  him  a  retainer  of  $250 
to  attend  to  any  cases  that  might  come  up  in  his  vicinity.  Cockrum 
says:  "Hansen  was  working  and  traveling  over  the  first  three  or  four 
tiers  of  counties  all  along  the  southern  borders  of  Indiana  and  pretended 
to  be  representing  an  eastern  real-estate  firm  from  which  he  received 
large  packages  of  mail  at  many  of  the  county  seats  and  large  towns  all 
along  southern  Indiana.  The  young  men  assigned  to  do  this  hazardous 
work  under  him  were  men  who  could  be  depended  upon  to  do  it  in  a  way 
that  no  suspicion  of  their  real  mission  would  be  had.  They  were  under 
a  most  perfect  discipline,  similar  to  that  the  secret  service  men  were 
under  during  the  war  times  in  the  sixties.  There  was  a  code  used  that 
each  man  was  thoroughly  accjuainted  with.  It  had  their  numbers  and 
all  that  was  said  or  done  about  him  was  by  number,  which  numbers  were 
referred  to  as  numbers  of  land,  towns,  ranges  and  sections  and  by  acres 
when  the  numbers  were  above  thirty-six.  The  routes  these  men  were 
on  wei-e  called  by  the  names  of  timber,  such  as  linden,  oak,  maple, 
hickory,  walnut,  dogwood,  sassafras,  beech  and  all  the  sorts  of  timber 
that  were  native  of  the  country  in  which  they  worked."  But  the  work 
was  not  all  done  north  of  the  river.  A  part  of  the  men  were  constantly 
employed  in  the  South,  getting  slaves  to  run  away,  and  piloting  them  to 
safety.  This  was  the  most  dangerous  part  of  the  work,  and  all  sorts 
of  ingenious  schemes  were  resorted  to  for  the  accomplishment  of  the 
objects  of  the  organization,  ilr.  Cockrum  informs  me  that  the  members 
were  all  under  a  rigid  oath,  and  any.  revelation  of  material  mattei's  was 
punishable  with  death.  The  results  of  this  woi'k  were  remarkable.  In 
1865,  Hanover  said:  "I  can't  say  for  certain  how  many  fugitive  slaves 
passed  through  the  hands  of  the  men  on  duty  in  my  district  on  the  Ohio 
river,  but  for  the  seven  years  more  than  an  average  of  four  thousand 
each  year. "  -'  This  seems  almost  incredible,  and  yet  it  is  in  fair  harmony 
with  the  claims  of  losses  made  by  Southerners. -^  The  difficulty  of  arriv- 
ing at  a  correct  idea  of  the  extent  of  the  work  is  very  great.  The  census 
of  1850  returned  only  1,011  slaves  escaped  from  their  masters  in  that 
year,  and  the  census  of  1860  returned  only  803,  but  these  figures  did  not 
agree  with  current  opinion,  and  this  was  noted  at  the  time.  The  Madison 
Courier,  which  was  not  an  anti-slavery  paper,  in  discussing  the  figiires 
of  1850,  said:  "The  public  impression  as  to  the  number  of  fugitives 
which  may  have  been  at  any  time  or  that  now  remain  "in  the  North  is 
undoulitcdly  immensely  exaggerated."  29  In  the  census  report  for  1860, 
it  is  claimed  that  the  figures  as  to  the  fugitive  slaves  are  accurate,  but 


27  Cockrum 's  Underffi-ouiid  Eailroad,  p.  320. 
ssSiebert's  ITiiderground  Eailroad,  pp.  341-352. 
=0  Courier,  April  2,  1851. 


INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS  531 

if  they  arc  no  better  than  the  figures  of  the  Canadian  census  for  the 
same  years,  they  are  of  little  value.  The  Canadian  census  of  1851  re- 
ported 2,095  negroes  in  Upper,  or  West  Canada,  but  gave  figures  for  only 
one-sixth  of  the  districts,  and  said  in  a  footnote  that  there  were  8,000. 
In  Lower  Canada  it  reported  only  18  negroes,  bi;t  these  were  in  three 
of  the  38  districts.     In  1861,  11,223  negroes  were  reported  from  two- 


JoHN  T.  Hanover 
(Alias  John  Hansen;  Superintendent  of  Anti-Slavery  League, 

in  Indiana) 

thirds  of  the  "West  Canada  districts,  and  190  from  Lower  Canada.  It  is 
unquestionable  that  the  migration  to  Canada  was  greater  in  this  decade 
than  in  any  other,  for  in  addition  to  those  going  direct,  many  who  had 
stopped  in  the  Northern  states  fled  to  Canada  on  account  of  the  law  of 
1850.  Cockrum  says  that  in  addition  to  the  crossing  in  the  vicinity  of 
Detroit,  t"here  were  two  large  boats  constantly  employed  in  the  work  of 
transporting  fugitives  to  Canada,  one  on  Lake  Michigan  and  one  on 


532  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Lake  Erie.  Siebert  gives  a  list  of  3,211  persons  engaged  in  aiding  fugi- 
tives to  escape,  of  whom  244  are  credited  to  Indiana.  But  he  says  it  is 
a  minimum  list,  and  it  certainly  is  for  Indiana.  In  Gibson  County,  for 
example,  he  has  but  one  name,  while  Coekrum  names  more  than  a  dozen 
white  men,  in  addition  to  a  number  of  free  negroes,  and  the  regular 
workers  of  the  Anti-Slavery  League.  If  the  known  assistants  averaged 
one  person  a  year,  allowing  for  duplication,  the  numljer  would  go  into 
thousands. 

So  far  as  public  sentiment  was  concerned,  this  uncertainty  as  to  the 
number  of  fugitives  added  to  the  hostility  of  the  North  and  the  South. 
Nine-tenths  of  the  Northern  people  had  no  knowledge  whatever  of  the 
work  of  the  Underground  Railroad,  on  account  of  its  secrecy,  and  if 
these  accepted  such  authorities  as  the  census  reports,  they  naturally 
believed  the  Soiithern  claimants  of  losses  to  be  liars,  who  were  trying  to 
promote  the  industry  of  kidnaping  free  negroes.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Southerner  who  lost  a  slave  naturally  blamed  the  loss  to  the  Under- 
ground Railroad.  No  doubt  he  was  generally  correct  in  his  suspicion, 
but  not  always.  There  were  always  criminals  in  the  South,  like  John 
Murrell  and  his  band,  who  would  steal  a  negro  as  cheerfully  as  a  horse, 
or  induce  him  to  run  away  under  pretense  of  guiding  him  to  freedom, 
and  sell  him  to  a  new  master.  But  the  average  Southerner  blamed  it  all 
to  the  "Yankees,"  and  with  little  distinction  between  them,  except  for 
political  affiliation.  In  the  heated  debates  in  Congress  in  1860-61,  just 
preceding  secession,  Jones  of  Georgia  said:  "It  is  a  notorious  fact  that  in 
a  good  many  of  the  non-slaveholding  states  the  Republican  party  has 
regularly  organized  societies — underground  railroads — for  the  avowed 
purpose  of  stealing  the  slaves  from  the  border  states,  and  carrying  them 
off  to  a  free  state  or  to  Canada.  These  predatory  bands  are  kept  up  by 
private  and  public  subscriptions  among  the  Abolitionists;  and  in  many 
of  the  States,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  they  receive  the  sanction  and  protection 
of  the  law.  The  border  States  lose  annually  thousands  and  millions  of 
dollars'  worth  of  property  by  this  system  of  larceny  that  has  been  carried 
on  for  years."  Polk  of  Missouri  said  in  the  Senate:  "Underground 
railroads  are  established,  stretching!  from  the  remotest  slaveholding 
states  clear  up  to  Canada.  Secret  agencies  are  put  to  work  in  the  very 
midst  of  our  slaveholding  communities  to  steal  away  slaves.  *  *  * 
This  lawlessness  is  felt  with  special  seriousness  in  the  border  slave  states. 
The  underground  railroads  start  mostly  from  these  states.  Hundreds 
of  thousands  of  dollars  are  lost  annually.  And  no  state  loses  more 
heavily  than  my  own.  Kentucky,  it  is  estimated,  loses  annually  as  much 
as  $200,000.  The  other  border  states  no  doubt  lose  in  the  same  ratio, 
Mi.ssouri  much  more.  But  all  these  losses  and  outrages,  all  this  disregard 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  533 

of  constitutional  obligation  and  social  duty,  are  as  nothing  in  their  bear- 
ing upon  the  Union  in  comparison  with  the  animus,  the  intent  and  pur- 
pose of  which  they  are  at  once  the  fruit  and  the  evidence." 

In  some  respects,  aiding  of  the  fugitives  took  on  the  form  of  a  great 


Col.  William  M.  Cockrum 

game  of  hide  and  seek,  played  while  most  of  the  population  were  in  bed 
and  asleep.  The  slave  hunters,  of  course,  went  armed  when  in  pursuit 
of  fugitives,  and  at  times  were  insolent  and  overhearing,  which  aroused 
the  resentment  of  even  persons  who  were  not  especially  interested  in 
the  fugitives,  and  still  more  so  the  active  anti-slavery  men.     Cockrum 


534  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

tells  of  the  routing  of  a  party  of  slave  catchers  who  were  watching  the 
Dougola  bridge  over  the  Patoka  river  for  a  party  of  fugitives,  by  a 
party  of  anti-slavery  men  who  captured  their  horses,  tied  explosive 
fire-brands  to  their  tails,  and  chased  them  across  the  bridge,  to  the  dismay 
and  terror  of  the  watchers,  who  promptly  decamped.  He  gives  another 
account  of  waylaying  a  mounted  party  at  the  Kirk's  Mill  bridge,  and 
frightening  them  aaid  their  horses  by  exploding  a  number  of  bombs,  and 
pretending  to  be  in  jiursuit  of  them.  More  elaborate  than  these  grimly 
facetious  proceedings,  was  a  bogus  kidnaping  affair  he  recounts.  Two 
of  Hansen's  spies  enlisted  ten  local  slave-catchers  in  a  scheme  to  capture 
a  crowd  of  free  negroes  and  sell  them  as  slaves.  The  negi-oes  were  sup- 
posed to  be  holding  a  meeting  of  a  secret  society,  called  "The  Sous  of 
Liberty,"  but  were  prepared  in  advance  for  the  raid.  When  the  kid- 
napers broke  into  the  honse,  they  found  themselves  confronted  by 
twelve  sturdy  men — eight  negroes  and  four  whites  disguised  as  negroes — 
who  leveled  rifles  at  tliem  and  told  them  to  hold  up  their  hands.  The 
kidnapers  were  disarmed  and  nmnacled  with  the  fetters  they  had 
brought  for  their  expected  captives.  They  were  then  told  that  as  they 
had  invaded  a  meeting  of  the  society,  they  would  have  to  be  initiated. 
They  were  required  to  take  an  oath  never  to  kidnap  a  free  negro  or  aid 
in  capturing  a  fugitive  slave.  The  spies  were  then  told  that  as  they 
had  brought  the  party  to  the  place  they  were  worthy  of  death.  They 
were  taken  into  an  ad.joining  room,  from  which  there  soon  came  the 
sound  of  blows  and  of  moans  and  prayers  for  mercy,  followed  by  signifi- 
cant silence.  The  spies  were  then  put  under  a  bed,  with  their  feet  ex- 
tending, for  the  benefit  of  the  remainder,  who  were  brought  in  two  by 
two  and  initiated  by  having  crosses  burned  on  their  breasts  and  shoulders 
with  red-hot  pokers.  The  pokers  were  also  used  to  singe  off  the  beards 
of  those  who  were  not  shaven.  The  spies  were  then  let  out  aj  another 
door,  and  mounted  their  horses,  and  drove  away  the  horses  of  the  kid- 
napers, after  which  the  latter  were  released  and  ordered  to  depart.  It 
can  hardly  be  doubted  that  these  proceedings  east  a  damper  on  slave- 
hunting  in  that  vicinity.  And  yet  this  remained  absolutely  secret  for 
many  years,  as  neither  party  ventured  to  make  it  public. 

But  while  there  was  a  great  deal  of  secret  action,  there  was  no  lack 
of  public  movement  in  coiniection  with  slavery.  Indeed  there  was  so 
much  of  it  before  the  public  that  the  demand  of  the  South  was  that 
"agitation"  should  cease,  and  this  demand  was  indorsed  by  both  the 
Whiers  and  the  Democrats.  It  was  useless.  As  George  "\V.  Julian  said 
to  the  Free  Soil  convention  at  Indianapolis,  on  May  25,  1853:  "Every- 
body is  agitating.  The  anti-slavery  man  agitates  because  he  believes 
the  truth  is  on  his  side,  and  that  he  has  nothing  to  fear,  and  everything 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  535 

to  hope  from  the  freest  discussion.  Tlie  pro-slavery  man  agitates,  because 
that  is  his  method  of  convincing  everybody  that  agitation  is  a  curse  and 
a  crime.  Agitation  pervades  the  common  air.  It  meets  us  around  the 
fireside,  in  the  social  circle,  in  our  stage-coaches  and  railway  cars,  and  on 
board  our  steamboats.  The  old  and  the  young,  the  rich  and  the  poor, 
the  wise  and  the  simple,  are  alike  its  victims.  It  has  acquired  a  sort  of 
ommpi-esenee.  The  very  effort  to  escape  it  only  seems  to  draw  it  nearer 
to  us;  and  were  it  possible  to  banish  the  contagion  entirely  from  our 
thoughts,  it  would  be  at  the  cost  of  our  moral  annihilation.  Its  abode  is 
wherever  human  hearts  beat ;  and  while  oppression  lasts,  it  can  only 
cease  with  their  pulsations.  Never  has  there  been  such  a  tide  in  our 
affairs  as  at  this  time.  Never  have  the  enemies  of  slavery  had  such 
reasons  to  feel  encouraged  as  the  facts  I  have  j^resented  furnish.  Never 
has  the  slaveholder  seen  his  day  of  .judgment  so  visibly  and  rapidly  ap- 
proaching. Every  attempt  to  cloak  the  hideous  deformity  of  the  great 
dragon  of  slavery  only  seems  to  unmask  it  to  the  gaze  of  the  world. 
Every  diabolical  device  designed  to  crush  our  cause,  is  turned  into  a 
weapon  of  aggression  and  defense.  Slaveholders  themselves  are  now 
among  our  most  efficient  helpers.  Their  unhallowed  rule  has  at  length 
set  the  world  to  thinking,  its  great  heart  to  beating,  and  its  great  voice 
to  agitating,  whilst  their  intended  finality  has  been  hissed  out  of  the 
land.  And  yet  President  Pierce,  in  his  inaugural,  tells  us  that  he  fer- 
vently hopes  the  question  is  at  rest!  Let  us  thank  God  for  such  a  rest 
as  the  world  is  now  having,  and  pray  for  its  increase ;  and  as  respects 
slaveholders  and  doughfaces,  let  us  take  comfort  from  the  Scriptural 
assurance  that  there  is  no  rest  for  the  wicked."  ^" 

This  extract  will  prepare  the  reader  for  the  statenient  that  at  this 
time  Julian  was  the  most  notable  "firebrand"  in  Indiana.  He  was  of 
French  descent  on  his  father's  side,  his  ancestors  having  located  on  the 
eastern  shore  of  Maryland  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
From  there  his  father  removed  to  Indiana,  and  settled  near  Centreville, 
in  Wayne  County.  He  was  a  man  of  ability,  and  represented  his  county 
in  the  legislature,  but  died  in  1823.  George  was  born  on  his  father's 
farm.  May  5,  1817,  and  was  one  of  six  children.  The  widow  and  orphans 
had  a  hard  struggle,  but  George  was  determined  to  improve  his  mind. 
He  got  a  little  instruction  in  the  common  schools,  but  was  chiefly  self- 
educated,  reading,  like  Lincoln,  by  firelight,  on  account  of  the  lack  of 
lamp  or  candles.  At  eighteen  he  began  teaching  school,  and  contini;ed 
for  three  years,  meanwhile  taking  up  the  study  of  law.  In  1840  he  was 
admitted  to  the  bar.    In  1845  he  was  elected  to  the  legislature  as  a  "Whig. 


30  Julian 's  Speeches,  p.  94. 


5:56  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

As  a  legislator  he  warmly  opposed  repudiation  of  the  State  debt,  and 
distinguished  himself  by  a  fight  for  the  abolition  of  capital  punishment. 
But  he  revolted  at  the  Whig  attitude  towards  slavery,  and  in  ISiS  went 
as  a  delegate  to  the  Free  Soil  convention  at  Buffalo,  and  from  that  time 
forward  was  an  apostle  of  abolition.  In  1849  the  Free  Soilei's  nominated 
him  for  Congress.  The  district  was  reliably  Whig,  but  the  Democrats, 
considering  W'hig  defeat  a  half  victory,  voted  for  Julian  and  elected 
him.  The  Whigs  averred  "bargain  and  corruption,"  but  Julian  made 
no  sign  of  compromise  in  his  campaign,  and  in  Congress  he  was  a  radical 
of  the  radicals.  His  speeches  of  May  14  and  September  25,  1850,  against 
the  slave  power  gave  him  national  rank  among  the  abolitionists.  He 
also  made  a  speech  in  favor  of  Andrew  Johnson's  homestead  bill,  which 
probably  helped  to  kill  it,  as  Julian  treated  it  a.s  an  anti-slavery  meas- 
ure.-" It  is  a  curious  fact  that  many  histories,  including  "The  Public 
Domain,"  ascribe  the  first  homestead  hill  to  Galusha  A.  Grow,  in  1854, 
but  this  bill  was  put  before  Congress  by  Johnson,  after  numerous  re- 
buffs, on  Jainiary  23,  1851,  and  he  said  at  the  time  that  the  matter  had 
been  brought  before  Congre.ss  six  years  earlier.  This  peculiar  champion- 
ship of  the  homestead  bill,  to  which  he  was  sincerely  attached,  and  to 
which  he  gave  much  labor  later,  was  in  accord  with  Julian's  ruling 
characteristics.  He  was  no  politician.  No  consideration  of  diplomacy 
or  tact  ever  prevented  him  from  saying  what  he  thought,  and  it  was  this 
quality  that  brought  him  into  conflict  with  Morton.  ]\Iorton  was  a  con- 
sistent Democrat  until  expelled  from  the  Democratic  convention  of  1854 
for  opposition  to  the  Nebraska  bill.  In  1851,  Julian  had  been  renomi- 
nated for  Congress  by  the  Free  Soilcrs.  A  majority  of  the  Democratic 
district  convention  decided  to  indorse  him,  over  the  opposition  of  Morton, 
who  advocated  a  separate  nomination.  Julian  was  defeated  in  the  elec- 
tion, and  in  1852  he  was  nominated  for  Vice  President  by  the  Free 
Soilers.  Morton  supported  the  Democratic  ticket  as  usual,  but  in  1854 
he  joined  "The  Peoples  Party,"  and  aided  materially  in  unifying  that 
discordant  organization. 

From  this  time,  Morton's  influence  in  the  new  party,  and  in  the 
Republican  party,  which  succeeded  it  in  1856,  was  stronger  than  that  of 
Julian.  In  1856  Morton  was  nominated  for  Governor,  and  after  a  cam- 
paign with  Ashbel.P.  Willard,  the  Democratic  candidate,  was  defeated 
by  5,842  votes.  In  November,  the  Democrats  carried  the  state  for  Presi- 
dent by  more  than  three  times  that  majority.  On  July  4,  1857,  Julian 
made  an  address  at  Raysville  in  which  he  ascribed  the  defeat  to  an 
abandonment  of  anti-.slavery  principles.     His  conclusion  was  probably 


31  Cong.  Globe,  .Jan.  29,  18.51,  App.,  p.  IS.?. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  537 

erroneous,  but  his  recital  of  Indiana  political  history  for  the  past  three 
years  was  accurate.  He  said:  "The  sad  truth  is  that  Indiana  is  the 
most  pro-slavery  of  all  our  Northern  states.  Her  Black  Code,  branded 
upon  her  recreant  forehead  by  a  majority  of  nearlj'  one  hundred  thou- 
sand of  her  voters,  tells  her  humiliating  pedigree  far  more  forcibly  than 
any  words  I  could  employ.  Our  people  hate  the  negro  with  a  perfect, 
if  not  a  supreme  hatred,  and  their  anti-slavery,  making  an  average 
estimate,  is  a  superficial  and  sickly  sentiment,  rather  than  a  deep-rooted 
and  robust  conviction.  *  *  *  There  was  an  honest  element  in  the 
struggle  of  1854,  but  it  was  to  a  great  extent,  overlaid  and  smothered 
by  adverse  influences.  "We  had,  strictly  speaking,  no  anti-slavery  party. 
It  was  simplj'  an  Anti-Nebraska  party,  mustering  its  large  numbers  by 
appealing  to  prejudices  essentially  hostile  to  anti-slavery  truth,  or  at 
best  only  distantly  related  to  it.  But  there  were  two  other  questions 
which  entered  extensively  into  our  politics  at  the  time  of  which  I  speak. 
One  of  these  was  the  Temperance  Question.  Three  years  ago  the  rallying 
cry  of  our  temperance  men  was  'Seizure,  confiscation,  and  destruction 
of  liquors  kept  for  illegal  sale.'  The  demand  for  a  law  embodying  this 
principle,  which  had  been  growing  louder  and  louder  since  the  enact- 
ment of  the  "Maine  Law,"  was  reaching  its  climax.  The  excitement 
was  at  high  tide.  Many  even  resolved  that  this  question  should  be  made 
paramount  in  the  polities  of  the  State,  and  however  time  and  experience 
may  have  modified  our  zeal  or  modified  our  opinions,  such  were  the 
numbers,  intelligence,  and  character  of  the  men  wdio  embarked  in  this 
movement  that  our  politicians  were  compelled  to  defer  to  their  wishes. 
No  party  could  afford  to  trifle  with  so  potent  an  influence. 

"The  other  question  referred  to,  and  which  still  more  complicated 
our  political  affairs,  was  Know  Nothingism.  Thousands  were  made  to 
believe  that  the  Romish  Hierarchy  was  rapidly  becoming  a  dangerous 
power  in  'The  things  that  are  Caesar's,'  and  that  the  Man  of  Sin  must 
he  put  down  at  once  and  at  all  hazards.  Thousands  were  persuaded 
that  the  evils  of  foreignism  had  become  so  alarming  as  to  require  the 
most  extraordinary  measures  to  counteract  them,  involving  even  the 
grossest  injustice  to  the  foreigner  himself  that  our  native  demagogTies 
might  be  rebuked  for  pandering  to  his  ignorance  or  brutality.  Thou- 
sands, misled  by  designing  knaves,  through  the  arts  of  the  Jesuit,  be- 
lieved that  the  cause  of  freedom  was  to  be  sanctified  and  saved  by  this 
new  thing  under  the  sun.  Thousands,  swayed  by  an  unbridled  credulity, 
thought  that  political  hacks  and  charlatans  were  to  lose  their  occupa- 
tions under  the  new  Order,  and  that  our  debauched  politics  were  to 
be  thoroughly  purified  by  the  lustration  which  it  promised  forthwith 
to  perform.     Thousands,  eager  to  bolt  from  the  old  parties,  but  fearful 


538 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


of  })eing  sliot  down  on  the  way  as  deserters,  gladly  availed  themselves 
of  this  newly  devised  'Underground  Railroad'  in  escaping  from  the 
service  of  their  old  masters.  Uinler  these  various  influences,  but  chiefly 
actuated  by  the  extraordinary  feeling  which  prevailed  on  the  subject 
of  foreign  and  Catholic  influence,  secret  and  oath-l)ound  affiliated  lodges 
were  established  throughout  the  country,  which  exerted  a  controlling  in- 


George  W.  Julian 


fluenee  over  political  matters.  These  lodges  were  first  organized  in  Indi- 
ana in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1854,  and  rapidly  spread  over  the 
State.  Their  grand  aim  was  to  carry  out  their  peculiar  dogmas,  and 
secure  the  offices  of  the  country;  and  they  enlisted  a  large  ma.iority  of 
those  who  had  been  known  as  Whigs  and  Free  Soilers,  besides  great 
numbers  of  Democrats,  some  of  whom  stood  openly  with  their  party, 
but  secretly  bolted  by  the  light  of  the  'Dark  Lantern.'  Such  were  the 
elements  of  the  movement  of  1854,  which  first  fused  together  in  the  State 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  539 

Convention  at  Indianapolis  on  the  13tli  of  July  of  that  year.  Here  was 
the  favored  opportunity  to  organize  a  party  of  freedom  on  a  substantial 
basis.  *  *  *  Both  the  Temperance  men  and  a  majority  of  the  Know 
Nothings  were  more  or  less  imbued  with  anti-slavery  sentiments,  whilst 
both  stood  ready  to  make  common  cause  against  Old  Line  Democracy, 
and  to  yield  something  of  prejudice,  if  not  of  conviction,  for  the  sake 
of  an  effective  union.  The  Free  Soilers  of  the  State  were  pretty  largely 
represented  in  the  Convention,  and  it  was  only  necessary  for  them  to 
sa.y,  unitedly  and  with  emphasis,  that  a  Republican  party  should  be  or- 
ganized, and  it  would  have  been  done.  But  the  united  and  emphatic 
word  was  not  spoken.  Fusion  was  the  magic  sound  that  charmed  all 
ears.  Resolutions  were  offered  declaring,  first,  the  principle  of  oppo- 
sition to  slavery  within  constitutional  limits,  and  to  the  extent  of  con- 
stitutional power;  and  second,  that  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise had  destroyed  whatever  of  finality  was  understood  to  pertain  to  the 
compromise  acts  of  1850,  and  remitted  the  free  States  back  to  their  just 
rights  under  the  Federal  Constitution.  These  moderate  resolutions  were 
voted  down,  and  others  adopted  by  which  in  effect,  if  not  in  express 
words,  the  restoration  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  made  the  only  spe- 
cific basis  of  union.  By  this  action  of  the  Convention  the  new  movement 
was  committed  to  an  essentially  pro-slavery  policy;  for  even  the  dough- 
face could  preach  the  restoration  of  this  compromise  when  expounded  as 
the  limit  of  his  anti-slavery  designs,  as  a  flat  negative  of  the  doctrine 
of  slavery  restriction  generally,  and  merely  as  a  rebuke  to  the  adminis- 
tration for  disturbing  the  healing  measures  of  1850.  It  was  a  narrow 
and  double-faced  issue  at  best,  but  in  this  instance  it  had  only  a  face 
looking  southward.  It  was  a  false  issue,  and  it  was,  besides,  wholly 
impracticable. 

"Our  more  radical  anti-slavery  men,  however,  acquiesced.  The  Tem- 
perance men  were  generally  satisfied,  because  a  resolution  was  adopted 
which  met  their  acceptance.  The  Know  Nothings  were  pleased,  not  only 
because  they  liked  the  platform,  but  because  the  State  ticket  publicly 
nominated  at  the  same  time  had  been  formed  by  the  Order  in  secret 
conclave  the  day  before,  as  the  outside  world  has  since  learned.  Thus 
was  inaugurated  our  'Fusion'  or  'Peoples  Party,'  for  it  did  not  pretend 
to  be  anything  else.  It  was  a  compromise  party.  It  was  '  a  combination 
of  weaknesses,'  rather  than  a  union  of  forces.  It  was  conceived  in  mere 
policy  and  the  lust  for  office,  midwifed  by  unbelieving  politicians,  and 
from  its  birth  cowardice  was  stamped  iipon  its  features.  The  campaign 
thus  begun  was  conducted  as  might  have  been  expected.  *  *  *  j 
need  not  refer  to  particular  results.  It  is  sufficient  to  know  that  when 
victory  was  won.  no  great  principle  could  be  regarded  as  having  been 


540  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

settled  by  a  majority  of  the  people;  that  it  was  gained  by  men  unworthy 
to  share  it,  because  incapable  of  using  it  for  the  public  good;  and  that 
the  real  power  of  a  movement  lies  not  so  much  in  the  numbers  it  can 
muster,  as  in  the  principle  which  is  its  basis,  and  the  loyalty  with  which 
men  stand  by  it.  The  'Peoples  Ticket'  was  carried  by  diplomacy  and 
stratagem,  and  not  by  the  strength  of  a  common  conviction,  and  the  vic- 
tory proved,  to  a  great  extent,  barren  of  good  fruits,  but  proliiic  of  bad 
ones,  through  its  demoralizing  example.  *  »  *  Early  in  the  spring 
of  1856  a  convention  of  the  'Peoples  Party'  was  called  at  Indianapolis, 
for  the  first  of  May.  The  familiar  spirit  of  Know  Nothingism  was  dis- 
tinctly shadowed  forth  in  the  call,  though  a  separate  one  was  issued  by  the 
Order  for  a  convention  on  the  same  day,  and  at  the  same  place.  The 
Temperance  men  were  likewise  again  appealed  to,  whilst  the  'People's' 
editors  of  the  State  resolved  to  hold  a  private  consultation  at  Indian- 
apolis on  the  day  before,  several  of  these  editors  being  Know  Nothings 
of  the  Fillmore  type.  Significant  intimations  were  given  out,  in  various 
ways,  that  a  retreat  was  contemplated,  even  from  the  low  groinid  occu- 
pied during  the  two  .years  previous;  but  it  was  certain,  at  all  events,  that 
no  advance  was  to  be  made.  *  *  *  Republican  organizations,  on  a 
broad  anti-slavery  basis,  had  been  launched  in  New  York,  Massachusetts, 
Ohio  and  other  states,  and  the  organization  of  a  National  party  had  been 
initiated  at  Pittsburg.  All  could  see  that  the  Democracy  was  to  be 
vanquished,  if  at  all,  by  the  strength  of  the  Republican  idea,  through 
the  Republican  organization  as  its  instrument,  disconnected  with  all 
side  issues,  and  fi-ee  from  all  coalitions  whatsoever.  The  Convention, 
however,  under  prevailing  counsels,  whilst  pretending  to  go  considerable 
lengths  on  the  slavery  issues,  dodged  them  all  save  the  single  one  of 
Free  Kansas  Instead  of  falling  into  line  with  the  movement  referred 
to  in  other  states,  it  expressly  voted  down  a  proposition  to  accept  even 
the  name  Republican.  *  *  *  At  least  one  man  on  the  State  ticket 
was  an  avowed  Fillmore  man,  whilst  both  Fillmore  and  anti-Fillmore 
men  were  chosen  as  delegates  to  Philadelphia,  and  electors  for  the  State. 
Perfect  consistency  only  demanded  one  additional  step  in  the  process 
of  leveling  downwards,  giving  the  Democracy  a  common  stake  in  the 
scramble!  Such  a  policy  was  the  climax  of  political  folly,  to  use  no 
harsher  word.  The  golden  moment  for  organizing  a  party  upon  a  solid 
basis  was  seized  by  faithless  leaders,  and  a  shameless  scuffle  for  the  spoils 
was  substituted  for  a  glorious  battle  for  the  right. 

"Accordingly,  the  policy  which  assumed  to  control  the  canvass  was 
shallow  and  mean  spirited  to  the  last  degree.  The  work  most  of  all 
needed  in  Indiana  was  to  proclaim  the  fundamental  doctrines  of  Repub- 
licanism boldly,  in  their  whole  length  and  breadth.     *     *     *     The  evils 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


541 


of  slavery  should  have  been  unsparingly  portrayed,  not  simply  as  a 
curse  to  the  soil,  and  a  wrong  to  both  master  and  slave,  but  as  an  un- 
speakable outrage  upon  man,  and  a  crime  against  God.  *  *  *  But 
the  darkest  portions  of  our  State  were  abandoned  in  the  canvass  because 
of  their  darkness.  Southern  Indiana,  in  which  the  fight  should  have 
been  hottest  and  most  incessant,  was  mainly  given  over  to  the  tender 


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I  Hamilton 


Undergrduxd  Railroad  Lines  in  Indiana 


mercies  of  Fillmore  Know  Nothingism  and  Buchanan  Democracy.  The 
establishment  of  a  press  there,  to  counteract  these  forces,  was  discounte- 
nanced, lest  pro-slavery  men  should  vote  against  our  ticket.  The  counti-y 
south  of  the  National  Road  was  forbidden  ground  to  anti-slavery  speak- 
ers, lest  our  success  should  be  jeopardized  by  the  preaching  of  the  truth. 
*  *  *  And  yet,  after  all,  our  State  ticket  was  beaten.  It  received 
the  support  of  thousands  who  had  little  respect  for  it,  but  who  could 
not  see  how  to  withhold  their  votes  without  damaging  the   National 


542  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Ticket.  Oil' the  other  hand,  the  large  majority  of  Buchanan  over  Fre- 
mont, as  compared  with  that  of  Willard  over  Morton,  shows  the  part 
which  Know  Nothingisni  played,  the  extent  of  our  complicity  with  it, 
and  of  the  claim  it  would  undoubtedly  have  made  to  the  honors  of  vic- 
tory had  it  lieen  achieved.  As  the  triumph  of  Fremont  was  denied  to 
us,  owing  to  other  causes  than  the  single  loss  of  Indiana,  I  have  few  tears 
to  shed  over  the  result.  *  *  *  fiad  the  slippery  tactics  of  our  leaders 
received  the  premium  of  a  victory,  it  would  have  been  far  more  disastrous 
in  its  influence  hereafter  than  a  merited  defeat,  which  may  even  bless 
us  as  a  timely  reproof  of  our  faithlessness.  I  believe,  however,  that  by 
a  bold  fight  in  Southern  Indiana,  on  the  real  issue,  confronting  the 
Buchanan  aiicl  Fillmore  leaders  at  every  point,  and  exposing  their 
falsehoods,  our  State  could  have  been  saved."  ^- 

This  was  a  remarkable  speech  from  a  man  who  had  supported  the 
People's  party  in  1854  and  18-56,  but  its  purpose  is  apparent.  Up  to 
1854,  Julian  had  been  the  most  prominent  Free  Soiler  in  Indiana,  but 
now  he  saw  the  ground  slipping  from  beneath  his  feet,  and  his  old  enemy, 
Morton,  leading  the  party  he  had  been  building  up,  through  the  means  of 
fusion.  He  apparently  believed  that  Jlorton  was  a  Know  Nothing,  and 
attributed  his  rise  to  the  influence  of  that  secret  order.  And  he  had 
grounds  for  his  belief,  whether  jMorton  was  in  fact  a  member  of  the 
order  or  not.  They  were  both  from  the  same  Congressional  district, 
and,  referring  to  the  anti-Nebraska  movement,  in  1854,  Mr.  Foulke, 
Morton's  biographer  says:  "On  the  6th  day  of  July  the  opponents  of 
this  bill  in  Morton's  Congressional  district,  met  at  Cambridge  City  and 
nominated  D.  P.  Ilolloway  for  Congress.  Efforts  were  made  by  the  Know 
Nothings  to  nominate  Morton,  but  he  w^as  not  willing  to  comiect  himself 
with  that  organization."  Julian  says  that  the  ticket  in  1854  was  named 
by  the  Know  Nothings,  and  Foulke  says:  "It  is  easy  to  see  from  the 
speeches  of  ilorton  the  influence  which  the  Know  Nothings  had  in  the 
formation  of  the  fusion  organization  known  as  the  'Peoples  Party.'  Mor- 
ton would  not  join  the  Know  Nothings.  The  Anti-Nebraska  men  would 
not  concur  either  in  their  secret  measures,  their  opposition  to  the  Catho- 
lic church  or  their  exclusion  of  foreigners  from  the  suflrrage  for  twenty- 
one  years.  But  they  were  ready  to  go  with  them  as  far  as  seemed  reason- 
able."^^  In  its  account  of  the  convention  of  1856,  the  Sentinel  said: 
"Morton's  nomination  was  ordained  by  the  Know  Nothing  council  the 
night  before."  The  convention  declaration  was:  "Resolved,  that  we  are 
in  favor  of  the  naturalization  laws  of  Congress,  with  the  five  years'  pro- 
bation, and  that  the  right  of  suffrage  should  accompany  and  not  precede 

^-.Julian '3  Speeches,  p.   :27. 
33  Life  of  Morton,  pp.  41-4. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  543 

naturalization."  In  his  speech  accepting  the  nomination  at  the  con- 
vention, jMorton  not  only  indorsed  this  plank,  but  asserted  that  the  pro- 
vision of  the  Indiana  constitution  of  1851  was  a  violation  of  the  con- 
stitution of  the  United  States.  It  is  notable  that  Morton  made  no  denial 
of  or  objection  to  these  charges  when  made,  and  that  his  biographer, 
while  quoting  this  speech  of  Julian's  as  to  other  matters,  makes  no 
reference  to  the  charge  of  KnoA?  Nothingism.-^^  Hence  it  was  not  pos- 
sible to  mistake  Julian's  purpose  when  he  proceeded  in  this  Raysville 
speech:  "We  should  above  all  things,  shun  every  form  of  partnership 
with  Know  Nothiugism  hereafter.  Pretending  to  herald  a  new  era  in 
politics,  in  which  the  people  were  to  take  the  helm  and  expel  dema- 
gogues and  traders  from  the  ship,  it  reduced  political  swindling  to  the 
certainty  and  sj'stem  of  an  exact  science.  It  drew  to  itself,  as  the  great 
festering  centre  of  corruption,  all  the  known  political  rascalities  of  the 
last  generation,  and  assigned  them  to  active  duty  in  its  service.  *  *  * 
Whether  sweeping  over  our  towns  and  cities  like  a  tropical  tornado, 
scattering  devastation  and  death  in  its  track,  or  walking  in  darkness  and 
wasting  at  noonday,  like  the  pestilence ;  whether  judged  by  its  un- 
christian dogmas,  or  its  ungodly  oath  and  ritual.  Know  Nothingism  is  an 
embodied  lie  of  the  first  magnitude,  a  horrid  conspiracy  against  de- 
cency, the  rights  of  man,  and  the  principle  of  human  brotherhood.  Our 
cause  owes  it  nothing  but  the  most  unwavering  opposition,  so  long  as  a 
vestige  of  its  evil  life  remains.  *  *  *  It  is  not  of  us,  with  us,  nor 
for  us,  and  we  should  recoil  from  its  contaminating  touch.  Whether 
meeting  us,  in  its  old  habiliments,  announcing  its  savage  dogmas  in  their 
undisguised  features,  or  masquerading  under  the  hypocritical  pretense 
of  simply  desiring  a  change  in  our  State  constitution  as  to  foreign  suf- 
frage ;  whether  we  find  it  taking  up  the  trade  of  '  Union-saving, '  and 
openly  meeting  us  on  the  issues  of  Republicanism,  or  flavoring  its  un- 
palatable dish  with  anti-slavery,  in  the  hope  of  prolonging  its  life  and 
inviting  our  recognition,  it  will  be  found  to  be,  as  heretofore,  our  enem_v, 
and  should  be  dealt  with  as  such  by  every  man  who  has  our  principles 
at  heart.  It  is  lioth  the  interest  and  duty  of  Republicanism,  not  merely 
to  terminate  its  political  career,  but  to  shake  off,  unmistakably,  every 
appearance  of  fellowship  with  its  unfruitful  works." 

As  to  the  political  wisdom  of  Julian's  position  there  can  be  little 
question.  It  is  true  that  in  1857,  the  Northern  trend  was  strongly  anti- 
slaverj'.  In  1856  the  ilethodist  Church  North  had  strengthened  its  anti- 
slavery  position  by  declaring  for  the  exclusion  of  slave  owners,  and  the 
Know  Nothings  themselves  had  split  on  the  cjuestion.    At  their  National 


34  Life  of  Morton,  pp.  61-2. 


544  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Coiiventiou,  at  Philadelphia,  in  February,  the  platform,  adopted  under 
Southern  influence,  upheld  the  compromise  measures  of  1850  and  the 
fugitive  slave  law ;  and  after  attempts  to  change  this,  most  of  the  North- 
ern delegates  left.  The  convention  then  nominated  Millard  Fillmore  for 
president  and  Andrew  Donelsou  of  Tennessee  for  vice  president.  The 
seceders  held  a  convention  and  nominated  Fremont  and  Wm.  P.  John- 
ston. In  the  campaign  the  main  faction  were  known  as  ' '  Fillmore  men ' ' 
or  "South  Americans."  But  the  trend  against  slavery  was  not  to  any- 
thing like  the  point  that  Julian  wanted,  for  he  advocated  Abolitionism, 
out  and  out,  and  Indiana  could  never  have  been  carried  on  that  basis. 
His  desire  for  an  anti-slavery  paper,  in  Southern  Indiana,  meant  an 
abolition  paper,  for  the  Madison  Courier,  edited  by  M.  C.  Garber, 
one  of  the  ablest  papers  in  the  State,  had  announced,  on  March 
5,  1856,  its  willingness  to  "wipe  out,  as  with  a  sponge,  for  the  present, 
all  lesser  and  side  issues,  and  unite  for  one  special  object,  that  object 
to  be  Freedom — opposition  to  the  further  extension  of  human  slavery." 
Garber  was  one  of  the  most  active  and  influential  of  the  organizers  of 
the  new  party.  He  was  sacrificing  his  own  views  to  some  extent ;  and  in- 
deed so  were  the  Know  Nothings,  so  far  as  that  is  concerned,  for  the  stand 
of  the  convention  was  far  short  of  their  demand  for  twenty-one  years 
residence  for  naturalization.  There  is  scant  room  for  doubt  that  Mor- 
ton's plan  was  the  sane  one  for  building  up  a  new  party.  The  recruits 
had  to  come  from  various  sources,  and  wei-e  held  together  only  by  a 
common  antipathy  to  the  Democratic  party,  but  an  antipathy  based  on 
various  and  to  some  extent  conflicting  reasons. 

It  is  also  true  that  the  Republican  National  Conventions  of  1856 — 
there  were  two  of  them — went  farther  on  the  slavery  question  than  the 
Indiana  convention,  but  they  did  not  go  so  far  as  Julian.  Indiana's 
part  in  these  conventions  is  of  historical  interest.  Mr.  Foulke  says: 
"The  appointment  of  delegates  was  of  course  informal.  They  were  in 
part  self-constituted,  in  part  sent  by  various  self-appointed  meetings 
and  conventions  of  Republicans  in  the  different  states.  Wayne  county 
took  an  active  part  in  the  movement,  and  a  meeting  of  citizens  was  held 
at  Richmond  on  February  18,  at  which  resolutions  were  unanimously 
adopted  that  the  exclusion  of  slavery  from  territory  now  free  was  the 
paramount  issue,  and  the  common  ground  on  which  all  eould  unite.  The 
resolutions  appointed  Oliver  P.  Morton,  Rev.  Thomas  A.  Goodwin  and 
"William  Grose  delegates  to  the  convention."  ^5  A  contemporary  account 
of  this  Richmond  meeting,  in  the  Jefi'ersonian,  the  Democratic  paper  of 
that  city,  says:    "It  was  composed  of  a  few  busy  Know  Nothings,  who. 


35  Life  of  Morton,  p.  44. 


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546  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

without  any  public  uotice  having  been  given,  stealthily  came  together  in 
the  Mayor's  office."     The  resolutions  themselves  do  not  purport  to  be 
the  action  of  a  Republican  assembly,  but  begin:    ''At  a  meeting  of  the 
citizens  of  Richmond,  on  Monday  evening  18th  inst.  in  the  Warner  build- 
ing, Jolin  Finley,  Mayor,  was  called  to  the  chair."    The  appointing  reso- 
lution reads:    "Resolved,  That  we  take  great  pleasure  in  recommending 
the  Hon.  Oliver  P.  Morton,  Rev.  Thomas  Goodwin,  and  William  Grose 
Esq.  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  the  Convention  to  assemble  at 
Pittsburgh  on  the  22nd  day  of  February  inst.,  and  would  say  that  full 
faith  and  credit  may  be  given  to  their  acts,  as  members  of  said  Con- 
vention, on  behalf  of  Indiana."    The  printed  reports  of  the  Conventon 
show,  however,  that  George  W.  Julian  was  not  only  a  delegate  to  the 
Convention  from  Indiana,  but  was  one  of  the  Vice  Presidents,  and  chair- 
man of  the  Conunittee  on  Organization,  and  was  the  only  Indiana  dele- 
gate called  to  the  floor  for  a  speech.     Oliver  P.  Morton  was  a  member 
of  the  Platform  Cbmmittee.     In  the  telegraphic  dispatches  that  reached 
the  Indiana  papers,  giving  an  account  of  the  Convention,  Julian  was  the 
only  Indiana  man  mentioned.     Commenting  on  this,  the  Jeffersonian, 
which  pronounced  the  Pittsburgh  Convention  a  "regular  Free  Soil,  or 
Abolition  concern,"  said:     "Our  K.  N.  friends  in  this  section  will  per- 
haps be  surprised,  certainly  not  a  little  chagrined,  to  find  the  man  whom 
they  have  so  long  been  doing  their  utmost  to  crush  or  ignore,  the  only 
man  from  Indiana  who  was  prominently  recognized  in  a  National  Con- 
vention of  what  they  a.ssert  to  be  their  party  (the  Republican).    We  see 
no  mention  made  of  any  other  delegates  from  this  state.   Others  however 
w^ere  there — 'Hon.  0.  P.  Morton,'  at  any  rate,  having  duly  received  his 
'credentials'  from  the  Know  Nothing  conclave  at  the  Mayor's  office,  sped 
on  his  way,  fully  expecting,  by  the  aid  of  these  irresistible  documents,  to 
annihilate  Julian  and  his  influence.     That  is  the  last  we  have  heard  of 
him.     What  must  have  been  the  poor  man's  surprise,  on  arriving  at 
Pittsburgh,  to  find  such  great  men  as  Judge  Perry  and  W.  T.  Dennis 
wholly  unknown  and  unheard  of — and  that  he  whom  the  burlesque  free 
soilers  call  'Julian  the  Apostate'  was  the  only  'Republican'  whose  name 
had  traveled  over  the  mountains. "  3"     The  only  delegates  in  attendance 
from   Indiana  were  William  Grose,   George  W.   Julian   and   Oliver  P. 
Morton.3" 

In  accordance  with  the  call,  the  Pittsburgh  Convention  provided  for 
a  nominating  convention,  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia,  on  June  17,  the 
anniversary  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  To  this  convention  the  dele- 
gates were  selected  at  the  State  Convention  on  :\lay  1,  the  Congressional 


•'•'■.  .Jeffersonian,  Feb.  28. 

3"  Howe,  Political  History  of  Secession,  p.  286. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  547 

districts  electing  and  reporting  their  delegates,  and  the  Convention  elect- 
ing Henry  S.  Lane,  John  D.  Defrees,  and  William  McKee  Dunn  as  dele- 
gates at  large,  with  J.  W.  Wright,  Godlove  S.  Ortli  and  Charles  H.  Test 
as  alternates.  Indiana  fared  well  in  the  National  Convention.  Lane  was 
made  president,  Test  was  on  the  Committee  on  Credentials,  Defrees  on 
the  Committee  on  Platform,  John  Beard  was  a  Vice  President,  and  Caleb 
B.  Smith  addressed  the  Convention.  Henry  Smith  Lane  here  acquired 
national  celebrity.  He  was  born  in  Montgomery  County,  Kentucky, 
February  11,  1811,  a  son  of  James  Harding  Lane,  an  early  Indian  fighter 
and  militia  colonel.  He  had  a  very  fair  education,  but  his  ability  both 
as  an  orator  and  a  thinker  was  a  natural  gift.  He  began  the  study  of 
the  law  in  1829,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1832.  He  was  an  ad- 
mirer of  Henry  Clay,  but  did  not  like  slavery.  In  October,  1831,  when 
only  twenty  years  of  age  he  made  a  striking  address  to  the  Colonization 
Society  of  Bath  County,  Kentuckj',  in  which  he  said:  "The  history  of 
all  times  admonishes  us  that  no  nation  or  community  of  men  can  be  kept 
in  slavery  forever ;  that  no  power  earthly  can  bind  the  immortal  energies 
of  the  human  soul ;  and  however  unpleasant  the  reflection  may  be,  it  is 
nevertheless  true  that  we  must  free  our  slaves,  or  they  will  one  day  free 
themselves.  Perhaps  they  may  soon  rise  in  their  might  and  majesty  of 
freemen  and  cast  their  broken  chains  at  their  feet  with  a  mighty  effort, 
which  will  shake  this  republic  to  its  center.  The  light  of  history  shows 
us  that  men  determined  to  be  free  cannot  be  conquered."  In  1835  he 
left  Kentucky,  and  located  at  Crawfordsville,  where  he  practised  law 
until  1854,  when  he  engaged  in  the  banking  business  with  his  father-in- 
law,  I.  C.  Elston.  There  were  some  breaks  in  his  practice,  however.  In 
1837  he  was  elected  to  the  legislature,  as  a  Whig.  In  1840  he  was  elected 
to  Congress,  to  fill  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  resignation  of  Tilghman  A. 
Howard,  who  was  running  for  Governor,  defeating  Edward  A.  Hanne- 
gan.  In  1841,  he  was  reelected,  defeating  John  Bryce.  He  was  an  ardent 
supporter  of  the  Mexican  War  as  a  public  speaker,  and  also  raised  a 
company  for  the  First  Kegiment.  At  the  organization  of  the  Regiment 
he  was  made  Major,  and  was  later  promoted  Lieutenant  Colonel.  He 
made  an  unsuccessful  race  for  Congress  in  1849  against  Joseph  E.  Mc- 
Donald, and  affiliated  with  the  People's  Party  in  1854. 

Though  known  all  over  Indiana  as  a  speaker,  in  1856,  he  was  little 
known  outside  of  the  State.  In  his  report  of  the  Convention,  the  cor- 
respondent of  the  Cincinnati  Commercial  said:  "H.  S.  Lane,  of  Indiana, 
was  chosen  the  permanent  Chainnan  of  the  Convention.  He  was  con- 
ducted to  the  chair,  and  stood  forth  on  the  platform — a  man  about  six 
feet  high,  marvelonsly  lean,  his  front  teeth  out,  his  complexion  between 
a  sun  blister  and  the  yellow  fever,  and  his  small  eyes  glistening  like  those 


548  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

of  a  wildcat.  He  'went  in'  and  made  the  most  astonishing  speech  ever 
heard  in  these  parts.  The  New  Yorkers,  near  whose  delegation  I  sat, 
were  first  amazed,  and  then  delighted,  and  throughout  excessively  amused 
and  warmed  up.  They  said,  as  he  would  fling  his  arms  in  \Vild  gesticula- 
tion, and  utter  the  most  impassioned  and  swelling  sentences,  smacking 
his  fists  horribly  at  the  close  of  every  emphatic  period,  'bringing  down 
the  house'  every  lick  in  a  tremendous  outburst  of  screams,  huzzas  and 
stamping — "Western  all  over.'  But  he  stirred  the  multitude  as  with  a 
thousand  sharp  sticks,  and  if  he  don't  have  a  national  reputation  soon,  it 
will  not  be  because  he  does  not  deserve  it,  having  fairly  won  that 
much  celebrity.  Taken  all  in  all,  the  .speech  made  a  good  impression. 
Then  the  orator  continued  his  'Westernisms',  as  the  Eastern  men  called 
them,  tilled  his  mouth  with  tobacco,  placed  one  leg  over  the  table 
fiehind  which  he  was  seated,  and  put  the  votes  and  made  his  decisions 
in  the  most  off-hand  style  imaginable,  without  rising,  and  infusing  into 
everything  a  spirit  of  a  peculiar  humor  that  was  irresistible."  The 
success  of  Lane  at  the  Convention  put  him  at  the  front  of  the  new 
party  in  Indiana,  and  this  was  a  godsend  to  the  anti-Julian  forces,  as 
it  gave  them  a  leader  whose  anti-slavery  standing  was  unimpeachable, 
and  who  ranked  as  high  as  Julian  himself. 

In  his  Raysville  speech,  Julian  made  one  fatal  error.  Because  the 
Philadelphia  platform  adopted  the  clause  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence as  to  the  equality  of  men,  he  argued  that  it  declared  for  the 
total  abolition  of  slavery.  He  asserted  that  our  forefathers  "did  not 
dream  of  permanently  uniting  such  antagonistic  elements  as  slavery 
and  freedom  under  the  Constitution",  and  declared:  "I  go  for  the 
policy  of  our  fathers.     Like  them,  I  am  for  the  extinction  of  slavery. 

*  *.  *  Slavery  must  be  abolished,  and  we  must  not  be  ashamed  to 
avow  this  as  our  ultimate  purpose  as  members  of  the  Republican  party. 

*  *  ••■■  The  Philadelphia  Platform,  unlike  those  adopted  at  Buffalo 
and  Pittsburg,  does  not  avow  the  doctrine  of  non-interference  by  the 
General  Government  with  slavery  in  the  States.  *  *  *  Its  framers 
did  not  foresee  exactly  the  course  of  future  events,  and  therefore  could 
not  prepare  any  precise  policy  in  advance.  *  *  *  gut  t^gy  vir- 
tually proclaimed  war  against  the  institution,  and  the  detennination 
to  rescue  the  nation  from  its  power.  #  *  *  j  accept  it,  because  I 
think  I  can  stand  on  it  and  preach  from  it  the  whole  anti-slavei-y  gaspel. 

*  *  *  I  accept  it,  because  it  deals  in  no  negatives,  does  not  apolo- 
gize to  the  slaveholder,  nor  cravenly  remind  him  of  any  constitutional 
guarantees  in  favor  of  his  system.  I  accept  it,  because,  as  I  under- 
stand it,  the  ultimate  banishment  of  American  slavery  is  deemed  by  it 
necessary  to  the  well-being  if  not  the  life  of  the  nation,  and  must  be 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  549 

steadily  prosecuted  till  it  shall  be  accomplished.  Let  us  speak  this 
plainly  in.  the  ear  of  our  brethren  of  the  South.  *  *  *  Instead  of 
deprecating  radical  measures,  disavowing  'abolitionism',  and  fulsomely 
parading  our  devotion  to  the  Union,  let  us  declare  ourselves  the  un- 
qualiiied  foes  of  slavery  in  principle,  and  make  good  the  declaration 
by  the  same  boldness  of  action  and  uncalculating  directness  of  policy 
which  make  the  politicians  of  the  South,  in  this  respect,  our  fit  example. 
Let  us  tell  them  in  point-blank  words  that  liberty  is  dearer  to  us  than 
the  Union;  that  we  value  the  Union  simply  as  the  servant  of  liberty; 
and  that  we  can  imagine  no  earthly  perils  or  sacrifices  so  great  that 
we  will  not  face  them,  rather  than  buy  our  peace  through  the  perpetual 
enslavement  of  four  millions  of  people  and  their  descendants.  If  we 
assure  them  that  we  love  the  Union,  let  us  not  fail  to  inform  them  that 
we  mean  the  Union  contemplated  by  our  fathers,  with  the  chains  of 
the  slave  falling  from  his  limbs  as  the  harbinger  of  'liberty  throughout 
all  the  land,  to  all  the  inhabitants  thereof,'  and  that  only  by  restoring 
their  policy,  and  reanimating  the  people  with  the  spirit  of  1776,  can 
these  states  be  permanently  held  together.  With  equal  frankness  let 
us  tell  them  that  we  do  not  love  the  Union  so  dearly  prized  by  modern 
Democracy,  with  James  Buchanan  as  its  king,  and  Chief  Justice  Taney 
as  its  anointed  high-priest ;  and  that  at  whatever  cost  we  will  resist  its 
atrocious  conspiracy  to  establish,  on  the  nains  of  the  Republic,  the 
hugest  and  most  desolating  slave  empire  that  ever  confronted  heaven 
since  the  creation  of  man." 

The  people  of  Indiana  held  no  such  sentiments.  They  were  not 
ready  to  sacrifice  the  Union  for  the  abolition  of  slavery,  or  for  any 
other  possible  consideration.  It  was  their  highest  ideal  of  governmental 
perfection.  From  childhood  they  had  been  taught  to  love  and  venerate 
it.  Devotion  to  it  was  the  test  of  patriotism  with  the  followei-s  of 
Jackson  and  Clay  alike.  The  stirring  words  of  Webster's  reply  to 
Hayne  foimd  a  responsive  echo  in  every  Hoosier  breast.  Any  political 
party  that  had  gone  to  the  people  on  any  such  platform  would  have 
been  doomed  to  overwhelming  defeat.  The  idea  of  sacrificing  the  Union 
was  repugnant  even  to  men  who  were  in  a  white  heat  of  political 
passion  over  the  'Border  Ruffians'  of  Kansas,  the  Lecompton  Consti- 
tution and  the  Dred  Scott  decision.  But  Julian  persisted  in  his  fight, 
and  carried  it  to  the  State  Republican  Convention  of  1858,  which  was 
held  at  Indianapolis  on  March  4,  of  that  year.  Morton  and  his  friends 
were  in  absolute  control  of  the  Convention.  Morton  himself  presided : 
and  by  rule,  all  resolutions  went  to  a  reliable  platform  eommittee  for 
consideration.  In  the  early  stages  of  the  Convention,  Julian  was  called 
out  by  his  friends  for  a  speech,  and  advocated  the  affirming  of  the 


550  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Philadelphia  platform  as  the  platform  of  this  Convention.  His  oppo- 
nents saw  the  trap.  If  this  were  done,  under  the  circumstances,  it 
meant  adopting  Julian's  construction  of  the  Philadelphia  platform.  To 
refuse  to  adopt  the  Philadelphia  platform  looked  like  a  repudiation  of 
the  National  party.  To  debate  the  meaning  of  the  Philadelphia  plat- 
form would  be  a  confession  of  party  weakness  and  uncertainty  that 
would  handicap  the  campaign.  The  preliminary'  debate  was  confined 
pretty  closely  to  the  expediency  of  interfering  with  the  work  of  the 
platform  Committee.  The  Committee  brought  in  its  report,  but  it  did 
not  mention  the  Philadelphia  platform.  It  was  confined  to  the  question 
of  slavery  in  the  tei-ritories,  and  the  aggressions  of  the  slave  power. 
When  the  platform  was  reported,  W.  C.  Moreau  of  Shelby  County, 
moved  to  strike  out  the  portions  referring  to  slavery,  and  insert  the 
words  of  the  Philadelphia  platform.  Moreau  was  a  Southern  bohemian, 
who,  in  1855,  purchased  The  Weekly  Chronicle,  published  at  Center- 
ville  by  R.  J.  Strickland,  and  G.  W.  Smith,  and  changed  its  name  to 
the  True  Republican.  This  was  later  bought  by  Isaac  Julian,  removed 
to  Richmond,  and  consolidated  with  a  paper  started  by  two  printers 
on  the  Palladium,  Calvin  R.  Johnson  and  Sewell  R.  Jamison,  bearing 
the  minutely  descriptive  title  of  The  Broad  Axe  of  Freedom  and  Grub- 
bing Hoe  of  Truth.  He  engaged  in  newspaper  enterprises  at  various 
points,  and  had  some  reputation  as  a  speaker.  Soon  after  the  outbreak 
of  the  Civil  War  he  was  commissioned  Captain  of  Company  I  of  the 
Forty-Fifth  Indiana  (Third  Cavalry),  but  resigned  September  13, 
1861.  He  was  recommissioned  June  28,  1863,  and  dismissed  January 
1,  1864.  He  had  at  one  time  a  shooting  "scrape"  with  Judge  Dyke- 
man,  of  Logansport.  Later  he  became  a  preacher,  and  went  South. 
He  was  shot  and  killed  in  Georgia.  Morton  ruled  Moreau 's  motion 
out  of  order  as  the  proposition  had  not  been  referred  to  the  Platform 
Committee,  under  the  rules.  Moreau  appealed  from  the  decision  of  the 
chair,  and  Samuel  W.  Parker  moved  to  lay  the  appeal  on  the  table, 
which  was  carried  by  a  large  majority.  But  the  theory  that  a  rule  for 
the  reference  of  resolutions  to  the  Committee  precluded  the  amendment 
of  the  reported  platform  by  the  Convention  was  not  relished  by  some 
of  the  delegates.  Reuben  A.  Riley,  of  Hancock,  (father  of  James  Whit- 
comb  Riley)  took  the  floor,  and,  as  reported  by  the  Journal,  "He  said 
he  adhered  to  his  principles  against  all  influences,  and  he  could  not 
be  sold  out  to  anybody.  He  was  not  in  the  market.  The  resolutions 
he  regarded  as  an  abandonment  of  the  principles  of  the  party,  and  he 
never  would  yield  to  such  a  step."  Things  began  to  look  squally,  and 
the  Convention  was  in  great  confusion.  Henry  S.  Lane  and  William 
McKee  Dunn,  both  of  whom  were  members  of  the  Platform  Committee, 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


551 


as  well  as  having  been  delegates  to  the  Philadelphia  Convention,  suc- 
cessively took  the  floor,  and  defended  the  platform.  They  said  it  stated 
the  substance  of  the  Philadelphia  platform,  with  such  changes  as  were 
made  necessaiy  by  the  changed  conditions  of  the  past  two  years. 
Moreau  made  another  plea  for  the  reiteration  of  the  Philadelphia  plat^ 
form,  for  which  he  expressed  profound   attachment.     While   he  was 


Henry  Smith  Lane 


speaking,  Riley  went  to  the  Clerk's  desk,  examined  the  resolutions,  and 
brought  them  to  Moreau,  apparently  tryin,g  to  satisfy  him  that  they 
were  all  right,  while  the  Convention  cheered  wildly.  When  Moreau 
had  finished,  Riley  took  the  stand,  and  said  that  "after  examining  the 
resolutions  he  was  satisfied  that  he  had  misunderstood  them.  (Great 
cheering.)  He  then  read  them  to  the  Convention,  and  remai'ked  that 
they  seemed  strong  enough  for  any  Republican." 

Julian  tried  to  stem  the  ebbing  tide.    He  addressed  the  Convention, 


552  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

bitterly  denouncing:  the  management  for  trying  to  suppress  the  senti- 
ment of  the  delegates  by  "gag  law."  He  presented  his  interpretation 
of  the  Philadelphia  platform,  and  contrasted  it  with  the  proposed  plat- 
form, which  he  characterized  as  "a  milk  and  water  affair."  When  he 
had  finished,  Morton  called  Godlove  S.  Orth  to  the  chair,  and  replied 
to  Julian  with  that  political  adroitness  in  which  he  was  a  master.  He 
dismissed  the  personal  attack  on  himself  with  the  statement  that  he 
■"had  obeyed  the  rules  adopted  by  the  Convention."  He  then  said  that 
objections  had  been  made  to  the  platform  because  it  did  not  reaffirm 
the  words  of  the  Philadelphia  platform.  "What  did  we  care  for  adher- 
ence to  any  form  or  .set  of  words?  If  we  declared  in  substance  that 
was  enough.  Mr.  Julian,  who  insisted  on  following  the  words  of  the 
Philadelphia  platform,  would  probably  refuse  to  pray  if  he  could  not 
find  some  old  form  to  pray  in.  (Laughter.)  'He  reminds  me,'  said 
Mr.  Morton,  'of  an  Episcopalian  clergyman  who  was  sent  for  to  pray 
for  a  man  who  had  been  bitten  by  a  rattlesnake.  He  looked  through 
his  prayer  book,  and  refused  to  go  because  the  book  contained  no  form 
of  prayer  for  snake-bite.  (Great  applause  and  laughter.)  The  men 
at  Philadelphia  made  their  own  platform.  They  were  men  of  sense 
and  they  could  act  for  themselves.  They  did  not  hunt  for  a  form  in 
some  platform  of  1854,  or  '52,  or  '48,  but  they  made  just  such  a  one 
as  suited  the  present  case.  And  why  shouldn't  we  do  so  too?  (Great 
applause.)  Mr.  Morton's  speech  was  a  settler  so  far  as  this  question 
was  concerned.  When  he  was  done,  Mr.  Orth  came  forward  and  put 
the  question,  'Shall  the  resolutions  as  reported  by  the  committee  be 
adopted?'  The  vote  in  the  affirmative  was  a  tremendous  shout.  Some- 
one said  it  was  not  worth  while  to  put  the  other  side.  But  Mr.  Orth 
piit  the  negative,  and  some  five  or  six  voices  responded  'No.'  So  the 
platform  was  adopted  almost  unanimously.  The  result  was  greeted 
with  long  and  hearty  cheering,  kept  up  for  several  minutes.  "^^ 

In  reality  Morton's  construction  of  the  rules  was  elastic,  for  in  a 
few  minutes  he  entertained  a  motion  by  Theodore  Hielscher  for  an 
additional  resolution  condemning  the  State  Bank  for  refusing  to  pay 
local  taxes — its  charter  provided  a  special  tax  on  stock  in  lieu  of  all 
other  taxes — which  was  adopted  by  the  Convention  without  any  sug- 
gestion of  reference  to  the  Platform  Committee.  But  in  reality  the 
Free  Soilers  had  no  ground  for  complaint  of  the  platform,  which  was 
devoted  almost  exclusively  to  the  slavery  question,  on  national  lines, 
with  scant  mention  of  State  affairs,  ^he  planks  on  naturalization  and 
prohibition,  which  had  been  put  in  previous  platforms  for  the  benefit 


38  Journal,  March  .5,  1858. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  553 

of  the  Know  Nothings  and  the  Temperance  men,  were  omitted  entirely, 
and  these  subjects  were  not  mentioned.  The  reason  for  tliis  was  obvious. 
Early  in  the  session  Theodore  Hielscher  was  called  on  for  a  speech. 
He  said  there  were  40,000  German  votes  in  this  State  of  which  not 
five  hundred  would  support  the  Lecomptou  Constitution.  "There  had 
been  three  German  papers  that  had  supported  Mr.  Buchanan,  but  not 
one  of  them  would  support  him  now."  He  thought  that  the  Republican 
party  was  "the  party  of  the  free  white  laborer",  and  he  "spoke  at 
some  length  of  the  duty  of  the  North,  and  the  necessity  of  firm  resist- 
ance to  the  demands  of  slavery."  Now,  as  to  German  affairs,  Hielscher 
was  one  who  spoke  with  authority,  and  not  as  the  scribes.  He  was 
prominent  among  leaders  of  German  thought,  a  school  teacher,  and 
editor  of  the  Freie  Presse.  Moreover  he  was  an  active  member  of  the 
Freimaennern  Verein,  a  German-American  organization  for  combatting 
"  illiberality "  in  all  forms,  including  slavery,  prohibition  and  Chris- 
tianity, which  held  a  convention  at  Indianapolis  in  1854,  and  declared 
itself  on  that  occasion,  with  Abolition  frankness.  He  was  also  a  protii 
inent  member  of  the  Bund  der  Tugenhaften  (League  of  the  Virtuous), 
a  German  secret  society,  which  was  in  general  devoted  to  everything 
"made  in  Germany."  A  German  contemporarj%  who  did  not  approve 
of  Hielscher,  had  referred  to  him  as  "that  fool  Hielscher";  and  there- 
after, the  Sentinel  never  referred  to  him  by  any  other  title.  The  Know 
Notliings  in  the  Convention  adopted  Pettit's  theory  that  when  the 
foreigners  voted  with  them,  they  were  patriots;  and  the  Temperance 
men  could  not  find  heart  to  offend  the  Germans,  when  they  were  all 
right  on  the  Kansas  question,  just  because  they  wanted  their  beer. 
Chase  away  40,000  reliable  voters?  Perish  the  thought.  The  truth  is 
that  in  1858  the  Republican  party  was  practically  a  unit  for  the  first 
time,  and  it  was  a  unit  on  the  slavery  question.  The  only  practical 
result  of  Julian's  effort  was  that  he  succeeded  in  getting  himself  dis- 
liked at  the  very  time  when  the  Republican  party  was  coming  his  way 
at  fuU  speed ;  and  he  would  probably  have  realized  this  fact  if  he  had 
not  been  blinded  by  his  antipathy  to  Morton.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
in  1858  the  Republican  party  in  Indiana  came  much  nearer  taking  the 
ground  that  it  subsequently  held,  than  it  did  in  1854  or  1856.  The 
majority  against  it  in  the  election  of  that  year  was  only  2,500. 

The  country  was  now  getting  near  to  the  parting  of  the  ways. 
The  process  of  division  had  been  going  on  for  more  than  a  decade. 
Following  the  split  in  the  Quaker  and  Methodist  churches  on  the  slavery 
question,  there  had  been  one  in  the  Baptist  church  in  1845.  The  New 
School  Presbyterians  held  together  until  1858,  when  they  had  a  divi- 
sion.   None  of  the  churches  split  geographically,  on  Mason  and  Dixon's 


55i  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Line  except  the  ^ilethodists.  The  only  political  organization  that  had 
survived  was  the  Democratic  party,  and  it  had  lost  numerous  members 
to  the  new  Republican  party.  In  Indiana  the  first  manifestation  of  a 
formal  split  in  its  ranks  was  in  the  Fall  of  1858,  when,  following  the 
triumph  of  Douglas  in  Illinois,  his  Indiana  adherents,  commonly  known 
then  as  anti-Lecompton  Democrats,  held  a  jollification  meeting  at  Indi- 
anapolis on  November  18.  They  denounced  Buchanan,  and  repudiated 
Senator  Bright.  The  principal  .speaker  was  John  G.  Davis,  and  he 
won  applause  by  the  declaration  that,  "Any  candidate  nominated  for 
the  Presidency  in  1860  that  takes  the  ground  that  the  Constitution 
carries  slavery  into  the  territories  without  local  law,  cannot  carry  a 
single  township  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line."  This  was  the 
first  open  revolt  against  the  authority  of  Jesse  D.  Bright,  aside  from 
mere  personal  rebellions,  that  had  occurred.  Jesse  David  Bright  was 
born  at  Norwich,  New  York,  December  18,  1812.  In  1820,  his  father, 
David  J.  Bright,  came  to  Madison,  Indiana,  where  he  operated  a  hat 
manufactory  for  many  years.  Jesse  obtained  a  fair  education  in  the 
Madison  schools :  read  law ;  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1831 ;  and 
became  probate  judge  in  1834,  although  Jefferson  was  a  Whig  County. 
In  1836  the  Wliigs  nominated  Williamson  Dunn  for  senator  in  Jeffer- 
son County.  He  was  an  excellent,  and  strong  man,  but  a  very  strict 
Presbyterian,  and  extreme  on  Sunday  observance.  The  liberals  brought 
out  Shadrach  Wilber,  a  Whig,  as  an  independent  candidate,  and  the 
fight  between  the  two  waxed  warm.  Bright  saw  an  opportunity,  and 
came  out  as  a  Democrat,  and  was  elected.  He  at  once  took  rank  as  a 
leader,  and  in  1841  was  appointed  U.  S.  Marshal  for  Indiana.  In  1843 
he  was  elected  Lieutenant  Governor,  and  the  legislature  elected  him 
U.  S.  Senator  to  succeed  Albert  S.  White.  He  was  re-elected  in  1850, 
as  before  mentioned.  In  1856  the  Republicans  had  a  majority  in  the 
senate,  and  refused  to  meet  in  joint  session.  The  Democrats  had  set 
an  example  of  this  kind  in  1854,  in  consequence  of  which  no  successor 
was  elected  to  Senator  John  Pettit,  whose  term  expired  in  1855,  and 
the  State  had  but  one  Senator  for  two  years.  In  1856  the  Democrats 
had  a  majority  of  the  entire  legislature,  and  Ashbel  P.  Willard,  who 
had  been  elected  Governor,  was  Lieutenant  Governor.  They  submitted 
the  problem  to  a  committee  of  three  lawyers,  Samuel  Perkins,  James 
Hughes  and  Joseph  W.  Chapman,  who  decided  that  they  could  legally 
act  in  joint  session.  On  Februai-y  2,  1857,  Willard  and  the  Demo- 
cratic Senators  met  with  the  House,  by  invitation,  and  canvassed  the 
vote  for  Governor  and  Lieutenant  Governor,  declaring  Willard  Gov- 
ernor and  Abram  Adams  Hammond,  Lieutenant  Governor,  they  having 
been  clearly  elected.     On  February  4,  Hammond  and  the  Democratic 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


555 


Senators  again  met  with  the  House  and  elected  Bright  and  Dr.  Graham 
Newel  Fitch  U.  S.  Senators.  They  received  S3  votes  each,  the  Republi- 
can members  of  the  House  refusing  to  vote,  except  two  members,  who 
voted  for  George  G.  Dunn.  The  House  Republicans  entered  a  protest 
on  the  journal,  but  the  elected  Senators  took  their  seats.  In  ]858  the 
Republicans  controlled  the  legislature;   declared  this  election  illegal; 


Jesse  D.  Bright 
(From  painting) 


and  elected  Henry  S.  Lane  and  William  M.  McCarty  Senators.  They 
went  to  Washington  and  claimed  their  seats,  but  the  Senate  refused 
to  admit  them,  by  a  party  vote,_  except  that  three  Democratic  Senators, 
Douglas,  Broderick  and  Mason,  voted  to  admit  them.  This  made  Bright 
a  bitter  enemy  of  Douglas  in  all  future  political  movements,  and  split 
the  party  in  Indiana  in  1860,  but  the  two  had  never  been  friendly.  In 
1852,  when  there  was  a  contest  between  Fitch  and  Pettit  for  the  sen- 


556  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

atorship,  Michael  G.  Bright  wrote  to  a  friend,  "Pettit,  with  all  his 
goodness,  is  too  much  identified  with  the  Douglas  faction  to  receive  my 
cordial  support.  On  the  other  hand.  Fitch  is  a  real  gentleman — known 
to  be  right,  and  as  true  as  steel."  ^^ 

Micliael  Graham  Bright  was  Jesse's  brother,  older  by  ten  years, 
and  was  a  large  factor  in  his  political  strength.  He  was  an  accom- 
plished lawyer,  and  a  financier  of  no  mean  ability.  Both  were  keen 
judges  of  men,  and  both  men  of  strong  intellect.  Mr.  Woollen,  who 
was  a  Democrat,  says  of  Jesse  D.  Bright:  "He  was  the  autocrat  of  his 
party,  and  ruled  it  as  absolutely  as  did  Governor  Morton  the  Republi- 
can party  when  in  the  zenith  of  his  power.  Indeed,  in  many  respects 
these  men  were  alike.  Both  loved  power  and  knew  the  art  of  getting 
it:  both  loved  a  friend  and  hated  an  enemy,  and  both  knew  how  to 
reward  the  one  and  punish  the  other.  *  «  *  jjg  -^yag  imperious  in 
his  manner,  and  brooked  no  opposition  either  from  friend  or  foe. 
Indeed,  he  classed  every  man  as  a  foe  who  would  not  do  his  bidding, 
and  made  personal  devotion  to  himself  the  test  of  Democracy.  He  had 
natural  talents  of  a  high  order,  but  was  deficient  in  education  and 
cultivation.  In  his  public  speeches  he  was  a  frequent  violator  of  gram- 
mar and  logic,  but  his  manner  was  .so  earnest  and  his  deliver^'  so  im- 
pressive, that  what  he  said  found  a  lodgement  in  the  minds  of  his  hear- 
ers. He  was  the  Danton  of  Indiana  Democracy,  and  was  both  loved  and 
feared  by  his  followers.  Mr.  Bright  was  the  best  judge  of  men  that 
I  ever  knew.  Indeed  he  seemed,  to  have  an  intuitive  knowledge  of  men 
and  their  thoughts.  *  *  *  He  never  conciliated ;  he  demanded 
absolute  obedience;  he  permitted  no  divided  allegiance.  *  *  *  j^^^ 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  Mr.  Bright  did  not  rank  high  as  a 
debater,  but  he  was  good  at  committee  work,  and  won  and  maintained 
a  respectable  standing.  He  was  popular  with  the  Senators,  and  enjoyed 
their  personal  friendship.  *  *  *  Such  was  his  standing  that  on 
the  death  of  Vice-President  King,  in  1853,  he  was  elected  President 
pro  tempore  of  the  Senate.  He  filled  this  office  until  the  inauguration 
of  John  C.  Breekenridge,  in  1857,  and  thus  stood  for  fours  years  within 
one  step  of  the  Presidency.  While  President  of  the  Senate  he  did  not 
a.ssign  Sumner,  Chase  and  Hale  to  places  upon  the  committees,  and 
when  asked  his  reason  for  failing  to  do  so,  replied:  'Because  they  are 
not  members  of  any  healthy  political  organization.'  He  did  not  see 
the  seeds  of  the  great  Republican  party  which  were  then  sprouting  and 
about  to  bur.st  through  the  ground.  In  1857.  when  forming  his  cabinet. 
President   Buchanan   offered   ilr.   Bright    the   secretaryship   of   State, 


39  Woollen's  Sketches,  p.  454. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  557 

which  office  he  declined.  *  *  *  He  owned  a  farm  in  Kentucky, 
well  stocked  with  negroes,  and  was  thus  identified  with  the  South  by 
interest  as  well  as  feeling.  *  *  *  a  Senator  from  a  free  State,  he 
was  the  owner  of  slaves;  and  a  representative  of  Indiana,  his  largest 
material  interests  were  in  Kentucky.  During  most  of  the  time  for 
many  years  he  lived  at  Washington  and  in  Kentucky  in  the  midst  of 
slavery.  So  it  is  no  wonder  he  became  politically  permeated  with  the 
virus  of  that  abominable  institution."^'^  It  is  noteworthy  that  Senator 
Turpie,  who  succeeded  Bright  when  he  was  expelled  from  the 
Senate  in  1861,  gives  no  statement  of  his  opinion  of  Bright  in  his 
reminiscences,  although  he  does  give  estimates  of  nearly  every  man  of 
any  prominence  in  the  State  in  his  time.  This  may  have  been  due  to 
his  rather  strict  observance  of  the  rule  of  de  mortiiis  nil,  or  because 
he  was  too  ardent  a  Democrat  to  make  any  reflection  on  a  man  who 
had  been  so  prominent  in  his  party.  They  were  not  friends,  personally 
or  politically. 

Bright  drank  the  pro-slavery  cup  to  its  dregs,  and  continually  lost 
strength  in  Indiana  by  so  doing.  The  last  straws  were  his  warm  sup- 
port of  Buchanan  in  his  war  on  Douglas,  and  his  adoption  of  the 
extreme  Southern  position  on  the  Kansas  question.  He  not  only  main- 
tained the  full  authority  of  Congress  over  the  government  of  the  Ter- 
ritory, but  pronounced  allowing  the  people  entire  freedom  to  adopt 
a  constitution  to  be  vicious  in  principle.  Such  doctrine  as  that  could 
not  be  swallowed  by  men  of  Indiana  of  any  party.  If  State  Sovereignty 
did  not  mean  even  the  right  of  local  self-government,  it  was  a  barren 
ideality  for  all  purposes  but  the  extension  of  slavery.  If  there  was 
any  governmental  doctrine  that  commanded  universal  assent  in  Indi- 
ana, it  was  the  right  of  freemen  to  govern  themselves. 

On  the  other  hand.  Dr.  Pitch  always  retained  his  popularity  with 
all  factions  of  the  Indiana  Democrats,  and  deservedly  so.  Turpie  was 
one  of  his  warm  admirers.""  He  was  born  at  Leroy,  Genessee  County, 
New  York,  December  5,  1809.  His  grandfather  was  a  Revolutionary 
soldier,  and  his  father  served  in  the  War  of  1812.  He  received  a 
classical  education  at  Middlebury  and  Geneva,  N.  Y. ;  studied  medicine 
at  the  College  of  Physicians  and  Surgeons;  and  practiced  for  a  time  at 
Fairfield,  N.  Y.  In  1834  he  came  to  Logansport,  and  soon  acquired 
more  than  local  standing  in  his  profession.  He  was  on  the  faculty  at 
Rush  Medical,  Chicago,  from  1844  to  1849,  and  of  the  Indiana  Medical 
from  1878  to  1883.  He  would  no  doubt  have  been  better  known  as  a 
physician  but  for  his  political   employment.     He  was  elected  to  the 


<»  Woollen  's  Sketches,  pp.  223-9. 

*i  Turpie  's  Sketches  of  My  Own  Times,  p.  179. 


558  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

Itgislature  in  1836  and  1839 ;  to  Congress  in  1849  and  1851 ;  and  was 
Presidential  Elector  in  1844,  1848  and  1856.  At  the  close  of  his  Sena- 
torial term,  March  3,  1861,  he  returned  t«  his  practice  at  Logansport; 
but  he  could  not  remain  a  bystander  in  the  great  struggle,  although 
past  military  age.  Says  Turpie:  "During  the  Civil  War  Fitch  was 
authorized  to  raise  a  regiment,  the  Forty-sixth  Regiment  of  Indiana 
Volunteers,  which  he  subsequently  commanded  in  the  field.  His 
recruits  were  gathered  by  a  public  canvass  made  by  him  in  his  own  and 
adjoining  counties.  Several  times  I  accompanied  him  in  this  canvass 
and  spoke  from  the  same  stand.  His  account  of  the  beginning,  course 
and  teiTuination  of  the  movement  of  secession  was  the  most  highly 
finished  and  thoroughly  wrought-out  discussion  of  that  topic  I  have 
ever  heard.  His  exhortation  to  the  sons  of  Indiana  in  behalf  of  the 
Union  and  the  constitution  was  irresistible.  His  regiment  was  rapidly 
filled  by  volunteer  enlistments  to  its  full  complement.  Our  young  men 
were  anxious  to  go  with  him.''  Although  his  service  was  terminated 
in  a  little  more  than  a  year  by  bad  health,  he  had  a  prominent  part 
at  Ft.  Pillow,  Memphis  and  St.  Charles.  He  resumed  his  practice, 
which  was  thereafter  broken  only  by  his  service  as  a  delegate  to  the 
Democratic  National  Convention  of  1868.  He  died  at  Logansport,  No- 
vember 29,  1892,  leaving  two  daughters,  the  wives  of  Hon.  Charles 
Denby  and  Dr.  Asa  Coleman. 

These  Senatorial  elections  of  1855  and  1857  were  the  subjects  of 
bitter  political  controversy  at  the  time,  and  there  was  a  repetition  of 
similar  obstructive  tactics  during  the  Civil  War.  These  Indiana  ex- 
periences caused  the  adoption  of  the  U.  S.  law  for  the  election  of 
Senators,  in  1866,  which  put  an  end  to  this  particular  form  of  political 
idiocy  by  making.it  possible  for  a  majority  of  the  whole  legislature  to 
elect  a  Senator,  without  reference  to  the  action  of  either  house  alone. 
They  also  illustrate  the  extreme  to  which  political  feeling  ran  at  that 
time,  though  not  fully.  Political  interests  were  put  higher  than  any 
other  considerations,  and,  in  their  political  warfare  the  newspapers  of 
the  time  were  woree  than  the  editorial  "muckrakers"  of  toda.y.  There 
is  a  striking  illustration  of  this  in  Indiana's  connection  with  John 
Brown's  invasion  of  Virginia.  The  press  dispatches  of  October  18, 
1859,  the  day  after  the  attack  on  the  arsenal  at  Harper's  Ferry,  said: 
"Brown's  chief  aid  was  John  E.  Cook,  a  comparatively  young  man, 
who  has  resided  in  and  near  the  Ferry  for  .some  years.  He  was  first 
employed  in  tending  a  lock  on  the  canal,  afterwards  taught  school  on 
the  Maryland  side  of  the  river,  and  after  a  long  residence  in  Kansas, 
where  it  is  supposed  he  became  acquainted  with  Brovm,  returned  to 
the  Ferry  and  married.     Though  he  was  regarded  as  a  man  of  some 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


559 


intelligence,  he  was  known  to  be  anti-slavery,  but  not  so  violent  in  the 
expression  of  opinions  as  to  excite  any  suspicion."  This  attracted  no 
public  notice  until  October  23,  when  the  Journal  published  an  article 
stating  that  it  was  suspected  tliat  Cook  was  a  brother-in-law  of  Gov- 
ernor Willard,  and  that  Willard  was  probably  an  accomplice  in  thft 
insurrection.     It  was  soon  learned  that  Cook  was  in  fact  a  brother  of 


Daniel  W.  Voorhees 


Mrs.  Willard.  who  had  left  home  a  number  of  years  before,  and  had 
been  lost  to  his  family  ever  since.  Willard  promptly  announced  this 
fact,  and  on  October  26,  left  for  Charlestown,  accompanied  by  Daniel 
W.  Voorhees  and  Joseph  E.  jMoDonald,  then  Attorney  General  of  Indi- 
ana, to  render  what  aid  he  could  to  his  unfortunate  relative.  On  Octo- 
ber 29  the  Journal  returned  to  its  charge  that  Willard  was  implicated, 
and  said:  "The  effort  to  palliate  his  conduct  and  cover  it  with  the 
disguise  of  family  feeling  only  shows  how  evidently  his  sympathy  with 


560  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

the  iii.surrection  appears,  and  how  important  it  is  to  hide  it."  For  this 
villainous  falsehood  there  was  absolutely  no  excuse,  except  that  the 
Democratic  papers  were  all  blaming  the  insurrection  to  the  "Black 
Republicans. ' ' 

McDonald  did  not  speak  at  the  trial  of  Cook,  and  the  fact  that  he 
was  connected  with  the  case  is  almost  unknown.  The  common  Indiana 
idea  of  it  is  almost  wholly  derived  from  the  speech  of  Voorhees,  which 
was  printed  in  full  in  Indiana  papers,  apparently  for  political  con- 
sumption, though  announced  merely  as  a  specimen  of  eloquence,  which 
it  unquestionably  wa.s.  It  was  simply  a  plea  for  mercy,  conceding 
Cook's  guilt,  but  claiming  that  he  was  only  a  good-hearted  young  man 
who  had  been  led  astray  by  John  Brown,  and  by  the  agitation  of  the 
abolitionists,  naming  Seward,  Giddings  and  others,  who  were  portrayed 
as  the  real  offenders.  Its  only  real  effect  was  to  rob  Cook  of  a  crown 
of  martyrdom,  similar  to  Brown's;  for  it  did  not  convince  the  jury, 
as  it  did  not  exactly  hinge  with  the  evidence,  and  they  sentenced  Cook 
to  be  hanged.  In  reality  Cook  did  not  go  to  Kansas  when  he  first  left 
Harper's  Perry,  but  to  Williamsburg,  Pennsylvania,  where  he  read 
law  with  John  N.  Stearns.  Steams,  who  spoke  of  him  as  a  man  whose 
"mind  wandered  in  a  land  of  dreams",  said:  "While  he  could  not 
draw  a  complaint  or  a  promissory  note,  a  score  of  fancy  verses  for  a 
lady's  album  would  be  thrown  off  without  effort,  as  by  intuition.  The 
use  of  guns  and  pistols  was  with  him  a  kindred  passion  to  his  poetry; 
as  a  marksman  he  was  a  dead  shot.  If  thrown  in  the  midst  of  strife 
and  contention,  he  would  naturally  become  a  soldier  as  by  the  force  of 
this  passion,  without  personal  motive  or  inducement,  and,  indeed,  as 
against  his  own  welfare  and  happiness. " ''^  About  the  beginning  of 
1856,  Cook  went  to  Kansas  where,  according  to  the  New  York  Tribune, 
he  "distinguished  himself  in  the  free  state  cause."  His  next  record 
was  in  the  following  item  from  the  Hartford  Courant  of  September  1, 
1856:  "John  E.  Cook,  Esq.,  a  lawyer  from  Lawrence,  Kansas,  is  ex- 
pected in  town  today,  and  will  speak  at  Touro  Hall  this  evening,  upon 
the  wrongs  and  wants  of  Kansas.  Mr.  Cook  went  from  Haddam  to 
Kansas,  and  while  there  he  made  himself  perfectly  familiar  with  the 
movements  of  both  parties.  He  starts  for  Kansas  on  Thursday,  at  the 
head  of  a  brave  company  of  men,  who  go  prepared  to  defend  themselves 
from  attack,  and  to  give  the  Ruffians  an  opportunity  if  they  care  or 
dare  to  earn  the  reward  of  eleven  hundred  dollars  which  has  been 
offered  for  his  scalp.  We  are  assured  that  he  is  a  brave,  fearless  man. 
and  defies  them.     Let  there   be   a   grand  rally  to  hear  the  truth.  "■*» 

••2  Sentinel,  October  31,  18.59. 
«  Sentinel,  October  27,  1859. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS  561 

Anyone  who  harbors  the  impression  that  Brown  was  of  sound  mind, 
would  probablj'  have  it  dispelled  by  reading  his  "Provisional  Consti- 
tution and  Ordinances  for  the  United  States,"  which,  with  a  mass  of 
other  papers  that  any  sane  conspirator  would  have  destroyed,  was  cap- 
tured among'  his  effects ;  and  which  provides  for  a  government  of  the 
nation  by  officials  "elected  by  all  citizens  of  sound  mind."  But  in 
Cook's  case  the  evidence  is  not  so  clear.  On  the  night  of  October  17, 
after  the  capture  of  the  arsenal,  he  led  a  party  to  the  residence  of 
Col.  Lewis  Washington,  whom  he  put  under  arrest,  and  from  whose 
place  he  took  a  carriage  and  a  wagon,  and  all  the  arms  in  the  house, 
including  two  pistols  presented  to  George  Washington  by  Lafayette, 
and  a  sword  presented  by  Frederick  the  Great ;  and  carried  off  twelve 
negroes.  From  there  he  went  to  the  home  of  a  farmer  named  Allsteadt, 
whom  he  arrested,  with  his  son,  and  carried  off  all  the  negroes  from 
this  place. 

The  negroes  do  not  appear  to  have  entered  into  the  movement  very 
enthusiastically.  Cook  and  two  other  white  men  escaped  from  the 
arsenal  during  the  attack  by  the  Virginia  forces,  with  a  part  of  the 
slaves,  and  took  to  the  mountains.  Shortly  after,  one  of  Col.  Wash- 
ington's negroes  came  in  and  reported  that  they  were  in  the  moun- 
tains three  miles  away.  They  were  closely  pursued  by  the  militia, 
who  were  now  swarming  into  the  region,  but  Cook  escaped  out  of  the 
state,  and  was  captured  several  days  later  near  Chambersburg,  Penn- 
sylvania, while  trying  to  secure  some  provisions.  He  was  heavily 
armed,  and  nearly  starved.  He  was  sun-endered  to  the  Virginia  author- 
ities, and  during  his  confinement  in  prison  professed  repentance  and 
conversion,  but  his  chief  regret  seems  to  have  been  that  the  negroes 
did  not  respond.  In  a  letter  to  his  wife,  he  said:  "I  gave  heart  and 
hand  to  a  work  which  I  deemed  a  noble  and  holy  cause.  The  result 
has  proved  that  we  were  deceived,  that  the  masses  of  slaves  did  not 
wish  for  freedom.  There  was  no  rallying  beneath  our  banner.  We 
were  left  to  meet  the  conflict  all  alone ;  to  dare,  and  do,  and  die.  Twelve 
of  my  comrades  are  now  sleeping  vnth  the  damp  mold  over  them,  and 
five  are  inmates  of  these  prison  walls.  We  have  been  deceived,  but 
found  out  our  error  when  too  late.  Those  who  are  dead,  died  like 
brave  men,  though  mistaken.  Those  who  still  live  will  not  shame,  I 
trust,  their  comrades  who  are  gone."  ^*  Brown  was  executed  on  Decem- 
ber 2,  and  Cook  and  others  on  December  16.  On  the  evening  of  the 
fifteenth,  he  and  a  comrade  named  Coppic  cut  their  shackles  off  with 
a  saw  made  of  a  Barlow  knife,  and  escaped  from  the  jail  through  a 


"  Sentinel,  Dec.  16,  1859. 

Vol.  1—36 


562  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

hole  they  hiul  made  in  the  wall ;  but  when  they  tried  to  get  over  the 
fence  around  the  jail  yard,  they  were  fired  on  by  the  military  guard, 
and  driven  back.  During  these  two  months  the  whole  country  was  in 
a  ferment  over  the  ease.  On  account  of  continued  rumors  that  bodies 
of  men  were  forming  in  the  North  to  rescue  the  prisoners,  about  two 
thousand  troops  were  assembled  at  Charleston,  under  General  Talia- 
ferro, to  resist  the  threatened  invasion.  The  newspapers  resorted  to 
every  expedient  to  make  political  capital  of  the  matter,  and  the  vilifi- 
cation of  Governor  Willard  became  national.  The  Baltimore  Patriot 
even  went  to  the  length  of  stating  that  the  insurrection  was  the  result 
of  a  cunningly  devised  scheme  to  entrap  Brown.  It  said :  ' '  We  have 
reliable  intelligence  from  Washington  that  Governor  Willard  of  Indiana 
is  at  the  bottom  of  the  whole  affair.  Cook,  who  is  his  brother-in-law, 
is  said  to  have  been  prompted  by  him  to  inveigle  the  madman  Brown 
into  the  net  thus  spread  for  them,  with  the  assurance  that  he  (Cook) 
should  be  let  off  scot  free,  if  he  should  not  escape.  Willard  is  now  at 
Charlestown,  and  Cook  is  to  be  used  as  state's  evidence,  on  condition 
of  his  release.  "■*5  This  wa.s  followed  a  few  days  later  by  an  announce- 
ment that  Northern  Democratic  papers  were  to  urge  Cook's  pardon  on 
the  ground  of  Willard 's  political  services.  It  has  often  been  said  that 
Governor  Wise  made  a  mistake  in  not  pardoning,  or  commuting  the 
sentences  of  all  the  prisoners,  but  when  one  reads  the  newspapers  of  the 
time,  he  may  find  ample  cause  for  any  man's  failure  to  give  rational 
consideration  to  the  possible  future  effects  of  their  execution. 

Willard 's  experience  differed  from  that  of  others  only  in  degree. 
The  historical  writer  can  portray  almost  any  public  man  of  the  time 
as  an  angel  of  light  or  as  a  fiend  incarnate,  by  simply  quoting  from 
opposing  political  papers.  But  Willard  had  not  long  to  endure  his 
unpleasant  notoriety.  In  the  summer  of  1860,  while  addressing  a  con- 
vantion  at  Columbus,  Indiana,  he  had  a  hemorrhage  from  the  lungs. 
By  advice  of  physicians,  he  left  his  ofScial  duties  and  went  to  Min- 
nesota in  search  of  health.  But  it  was  too  late.  On  October  4,  1860, 
he  breathed  his  last.  He  was  the  first  Governor  of  Indiana  to  die  in 
office,  and  thousands  came  to  pay  homage  as  his  remains  lay  in  state 
at  Indianapolis,  and  regret  the  strange  injustice  that  had  come  to  him. 
But  this  was  but  a  lull  in  the  stonn  of  political  vituperation,  for  " 
another  heated  campaign  was  in  progress.  And  yet  the  issues  of  the 
campaign  of  I860  were  not  nearly  so  pronounced  as  in  previous  years. 
The  Democratic  party,  in  its  State  convention  on  January  12,  indorsed 
Buchanan's  administration,   and   somewhat  inconsistently   adopted   the 


•>■'■  Sentinel,  November  5,  1859. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 


563 


Douglas  position  on  slavery  in  the  territories,  and  indorsed  Douglas 
for  the  presidency  by  a  large  majority.  They  came  out  strong  on  John 
Brown,  with  a  resolution  that,  "We  regard  the  recent  outrage  at  Har- 
per's Ferry  as  a  crime  not  only  against  the  State  of  Virginia,  but  against 
the  Union  itself;  and  we  hereby  reprobate  and  denounce  the  crime 
and  the  treason."    The  Republican  State  platform  of  Februarj'  22  was 


Gov.  AsHBEL  Parsons  Willard 


almost  as  explicit,  declaring,  "That  we  are  opposed  to  any  interference 
with  slavery  where  it  exists  under  the  sanction  of  State  law ;  that  the 
soil  of  every  state  should  be  protected  from  lawless  invasion  from  every 
quarter,  and  that  the  citizens  of  every  state  should  be  protected  from 
iUegal  arrests  and  searches,  as  well  as  from  mob  violence."  The 
national  Eepublican  platform  also  said:  "We  denounce  the  lawless 
invasion  by  an  armed  force  of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory,  no 
matter  under  what  pretext,  as  among  the  gravest  of  crimes."    The  most 


564  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

pronounoed  issue  as  to  slavery  was  on  the  principles  of  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  the  Republicans  denouncing  it,  and  the  Democrats  pledging 
themselves  to  abide  by  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  consti- 
tutional matters.  The  Republicans  cut  away  from  Knownothingism, 
with  a  resolution,  "That  we  are  in  favor  ot  equal  rights  to  all  citizens, 
at  home  and  abroad,  without  reference  to  their  place  of  nativity,  and 
that  we  will  oppose  any  attempt  to  change  the  present  Naturalization 
Laws."  The  Dred  Scott  decision  was  generally  unpopular  in  the  State, 
and  would  have  been  much  more  so  if  it  had  been  known  then,  as  has 
recently  been  demonstrated  by  Judge  Howe,  that  Buchanan  was  not 
only  informed  of  the  decision  in  advance,  for  political  purposes,  but 
also  had  used  his  influence  to  secure  the  decision.** 

This  campaign  was  the  battle  of  the  giants,  in  Indiana.  The  Demo- 
crats nominated  Thomas  A.  Hendricks  for  Governor,  and  David  Turpie 
for  Lieutenant  Governor;  the  Republicans  Henry  S.  Lane  for  Governor, 
and  Oliver  P.  Morton  for  Lieutenant  Governor.  Turpie  says:  "These 
four  persons,  in  the  campaign  that  followed,  in  respect  to  the  offices 
for  which  they  were  named,  made  only  a  tentative  canvass — such  was 
the  understanding  in  both  parties.  If  the  Republicans  carried  the 
state  Mr.  Lane  was  to  be  elected  to  the  Senate,  Mr.  Morton  succeeding 
to  the  governorship ;  if  our  party  prevailed  similar  changes  were  to 
be  the  result.  The  election  in  October  carried  out  in  part  this  arrange- 
ment. Mr.  Lane  was  selected  United  States  Senator.  The  future  iiT 
some  degree  carried  it  still  further.  All  four  of  these  candidates  upon 
the  state  tickets  of  1860  became  senators  in  this  order  of  service : 
Lane,  Turpie,  Hendricks,  Morton.  On  this  same  ticket  were  the  names 
of  two  other  persons,  opposing  candidates  for  reporter  of  the  supreme 
court — ;Mr.  Michael  C.  Kerr  and  Jlr.  Benjamin  Harrison.  The  first 
named  was  afterward  chosen  speaker  of  the  House  at  Washington,  and 
died  while  holding  that  great  position.  Mr.  Benjamin  Harrison,  twent.y- 
eight  years  afterward,  was  elected  to  the  presidency.  It  would  thus 
seem  that  these  candidates  of  both  parties  upon  the  state  ticket  in  1860 
were  composed  of  a  material  somewhat  durable ;  the  loom  of  time 
wove  for  them  garments  of  diverse  figures,  but  of  a  lasting  texture.""  ■■" 
But  these  were  not  the  only  celebrities  in  the  campaign.  In  the  Fourth 
District  William  S.  Holman  won  another  term  in  his  long  record  of 
over  thirty  years  in  Congress.  In  the  Fifth,  Julian,  who  had  been 
shut  out  for  one  term  by  Judge  David  Kilgore,  came  to  his  own  again 
with  a  majority  of  4,736,  the  largest  in  the  State.  In  the  Fourth, 
Albert   G.   Porter,    afterwards   Governor   and   Minister   to   Italy,    was 


■•'■•  Political  History  of  Secession,  pp.  3.'?l-345. 
J7  Sketches  of  My  Own  Times,  pp.  183-4. 


INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS. 


565 


elected.  In  the  Seventh,  Daniel  W.  Voorhees,  who  had  in  all  a  service 
of  nine  years  in  the  House  and  twenty  years  in  the  Senate,  was  vic- 
torious. In  the  Ninth  the  successful  candidate  was  Schuyler  Colfax, 
later  Speaker  of  the  House  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
There  were  other  notables  all  along;  the  line,  as  may  be  judged  from 
the  fact  that  the  four  Republican  candidates  for  Delegates  at  Large 


Gov.  Abram  Adam.s  Hammoxd 


were  Wra.  T.  Otto,  afterwards  Reporter  of  the  U.  S.  Supreme  Court; 
Pleasant  Adams  Hackelman,  later  Brigadier  General,  and  killed  while 
trying  to  rally  his  troops,  on  October  3,  1863,  at  the  Battle  of  Corinth; 
Daniel  D.  Pratt,  U.  S.  Senator  from  1869  to  1875 ;  and  Caleb  B.  Smith, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  under  Lincoln,  and  U.  S.  Circuit  Judge  for 
Indiana.  The  campaign  was  largely  conducted  in  .joint  debates.  Lane 
and  Hendricks,  ilorton  and  Turpie,  and  so  on  down  the  line.  There 
was  no  formal  split  in  the  Democratic  partj'  in  Indiana  as  to  the  State 


566  INDIAXxV  AXU   IXL/IANANS 

ticket,  but  Turpie  says  that  signs  of  disaster  were  plainly  visible  before 
the  election,  in  the  defection  of  Democrats  to  the  Republican  ranks, 
especially  in  the  northwestern  part  of  the  State.  The  Republicans 
were  victorious  at  the  October  elections,  Lane's  majority  over  Hen- 
dricks being  9,757,  and  Morton's  over  Turpie,  10,178.  In  the  Novem- 
ber election  the  vote  was  Lincoln,  139,013;  Douglas,  115,166;  Breek- 
enridge,  12,295;  Bell,  5,339;  and  Gerritt  Smith,  5.  This  vote  is  the 
most  conclusive  test  of  Indiana  sentiment  on  the  slavery  question  that 
exists.  The  Breekenridge  vote  presents  the  total  of  those  who  sym- 
pathized with  the  Southern  view  of  slavery.  Although  in  a  general 
way  it  was  chiefly  in  the  Southern  part  of  the  State,  it  was,  in  fact, 
very  widely  scattered.  There  were  but  six  counties  in  the  State  in 
which  the  Breekenridge  vote  reached  500,  and  they  were  Boone,  649 ; 
Daviess,  529 ;  Jefferson,  564 ;  Lawrence,  530 ;  Posey,  523 ;  and  Warrick, 
816.  Lincoln  carried  all  of  these  counties  but  the  last  two.  The  vote  in 
Posey  was  Lincoln,  1,055 ;  Douglas,  1,128 ;  and  in  Warrick,  Lincoln 
745;  Douglas,  784.  In  other  words,  Breekenridge  carried  only  one 
county  in  the  State,  and  his  total  vote  there  was  but  little  more  than 
one-third  of  the  total  vote.  In  Posey  his  vote  was  less  than  one-fifth 
of  the  total  vote. 

The  agreement  between  Lane  and  Morton  that  Lane  should  go  to 
the  Senate,  and  leave  Morton  Governor,  had  been  made  at  the  State 
convention  of  1860.  Foulke  saj^s:  "Morton  undoubtedly  expected 
the  nomination.  But  certain  supposed  considerations  of  expediency 
finally  turned  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  Lane.  Friends  of  both  candi- 
dates proposed  the  following  aiTangement,  if  the  Republicans  carried 
the  legislature.  Lane  should  go  to  the  Senate,  and  Morton  would  then 
succeed  to  the  office  of  Governor.  But  this  plan  was  not  satisfactory 
to  Morton.  He  would  rather  go  to  the  Senate  himself  than  become 
Governor,  and  if  he  took  the  lower  place  on  the  ticket,  ought  he  not 
to  have  the  choice?  But  it  was  determined  otherwise.  *  *  »  Mor- 
ton at  last  determined  to  make  the  sacrifice,  for  such  it  then  seemed 
to  be. ' '  He  further  says  that  Thomas  H.  Nelson,  of  Vigo,  in  nominat- 
ing ^lorton,  said  that  "it  was  not  the  place  his  friends  had  wished 
for  him",  and  himself  adds:  "This  nomination  to  the  second  place 
was  undoubtedly  a  disappointment  to  Morton."  There  is  a  tradition 
that  this  arrangement  was  first  suggested  by  John  Beard,  of  Mont- 
gomery, the  man  who  moved  the  provision  that  gave  Indiana  the 
greater  part  of  her  school  fund.  If  so,  he  also  gave  Indiana  her  War 
Governor.  The  arrangement  wa.s  carried  out  without  a  hitch.  The 
legislature  met  on  January  14,  1861,  and  Lane  and  Morton  were  in- 
augurated.    On  the  16th  Lane  was  elected  to  the  Senate,  and  resigned 


INDIANA  AND  IXDIANANS 


567 


as  Governor.     Morton  was  at  once  sworn  in  as  Governor,  and  the  stage 
of  Indiana  was  set  for  the  drama  of  the  Civil  War. 

The  brief  unexpired  term  of  Governor  Willard,  from  October,  1860, 
to  January,  1861,  was  filled  by  Abram  Adams  Hammond,  Lieutenant 
Governor.  He  was  a  native  of  Vermont,  born  at  Brattleboro,  ilareh 
21,  1814.     His  parents,  Nathaniel  and  Patty  (Ball)  Hammond,  moved 


RUFUS  A.   LOCKWOOD 


to  Brookville,  Indiana,  when  he  was  five  years  old,  and  he  grew  up 
there,  receiving  the  education  of  the  common  schools.  He  read  law 
with  John  Ryman.  a  noted  lawyer  of  that  place,  was  admitted  to  the 
bar,  and  in  1835  opened  an  office  at  Greenfield.  In  1840  he  removed 
to  Columbus,  and  while  there  was  elected  prosecuting  attorney  for  the 
circuit,  a  position  which  he  filled  with  ability.  In  1846  he  removed  to 
Indianapolis,  and  the  next  year  to  Cincinnati,  where  he  remained  until 
1849,  and  then  returned  to  Indianapolis.     In  1850  the  Court  of  Com- 


568  INDIANA  AND  INDIANANS 

luoii  Pleas  was  created,  and  Mr.  Haiuraoiid  was  elected  the  first  Judge 
of  this  court  in  ^Marion  County.  In  1852  he  resigned  this  office,  and 
went  to  San  Francisco,  where  he  formed  a  partnership  with  that  re- 
markable legal  genius,  Rufus  A.  Lockwood,  a  sketch  of  whose  extraordi- 
nary life  appears  elsewhere  in  this  work.  He  returned  to  Indiana,  and 
in  1855  located  at  Terre  Haute,  where  he  was  a  partner  of  Thomas 
H.  Nelson,  later  U.  S.  Minister  to  Mexico.  His  nomination  in  185G 
was  of  an  unusual  character.  He  had  been  a  Whig  but  had  not  taken 
an  active  part  in  politics.  On  the  disintegration  of  the  Whig  party, 
many  of  its  members  came  over  to  the  Democrats,  and  among  them 
Hammond.  In  1856,  the  Democrats  had  nominated  John  C.  Walker 
for  Lieutenant  Governor,  and  after  his  nomination  it  was  discovei'ed 
that  he  was  not  of  constitutional  age  for  that  office.  The  Democratic 
State  Central  Committee,  desiring  to  recognize  the  old  Whig  element, 
and  Judge  Hammond  being  the  most  prominent  man  connected  with  it 
in  Indiana,  he  was  put  on  the  ticket,  and  elected.  He  sent  but  one 
message  to  the  legislature,  and  it  was  marked  by  a  recommendation 
for  the  establishment  of  a  house  of  refuge  for  juvenile  oifenders,  but 
this  was  not  adopted  by  the  legisslature.  Soon  after  leaving  office. 
Governor  Hammond's  health  gave  wa.y,  and  in  1874,  after  trying 
various  medical  remedies,  he  went  to  Colorado,  to  try  the  climatic  cure. 
He  died  there  on  August  24,  1874. 


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