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3 1833 02408 3450 


' V- 













> Copyright, 1919 





,■ The past thirty years, beginning with the reorganization of the 

Indiana Historical Society in 1886, constitute an epoch in historical 
work in Indiana. In part this has been only a local feature of the 
} general awakening of interest in American history, due primarily to 

> passage through the centennial anniversaries of the great events of 

j^ American beginnings. Independent of that, there has been in Indiana 

a systematic effort to gather and put in print authentic historical matter 
that has resulted in live volumes of Publications of the Indiana His- 
torical Society, and twelve volumes of the Indiana Magazine of History 
-the latter due to the self-sacrificing efforts of Mr. George S. Cottman, 

in addition to numerous volumes by individual authors. In this 

period the State University and several colleges have taken up special 
research work in history in their courses of study, and the public has 
profited by the publication of a number of papers of this origin. 

But Indiana history has also been the beneficiary of much of the 
research of historical societies in her sister states, and especially those 
included in old Northwest Territory. A single illustration will show 
the importance of this. When I published my "Indiana, a Redemption 
from Slavery", in 1888, I thought I had got to the bottom of the local 
slavery history; but in the last dozen years, the fact has been developed, 
in Illinois, that Thomas Jefferson had his hand on the opposition to 
slavery all through our territorial history ; and, what is more surprising, 
his touch with the movement was through Baptist churches, whose 
connection with the movement had not even been noticed. It is a 
matter of gratification to be able to present this phase of the matter, 
and give the credit where it belongs, in the present publication. The 
bringino- to light of this and many other material facts not only justifies 
the rewriting of Indiana history, but justifies the statement that we 
have onlv now reached the point when the earliest history of Indiana 
can be written authoritatively. In these regards, the succeeding pages 
will speak for themselves. ^ ^ DUNN. 


The Prehistoric Hoosier 1 

The Indiana Indians 43 

The European Claimants 98 

The American Occupation 137 

The Northwest Territory 182 

Indiana Territory 226 


The New State 286 

Under the First Constitution 334 




The Constitution op 1851 4;J5 


Drifting Into War 498 


The Civil War 569 


After the War • 672 


An Era of Reform 728 


Medical History of Indiana's First Century 787 


Education 860 


Transportation, Commerce and Industry 924 


Charities and Correction 975 


Temperance 1027 

New Harmony 1071 


The Word Hoosier 1121 

Hoosier Character 11^6 


Abbott, William L., 2095 

Abolition party, first appearance of, 330 

Abolitionists. 510 

Ackerman, John F., 1746 

Act concerning the introduction of 

Negroes and Mulattoes into Indiana 

Territory. 243 
Adams, Aiidy, 2021 
Adams, Charles R.. 2028 
Adams, J. Otis. 1760 
Adams, Joseph D., 1087 
Adams, Sarah F., 1083 
Adams, Wayman. 1050 
Adams, William H., 1842 
Address of the Carrier of "The Indian- 
apolis Journal." 1123 
Ade. George, 1813 
Adirondacks, 63 
Administration of 1865, Julian speech 

attacking, 683 
Admission of state, 286 
Admission of State to Union, Centennial 

of. 781 
Admission to tlie bar. qualifications for. 

"Adventures of Captain Bonneville," 116 
Advocate of temperance, 700 
After the Civil War, 672 
After war elections, 694 
Agi-icultiu-al education, 909 
Agricultural implements, 947 
Agricultural labor, 941 
Agriculture, Wabash and Erie Canal's 

value to, 411 
Aicher, Amalia, 1541 
Aichhorn Karl C, 1819 
Ahlgren, Carl J.. 1508 
Aldridse. Hal A.. 2068 
Alerding. Herman J.. 1660 
Alexander, Arthiir A., 1613 
Aley. Robert J., 1983 
Algonkin languages, 40 
Algonkins, 7 3 
Alien and Sedition laws, 218 
Alklerdice. Joseph. 1R81 
Alldredge, John S., 2061 

Allen. John B.. 3123 

Allison, William D., 1607 

Alloys, experiments in, 949 

AUoiiez, Father, 50, 59, 60, 73 

Altar mounds, 24 

Amendments to Constitution, 711 

American Conchology, 1080 

American Entomology, 1080 

American Fur Company, 110 

American Indian Mission Association, 

American lotus, preparation by lliami 

women, 77 
American Medical Association, 838 
American Occupation, 137 
American Railway Express Company, 

Ames, E. R., 893 
Ammunition, manufactui'ing of. Civil 

war, 595 
Amo, 86 

Amt, J. Henry, 2180 
Anderson, 86, 953 
Anderson, Albert B., 1778 
Anderson. William, 86 
Andrew, Abram P., 1374 
Andrew, Mary, 1516 
Andrew, William L., 1514 
Andrews, Charlton, 1988 
Andrews, James M.. 745 
Anesthetics, 833 
"Annals of the West." 1202 
Anoka, 86 

Anthony, Charles H.. 1324 
Anthony Family, 1323 
Anthony, Harvey M., 1335 
Anti-Gambling law, adopted at Vin- 

cennes Aug. 4. 1790 (illustration). 204 
Anti-rat law. 831 
Anti-Saloon Leagiie. 1064 
Anti-slavery League. 539 
Anti-slavery Library Society, 509 
Anti-slavery literature, 509 
Anti-slavery newspapers, 347 
Anti-slaverv paper, first in the United 

States, 517 


Anti-slaverj' people aroused, 246 

Anti-slavery sentiment, 346 

Anti-sufl'rage faction, 690 

Antitoxin, t(35 

Antitoxin law, 831 

"An Unmarked Grave," 273 

Apperson, Kdgar L.. 2141 

Apperson, Elmer, 3141 

Apportionment law of 1915, 726 

Apportionment laws of 1891 and 1885, 

opinions on, 724 
Arbitrary arrests, 638 
Arbuckle, N. L., 1530 
Armstrong, James, 126 
Army of the Northwest, equipment of, 

Army rations assailed, 593 
Arnold, Matthew, 1017 
Arsenal, Civil war, 595 
Arthur. David C. 2262 
Article IX, Constitution of 1816, 863 
Article XIII, Negroes and Multattoes, 

Articles of Compact, 193 
Articles of Confederation, 183 
Artifacts, 28 

Artificial cooling of meats, 943 
Artists, 1203 

Asbury (DePauw) University, 897, 911 
Assenisipia, 188 

Assessment, average rate of, 754 
Assessments, 752 
Atkins, Elias C, 1854 
Atkins, Henry C, 1856 
Atkinson, Eleanor, 2035 
Atlantic cable, celebration of laying, 432 
Attack on Fort Harrison, 268 
Attack on Iroquois Fort (illustration) 54 
Atwater, Caleb, 28 
Atwood, Francis L., 1244 
Aubry, M., 130 
Auction of books, 1209 
Aughinbaugh, Sidney L., 1717 
Augur, William H.." 2055 
Ault, Nelson L., 1317 
Austin, Thomas R., 1743 
Austin, Wilbur G., 1786 
Australian Ballot Law, 741 
Australian Ballot System, 744 
Authorized liquor agents, 1046 
Automobile, first, 948; Indiana product, 

Automobile industry, 939, 946 
Authors, medical, 819 
Axley, James, 1028 
Ayres, James E., 2005 
Aztecs, 13, 25 

Bachman, Frederick M., 1929 

Bacon, Mrs. Albion F., 779; (Portrait) 

Bacon, Hilary E.. 2168 
Badet, F. H.," 2217 

Badger, Oliver P., 458 

Badolett, John, 245, 301, 975; First 
Chancellor of Indiana (portrait), 245 

Baer, Samuel W„ 1260 

Bailey, John W., 1993 

Bailey, Robert \V., 2070 

Baird, Patrick, 296 

Baker, Lieut. -Gov. Conrad, 692, 695, 
1012; (portrait) 696 

Baker, Francis E., 1771 

Baker, Hugh J., 1802 • 

Baker, John H., 1469 

Baker, Paul. 1599 

Baker, Rayman H., 1671 

Bahlwin, Edgar M., 1338 

Baldwin, Elihu W., 911 

Ball, John H., 1435 

Ballard, Qirtis W., 2218 

Ballot law, proposed. 745 

Ballweg, Frederick, 2040 

Ballweg, Frederick W., 2040 

Baltzell, Robert C, 1820 

Bankruptcies, 702 

Bank of Vincennes, 327 

Bank Tax Fund, 478 

Banks, 412, 446; early, 323 

Banta, David D.. 1169, 1372 

Baptist Church, first in Indiana, 253 

Baptiste Peoria, 83 

Baptists, 253 

"Baptized Churches of Christ Friends to 
Humanity, on Cantine Creek," 253 

Barbour, Lucian, 1334 

Barnard. Herman J.. 1509 

Barnes, Albert A., 2026 

Barnes. Barzillai 0., 2080 

Barnett, John T., 1752 

Barnhill, John F., 819 

Barrett, James M., 745; (portrait) 747 

Barrett Law, 748 

Barringer, John M., 1879 

Bartel, Adam H., 1884 

Barth. Lewis L., 2254 

Bass. John H., 1444 

Batcheler, Charles E.. 1345 

Bates, Charles A., 1361 

Bates Edward, 604 

Bates, Hervev, 1697 

Bates. William 0.. 129. 1524 

Batt. Charles 8.. 1838 

Battle of Romney (illustration), 600 

Battle of the Fallen Timbers (illustra- 
tion). 209 

Battle of the Thames, 282; (illustra- 
tion). 282 

Battle of Tippecanoe, 266 

Bauer, Carl E., 2245 

Baxter Bill, 701. 703 

Baxter. J. W.. 10 

Baxter law. 1056 

Baxter. William. 699; (portrait), 700 

Beach, Leslie W., 1603 

Beadle. John H., 2263 



Bean, Mrs. C. W., 1137 

Beard, Joliii. 478, 566: (portrait), 479 

Beasley, John T., 1595 

Bebee case, 1053 

Beckman, Howard W., 1575 

Beebe, George T.. 1771 

Beecher, Henry W., 406, 893, 1177 

Beecher's c-hii'rcli (1893), (illustration), 

Beeson, John T., 1287 

Beggs brothers, 235 

Beggs, Charles, 254 

Beggs, James, 254 

Behm, Adam 0., 1319 

Bell, Reginald L., 1659 

Bender, j;rnest H., 1673 

Benefiel, John, 301 

Bennett, Henry W., 1682 

Bennett, Thomas W., 1572 

Bentham, Jeremy, 1087 

Berkebile. Earl, 1763 

Bernhardt, Ada L. S., 2208 

Berrv, Whiteford M., 2037 

Berrvhill, John S., 1300 

BeveVidge, Albert J., 761, 1862; (por- 
trait), 762 

Bicknell, Ernest P., 1024 

Bicknell, George A., 1792 

Biddle, Horace P., 1320 

Bieler, diaries L., 1575 

Bieler, Jacob L., 1573 

Bienville. Governor, 110 

Bigger, Samuel. 425: (portrait), 426 

Big Grade at Madison (illustration), 401 

Bill for internal improvements, 393 ; his- 
tory of, 384 

Bill of Bank of the State of Indiana, 
Jeffersonville Branch (illustration) 412 

Bill to establish schools, 869 

Bingham, .Joseph .J., 589 

Birch Creek reservoir. 409 

Birdsell. John C, 1482 

Birkbeck, (Morris) Indiana in 1818, 1200 

Bissot, Francois, 109 

Bissot, Jean B.. 107 

Black, Charles H., 1399 

Black Hawk (postoffice), 86 

Blackburn, Eugene, 2004 

Blackford, Isaac. 893; (portrait), 335 

Blake. James. 391. 881. 893 

Blatehley, Willis S., 1393 

Blind, 988; education of, 1003: provision 
for, 1003 

Bliss. William S.. 3177 

Block of Oolite Limestone (illustration). 

"Blocks of five." 729. 735 

Blue Jacket. 207 

Blue .leans Williams. 708 

Blue. Lulu I.. 1287 

Blue, Perry H., 1386 

"Blue Ribbon" movement, 715, 1060 

"Blue skv law," 779 

Board of Health, 828; membership, 1918, 

Board of State Charities, 1033 
Board of Trade ilap, 1853, 973 
Boards of trade, 974 
Bobbs' Free Dispensary, 853 
Bobbs, John S., 823, 1000; (portrait), 851 
BockhoH', William F., 2284 
Bohlen, Oscar D., 1845 
Bohn, Armin, 1795 
Bohn, Arthur, 1796 
Bohn, Gustavus, 1795 
Bolley, Henry L., 1999 
Bolton, Nathaniel, 460 
Bolton, Sarah T., 999; (portrait), 460 
Bond, Shadrach, 224, 233 
Bond, William C, 1663 
Bonds, 393 

Bone, Alfred R., 2233 
"Bone Bank" on the Wabash, 30 
Bone House (illustration), 23 
Bonham, George L., 2048 
Bonner, Walter W., 1894 
Book auction, 1209 
Book, first known to have been printed 

in Indiana, 1209 
Boon, Ratliff, 374; (portrait), 373 
Boone (Daniel), Capture of, 147 
Boone, Franklin M., 1351 
Boone, John, 398 
Booth, Newton, 1382 
Borden, James W., 439 
Borgluni, Gutzon, 853 
Borough of Vincennes. 245 
Borton, Fredolin R., 1973 
Bossingliam, .lolin E., 2257 
Boundaries of land claims, 231 
Bovard, George F., 2005 
Bowen, John M., 1482 
Bowers, 0. Dale, 1473 
Bowers. Rose A., 816 
Bowles, William (portrait), 650 
Bowsher, D. D., 1902 
Bowsher Co., Inc., N. P.. 1901 
Bowsher, Jav C, 1903 
Bowsher, Nelson P., 1903 
Boy Blacksmith. 1151 
Bovd, Harrington, 1896 
Bo'vle, Guv A.. 2009 
Bradford, "Oscar C. 2092 
Bradshaw, Arthur E., 1368 
Bradway. Olna H., 1560 
Bragdoii, Chalmer L., 1220 
Bralev. C. H., 1403 
Brandon, J. Clifton. 1806 
Brannum. Joseph G., 1738 
Brattain. John C. F., 1962 
Brav, Madison J., 2076; (portrait), 841 
Brazil Block, 959 
Brebner, Frank D., 1666 
Breckenridge. .Judge. 662 
Breech-loading gun invention. 606 
Breen, William P., 1889 



Breitwieser, Joseph V., 2010 

Bribery, ininishment of, 746 

Bridge's, 938 

Bright, Jesse D., 451, 554, 587, 1053; 
(portrait), 555 

Bright, Michael G.. 556 

Bright's "overt act," 588 

Brock, Earl E., 1827 

Brock, Frank H., 1413 

Brock, Ray C, 2023 

Broderick,' Case, 2130 

Brodhead, Col., 163 

Brooks iScliool for Boys, 1803 

Brooks, Wendell S., 1804 

Brown. Arthur V., 1874 

Brown, Austin H., 442, 1935 

Brown, Daniel, 2345 

Brown, David. 339 

Brown, Deniarchus C, 2230 

Brown, Edgar A.. 1978 

Brown Family, 1935 

Brown. Frank R., 1409 

Brown, Garvin ii.. 1920 

Brown. George, 613 

Brown, George P.. 909 

Brown, George W., 2143 

Brown, Henry B,, 911 
Brown. Hilton U., 1647 

Brown, John. 383, 558 

Brown, Lewis. 1679 

Brown. Omer F., 2018 

Brown, 0. L.. 1653 

Brown report on Indiana limestone. 963 

Brown. Ryland T.. 811, 962. 1044, 1055; 

(portrait). 1045 
Brown. Samuel R., 18; description of 

mounds. 18 
Brown, Stuart, 2093 
Brown, William J., 1925 
Browne. John W.. 253 
Browning. Eliza G.. 1788 
Browniee. James. 396 
Bruce. Casselman L,. 1678 
Bruns. Edward W., 1362 
Brush, Henry. 274 
Bryan. William J.. 756 
Bryan. William L.. 905, 1359 
Bryant. James R. M.. 487 
Bryant. William M., 3041 
Buck. Charles S.. 1265 
Buck. OJIie H., 2034 
Buckingham. Ebenezer, Jr.. 355 
Buddenhaum. Louis G., 1537 
Bulluni, Arnold. 509 
Building of canals. 384 
Building stone. 961 
Bullerdick. Omer D.. 2132 
Bulson. Albert E.. ,Jr., 816 
Rundy. Omar. 1873 
Buning. Jolin H.. 1926 
Burford. William B.. 1495 
Burgess, James P.. 1029 
Burgess. .John K., 1948 

Burial mounds, 1 

Burnet, Judge, 230 

Burnet. Harry B., 1813 

Burnett. Frances H., 1137 

Burns, Harrison, 1398 

Burns. Lee, 1399 

Burnside, Ambrose E., 606 

Eurnsworth, Mrs. Z. (portrait), 852 

■■Riunt District, The," 1150 

Burnt District of New York (map), 1153 

Biur, Aaron. 249; movements of, 382 

Burr. David, 388 

Burris. Harry. 1663 

Burton, C. M., 164 

Burton, James C, 1394 

Burton. Joseph R.. 1929 

Burtt. .Joe B.. 3333 

Buschmann, Charles L., 2134 

Bush. George P. (portrait), 1181 

Busse, E. P.. 827 

Busseron, Francis. 346 

Butler. Amos W.. 1024 

Butler, Charles. 403; (portrait). 405 

Butler, Charles E.. 1308 

Butler, John M., 1450 

Butler, Richard, 191 

Butter and cheese making, 954 

Buttler. Arthur. 1706 

Buttler. William. 1706 

Butts. Xathan T.. 703 

Byrani, Oliver T.. 1692 

Byrd. Charles W., 230 

Cabot. John. 98 

Cadillac, Laniothe. 47, 59, 106 

Cairns. Anna S., 2015 

Callahan. James M., 3068 

Calland, Joseph E., 1671 

Calumet river, 87 

Camden, M. H., 1625 

Campaign names, 586 

Campbell. Alexander, 1103, 1177 

Campbell. Henry F.. 1745 

Campbell. .JohnB.. 369 

Campbell. John L.. 911 

Campbell. Marvin. 1332 

Campbell. William, 131 

Camp Douglas. 661 

Camp meeting, 1177 

Camp Morton. 613, 973; (map). 614 

Camp Morton Gate (illustration). 655 

"Campus Martins." Ohio Company's Fort 
at Marietta (illustration). 197' 

Canal around falls of the Ohio, 245, 383 

Canal boats, 391 

Canal bonds, 404 

Canal, ceremony at building of. 389 

Canals. 245. 382; building of. 384; diffi- 
culty of maintaining. 399; surveys, 387 

Canby. General E. R. S.. 609 

Canning industry. 954 

Cannon. Williani T.. 1316 

Canteen Creek Baptist church. 249 



Canthorn, Henry, 233 

Capital, at Corydon, 288, 308 : first effort 

to remove, 287; location of permanent, 

361; new at Indianapolis, 363; actual 

work of removal, 367 
Capitol, tirst Indiana State, 370 
Capitulation of Post Vincennes, 160 
Captives (illustration), 57. 
Capture of Caskaskia, 148 
Capture of Vincennes, 151 
Care for the poor, 976 
Carey, Angeline P., 1185 
Carey Mission. 360 
Carhart, Joseph. 921 
Carithers, Oliver L., 1528 
Carleton, Emma N., 1285 
Carlisle, Charles A., 2275 
Carnefix, Louis \V., 1760 
Carnegie, Andrew, 921 
Carpenter, Charles G.. 2073 
Carpenter. Orville 0., 2093 
Carr, Clemeni V., 2044 
Carr, George W., 442; ( portrait i. 441 
Carr, Thomas, 298 
Carriages and wagons, 946 
Carrington, Edward, 192 
Carrington, Gen. H. B., 652, 663 
Carrolf. J. J., 1672 
Carson, Franklin R., 1731 
Carter, Charles E.. 1757 
Carter, I^aura, 816 
Carter, Vinson, 1829 
Cartier, Jacques, 98 
Carver, Jonathan, 15; description of 

mounds, 15 
Case, Marvin T., 1303 
Cass, Lewis, 354, 499 

Castleman, John B., 658; (portrait), 657 
Cates, Joseph, 1570 
Cavanaugh. .John, 1564 
Cave, Alfred N.. 1841 
Cawley. Edgar il., 1833 
Cayuga, 87 
Celebration of ratification of the Pota- 

watomi treaty, 1033 
Celeron, expedition of, 121; Route of. 

1749 (map), 119 
Census Bureau report on Indiana, 944 
Centennial Anniversary of Establishment 

of Indiana Territory, 759 
Centennial Commission, 781 
Centennial Memorial, 781 
Centennial of admission of Indiana to 

Union. 781 
Centennial of the State, 709 
Center of ilound Btiilding Nation, 13 
Central Canal. 393. 401 
Central Indiana Hospital for the Insane. 

823. 825 
Central .States Medical Monitor. 814 
Ceremony at building of canal. 389 
Certified' schools. 913" 
Chalybeate Springs. 970 

Chapel, Indiana State Prison. Michigan 
City (illustration), 986 

Chapman, Jacob, 442 

Chappelsmith, John, 1088 

Charitable institutions, 980; legislation 
for, 996; statistics, 1020 

Charitable legislation, 1020 

Charities. 824 

Charities and Correction. 975 

Charities, State Board of, 1022 

Charity Organization Societv. 1020 

Charles, A. A., 1623 

Charles, Etta, 816 

Charles Smith's Steam Mill Company, 

Charlevoix, Father, 61 

Charlton, Thomas J.. 1010; (portrait), 

Chase, Charles D., 1968 

Chase, Dudley H., 1967 

Chase, William M., 1203 

Cheese-making, 954 

Chenoweth, Harry W., 1471 

Chersonesus, 188 

Chicago, site of, 59 

Children of Mound Builders, 33 

Children's Aid Society. 1020 

Children's Guardians, 1021 

Children's Reading Circle, 921 

Chit wood. Mary L., 1397 

Choctaws. 39 

Christian. Wilmer F.. Sr., 1512 

Christie. George I., 1254 

Church. Charles H., 2063 

Church history during British occupation, 

Churchman, W. H., 1003 

Cincinnati, 197: first literary center in 
the West. 1207 

Circuit Courts, establishment of, 33S 

City Dispensary, 853 

(;'ivil service reform, 283 

Civil War, 498, 569, 836; first call, 594: 
total call for men in 1861, 594; draft, 
594; soldiers, 594; arsenal, 595: 
equipment and su]>plies, 595; manu- 
facturing of ammunition, 595 ; Sani- 
tary Commission, 596, 613 ; first regi- 
ment called, 596; military hospital, 
596: record of Three Months Soldiers, 
598; movements of Indiana troops, 
599; statistics. 601; Indiana's quota. 
601; shijjbuilding, 605; warships. 605: 
money contributions, 613: nurses, 613; 
minute men, 623; conditions, 631: 
crime during, 639: governor's control 
over militia, 641 ; government carried 
on by War fiovernor, 642; financial 
conditions. 642: return and public re- 
ception of Indiana troops. 670 

Clapp, Moses E., 1807 



Clark county, stone fort, 5; Map of 
Stone Fortification and Mounds, 6; 
mounds, 9 ; stone mounds, 9 

Clark, George R., 168, 179, 183, 186, 383, 
1018; (portrait), 141; military service, 
143; report to Governor Henry, 143; 
public instructions, 147; expedition 
against. 153; letter to Hamilton (il- 
lustration), 159; Thomas E. Watson's 
comment on, 166; success, 169; route 
in Indiana (map), 173 

Clark, Marion E., 1298 

Clark, Marston G., 383 

Clark, S. Earl, 3133 

Clark, William, 328 

Clark, W. A., 3049 

Clarke. Grace J., 1317 

Clark's Grant, 226 

Clay, Henry, 439, 513; reception by So- 
ciety of Friends. 513 

Claycombe. Lloyd D., 1582 

Claypool, Jeft'erson H., 1569 

Claypool, John W., 1334 

Claypool. Solomon. 1333 

Cleveland. Grover, 730 

Cleveland, William F., 2146 

Clinehens. Steplien A., 1846 

Clift. Lawrence, 1853 

Clinton, DeWitt, 385 

Clow, .John W., 3103 

aune, William J., 2162 

Clyburn, Henley. 3006 

Coal minors relief, 748 

Coal, production from 1913-1915, 959 

Coate, M. W.. 3014 

Cobb, Thomas R.. 1935 

Coburn. Hcnrv L, 893 

Coburn, Henry P., 896 

Cockrum. James AV., 537; (portrait), 

Cockrum, William M., 528; (portrait), 

Coffin. Charles E., 1745 

Coffin, Charles F., 1009, 1014 

Coffin, George V.. 1876 

Coffin. Levi. 508 

Coffin. Rhoda M., 1014; (portrait), 1015 

Cole, Charles A., 2061 

Cole, E. P., 493 

Cole, George L., 1484 

Coleman, Harold G., 1493 

Coleman. William H.. 1950 

Colfax. Schuyler. 465, 565, 645, 1580; 
(portrait). 467 

Colgi-ove, Philip T.. 2055 

Colleges denominational. 911 

Colleges, sectarian. S97 

Collet. Hippolyte. 133 

Collet. Liike, 133 

CoHett, John, 1 

Collier, Clinton C. 2231 

Collings, William P.. 2230 

Collins. Caroline V., 2095 

Collins, Napoleon, 612 

Colonial Charter Claims (map), 184 

Colonial claims, 183 

Colonization in Liberia, 470 

Colonization Society, 470, 471, 1003 

Colorado Seminary, 1000 

Columbia, founded, 196 

Columbus, Christopher, 98 

Conmierce, 924 

Commissioned schools, 913 

Commission to erect a new State House, 

Commission to investigate taxation, 753 
Committee on Education, 488, 867 
"Common School Advocate," 881, 883, 

890, 893 
Common School Convention, 891 
Common School Fund, 477, 489 
Common school movement, 883 
Common school system, reform of, 473 
Common schools, 877; report on, 887; 

uniform system, 482 
Company F., Twenty-seventh Indiana 

Regiment, 1199 
Company of the Occident, 110 
Comparison of Jeflerson and Johnston 

petitions, 357 
Comstock, Horace A., 1566 
Communistic experiment, 1071 
Community House No. 3 (illustration), 

Community life, 1094 
Community No. 2, 1105 
Community No. 3, 1105 
Conder. Croel P.. 1649 
Conduitt, Allen W., 1707 
Coniederate conspiracy. 659 
Confederate conspirators, trial of. 665 
Confederate plots, abandonment of, 660 
Confederate prisoners plan escape, 661; 

plot to release, 654 
Confederate soldiers, seized steamers, 660 
Confiscation Act. 634 
Conflict of charters, 182 
Congress of 1788 confirms land titles of 

French settlers. 301 
Congressional Township Fund. 477 
Conklin. Seth, 519 
Connecticut Western Reserve, 314 
Connor. William, 1476 
Connollv, John, 137; acts of at Fort 

Pitt, 'l38 
Conrey. J. A., 3337 
Consolidated schools. 913 
Constitution. First. 334: movement for 

new, 438; amendments, 711; proposed 

changes, 771; antiquated, 776 
Constitution of 1816, 435, 975. 1073 
Constitution of 1851. 435; adopted. 496 
Constitutional amendments, legal opinion 

on, 713 
Constitutional convention. 440, 709; sec- 
ond, 350; cost of. 443 



Constitutional Convention of 1816, 863 
Constitution-making, 393 
Contest between Owen and Bright, 464 
Controversy of governors, 376 
Controversy over Green River Island, 

Convention for admission as State, 396 
Convention of 1816, 295 
Conventions, 546, 724 
Cook, Harry V., 1351 
Cook, Jolm E., 558 
Cook raid, 561 
Cooke, Marjorie B., 2061 
Coolidge. Mary R., 1977 
Coonse, Harvey, 1710 
Cooper, Edward L., 1470 
Cooper, George W., 1940 
Copperhead speeches. 693 
Coquillard, Alexis, 1464 
Corn club. 914 
Cornelius, Paul B., 1893 
Cornstalk, 88 
Cory, Elnathan. 2073 
Cory, Thomas, 2077 
. Corydon, 295. 366. 787 : cliosen for cap- 
ital, 288; capital of the Skte, 308 
Cost of constitutional convention. 443 
Cost of Moving State Library (illustra- 
tion), 371 

Cottman, George, 1135, 1154 

Cotton, William. 297 

Coudert. Mrs. Charles duPont, 1204; 
(portrait), 1205 

Coulter. John M.. 905 

Coulter, Stanlev, 1936 

Counties, lay-off of, 307 

"Country Contributor," 1196 

Country doctor, 789 

County option law. 767, 1064 

Court house of 1811-12, 395 

Courts, early. 334. 338 

Cowinff, Hugh A.. 1611 

Cox, Charles R., 1969 

Cox. Edward T.. 1. 5, 12, 14, 35; (por- 
trait). 36 

Cox. .Jeremiah. 296 

Cox, Linton A., 1437 

Cox, Millard. 2108 

Cravens. William, 1028 

Crawford. Anna M., 1447 

Cl-awford. Andrew .T., 2133 

Crawford. Charles M., 1446 

Crawford, Hugh. 131 

Crawford. .Tohn L.. 3124 

Crawford. William H.. 277 

Crawford. W. O., 3083 

"Crazy Asylum" (illustration). 981 

Creager. Edwin F.. 1794 

Creation. Miami theory of, 63 

Crecraft. Albert N.. 3259 

Ci-esap. Michael. 121 

Cressey. T. R.. 893 

Crime during Civil war. 639 

Cring, Cliarles C, 2139 

Critchfleld. Frederick H., 2136 

Crittenden Resokition. 583 

Crockett, Charles E., 1330 

Crockett, Elmer, 1330 

Croghan, George, 131, 127; report, 138 

Croghan. William. 383 

Crone. Frank L.. 1824 

Cross, Charles M., 1393 

CVowe, .John F.. 875. 901 

Crumpacker, Harry L., 2079 

Cruse, James S., 2195 

Culley, D. V., 893 

Culte'r. Mary M.. 1971 

Culver, T. Talmadge, 2196 

C^imbaek. Will, 1947 

Cummins, James L., 1843 

Curtis, William S., 2047 

Cushman, Moe A.. 1545 

Custer. Lafayette P.. 744 

Cutler. Ephraim, 231, 353 

Lutler, Manasseh. 193 

Dablon. Father, 34 

Datler. Wesley W., 1488 

Dagenet, Charles E., 83; (portrait), 83 

Dagenet. Christmas. 82 

Dana, Edmund, 384 

Dane. Nathan, 193; on Ordinance of 

1787, 193 
"Daniel Gray." 1182 
Daniels. Edward. 1460 
Danielson. Emu, 1389 
Danton of Indiana Democracy. 556 
Darby (William) on Indiana schools, 

1817, 1201 
Dark Hollow (Juarry Company, 965 
Darneille, Isaac, 243 
Darrach, Eugene H., 3343 
Darrach, George M.. 2242 
lyArtaguiettc. 117 
Daugherty, William W.. 1863 
Daughters of Temperance. 1043 
Davis. Arch, 1393 
Davis, George AV., 1885 
Davis. .Jefferson, 499: indictment of, 

Davis, ,Jeflfer.son C, 608, 1563; (portrait), 

Davis, .John C, 1564 
Davis, Ray, 1901 
Davis, Thomas T., 337, 345 
Davis, Will J., 3387 
Dawley. Chella M.. 3084 
Dawson. Louis. 1659 
Day. Thomas C. 3205 
Dayton. .Jonathan, 382 
Deaf, 988 

Deaf and dumb, instruction of. 990 
Deal. Mrs. Samuel :\1.. 1138 
Dean, Ward H,. 1910 


Dearborn County, Ancient Forts (map), 

Death of Tecumseh (illustration), »b2 
de Beaubois, Father, 111, 112 
de Bellerive, St. Ange, 118 
de Boisbriant, Pierre D., IIU 
Decker, Luke, 335 
Deed of land, first Indiana, 4S 
Defense of Fort Harrison (illustration), 

Defensive mounds, 1, 12 
Defrees, Joseph H^, 1831 
DeGroote, John F., 1329 
DeHority, Edward C, 1609 
DeHoritv, Frank E., 1766 
de la Balme. Col., 171 
De La Matyr, uUbert, 1245 
de Lamberville, Jean, 58 
de LaSalle, Sieur, 100 
Delaware, 88 

Delaware prophet, revelations of, 125 
Delegation to President, 676 
Dellett, Oliver J., 1714 
Dellinger, John H., 2163 
DeMent, Edward A., 1421 
Deming, Elizur H., 811; (portrait), 511 
Democratic Conventions, 724 
Democratic meeting disturbed, 592 
Democratic party, 554; four prominent 

war leaders of, 592 
Democratic platform, plank of, 607 
Democrats, 498; Free Silver, 750; Gold, 

Demonetization of silver, 755 
Denby, Charles, 1823 
Denman, Matthias, 197 
Denny, Caleb S., 1797 
Dennv's drawing of Site of Fort \\'avne 

in 'l790, 206 
Denominational colleges, 911 
Denton. George K., 2259 
DePauw, John, 399 
DePauw University, 299, 897, 911 
DePauw, Washington C. 1355 
DePrez, John D., 1653 
de Richardville, Drouet. 117 
Deschler, Louis G.. 1518 
De Soto, 98 
De Soto chronicles, 37 
De Vaudrcuil, Governor, letter, 108 
Devernai, Julian, 132 
Devin. Alexander, 301 
de Vincennes, Sieur, 107, 113 
de Vinsenne, Francois Morgan. 113 
DeWitt. Simeon. 191 
Diary of William Owen, 260 
Dickey, George W., 1968 
Dickinson, .Joseph, 1250 
Dickinson. Joseph J., 1251 
"Dictionarv of Slang, Jargon and Cant." 

Dietz, Cliarles L.."3015 
Dietz. Robert H.. 2015 

Dill, Howard A., 1576 

Dill, James, 296 

Dilling, Frank M., 2238 

Dillon, John B., 1369 

Dime Savings and Loan Association, 

Dingle, Mary, 1898 

Directors of the poor, 977 

Discoveries, medical and surgical, 831 

Discovery of gold, 498 

Diseases, earlv, 797 

Disher, W. H', 1591 

Dissette, James I., 1779 

District Medical Society, 798 

"Divinely Led," facsimile of Preface, 

"Divinely Led, or Robert Owen's Grand- 
daughter," 1112 

Division Act of 1800, 234 

Division Act of 1809, 261 

Dix, Dorothea L., 993, 1001, 1007; (por- 
trait), 1002 

Dixie Highway, 783 

Doctors, pioneer, 794, 798 

Dodge, Henry, 1558 

Dodge. Wallace H., 1477 

Dodson, Charles 0., 1690 

Dolmetsch, Eugene C, 1637 

Domestic wants of Indians, 80 

Donations by physicians, 853 

Doney, C. P., 1496 

Dongan, Governor, 58, 104; discussion 
of troubles between French and Eng- 
lish, 104 

Doran, Francis H., 2114 

Dorste, Louis T., 1818 

Douglas, Stephen A.. 576 

Douglass, Frederick. 694 

Dowden, Ross, 2075 

Doyle, Percy H., 1793 

Doyle, William, 1347 

Draft commissioner. Civil war, 603 

Draft, Civil war, 594 

Draft exemption pavment. Civil war. 

Drake. .Tames P., 461 

Drake. Priscilla, 401 

Dred Scott decision, 564. 775 

Dreiser, Theodore, 1185, 1188 

Dresser, Paul. 1190 

Drifting into War, 498 

Drug law, 831 

Duckworth, Edward A., 1931 

Dudlej' letter, 729; (reproduction of), 

Dudlev, William W., 739; (portrait), 

Duffey, Luke W., 1951 

du .Jaunay. Peter. 132 

Duke (Basil), on Morgan Raid. 632 

Ihunb, instruction of, 990 

Duniont. Ebenezer. 584. 1392 

Dumont, John, 878 



Dumont, Julia L. (portrait). 871; cliar- 

acteristic letter of, 874 
DuMoulin. John, 217, 232 
Duning, William H., 1478 
Dunlap, James B., 1036 
Dunmore, Earl of, 137 
Dunmore's War, 139, 142 
Dunn, Benjamin F., 1335 
Dunn, Catherine T., 1185 
Dunn, Ernest G., Jr., 1385 
Dunn. Ernest G., Sr., 1386 
Dunn, George G., 2095 
Dunn. George H.. 2102 
]>unn, Jacob P., 2289 
Dunn, William M., 550. 875; (portrait), 

Dunn. Williamson, 875 
Dunning, Paris C, 434; (portrait), 433 
Durbin, Winfield T., 763; (portrait), 

764; economies, 764 
Durham. James H.. 1957 
Durret, R. T., 141, 146, 171 
Dye, Augustus T., 1804 
Dye, Charity, 1694 
Dye, Edward R., 2089 
Dynes, Eldon L., 2039 

Eads, James B., 1210; (portrait), 603 

Eads, William H., 296 

Eagle, The, 323 

Earl of Dunmore, 137 

Earlham College, 886: first building (il- 
lustration). 892; (illustration). 899 

Early American literature, 1209 

Early banks, 323 

Early courts, 334, 338 

Early domestic medicine, 788 

Early elections, 233, 242. 263, 337 

Early fauna of Indiana. 75 

Early financial condition of the United 
States, 177 

Early industries, 941 

Early medical practice. 801 

Early missionaries at Vincennes, 131 

Early politics. 286, 374 

Early Surveys and Land Grants (map). 

Earth Mounds Near Anderson (map), 26; 
Randolph County (map), 11 

Earth works, 1, 12 

East Chicago. 87. 952 

Eastern Indiana Hospital for the Insane. 
749. 823, 826 

Easthaven. 1020 

Eastman, Joseph, 1646 

Eberhardt, Arthur W., 1689 

Eberhardt, George J., 1688 

Eberhart. Frederick G.. 1825 

Edenharter, George F., 825, 2051 

Edgar, John, 217, 223. 227. 232. 239 

Edgerton. Jonathan 0.. 2117 

Edible lichen, 73 

Editorial attack on the administration, 

1861. 593 
Education, 860; general system of. 310; 

committee on, 488, 867; vocational, 

779; agricultural, 909; of the blind, 

Educational journal, 881 
Educational papers, 920 
Edwards, Richard A., 2070 
Eel river, 88 

Effigy Bowls (illustration). 33 
Eggleston, Edward, 1309 
Eggleston. George C, 1309 
Eichholtz, George W., 2025 
Eighty-sixth Indiana Regiment, 600 
Elder, John R., 2033 
Elder, Joseph G., 2274 
Elder, William L., 2034 
Electoral votes in 1817, 340 
Election frauds. 452 
Election of 1908. 769 
Election of 1916. 783; plea for honest, 

730. 771; scandals. 741 
Electioneering in early days. 337 
Elections, early, 233, 242, 263, 337: 

changes in, 447 ; after war, 694 : after 

the Civil war, 708; 1876-1886, 703; 

1886-7, 721; honest, 726, 771 
Elkhart, 88, 953 

Elliott, Byron K., 1857; (portrait), 486 
Elliott. C' Edgar, 1904 
Elliott, Charles J., 1940 
Elliott, Ebenezer N., 874 
Elliott, George A., 1341 
Elliott, George B.. 1275 
Elliott, Herbert M., 1933 
Elliott, Jehu T., 1341 
Elliott, Joseph T., 1275 
Elliott, Robert. 2047 
Elliott, William H., 1342 
Ellis, Frank, 2001 
Ellis, Horace, 2072 
Ellison, Oscar E., 1493 
Ellsworth. John C. 1332 
Elmore, James B., 1336 
Elston, Isaac C, 1435 
Elwood, 953 
Emancipation, 682; gradual, of slaves, 

Emancipation Proclamation, 641 
Emenson, diaries P., 814. 1504 
Emslie. John P.. 1470 
Enabling Act, 867 
"English Conquest of the Xorthwcst," 

"English Dialect Dictionary," 1146 
English, William E., 2158 
English. William H.. 146, 711, 731, 2154; 

(portrait), 714 
Epidemics. 903 
Equipment. Civil war, 595 
Era of reform, 728 
Erb, Frederick H., Jr.. 1453 


Esarey, Sol H., 1716 

Escape of Jlorgan, 624 

Espy. Josiah, 244, 382. 423 

European claimants, 08 

European grant, first covering Indiana, 

Evans, Edgar H., 1608 
Evans, John, 811, 994, 999; (portrait), 

Everett, Edward, 1208 
Ewing, Nathaniel, ,329; (portrait), 328 
Expedition against Clark, 153 
Experiments in aiioys, 949 
Explanation of Feast of the Dead, 21 
Exposition bnilding, 973 

Face of an Oolitic Quarry (illustration), 

Facsimile title page of first Indiana 

Jledical Book, 807 
Fadely, Lewis E., 1407 
Fahnley, Frederick, 2008 
Fairbank, Calvin, 524; (portrait), 523 
Fairbanks, Charles W., 758; 1321; (por- 
trait), 757 
Fair, first at Indianapolis, 973 
"Fair God, The," 429 
Fallen Timbers, Battle of (illustration), 

Falls of the Ohio, 383 
Family mounds, 22 
"Family Visitor," 1043 
Farmers Library, 243 
Farmers & Mechanics Bank of Madison. 

"Farmers and Mechanics Journal." 347 
Farnham, John H., 877 
Farragut, 629 
Farwell, Hart F.. 3165 
Farwig, Henry H.. 1482 
Fasig, Daniel,' 3349 
Fate of Mound Builders. 35 
Father of American Geology. 1084 
Fauna of Indiana, early. 75 
Fauntlerov, Constance, 1107 
Faust, William A., 1414 
Fauvre, Frank M.. 1439 
Feast of the Dead, explanation of, 31; 

(illustration), 30 
Federalists, 218, 330; oppose admission 

of the state, 219 
Fee, John, 1388 
Fee system. 749 
Fenstermaker, J. Ralph, 1934 
Ferguson. Thomas, 2016 
Ferree, AVilliam M., 1639 
Ferris. Ezra. 396 
Feuerlicht, Morris M., 1846 
Fifer. Claude. 1995 
Fifth mayor of Indianapolis. SSn 
Financial conditions during the Civil 

war. 643 
Financial history, 764 

Financial system, provision for State, 

Findlav, James, S30 

Fink. JE. J. W., 1836 

Finley, George, 60. 65 

Finley, Ida D., 1564 

Finley, John, 1123. 1139, 1150; (por- 
trait), 1147, 3264; reputation as a 
poet, 1148 

Finley, Robert W.. 323 

"Fire Lands," 314 

First automobile (illustration), 948 

First book known to have been printed 
in Indiana, 1209 

First Building of Indiana University 
(illustration), 863 

First call in Civil war. 594 

First Chancellor of Indiana. 245 

First Constitution. 334 

First District Medical Society of In- 
diana, 798 

First European grant covering Indiana, 

First Fair, Indianapolis, 973 

First fort built by white men, 109 

First geological survey of Indiana, 959 

First Indiana deed of land, 48 

First Masonic Temple, Built 1848-50 (il- 
lustration), 496 

First medical practitioners, 794 

First medical society, 798 

First move for Statehood, 219 

First native Hoosier to produce a book 
of literary merit, 1310 

First Ohio Company Colony (illustra- 
tion), 195 

First person operated on for gall stones 
in the world. 853 

First Presbyterian Clnn-ch of Indianap- 
olis. 118l' 

First priest ordained from the West. 

First regiment called into service in 
Civil war. 596 

First schools. 860 

First State Fair. 504 

First State Fair Grounds (illustration). 

First State House of Indiana, located at 
Corydon (illustration), 294 

First Sunday School at Indianapolis, 

First temperance paper, 1043 

First Temperance Society, 1003 

First Thanksgiving proclamation in In- 
diana, 431 

First Union soldier killed in Rattle after 
Fort Sumter Avas taken, 599 

Fishback. Frank S., 1573 

Fisher, Isaac, 994 

Fisher, William F., 161S 

Fitch, Graham, 557, 849; (portrait), 


Five. Nations. 53, 53 

Flag of Society of Colonial Wars, for 
Indiana (illustration), 12'J 

Flat-boats, 239, 925 

Fleming, James R., 1455 

Fletcher, Calvin, 896, 933, 1425 

Fletcher, James C, 1210 

Fletcher Sanatorium, 817 

Fletcher, Stoughton A., 1236 

Fletcher, Stoughton A., Jr., 1430 

Fletcher, William B., 817, 1658; (por- 
trait), 825 

Flour mill and grist mill products, 945 

Flower, Fdward, 1083 

Flower Mission Training School for 
Nurses, 1020 

Floyd, Davis, 235, 298 

Flying Squadron Foundation, 1065 

Fl'ynn, William, 853 

Fciltz, Frederic. 1590 

Foltz, Herbert W., 1589 

Foltz, Howard M., 1590 

Food and drug law, 831 

Foods, Indian, 72, 76 

Foorman, Amos N., 1277 

Foote vault, 962 

Foote, Winthrop, 961 

Fordney, Josepii W., 1843 

Foreign immigration, 439 

Foreign vote, 452 

Forests, 1166 

Forrest, J. Dorsey, 2235 

Forrey, George C, Jr., 1592 

Fort Azatlan, description of, 1 ; springs 
at, 2; map of, 3 

Fort Chartres, 111 ; Ruins of Powder 
Magazine (illustration). 111 

Fort Defiance built, 211 

Fort Greenville, 210 

Fort Hamilton, 207 

Fort Harrison, 499; attack on, 268; De- 
fense of (illustration), 267 

Fort Jefferson, 207; difficulty of main- 
taining, 180 

Fort Miamis, 59, 122 

Fort Pitt. 137 

Fort Pontchartrain, 106 

Fort Recovery, 207, 210 

Fort Sackville captured. 160; Vincennes. 
1779 (illustration), 156 

Fort Stanwix. treaty of, 187 

Fort of Vincennes. 130 

Fort Wavne. 89; post at. 113; Site of in 
1790 (illustration). 206; built, 211; 
in state of siege, 368 

Fort Wayne & CTiicago Railroad. 1000 

"Fort Wayne Medical Journal-^Maga- 
zine," 815 

"Fort Wavne Medical Magazine." 815 

Forts. 207 

Forts, stone, 5; first built bv white men, 

Fortune, Charles M., 1609 

Fortune, William, 1415 

Fosdick, William, 1379 

Fosler, .John, 1873 

Foster, Craven T., 1798 

Foster, Family, 1798 

Foster, John W., 1883 

Foster, Robert S., 610, 1748; (portrait), 

Foster, Ronald A.. 1799 

Foster, Samuel, 1798 

Foster, Samuel M„ 2282 

Four prominent war leaders of the Dem- 
ocratic party, 592 

Fourteen Mile Creek, 7 

Fourth of July, 1863, 648 

Foucher. Anthony, 132, 1209 

Fowke, Gerard, 24, 27, 35 

Fox, William F., 2169 

Francis, Charles W., 1507 

Francis Family, 1504 

Francis, Joseph M., 1981 

Franklin, Benjamin, 187, 191 

Franklin College, 886; first building (il- 
lustration), 892 

Frazier, John S., 1414 

Fred, Samuel, 1904 

Free banks, 446 

Free kindergartens, 1020 

"Free Labor Advocate and Anti-Slavery 
Chronicle," 510 

Freeman, .John, 506 

Freeman, Thomas, 355 

Freeman's Corners, 355 

Free schools. 483, 877. 891, 893 

Free Silver Democrats, 756 

Free silver issue, 756 

Free Soil vote, 499 

Free Soiler, prominent, 542 

Free Soilers, 498 

French and Indian war, 122 

French, Burton L., 1838 

French Grant, 214 

French Lick, 853: (illustration), 969 

French Relation of 1718, 109 

French settlers. 213; Congress of 1788 
confirms land titles. 201; Clearing 
Land at Galliopolis (illustration). 213 

Frenzel. John P., 743 

Friedley, Harmon 11., 1614 

Friends, 509 

"Friends to Humanity," 253 

Friends Yearly Meeting, 513 

Frontier characters, 121 

Frontier influences, 1164 

Frontier life, 1169 

Frontier Life (Turner), 1158 

Frontier political oratory, 1174 

Frontier settlements, 1156 

Frontier towns, 1164 

Frontier women, 1169 

Fugitive Slave law. 500, 506 

Fugitive slaves, 531 


Fuller, Hector, 2214 
Funeral customs, Indian, C9 
Funk, Walter A., 1318 
Furniture and refrigerators, 947 
Fur traders, rivalry of, 118 
Furs, 957 

Gable, Orlo H., 1466 

Gabriel's Rock, 1078; (illustration), 1079 

Gage, General, 137 

Gallagher, William D., 1207 

Galliher, Charles W.. 1958 

Games and sports of Mound Builders, 32 

Garber, M. C, 544 

Gardner, Clyde W., 1872 

Gardner, F'red C 1582 

Gardner, Jared, 2005 

Gardner, Joseph C, 1498 

(jarrett, John J., 1930 

Garrison Marching Out (Vincennes) (il- 
lustration), 152 

Gartside. Forrest J., 2038 

Gas wells, 959 

Gates, Alfred B., 1700 

Gates, Austin B., 1756 

Gates, Edward E., 1703 

Gates, Frederick E., 1756 

Gates, Glen W., 2113 

Gates, Harry B., 1701 

Gates, William N., 1703 

Gavisk, Francis H., 2192 

Geddes, Robert, 1680 

General system of education, 310 

Geographer of the Main Army, 191 

Geographer of the Southern Array, 191 

Geological survey of Indiana, first, 959 

George, Eliza E., 613 

Georgia mounds, 22 

Gerard, R. H., 1320 

Gernstein, Bernard, 1659 

Ghost, Dance, 134 

Gibault, Father, 133, 148, 171, 180; 
reaches Vincennes, 134 

Gibson. John, 338, 383 

Gillespie, Bryant W., 1448 

Gillespie, Laura A.. 1449 

Gillespie, Mrs. B. W.. 1449 

Gillilan. Strickland W.. 1150, 1713 

Gillman, Joseph, 196 

Gilmer. Frank, 1315 

Gilmore, Allan E.. 1463 

Gilmore, Russell A., 1463 

Gilmore, Wallace L.. 1463 

Gilmore, William G., 1463 

Girard. William T., 599 

Girls' Reformatory, 1016 

Gist, Christopher." 121 

Glass manufacturing, 947 

Glasscott, John. 1636 

Glasscott. Tliomas. 1637 

Glossary of Indiana nanu'S. 86 

Glossbrenner, Alfred M., 2056 

Goble, Daniel S., 1742 

Godfroy, Francois, 43, 89. 271 

Godfroy, Gabriel, 43, 65, 75, SO. 96; 
(portrait), 46 

Gold Democrats, 756 

Golden, Dale D., 1986 

Golightly, William J., 1979 

Goodell, Charles E., 3167 

Goodrich, James P., 785; (portrait), 784 

Good Roads Movement, 783 

Goodwin, Thomas A.. 900, 1140 

Gookins, J. F., 599, 600 

Gordon, John N., 3010 

Gordon, Jonathan W., 1404; (portrait), 

"Gore, The." 236 

Goslee, Mary O., 3033 

Gossom, James M., 3167 

Gougar, John D.. 1311 

Gough, John B., 1039 

Gould (B. A.) on Indiana Men, 1199 

Government carried on by War Gov- 
ernor, 643 

Government House of the Territory of 
Indiana, Vincennes (illustration). 238 

Governor of Indiana, proclamation from. 

Governor's Mansion, Corydon (illustra- 
tion), 308 

Governors Mansion in the Circle (illus- 
tration), 438 

Governors, controversy of, 376 

Gradual emancipation of slaves, 252 

Graham, Archibald C, 1237 

Graham, .John K., 398 

Graham. William. 299 

Grain Mill. Primitive (illustration). 937 

Grand-daughter of The Little Turtle. 79 

Grand jury system, objection to, 446 

Grant, 'U. 'S.."639, 630, 648 

Gravier. Father. 32 

Gray, Isaac P., 709. 718; (portrait), 723 

Great Conflagration at Pittsburgh, Pa. 
(illustration). 1143 

Great Hare, 63 

Greathouse, Frank M., 1975 

Greek fire. 661 

Green, Alonzo P., 1456 

Green, Conant L., 1457 

Green River Island, controversv over, 

Greenbackism, 702 

Greenville Treaty line, 334 

Gresham. Walter Q.. 1565 

Grist mills. 939; products. 945 

Grenfell. St. Leger, 657 

GrifTm. -Tohn. 328 

Griflfitli. Thomas J.. 1326 

GrifiTon. 61; (illustration). 63 

Griswold. Edward H.. 2104 

Gronendyke. Oliver J.. 1438 

Gross, Luther M.. 2018 


Grossart, Frederick C-, 1887 

Grover, Arthur B., 1534 

Grover, Ira, 1533 

Grow, Galusha A., 536 

Guerrillas, 640 

Gurley, Phineas, 406 

Gustin, Amos N., 1774 

Guthrie, William A., 1548 

Gutzwiller, Carl, 1536 

Gwathmey, .John, 382 

Gwin, William, 612; (portrait), 635 

Habits of Indians, 47 

Hack, Elizabeth M., 1420 

Hack, Oren S., 1419 

Hackedorn. Hillis F., 1510 

Hackelman, Pleasant A., 565, 606; (por- 
trait), 607 

Hackman, Frederick. 1483 

Haerle, George C, 2120 

Haerle, AVilliam, 2120 

Hagelskamp, George. 1886 

Haimbaugh. Frank D., 2108 

Haimbaugh, Mary C, 1476 

Haines, Matthias L., 1389 

Hall, Arnold A. B., 1594 

Hall, Arthur F., 1395 

Hall, Basil, 1168 

Hall, Baynard R., 873 

Hall, Columbus H., 1592 

Hamill, Clialmers M., 1831 

Hamilton. Henry, 140; preparing expe- 
dition against Clark, 153; (portrait), 

Hamilton, William L., 1530 

Hammerschmidt, Louis M., 1906 

Hammond. 952 

Hammond, Abram A., 567; (portrait), 

Hammond, Edwin P., 1314 

Hamtramck, .John F., 198; ordinances, 
198; letter to Gen. Wayne, 198; gov- 
ernment, 199; Signature. 199; Tomb 
(illustration). 199; service to people 
of Vincennes. 203; at Detroit, 212 

Hand, Edward, 140 

Haner, Frank H.. 1875 

Hanev, William E., 2064 

Hanley, Michael T., 2130 

Hanly. J. Frank, 765, 767, 1065; (por- 
trait), 768 

Hanna. Cliarles A.. 101 

Hanna, John, 1953 

Hanna, Robert, 296 

Hanna, Samuel, 388, 413 

Hannegan, Edward A.. 1523 

Hannum, .James M., 1378 

Hanover College, 911; first building (il- 
lustration), 893 

Hanover, .John T., 529; (portrait), 531 

Hansen, .John, 527 

Hanson. Sarah. 1536 

Hardin, Harley F., 1355 

Hardin, Xewton, 1820 

Harding. Stephen S., 512 

Hardy, Horace G., 2059 

Harmar, Josiah, 198 

Harmonists, 1075 

Harney, .John H., 874 

Harper, H. Frank, 5 

Harper, Ida H., 1706 

Harper, Samuel A.. 2236 

Harrington, .John .J., Jr., 1638 

Harris, Addison C, 1689 

Harris, Bert H., 1988 

Harris, James W.. 1954 

Harrison. Alfred. 1536 

Harrison, Benjamin, 564, 728; (portrait), 

Harrison, Caroline S., 1411 
Harrison, Christopher, 375, 384 
Harrison, Hugh H., 1536 
Harrison, John, 382 
Harrison, John S., 728 
Harrison, Joseph W., 1443 
Harrison, J. C. S., 352 
Harrison, William H.. 218. 221. 248, 268; 

in command at Fort Washington, 228; 

secretary of Northwest Territory, 228; 

arrives at Vincennes, 229; (portrait), 

229; preparing for operations for war, 

Harsh, Abraham, 2124 
Hart, F, E., 1765 
Harting, William E.. 2021 
Hartley, Clarence A., 2145 
Hartloir, Charles W., 2145 
Hartman, George W., 2213 
Harve.y, .Jonathan S., 454 
Harvey, Lawson M., 1558 
Harvey, Thomas B., 1553; (portrait), 

Haskett. Orlando D., 1615 
Havelick, Pearl A.. 1847 
Havens, Ben, 1674 
Havens, C. H.. 1990 
Haworth, C. V., 2011 
Hav, Frank M.. 1369 
HaV, .John, 1530 
HaVden. Walter B., 1249 
Hayes, Charles E., 1761 
Hayes, Halbert R., 1767 
Haynes Auto Company. 949 
Ha'ynes, Elwood, 948,' 1215 
Haynes, Paul P., 1494 
Hays, Meade S., 1357 
Haywood. George P.. 1302 
Health laws, 830 

Health of State in early days, 371 
Health resorts, 969 
Hearsev, Harrv T.. 1704 
Heath," Frederick W.. 3029 
Heatwole. Joel P.. 1918 
Heckewelder, .John, 163 
Heitschmidt. August C, 2118 
Heller, F. G., 1693 



Hemenway, James A., 1761 

Henderson, Albert, 1399 

Henderson, Charles R., 1400 

Hendren, Gilbert H., 2237 

Hendricks, Thomas A., 569, 626, 665, 
697, 704, 705, 708, 720, 726, 903, 1858; 
(portrait), 590 

Hendricks, William, 302, 374, 384, 704 

Henneman, John B., 1138 

Hennings, Joseph E., 1847 

Henry, Albert J., 2104 

Henry, Charles L., 1780 

Henry, James H., 893 

Henry Phipps Institute for Tuberculosis, 

Henshaw, Frederic R., 1738 

Herman and Bebee cases, 1052 

Heron, Alexander, 2199 

Heron, Helen M., 2199 

Herz, Adolph, 1871 

Herz, Milton, 1872 

Hesler, Jennie M., 1305 

Hesler, Lincoln, 1304 

Hess, Michael, 2012 

Hetheringion, Benjamin F., 1366 

Hetherington, Frederick A., 1367 

Hiatt, Julius E., 1537 

Hiatt, Thomas, 1994 

Hibbard, James F., 1639; (portrait), 855 

Hides and furs, 957 

Hielscher, Theodore, 553 

Hilburt, Frank, 1808 

Hileman, Alonzo J., 2073 

Hilgemeier, Frank, 1529 

Hines, Thomas H., 617, 656, 658; (por- 
trait), 618 

Hitt, Mrs. George C 1349 

Hoag, William G., 2016 

Hobbs, Barnabas C, 331, 870, 1009; 
(portrait), 896 

Hobson's Choice, 209 

Hodges, Mrs. Edward F., 1431 

Hoffman. Edward G., 1400 

Hogan, William J.. 1888 

Hogston, Alfred, 1531 

Hogue, John L., 2070 

Hoke, Jacob F., Jr.. 1943 

Holaday, Alpha L., 1346 

Holland, J. G.,1182 

Holliday, F. C, 1195 

Holliday, John H., 584, 1225 

Hollis, Charles C, 3117 

Holloway, David P., 681; (portrait), 680 

Holloway, William A., 2014 

Hollweg. Louis, 1517 

Holnian, .Jesse L., 334 

Holman, Joseph, 296 

Holman, Sidney L., 2133 

Holman, AVilliam S., 564 

Holmes, Henry A.. 2007 

Holmes, Ira M.. 1464 

Holmes, Oliver W.. 855 

Holmes, William H.. 2008 

Holt, Sterling R., 2200 

Home industries, 412 

Homestead bill, 536 

Honest elections, 726, 771 

Hoosier, 1160; origin of name, 1121; 
early use of word, 1155; first native 
to produce book of literary merit, 

"Hoosier Year. The," 1185 

"Hoosier's Nest, The, 1133, 1123. 1161; 
facsimile of opening lines, 1124; (re- 
production of painting), 1132; (illus- 
tration), 1138 

Hoosier's War Record. A, 2214 

Hoozier, William. 1152 

Hopkins, Samuel, 268 

Hord. Oscar B., 665, 714 

Hornaday, William T., 1741 

"Horsehead." 238 

Horsley, William E., 2149 

Hoshour, Samuel K. (portrait), 885 

Hospital Board, 819 

Hospital for treatment of tuberculosis, 

Hospital stewards, 849 

Hospitals, 831 

Hospitals for the insane, 823 

Hoss, P. E.. 1910 

Houser, James A., 1291 

Houses of Correction, 1005 

Houses of Refuge, 1008 

Housing law. 779 

Hovey, Alfred R., 1535 

Hovey, Alvin P., 481, 486; (portrait), 

Hovey, Benjamin, 383 

Hovey, Otis, 911 

Howard, .James, 953 

Howard Ship Yard, 953 

Howard. Tilghman A., 1166. 1959; (por- 
trait), 1167 

Howard. Timothy E., 1700 

Howat. William >.. 2244 

Howe, Daniel W., 1745 

Hubbard. Erastus W.. 1778 

Hubbard. R. M.. 1360 

Hubbard, Walter J., 1779 

Hubbard, Willard W.. 1779 

Hudson. Grant L.. 1360 

Huffman, Gideon. 1540 

Hull. Matthew R.. 1151 

Humphrey. Louis. 794, 811 

Hundred Associates. 99 

Hunt. Nathaniel. 397 

Hunter. Charles R.. 1601 

Hunter. James W., 3013 

Huntington, 89. 953 

Hurst, Henry, 145 

Hurty, John N., 1606 

Hurty, Josiah, 493 

Husson. Peter, 1474 

Huston. Frank C. 1551 

Hutchins. Thomas. 191 



Hutchinson, David, 830 
Hutchinson family, 1039 
Hydrophobia law, 831 

Iberville, Pierre L., 106 

Iddings, Mary C, 819 

Idols, Mound Builders, 34 

Iglehart, John E., 1986 

lies, Orlando B., 1920 

lUinoia, 188 

Illinois Company, 187 

Illinois General Hospital of the Lakes, 

Illinois Grant, 326 

Immigration, 439 

Improvements, bill for internal, 393; 
history of bill for internal, 394; in- 
ternal, 410 

Increase of manufactures, 951 

Indenture law, 246 

Independent property rights for married 
women, 454 

Indian agriculture, 74 

Indian corn, 73 

Indian council at Vincennes, 364 

Indian employment, supervisor of, 82 

Indian land grant, 381 

Indian mounds, description, 18 

Indian names, glossary, 86 

Indian potatoes, 77 

Indian Signatures (illustration), 51 

Indian Springs, 969 

Indian system, beginning of present. 355 

Indian Territory, separate, 361 

Indian traders, 187, 228 

Indian women, life of, 81 

Indiana about 1819, direct interest in 
Northwest Territory, 224; First State 
Governor, 289; "Walking history of," 
479; quota in Civil war, 601; War- 
den's description of, 1158; in 1828, 
HalTs description of, 1161; first book 
known to have been printed in, 1209 

Indiana Asbury University, 900 

Indiana Board of State O'larities, 824 

Indiana Boys' School, 1010 

Indiana Business College. 2138 

Indiana camp meeting. 1177 

Indiana Canal Company. 245, 383 

Indiana Central Medical College, 813 

Indiana Central University, 912 

Indiana Company, 187 

Indiana delegation to President, 676 

Indiana Good Roads Association, 939 

Indiana Harbor, 953 

Indiana Historical Commission, memlwrs 
of (illustration), 783 

Indiana Historical Society, 877 

Indiana Hoosier (boat), 1155 

Indiana Hospital for Insane Criminals, 

Indiana fn 1811 (map), 334 

Indiana in 1817, showing eflfect of La- 

Salle's report of his route from Lake 
Erie to the Illinois (map), 351 

Indiana .Journal of Medicine, 814 

Indiana lands, main survey of, 355 

Indiana Library Association, 930 

Indiana limestone, 965 

Indiana Medical College, 853 

Indiana Medical College of Laporte, 811 

Indiana Medical College, Indianapolis, 

Indiana Medical Journal, 814 

Indiana nurses, 818 

Indiana School for the Blind, Indianap- 
olis (illustration), 1006 

Indiana State Board of Health, 828 

Indiana State Farm, 1035 

Indiana State Library, 833 

Indiana State Medical Association, Jour- 
nal of. 806 

Indiana State Medical Society, 805, 838 

Indiana State Medical Society and Asso- 
ciation, presidents of, 808 

Indiana State Prison, Michigan City (il- 
lustration), 991 

Indiana State School for the Deaf, 993 

Indiana State Soldiers' Home, Lafayette, 

Indiana State Wesleyan Anti-Slavery 
Convention, 518 

Indiana survey system, 354 

Indiana Teachers' Reading Circle, 921 

Indiana Territory, 236, 933; population 
in 1800, 336; government begun, 338; 
difficulty of communication between 
different parts, 339; free negroes in 
1810. 244; Centennial Anniversary of 
Establishment of, 759 

"Indiana, The," 391 

Indiana troops (Civil war) return and 
public reception, 670 

Indiana Tuberculosis Hospital, Rockville 
(illustration), 1026 

Indiana Union of Literary Clubs, 930 

Indiana University, 853, 865; first build- 
ing (illustration), 863 

Indiana University School of Medicine, 

Indiana Yearly Meeting of Friends, 1844 

(illustration). 516 
Indianapolis. 89; new capital. 363; origin 
of name, 364; route from Lake Michi- 
gan to, 383; chief source of water 
supplv to. 402; city charter, 891; 
early'schools. 894; in'l855, 503; inter- 
urban lines, 955 

Indianapolis and Her Railroad Connec- 
tions (map). 973 
Indianapolis Benevolent Society, 1003, 

Indianapolis Boys Club. 1278 

Indianapolis Commercial Club. 974 
Indianapolis Flower Mission. 819 
■Indianapolis Journal," 569 



Indianapolis Medical Journal, 815 

Indianapolis Medical Society, 805 

"Indianapolis News," 1647 

Indianapolis, Ralston's plat of 1821 
(map), 362 

Indianapolis, Second State House (illus- 
tration), 455 

"Indianapolis Sentinel,'' 737 

Indianapolis Water Company, 598 

Indians, 28, 43-85; religion, 34, 61, 67; 
traditions, 39; languages, 40, 47, 60; 
habits, 45, 47; tribes, 52; wars, 53, 59, 
305; mythology, 61, 124; customs, 
69; food of, 72, 76; Perrot's descrip- 
tion of, 75 ; domestic wants of, SO ; 
tribal organization, 81; removal of, 
82; sail for France, 112; troubles, 118; 
uprising, cause of, 134; lawlessness, 
204; titles, 264; treaties, 264, 354, 
388; hostilities, 268; titles in Indianii, 
extinguishment of, 354; schools, 358 

Indians Driving off Eclipse of Moon 
(illustration), 71 

Indigent deaf and blind. 988 

industrial domination, 699 

Industries, canning and preserving, 954 ; 
hides and furs, 957; home, 412; ter- 
rapin, 958 

Infant blindness law, 831 

Innes, Judge, 204 

Insane hospitals, 823, 980, 993, 1018 

Insane, statistics on, 982 

Insley, William H., 2066 

Instruction of deaf and dumb, history 
of, 990 

International bimetallism, 757 

Internal improvements, 382, 410; bill fur. 
393; history of bill, 394 

Interurban railroads. 955 

Itinerant preachers, 1176 

Intoxication, Wayne's order regarding, 

Invasion of Indian country, 179 

Investigating Committee, 1022 

Iron and steel, 945 

Iroquois, 52, 53 

-iroquois Captives (illustration), 57 

Iroquois Fort, Attack on (illustration), 

Irvin, Arthur B., 2261 

Iserman, Edmund F., 1475 

Isgrigg, David M., 2064 

"Jacobin clubs," 223 

Jacoby, Elias J., 1945 

James, John H., 2181 

Janert. Albert. 2000 

Jarrard, Thomas E., 2361 

Jay, John, treaty, 212 

Jefferson and Johnston petitions, com- 
parison of. 257 

Jefferson Countv mounds. 9; stone fort, 

Jefferson County, Stone fort (map), 8 

Jefferson's "Notes on Virginia," 257 

Jefferson, Thomas, 188, 220, 323, 252, 
254 ; proposed states in Northwest 
Territory (map), 188; opinion on slav- 
ery, 247 

Jeffersonville, 953 

oeffersonville Township Public Library, 

Jenkins, D. C, 2002 

Jennings, Augustus, 1611 

Jennings County mounds, 9; stone forti- 
fications, 9 

Jennings, Harry E., 1651 

Jennings, John. 1610 

Jennings, Jonathan, 362, 280, 297, 354, 
376, 383, 386; candidate for Governor, 
292; (portrait), 389 

Jerry Collins and Doctor Cool (illustra- 
tion), 1036 

Jessup, Jennie B., 1434 

Jessup, Maria A.. 816 

Jesuit "Relations,"' 21, 24. 38, 30, 33, 38, 
55, 56, 58, 64. 72 

Jewett, Charles W., 1301 

Jillson, William M., 1246 

.John Jay treaty, 212 

John, Robert, 388 

Johnson, Alexander (portrait), 1023 

Johnson, Andrew, 536, 693; inaugurated, 

.Johnson. Benjamin B., 1467 

Johnson, Emsley W., 1588 

Johnson, Henry W., 1457 

Johnson, Honest F., 230 

Johnson, John. 299, 334 

Johnson, John W., 1472 

Johnson, J. Wallace, 2036 

Johnson, Mary E., 1137 

Johnson, Richard 0., 1519 

Johnson. William, 52, 121, 122, 126 

Johnston and .Jefferson petitions, com- 
parison of, 257 

Johnston, Annie F., 779, 2184 

Johnston, Harriet M., 2125 

Johnston. Washington, 256 

Joliet, Louis, 67 

Jones, A., 1340 

Jones, Aquilla, 758, 1956 

Jones, Arthur H., 1648 

Jones, Charles C. 10. 22 

Jones, Daniel A., 3253 

Jones, Frank M.. 3321 

Jones, Gabriel, 183 

Jones, George W., 1513 

Jones, G. Edwin. 2253 

Jones, John R., 179. 235, 358; (portrait), 

Jones, Oliver P., 1338 

Jones, Thomas M.. 1883 

Jones, Walter. 1853 

.Tones. William A.. 909 

Jones, AVilliam M., 1833 



Jordan, Arthur, 1489 

Jordan, David S., 905 

Joss, Frederick A., 1931 

Jouett, Matthew H., 141 

"Journal of tne Indiana State Medical 
Association," 806, 816 

"Journal of the Medical Sciences," 815 

Judah, Mrs. John M., 1139 

Judah, Samuel, 317; portrait, 316 

Judges, 334; early, 196 

Judicial decisions, Roosevelt's plan for 
recall of, 774 

Julian, George W., 534, 542, 546, 564, 
624, 632, 678, 698, 1150; (portrait), 
538 ; speech on slavery, 632 

Julian, Isaac, 550; speech, attacking ad- 
ministration of 1865, 682; speech of 
October 25, 1868, 694 

Jungclaus. William P., 1711 

Jury trial, 450 

Kahn, David, 1544 

Kahn, Henry, 1678 

Kahn, I. Ferdinand, 1545 

Jvankakee, 89 

Kankakee portage, 45 

"Kansas City Star," 737 

Kaskaskia, capture of, 148 

Kast, Marie, 816 

Kattman, Frank A., 1869 

Kaufman, Rex D., 2046 

Kautz, John A., 1969 

Kean, John, 193 

Keely cures, 1037 

Keightley, Edwin W., 3090 

Keller, Amelia R., 816, 1881 

Kem, Omer M.. 1431 

Kemper, G. W. H., 820, 1670; (portrait), 

Kennedy. Dumont, 1305 

Kennington, Robert E.. 1440 

Kenvon, Clarence A., 939 

Kern, John W.. 769 

Kerr. Michael C, 564, 651, 1534 

Ketcham, Jane M., 816 

Kidnaping case, atrocious, 352 

Kidnaping free negroes. 341, 506 

Kidnaping of slaves, 533 

Kilsore. David, 394; (portrait), 395 

Kiliikellv, Sarah H., 1196, 1433 

Kilsokw'a, The Setting Sun, 90; (por- 
trait). 79 

Kimball, Nathan. 600 

Kindergartens, free, 1020 

King (Rufus) on Ordinance of 1787, 193 

King, W. F., 831 

Kinnard, George S., 1965 

Kinnev, Amorv. 346 

Kinsey, Carl D., 2235 

Kinsey, Oliver P.. 911 

Kiper, Roscoe. 1575 

Kirk. Alvin T.. 1408 

Kirk, Clarence L., 1350 

Kirkpatrick, Lex J., 1403 

Kitchell, Jirah A., 1396 

Kittredge, Jonathan, 1031 

Kizer, Robert P.. 1436 

Klausmann, Henry W., 1634 

Klumpp, John F., 2136 

Klute, George E.. 1875 

Klute, John H., 1879 

Knabe, Helene (portrait), 817 

Knapp. Frank H., 3238 

Knauir, Henry, 1993 

Knights of Elvas, 37 

Knights of the Golden Circle, 434, 640 

Knightstown Springs, 1011 

Knollenberg, Everard B., 1876 

Knollenberg, Henry W., 1875 

Know Nothingism, 537, 543 

Knox county mounds, 13 

Knox County Seminary. 317 

Koehler, Charles F.. 1684 

Koelln. Henry, 2084 

Kokomo, 90, 953 

Koons, Martin L., 1676 

Kop, Peter, 1199 

Korbly. Bernard, 1641 

Korbly, Charles A., Jr., 1641 

Korbly, Charles A., Sr., 1640 

Koss, Louis, 1720 

Kramm, Harry D., 1710 

Kreimeier. Elmer, 1575 

Krietenstein. George W., 3118 

Kroh. Cora E., 2140 

Kroh, James H., 2139 

Krout, Caroline V., 1934 

Krout, Mary H.. 1933 

Kuchenbuch, Herman, 2137 

Kuessner, Amalia (Mrs. Charles duPont 

Coudert), 1304; (portrait), 1305 
Kuhn. Charles, 1399 
Kuhn, Jolin A., 1299 
Kuhn. William F., 1299 
Kuhner, Godlip C. 1983 
Kyle. Jolm J., 819 

LaBalme, 175 
Laboratory Law, 830 
Lacv, Flay S.. 1946 
Lafayette, 953 
Lafit'au, 33. 54. 57. 71 
Lagle. William H., 1837 
Lagro, 90 
LaHontan, 21, 71 
Lake ilaxinkuckee. 91 
Lake Michigan, route from to Indian- 
apolis, 383 
Land act, 191 

Land chief wealth of tlie country, 217 
Land claims, boundaries of. 331 
Land deed, first Indiana. 48 
Land grant, Indian, 381 
Land grants, early (map). 316 
Land. Harrv, 1467 
Land, Walker E., 1486 



Landers, Pierce J., 1498 

Landis, Kenesaw M., 1849 

Landon, George W., 1664 

Lane, Daniel C, 298, 367 

Lane, Henry S., 547, 550, 564, 1174; 
(portrait), 551 

Lane, James H., 1548; (portrait), 432 

Lane, Joseph, 1540 

Langsenkamp, Frank H., 1845 

Langsenkamp, William, 1934 

Languages, Indian, Algonkin, 40; Mu3- 
cogean, 41 

Lanier. James F. D., 333, 403, 419, 643, 
1032; (portrait), 418 

Lapenta, Vincent A., 1590 

Laporte, 953 

La Potherie, 45, 70 

LaSalle, 56; letter of August 22, 1683, 
56; discoveries. 99; (portrait), 100; 
description of Ohio district, 101; writ- 
ings of, 103; (map), 105; Colony, 106 

Lasher, Norman J., 1349 

Lasselle, Hyacinthe, 346 

Last Union soldier killed in battle, 599 

Lauck, John, 1755 

Laughlin, C. E., 827 

Lauter, Herman, 1944 

Lauter Company, H., 1944 

Law concerning negro slaves, 237 

Law concerning servants, 337 

Law, John (portrait), 115 

Law schools. 744 

Lawrence. John F., 2353 

Lawson, Charles G.. 2105 

Lawton, Henry W., 761 

Leakey, Joseph R., 1673 

Leathers, James M.. 1374 

Leathers, William W., 1373 

le Drou, Pierre, 373 

Lee. Richard H., 192 

Lee's surrender. 670 

Leeds. Frank R,, 2136 

Leedy, Ulysses G., 1691 

Leeson, Colonel K., 1966 

Leeson. Richard L., 2033 

Legend of origin of Miamis, 44 

Legg Brothers. 1811 

Legg, Charles D., 3195 

Legg, Oiristopher E., 1811 

Legislation, 1864, 670 

Legislation for charitable institutions. 

Legislation, temperance work effect on, 

Legislative Reference work. 749 

Legislature of 1889, 1021 

Legrande. Pacome. 131 

Le Gras, M.. 181 

Lehmanowsky, John J.. 1132. 1145 

LeJeune, Father, 21, 64. 69 

Lemaux. George. 1242 

Lemcke, Julius A., 1343 

Lemcke, Ralph A., 1345 

Lemen diary, 347 

Lemen, James, 298, 352 

Lemen, John, 247 

LeMercier, Father, 38 

Lenfestey, John R., 2233 

Lensmann, John H., 3193 

LePetit, Father, 34, 38 

Lerman, Meyer, 1655 

LeRoy, John W., 1377 

Lesh, Charles P., 1603 

LeSueur, 30, 345 

"Letters of Decius," 242 

Levering, Julia H., 1399 

Levering, Mortimer, 1400 

Levi Coffin House, Fountain Cit}' (illus- 
tration), 509 

Levy, Henry, 1354 

Levy. Leopold. 1353 

Levy, Marie C, 1355 

Levy, Theresa, 1354 

Lewis, Dio. 1057 

Lewis, George B., 1549 

Lewis. Thomas R., 3182 

Lewis, Walter H., 2116 

Lewis, Walter L., 2120 

Lexington, 323 

Libby. Charles L., 1997 

Liberia, colonization, 470 

Library, 709, 914; medical, 822; Sun- 
day School, 914; township school, 916; 
conditions of the state, 916; juvenile 
fiction, 917; rural, 920; traveling, 930; 
public, 921; school. 921 

Library Commission. 920 

Library provision. 918 

Library Society, 1118 

License system, 703 

Lieber, Herman, 1736 

Lieber, Otto R.. 1737 

Lieber. Richard, 2219 

Lieutenant Governor, duration of office, 
720; contest for, 721 

Lilly, Eli, 1888 

Lilly, James W., 1401 

Lilly, William H., 339 

Limestone, Brown's report on Indiana's, 
962; statistics, 968 

Lincoln, Abraham, 581, 631, 655; speech, 
582; assassination, 670; remains in 
the Capitol, 670; Emancipation, 682 

Lindey. Carl S., 1661 

Lindley, Jonathan, 315 

Line, .Tohn. 1376 

Linn, William. 142 

Linthicum, Edward, 3175 

Linthicum, Porter H., 3175 

Liquor decision, 1054 

Liquor law, local option. 492 

Liquor League, 781, 1061 

Liquor legislation, 1052 

Liquor licenses, 748. 1042 

Liquor question. 767 

Lister, Joseph, 833 



Literature, 1185; fund, 475: western, 
1306; of the Great Valley, 1206; early 
American, 1209; first native Hoosier 
to produce boolc of literary merit, 1210 

Little, Abraham, 254 

Little Turtle, 37, 47, 53, 84, 175, 205, 
307, 210; granddaughter of, 79, 90; 
Indian name of, 92; (portrait), 270; 
grave of, 271 

Livezey, John C, 1561 

Local option liquor law, 492, 1043 

Lockwood, Bertha G., 1397 

Loclcwood, George B., 1071; (portrait), 

Lockwood, Eufus A. (portrait), 567, 2266 

Lockwood, Virgil H., 1396 

Logan (Chief), 228 

Logan, Robert J., 3043 

Logansport, 90, 955 

"Logansport Pharos," 742 

'•Log Convention," 262 

Log Sclioolhouse in Wayne County (il- 
lustration), 868 

Logsdon, Edwin D., 1410 

Lomax, William, 811, 853, 1653; (por- 
trait), 834 

Long, Benjamin F., 1955 

Long. Clara, 812; (portrait), 813 

Long, Crawford W., 833 

Long, Robert W., 813; (portrait), 813 

Long Hospital, 906; (illustration), 810 

Longcliif, 1018 

Lonn, Edward J., 1849 

"Looking Back from Sunset Land,'' 532 

Lookout Mountain, 648 

Loramie, Peter, 121 

Loramie's Station, 131 

Lorenz, John W., 2030 

Losantiville, 197 

Louisiana purchase, 339 

Louisville and Portland Canal, subscrip- 
tion to, 385, 1135 

Lowe, Richard, 1636 

Lowe, William. 299 

Lowry, .James H., 1372 

Loyd,' Creth J., 1878 

Luecke, Martin, 1334 

Luhring. Oscar R.. 1974 

Lupear, Alic J., 1727 

Lyell, Sir Oiarles. 30 

Lyon, Matthew, 243 

Maag, Bernard J., Jr., 1484 

Maas, George L., 1791 

Macadamized road. 393 

Maclure. William, 481, 1084, 1114; 

estate, 1118 
Macluria, 1105 
Madden, John J., 1785 
Madden, Thomas, 1784 
Maddox. John AV., 349 
"Madison Courier," 544 
Madison, James, 165, 230 

Madison Preceptoral Institute, 884 

Madison railroad scheme, 400 

Madstone. 792 

Magee, Rufus, 1961 

jiagnetic Telegraph, 425 

Major, Charles, 1194, 1366 

Main Market Highways to Be Built in 
Indiana (map), 940 

Main survey of Indiana lands, 355 

Malarial disease, 371 

Malott, Volney T., 1585 

Malott, William P., 1751 

Mancourt, Charles P., 1833 

Manhattan, 91 

Manitos, prayer to, 62 

Mann, Charles B., 3090 

Manning, Frank R., 1689 

Manson, JIahlon D., 720, 1504 

Manufactures, 944; increase of, 951; 
pioneer, 939 

Manwaring, Solomon, 396 

Marest. Father, 114 

Marietta, 195 

Marion, 953 

Marion County Medical Society, 822 

Markle, Major, 344 

Marott, George J., 3086 

Marple, E. A., 3135 

Marquette, Father, 65, 67, 80 

Marquette's Monster (illustration), 66 

Married women, independent property 
rights for, 454 

Marsee, Joseph W., 796 

Marshall, Henry W., 3370 

Marshall, John, 314 

Marshall, Thomas R., 331, 769, 776, 1226; 
(portrait), 773 

Martin, Asinae, 613 

Martin (Betsey) on Temperance. 1034 

Martin, Charles E., 1835 

Martin, Evan J., 3179 

Martin. Harry A., 1670 

Martin, Henr'v R., 1893 

Martin, William A., 1386 

Martindale, Charles A.. 1788 

Martinsville, 854, 969 

Mason, Augustus L., 1799 

Masonic Temple, Built 1848-50, (illus- 
tration). 496 

Masons, change of customs, 1039 

Massie, Natlianiel. 223 

Masters, M. L, 1770 

Mathew, Theobald. 1039 

Matthews, Claude, 755; (portrait), 754; 
Administration, 758 

Matzke, Julius, 1833 

JIaumee river, 74, 91 

Maxwell, David H., 297 

Maximilian. Prince. 30 

Mav, Edward R., 465 

Mav, Edwin, 709 

Mav. Rav, 1G63 

Mayer, Herman A., 1918 


Mavliew, Royal, 491, 886, 893 

McAbee, Daniel H., 1947 

McAJams, William, 66 

McAithur, Duncan 354 

McArthur. General, 276 

MeBride, Bert, 2163 

McBride, Robert W., 1899 

McCabe, James, 746 

McCarty, Enoch, 296 

McCarty, Nicholas, 500 

MeClellan, George B., 597 

McClung, John A., 1182 

McClure, Robert G., 1516 

McConaha, Everett R., 1479 

McCormick, 0. N., 1394 

McCormick Theological Seminar}', 901 

McCoy, Cassius C, 1882 

McCoy, Christiana, (portrait), 356 

McCoy, Eliza, 361; (portrait), 360 

McCoy Indian school, 358 

McCoy, Isaac, 82, 84, 355, 1030, 1182; 
(portrait), 356 

McCVacken C. J., 2122 

McCuUoch, Hugh, 412, 413, 1165; (por- 
trait), 414 

Mcailloch. Oscar C, 748, 1020 

McCullough, Thomas, 1772 

McCutcheon, George B., 1818 

McC^tcheon, John T., 1877 

McDaniel, Charles M., 2246 

McDonald, Joseph E.. 669, 704, 705, 714; 
letter, 663; (portrait), 664 

McDowell, Ephraim, 788 

McElheny, Franklin K., 1980 

McFall, George, 1764 

McGettigan, John E., 1597 

McGilliard, M. V.. 1278 

McGuire, William M., 2180 

Mcllvaine, W. A., 1994 

Mclntire, J. S., 1709 

Mclntire, Robert, 299 

Mcintosh, Sarah N., 2240 

Mcintosh, William, 260 

McKamy, Anna T., 817 

McKee, "Edward L., 3190 

McKee, Robert S., 2188 

McKinsey, AVilliam P., 2037 

McMahan, Adah, 816, 1828 

McMahan, Herbert B., 1809 

McMurtrie, IIz, 1783 

McRae, Emma Mont., 921; (portrait). 

McShirlev, Ella B., 1944 

McWhirt'er, Felix T., 1734 

McWilliams, Nannie E., 1468 

Mears, George W., (portrait), 822 

Mears, J. Ewing, 822 

Meat packing. 945 

Meats, artificial cooling of, 943 

Mechling. Jacob E., 1252 

Medical and surgical discoveries. 831 

"Medical and Surgical Monitor," 814 

Medical authors. 819 

Medical book, facsimile title page of 
tirst, 807 

Medical Colleges, 811 

Medical Convention of 1849, 802 

Medical fads, 790 

Medical History of Indiana's first cen- 
tury, 787 

Medical journals, 814 

Medical libraries, 822 

Medical officers in Volunteer regiments, 
Civil war, 848 

Medical practice, early, 801 

Medical registration, 793 

Medical schools, 794 

Medical society, first, 798 

Medical teachers, 821 

Medicine, early domestic, 788; laws reg- 
ulating practice of, 792; laws of 1897, 

Meeker, Thomas S., 1454 

Mees, Carl L., 1536 

Meier, Lewis, 1738 

Meigs, Return J., 196, 223 

Meister, Doris, 818, 1816 

Mellett, Jesse H., 1412 

Mellor, Walter H., 2074 

Meloy, Alfred 0., 1359 

Members of the Convention for Admis- 
sion as State, 296 

Memorial for statehood. 290 

Memorial of early convention of 1801, 

Memorial on Care of the Unfortunate, 

Menard, Pierre, 233 

Mendenhall, William, 1665 

Menominee, 359 

Mercer, William S., 1999 

Merchants associations, 974 

Mercurio. Phillip B., 1475 

Mercy Hospital, 1000 

Meredith, Henry C, 1457 

Meredith, Solomon, 893; (portrait), 691 

Meredith, Virginia C, 1457 

Mermet, Jean, 131 

Merrill, Catharine, 818, 1440 

Merrill, Samuel, 364, 380, 412; (por- 
trait), 368 

Merrimac, 600 

Methodist Book Concern, 1000 

Methodist church discipline, 1028 

Methodists, 518, 1195 

Metropolitan Police bill, 716 

Metzger, Albert E., 1538 

Meurin, Father, 133, 135 

Meuser, Robert J., 1645 

Mexican war, 429, 835 

Meyer, Frederick .T.. 1715 

Meyer. Henry. 1350 

Miami Ax, with Mound Builder Stono 
Head, (illustration) 2B 

Miami chiefs, 84 

iliami Company, 212 



Miamis, 39, 45, 92; legend of origin of 

tribe, 44; origin of, 47: dialect. 60; 

tlieory of creation, 6.3; food of. 7:3; 

agricultural, 74; hostile, 12u 
Michigania, 188 
Michigan City, 93, 953 
Michigan City prison. 1004 
Michigan Road. 380 
Military hospital, C^vil War, 596 
Military arrests, 638 
Jlilitary Commission, 665 
Military situation in the west, (1780), 

Military supplies, (1812), 272 
Military usurpation, 667 
Militia, Civil war, 641; War Governor's 

control over, 641 
ililler, Abram 0., 845, 849 
Miller, Calvin S.. 2106 
Miller, Clem, 1899 
Miller. Dick. 1568 
Miller, Edward C, 1598 
Miller, Enrique C, 1392 
Miller, Fred. 2017 
Miller, George F., 661 
Miller. Joaquin. 1192; early life. 1183; 

tribute to pioneers. 1157: (portrait). 

Miller, John F., 610: (portrait), 630 
Miller, Robert F.. 1371 
Miller Rvell T., 2285 
Miller. Samuel D.. 1503 
Miller, William H. H„ 1501 
Milligan, James W., 827 
Millikan, Frank M.. 1867 
Millikan, Lynn B., 1783 
Millikan. Thomas B., 1380 
Milling. 941 

Mills, Caleb, 474, 494, 891, 894, 911 
Milroy, Robert H.. 607; (portrait), 637 
Milrov, Samuel, 299, 376 
Minear. S. P.. 1896 
Mineral waters. 853, 968, 1018 
Mineral wealth, 958 
Mineral wells, 970 
Minerva Oub, first women's club in the 

United States, 1112 
Minnick, Tra A., 1726 
Minor, Benjamin B., 1558 
Minor. John R., 744 
:Minshall, Levi. 797 
Minute men. Civil war. 623 
Misener. Richard H., 1935 
Mishawaka. 92. 953 
Missionary Ridge. 648 
Missionaries, at Vincennes, 131 
Mississinewa. 92 
Mississippi Company. Ill 
Mississippi river. 604; navigation on. 628 
Mississippi Valley in 1801, (map), 234 
Missouri Compromise, 347, 504, 539 
Missouri Enabling Act 348 

Moccasin from Mammoth Cave, (illustra- 
tion), 31 

Moccasin from Salts Cave, (illustration), 

Mogle, Alvah E.. 1838 

Mogg, Jlillard E.. 1771 

Money contributions for Civil war pur- 
poses, 613 

Money difficulty, 403 

Money question, 715 

Monger, Ora, 1479 

Monitor, 600 

"Monitor and the Merrimac," 1192 

Monninger. Gottfried. 1975 

Montgomery, Chester R., 2213 

Montgomery. Edwin R.. 2140 

Montgomery, Hugh T.. 2312 

Monument to Col. Richard Owen, (illus- 
tration). 616 

Moodey. John W., (portrait), 799 

Moody, William V., 1191, 1313; (por- 
trait), 1193 

Mooney. James E., 134; (portrait), 133 

Moore," Asa. 388 

Moore, Benjamin F.. 1990 

Moore. Harry C, 1869 

Moore, Henry, 2110 

Moore, John" W., 2208 

Moore law. 1064 

Moore. Otto N.. 2111 

Moore. Roll W.. 1895 

Moorehead, W. K., 33 

Moores, Charles W., 1461 

Moorhead, George A., 1921 

Moredock. John. 233 

Moreland. John R., 1177 

Morgan, Otho H.. 2234 

Morgan raid through Indiana. 619; map 
of route. 621; Basil Duke account of, 
622; claims for damages in, 623 

Morgan's escape. 624 

Morris Canal and Banking Company. 404 

Morris. John. 1422 

Morris, Robert A.. 1356 

Morris. Judge .Tohn, 1422 

Morris. Thomas A.. 597; (portrait). 598 

Morrison, Charles B.. 1513 

Morrison. .Tohn 1.. 4S7; (portrait). 488 

Morrison-Reeves Library. 2208 

Morri.son. Robert, 233." 239 

Morrison, Sarah P., 905, 915 

Morrison, AVilliam. 217, 232 

Morrow. Carl F., 1762 

Morse, Elijah A.. 2084 

Morse, Prof.. 422 

Morss, Samuel E.. 737. 757; (portrait), 

Morton, Oliver P.. 536. 544. 546, 564, 
580. 593. 625. 629. 631. 641. 662. 678. 
1011: speech for secession. 573; mes- 
sage to special session of the legis- 
lature in 1861. 587; letter to Lincoln. 
637; (portrait), 645; as a lawyer. 



646; assumption of power, 648; ''ila- 
sonic Hall speech," 692 

Moser, Newton A., 1488 

Mote, Marcus, 206, 515, 1132; Quaker 
Artist, 515 

Motor speedway, 939 

Mott, Frederick E., 2247 

Mouch, Charles W., 1531 

Mound Builders, 1. 11, 17, 25, 31,; Fab- 
rics from Kentucky Caves, (illustra- 
tion), 31; dwelling, 31; games and 
sports. 32; idols, 34; origin and fate, 

Mound Builder Stone Head, (illustra- 
tion), 29 

Mound Building Nation, center of, 13 

Mounds. 1-42; Indian, description, 18; 
Jefl'erson County, Clark County, Jen- 
nings County, 9; Knox County, 13; 
piupose of, 38; Randolph County, 13 

Mount Evans, 1001 

Mount Jackson Tavern, 999 

Mount. James A., 759, 1306; (portrait), 

Movements of Indiana troops in Civil 
war. 599 

Mudlavia, 854 

Mueller, J. George. 1992 

Mueller, Lillian B.. 817 

Mulattoes, 471; status of, 465 

Muncie. 90, 93, 953 

Murphy, Charles J.. 2107 

Murphy, Edward. 823* 

!Murphy, Francis, 1060 

Murray, Amelia M., 503. 1136 

Murreil, John, 342 

Muscogean languages, 41 

Muscogees, 39 

Museum, 709 

Muskrats, 399 

Musseling, 958 

Mussel-shells, collecting of. 958 

Mustard, Daniel F.. 1289 

Mustard. Fred E., 2028 

Mythology. Indian, 61 I 

Naekenhorst, William, 1363 

Nappanee, 93 

Xashoba. Frances Wrighfs Colonv, (il- 
lustration), 1087 

National Conventions. 544 

'•^"ational Enquirer," 1065 

National highway, 783 

National prohibition, 1065 

"National Republican," 1072 

National Road, 936 

National Road Bridge (Old) over White 
River, (illustration). 937 

National Temperance Convention, 1037 

Natural gas. 961 

Nave. Joseph S., 1313 

Navigable streams, 930 

Navigable waters common highways, 194 

Needham, Harry S., 1921 
Xeff. Charles H., 2023 
NefT. Joseph E., 1458 
Negley, David D., 1620 
Negley. Harry E., 1622 
Negro question, 632 
Negro suffrage, 466, 676, 686, 694 
Negroes, 471; act concerning introduc- 
tion of into Indiana Territory, 243 ; 
in Indiana Territory in 1810, 244; kid- 
naping of, 341 ; status of. 465 
Nemeth, Desiderius D., 1336 
Nesbit, Wilbur D., 2239 
Netz, Benjamin F.. 1667 
Neu. John B.. 3091 
Neu. William J., 2091 
New Albany. 953 
Newby, Leonidas P.. 1858 
New Constitution, 497; movement for, 

New. Robert A.. 398. 338 
Newell, (James) Journal. 139 
New Foundland banks, 98 
New Harmony, 14, 481, 1071; colony, 35; 
first community at, 1074; industries, 
1081; labyrinth, 1083; women, 1086; 
Pelham"s description of, 1093 ; com- 
munity, failure of, 1100; schools, 1114 
Workingmen's Institute and Library, 
Newman. Omer L., 2020 
"New Moral World," 1084 
"New Purchase, The." 354 
Newspapers. 550, 1128, 1202; anti-slav- 
ery. 347 
New York great fire, 1151 
Nichol, George E., 1775 
Nicholas, war chief. 118 
Nichols. Clarence W., 1273 
Nicholson law, 1061, 1064 
Nicholson. Meredith. 1121. 1138. 1526 
Nicholson Remonstrance law, 767 
Nicholson. Timothy. 1032 
Nightingale. Florence, 818 
Niles. William. 1383 
Noble, James, 396, 367, 374 
Noble, Noah, 412, 420; (portrait), 421 
Noel, James W., 1480 
Noel, S. V. B.. 891 
Non-commissioned schools. 913 
Normal School opened, 908 
Normal schools, 907; 908 
Norris. Rov, 1487 
North Bend. 197 

Northern Indiana Hospital for the In- 
sane. 749. 823, 836; (illustration). 998 
Northern Indiana Normal School, 911 
Northrup, Leonard E., 1699 
Northwest Territory, 183, 222; proposed 
states in, 188; slavery in. 215; In- 
diana's direct interest in. 324; divided. 
"Northwestern Christian Advocate," 1000 



Northwestern Christian (Butler) College, 
illustration), 892 

Northwestern University, 1000 

Norton, Thomas M., 1786 

Norton, William J., 1787 

Notre Dame University, 911; first build- 
ing, (illustration) 892; (illustration) 

Nowlin, H. L.. 1583 

Nullification message, 579 

Nuner, J. F., 1543 

Nurses, 818; Civil war, 613 

Nusbaum, Oliver P., 1585 

Oakes, .John D.. 1532 

O'Bannon, Lew M., 2283 

O'Brien, Michael G.. 2049 

Observation mounds, 10 

O'Connor, JHchacl, 1713 

O'Connor, William L., 1713 

Ohio Company. 187, 192, 194, 213; lands, 

Ohio county, 94; smallest in State. 307 

Ohio district, LaSalle's description, 101 

Ohio river, 94, 101 

Ohio Steamboat Navigation Company, 

Oil wells, 959: (illustration), 960 

Oleott, John M., 908 

Old Bacon Home, Station on the Under- 
ground Railroad, (illustration), 545 

Old Bates House, where Lincoln spoke, 
(illustration), 581 

Old Capitol Hotel, 295; (illustration), 

Old City Hospital, Indianapolis, (illus- 
tration), 795 

Old Constitutional Elm, Corydon, (illus- 
tration), 300 

"Old Lemen fort," 247 

Old Rappite cemetery, 1117 

Old State Bank Building, Brookville, (il- 
lustration i, 324 

Olds, Lee M.. 3148 

Olds, Walter, 2147 

Oliver, .Tames, 1473 

Oliver, .Joseph D., 1641 

Ontario, 93 

Oolitic limestone, advantace of, 965; 
block of, (illustration). 967 

Oolitic quarry, face of, (illustration). 

v-ppenheim. W. S.. 750 

Orbison. Qiarles J.. 1817 

Order of American Knights. 649, 663 

Order of Good Templars, 1039 

Ordinance of 1787. 193. 233. 251. 340, 
787. 929, 1073: Facsimile of the Sixth 
Article of. 193; modification of. 236 

Ordinance for the survey and sale of the 
public lands. 190 

Oi'egon nuestion, 498 

Origin of Mound Builders, 35 

Origin of name Indianapolis, 364 

Origin of the Jliamis, 47; legend of, 44 

Orth, Godlove S., 708 

Osborn, Cliarles, 517 

Osborn, John W., 344; (portrait). 345 

Osborne, Clarence E., 1509 

Osborne, V. H., 1346 

Osborne, William C, 3199 

Osceola, 94 

Oswego, 94 

Ottawas, 60 

Otto, William T., 565 

Ouiatanon post, 113, 123 

Owasco, 94 

Owen-Campbell debate, 1102: Mrs. Trol- 

lope's account of, 1102; (illustration), 

Owen, David D., 35. 959, 1071. 1081 
Owen, Robert D., 398, 458, 575, 1073, 

1083, 1085. 1111; Memorial to, 461; 

religious belief. 1091; Monument to, 

(illustration), 1106 
Owen. Richard, 615; Monument to, 616 
Owen, William, 1079; diary. 260 
Owens, John, 254 

Pack horses, 934 

Packet "Governor Morton" at Old Na- 
tional Bridge, (illustration), 931 

Painted Monsters, 67 

Painting, 1303 

Palmer, .John M., 756 

Palmer. .J. Lewis. 1769 

Panic of 1819-30, 325; of 1873, 701: of 
1893, 755 

Parke, Benjamin. 340. 242. 354. 301. 329, 
331. 354,' 869; Home of. (illustration), 

Parker, Charles T.. 1357 

Parks, Beaumont. 874 

Parrott. Burton E.. 1534 

Parry Family. 1367 

Parry. St. Clair, 1368 

Parsons. Samuel H.. 191. 196 

Parsons. William W.. 909 

Parvin. Theophilus. 814. 819. 822. 1634; 
(portrait). 833 

Pasteur. 835 

Patoka river. 94 

Pattison, .Joseph H.. 1796 

Paul. .Tosenh 0.. 1853 

Paul. AV. B... 1497 

Payne, Gavin L.. 2249 

Payne, George W.. 1S20 

Peart. Morlev W., 1787 

Peck, .John :\r.. 249: (portrait), 250 

Peck. Mrs. Edwin H.. 1494 

Pelham. William. 1093; description of 
New Harmony. 1093 

Pelisi])ia, 189 

Penal farm. 779 

Penal institutions. 982 

Pennington. iJennis, 298 



Pennington, Joel, 801 

Pension money, 330 

People's Party, 542 

Peoria, Baptiste, 83 

Perkins, James H., 1202 

Perkins letter, 492 

Perkins, Samuel E., 1240 

Perrey, Jean F., 233 

Perrot, memoir, 61; description of In- 
dian customs, 73-79; description of In- 
dians, 75 

Perry. Charles C, 1686 

Perry, John C, 1765 

Perry, Col. Oran, 673; (portrait), 675 

Perry's victory on the lake, 282 

Personal prejudice in politics. 697 

Peru, 94 

Pestalozzi's school; 1085 

Petering, Carl F., 1377 

Peters, John C, 1612 

Peters, John H., 2066 

Peterson, Classon V., 1937 

Petroleum, 959 

Pettit, John, 445, 490,; (portrait), 449 

Pfaff, Orange G., 1381 

Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sci- 
ences, founder of, 1084 

"Philadelphia Gazette," 1091 

"Philanthropist, The." 517 

Phillips, .Samuel G., 1996 

"Philo Parsons," 660 

Phipps Institute for Tuberculosis. 835 

Physicians, early, 788, 794. 797; pioneer, 
794, 798, 806; women, 816 

Piasa Bird (illustration), 66 

Piasa Rock, 66 

Piatt claims, 278 

Piatt, John H., 273; (portrait), 276 

Piatt. John J.. 1694 

Piatt Relief Bill. 277 

Picken, William N., 1690 

Pickens. Samuel 0., 1681 

Pickering, Timothy, 190 

Pictured rocks, 65 

Picturesque old stone mill 941 

Piehl, W. Clifl'ord. 1469 

Piel, Oiarles F., 1244 

Piel. William F„ 1243 

Pine, Milton B., 2251 

Pinnell, Julius W.. 1758 

Pioneer advocate of women's rights in 
America. 1089 

Pioneer temperance society. 1030 

Pioneers, 1156; labor of, 1168; religious 
sentiment of, 1171 

Pittsburgh big fire, 1151 

Place, Dixon W., 1865 

Plank of Democratic platform. 667 

Plank road, 938 

Playgrounds la\f, 831 

Plea for honest elections, 730 

Plot to release Confederate prisoners, 

Plummer, Mary W., 1674 

Pluto's Well, 1018 

Poem, Anti-slavery, Ryland T. Brown. 

Poindexter, Bertha F., 2153 

Police force, control of, 716 

Political, aflairs of 1817, 334; history in 
1854, 537; campaign of 1860, 562; 
legislation, 720; corruption, 729; ora- 
tory, frontier, 1174 

Political parties, 440; strength of, 703 

Politics, territorial, 263; early, 286, 374; 
before Civil war, 558; after Civil war, 

Polk Milk Plant (illustration), 956 

Polke, William, 301 

Pollock. Oliver. 178; commercial agent at 
New Orleans. 179 

Polypotamia, 189 

Pontiac's conspiracy, 134 

Pool, W. W.. 1552 

Poor, care for, 976 

Pope, Frederick J.. 1675 

Population, 411; 1815, 787; 1880, 828; 
1910, 951 

Pork-house, largest. 943 

Pork packing. 941 

Portages. 388 

Porter. Albert G., 564. 715, 716; (por- 
trait), 717 

Porter, Edwin M.. 1834 

Porter, Gene Stratton, 1196, 1754 

Porter, H. R., 1743 

Porter, Moses, 212 

Posey. Gen. Thomas. 384; (portrait), 279 

Post Ouiatanon, 132 

Post Vincennes, 127, 128, 131; estab- 
lished. 129 

Potawatomi Treaty, 380; celebration 
of ratification of, 1033 

Potawatomi tribe, 82, 94 

Potter, Merritt A., 1683 

Potter. Theodore. 819 

Potter. William S.. 1940 

Pottlitzer, Edward L., 1939 

Pottlitzer, Leo. 1938 

Potts. Alfred F., 1918 

Powell, A. P., 1877 

Powell, Hannah. 613 

Powell. Major. 47 

Powell. Nettie B., 817 

Powell, Perry E.. 1897 

"Practicability of Indian Reform," 361 

Prange, Anthony, 1694 

Prange. Fred, 1703 

Pratt. Daniel D.. 565. 1496 

Prayer Stick, 136; (illustration), 135 

Prayer to the Manitos. 63 

Preachers, itinerant. 1176 

Prehistoric Hoosier. 1 

"Prehistoric Men of Kentuckv." (Young), 

Prehistoric population, 30 



Preparation of American lotus by Miami 
women, 77 

Presbyterian P'ducation Society, 87" 

Preserving industry, 954 

Presidential campaign of 1888. 740 

Presidential nominations, 713 

Presidential vote in 1864, 670; in 1893, 

Presidential voting, 339 

Priest, first ordained from the West. 

Primitive Grain Mill (illustration I. 937 

Primitive medical fads, 790 

Prince, William, 335 

Prior, Abner, 315 

Prison, Michigan City, 1004 (illustra- 
tion), 991 

Prisons and prison discipline, 1012 

Pritchett, Willis S., 2235 

Private schools. 886 

Prominent slave cases, 525 

Proclamation forbidding spirituous liq- 
uors to Indians, 230 

Proclamation from the Governor of In- 
diana, 1185 

Production of coal. 1912-15, 959 

Prohibition, 1042; law, contested, 1066; 
law, overthrow of, 1056; national, 
1065; of 1855, 1046 

Prominent slave cases, 519, 527 

Property, taxable, 411 

Prophet. Tracy W.. 1409 

Prophet. The. 266. 269 

Prophet's town, 94. 266 

Proposed ballot law, 745 

Props, John C, 2190 

Propst. James M., 1572 

"Protectionist, The," 509 

Provision for a state financial system, 

Prunk. Byron r .. 1991 

Public Depository law. 767 

Public instruction. Superintendent of. 
487; report of superintendent. 913 

Public ownership of western lands. 

Public lands, ordinance for the survey 
and sale of. 190 

Public libraries. 921 

Public playgrounds law, 831 

Public Savings Insurance Company of 
America, 2169 

Public schools, 867, 896, 912 

Public water supply law. 831 

Pulse. William C. 1879 

Pulszky. Francis. 1135 

Pu'szky, Mme. Theresa. 1135; visit to 
Indianapolis. 502 

Punishment of bribery. 746 

Purdue Engineering Building (illustra- 
tion). 919 

Purdue. .Tohn 1252 

Purdue University. 813. 909 

Pure food and drug law. 831 
Purpose of mounds. 38 
Puterbaugh, Roy H., 1950 
Putnam. Frederic W., 1 
Putnam, Rufus, 191 
Pyatt, Jacob, 131 
Pyramid, The, 13 

Quaker Artist, 515, 1132 

Quakers, 509; reception to Henry Clay, 

Qualifications for admission to the bar, 

Quarantine law, 831 

Questions submitted to candidates. 500 
Quigg. Eugene K.. 1480 
Quigley. .James A.. 1483 
Quinine, prohibitive price of. 803 
Quinlan. John R., 1421 

Kabb. .Joseph M.. 3071 

Race prejudice. 638 

Rafinesque. 1090 

Rafts. 924 

Raid through Indiana. 619 

Railroad assessment. 753 

Railroads. 380. 391. 401. 410; in 1856. 
955; interurban. 955; steam. 955 

Railroad track, first in Indiana. 391 

Kaitano. Harry E.. 1655 

Ralston. Alexander. 363; plat of In- 
dianapolis. 1821 (map), 362 

Ralston, Samuel M., 778. 1187. 1228: 
(portrait), 777 

Randolph County, Eirth mounds (map), 

Randoljih County mounds. 12 

Randolph. John. 335 

Randolph. Thomas. 261 

Rankin. William H., 2215 

Rapp. Frederick. 303, 1074 

Rapp. George. 1074 

Rappite cemetery. 1117 

Rappite Church '(illustration l . 1098 

Rasles. Sebastian. 24 

Rateliffe. Charles D.. 1293 

Rathert. William. 3194 

Ratification of Potawatomi treaty, cele- 
bration of. 1033 

Rau. John. 1970 

Ranch, Georoe W.. 1965 

Ray, .Tames B.. 374. 379; (portrait). 381 

Ray. James M., 413. 1002 

Read. Ezra (portrait). 800 

Reading circles. 931 

Reavis. William J.. 3096 

Rebel invasion. 616 

Recall of judicial decisions, Roosevelfs 
plan for, 774 

Recker, Gustav A.. 1714 

Reconstruction. 676; legislation. 681 

"Record of Ancient Races in the Mis- 
sissippi Valley." 66 



Record of Three Months Soldiers, Civil 
war, 598 

Records, Walter G., 1981 

Reed, Alfred L., 2031 

Reed, Frank I., 1580 

Reed, F. T., 2379 

Reed, Isaac. 1180 

Reed. Myron W., 1260 

Reehling, Peter J., 2077 

Reese, Samuel, 988 

Reformatory influences, 987 

Reform leorislation. 779 

Reform of Common School system. 473 

Reform record, legislature of 1889, 1021 

Reform School, 1009 

Reforms, 748 

Refrigerators, 947 

Reichart, Frederick, 302 

Reisner, George A., 1799 

"Relation of 1679-80" (LaSalle), 52 

"Relation of 1695" (Cadillac), 59 

"Relation of 1718," French, 109 

"Relations," Jesuit, 21, 24, 30, 33, 38, 
55, 56, 58, 64, 72 

Religion of Indians, 34, 61 

Religious establishment in Indiana dur- 
ing the French and British dominions, 

Religious mounds, 13 

Religious oratory, 1174 

Religious sentiment in 1819, 1180 

Religious sentiment of pioneers. 1171 

Removal act, 367 

Removal of capital, actual work of, 367 

Removal of Indians. 82 

Remster. Charles, 1949 

Repeal bill, 264 

"Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for 
1892-3." 124 

Republican party. 556 

Republican Tariff Commission, 729 

Reserved lands, 314 

Reticule from Salts Cave (illustration), 

Return of Indiana troops from Civil war. 

Revenue, separation of State anil Munic- 
ipal. 750 

Revnohls. David. 429; (portrait). 430 

Reynolds, Joseph .T., 1277 

Reynolds. Mvron G.. 2060 

Reynolds. Robert, 233 

Rhodes, Clarence R., 1358 

Rho<les, Samuel S., 1358 

Rice. Luther V.. 2278 

Richardson. Benjamin A.. 2053 

Richardson. Nathan H.. 2055 

Ricliardville, Jean B., 94 

Richardville. John Baptiste, 84 

Richey, James C, 1667 

Richmond, 953 

Ridgway, Nathan, 1649 

Ridpath, John C, 1491 

Riesenberg. Henry, 1491 

Riley, James, 386 

Riley, James E., 1352 

Riley, James VVhitcomb, 1133, 1185, 
16'83; (portrait), 1186 

Riley, Reuben A., 550 

Rlniie, Charles H., 1935 

Risk. Charles M., 1658 

Ristine. Joseph, 903 

Ritchey. James. 995 

Ritter." Dwight S., 1262 

Ritter. Eli F.. 1062, 1262; (portrait), 

Ritter, Mary T., 817 

Ritter, Ralph, 1807 

River transportation. 929 

Rivers. 101, 194 

Roach, Josepli R., 2116 

Roach, William A.. 1618 

Road law, 935 

Roads, 371. 393, 933; early, 936 

Roanoke, 95 

Robb, Charles J., 1958 

Robb. David, 301 

Robb, J. S.. 1141 

Roberts. James E., 2198 

Roberts. John. 2198 

Robertson, Robert, 254 

Robinson. Arthur R., 2165 

Robinson, Woodfin D., 3241 

"Rock houses," 30 

Rock-Spring Seminary, 250 

Rockwood, George O'. 2203 

Rockwood, William E., 2203 

Rockwood, William O., 2203 

Roehm. Frank E., 2083 

Roesener, Charles F.. 1972 

Roeske, Arthur, 2081 

Rogers, George P.. 1297 

Rogers, Jesse B.. 2069 

Rogers, Joseph (i., 826. 1018 

Roland, Charles W., 1602 

Romev. William H.. 1870 

Roof, 'Robert M.. 2098 

Roosevelt, Theodore, 163; plan for re- 
call of judicial decisions, 774 

Root, Henry A., 2099 

Rose, Benoni S., 1982 

Rose, Chauncey. 1485 

Rose. David G". 615 

Rose. Franklin JI., 2151 

Rose. Jacob W., 1810 

Rose Polytechnic Institute, 1526 

Roseberry, John D.. 1817 

Rosecrans, General. 652 

Rosenthal, Albert M.. 2210 

Rosenthal. Moses, 2309 

Rosey, Frank, 1289 

Ross! John A.. 2121 

Rothley. Victor H.. 2204 
Roush, Wilbur C, 1839 



Route from Lake Jliehigan to Indian- 
apolis, 383 

Route of Celoron, 1749, (map) 119 

Routh, Estle C, 1625 

Rov, Pierre G., 107, 108; (portrait), 109 

Royse, James T., 2082 

Rubush, Preston C, 2340 

Rubusli. \Villiam A., 1567 

Ruckle, Nicholas R., 1909 

Ruddv, Howard S., 1683 

Ruddell, Richard, 1220 

Ruff, Geortre W.. 1668 

Ruins of Powder Magazine Fort Char- 
tres, (illustration). 111 

Runcie, Constance F., story of her con- 
version, 1107: (portrait), 1109 

Runcie, James, 987 

Rural libraries, 930 

Rush, Benjamin, 1030 

Russell, John F.. 1SS2 

Russiaville, 95 

Ryan, John H., 1757 

Sacred Enclosure mounds, 27 

Saffer, Mendle, 2134 

St. Ange de Bellerive, 118 

St. Clair, Arthur, 115, 194. 204, 207. 218, 

227; loses office, 230; (portrait), 221: 

last years of, 232 
St. Clair Society for the Prevention of 

Slavery, 352 " 
St. Clair, William 317, 333 
St. Francis Xavier Church, erected 1786, 

134; (illustration), 135 
St. John, John P., 1901 
St. Joseph County Savings Bank 
St, Joseph river, 45, 95 
St, Louis, 314 

Saint Mary-of-the-Woods, 913 
St. Mary's river, 95 
St. Jlery, iloreau, 117 
Salaries of State officers, 310 
Sale of lands, 316 
Saline Fund. 478 
Sallee, Alva C, 1283 
Saloon license, 767 
Sandage, William L., 1740 
Sanders, John, Clark's guide. 147; (por- 
trait), 146 
Sanders, Thurman C, 1979 
Sanitary Commission, Civil war, 596, 613 
Sanitary schoolhouse law, 831 
Sansber'ry, Charles T., 1411 
Saratoga', 188 
Sargent. Winthrop, 114, 181. 194, 196. 

301, 330 
Sargent's reply to citizens of Vincennes, 

Saw mills, 939 
Say, Thomas, 1085 
Schauer. George S., 1734 
Scheibler. Frank S., 1748 
Schlegel, Fred J.. 1736 

Schlosser Brothers, 954, 1550 

Schlosser, Henry, 1551 

Schmidt, Gustave G., 1643 

Schneider, Jacob U., 1984 

Schoenberger, Frank A., 3097 

Schoolbook trust, 748 

Schoolcraft, 1080 

School for Feeble-minded Youth, Fort 
Wayne, (illustiation), 1019 

School for the Blind, Indianapolis, (il- 
lustration), 1006 

School fund, refunding, 749 

School funds, 477 

School law of 1853, 480 

School libraries, 916, 931 

School of Industry, 1117 

School question, 887 

School teachers, 906 

School tuition, 494 

Schools, 877, 912; McCoy Indian. 358; 
reform of Common School system, 473 ; 
free, 483; unuorm system of, 487 ; first, 
860; bill to establish, 869; common, 
877;; special, 878; superintendent of, 
879; private, 886; illustrations of first 
buildings, 892 ; early Indianapolis, 
894; tax-supported, 895; of territorial 
period, 900; normal. 907, 908: in 1817, 
(Darby), 1301 

Schortemeier, Henry E.. 1533 

Schrader. Christian F., 1499 

Schrader, Christian A., 1500 

Schroeder, Henry C, 1942 

Schurman, Edward, 2170 

Schurmann, Gustavus. 2169 

1 chuster, .Jacob. 2131 

Schutz, Leon B.. 2043 

Schweitzer, Ada E., 817 

Schweitzer, Richard H., 1654 

Scioto Company. 213 

Scoggan. David B.. 1538 

Scott, Charles, 306 

Scott, Emmet H.. 1631 

Scott, Homer H., 1340 

Scott, James, 297, 334, 865 

Scott. Samuel T.. 863 

Scott, William, 1995 

Scudder, Janet, 1736 

Sculpture. 1303 

Searles. Ellis, 1800 

Seaward, Harry B., 3001 

Secession, opinions on 569, 573 

Seeker, William R.. 1646 

Second Constitutional convention, 350 

Second Indiana Regiment at Buena Vis- 
ta, 431 

Second State House, Indianapolis, (illus- 
tration), 455 

Secret political orders, 648 

Sectarian colleges, 897 

Seeburger, Louis P., 1964 

Seeds. Russel M., 1348 

Seiberling. A, G.. 1657 



Sell. Charles H., 3051 

Scininaries, 886 

Senat, Aiitoine, 131 

Senate C'omraittee on Education. 867 

"Sentinel," 758 

Separation of State and municipal rev- 
enue. 750 

Seramur. John F., 1683 

Servant, objection to word, 1162 

Sessions. Kenosha, 817 

Setting Sun — Kilsokwa, 79 

Settlements, mixed, 1165 

Settlers ordered off lands. 291 

Seventv-ninth Indiana Regiment, 600 

Sewall" Mary W., 1679 

Seybert, D. L., 1594 

Shafer, John C, 1815 

Sharpe, Joseph K., 1432 

Sharpe, Jo.seph K., Jr., 1433 

Sharts Benjamin F., 1960 

.Shea, John G., 131 

Sheets, William, (portrait), 444 

Sheerin, Simon P., 743; (portrait), 741 

Shields, Clarence V., 1465 

Shields, Frank B., 1348 

Shields, Patrick, 298 

Shipbuilding. 938, 953 ; during Civil war, 

Sliipshewana, 95 

Shirk, Flbert H.. 1985 

Shirley. B. E.. 1809 

Shively, Benjamin F., 769 

Shooting oil well, (illustration), 960 

Shortridge. Abram C, 918. 930 

Shumaker. Edward S.. 1064 

Shurtleff College, 250 

Siddall. J. P., 602 

Siegert, Julius G.. 1333 

Sifers, "Doe,' 794 

Signal mounds, 1 

Signatures, Indian, 51 

Silver O-eek church, 253 

Silver, demonetization of, 755 

Simmons, Edgar A.. 1973 

.Simon. Milton N., 1842 

Sims. Fred A., 1720 

Sims. Thetus W.. 1138 

Singer Sewing Machine Company. 951 

Sinking Fund. 478 

Sioux, 59 

Sipe. Richard V.. 1461 

Sixth Article of- the Ordinance of 1787. 
(illustration). 192 

Sixty-ninth Infantry in ilobile, 672 

Skinner. John H.. 1913 

Slack. Lemuel E.. 1735 

Slade. William, 493 

.Slaughtering and meat packing, 945 

Slave cases. 344, 347, 472. 506,' 519, 525, 

Slavery, 341. 468, 633; admission of, 
190; established, 216; proviso, 214, 
235, 303; modification of, 317; trou- 

bles, 341; petitions, 246, 356; Thomas 
Jefferson's opinion on, 247; in the ter- 
ritories, 500; debate, 512; question, 
233. 226, 231, 247, 393, 471, 500, 504, 
548, 1308; test case, 346 

Slaves, law concerning, 237; gradual 
emancipation of, 252; kidnaping of, 

Slocum, Frances, 81, 93 

Shiss. John W.. 819 

Small. John, 224 

Small, Orange L., 1840 

Smart. James H.. 909; (portrait), 910 

Smith. Andrew, 1688 

Smith, A. G., 750 

Smith, Caleb B., 565, 1610 

Smith, Charles, Steam Mill Company, 

Smith. Charles I.. 2069 

Smith. Giarles W., 2277 

Smith, Dwight, 1475 

Smith, Edward A., 1565 

Smith. George H., 1677 

Smith, Harry B., 1754 

Smith, Hiram L., 1675 

Smith, Hubbard M., 798. 1624 

Smitli, James. 301 

Smith. Jesse D., 1663 

Smith, Louis F., 1581 

Smith, Oliver H.. 334, 336, 1133. 1603 

Smith, Oscar C. 1989 

Smith. Samuel E., 836 

Smith, W. Edwin, 1600 

Smith, William G., 1405 

Smither. Henry C. 1576 

Smithsonian Institution, 1107 

Smock. Samuel. 397 

Smogor. Clement, 1261 

Smythe, G. C, 820 

Snider, Albert G.. 1831 

Snider. George W.. 1830 

Snider, L. A., 1270 

Social conditions in 1794. 341 

Society of Friends. 517. 1009 

Soldier's and Sailor's Monum<'nt. 749 

Soldier's and Sailor's Orphans Home. 749 

Soldier's and Seamen's Home. 1010 

Soldier's Friend. The. 596 

Soldiers' Home, 595 

Soldiers, height of, 1199 

Solitude. 1168 

Soltau. John A., 1685 

Sons of Liberty. 648; number in Indiana, 
656; governor's stand on. 663 

Sons of Temperance. 1039, 1041. 1043 

Sorin, Edwar.I. 911 

South Bend, 45. 95. 951 

Soutli Hanover College. 875 

South Sea bubble, 336 

Southeastern Hospital for the Insane, 
823, 827: JIadison. 1030; Evansville 
(illustration), 1013 

Southern Indians, religion. 34 



Southern Insane Hospital, 749 

Spahr, John 0.. 1553 

Spanish-American War, 760; surgeons, 

Spaulding, Andrew J.. 1777 
Special schools. 878 
Special session of the legislature in 1861, 

Morton's message to, 587 
Speech on slavery, 6.32 
Speier, Nathan, 1288 
Spink. Mary A.. 817, 1872 
Spink. Urbane. 818 
Spirit Pantlier. 64 

Spirituous liquors, proclamation forbid- 
ding to Indians. 230 
Spooner. John C, 2262 
Sports of Mound Builders, 32 
Spraker. David C. 1959 
Springs. 2; chalybeate. 970 
"Squatter sovereignty," 254 
"Squaw Campaign," 141 
Stafford, Earl E., 1635 
Stalnaker. Frank D., 1687 
Staler. Joseph H.. 1447 
Stanley. Lewis E.. 1469 
Stanley, Marv C, 819 
Stansburv. Ele. 1406 
Stanton. "Harry L., 1541 
Staples, Alexander, 2243 
Star Publishing Co., 1745 
Starr. John 2258 
State Anti-Slavery Society, 511 
State Archaeological Society, 15 
State Bank. 479 

Stat.e Bank of Indiana, 412, 413, 446 
State Bank. Vincennes. 324 
State Board of Agriculture, 504. 972 
State Board of Charities and Corrections, 

748, 1022 
State Board of Health, 828 
State bonds. 393 
State Capitol. 598; first, 370 
State Chamber or Commerce, 974 
State charities, 1005 
State conventions, 549 
State debt reduced. 763 
State Educational Society. 895 
State equality. 583 
State Exposition. 703 
State Fair. 702: first. 504 
State financial system, provision for, 322 
State Ceologist of Indiana, 1, 36 
State Hospital. 812 
State House. Commission to erect new. 

709; April 30. 1865. (illustration). 

668; (illustration), 710 
State Librarian. 749 
State Housing Association. 779 
State Library. 709. 749; inaugurated. 

310; cost rif moving, 371 
State Library Commission. 920 
State ^fedical Convention of 1849, 803 
State Museum. 709 

State Normal School, (illustration), 902 
State Ortices at Corvdon, (illustration), 

State Printer, 442 
State prison, establishment of, 984 
State roads, 371 
State school tax, 481 
State seal, 378; (illustration), 379 
State seminary, 314, 873 
State Tax Board, 752 
State Teachers' Association, 907 
State Temperance Alliance. 1056 
State temperance convention, 1044 
State Temperance Society, 1032 
State University, 474, 476, 897, 901, 903; 

disposition of, 486; appropriations. 

Statehood, first move for, 319; moves 

for. 340; convention. 395 
Station on the Underground Railroad. 

(illustration). 545 
Statistics law. 830; Civil war. 601; 

limestone, 968 
Status of negi'oes and mulattoes, 465 
Staub. Michael W., 1993 
Steamboats, 938 
Steam Boiler Incrustation. 1018 
Steam railroad travel, 955 
Steamers seized by Confederate soldiers, 

Steel, 945 

Steele, Alvah C, 2200 
Steele, Theodore C, 1843 
Stein, Theodore, 2100 
Stein. Theo Jr.. 1968 
Stembridge. Mary, 2075 
Stempfel, Theodore, 1617 
Stephens. Josiah, 383 
Stephenson, Edward E.. 1547 
Stephenson, John E.. 1546 
Stephenson, Joseph M., 2179 
Stephenson, MacCrea. 1547 
Stephenson, Robert H., 1547 
Stephenson, Rome C. 1268 
Stephenson, William H. H., 1546 
Sterne, Albert E., 1718 
Stevens, Ambrose A.. 615 
Stevens, Thaddeus M., 1665 
Stevenson, William E.. 1580 
Stewart. Alexander M.. 1271 
Stewart. Oliver W.. 1785 
Stewart, Robert R., 1271 
Stewart, W. T.. 1816 
Stidger. Felix (i.. 652; (|)ortrait), 653 
Still (Peter). Story of. 519 
Stilson, Edmund R.. 1730 
Stimson. Fred J.. 1568 
Stimson. Samuel C, 2271 
Stimson. .Stella C. 2272 
Stites, Benjamin, 196 
Stockman. George W.. 943 
Stockton. Sarah, 818 
Stoddard, Amos, 67 



Stoddard. James M., 2164 

Stolle, Anton. 1486 

Stone, Barton W., 1176 

Stone fort. Clark County, 5 

Stone Fort in Jefferson County, (map), 

Stone fortifications, Jennings County. 9 

Stone mill, pii'turesque old, 941 

Stone mounds, Clark County, 9 

Stone quarries, 962 

Stone, R. French, 819 

Stone, AVinthrop E., 910 

Storen. Mark. 1692 

Stormon, David, 519 

Storv of Peter Still. 519 

Stott, William T., 2113 

Stout, Kdward E.. 2102 

Stout. Floyd W.. 1455 

Stout, Harry, 2102 

Stoy, Marv C, 1329 

Stov. Wiiliam V., 1329 

Strange, John, 1029. 1032. 1174, 1178 

Strange, John T., 1347 

Stratton, Stephen. 2271 

Stratton-Porter, Gene, 1196 

Strauss. Isaac R.. 1889 

Strauss. .Juliet V.. "the Country Con- 
tributor." 1196, 1890; (portrait), 1197 

Street improvements, 748 

Street railroad strike, Indianapolis. 778 

Streeter. Catherine A.. 1523 

Streight. Abel I).. 571; (portrait). 572 

Stuart. Gilbert. 270 

Stuart. William /.. 1343 

Stuckmeyer. Cliarles H.. 1362 

Stuckmeyer. Edward A.. 1974 

Studebaker. Clement. 1235 

Studebaker. Henrv. 1235 

Studebaker Plant'. South Bend (illustra- 
tion). 952 

Student Building, Indiana University (il- 
lustration). 864 

Sturm. Aucust T>.. 1792 

Sudhnff, Charles H., 1478 

"Sufferers Lands." 214 

Suffrage. 439. 451, 684 

Suffrage act, 261 

Sucar Loaf Mourd. 13. 25 

SulGTOve. Berry. 569. 580. 589. 1122 

Sullivan. Jeremiah, 877, 893. 364. 389. 
1032; (portrait), 365 

Sunday school libraries, 914 

Sund.TY Schools, 1177; first at Indian- 
apolis. 1003 

Sun-worshipers. 34 

Superintendent of Public Instruction. 
487: report of. 913 

Superintendent of schools. 879 

Supervisor of Indian Employment. 82 

Supplies. Civil war, 595 

Supposed Human Footprints in Lime- 
stone (illustration). 1079 

Supreme Court. 7 76 

Surgeons in Civil war. 836; in colored 
regiments, C^vil war, 847; in Minute 
Men regiments, Civil war, 847 ; Span- 
ish-American war, 848; Volunteer 
Navy, Civil war, 848; appointed by 
the President in the Volunteer Army, 

Surgical discoveries, 831 

Surplus Revenue Fund. 478 

Survey of Vincennes tract. 355 

Survej', main, of Indiana lands, 355 

Survey system, 354 

Survey and sale of public lands, ordi- 
nance for, 190 

Surveys and land grants, earlv (map), 

Surveys, canal, 387 

Sutton, George (portrait), 820 

Swamp lands, 933 

Swain. David F., 1497 

Swain. .loseph, 905; (portrait), 906 

Swain, William M., 1813 

Sweet, B. J., 660 

Sweitzer, Clara M.. 1638 

Switzer. George W.. 2206 

Swygart. John A., 1257 

Sylvania, 188 

Symmes, John C, 196, 223, 1093 

System of education. 310 

Taggart. Alexander. 1777 

Taggart, James E.. 2151 

Taggart, Thomas. 742 

Talbot. Henrv H.. 1310 

Talcott. Thad M.. Jr., 1318 

Talon, General, 101 

Tamm. August, 1698 

Tanner, Gordon, 577: (portrait), 579 

Tarkington, Booth. 1194, 1232 

Tarascon, Louis A., 928 

Tardiveau. Bartholomew. 214 

Tariff. 714. 729. 737 

Tapscott. Walter A., 1660 

Tarrant. .James, 253 

"Tarrant's Rules Against Slavery." 253 

Tauer. Paul 0.. 2210 

Taxable property. 411 

Taxation. 750; commission to invesli- 

gate. 753; system. 448 
Tax commissioners. 750 
Tax investigations. 750 
Tax laws, violation of, 751 
Tax-supported schools, 895 
Taylor, Henry A., 2127 
Taylor, James H., 1731 
Taylor, Samuel J„ 2041 
Taylor, Silas E.. 1638 
Taylor. Waller, 245 
Taylor, William, 2127 
Taylor, William F., 2129 
Taylor, Zachary, 268 

Teachers. 494; medical, 821; pioneer. 870 
Teal. Angeline. 1326 


Teal, Norman, 1326 

Tecumseh (P. 0.), 96 

Tecumseh, Death of (illustration), 282 

Teeumtlia, 204, 282; (portrait), 272 

Teeple, David H., 1744 

Tee-total, origin of word, 1037 

Telegraph line, 423 

Temperance, 227, 492, 537, 715, 766, 776, 
1027; advocate of, 700 

"Temperance Advocate, The," 1043 

"Temperance Chart," 1043 

Temperance convention, 1044 

Temperance organization, first, 1029 

Temperance paper, first, 1043 

Temperance singers, 1039 

Temperance Society, first, 1003; pioneer, 

Temperance Society of Marion County, 

Temperance work, effect on legislation, 

"Temperance Wreath." 1043 

Templars of Honor and Temperance, 

Temple mounds. 1, 13 

Temporary government of Western Ter- 
ritory, 188 

Tennessee Manumission Society, 517 

Tertlinger, Frederick W., 826 

Terraced Mound, 14 

Terrapin industry, 958 

Terre Haute, 952" 

"Terre Haute Evening Tribune," 1072 

Terrell, Charles H., 1351 

Territorial .Judges 228; legislature, 218; 
schools. 900; politics, 262 

Test slavery case, 346 

Thanksgiving Day, 422 

Thanksgiving, first proclamation in In- 
diana, 421 

"The Griflon," 106 

"The Indiana," 391 

Theological debate, 458 

Thieme. Tlieodore ¥.. 1891 

Third Wesley Cliapel (illustration), 802 

Thirteenth Indiana Regiment, 600 

Thomas, liurtis P., 2171 

Thomas. Earl A.. 2211 

Thomas, Henry H.. 2091 

Thomas. .Jesse B. (portrait), 255 

Thomas. JIartha V., 1256 

Thomas, William, 2244 

Thompson. Charles B.. 1673 

Tliompson. Charles F.. 2255 

Tliompson. Edward R. 2058 

Thompson. Edwin E.. 1258 

Thompson. .John. 1860 

Thompson. JIaurice. 1598 

Tliompson. Richard W., 893. 2117 

Thomson certificate, facsimile of, 791 

Thomson. Samuel, 790 

Thomsoniasm. 790 

Thornton. William W., 1619 

Thorntown. 96 

Tiedeman. Christopher G., 1067 

Titlin, Edward. 223 

Tillett. .Joseph N.. 2058 

Timmons, Benjamin F., 1880 

Tippecanoe, 96 

Tippecanoe Battleground near EaFayette 
(illustration), 263 

Tippecanoe. Battle of, 266 

Tippecanoe Camp and Battle (map), 265 

Tippecanoe County, 96 

Tippecanoe i^ake. 96 

Tippecanoe River, 96 

Tipton, Ernest L., 1599 

Tipton. .John, 387, 1591 

'1 obacco, 69 

Todd, .John, 169, 181 

To<ld, Robert N.. 1661 

Todd, S. S., 811 

Todd, W. Newell, 1485 

"Tom Jiarshall Constitution," 776 

Tonty, 47 

Topeka, 96 

Total abstinence, 1031 

Total call for men in 1861, Civil War, 

Totems, 23 

Township scliool libraries, 916 

Tracy. -T. Ross. 2248 

Training School for Nurses, 1020 

Trainor. Felix J., 1452 

Transportation, 392, 924; by water, 934 

Traveling libraries, 920 

"Travels of .Jonathan Carver," 15 

Treason organizations, 649 

Treaties. 212 

Treaty of Fort Stanwix, 187 

Treaty of October, 1818. 354 

Treaty of Utrecht. 110 

Treaty with Potawatomis at Chippewa- 
nung, 1836; (illustration), 74 

Trees. Fred L., 1977 

Trial by jury, 450 

Tribal mounds. 22 

Tribal organization. Indian, 81 

Tribal organization in Indiana. 85 

Tribe of Ben Hur. Tlie. 1320 

Tribes. Indian, 52 

Trinity Springs, 969 

Trollope (Mrs.), account of Owen-Camp- 
bell debate. 1102 

Troost. (Gerard, 1086 

Trouble between .Julian and Morton, 679 

Troubles between Frencli and English, 
Dongan's discussion of. 104 

Trueblond, Benjamin F.. 1743 

Trueman. Major. 209 

Tuberculosis hospital. 779 

Tuberculosis, hospital for treatment of, 

Tnbesing, Harry H.. 1474 

Tunnel mill, 941; (illustration), 942 

Tupper, Benjamin. 191 



Turkey Run (illustration), 1173 

Turner, F. J., 1156 

Turjiie, David. 564, 589, 704, 706, 1211; 

(portrait), 626 
Tuttle, Joseph F., 911; (portrait), 915 
Twenty-first Indiana Regiment, 600 
"Twin" State" process, 290 
Twining. William, 883; (portrait), 881 
Tyner. .lames N., 1617 

Uhl, Jessie M., 2064 
Umphrey, William A.. 1703 
'•Uncle Tom's Cabin," 500, 504 
"Uncle Tom," Indianapolis negro. 506 
Underground Railroad, 526, 529, 882; 

Station on (illustration), 545 
Underground Railroad Lines in Indiana 

(map), 541 
Uniform system of common schools, 482 
Union Literary Institute, 914 
Union spirit, 585 
Union Theological Seminary, 405 
Union Railway, 598 
Union victories, 669 
LInited States, early financial condition. 

United States Geological Survey, 1071 
University, 897; appropriations. 904; 

first woman student, 905 
University Fund, 477 
University of Denver, 1000 
University. State, 865 
Urban population. 951 
Usher, John P., 1583 
Utrecht, treaty of, 110 

Vail, Joshua, 243 
\ ail, Samuel. 243 
Vajen. Caroline C. 2095 
Va'jen, John H.. 2094 
Valparaiso University. 911 

Van Briggle. Lilburii H.. 1605 
Van Buren, Martin. 498 
\'an Camp. Cortland. 2267 
Vance. Samuel C, 382 
Vandalia Company's claim, 187 
Vanderburgh, Henry, 115, 215, 218, 328; 
tragic death of son, 116; report to Sar- 
gent, 116 

Van Deusen. (ierritt S.. 2142 

Van Kirk, John P., 1370 

\'an Matre. Howard M.. 1854 

Van Osdol. James A.. 3045 

Varner. George W., 2229 

Varnum, .Tames M., 196 

Vawter. Charles B.. 1601 

Velpeau. 833 

Veneman. Albert J., 2009 

Venesection, 791 

Vermillion County. 96 

Vigo. Francois. 178. 235 ; advanced money 
for army supplies. 177; (portrait). 178 

Vigran, Benjamin, 1904 

\'incennes. City of. 181, 197; post at, 
113; foundation of, 113; origin of 
name, 116; defense of, 117; early 
missionaries at, 131; description of 
mission at, 132; cathedral, 134; cap- 
ture of, 151; capitulation of, 160; 
oath of inhabitants of, 151; (larrison 
Marching Out (illustrationi, 152; In- 
dian account of the capture of. 163; 
memoir. 173; address of inhabitants. 
201; Sargent's reply to citizens. 202; 
Hamtramck's service to people of, 203; 
capital, 225; population in 1800, 226; 
in 1801, 230; injury by pestilence, 373 

Vincennes Fort, 130; fort abandoned. 170 

Vincennes Historical and Antiquarian 
Society. 113 

Vincennes Post. 127. 128. 129. 131 

Vincennes, Sieur de, 107, 109, 117 

Vincennes tract, survey, 355 

\'incennes University, 315 861, 866; 
bonds, 320; claim, "318, 448. 767; (il- 
lustration), 319 

Vinton, Henry H., 1939 

Virginia Baptists 253 

Virginia cession. 185 

Virginia law "concerning servants,'' 237 

Virginia Peace Congiess. 580. 583 

Vital statistics law, 830 

Vivier, Louis, 132 

Vocational education 779. 913 

Volnev. Count, 72 ; on Indiana natives, 

Vonnegut, Clemens. 2173 

Vonnegut. Franklin. 2174 

Voorhees, Daniel W., 565. 663. 704. 706; 
(portrait). 559 

Vote buying. 746 

Vote, foreign, 452 

Wabash, 96 

Wabash and Erie Canal, 388, 393, 403; 
aqueduct over the St. Mary's at Fort 
Wayne (illustration), 386; repudiation 
of debt, 404; value to agriculture. 411; 
bonds, 713 

Wabash and Erie debt, 886 

Wabash Cemetery, 33 

Wabash College, 911; first building (il- 
lustration), 892 

Wabash County, 96 

Wabash Land Company, 187 

Wabash River, 96 

AVacker, August, 1806 

Wacker, Charles J., 2089 

Waco, 97 

Wade, Harry, 1739 

Wade. Will H.. 1464 

Wadsworth, Sarah. 77; (portrait). 68 

Wagons. 946 

Waits. Charles J., 1617 

Wakarusa, 97 

Wales, Ernest De W., 819 



Walker, Edwin. 1962 

"Walking historv" of Indiana, 479 

Wallace, David," 420, 445, 1059; (por- 
trait), 423 

Wallace, James B., 1311 

Wallace, Lew, 429, 499, 579, 5Sfi, 596, 
599, 1059, 1194, 1867: (portrait), 585 

Wallace, Zerelda G., 1059; (portrait), 

Walled enclosure, largest in the state, 

Wallick, John F., 1708 

Walton, William M., 1645 

"Walum Olum," 1090 

Wampler, Frank, 2101 

War conditions, 631 

War Department factor}', 953 

War governor, control over militia. 641 

War nurses, 613 

War of 1813, 268 

War spirit, 585 

War with Mexico, 429 

Warder, Robert B., 10 

Warren, Josiah, 1088 

Wars: French and English, 118; French 
and Indian, 122; Indian, 53, 59 

Warships, Civil war, 605 

Washington, George, 122, 215 

Washington County launched, 196 

Washingtonian Society. 1II3S 

Watelsky, Nathan, 1446 

Water routes, 835 

Waterman, Luther D.. 853. 2321 

Water supply, chief source to Indian- 
apolis'. 402 

Water su])ply law, 831 

Water transportation. 924 

Water-ways, 933 

Watkins, Ernest R., 1814 

Watson, David E.. 1283 

Watson, (Thomas E.). comment on 
George Rogers Clark, 166 

Watt, Harry W., 2263 

AVayne County, population of, in 1800, 
336; sepai"ate territorial government, 

Wayne, Gen. Anthony, ("Mad An- 
thonv.") 74, 208; order regarding in- 
toxication, 237; Orderly Book, 208 

Webb. Charles E., 1491 

Webb, Fred G., 1960 

Weber, George H.. 3183 

Weber, John, 2183 

Weber. Joseph F., 1773 

Weber Milk Company, 2183 

Webster, Daniel, 478 

Weeks, Raymond. 1139 

Weer, Fraiik W., 1768 

Weidely. George A.. 1695 

Weinsliank. Theodore, 1364 

Weinstein. Joseph H.. 2170 

Weir, Ellsworth E.. 13S3 

Weiser, Conrad. 121 

Weiss, Anna, 1581 

Weist. Jacob R., 830 

Welborn. .James Y., 3196 

Welborn, William C. 2197 

Weller, Charles E., 1387 

AA'ells, Artluir T., 1393 

W'clls. oil and gas, 959 

\\'ells. William. 80 

Werwinski, Joseph A., 2186 

Wesley Chapel, 805 

Wesley, John, 1178 

West Baden, 853, 969 

West Baden Hotel (illustration), 971 

West, Henry F., 887, 889, 896; (por- 
trait), 889 

Western Eagle, The, 302 

Western Literary Institute and College 
of Professional Teachers, S73 

Western literature, 1206 

"Western Register and Tcrrc Haute Ad- 
vertiser," 347 

Western Territory, temporarv govern- 
ment of, 188 

Whigs. 498 

Whisler, Ralph P., 1471 

Whitcomb. James. 437; ())ortrait). 438 

White, Charles, 911 

White, Haffield, 195 

White, John H., 1284 

White River, 97. 932 

White. William M.. 1402 

Whiteley, Amos. Jr.. 2143 

Whitewater Canal. 393. ;!99 

Whittington. Elva D.. 1295 

Whittington. William T.. 1294 

Wickemeyer. Raymond H., 1585 

Wilcox, George H.. 1643 

Wild onion. 78 

Wilder. John T.. 2270 

AViley. Charleys F.. 3032 

Wiley. Harriet, 818 

Wiley, Harvey W., 1733 

Wiley, Ulric 'Z., 1626 

Wilkinson, James. 207 

Willard. Ashbel P., 536, 559. 562. 1008; 
(portrait), 563 

Willard school, 993 

Williams. Alice B., 817 

Williams, "Blue Jeans." 708 

Williams, Francis M., 1596 

Williams. James D.. 1017. 1894: (]>or- 
trait). 707 

Williams. Jesse L.. (portrait), 390 

Williams, John F.. 1951 

Williams, John J., 599 

Williams, Josephus, 1661 

Williams, Samuel, narrative, 274 

Wilson, George R.. 354, 1364 

Wilson, Henry L.. 1721 

Wilson, John'L.. 1732 

Wilson, John R., 743. 756; (portrait), 

Wilson, Aledfor.l P... 1733 



Wilson, Williara T., 3003 

Wilson. Woodrow, 776 

Wimmor, Vauglin. 1668 

Winamac, 97 

Winn, Homer V.. 1750 

"Winning of the West. The" (Roosevelt). 

Winona, 97 

Winona Assembly and Schools, 1073 
Winslow, .Jennie I.. 1867 
Winslow. Lanier & Co.. 419 
Winslow, William W.. 1866 
Wintersteen, Charles H.. 3057 
Wishard, William H., 811, 849, 1637; 

(portrait). 793 
Wishard. William N., 1639 
Wolcott. Eben H., 1781 
Wolfe. Norman F., 1371 
Wolff. Charles, 2019 
Wolfson. Aaron, 1707 
\\ Oman suffrage, 454 
Women Crusaders in Saloon (illustra- 
tion), 1050 
Women, independent property rights fur 

married, 454 
Women physicians. 816 
Women's Christian Temperance Union, 

Women's Clubs. Minerva first in the 

United States, 1113 
Women's Crusade, 1057 
W^omen's Prison and Girls' Reformatory. 

Women's Prison Board, 1017 
Women's rights. 456; pioneer advocate 

of. in America, 1089 
Wood. Aaron, 1132. 1140 
Wood. Charles A., 135S 
Wood. John G., 1607 
W'ood, Thomas. 104 
Woodard, Horace G., 165S 
Woodard, Walter C, 2289 
Woodmere, 1020 
AVoods, William .A., 738 
Woods. William D., 1696 
Woollen. Herbert M.. 2085 
Woollen, Milton A., 3085 
Woollen, William W.. 2355 

W'iKilverton, Jacob. 1265 

Workmen's Compensation Law. 771 

W<irkingmen's libraries, 916 

Works on Hill North of Hardinsbuig. 

Dearborn County (map), 16 
Worthington, B. A., ,1911 
Wnrtliingion. Thomas. 333 
Wright. Anna M., 1383 
Wright, Bert L.. 1853 
Wright, C. A,, 1484 
Wright, Frances, 463. 1086; (portrait), 

463, 1089 
AVright, Frank J., 1916 
Wright, Fred D., 1790 
Wright, Isaac, 2035 
Wright, Jacob T., 1282 
Wright, Joseph A. (portrait), 501 
Wright, Trevor D.. 1675 
Wrigley, Sarah, 1132 
Writers, 1185 
Wyandotte. 97 
Wyckoff, Stanley, 1717 
Wylie, Andrew, 874, 877, 879 
Wylie, Arthur. 1616 
Wyman. Clara L., 1257 
Wyman, George, 1256 
Wynn. Frank B., 2280 
Wynne, Thomas A., 1246 

X-ray, 832 

Vauky. Henry C. 1452 

Yellow river, 97 

Young. Bennett H., 32 

Young, George M., 1953 

Young Men's Temperance Society, 1037 

Young People's Reading Circle, 921 

\oung. AVilliam T., 1348 

Yount, Warren J., 1823 

Zeigler. R. A.. 1763 
Zion, William R.. 1656 
Zoercher. Philip. 2046 
Zollman. Charles K., 2149 
Zorn. Robert P.. 1353 
Zuttermeister. Cliarles E.. 1478 
Zuver, John H., 2177 
Zwick, Charles, 1730 
Zwick, Henry F., 1729 

Indiana and Indianans 


"Marley was dead to begin with", and so were the Mound Builders 
of Indiana; but unhappily these left no such adequate and satisfactorj' 
records as there were in Marley 's ease. In consequence it has not been 
possible to organize any society of Sons or Daughters of the Mound 
Builders because of the dearth of genealogical material. It is generally 
assumed that all of the prehistoric men of this region were Mound 
Builders, but there is no assurance of this. Indeed, unless it be assumed 
that they were fighting among themselves, it is certain that they had 
hostile contemporaries, for their extensive fortifications show a state 
of "preparedness" that is inconsistent with anything but a well- 
grounded fear of attack. 

Their mounds, or earth works, have been divided by some authorities 
into four classes, viz. 1, Defensive mounds; 2, Observation or Signal 
mounds; 3, Temple or Religious mounds; and 4, Burial mounds. Of 
these the last named are by far the most numerous ; and the first named 
are the more impressive. All four classes are foimd in Indiana, and 
some of the more remarkable ones are worthy of detailed description. 
One of the most notable is known as Fort Azatlan, near Merom. It was 
so named by Prof. John Collett, the Indiana geologist, from Aztlan, the 
legendary place of origin of the Aztecs. In 1871, Mr. Frederic Ward 
Putnam, the noted anthropologist, in company with Prof. Cox, then 
State Geologist of Indiana, Prof. Collett, and others, examined this 
work, and Mr. Putnam said of it: 

"The fort is situated on a plateau of loess, about one hundred and 
seventy feet in height above low water, on the east bank of the river. 

Vol. I— 1 



On the river side, the bank, which principally consists of an outcrop of 
sandstone, is very steep, and forms the western line of the fortification, 
while deep ravines add to its strength on the other sides; the weak 
points being strengthened by earth works. The general course of the 
work is fi'om the north, where it is very narrow (not over 50 feet) 
owing to the formation of the plateau, south along the river bank about 
725 feet to its widest portion (at H) which is here about 375 feet east 
and west. From this point it follows a deep ravine southerly about 460 
feet to the entrance end of the fort. The bank traversed by the entrance 
road is here much wider than at other portions, and along its outer wall, 
running eastward, are the remains of what was evidently once a deep 
ditch. The outer wall (A, B) is about 30 feet wide and is now about 
IV2 feet high ; a depressed portion of the bank, or walk way, then runs 
parallel with the outerwall, and the bank (C, D) is then continued for 
about 20 feet further into the fort, but of slightly less height than the 
front. Through the center of these banks there are the remains of a 
distinct roadway about ten feet in width. 

"From the northeastern comer of this wide wall the line continues 
northwesterly about 350 feet along the eastern ravine to a point where 
there is a spring, and the ravine makes an indenture of nearly 100 feet 
to the southwest. The mouth of the indenture is about 75 feet in width 
and the work is here strengthened by a double embankment (E, F). 
The natural line of the work follows this indenture and then continues 
in about the same northerly course along the banks of the ravine to 
the narrow portion of the plateau about 550 feet to the starting point. 
There is thus a continued line, in part natural and in part artificial, 
which if measured in all its little ins and outs would not be far from 
2,450 feet. 

"Besides the spring mentioned as in the indenture of the eastern 
ravine, there is another spring in the same ravine about 175 feet to 
the north of the first, and a third in the southwestern ravine about 125 
feet to the west of the southwestern comer of the work. 

"Looking at all the natural advantages offered by this location, it 
is the one spot of the region, for several miles along the river, that 
'would be selected today for the erection of a fortification in the vicinity, 
with the addition of the possession of a small eminence to the north, 
which in these days of artillery would command the fort. Having this 
view in mind a careful examination was made of this eminence men- 
tioned, to see if there had ever been an opposing or protective work 
there, but not the slightest indication of earthwork fortification or of 
mounds of habitation was discovered. 


"The interior of this fortification contains much of interest. On 
crossing the outer wall a few low mounds are at once noticed, and all 
around are seen large circular depressions. At the southern portion of 

Fort Az.\tlan, near ^Ierom, Ind. 

the fort these depressions, of which there are forty-five in all, are most 
numerous, thirty-seven of them being located south of a line drawn 
from E on the northern side of the indenture of the eastern ravine to 
the projecting extreme western point of the fort at H. 

"These depressions vary in width from ten to twenty-five or thirty 
feet, and are irregularly arranged, as shown by the accompanying en- 


graving, where they are represented by the black circles. One of the 
six depressions opposite the indenture of the eastern ravine is oval in 
shape, and is the only one that is not nearly circular, the others varying 
but a foot or two in their diameters. 

"Two of these depressions were dug into and it was found that they 
were evidently once large pits that had gradually been filled by the 
hand of time with the accumulation of vegetable matter and soil that 
had been deposited by natural action alone. In some instances large 
trees are now growing in the pits and their many roots make digging 
difficult. A trench was dug across one pit (J) throwing out the soil 
carefully until the former bottom of the pit was reached at a depth 
of about five feet. On this bottom ashes and burnt clay gave evidence 
of an ancient fire, and at a few feet on one side several pieces of pottery, 
a few bones of animals, and one stone arrowhead were found. A spot 
had evidently been struck where food had been cooked and eaten, and 
though there was not time to open other pits there is no doubt but that 
they would tell a similar story, and the legitimate conclusion to be 
drawn from the facts is that these pits were the houses of the inhabi- 
tants or defenders of the fort, who were probably further protected 
from the elements, and the arrows of assailants," by a roof of logs and 
bark or boughs. The great number of the pits would show that they 
were for a definite and general purpose and their irregular arrangement 
would indicate that they were not laid out with the sole idea of acting 
as places of defence, though those near the walls of the fort might 
answer as covers from which to fire on an opposing force beyond tlie 
walls, and the six pits near the eastern indenture, in front of three 
of which there are traces of two small earth walls, and the two com- 
manding the entrance of the fort, would strengthen this view of the use 
of those near the embankment. 

"In many of the ancient fortifications that have been described by 
Mr. Squier and others, pits have been noticed, but they have been only 
• very few in number and have been considered as places for the storage 
of food and water. The great number in this small earthwork, with 
the finding that one at least was used for the purpose of cooking and 
eating food, is evidence that they were used for some other purpose 
here, though some of the smaller ones may have answered for store- 

"The five small mounds were situated in various parts of the en- 
closure. The largest (G) was nearly fifty feet in diameter and was 
probably originally not over ten feet in height. It had been very 
nearly dug away in places, but about one-fifth of the lower portion had 


not beeu disturbed. From this was exhumed one nearly perfect human 
skeleton and parts of several others that had been left by former ex- 
cavators. This mound also contained several bones of animals, princi- 
pally of deer, bear, opossum and turtles ; fragments of pottery, one 
arrowhead, a few flint chips, and a number of thick shells of unios two 
of which had been bored near the hinge. This moimd has yielded a 
number of human bones to the industry of Dr. H. Frank Harper. 

"The second mound (I) which was partly opened, was some twenty- 
five feet in diameter and a few feet in height, though probably once 
much higher. In this a number of bones of deer and other animals 
were found, several pieces of potteiy, a number of shells and a few 
human bones. The other three mounds, one of which is not over ten 
or twelve feet in diameter and situated the furthest to the north, were 
not examined internallj'. 

"The position of all the mounds witiiin the enclosure, which are 
indicated by the white circles on the cut, is such as to suggest that they 
were used as observatories, and it may yet be questioned if the human 
and other remains fomid in them were placed there by the occupants 
of the fort, or are to be considered under the head of intrusive burials 
by a later race. Perhaps a further study of the bones may settle the 
point. That two races have buried their dead witliin the enclosure is 
made probable by the finding of an entirely different class of burials 
at the extreme western point of the fortification, indicated on the en- 
graving by the three quadrangular figures at. H. At this point Dr. 
Harper, the year previous, had discovered three stone graves, in which 
he found portions of the skeletons of two adults and one child. These 
graves, the stones of one being still in place, were found to be made 
by placing thin slabs of stone on end, forming the .sides and ends, the 
top being covered by other slabs, making a rough stone coffin in which 
the bodies had been placed. There was no indication of any mound 
having been erected, and they were placed .lightly on the slope of the 
bank. This kind of burial is so distinct .from that of the burials in the 
mound that it is possible that the acts may be refeiTed to two distinct 
races who have occupied the territory successively, though they may 
prove to be of the same time and simply indicate a special mode adopted 
for a distinctive purpose." ^ 

Even more striking is the "stone fort" in Clark County. Prof. E. 
T. Cox, who, after surveying it, pronounced it "one of the most re- 
markable stone fortifications which has ever come under my notice", 
gave the following description of it : 

1 Bulletin of Essex Institute, Vol. 3, No. 2, November, 1871. 


oil flip Ohio Kh-pr:t AlilosEnstofClmrleslawn.ritirkefo.,.. 
V\\\«N«AVi^\o\. E. T. V07CS/a/f f/eo/oytsf 


The locality selected for this fort presents many natural advantages 
for making it impregnable to the opposing forces of pre-historic times. 
It occupies the point of an elevated narrow ridge which faces the Ohio 
river on the east, and is bordered by Fourteen Mile Creek on the west 
side. This creek empties into the Ohio a short distance below the 
fort. The top of the ridge is pear shape, with the part answering to 
the neck at the north end. This part is not over twenty feet wide and 
is protected by precipitous natural walls of stone. It is two hundred 
and eighty feet above the level of the Ohio, and the slope is very 
gradual to the south. At the upper field it is two hundred and forty 
feet high and one hundred steps wide. At the lower timber it is one 
hundred and twenty feet high. The bottom land at the foot of the 
south end is sixty feet above the river. Along the greater part of the 
Ohio river front there is an abrupt escarpment of rock entirely too 
steep to be scaled, and a similar natural barrier exists along a portion 
of the north west side of the ridge facing the creek. This natural wall 
is joined to the neck by an artificial wall made by piling up, mason 
fashion, but without mortar, loose stone, which had evidently been 
pried up from the corniferous layers at the point marked D. This 
made wall at this point is about one hundred and fifty feet long. It 
is built along the slope of the hill and had an elevation of about 
seventy-five feet above its base, the upper ten feet being vertical. The 
inside of the wall is protected by a ditch. The remainder of the hill 
is protected by an artificial stone wall built in the same manner but not 
more than ten feet high. The elevation of the side wall above the 
creek bottom is eighty feet. Within the artificial walls are a string 
of mounds which rise to the height of the wall and are protected from 
the washing from the hill sides by a ditch twenty feet wide and four 
feet deep. The position of the artificial walls, natural cliffs of bedded 
stone, as well as that of the ditch and moujids will be better understood 
by a reference to the accompanying map. 

"The top of the enclosed ridge embraces ten or twelve acres, and 
there are as many as five mounds that can be recognized on the flat 
surface, while no doubt many others existed which have been obliterated 
by time and through the agency of man in his efforts to cultivate a 
portion of the ground. A trench was cut into one of these mounds in 
search of relics. A few fragments of charcoal and decomposed bones 
and a large, irregular diamond-shaped boulder, with a small circular 
indentation near the middle of the upper part that was worn quite 
smooth by the use to which it was put, and a small piece of fossil coral — 
favosites goldfussi — comprised all the articles of note which were re- 


vealed by the excavation. The earth of which the mound is made 
resembles that seen on the side of the hill and was, probably, in most 
part taken from the ditch. The margin next to the ditch was protected 
by slabs of stone set on edge and leaning at an angle corresponding to 
the slope of the mound. This stone shield was two and a half feet 
wide and one foot high. At intervals along the great ditch there are 
channels formed between the mounds that probably served to carry 
off surplus water through openings in the outer wall. 

"On the top of the enclosed ridge, and near to the naiTOwest part 
(D) there is one mound much larger than any of the othei-s and so 
situated as to command an extensive view up and down the Ohio Kiver, 
as well as affording an unobstructed view east and west. There is near 
this mound a slight break in the cliff of rock which furnished a narrow 
passage way to the Ohio River. Though the locality afforded many 
natural advantages for a fort or stronghold, one is compelled to admit 
that much skill was displayed and labor expended in rendering its 
defense as perfect as possible at all points. Stone axes, pe.stles, aiTow 
heads, spear points, totems, charms and flint flakes have been found in 
great abundance in plowing the field at the foot of the old fort. "^ 

There is another stone fort of about the same size as this a little 
farther up the Ohio valley in Jefferson. County. It stands on the bank 
of Big Creek, eighty feet above the creek bed, and incloses about ten 
acres. On the north and south sides of this bluff there are steep stone 
cliffs from sixty to eighty feet in height, which converge at the west 
side, leaving only a narrow strip there without natural protection. 
This point is covered by an artificial stone wall similar to those of the 
preceding fortification ; and so is the east side, where the north and 
south lines are about four hundred feet apart. This long stretch of 
made wall was originally about ten feet thick at the base, and is so 
curved as to plainly indicate its defensive purpose.^ There are some 
other stone fortifications in Indiana, but they are smaller. One in 
Jennings County is 75 feet in diameter, and stands on a cliff 75 feet 
above an adjacent stream.^ 

There are also several stone mounds in the southern part of the 
State. Two of these, in Clark County, are unique. They are made 
of flat stones, methodically piled up so as to leave a small opening in 
the interior, and connecting vrith these are long, low entrance ways 

2 Ind. Geol. Report, 1873, pp. 126-7. 

3 Ind. Geol. Report, 1874, p. 32. 

* Ind. Geol. Report, 1875, p. 174. 


of stone, arched over, somewhat resembling Eskimo igloos. Some of 
the people in the vicinity believe that there were underground passages 
connecting these mounds with a cave near by." The other stone mounds 
that have been described are solid. Of these three are near the town 
of Deputy, in Jefferson County. One of them is oval in shape, 135 
feet long and 60 feet wide. The other two are much smaller, and so 
are similar mounds elsewhere, as in Ripley and Scott counties.* All of 
these mounds that have been opened have been found to contain human 
bones, and usually bones of anin^als, and other matter. It is heirdly 
questionable that these are burial mounds. Old writers mention this 
mode of sepulture among the Southern tribes, especially when the dead, 
for some reason or other, could not be taken to the customary places of 
burial for interment with the usual rites. Adair says: "In the woods 
we often see innumerable heaps of small stones in those places where, 
according to tradition, some of their distinguished people were either 
killed or buried, till the bones could be gathered : there they add Pelion 
to Ossa, still increasing each heap, as a lasting monument and honour 
to them, and an incentive to great actions."^ Bartram noted "vast 
heaps of stones", marking the graves of Cherokee warriors who had 
fallen in a disas,trous battle with the whites.* Dr. Brickell mentioned 
at a much earlier date the custom of the Carolina Indians to make such 
monuments.^ Mr. Charles C. Jones, the learned Georgia anthropologist, 
says: "In order to designate the grave of a remarkable warrior, who 
had fallen in battle, and whose body could not at the time be brought 
home by his companions, the Cherokees and other nations inhabiting 
hilly regions were wont to cover the body of the slain with stones 
collected on the spot. Every passer-by contributed his stone to the 
pile, until it rose into a marked and permanent memorial of the 
dead." 10 

In the descriptions of the first two forts above, mention is made 
of "observation mounds", and it is probable that these were made at 
other points for defensive purposes. In a report on Ohio and Switzer- 
land counties, Mr. Robert B. Warder says: "Dr. J. W. Baxter, of 
Vevay, gives me the following account of a series of mounds or signal 

6 Ind. Geol. Beport, 1874, p. 29. 

6 See Ind. Geol. Report, 1874, pp. 35, 197-9; 8th Eept. Peabody Mus., Vol. 1, 
47; Bulletin No. 1, Brookville Soc. of Nat. Hist. (1885) p. 35. 
' History of the American Indians, p. 184. London, 1775. ' 

8 Travels through North and South Carolina, etc., p. 346. London, 1792. 

9 Natural History of North Carolina, p. 380. Dublin, 1737. 

10 Antiquities of the Southern Indians, p. 201. N. Y. 1873. 



stations, occupying prominent points along the Ohio river, and so 
located that each may be seen from the next above and below. These 
command nearly the whole bottom. From the station below Patriot the 
observer may look across Gallatin County, Kentucky, and the valley 
of Eagle creek to the hight of land in Owen County. Both this mound 
and one near Rising Sun exhibit traces of fires that were doubtless 
used as telegraphic signals by the Mound Builders. The mounds at the 

Earth Mounds in Randolph Cou*fTT 

following places form a complete series, though others may have been 
used when the country was timbered: Rising Sun; near Gunpowder 
creek, Kentucky; the Dibble farm, two miles south of Patriot; the 
•'North Hill", below Warsaw, Kentucky; the Taylor farm, below 
Log Lick creek; opposite Carrollton, Kentucky; below CarroUton. A 
greater number of wild grapes, plums, crabapples and onions are 
found near the mounds than elsewhere."" 

11 Ind. Geol. Report, 1872, p. 413. 


In addition to the stone forts, there are several earth works whose 
defensive character is obvious. The most extensive of these is on 
White River in Randolph County, and is described by Prof. Cox as 
follows: "The largest walled enclosure in the State is situated near 
the town of Winchester, in Randolph County. It is figured in Squier 
and Davis' Antiquities of the Mississippi Valley, but as that plat was 
inaccurately made it is reproduced here from actual measurements 
made by Dr. G. M. Levette. It contains thirty-one acres, and a good 
portion of it lies within the boundary of the Randolph County fair 
ground, the remaining portion, with the exception of the public road- 
way on the west end, lies in cultivated fields, so that the whole work 
is in a fair way to be obliterated. There are two gateways, one on the 
eastern end, twelve feet wide, and has no defenses, Sugar Creek and the 
intervening bluff probably being deemed sufficient; but at the west 
end there is an embankment in the shape of a half circle which overlaps 
the gate and complicates the passage-way. The enclosure is in the 
shape of a parallelogram with curved angles ; the sides are 1,320 feet 
long, and the ends 1,080 feet. There is a mound in the centre 100 feet 
in diameter and nine feet high. When the horses are trotting, at fair 
times, this mound is covered with spectators, as it commands a view 
of the entire track. I once had the pleasure of witnessing a spirited 
trot from the top of this moiuid. The walls of the enclosure are from 
eight to nine feet high where they, have not been disturbed by the plow. 
A cross section of the half-circle at the west gate is shown on the plate ; 
it has a slight ditch on the inside ; also a cross section of the main wall, 
which has no fosse. You will perceive that the location for this large 
and remarkable M'ork was selected with due regard to protection against 
the sudden attack of an enemy. It is at the junction of Sugar Creek 
and White River, which affords protection on two sides, and the mound 
in the centre served as a look-out station. "12 

I am inclined to doubt the conclusion of Prof. Cox as to the purpose 
of the mound, as its elevation would make it no higher than the walls, 
and there is no indication that it was higher originally. I think it 
more probable that this was a walled town, and that the mound was 
for the residence of the chief, or cacique, and the temple; but that is 
a matter of conjecture, based on facts which will appear later. The 
fact that no large quantity of Mound Builder relics and refuse have 
been found in the immediate vicinity of so large an establishment, 
whether a town or merely a fort, would indicate that it was not occupied 
for a great length of time. 

i=In(l. Geo). Eeport, 1878, p. 134. 


Near Vineennes, in Knox County, there are three large works of a 
different character, which were described by Prof. Collett. It is ueces 
sary to remember that he was a believer that the Mound Buildei-s were 
the ancestors of the Aztecs, and that he was one of those enthusiastic 
scientists to whom a plausible theory assumed the character of a 
demonstrated fact, in order to appreciate the assurance of the following 
description: "Temple [Mounds.— This region was well to the center 
of the Mound Building Nation. Remote from the dangers incident 
to a more exposed situation and encircled by a bulwark of loving hearts 

forts, walled enclosures, and citadels were unnecessary, and not 

erected as it exposed points on their frontier. Perhaps the seat of a 
Royal Priesthood, their efforts essayed to build a series of temples 
which constituted at once capitol and holy city— The Heliopolis pf 
the West. Three sacred mounds thrown upon or against the sides of 
the second terrace or bluff east and southeast of Vineennes are the 
result, and in size, symmetry and grandeur of aspect, rival if not excel 
any prehistoric remains in the United States. All three are truncated 
cones or pyramidal; and without doubt, erected designedly for sacred 
purposes, the flat area on the summit was reserved for an Oratory and 
Altar as in the Teocalli of Mexico. 

"The Pyramid, one mile south of Vineennes, is placed on a slightly 
elevated terrace surrounded by a cluster of small mounds. It is oblong, 
with extreme diameter from east to west at the base of three hundred 
feet, one hundred and fifty feet wide, and is forty-seven feet high. The 
level area on the summit fifteen by fifty feet is crowded with intinisive 
burials of a later race. 

"The Sugar Loaf Mound on Mr. Fay's land, just east of the city 
line, is built against and upon the side of the bluff, but stands out m 
bold relief with sharply inclined sides. Diameter from east to west two 
hundred and sixteen feet, from north to south one hundred and eighty 
■ feet and towering aloft one hundred and forty feet above Vineennes 
Plain, it commands bv twenty-seven feet the high plateau to the east. 
Area on top sixteen by twenty-five feet. The following section was 
developed by sinking a shaft centrally from the top : 


Structure of Sugar Loaf Mound 

Loess sand 10 ft. 00 in. 

Ashes, charcoal and bones 10 in. 

Loess sand 17 ft. 00 in. 

Ashes, charcoal and bones 10 in. 

Loess sand 9 ft. 00 in. 

Ashes, charcoal and bones 2 ft. 00 in. 

Red altar clays, burned 3 ft. 00 in. 

42 ft. 8 in. 

"This shaft closely approached or actually reached the former 
surface of the hill. It settles decisively the artificial origin of the 
mound, and indicates a temple three stories high. 

"The Terraced Mound on Burnett's land, one mile E. N. E. of 
Vincennes court house, has an east and west diameter of three hundred 
and sixty-six feet, from north to south two hundred and eighty-two 
feet, and rises to an elevation of sixty-seven feet above the plain, with 
a level area on top ten by fifty feet. A winding roadway from the east 
furnished the votaries of the sun easy access to the summit." 

Prof. Collett seems to have been under the impression that the 
Aztecs burned their human sacrifices on the summits of their teocallis, 
but this is not the case. The victims heart was cut out, and consumed 
in a censer before the idol, but his body was taken away to be eaten. 
Whoever made the Sugar Loaf ilound, it can hardly be considered a 
sacrificial mound. That would involve the supposition that they began 
sacrificing when it was only three feet high, and immolated such a num- 
ber of victims as to make a deposit of ashes, charcoal and bones two 
feet deep ; that on this they put nine feet of soil, and then immolated 
to the extent of ten inches more of ashes; then seventeen feet more of 
earth, followed by ten inches of sacrificial remains ; and finally a cover- 
ing of ten feet of earth. You must also suppose the sacrificial priests 
wading around in these layers of ashes until the deposits attained the 
thickness named. The tax on imagination is too great. Some more 
plausible explanation is needed, and one will be suggested further on. 
It may be mentioned here, however, that the Aztec temples had on their 
tops huge stone idols, which could not well be removed from the vicinity, 
or concealed ; and nothing of that sort has ever been found in Indiana. 

It is also due to Prof. Cox to say that he was also a doubter. In 
fact his scientific training at New Harmony made him so cautious that 
he said that all efforts to define the purposes of the mounds, "beyond 


the fact substantiated by exploration, that some of the mounds were 
used as sepulchers for the dead, is, in my opinion sheer guesswork." 
In 1877 Prof. Cox delivered an address on Archaeology before a newly 
organized State Archaeological Society. In this he refers to Prof. 
Collett's report, quoted above, in which the Knox County mounds had 
been classified as "mounds of habitation, sepulchral and temple 
mounds", and said: "Archaeologists have, as I think, without due con- 
sideration, classified the mounds into altar and sacrificial mounds, 
sepulchral or burial mounds, lookout mounds and mounds of habita- 
tion. When we dig into a mound and find that it contains human bones, 
it may then with propriety be called a sepulchral or burial mound. But 
to speak of others as altar mounds or mounds of worship, mounds of 
habitation or lookout mounds, is assigning to them a purpose which can 
not be sustained unless fortified by some better proof than the mythical 
writings of Spanish historians. It is a common occurrence to find in 
mounds some ashes and charcoal mixed with human bones, and for this 
reason the builders have been accused of cremating their dead. So far 
I have not been able to find any charred human bones, though charred 
wood and charcoal are of common occurrence. A few fragments 
of charred bones are reported by Squier and Davis in their so-called 
sacrificial mounds at Mound City, Ohio. My own opinion is that 
mounds were simply erected as burial places for the bones of dead 
chiefs or other persons high in authority. The bones were sprinkled 
over with ashes and, finally, with earth. Where ashes and charcoal are 
found in mounds, but no bones, it is possible that the latter disappeared 
from decay. Charcoal, as is well known, is the most durable of all 
known substances." ^^ 

The opinion of Prof. Cox is the same as that of the Indians of the 
Ohio Valley, when the whites came in contact with them. None of them 
pretended to any knowledge of the origin of these mounds, but re- 
garded them as burial places of past generations. All the Indians I 
have talked with on the subject regard the exploration of the mounds 
by the whites as desecration. The Indians never disturbed them except 
to make additional burials. This, and the fact that burial mounds 
were the only kind reached by the early missionaries of this region, fur- 
nishes the explanation of the remarkable lack of mention of mounds in 
the early French chronicles of the Northwest. The earliest notice of any 
in this region that I have ever found is in the Travels of Jonathan 
Carver, in 1768,i* as follows: 

13 Ind. Geol. Report, 1878, p. 149. 

14 London, 1779, p. 56. 



"One day having landed on the shore of the Mississippi, some miles 
below Lake Pepin, whilst my attendants were preparing my dinner, 
I walked out to take a view of the adjacent countiy. I had not pro- 
ceeded far before I came to a fine, level, open plain, on which I per- 
ceived at a little distance a partial elevation that had the appearance 
of an intrenchment. On a nearer inspection I had greater reason to 
suppose that it had really been intended for this many centuries ago. 

Works on Hill North of Hardinsburg, Dearborn County 

Notwithstanding it was now covered with grass, I could plainly discern 
that it had once been a breast-work of about four feet in height, extend- 
ing the best part of a mile, and sufficiently capacious to cover five 
thousand men. Its fonn was somewhat circular, and its flanks reached 
to the river. Though much defaced by time, every angle was distin- 
guishable, and appeared as regular, and fashioned with as much mili- 
tai-y skill as if planned by Vauban himself. The ditch was not visible, 
but I thought on examining more curiously, that I could perceive there 
certainly had been one. From its situation also, I am convinced tliat 


it must have been designed for this purpose. It fronted the country, 
and the rear was covered by the river ; nor was there any rising ground 
for a considerable way tliat commanded it; a few straggling oaks were 
alone to be seen near it. In many places small tracks were worn across 
it by the feet of the elks and deer, and from the depth of the bed of 
earth by which it was covered, I was able to draw certain conclusions 
of its great antiquity. I examined all the angles and every part with 
great attention, and have often blamed myself since for not encamping 
on the spot and drawing an exact plan of it. To show that this descrip- 
tion is not the offspring of a heated imagination, or the chimerical talk 
of a mistaken traveler, I find on enquiry since my return, that Mons. 
St. Pierre and several traders have, at different times, taken notice of 
similar appearances, on which they have formed the same eon.jectures, 
but without examining them so minutely as I did. How a work of this 
kind could exist in a countiy that has hitherto (according to the general 
received opinion) been the seat of war to untutored Indians alone, 
whose whole stock of military knowledge has only, till within two cen- 
turies, amounted to drawing the bow, and whose only breast-work even 
at present is the thicket, I know not. I have given as exact an account 
as possible of this singular appearance, and leave to future explorers 
of these distant regions to discover whether it is a production of nature 
or art. Perhaps the hints I have here given might lead to a more 
perfect investigation of it, and give us very different ideas of the 
ancient state of realms that we at present believe to have been from the 
earliest period only the habitations of savages." 

Carver was a well read man, and of an inquiring mind. His state- 
ment demonstrates the prevailing ignorance of such mounds at that 
time, and this ignorance was natural. It will be noted that his discovery 
was in a prairie, where he could view the entire work from one point. 
At that time most of the great works of the Ohio Valley were covered 
by dense forests, the trees on the mounds not differing from the sur- 
rounding trees. A person going through the woods at that time might 
cross such a fortification as that in Randolph County, and never dream 
that he had crossed anything more than two small natural ridges. It 
was not until the Americans began the settlement and survey of this 
region that the remains of the Mound Builders began to be known; 
and among the first to attract attention were those at Cincinnati. It has 
been stated that "the eminent naturalist, C. A. LeSueur, of New Har- 
mony, was the first to make mention of mounds in this State 
(Indiana)." ^s This is erroneoas. LeSueur did not come to Indiana 

islnd. Geol. Eeport, 1878, p. 126. 

Vol. 1—2 


until 1826, and there is at least one very interesting mention of mounds 
before that date. Mr. Samuel R. Brown visited the State ten years 
earlier, and in 1817 published his Western Gazeteer, in which are 
several mentions of Indiana mounds, the most interesting being the 
following as to those in the Whitewater Valley : 

"The traces of ancient population cover the earth in every direction. 
Pn the bottoms are a great number of mounds, very unequal in point 
of age and size. The small ones are from two to four feet above the 
surface, and the growth of timber upon them small, not being over one 
hundred years old; while the others are from ten to thirty feet high, 
and frequently contain trees of the largest diameters. Besides, the 
bones found in the small ones will bear removal, and exposure to the 
air, while those in the large ones are rarely capable of sustaining their 
own weight; and are often found in a decomposed or powdered state. 
There is a large mound in Mr. Allen's field, about twenty feet high, 
sixty feet in diameter at the base, which contains a greater proportion 
of bones than any one I ever before examined, as almost every shovel 
full of dirt would contain several fragments of a human skeleton. 
When on Whitewater, I obtained the assistance of several of the inhabi- 
tants, for the pui-pose of making a thorough examination of the internal 
structure of these monuments of the ancient populousness of the 
country. We examined from fifteen to twenty. In some, whose height 
was from ten to fifteen feet, we could not find more than four or five 
skeletons. In one not the least appearance of a human bone was to be 
found. Others were so full of bones as to warrant the belief that they 
originally contained at least one ' hundred dead bodies ; children of 
different ages, and the fiill grown, appeared to have been piled together 
promiscuously. We found several scull, leg and thigh bones which 
plainly indicated that their possessors were men of gigantic stature. 
The scull of one skeleton was one fourth of an inch thick ; and the teeth 
remarkably even, sound and handsome, all firmly planted. The fore 
teeth were very deep, and not so wide as those of the generality of 
white people. Indeed, there seemed a great degree of regularity in 
the form of the teeth, in all the mounds. In the progress of our 
researches we obtained ample testimony that these masses of earth 
were formed by a savage people, yet doubtless possessing a greater 
degree of civilization than the present race of Indians. We discovered 
a piece of glass weighing five ounces, resembling the bottom of a 
tumbler, but concave; several stone axes, with grooves near their heads 
to receive a withe, which unquestionably served as helves; arrows 
formed from flint, almost exactly similar to those in use among the 
present Indians ; several pieces of earthern ware ; some appeared to be 


parts of vessels holding six or eight gallons; others were obviously 
fragments of jugs, jars and cups; some were plain, while others were 
curiously ornamented with figures of birds and beasts, drawn while 
the clay or material of which they were made was soft and before the 
process of glazing was performed. The glazier's art appears to have 
been well understood by the potters who manufactured this aboriginal 
crockeiy. The smaller vessels were made of pounded or pulverized 
muscle shells, mixed with an earthem or flinty substance, and the large 
ones of clay and sand. There was no appearance of iron; one of the 
sculls was found pierced by an arrow, which was stiU sticking in it, 
driven about half way through before its force was spent. It was 
about six inches long. The subjects of this mound were doubtless killed 
in battle, and hastily buried. In digging to the bottom of them we 
invariably came to a stratum of ashes, from six inches to two feet thick, 
which rests on the original earth. These ashes contain coals, fragments 
of brands, and pieces of calcined bones. From the quantity of ashes 
and bones, and the appearance of the earth underneath, it is evident 
that large fires must have been kept burning for several days previous 
to commencing the mound, and that a considerable number of human 
victims must have been sacrificed by burning on the spot! Prisoners 
of war were no doubt selected for this horrid purpose. Perhaps the 
custom of the age rendered it a signal honor for the chieftains and 
most active warriors to be interred, by way of triumph, on the ashes 
of their enemies, whom they had vanquished in war. If this was not 
the case, the mystery can only be solved by supposing that the fanaticism 
of the priests and prophets excited their besotted followers to voluntary 
self-devotion. The soil of the mounds is always different from that of 
the immediately surrounding earth, being uniformly of a soft vegetable 
mould or loam, and containing no stones or other hard substances, to 
'press upon the dead and disturb their repose.' 

"Almost every buiMing lot in Harrison village contains a small 
mound; and some as many as three. On the neighboring hills, north 
east of the to\vn, are a number of the remains of stone houses. They 
were covered with soil, brush, and full grown trees. We cleared away 
the earth, roots and rubbish from one of them, and found it to have 
been anciently occupied as a dwelling. It was about twelve feet square ; 
the walls had fallen nearly to the foundation. They appeared to have 
been built of rough stones, like our stone walls. Not the least trace 
of any iron tools having been employed to smooth the face of them could 
he perceived. At one end of the building we came to a regular hearth, 
containing ashes and coals; before which we found the bones of eight 
persons of difi'erent ages, from a small child to the heads of the family. 



The positions of their skeletons clearly indicated that their deaths were 
sudden and simultaneous. They were probably asleep, with their feet 
towards the fire, when destroyed by an enemy, an earthquake or 
pestilence. ' ' i* 

The Feast of the Dead 
From Lafitau's Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains, Paris, 1724 

The statement of facts in this extract is so careful and intelligent — 
aS, indeed, all of Mr. Brown's observations were — that one wonders 
why it did not occur to him that the occupants of the stone house may 

i« lud. Hist. Coll. Indiana as Seen by Early Travelers, pp. 152-4. 


have been placed there after death, and that the incinerated occupants 
of the mounds might have been corpses. The probable explanation is 
that he was not familiar with Indian mortuary customs, and had the 
common American idea of that time that the chief occupation of the 
Indians was burning prisoners. Most of the Indian tribes gave a great 
deal of attention to the care of their dead. The custom of placing 
bodies on scaffolds was preliminary to burial or cremation, the object 
being to get rid of the flesh, as the bones were considered the essential 
portion of the remains. La Hontan's account of his journey to "the 
Long Kiver" may be fictitious, but he gave a correct statement of the 
custom of some tribes when he wrote: "The savages that live upon the 
long River burn their Corps, as I insinuated before ; but you must know 
that they keep them in vaults or Cellars till they have a sufficient 
number to burn together, which is performed out of the village, in a 
place set apart for that Ceremony." " Some tribes that buried instead 
of cremating had the same custom of accumulating corpses before bury- 
ing. Thus, Father Jouvency, one of the earliest missionaries, says: 
' ' Every eight or ten yeai-s the Hurons, which nation is widely extended, 
convey all their corpses from all the villages to a designated place, and 
east them into an immense pit. They call it the day of the Dead.'''^ 
In his Relation of 1636, Father Le Jeune, speaking of the Huron Feast 
of the Dead, gives this explanation of their custom : 

"Returning from this feast with a Captain (chief) who is very 
intelligent, and who will some day be very influential in the affairs of 
the country, I asked him why they called the bones of the dead atisken 
(i. e. souls— literally "in the bones"). He gave me the best explana- 
tion he could, and I gathered from his conversation that many think 
we have two souls, both of them being divisible and material, and yet 
both reasonable ; the one separates itself from the body at death, yet 
remains in the Cemeterj' until the feast of the Dead— after which it 
either changes into a Turtledove, or, according to the most common 
belief it goes away to the village of souls. The other is, as it were, 
bound to the body, and informs, so to speak, the corpse ; it remains in 
the ditch of the dead after the feast, and never leaves it, unless someone 
bears it again as a child. He pointed out to me, as a proof of this 
metempsychosis, the perfect resemblance some have to persons deceased. 
A fine Philosophy, indeed. Such as it is, it shows why they call the 
bones of the dead atisken 'the souls'." i» 

17 Thwaite 's La Hontan, p. 473. 
IS Jesuit Relations, Vol. 1, p. 267. 
19 Jesuit Eelations, Vol. 10, p. 287. 


The Southern Indians genei-ally collected decaying bodies of their 
dead in "bone houses" or "charnel houses", as the DeSoto chroniclers 
called them, to save them for burial ; and there are a number of descrip- 
tions of these places, and of the horrible old custodians who cleaned 
the flesh from the bones, by early chroniclers. After citing and quoting 
extensively from early observers, i\Ir. Charles C. Jones sums up the 
Georgia field as follows: 

"Tumuli filled with numerous skeletons may be regarded as Family 
or Tribal Mounds. The Indians of Southern Georgia frequently burnt 
their dead. This custom, however, was not universal, and it obtained 
to a very limited extent among the tribes resident in the middle and 
upper portions of the State. The practice of reser^dng the skeletons 
until they had multiplied sufficientlj' to warrant a general cremation 
or inhumation seems to have been adopted. It was no easy task for 
the aborigines to erect a tumulus. Hence, saving the construction of 
grave mounds in honor of distinguished personages, the labor of 
sepulchral mound-building was postponed until the accumulations of 
the bone-house claimed the attention of an entire community. * * * 
Upon the islands and headlands along the coast, the skeletons, with a 
requisite amount of wood, were first placed in a pile upon the ground. 
Fire was then applied, and, above the smouldering remains carelessly 
heaped together, a mound of earth was erected. The charred bones and 
partially consumed fragments of wood are seldom seen until we have 
reached the level of the plain upon which the tumulus stands. "With 
. rare exceptions, tribal mounds of this description contain but a single 
stratum of bones, showing that when the cremation was ended and the 
tumulus finished, it was never reopened. As may well be expected, the 
bones in these mounds are disposed without order. Being at best but 
fragmentary in their character, they are inteinningled with ashes, 
charred pieces of wood, broken pottery, cracked pipes, and other relics 
sadly impaired by the action of fire. The fires kindled in solemnization 
of these funeral customs were so intense as in some instances to crack 
the stone celts deposited with the dead. Shell ornaments entirely dis- 
appear, and the ordinary clay pipes are generally broken to pieces. ' ' 2" 

Such is the only adequate explanation that has ever been offered for 
those mounds in which, as Mr. Brown stated, he "invariably came to 
a stratum of ashes, from six inches to two feet thick, which rests on 
the original earth." His "stone residence" was apparently an 
abandoned "bone house", from whose vicinity the relatives of the 
occupants had been driven away without time to bury their dead. The 

20 Antiquities of tiie Southern Indians, pp. 191-2. 



skeletons found above the basic layer of ashes were probably the results 
of "intrusive burials" by the Indians. In the mound in which no 
remains were found, the fire had presumably been sufficient to reduce 
everj-thing to ashes. Of course this explanation will not apply to 
mounds that have no layer of ashes at the bottom, for there were Indian 

Bone House 
(After Lafitau) 

tribes that did not cremate, as well as tribes that did. And not only 
did tribes with differing burial customs live in close contact, as is stated 
above in regard to the Georgia Indians, but in some cases even parts 
of the same tribe had different customs. Thus, among the Ottawas 
those of the Great Hare totem, or clan, cremated their dead while those 
of the other two clans, of the Bear and the Carp totems, buried without 


The reason for this was given by Father Sebastian Rasles in his 
letter of Oct. 12, 1723. The Great Hare was the Algonkin demiurge, 
otherwise known as Miehaboo, Manabozho, Nanaboush, or Wisakatca- 
kwa, and Rasles gives their tradition that: "Before quitting the earth 
he directed that when his descendants should die, their bodies should 
be burned, and their ashes scattered to the winds, so that they might 
be able to rise more easily to the sky." The verity of this had been 
established by the fact that they had left a member of the clan unburned 
during a protracted and distressing cold spell, until an old woman 
pointed out their offense, and his cremation was followed by a thaw — 
q. e. d.2i Squier and Davis mention 22 three mounds, one of them "nine 
feet high and forty feet in diameter" that appeared to be composed 
entirely of "something resembling long exposed and highly compacted 
ashes, intermingled with specks of charcoal, small bits of burned bones 
and fragments of sandstone much burned." Gerard Fowke thinks this 
was ' * made up of the material gathered on a village site, and containing 
all the debris of culinary and other domestic occupations." ^s It is 
rather difficult to imagine savages indulging in so tremendous a sanitary 
elean-up ; and the facts may be explained on the theory that, for some 
reason, the builders were prevented from completing these mounds by 
covering them with earth. 

Cremation also furnishes the reasonable explanation of what are 
called "altar mounds", which have at the base a raised structure of 
clay, usually with a sort of basin at the top. As the name indicates, 
these have been considered places where human beings were sacrificed, 
and this idea is still widespread, although its absurdity has often been 
pointed out. As Morgan puts it : 

"Wherever human sacrifices are known to have occurred among the 
American aborigines, the place was an elevated mound platform ar.d 
the raised altar or sacrificial stone stood before the idol in whose wor- 
ship the rites were performed. There is here neither a temple nor a'i 
idol; but a hollow bed of clay covered by a mound raised in honor over 
the ashes of a deceased chief, for assuredly such a mound would not 
have been raised over the ashes of a victim. Indians never exchanged 
prisoners of war. Adoption or burning at the stake was the alternative 
of capture; but no mound was ever raised over the burned remains. 
Another use suggests itself for this artificial basin more in accordance 
with Indian usages and customs, namely, that cremation of the body 

21 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 67, pp. 153, 157. 

22 P. 180. 

23 Archaeological History of Ohio, p. 320. 


of a deceased chief was performed upon it, after which the mound was 
raised over his ashes. "-^ 

One of the most interesting features of the Mound Builder problem, 
from the historical point of view, is this sacrificial theory. Among the 
early settlers of the Ohio Valley there were dozens of men who were 
well read and intelligent, as learning went at that time ; and most of the 
speculations as to the Mound Builders came from them. It was natural 
that they should adopt the sacrificial idea, because they commonly 
believed that the ;\Iound Builders were the ancestors of the Aztecs, and 
they were familiar with the Spanish chronicles of the conquest of 
Mexico through English translations. Thus, Gen. Harrison, who had 
given the subject much attention, in his discourse on the Aborigines of 
the Ohio Valley, indorses the view of Bishop Madison, of Virginia, that 
the Aztecs and the Mound Builders "are one and the same people", 
and avers that, "There were a numerous priesthood, and altars often 
smoking with hecatombs of victims". Harrison, like many others, was 
familiar with the classics and knew that the Greeks and Romans offered 
portions of their ordinary food to the gods, before eating. They were 
in general better acquainted with the Bible than the present residents 
of the Ohio Valley, and knew about the reservation of parts of the 
Jewish sacrifices as food for the priests and their families; and they 
were familiar with the Apostolic troubles over eating "meats offered 
to idols". But they did not catch the fact, as they might have done 
from the Spanish chronicles, that the Aztecs were cannibals, and that 
only the hearts of the victims went to the gods, while the bodies were 
eaten by the worshippers ; and they did not know that when the 
Europeans came in contact with them, all of the American Indians 
were cannibals. Anyone who harbors the idea that a tribe of cannibals 
would waste, by burning them up, enough perfectly good captives to 
make a layer of ashes two feet thick, or even two inches thick, is sadly 
deficient in knowledge of human nature; especially when the high cost 
of cannibal living is considered. 

After the publication of Prescott's Conquest of Mexico, which was 
widely read, and accepted as conclusive, the belief in the sacrificial 
theory was even more firmly established ; and it is not surprising that 
a man like Prof. Collett, educated in that period, should have held the 
views above quoted as to the mound at Vincennes. The probable expla- 
nation of Sugar Loaf Jlound is that it is the result of three general 
cremations, one superimposed on another. It may be suggested also. 

=-4 Lewis H. Morgan, Houses of the Mound Builders ; in Contributions to North 
American Ethnology, Vol. 4, p. 217. 





SOUiH \_\nt cv ■itc \5, ^s.wft 

--■ I m = 250 FT 

7" ,-'- 

Earth Mounds Near Anderson 
(Plate E.) 


as to cases of unusually large ash deposits, that the exigencies of war 
may at times have called for the cremation of numbers of corpses, with- 
out waiting for the flesh to decay, and in that case there would have 
been a large increase in the amount of fuel required for consumption 
of the remains. 

There is another class of mounds sometimes called "sacred enclo- 
sures", and to this class some have referred the remarkable mounds 
near Anderson, which are the best preserved of the large works in 
Indiana. "The principal woi-k in a group of eight, shown on plate E, 
is a circular embankment with a deep ditch on the inside. The central 
area is one hundred ajid thirty-eight feet in diameter, and contains 
a mound in the center four feet high and thirty feet in diameter. There 
is a slight depression between the mound and the ditch. The gateway 
is thirty feet wide. Carriages may enter at the gateway and drive 
around the mound, as the ditch terminates on each side of the gateway. 
The ditch is sixty feet wide and ten and a half feet deep ; the embank- 
ment is sixty-three feet wide at the base and nine feet high, and the 
entire diameter of the circle is three hundred and eightj^-four feet."--' 

The work marked H is 181 feet long, and its wall was originally six 
feet high. The walls of the other works were two to three feet high. 
These mounds were covered with trees not distinguishable from those 
of the surroiuiding forest, some trees on the walls being four feet in 
diameter. These works are located on the south side of White river, 
on a bluff seventy-five feet above the water. At the foot of the bluff 
are several fine springs. The purpose of such mounds presents a wide 
field for conjecture; and without any matei'ial danger of being proven 
wrong — or right. 

The extent of these structures in the Ohio Valley has usually been 
taken as a demonstration of a large population. This has been disputed 
in recent years, but the estimates of those who argue for a small popula- 
tion seem to prove the opposite. For example, Mr. Fowke gets this con- 
clusion from an elaborate estimate: "On the estimate of 30,000,000 
cubic yards for the preliistoric works of the State, one thousand men, 
each working three hundred days in a year, and carrying one wagon 
load of earth or stone in a day, could construct all the works in Ohio 
within a century." What a bagatelle! Perhaps it would seem more 
impressive in the equivalent terms of one hundred thousand men for 
one year, or ten thousand men for ten years. And who was providing 
food for these laborers ? The Indians often went hungry even when all 
hands were giving their time to procuring food. Such an estimate 

■ Ind. Geol. Eeport, 1878, pp. 129-32. 


implies a population far in excess of any Indian population known in 
the Ohio Valley in historic times. 

But more impressive than these earth-works, both as to the amount 
of population and as to the antiquity of the Mound Builders, are the 
artifacts that are found scattered over the soil everywhere. When the 
white men first knew this re^ou, Ohio and the southern two-thirds of 
Indiana were covered by dense forests. When the forests were removed, 
and cultivation began, the plows began turning up arrow-heads, spear- 
heads, stone hoes, mortars, pestles, discoidal stones, and other remains 
of prehistoric man's occupancy. The Indians could not have left them, 
for there were not enough of them, and they did not live in the forested 
country. The forest feature of the problem is usually discussed on the 
basis of a removal of the forest by prehistoric man, and a subsequent 
reforestation ; but this is impossible. No savage nation could have 
cleared all of Ohio and Indiana, and these artifacts are found every- 
where. The only possible explanation is that they were scattered before 
the forest existed. 

Caleb Atwater thought that these remains were to be credited to the 
Indians, and not to the Mound Builders. He says: "They consist of 
rude stone axes and knives, of pestles used in preparing maize for food, 
of arrowheads, and a few other articles so exactly similar to those found 
in all the Atlantic States, that a description of them is deemed quite 
useless." And after giving his reasons for believing that the Indian 
population M'as much greater on the sea coast than in the interior, he 
proceeds: "Hence the numerous other traces of Indian settlements, 
such as the immense piles of the shells of oysters, clams, &c. all along 
the sea shore, the great number of arrowheads and other articles belong- 
ing to them, in the eastern states, and their paucity here. ' ' -^ 

This seems a strange statement now, but when it was written the 
forests had not been removed sufficiently to permit knowledge of the 
quantity of such remains. Moreover it was not then known that the 
Mound Builders used stone implements not materially different from 
those of the Indians, though they used some that the Indians did not. 
A curious case of this is one of a stone ax, found on the site of a Miami 
village on the Wabash, the head of which was an unfinished ]\Iound 
Builder ceremonial stone, which some Indian had found, and fitted with 
a hickory handle.-' There is no question that the Indians gladly used 
Mound Builder arrow and spear heads, axes, and other implements 
whenever they found them. An interesting illustration of this is given 
bj' Father Le Mercier, in the Kelation for 1667-8, as follows: 

28 Arch. Amer., Vol. 1, pp. Ill, 113. 

27 Moorehead. The Stone Age in North America, Vol. 1, p. 394. 



"Arriving (over Lake Champlain) within tliree quarters of a league 
of the Falls by which Lake St. Saerement (Lake George) empties, we 
all halted at this spot, without knowing why, until we saw our savages 
at the water-side gathering up flints, which were almost all cut into shape. 
"We did not at the time reflect upon this, but have since then learned 

Miami Ax, with ;Mound Builder Stone Head 
Found in Indiana 

the meaning of the mystery; for our Iroquois told us that they never 
fail to halt at this place, to pay homage to a race of invisible men who 
dwell there at the bottom of the lake. These beings occupy themselves 
in preparing flints, nearly all cut, for the passers-by, provided the latter 
pay their respects to them by giving them tobacco. If they give these 
beings much of it, the latter give them a liberal supply of these stones. 


The occasion of this ridiculous story is that the Lake is, in reality, often 
agitated by very frightful tempests, which cause fearful waves, 
especially in the basin where Sieur Corlart, of whom we have just 
spoken, met his death ; and when the wind comes from the direction of 
the Lake, it drives on this beach a quantity of stones which are hard, 
and capable of striking fire. ' ' ^* This story may have another value. The 
locality can probably be identified; and a flint workshop in the soil 
under the waters of Lake Champlain may furnish some geologist data, 
for estimating the antiquity of man in America. 

Another evidence of large prehistoric population that has come to 
light since Mr. Atwater wrote is extensive shell heaps, of which he knew 
nothing because they were covered with earth, some of them ten feet 
deep.-^ There are also stone fire places, often in connection with shell 
heaps. Some of these occur in river terraces, which makes their 
antiquity questionable; but others are far above high water mark as 
in the case of the celebrated "Bone Bank", on the Wabash, which has 
been described by LeSueur, Prince Maximilian, Sir Charles Lyell, and 
others. These shell heaps show that fresh water mussels and snails 
were very largely used for food by prehistoric man; but the Indians 
did not eat them. I have been assured by old Indians that their people 
never ate snails or mussels, and I have never found a statement by any 
person who had been with the Indians that they did eat them. 

That these people w-ere largely agricultural is obvious. The 
numerous stone hoes could have been used only for cultivation, and the 
numerous mortars and pestles could have been used only for gi'inding 
grain. Permanent mortars have been found in connection with what 
are called "rock houses", i. e. projecting rock strata which form 
cavernous shelters.^" But how came these various stone weapons and 
implements to be scattered so widely over the face of the country ? Such 
implements are made much more easily than is commonly supposed, by 
workmen who are skilled, ^^ but still the labor is considerable, and the 
materials often had to be procured at long distances. That they were 
much valued is shown by the fact that caches of them have been found 
where they were hidden away as treasure. It is certain that their 
owners would not throw them away, or lose them if they could avoid 
it. The hunter would recover the arrow he had shot, or the spear he 
had thrown, if he could do so. Presumably then these articles were 

28 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 51, pp. 182-3. 

29lnd. Geol. Beport, 1872, pp. 142, 408, 414; 1873, pp. 125, 185, 371; 1878, pp. 
127, 128. 

so Ind. Geol. Report, 1872, pp. 82, 88. 

81 Archaeological History of Ohio, pp. 524-6, 636-45. 



lost by the owners, and this necessarily implies a large number of people 
to lose them. 

It is not known how the Mound Builders were housed. That some 
of them lived in eaves in Kentucky, and Tennessee is clearly shown; 
but most of the caves of Indiana would be uninhabitable on account of 
inundation, and the evidences of any temporary occupation would soon 
disappear for the same reason. Marengo cave would have been 

l'"rtnn Suits Ca\-i- 

From Maiiiini>lh Cav, 

I'rtiin Satis C.tVi 

Mound Builder Fabrics from Kentucky Caves 

habitable, but there is no indication that it was known either to the 
Mound Builders or to the Indians. Wyandotte cave was occupied to 
some extent, but apparently only for the purpose of mining the stalag- 
mite formations. What was done with the material is not known, but 
it may have been used for making those stone ornaments which are 
ordinarily called "marble." It is not credible that there were not some 
sort of houses in connection with their extensive earth works, and the 
absence of any remains of habitations presumably means that the habita- 


tions were of very perishable material. Mr. Morgan advanced the 
ingenious theoiy that some of the iuclosures were of villages, in which 
joint-tenement houses, similar to the long houses of the Iroquois were 
ranged along the inside of the walls. This is possible, but the lack of 
remains both of houses and of the naturally looked for contents of 
hoases, in such locations, makes the theory improbable. 

Remains of Jlound Builders work, other than in metal and stone, 
are better preserved in the Kentucky caves than elsewhere, probably 
on account of the saltpeter deposits. Among them are cloth, moccasins, 
bags, cords, and other articles made of vegetable fiber; pieces of melon 
and squash rinds, corn-cobs, tobacco, seeds of watermelons, grapes, sun- 
flowers; numbers of gourd cups and bottles; and one entire gourd con- 
taining seeds, some of which grew, and furnished a present supply of 
Mound Builder gourds. The story of all this, and much more is told 
in a most interesting way in Col. Bennett H. Young's Prehistoric Men 
of Kentucky. Among other curious things he mentions a small bag 
or reticule, apparently intended for a child's plaything. 

In this connection, it may be noted that the Mound Builder has 
probably been taken too seriously. All kno\ra savage tribes have their 
games and sports, and there is no reason why prehistoric man should 
not have indulged in amusements. It is now generally accepted that the 
discoidal stones, which so long puzzled antiquarians, were used in some 
game similar to the chungke game of the southern Indians ; which was 
described by Adair, DuPratz, and other old writers. It was played 
on a carefully leveled plot of ground, something like a croquet ground 
but longer, by two players, who have specially prepared poles about 
eight feet long. One of them rolls a round, flat stone, three or four 
inches in diameter, and both follow and throw their poles. The one 
who lodges his pole closest to the stone wins; and winning was impor- 
tant, for it was a great gambling game. There was found on a ridge 
in the northeastern part of Vanderburgh County "an area, the surface 
level and apparently paved with plastic clay 500 by 200 feet", wiiich 
is believed to be a prehistoric chungke yard ; and on which six discoidal 
stones were found. ^- 

Many of these stones are too small for this game as played by adults ; 
but there may have been other games. Father Gravier mentions one 
among the Houmas as follows: "In the middle of the Village is a fine 
and very level open space, where, from moi-ning to night, young men 
exercise themselves. They run after a flat stone, which they throw in 
the air from one end of the square to the other, and try to IMake it fall 

s= Iiid. Geo). Eeport, 1875, p. 299. 



On two Cylinders, which they roll wherever they think the stone will 
fall." 2^ It is also possible that these smaller stones may have been toys 
for children. Indians are very indulgent to their children, and they 
had home-made dolls and other toys, as well as playthings of their own 
construction. In the Relation of 1634, Father LeJeune says: "The 
little savages play at hide-and-seek as well as the little French children. 
They have a number of other childish sports that I have noticed in our 
Europe; among others I have seen the little Parisians throw a musket 
ball into the air and catch it with a little bat scooped out; the little 
montagnard savages do the same, using a little bunch of Pine sticks, 
which thev receive or throw into the air on the end of a pointed stick." ^* 

Three Effigy Bowls 
From the "Wabash Cemetery 

Mound Builder children were like other children. In 1898 repre- 
sentatives of Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass., made extensive investi- 
gation of a prehistoric cemetery in Indiana at the mouth of the Wabash 
river. In the report of it, Mr. W. K. Moorehead says: "There is a 
pathetic interest in the fact that many children skeletons were found 
during the course, of the explorations. The mothers placed alongside 
the little bodies clay toys, such as rattles, miniature dishes, bowls and 
bottles. These served the same purpose in ancient times as do the toy 
dishes and playthings used by our children. There were also pendants, 
small shells, shell discs and other ornaments buried by the head or at 
the wrists of these infants and children. The toy dishes are crudely 

3-1 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 65, p. 147. 
34 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 7, p. 97. 

Vol. 1—3 


made, some of them uot even baked. Often small, waterworn pebbles 
had been placed within the toys. " ^3 It is quite possible that many of 
the problematic articles found in mounds are merely playthings of the 
children. And, so, probably were the pebbles found with these toys. 
The Ottawas had a tradition of four Indians who picked up some pieces 
of copper on the shore Lake Superior, and were rebuked by a manito 
who cried, "Who are those robbers carrying off from me my children's 
playthings?" Father Dablon explains: "Those little pieces of Copper 
that they were carrying off are the toys and playthings of the Savage 
children, who play together with little stones, "^u 

The southern Indians furnish the explanation for some of the figure 
pottery of the Mound Builders. In speaking of the Natchez temple, 
Father LePetit says: "Another separate shelf supports many flat 
baskets, very gorgeously painted, in which they preserve their idols. 
These are figures of men and women made of stone or baked clay, the 
heads and the tails of extraordinary serpents, some stuffed owls, some 
pieces of crystal, and some jaw-bones of large fish. In the year 1699 
they had there a bottle and the foot of a glass, which they guarded as 
very precious. "^^ These little clay images are quite common among 
Mound Builder relics, and so are crystals of various sorts. Such idols 
indicate the temperament of the worshipers. There is something 
somber in the character of people that can worship an idol like the 
Aztec war god Iluitzilopochtli, with his insatiate craving for the life 
of men, that does not exist in a people with a comfortable lot of small 
idols which can be laid on the shelf between periods of worship. 

Moreover, the religion of the southern Indians furnishes the explana- 
tion of another Mound Builder characteristic. In spite of all attempts 
to ridicule the idea, the extensive prehistoric works, and especially large 
mounds erected over only one or two bodies, do indicate a centralized 
authority of which there is no record among the northern Indians. In 
the southern tribes the caciques had despotic authority, as is witnessed 
by all chroniclers, from those with De Soto to the French missionaries. 
The masses not only fought the Spaniards to the death at the cacique's 
command, but also at his command went into slavery to the same 
Spaniards. At the death of a cacique, numbers of his subjects volun- 
tarily offered themselves for death, in order to accompany and serve 
him. They were stin-worshipers, and the cacique, as the "Brother of 
the Sun" combined divine attributes with temporal power. Their 

35 Bulletin 3, Phillips Academy, p. 65. 
3« Jesuit Relations, Vol. 54, p. 155. 
3' Jesuit Relations, Vol. 68, p. 125. 



governments were theocracies, in which the ruler was not merely "God's 
anointed", but also was himself divine. 

The questions of the origin and the fate of the Mound Builders 
have been discussed for more than a century without decision. Some 
conclusions have been fairly established, but more of a negative than 
of a positive character. The questions involve to some extent the ques- 
tion of the antiquity of man in America, and this has alwaj's colored 
the discussion. In the earlier part of the last century, most writers 
felt themselves bound by Bible chronology, and the dispersion of man- 
kind from a common source after the deluge. In the last half centurj' 
there has been an equally slavish subserviency to the Danvinian Theory. 
Mr. Darwin decided that man must have originated in the old world, 
because he was descended from the catarhine apes, and there were only 
platyrhine monkeys in America ; and in consequence everything show- 
ing antiquity of man in America has been assailed and belittled in 
every possible way. But after all this assault, what may be taken as 
the latest unprejudiced summaiy of the matter concedes man's exist- 
ence here in the Glacial period.^* 

But even on that basis, immigration is the only possible solution for 
the evolutionists. As Mr. Fowke puts it: "If the existence of a 'glacial' 
or 'paleolithic' man in this country can be proven, or if it can be shown, 
as Powell contends, that America was inhabited while man was still 
but little beyond the stage of a wild beast, his presence can be accounted 
for in only three ways: — He gradually developed here from a lower 
stage into a human being; there was a land connection between the 
eastern and western hemispheres which no longer exists ; or there were 
islands, or possibly continents, now destroyed, so distributed that he 
could be accidentally carried from one to another. "^^ The literature 
of the subject has grown to appalling proportions, and Mr. Fowke 's 
book is one of the most satisfactory compendiums of it that has been 
made; but his bias causes him to attack statements of fact by observers 
as well as statements of opinion. He assails the description of the stone 
fort in Clark County, quoted above from Prof. Cox, with almost pre- 
historic ferocity.*'' Nothing could be more uncalled for. Edward 
Travers Cox was bom in Culpeper County, Virginia, and when four 
years old was brought to Indiana by his father, who joined the New 
Harmony colony. He grew up in that most intellectual atmosphere 
in America ; studied chemistry and geology under David Dale Owen, 

38 Henry W. Haynes, in Winsor 's Narr. and Crit. Hist, of Am., Vol. 1, Chap. 6. 

39 Archaeological History of Ohio, p. 43. 
"lb. pp. 65-6. 


whose assistant he became through all the years while New Harmony 
was the headquarters of the United States Geological Survey of the 
Mississippi Valley, until Dr. Owen's death in 1859. He was then engaged 
in mining investigations for private parties, for the national govern- 
ment and for the state of Illinois, until 1868, when he was made State 
Geologist of Indiana. He held that position until 1880, and was of 

Prof. Edward Travers Cox 

immense benefit through his work on the coal fields, and other economic 
geological research. Later he was an authoritative mining expert on 
the Pacific slope, in New York City, and in Florida, where he was in 
charge of large phosphate interests, until his death, on Jan. 7, 1907. 
It is equally aljsurd to question his ability, his veracity, or his conserva- 
tism. If the statements of Prof. Cox as to matters of fact cannot be 
accepted, we may as well burn up all past records and provide by 
statute that hereafter no person shall examine a mound unless accom- 


panied by two hostile witnesses, of opposing political parties, who shall 
be examined under oath as to the results of the work. 

When Count Volney visited this country, in 1795, he met and inter- 
viewed at length the gi-eat Miami chief. The Little Turtle. Volney 
explained to him his theory that the Indians were descendants of 
Tartars who had made their way to this continent. The Little Turtle 
inquired what was to prevent the Indians from going over to Asia, and 
becoming the ancestors of the Tartars, and Volney replied that he knew 
of no objection except that the Black Gowns would not allow it. With 
true Hoosier independence. The Little Turtle expressed his opinion that 
the Black Gowns did not know any more about it than other people. 
The situation is not greatly changed today. Among ethnologists the 
general tendency is to the belief that the Mound Builders were the 
ancestors of some of the Indian tribes, probably the Muscogeans. This 
faith is largely based on the mention of Indian mound building by the 
■ De Soto chronicles, but it must be confessed that the claims that they 
record any earth work approaching that of the Mound Builders in 
extent is not well founded. 

The strongest statement in them is that of the Knight of Elvas, as 
to the town of Ucita : "The chief's house stood near the beach, upon 
a very high mount made by hand for defense." *^ De Biedma, speak- 
ing of the town of leasqui, says: "It is the custom of the Caciques to 
have near their houses a high hill, made by hand, some having the 
houses placed thereon. "•'a Ranjel says: "This Talimeco was a village 
holding extensive sway, and this house of worship was on a high mound 
and much revered. "^^ Hq also says of the town of Athahaehi, "The 
chief was on a kind of balcony, on a mound at one end of the 
square." *-* Gareilaso de la Vega, "the Inca", says these Indians built 
mounds to escape floods, which would have been a "thoughtful 
Gretehen" performance in a country with as many superfluous hills 
as the United States. But he was not with the expedition, and he says 
that only the caciques and their attendants had houses on the mounds. 
This is the sum of the mounds mentioned and there is not a word about 
any of them being used for defense in any way. This is very significant, 
for the chroniclers were all .soldiers, and they described all the defenses 
they met in their repeated conflicts. Thus, the Knight of Elvas says 
of the town of Ullibahali : "The place was enclosed, and near by ran 
a small stream. The fence, which was like that seen afterwards to other 

41 Bourne's Narratives of De Soto, Vol. 1, p. 23. 

42 lb. Vol. 2, p. 27. 

43 lb. p. 101. 

44 lb. p. 120. 


towns, was of large timber sunk deep aud firmly into the earth, having 
many long poles the size of the arm, placed crosswise to nearly the 
height of a lance, with embrasures, and coated with mud inside aud 
out, having loop-holes for archery." *5 And Ranjel says: "They came 
to an old village that had two fences and good towers, and these walls 
are after this fashion : They drive many thick stakes tall and straight 
close to one another. These are then interlaced with long withes, and 
then overlaid with clay, within and without. They make loop-holes at 
intervals and they make their towers and turrets separated by the 
curtain and parts of the wall as seems best. And at a distance it looks 
like a fine wall or rampart and such stockades are very strong." ■*8 He 
also says as to the town of Pacaha: "This town was a very good one, 
thoroughly well stockaded; and the walls were furnished with towers 
and a ditch round about, for the most part full of water which flows 
by a canal from the river. * * * Jn Aquixo and Casqui and 
Pacha, they saw the best villages seen up to that time, better" 
stockaded and fortified."*^ 

It is quite safe to assume that the real purpose of these mounds was 
the same as that stated by Father LePetit as to similar mounds in the 
villages of the Natchez. He says: "The Sun is the principal object 
of veneration to these people; as they cannot conceive of anything which 
can be above this heavenly body, nothing else appears to them more 
worthy of their homage. It is for this reason that the great Chief of 
this nation, who knows nothing on the earth more dignified than him- 
self, takes the title of brother of the Sun, and the credulity of the people 
maintains him in the despotic authority which he claims. To enable 
them better to converse together, they raise a mound of artificial soil, 
on which they build his cabin, which is of the same construction as the 
temple. * * * When the great Chief dies, they demolish his cabin, 
and then raise a new mound, on which they build the cabin of him who 
is to replace him in this dignity, for he never lodges in that of his prede- 
cessor." ^^ It is much more probable that the mound in the Randolph 
County inclosure, previously described, which is 100 feet in diameter 
and only 9 feet high, was intended for the Chief's cabin and the temple 
than that it was designed for observation purposes. 

But the fact that the southern Indians did not build fortifications 
of earth is no more argument that they were not descendants of the 
Mound Builders than would be the fact that we build houses of brick 

"Vol. 1, p. 85. 

"lb. Vol. 2, p. 115. 

"lb. p. 139. 

"8 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 68, pp. 127, 129. 


and stone, instead of the log houses of a century ago, an argument that 
we were not descendants of the log house builders. The defences they 
did build were the same as those commonly built by the northern 
Indians, except that their stockades were coated with clay, which pro- 
tected them from fire. They may have learned from their enemies that 
stockades were more easily constructed and more easily defended than 
earth walls. The fact that they built mounds, and that the building 
was connected with their religion; coupled with the fact that their 
mortuary customs furnish the rational explanation of our burial 
mounds, and their games furnish an explanation for our discoidal 
stones, puts them in closer relation to the Mound Builders than any 
other living people. Of course it is possible that the Mound Builders 
were entirely exterminated ; or, what would be more probable by Indian 
custom, that the adults were killed, and the children adopted by the 
conquerors; but if not exterminated, their most probable descendants 
are among these tribes of the southern states. 

With our present light, which may never be increased, the origin 

and fate of these people are merely matters of conjecture ; and in that 

line there is an interesting suggestion in the tribal legends of the 

southern Indians. The Muscogees and the Choetaws have traditions 

that their ancestors came out of a hole in the ground— not a lone father 

and mother of a future people, but, as Captain Komans recorded it: 

"their whole, very numerous nation, walked forth at once, without so 

much as warning any neighbor." All traditions have some sort of 

foundation, and Indian traditions are commonly based on a perversion 

of some word. This is due to the fact that instead of compounding 

entire words, as we do, they make compounds of syllables of the primary 

words, or even represent them by a single letter. In consequence a very 

slight change in the pronunciation of a compound word may make as 

startling a change in the meaning as was made in the historic poem 

when the printer dropped the "r" from "friend", and the poet 

lamented that "so slight a change should change a friend into a fiend." 

It would be simple and natural for a tribe that had formerly lived in 

caves to develop such a tradition as that above from the fact that they 

had come out of the caves for future residence. An exactly similar 

perversion of this concept, "coming out", will be found in the following 

chapter in a legend of the origin of the Miamis. If we assume that the 

Mound Builders of Ohio and Indiana were driven into Kentucky and 

Tennessee, where part or all of them took refuge in caves; and that 

centuries later they migrated or were driven into the Gulf States, we 

have at least a basis for explanation of a large part of the known facts. 


But more forcible than all of these cousiderations is the considera- 
tion of language. The most astounding delusion as to Indian languages 
is the idea, constantly repeated by ethnologists and anthropologists, 
that they "are not inflected as European languages are." In reality 
the Algonkin languages are more highly inflected than any existing 
European language, as may be shown by two simple Miami sentences, 
as follows: 

na-wa'-ka wa-pi'-si-ta lam'-wa, I see a white dog. 
na-ma'-ni wa-pi'-ki sa'-ni, I see a white stone. 

It will be noted that each of these words ends with a vowel, and in 
the Miami every word ends in a vowel sound when fully pronounced, 
although these vowel endings are commonly dropped in many eases in 
ordinary conversation. The basic grammatical distinction of the lan- 
guage is between the animate and the inanimate, the animate including 
those things that have, or are supposed to have, sentient life. Things 
of the vegetable world are not animate unless personified for some suffi- 
cient reason. To coordinate it with Gender, Number and Person, we 
will call this quality, or distinction "Sentience". The ending "a" of 
lam'-wa indicates that the object named is animate; the ending "i" of 
sa'-ni indicates that the object named is inanimate; and these two 
objects control the inflection of the remaining words in the sentences. 
In Miami no verb is transitive unless the action actually passes over 
to some other person or thing, and when transitive, the inflection indi- 
cates the Sentience, and usually the Person and Number of the object. 
Na-wa'-ka, of itself, means I see him, or her, i. e. something animate, 
third Person, singular Number. Na-ma'-ni, of itself, means I see it, 
something inanimate, and therefore necessarily third Person. All ad- 
jectives are verbs in form, conjugated as other intransitive verbs. 
"Wa-pi'-si-ta, of itself, means he or she is white. Wa-pi'-ki, of itself, 
means it is white. If I wish to say "I am white", I cannot use either 
of forms, but must say wa-pi'-si-a'-ni. 

The distinguishing characteristic of most of the languages of North 
and South America is not "agglutination", or "polysynthesis", which 
exist to some extent in all languages, but this basic grammatical dis- 
tinction of Sentience. In all inflected Old World languages, Aryan, 
Semitic, or any other, the basic grammatical distinction is of sex. Any- 
one who has attended a high school is familiar with the "hie, haec, hoc," 
and "mens, mea, meum," of the Latin, and the others are similar. 
After wide investigation, and inquiry of missionaries, I have been un- 
able to find any Old World language that has this distinction of Sen- 
tience — not even the Eskimo, which is common to both continents. It 


is an universally recognizf d rule of philolo^' that no language ever loses 
its grammar on account of contact with other languages. Thus, English 
has changed in words and pronunciation until the original Anglo-Saxon 
is like a foreign language. It has adopted thousands of words from 
Latin and various other languages, but it has naturalized them, and 
English grammar is still Teutonic. Under this rule, it is impossible 
that a people having the basic grammatical distinction of sex should 
change it to a basic distinction of Sentience ; and this appeals to common 
understanding, for it is impossible to conceive how such a change could 
occur in a language handed down from father to son. 

The most notable exception to this American characteristic is in the 
Muscogean languages. The Choctaw, for example, has no inflection 
whatever, its place being supplied by adjuncts. The Choctaw word 
ha-tak means man or men, with no change of form for Person, Number 
or Case, and Gender shown only by the meaning of the word itself. 
Neither does it affect in any way the form of the verb. On the principle 
stated, such a language could not be derived from an Algonkin source, 
or vice versa. We have then at least two independent origins of lan- 
guage on this continent, both independent of the Old World; and this 
would be accounted for on the hypothesis that the southern Indians were 
descendants of the Mound Builders. It is to be regretted that the exist- 
ing records of Indian languages do not furnish sufficient material for 
the full development of this theoiy. ilax IMuller expressed his surprise 
that Americans had not given more attention to the record and study 
of Indian languages, and so have a few Americans; but the work has 
made little progress, and the opportunity for it is rapidly passing away, 
all for the lack of money by those who see its importance. If any 
American of wealth desires a monument more imperishable than stone 
or brass, he could not secure it more certainly, or more economically, 
than by endowing a Society for the Preservation of Indian Languages. 

But an independent origin of language on this continent implies an 
independent origin of man ; and here we come into opposition to both 
the Black Gown and the Darwinian. What of it? Both of them ought 
to concede the Divine origin of at least one teaching of the Bible, and 
that is: "The truth shall make you free." In this case the difference 
between the Old and the New Worids is even deeper than language. It 
reaches to the habits of thought of the people. Whether you regard the 
Old Testament as a Divine revelation or a compilation of tradition, you 
must admit its antiquity. From the first it is full of the sex idea- 
"male and female created he them"; "male and female" they went 
into the ark; the promise "Thou shalt be blessed above all people: 
there shall not be male or female barren among you, or among your 


cattle"; and the curse of childlessness which caused "the mother of John 
the Baptist to speak of "my reproach among men". On the other hand, 
the Indian, without domestic animals, cared little for the sex of the 
animal he pui-sued for food. The important thing to him was what was 
alive and what was not. There is a large, and probably growing, class 
who, with conscious superiority, dismiss any suggestion of a direct ac* 
of creation with the statement that it is not scientific. Very well. To 
all such I offer this nut to crack. On what scientific principle will you 
account for the unquestionable fact that from the Hebrews, whose lan- 
guage, religion, and daily habit of thought were saturated with the 
sex idea, there suddenly developed the three unprecedented and ab- 
solutely unique concepts of a Sexless Trinity, a Sexless Heaven, and a 
Virgin Birth ? 


In the last quarter of a ceutury, the best Miami interpreter in Indiana 
was Gabriel Godfrey. He was a son of Francois Godfrey, a French 
Miami half blood and his wife Sakwata, a Miami woman. It is stated 
in local histories that Fi-ancois Godfrey 's Indian name was Pah-lens'-wa, 
but he had no Indian name, and this is merely the Miami effort to pro- 
nounce his French name. They have no sound of "f ", ''r", or "v" in 
their language, and substitute "p" for "f", and "1" for "r". Gabriel 
was born near Hartford City, in Blackford County, January 1, 1834, 
and a few days later his mother asked an old Indian friend to give him 
a name, as is often done by the Indians. The old man gave him his own 
name, Wa'-pa-na-ki'-ka-pwa, or White Blossoms. The old man held 
the tribal office of Ka'-pi-a, which they usually translate "overseer", 
but which is more nearly equivalent to umpire or judge. His chief 
function was, in case of a receipt of annuity goods, or on a joint hunt, 
to see that an equitable distribution was made of the proceeds. Gabriel 
was sometimes called Ka'-pi-a on this account, but the title did not be- 
long to him. Neither was he a chief, but simply an amiable, honorable 
gentleman, who bore adversity bravely, and was universally respected. 

Indeed his good-heartedness was his financial ruin. His father's 
family was one of those left in Indiana when the rest of the tribe was 
moved to Kansas, and was given several reservation tracts, one half 
section of which was in the Mississinewa valley, opposite Peru, near 
which Francois had a trading house. To this Gabriel succeeded, and on 
it he erected a fine brick home, where he kept open house for all his 
Indian and white acquaintances; and he never lacked for company. He 
held one office — that of road supervisor — and he blamed politics for his 
reverses. Politicians persuaded the Indians that they had the right of 
suffrage, and ought to vote; and after they began voting the County 
Commissioners decided that they ought to be taxed, and put the Indian 
lands on the tax-duplicate. At that time the national government was 
not giving as much care to its "wards" as it does now, and the Indians 
had to look out for themselves. The brunt of the litigation fell on God- 
frey ; and after the case had dragged along for thirteen years, and what 




was left of his property had gone for costs and attorney's fees, it was 

He had no schooling. When he was about ten years old his father 
sent him to Vincennes for instruction by M. Bellier, the village peda- 
gogue, but within a week the youthful student was so homesick that he 
was packed back home. However he had a bright mind and a fine 
memory. The book of nature was very attractive to him, and he be- 
came an encyclopedia of forest lore and local history. His excellence 
as an interpreter was due to his general information and the fact that 
he knew English so well that he could think in it as well as in Miami. 
No Indian interpreter is very reliable until he reaches that point. I 
did considerable language work with him in the last five years of his 
life — he died on August 14, 1910 — and one day, when we were talking 
about the early history of the Rliamis, he gave me the following legend 
of the origin of the tribe, which he had learned from Ki-tiin'-ga (i. e. 
Sleepy, commonly known to the whites as Charley.) who used to take 
the boys fishing at night, and tell them stories while waiting for a 

A-hon'-dji Kin-do'-ki Pi-a'-watc Mi-a'-mi-a'-ki. 
Whence First They came The Miamis. 


In the beginning 

they came out. 

Coming Out Place 

the Miamis 

from the water 

A-hon'-dji sa-ka'-tci-wa-watc' 
From where they came out 

it is named. 

Prom the water 

the first ones 

sa-ka'-kwe-lo' ", 
catch hold of", 

thev came out 

' ' Pa-mit'-ta-nok 
"Limbs of trees 

And when 


they came to the top. 


they told each other. 

nun'-gi ni-a'-hi a-min-o'-ta-tcik'. 
now there they made a town. 

Ni-an'-dji ma'-tci-ka-tik' ; min-o'-tii-ni na-ka-tan'-gik. 

From there they went away the town they left it. 

After a while 



he went back 

When he came 


he saw them 


Sa'-ki-wa-yun'-gi. Na-pa'-sa iia'-pi 

(at) Coming Out Place. He was surprised but 

il-la-ta'-wa-tcik' il-la-ta'-wai-aug'. Na-hi'-sa wen'-da-\vate' 

they talked (as) we talk. And then he called them 

Ma-ta'-kis-sa'-na-ka'-na il-la-tci'-ki i'-na to-san'-i-a'-ki. 

Old Moccasins he named them those Indians. 

Mot'-yi n'gi'-ka-li'-ma-so' wan'-dji-na-ko'-si-watc'. 
Not I do not know of what tribe they were. 




i-a'-watc. O-ni'-ni 


he knows 


they went. This 





my mothers 

they told me, 

my mother 

She Takes Hold 





her elder sister 

Swan woman. 


the Indians 

ki-o'-ca-ki a-lam'-tan-gik'. Si-pi'-wi Sa'-ki-wa-si-pi'-wi 
old they believe it. The river Coming Out River 

wen'-dan-gik' a-hon'-dji sa'-ka-tcl-wa-watc'. I-ni'-ni 

they call it. from where they came out. That 

wi-on-gon'-dji nin'-ji wen-di'-tcT-tci'-ki Sa'-ka-kwat', 
on account of often they give names She Takes Hold, 

Sii-ka'-ko-nang' Sa-ka'-ko-kwa. 
He Grasps It, Holding Woman. 

The river referred to is the St. Joseph's, of Lake Michigan, and 
Sa-ki-wa-yun-gi is the name of South Bend. This fable teaelies many 
things, and first the tendency of mankind to make stories to fit names. 
The obvious source of the story is the fact that in the early period the 
site of South Bend was the beginning of the portage to the Kankakee, 
and consequently the coming out place for travelers going that way, 
while the chief distinction of the river was that it was the way to 
reach the portage. Godfroy started with the statement that he got 
the' story from Ki-tun'-ga; but he winds up with the statement that 
his mother and aunt told him about it, and that all the old Indians be- 
lieved it. It was a general tradition, and yet the common use of the 
portage had not been discontinued as much as a century when Godfroy 
was a boy. It was not used by the Miamis after they settled in Indiana, 
for they were never a "canoe people". La Potherie says of them: 
"They travel by water very rarely but are great walkers, which has 


caused thera to be called Metousceptinioueks, or Pilgrims". They did 
not use birchbark canoes in Indiana, partly because suitable birch did 
not grow here, and partly because a boat of that kind would soon be 
made useless by the stones and snags of our rivers. An Indiana Indian 

Gabriel Godfroy 
(Wa'-pa-na-ki'-ka-pwa — or White Blossoms) 

had little use for a boat except for hunting and fishing, and a dug-out 
was entirely satisfactory for these purposes. The French fur traders 
used bateaux or the large dug-outs called pirogues. In emergency, In- 
dians, French and pioneer Americans would make a raft of logs tied 
together with vines, which the Canadians called a "eajeu. " 


The story also illustrates a habit of mind of the Indian. The first 
essential of wood-craft is to know "the reason of things", and he was 
constantly seeking them. An Indian will revert to anything unusual or 
strange again and again, until he works out some explanation for it. 
In this case the story is confirmed not only by the names of the place 
and the river, but also by the personal names. Indian babies were 
often named on account of some little peculiarity manifested in the 
first few days of their lives, and such names as these were originally 
adopted for infants that showed a disposition to clutch at objects, as 
many babies do, and later were still more widely spread by the practice 
of naming for relatives and friends. But all this was forgotten when 
such a fine theory of the name was presented. Such stories are common 
everywhere. Within fifty years the Winriebagoes invented a story that 
the name of Chicago originated from a monster manito skunk being seen 
to land at that place, whence the name "Place of the Skunk." In reality 
the name means "Place of garlic — or wild onions", the same stem, 
ci-kag, occurring in both words, as is conclusively shown by the testimony 
of Tonty, LaMothe Cadillac, and other early writers. In like manner 
the Romans made the story of Romulus and Remus to fit the name of 
Rome; and we have half-a-dozen wholly unfounded stories to explain 
the word "Hoosier". 

As to the words of the story, it will be noted that some of them do 
not end with a vowel. This is due to the common practice of the Miami 
to abbreviate in ordinary conversation, just as we use can't and don't, 
when the context shows all that the ending would show. As to spelling, 
all Indian words in this book are in the uniform orthography recom- 
mended by Major Powell, of the Bureau of Ethnology, which may be 
briefly stated as follows: All unmarked vowels have the "Continental" 
force, which is, e as a in fate or ey in they ; a as in far ; i as in pique, 
or e in-me; o as in note; u as in rule; w and y are always consonants, 
as in wet and yet. The short vowels are a as in bat ; e as in bet ; i as m 
bit, and u as "in but. Others are a as in law, and u as in pull. The 
diphthongs are ai as i in pine ; au as ou in out ; ai as oi in boil. The 
consonants have their usual English force, with these exceptions : g is 
always hard as in gig; c is always soft as sh in shall ; te is sounded as 
eh in chin ; j is as z in azure ; dj is as j in judge ; q represents a rare 
sound of gh, similar to German eh. _ • 

Finally, the story comes as near accounting for the origin of the 
Miamis as 'any offered elsewhere. In his speech to Gen. Wayne at the 
treaty of Greenville, The Little Turtle, the Miami head chief, said: 
"It is well known by all my brothers present, that my forefathers 
kindled the first fire at Detroit; from thence he extended his lines to 


the headwaters of the Scioto; from thence to its mouth; from theuco 
down the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash ; and fi'om thence to Chicago, 
on Lake ]\Iichigan". This may possibly be true, but it certainly is not 
true, as he farther asserted, that the territory described "has been en- 
joyed by my forefathers, time immemorial, without molestation or dis- 
pute". Of assertions of title to this region, that can be considered 
historical, the one that reaches farthest back into the past is in a deed 
given by the Iroquois sachems to King William of England in 1701, 
and it is here presented as the starting point in Indiana history. 

The First Indiana Deed op Land * 

To All Christian & Indian People in This Parte of the World and 
in Europe Over the Great Salt Waters, to Whom These Presents Shall 
Come — Wee the Sachims Chief men, Captns and representatives of the 
Five nations or Cantona of Indians called the Maquase Oneydes Onnaji- 
dages and Sinnekes living in the Government of New Yorke in America, 
to the north west of Albany on this side the Lake Cadarachqui sendeth 
greeting — Bee it known unto you that our ancestors to our certain 
knowledge have had, time out of mind a fierce and bloody warr with 
seaven nations of Indians called the Aragaritkas whose chief comand 
was called successively Chohahise - — The land is scituate lyeing and 
being northwest and by west from Albany beginning on the south west 
side of Cadarachqui lake and includes all that waste Tract of Land 
lyeing between the great lake off Ottawawa (Lake Huron) and the lake 
called by the natives Sahiquage and b.y the Christians the lake of Swege 
(Lake Erie) and runns till it butts upon the Twichtwichs (Miamis) and is 
bounded on the right hand by a place called Quadoge (near Chicago) con- 
teigning in length about eight hundred miles sind in bredth four hundred 
miles including the country where the bevers the deers. Elks and such 
beasts keep and the place called Tieugsachrondio, alias Fort de Tret or 
wawyachtenok (Ouiatanon) and so runs around the lake of swege till you 
come to place called Oniadarondaquat which is about twenty miles from 
the Sinnekes Castles which said seaven nations our predecessors did four 
score years agoe totally conquer and subdue and drove them out of that 

1 N. Y. Col. Docs. Vol. 4, p. 909. In his encyclopedic. Narrative and Critical 
History of the TJ. S., Winsor, in discussing British claims based on this transfer, 
says: "No treaty exists by which the Iroquois transferred this conquered country 
to the English." Vol. 5, p. 564. He does not mention this deed, though he quotes 
documents that refer to this transaction, presumably not having noticed its existence. 

2 The chiefs of "the Neutral Nation" were called " Tsohahissen " (Jesuit Eela- 
tions. Vol. 21, p. 207) and the author of the Relation of 1641-2 expresses his belief 
that "the Neutral Nation" originally meant "all the other nations which are south 
and southwest of our Hurons. ' ' 


country aud had peaceable and quiet possession of the same to hunt 
bevers (which was the motive caused us to war for the same) for three 
score years it being the only chief place for hunting iu this parte of the 
world that ever wee heard of and after that wee had been sixty years 
sole masters aud owners of the said land enjoying peaceable hunting 
without any internegotion, a remnant of one of the seaven nations 
called Tionondade (Hurons) whom wee had expelled and drove away 
came and settled there twenty years agoe disturbed our beaver hunting 
against which nation wee have warred ever since and would have sub- 
dued them long ere now had not they been assisted and succoured by 
the French of Canada, and whereas the Governour of Canada aforesaid 
hath lately sent a considerable force to a place called Tjeughsaghroude 
the principall passe that commands said land to build a Forte there 
without our leave and consent, by which means they will possess them- 
selves of that excellent country where there is not only a very good 
soile but great plenty of all manner of wild beasts in such quantities 
that there is no maner of trouble in killing of them and also will be sole 
masters of the Boar ( ?beaver) hunting whereby wee shall be deprived 
of our livelyhood and subsistance and brought to perpetual bondage and 
slavery, and wee having subjected ourselves and lands on this side of 
Cadarachqui lake wholy to the Crown of England wee the said Sachims 
chief men Captns and representatives of the Five nations after mature 
deliberation out of a deep sence of the many Royall favours extended 
to us by the present great Monarch of England King William the third, 
and in consideration also that wee have lived peaceably and quietly with 
the people of albany our fellow subjects above eighty years when wee 
first made a firm league and covenant chain with these Christians that 
first came to settle Albany on this river which covenant chain hath been 
yearly renewed and kept bright and clear by all the Governours suc- 
cessively and many neighbouring Governmts of English and nations 
of Indians have since upon their request been admitted into the same. 
Wee say upon these and many other good motives us hereunto moving 
have freely and voluntary surrendered delivered up and forever quit 
claimed, and by these presents doe for us our heires and successors 
absolutely surrender, deliver up and for ever quit elaime unto our 
Great Lord and Master the King of England called by us Corachkoo 
and by the Christians William the third and to his heires and successors 
Kings and Queens of England for ever all the right title and interest 
and all the elaime and demand whatsoever which wee the said five 
nations of Indians called the Maquase, Oneydes, Onnondages, Cayouges 
and Sinnekes now have or which wee ever had or that our heires or suc- 
cessors at any time hereafter may or ought to have of in or to all that vast 
Tract of land or Colony called Canagariarchio beginning on the north- 


west side of Cadaraehqui lake and includes all that vast tract of land 
lyeing between the great lake of Ottawawa and the lake called by the 
natives Cahiquage and by the Chi-istians the lake of Swege and runns 
till it butts upon the Twichtwiehs and is bounded on the westward by 
the Twichtwiehs by a place called Quadoge conteining in length about 
eight hundred miles and in breath four hundred miles including the 
County where Beavers and all sorts of wild game keeps and the place 
called Tjeughsaghrondie alias Fort de tret or Wawyachtenock and so 
runns round the lake of Swege till you come to a place called Oniagar- 
undaquat which is about twenty miles from the Sinnekes castles includ- 
ing likewise the great falls oakinagaro, (Niagara) all which (was) 
formerly posest by seaven nations of Indians called the Aragaritka 
whom by a fair warr wee subdued and drove from thence four score 
years agoe bringing many of them captives to our country and soe 
became to be the true owners of the same by conquest which said land 
is scituate lyeing and being as is above expressed with the whole soyle 
the lakes the rivers and all things pertaining to the said tract of land 
or colony with power to erect Forts and castles there, soe that wee the 
said Five nations nor our heires nor any other person or persons for 
us by any ways or meanes hereafter have claime challenge and demand 
of in or to the premises or any parte thereof alwayes provided and it 
is hereby expected that wee are to have free hunting for us and the 
heires and descendants from us the Five nations for ever and that free 
of all disturbances expecting to be protected therein by the Crown of 
England but from all the action right title interest and demand of in 
or to the premises or every of them shall and will be utterly excluded 
and debarred for ever by these presents and wee the said Sachims of 
the Five Nations of Indians called the Maquase, Oneydes, Onnandages, 
Cayouges and Sinnekes and our heires the said tract of land or Colony, 
lakes and rivers and premises and eveiy part and parcell thereof with 
their and every of their appurtenances unto our souveraigne Lord, the 
King William the third & his heires and successors Kings of England 
to his and their proper use and uses against us our heires and all and 
every other person lawfully claiming by from or under us the said 
Five nations shall and will warrant and for ever defend by these 
presents — In Witness whereof wee the Sachims of the Five nations 
above mentioned in behalf of ourselves and the Five nations have 
signed and sealed this present Instrument and delivered the same as 
an Act and deed to the Honble John Nanfan Esqr Lieutt Govr to our 
Great King in this province whom wee call Corlaer in the presence of 
all the Magistrates officers and other inhabitants of Albany praying 
oup Brother Corlaer to send it over to Carachkoo our dread Souveraigne 
Lord and that he would be graciously pleased to accept of the same. 



Actum in Albany in the middle of the high street this nineteenth day 
of July in the thirteenth year of His Majty's reign Annoque Domini 




genie (l. s). 

Sonahao rO^ wanne (ls). 

ToEoquat -^s^ ^°* (^ s). 


Maquasb Sachims 
go ( L s. 


sagentisquoa (l s.). 
Onnandaob Sachims 
nawadiqua (l s.) 

wadochoD (l s). 

Onacher (KJi^"""^^ anoruin(LB). 

Teoni ^''^^~~^~> ahigarawe 
alios Hendrik (l a). 



•T"""^^]^^ alias Cornelis (ls). 
QM'j' qittreso ( l a). 
^^^7 rachhoBs ( l a ). 

tsehede (l 6). 
ganasltie (l s) 

rireho (l s). 

Oneyde Sachims 

ronda (l s). 

gariaz (lb). 
rachkoe (l s). 

Sealed and delivered in the presence of us 

Dyrk Wessels justice 
James Weemes 

Jonathan Broadhurst high Sheriff 
M. Clarkson Secretary 
S Clows Surveyor 
Rt. Livingston Secretary for the 
Indian affares 

Pr Schuyler 

J Jansen Bleeker Mayor 
Johs Bleeker Recorder 
John Abeel Alderman 
Johannes Schuyler Aldern 
David Schuyler Aldermn 
Wessells ten Broek Alderman 
Johannes Roseboom Alderman 
Johannes Cuyler Alderman 

this is a true Copy 

John Baptist van Eps) . 
Lawrence Olaese ^ 

(Signed) John Nanfan. 


This deed was drawn, of course, by a representative of the British 
government, probably Nanfan, as he was the active agent in the matter, 
and is designed to make the Iroquois claim as strong as possible. The 
assertion of "peaceable and quiet possession" is as unfounded as the 
similar claim of The Little Turtle. But the general statement of the 
extent of the Iroquois conquest is confirmed by all English and French 
chroniclers who had any information on the subject, and its historical 
truth is beyond question. It is to be regretted that no more explicit 
information is given as to the "seaven nations of Indians called the 
Aragaritkas", but even that was made more clear by others. In his 
letter of Nov. 1.3, 1763, when the interior of the country was very much 
better known than in 1700, Sir William Johnson said : ' ' The Five 
nations having in the last Century subdued the Shawanese, Delawares, 
Twighties (Miamis) & western Indians so far as lakes Michigan & 
Superior, * * * In right of conquest, they claim all the Country 
(comprehending the Ohio) along the great Ridge of Blew Mountains at 
the back of Virginia, thence to the Head of Kentucke River, and down 
the same to the Ohio above the Rifts, thence Northerly to the South end 
of Lake Michigan, then along the eastern shore of said lake to Missili- 
mackinac thence easterly across the North end of Lake Huron to the 
great Ottawa River (including the Chippawae or Missisagey Country) 
and down the said River to the Island of Montreal".* 

Among the French, no one was better acquainted with the situation 
than LaSalle, and in his relation of 1679-80 he said of the Iroquois: 
"They are shrewd, tricky, deceitful, vindictive, and cruel to their 
enemies, whom they burn in little fires with torture and cruelty incred- 
ible. Although there are among them only about 2,500 warriors, as 
they are the best armed and most warlike of all North America, they 
have defeated and then exterminated all their neighbors. They have 
carried their arms on all sides to 800 leagues around, that is to say 
to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, to Hudsons Bay, to Florida, and even to 
the Mississippi. They have destroyed more than thirty nations, brought 
to death in forty years more than 600,000 souls, and have made desert 
most of the country about the great lakes".* In his letter to Frontenac, 
of Aug. 22, 1682, he says of the Iroquois: "Those who wish to hunt 
beaver, finding few north of the lake (Ontario) where they are com- 
paratively rare, go to seek them towards the south, to the west of Lake 
Erie, where they are in great abundance; because, before the destruc- 
tion of the Illinois, and of the Kentaientonga and Ganeiensaga, whom 
the Iroquois defeated a year since, and of the Chaouanons, Ouabachi, 
Tistontaraetonga, Gandostogega, Mosopolea, Sounikaeronons and Ochi- 

.1 N. Y. Ccl. Does., Vol. 7, p. 572. 
* Margry, Vol. 1, p. 504. 


tagonga, with whom they have also been contesting for several years, 
they dared not hunt in these parts infested by so many enemies who 
had the same fear of the Iroquois, and little habit of profiting by the 
skins of these animals, having commerce with the English but very 
rarely, because they could not without gi-eat labor, time and risk. ' ' ^ 

This is the most explicit statement of the situation as to Indiana, 
for this beaver land is necessarily northern Indiana, and probably these 
seven tribes named by LaSalle are "the seaven nations". The Chaou- 
anons (Shawnees) and ilosopolea (or Monsoupolea) had fled into Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee, and are so located on the map of Father Mar- 
quette in his voyage down the Mississippi, in 1673. He says in his 
journal the Shawnees "are the people the Iroquois go far to seek in 
order to wage an unprovoked war upon them"." The Gandostogega 
were the Conestogas. By the Ouabachi he evidently means the people 
living on the Wabash river, and by the Tistontaraetonga the people 
living on the Maumee, for he says elsewhere that the Iroquois called the 
Maumee ' ' Tiotontaraeton ' 'J 

This extraordinary war, which so pi'ofoundly affected Indiana, be- 
gan before the year 1600, between the Adirondacks, who were the tribe 
specifically called Algonkins by the French, and the Iroquois. It was 
in progress when the French made their first settlement in Acadia, 
lasted for a century, and aifected the attitude of the Indians in all of 
our early wars. Golden gives a long account of it, beginning: "The 
Adirondacks formerly lived three hundred Miles above Trois Rivieres, 
where now the Utawawas are situated ; at that time they employ 'd them- 
selves wholly in Hunting, and the Five Nations made planting of Com 
their Business. By this Means they became useful to each other, by 
exchanging Corn for Venison. The Adirondacks , however, valued 
themselves as delighting in a more manly Employment, and despised the 
Five Nations, in following Business, which they thought only fit for 
Women". The Adirondacks treacherously murdered five Iroquois 
youths, and this brought on a quarrel, which led the Adirondacks to 
make war on the Iroquois. Colden continues : ' ' The Five Nations tlien 
lived near where ]\Iont Real now stands ; they defended themselves at first 
but faintly against the vigorous Attacks of the Adirondacks. and were 
forced to leave their own Country, and fly to the Banks of the Lakes 
where they live now. As they were hitherto Losers by the War, it 
obliged them to apply themselves to the Exercise of Arms, in which they 
became daily more and more expert. Their Sachems, in order to raise 
their People's Spirits, turned them against the Satanas, a less warlike 

5 M.irgry, Vol. 2, p. 237. 

6 Shea's Disc, and Exp. of the Miss., p. 42 
T Margry, Vol. 2, p. 24.3. 


Nation, who then lived on the Banks of the Lakes; for they found it 
was difficult to remove the Dread their People had of the Valour of the 

The Iroquois soon subdued and drove out the Satanas, which is their 

Attack on Iroquois Fort 
(After Lafitau) 

name for the Shawnees, and then turned their attention to the Adiron- 
dacks, whom they finally overcame. As refugees from a defeated tribe 
took refuge with another tribe, the Iroquois attacked their host and so 
the war spread from tribe to tribe. The chief cause of Iroquois success 

8 Hist, of the Five Nations. London, 1748, p. 22. 


was that they obtained tire-arms from the Dutch before the other tribes 
secured them ; but even with this advantage they could not have endured 
their losses in battle but for their practice of adopting captive children 
and bringing them up as Iroquois. The statement of Colden is confirmed 
on the French side by the Jesuit Relation of 1659-60, which states that 
the war began in the preceding century, and that the Iroquois had the 
worst of it until the Dutch settled at Manhattan, and furnished them 
with fire-arms. It says that by virtue of these weapons "they actually 
hold dominion for five hundred leagues around, although their number 
is very small". It estimates their warriors at only 2,000, and adds: "If 
anyone should compute the number of pure-blooded Ii'oquois, he would 
have difficulty in finding more than twelve hundred of them in all the 
Five Nations, since these are, for the most part, only aggregations of 
different tribes whom they have conquered, — as the Hurons; the Tion- 
nontatehronnons, otherwise called the Tobacco Nation ; the Atiwendaronk, 
called the Neutrals when they were still independent ; the Riquehronnons, 
who are the Cat Nation (Erie) the Ontwagannhas, or fire Nation; the 
Trakwaehronnons, and others, who, utter Foreigners although they are, 
form without doubt the largest and best part of the Iroquois ".^ 

This concurrent testimony fairly establishes the Iroquois declaration 
that they drove all of the inhabitants out of Indiana about the year 1621 ; 
and it is certain that when the French first came in contact with the 
tribes known as Indiana Indians they were located far to the west. 
In a description of "the recently discovered nations" in 1657-8, and 
their location with" reference to the new missionary establishment of 
St. Michel, which was on the Bay of the Puans, or Green Bay, on the 
west side of Lake Michigan, the following passages occur : 

"The fifth nation, called the Aliniouek (Illinois) is larger; it is com- 
puted at fully 20,000 men and sixty villages, making about a hundred 
thousand souls in all. It is seven days journey westward from St. 

"The sixth nation, whose people are called Oumamik (Miamis) is 
distant sixty leagues, or thereabout, from St. Michel. It has fully eight 
thousand men, or more than twenty-four thousand souls".^" 

Even here the Iroquois followed them, and within a few years part 
of them were driven beyond the Mississippi, where the Illinois and 
the Wawiatanons (Weas) are located on Joliet's map of 1674. There 
was one iliami tribe, however, known as the Miamis of Maramech, which 
remained throughout this period on the "Wisconsin river with the Kick- 
apoos and ^Mascoutins, and of this joint settlement the Relation of 1671 
says: "They have together more than three thousand souls, being able 

9 Jesuit Eel., Vol. 45, p. 203-7. 

10 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 44, p. 247. 


to furnish each four hundred men to defend themselves from the Iro- 
quois, who come to seeli them even in these distant lands". 

In the Relation of 1672-4, Father Allouez describes this joint settle- 
ment on the Wisconsin as composed of "twenty cabins of ilinoues 
(Illinois) thirty large cabins of Kikabou (Kickapoos) fifty of Mas- 
koutench (Mascoutins) over ninety of miamiak (Miamis) and three of 
ouaouiatanoukak (Ouiatanons or Weas) ". Later in the same document, 
having mentioned the mission to the Potawatomis at Green Bay, and 
that to the Outagamis west of it, he says: "Still farther to the west- 
ward, in the woods, are the atchatchakangouen i\ the Machkoutench, 
Marameg, Kikaboua, and Kitchigamich ; the village where the atchat- 
chakangouen are, and whither come the Ilinoue, the Kakackioueck (Kas- 
kaskias), Peoualen (Peorias), ouaouiatanouk, memilounioue, pepikoukia, 
kilitika, mengakoukia, some for a short time, others for a long time. 
These tribes dwell on the Banks of the Mississippi, and all speak the 
same language ".*- 

The changes of location of these tribes in the next thirty years were 
due to French influence, and the only record of any of them being 
within Indiana in that time is LaSalle's statement of finding a mixed 
village of Miamis, Mascoutins and Ouiatanons at the west end of the 
South Bend portage in 1679 ; and he says of them : ' ' The Miamis lived 
formerly at the west of the Lake of the Illinois; whence, from fear of 
the Iroquois, they fled beyond the Mississippi, where they established 
themselves. The Jesuit fathers sent them presents for several years to 
induce them to return to their old homes, and they concluded finally to 
detach a party who located at the head of the Teatiki (Kankakee) 
river ".13 LaSalle recurs to this in his letter of Aug. 22, 1682, as 
follows : 

"The Miamis had formerly been forced to abandon their ancient 
territory by fear of the arms of the Iroquois, and had fled to that of 
the river Colbert (Mississippi) towards the AVest, among the Otoutanta 
(Otoes), the Paote (lowas) and the Mascoutins Sioux who received 
them four years ago. Having made their peace with the Illinois, a part 
of these same Miamis, invited by presents from the Jesuits who live at 
Green Bay, moved nearer them, under the conduct of Ouabichagan, 
which is to say the White Necklace, chief of the principal tribe named 
Tchatehakigoa. which is to say in their langiiage the Crane, and of one 
named Sehaouac, which is to say the Eagle. This nation established 

11 Elfewliere called Tchatehakigoa, who were the Crane clan of the Miamis, called 
Twigh-twiglis, or Twightwees by the Iroquois and English, who were later located at 
Fort Wayne; and who were called "Elder Brothers" by the other Miamis. 

1-' Jesuit Relations, Vol. 58, pp. 23, 41. 

13 Margry, Vol. 1, p. 505. 



itself to the "West of the lake of the Illinois, on this side of the great 
river and had much commerce for several j'ears with the Jesuit 
Fathers". 5* 

The return movement to the east will be considered in connection 

iRoyuois Captives 
(After Lafitau. Above, at night; below, by day) 

with the French establishments, but it may be mentioned here that 
LaSalle's activities aroused the Iroquois to more vigorous efforts. When 
they were taken to task by :\I. de la Barre, in council, in 1684, for attack- 

1* Margry, Vol. 2, p. 215. 


ing the French, the Iroquois chief Graugula replied : "We have robbed 
no Frenchmen but those who supply 'd the Illinese and the Oumamis 
(our enemies) with fusees, with powder, and with ball; these indeed we 
took care of because such arms might have cost us our life. » * * 
We fell upon the Illinese and the Oumamis because they cut down the 
trees of peace, that serv'd for limits or boundaries to our Frontiers. 
They came to hunt Beavers upon our lands ; and contrary to the customs 
of all the savages, have carried off whole Stocks, both Male and 
Female ".15 

After the destruction of LaSalle's establishment on the Illinois, 
Father Jean de Laraberville reported from the Iroquois: "Last year 
they brought 700 Illinois captives, all of whom they keep alive. They 
killed and ate over 600 others on the spot, without counting those whom 
they burned on the road. They saved the children who could live 
without the milk of their mothers, whom they had killed ; but the others 
were cruelly roasted and devoured. » * * They are beginning to 
attack some of our allies called the Oumiamis, a nation of the bay des 
Puants, and they have already burned 6 or 7 of these, without counting 
those whom they have massacred ".^^ On Nov. 4, 1686, he wrote: "The 
army of 200 Seneeas returns this month of September to the country 
of the Omiamicks, 500 of whom they say they brought away or 
took prisoners ".^'^ 

In 1687, in reply to Gov. Dongan's appeal to them to make peace 
with the Western tribes, and secure the beaver trade for the English, 
the Iroquois replied: "As for the Twichtwicks Indians, who are our 
mortal enemies, and have killed a great many of our people a Beaver 
hunting, wee know not whether wee can effect a peace with them ; never- 
theless upon our Excellency's desire wee will try and doe our en- 
deavour". ^^ But peace was not to come from their efforts. That same 
year Gov. Denonville of Canada with a French force, to which were 
joined a hundred and eighty coureurs de bois and a large body of 
western Indians, including Miamis and Illinois, invaded the Seneca 
country and inflicted a severe defeat on them. His Indian allies cele- 
brated the victory by eating twenty-five of their Iroquois enemies, and 
it is probable that no other meal ever served in the state of New York 
gave greater satisfaction to the guests. This banquet marked the ter- 
mination of Iroquois terrorism in the western regions. The Iroquois 
turned on the French, and in the war that raged along the St. Lawrence 
their strength was so broken that they became cautious about attacking 

15 Thwaite's La Hontan, pp. 81-2. 
18 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 62, p. 7. 
I'N. Y. Col. Docs., Vol. 3, p. 489. 
18 N. Y. Col. Docs., Vol. 3, p. 443. 


the western tribes, who were now as well armed as themselves; and 
with the exception of an unsuccessful attack on Fort Miamis in 1695, 
there was no further trouble from them in the western country. 

This Fort Miamis was at the site of Chicago. At that time La 
Mothe Cadillac was the French commander in the west, and in his Ke- 
lation of 1695, after describing the Indian locations west of Lake 
Michigan, he .says: "The post of Chicagou* comes next. This word 
signifies the River of Garlic, because a very great quantity of it is 
produced naturally there without any cultivation. There is here a 
village of the Miamis, who are well-made men ; they are good warriors 
and extremely active. We find next the river of St. Joseph. There was 
here a fort with a French garrison, and there is a village of this same 
nation of Miamis. This post is the key to all the nations which border 
the north of Lake Michigan, for to the south there is not any village 
on account of the incursions of the Iroquois; but in the depths of the 
north coast country and looking toward the west there are many, as 
the ^Mascoutins, Piankeshaws, Peorias, Kickapoos, lowas, Sioux and 
Tintons".!^ In other words, the Miamis had begun moving to the east, 
but had not ventured farther than these two posts at Chicago and La- 
Salle's old fort at the mouth of the St. Joseph, and south of these 
"there is not any village". In 1696 Father Pierre Francois Pinet 
established his mission of L'Ange Gardien just north of Chicago, and 
there were said to have been two villages of Lliamis in its vicinity, 
numbering three hundred cabins.-" 

In the meantime the Jliamis had become involved in war with the 
Sioux, and LaMothe Cadillac states that in 1695 the Sioux treacherously 
attacked them, and killed three thousand of them.^' This prolonged 
and destructive warfare makes somewhat credible the large early esti- 
mates of the numbers of these tribes, as compared with those of later 
date. In 1718, M. De Vaudreuil reported the strength of the Miamis, 
Ouiatanons, Piankeshaws and Pepikokias, then composing the Miamis 
nation proper, at fourteen to sixteen hundred warriors. The French 
estimates of 1736 gave the Miamis only 550 warriors and the Illinois 
600.2 2 xhe English estimates of 1763 gave the Miamis 800 warriors, 
and the estimate of Col. Bouquet and Capt. Hutchins, in 176-1, gives the 
Miami tribes one thousand warriors. 

As Father AUouez says, all of these tribes of the Illinois and .Miamis 
spoke the same language, but with one material dialect difference which 
divided them into two nations, as named ; but the dialects are commonly 

19 Margry, Vol. 5, pp. 123-4. 

2" Shea 's Catholic Church in Colonial Days, p. 537. 

21 Margry, Vol. 5 p. 323. 

22 N. Y. Col. Docs., Vol. 9, p. 1052. 


known as the Miami and the Peoria, the latter word having become 
synonymous with "Illinois". In the Peoria (properly Pi-o'-ri-a) there 
is no sound of "1", and where that sound occurs in the Miami it is 
replaced by the sound of " r " ; while in the Miami there is no sound of 
"r", and the substitution is reversed. The cities of Peoria, in Illinois, 
and Paoli, in Kansas, are continuing memorials of this difference in 
dialect. The names giv«n by Father Allouez are in the Miami form. 
Ilinioue means "he is a man", but what a member of that nation called 
himself was I-rl'-ni-wa. The name Miami is used by the other division 
but it is not of their language, for they cannot give any meaning for 
it. It is most probably the name given them by the Delawares, Wemi- 
amiki, which means "all beavers", or figuratively, "all friends — or 
relatives". The tribes that were located in Illinois during the English 
and American periods used the Peoria dialect, and those located in In- 
diana used the Miami dialect. Of the tribal names, Mascoutiu is prac- 
tically translated in the English name "Fire Nation", and Kickapoo is 
derived by Schoolcraft from n 'gik'-a-boo, or "otter's ghost". These 
two tribes were not members of the Illinois-Miami nation, but were 
closely related to it. 

Marameg, otherwise written maramak or maramech, is the Peoria 
word for catfish. The old chroniclers usually made the Miami form 
malamak, and the Chippewa form manamak. This was a common Algon- 
quian name for streams, which we have preserved in the Merrimac of 
New England, and the Maramcc of Missouri. Kitchigami means great 
water, and probably implies residence near one of the great lakes. 
Kaskaskia is kak-kak'-ki-a, which is their name for the katydid. 
Pi-o'-ri-a, Pe-o-li-a or Pe-wa-li-a, which are forms of the same word, is 
the Miami pa-wa'-li-a, or prairie-fire. Ouaouiatanon is presumably wa- 
wi'-a-tan'-wi, an eddy, literally "it goes in a round channel", with the 
terminal locative. It is necessarily a place name, but it might refer to 
any place where there was an eddy, and there is no tradition of what 
place is meant. George Finley, who is of Piankeshaw descent, thinks 
that Piankeshaw is from pi-an-gi'-sa, which means "they separated, or 
■went apart, unwittingly", which is very plaiisible. But the Gravier 
mss. dictionary, which is preserved in the "Watkinson library at Hart- 
ford, Conn., gives the meaning, "slit ears"; and Godfrey said the idea 
it conveyed to him was of "something scattered about the ears". Pos- 
sibly it refers to an old Miami custom of hair-dressing. In the Relation 
of 1670-1, Father Allouez says that the Ottawas wear their hair "short 
and erect", and that the Illinois "clipping the greater part of the head, 
as do the above named people, they leave four great mustaches, one on 
each side of each ear, arranging them in such order as to avoid ineon- 


venience from them".-3 The meanijig of Pepikokias is lost, as is their 
identity. They united with tlie iliamis of Maramech in locating on the 
Kalamazoo river, in Michigan, about 1700, and it is probable that these 
two constituted what were known as the Eel Kiver Indians in Indiana. 

The Miamis of today have lost even the tradition of their ancient 
mythology, though they retain some of its ideas and customs. It is 
known historically that they had the same general beliefs as the other 
Algonquian tribes ; and these are set forth most satisfactorily by Nicolas 
Perrot, who was almost constantly with these tribes, and especially with 
the Miamis, from 1665 to 1699. Father Charlevoix took most of his 
material on this subject from Perrot 's memoii*. As there is a very 
general misconception of their beliefs, it is worth while to reproduce 
here a part of Perrot 's statement: 

"It cannot be said that the Indians profess any doctrine; it is un- 
questionable that they do not follow, so to speak, any religion. They 
observe merely some judaic customs, for they have certain feasts in 
which they do not use a knife to cut cooked meats, but devour them with 
the teeth. The women li,ave also the custom when they give birth to 
children, to be for a month without entering the lodge of their hus- 
band, and they cannot during this time eat with men, or of what has 
been prepared by men. For them special cooking is done. 

"The Indians have, for their principal divinities, the Great Hare, 
the sun, and the manitos (diables), I mean those who are not converted. 
They invoke most often the Great Hare, because they respect and adore 
him as the creator of the land, and the sun as the originator of light 
but if they put the manitos in the number of their divinities, and invoke 
them, it is because they fear them, and ask life of them when they make 
their invocations. Those among the Indians whom the French call 
medicine-men (jongleurs) speak to the demon that they consult con- 
cerning war and the chase. 

"They have many other divinities, to whom they pray and which 
they find in the air, on the earth, and in the earth. Those of the air 
are the thunder and the lightning, and, in general, all that they can 
see but are unable to comprehend, as the moon, eclipses, and the whirl- 
winds of unusual winds. Those which are on the earth consist of all evil 
and harmful creatures, particularly the serpents, panthers, and other 
animals or birds similar to griffons.^* They also include those which 
are extraordinaiy for beauty or deformity among their kind. Those 
which are in the earth are the bears, which pass the winter without eat- 

23 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 55, p. 217. 

24 Champlain reported and pictured the griffon in the fauna of the country, from 
the descriptions of the natives. 



ing, nourishing themselves only by the substance which they draw from 
the navel by sucking. They regard in this way all the animals that 
sojourn in caverns and holes, which they invoke when, in sleeping, they 
have dreamed of any of them. 

"They make for these kinds of invocations a feast of food or tobacco, 
to which the old men are invited, and relate in their presence the dream 


The Griffon 
(From Oeuvres de Champlain, Quebec Ed. 1870) 

which they have had as the cause of the feast, which they owed to the 
one of whom they had dreamed. Then one of the old men acts as spokes- 
man, and, naming the creature to which the feast is given he addresses 
to him the following words: 'Have mercy on him who offers to thee 
(mentioning each thing offered by name) ; have mercy on his family; 
grant to him whatever he needs'. All the assistants respond in unison 
' ! ! ' many times, until the prayer is concluded ; and this word ' ' 
signifies the same with them as it does with us". 

This illustrates the only kind of praj^er to the manitos (ma-net'-o- 


wa'-ki) that the ^Miamis use at present, or probably used at that time, 
i. e. supplication accompanying an offering. The fundamental concept 
of the Miami faith is that there is "no getting something for nothing". 
This is due to the character of the manitos, for outside of the ideas in- 
culcated by Christian teaching, they have no conception of any super- 
natural being that is absolutely good or absolutely bad. All of them 
can be plai;ated, and will treat you well if placated, but are liable to do 
you an injury if not placated. And these prayers, invocations and 
feasts are not to the earthly animals named by Perrot but to the spirit, 
or manito animals of the same name. The earthly animals are regarded 
as the descendants of the spirit animal, or as iinder its special protection, 
and may receive consideration on that account, but they are not objects 
for prayer or invocation, and never were. Neither are there now any 
of the formalities of assemblage mentioned by Perrot. The modern 
practice, for it still continues to some extent with the old people, and 
this without regard to their professions of Catholic or Protestant faith, 
is for the person making the offering to address the manito direct, calling 
him Ni-mji'-co-mi'-na (our grandfather) or, in abbreviated form, Ma'-ca. 
In the address, however, they use "secret words", that I have never 
been able to learn. 

The Great Hare, otherwise known as ilichaboo, Manabozho, Nana- 
bozho Nanaboush, Messou, Oisakedjak, etc., was perhaps the nearest 
approach to a beneficent supernatural in the iliami theogony. They 
have lost all trace of him now except in their legends of Wi-sa'-ka- 
tcak'-wa, who was the incarnation of Michaboo, and who was not a 
worshipful character as presented in these legends. This is no doubt 
the result of a prolonged debasement of the original conception. As 
Brinton aptly puts it: "This is a low, modern and corrupt version of 
the character of Michaboo, bearing no more resemblance to his real 
and ancient one than the language and acts of our Savior and the 
apostles in the coarse Mystery Plays of the Middle Ages do to those 
revealed by the Evangelists ".-^ 

The Miami theory of creation starts with the proposition that "there 
was nothing but water before the earth (i. e. the visible earth, the dry 
land) was created; and that on this vast expanse of water floated a 
great raft of logs, on which were all the animals of all kinds that are 
on the earth, of which the Great Hare was chief". The Great Hare told 
the animals that if he could get some earth from beneath the water, 
he could make a laud large enough for them to live on. The beaver 
was first induced to dive for this purpose, but after a long stay came 
up insensible from exhaustion, and unsuccessful. The otter then tried. 

25 The Myths of the New World, p. 194. 


but with no better success. Then the muskrat went down, and after 
a stay of tweuty-four hours came up insensible; but in one of his 
clenched paws they found a grain of sand, from which Michaboo made 
an island. 

They proceeded to occupy this island, which was increased from 
time to time by Michaboo until it became the continent; and when one 
of the animals died i\Iiehaboo would take its body and make a man of 
it, as lie did also with the bodies of fish and animals found on the shores. 
This was the ascribed reason for the animal totems of the various clans, 
and their claimed descent from various animals. It will be noted that 
Michaboo required matter with which to create anything. The Indians 
had no conception of creation by fiat, or of making something from 
nothing. They believed that matter was eternal, and, as Perrot says, 
"In regard to the ocean and the firmament, they believe that these were 
from eternity". This creation legend had numerous variant forms.''' 
In several of these the story of Michaboo appears to be a flood legend 
instead of a creation legend ; and this is true of one recorded even 
earlier than that of Perrot. In his Relation of 1633, Father LeJeune 
records the Montagnaise legend of Messou, their Michaboo, who offended 
certain water manitos; and they brought on the flood, from which lie 
restored the earth.^' But in all of these the deluge was prior to the 
creation of man by Michaboo; and this fact must be kept in mind in 
considering the Indian conception of divinity. 

It is singular that Michaboo and Mi-ci-bi-si are confused in some 
authoritative works,-* as they were not only distinct, but also enemies, 
and both of them are frequently mentioned by travelers. Mi'-ci-bi-si is 
the Chippewa name of the panther, or as La Hontan puts it: "The 
Michibichi is a sort of Tyger. only 'tis less than the common Tyger, and 
not so much speckl'd''.-^ The Spirit Panther, which bears this same 
name of Mi'-ei-bi'-si (i. e. the big cat) was "the god of the waters" or 
"the manito of the waters and the fishes".^" He was supposed to dwell 
in deep places where the water seems to boil up in lakes and rivers, and 
this motion of the water is caused by moving his tail. The IndiaiLS 
offered him gifts to secure his aid in fishing, and to secure protection 

20 See Journal of Am. Folk Lore, Vol. 4, p. 193 ; Report Bur. of Ethnology, 
1892-3, pp. 161-209; Kmerson's Indian Myths, pp. 336-71; Peter Jones and the 
Ojibway Indians, p. 33; Kohl's Kitchigami, p. 386; Algic Tales, Vol. 1, p. 166. 

"Jesuit Relations, Vol. 5, p. 155; Vol. 6, p. 157. 

28Brinton's Myths of the New World, p. 197; Jesuit Relations, Vol. 50, p. 328. 

29 Thwaite's La Hontan, p. 345. 

30 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 50, p. 289; Vol. 54, p. 155; Vol. 67, p. 159; Blair's 
Indian Tribes, Vol. 1, p. 59. 


from the dangers of navigation. These dangers were frequent in the 
use of birch-bark canoes, and whenever the lakes were rough the mis- 
sionary passengers were grieved by the idolatry of the Indians, who 
believed in "safety first" when it could be obtained by throwing a 
little tobacco to Mi'-ci-bi'-si. The French travelers sometimes called 
this manito L 'Homme Tyger, because he was represented as having the 
face of a man. 

The Miami name of this manito is Len'-ni-pin'-ja, or the Man-Cat, 
and a pool where he is residing is called Len'-ni-pin'-ja-ka'-mi. There 
is one of these places on the Mississinewa river, and there are some 
startling legends concerning events there. He is also the "spirit" that 
was supposed to inhabit Lake Manitou, in Fulton County ; and he gives 
the name to the Shawnese clan to which Tecumtha belonged of Manetuwi 
Msi-pessi, of which it is said: "The Msi-pessi, when the epithet mi- 
raculous (manetuwi) is added to it, means a 'celestial tiger,' i. e., a 
meteor or shooting star. The manetuwi msi-pessi lives in water only, and 

■ is visible not as an animal, but as a shooting star." ^i But the activities of 
this manito are not confined to the water. He corresponds to the "Fire 
Dragon" of other mythologies; and when they see a meteor, the old 
Miamis say that it is Len'-ni-pin'-ja going from one sea to another. 
Godfrey said that the reason he stayed in deep waters was to avoid 
setting the world on fire; but Finley said that it was to avoid danger 
of being harmed by Tcing'-wi-a, the Thunder, who is a sort of American 
Thor. Although not now worshipped, Tcing'-wi-a is still regarded as a 
manito, but the lightning is considered the effect of his blows. Hence, 
the Miamis do not say that anything has been struck by lightning, but 
by Thunder. Finley says that one of Lenni-pin-ja's horns is white, and 
one blue. 

In this connection, it is of interest to refer to the celebrated pictured 
rocks whicli were formerly on the Mississippi river just above Alton, 
but which have now been quarried away. When Father Marquette 
made his first trip down the Mis.sissippi he had been warned against 
it by the .Menominees, who told him that the great river was "full of 
horrible monsters, which devoured men and canoes together", and that 
at one point there was a demon that barred navigation.32 He made 
light of the warning, but apparently was on the lookout for them ; and 
he saw one, for he says: "We saw on the water a monster with the head 
of a tiger, a sharp nose like that of a wildcat, with whiskers and straight 
erect ears. The head was gray and the neck quite black; but we saw 

31 Eeport Bureau of Eth. 1892-?,, p. 682. 

32 Jesuit Eelatious, Vol. 59, p. 97. 

Vol. 1—5 



no more creatures of this sort".^^ A little later, when he reached the 
pictured rocks, he wrote: "While skirting some rocks, which by their 
height and length inspired awe, we saw upon one of them two painted 
monsters which at first made us afraid, and upon which the boldest 
savages dare not long rest their ej'cs. They are as large as a calf : they 
have horns on their heads like those of a deer, a horrible look, red eyes, 
a beard like a tiger's, a face somewhat like a man's, a body covered with 
scales, and so long a tail that it winds all around the body passing above 
the head and going back between the legs, ending in a fish's tail". 


Marquette's Monster 
(Len'-ni-pin'-ja, or Man-Cat of the Peorias and Illinois; Mi-ci-bi'-si, of 

the Northern tribes.) 

This rock, which had numerous other pictographs in addition, has 
been quite a puzzle to antiquarians, and has been known as "the Piasa 
Rock" since William Mc Adams published his "Record of Ancient 
Races in the Mississippi Valley", in 1887, in which he said it was so 
called. Mr. McAdams was a farmer of the vicinity, who took great 
interest in prehistoric matters, and he performed a real service by pre- 
serving two pictures of Marquette's monsters. The best one, which is 
labeled "Flying Dragon", and inscribed "Made by Wm. Dennis, April 
3d, 182.5", is reproduced here.^* McAdams says: "The name Piasa is 
Indian, and signifies in the Illini 'The Bird which devours men' ". 

33 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 59, p. 111. 

34 Both pictures were reproduced in the Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, with 
an extended discussion, in 1892-3, p. 640. 


There is no such word in the Illinois, and it would not have that mean- 
ing if there were. Amos Stoddard came nearer to it seventy-iive years 
earliei-, when he wrote: "What they (Joliet and Marquette) call 
Painted ilonsters on the side of a high perpendicular rock, apparently 
inaccessible to man, between the Missouri and Illinois, and known to 
the moderns by the name of Piesa, still remain in a good state of preser- 
vation." ^s That this was the early pronunciation is shown by the 
following entry in the Executive Journal of Indiana Territory: "Jan- 
uary 1st, 1807. A Liseence was granted to Eli Langford to keep a 
ferry on the east side of the Mississippi in St. Clair County above the 
mouth of the Missouri and two miles from Pyesaw Rock.'.' ^u 

The Illinois and Miami name is Pa-i'-sa, plural Pa-i'-sa-ki, which is 
the name of a race of "little men" corresponding to the elves and ko- 
bolds. They are rather friendly to men, and will not injure you unless 
you inti'ude on their preserves. They live under the water usually, and 
are the same people who were said to make arrow-heads for Indians in 
the preceding chapter. When an Indian dies, two of them come to guide 
his spirit over the ]\Iilky Wa.y, which is the path of departed spirits to 
the "happy hunting grounds". The monster represented is Len'-ni- 
pin'-ja, or ]\Ii'-ci-bi'-si, and his pictui-e was probably believed to have 
been placed there as warning of the Leu'-ni-pin'-ja-ka'-ml, which Mar- 
quette found at the mouth of the ilissouri, five miles farther down. It 
is probable that the stories of a race of dwarfs in this country originated 
in Indian legends of the Pa-i'-sa-ki, just as the report of griffons came 
from their I\Ii'-ei-bi'-si stories. 

In the earliest Peoria and Miami texts and vocabularies, the word 
used for "God" is Ki'-ci-ma-net'-o-wa (The Great Spirit — varied in 
other dialects to Gi'-tci-ma-ni'-to, etc.), and this is still used by some 
of the Algonquian tribes for the white man's God. With the Miarais it 
has been dropped so completely that I have never found a Miami who 
had heard the word, though they all understood its primary meaning at 
once. In 1797. when Yolney obtained his iliami vocabulary, he gave for 
"God" the alternative, "Kitehi Manetoua or Kajehelangoua". The 
latter word. Kii-ci'-hi-lan'-gwa, means literally "he who made us all", 
and unquestionably in its original use referred to Michaboo. But both 
of these words are now out of use, and Ka-ci'-hi-wi-a, i. e. the Creator, 
is now used for "God". The explanation of this is that Ki'-ci-ma-net'- 
o-wa was the name of the Great Serpent, who was not a beneficent 
spirit, but merely the most powerful of the manitos, and with rather a 

•in Sketches of Louisiana, Phila. 1812, p. 17. 
selnd. Hist. Soc. Pubs. Vol. 3, p. 138. 



worse disposition than most of them. He was an enemy of Michaboo, 
and altogether corresponded more nearly to the old world conception of 
the devil than to the conception of God. The Miamis and Illinois were 
more rapidly Christianized than any of the other western tribes, and, 
no doubt, when the true character of Ki'-ci-ma-net'-o-wa was learned by 
the missionaries, their influence was used to discontinue the use of the 

Sarah Wadsworth 
(Wi-ka'-pi-min-d.ia, or The Linn Tree. A Wea woman, native of Indiana) 

word. I am confident that the Miamis never had any conception of a 
divine, omnipotent, beneficent spirit, similar to the Christian, Jewish, 
or Platonic conceptions of God, until they got it from the missionaries ; 
and I think this was time of all the Indians. 

In his dealings with the manitos, the Miami took no chances; and 
therefore, in addition to ofi'erings and prayers, if he knows any charms 
that will prevent injury, he uses them also. In proposing an offering 


one says to another: "A-ko'-la (smoke) na-ma'-wa-ta'-wi (let us offer) 
ki-ma'-co-mi'-na (our grandfather). Grandfather is the most respectful 
and endearing term that can be used to an elder or superior; in familiar 
usage it is shortened to Ma'-ca. Tobacco, which is especially agreeable 
to all intelligent manitos, is smoked and puffed out towards the location 
of the manito, or sometimes thrown on the fire to ascend in smoke or 
thrown into the water or the air. The word for sacrifice implies 

In addition to tobacco, the old Miamis use a mixture of the common 
everlasting (Gnaphalium polycephalum), which the Weas call pa'-wa- 
ki'-ki, and the Miamis pat-sa'-ki (odorous), and the leaves of the red 
cedar. These are dried, rubbed to powder in the hands, and thrown to 
the manito. This is accompanied by a prayer: "Ni-ma'-co-mi'-na (our 
grandfather) lam-pa'-na-ci'-so-la'-ma (do not harm us) ki-ta'-ma-ki-a'- 
li-mi-lo'-ma (have mercy on us)". Sarah Wadsworth (Wi-ka'-pa- 
min'-dja, or Linn Tree) informed me that one day an ugly cyclone cloud 
was moving down from the North towards their house, in Oklahoma, 
when she ran out on one side of the house and offered the above incense 
and invocation; and, unknown to her. Aunt Susan Medicine (Wa'-no- 
kam'-kwa, or Fog Woman) went out on the other side and did the same. 
They each also threw oiit a shovelful of hot coals, which the storm 
manito cannot cross. The cloud broke in two, and the two parts went 
around them without injury. The Miamis had a small variety of tobacco, 
which they raised themselves, that was used for offerings. 

Some of the most lasting of their old beliefs are in their funeral 
customs. With little regard to their Christian affiliations, the Miamis 
believe in the immortality of the soul; and they do not believe in the 
existence of a hell. They believe in a "happy hunting ground", which 
they call a-tci'-pai-a a'-hi wi-a'-ki-wa'-tci (where the spirit dwells) 
This delightful spirit land is reached by a long road, including what we 
call the Milky Way, and which the Miamis call a-tci'-pai-i-ka-na'-wa 
(the spirit path). This was the original Algonquian belief, as Father 
Le Jeune recorded it in 1634: "They call the milky way Tehipai 
meskanau, the path of souls, because they think the souls raise them- 
selves through this way in going to that great village ".^^ In their 
funerals, at least until quite recently, they observed the Indian cere- 
monial, whether accompanied by Christian services or not. In this 
some prominent or old person takes position at the foot of the grave, 
and delivers an address to the dead, which they call pa-ko'-ma-ta. A 
typical form of this address, which is varied more or less at the will of 
the speaker, is as follows: 

3' Jesuit Eelations, Vol. 6, p. 181. 


Ni'-ka I'-ci-iion'-gi a-in'-^wi-lat'-kwi mi'-to-sa'-ni-wi'-a-ni 

Friend, as it is now you have come to the end you were living 

I-a'-kwa-mi'-si-lo' a-i'-ci i'-a-i'-a-ni. A-pwa-lap'-so-lo'. Wis'-sa 

Make every effort where you are going. Do not look back. Many 

ka'-ti ko-ta'-li-wa'-ki ; ka'-ti sa'-ki-ha'-ki. I-a'-kwa-mi'-si-lo'; 

will they tempt you ; will they frighten you. Do your best; 

i'-ei-ka'-ti na-wa'-tci, a-wa'-man-g-wi'-ki min'-dji-ma'-ha 
then will you see him, our relatives long ago 

na-wa-tci'-ki. I-a'-kwa-mi'-si-lo' ; i'-ci-ka'-ti na-pil-sa'-tei, 

you see them. Do all you can ; then will you get to him, 

ki-ma-co-mi'-na. Nii-na'-ta-wi mi-kwa'-li-ma-ka'-ni ki-ma'-eo-mi'-na. 
our grandfather. Always you think of him, our grandfather. 

It will be noted that in this address the important personage of 
the spirit v\'orld is not Ka-ci'-hi-wi-a, but Ki-ma'-co-mi'-na ; and this 
originally meant Michaboo. Those in attendance at the funeral, who 
so desire, throw bits of earth into the grave, the object of which is to 
prevent the spirit from returning to trouble them. They ' dislike 
spiritual visitations, and when apijrehensive of them, they made a circle 
of ashes about tlie lodge, or house, which the spirits cannot cross. They 
also used a vegetable "medicine" called black root (ma-ka'-ta-wa- 
tcip'-ki),38 which they rubbed on a gun-barrel, and then fired the gun 
at any strange noise which they suspected to be made by spirits, at the 
same time asking ni-ma'-co-mi'-na to make the bullet hit the mark. 

This is a survival of an ancient and widespread faith. La Potherie 
recounts how the Miamis fired guns, beat drums, and yelled vociferously 
during an eclipse of the moon, and the chiefs gave the explanation ; 
"Our old men have taught us that when the Moon is sick it is necessary 
to assist her by discharging arrows and making a great deal of noise, in 
order to cause terror in the spirits who are trying to cause her death ; 
then she regains her strength, and returns to her former condition. 
If men did not aid her she would die, and we would no longer see 
clearly at night ; and thus we could no longer separate the twelve months 
of the year ".■■''' This unfailing remedy, as shown by Lafitau, was general 
with the natives of America. Civilized man probably makes enough 
noise to secure the result without any special effort. 

38 I have not seen this plant, but imagine that it is Eudbeckia hirta, as the Indian 
said, "the Whites call it Bachelor's Button, because a button grows on the top, which 
is in the midst of a brown flower. The stalks are from two to three feet tall." 

39 Blair 's Indian Tribes, Vol. 2, p. 121. 



The general loss of tlieir original religion myths by the Miamis is 
due to their general early acceptance of Christiauit}'. The pioneer 
missionaries pronounced them "very docile", "the most civil and most 

Indians DnmNG Opt Eclipse of Moon 

(After Lafitau. The lower part portrays the 12th Chapter of the Book 

of Revelation, wliieh Lafitau considered analogous) 

liberal" of the western tribes, aud having "a docility which has no 
savor of barbarism".*" Their conversion also had a material effect on 
their habits and physical characteristics. La Hontan says of the west- 

40 Jesuit Eelations, Vol. 59, pp. 101-3; Vol. 55, p. 213. 


ern Algonkins at the earliest period of contact with the French: "They 
are neither so strong nor so vigorous as most of the French in raising 
of weights with their arms, or cari-ying burdens on their backs; but to 
make amends for that they are indefatigable and inured to hardships, 
insomuch that the inconveniences of cold and heat have no impression 
upon them ; their whole time being spent in the way of exercise, whether 
at running up and down, at hunting and fishing, or in dancing and 
playing at foot ball, or such games as require the motion of the legs".''i 
This was the result of a Spartan athletic training which was especially 
characteristic of the Miamis; and La Hontan further speaks of their 
sexual continence, in this connection, and their explanation that 
excesses "so enervate them that they have not the same measure of 
strength to undergo great fatigues, and that their hams are too weak 
for long marches or quick pursuits". 

In his letter to the Provincial, on Oct. 21, 1683, Father Beschefer 
says of the conversion of these Indians by Father Allouez: "With 
regard to the superstitions of the Miamis, he has not much trouble in 
disabusing them about these, because nearly all consist in the very 
strict observance of certain fasts, of several days duration — which the 
old men cause the youth to undergo, in order that they may discover 
during their sleep the object upon which their good fortune depends 
and no sooner had the father shown them the vanity of those dreams 
than the young men, delighted to be freed from that obligation, which 
to them seemed a very hard one, abandoned the fasts. The old men 
have also been compelled to admit that their only reason — which they 
had nevertheless covered with specious pretext of religion — was to inure 
the young men to fatigue, and to prevent their becoming too heavy ".^^ 

The food of the Miamis is a matter of ethnologic interest. Count 
Volney, who was a firm believer in the influence of climate, soil and 
food on the human race, said of the Indians on the Wabash: "They 
have a good soil, with finer maize, and greater plenty of game than are 
found east of the mountains. Hence it is that the natives are a stout, 
well-formed race. The same may be said of the Shawanese, the stature 
of those women astonished me more than their beauty". At that time 
(1797) the Miamis had adopted some of the white man's food, for 
William Wells told Volney : ' ' They raise some corn and potatoes, and 
even cabbages and turnips. Their captives have planted peach and 
apple trees, and taught them to breed poultry, pigs, and even cows; in 
short they are as much improved as the Creeks and the Choctaws".** 

■•iThwaite's La Hontan, p. 415. 

« Jesuit Relations, Vol. 62, p. 205. 

43 View of the Climate and Soil of the U. S., p. 360. 


If food had affected their physique, its effects must have begun 
long before their contact with the whites ; and they evidently had this 
advantage at an early day. Perrot notes the difference between the 
food supplies of the tribes of the wooded countries and those of the 
prairies. Of the former he says : "The kinds of food which the savages 
lilie best, and which they make the most effort to obtain, are the Indian 
corn, the kidney bean, and the squash. If they are without these they 
think they are fasting, no matter what abundance of meat and fish they 
may have in their stores, the Indian corn being to them what bread is 
to Frenchmen. The Algonkins (i. e. the Canada tribe), however, and 
all the northern tribes, who do not cultivate the soil, do not lay up 
corn ; but when it is given to th*m while they are out hunting, they 
regard it as a special treat. 

"Those people commonlj' live only by hunting or fishing; they have 
moose, caribou and bears, but the beaver is the most common of all their 
game. They consider themselves very fortunate in their hunting expe- 
ditions when they encounter some rabbits, martens, or partridges, from 
which to make a soup ; and without what we call tripe de roche — which 
you would say is a species of gray moss, dry, and resembling oublies,^* 
and which of itself has only an earthy taste, and the flavor of the soup 
in which it has been cooked — most of their families would perish of 
hunger. Some of these have been known who were compelled to eat 
their own children, and others whom starvation has entirely destroyed. 
For the northern country is the most sterile region in the world, since 
in many places one will not find a single bird to hunt; however they 
gather there plenty of blueberries in the months of August and Septem- 
ber, which they are careful to dry and keep for a time of need ".■•'' 

But passing from these wooded countries to the lands of the Miamis 
and Illinois, Perrot continues: "The savage peoples who inhabit the 
prairies have life-long good fortune ; animals and birds are found there 
in great numbers, with numberless rivers abounding in fish. Those 
people are naturally very industi'ious, and devote themselves to the 
cultivation of the soil, which is very fertile for Indian corn. It also 
produces beans, squashes (both large and small) of excellent flavor, 
fruits, and many kinds of roots. They have in especial a certain methotl 
of preparing squashes with the Indian corn cooked while in its milk. 

4* These are wafers, used to fasten paper together. The referenee is to the 
gelatinous character of the plant. Tripe de roche is the edible lichen, TJmbilicaria 
dillenii. It is used for food only as a last resort; and Father Andre well says of it: 
"It is necessary to close one's eyes when one begins to eat it." (Jesuit Relations, 
Vol. 55, p. 151.) 

<5 Blair's Indian Tribes, Vol. 1, p. 102. 



which they mix and cook together and then dry, which has a very sweet 
taste. Finally, melons grow thei-e which have a juice no less agreeable 
than refreshing". 

The Miamis were equally agricultural in their homes on the Wabash 
and Maumee.^'5 The expeditions of the whites against them made a 
specialty of destroying their crops, and Wilkinson, Scott and others 
call attention to the extent of their fields. Gen. Wayne wrote: "The 
very extensive and highly-cultivated fields and gardens show the work 

Treaty with Potawatomis at Chippewanung, 1836 
(From painting by Winters) 

of many hands. The margins of those beautiful rivers, the Miamis of 
the Lake (]\Iaumee) and Auglaize appear like one continued village 
for a number of miles both above and below this place; nor have I ever 
before beheld such immense fields of corn in any part of America, from 
Canada to Florida ".^^ 

It was noted by the French that the Miamis raised a kind of corn 
differing from that raised by the Indians about Detroit, and it was said : 
"It is whiter, of the same size as the other, the skin much finer, and 

46 Jesuit Relations, Vol. 55, p. 213; Vol. 69, p. 219; N. Y. Col. Does., Vol. 9, pp. 

17 Dillon '3 Indiana, p. 346. 


the meal much whiter ".^^ rpj^^ ^^ probably what the Miamis called 
no-kin'-gwa-mi'-ni, or soft corn, because it ground easily. It was used 
for lye hominy, and was the favorite corn for parching, as it was easily 
chewed. Parched corn, not ground, is called kit'-sa-min'-gi ; when 
ground, as it usually was when carried for food, it is called 
ki-ta'-sa-ka'-ni. Corn in the milk was preserved by boiling and then 
drying it. This is called min-dji'-pi co-ko'-sa-min'-gi. The favorite corn 
of the Miamis of recent times is what the whites call "squaw corn", 
and they call ik-kl'-pa-kin'-gwa-mi'-ni (blue corn), or sometimes 
to-sa'-ni-a min-dji'-pi (Indian corn), or ili-a'mi min-dji'-pi (Miami 
corn). This is an early variety, and sweeter than ordinary corn. The 
Indians are very fond of a soup made of scraped green corn, which is 
called min-dji'-pi n'po'-pi, or corn soup. 

Perrot further says: "The various kinds of animals that the 
(prairie) country furnishes are : buffaloes, elks, bears, lynxes, raccoons, 
and pauthers. whose flesh is very good for food. There are also beavers, 
and black and gray wolves, whose skins serve as their garments; and 
still other animals which also they use for food. The birds or fowls of 
the rivers and swamps are : swans, bustards, wild geese, and ducks of all 
kinds. Pelicans are very common, but they have an oily flavor, whether 
alive or dead, which is so disagreeable that it is impossible to eat them. 
The land birds are turkeys, pheasants, quails, pigeons, and curlews like 
large hens, of excellent flavor. In that region are found still other birds, 
especially innumerable cranes ".^^ 

This translation is somewhat doubtful. If Perrot did not intend to 
include deer in "eerfs", which is hei-e translated "elks", he omitted 
the most important food animal of the region. He certainly did not 
mean what we commonly call lynxes (i. e. the Canadian lynx) by "chats 
cerviers", for they are not found in the prairie country south of Canada. 
What he probably intended was the common wildcat (bay lynx or bob 
cat) which was common in the region referred to wherever woods were 
found. Godfroy informed me, however, that the Indians ate only the 
ribs of the wildcat, and believed that eating the legs would cause cramps. 
Like other sensible people, the Indians would eat almost any animal or 
bird in case of emergency, but they had preferences. They did not 
ordinarily eat wolves, foxes, minks, or skunks ; nor the smaller animals, 
such as ground sqiiirrels, weasels, rats or mice. They ate groundhogs, 
and considered porcupines a delicacy, except in the pine woods, where 
their flesh tastes of pine. Godfroy said he never knew an Indian to eat 

48 N. Y. Col. Docs., Vol. 9, p. 891. 

40 Blair's ludiau Tribes, Vol. 1, p. 114. 


a dog, though they certainly did in early times. Possibly this is a change 
of custom due to a change of dogs, from their original wolf dogs to the 
more valuable or less edible European varieties. 

Of the water birds, it is not certain what Perrot meant by bustards 
(outardes), for the European bustard is a land bird, more like a turkey 
than any other American bird. Possibly he meant the American bittern, 
which is eaten both by whites and Indians, and I can testify that a young 
bittern is very palatable. He probably measured his "curlews like large 
hens" by extent rather than weight, as the northern curlew, the largest 
of all, seldom weighs over a pound and a half, though it is two feet in 
length. Godfrey said that the Indians ate all the water fowl except 
those that taste fishy such as loons, fish-ducks and herons. Of land birds, 
he thought they did not eat hawks and owls until they learned to do so 
from the whites. They did not eat woodpeckers, as they say that eating 
them will make one deaf. With these exceptions they ate all birds of any 
size. They did not eat frogs, snakes, lizards, mussels or snails. Of turtles 
they ate only the soft-shell and snapping turtles. They considered the 
flesh of the water-dog (menobranchus) poisonous. Godfroy said his dog 
bit one, and it made him sick, although he did not eat any of it. 

As to edible roots Perrot says they, "have in their country various 

kinds of roots. That which they call • , meaning 'bear's root', is an 

actual poison if it is eaten raw ; but they cut it in very thin slices, and cook 
it in an ovea during three days and three nights; thus by heat they cause 
the acrid substance which renders it poisonous to evaporate in steam, 
and it then becomes what is commonly called cassava root". This is a 
good description of the Indian turnip (Arisaema triphyllum), but the 
Miamis call it wi'-ko-pai'-si-a, which does not mean "bear's root". 
I think that Perrot here confuses his omitted word with the meaning of 
"macopin", which literally would mean bear root. The Miamis do not 
now use this word, nor know to what it refers, but it was in common 
use in Perrot 's time, and the Illinois river was called Macopin river. 
Makopin is said to be the Chippewa name of the water-chinquepin ; but 
micoupena was the Peoria name of the white water-lily, Njinphaea 
tuberosa, and the name of the Illinois river was probably coi'rupted from 
this word. The "oven" mentioned was a hole dug in the ground, and 
heated by a fire in it, after which it was cleaned out, filled with food, 
and covered over. Further mention of its use is made in connection with 
the wild onion. 

Perrot continues: "Also in winter they dig from under the ice, or 
where there is much mud and little water, a certain root of better quality 
than that which I have just mentioned ; but it is only found in the Louisi- 
ana country, some fifteen leagues above (below) the mouth of the Wis- 


consin. The savages call this root in their own language pokekoretch ; 
and the Freiich give it no other name because nothing at all resembling 
it is seen in Europe. It has the appearance of a root, about half as thick 
as ones arm, or a little more ; it also has firm flesh, and externally 
resembles an arm; in one word, you would say at sight of these roots 
that they are certainly great radishes. But cut it across the two ends, 
and it is no longer the same thing; for you find inside it a cavity in the 
middle, extending throughout its length around which are five or six 
other and smaller cavities, which also run from end to end. To eat it, 
you must cook it over a brazier, and you will find that it tastes like 
chestnuts. The savages are accustomed to make provision of this root; 
they cut it into pieces and string them on a cord, in order to dry them 
in the smoke. When these pieces are thoroughly dry, and as hard as 
wood, they put them into bags and keep them as long as they wish. If 
they boil their meat in a kettle, they also cook therein this root, which 
thus becomes soft ; and, when they wish to eat, it answers for bread with 
their meat. It is always better with considerable grease ; for although 
this root is very sweet and has a good flavor, it sticks to the throat in 
swallowing and goes down with difficulty, because it is very dry. The 
women gather this root, and recognize it by the dried stem, which appears 
sticking up above the ice. The shape (of the dry top) is like a crown, 
of red color ; it is as large as the bottom of a plate, and is full of seeds 
in every way resembling hazelnuts; and when these are roasted under 
hot cinders they taste just like chestnuts". 

This plant is plainly Nelumbium luteum — the American lotus, yellow 
water-lily, water chinquepin, wankapin or yoncopin. Sarah Wadsworth 
informed me that the common mode of its preparation by the Miami 
women was to gather the roots (tubers), soak them in lye to loosen the 
skin, and then peel and boil them. The seeds were likewise soaked in 
lye, and shelled. Of these they made soup or cooked them as desired. 
The Miami name of the plant is pok'-ci-kwal-ya'-ki, i. e. full of holes, 
or nostrils, which will be appreciated by those who are familiar with 

the plant. 

Perrot continues: "That country also produces potatoes; some are 
as large as an egg, others have the size of ones fist, or a little more. They 
boil these in water by a slow fire during twenty-four hours ; when they 
are thoroughly cooked you will find in them an excellent flavor, much 
resembling that of prunes— which are cooked in the same way in France, 
to be served with dessert". This passage has caused no little worry to 
students of Perrot, to know just what plant he refers to. Possibly he 
meant more than one, for there are several "Indian potatoes". First 
of these is the psoralea eseulenta, or pomme de prairie, or navet de 


prairie of the western plains, which I think may be excluded as forei^ 
to the Algonquian region, and probably unknown to Perrot. The Jeru- 
salem artichoke (helianthus tuberosa) appears to me to meet his descrip- 
tion more nearly than any other one plant, and its tubers were eaten by 
the Indians. Possibly he may refer to the ground-nut, or ground-bean, 
Apios tubei-osa. The tubers of this plant were called "rosaries" by the 
early Canadians, because they resembled beads,5o and the Miami name, 
a-pi-ka'-ni-ta is similar to a-pi-ka'-na-ki, which is their name for "peace 
beads". Another plant called Indian potato, is the "man-of-the-earth", 
Ipomea pandurata, which is of the morning-glory family.' i 

Perrot continues: "The tribes of the prairies also find in certain 
places lands that are fertile, and kept moist by the streams that water 
them, whereon grow onions of the size of ones thumb. The root is like 
a leek, and the plant which grows from it resembles the salsify. This 
onion, I declare, is so exceedingly acrid that if one tries to swallow it, 
it would all at once wither the tongue, the throat, and the inside of the 
mouth ; I do not know, however, whether it would have the same injurious 
effect on the inside of the body. But this difficulty hardly ever occurs, 
for as soon as one takes it into his mouth he spits it out ; and one imagines 
that it is a certain wild garlic, which is quite common in the same places, 
and has also an insuppoi'table acridness. When the savages lay in a 
store of these onions, with which the ground is covered, they first build 
an oven, upon which they place the onions, covering them with a thick 
layer of grass; and by means of the heat which the fire communicates 
to them the acrid quality leaves them, nor are they damaged by the 
flames ; and after they have been dried in the sun they become an excel- 
lent article of food". The wild onion is still eaten by the Miamis as an 
early vegetable, but without this formidable preparation. They are 
washed, cut fine, and fried in grease until they wilt; then a little water 
is added, with salt, pepper, and enough flour to cream. This removes the 
acrid taste. 

Perrot continues: "The prairies inhabited by the Illinois produce 
various fruits, such as medlars, large mulberries, plums, and abundance 
of nuts, as in France ; and many other fruits. As for the nuts, some are 
found as large as a hen ( 's egg) which are so bitter and oily that they 

50 Jesuit Eelations, Vol. 6, p. 273. 

61 The mss. dictionary, ascribed to Le Boulanger, preserved in the John Carter 
Brown Library, at Providence, gives the following definitions: "pokicorewaKi, 
hollow roots " ; "micopena, large root in the water"; "apena, pi. apeniki, potatoes"; 
wicapisia, root for guarding themselves from death from serpents that they fear. 
The bulb is white, and rises out of the ground. The stem is a foot high, the leaves 
of four ribs (or on four sides), and a little red button on the top. 



are good for nothing: for eating. There are also strawberi'ies in 
abundance, raspberries and potatoes. But the people farther north, as 
far up as "Wisconsin, have no longer these medlars, and those who are 

KiLSOKWA — The Setting Sun 
(Granddaughter of The Little Turtle) 

still farther away are without these nuts like those of France". The 
medlars are, no doubt, persimmons. The "bitter and oily" nuts are 
more doubtful. He wrote "as large as a hen", and Father Tailhan adds 
the "egg" explanation, but even that does not help much, unless Perrot 
meant to include the outer covering when referring to the size ; in which 


case he might liave intended the pig-nut or the buckeye. Tailhan suggests 
that he refers to a fruit described by Marquette, the size of an egg, which 
he broke in two pieces, "in each of which there were eight or ten seeds 
inclosed. They have the shape of an almond, and are very good when 
they are ripe. The tree, however, which bears them, has a veiy bad 
odor, and its leaf is like that of the walnut ' '. It is hard to imagine what 
Marquette refen-ed to unless it was the pawpaw, and it can scarcely be 
called a bitter and oily nut. The Miamis ate pawpaws, but did not eat 
may-apples. With the nuts may be included the acorns of several species 
of oak, which they gathered and cooked. 

The ]\Iiamis availed themselves of "greens" of various kinds, some 
of which are not used by the whites, as, for example, the flowers of the 
mulberry, which they gathered and cooked as a vegetable. Their prefer- 
ence in greens is for the shoots of the common (purple) milkweed, which 
is prepared much the same as asparagus. Godfroy said that milkweed 
"has substance", and that it could be used in place of potatoes. They 
do not eat the shoots of the smaller species of asclepias, or of the white- 
tlowered milkweed, which they call la-mon-das'-sa, or "pups", and pro- 
nounce poisonous. They use the shoots of poke, but Godfroy 's belief was 
that they did not use poke, mushrooms, or wild lettuce, until they learned 
to eat them from the whites. He was probably wrong as to this, as the 
instruction concerning the use of native plants came the other way. Of 
mushrooms, the iliamis eat the morels and the two large gyromitras — 
esculenta and brunnea. They do not eat puff-balls, believing that they 
cause dropsy — in fact the i;iame given to them, pa-sa'-to-wa-ka'-ni, means 
"thing that causes dropsy". The edible sponge mushrooms, which they 
used, as mentioned, are called mi-no-sa'-ka-i, which is the name given to 

Most of the domestic wants of the Indians were supplied without 
much difficulty. For example, cordage of all kinds was obtained from 
the inner bark of the linn tree. For temporary use this needed no prepa- 
ration. When boys went hunting with men, it was their first work to get 
linn bark to hobble the horses, while the men hunted. When rope was 
wanted for permanent use, the squaws boiled this bark, and twisted or 
braided it while it was damp. If they wanted canoes lighter than dug- 
outs, they made them of the bark of the water-elm or hickory, the pig-nut 
hickorv being considered best. They cut down a tree, and peeled off the 
bark with flat sticks. In the spring, when the trees were beginning to 
leave, the bark came off easily, and at other times they had to pound it 
to loosen it. This kind of bark was also used for tables for drying com, 
berries and fruit. The strips of bark were pressed out flat till the.y dried, 
and were then laid on poles placed in forked sticks. It was also used for 


sugar troughs, by bending the ends up and fastening them. The joints 
in these and in canoes were stopped with gum from evergreen trees and 
beeswax. When through with a season's sugar-making, the troughs were 
soaked, straightened out, and dried, after which they were piled up like 
shingles for the next year ; and when thus cared for they would serve for 
several years. They also made boxes of this kind of Imrk, and in gen- 
eral used it for most of the purposes for which we use lioards. 

Although there is a general impression among white pe<3ple that the 
life of an Indian woman was one of drudgery, there is practical agree- 
ment of all actual witnesses that her work was not so hard as that of the 
average frontier white woman. It was also on a social basis that made 
it much less trying. A typical testimony is the following from Mary 
Jemison, a white captive among the Senecas: "Notwithstanding the 
Indian women have all the fuel and bread to procure, and the cooking 
to perform, their is prol>ably not harder than that of white women 
who have those articles provided for them ; and their cares ai'e certainly 
not half as numerous nor as great. In the summer season we planted, 
tended and harvested our c^i, and generally had all our children with 
us; but we had no master to oversee or drive us, so that we could work 
as leisurely as we pleased. * * * in the spring they chose an active 
old squaw to be their driver or overseer, when at labor, for the ensuing 
year. She accepts the honor, and they consider themselves bound to 
obey her. When the time for planting arrives, and the soil is prepared, 
the squaws are assembled in the morning, and conducted into a field, 
where each plants one row. They then go into the next field and plant 
once across, and so on till they have gone through the tribe. If any 
remains to be planted, they again commence where they did at first (in 
the same field) and so keep on till the whole is finished. By this rule 
they perform their labor of every kind, and every jealousy of one having 
done more than another is effectually avoided." ^^ 

The tribal organization was managed by a head chief, a war chief 
and band chief. The bands were merely communities, usually of rela- 
tives. After the removals from the state, those who remained had 
bands as follows: Mi-cin'-gwa-mm'-dja's band, near Jalapa, on the 
]\rississinewa were called Wis-sa'-ki-ha'-ki. The Slocum family, lower 
down the Mississinewa, were called Ci-pa'-ka-na'-ki, from Ci-pa'-ka- 
na (The Awl) the husband of Frances Slocum. Those of the settle- 
ment at the mouth of the Mississinewa were called Na-ma'-tcT-sin-wa'-ki ; 
those on upper Eel River Ki-na-pi'-ko-ma-kwa'-ki; those, on Pipe Creek 
Pwa-ka'-na-ki. The Miamis about Fort Wayne were called Ki-kai'-a-ki, 

52 See collectecl authorities in Archeologieal Hist, of Ohio, pp. 481-0. 
Vol. 1—6 


and those from Roanoke to Little River were called Na-kau'-wi-ka'-mi- 
a'-ki, or people of the Aboite River. There could be no better illustration 
of the way in which Indian tribal names were multiplied in earlier days. 

The early settlement of Indiana did not call for any removal of 
Indians, as they were in the northern part of the State, and the American 
immigration was into the southern portion. The first to feel the demand 
of the whites for more land were the Delawares, who had settled on White 
River about 1750, by permission of the Miamis, and who by their treaty 
of 1818 removed within three years thereafter. The other Indians 
remained, but were gradually pushed into narrower limits. None of 
them wished to leave, and for several years they si;ccessfully opposed 
removal. In the report of the treaties at the mouth of the ]\Iississinewa, 
in 1826, the Commissioners, Lewis Cass, James B. Ray and John Tipton, 
say: "It was impossible to procure the assent of the PattaAvatamies or 
Miamis to a removal west of the Mississippi. They are not yet prepared 
for this important change in their situation. Time, the destruction of 
the game, and the approximation of our settlements are necessary before 
this measure can be successfully proposed to them. It was urged as far 
as prudence permitted, and in fact, until it became apparent that further 
persuasion would defeat every object we had in view".^^ 

The removal of the Potawatomis began under the treaty of 1832, the 
last of their removals being that of Menominee's band in 1838, under 
circumstances of great hardship to them, and causing the death of Father 
Petit, who accompanied them.^'* In 1840 the greater part of the Miamis 
agreed to removal; and in 1844 a contract was made with Thomas 
Dowling for their removal ; but they did not get started until 1846, the 
first party reaching their destination, Osage River Agency, in November 
of that year. There were three parties or sections in this removal, all 
under charge of Christmas Dagenet, who died on the third trip. 

Christmas Dagenet was a son of Ambrose Dagenet, an early French 
settler, who was with Harrison in the Tippecanoe campaign. Ambrose 
married Mi-cin'-gwa-min'-dja, (Burr Oak tree) a Wea woman, and their 
son Christmas was born Dec. 25, 1799, at the old "Wea town above Terre 
Haute. On Feb. 16, 1819, Christmas was married by Rev. Isaac McCoy, 
at his mission school in Parke County, to Mary Ann Isaacs, daughter 
of Chief Joseph Isaacs of the Brotherton Indians. Their grandson, 
Charles E. Dagenet, is now Supervisor of Indian Employment, for the 
national government. He was born on the reservation in Kansas, 
Sept. 17, 1873, and accompanied his parents to Oklahoma in 1882. He 

63 Am. State Papers, Indians, Vol. 2, p. 684. 
6* True Indian Stories, Dunn, p. 234. 


was educated at Carlisle, learning the printers trade ; edited The Miami 
Chief, at Miami, Oklahoma, for two years; and then entered the Govern- 
ment service on Sept. 1, 1894, as a teacher among the Sioux, in South 
Dakota. He was promoted successively to Disciplinarian, Clerk, and in 
1905 to his present responsible position, which he has filled most 
efficiently. He married Esther Miller (As-san'-zan-kwa, or Sunshine 

Charles E. Dagenet 

Woman) a daughter of Thomas Miller, or Ma'-to-sa'-nl-a, the last of the 
Miami head chiefs in Kansas. She was also a Carlisle graduate, and a 
successful teacher in the Government service. 

After the death of Christmas Dagenet his widow remained m Kansas, 
where she married Baptiste, a full-blood Peoria, who is known historically 
as Baptiste Peoria, and who was of notable service to the emigrant 
Indians While these were in Indiana and Illinois the havoc wrought 
among them by whiskv was shocking, but when they got to Kansas it was 


appalling. Not only "boot-leggers" but licensed traders, in open viola- 
tion of law, supplied them with all the liquor they could pay for, and 
that of the vilest quality. Everybody knows something of the crimes of 
violence in civilized communities caused by intoxication, but on a lawless 
frontier, among these uncivilized people, the deaths from violence due 
to whisky, exceeded deaths from all other causes in proportion of more 
than five to one. Isaac McCoy, who saw the work in progress, said: "Of 
this murderous traffic one cannot think without horror, nor speak without 
indignation tempting him to transcend the bounds of moderation. We 
talk of Indians being distressed and destroyed by war; but we destroy 
them much faster in times of peace than in times of war. If the bloody 
history of the Spaniards in the West Indies and Mexico, in the sixteenth 
century is revolting to the feelings of the reader, what must we say of 
our own countrymen in this nineteenth century? They murdered by 
slavery in the mines, or by cross-bows and blood-hounds; but we murder 
by poison, which if more slow in its effects, is more insidious, and certain, 
and dreadful ".5^ 

Baptiste had been in the government service much of the time for 
thirty years, and under his leadership, the demoralized remnants of the 
Peorias, Weas, Kaskaskias, and Piankeshaws confederated before their 
treaty of 1854; and under his leadership they removed to Oklahoma in 
1867, where Baptiste died, Sept. 13, 1873, at the age of 80 years. The 
Western Miamis did not join this federation until 1873, and then not 
fully. They held the land jointly, but had separate annuities, and 
separate tribal organization. 

After the death of The Little Turtle, in 1812, his nephew, John 
Baptiste Richardville (Pin-ji'-wa, or The Wild Cat) was made head 
chief and retained that office until his death, in 1841, when his son-in-law 
To'-pi-a, or Francis Lafontaine, became head chief. He went west with 
the removed Miamis in 1846; and on his return, took sick and died at 
Lafayette, Ind., in the spring of 1847. After that there was no head 
chief of the Miami Nation. The emigrant Miamis, however, had made 
O-san'-di-a, or Poplar Tree, their chief; but this did not include the 
Weas and Piankeshaws, who had preceded them. He was followed by 
Na'-wi-lan-gwan'-ga, or Four Wings, called "Big Legs" by the whites, 
until his death in 1858 ; then John Osandia until 1860 ; then Nap-cm'-ga, 
or Lies in his Place, until 1862 ; then John Big Leg (Wan-za'-pT-a, or 
Sunrise) imtil 1867. He died while east to make a treaty, at the home 
of his sister-in-law Kil-so'-kwa, in Indiana. Lam-ki-kam'-wa, or Stamps 
Hard, was then made chief, but was soon impeached, and succeeded by 

=5 History of Baptist Missions, p. 564. 


John Roubideau (A-tci'-pau-g\vi-a, or Snapping Turtle). In a short 
time charges were made against Roubideau, and at his trial ruffians were 
brought in to break up the council, which adjourned to avoid trouble; 
but Roubideau resigned, and Thomas Miller and David Gibaut were 
elected. They were joint chiefs when the Western Miamis who removed 
to Oklahoma made this change, in 1873. 

In Indiana, tribal organization was a mere formality after 1846 
except that Mi-ein'-gwa-min'-dja's band held their reserve in common 
until it was partitioned, under the act of Congress of June 10, 1872, 
among the sixty-three members then living, each of whom received a 
patent for his share. With this the last remnant of Indian tribal title 
to lands in this State was extinguished. 


Aboite. River and township in Allen County; corrupted from the 
French name Riviere a Boitte, or a Bouette, meaning "River of 
Minnovk's". The Miami name is Na-kau'-wi-ka'-mi, or "Sandy- 

Amo. Town in Hendricks County. Said to be the Potawatomi a'-mo, or 
honey-bee; in reality the Latin amo, I love. 

Anderson. County seat of Madison County, named for William Ander- 
son, Delaware head chief, whose Indian name was Kok-to'-wha-niind, 
or "Making a cracking Noise". The Delaware name of his town at 
this point was Wa'-pi-mins'-kink, or "Chestnut Tree Place". 

Anoka. Town in Cass County. Said to be a "made-up" name, but is 
also a Sioux adverb meaning "on both sides". 

Apikonit. Miami name of Capt. Wm. Wells ; abbreviated form of a-pi- 
ka'-ni-ta, meaning the "groundnut", Apios tuberosa. 

AsHKUM. Reservation and village of Potawatomi chief of that name, m 
Miami County. Signifies "anything continuous". 

Atchepongquaw^e. See Butternut Creek. 

AuBBEENAUBBEE. Township in Pulton County, and reservation of 
Potawatomi chief, Aub'-bi-naub'-bi. Means "Looking Backward" — 
equivalent to our slang term ' ' rubber-neck ' '. 

Black Hawk. Postoffice in Vigo County, named for celebrated Sauk 
Chief Ma-ka'-ta-mi'-ci-kiak'-kiak, or Black Sparrow Hawk. 

Black Loon. Resei-vation in Cass County for Miami named Mii-ka'-ta- 
mon'-gwa, or Black Loon. 

Buckongehelas. Commonest form of name of Delaware war chief, and 
his town on White River. Properly Pak-gant'-ci-hi'-las, or ' ' Breaker 
to Pieces". 

Butternut Creek. Tributary of the Salominee in Jay County. Indian 
name, usually written Atchepongquawe, is Miami at-tci'-pang- 
kwa'-wa or "Snapping Turtle Eggs". 



Cakimi. Potawatomi woman, for whose children reservation known as 
Burnett Reserve, on the Wabash below the Tippecanoe, was made 
by the treaty of 1818. The name is Ka-ki'-mi, meaning Run Away 
from Home. 

Calumet. Two streams in northwestern Indiana tributary to Lake 
Michigai), the names of which were formerly written Calomick, Killo- 
mick, Kenomick, or Kennoumie. These are dialect variations of the 
same word, ranging from Ken-nom'-kia in the Potawatomi to 
Ge-kel'-i-muk in the Delaware, and signifying a body of deep, still 

Cayuga. Postoffice in Vermillion County. Corrupted from the Iroquois 
Gwa-u'-geh, said to mean "the place of taking out"; i. e. the begin- 
ning of a portage. 

Cedar Creek. Tributary of the St. Joseph, in Allen County. A literal 
translation of its Potawatomi name, Mes-kwa'-wa-si'-pi. The town of 
the Potawatomi chief Metea was at its mouth, and was called Mes- 
kwa'-wa-si'-pi-o'-tan, or Cedar Creek Town. 

Charley. A Miami who had a reservation in Wabash County, adjoining 
the City of Wabash. A creek emptying there is called Charley Creek. 
His Indian name was Ki-tun'-ga, or Sleepy. 

Chechaukkose. Reservation and village, in Marshall County, of 
Potawatomi chief, Tei'-tca-kos, or Little Crane. 

Chicago. (East) Town in Lake County. Means "Place of Wild Onions". 

Chinquaqua. Reservation in Cass County. Corruption of Cin-gwa'- 
kwa, the Miami term for all the smaller evergreen trees. 

Chichipe Outipe. Given by Father Petit as the Potawatomi name of 
the Catholic mission at Twin Lakes, in Marshall County. The first 
word is ci-ci'-pa, or duck ; second word not identified. 

Chippecoke. Common form of name of Indian village at Vincennes, 
also written Chipkawkay, etc. These are corruptions of the abbrevia- 
tion of the Miami name, Tcip-ka'-ki-un'-gi, or Place of (edible) Roots. 
The Delaware name, written Chuphacking, Chupukin, or Chub- 
hicking, has the same meaning. 

Chippewanaung. Treaty ground in Fulton County, of treaties with 
Potawatoniis, in 1836. The name refers to the proximity of Chip- 
wanic Creek. 

Chipwanic. Tributary of the Tippecanoe, near Manitou Lake, in Fulton 
County. The name is a corruption of Tcip'-wa-uuk', or Ghost Hole. 

Chopine. French nickname, meaning a pint measure, applied to two 
Miamis who had reservations in Whitley and Allen counties, respec- 
tively. Old Chopine 's name was Ma-kwa'-kia, or Beaver Head. 
Young Chopine was Pi-kan'-ga, or Striking. 


CoESSE. Town in Whitley County. Corruption of Potawatomi nick- 
name of a Miami band chief, pronounced Kii-wa'-zi by Potawatomis, 
and Ko-wa'-zi by Miamis; and meaning "Old Man". 

Cornstalk. Postoffice in Howard County ; also Pete Cornstalk Creek, a 
small stream in the same county. So called .from the nickname of an 
old Miami, whose real name was A-san'-zang, or Sunshine. 

Deer Creek. Tributary of the Wabash, emptying below Delphi. For- 
merly called Passeanong Creek,. and same name given to Deer Creek 
prairie, opposite its mouth. This is the Miami name, meaning "The 
Place of the Fawn". 

Delaware. Name of county, town, and several townships. This is an 
English word, referring to the residence of the Delaware Indians on 
Delaware River, which was named for Lord De La Warr, Governor 
of Virginia. They call themselves Lenni Lenape, or True Men ; apd 
the western Indians usually called them Wa'-pa-na'-ki, or Eastlanders. 

DoRJiiN. Prairie in Laporte County. Corruption of m'da'-min, the 
Potawatomi word for maize or com. 

Driftwood. Name of the East Fork of White River. Said to be a trans- 
lation of the Miami name On'-gwa-sa'-ka, which means driftwood. 
In the Reminiscences of Col. John Keteham, p. 11, the name is given 
Hangonahakwasepoo, which is evidently Delaware. 

E AGLE Creek. Tributary of White River, in Clarion County. Chamber- 
lain says: "Its Indian name was Lau-a-shinga-paim-honuock, or 
Middle of the Valley". 

Eel River. Tributaiy of the Wabash, emptying at Logansport. This 
and the French name, L'Anguille, are translations of the Miami name 
of the stream which is Ki-na-pi'-kwo-ma'-kwa, literally snake fish. 

Eel River. Tributary of White River in Greene County. The Delaware 
name was Cak'-a-mak, literally slipperj' fish. 

Elkhart. Tributary of the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan ; also city and 
county. The name was originally Elk Heart, or Elksheart, which, 
like the French name Coeur de Cerf, is a literal translation of the 
Potawatomi name, Mi-ceh'-weh-u'-deh-ik'. The name refers to the 
shape of an island at the mouth of the stream. 

Fall Creek. Tributary of White River in Marion County. Chamberlain 
gives the Delaware name as " Soo-sooc-pa-hal-oc, or Spilt Water". 
Sokpehelluk, or sookpehelluk, is the Delaware word for a waterfall. 
The Miami name of the stream is Tcank'-tiin-un'-gi, or "flakes a 
Noise Place". Both names refer to the falls at Pendleton, the only 
material waterfall in central Indiana. 


Flat Belly. Reservation in Noble and Kosciusko counties for the baud 
of Pa'-pa-ki'-tci, of which the English name is a literal translation. 
His village was at what is now called Indian Village, in Noble 
Fort Wayne. See Ki'-ki-un'-gi. 

GODFROY. Reservation of Francois Godfroy. He had no Indian name. 
The name Pah-lons'-Mah, given in local histories is the Indian effort 
at pronouncing Francois. 
Huntington. County seat of Huntington County. The Miami name is 
Wi'-pi-tca'-ki-un'-gi, or Place of Flints, referring to a flint ridge 
which crosses the limestone here. 
Ile a L'Ail. French name meaning Island of Garlic, for a small island 
in the Wabash, in Carroll County. The name is used in the treaty of 
St. Mary's, in 1818, to locate a reservation to the children of Antoine 
INDL4NAP0LIS. On accouut of its location at the mouth of Fall Creek, 
the Miamis called this place Tcank'-tun-un'-gi, or "]Makes a Noise 
Illinois. The stem il-li'-ni, signifying "men", with French ending. 
Iroquois. Charlevoix derives this from their word hiro, meaning "I 
have spoken"; others as meaning "real serpents". In Indiana it is 
the name of a river tributary to the Kankakee, and a township in 
Newton County. 
JosiNA Creek. Corruption of To-san'-ia, common Miami abbreviation 
of Met'-o-san'-ia, Miami chief whose village wa.s at its mouth. It is 
made Metocinyah Creek on some maps. See Metosania. 
Kankakee. Father Charlevoix says the name is Theakiki. which the 
Canadians had corrupted to Kiakiki. The Potawatomi name is Teh'- 
yak-ki'-ki' or Swampy country. Father Marest wrote it Iluakiki, 
which is a corruption of the Miami name M'wha'-ki-ki, or Wolf 
Country. French map makei-s from these coiTuptions, developed 
Qui-que-que, and Quin-qui-qui, which were Anglicized to Kan-ka-kee. 
Kekionga. Common form of name of Indian town at Fort Wayne, and 
now in use for Fort Wayne. It is a corruption of Kis'-ka-kon, or 
Ki'-ka-kon, an Ottawa tribe that had a town there ; the meaning is 
"Clipped Head". The French called them Queues Coupees. The 
Miamis corrupted this to Ki'-ki-un'-gi, and losrt, its meaning. They 
now call Gen. Wayne Ki'-ki-a, because Ki'-ki-un'-gi would literally 
mean Ki'-ki-a 's place. 
Kenapacomaqua. Common form of name of Miami town at site of 
Logansport, destroyed by Gen. Wilkinson in 1791. The Indian 
word is Ki-na-pi'-kn-o-ma'-kwa. meaning eel, or snake fish. It is the 
name given to Logansport, and to Eel River which empties there. 


Kentucky. A stream in southern Indiana. Its meaning is uncertain, 
as it is not known from what language it comes, and statements of 
the original form vary from Kain-tuck to Cantuckey. The Kentucky 
river in the State of Kentucky was formerly also called Cuttawa, 
which probably is an Algonquian word for Cherokee. The Miami 
name for a Cherokee is Ka-to'-wa. 

Kevtanna. Postoffice in Fulton County, and reservation for Potawatomi 
chief Ki-wa'-na, the Prairie Chicken. The word also means "lost". 

KiCKAPOO. Creek in Warren County. The meaning of the word is 
uncertain; but Schoolcraft thought it a corruption of N'gikaboo, 
meaning "Otter's Ghost". 

KiTHTippECANUNK. Common form of name of The Prophet's Town, at 
the mouth of Tippecanoe river. It means Tippecanoe Town, or 
Place. See Tippecanoe. 

KiLLBUCK. Creek in Madison County, named for Charles Killbuck, a 
Delaware who lived there. It is the family name of the descendants 
of a prominent Delaware who was converted by the Moravian mis- 

KiLsoKWA. Granddaughter of The Little Turtle. Bom 1810; died 
Sept. 4, 1915. Pronounced Kil-so'-kwa. Her father, Little Turtle's 
son, was named Wak-cin'-ga, or The Crescent Moon, literally "Lying 
Crooked". She married Antoine Revarre, and passed her later 
years near Roanoke^ in Huntington County. 

KoKOMO. County seat of Howard County ; also small stream near there. 
Named for a Thorntown Indian, whose name was Ko-ka'-ma, or The 

Lagro. Town in Wabash County, from Le Gros, the French nickname 
of a Miami chief who lived there. The Miamis called him 0-sa'- 
mo-ni, which means nothing, and is no doubt a corruption of On'za- 
la'-mo-ni, the original name of the Salominie River, which empties 
at this point, and which the Indians gave the same name. See Sala- 

Little Deer Creek. Stream in Miami County. The Miami name is 
a-pas'-sT-a, which is their word for fawn. 

Little Munsee. A Delaware town four miles east of Anderson, on the 
site of the old Moravian mission. For meaning see Muncie. 

LrrTLE River. Tributary of the Wabash, through which the portage to 
the Maumee was reached. Its Miami name is Pa-wi'-kam-si'-pi, or 
"Standing Still River", i. e. with no current. 

Logansport. County seat of Cass County, named for Captain Logan, 
a Shawnee Indian. His Indian name was Spemica Lawba, or High 
Horn. The Indians sometimes call Logansport Ki-na-pi'-kwo-ma'- 


kw-a, because it is on the site of the old Miami Town of that name ; 
and sometimes call it Sa'-ki-wa'-ki, because it is at the mouth of Eel 

Machesaw. Common form of name of reservation for a Potawatomi 
named Ma'-tcis-sa, or Bleating Fawn. 

Manhattan. Postoffice in Putnam County, named for Manhattan 
Island, New York. The original form of the word was Manatte — in 
Hudson's journal it is ilana-hata — which is almost certainly intended 
for the Delaware word "menatey", meaning an island. 

j\Iajenica. Postoffice, and creek, in Huntington County, named for a 
Miami chief, Man-ji'-ni-kia, or Big Frame. 

Makkahtahmoway. Common form of name of a Potawatomi chief, Ma- 
ka'-ta-m'wa, or Black Wolf, who had a joint reservation with Menomi- 
nee, at Twin Lakes, in Marshall County. 

Manitou. Lake in Fulton County. This is the Potawatomi ma-ni'-to 
referring to a spirit or monster said to inhabit the lake. 

Maumee. River of northeastern Indiana, tributary to Lake Erie. The 
name is a corruption of Mi-a'-mi. It was formerly called Ottawa 
River from the residence of part of that tribe on its banks. John 
Johnston gave "Cagh-a-ren-du-te, or Standing Rock" as the Wyandot 
name of the stream. 

Maeamech. Old name of a band of Miamis. It is the Peoria word for 
catfish, sometimes written maramek or maramak. The Miami form is 
mi-al'-lo-mak, sometimes written malamak, and the Odjibwa form is 
manamak, or manumaig. The Miamis of Maramech were probably 
incorporated in what were known as the Eel Rivers at a later date. 

Mascoutin. a tribal name, which is substantially translated in their old 
name of the Fire Nation. 

Maxinkuckee. Lake in Mai-shall County; name corrupted from the 
Potawatomi name, M6g-sin'-ki-ki, or Big Stone Countiy. The Miamis 
called it Miing-san'-ki-ki, which has the same meaning. In the report 
of the survey for the Michigan Road, the name is given Mek-sin-ka- 
keek (Ind. Doc. Journal, 1835, Doc. No. 8.). 
Mazaqua. Resei-vation in Cass County for Miami chief Mi-zi'-kwa, mean- 
ing hail or hailstone. 
Memotway. Reservation in Fulton County for band of Potawatomi chief 
Meh'-mot-we', or The Cat Bird. The literal meaning of the word is 
"complaining", or "crying out from pain", referring to the bird's 
Menominee. Potawatomi reservation in Marshall County, and village at 
Twin Lakes, for band of Mi-nom'-i-ni. The name means wild rice. 


]\Iereiaji. The iliamis call this town Tci'-kani-im'-gi, or Place of the 
Twin, because McClure, who had a trading post there, had a twin 

]\Ieshingomeshl\. Most common corruption of name of reservation in 
Wabash and Grant counties for band of Miami chief Mi-cin'-gwa- 
min'-dja, or Burr Oak Tree. 

Mesquabuck. Reservation and village in Kosciusko County, at site of 
town of Oswego, for Potawatomi chief Mes'-kwa-buk'. The name 
means "reddish or copper colored". 

Metea. Postoffice in Cass County, named for Potawatomi chief, Mi'-ti-a, 
or ' ' Kiss Me ' '. His Village was at the mouth of Cedar Creek, q. v. 

Metosanyah. Reservation, same as Meshingomeshia, q. v., his father; 
also a neighboring creek. The name Ma'-to-san'-ia, commonly ab- 
breviated to To-san'-ia means Indian, or literally, "the living". 

Miami. Name of county, town, townships and streams, all named for the 
Miami nation. The plural form is Mi-a'-mi-a'-ki, but the early 
French chroniclers wrote it Oumiamiouek or Oumiamiak, which is 
presumably their corruption of Wemiamik, the Delaware name of the 
]\Iiamis, as given in the Walum Olum, meaning literally "all 
beavers", and figuratively "all friends". 

]\Iichigan. Name of lake and city ; probably of Od,iibwa origin ; com- 
pounded of Mi'-ci, meaning "great", and sa'-gi-e'-gan, meaning 

Mishavfaka, Town in St. Joseph County. The name is a corruption 
of the Potawatomi m'ee'-wa-ki'-ki, meaning "country of dead trees", 
i. e. a deadening. 

MiSHiKiNOQKWA. Name of the celebrated chief Little Turtle, also his 
village on Eel River, pronounced mi'-ci-ki-noq'-kwa, the "q" repre 
senting a sound of "gh" similar to German "eh". The literal 
meaning is "the Great Turtle's wife", but specifically it is the name 
of the painted terrapin (chrj'semys picta). It is commonly used a.s 
a personal name by the Miamis. 

MississiNEWA. Tributary of the Wabash, emptj-ing at Peru. The name 
is a corruption of the ]\Iiami name Na-ma'-tci-sin'-wi, which means 
"it slants", or as applied to a stream, "it has much fall". 

Modoc. Postoffice in Randolph County. The name is said to be the 
Shasteeca word for "enemy." 

iloHA-wK. Postoffice in Hancock County, named for the Iroquois tribe. 
The name is said to be corrupted from Maugwawogs, meaning "man- 

MoNON. Postoffice, township and creek. This is a Potawatomi word, 
equivalent to the word "tote" as used in the South. 


MoTA. Reserv'ation and town in Kosciusko County. The name is pro- 
nounced mo'-te, and means a jug, or big bottle. 

MuKKONSQU.'V. Name given to the celebrated captive Frances Sloeum. 
It is pronounced muk-kons'-kwa, and means Little Bear Woman. 

Mtjkkose. Reservation and village in ^Marshall County, meaning Little 

MuNCiE. County seat of Delaware County, fonnerly called Munseetown 
or Muneey Town. This word, also spelled Monsy and Monthee, was 
originally Min'-si or ]\Iin'-thi-u, meaning "people of the stony coun- 
try". The Delaware name of their town which stood here, or of the 
old town just above it on the other side of the river, was Wa'-pi-ka- 
mi'-kiink, or White River Town. The name Outainink, sometimes 
applied to it, is the Delaware u'-ten-ink, which means "place of the 
town", or "place where the town was". 

MusKACKiTucK. Biver in southern Indiana, often improperly written 
Museatatack. The Delaware name was Mosch-aeh'-hit-tuk — "ch" 
sounded as in German — or Clear River. In Ind. House Journal, 
1820-1, p. 54, tlie name is given Musehachetuek. 

MusKELONGE. Lake in Kosciusko. The name means "the great pike". 
The Odjibwa form of this word is maskinonge. 

Nancy Town. Delaware village on White River, properly Nantikoke, 
from an Indian of that name who lived there. The Nantikokes were 
a sub-tribe of the Delawares, the name meaning "tide-water people". 

Nappanee. Town in Elkhart County. The name is the Missisauga 
na'-pa-ni, meaning "tlour". 

Nasvtawkee. Reservation in Marshall County, of Nas-wa'-ka, a Pota- 
watomi chief. The name means "The Feathered Arrow". 

Neahlongquah. Reservation in Allen County, for a Miami named 
Na-wi'-leng-w6n'-ga, meaning "Four Wings". He was called "Big 
Legs" by the whites. 

Notawkah. Potawatomi chief who shared the Menominee reservation 
in Marshall County. The name No-ta'-ka means "he hears", or "he 

Okawmause. Potawatomi reservation, properly O'-ko-mouse, meaning 
"Little Chief". 

Ontario. Postoffice in Lagrange County. Schoolcraft says this is a 
Wyandot word— originally on-on-ta-ri-o— meaning "beautiful hills, 
rocks, waters". 

Osage. Name of Miami town at mouth of the Mississinewa, given be 
cause an Osage Indian lived there. The Miami name was Wa-ca'-ei, 
which is their name for the Osage tribe. 


Ohio. River and county. Ohio is an Iroquois exclamation signifying 
"beautiful". The Miami name of the river is Kan-zan'-za-pi'-wi, 
or Pecan River. 

Osceola. Postoffiee in St. Joseph County, named for the Seminole chief. 
The word, properly 6s'-y-o-hul'-la, is the name of the great "medicine 
drink" of the Creeks, called "black drink" by the whites, a decoc- 
tion of the leaves of the cassena or yaupon (ilex vomitoria). 

Oswego. Town in Kosciusko County, at the outlet of Tippecanoe Lake. 
The word is Irociuois, meaning "flowing out". The tovm is on the 
site of the Potawatomi village of Jleskwabuk. 

Otsego. Township in Steuben County. The name is Iroquois, from 
the New York lake, and is said to refer to a rock in that lake. 

Ottavv^a. Early name of the Mavimee River. This, or its short form, 
Tawas, is said to mean "traders". 

OuiATANON. Miami tribe, and French post on the "Wabash, now short- 
ened to Wea. It is from the Miami wa-wi'-a-tan'-wi, meaning "an 
eddy", literally "it goes in a round channel"; and the terminal 
locative; i. e. "Place of the eddy". 

OwAsco. Postoffiee in Carroll County. An Iroquois word meaning 
' ' floating bridge ' '. 

Patoka. River, tributary to the Wabash. Pa-to'-ka is the Miami word 
for Comanche, a number of whom were held as slaves by the Illinois 
and Jliamis in early days. The French wrote it Padocquia or 

Peru. The site of this city was called ik'-ki-pis-sin'-nung, or Straight 
Place, by the Miamis, because the Wabash at this point is straight 
for about two miles. 

PiANKESHAw. Miami tribe. The name is pronounced Pi-iin-gi'-ca ; 
meaning uncertain. 

Pipe Creek. Stream and township in Cass County. The name is a 
literal translation of the Miami name of the stream, Pwa-ka'-na. 

Peshewa. Common corruption of Pin-ji'-wa, the name of Jean Baptiste 
Richardville, last head chief of the Miami nation. The word is the 
name of the wildcat, but is now commonly used for the domestic 

Ponceau Pichou. An American corruption of Pause au Pichou. the 
French name of Wildcat Creek; a literal translation of the Miami 
name, Pin-ji'-wa-mo'-tai, or Belly of the Wildcat. Written also 
Ponce Passu. 

Potawatomi. Indian tribe. The name means Makers, or Keepers, of the 

Prophet's Town. See Kithtippiekanunk. 


Raccoon Creek. Tributary of the Wabash. The name is a translation 

of the Miami name, a-se-pa'-na-si-pi'-wi. 
Roanoke. Town in Huntington County. The name is the word used 

by the Virginia Indians for their shell-money; written also roenoke, 

rawrenoek, etc. 
RussiAViLLE. Town in Howard County. The name is a corruption of 

Richardville, the name originally given to the County, in honor of 

the Miami chief. 
St. Joseph River. Tributary of Lake Michigan. The Miami name is 

Sa-ki-wa-si-pi'-wi, or Coming-out River, referring to the portage at 

South Bend. The Potawatomi form of the name is Sag'-wa-si'-bi. 
St. Joseph River. The north fork of the Maumee. The Miami name is 

Ko-tci'-sa-si'-pi, or Beau River. 
St. Mary's River. South fork of the Maumee. The Miami name is 

Ma-me'-i-wa si-pi'-wi, or Sturgeon Creek. John Johnson said the 

Shawnee name was Cokotheke sepe, or Kettle River. 
Salamonie. Tributary of the Wabash. This is a corruption of the 

Miami name On'-za-la'-mo-ni, the Miami name of the blood-root 

(sanguinaria Canadensis), literally "yellow paint", which is given 

to this stream. 
Shankitunk. Stream in southern Indiana. The word probably means 

"Shady place". 
Shawnee. Creek and township in Fountain County, named for the 

Indian tribe. The name means "Southerner". The Miami form is 

Shepahcannah. The Miami husband of Frances Slocum ; and his 

village on the Mississinewa. The word means "the awl"; and is 

pronounced Ci-pa'-ka-na. In later years he became deaf, and was 

called Kii-kip'-ca, or The Deaf Man ; and his village was called The 

Deaf Man's Village. 
Shipshewana. Postoffiee in Lagrange County, also creek and lake, 

named for a Potawatomi Indian, Ciip'-ci-wa'-no, or "Vision of a 

South Bend. The site of South Bend was called Sa'-ki-wa-yun'-gi, or 

"Coming out place", i. e. the beginning of a portage. 
Sugar Creek. Tributary of the Wabash, originally called Sugar Tree 

Creek, which is the meaning of the Miami name Sa-na-min'-dji si- 
TATAPACHsrr. A Delaware chief, otherwise known as The Grand Glaize 

King, and his town on White River. Ta-tii-pach'-si-ta is the Miami 

form of his name, and means "It splits in a circle — or spiral". The 

Delaware form is Ta-tii-pach-ski, recorded in a Pennsylvania treaty 


as " Tatabaiigsuy or The Twisting Vine". Tlie word is probably 
tlie name of the Amerieau Woodbine (lonieera grata), the one twist- 
ing woody vine of the Delaware habitat. 

Tecumseh. Postoffice in Vigo County, named for the Shawnee Chief 
Ti-kum'-tha. The name means "going across" or "Crossing over"; 
and as he belonged to the Spirit Panther clan, it indicates a meteor 
crossing the sky. 

Thorntown. In Boone County. Godfroy gave the name of the Indian 
village here as Ka-wi-a-ki-un-gi or "Place of Thorns." Sarah Wads- 
worth called it Ka-win-ja-ki-un-gi, i.e., "Thorn Tree Place." 

Tippecanoe. River, lake, county, town and townshijjs. The name is a 
corruption of the Potawatomi Ki-tap'-i-kon-nong, meaning Ki-tap'- 
i-kon place or town. Ki-tap'-i-kon is their word for the buffalo fish, 
and was the name of the river. See Kithtappecanunk. 

ToPEAH. Reservation in Allen County of Miami chief, known as Fran- 
cois Lafontaine. His Miami name, To'-pi-a, means "Frost on the 

ToPEKA. Postoffice in Lagrange County, named for city in Kansas. The 
word is the Shawnee name of the Jerusalem artichoke (helianthus 

Trail Creek. Tributary of Lake Michigan, at Michigan City. The 
name, and the French name. Riviere du Chemin, are translations of 
the Potawatomi name, Mi-e'-we-si-bi'-we. 

Twightwees. English name for the Miamis, formerlj^ written Twich- 
twichs, Tawixtwis, or twigh-twighs, probably the Iroquois word for 

Vermillion. Tributary of the Wabash, and County named for the river. 
Hough gives the Indian name as Osanamon, which is an Algonquian 
name for Vermillion paint, meaning "yellow-red". The French 
called the river Vermilion Jaune. The Miamis use a-la-mo'-ni for 
vermilion paint. 

Wabash. River, county, city and townships. The Miami name of the 
river is Wa'-ba-ci'-ki, or Wa'-pa-ci'-ki, "b" and "p" being convert- 
ible in Miami. This is an adjective implying that the object to 
which it is applied is pure or bright white, inanimate, and natural. 
In this case it refers to the limestone bed of the upper part of the 

Wabash. County seat of Wabash County. The Miamis called this 
location Ta'-king-ga'-mi-un'-gi, or "Cold (running) Water Place", 
referring to a fine spring, known as Paradise Spring, Hanna's 
Spring, or Treaty Spring. 


Waco. Postoffice in Daviess County. Tlie name is that of a sub-tribe 
of the Witchita Indians, pronounced We'-ko, and sometimes wi'itten 
in the Spanish form Hueeo. It is said to be their word for ' ' heron ' '. 

Wakarusa. Postolfice in Elkhart County, named for the Kansas stream. 
It is said to mean "hip-deep". 

Waluh Olum. The celebrated record obtained from the Delaware 
Indians on White River. The name is pronounced vra'-lum o'-liim, 
and means "painted record". 

Wapasepah. Reservation in Allen County, for Wa'-pa-se'-pa-na, or 
The White Raccoon, a Miami. 

Wawasee. Lake and postoffice in Kosciusko County, named for a Pota- 
watomi chief Wa'-wi-as'-si. This is the word for the full moon, 
literally "the round one". 

Wawpecong. Postoffice in Miami County. Sarah Wadsworth says this 
place was originally called Wa'-pi-pa-ka'-na, or shell-bark hickories, 
from a number of these trees growing there. 

Wea. Creek, postoffice and prairie in Tippecanoe County. The name 
is an abbreviation of Ouiatanon, which see. 

Wesaw. Reservation and creek in Miami County named for the iliami 
chief Wi'-sa. The name means the gall-bladder. 

White River. The largest tributaiy of the Wabash. Its Miami name 
is Wa'-pi-ka-mi'-ki, or "white waters". The Delawares some- 
times used this name, and sometimes called it Wa'-pi-ha'-ni, or 
White River. 

WiNAMAc. County seat of Pulaski County, named for a Potawatomi 
chief, Wi'-na-mak'. The word means "cat-fish"; literally "mud 

Winnebago. An old Indian town, whose site is now in the suburbs of 
Lafayette. The name means "people of Winnipeg", and Winnipeg 
means "stinking water". 

Winona. Lake and Assembly ground near Warsaw. The name is the 
same as the Wenonah of Longfellow's Hiawatha. It is a Sioux 
proper name, given to a female who is a first-born child. 

Wyalusing. Stream in Jennings County, named for the Pennsylvania 
stream. Heckewelder says that the word— " properly M'chwihillu- 
sink"— means "at the dwelling-place of the hoary veteran". 

Wyandotte. Postoffice in Crawford County, named for the Indian 
tribe. The name probably means "People of One Speech". The 
tribe is also known by its French name, Huron. 
Yellow River. Tributary of the Kankakee, which Brinton identifies 
with the Wisawana (Yellow River) of the Walum Olum. The Pota- 
watomi name of this stream is We-thau'-ka-mik', or "Yellow 

Vol. I— T 



The first European grant covering Indiana quicklj' followed the dis- 
covery of America by Christopher Columbus, for in 1493, Pope Alexander 
VI, a Spaniard by birth, issued a bull granting to the ci'owus of Castile 
and Aragon, "all lands discovered, and to be discovered." beyond a line 
drawn from pole to pole one hundred leagues west from the Azores or 
Western Islands, excepting only any lands that had previously been 
occupied by any other Christian nation, of which, of course, there were 
none on this continent. The other Christian monarchs paid little respect 
to this title, however, and, in 1496, Hem-y VII of England issued a 
patent to John Cabot and his sons, "to seek out and discover all islands, 
regions and provinces whatsoever, that may belong to heathens and in- 
fidels," and "to subdue, occupy and possess those territories, as his 
vassals and lieutenants. ' ' Anned with this authorit.y, Cabot and his 
son Sebastian, in the next two or three years, probably discovered the 
mainland of North America, and skirted the Atlantic coast from 
Labrador to Florida. 

Very little resulted from this except the resort of various European 
nations to the New Poundland banks for fishing. The principal object 
of Columbus had been to find a direct route to the East Indies to trade 
for spices, and especially for pepper. For the next century the explor- 
ers were chiefly engaged in efforts to find a Northwest or Northeast 
passage to "Cathay," for the same purpose, except that the Spaniards, 
having found a more direct road to wealth by plundering the natives 
of ^Mexico and Peru of their gold and silver, turned business enterprise 
largely in that direction. In 1534 Jacfjues Cartier discovered the St. 
Lawrence River, and later brought over two hundred colonists, who 
abandoned their settlement after two years of hardship. In 1538-42, 
De Soto made his eventful progress through the Gulf states, murdered 
some thousands of Indians, and demonstrated that the natives of the 
United States had no personal property that was worth taking. This 
exempted those unfortunates from the advantages of civilization until 
in 1607 the English settled in Virginia, in 1608 the French settled in 
Canada, and in 1609 the Dutch discovered the Hudson River. The fur 



trade now became the chief attraction in North America, and was the 
controlling factor in our history for the next century and a half. 

During this period, nobody in Europe attached any importance to 
North America for any other purposes, except as a dumping ground for 
penal colonies and other objectionables. Even Oliver Cromwell tried 
to induce the New Englanders to remove to Jamaica. Trevelyan very 
pertinently saj's: "So little was the Anglo-Saxon plantation of the 
North American continent due to the deliberate action of statesmen, 
or to any man's foreknowledge of the vast destinies, that Charles I gave 
the New World to the Puritans by attempting to suppress them in the 
Old; while Cromwell in his greater eagerness to spread the Gospel and 
the British race, attempted a State policy of removal, which, if it had 
been carried through, would have ruined or at least diminished the 
colonial expansion prepared by individual energy and religious perse- 
cution." 1 

The French statesmen showed more appreciation of the importance 
of their American possessions, but not very much more. In 1627 Car- 
dinal Richelieu organized the company of the Hundred Associates to 
promote the colonization of New France ; and in 1663 Colbert sent over 
new supplies of colonists and a strong detachment of troops; but, with 
the French as with the English, colonial expansion was chiefly due to 
colonial effort. So far as the fur trade was concerned, the French had 
the advantage in racial character. They accommodated themselves to 
Indian life and customs much more readily. A witty French lady ob- 
served that it was vastly easier to make an Indian of a Frenchman than 
to make a Frenchman of an Indian. This distinction was obvious in the 
clergy as well as in the colonists. The British made an effort to put 
Anglican clergymen with the Iroquois in place of the Jesuit missionaries 
of the French, but they could not endure Indian cooking and the uneon- 
ventionality of Indian life, and soon retired in disgust. Of still more 
importance was the fact that the company system of English coloniza- 
tion did not offer the same opportunity to enterprising individuals that 
the French governmental system offered. It is hardly imaginable that 
an English LaSalle could have obtained the inducements in any British 
colony that sustained the efforts of the great French expansionist, whose 
explorations first brought knowledge of the lands of Indiana. 

In the past few years there has been considerable activity among the 
advocates of an early discovery of some of the headwaters of the Ohio 
by English colonists, in the course of whose arguments it has been 
thought desirable to question that LaSalle discovered the Ohio in 1669-70, 

England Under the Stuarts, p. 324. 

SiEUR DE La Salle 

(From a painting by Leon Meyer, owned by Mrae. Suehet de la 
Buesnerie. Presents three reputed likenesses: Above, the Margry 
portrait ; lower left, a medallion l)elonging to ]\[. Edward Pelay of Rouen ; 
lower right, profile, belonging to the Public Library at Rouen; center, 
the La Salle arms.) 


and followed it to a poiut below the mouth of the Wabash. The leader 
in this assault is Mr. Charles A. Hanna, who says: "The evidence as to 
LaSalle having explored any other tributary of the Ohio than (possibly) 
the Wabash bears so many marks of having been fabricated after 1684, 
for the purpose of strengthening the French claim to the Ohio Valley, 
that it seems to the writer only a question of time when that evidence 
must be declared to be wholly false."- This has been followed by some 
investigators who should have known better,-' for there is an abundance 
of evidence completely refuting any such theory, ilr. Hanna is pre- 
sumabl,y, not familiar witli the literature on the subject, or he would not, 
in his lengthy discussion of it, have omitted any mention of such contem- 
poraneous records of LaSalle 's Ohio expedition as Sieur Patoulet's letter 
of November 11, 1669, stating that "Messrs. de la Salle and Dolier, 
accompanied by twelve men, had set out with a design to go and explore 
a passage they expected to discover communicating with Japan and 
China;" or Intendant General Talon's report of October 10, 1670: 
"Since my arrival I have dispatched persons of resolution, who promise 
to penetrate further than has ever been done ; the one to the West and 
Northwest of Canada, and the others to the Southwest and South;" or 
Colbert's reply in Februaiy, 1671: "The resolution you have taken to 
send Sieur de la Salle towards the South, and Sieur de St. Luisson to 
the North, to discover the South Sea passage, is very good."-* 

Mr. Hanna 's argument is based on a misundei'standing of a frag- 
mentary document quoted by Margry, which is an attempt of LaSalle to 
reconcile the DeSoto accounts of the River Chucagoa with his own 
acquaintance with the country, and an equal misunderstanding of other 
documents quoted by him. The fragmentary document opens with a 
reference to the Chiekasaws, and continues: "The Chucagoa, which is 
to say in their language the great river, as ilississippi in Ottawa, and 
Maseicipi in Illinois, is the river which we call St. Louis. The River 
Ohio is one of its branches, which receives two othei-s quite large before 
emptying into the River St. Louis, that is to say the Agoussake from the 
north and the river of the Chaoucnons from the south. This river flows 
from east to west, and therefore it should empty into or join the ]Mis- 
sissippi, for the Takahagane, who live on the banks of the Chucagoa, are 
not more than three days from the Mississippi where we saw them coming 
down and returning. " ^ 

2 The Wilderness Trail, p. 87. 

3 Alvord and Bidgood, in First Explorations of the Trans-Allegheny Eegion, 
pp. 23-4. 

■IN. Y. Col. Docs., Vol. ix, pp. 787, 64, 789; Margry, Vol. 1, p. 81. 
5 Margry, Vol. 2, pp. 196-203. 


Ta-kii-ha-ka-ni is the iliami word for tomahawk, and this was pre- 
sumably the band of some chief of that name. Obviously LaSalle did 
not see them when he was descending or ascending the Mississippi, as 
they were three days' journey from it. What he plainly means is that 
he saw them when he descended the Ohio, and was forced to take to the 
land on account of the "vast marshes." Mr. Hanna mis-translates 
LaSalle 's statement of 1677, that he discovered the Ohio and followed it 
to a place "ou elle tombe de fort haut dans de vastes marais." These 
words do not mean "where it falls from very high into vast marshes," 
but "where it empties after a long course into vast marshes. "^ Mr. 
Hanna takes an unwarranted liberty in translating the verb descendre 
' ' explore, ' ' and making LaSalle say that he had been unable to explore the 
"St. Louis." It is plain that he had in mind his descent of the Ohio, 
which he explicitly says is a branch of the St. Louis, and means that he 
had been unable to descend the latter. 

LaSalle 's idea that the Ohio emptied into vast marshes can be ex- 
plained only on the supposition that he came down the river in a time of 
flood, when the low lands near its mouth, which were then covered with 
canebrakes, would have had the appearance of a marsh. And this same 
supposition is required to explain every other reference he makes to it. 
In this same document he says that the Ohio ' ' is much larger in all its 
course than the Mississippi;" and in his letter of 1680 he says it is 
' ' always as large and larger than the Seine at Rouen, and always deeper. ' ' 
As Rouen is the head of sea navigation on the Seine, it is apparent that 
LaSalle has seen the Ohio but once, and then in flood. That LaSalle was 
completely puzzled is fully stated in this document. He says: "I am 
not able to say certainly whether these two rivers ( the Chucagoa and the 
Mississippi) join;" and gives his reasons. He says that "surely the 
relation of Femand Soto is not a chimera, ' ' and yet the towns named by 
him are unknown on the Mississippi, and the size of the Chucagoa is too 
great for the Mississippi, which "is no larger than the Loire at its 
mouth." Further, "unless all the maps are wrong" the mouth of the 
Mississippi is near Mexico, and its discharge is to the East-South-Bast, 
and not to the South ; which condition is only possible in the region where 
the Escondido (the Rio Grande) is shown to empty. Another thing 
which he says "makes me think the Chucagoa is other than the Missis- 
sippi" is that no large tributary enters the ]\Iississippi from the east. 
He had seen the mouth of the Ohio, but it, being then at low water, would 
not do for the Ohio that he had descended. And this state of mind is 
shown in the Franquelin map of 168-4, which was certainly based on in- 

Indiana, in Am. Commonwealth Series, p. 10, and note. 


formation from LaSalle, and which carries the Ohio, also called Chueagoa 
and Casquinambou, far to the west of the Mississippi, and then circling, 
enters the Gulf of Mexico where the Escondido, or Rio Grande enters. 
And that is probably why LaSalle took his colony to the mouth of the 
Rio Grande instead of the mouth of the Mississippi (Espiritu Santo) 
which on Franquelin 's map is a short stream, heading south of the Ohio, 
or Chucagoa. 

It is not possible to understand the writings of LaSalle, or of anyone 
else at this period, unless several things he kept in mind. And first, what 
is now Ohio and Indiana was entirely uninhabited, on account of the 
raids of the Iroquois. Second, this region was unexplored, because, aside 
from the efforts to find a passage to the South Sea, the only exploration 
was by fur traders; and they did not go where there were no Indians. 
Third, there is no little confusion from the fact that different Indian 
tribes had different names for the same stream. And fourth, both 
writers and map-makers assumed the unknown to explain the known; 
and occasionally made mistakes in so doing. One of LaSalle 's state- 
ments that has been widely misunderstood, and especially as to his 
acquaintance with Indiana, is his reference to the Maumee portage, in 
which he says that he will not go to the beaver-hunting land "hereafter 
except by Lake Erie, in which will end the navigation of my barques." 
He continues: "The river which you have seen marked in my map on 
the south side of this lake, and towards the end, called by the Iroquois 
Tiotontaraeton is indeed the route to go to the river Ohio or Olighin- 
sipou, which is to say in Iroquois and in Ottawa the Beautiful river. 
The distance from one to the other being considerable, the communica- 
tion is more difficult ; but at a day from its mouth into Lake Erie, where 
it flows through beautiful prairies, in gunshot of its banks, there is a little 
lake from which flows a stream six or eight yards wide, more than six 
feet deep where it leaves the lake, and which soon changes to a river by 
the junction of a number of similar streams which after a course of more 
than a hundred leagues without rapids receives another little river which 
comes from the neighborhood of that of the Miamis, and five or six other 
considerable streams, and then flowing more rapidly along the foot of a 
mountain it discharges into that of the Illinois two leagues below the 
village, and from there into the Mississippi. It is called the Ouabanchi 
or Aramoni. This route is the shortest of all. * * * This river, 
called Ouabanchi or Aramoni, by which I expect to hold communication 
between Fort Frontenac and the Illinois, has some veins of copper."" 

The Aramoni, as has long been known, is the Vermillion of Illinois, 

■ Margry, Vol. 2, pp. 243-5. 


the name (Miami a-la-mo-ni) meaning paint, and specifically vermilion 
paint. Of course there is no such connection as LaSalle describes, and 
he probably confused some Indian's account of an actual route of this 
kind, which was in use then, and afterwards. It is to ascend the 
Maumee, and its noi-theru fork, the St. Joseph, to Fish Creek, and up 
that to Fish Lake, in Steuben County, Indiana, near which heads Pigeon 
River, a tributary of the St. Joseph of Lake iliehigan, a stream often 
run by fishermen to this day. But, on account of LaSalle "s description, 
this imaginary stream was represented on maps for years afterwards, or 
the Kankakee was extended well over to Lake Erie. But this is always 
entirely independent of the Ohio, and there is no known map of this 
period, or for some years later, that indicates any portage from the 
Maumee to the Wabash. 

It is quite possible that Thomas Wood discovered the head waters of 
the Great Kanawha before 1669, and also possible that Englishmen 
reached the head waters of the Tennessee still earlier; but that does not 
afliect LaSalle 's discovery of the Ohio. There was no secrecy about his 
movements, and the idea that the accounts of them were fabricated after 
1684 is an historical absurdity. Indeed his discoveries were soon known 
in the English colonies, and freely admitted. In a discussion of the 
troubles between the French and the English, in his report of February 
22, 1687, Governor Dongan of New York says: "The great difference 
between us is about the Beaver trade and in truth they have the advan- 
tage of us in it @ that by noe other meanes than by their industry in 
making discoveries in the country before us. 

"Before my coming hither noe man of our Governmt. ever went be- 
yond the Sinicaes country. Last year some of our people went a trading 
among the farr Indians called the Ottawais inhabiting about three 
months journey to the West @ W. N. W. of Albany from whence they 
brought a good many Beavers. * * * It will be very necessary for 
us to encourage our young men to goe a Beaver hunting as the French 

"I send a Map by Mr. Spragg whereby your Lopps. may see the 
several Governmts &e. how they lye where the Beaver hunting is @ 
where it will be necessai-y to erect our Country Forts for the securing of 
beaver trade @ keeping the Indians in community with us. 

"Alsoe it points out where theres a great river discovered by one 
Lassal a Frenchman from Canada who thereupon went into France @ 
as its reported brought two or three vessels with people to settle there 
which (if true) will prove not only very inconvenient to us but to the 
Spanish alsoe (the river running all along from our lakes by the back of 
Virginia @ Carolina into the Bay Mexico) @ its beleeved Nova Mexico 

> e ^--'«yX^ 


Map of La Salle's Colony 


can not bee far from the mountains adjoining to it that place l)eing in 
36d North Latitude if your Lops, thought it fit I could send a sloop or 
two from this place to discover that river. ' ' * 

In 1679 LaSalle had built The Griffon, a bark of 60 tons, on the Upper 
Niagara River, and in it sailed through the Great Lakes to Green Bay, 
where he loaded it with furs, and sent it back east. Then, in bark canoes, 
he made his way to the St. Joseph River, and by the South Bend portage 
to the Kankakee, and on to the Illinois River. His first establishment 
there; its destruction by the Iroquois; and his second fort on Starved 
Rock, are primarily matters of Illinois history, but about the latter were 
gathered all of the Indians that subsequently were located in Indiana. 
These were in the villages of Oiatenon, Ouabona, Pepikokia, Peanghichia, 
Miamy, and Maramech, as shown in the accompanying section of the 
Pranquelin map, their total being over twenty-three hundred warriors, 
as marked. There was no material change of location for several years 
after the assassination of LaSalle, in 1687. 

The next prominent figure among the French in the "West, after 
LaSalle, was Lamothe Cadillac, who was placed in command in 1694, 
and continued until 1697. In that year the Treaty of Ryswick gave 
Louis XIV some opportunity to look after his American possessions, and 
he soon approved the plans of Cadillac for fortifying the Detroit River, 
which was recognized as the key to the lakes. In 1700 Robert Livingston, 
Colonial Secretary of Indian Affairs, urged the establishment of a post 
at the same place by the English,® but Cadillac anticipated them, and 
in the summer of 1701, came to the place with fifty soldiers and fifty 
colonists and built Fort Pontchartrain, a picket inelosure sixty j^ards 
square. A number of the western Indians located near the fort, and 
others began moving eastward. At the same time another influence came 
from the south. In 1699 Pierre Lemoyne Iberville was sent from France 
to make an establishment at the mouth of the Mississippi. He built a 
fort at Biloxi, which was removed to Mobile two years later. In 1700 the 
Cahokias and Kaskaskias left the Illinois with Father Marest, and estab- 
lished themselves on the Mississippi at their well known villages, and 
these gradually developed into settlements of the frontier Frenchmen. 
In 1702 Iberville asked for the removal of the Illinois Indians to the 
lower Ohio, which was not attempted ; but in that year Sieur Juehereau, 
"Lieutenant criminel de Montreal," came with thirty-five Canadians 
and established a post at the mouth of the Ohio, to collect buffalo skins, 
and a band of Mascoutins located there to aid in the hunting. Juehereau 

8N. Y. Col. Docs., Vol. 1, pp. 100-1. 
9N. Y. Col. Docs., Vol. 4, p. 650. 


died a few months later, and the fort was abandoned in 1704 by M. 
de Lambert, who commanded there after Juchereau's death.'" This 
Juchereau has been confounded with Juchereau St. Denys, who has also 
been mixed with other Juchereaus. They are "unscrambled" by M. 
Pierre Georges Roy, in the Revoie Canadienne for January, 1917, pp. 

Cadillac was appointed Governor of Louisiana in 1710, and left 
Detroit the next year, being succeeded there by Capt. Joseph Guyou 
Dubuisson. In 1712 the Detroit post was attacked by the Mascoutins, 
and the garrison was in dire straits until a large force of friendly 
Indians was brought to the rescue by the Sieur de Vincennes. These 
soon had the best of the Mascoutins, who begged for their lives ; but the 
French and their Indian allies sternly refused any terms. The Mascou- 
tins then fled to the Maumee, whither they were pursued, and there de- 
feated with great slaughter. The Crane tribe of the Miamis then losated 
at the site of Fort Wayne, and the remainder of the Miamis, who were 
generally grouped as "Ouyatanons" by the French, soon took up their 
residence on the Wabash, in the locations which they retained for the 
next century. 

Vincennes had been in disgrace for furnishing liquor to the Indians 
— the Canadian authorities were trying to enforce prohibition as to 
Indians at that time — but his services had demonstrated how invaluable 
he was on the frontier, so he was restored to favor, and stationed with 
the Miamis at Kiskakon (later corrupted to Kekionga), their village at 
the site of Fort Wayne, where he died in 1719. This was Jean Baptiste 
Bissot, second Sieur de Vincennes, who has often been mistaken for the 
founder of the Indiana post on the Wabash. The fief of Vincennes is a 
beautiful tract of land just below Quebec, on the south bank of the St. 
Lawrence, opposite the lower end of the Isle of Orleans, with seventy 
arpents front on the river, and a league in depth. It is high towards the 
river with several small streams, one of which was used to run a grist 
mill. It was granted to Francois Bissot (Byssot) on November 3, 1672. 
He was a Norman who conducted a number of successful business enter- 
prises in the colony, and his children intermarried with the best Canadian 
families, one of his daughters being the wife of Joliet, the discoverer of 
the Mississippi. 

Jean Baptiste was declared of age in 1687 by the Sovereign Council, 
and went to France to seek an appointment. He was admitted to the 
military establishment, and thereafter spent most of his time in the West, 
his wife. Marie-Marguerite Forestier, remaining at Quebec, to which her 

10 Indiana, in Am. Commonwealth Series, pp. 36-40. 


husband paid visits as his service permitted. The succession to his title 
has long been a puzzle to students of Indiana history; and it was re- 
served to M. Pierre Georges Roy, a descendant of the former owner of 
the lief of Vineennes, and an accomplished scholar, to find the solution 
in Indiana's centennial year. It is in a letter of Governor De Vaudreuil 
to the Council of ilarine, dated October 24, 1722, and preserved in the 
Canadian archives, being, in part, as follows : 

"I have received the letter which the Council did me the honor to 
write on June 14, last, in whicli it had the kindness to mention the 
approval of his Royal Highness of the efforts I have made to induce the 
Indians at the River St. Joseph and on the Kankakee to form settlements, 
and my action in sending Sr. Du Buisson, Captain, to establish a post at 
the home of the Miamis and to command at this post as well as at that of 
the Ouiatanons, and to so manage the Miamis as to counteract the prac- 
tices which the English continue to use to attract the Indians to Orange 
(New York) * * * The stockade fort which he has had made, and 
which was finished last May, is one of the best there is in the upper 
country. It is strong indeed, and a shelter from the insolence of the 
Indians. This post, which is considerable, ought to have a missionary. 
It would be possible to send one in 1724 if the Council sends to Canada 
next year the four Jesuits I have asked. 

' ' The band of forty or fifty Ouiatanons who were established on the 
Kankakee have decided to return to their ancient home since they have 
seen that the majority of the nation did not wish to abandon it. The 
Sieur de Vineennes, the son, who is only a cadet in the troops, commands 
at the home of this tribe under the orders of Sieur Du Buisson ; he has 
been there since 1718, and he has become very useful for the great influ- 
ence he has acquired among these Indians, who retain for him the same 
attachment that they had for the Sieur de Vineennes, his father. His 
services merit the careful attention of the Council. If I had foreseen the 
establishment which the King has made this year of a second ensign in 
each of the twenty-eight companies which his ]\Iajesty maintains in Can- 
ada, I should have proposed to the Council that he have one of the places 
which were not filled by the petty ensigns. These are now filled, but as 
there are three second ensigns with orders for active duty, who should 
not be admitted to this rank except in places that happen to become 
vacant, I humbly pray the Council to accord a similar order for active 
duty to Sieur de Vineennes, so that he may receive the first place that 
becomes vacant after Sieurs Le Verrier, Sabrevois and Lignery have been 
promoted." i' 

11 Corresponilance Generale, Can. Archives, Vol. 44. This, with much other valu- 
able matter collected by M. Eoy, is printed by him in Vol. 7, Ind. Hist. Soc. 
Publications, under the title "Sieur de Vineennes Identified." 



Jean Baptiste Bissot had Init three sons : and of these Pierre died in 
infancy, and ^Michel when two years old. The remaining son, Francois 
Marie, was born June 17, 1700, and was the Sieur de Viucennes who 
figured in Indiana from 1719 to 1736. Judge Law says that he signed 
his name "Francois ilorgan de Vinsenne," which is explained by the 
facts, first, that he did not linow how to spell either his name or his title ; 
second, that when christened, his godfather was Francois Margane de 


Batilly, his cousin ; and third, that being in the service at the same time 
as his father, who signed his name ' ' Bissot Vensenne, ' ' he took his god- 
father 's family name for distinction, as was commonly done by the Cana- 
dians; and writing it "Margan," it was mistaken by Judge Law for 
"Morgan," which is not a French name. The letter is also valuable as 
showing that the stockade fort at the site of Fort Wayne was completed 
in May, 1722, and this was the first fort built by white men within the 
bounds of Indiana. The "fort of the Ouiatanons" described in the 
French relation of 1718, was an Indian stockade, such as they commonly 


put around their villages, or adjoining them, whenever they were located 
in exposed positions. The letter also makes evident the hostile attitude 
of the French and the British, which increased in iutensitj^ for the next 
forty years. 

The war of the Austrian Succession had closed with the treaty of 
Utrecht, in 1713 ; and the loth section of that treaty contained this pro- 
vision: "The subjects of France inhabiting Canada, and others, shall 
give no hinderance or molestation to the live nations or cantons of 
Indians, subject to the dominion of Great Britain, nor to other natives 
of America who are friends to the same. In like manner, the subjects 
of Great Britain shall behave themselves peaceably towards the Ameri- 
cans who are subjects or friends to France ; and on both sides they shall 
enjoy full liberty of going and coming on account of trade. As also the 
natives of those countries shall, with the same liberty, resort, as they 
please, to the British and French colonies, for promoting trade on one 
side and the other Avithout any molestation or hinderance, either on the 
part of British subjects or of the French. But it is to be exactly and 
distinctly settled by commissaries, who are, and who ought to be 
accounted the subjects and friends of Britain or of France." ^^ 

The treaty had similar provisions for free trade between France and 
England, which were met with riotous objection by the protectionists of 
England. On this side of the water the treaty, in this feature, was 
treated as a " scrap of paper, ' ' except in so far as it aided either side to 
get the Indian trade away from the other. This meant that each would 
side with the Indians in any quarrel with the other, and furnish them 
with arms and ammunition ; also, as rum was the most attractive com- 
modity to the Indians, all restraint on its sale was soon thrown off, and 
the Indian road to ruin was made smooth. On account of the energy 
with which the English sought the Indian trade, our Indians were hardly 
settled in Indiana before the French began trying to induce them to 
move back to the west, ■where the English could not so easily reach them. 

Meanwhile the English had secured the friendship of the southern 
Indians, who were enemies of the Algonquian tribes, and incidentally 
hostile to the French, who supplied them with arms; and, in consequence, 
trouble opened in that direction. Louisiana had been granted to 
Anthony Crozat in 1712, but in 1717 he surrendered his chartei", and 
the Mississippi Valley was turned over to the Company of the Occident. 
The Illinois country, including southern Indiana, was added to Louisiana 
for governmental purposes, and Bienville was made governor. In 1718 
Bienville sent his cousin. Pierre Dugue de Boisbriant, with one hundred 

12 McDonald's Select Charters, p. 232. 


men, to build a fort on the upper Mississippi for the protection of "the 
upper settlements" from the pacific English and their Indian allies. He 
selected a point some sixteen miles above Kaskaskia and completed the 
fort in 1720, naming it Fort Chartres in honor of the Due de Chartres. 
This was a stockade fort of logs, which was replaced thirty-four years 
later by a substantial stone fortress, under the command of the Chevalier 

The year 1720 was eventful, for in addition to the completion of Fort 
Chartres, which was the seat of government of Illinois and southern 
Indiana during the French period, the Mississippi Company, into which 

Ruins of Powder ^Iagazixe Fort Chartkes 

the Company of the Occident had merged, on September 15 of that year 
asked the government to establish a post on the Ouabache (i. e. the 
Wabash and the lower Ohio, treated as one stream) and place a company 
of troops there "to occupy first the entire country, and prevent the 
English from penetrating it." " [Moreover, in this year Kaskaskia was 
made a parish, and Father de Beaubois was located there as priest,. 
He was very ambitious to enlarge his jurisdiction by an Indian mission, 
but being in Louisiana, and the dividing line between that province and 
Canada crossing the Wabash at about the site of Terre Haute, all of the 
Indiana Indians were in Canada. He therefore united in the call for a 
post on the Ouabache, and a missionary priest. Everyone who came 
within his reach was duly impressed with the importance of a post on 

13 Margry, Vol. 5, p. 624. 


the Ouabache. Father Charlevoix explained it in 1721, and La Harpe 
urged it in 1724. ^^ In 1725 Dugue de Boisbriant wrote to the Company 
that, because of the failure to establish a post on the Wabash, "it is much 
to be feared that the English will take possession of it, and this would 
entirely ruin the Upper Colony, because it would be easy for them, with 
the prodigious quantities of merchandise which they ordinarily caiTv, 
to win all of the Indians of this region." '^ 

In the early spring of 1725 Father de Beaubois started to France to 
get something done. The Chevalier de Bourgmont gathered twenty-two 
Indians at New Orleans, to accompany him ; but as they were about to 
embark, their ship sank at its moorings, and all of them declined to try 
another ship except six, who are listed as follows: "Agapit Chicagou, 
chief of the Metchigamia, an Illinois nation ; Menspere (a 3Iissouri chief), 
Boganienhein (Osage), Aguiguida (Otoptata) ; also Ignon Ouaconisen, 
daughter of the Missouri chief, and a slave named Pilate, of the Atanana 
nation." They had a great reception in France; saw all the wonders of 
Paris and Versailles, went to the opera, and were taken hunting by the 
King. The account of their visit filled thirty-three pages of Le ilercure 
de France. 18 The Queen was desirous of seeing them, but the King, who 
was fifteen years old and just married, feared that their "assortment 
sauvage & trop bizarre" might be bad for her health, and so the unfor- 
tunate bride had to be content with an interview with Father de 

Father de Beaubois secured orders for a post on the Ouabache ; also 
a missionary for the same; also some nuns to establish a convent at New 
Orleans. The missionary, Father D'Outreleau, and the nuns, who estab- 
lished the celebrated Ursuline convent at New Orleans, embarked at 
L 'Orient for America, Feb. 22, 1727, on the ship La Gironde, com- 
manded by Captain Vauberci, and after a rough voyage, arrived at 
New Orleans at the end of July." But opposition had arisen. The 
plan involved the movement of the Sieur de Vincennes into Louisiana, 
with a part of the Indians, and Gov. de Vaudreuil of Canada 
did not wish to lose either Vincennes or the Indians; so both Canada 
and Louisiana began bidding for Sieur de Vincennes, who was recog- 
nized by all as the one man who could control the Indians. Action was 
delayed, and meanwhile the English were coming closer, and the 
Chickasaws were becoming bolder in their raids. Finally, on Oct. 15, 

14 French's Hist. Coll. of La., pt. 3, pp. 114, 123. 

15 Margry, Vol. 6, p. 657. 

leVol. 1, 1725; December, pp. 2827-2S59. 

17 For detailed account of these events, see The Mission to the Ouabache, Ind. Hist. 
Soc. Pubs., Vol. 3, No. 4. 


1730, the Governors of Canada reported: "The Ouiatanons have been 
led away into the jurisidietion of Louisiana by Sieur de Vincennes." i* 
It had been intended to establish the post at the junction of the Wabash 
and the Ohio, but the Indians were unwilling to risk so exposed a situ- 
ation, and so the location was made at Vincennes, the place being called 
by the Indians Tcip-ka-ki-un-gi, or Place of Roots (corrupted by the 
whites to Chip-kaw-kay, Chippecoke, &c.) on account of the plenty of 
edible roots in the adjoining prairies. 

The allowance for salaries and support of the new post begins, in 
the French budget, with July, 1731 ; in the same year the post first 
appeared on a map, and was first mentioned in official correspondence. 
On March 7, 1733, Vincennes reported: "You have done me the honor 
to ask me to send you a statement of the works finished and to be con- 
structed. There is onlj' a fort and two houses in it, and there should 
at once be built a guard room with barracks for lodging the soldiers. 
It is not possible to remain in this place with so few troops. It will 
need thirty men with an officer. I am more embarrassed than ever ih 
this place by the war with the Chickasaws who have come here twice 
since spring. It is only twelve days since the last party brought in 
three persons, and as it is the French who have put the tomahawk in 
their hands, I am obliged to be at expense continually."" In 1735 a 
few Canadian families settled at the post; and so the first permanent 
settlement in Indiana was begun. The post at Fort Wayne was built 
ten years earlier, but it was temporarily abandoned later. Post Ouia- 
tanon was also probably established prior to this time, on the north side 
of the Wabash, a short distance below Lafayette, on a ridge lying west 
of Sand Ridge Church ; but it was abandoned before the American oc- 

Inasmuch as there is a large amount of "local history" in print claim- 
ing an earlier date for the foundation of Vincennes, it becomes an es- 
sential part of the history of the State to explain its being. The error 
began with Judge John Law, in an address delivered by him on Feb. 
22, 1839, before "The Vincennes Historical and Antiquarian Society." 
It was evidently the result of extended research in the documents access- 
ible at Vincennes and in the Illinois settlements; and the substance of 
the results of his research is contained in the following paragraph: 

"Francois Morgan de Vinsenne ('Vinsenne,' for so he spelled his 
name) was an officer in the service of the King of France, and served 
in Canada probably as early as 1720, in the regiment ' de Carignan. ' At 

IS Ind. Mag. of Hist., Vol. 12, p. 134. 
19 The Mission to the Ouabache, p. 304. 

Vol. 1—8 


any rate, as we are informed, he was engaged in some service with an 
other officer on the lakes towards Sanlt St. Marie, for the Governor of 
Canada, ]\I. de Vaudreuil, in 1725. At what time he took possession 
here is not exactly known, probably somewhere about the year 1732. 
There is nothing on our records to show, but an act of sale made by 
him and Madame Vinsenne, the daughter of Monsieur Philip Longprie 
of Kaskaskia. and recorded there. The act of sale, dated 5th January, 
1735, styles him 'an officer of the troops of the King,' and 'command- 
ant au po^e du Oiiabache'; the same deed expressing that Madame 
Vinsenne was absent at the Post. Her signature being necessary to the 
deed, she sent her mark, or cross, which is testified to as hers, 'X the 
mark of Madame Vinsenne,' and showing that the good lady was not 
very far advanced in the rudiments, though her husband was com- 
mandant, and her father the wealthiest citizen of Kaskaskia. The wiU 
of Monsieur Longprie, his father-in-law, dated the 10th of March, 1735, 
gives to him, among other things, 408 lbs. of pork, which he wishes 'kept 
safe until the arrival of Mons. Vinsenne', who was then at the Post. 
There are other documents there signed by him as a witness in 1733-4 ; 
among them one of a receipt for 100 pistoles, received from his father- 
in-law, on his marriage. From all these proofs, I think it evident that 
he was here previous to 1733, and left with his command, on an expedi- 
tion against the Chickasaws, in 1736, by orders from his superior offi- 
cer at New Orleans. * * * On looking at the register of the Catholic 
church, it will be found that the change of name from Vinsemie to Vin- 
cennes, its present appellation, was made as early as 1749. Why or 
wherefore I do not know. I wish the original orthography had been ob- 
served, and the name spelled after its founder, with the 's' instead of 
the 'c,' as it should be." 

Of course the change of spelling was due to the fact that the parish 
pi'iest knew how to spell, at least better than Sieur de Vincennes; and 
the "regiment de Carignan" is merely an unfortunate pretension to 
learning; but with these exceptions Judge Law's conclusions in this 
passage are quite accurate. Unfortunately he found a reference in a 
letter of Father ilarest, dated Nov. 9, 1712, to Sieur Juchereau's post 
at the mouth of the Ohio, or ' ' Ouabache " as it was then called ; and took 
it for a reference to Vincennes; and this caused him to abandon the 
uniform tradition that the settlement was begun by the Sieur de Vin- 
cennes. The error was quickly pointed out, but Judge Law refused to 
abandon it ; and subsequent writers tried to fortify his position by fic- 
titious records and manufactured tradition. In reality local tradition 
was exhausted half-a-century before Judge Law's time, by ilajor Henry 
Vanderburgh. Winthrop Sargent, the Secretary of Northwest Terri- 



tory, had been charged with the duty of carrying out the provisions 
of a resolution of Congress, adopted in 1788, for adjusting the laud 
claims of the French settlers. He called on Vanderburgh for informa- 
tion as to the Vincennes settlement, and he could not have made a bet- 
ter selection. Vanderburgh was born at Troy, N. Y., in 1760, and en- 
tered the 5th New York Regiment, Continental Line, as lieutenant, at 
the age of sixteen, being later promoted to captain. He came west 

Judge John Law 

about 1788 and located at Vincennes, where, in February, 1790, he 
married Frances Cornoyer, daughter of Pierre Cornoyer, one of the 
principal residents of the place. In 1791 Gov. St. Clair appointed him 
Justice of the Peace and Probate Judge for Knox County. In 1799 he 
was selected by President Adams as a member of the Legislative Coun- 
cil of the Territory, and was chosen President of that body. In 1800 
he was made one of the Judges of the Supreme Court of Indiana Terri- 
tory, and held that office until his death on April 5, 1812. It was his 


son whose tragic death, while acting as agent for the American Fur Com- 
pany, is recounted by Irving in The Adventures of Captain Bonne- 
ville. Judge Vanderburgh's report to Sargent is in these words: 

"In answer to Col. Sargent's enquiries, Major Vanderburgh has the 
honor of replying as follows, viz. 

"Vincennes had its name from Monsieur de Vincennes, who was the 
first Frenchman that encamped on this ground as he passed with French 
troops from Canada, to Louisiana, in or about the year 1737. Monsieur 
de Vincennes was afterwards Inirnt with a Jesuit by the Chickasaws. 
It appears that there were no more than three French families here in 
the year 1745. — That Monsieur St. Ange, the only French officer that 
ever commanded here arrived in the year 1747 or 48, — That he com- 
manded here till the 18th May 1764, on which day he appointed Monsieur 
Rusherville, who it appears was then doing the duty of Captain of the 
Militia, to succeed him and gave him instructions accordingly, — after 
the death of Rusherville, which happened in the year 1767, Lieutenant 
Chapard commanded until his decease, when the command devolved 
on ]\Ionsieur Racine St. Marie, the Ensign, who always received his 
orders from the British commandants in the Illinois; — my informants 
have not been able to mention the duration of these respective commands, 
— Monsieur Racine continued to command till the arrival of "Slv. Abbet, 
a British officer in the year 1777, who returned to Detroit the same year 
after building a small Fort, and leaving the command with Monsieur 
Bolon, who surrendered the same to Capt. Helmes, of the Virginia troops 
in July, 1778 — Governor Hamilton arrived in Nov. or Dec. in the same 
year, and took Helmes and the Governor prisoners and repaired the 
works, — he was taken by General Clark, in the month of February 1779. 
The population of this place appears then to have been about three 
hundred families, — at this time there are about 110 houses in the Vil- 
lage in which people dwell, and about 75 in the country — I estimate the 
number of souls upwards of 1.200. 30,000 bushels of Indian corn raised 
last year, and 12,000 bushels of "Wheat, weighing about 60 lbs. to a 
bushel. 28th Oct. 1797." 20 

It will be noted that tradition, when tradition actually existed, put 
the dates of the founding of the post, and the coming of St. Ange later 
than the reality, instead of earlier ; but aside from this feature Vander- 
burgh 's statement is a quite full statement of the civil govenmient, which 
consisted chiefly of the will of the Commandant, at Vincennes as well 
at the other two Indian posts, Ouiatanon and Fort "Wayne. Life at all 
of them was a monotonous affair, except for occasional trouble with 

"0 Farmers & Mechanics Journal — Vincennes — March 29, 1823. 


the Indians, which was usually stirred up by the English. The first 
and greatest of these came in 1736, when Gov. Bienville, of Louisiana, 
determined to invade the Chickasaw country, and called on the upper 
settlements for assistance. Vincennes, with a part of his little garri- 
son, and a band of Indians, joined D 'Artaguiette, with a contingent 
from Fort Chartres, and this force, arriving in the enemy's country 
before the Louisiana troops, undertook to attack alone ; but fell into 
an ambuscade, and were routed with great slaughter. It was a terrible 
blow to the little settlements — as Toussaint Loizel wrote : " It is a 
mortal desolation to us poor people of Illinois to see ourselves deprived 
of so many brave men." An idea of it may be had from the state- 
ment of the "Monsieur Rusherville, " mentioned above as the successor 
of St. Ange at Vincennes, as recorded by IMoreau St. ilery in 1739, in 
his historj' of Louisiana : 

"Relation made by Sieur Drouet de Richardville of the engagement 
which !M. de Artaguiette had with the Chickasaws in the month of 
March 1736, on the way to Fort St. Frederic. He reports that in this 
engagement three of his brothers were killed; that he himself received 
two gunshot wounds, one in the left arm, and one at the base of the 
stomach, and an arrow wound in his wrist ; that he was taken arms in 
hand by three Chickasaws and brought to a village with 22 French, of 
whom 20 were burned at the stake, among others ; Father Senat, Jesuit ; 
ilessrs. d' Artaguiette, de Vincennes, de Coulanges, de St. Ange fils, 
Du Tisne, d'Esgly de Tonty the younger. These gentlemen were burned 
with Father Senat on the day of the fight, from 3 o'clock in the after- 
noon to midnight. The others who were burned were officers and militia- 
men. Sieur Courselas, or Coustillas, officer, was burned three days later 
at the large village, with an Iroquois from the Sault St. Louis; Sieur 
Courselas had been detailed with 35 men to guard the ammunition. 
Being misled he came to the village of the Chickasaws without know- 
ing where he was going. He was not able to learn what became of the 
35 Frenchmen who were with Courselas. He was conducted to the 
cabin of the chief of the village of Joutalla, where he was guarded for 
six months by the young men, after which he was given full liberty, 
and himted with the Chickasaws. " -^ 

There is some additional light thrown on this tragic affair by the 
following reference to it in a defense of the Jesuits after their expul- 
sion from Louisiana in 1763: "In 1736, Father Senat, missionary to 
the Illinois, was appointed to accompany M. d 'Artaguiette, who eon- 
ducted a party of French against the Chickasaw. The enterprise was 

21 Ind. Mag. of History, Vol. 12, p. 135. 


unfortunate. The French were upon the point of being sui-rcuuded by 
the savages when the missionary was warned that he still had time to 
escape. He was offered a hoi-se, but refused it, remembering the purpose 
of his voyage and the need that the French captives would soon have 
of his succor. He was seized with them and led as they were to tor- 
ture; a savage woman, utterly ignorant of the Christian religion, was 
a witness of their death. She reported, a little while afterward, that 
the French who were captured by the Chickasaw had beeu thrown upon 
a lighted pile of wood in a large cabin, 'after they had sung in order 
to go on high. ' Seeing their manner and their gestures, she had compre- 
hended that the prayers which they were singing were to guide them 
to heaven. "-2 

After this calamity, St. Auge, the father, who was commanding tem- 
porarily at Fort Chartres, and whose eldest son, Pierre, had been killed 
with Vincennes, asked the place of Vincenues for his younger son, Louis, 
who was then at a post in Missouri, and the request was granted. "St. 
Ange ' ' was a nick-name of the father, his real name being Robert Gros- 
ton; and our new Commandant, pi-obably to distingiiish himself from 
his father, also assumed his mother's nick-name, "Bellerive. " The 
French indicated a nick-name by the word "dit": and in the course 
of years, Louis Groston, dit St. Ange, dit Bellerive, came to be known 
as Sieur de St. Ange de Bellerive : and this has served all the purposes 
of "the boast of heraldry" quite as well as if it had been a genuine title 
of nobility. 

The wars between the French and the English in America were fought 
far to the east of Indiana, and had little effect on the settlements here, 
the only immediate troubles were due to the rivalry of the fur traders, 
and occurred while the two nations were at peace. In 1733 there were 
three French traders killed by some Ouiatanon youths in a drunken affray 
growing out of a trading squabble, but this was purely local and per- 
sonal, and was settled without bloodshed. In 1745 a band of Hurons, 
under their war chief Nicholas, were offended by the French at Detroit, 
and removed from the Detroit River to the north side of Sandusky 
Bay. Late in the same year a party of English traders from Pennsyl- 
vania visited "Sandosket" and had a very friendly reception from 
Nicholas, who gave them pemiission to erect a l)lockhouse and trad- 
ing post at Sandosket. From that time English influence grew rapidly 
in the West. On June 23, 1747, five French traders from near Vin- 
cennes arrived at Sandosket with a lot of peltries. Nicholas was in- 
censed at their coming to his village without his consent, and, by advice 

5= 111. Hist. Coll., Vol. 10, p. 






of the English traders, seized them and their goods. The next day he 
had the French tradei-s killed, and sold their peltries to the English 
traders. Under instructions from the Governor of Canada, the Chevalier 
de Longueuil, Commandant at Detroit, demanded the surrender of the 
murderers, the expulsion of the English traders from the town, and fu- 
ture alliance with the French. These demands were not complied with, 
and an expedition against Sandosket was prepared. ^Meanwhile Nicholas 
was also preparing for trouble and by August, 1747, had formed a con- 
spiracy of parts of nearly all of the western tribes except the Illinois 
to drive the French out of the country. On one of the holidays of 
Pentecost all of the French forts were to be taken by surprise, and the 
French were to be massacred. The plot was revealed by a squaw, and 
the energetic measures of M. de Longueuil prevented most of the con- 
templated work. The chief success was at Fort Miamis, at Kekionga. 
Ensign Douville, who commanded there was absent, having gone to 
Montreal with Coldfoot and the Hedgehog, two friendly Miami chiefs, 
when the hostile Miamis took the fort by surprise, and burned it to the 
ground. The eight men who formed the garrison were made prisoners, 
but were afterwards released. Kekionga was abandoned until in Febru- 
ary, 1748, Sieur Dubuisson came with a party of French soldiers from 
Detroit and rebuilt the fort. On September 22, 1748 a force of one 
hundred and fifty soldiers from Montreal arrived at Detroit, and 
Nicholas sued for peace, which was granted. On April 7, 1748, he 
destroyed his village and the English blockhouse, and, with one hundred 
and nineteen warriors and their families, began his removal to the 
Ohio River, just below the Wabash, where he died in the fall of the same 

The hostile Miamis moved over into Ohio. A part of them, under 
a chief called La Demoiselle, located on the Big Miami, opposite th = 
mouth of Loramie's creek, and the remainder, under Le Baril, located 
on a small tributary of the Ohio known as Riviere Blanche. The maps 
of the period would indicate that this was White Oak Creek, in Brown 
County, Ohio; but M. de Vergennes, Minister of Louis XVI, in his 
Memoir on Louisiana, mentions but this one stream between the "Scu- 
hiato" (Scioto) and Riviere a la Roche (Big Miami), and says: "The 
Riviere Blanche is on the North, it has also about- one hundred leagues 
course, and takes its rise about twenty-five leagues southeast of Lake 
Erie." There is no stream that answers this description, but the Little 
Miami approaches it more nearly than White Oak Creek. These Miamis 
sent word to the English through the Six Nations that they desired an 
alliance, and a treaty for this purpose was made at Lancaster, Penns.vl- 
vania, in July, 1748, under which the English in the following spring 


opened a road from the ]\liami towns to the site of Pittsburg. In 1749 

M. de Celoron made his expedition through the Ohio country, taking 

formal repossession of the country, and visiting the various Indian 

tribes, among others the fugitive Miamis. He urged them to return to 

"Kiskakon, which is the name of their old village," and they promised 

to do so, but instead sent information of the matter to the English, 

and asked for more traders. These were supplied, and also large presents, 

on account of which the English were allowed, in 1750, to erect a strong 

trading house and stockade at La Demoiselle's town. This place, which 

had been commonly called the Tawixtwi town, now became known as 

Pickawillany, or sometimes Picktown, and the Miamis living there were 

called Picks or Piets. The trade with the English grew apace. In 

1749, Sir William Johnson reported that eleven Miami canoes, with 

eighty-eight men came to Oswego with furs; and between 174.5 and 

1753 there were more than tifty Pennsylvanian and Virginian licensed 

traders engaged in the trade with the Miami towns, among whom were 

such well known frontier characters as Conrad Weiser, George Croghan, 

Hugh Crawford, Michael Cresap, Christopher Gist, Jacob Pyatt, and 

William Campbell. The situation grew worse. In 1751 three French 

deserters from Fort ]\Iiamis were given refuge at Pickawillany, and early 

in 1752 several French traders were murdered. Then a force of several 

Frenchmen and a large body of Ottawa and Chippewa Indians was 

sent against the town, under command of M. St. Orr. This expedition 

took the town by surprise, and only twenty men were able to get into 

the fort. After firing at the fort for some hours, the assaulting party 

offered to withdraw if the white men in the fort were surrendered. There 

being a shortage of water in the fort, the Englishmen agreed to this, 

and surrendered. One of them, who was badly wounded, was killed, 

and the assaiUting party withdrew with six English prisoners, and a 

large amount of goods from the houses outside of the fort. They had 

killed five Indians, one of whom, a Piankeshaw chief commonly known 

as Old Britain, on account of his friendship for the British, was boiled 

and eaten in view of the fort. After this, most of the English traders 

abandoned the Ohio trade, and most of the Indians were brought into 

alliance with the French. Little more was heard of Pickawillany until 

1769, when Peter Loramie, a French Canadian, established a trading 

post there, and the place became known as Loramie 's Station. Loramie 

was loyal to the British, and hated the Americans; and during the 

Kevolutionarj- war, his post became an outfitting place for Indian raids, 

until it was destroyed by George Sogers Clark, in the fall of 1782. 

In 1753, M. Du Quesne established a post at the site of Erie, Pennsyl- 
vania, and another on French Creek. Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia 


sent his Adjutant General, George Washington, to warn Do Quesue 
to remove, but he declined. In January, 1754, Dinwiddie ordered Captain 
William Trent to build a fort at the site of Pitts})urg. He i-eached the 
place on February 17, and began his work. Early in April he was 
called away ; and on April 17 M. de Contrecoeur appeared before the 
unfinished fort with more than a thousand men, and eighteen can- 
non, and demanded its surrender. Ensign Ward, who was in command, 
had only forty-one men and no cannon. He obtained permission to 
withdraw with his men, and surrendered the fort. Thus began the 
French and Indian war, but it had no material eft'ect on the Indiana 
settlements until its close. After the suri'ender of Montreal, Major 
Robert Rogers was sent west to take possession of the French posts. 
Detroit was delivered to him on November 29, 1760, and soon after 
otRcers were sent to take possession of posts iliamis and Ouiatanon; 
but as Post Vincennes and the Illinois settlements were in the Prov- 
ince of Louisiana, no attempt was made to take possession of them 
until after the treaty of 1763, by which the French territory east of 
the Mississippi was ceded to the English. Meanwhile the English made 
little effort to placate the Indians, and the French traders among them 
did what they could do prejudice them against the new rulers. Indian 
plots were made in 1761 and 1762 for the destruction of the British 
posts, but these were discovered and frustrated. In the spring of 1763 
a new con.spiracy was formed with Pontiac at its head, and it was so 
far successful that Sir William Johnson reported that the Indians had 
"taken and destroyed no less than Eight Forts, murdered great part 
of the Garrisons, killed great Numbers of his ^lajestys Sulijects on the 
Frontiers, and destroyed their Settlements, and that in about the 
Compass of a ]\Ionth." 

Two of the forts thus taken were in Indiana. Although Ensign 
Holmes, who commanded at Fort Miamis, and Lieutenant Jenkins, who 
commanded at Post Ouiatanon, had reported efforts to engage the 
Miamis in hostilities, and although Pontiac had be2:un the open siege 
of Detroit on May 9, both officers fell victims to treachery. On ilay 
27, Holmes was decoyed from the fort by his Indian mistress, and shot 
from ambush; and his garrison surrendered on promise that their lives 
would be spared. On June 1, Lieutenant Jenkins wrote to Major Glad- 
win, who was still besieged at Detroit: "I have heard of your Situ- 
ation which gives me great pain, indeed we are not in much better, 
for this moi-ning the Indians sent for me to Speak to me, & Immediately 
bound me when I got to their Cahbin, and I soon found some of my 
Soldiers in the same Condition, they told me Detroit, Miamis & all 
these posts were cut of, and that it was a folly to make any resistance 



therefore me to make the few Soldiers I had in the Fort Surrender, 
otherwise they would put us all to Death in Case one ]\Ian was kill'd. 
They were to have fallen upon us & kill'd us all last Night, but ]\Iessrs 
Maisonville & Lorrain. gave them wampum not to kill us, & & when 
they told the Interpreter we were all to be kill'd, and he knowing the 
condition of the Fort beg'd of them to make us prisoners. The.y have 

James E. Mookey 

put us into the French houses & both Indians and French use us very 
well. All these Nations say they are very Sorry, but that they were 
Obliged to do it by the other Nations, the Belt did not Arrive here till 
last Night about eight o 'Clock; Mr. Lorrain can inform you of all, 
Just now received the News of St. Joseph's being taken. Eleven Men 
kill'd and three taken prisoners with the Officer; I have nothing more 
to Say but that I sincerely wish you a Speedy Succour, & that we may 
be able to revenge ourselves on those that deser\'e it." 


In the consideration of Pontiac's conspiracy, tliere is usually too 
much stress put on his ability, and too little on the religious movement 
that was back of the uprising. Pontiac was a man of great ability, but 
no one man is ever able to bring about great popular movements unless 
there is some powerful agency at work on public sentiment. Napoleon 
Bonaparte could not possibly have accomplished what he did but for the 
preparation made by the French Revolution. All gi'cat Indian upris- 
ings in America have been the results of religious teachings; and it is 
of interest that this fact was first fully shown by an Indiana ethnologist, 
James E. Mooney. He was bom at Richmond, Indiana, February 10, 
1861, his parents, James and Ellen (Devlin) Mooney, being Irish immi- 
grants. He was educated in the public schools, and at eighteen became 
an apprentice in a newspaper office, where he remained for six years 
in mechanical and editorial work. From boyhood he had been greatly 
interested in Indians, and had availed himself of every opportunity 
to study their history, customs and language. In 1885 he went to "Wash- 
ington where he pursued his studies, and was employed by the Bureau 
of Ethnologj', in which employment he has since remained. In addi- 
tion to numerous articles on Irish and Indian ethnology, including the 
ethnological articles in the New International and Catholic Cyclopedias, 
he prepared the Government Indian exhibits for the Chicago, Nash- 
ville, Omaha and St. Louis expositions. In the fall of 1890, at his re- 
ciuest, he was sent west to investig^tg the Ghost Dance, which was then 
beginning to attract attention. He soon discovered that there was more 
in it than had been suspected, and his study was continued for more 
than three years, resulting in the exhaustive publication which forms 
the second volume of the Report of the Bureau of Ethnology for 1892-3. 

Each of these American uprisings has arisen from some prophet who 
foretold the coming of a leader who would deliver them from the op- 
pression of the white races. As Mooney puts it: "As with man, so 
it is with nations. The lost paradise is the world's dreamland of youth. 
"What tribe or people has not had its golden age, before Pandora's box 
was loosed, when women were n^nnphs and dryads and men were gods 
and heroes ? And when the race lies crushed and groaning beneath an 
alien yoke, how natural is the dream of a redeemer, an Arthur, who 
shall return from exile or awake from some long sleep to drive out the 
usurper and win back for his people what they have lost? The hope 
becomes a faith and the faith becomes the creed of priests, prophets, 
until the hero is a god and the dream a religion, looking to some great 
miracle of nature for its culmination and accomplishment. The doctrines 
of the Hindi; avatar, the Hebrew Messiah, the Christian Millennium, and 
the Hesunanin of the Indian Ghost Dance are essentially the same, and 



have their origin in a hope and longing common to all humanity." In 
this ease a Delaware prophet had appeared at Tuscarawas, on the 
Muskingum, who had experienced a wonderful vision, in which he had 
visited The Master of Life, and received from him a message to the 
Indians, the essentials of which were that they should abandon those 
things which they had obtained from the Europeans, refonn their lives. 


Prayer Stick 

and drive out the British. The Master of Life was a conception they 
had got from the missionaries. It is foreign to their original mythology, 
though it easily harmonizes with the conception of Manabozho. He 
gave the prophet a "prayer stick," or bit of wood with hierogylphic 
carving, and this instruction as to the prayer; 

"Learn it by heart, and teach it to all the Indians and their children. 


It must be repeated morning and evening. Do all that I have told 
thee, and announce it to all the Indians as coming from the blaster 
of Life. Let them drink but one draught (of whisky) or two at most, 
iia one day. Let them have but one wife, and discontinue running 
after other people's wives and daughters. Let them not fight one an- 
otlier. Let them not sing the medicine song, for in singing the medicine 
song they speak to the evil spirit. Drive from your lands those dogs 
in red clothing: they are only an injury to you. "When you want 
an.vthing, apply to me, as your brothers do, and I will give to both. 
Do not sell to your brothers that which I have placed on the earth 
as food. In short become good, and you shall want nothing. When 
you meet one another, bow and give one another the (left) hand of 
the heart. Above all, I command thee to, repeat morning and even- 
ing the prayer which I have given thee." 

The prayer stick shown in the accompanying cut was not one of 
the Delaware prophet's but a similar one from Kanakuk, a Kickapoo 
prophet who attained some notoriety about 1827. In 1S30, Rev. James 
Armstrong, a ^Methodist minister and missionary, while living on Shaw- 
nee Prairie, about three miles from Attica, Indiana, was visited by a 
band of Kickapoo Indians who said that they came from beyond the 
IMississippi River, where they had heard of him, and had been told 
that they could get the true Bible from him. Each of them had one of 
these prayer sticks, which they called their bibles, but said they knew 
they were not the true ones, although they used them in their devo- 
tions. Mr. Armstrong took their prayer sticks, and gave them testa- 
ments instead, with which they went on their way re.joicing. Mr. 
Armstrong's son, R. V. Armstrong, of Mill Creek, Indiana, presented 
one of these prayer sticks to C. H. Bartlett, of South Bend, who in turn 
presented it to the National Mueseum, and it is portrayed here. It is 
a trifle over a foot long and two and one-half inches wide, at the widest 
point, and three-eighths of an inch thick. It was originally painted red 
on one side, and green on the other. The engraving is on one side 

The revelations of this Delaware prophet were the chief feature of 
the crusade which Pontiac preached, and they appealed strongly tn a 
people who were being told that the French King was selling their 
lands to the English King. Its effect is shown by the fact that the 
Shawnees and Delawares of Ohio, who had been very good friends of 
the English, .joined in the conspiracy, and did no little damage on the 
frontier until Col. Bouquet invaded their country and forced them to 
sue for peace. In the meantime Sir William Johnson had been impress- 
ing on the British authorities the fact that the cheapest way to manage 


the Indians was to cultivate their friendship, and Col. Croghan, who 
was the first English emissary to reach Pontiac, had the long experi- 
ence in Indian dealings which gave him the same opinion. In conse- 
quence, while Major Loftus and Captain Pittman had not been able 
to get to Fort Chartres from New Orleans, nor Captain ilorris by the 
!Maumee, and Lieutenant Fraser, who had reached that point by the 
Ohio, had thought it wise to escape down the Mississippi is disguise. 
Colonel Croghan, although captured by a party of hostiles, was able 
to make terms with the Indians. Of course this was largely due to the 
fact that Pontiac had become convinced that he could get no help from 
the French, and was discouraged by the defeat of the Delawares and 
Shawnees. At Post Ouiatanou he announced to Croghan that the French 
had deceived him, and that he would fight the English no longer; and 
the two proceeded to Detroit, where a formal agreement of peace was 
made. Croghan at once sent word of his success to Fort Pitt; and 
Captain Sterling, of the Forty-Second Highlanders, the famous "Black 
Watch," started down the Ohio for Fort Chartres. He arrived there 
on October 9, 1765, and on the day following took formal possession 
from St. Ange, who had been commanding there for the past year. 
With this French rule ended in Indiana, though nobody came to take 
formal possession of Post Vincennes until Lieutenant Governor Abbott 
came twelve years later. The command at Vincennes simply passed 
down from one officer to another, as heretofore stated in the report of 
Major Vanderburgh, the Commandant receiving instructions from time 
to time from the British officer in command at Fort Chartres. The 
government at the Post was practically military, although there was 
usually a resident Notary, and part of the time a Jus-tice of the Peace. 
The people also chose a Syndic, who had charge of the common field, 
and other communal matters. 

In fact English rule in the West was chiefly English neglect. When 
Captain Sterling took command at Fort Chartres, he reissued General 
Gage's proclamation of some eight months earlier, giving liberty of 
conscience, and guaranteeing personal and property rights. It also 
gave the French settlers freedom to emigrate, but required an oath of 
allegiance to Great Britain if they remained. A proclamation had been 
issued in 1763 reserving the lands between the Alleghany Jlouutains 
and the Mississippi River for the Indians, and prohibiting any pur- 
chases of land by the whites from the Indians: and the same proclama- 
tion made provision for regulating Indian affairs, including the Indian 
trade. Having made these provisions, the British authorities were too 
much engaged with more important matters to give much attention to 
these small French posts. Early in 1764 Sir William Johnson had sent 


Croghan to England to get some action taken, and on March 10 Croghan 
wrote to him: "tho I have been hear Now a ilonth Nothing has been 
Don Respecting North ailerriea Mr. pownal Toukl Me yesterday 
that I wold be Soon Sent for to attend to board of Trade what Meshurs 
they will Take the Lord knows butt Nothing is Talkt of Except ocon- 
emy * * * I am Sick of London & wish To be back in ailerriea & 
Setled on a Litle farm where I May forgett the Mockery of pomp & 
Greatness." It was the old situation, of the man of action chafing under 
the delay of the statesman whose strongest quality was procrastination. 
Meanwhile legal proceedings in the West varied according to the ideas 
of military commanders. Col. Bouquet court-martialed a couple of 
spies, and they were sentenced to death ; but Gen. Gage refused to con- 
firm the sentence, on the ground that they should have been tried for 
treason, adding: "But these trials must be in the Country below by 
the Civil Magistrates, to whom they should be given up. The Military 
may hang a spy in Time of War, but Rebels in Anns are tried by the 
Civil Courts. At least I saw this practised in Scotland ; both by General 
Hawley, and the Duke of Cumljcrland. Mr. Penn should be applied to, 
for to order the Attorney Genl. to prosecute all those Vilains, against 
whom any proof can be brought. I return you both your Coiirt-iMartials 
which either of your Judge-Advocates may transmit to Mr. Gould, 
Deputy -Judge Advocate in England, as always practised." On the 
other hand. Captain Sterling, finding that all of the old judicial officers 
had left the Illinois country, appointed a habitant named LaGrange 
judge, and authorized him to "decide all disputes according to the 
Law and Customs of the Country," with right of appeal to the Com- 
mandant by dissatisfied litigants. Lt. Col. Wilkins went farther, and 
on November 12, 1768, issued commissions to six of the habitants "to 
form a Civil Court of Judicatory, with powers expressed in their Com- 
missions to Hear and Try in a Summary way all Causes of Debt and 
Property that should be brought before them and to give their Judge- 
ment thereon according to the Laws of England to the Best of their 
Judgement and understanding." On March 4, 1770, he extended the 
jurisdiction of the court to assaults, trespasses and other misdemeanors, 
directing the judges "to impose and bring such Fines and Inflict such 
Corporate Punishment or commit Offenders to Jayle at the discretion 
of the said Court." This court appears to have been discontimied in 
June, 1770, for some cause not now known. 

Although Gen. Gage was very scrupulous about the trials of Eng- 
lishmen, as we have seen, in 1772 he issued peremptory orders to the 
inhabitants of Post Vincennes to withdraw from the Indian country. 
In September of that year they forwarded a remonstrance to him, as- 



serting their legal title to the lauds occupied by them; and in the 
following spring Gen. Gage replied, requiring them to furnish "con- 
vincing proofs" of their statements. This letter is of especial inter- 
est, for while the remonstrance of the French settlers has not been 
found, Gage speaks of it as "insinuating that your settlement is of 

Flag of Society of Colonial Wars, for Indiana 

(Designed by W. O. Bates. Presents the "Vineennes Arms" surmonnting cross 
of St. George. The arms were ' ' supplied " by a Canadian College of Heraldry. There 
were none. Bissot de Vineennes is a title of enfeoffment, not nobility.) 

seventy years standing, ' ' and this is the only approach to any historical 
evidence that Post Vineennes was established prior to 1730. This is 
negatived however by the proofs furnished; for the only evidence of- 
fered as to the founding of the post was the certificate of St. Ange 
that he commanded there from 17X6 to 1764, and that "the said post 


was established a number of years before my command, under that of M. 
de Vineesne, ofificer of the troops, whom I succeeded by order of the 
king." The assertion which has sometimes been made that there was 
a post or settlement at this point prior to the coming of Sieur de Vin- 
cennes, has not a shadow of evidence to support it. The settlers furnished 
very fair evidence of the legality of their titles, but of a total of 88 
claimants, only one claimed to have received a grant prior to 1736 ; and 
while his deed was lost, and he could not give the date, he stated that 
the grant was from Sieur de Vincennes. 

It is probable that Gage had no real understanding of the status of 
the Vincennes people until he received these proofs. In 1763, M. Aubry, 
the last acting French Governor of Louisiana had reported: "The Fort 
of Vincennes is the last Post in the Department of Louisiana, it is situ- 
ated on the Ouabache 60 Leagues above its entrance into the Ohio, and 
from the entrance of the Ouabache into the Ohio to the Mississippi is 
60 Leagues more. It is a small Piqueted Fort in which may be about 
Twenty Married Soldiers and some few Inhabitants. The land is very 
fertile and produces plenty of Corn and Tobacco. It is about 155 
Leagues from the Illinois by water, but one may march it in Six days 
by Land. The Indians that live near this place are called Peanguichia, 
they are about 6 warriors — Tho' we may not have men enough to oc- 
cupy this Post at present, it is very interesting to us to do it, as the 
Passage to Canada lies up the Ouabache. It is 60 Leagues from 
Vincennes to Ouiatanons, and 60 more up the River Ouabache to 
Miamis, and from thence a Carrying place of Six Leagues to the River 
of Miamis, and 8 leagues more down that River to Lake Erie. This was 
my Rout in 1759, when I went from Illinois to Venango with more than 
400 men, and a hundred thousand weight of Flour." In 1766 Lieuten- 
ant Fraser had reported that all of the Western forts "excepting fort 
Charters are intirely in ruins, some of them that you can scarce see 
any appearance of. ' ' Gage presumably supposed that the place had been 
taken possession of by a lot of French coureurs, who were trespassers 
in the Indian countrj'. It is true that he had a census of the place taken 
in 1767, giving the following details: "Inhabitants, Men, "Women & 
Children, 232; Strangers, 168: Negro Slaves, 10; Savage Slaves, 17; 
Oxen, 352 ; Cows, 588 ; Horses, 260 ; Hoggs, 295 ; Mills, 3 ; Bushels Corn 
to be reaped, 5450; Bushels Indian Corn to be reaped, 5420; Tobacco 
growing nt. Pounds, 36,360." ^^ 

It will be noted, however, that this gives no indication of any mili- 
tary or other governmental establishment. 

23 lU. Hist. Coll., Vol. 11, p. 469. 


The only religious establishment in Indiana during the French and 
British dominions was the Roman Catholic, and it was not extensive. 
The only church within the borders of the State was at Vincennes, and 
its parish records extend back only to 1749, when the first entries were 
made by Father I\Ieurin. Before that time very little is definitely known 
about the church at Vincennes, although Vincennes historians have 
made some very definite statements concerning it. For example, Mr. 
Cauthorn asserts, without qualification and without any citation of 
authority, that the "pastors" at Vincennes, prior to Meurin, in order 
of succession, were "John Mermet, Antoninus Senat and Mercurin 
Conic." He refers in a general way to Thwaite's edition of the Jesuit 
Relations, but apparently overlooks the fact that in the last volume 
of this work there is a brief biographical notice of all the priests known 
to have served in this region. Father Jean Mermet died in Illinois 
September 15, 1716, and could not possibly have served at Vincennes, 
because there was neither post, white settlement nor Indian village at 
that point during his life. Father Antoine Senat did not come to 
America until 1734, is known only a.s a mis.sionary to the Illinois Indians, 
and was killed by the Chickasaws in the spring of 1736, as heretofore 
stated. ' ' Mercurin Conic ' ' is beyond me. I cannot imagine where Mr. 
Cauthorn found him, unless perhaps it was somewhere in the Conic 
Sections. It is impossible that there should have been a church estab- 
lishment at Vincennes from 1702 to 1749, as asserted by Mr. Cauthome, 
and no mention of it in the voluminous correspondence of the period, and 
in fact the assertion is completely disproven by that correspondence. 
The whole object of the movement that arose after 1720, and that led 
to the establishment of Post Vincennes, was to get a post, a mission and 
an Indian settlement on that portion of the Ouabache that was within 
the jurisdiction of Louisiana. Father D'Outreleau was sent over from 
France, in 1726, for the express purpose of being "missionary to the 
Ouabache" in the projected establishment. He is named in the oiScial 
church list of 1728 as "at the Ouabache," but this was by title only, 
for the projected establishment had not yet been made, and in reality 
Father D'Outreleau was then over in the Illinois country, trying to 
fit himself for his contemplated work. He never entered on that work 
on account of his inability to acquire the Indian languages. He returned 
to New Orleans in 1730, where he later became Chaplain of the Hos- 

Naturally, there were priests that visited Vincennes before any 
church was established at that place. The earliest of these of whom John 
Gilmary Shea, the distinguished Catholic historian, could find any rec- 
ord, was the Recollect priest Father Pacome Legrand, who died on his 


way to Niagara, October 6, 1742, "after a term of service at Vincennes. " 
Shea thinks it probable that it was this priest who, on July 22, 1741, 
baptized at Post Ouiatanon, Anthony, son of Jean Baptiste Foucher, 
who became the first priest ordained from the West, and who died at 
Lachenaie, Canada, where he was then priest, in 1812. Be that as it 
may, the fact that Indiana had begun contributing to the clergy in 1741 
indicates that the intellectual forces of the climate began to operate at 
once. That Vincennes was subordinate to the Illinois missions is shown 
by the following extract from the defense of the Jesuits above quoted : 
"At eighty leagues from the Illinois was the post called Vincennes or St. 
Ange from the names of the officers who commanded there. This post 
is upon the river Wabash which, about seventy leagues lower down, to- 
gether with the Ohio which it has joined, discharges iis waters into the 
Mississippi. There were in this village at least sixty houses of French 
people without counting the Miami savages who were quite near. There, 
too, was sufficient cause for care and occupation — which the Jesuits did 
not refuse — a conclusion which must be reached if one considers that this 
post was every day increasing in population ; that the greater part of 
its new inhabitants, having long been voyageurs, were little accustomed 
to the duties of Christians ; and that, to establish among them some 
manner of living, many instructions and exhortations, private and public, 
were necessary. Now the proof that the Jesuits acquitted themselves of 
their duty in this respect is proved by the complaints that the parishoners 
made against them; for these people claimed that their pastors went 
beyond their duty, and assumed too much care." The Jesuits who 
served at Vincennes after Father ]\Ieurin were Father Peter du Jaunay 
in 1752, Father Louis Vivier in 1753, and Father Julian Devemai in 
1756. After the suppression of the Jesuits in France, on June 9, 1763, 
the Superior Council of Louisiana issued a decree suppressing the Jesuits 
of the Province, forbidding their performance of religious functions, 
ordering all their property except the personal clothing and books of the 
priests to be seized and sold at auction, and the priests themselves to be 
expelled from the Province. This was a high-handed proceeding as to 
the country north of the Ohio, which had been ceded to Great Britain by 
the Treaty of Paris on February 10, 1763, but the British had not taken 
possession, and the order was enforced to the letter. Father Devernai 
was dispossessed at Vincennes and shipped down the river with the 
Illinois Jesuits. All of the mission property was sold at auction. Father 
Duverger, a priest of the Foreign Missions, seeing this movement, sold 
all of the property of the Seminary at Cahokia, and went down the river 
with the Jesuits. The only priests left in the upper country were two 
Franciscans at Fort Chartres, the brothers Hippolyte and Luke Collet; 
and of these the former withdrew in 1764, and the latter died September 


10, 1765. The region would have been left entirely without clergy had 
not Father Meurin insisted on returning, and this the Louisiana authori- 
ties permitted on his signing an obligation to hold no communication with 
Quebec or Rome, and to recognize no superior but the Superior of the 
Capuchins at New Orleans. Until 1768, this lone priest looked after the 
spiritual interests of the upper country, appealing for aid to New 
Orleans, to Quebec, to Paris, and to Philadelphia, but in vain. It was 
not even possible for him to visit all of the settlements. In 1767 he 
wrote to Bishop Briand, of Quebec : ' ' The post of Vincennes on the 
"Wabash among the Miami-Pinghichias, is as large as our best villages 
here, and needs a missionary even more. Disorders have always pre- 
vailed there ; but have increased in the last three years. Some come here 
to be married or to perform their Easter duty. The majority cannot or 
will not. The guardian of the church publishes the banns for three 
Sundays. He gives certificates to those who are willing to come here, 
whom I publish myself before marrying them. Those who are unwilling 
to come here declare their mutual consent aloud in the church. Can 
such a marriage be allowed?" His misgivings were entirely ecclesiasti- 
cal, for the guardian of the church was Etienne Phillibert, commonly 
known by his nick-name, "Orleans," who was the village notary, and 
was authorized to keep the church record in the absence of the priest, 
and to administer lay baptism to infants. There can be no serious ques- 
tion as to the legality of civil marriages where he officiated. In June, 
1767, Bishop Briand appointed Father Meurin his Vicar-General for all 
the Illinois country, which was followed by his commission and a pastoral 
letter in August. When Rocheblave, Commandant at New Orleans, heard 
of this he forbade Meurin to exercise any functions west of the Missis- 
sippi, and ordered his arrest for recognizing a foreign authority in 
Spanish territory. 

In 1768 Father Pierre Gibault was sent to the aid of this lone Jesuit 
who was upholding the cross in the upper Mississippi Valley. He was 
of an old Canadian family, his greatgrandfather, "Gabriel Gibaut, dit 
Poitevin," a native of Poictiers, France, having been married at Quebec, 
October 30, 1667. His grandfather and his father both bore the name 
Pierre Gibaut ^-i and were natives of Canada. His parents were married 
November 14, 1735, at Sorel, and he, the eldest son, was christened April 
7, 1737, at Montreal. His mother's maiden name was Marie-Joseph St. 
Jean. After some primary schooling and travel in western Canada, he 
was educated in theology at the Seminary of Quebec, the expense being 

2* The Abbe Tanguay uses this spelling for the family name, and treats Gibault, 
Gibeau, etc., as variations. 


paid out of a remnant of the Cahokia Mission property, which had been 
invested as a "rente," or mortgage annuity of 333 livres a year, on the 
Hotel de Ville. He was ordained at Quebec on the feast of St. Joseph, 
March 19, 1768 ; celebrated mass the next day in the Ursuline church ; 
and after brief service in the Cathedral, set out for the Illinois country. 
Delayed by bad weather, he reached ^Michilimackinac in July, and passed 
a week there, confessing voyageurs, baptizing children, and blessing one 
marriage. It was intended that he should locate at Cahokia, but the 
people there wanted Father Meurin, and those at Kaskaskia wanted the 
young priest, so Father Meurin took charge of Cahokia and Prairie du 
Rocher, and Father Gibault settled at Kaskaskia. As there were no 
priests in the Missouri settlements, from which Father Meurin had been 
debarred, Gibault also attended to them, and in 1769 blessed the little 
chapel which the settlers had built at St. Louis. Soon after arriving at 
Kaskaskia he had an attack of ague which persisted for months, but he 
kept on with his work, and succeeded in getting the people to attend to 
their church duties, and pay their tithes, which, by the Canadian custom, 
were one-twenty-sixth of their produce. He did not reach Vincennes 
until the winter of 1769-70, and then through peril, for hostile Indians 
were attacking the settlements, and had killed twenty-two of the settlers 
since his arrival in the country. Shea says that "the frontier priests 
always, in these days of peril, carried a gun and two pistols." He reached 
Vincennes in safety, and in a letter to Bishop Briand, after deploring 
the vices and disorders that prevailed there, he said: "However, on 
my arrival, all crowded down to the banks of the River "Wabash to receive 
me ; some fell on their knees, unable to speak ; others could speak only 
in sobs; some cried out: 'Father, save us, we are almost in hell'; others 
said : ' God has not then yet abandoned us, for He has sent you to us to 
make us do penance for our sins. ' ' Oh sir, why did you not come sooner, 
my poor wife, my dear father, my dear mother, my poor child, would 
not have died without the sacraments.' "-^ He remained at Vincennes 
for two months, reviving the faith of the Catholics, and also brought into 
the church a Presbyterian family which had settled there. The people 
gave proof of their zeal by erecting a frame chapel, which was occupied 
for fifteen years ; and when he left, a guard of twenty men accompanied 
him across the Illinois prairies. The church building known to the early 
American settlers as the old St. Francis Xavier cathedral was not erected 
until 1786. Father Gibault did not take up peimianent residence at 
Vincennes until 1785, and on June 6, 1786, he wrote to Bishop Briand : 
"I should not have succeeded in building a church at this post, had 

25 Life and Times of Archbishop Carroll, x>- 128. 



not the people at Cahokia sent a messenger in the name of the whole 
parish, to beg me to take charge of them, offering me very advantageous 
terms. The people at Post Vineennes having good grounds to fear that I 
might leave them, unanimously resolved to build a church, ninety feet 
long by forty-two broad, on a foundation and of l)oards. Part of the 
wood is already got out, and several fathoms of stone for the foundation. 
The upright posts will be only seventeen feet high, but the winds are so 
violent in these parts, that even this is rather high for strength. The 
house which is now used as a church will serve as a priest's house, and I 
think I can occupy it a few months hence. The lot is a large, dry one 

St. Francis Xavier Church 
Erected 1786. 

in the middle of the village, which I myself, with the marguillers, ob- 
tained sixteen years ago. I beg you to approve this erection of a new 
church under the title of St. Francis Xavier on the Wabash, and to 
enjoin me to proceed to complete it, and also to adorn it as well as the 
poverty of the people will permit. 

Father Gibault ministered to the Missouri churches until 1772, when 
priests were sent from New Orleans to take charge of them. In 1774 
there came a cruel blow in the news of the suppression of the Jesuit 
order by Pope Clement XIV. In the whole Mississippi Valley, faithful 
Father "Meurin was the only one affected by the Brief of Suppression, 
and he, knowing no divorce from duty, wrote to Bishop Briand : "Free, 
I would beseech and beg your charitable goodness to be a father to me, 


and admit absolutely among the number of your clergy, instead of an 
auxiliary as I have been since February 1, 1742. I should deem myself 
happy, if, in the little of life left me, I could repair the cowardice and 
negligence of which I have been guilty in the space of thirty-three years. 
If you will adopt me, I am sure you will pardon me and ask mercy for 
me." In March, 1775, Father Gibault visited Vincennes, and then went 
on to Canada. Returning, he was unable to reach the Illinois, and passed 
the winter at Detroit. He did not reach Vincennes again until the 
summer of 1777, Phillibert officiating in lay capacity in the meantime. 
And so closed the church history of Indiana in the British period. 



"John, Earl of Dunmore, Viscount Fincastle, Baron Murray of Blair, 
of Monliu and of Tillimet, Lieutenant and Govemour General of his 
Majesty's Colony and Dominion of Virginia, and Vice Admiral of the 
same," was decidedly unpopular with our Revolutionary forefathers on 
account of his devotion to the Royalist cause ; but he was a keen observer 
of men, and not altogether a bad sort in his way. He had come over as 
Governor of New York in 1770, and was transferred two years later to 
Virginia, where he was soon in trouble with the house of burgesses, which 
he dissolved twice on account of its revolutionary sentiments. His one 
popular act was his war on the Ohio Indians, who had been committing 
depredations on the frontier. Fort Pitt had been abandoned and ordered 
demolished, but in 1774, Dr. John Connolly, a major of militia, under 
Dunmore 's orders, occupied it and put it in shape for defense. From 
this point the expedition against the Shawnees and Mingos proceeded ; 
Dunmore, who was a stocky, stout-built Scotchman, marching on foot 
with them, and carrying his own knapsack. The Indians were worsted 
at Point Pleasant, and sued for peace. They gave hostages, who were 
left at Fort Pitt (now called Fort Dunmore) under charge of Connolly. 
The Pennsylvania authorities were indignant at this invasion of territory 
claimed by the Quaker Colony, but Virginia insisted that Pennsylvania 
had no rights west of the mountains, and trouble would have ensued but 
for the coming on of the Revolutionary war. Early in 1775. Dunmore 
removed some powder, property of Virginia, to a British ship of war, 
whereupon he was attacked and forced to take refuge on the ship. Con- 
nolly, under his instructions, disbanded his militia, and abandoned Fort 
Pitt; after which he busied himself getting up a plan for the invasion 
of Virginia from the west. Connolly made his way through Virginia to 
Dunmore 's ship with some difficulty, being arrested several times by 
safety committees. With Dunmore 's approval, he went to New York 
and laid his plan before General Gage, who also approved it. Connolly 
then tried to make his way back through Maryland, but was arrested 
near Hagerstowii, with his commission as, Lieutenant Colonel Com- 



mandant and a copy of his proposals on him. His next five years were 
passed in prison. 

The proposals, after reciting that he had "prepared the Ohio Indians 
to act in concert \dth me against his ila,jesty's Enemies/' and had 
promise of suppoi't from western tories, to whom he had promised three 
hundred acres of land each, continues: "I will undertake to penetrate 
through Virginia, and Join his Excellency Lord Dunmore at Alexandria, 
early next spring on the following conditions & authority. 1st. That 
your Excellency will give me a commission to act as Ma.ior Commandant 
of such Troops as I may raise and embody on the Frontier, with a power 
to command to the Westward, & employ such serviceable French and 
English partisans as I can engage by pecuniary rewards or otherwise. 
2dl3^ That your Excellency will give orders to Capt. Lord, at the Illinois, 
to remove himself with the Garrison under his Command from Fort Gage 
to Detroit, by the Ouabashe, bringing with him all the Artillery, Stores, 
&ea., &ca., to facilitate which undertaking he is to have Authority to 
Hire Boats, Horses, Frenchmen, Indians, &ca., &ca., to proceed with all 
possible expedition on that Rout as the weather may occasionally permit, 
and to put himself under my command on his arrival at Detroit. Thirdly. 
That the Commissary at Detroit shall be empowered to furnish such 
provisions as I may Judge necessary for the good of the Service, and 
that the Commanding Officer shall be instructed to give every possible 
assistance in encouraging the French and Indians of that Settlement to 
Join me. 4thly. That an officer of Artillery be immediately sent with 
me to pursue such Rout as I may find most expedient to gain Detroit, 
with orders to have such pieces of Ordnance as may be thought requisite 
for the demolishing of Fort Dunmore & Fort Fincastle, if resistance 
should be made by the Rebels in possession of those Garrisons. 5thly. 
That your Excellency will empower me to make such reasonable presents 
to the Indian Chiefs and others, as may urge them to act with Vigor in 
the execution of my orders. 6thly. That your Excellency will send to 
Lord Dunmore such anns as may be spared in order to equip such per- 
sons as may be willing to serve his Majesty at our Junction, in the 
vicinity of Alexandria." 

The acts of Connolly at Fort Pitt and the complaints of the Pennsyl- 
vania people had called forth a sharp letter from Lord Dartmouth to 
Gov. Dunmore, in which especial condemnation was made of allowing 
settlers on the Indian lands. Dunmore defended himself at length, and 
as to the encroachments on Indian lands he said: "I have had, My 
Lord, frequent opportunities to reflect upon the emigrating Spirit of 
the Americans, Since my Arrival to this Government. There are con- 
siderable bodies of Inhabitants Settled at greater or less distances from 


the regular frontiers of, I believe, all the Colonies. In this Colony Proc- 
lamations have been published from time to time to restrain them : But 
impressed from their earliest infancy with Sentiments and habits, very 
different from those acquired by persons of a Similar condition in Eng- 
land, they do not conceive that Government has any right to forbid their 
taking possession of a vast tract of Country, either uninhabited, or which 
Serves only as a Shelter to a few Scattered Tribes of Indians. Nor can 
they be easily brought to entertain any belief of the permanent obliga- 
tion of Treaties made with those People, whom they consider as but little 
removed from the brute Creation. These notions, My Lord, I lieg it may 
be understood, I by no means pretend to Justify. I only think it my duty 
to State matters as they really are. ' ' 

There is little room to doubt that this was common frontier senti- 
ment. There is a naive contemporary statement of it in some verses 
preserved in the Journal of James Newell, who served as an ensign in 
"Dunmore's War" as follow's: 

' ' Great Dunmore our General valiant & Bold 
Excels the great Heroes — the Heroes of old ; 
When he doth command we will always obey, 
When he bids us to fight we will not run away. 

Come Gentlemen all, come strive to excel, 
Strive not to shoot often, but strive to shoot well. 
Each man like a Hero can make the woods ring, 
And extend the Dominion of George our Great King. 

The land it is good, it is just to our mind. 
Each will have his part, if his Lordship be kind. 
The Ohio once ours, we '11 live at our ease. 
With a Bottle & glass to drink when we please. ' ' 

It was natural enough that there should be such sentiments among 
the Americans, for the wars with the French had been fought on the 
theory that the lands northwest of the Ohio belonged to the Iroquois by 
conquest, and they had deeded them to the King of England. If this 
made a 'good title against the French, it was equally good against the 
Indians who had moved into the region. ^Moreover all the colonies 
claimed that their charter boundaries extended at least as far west as 
the Mississippi River and one of the chief sources of trouble between the 
colonies was the question of title to western lands. At this very time 
Pennsylvania was having as much difficulty in resisting the encroach- 
ments of Connecticut on the north as of Virginia on the south. Virginia 
was active in warding off the danger in the west. In June, 1775, she 
appointed six commissionei-s to act with others in making a treaty at 


Pittsburg with the Ohio Indians. One of these oommissioners, Capt. 
James Wood, went personally to the Indians and invited them to meet in 
September at Pittsburg, where, after three weeks' negotiations a treaty 
was made with representatives of the Ottawas, Wyandots, Mingos, Shaw- 
nees. Delawares and Seneeas. In the spring of 1776, Congress made 
Col. George Morgan, an experienced frontiersman, Indian agent for the 
Middle Department, at Pittsburg, and under his wise management Indian 
troubles were avoided until after the murder of Coi-ustalk in the fall of 
1777. This 'allowed time for preparation for defense which ultimately 
saved the western settlements from destruction. 

The British were not idle. In the spring of 1775 Henry Hamilton 
was appointed Lieutenant Governor at Detroit, and arrived there on 
November 9. He was of Irish birth, and had been in the army since 1754, 
serving in France, Canada and the West Indies. He was quickly in 
touch with the situation, and on November 30 wrote to Gen. Carleton 
informing him about the treaty at Pittsburg, the details of which he had 
learned from "Mahingan John," a Delaware who had taken part in it, 
and had been entrusted with belts for the western Indians. Hamilton 
saw that Mahingan John was "made acquainted with some of the par- 
ticulars which are sufficient to undeceive the Delawares and Shawanese," 
and predicted that they could have no lasting peace with the Virginians, 
who were "haughty. Violent and Bloody." He thought that if the war 
did not appear hopeful for the Colonies "we may reasonably expect, 
from all I can learn of the disposition of the savages, the frontier of 
Virginia in particular will suffer very severely." From this time on the 
two hostile camps faced each other across the lands northwest of the 
Ohio. The British were established at Niagara, Detroit and the Illinois 
settlements. The Americans held the headwaters of the Ohio, and reached 
in constantly' growing strength through Kentuckj'. Both considered 
all the possibilities of attack and defense. In 1775 Arthur St. Clair 
projected an expedition against Detroit from Pittsburg, and partly 
prepared for it, but the Seneeas were determined to remain neutral, and 
objected to passage through their country; and so the expedition was 
abandoned. The Seneeas were equally firm with the British, and pre- 
vented the attack of Fort Pitt from Niagara. In 1777 Gen. Edward 
Hand was made Commander in Chief in the West, with headquarters at 
Pittsburg. He was an Irish doctor, who came to America in 1767 as 
Surgeon's Mate of the ISth Royal Irish Regiment, which was stationed 
at Fort Pitt. Hand was popular there with all classes, and when the 
regiment was ordered East, he resigned and located at Lancaster, Penn,, 
where, in 1775, he married Catherine Ewing. At the outbreak of the 
war he volunteered, and served with Washington at Boston, on Long 


Island, and in the Jersey campaign. He attempted an expedition against 
Sandusky in the fall of 1777, but succeeded only in raiding two Indian 
towns on Beaver Creek, occupied chiefly by squaws; from which the 
expedition became known as "the Squaw Campaign." He prepared for 
another early in 1778, but his plans were frustrated by Alexander 
McKee, former Indian Agent, who decamped to the British with infor- 
mation of Hand's intentions. 

Gen. George Rogers Clark 

(Prom a portrait painted by ilattliew Harris Jouett, owned by R. T. 

Durret of Louisville) 

Such was the situation when George Rogers Clark came to the front. 
Born in Albemarle County, Virginia, about a mile and a half north of 
Mouticello, the home of Jefferson, November 19, 1752, Clark had the 
meager educational advantages of a Virginia country lad in a large 
family. He is said to have had nine months' schooling under Donald 


Robertson, and his maternal grandfather, John Rogers, was a surveyor, 
for which occupation Clark had fitted himself when nineteen years old. 
In 1772 he made his first trip to Kentucky with Rev. David Jones and 
others, going down the Ohio in canoes. They returned with glowing 
descriptions of the country, and in the Fall Clark located on the south 
side of the Ohio near the mouth of Fish Creek, about 130 miles below 
Pittsburg, from where he wrote to his brother, in January, 1773, that he 
was prospering agriculturally, and "I get a good deal of cash by sur- 
veying on this River." He was with Capt. Cresaps' expedition, and 
his testimony cleared that officer of the charge of murdering Logan's 
family. He served in Dunmore's war as a captain.^ In April, 1775, he 
wrote to his brother: "I have ingaged as a Deputy Surveyor under 
Capn Hancock Lee for to lay out lands on ye Kentuck for ye Ohio Com- 
pany at ye rate of 80 L pr year and ye priviledge of Taking what Lands 
I want." His occupation gave him a wide acquaintance; and in June, 
1776, he and Capt. John Gabriel Jones were elected delegates to seek aid 
and protection from Virginia. They found the legislature adjourned; 
and Jones returned to join in an attack on the Cherokees, while Clark 
went on to see Gov. Henry. He induced the Governor and Executive 
Council to give him five hundred pounds of powder for the Kentuckians, 
and to make a separate county of Kentucky, which was done in December. 
Clark now entered actively into the military preparations of Kentucky, 
and on April 20, 1777, sent two young Virginians, Benjamin Linn and 
Samuel Moore to the Illinois settlements to ascertain the exact condition 
of affairs there. They returned on June 22, and on July 9 Clark entered 
in his diary, "Lieut Linn married great Merriment." This was Lieu- 
tenant William Linn, who had also just finished a perilous service. The 
greatest need of the frontier was for powder, and Capt. George Gibson 
of the Virginia troops, formed the project of getting it from New Orleans, 
where the Spanish authorities were friendly. On July 19, 1776, he and 
Lieutenant Linn started down the river from Pittsburg in a skiff, under 
the guise of Indian traders. They reached New Orleans in August, and 
by the aid of Oliver Pollock, they secured 98 barrels of powder — nearly 
10,000 pounds — wath which they started up the river on September 22, 
with 43 men and several barges. They reached Wheeling with it on 
May 2, 1777. With his information from his emissaries to the Illinois, 

'Dunmore's War, p. 157. An immense amount of information as to this period 
has been furnished by the publication of original matter, eollected by Dr. Draper, 
by the Wisfonsin Historiral Society, edited by Thwaites and Kellogg: and also 
by the publications of the Illinois Historical Library edited by Profs. Alvord 
and James. These are the principal sources of the new matter in this cliaiiter, to 
Tvhich no special reference is made for authority. 


and such other information as he could secure, Clark started for Virginia 
in October, and on December 10 laid his plan before Gov. Henry, as 
embodied in the following statement : * 

"Sir — According to promise I hasten to give you a description of the 
town of Kuskuskies, and my plan for taking of it. It is situated 30 
leagues above the mouth of the Ohio, on a river of its own name, five 
miles from its mouth and two miles east of the Mississippi. On the west 
side of the Mississippi 3 miles from Kuskuskies is the village of Mozier 
(Misere — Ste. Genevieve) Iwlonging to the Spaniards. The town of Kus- 
kuskies contains about one hundred families of French and English and 
carry on an extensive trade with the Indians ; and they have a consider- 
able number of negroes that bear arms and are chiefly employed in 
managing their farms that lay around the town, and send a considerable 
qiiantity of flour and other commodities to New Orleans (which they 
barter every year and get the return in goods up the Mississippi). The 
houses are framed and very good, with a small but elegant stone fort 
situated (but a little distance from) the centre of the town. The 
Mississippi is undermining a part of Fort Chartress; the garrison was 
removed to this place, which greatly added to its wealth ; but on the 
commencement of the present war, the troops (were) called off to re- 
inforce Detroit, which is about three hundred miles from it — leaving the 
fort and all its stores in care of one Roseblack ^ as comdt of the place, 
with instructions to influence as many Indians as possible to invade the 
Colonies ; and to supply Detroit with provisions, a considerable quantity 
of which goes by the way of the Waubash R., and have but a short land 
carriage to the waters of ye (Miami). 

"In June last I sent two young men there: They (Rocheblave and 
the French) seemed to be under no apprehension of danger from the 
(Americans) The fort, which stands a small distance below the town is 
built of stockading about ten feet high, with blockhouses at each corner, 
with several pieces of cannon mounted — (10,000 lbs) powder, ball and 
all other necessary stores without (any) guard or a single soldier. Rose- 
black who acted as Governor, by large presents engaged the Waubash 
Indians to invade the frontiers of Kentucky ; and was daily treating with 
other Nations, giving large presents and offering them great rewards 
for scalps. The principal inhabitants are entirely against the American 

2 In a note preceding this document, Dr. Draper says: "Copy of an old and 
much decayed letter of Genl. G. R. Clark, written plainly in the summer or fall 
of 1777, and very likely addressed to Gov. Patrick Henry. It is transcribed as full 
as could be done — as the original has been wet, and is much worn and faded." 
The matter in parenthesis was supplied by Draper. 

3 He means Rocheblave. 


cause, and look on us as notorious rebels that ought to be subdued at any 
rate ; but I dont doubt but after being acquainted with the cause they 
would become good friends to it. The remote situation of this town on 
the back of several of the Westei-n Nations; their being well supplied 
with goods on the Mississippi, enables them (to carry) to furnish the 
diflferent Nations (with goods), and by presents will keep up a strict 
friendship with the Indians; and undoubtedly will keep all the Nations 
that lay under their influence at war witli us during the present contest, 
without they are induced to submission; (that being situated above the 
mouth of the Ohio) they will be able to interrupt any communication 
that we should want to hold up and down the Mississippi, without a 
strong guard; having plenty of swivels they might, and I dont doubt 
but would keep armed boats for the purpose of taking our property. 
On the contrary, if it was in our possession it would distress the gari'ison 
at Detroit for provisions, it would fling the command of the two great 
rivers into our hands, which would enable us to get supplies of goods 
from the Spaniards, and to carry on a trade with the Indians (line 
obliterated) them might perhaps with such small presents keep them our 

' ' I have always thought the town of Kuskuskies to be a place worthy 
of our attention, and have been at some pains to make myself acquainted 
with its force, situation and strength. I cant suppose that they could 
at any (time) raise more than six (or seven) hundred armed men, the 
chief of them (are French the British at Detroit being at so great a) 
distance, so that they (blank in mss.) more than (blank in mss.). 

"An expedition against (Kaskaskia would be advantageous) seeing 
one would be attended with so little expence. The men might be easily 
raised (blank in mss.) with little inconvenience Boats and canoes with 
about forty days provisions would (answer) them: they might in a few 
days run down the river with certainty (to the) Waubash, when they 
would only have about five to march to the town with very little danger 
of being discovered until almost within sight, where they might go in 
the night; if they got wind (of us they might) make no resistance: if 
(they did) and were able to beat us in the field, they could by no means 
defend themselves for if they fiew to the fort, they would lose possession 
of the town, where their provisions lay, and would sooner surrender than 
to try to beat us out of it with the cannon from the post, as (they) would 
be sensible that should (we fire) it before we left it, which would reduce 
them to the certainty of leaving the country or starving with their 
families, as they could get nothing to eat. 

"Was I to undertake an expedition of this sort, and had authority 
from Government to raise my own men, and fit myself out without 


(much delay) I should make uo doubt of being in (full po&sessiou of the 
country) by April next. 

"I am sensible that the ease stands thus — that (we must) either take 
the town of Kuskuskies, or in less than a twelve month send an army 
against the Indians on Wabash, which will cost ten times as much, and 
not be of half the service. ' ' 

Governor Henry submitted this proposal to the Executive Council, 
and after due consideration, on January 2, 1778, the following entry was 
made: "The Governor informed the Council that he had had some con- 
versation with several Gentlemen who were well acquainted with the 
Western Frontiers of Virginia, & the situation of the post at Kaskastv 
held by the British King's Forces, where there are many pieces of cannon, 
& militarj' supplies to a considerable amount; & that he was informed 
the place was at present held by a very weak garrison, which induced 
liim to believe that an expedition against it might be carried on with 
success, but that he wished the advice of the Council on the occasion. 

"Whereupon they advised his Excellency to set on foot the expedi- 
tion against Ka.skasky with as little delay & as much secrecy as possible, 
& for the purpose to issue his warrant upon the Treasurer for twelve 
hundred pounds payable to Col. George Rogers Clark, who is willing to 
undertake the service, he giving bond & security faithfully to account 
for the same. And the Council further advised the Governor to draw 
up proper instiiietions for Colonel Clark. His Excellency having pre- 
pared the instructions accordingly, the same were read, (and) approved 

Apparently all was ready for action, for on the same day Clark re- 
ceived his instructions, and appointed Wm. B. Smith major, with au- 
thority to raise 200 men. To insure secrecy he was given two sets of 
instinictions One for public use directed him to raise 350 men for 
service in Kentucky. The other, and secret, instructions directed him 
to proceed with this same force against Kaskaskia. It enjoined humane 
treatment of the people, and said : "If the white inhabitants at that post 
& the neighbourhood will give undoubted evidence of their attachment 
to this State (for it is certain they live within its limits) by taking the 
Test prescribed by Law & by every other way & means in their power, 
Let them be treated as fellow Citizens & their persons & property duly 
secured. Assistance & protection against all Enemies whatever shall be 
afforded them & the Commonwealth of Virginia is pledged to accomplish 
it." This last document later came into the possession of 'Slajor Henry 
Hurst, first clerk of the Federal Court of Indiana, and was given by his 
daughter, Mrs. ^Mary Leviston, to Dr. N. Field of Jeffersonville. It was 
lithographed and widely circulated by the Indiana Historical Society. 



Governor Henry also gave Clark a letter to Gen. Hand at Fort Pitt, 
requesting him to furnish Clark with boats for the expedition, and to 
render any other assistance in his power. On January 3, he also received 
a joint letter from George "Wythe, George Mason and Thomas Jefferson, 
giving their opinion that each private in the expedition should receive 
three hundred acres of land, and the officers in proportion. This letter 
came into the possession of Hon. Wm. H. English, and was first published 

John Sanders, Clark's Guide 
(From crayon owned by Col. R. T. Durret of Louisville) 

by him in his valuable ' ' Conquest of the Northwest, ' ' which was at the 
time of its publication the most exhaustive account of Clark's campaign 
that had been produced. Mr. English was at the time President of the 
Indiana Historical Society, and held that position until his death. 

Armed with these documents Clark started for Fort Pitt, attending 
to details on the way. On the 20th he reached Leonard Helm's and 


arranged for him to raise a company ; on the 23d with Joseph Bowman 
for another; and so on with John Lindsey, Joseph Wilkerson, W. Harrod, 
Benj. Linn, J. Bayley, John Maxfield, A. Chaplin and W. Hughton. 
He reached Fort Pitt on February 10, where he was followed by a letter 
from Governor Henry, of Jan. 15, adding to previous instructions, "that 
your Operations should not be confin'd to the Fort — the Settlement at 
the place mention 'd in your secret Instructions, but that you proceed 
to the Enemy 's Settlements above or across, as you may find it proper. ' ' 
Although Clark's public instructions expressly state: "You are em- 
powered to raise these Men in any County in the Commonwealth and 
the County Lieutenants respectively are requested to give you all possible 
assistance in that Business," on January 24, Governor Henry wrote a 
sharp letter to Clark complaining of his raising men in western Virginia, 
and saying: "You must certainly remember that you inform 'd Me, 
that you expected to get Men enough to compleat the seven Companies 
partly in Kentuck & Partly within the Carolina Line, and that if you 
shou'd fail in your Expectation, any Deficiency cou'ld easily be made up 
in the frontier Coimties in the neighbourhood of Fort Pitt; the South 
Branch & the Frontiers: I must therefore desire you to pursue your 
first Intentions, for by inlisting any men in the lower Counties, You will 
not only procure improper Persons, but you may also throw those 
Counties into great Confusion respecting the Act of Assembly passed this 
session for recruiting the Continental Army. The men you enlist will 
not be exempted from the Draught. ' ' The same information was appar- 
ently given to the draft officers, and between this obstruction, the news 
of the capture of Daniel Boone, and apprehensions of trouble at home; 
Clark failed to get more than half of his seven companies. In May he 
started down the river with the men raised by himself. Bowman and 
Helm, and near the last of that month— probably on the 27th— reached 
the falls of the Ohio. He landed on Corn Island, then about seventy 
acres in extent, and built a block-house for the protection of his supplies. 
On June 24, leaving twenty men at Corn Island, part of them with 
families that had followed him down the river, Clark left the Falls with 
his "army" of 153 men, going through the Indiana chute during an 
eclipse of the sun, and by steady rowing reached the mouth of the 
Tennessee on the 28th. Here they captured a party of hunters from 
Kaskaskia, who proved to be friendly, and asked to join the expedition. 
John Sandei-s, of this party, acted as guide from old Fort Massac, where 
they landed, to Kaskaskia. He got lost on the way, and was suspected 
of treachery, but he proved his good intentions, and led them safely to 
their goal. He subsequently located at the new settlement at Louisville, 
where he opened the first bank of that place, doing business with an 


original paper currency based on skins. On the evening of July 4, Clark 
took the town and fort of Kaskaskia by surprise, without any fighting, 
capturing the Commandant, Rocheblave, in bed. The people had l)een 
told by British agents that the Virginians were of savage cruelty, and 
Clark purposely increased their fear by his haughty bearing until, on 
the next day. Father Gibault and a number of the leading citizens came 
to him and humbly asked that their families should not be parted, and 
that they be allowed to keep some of their clothing and provisions. Clark 
then informed them that he was not making war on women and children. 
Just before leaving the Falls he had received a letter from Col. John 
Campbell, at Pittsburg, informing him of the treaty between France and 
the United States. He told them of this, and that they might become 
citizens of Virginia if they desired, but that he would not administer the 
oath of allegiance for a few days, and in the meantime any of them who 
desired to leave the country might do so. Father Gibault inquired as to 
religious privileges, and Clark informed him that under the laws of 
Virginia there was complete religious liberty, and that he had nothing 
to do with churches except to protect them from insult. With this the 
de.jection of the French was turned to joy; and a number of them volun- 
teered to go to Cahokia with a detachment sent there under Major Bow- 
man. This was accepted and on the day following Cahokia became as 
thoroughly American as Kaskaskia. Having now a breathing spell, in 
order "to cause the peoples to feell the blessings In joyed by an American 
Citizen," Clark says: "I caused a Court of sivil Judicature to be Estab- 
lished at Kohas (Cahokia) Elected by the people. Majr Bowman to the 
supprise of the people held a pole for a Majestacy and was Elected and 
acted as Judge of the Court — the policy of Mr. Bowman holding a pole 
is easily perseived — after this similar Courts ware established in the 
Towns of Kaskas and St Vincenes ther was an appeal to myself in 
certain Cases and I believe that no people ever had their business done 
more to their satisfaction than they had through the means of this Regu- 
lation for a considerable time. ' ' 

Clark now turned his attention to Vincennes, and called Father 
Gibault into conference, professedly for information. Gibault told him 
that Superintendent Abbott had gone to Detroit, and that he thought he 
could induce the people there to accept American rule without any diffi- 
culty. He offered to undertake this and asked that Dr. Jean Baptiste 
Lafonte be sent with him. To this Clark acceded, and on July 14 they 
started for Vincennes. Clark had given to Lafonte the following letter : 


"Fort Clark, July 14, 1778. 

"Having the good fortune to find two men like Mr. Gibault and your- 
self to carry and to present my address to the inhabitants of Post Vin- 
cennes I do not doubt that they will become good citizens and friends of 
the states. Please disabuse them as much as it is possible to do, and in 
case they accept the propositions made to them, you will assure them 
that proper attention will be paid to rendering their commerce beneficial 
and advantageous, but in case those people will not accede to offers so 
reasonable as those which I make them, they may expect to feel the 
miseries of a war under the direction of the humanity which has so far 
distinguished the Americans. If they become citizens you will cause 
them to elect a commander from among themselves, raise a company, take 
possession of the fort and the munitions of the King, and defend the 
inhabitants till a gi'eater force can be sent there. (My address will 
serve as a commission.) The inhabitants will furnish victuals for the 
garrison which will be paid for. The inhabitants and merchants will 
trade with the savages as customarily, but it is necessary that their 
influence tend toward peace, as by their influence they will be able to 
save much innocent blood on both sides. You will act in concert with 
the priest, who I hope will prepare the inhabitants to grant you your 
demands. If it is necessary to grant presents to the savages, you will 
have the kindness to furnish what shall be necessary provided it shall 
not exceed the sum of two hundred piastres.- 

"I am Sir, respectfully you,r very humble and very obedient servant 

"G.R. Clark." 

This letter was in French, as was also the address referred to, a 
translation of which is as follows : 

"George Rogers Clark, Colonel Commandant of the troops of Virginia 
at the Falls of the Ohio and at the Illinois, etc., Address to the inhabi- 
tants of Post Vincennes. 

"The inhabitants of the different British posts from Detroit to this 
post, having on account of their commerce and position great influence 
over the various savage nations, have been considered as persons fitted to 
support the tyrannies which have been practiced by the British ministry 
from the commencement of the present contest. 

"The Secretary of State for America has ordered Governor Hamilton 
at Detroit to intermingle all the young men with the different nations 
of savages, to commission officers to conduct them, to furnish them all 
necessary supplies, and to do everything which depends on him to excite 
them to assassinate the inhabitants nf the frontiers of the United States 


of America ; which orders have beeu put into execution at a council held 
with the different savage nations at Detroit the 17th to the 24th day of 
the month of June, 1777. The murders and assassinations of women 
and children and the depredations and ravages which have been com- 
mitted cry for vengeance with a loud voice. 

"Since the United States has now gained the advantage over their 
British enemies, and their plenipotentiaries have now made and con- 
cluded treaties of commerce and alliance with the Kingdom of France and 
other powerful nations of Europe, His Excellency the Governor of Vir- 
ginia has ordered me to reduce the different posts to the west of the Miami 
with a body of troops under my command, in order to prevent further 
shedding of innocent blood. Pursuant to these orders I have taken pos- 
.session of this fort and the munitions of this country ; and I have caused 
to be published a proclamation offering assistance and protection to all the 
inhabitants against all their enemies and promising to treat them as the 
citizens of the Republic of Virginia (in the limits of which they are) and 
to protect their persons and property if it is necessary, for the surety of 
which the faith of the government is pledged ; provided the people give 
certain proofs of their attachment to the states by taking the oath of 
allegiance in such cases required, as provided by law, and by all other 
means which shall be possible for them, to which offers they have volun- 
tarily acceded. I have been well pleased to learn from a letter written 
by Governor Abbott to M. Rocheblave that you are in general attached 
to the cause of America. 

"In consequence of which I invite you all to offers hereafter men- 
tioned, and to enjoy all their privileges. If you accede to this offer, you 
will proceed to the nomination of a commandant by choice or election, 
who shall raise a company and take possession of the fort and of all the 
munitions of the king in the name of the United States of America for 
the Republic of Virginia and continue to defend the same until further 

"The person thus nominated shall have the rank of captain and 
shall have the commission as soon as possible, and he shall draw for 
rations and pay for himself and his company from the time they shall 
take the fort, etc., into their possession. If it is necessary, fortifications 
shall be made, which will be also paid for by the state. 

"I have the honor of being with much consideration, sirs, your very 
humble and obedient servant, 

"G. R. Clark." 

With these documents Gibault and Lafonte made their way to Vin- 
cennes, and found little difficulty in persuading the people to join the 


American cause. A few Englishmen and French who saw that they 
were in a hopeless minority, left the place and started up the Wabash. 
On July 20 the remainder gathered at the church, and took the oath, of 
which the following is a translation: 

"Oath of Inhabitants of Vincennes. 

"You make oath on the Holy Evangel of Almighty God to renounce 
all allegiance to George the Third, King of Great Britain, and to his 
successors, and to be faithful and true subjects of the Republic of .Vir- 
ginia as a free and independent state ; and I swear that I will not do or 
cause anything or matter to be done which can be prejudicial to the 
liberty or independence of the said people, as pi'escribed by Congress, and 
that I will inform some one of the judges of the country of the said 
state of all treasons and conspiracies which shall come to my knowledge 
against the said state or some other of the United States of America : In 
faith of which we have signed at Post Vincennes, the 20th of July, 1778. 
"Long Live the Congress." 

To this oath 184 men of Vincennes affixed their signatures, or in most 
cases their marks. Hamilton said that Gibault absolved the French from 
their allegiance to Great Britain, and Clark says they "went in a body 
to the Church where the Oath of Allegiance was administered to them 
in the Most Solemn Jlanner an officer was Elected and the Fort Amedi- 
ately taken pos.session of and the American Flag displayed to the aston- 
ishment of the Indians and everything setled beyond our most sanguine 
hopes." Gibault returned about the first of August with the cheering 
news, and Clark was now ovei-whelmed by the consideration that he had 
more territory than he had men to hold. The period of enlistment of 
his troops was ended, and many of them desired to return home. Clark 
assumed the power of reenlisting those who were willing to stay, and 
filled up his companies with volunteer Frenchmen. He sent Captain 
Leonard Helm to take charge of Post Vincennes, appointing him Super- 
intendent of Indian Affairs on the Wabash. He was especially charged 
with securing the friendship of Young Tabac, the chief of the Pianke- 
shaws, who was very influential among the Wabash Indians. Clark sent 
a letter to the latter offering him war or peace, and exhorting him if he 
chose the former to fight like a man as he would see his British Father 
made feed for the dogs. Helm succeeded so well that Tabac not only 
became a firm friend of the Americans but formed a .strong personal 
attachment to Helm. Wlien Helm was captured by Hamilton, Tabac 
declared himself a prisoner also, and insisted on sharing Helm 's confine- 
ment. Hamilton made everj' effort to win him back, but he was obdurate, 



and accepted Hamilton's presents only on the ground of sharing them 
with his "brother" Helm. Hamilton could not aft'ord to ofifend him, and 
so Tabac had his way. Before this he was of immense service, for he 
made such representations to the other Indians that they flocked to 
Cahokia to seek peace with Clark. 

This was what Clark wanted, for he says he had been considering 
the French method of dealing with the Indians, and had decided that it 
was a mistake to ask thciu to make treaties. He says that Chippewas, 
Ottawas, Potawatomis, Missisagas, Winnebagos, Sauks, Foxes, Osages, 
lowas and Miamis gathered there until "I must confess that I was under 

The Garrison Marching Oi't 

some apprehention among such a number of Devils." There was some 
cause, for a party of Puans undertook to capture Clark at his lodgings, 
but were detected and captured. Clark had their chiefs put in irons, 
and sternly rejected, all pleas in their behalf, until two of their J'oung 
men came forward and offered themselves for death in atonement. After 
haughty deliberation Clark took these two youths by the hand, and 
pronounced them chiefs; released his captives, whom he denounced as 
squaws who did not know how to make war, and told them to go join the 
English. To all the rest he offered war or peace, as they might choose, 
and did it with such show of confidence and indifference that they all' 
humbly asked for peace. In the space of five weeks he concluded peace 


with "ten or twelve ditferent Nations." This was timely, for no rein- 
forcements were coming: for him, and Hamilton was actively preparing 
for an expedition against him from Detroit. Hamilton started in October 
with 36 regulars, 70 French volunteers, and 60 Indians. He gathered up 
Indians along the road until he had ahout 400. On December 17 Helms 
sent a messenger to Clark with a letter stating that the British were 
within three hundred yards of the town, and that he was practically 
deserted by his French militia, having but four men that he could rely 
on. His estimate of the reliables was four times too large, but that was 
immaterial. The messenger was captured and Clark never received the 
letter. Major Hay, who had been sent in advance by Hamilton, took 
possession of the town without resistance, and when Hamilton arrived 
and demanded the surrender of the fort. Helm consented on being allowed 
the honors of war. He then marched out with the one man who had 
remained with him, and laid down his arms. The identity of the latter 
half of the garrison is unknown. Tradition says it was Closes Henry, 
but Clark says that Henry was a ".suspected person" who had been con- 
fined in the fort by Hamilton after his arrival, and Moses Henry was 
not among Clark's soldiers who received militaiy lands from Virginia, 
although he was made Indian agent by Clark later, and resided at Vin- 
eennes for some years afterwards. Henry's wife took him word of the 
arrival of Clark, and he informed Helm and the other prisoners before 
Hamilton had any suspicion of it. 

Clark did not learn of the capture of Vincennes until in January, 
and Hamilton thought he got his information from six French deserters, 
one of whom was a brother of Father Gibault, who escaped from Vin- 
cennes in the latter part of January. Clark had learned of it before 
that time. Shortly after Hamilton's- arrival at Vincennes, an Ottawa 
chief who was with him led a party to the mouth of the Wabash to try 
to intercept some Americans. As none appeared he led his party to the 
Illinois, and came near capturing Clark himself, whoi had gone to 
Prairie du Rocher. They fell in with some French hunters, who brought 
word to Kaskaskia. An express was sent to Clark, who was enjoying a 
dance at Captain Barber's, with the alarming information that a party 
of 800 whites and Indians were within a few miles of the fort and 
expected to attack it that night. There was some wild excitement and 
preparation for the next twenty-four hours, when it was learned that 
the party had retreated to Vincennes, and Clark says : " it was now con- 
jectured that St. Vincents was certainly in the Hands of the Enemy, 
and that the party that had been in the Neighberhood had been sent from 
that place on some Errand or other." He remained in suspense, pre- 
paring for any emergency, until January 29, when Francis Vigo arrived 


from Vincennes with definite information. Vigo was at the time a fui' 
trader at St. Louis, who had been furnishing Clark large amounts of 
supplies. He volunteered to go to Vincennes and furnish Helm with 
supplies and provisions and started for that place on December 18, not 
knowing of Hamilton's arrival. On the 24th he was captured at the 
Embarras River by some of Hamilton's Indians, who took him to Vin- 
cennes. Hamilton found nothing wrong about him, but Vigo refused 
to give his parole "not to do any act during the war injurious to the 
British interests, ' ' and so he was held on a parole requirement to report 
every day at the fort. This gave him ample opportunity to learn what 
was going on. Hamilton was busy. He first took a census of the place 
and found that there were 621 people there, of whom 217 were fit to bear 
arms, besides several who had gone buffalo-hunting. He then says : 

"Having summon 'd the Inhabitants to assemble in the Church, I 
went to meet them, reproach 'd them with their treachery and ingrati- 
tude, but told them since they had laid down their arms and sued for 
protection, that on renewing their Oath of Allegiance they should be 
secured in their persons and property. Lenity I thought might induce 
the French inhabitants at Kaskaskias to follow their example, tho' the 
conduct of the Canadians at large was but poor encouragement. I read 
twice to them the Oath prepared for them to take, explain 'd the nature 
of it, and cautioned them against that levity they had so recently given 
proof of. The oath being administer 'd, they severally kiss'd a silver 
crucifix at the foot of the Altar, after which they sign'd their names to 
a paper containing the same Oath in writing. It was conceived in the 
following terms : (translation) 

"At St. Vincennes, December 19, 1778. 

"We, the undersigned, declare and acknowledge to have taken the 
oath of allegiance to Congress, in doing which we have forgotten our 
duty to God and have failed in our duty to man. We ask pardon of God 
and we hope from the goodness of our legitimate sovereign, the King of 
England, that he will accept our submission and take us under his pro- 
tection as good and faithful subjects, which we promise and swear to 
become before God and before man. In faith of which we sign with our 
hand or certify with our ordinary mark, the aforesaid day and month of 
the year 1778." 

Having thus rectified the mental and moral attitude of the com- 
munity, Hamilton turned his attention to the fort, which he says he 
found, "a miserable stockade, without a Well, barrack, platform for 
small arms, or even a lock to the gate." He further says: "In the 
course of the winter we built a guard-house. Barracks for four com- 
panies, sunk a Well, erected two large Blockhouses of oak, musquet 


proof, with loop-holes below, and embrasures above for 5 pieces of 
Cannon each, alter 'd and lin'd the Stockade, laid the Fort with gravel"; 
and also, ' ' The fort was on the 22nd of February in a tolerable state of 
defence the Work proposed being finished." He also changed the name 
to Fort Saekville, in honor of Lord George Sactville, then British 
Secretaiy of State for the Colonies. After about a month's detention 
at Vincennes, Vigo 's French friends intervened in his behalf, and Ham- 
ilton consented to let hiiu go on parole that he would "not do anything 
injurious to the British interests on his way to St. Louis." This pledge 
he kept religiously, as he always did a promise given ; but as soon as he 
reached St. Louis he hastened to Kaskaskia, and gave Clark his informa- 
tion. Desperate as the situation looked, it presented an opportunity that 
appealed to Clark. Disappointed in his hope for reinforcement, he 
leaped at the chance to complete his conquest with the force he had. He 
called his officers in council and proposed to go to Vincennes and attack 
Hamilton. They agreed. There is no room to doubt that the sentiments 
of all were expressed in Clark's letter to Henry on February 3, in which, 
after recounting Vigo's arrival with information of Hamilton's success, 
his efi^orts to regain the friendship of the Indians, and the loyalty of 
those nearest to Vincennes to the Americans, Clark puts the situation 

"Ninety Regulars in Garrison a few Volunteers and about Fifty 
Tawaway Indians that is Shortly to go to war they are very Busy in 
Repairing the Fort which will Shortly be very Strong, One Brass Six- 
pounder two Iron four pounders and two Swivels Mounted in the 
Bastians plenty of Ammunition and provitions and all kinds of warlike 
Stores, flaking preparation for the Reduction of the Illeuois & has no 
Suspition of a Visit from the americans this was Mr. Hamilton's Cir- 
cumstance when Mr. Vigo left him 

"Being sensible that without a Reinforcement which at present have 
hardly a right to Expect that I shall be obliged to give up this Cuntrey 
to ]\Ir. Hamilton without a turn of Fortune in my favour, I am Resolved 
to take the advantage of his present Situation and Risque the whole on a 
Single Battle. I shall Set out in a few Days with all the Force I can 
Raise of my own Troops and a few Militia that I can Depend on (in the 
whole only one) Hundred (part of which goes on) Board a Small G 
(alley, fitted) out some time ago Mounting two four pounders and four 
large Swivels one nine pounder on Board this Boat is to make her way 
good if possible and take her Station Tenn Leagues Below St. Vincens 
until further orders if I am Defeated She is to Join Col. Rogers on the 
Mississippi She has great Stores of Ammunition on Board Comd by 
Lieut. Jno Rogers. I Shall Alarch across by Land myself with the Rest 



of My Boj's the principle persons that follow me on this forlorn hope is 
Captn Joseph Bowman John "Williams Edwd Worthington Richd M 
Carty & Frans Charlovielle Lieuts Riehd Brashears Abm Kellar Abm 
Chaplin Jno Jerault And Jno Bayley and several other Brave Subalterns, 
You must be Sensible of the feelings that I have for those Brave officers 
and Soldiers that are Determined to share my Fate let it be what it will 
I know the Case is Desperate but Sr we must Either Quit the Cuntrey or 
attact Mr. Hamilton no time is to be lost was I Shoer of a Reinforce- 
ment I should not attempt it who knows what fortune will do for us 
Great things have been affected by a few Men well Conducted perhaps 
we may be fortunate we have this Consolation that our Cause is Just 

Fort Sackville, Vincennes, Indiana, 1779 

and that our Cuntrey will be greatful and not Condemn our Conduct in 
ease we fall through if so this Cuntrey as well as Kentucky I believe 
is lost." 

Well might his heart warm to the men who joined him in that perilous 
undertaking. According to Bowman, 46 went in the galley, and those 
who marched were 170, including "the Artillery Pack Horsemen &c." 
And what a march ! From the- afternoon of February 5 to the afternoon 
of February 23, through muddy overflowed plains, with rain falling 
ahnost continually, without tents, and after the 16th almost without 
provisions except one deer killed on the 20th. The only favoring feature 
was that the weather did not turn cold until the night of the 22nd, when 
ice formed about an inch thick. This brought the supreme effort. On 
the 23d Bowman records : "Set off to cross a plain called Horse Shoe 


plain about 4 Miles long cover "d with Water breast higli^iere we ex- 
pected Some of our brave ilen must certainly perish having froze in the 
Night and so long fasting and no other Resourse Init wading this plain 
or rather a leak (lake) of Water we pushed into it with Couraee Col. 
Clark being the tirst, taking care to have the Boats close by, to take those 
that was weak and benumbed (with the cold) into them Never was ilen 
so animated with the thoughts of revenging the wrongs done to their 
back Settlements as this small Army was." Luckily there was a copse 
of timber on the way, ^\hich Clark says "was of great conseciuence" for 
"all the Low men and Weakly Hung to the Trees and floated on the old 
logs untill the.y were taken off by the Canoes the strong and Tall got 
ashore and built fires many would reach the shore and fall with their 
bodies half in the water not being able to Support themselves without 
it this was a deliglitful Dry spot of Ground of about Ten Acres we 
soon found that the fires answered no purpose but that two strong men 
taking a weaker one by the Arms was the only way to recover him and 
being a delightfuU Day it soon did But fortunately as if designed by 
Providence a eanoe of Indian squaws and Children was coming up to the 
Town and took through part of this plain as a nigh way was discovered 
by our Canoes as they ware out after the men they gave chase and took 
them on Board of which was near half Quarter of Buffaloe some com 
Tallow Kettles &c this was a grand prise and was Invaluable Broath 
was amediately made and served out to the most weak but with great 
care most of the whole party got a little but a great many would not 
tast it but gave their part to the weakly Jocosely saying something cheary 
to their comrades this little refreshment and fine weather by the after- 
noon gave new life to the whole." It was not strange that Clark wrote 
to Mason : " If I was sensible that You wou 'd let no Person see this 
relation I would give You a detail of our suffering for four days in 
crossing those waters, and the manner it was done; as I am sure that 
You wou'd Credit it. but it is too incredible for any Person to believe 
except those that are well acquainted with me as You are, or had ex- 
perienced something similar to it." Neither was it strange that in his 
Memoir, under date of ilarch 7 — two weeks later — he recorded: "A 
num'ber of our men now got sick their Intrepidity and good suckcess 
had untill this keep up their spirits but things falling of to that little 
more than that of common Gan-ison duty they more sensibly felt the 
Pains and other complaints that they had contracted during the severity 
of the late uncommon march to which many of those Valuable men fell 
a sacrifice and few others ever perfectly recovered it. ' ' 

. Clark was in sight of the town, but he was not yet safe. He says, 
"Ammunition was scarce with us as the most of our Stores had been put 


on board of the Gaily." Hamilton says that although he had required 
all the gunpowder in the town to be surrendered to him, "nevertheless 
Colonel Clarke was supplyed by the Inhabitants, his own to the last ounce 
being damaged on his March." "Waiting till near sunset, he first dis- 
patched a captive duck-hunter to the town with a warning to the people 
that he was about to attack the place, and for those who wanted to help 
the British to get into the fort, and others to stay in their houses. He 
then staged a moving picture show for them, marching and counter- 
marching his men behind ridges of land where nothing could be seen of 
them except flags which they carried on poles. As soon as it was dark 
they marched direct to the town, and sent 15 men to begin firing on the 
fort, while the rest took possession of the town. One of the fii"st moves 
was to the houses of Col. Legras and Major Busseron, who had "buried 
the Greatest part of their powder and Ball" when Hamilton first came, 
and had probably sent word of it to Clark by Vigo. Clark says, "this 
was amediately produced and we found our selves well supplyed by 
those Gentn." The surprise of the fort was complete. Hamilton says: 
"About 5 minutes after candles had been lighted we were alarmed by 
hearing a Musquet discharged ; presently after some more. I concluded 
that some party of Indians was returned or that there was some riotous 
frolic in the Village, going upon the Parade to enquire I heard the Balls 
whistle, order 'd the Men to the Blockhouses, forbidding them to fire till 
they perceived the shot to be directed against the Fort. We were shortly 
out of suspence, one of the Serjeants receiving a shot in the breast." He 
says, however that Maisonville had come in earlier in the day with a 
report that "he had discover 'd about four leagues below the fort, four- 
teen fires, but could not tell whether of Virginians or Savages," and he 
had sent Captain Lamothe with twenty men for further information. 
Lamothe made a circuit aroiind the flooded lands, and discovered noth- 
ing until he heard the firing on the fort. He got back into the fort with 
his men early the next morning. Clark says he let them in for fear they 
might go for aid of hostile Indians. 

There was a continuous fusillade during the night, without great 
damage, though Hamilton says he had "a Serjeant Matross and five 
Men wounded" — a Matross was an assistant artilleryman. But Clark 
utilized the darkness to make an entrenchment across the street about 
120 yards in front of the gate of the fort. Young Tabac had offered to 
assist in the attack with one hundred men, but Clark thanked him and 
told him he needed no assistance. At 8 or 9 o'clock on the morning of 
the 24th Clark sent a flag of truce with a letter to Hamilton demanding 
the immediate surrender of the fort, and adding, "if I am obliged to 
storm, you may depend upon such Treatment justly due to a Murderer 



beware of destroying Stores of any kind or any papers or letters that is 
in your possession or hurting one house in the Town for by heavens if 
you do there shall be no ilercy shewn you." To this ferocious message 

(W^^X/ ^1, 

^y^-^^n-i^. fzy^ .^ yy/^^ > 

yi,i.,^t^-d^'>-^ ^*^^Z^ -6-^.jj- -^^i^^j V; t-^^/^^^^^^ ^ ^^ 

X^>T^ /%^ />< j 




Clark's Letter to Hamilton 
(From original, owned by Wisconsin Historical Society) 

Hamilton curtly replied that "he and his Garrison are not disposed to 
be awed into any action Unworthy of British subjects. " Firing was then 
resumed until Hamilton sent a flag of truce proposing a trace of three 
days, and a conference with Clark in the fort. Clark replied that he 


would accept no terms but surrender at discretion, but that if Hamilton 
desired a conference he would meet him and Captain Helm at tlie church. 
The latter was aecej^ted, and it was a meeting of two as accomplished 
bluflfers as ever met on Indiana soil, but Clark knew Hamilton's cards, 
and Hamilton did not know Clark's. Hamilton was willing to suiTender, 
but wanted honorable terms. Clark told him, "on you Sir who have 
embrued your hands in the blood of our women and children, Honor, 
my country, everything calls on me alloud for Vengeance." Helm tried 
to intercede but Clark refused to listen to him. He told Hamilton that 
he had only 35 or 36 men in the fort that he could rely on ; and Hamilton 
knew it was true. Finally Clark said he would send articles that he 
would allow, and would give half an hour to consider them, and so they 
separated. Clark sent his articles as follows: 

"1st. Lt. Gov. Hamilton engages to deliver up to Col. Clark Fort 
Sackville as it is at present with all the stores, ammunition, pro- 
visions, &e. 

"2nd. The Garrison will deliver themselves up Prisrs of War to 
march out with their arms accoutrements, Knapsacks &c. 

"3d. The Garrison to be deliver 'd up to-morrow at 10 o'clock. 

"4th. Three days time to be allowed the Garrison to settle their 
accounts with the tradei-s of this Town. 

"5th. The Officers of the Garrison to be allowed their necessary 

' ' Signed at Post Vincennes the 24th day of February, 1779. 

"G.R.Clark." , 

Within the time limit, Hamilton returned this with the following 
indorsement : 

"Agreed to for the following reasons — 

"The remoteness from succour, the state and quantity of provisions, 
the unanimity of officers and men on its expediency, the honorable terms 
allowed and lastly, the confidence in a generous enem.y. 

"Henry Hamilton 
"Lieut. Govr. & Superintendent." 

In this connection, Hamilton adds in his report: 

"Among reasons not mentioned on the face of the capitulation were 
the treachery of one-half our little garrison, the certainty of the Inhabi- 
tants of the Village having joyned the Rebels — The North-East Angle 
of the fort projecting over a sandbank already considerably undermined, 
the miserable state of the wounded Men, the impossibility of effecting an 
escape by water, while the half of our number had shewed their poltron- 


nerie and treason, and our wounded must be left at the mercy of a 
mereyless set of Banditti. 

"Having given the necessary orders, I pass'd the night in sorting 
papers and in preparing for the disagreable ceremony of the next day. 
"^Mortification, disappointment, and indignation had their turns. 
"At ten o'clock in the morning of the 25th, we marched out with 
fix'd Bayonets and the Soldiers with their knapsacks— the colors had 
not been* hoisted this morning, that we might be spared the mortification 
of bawling them down." 

There were two incidents that probably hastened Hamilton's action. 
During the conference in the church a party of Clark's men had gone 
to meet a party of Indians who were returning from a raid with scalps, 
and who mistook the Americans for friends until close to them. A dozen 
of them were killed or wounded, and six were captured and brought into 
town where four of them were tomahawked in view of the fort, the 
other two being Frenchmen who were saved by the intercession of friends. 
This was probably Hamilton's first opportunity of knowing what savage 
warfare signified when brought home to himself, and it apparently made 
a lasting impression. In his report he says: "One of them was toma- 
hawk 'd immediately. The rest sitting on the ground m a ring bound- 
seeing by the fate of their comrade what they had to expect, the next on 
his left sung his death song, and was in turn tomahawk 'd, the rest under- 
went the same fate, one only was saved at the intercession of a Rebel 
Officer who pleaded for him telling Coll Clarke that the Savage s father 
had formerly spared his life. The Chief of this party after haveing 
had the hatchet stuck in his head, took it out himself and deliver d it to 
the inhuman monster who struck him first, who repeated his stroke a 
second and a third time, after which the miserable spectacle was dragged 
by the rope about his neck to the River, thrown in, and suffer d to spend 
still a few momenta of life in fruitless strugglings-Two sergeants who 
had been Volunteers with the Indians escaped death by the interce^ion 
of a father and a Sister who were on the spot." Hamilton also says that 
Maisonville was partially scalped by order of Clark; but Clark says this 
was done by two men who captured this "famous Indian partizan and 
"was so Inhumane as to take a part of scalp." , , , i , 

The other occurrence was at the conference at the church when 
Clark was emphasizing his determination to take vengeance on Indian 
partizans. Clark says: "Majr Hay paying great attention I had ob- 
seZL kind of distrust in his countenance which in a great measure 
iXnced my Conversation during the time on my CoBebjding P-y 
Sir says he who is that you call Indian partizans Sir I Repjed 1 take 
nljr Hay to be one of the Principals I never saw a man m the Moment 

Vol. I— 11 


of Execution So Struck as he appeared to be Pail and Trembling 
scarcely able to stand G H. blushed and I observed was much affected 
at his behaviour in the presence of Captn Bowmans Countenance Suffi- 
tiently explained his disdain for the one and his sorrow for the other. ' ' 
In reality Hay was a light-hearted and light-headed youth who was not 
cut out for a hero, and did not fully realize what he had been doing. 
He had not taken part in Indian raids, but had represented the British 
at Fort Wayne during the preceding winter in dealings with the Indians 
who went on raids from there. His journal •• gives a most interesting 
view of social life in Fort Wayne at that time, and incidentally shows 
that he was much more at home singing or dancing with the ladies, or 
getting drunk with the men, than in military operations ; but it does not 
give any indication that he was hard-hearted or cruel. 

Presumably Hamilton was largely influenced by consideration for 
him, for when Clark ordered Hay and others put in irons after the 
surrender, Hamilton says : "I observed to him that these persons having 
obey'd my orders were not to be blamed for the execution of them, that 
I had never known that they had acted contrai-y to those orders, by 
encouraging the cruelty of the savages, on the contrary and that if he 
was determined to pass by the consideration of his faith and that of the 
public, pledged for the performance of the Articles of capitulation, I 
desired he might throw me into prison or lay me in irons rather than the 
others." But Clark had "neck-irons, fetters and handcuft's" put on the 
three Indian partisans, and when they got to Virginia, Governor Jeffer- 
son had handcuffs put on Hamilton. Later these were exchanged for 
fetters riveted on, and the whole party were confined in prison. Pro- 
tests were made, but Jefferson insisted that it was a right to so confine 
prisoners of war who had surrendered without specifications as to treat- 
ment, until Washington finally interposed and the irons were removed. 
The treatment was hardly justifiable, but the American public was so 
indignant over the ravages of Great Britain's Indian allies that it is 
surprising that nothing worse happened. On the day after the surrender 
of the fort, Captain Helm was sent up the river to meet a party coming 
down with supplies. They returned on March 5, having captured Judge 
Dejean of Detroit, M. Adhemar, Commissary at Fort Miamis, with 38 
soldiers and seven boats loaded with provisions and supplies. The 
Willing — the boat sent around by the Mississippi — arrived on February 
27, and the crew were much disappointed to have arrived too late to 
take part in the victory. Dejean was sent to Virginia with the officers 
of the fort and eighteen of the private soldiers who belonged to the 

* Published in the Collections of the Wisconsin Historical Society for 1914. 


British army. The remainder of the prisoners were paroled and allowed 
to return to Detroit. A council was held to consider an attack on 
Detroit, but it was deferred to summer. 

An Indian account of the capture of Vincennes was received by Col. 
Brodhead through Rev. John Heckewelder, who wrote from his mis- 
sion, on April 28, 1779, "The Governor of Detroit after having taken 
Fort Chubhicking, from the Americans, sent all the Indians who were 
with him home again, except two of the head men of every nation. A 
few weeks ago a number of Virginians appeared unexpectedly at said 
fort, surrounded it and took it with all that was in it, and the Gov- 
erjior made a prisoner. That the night after the fort was taken, two 
Shawanese made their escape out of the same, upon which they, the 
Americans suspecting the Governor hanged him immediately, and killed 
the rest of the Indians who were in the fort. That the Virginians sent 
two men wdth a large letter, and the war belt they had found by the 
Governor, over to Kentuck ; that these two men were killed by the way 
by 20 warriors, and the letter band all taken ; that not long after, these 
twenty warriors (said to be Chippewas and Tawas) were coming along 
with some stolen horses, and being at last in sight of the f^rt, hobbled 
the same on the commons, and marched with the death halloo towards 
the fort, upon which the drums began to beat, but the warriors having 
heard nothing of what had happened, as they had gone out from that 
place to war — said, ' Our Father rejoices that we are coming again ; 
we shall now be treated well.' They then being about half gun shot 
off, they fired out of the fort and killed eighteen on the spot, upon 
which the other two ran off, and brought the letters to the Shawanee 
towns, where they got a prisoner to read them. But as he could not 
read well, could make out no more than that the commandant of the 
Virginians mentioned what he had done, and that he requested a strong 
reinforcement immediately. The letters are now in the hands of Alexr. 
McKee. "■' Chubhicking, varied tn Chubhacking and Chupukin '• 
is the Delaware name of Vincennes. It is compounded of (fol- 
lowing Heckewelder 's spelling) tschiip-pic, or tschap-pik, mean- 
ing a root: hacki, ground, earth, region; and the tenninal lo- 
cative, i. e. Place of Roots, which is a translation of the Miami name. 

Of recent years there has been an application of "the higher crit- 
icism" to the original accounts of this conquest of Gen. Clark by some 
of the Real Historians of the East. One of the most notable instances 
is to be found in The Winning of the West, by Theodore Roosevelt, 
whose mental processes have given him an unique standing as an his- 

5 Wise. Hist. Coll., Vol. 23— Draper Series, Vol. 4, p. 295. 

6 lb., pp. 231, 325, 334. 



torical writer. He adds Clark to his Ananias Club on account of liis 
Memoir, having no less than eight foot-notes, in the oompass of fifty 
pages, denouncing the inaccuracies of this document." He says it 
was written "some thirty or forty years after the events of which it 
speaks"; that it was "written by an old man who had squandered his 
energies and sunk into deserved obscurity"; that "when Clark wrote 

Lieut. -Gov. Hexry Hamilton 
(From portrait owned by C. M. Burton of Detroit) 

his memoirs, in his old age, he took delight in writing down among his 
exploits all sorts of childish stratagems; the marvel is that any sane 
historian should not have seen that these were on their face as untrue 
as they were ridiculous." His chief basis for his position is that the 
Memoir contains a number of statements that are not duplicated in 
Clark's official reports and original letters. As a mere matter of fact, 

Winning of the West, Vol. 2, pp. 36, 47, 55, 57, 61, 63, 79, 82. 


the Memoir was iinquestiouably written in the years 1789-91, at the 
special request of James Madison, who asked Clark "to descend in the 
recital even to minutia" and that "in collecting materials you will not 
use a sparing hand. ]\Iany things may appear very interesting to 
others which you might think unimportant. " ^ One of the "childish 
stratagems" to which Mr. Roosevelt objects is the statement that they 
' ' marched to and fro with many flags flying, so as to impress the British 
with his numbers. Instead of indulging in any such childishness (which 
would merely have warned the British, and put them on their guard), 
he in reality made as silent an approach as possible, under cover of the 
darkness. ' ' 

But Clark does not say they countermarched to impress the Brit- 
ish. On the contrary he says that they marched "in full View of the 
Town," but that "as part of the Town lay between our Line of March 
and the Garison we could not be seen by the sentinels on the walls." He 
was deceiving the town people, and he always misrepresented his 
strength to the French, on the theory that while most of them were 
loj^al there were others from whom information would get to the Brit- 
ish. This is exactly what happened in this case, for the first informa- 
tion Hamilton got was from Lamothe, who said that a woman in the 
town had told him that ' ' Colonel Clark was arrived with 500 Men from 
the Ilinois": and Hamilton knew no better until after his surrender. 
As to the event itself, Clark told the same story soon after to Mason 
in his letter of November 19, 1779. Bowman, in his journal for the 
day says : ' ' We began our ilarch all in order with colors flying and 
drums brased. " The first account of the capture received at Detroit 
was from Captain Chene who was outside the fort at Vincennes when 
the attack was made, and who made his escape. His report says: "The 
Rebels entered at the lower end of the village with a drum beating and 
a white colour flying." From all this testimony it would appear to be 
estaWished that if Mr. Roosevelt had been managing the campaign, it 
would not have been as Clark managed it. 

But ilr. Roosevelt's choicest morsel is this: "Unfortunately, most 
of the small western historians who have written about Clark have 
really damaged his reputation by the absurd inflation of their language ; 
they were adepts in the forcible-feeble style of writing, a sample of 
which is their rendering him ludicrous by calling him 'the Hannibal 
of the West,' and the 'Washington of the West' " It is a pity that 
ilr. Roosevelt was not sufficiently familiar with American history to 
know that the "small western historian" who gave the title of "the 

8 111. Hist. Coll., Vol. S, pp. 619-29, 


Hannibal of the West" to Clark was John Kandolph of Roanoke ;8 and 
it is no less mournful that he was not sufficiently acquainted with ancient 
history to know that the title was peculiarly apt. For the benefit of those 
who may share Mr. Roosevelt's misfortune, it may be explained that the 
expression does not imply that Clark was a Carthaginian, nor that he was 
of the same age, weight, color or previous condition of servitude as Hanni- 
bal. The similarity that appealed to Randolph is expressed in the Latin 
phrase, " Hannibal ante portas" — an unexpected enemy at hand. Hanni- 
bal made himself immortal by accomplishing the daring and desperate feat 
of crossing the Alps in the dead of winter, and striking Rome from an 
unexpected quarter. The analogy lies in the fact that Clark accom- 
plished the daring and desperate feat of crossing the flooded lands of 
Illinois and Indiana in the dead of winter, and striking Vincennes from 
an unexpected quarter. Of course Hannibal's army was larger, but 
Clark risked the greater odds, if the chance of striking hastile Indians 
be taken into consideration. But that is immaterial. It is the element 
of the surprising and unexpected that is associated with the name of 
Hannibal by classical writers and speakers. If John Randolph were 
alive today, he might possibly refer to Mr. Roosevelt as The Hannibal 
of Oyster Bay. 

He might note that although Mr. Roosevelt tosses aside most of the 
stories connected with Clark's campaign, he accepts the story of his 
interrupting a dance at the taking of Kaskaskia, of which there is no 
mention in any account by any of the original witnesses. Moreover it 
is inconsistent with the fact that the Commandant, Rocheblave, was 
found in bed when this midnight surprise was made, and the inhabitants 
were warned to keep in their houses, on pain of being shot ; in conse- 
quence of which Clark says: "I don't suppose greater silence ever 
Reagnd among the Inhabitants of a place than did at this present not 
a person to be seen, not a word to he heai-d by them for some time." 
The presentation of this phase of the subject would not be complete with- 
out the following comment from Hon. Thomas E. Watson, who is some- 
thing of a critic himself: 

' ' There is a dramatic story to the effect that when Clark 's men drew 
near that night they found the fort lit up, fiddles going merrily, and 
the defenders tripping the light fantastic toe. Clark made his way to 
the ballroom and leaned back against the door, with crossed arms, look- 
ing on. An Indian, lying on the floor, gazed intently on Clark's face, 
then sprang up and gave the war-whoop, the unearthly war-whoop. A 
war-whoop, by the way, which is not unearthly is not up to standard and 
is not allowed in the books. 

oHow)soii'.s Virginia, Vol. 2, p. 237. 


"When the Indian whooped it was evidently time for the women to 
scream ; and when the women were all screaming, it was impossible to 
fiddle and dance. 

"The story goes that Clark standing unmoved, arms still ci'ossed, 
countenance unchanged, bade them 'On with the dance' — warning them, 
however, that they must now dance under Virginia and not under 
Great Britian. At the same time his men burst into the fort, etc. 

"Mr. Koosevelt likas this story so well that he puts it into his Win- 
ning of the West, saying that he sees no good reason for rejecting it 

"For the same reason the present writer likes it, and has not re- 
jected it — entirely. 

"If the ston- had not been ended so abruptly, if we had been told 
what the fiddlers and dancers did after Clark gave them permission 
to proceed, one's ideas might be clearer and more satisfactory. 

"But if the episode of the l>allroom draws rather heavily upon cred- 
ulity, the wonderful events which followed are involved in no doubts." ^'^ 

It is not difficult to understand how Mr. Roosevelt might indulge 
in such little eccentricities as these, but the mind of man can hardly 
comprehend why he follows them with this statement in regard to the 
employment of Indian scalp-hunters by the British: "A certain kind 
of American pseudo-historian is especially fond of painting the British 
as behaving to us with unexampled barbarity ; yet nothing is more sure 
than that the French were far more cruel and less humane in their con- 
tests with us than were the British. " ^^ Here are a few extracts from the 
fifty pages following this remarkable proposition. 

"De Peyster, a New York tory of old Knickerbocker family, had 
taken command at Detroit. He gathered the Indians around him from 
far and near, until the expense of subsidizing these savages became so 
enormous as to call forth serious complaints from headquarters. He 
constantly endeavored to equip and send out different bands, not only 
to retake the Illinois and Vincennes, but to dislodge Clark from the 
Falls ; he was continually receiving scalps and prisoners, and by ^lay 
he had fitted out two thousand warriors to act along the Ohio and the 
Wabash." 12 ■ 

"Nevertheless small strag^gling bands of young braves occasionally 
came down through the woods ; and though they did not attack any fort 
or any large body of men, they were ever on the watch to steal horses, 
burn lonely cabins, and waylay travellers between the stations. They 

10 Life and Times of Tliomas Jefferson, p. 226. 

11 Winning of the West, Vol. 2, p. 87. 

12 lb., p. 102. 


shot the solitary settlers who had gone out to till their clearings by 
stealth, or ambushed the boys who were driving in the milk cows or 
visiting their lines of traps. It was well for the victim if he was killed 
at once ; otherwise he was bound with hickory withes and driven to the 
distant Indian towais, there to be tortured with hideous cruelty and 
burned to death at the stake. ' ' i^ 

"Then the savages instantly fled, but they had killed and scalped, 
or carried off, ten of the children. Be it remembered that these in- 
stances are taken at random from among hundreds of others, extend- 
ing over a series of years longer than the average life of a generation." ^* 

"A war party starting from the wigwam-towns would move silently 
down through the woods, cross the Ohio at any point, and stealthily 
and rapidly traverse the settlements, its presence undiscovered until 
the deeds of murder and rapine were done, and its track marked by 
charred cabins and the ghastly, mutilated bodies of men, women, and 
children. If themselves assailed, the warriors fought desperately and 
effectively. They sometimes attacked bodies of troops, but always, by 
ambush or surprise ; and they much preferred to pounce on unprepared 
and unsusjiecting surveyors, farmers, or wayfarers, or to creep up to 
solitary, outlying cabins. They valued the scalps of women and children 
as highly as those of men. Striking a sudden blow, where there was 
hardly any possibility of loss to themselves, they instantly moved on 
to the next settlement, repeating the process again and again, "i^ 

"One of the official British reports to Lord George Germaine, made 
on October 23d of this year (1781), deals with the Indian war parties 
employed against the northwestern frontier, 'ilany smaller Indian 
parties have been very successful. It would be endless and difficult to 
enumerate to your Lordship the parties that continually employed upon 
the back settlements. From the Illinois country to the frontiers of 
New York there is a continual succession. * * * The perpetual 
terror and losses of the inhabitants will I hope operate powerfully in 
our favor.' " i" 

And during this era of horrors the one man who stood between the 
frontier settlements and destruction was George Rogers Clark. Work- 
ing day and night to raise troops for raiding the Indian towns and at- 
tacking Detroit; with scant supplies; with Virginia's credit ruined in 
the west and at New Orleans; furnished only with depreciated paper 
currency, and little of that; obstructed by white enemies and jealous 

13 Winning of the West, Vol. 2, p. 111. 
n Ibid., p. 125. 
15 Ibid., p. 126. 
i«Ibid., p. 130. 


rivals; he managed to keep up enough force to punish the Indians re- 
peatedl.y, and to keep Detroit in so much fear of attack as to prevent 
any strong force being sent against the frontier stations. Clark not 
only conquered the Northwest, but he held it till the Revolutionary 
War was almost concluded. This was the man who, Mr. Roosevelt says, 
"had squandered his energies and sunk into deserved obscurity." Un- 
questionably republics are often ungrateful, and repiiblican writers are 
sometimes ungracious. 

Most of these Indian troubles had little effect on Indiana. They 
were directed mainly against Kentucky and the settlements on the up- 
per Ohio. The only American settlement in Indiana was at Vincennes, 
and the fort and garrison there were protected against any general at- 
tack, though there were occasional attacks on out-lying settlers. The 
only material encounter in southern Indiana was the surprise of Col. 
Archibald Lochry, with a party of 107 Pennsylvanians who were on 
their way to join Clark at the Falls, for an expedition against Detroit. 
Eight men that Lochry had sent in advance with letters to Clark fell 
into the hands of Joseph Brant who ambushed the main party ten miles 
below the mouth of the Big Miami, where they had landed to cook a 
buffalo they had killed, being short of provisions, and also of ammuni- 
tion. Forty-one were killed and the remainder captured. i" But Vin- 
cennes suffered indirectly from the border warfare through the unsettled 
condition of public affairs. In 1778, on receipt of information of Clark's 
success, Virginia adopted a law organizing all the territory northwest 
of the Ohio as the County of Illinois, under a "county lieutenant or 
commandant in chief," with power to appoint deputy commandants, 
militia officers and conimis.saries. It did not extend the laws of Vir- 
ginia over this territory, but provided that: "all civil officers to which 
the said inhabitants have been accustomed, necessary for the preserva- 
tion of peace and the administration of justice, shall be chosen by a 
majority of the citizens in their respective districts, * * * -(vhieh 
said civil officers, after taking the oaths as above prescribed, shall exer- 
cise their several jurisdictions, and conduct themselves agreeable to 
the laws which the present settlers are now accustomed to. ' ' Under this 
law, Gov. Henry appointed Col. John Todd County Lieutenant, on De- 
cember 12, 1778. 

Todd arrived at Kaskaskia early in May, 1779, and called an elec- 
tion of civil officers in the several settlements. Those elected at Vin- 
cennes, as shown by Todd's record book.i^ were as follows: "The Court 

3 'English's Conquest of the Northwest, Vol. 2, pp. 722. 

18 This book is in possession of the Chicago Historical Society. An account 
and abstract of it, by E. G. Mason is in No. 12 of the Fergus Hist. Series. 


of St. Vincennes : 1, P. Le^-as ; 2, Francois Bosseron ; 3, Perrot ; 4, 
Cardinal (refused to serve) ; 5, Gueiy La Tulippe; 6, P. Gamelin; 7, 

Edeline; 8, Dejenest; 9, Barron; Legrand, Gierke; , Sheriff." The 

appointive officers were, "Jlilitia Officers of St. Vincennes: P. Legras, 
L. Col. ; P. Bosseron, Major ; LaTulippe, 1 Capt. ; Edeline, 2 ; W. Brouilet, 

3; P. Gamelin, 4 rank (of last two) not settled. Goden, 

2 Lieut. ; Goden, 3 Lieut. ; Joseph Rougas, 2 ; Richerville, 3 ; Richer- 
ville, 4." 

Todd promulgated various orders, one of which was that Virginia 
and continental paper money should be taken at par, and this order 
was backed by Captain Helm, then commanding at Vincennes, who ac- 
cepted the money himself for his land claim later on, and lost every- 
thing. A law of Virginia, in 1781, fixing a "scale of depreciation" of 
paper money as compared with specie, made it two and one-half for one 
at the close of 1777 ; six for one, close of 1778 ; forty for one, close of 
1779, seventy-five for one, close of 1780 ; and one thousand for one, close 
of 1780. The garrison had to have provisions, and when the people 
would not accept this currency or orders on Virginia, they "impressed" 
what they needed. Even on this basis, the forts at Vincennes and other 
points had to be abandoned on account of lack of supplies. The gar- 
rison at Vincennes was transferred in the winter of 1780-81 to Fort Jef- 
ferson which had been established on the east side of the Mississippi, 
five miles below the mouth of the Ohio; but on February 15, 1781, when 
whisky had become the only circulating medium of the troops that had 
any purchasing value. Captain Robert George, commanding at Fort 
Jefferson wrote to Col. George Slaughter, at the Falls : " As I have to 
purchase Supplies in the Illinois it draws away the Liquor from me 
fast, besides I have to send a Supply to the Opost (Vincennes), & Major 
Linetot has made a heavy Draft on me for 6 Hogsheads & the half of 
my Ammunition for the use of the Indian Department and three Hogs- 
head more to purchase Eight Months Provisions for 25 Men which I 
have sent for the protection of the Opost and under the command of 
Capt. Bayly — The Credit of the State is so bad that nothing can be 
had either there or at Kaskaskia without prompt payment, & when our 
little Stock is exhausted I know not what we shall do, except you take 
some Care of us. Send us as much "Whisky as you please as we are 
forced to expend our Taffia for Provisions. The Enemy are approach- 
ing the Opost & fortifying themselves at Miamis, so that the Inhabitants 
of the Opost have petitioned me for an Officer & Men to uphold the 
Honor of the State there, which I have complied with * * * I am 
under tlie necessity of putting a Stop to the ilens Rations of Liquor in 
order to purchase provisions. Please send us a little paper by the first 



oppertunity as we can hardly carry on business for want of that Arti- 

This shows quite a change of sentiment at Vinceunes from that of 
the preceding summer, when Col. de la Balme came west on a mis.sion, 
the exact character of which has not been conclusively shown, some 
writers asserting that he was acting under a plan of Washington and 

Father Gibault 
(From crayon, owned by Col. R. T. Durret of Louisville) 

Lafayette to secure an uprising in Canada, and others holding that his 
aim was the restoration of Canada and the upper Mississippi Valley 
to France. 1^ Soon after arriving he issiied an address to the French 
on the Mississippi, who he says have asked his "advice concerning the 
deplorable condition to which you are reduced," in which he tells them 

10 111. Hist. Coll., Vol. 2, p. Ixxxix. 


to appeal to the King of France against the exactions of the Virginians. 
He said : " It is well that you be informed, gentlemen, that the troops of 
the State of Virginia have come here against the will of the other states of 
America, as I learned from the members of Congress, even before my de- 
parture from Philadelphia, and that the different deputies who compose 
the said Congress are ignorant of the revolting proceedings and acts of 
violence, not only to be blamed but to be condemned before the tribunals 
of the whole world, which these troops are practicing against you. » * * 
The justice which characterizes the King of Prance, your former and 
generous monarch, offers to you a protection sure and invincible. Im- 
plore his favors with confidence, for I can assure you that not only that 
magnanimous potentate will not suffer his allies, for whom he is making 
very great sacrifices, to oppress you in any manner, but also he will 
succor you, as far as he is able, and also your kinsmen in Detroit and in 
Canada, when informed of your wretched situation, the honorable 
Congress will do no less, you can be sure of that. ' ' 

On the other hand, "the English Barbarians" were inciting the In- 
dians to make war upon them, and the remedy was to capture Detroit, 
where the French would welcome them. He detailed his simple plan 
as follows: "In order to act with prudence and success it would be 
necessary to reach the Ouiatanons on the tenth day of October, so as to 
surprise or to block the English at Detroit in the order explained here- 
with: four hundred French men supplied with one hundred rounds of 
ammunition apiece and supplies for forty days, eight hundred chosen 
Indians to whom there would be distributed twelve rounds of ammuni- 
tion apiece so that there would remain still as many rounds to be dis- 
tributed to an equal number in case of need ; a tent in order to put the 
arms and munitions under cover in time of rain ; eight large kettles and 
eight horses to carry the utensils and some provisions for the Indians. 
Moreover the inhabitants of Post Vincennes who are to take corn and 
tobacco to the place of meeting at the Ouiatanons in order to give it 
to the nations allied to the French, would need in exchange one hun- 
dred pounds of lead, for they have nothing but powder." With these 
supplies he assured them that they could make "an expedition which 
would gain for you the confidence and support of the honorable Cong- 
ress ; which would, in short, convince the King of France of the keen in- 
terest that you take in a cause for which he has already made great 
sacrifices, and which would procure in a short time for you all the suc- 
cor imaginable." The unhappy French received La Balme, as one 
American reported, "like a Masiah." The people of Kaskaskia pre- 
sented a memorial to "M. ]\Iottin de la Balme, French Colenel, and Pen- 
sioner of the King of France, former Inspector General of the Cavalry 



of the United States of America" and also to the "Chevalier de Lu- 
zerne, Minister Plenipotentiary^ to the United States, ' ' setting forth their 
grievances and their desires, and those of Cahokia did liljewise.-" The peo- 
ple of Vincennes— or at least 17 otthem — also sent a memoir to Luzerne, 
which was captured by the British. It is dated August 20, 1780, and the 
following passages are signiiicant : 

"From the bottom of their hearts and with the frankness which 
characterizes all good Frenchmen, the inhabitants of Post Vincennes, 
formerly faithful subjects of the king of France, dare to avow to your 

Clark's Route in Indiana 
(From English's Conquest of the Northwest) 

Excellency that they are ready to join the troops of this monarch their 
fonner and most worthy lord to act sincerely against his enemies whoever 
they may be. * * * It is well to warn your Excellency, that it is 
not on the assistance of the United States troops that we count to break 
the yoke which oppresses us. Besides the fact that the Indians can not 
bear them and their aversion towards them seems unbreakable, we all 
believe that the best policy would be not to receive them in our lands, 
where English blood is already too abundant. * * * When we shall 
have expelled our tyrants and France shall have recognized our abso- 

20 111. Hist. Coll., Vol. 2, p. 535; Vol. 5, pp. 189, 199. 


lute independence, her allies shall be ours, and, since we have nothing 
more in our hearts than to show proof, not doubtful, of the respectful 
and tender affection which we have kept for the King of France, our 
former ruler, aiid since we place ourselves entirely under his protection, 
his wishes shall always be our rule. * * * Free, we can put one 
hundred thousand men in the field, the Indians two hundred thousand 
for the same cause consequently, aided by the assistance which we ask 
now from the King, our common father, to give us as the events may re- 
quire, we hope in a short time to become a power and count among the 
European nations established on this vast continent. 

"Perhaps your Excellency has not been well infonned concerning 
the kind of service which the United States troops rendered us in this 
war ; it will be well to give your Excellency a brief outline of it. * * * 
Virginia acting with a zeal too ardent for our interests, this zeal which 
can legally be called indiscreet, sent us about two hundred men half 
naked like the graces. The warriors thus equipped, marched under the 
orders of Colonel Clark, who came to free us and capture a few officers 
upheld by a small detachment of English soldiers. Your Excellency 
will see hereafter the result of this officious undertaking. These troops, 
said they, came on behalf of the French and of Congress. From that 
time no one thought it best to resist ; on the contrary, ^11 joined them ; 
we met them half way and enrolled under their colors ; w& helped capture 
the English; we restrained the Indians who wished to resist; and finally, 
we gave up all for a people who claimed to be allied with France. 

"Gratitude has always been a virtue. Tour Excellency will see how 
the Virginians honor it. They hastened to flood this covintry with their 
paper money, which they said was equal in value to the metal coins and 
we were good natured enough to accept it as such. They bought all our 
goods, our horses, our provisions with the pretended money; and when 
we could not furnish them with any more, they had the audacity to go 
armed into the public mills and into the granaries of different houses to 
take away by force flour or grain destined for our food. Not satisfied 
with this violence, they thought they had the privilege of a different sort 
of abuse. They went and shot our cattle in the fields and our pigs in 
the streets and in the yards ; and what is worse, they menaced and struck 
on the cheek those inhabitants who wished to stop these strange extrac- 

"By these revolting proceedings therefore it has come about that 
the Virginians have entirely ruined us, and have brought war on us 
with several lake tribes, from which about twenty unfortunate inhabi- 
tants are already victims. They have left us without means of defense 
by taking away the arms and ammunition which they sent to their forts, 


so that the Indians of the Wabash who are faithful to us and are our bul- 
wark, tribes to which we can no longer furnish anything, are obliged 
to hunt with the bow. They have caused more than one hundred young 
men to leave us, who have gone to find resources in another place. They 
have forced us to abandon the cultivation of our fields, partly through 
fear of being killed by parties who come there to surprise us as a fox, 
and they have been the cause of the death of a great and intrepid Indian 
chief who was killed in avenging our people, an irreparable loss which 
we mourn as well as the tribes attached to us.^i 

' ' Ho Virginians ! if it is thus that you treat the former and faithful 
subjects of the great King, our ally, if it is thus you wish to enrich us, 
to free us, to make us happy, leave us to the rigor of our fate ! If it is 
is thus, in sum, that you act with your friends, what treatment do you 
have for your enemies?" 

Following this indictment comes a statement of the advantages that 
could accrue to France from what they wanted, but the exact nature 
of their request is not made specific, and assurance is given that La 
Balme in whom they express the highest confidence, will furnish it 
orally. Whatever the plan, it was carried out entirely by the French. 
The Americans were not asked to participate. From Kaskaskia McCarty 
informed Clark of what was going on, and wrote to Todd, "the people 
have sent him (La Balme) memorials to Congress or the French Envoy 
at Philadelphia setting forth all the Evil we have done. I think Gov- 
ernment should be infonned of this as the people are now entirely 
Ag'st us." There was no interference, however, probably because all 
the Americans in the country were willing to have Detroit captured by 
anybody. Without waiting for his entire party, La Balme moved up 
the Wabash with sixty or eighty men, who were mounted, and made 
good time. They took Kikiungi by surprise, plundered some stores, and 
fell back to the Aboite to await reinforcements ; they did not even post 
sentinels. That night a band of Miamis, hastily gathered by The Little 
Turtle, struck the sleeping camp, and killed all of the party but one 
young man, named Khy, who was captured and taken to the British 
authorities at Detroit. On December 1, Le Gras wrote to Clark from 
Vincennes: "It is with regret I inform you of the melancholy defeat 
that our Frenchmen encountered at the Miami, Colonel de la Balme 
having started with about eighty men in order to take Baubin : and not 
having found this infamous scoundrel, our Frenchmen plundered the 
goods belonging to him. In returning they were attacked by the Miami 

21 Presumably a reference to Young Taliac, who died in 1780, and by his re- 
quest was buried by the Americans. His body was taken to Cahokia and interred 
with the honors of war. 


nations who killed the bravest of them and retook the goods which be- 
longed to the king. Colonel de la Balme was killed as well as 'SI. Dup- 
laey, Milliet, Cardinal, Joseph Andre and a number of other volunteers. 
Doctor Ray is a prisoner. This affair has thrown us into a good deal of 
consternation, for there is a great scarcity of provisions and ammuni- 
tion." La Balme also sent an expedition against the British fort on the 
St. Joseph's from Cahokia, and the Cahokians after plundering some 
stores we were overtaken by a party of Indians and traders and defeated. 
They returned home and sought aid from the Spanish at St. Louis. 
Captain Eugenio Pourre and a body of Spanish soldiers was sent to. 
their aid, Spain being then at war with England, and they marched back 
and captured Fort St. Joseph's. Spain afterward claimed part of the 
northwest on account of this expedition, but our commissioners declined 
to concede it.^^ 

These experiences dampened the ardor of the French as to protect- 
ing themselves, and those at Vincennes asked that the garrison be re- 
turned as before mentioned. But the seeds of distrust that had been 
sown bore their fruit. In reality, although the charges made by the 
French were largely true, they were no worse off than the rest of the 
country. The summer of 1780 was one of the gloomiest periods of the 
Revolutionary War. Public credit was almost destroyed, and it was 
with great difficulty that the American troops were kept in the field. 
The first ray of cheer was the victory at Kings Mountain on October 7, 
which was followed improving conditions until the surrender of Corn- 
wallis on October 19, 1781. But the military' situation in the west was 
even worse than in the east. Captain Helm's letter from Fort Jefferson, 
October 29, 1780, "Siting by Capt. Georges fire with a piece of Light 
wood and two Ribs of an old Bufioe which is all the meat We have Seen 
this many days," was an expression of common experience. On August 
6, 1781, Capt. Bailey wrote from Vincennes, "Sir I must inform j'ou 
once more that I cannot keep Garrison any longer without some speedy 
relief from you my Men have been 15 days upon half allowance, there 
is plenty of provisions here but no credit. I cannot press being the 
weakest party some of the Gentlemen would help us but their credit is 
as bad as ours therefore if you have not provisions send whisky which 
will answer as good an end." On August 10, Capt. Montgomery wrote 
from the Falls of the Ohio, ' ' I arrived at Fort Jefferson the 1st May last, 
where I found the Troops in a very low and Starving Condition, nor 
was any goods or other Property wherewith to purchase. From the 
Illinois nothing could be expected, the Credit. of the State being long 

22 Mag. Am. Hist., Vol. 15, p. 457. 


since lost there, & no supplies coming from this place, occasioned an 
Evacuation of that Post, which for want of Provisions, took place on the 
8th June last. Since my arrival here I find things in the same Condi- 
tion—not a ilouthfull for the Troops to eat nor money to purchase it 
with, & I have just reason to believe the Credit of Government is worn 
thread bare, here also— The Counties of Lincoln & Fayette particularly, 
tho' able to supply us, refuse granting any relief without the cash to 
purchase with on the Spot. I am constrained to Billet the Troops thro' 
the Country in Small parties for want of neces.saries, except a small 
Guard I keep in Garrison, so that unless supplies soon arrive, I fear the 
Con.sequences will be fatal." On August 17, Capt. Slaughter wrote 
from the Falls, "Inclosed you'll receive the duplicate of two Letters 
which just now came to hand by express by which you will be acquainted 
with the news and situation of the Corps to the Westward, an additional 
grievance to us is that we are almost in the same situation as to pro- 
visions, and much worse as to Clothing my Corps I can with propriety 
say intersely naked." 

It is an unquestionable historical truth that the financial condition 
of the United States, and the several states, made the closing years of 
the Revolutionary War times of much hardship to soldiers and civilians 
in all parts of the country. The French were not the only people who 
suffered from worthless paper money and the inability of Virginia and 
the United States to pay just claims. In fact there was hardly a person 
who took an active part in saving the northwest who was not ruined or 
badly worsted on this account. Vigo advanced about $12,000, for sup- 
plies for Clark, and his warrants were returned by Oliver Pollock, Vir- 
ginia's agent at New Orleans, "not paid for lack of funds." His claim, 
with hundreds of others, was sent to Virginia. Virginia could not pay, 
and when she ceded her claim to the lands northwest of the Ohio to the 
United States the nation assumed these obligations. In the months of 
delay the papers were "lost": and not until 1833 were a mass of them 
found in the attic of the capitol at Richmond. Vigo died in poverty. 
March 22, 1836, and was buried with the honors of war, including a 
tombstone that put his death in 1835.23 His heirs pushed his claim, but 
notwithstanding repeated favorable committee reports. Congress did not 
even let it go to the Court of Claims until 1872. The Court of Claims al- 
lowed the claim with five per cent interest. The watch-dogs of the treasury 
appealed to the Supreme Court which in 1876 affii-med the decision ; but 
Justices Clifford and Hunt dissented, saying: "Unless where the con- 
tract is express to that effect, the United States are not liable to pay in- 

=s English 's Conquest of the Northwest, p. 268. 

Vol. 1—12 



terest. Interest should never be allowed on old claims, when pa3'ment 
has been deferred because the accounting officers of the treasury were 
of the opinion that further legislation was necessary to authorize their 
allowance, unless the new law clearly provides for the payment of in- 
terest as well as principal." The majority of the Court conceded this, 
and also "That this rule is sometimes at variance with that which gov- 
erns the acts of private citizens in a court of justice would not authorize 

Francois Vigo 
(From a paintin": owned by the University of Vincenues) 

us to depart from it in this case," but they thought the act authorized 
the allowance of interest, and so this stain of refusing common justice, 
in our glorious centennial year, was avoided. The obvious moral is, 
if you have a just claim against the government, "Agree with thine ad- 
versary quickly." 

Oliver Pollock, who financed Clark's expedition, was born in Ireland 



in 1737, and brought, to Pennsylvania when a child by his parents. In 
1762 he engaged in business at Havana, and there 'became a friend of 
General O'Reilly, the Spanish Governor. When O'Reilly was made 
Governor of Louisiana, Pollock went to New Orleans, where he became 
wealthy and influential. In 1777 the United States made him its Com- 
mercial Agent at New Orleans, and he acted in the same capacity for 
Virginia. By the aid of Gov. Galvez he borrowed $70,000 from the 
Royal Treasury which was used to support Clark's troops in the west. 
As demands grew he mortgaged his private property for $10,000 to 
meet bills, and continued to redeem paper money at par until July, 
1779, from all of which he suffered heavy losses. In 1783 he was made 
United States Agent at Havana, and in 1784 he was imprisoned for 
debts of the United States amounting to $150,000. In 1785 he was re- 
leased on parole and returned to the United States where in 1791 he 
induced Congress to pay this debt, but it did not remunerate him. He 
went back to Pennsylvania impoverished, and in 1800 was in the debtors 
prison at Philadelphia. He managed to get another start, and in 1815 
removed to Mississippi, where he died December 17, 1823. 

Clark, himself, never succeeded in collecting what was due him from 
Virginia, and long after his death his heirs had to go into court for the 
division of over $25,000 that his administrator had finally recovered. 
Moreover, in 1785, the hostile Indians having begun depredations on the 
Wabash, the Executive Committee of Virginia directed an invasion of 
the Indian country by the Kentucky militia, but made no provision for 
supplies. Clark was put in command. The question of supplies was 
su'bmitted to the Supreme Judges and Attorney General of Kentucky', 
who gave a written opinion that the officers were authorized to impress 
what was needed. On the return of the expedition, a council of the 
Officers was held at Vincennes on October 8, and it was unanimously 
decided that a garrison should be left at that place, to be supplied "by 
impressment or otherwise, under the direction of a commissary, to be 
appointed for that purpose." Captain Jolm Holder was put in com- 
mand, with 250 infantry and a company of artillery under Captain 
Dalton. John Rice Jones was made Commissary, and duly impressed 
goods of Bazadone, a Spanish merchant lately established at Vincennes. 
The Executive Committee of Virginia repudiated the action, and the 
parties whose goods were taken recovered from Clark in the courts. 
Clark felt his treatment keenly. On May 11, 1792, he wrote to his 
brother, "Why did they not do me the justice at first and enable me to 
pay for, and take up, those accounts sooner. * * * I shall follow 
your advice and present another memorial this fall— am now making 
preparations for it. If I meet with another rebuff I must rest contented 


with it, be industrious, and look out furtlier for my future bread." Ten 
years later he wrote his brother again, "I have lost all prospect of get- 
ting my just claims from Virginia. I content myself by viewing their 
course with contempt. " ^4 j^ j^^s been questioned that Clark on receiving 
a sword from Virginia, broke it, saying, ' ' I asked Virginia for bread, and 
she sent me a sword. ' ' He might truly have said : "I asked Virginia 
to pay what she owed me, and she sent me a second-hand sword. "^^ 
In 1812, when Clark was paralyzed and in poverty, Virginia sent him 
another sword, and a pension of $400 a year. This at least showed an 
increase of appreciation in thirty years. 

Father Gibault, in addition to his personal services, gave an exam- 
ple to his parishioners by accepting paper money to the amount of 
$1,500 which became worthless. In addition to that. Archbishop Car- 
roll appointed Rev. Peter Huet de la Valiniere his Vicar-General for 
the Northwest, in the winter of 1787-8, and on receipt of a letter from 
Gibault informing him that he had been Vicar-General of the Bishop 
of Quebec for nineteen years, wrote to Mgr. Hubert, Bishop of Quebec 
concerning jurisdiction of the Illinois country ; and they settled it by 
Hubert retaining Michigan, and Carroll taking Indiana and Illinois. 
Gibault, thus dispossessed, retired to Missouri, where he died in poverty 
at New Sladrid in 1804. He was allotted land as other residents of Vin- 
cennes, but want caused him to sell his claim before the allotment was 
made. He asked Governor St. Clair for five acres of land formerlj' held 
by the parish priests of Kaskaskia, and St. Clair reported that the 
claim was just, "but it was not for me to give away the lands of the 
United States." This suggests one thing that Virginia and the United 
States might have done. They could have paid these claimants in land. 
There was plenty of that in the treasury. 

But land was the chief prospective public asset, and the Virginia 
authorities did not favor gifts of it. In ]\Iarch, 1780, writing to Todd 
of the bad crops and the difficulty of maintaining Fort Jefferson, Clark 
said: "our only Chance at present to save that Cuntrey is by Incour- 
ageing the Families but I am sensible nothing but land will do it I should 
be Exceedingly Cautious in doing anything that would displease govern- 
ment but their present Interest in Many Respects obvious to lis boath, 
Call so loud for it that I think Sr that you Might even Venture to give 
a Deed for Forty or fifty Thousand Acres of Land at Said place at the 
price that government may derad for it." The French at Vincennes 
had a more liberal view, and Todd had undertaken to sustain the jDaper 

I English 's Conquest of the Northwest, pp. 789-90. 
ilbid., pp. 871-84. 


money by redeeming it with land,=" but his action was not sustained. 
Todd went to Kentucky in the winter of 1780-1, and did not return. He 
was killed at the battle of Blue Licks. At Vincennes the civil government 
was continued by the militia commandant and the court Todd had estab- 
lished. In June, 1781, the principal inhabitants of Vincennes sent a 
memorial to the governor of Virginia setting forth substantially the same 
grievance as in their memorial to Luzerne, but not so severe on the 
Virginians. As no attention was paid to this or other complaints, they 
proceeded to administer affairs as they deemed proper, including the grant 
of lands. When asked by Winthrop Sargent for the source of their- au- 
thority to grant lands, the members of the Vincennes Court answered, 
"that since the establishment of the country the commandants have al- 
ways appeared to be vested with powers to give lands. Their founder, M. 
Vincennes, began to give concessions, and all his successors have given 
lands and lots. M. Le Gras was appointed commandant of Post Vincennes 
by the lieutenant of the county and commander-in-chief, John Todd, who 
was in the year 1779 sent by the state of Virginia for to regulate the gov- 
ernment of the country, and who substituted M. Le Gras with his power. 
In his absence, M.Le Gras, who was then commandant, assumed that he 
had in quality of commandant authority to give lands according to the 
ancient usages of other commanders, and he verisally informed the court 
of Post Vincennes, that when they should judge it proper to give lands 
or lots to those who should come into the country to settle, or other- 
wise, they might do it, and that he gave them permission so to do. These 
are the reasons that we acted on." The grants were expressly based on 
"the absolute necessity, not only to the City of Vincennes but to the 
whole country, that the lands hereabouts should be settled" and "the 
great quantity of land uncultivated, which has never been settled"; 
and followed the old feudal form of the grantee's ".submitting to all 
regulations made between a potentate and subject." These grants were 
not recognized by the United States, but if force had been given to the 
provision of the Virginia law that the government should be "agreeable 
to the laws whicli the present settlers are now accustomed to," the grants 
should have been sustained, in the absence of evidence of fraud, which 
there was in some eases. The incongruity of the action, which has often 
been the subject of comment, is due more to the difficulty of reconciling 
British and American customs with French customs than to any serious 
impropriety in the power of granting itself. 

26 111. Hist. Coll., Vol. 8, p. cvi. 


The inadequacy of the national government, both before and under 
the Articles of Confederation, was very impressive while the Revolu- 
tionary War lasted, but it became even more dangerous when peace 
came. Notwithstanding their jealousies and dissensions, the colonies 
could not afford to fight among themselves while they were engaged 
with the common enemy ; but when it came to apportioning the fruits 
of victory this restraint was gone. Fortunately the lessons of the war 
were too fresh to be forgotten; but even with these in mind, it remains 
cause for wonder that the colonies worked their way into "a more per- 
fect union." One of the chief sources of friction was the public owner- 
ship of the western lands, which rested primarily on the royal charters, 
but, fortunately again, this was substantially disposed of before the 
war ended. Virginia's charter had come first, with a specific grant in 
1609 of 200 miles north and 200 miles south from Old Point Comfort 
along the Atlantic coast, and "from Sea to Sea West and Northwest." 
Although this grant was cut into hy subsequent gi'ants of Maryland, 
the Carolinas, Delaware and Pennsylvania, and was judicially vacated 
in 1624, Virginia adhered to it in her claim for western lands, which she 
fortified by Clark's conquest, and her actual occupation. The grant 
of the Carolinas was also "from sea to sea," and so were those of Mas- 
sachusetts and Connecticut, which were later divided by the grant of 
New York; and New York incidentally claimed everything that the 
Iroquois had claimed. So far as paper titles were concerned, the juris- 
diction of the western lands was in hopeless confusion. i 

The matter was further complicated by private claims, for while 
the British g-overnment had prohibited invasion of the Indian lands, 
it had recognized some purchases from the Indians by private parties. 

1 For fuller discussion of this conflict of charters see Hinsdale 's Old North- 
west, pp. 70-146. This valuable work was singularly contemporaneous with my 
Indiana, in the American Commonwealth Series, Prof. Hinsdale 's introduction be- 
ing dated March 1, 1888, and mine March 14, 1888; and the books going through 
the press at the same time. They cover largely the same subjects, but his atten- 
tion centered on some phases and mine on others. 



Moreover enterprising pioneers had gone into the Indian lands, and 
settled in defiance of royal orders, and in some cases they had been 
backed by the colonies. Among the principal causes for which George 
Rogers Clark and Gabriel Jones were sent as delegates from Kentucky 
to Virginia in 1776, were the conflicts with royal authority and with 
the claims of the proprietors of the Henderson grant from the Chero- 
kees, as to which their petition says : ' ' And as we further conceive, that 
as the Proclamation of his Majesty for not settling on the western parts 
of this Colony, is not founded upon law, it cannot have any force, and 
if we submit to that Proclamation, and continue not to lay off new 
counties on the frontiers that they may send representatives to the 
Convention, it is leaving an opening to the wicked and diabolical de- 
signs of the Ministry, as then this immense and fertile country would 
afford an asylum to those whose principles are inimical to American 
Liberty. * * * And we cannot but observe how impolitic it would 
be to suffer such a respectable body of prime riflemen to remain even 
in a state of neutrality, when at this time a certain set of men from 
North Carolina, stiling themselves Proprietors, & claiming an absolute 
right to these very lands, taking upon themselves the Legislative au- 
thority, commissioning officers both civil and military, having also 
opened a Land Office, Surveyors General & deputies appointed and act, 
conveyances made, and land sold at an exhorbitant price, with many 
other unconstitutional practices, tending to disturb the minds of those 
who are well-disposed to the wholesome Government of Virginia, and 
creating factions and divisions amongst ourselves, as we have not hither- 
to been represented in Convention. " - 

All of these claims were brought before Congress by petition or reso- 
lution, for although Congress had no power to coerce a state, each of 
the states wanted its claims recognized by the general government, and 
by the other states. Almost from the first, Maryland insisted that 
Congress be given absolute power over the matter. On October 15, a 
month before the Articles of Confederation were proposed to the states 
for ratification, it was moved "that the United States in Congress as- 
sembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power to ascertain 
and fix the western boundary of such States as claim to the ]ilississippi 
or South Sea, and lay out the land beyond the boundary, so ascertained, 
into separate and independent States, from time to time, as the num- 
bers and circumstances of the people may require"; and Maryland was 
the only state that voted in the affirmative. Thereafter Maryland stead- 

2 The ordinary legislature of Virginia was called ' ' the Convention, ' ' and numer- 
ous writers have been misled as to its character on this account. 

Colonial Charter Claims 


ily refused to join in the Articles of Confederation until satisfactory 
assurance was given as to the western lands, and did not join until 
March 1, 1781, two years after all the other states had joined, and when 
a satisfactory solution of the land question appeared to be in sight. As 
the subject was considered, the necessity for a compromise which in- 
volved a surrender of most of the western lauds to the Confederation 
gradually grew plainer. On February 19, 1780, New York led the way 
by authorizing her delegates in Congress to make either a full or a re- 
stricted cession of her claims to the national government. On Septem- 
ber 6, of the same year, Congress adopted a report and resolution 
recommending the states that had claims to make "a liberal surrender 
of a i^ortion of their territorial claims, since they cannot be preserved 
entire without endangering the stability of the general confederacy." 
On October 10, Connecticut offered to surrender the title to her western 
lands, provided she retained jurisdiction over them ; but on the same 
day Congress precluded this by a resolution that the ceded lands should 
be formed into free and independent states, which should be received 
into the union as the original states. It also included in this a provision, 
evidently intended as an inducement to Virginia, that Congress would 
reimburse any state for expenses incurred since the beginning of the 
war in subduing or defending her western lands. On January 2, 1781, 
Virginia agreed to cede her lands northwest of the Ohio, on eight con- 
ditions, one of which was that her lands south and east of the Ohio 
should be confirmed to her; and another was that no private purchases 
from the Indians, or claims inconsistent with Virginia's charter rights 
should be recognized. 

These provisions were rejected by Congress after long consideration, 
or rather by the committee to which it was referred, for the report wa.s 
never acted on, though the ground was substantially covered by the re- 
port of another committee on September 13, 1783, which was adopted. 
Virginia then, on October 10, authorized the cession of "the territory or 
tract of country within the limits of the Virginia charter, situate, lying 
and being to the north-west of the river Ohio." The deed made in 
pursuance of this act of Virginia, executed on March 1, 1784, became 
the first basic law of Indiana as to the conditions imposed by Virginia 
and accepted by Congress, for although Virginia's title to the lands 
was questioned, her actual dominion at the time was unquestioned and 
unquestionable. The Virginia cession was "upon condition that the 
territory so ceded shall be laid out and formed into States, containing 
a citable extent of territory, not less than^one hundred, nor more than 
one hundred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto as circumstances 
will admit: and that the States so formed shall be distinct republican 


States, and admitted members of the Federal Union; having the same 
rights of sovereignty, freedom, and independence, as the other States. 

"That the necessary and reasonable expenses incurred by this State, 
in subduing any British posts, or in maintaining forts and garrisons 
within, and for the defense, or in acquiring any part of, the territory 
so ceded or relinquished, shall be fully reimbursed by the United States : 
and that one commissioner shall be appointed by Congress, one by this 
Commonwealth, and another by those two commissioners, who, or a 
majority of them, shall be authorized and empowered to adjust and 
liquidate the account of the necessary and reasonable expenses incurred 
by this State, which they shall judge to be comprised within the intent 
and meaning of the act of Congi-ess, of the tenth of October, one thou- 
sand seven hundred and eighty, respecting such expenses. That the 
French and Canadian inhabitants, and other settlers of the Kaskaskia, 
St. Vincents, and the neighboring villages, who have professed them- 
selves citizens of Virginia, shall have their possessions and titles con- 
firmed to them, and be protected in the enjoyment of their rights and 
liberties. That a quantity not exceeding one hundred and fifty thou- 
sand acres of land, promised by this State, shall be allowed and granted 
to the then colonel, now General George Rogers Clark, and to the offi- 
cers and soldiers of his regiment, who marched with him when the posts 
of Kaskaskia and St. Vincents were reduced, and to the officers and 
soldiers that have been since incorporated into the said regiment, to be 
laid off in one tract the length of which not to exceed double the breadth, 
in such place, on the northwest side of the Ohio, as a majority of the 
officers shall choose, and to be afterwards divided among said officers 
and soldiers in due proportion, according to the laws of Virginia. That 
in case the quantity of good land on the southeast side of the Ohio, 
upon the waters of Cumberland River, and between the Green River 
and Tennessee River, which have been reserved by law for the Virginia 
troops, upon continental establishment, should, from the North Carolina 
line bearing in further upon the Cumberland lands than was expected, 
prove insufficient for their legal bounties, the deficiency should be 
made up to the said troops, in good lands, to be laid off between the 
rivers Scioto and Little Miami, on the northwest side of the river Ohio, 
in such proportions as have been engaged to them by the laws of Vir- 
ginia. That all the lands within the territory so ceded to the United 
States, and not reserved for, or appropriated to, any of the before-men- 
tioned purposes, or disposed of in bounties to the officers and soldiers 
of the American army, shal], be considered as a common fund for the 
use and benefit of such of the United States as have become, or shall be- 
come, members of the Confederation or federal alliance of the said 
States, Virginia inclusive, according to their usual respective proportions 


in the general charge and expenditure, and shall be faithfully and bona 
fide disposed of for that purpose, and for no other use or purpose 
whatsoever. ' ' 

This made the way open for preparation for government in the west, 
for the private land claims had been disposed of by the report of No- 
vember 3, 1781, although it was not adopted. That of the Indiana Com- 
pany for some 3,500.000 acres in what is now West Virginia, that had 
been granted by the Indians, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1768, to 
Samuel Wharton, William Trent, George Morgan, and others, Indian 
traders, in compensation for goods destroyed in the late war, was held 
good, as made in accordance with the laws and customs of Virginia and 
New York at the time. This tract was later included in the recognized 
bounds of Virginia, and left to he disposed of by it. The Vandalia 
Company's claim was also southeast of the Ohio. It was a company 
organized chiefly through the influence of Benjamin Franklin, who had 
been advocating a western colony from before the French and Indian 
War, and had united with the old Ohio Company, of the Lees, Wash- 
ingtons and other Virginians. They had secured Walpole, a London 
banker as president, and had secured a grant of 2,400,000 acres for 
which patents were about to be issued when the war came on. The com- 
mittee decided against this claim, but said that the proprietors ought 
to be reimbui-sed for their expenses and any payments made. The 
other two companies claimed lands northwest of the Ohio, and were 
both in conflict with the Iroquois conquest claims. The Illinois Com- 
pany, composed of traders at Kaskaskia, in 1773, through Louis Viviat, 
purchased from several Indian chiefs a large tract on the Ilhnois river, 
but the committee found that the land described in the deed "begins 
on the north side of the Illinois river, and contains only a number of 
lines without comprehending any land whatever." The Wabash Land 
Company was the onlv one whose claim affected what is now Indiana. 
In 1742 "the Indians had granted to the French at Vincennes the lands 
along the Wabash from the mouth of White River to Pointe Coupee, a 
distance of alwut seventv-five miles, and of equal width. In 1775, the 
Wabash Land Company, of which Gov. Dunmore was a stockholder, 
bought from the Piankeshaw Indians all the lands along the Wabash, 
outside of this former Vincennes grant, from the mouth of the river to 
the mouth of Wildcat Creek, in breadth ninety miles to the west of the 
river and one hundred and twenty miles to the east. The consideration 
for this tract of between thirty-five and forty millions of acres was a 
few hundi-ed dollars worth of goods. Both of these claims were held 
void, and they continued to be so held, although efforts were made to 
have them confirmed until 1810. ... 

On March 1, 1784, the same day on which he signed the Virginia 



deed of cession, Thomas Jefferson reported from his committee an ordi- 
nance "for the temporary government of the Western Territory." It 
provided for making ten states of the "territory ceded or to be ceded," 
lying west and north of the Ohio, divided by parallels of latitude and 
longitude. The parallels of longitude were to be drawn north from the 
mouth of the Great Kanawha and from the falls of the Ohio to latitude 
43° N. ; and, the parallels of latitude were the ones with odd numbers, 

Jefferson 's Proposed States in Northwest Territory 

commencing with parallel 45 at the North. The same system was to 
be used on the south side of the Ohio, down to parallel 31 ; but the Ohio 
was to be substituted for parallel 37 as a boundary. The region north 
of the Ohio and east of the Kanawha was to be one state, named Wash- 
ington. That north of parallel 45 and west of the lakes, was to be one 
state called Sylvania. North of parallel 43 the east state was Cherson- 
esus, and west state Michigania. From 43 to 41 the east state was 
Metropotamia and the west state Assenisipia. From 41 to 39 the east 
state was Saratoga and the west state Illinoia. Between parallel 39 and 


the Ohio River the east state was Pelisipia and the west state Polypotamia. 
Indiana would therefore have been divided between the six states last 
naraed.3 This ordinance was recommitted and amended, and finally 
adopted on April 23, 1784. The amendments took out these names, but 
left the ten divisions. They also took out Mr. Jefferson's two pet pro- 
visions, viz. that none of the new states shall admit any "person to lie a 
citizen who holds any hereditary title"; and the following: "That after 
ihe year 1800 of the Christian era there shall be neither slavery nor in- 
voluntary servitude in any of the said states otherwise than in punish- 
ment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted to have 
been personally guilty." This provision, extending to all the western ter- 
ritory, north and south, was the broadest anti-slavery proposal offered 
by any of our Revolutionary forefathers, and it was lost by only one 
vote, one of the members from New Jersey being sick, and absent. On 
April 25 'Sir. Jefferson wrote to ]\Iadison expressing his chagrin at the 
loss of this slavery provision, and especially that Virginia had voted 
against it, owing to the sickness and absence of Monroe. Two years 
later he wrote : ' ' The voice of a single individual would have prevented 
this abominable crime from spreading itself over the new counti-y. Thus 
we see the fate of millions unborn hanging on the tongue of one man, 
and Heaven was silent in that awful moment ! But it is to be hoped 
it will not always be silent: and the friends to the rights of human 
nature will in the end prevail."* 

As adopted, this ordinance did not provide any temporary govern- 
ment, and did not take effect until Congress offered the lands for sale. It 
provided that the settlers might, on permission from Congress, adopt 
the constitution and laws of any of the original states ; and in the mean- 
time Congress might adopt "measures not inconsistent with the prin- 
ciples of the confederation, and necessary for the preservation of peace 
and good order among the settlers. ' ' When a new state had 20,000 free 
inhabitants it might adopt a constitution of its own, but it could not be 
admitted to the United States until it had as many free inhabitants as 
"the least numerous of the thirteen original States." It is of course 
to lie remembered that the only people at that time who had any legal 
rights within the northwest territory were those of the French settle- 
ment, whose "rights and liberties" had been preserved by the Virginia 
deed of cession. This ordinance remained in force until 1787, but was 
amended from time to time. At the time of its passage there was another 

s The purported maps of this proposed division are often sadly confused ; and 
some locate the western meridian from the mouth of the Wabash, instead of the 
Falls of the Ohio. 

4 Jefferson's Works, ix, p. 276. 


man who was as indignant as Jefferson over the rejection of the anti- 
slavery clause. This was Colonel Timothy Pickering, a Eevolutionary 
soldier, who in the spring of 1783 had joined an organization of officers 
who were preparing for a settlement in the western country in such 
numbers as to anticipate the formation of a new state. The proposals 
for the company were drawn up by Pickering, and one of them was: 
"The total exclusion of slavery from the State to form an essential and 
irrevocable part of the Constitution." The movement was delayed by 
the withholding of the cessions by the states, but Pickering kept watch 
of Congress, which had taken up the survey and sale of the western 
lands after the Virginia cession. On March 8, 1785, he wrote twice to 
Eufus King, a delegate to Congress from Massachusetts, expressing his 
regret over the failure of the anti-slavery clause. In the second letter 
he said: "In looking over the Act of Congress of the 23d of April last, 
and the present report of an ordinance, relative to these lands, I observe 
there is no provision made for ministers of the gospel, nor even for 
schools and academies. The latter might have been brought into view ; 
though after the admission of Slavery, it was right to say nothing 
of Christianity. * * * What pretence (argument there could be 
none) could be offered for its rejection? I should, indeed, have objected 
to the period proposed (the year 1800) for the exclusion of slavery; for 
the admission of it for a day or an hour ought to have been forbidden. 
It will be infinitely easier to prevent the evil at first than to eradicate 
or check it at any future time. * * * To sufl'er the continuance of 
slaves till they can be gradually emancipated, in States already over- 
run with them, may be pai'donable, because unavoidable without hazard- 
ing greater evils ; but to introduce them into countries where none now 
exist — countries which have been talked of, which we have boasted of, 
as asylums to the oppressed of the earth — can never be forgiven. For 
God's sake, then, let one more efl^ort be made to prevent so terrible a 
calamity." On receipt of this, on ]March 16, ilr. King offered a resolu- 
tion for the prohibition of slavery, with no time limit, the same to be 
an article of compact ; and this was committed by the vote of Maryland 
and seven northern states. On April 6 it was reported, but as it now 
came to men who knew of the existence of slavery among the French 
settlers, whose rights had been guaranteed, the 1800 time limit was 
added, and also a fugitive slave clause. No action was taken on the 

On May 7, 1784, Mr. Jefferson had reported an ordinance for the 
survey and sale of the public lands, which introduced the rectangi:lar 
system, all the surveying in the colonies up to that time having been in 
irregular tracts, except twenty thousand acres in Georgia, which had been 


divided into fifty acre lots. Jefferson's townships were to be ten miles 
square, and to be subdivided into sections one mile square. On I\Iay 3, 
1785, on motion of Grayson of Virginia, seconded by Monroe, the towTi- 
ships were made sis miles square, and on May 20 the ordinance was 
passed. It provided for the survey and sale of seven ranges west of 
what is now the eastern boundary line of Ohio, under direction of "the 
geographer of the United States, ' ' who was to ' ' personally attend to the 
running of the first east and west line." This line was duly run from 
the point where the east boundary line of Ohio crosses the Ohio river, and 
became known as "the Geographers line." The Geographer was 
Thomas Hutchins, who was the authority on the western country at 
that time. He was born at Monmouth, N. J., in 1730, and entered the 
British army before sixteen years of age, he became an engineer, and 
later was commissioned Captain in the 60th Royal American Regiment. 
He served in Bouquet's expedition, at Fort Pitt, and elsewhere in the 
West. In 1768-70 his headquarters were at Fort Chartres. In 1779, 
while at London he was arrested on suspicion of American sympathies 
and imprisoned for six weeks. He escaped to France, where Benjamin 
Franklin gave him a letter of introduction to the president of Congress, 
with which he made his way to Charleston. On ^lny 4, 1781, he was 
made Geographer of the Southern Army by Congress, the Geographer 
of the j\Iain Army being Simeon DeWitt. On July 11, 1781, Congress 
made the title of both of these officials Geographer of the United States, 
but in 1784 DeWittt became Sui"\-eyor General of New York, and Hutch- 
ins was left "the Geographer." He was evidently in close touch with 
this land act, and on May 27 was continued in office for three years, 
and re-elected on May 26, 1788. He died at Pittsburg, April 28, 1789. 
Col. Whittlesey has established fairly that Hutchins originated the 
township and section system of surveys that has since been followed in 
the United States.^ 

Gen. Benjamin Tupper, an associate of Pickering, Gen. Rufus Put- 
nam and others in the settlement project, came west to aid in the survey, 
but it was prevented in 1785 by the hostility of the Indians. In the fall 
of 1785, Gen. Samuel Holden Parsons, another associate, was appointed 
with George Rogers Clark and Col. Richard Butler to treat with the 
Indians. They secured the release of the lands in southern Ohio without 
much objection except from the Shawnees. whose towns were in the 
district desired. But tliey were there by sufferance of the other tribes, 
and were practically given the choice of removal or war, so they accepted 

5 Hicks' edition of Hutchins' Topographical Survey; Hinsdale's Old North- 
west, p. 262; Tracts 57 and 71, Western Reserve Hist. Soc. 


lands between the Wabash and upper part of the Big Miami. The sur- 
veys were made in 1786. On January 10, Tupper reached Rutland, 
Mass., the home of Putnam, and they called a meeting for March 1, of 
the Ohio Company at the Buneh-of-Grapes Tavern in Boston. The 
Company had 1,000 shares of $1,000 each, of which $10 was paid in coin 
on each share, and the balance in Continental certificates. Parsons, 
Putnam, and Dr. Manasseh Cutler were appointed to purchase the lands 
from Congress, and Parsons went to New York and presented their pro- 
posal on May 9. From May 12 to July 4 Congress had no quorum ; and 

ifk^ L-K^U Ms.^^ t-^^ ■ -h^ ,,^,/^r^^ i^fcft. .^ ,.<J"Z.v.<f/i^^<-' 
j Jl-A-iiy / hlLvx. iJ«%c-«. i-twi, C^-n^t/tUi'^ ^Ul J t^.^/Vy, //< , «w, 

Sixth Article of the Ordinance of 17S7 
(In the Handwriting of Nathan Dane) 

Parsons went home, and turned the purchase over to Dr. Cutler, who 
reached New York on July 5. On July 9 the ordinance for the govern- 
ment of the northwest territory was referred to a new committee, with 
Dane and Smith of the old committee, and Edward Carrington and 
Richard Henry Lee of Virginia, and John Kean of South Carolina as 
new members. Up to this time the ordinance considered was a mere 
outline of temporary government, commonly known as Monroe's plan. 
It was submitted to Cutler, who suggested some amendments, and then 
went on to Philadelphia, and did not return until the 17th. The new 
ordinance was reported on the 11th and passed on the 13th by a vote of 


all the members present except Abraham Yates of New York. Thus, the 
celebrated Ordinance of 1787, was framed and passed in four days, but 
of matter that had been under consideration for four years. The first 
and fullest history of its passage is in a letter of Nathan Dane to Rufus 
King, on July 16, 1787, in which he says: 

"We have been much engaged in business for ten or twelve days 
past, for a part of which we have had eight states. There appears to be 
a disposition to do business, and the arrival of R. H. Lee is of consider- 
able importance. I think his character serves, at least in some degree, to 
check the effects of the feeble habits and lax mode of thinking of some 
of his countrymen. We have been employed about several objects — the 
principal of which have been the Government inclosed (the Ordinance) 
and the Ohio purchase ; the fonuer you will see, is completed, and the 
latter will probably be completed to-morrow. We tried one day to patch 
up M(onroe)s system of W. government — started new ideas and com- 
mitted the whole to Carrington, Dane, R. H. Lee, Smith and Kean. We 
met several times, and at last agreed on some principles — at least Lee, 
Smith and myself. We found ourselves rather pressed. The Ohio com- 
pany appeared to purchase a large tract of federal lands — about six or 
seven millions of acres — and we wanted to abolish the old system and get 
a better one for the government of the country, and we finally found it 
necessary to adopt the best system we could get. All agreed finally to 
the enclosed plan, except A. Yates. He appeared in this case, as in most 
others, not to understand the subject at all. * * * When I drew the 
ordinance (which passed, a few words excepted, as I originally foi-med 
it) I had no idea the States would agree to the sixth article, prohibiting 
slavery, as only Massachusetts, of the Eastern States, was present, and 
therefore omitted it in the draft ; but finding the House favorably dis- 
posed on this subject, after we had completed the other parts, I moved 
the article which was agreed to without opposition." 

That Dane drafted the ordinance and introduced the slavery section 
is unquestioned. He stated elsewhere that he did not claim originality 
except as to the provision against impairing the obligation of contracts, 
fair treatment to the Indians, and minor matters.^ The system of tem- 
porary government by the Governor and Judges, with gradual advance 
is Monroe 's plan. The Articles of Compact, which are the constitutional 
features that give the Ordinance its greatest merit, are a revival of 
Jefferson's original idea, but much enlarged. All of his articles are 
included in the fourth article of the Ordinance of 1787, together with one 

e Dane's Abridgement, Vol. 7, pp. 389-90; Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc. 1867-9, 
p. 479; Ind. Hist. Soc. Pubs., Vol. 1, Letter to Farnham. 

Vol. 1—13 


other that will probably prove of more importanee than all the rest, if 
the people of the region are awake to their public interests. It is this : 
"The navigable waters leading into the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, 
and the cari-jdng places between the same, shall be common highways, 
and forever free, as well to the inhabitants of the said territory as to the 
citizens of the United States, and those of any other States that may be 
admitted into the confederacy, without any tax, impost, or duty there- 
for." This had been adopted as an amendment on May 12, 1786, on 
motion of Grayson, seconded by King.'^ The fifth article was also pro- 
posed by Grayson on July 7, 1786, and Virginia was requested to modify 
her deed of cession to allow the reduction in the number of states.* The 
third article was probably due to a suggestion from Cutler, though the 
land ordinance of 1785 had provided for the reservation of section 16 in 
each township "for the maintenance of public schools." The first and 
second articles are probably due to Lee, as they are in line with his 
special ideas, and are entirely new to the work on the ordinance. Of all 
the men connected with the Ordinance, his influence in the recasting of 
it has probably been most underrated. He was easily the ablest man on 
the committee. He was the only new member who took an active interest 
in the work. In seeking the man who "started new ideas," as Dane puts 
it, this man who moved the Declaration of Independence, and who first 
pronounced Wa.shington "first in war, first in peace, first in the hearts 
of his countrymen, ' ' is not to be overlooked. Writing to Washington on 
July 15, and inclosing a copy of the Ordinance, Lee says: "It seemed 
necessary, for the security of property among uninformed, and, perhaps, 
licentious people, as the greater part of those who go there are, that a 
strong-toned Government should exist, and the rights of property be 
clearly defined." 

With the Ordinance adopted, it took Cutler ten days to make his 
purchase, and when he got through, he had purchased 1,500,000 acres 
for the Ohio Company, and 3,500,000 acres "for a private speculation, 
in which many of the principal characters of America are concerned"; 
and had pledged himself to Gen. St. Clair for Governor, Winthrop 
Sargent for Secretary, and Parsons for first .iudge. On the advice of 
Tupper and Geogi-apher Hutchins, the Ohio Company lands were located 
on the Muskingum, but on account of failure of payment, only 1,064,285 
acres were patented to it. No time was lost in beginning the settlement. 
On December 3, 1787, two hours before day, the first company of pioneers 
assembled at Dr. Cutler's house at Ipswich, in tlie northeast corner of 

' Journal, Vol. 4, p. 637. 
8 Journal, Vol. 4, p. 662-3. 



ilassachusetts, for the start. Probably no body of emigrants started out 
so impressed with the idea that they were going to found a state — at 
points one might almost think they were staging a pageant. After lis- 
tening to a discourse from Cutler, and firing a salvo of three volleys, 
they started off on foot, preceded by a wagon covered with black canvas, 
on which Cutler himself had put, in white letters, "For the Ohio." 
The party, under command of Major Haffield White, made its way 
slowly through Massachusetts, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania 
to the mouth of the Youghiogheny, where they were joined on February 
14 by a second party from Connecticut, under Gen. Rufus Putnam. 

Start of First Ohio Comp.\ny Colony from Ipswich, Dec. 3, 1787 

(From an old cut) 

Here they stopped to build boats, and started down the river on April 1, 
the fleet consisting, according to Putnam, of "the Union galley of forty- 
five tons burden," "the Adelphia Ferry-boat, burden three tons" and 
"three log canoes of different sizes." On April 7, Gen. Putnam stepped 
ashore at the mouth of the Muskingum, followed by his forty-seven com- 
rades, to begin the building of the new capital of Northwest Territory. 
They made a large stockade, which, as classical scholars, they called The 
Campus Martins ; and as good Federalists, which they were, they called 
the new town Marietta, for Marie Antoinette. So came to the west the 
new influence which dominated Indiana for the next twelve years. 

There was no immediate effect on Indiana. Gov. St. Clair did not 
arrive until Julv 9, when he was received at Marietta with civic and 


military honors, Fort Harmar being located at that place. His formal 
"entry" was on the 15th, when addresses were delivered at "the bower" ; 
and on September 2 the Judges were inaugurated with still more im- 
pressive ceremonies. Winthrop Sargent, the Secretary, accompanied the 
Governor. The Judges who qualified were Samuel Holden Parsons, 
James Mitchell Varnum, and John Cleves Symmes. On July 27 Gov. 
St. Clair proclaimed the organization of Washington County, embracing 
all of Ohio east of the Scioto, and this was the only county organized 
until 1790. From August to December the Governor and Judges adopted 
a number of civil and penal laws, in which they ignored the Ordinance 
so carefully prepared for them. It authorized only their adoption of 
laws from some of the states of the Union, but these were not found con- 
venient, and so the Judges made laws to suit themselves, the Governor 
remonstrating. Congress neither approved nor condemned the laws, and 
so they were enforced in Washington County. With the adoption of the 
new constitution of the United States, the appointments expired ; and on 
August 20, 1789, all of these officials were reappointed except that Judge 
Vamum was replaced by George Turner. Judge Parsons was drowned in 
1789, and in March, 1790, Rufus Putnam was appointed in his place. 
Putnam resigned in 1796 to accept the office of Surveyor General, and 
Joseph Gillman was appointed in his stead. Judge Turner was the next 
to resign, and his place was filled by Return Jonathan Meigs in February, 
1798. Some of these earliest laws seem odd now. The militia were re- 
quired to parade, armed and accoutred, on Sunday mornings at 10 o 'clock, 
adjacent to the places "assigned for worship." Pillories, stocks and 
whipping posts were provided for, and were actually used for both men 
and women. Disobedient children and servants were to be confined until 
"they shall humble themselves to the said parent's or master's satisfac- 
tion." Imprisonment for debt was provided, and, for debts of less than 
$5, it could be inflicted by justices of the peace, with no appeal. Drunken- 
ness was finable fifty cents for the first offense, and a dollar thereafter. 
Profanity was not penalized, but the law admonished all to abstain from 
and discourage it, to "prevent the necessity of adopting and publishing 
laws upon this head." Marriage was required to be preceded by publish- 
ing the banns for three Sundays at worship, or posting notice under the 
hand and seal of a judge in some public place, or special license from the 

But while Washington County was thus launched on a New England 
basis, the rest of the Territory got along as it could. Judge SjTnmes had 
purchased a large tract between the two Miamis, and in November, 1788, 
a party under Major Benjamin Stites founded the town of Columbia at 
the mouth of the Little Miami. On December 24, 1788, a party under 



Matthias Deuman located at Ciucinuati, which they called Losantiville — 
i.e., L(icking) os(mouth) anti (opposite) ville(to\\Ti). A third party, un- 
der Judge Symmes, located at North Bend in February, 1789. The people 
of these settlements formed a committee of safety, appointed Mr. McMillan 
judge and John Ludlow sheriff, and proceeded to enforce justice by giving 
one man twenty-nine lashes for robbing a truck-patch, and similar cor- 
rective acts. They got into a row M'ith the military authorities, however, 

"Campus Martius" 

(Ohio Company's fort at Marietta — from drawing by 

Gen. Rufus Putnam) 

and the situation was happily relieved by the organization of a court by 
the Territorial authorities.^ Vincennes had returned to its golden age of 
military rule. On April 24, 1787, on a report from the Secretary of War 
on a letter from Major Wyllys, Congress had resolved : ' ' That the secre- 
tary of war direct the commanding officer of the troops of the United 
States on the Ohio, to take immediate and efficient measures for disposing 
a body of men, who have, in a lawless and unauthorized manner, taken 

9 Burnet 's Notes, p. 57. 


possession of post St. Vincents, in defiance of the proclamation and au- 
thority of the United States, and that he employ the whole, or such part 
of the force under his command, as he shall judge necessary to effect the 
object." In pursuance of this, Gen. Josiah Harmar came to Vincennes 
on July 19, 1787, and not only ended the Kentucky military occupation but 
also made Major John F. Hamtramck Commandant, and in the absence of 
other authority, he remained the Czar of Vineennes for three years. 

Hamtramck was a native of Quebec, whither his father, Charles David 
Hamtrenck, a German perraquier, nick-named L'AUemand, came in 1749, 
and, on November 26, 1753, married Marie-Anne Bertin. He was a native 
of Luxembourg. Their second child, Jean Francois, was christened 
August 16, 1756. He sympathized with the Americans, and in 1776 joined 
Montgomery's army at the siege of Quebec. He was made a captain in 
the First U. S. Regiment in 1785, and Major the year following. When 
Harmar came to Vineennes in 1787. he marched across from the mouth of 
Pigeon Creek with most of his command, and Hamtramck was sent around 
by the Wabash, with one hundred men, with the boats and supplies. Un- 
derstanding the French language, and the Canadian character, he was an 
ideal Commandant, and his qualities caused him to be put in command at 
Fort Wayne in 1794, and at Detroit in 1796. His moral and disciplinary 
views may be judged from the following extract from a letter by him to 
Gen. Wayne on December 5, 1794, from Fort Wayne : " It is with a great 
degree of mortification that I am obliged to inform your excellency of the 
great propensity many of the soldiers have to larceny. I have flogged 
them till I am tired. The economic allowance of one hundred lashes, al- 
lowed by the government, does not appear a sufficient inducement for a 
rascal to act the part of an honest man. I have now a number in confine- 
ment and in irons for having stolen four quarters of beef on the night of 
the 3rd. instant. I could wish them to be tried by a general court martial, 
in order to make an example of some of them. I shall keep them confined 
until the pleasure of your excellency is known." i" This does not mean 
that Hamtramck was hard-hearted, but merely that he realized that a 
system of government that did not produce results was not efficient. He 
knew that Virginia had reserved to the French inhabitants their ancient 
laws and customs, and he ruled at Vincennes just as Sieur de Vincennes 
and St. Ange had ruled. It was an administration of the French colonial 
system, under American auspices. 

One of his first acts was to issue a proclamation, on October 3, 1787, 
prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors to the Indians. On May 10, 
1789, the inhabitants having by resolution informed him that unauthorized 

10 Mich. Pioii. and Hist. Coll., Vol. 34, p. 734. 



use was being made of the commons, and having asked that fifty yards 
square be set off for the separate use of eacli family, he issued a proclama- 
tion reading: "In consequence of a request presented to me, all persons 
are expressly prohibited (under the penalty of a fine for the first trespass 
and imprisonment for the secoud) from cultivating any lot or piece of 
ground on the commons, or occupying any part thereof, without regular 
permission." On ilarch 24, 1790, he proclaimed the following "ordi- 

Haiitramck's Tomb 
(In grounds of St. Anne's Orphanage and Church, Detroit) 

nance": "Many persons having sold their goods and lands, to the 
prejudice of their creditors, the inhabitants and others of the district of 
Post Vincennes, are expressly prohibited, henceforth, from selling, or 
exchanging, or mortgaging, any part of their goods, lands, or slaves, under 
any pretext, witliout express permission from the officer commanding at 
this place. This ordinance to remain in force until the arrival of his 
excellency, the governor." This last was issued when the Governor was 
expected to arrive soon. There was not a little awaiting the arrival of 


the Governor, who was so absorbed in Ohio polities that he had entirely 
neglected Indiana and Illinois. Early in 1788 Hamtramek had abolished 
the Grand Court of Vincennes, and on April 3, he wrote to Harmar re- 
counting; the irregularities of that judicial tribunal, and adding: "In 
conseqixenee of which I have dissolved the old court, and ordered new 
magistrates to be elected, and established a few regulations for them to 
go by, a copy of which I have the honor to enclose. My code of laws vdll, 
no doubt, make j'ou laugh, but I hope you will consider that I am neither a 
lawyer or a legislator. " ^ ^ Possibly this was one of the indications of 
levity, which made President Washington, on being informed that Ham- 
tramek was to make a treaty with the Wabash Indians, express a regret 
that some "more dignified character than Major Hamtramek" had not 
been selected. On the other hand the Father of his Country may have 
referred to Hamtramek 's pereonal appearance, which was not impressive. 
He was short in stature, and was so awkward-looking that he was some- 
times called "the Frog on Horseback" — an expression, by the way, which 
has rather an Indian flavor. But at any rate, his court and his code of 
laws worked very well in Vincennes, until they struck a snag in the red- 
eyed law, as administered in Kentucky. On November 11. 1789, he wrote 
to Harmar: "It is high time that Government should take place in this 
country, & if it should happen that the Governor was not to come, nor any 
of the Judges, I would beg (for the sake of the people) that his Excellency 
would give me certain powers to create magistrates, a sheriff & other 
officers for the purpose of establishing courts of Justice, for, at present, 
there are none, owing to the daily expectation of the arrival of the 
Governor. Those that had been appointed by the people last year, their 
authority has been refused in the courts of Kentucky, they declaring that 
by the resolve of Congress, neither the people of Vincennes, or the Com- 
manding Officer, had a right to appoint magistrates ; that the power was 
vested in the Governor only, & that it was an usurped authority. You 
see, Sir, how much to the prejudice of the people their present situation 
is, & how necessary it is that some steps should be taken to relieve them. 

"The powers of the magistrates may be circumscribed as his Excel- 
lency may think proper, but the necessity of having such characters will 
appear when I assure you that at present no person here can administer 
an oath which will be considered legal in the courts of Kentucky — and for 
the reasons above mentioned." 

The complaint of neglect was not confined to Vincennes. With this 
letter, Hamtramek inclosed one from John Edgar, in which he complains 
of the lawlessness in his vicinity, especially by Indians from the Spanish 

111. Hist. Coll., Vol. 5, p. 507, note; Draper mss. IW 385. 


side of the Mississippi, and says: "I have waited five years in hopes of a 
Government ; I shall wait until March, as I may be able to withstand them 
in the winter season, but if no succour nor government should then aiTive, 
I shall be compelled to abandon the country, & shall go to live at St. Louis. 
Inclination, interest & love for the country prompt me to reside here, but 
when in so doing it is ten to one but both my life & property will fall a 
sacrifice, you nor any impartial mind can blame me for the part I shall 
take. "12 

In 1788 Congress had adopted resolutions for confirming the land titles 
of the French settlers, and had also voted four hundred acres to each head 
of a family. Nothing was done, however, by the Territorial authorities. 
On October 6, 1789, President Washington wrote to St. Clair, giving in- 
structions as to treating with the Indians, who were becoming troublesome, 
and added: "You will also proceed as soon as j'ou can with safety, to 
execute the orders of the late Congress, respecting the inhabitants at Post 
Vincennes, and at the Kaskaskias, and the other villages on the Mississippi. 
It is a circumstance of some importance that the said inhabitants should, 
as soon as possible, possess the lands to which they are entitled, by some 
known and fixed principles." Under this inspiration the Governor and 
Judges finally decided to make a progress to their western dominions, and 
got started late in December. On January 2, 1790, at Losantiville, St. 
Clair established Hamilton County, of the lands between the Miamis ; and 
also induced the proprietors of the town to change its name to Cincinnati. 
They stopped for a couple of weeks at the Falls and then went on to 
Kaska.skia, where on April 27 the Governor established St. Clair County, 
including all of Illinois south of the Illinois River and west of Fort Massac. 
On June 11, on account of Indian hostilities, St. Clair started back to 
Marietta, deputing Sargent to act in his stead. Sargent, with Judges 
Symmes and Turner, then proceeded to Vincennes, and this first appear- 
ance of the Territorial government at Vincennes was welcomed with almost 
as much ceremony as at Marietta, but it was French ceremony. The 
"magistrates" and militia officers presented an address on behalf of the 
inhabitants, as follows: 

"Vincennes, July 23, 1790. 

"To the honorable Winthrop Sargent, esquire, secretary of the terri- 
tory of the United States northwest of the river Ohio, and now vested with 
all the powers of governor and commander-in-chief thereof : 

' ' The citizens of the town of Vincennes approach you, sir, to express 
as well their personal respect for your honor, as their full approbation of 
the measures you have been pleased to pursue in regard to their govem- 

12 111. Hist. Coll., Vol. 5, pp. 512-14. 


mcnt, and the adjustment of their claims, as inhabitants of the territory 
over which you at present preside. While we deem it a singular blessing 
to behold the principles of free government unfolding among us, we 
cherish the pleasing reflection that our posterity will also have cause to 
rejoice at the political change now originating. A free and efficient gov- 
ernment, wisely administered, and fostered under the protecting wings of 
an august union of States, can not fail to render the citizens of this wide 
extended territory securely happy in the possession of every public 

"We can not take leave sir, without offering to your notice a tribute 
of gratitude and esteem, which eveiy citizen of Vineenues conceives he 
owes to the merits of an officer (Major Hamtramck) who has long com- 
manded at this post. The unsettled situation of things, for a series of 
years previous to this gentleman's arrival, tended in many instances to 
derange, and in others to suspend, the operations of those municipal 
customs by which the citizens of this town were used to be governed. 
They were in the habit of submitting the superintendence of their civil 
regulations to the officer who happened to command the troops posted 
among them. Hence, in the course of the late war, and from the frequent 
change of masters, they labored under heavy and various grievances. 
But the judicious and humane attention paid by Major Hamtramck, 
during his whole command, to the rights and feelings of every individual 
craving his interposition, demands, and will always receive, our warmest 

"We beg you, sir, to assure the supreme authority of the United 
States of our fidelity and attachment ; and that our greatest ambition is 
to deserve its fostering care, by acting the part of good citizens. 

"By order, and on behalf, of the citizens of Vinc^nnes." 

It took two days for Sargent to rise to the emergency, but he did so 
then in the following reply : 

"Vincennes, July 25th. 1790. 

' ' Gentlemen : Next to that happiness which I derive from a con- 
sciousness of endeavoring to merit the approbation of the sovereign au- 
thority of the United States by a faithful discharge of the important 
trusts committed to me, is the grateful plaudit of the respectable citizens 
of this territory: and be assured, gentlemen, that I receive it from the 
town of Vincennes, upon this occasion, with singular satisfaction. 

"In an event so interesting and important to every individual as is 
the organization of civil government, I regret exceedingly that you have 
been deprived of the wisdom of our worthy governor. His extensive 
abilities, and long experience in the honorable walks of public life, might 


have more perfectly established that system which promises to you and 
posterity such political blessings. It is certain, gentlemen, that the gov- 
ernment of the United States is most congenial to the dignity of human 
nature, and the best possible palladium for the lives and property of 
mankind. The services of Ma.ior Hamtramck to the public, and his 
humane attention to the citizens while in command here, have been 
highly meritorious; and it is with great pleasure that I have officially 
expressed to him my full approbation thereof. 

"Your dutiful sentiments of fidelity and attachment to the general, 
government of the United States, shall be faithfully transmitted to 
their august president. 

"With the warmest wishes for the prosperity and welfare of Vin- 
cennes, I have the honor to be, gentlemen, 

"Your most obedient, humble servant, 


The people had occasion to" be in an especially grateful frame of mind 
towards Hamtramck, for he had just performed a great service to them. 
Their corn crop of the preceding year had been completely destroyed by 
frost, and information of this having come to St. Clair, he had written 
to Hamtramck from Fort Steuben (at Jeffersonville ) on January 23, 
1790: "It is with great pain that I have heard of the scarcity of com 
which reigns in the settlements about the Post. I hope it has been 
exaggerated;' but it is represented to me that, unless a supply of that 
article can be sent forward, the people must actually starve. Corn can 
be had here in any quantity; but can the people pay for it? I entreat 
you to inquire into that matter, and if you find they can not do without 
it, write to the contractor's agent here, to whom I will give orders to 
send forward such quantity as you may find to be absolutely necessary. 
They must pay for what they can of it -. but they must not be suffered to 
perish ; and though I have no direct authority from the government for 
this purpose, I must take it upon myself." 

To this Hamtramck replied on I\Iarch 19: "I have this day sent a 
boat to the Falls for 800 bushels of com, which I shall deliver to the 
people of the village, who are in a starving condition ; so much so that 
on the 16th instant a woman, a boy of about thirteen, and a girl of about 
seven years were driven to the woods by hunger, and poisoned them- 
selves by eating some wild roots, and have died of it." ^^ 

While Sargent and the Judges were at Vincennes, they adopted three 
laws ; one prohibiting the sale of liquor to the Indians ; one prohibiting 

■ St. Clair Papers, Vol. 2, pp. 131-2, note. 



the sale of liquor to soldiers; and one "prohibiting every species of 
gaming for money or other property. ' ' The last two were regarded as 
infringements on "personal rights" by most of the people then residing 
in Indiana; but more serious trouble was at hand. The Indians were 
becoming very troublesome. There had been more or less of hostilities 
between the Indians and the whites ever since the close of the Kevolu- 
tionary war, but it had been due chiefly to the lawlessness of individuals 
rather than to any formal warfare. In July, 1790, Judge Innes wrote to 
the War Department the statement that since 1783 "more than fifteen 
hundred persons had been killed and taken prisoners by the Indians — 

Jj^ ^ N 


<i^^ .,■<:. A.. ,..-^ ...... 

,^'^.w.'<..,«.A., f,' .- ,.„;. 

.• - ^ c^-.. ^^ , .. .' -^ ' -' ' - - 

<'. ^ ^^./■'-'^ y-^-, '^,-.. . ' . ,, . ^ , 

Anti-Gambling Law- 

-Adopted at Vincennes, Aug. 
Effect Jan. 1, 1791 

4, 1790; Took 

that upwards of twenty thousand horses had been taken and carried 
off, with other property, consisting of money, merchandise, household 
goods, wearing apparel, etc., of great value." St. Clair had been in- 
structed to use every means to conciliate the Indians, but also to ex- 
tinguish as soon as possible the Indian title as far west as the Mississippi, 
and as far north as parallel forty-one. This was exactly what the Indians 
did not want. St. Clair summoned them to a treaty at Port Harmar on 
January 9, 1789; but very few came, and he proceeded to treat with 
thirty-one that did come, who were supposed to represent six of the 
principal western tribes, and who confirmed the cessions made previously 
at Fort Mcintosh. But the tribes utterly repudiated this treaty, saying 
that signers were not even chiefs — which was very true. There was an 


immediate increase of depredations, the situation growing worse through 
1789 and 1790. In the spring of 1790 Major Hamtramck sent Antoine 
Gamelin up the Wabash with speeches from Governor St. Clair to the 
various tribes. He received scant satisfaction. It was evident that the 
Indians were receiving aid and encoui-agement from the British, who 
still held Detroit and other points on the lakes. The only course open 
was to punish the Indians, and for this purpose an expedition was pre- 
pared under command of Gen. Harmar. 

On September 30, 1790, he left Fort Washington (at Cincinnati) 
with 1,453 men, of whom 320 were regulars, and the remainder militia 
and volunteers from Kentucky, Pennsylvania and Virginia. The irregu- 
lars included many boys and old men; they were poorly armed and 
equipped ; and there was the insubordination among them that commonly 
characterized frontier troops. They reached Kikiungi (Fort Wayne) 
and found it recently deserted. On October 18, Col. Trotter, of the 
militia was sent out with 300 men to look for the Indians but returned 
without finding more than two. There was rivalry between Trotter and 
Col. Hardin, and the latter asked to go out with the same command on 
the 19th. He led his men into an ambush ; all of the militia but nine ran 
away; and Hardin got back with a loss of all but half-a-dozen of his 
regulars, and a number of the militia. After destroying a large amount 
of crops on the 20th and 21st, Harmar was asked by Hardin for permis- 
sion to go back with a detachment of militia picked by himself, and 
surprise the Indians, who he thought would return to their village as 
soon as the troops left. Harmar finally consented, and Hardin went 
back with four hundred men. They found the Indians, but the militia 
officers were decoyed into separating their commands by Indians appar- 
ently in flight, and then met a general attack in which the militia again 
fled and the regulars were almost exterminated. Hardin wanted Harmar 
to go back with the entire army, but he declined, as he was short of 
supplies, and the militia were now completely demoralized. The army 
had destroyed five villages, over 20,000 bushels of corn, and large quan- 
tities of beans, pumpkins, hay, and other Indian property; but they had 
. lost 183 killed and 31 wounded, and had left the belief with the Indians 
that thev had driven the Americans back. As to this fighting, the 
Americans at the time, and our writers since then, have failed to credit 
the result as largely as they should to the Indian leadership. The Little 
Turtle was in command. When the troops first reached Kikiungi, the 
warriors were absent on their fall hunt, and in the first day's fighting 
The Little Turtle was able to get only one hundred of them together; but 
they came in rapidly, and on the last day his forces were equal to the 
enemy. But while the whites did not understand his ability, he had 



gained a reputation with the Indians that made a new era in Indian 

The necessity of getting food to replace what had been destroyed, and 
the desire for revenge, made the Indian hostilities worse than before. 
In response to appeals for protection. Congress authorized another regir 
ment to be raised, bringing the standing army up to three thousand men, 
and Virginia directed an expedition from Kentucky under Brig. Gen. 

Site of Fort Wayne in 1790 
(From drawing by i\Iajor Denny, with Harmar's forces) 

Charles Scott. Scott marched for the Wabash towns on I\Iay 23, with 
some eight hundred mounted men. He readied Wea Prairie on June 1, 
sent detachments to attack small villages, and pressed on with his main 
force to the main village of Ouiatanon, on the banks of the Wabash. 
His advance reached it in time to destroy five canoe loads of Indians, the 
last to try to cross the river to the Kickapoo town on the north side. The 
Wabash was flooded by recent rain.s, and some time was lost before troops 
could get across and take the Kickapoo town. On the evening of the 
2nd Lt. Col.' Wilkinson was sent with 360 men to destroy the town 


known as Kethtipecanuiik, at the mouth of the Tippecanoe River, which 
he accomplished. Of this place Scott says: "Many of the inhabitants 
of this village were French, and lived in a state of civilization. By the 
books, letters, and other documents found there, it is evident tliat place 
was in close connection with, and dependent on, Detroit. A large quan- 
tity of corn, a variety of household goods, peltry, and other articles, were 
burned with this village, which consisted of about seventy, many 
of them well finished." On June 4, having destroyed all the crops 
found, Seott started on his return, and reached the Falls oil the 14th 
' ' without the loss of a single man by the enemy, and five only wounded ; 
having killed thirt.y-two. chiefly warriors of size and figure, and taken 
fifty-eight prisoners." Sixteen of the older prisoners were released, 
with warning letters to the other Indians. The remainder were taken to 
the Falls, and held until their tribes made peace, which proved a very 
efficacious mode of procedure. 

Governor St. Clair was put in command of the main expedition, which 
was to move from Fort Washington in the fall. On August 1. a force of 
525 men under Brig. Gen. James Wilkinson was started for another 
attack on the Wabash towns. They struck the Eel River town, Kinapi- 
kwomakwa, on the 7th. Having destroyed it, and the crops which had 
been replanted at Ouiatanon and Kethtipecanunk, and also destroyed a 
Kickapoo town of thirty houses, west of Ouiatanon, Wilkinson returned, 
reaching the Falls on the 21st. The Indians were taking note of St. 
Clair's preparations, and decided not to wait for another destruction of 
their crops. St. Clair's advance moved twenty -five miles northward in 
September, and built Fort. Hamilton. On October 4, it advanced forty- 
two miles, and built Fort Jefferson. On October 24 the army moved 
forward, and on November 3 reached the headwaters of the Wabash 
where Port Recovery was afterwards built. The Indians also were 
moving. By the efforts of The Little Turtle, Pachgantcihilas. the great 
Delaware war chief. Blue Jacket the Shawnee chief, and others, 1,400 
warriors had lieen gathered on the- prairie south of Kikiungi in the latter 
part of October. There was some dissension as to who should have the 
chief command, but it was awarded to The Little Turtle. He organized 
his forces by dividing them into squads or messes of twenty each, and 
each squad into five bands of four each, who acted as hunters for the 
mess one day each in rotation. These hunters were to liring in at noon 
whatever game they killed, and so the army was supplied. They marched 
to meet the advancing enemy. On the night of November 3 they crept 
close in about St. Clair's camp, and prepared for attack. They watched 
the soldiers parade at daylight, and as they dispersed for breakfast, 
about sis o'clock, The Little Turtle gave the signal for attack. The 


Indians kept under cover, and maintained a continuous and murderous 
rifle fire. The troops were put in position, and fired ineifectual volleys 
at their concealed foes. Repeated bayonet charges were made, but the 
Indians simply fell back before them, while others poured a deadly fire 
into the flanks of the charging squadrons. The Indians made special 
targets of officers and artillerymen. By half past eight the army was 
helpless. The artillerj^ was silenced. Most of the officers were dead, and 
those remaining saw that the only hope was in retreat. A charge opened 
the way to the road, and the militia made their way out, followed by the 
regulars. Everything was abandoned. The retreat became a rout, and 
although the Indians pureued for only about four miles, it continued 
until Fort Jefferson was reached, after sunset. 

This was the greatest defeat ever inflicted on American troops by 
Indians. The Little Turtle had beaten a force superior to his own, prob- 
ably fifty per cent, greater, on their own ground, with a loss of 37 officers 
and 593 men killed, and 31 officers and 242 men wounded. He had 
captured all their artillery, camp equipage and supplies, valued at 
$32,800, with much private property. He had stopped for the time 
being the invasion of his country. "War parties soon appeared all along 
the frontiers, and many of the settlements not adjacent to the forts were 
abandoned. St. Clair resigned his position as Ma.jor General. President 
Washington asked Congress for three more regiments of infantry and a 
squadron of horse. There was opposition on account of the poverty of 
the nation, and it was even proposed to abandon the Northwest Terri- 
tory, but that received little favor. Congi-ess provided for an army of 
5,000 men, and "Mad Anthony" Wayne was put in command. Com- 
missioners were appointed to try to settle the matter peaceably, who 
made their way to the Indians through Canada ; but the Indians refused 
any terms but withdrawal from the lands north of the Ohio. 

Wayne came to Pittsburg in June, 1792, and began organizing his 
army. It was a slow and difficult task. Drills were incessant, and courts 
martial were almost as common as police courts are now. His Orderly 
Book presents the most remarkable record of discipline that was ever 
given to an American army.^* The chief offenses punished were products 
of the personal independence of the frontiersmen, mutiny, disrespect to 
officers and desertion. Punishments were severe. The limit of one hun- 
dred lashes was frequently administered before the army on parade. 
Like Hamtramck, Wayne found this insufficient, and tried dividing the 
hundred lashes through four successive days, and using a cat of wires. 
This did not suffice to stop desertion, and a number of offenders were 

Hit is given in full in Mich. Pion. and Hist. Coll., Vol. 34, pp. 341-73.3. 



shot before the army, and several were hanged. In tlie effort to improve 
marksmanship, rivalry- was encouraged between the riflemen and the 
infantry, though the latter were instructed to rely chiefly on the bayonet. 
Orders were given to "award as a bounty one Gill of Whiskey to the 
best shot, or marksman, and a half Gill to the Second best of the Infantry 
and a like quantity to the first and Second best of tlie Riflemen. Pro- 
vided always that should the Infantrys shott be better than tlinse of the 
rifle, then the Riflemen shall forfeit any claim to bounty for that days 
practice. "' The dragoons were taught to rely on the sabre. In the spring 

TiiE Battle of the Fallen Tiiibers 
( From a painting) 

of 1793 Wayne moved down the river to Fort Washington, and camped 
just below Cincinnati at Hobson's Choice. i^ Here the same process of 
discipline was continued until October 7, except that there appeared to 
be more opportunity for getting liquor, and punishment for drunken- 
ness became more frequent. The treaty commissioners were put off b.y 
the Indians until August, and then returned hopeless. Meanwhile it 
had been learned that Major Trueman and Col. Hardin, who had been 
sent from Fort Washington with peace talks for the Indians, had been 
taken and murdered by them. Wayne advanced beyond Fort Jefferson 
by October 23, with 2,600 regulars, and 400 auxilaries, in guides and 

In The troops tried to cross the river, but on account of flood could do so only 
at this place, which consequently was Hobson's choice, 1. e., "that or nothing." 

Vol. 1—14 


mounted volunteers from Kentuelrv'. The main body of volunteers had 
not arrived; the army was largely incapacitated by an epidemic of 
influenza ; and it was too late in the season for an effective campaign ; so 
Wayne sent the volunteers back and wintered at the forts, constructing 
Fort Greenville and Fort Recovery. These moves disquieted the hostile 
Indians, who had not been able to tind an opening for attack on Wayne 's 
army, their only success being the capture of a wagon train on October 
17. Some of them sent a message to Wayne expressing a desire to make 
peace, but they evaded his proposals, and if their intentions were ever 
sincere, they were changed by a new complication. 

In 1793 the French Revolution was holding the attention of the 
world, and the French Minister Plenipotentiary, Genet, was holding the 
attention of the United States by his extraordinary assumptions of power 
and open criticism of the President for not joining France in a war on 
England. The people of the west were not nearly so much shocked by 
the bloody work of the guillotine as they were by the massacre of their 
wives and children by the allies of England. Genet easily induced num- 
bers of western men to join in his scheme for an attack on the Spanish 
settlements on the Mississippi, and when President Washington called 
on Governor Shelby of Kentucky, to take measures to prevent it, the 
latter flatly answered that he had "little inclination to take an active 
part in punishing or restraining any of my fellow citizens for a supposed 
intention, only to gratify or remove the fears of the minister to a prince, 
•who openly withholds from us an invaluable right, and who secretly 
instigates against us a most savage and cruel enemy." So tense was the 
feeling that on Februan^ 10, 1794, at Quebec, Lord Dorchester, the 
Governor General, told a delegation of Indians, "he should not be sur- 
prised if Great Britain and the United States were at war in the course 
of a year." Early in the spring, a messenger came to the hostile Indians 
at the rapids of the Maumee, from the Spanish settlements on the 
Mississippi, with an offer of assistance from them. In April, three com- 
panies of British soldiers were sent from Detroit and built a fort at the 
rapids of the Maumee. These conditions determined the Indians to 
accept the arbitrament of war. It may also be noted in passing that they 
were the chief cause of the rapid spread of anti-Federalist sentiment in 
the West. 

On June 30 The Little Turtle approached Fort Recoverj^ with a 
force of 1,500 men, part of whom were whites in disguise, expecting to 
find the cannon taken from St. Clair, and use them against the fort ; but 
the Americans had found them, and they were mounted in the fort. But 
they intercepted a convoy of ninety riflemen and fifty dragoons who were 
returning to the fort, and overwhelmed them, killing five officers and 


seventeen men, and wounding thirty, besides killing and wounding eighty- 
one horses and capturing 204. They then attacked the fort for about 
twenty-four hours, but finding that their rifles had no effect they with- 
drew. A division arose among them. A part wished to attack Wayne's 
army. The Little Turtle opposed this, saying that it was useless to try to 
surprise ' ' a chief who always slept with one eye open, ' ' and that he was 
too strong to fight in the open. He urged that they get between him and 
the settlements, cut off his convoys, and leave him stranded in the wilder- 
ness. He was overruled, and even accused of cowardice. On July 26, 
Gen. Scott arrived at Greenville with 1,600 mounted volunteers from 
Kentucky ; and on the 28th "Wayne advanced. Twenty-four miles north 
of Fort Kecovery he built a small fort on the St. Marj^'s River, and 
advanced again on August 4. On the 8th he reached the mouth of the 
Auglaize, and here built Fort Defiance. From here he sent a last mes- 
sage to the Indians, advising them to come in and make peace. The 
messenger returned on the sixteenth, with a request for a delay of ten 
days ; but Wayne had started for the foot of the rapids on the 15th. At 
that point he erected a light stockade for his stores and baggage, and on 
the 20th advanced In order of battle. Five miles out, in a tangle of fallen 
timber, caused by a tornado, more than 1,400 Indians with 70 white 
allies, were lying in ambush. The advance guard received a heavy fire 
which caused it to recoil, but the first line promptly charged, rousing 
the Indians with the bayonet and firing at short range. The battle was 
fought as it had been rehearsed time and again in drills, except that the 
charge of the first line was so impetuous that the second line could not 
catch up, and the cavalry, which had been sent around to cut off retreat, 
did not reach its position in time. Driven over two miles through the 
timber, and refused admission to the British fort, the Indians scattered 
in every direction, and offered no further resistance. 

For three days the army destroyed Indian property in the vicinity, 
and the British trading houses within pistol shot of the British fort, 
which had a garrison of 250 regulars and 200 militia. On the 22nd 
Major Campbell protested against "those insults you have offered to the 
British flag," and Wayne replied with a demand for him to withdraw 
from our territory. This Campbell declined to do, but he did not inter- 
fere with the work of destruction. On the 27th the army returned to 
Fort Defiance, destroying villages and cornfields "for about fifty miles 
on each side of the Maumee. ' ' This work of destruction was carried on 
in every direction for about a month. On September 14 the army reached 
Kikiungi, and by October 22 completed a strong fort at that point. Col. 
Hamtramck, who had served with distinction in this campaign, was put 
in command, and named the new structure Fort Wayne. The garrison 


included four companies of infantry and one of artillery, and "fifteen 
rounds of cannon" were fired on taking possession of the fort. This 
first American fort was replaced by a new one in 1814. The remainder 
of the army started on its return march to Greenville on October 28. 
On November 19, John Jay concluded his treaty with Lord Grenville, by 
which Great Britain agreed to withdraw her troops and garrisons from 
all places within the boundaries of the United States by June 1, 1796 ; 
and the Indians, now assured that they would have no further support 
from the British, came to Wayne at Greenville during the winter of 
1794-5 and made tentative treaties of peace, agreeing to return in the 
middle of June, and make a definitive treaty. Accordingly 1,130 chiefs 
and warriors gathered there, and in councils held from June 16 to August 
10, surrendered most of Ohio, the southeast comer of Indiana, including 
the "Whitewater valley, and tracts at Fort Wayne, Little River, Ouiata- 
non, Vincennes, and Clark's Grant. It was a magnificent conclusion of a 
most difficult task by Gen. Wayne, and his service was hailed with 
applause by Congress and by the public. He was made sole commissioner 
to treat with the Indians, and receiver of the ceded British posts. The 
posts were not actually evacuated until July 11, when Port Miamis, be- 
low the rapids of the Maumee, was taken possession of by Col. Hamtramek, 
and Detroit was occupied by Capt. Moses Porter, who had been sent with 
sixty-five men by Hamtramek for that purpose. Hamtramek arrived at 
Detroit, and took command there on July 13. Having made all arrange- 
ments for supplying the posts, Wayne started back to the East. Burnet 
says his departure was hastened by unfounded charges that had been 
preferred against him.^* On his passage through Lake Erie he had an 
attack of gout of the stomach, from which he died. He was buried at 
Presque Isle, but in 1809 his remains were removed to his native home, 
and buried in the cemetery of St. David 's Church, Chester County, Penn. 
In 1796 Congress passed an act for the survey and sale of the lands 
to which the Indians had ceded title, but by this law only the alternate 
townships were divided into sections, and the others were to be sold by 
quarter-townships. However, there was an abundance of land to select 
from, and settlers who were not able to buy a section could club together 
in the purchase and divide the land among themselves later. Popula- 
tion came in rapidly, and of course a large part of it was drawn to the 
large grants of the Ohio and Miami companies, where established settle- 
ments afforded some of the conveniences of civilization. The Scioto 
Company — composed of Col. Duer's "principal characters" — sent Joel 
Barlow to France, where, according to Volney, he distributed circulars 

10 Burnet's Notes, pp. 275-9. 



offering land for five shillings an acre in "a climate healthy and de- 
lightful ; scarcely such a thing as frost in winter ; a river, called by way 
of eminence, 'Beautiful,' abounding in fish of enormous size; magnificent 
forests of a tree from which sugar flows, and a shrub which yields can- 
dles ; venison in abundance, without foxes, wolves, lions or tigers-; no 
taxes to pay ; no military enrollments ; no quarters to find for soldiers. ' ' 
Lured by this picture, a number of Parisians whose education had been 

French Settlers Clearing Land at Galliopolis 
(From an old cut) 

limited to city life, invested in these lands, and came to settle on them. 
They found a primeval forest to overcome, and their inexperience caused 
a large amount of amusement to their American neighbors. It was 
claimed that they used to tie ropes to the branches of a tree, and part 
of them pull on the ropes while the rest hacked at the trunk with hatchets 
and axes. And when a tree was down, not knowing how to dispose of 
it otherwise, they dug a trench and buried it. The place was malarial, 
and worse than all, the Scioto Company had not paid for the lands. 
Congress came to the relief of the victims in 1795 with a grant of 24,000 


acres of land opposite the mouth of the Little Sandy, known as the 
French Grant. 

Another echo of the Ordinance daj^s came in the Connecticut "Western 
Reserve. Connecticut had insisted on having both the title and the 
jurisdiction of a tract of land as large as the State under her sea to sea 
charter, until the Union was threatened with disruption. After the 
other colonies reluctantly submitted, Connecticut granted 500,000 acres 
of it to her people to compensate for property destroyed in the Revolu- 
tionary War, and this tract was known as "the Sufferers Lands" or 
' ' The Fire Lands. ' ' The rest of the reserve was sold to a syndicate for 
$1,200,000. The proprietors had ideas of erecting a state of New Con- 
necticut, but when Gov. St. Clair proceeded to include them in one of 
his new-made counties, the controversy developed the fact that their 
titles were in danger. They appealed to Connecticut to assert jurisdic- 
tion and organize them as a county, but Connecticut had all she could 
get out of the lands, and ignored them. Finally, after a great deal of 
trouble. Congress relieved them by a scheme of interchange of deeds 
between Connecticut and the United States, devised by John Marshall, 
and the "Western Reserve was turned over to Northwest Territory.^^ 
The chief immigration to Indiana in this period was in the "Whitewater 
valley, Clark's Grant and about Vincennes. 

The provision of the Ordinance that caused the most trouble to the 
French settlers was that concerning slavery. On June 30, 1789, Bar- 
tholomew Tardiveau, one of the principal residents of Cahokia, wrote to 
Governor St. Clair informing him that a report had been circulated in 
the Illinois settlements that as soon as the Governor arrived all the 
slaves would be freed, in consequence of which many persons had sacri- 
ficed their lands and removed to St. Louis. He stated that while east 
recently he had brought the matter before members of Congress, and 
that they had assured liim that the slavery clause was not intended to 
be retroactive, and that Congress would adopt a resolution to that effect, 
but it was not done. He urged the Governor to get such a declaration 
from Congress, and if possible to get a repeal of the slavery proviso. 
St. Clair did not comply with his request, but assured him that he also 
understood the provision not to be retroactive. ^^ In his report to Presi- 
dent "Washington of his proceedings in the Illinois country in 1790, St. 
Clair said: "St. Louis is the most flourishing village of the Spaniards 
in the upper part of the Mississippi, and it has been greatly advanced by 
the people who abandoned the American side. To that they were in- 

17 Hinsflale's Old Northwest, pp. 368-88. 
w St. Glair Papers, Vol. 2, pp. 117-119. 


dueed, partly by the oppression they suffered, and partly by the fear of 
losing their slaves, which they had been taught to believe would be all 
set free on the establishment of the American government. Much pains 
had indeed been taken to inculcate that belief (particularly by a Mr. 
Morgan, of New Jersey) and a general desertion of the country had like 
to have been the consequence. The construction that was given to that 
part of the Ordinance which declares there shall be neither slavery nor 
involuntary servitude, was, that it did not go to the emancipation of the 
slaves they were in possession of and had obtained under the laws by 
which they had formerly been governed, but was intended simply to 
prevent the introduction of others. In this construction, I hope, the 
intentions of Congress have not been misunderstood, and the apprehen- 
sions of the people were quieted by it. But the circumstance that slaves 
cannot be introduced will prevent many people from returning who 
earnestly wish to return, both from a dislike of the Spanish Government 
and that the coimtry itself is much less desirable than on the American 
side. Could they be allowed to bring them back with them, all those 
who retired from that cause would return to a man." ^^ 

Washington presumably concurred in this view, for St. Clair steadily 
adhered to it thereafter. In a letter to Luke Decker, of Vincennes, 
October 11, 1793, he said he was "more and more confirmed" in this 
opinion, and compared it to the action of Congress on the slave trade, 
which prevented further importation of slaves, without interfering with 
those already in the country. The question did not come to a decision 
in the courts of the Northwest Territory so far as is known, but there 
was an approach towards it in 1794. Judge Turner had gone to Vin- 
cennes to hold court, and there became involved in a quarrel with Henry 
Vanderburgh, then probate judge and justice of the peace for Knox 
County, and Capt. Abner Prior, acting as superintendent of Indian 
affairs on the Wabash. An application was made to Turner for a writ 
of habeas corpus for the release of two slaves held by Vanderburgh, 
whereupon the slaves were kidnaped and removed from the jurisdiction 
of the coui-t. Turner wrote to St. Clair that the kidnapers "were em- 
ployed by Vanderburgh to seize and forcibly carry away two negi'oes, a 
man and his wife, who are free by the Constitution of the "Territory, and 
who, being held by him as slaves, has applied to me for the writ of 
habea,s corpus, in affirmance of their freedom." He wanted Vander- 
burgh's commission revoked. St. Clair declined, and wrote to Turner 
the fullest statement of his views on the question that has been preserved. 
He said: "Permit me sir, to offer you my opinion upon the subject. 

19 St. Clair Papers, Vol. 2, p. 176. 



which is shortly this : that the declaration in our Constitution, that there 
shall be no slavery nor involuntary servitude in the Territory, applies to, 
and can be taken' advantage of only by, those slaves who may have been 
imported since the establishment of that Constitution. Slavery was 
established in that country when it was under the dominion of France. 
It was continued when it fell under that of Great Britain; and, again, 

The Early Surveys and Land Grants 

under Virginia-, a part of the Territory of which it was considered by 
that State until the cession thereof made to Congress ; and whether that 
construction of the State was ill or well formed, the acceptation of the 
cession by Congress confirmed it to all intents and purposes; and there 
is also a clause in that cession about continuing to the ancient settlers, 
and those who had settled under Virginia, the benefit of their ancient 
laws and customs. As I have not the act of cession of that State by me 
at present, I can not give you the words. Slaves were then a property 


acquired by the inhabitants conformably to law, and they were to be pro- 
tected in the possession of that property. If so, they are still to be pro- 
tected in it. So far as it respects the past, it can have no operation, and 
must be construed to intend that, from and after the publication of the 
said Constitution, slaves imported into that Territory should immediately 
become free; and by this construction no injuiy is done to any person, 
because it is a matter of public notoriety, and any person removing into 
that Colony and bringing with him persons who were slaves in another 
country, does it at the known risk of their claiming their freedom ; 
whereas, on the other hand, had the Constitution the effect to liberate 
those persons who were slaves by the former laws, as no compensation is 
provided to their owners, it would be an act of the Government arbitrarily 
depriving a part if the people of a part of their property — an attempt 
that has not been made and would not be submitted to, and is not to be 
drawn from the mere construction of words. I have troi;bled you with 
my thoughts upon this subject because I have heard that there is great 
agitation among the people respecting it, and they should be set at rest." 
This view was followed during the existence of Northwest Territory and 
the territories formed from it. 

Tardiveau, in his letter to St. Clair, iirged that it would secure de- 
sirable population for the northwest if slaves could be brought in, and 
St. Clair concurred to the extent of desiring the return of the Illinois 
slave-holders who had moved across the Mississippi. This was a common 
feeling in the western part of the Territory, and for obvious reasons. 
The chief wealth of the countiy was in land, and all who could were 
speculating in it. On Januaiy 12, 1796, a petition was drawn up at 
Kaskaskia asking Congress for the repeal or modification of the slaveiy 
clause. It was signed by John Edgar and William Morrison, two of the 
wealthiest and most influential men of Randolph County, and William 
St. Clair and John Du^Moulin, who were equally prominent in St. Clair 
County. The argument offered was this: "Tour petitioners humbly 
hope they will not be thought presumptuous in venturing to disapprove 
of the article concerning slavei-y in toto, as contrary not only to the 
interest, but almost to the existence of the country they inhabit, where 
laborers cannot be procured to assist in cultivating the ground under 
one dollar per day, exclusive of wa.shing, lodging, and boarding; and 
where every kind of tradesmen are paid from a dollar and a half to two 
dollars per day ; neither is there, at these exorbitant prices, a sufficiency 
of hands to be got for the exigencies of the inhabitants, who, attached to 
their native soil, have rather chosen to encounter these and many other 
difficidties than, by avoiding them, remove to the Spanish dominions, 
where slavery is permitted, and consequently the price of labor is much 


lower." They desired the repeal of the slavery clause, or provision for 
the introduction of slavery by indenture. The petition was promptly 
rejected by the Congressional committee to which it was referred, on the 
ground that there was no evidence that the petitioners represented public 
sentiment; "and your committee having information that an alteration 
of the Ordinance, in the manner prayed for by the petitioners, would 
be disagreeable to many of the inhabitants of the said Territory ; they 
have conceived it needless to enter into any consideration of the policy 
of the measure, being persuaded that, if it could be admissible under any 
circumstances, a partial application, like the present, could not be 
listened to. "20 

No farther effort in this line was made until the Territory advanced 
to the second grade. In 1798, having become satisfied that the Territorj- 
contained ' ' five thou.sand free male inhabitants of full age, ' ' the Governor 
called an election of delegates to a Territorial legislature, which con- 
vened on February 4, 1799. Of the twenty-two representatives elected 
under the apportionment, sixteen were from what is now Ohio, three 
from Michigan, two from Illinois, and one from Indiana. They nomi- 
nated ten men for councillors, from whom President Adams selected five, 
four from Ohio and one, Henry Vanderburgh, who was made president 
of the council, from Indiana. As to their politics, there is no reason to 
question the statement in 1840 by William Henry Harrison, who was 
elected to Congress by this House of Representatives: "In 1799 I was 
selected by the Republican party of the Territorial Legislature to be 
their candidate for the appointment of delegate to Congress. Between 
Mr. Arthur St. Clair, Jr. (the son of Governor St. Clair), the Federal 
candidate, and myself, the votes were divided precisely as the two parties 
stood in the Legislature, with the exception of one Republican, who was 
induced by his regard for the Governor to vote for his son. The vote 
was 11 to 10, — not one of the Federalists voting for me." It should be 
understood, however, that the party alignment had very little to do with 
the doctrine of "states rights," which is commonly assumed by writers 
of later date as the distinguishing feature between the two parties. Gov- 
ernor St. Clair was the head of the Federalists, and proved his thorough 
loj^alty by writing a defense of the Alien and Sedition laws, but his states 
rights ideas were so extreme that they would have shocked Jolin C. 
Calhoun. In 1795, long after the "whiskey insurrection," he contended 
that the whiskey tax did not apply to the Territory; that it would be 

20 por petition and report, see Am. State Papers, Pub. Lands, Vol. 1, pp. 
60, 61. 


unjust to tax people who were not represented; "that the inhabitants of 
a Territorj' are not a part of the people of the United States." 21 

But more, the Ohio Federalists opposed the constitutional convention 
for the admission of the state on the ground that Congress had no power 
to call it, and when the convention met Governor St. Clair was "per- 
mitted" to address it, and, among other things, he said: "That the 
people of the Territory should form a convention and a constitution 
needed no act of Congress. To pretend to authorize it was, on their part, 
an interference with the internal affairs of the country, which they had 
neither the power nor the right to make. The act is not binding on the 
people, and is in truth a nullity, and, could it be brought before that 
tribunal where acts of Congress can be tried, would be declared a nullity. 
To all acts of Congress that respects the United States (they can make 
no other) in their corporative capacity, and which are extended by ex- 
press words to the Territory, we are bound to yield obedience. For all 
internal affairs we have a complete legislature of our own, and in them 
are no more bound by an act of Congress than we would be bound by an 
edict of the first consul of France. Had such an attempt been made 
upon any of the United States in their separate capacity, the act would 
have been spumed from them with indignation. We, I trust, also know 
oiir rights, and will support them, and, being assembled, gentlemen, as 
a convention, no matter by what means it was brought about, you may do 
whatever appears to you to be for the best for your constituents as freely 
as if Congress had never interfered in the matter. * * * Form, 
then, gentlemen, or direct a new election for the piii-pose, a Constitution 
for the whole Territory; assert your right to a full representation in 
the councils of the nation ; direct the legislature forthwith to cause a 
census to be taken; it will not require much time if set about in earnest. 
Let your representatives go forward with that in their hands, and de- 
mand the admission of the Territory as a State. It will not, it can not 
be refused. But, suppose it should be refused, it would not affect your 
government, or anything you have done to organize it. That would go 
on equally well, or perhaps better. It was, I think, eight years after the 
people of Vermont had formed government, and exercised all the powers 
of an independent State, before it was admitted into the Union. The 
government was not retarded a single moment on that account. It 
would be incomparably better that we should be deprived of a share in 
the national counciLs for a session or two, or even for years, than that 
we should be degraded to an unequal share in them for nine years ; but 
it will not happen. We have the means in our own hands to bring Con- 

21 St. Clair Papers, Vol. 2, pp. 377-84. 


gress to reason, if we should be forced to use them. If we submit to the 
degradation, we should be trodden upon, and, what is worse, we should 
deserve to be trodden upon." ^^ 

Thomas Jefferson was then President, and the casual reader of our 
American histories might imagine he would receive with approbation such 
independent sentiments. This was his comment: 

' ' Department op State. 
"Washington, November 22, 1802. 
"Arthur St. Clair, Esq.: 

' ' Sir : — The President observing, in an address lately delivered by you 
to the convention held at Chillicothe, an intemperance and indecorum of 
language toward the Legislature of the United States, and a disorganizing 
spirit and tendency of very evil example, and grossly violating the rules 
of conduct enjoined by your public station, determines that your commis- 
sion of Governor of the North-western Territory shall cease on the receipt 
of this notification. I am, etc. 

' ' James Madison. ' ' 

St. Clair returned thanks for being released from "an office I was 
heartily tired of, about six weeks sooner than I had determined to rid 
myself of it," and reiterated his opinion of "the violent, hasty, and 
unpredeeented intrusion ' ' of Congress. Madison 's letter was inclosed In 
one to Charles W. Byrd, Secretaiy of the Territory, advising him that 
the duties of the office would devolve on him. Winthrop Sargent had 
resigned in 1798, and had been succeeded by William Henry Harrison, 
who in turn resigned when elected to Congress, and was succeeded by 
Byrd. Jefferson has been criticised for not permitting St. Clair to 
complete his term of office, but it is hardly fair to say that any other 
action should have been tiiken, in view of the public nature of the offense, 
as the sentiment of resistance to Congress was not confined to St. Clair. 
The Federalists had made their campaign for delegates to the conven- 
tion on the same basis of lack of authority in Congress to pass the en- 
abling act. Paul Fearing, Representative of the Territory in Congress 
had opposed the enabling act as "uncon.stitutional," and urged that 
"Congress had nothing to do with the arrangements for calling a con- 
vention." Mr. Griswold of Connecticut had supported Fearing, declar- 
ing that the act was "an usurpation of power by the United States — a 
power not lielonging to them." The AVayne County people thought that 
putting them into Indiana was ruinous, and a Federalist meeting at 

-■- St. Clair Papers, Vol. 2, pp. .594-7. 



Dayton adopted the following resolution of resistance: "We consider 
the late law of Coug-ress for the admission of this Territory into the 
Union, as far as it relates to the calling a convention and regulating the 
election of its members, as an act of legislative usurpation of power 
properly the province of the territorial legislature, bearing a striking 
similarity to the course of Great Britain imposing laws on the provinces. 

Gov. Artiifr St. Clair 
(From portrait liy Charles Willson Peale) 

We view it as unconstitutional, as a bad precedent, and unjust and par- 
tial as to the representation in the different counties. We wish our 
legislature to be called immediately to pass a law to take the enumera- 
tion, to call a convention, and to regulate the election of members to the 
same, and also the time and place for the meeting." Most of the Fed- 
eralists who were elected to the convention voted that it was expedient 
to form a constitution, but Ephraim Cutler was so entirely "unrecon- 


structed" that he voted against it all by himself; and wrote to his 
father congratulating himself on "the opportunity to place my feeble 
testimony against so wicked and tyrannical a proceeding — although I 
stand alone." 

As President, Jefferson could not aJford to ignore such resistance to 
the authority of the United States coming from an United States ofiBcial. 
Formal charges had been preferred against St. Clair months before, by 
zealous Republicans, charges of usurpation of legislative power, nepot- 
ism, collection of illegal fees, etc., and Jefferson had taken no action on 
them. The real injustice to St. Clair was in the failure of the United 
States to pay what it owed him. Under the instructions of President 
Washington he had treated with the Indians for land titles. It was 
necessary to make presents and payments, and St. Clair bought the 
goods on the credit of the United States. "When he presented the bills 
there was no appropriation to pay them, but Secretary Hamilton prom- 
ised that they should be paid, and on that assurance St. Clair gave his 
personal bond for the money. Biit they were not paid, and Hamilton 
went out of office. The new Secretary would do nothing, and in 1796 
the papers in the case M'cre destroyed by a fire in the war office. The 
accounting officers refused to settle, and when application was made to 
Congress a claim was raised that the statute of limitations had barred 
the debt. But it did not bar St. Clair's bond. Judgment wa.s taken against 
him, and finally in 1810, when the embargo had made money almost im- 
possible to obtain, his home, on land which had been given him for 
service in the Revolution, was sold — property worth over $50,000 sacri- 
ficed to pay a government debt of $4,000. The brave old man said: 
' ' They left me a few books of my classical library, and the bust of Paul 
Jones, which he sent me from Europe, for which I was very grateful." 
Reduced to destitution, St. Clair passed his few remaining years in a 
log cabin in the barrens of Chestnut Ridge, five miles west of Ligonier, 
Pennsylvania, another warning to those who deal with the United States 
not to let patriotism lead them into any situation where they have not 
written guaranty. 

In reality the enabling act for the atlmi.ssion of Ohio was a Republi- 
can political move, two objects of which were making a Republican state 
of Ohio, with the capital at Chillicothe, and making William Henrj' Har- 
rison Governor of Indiana Territory, but the matter was complicated with 
other issues. So far as national politics w^as concerned, the dominating 
issue in Northwest Territory was sympathy with the French democracy. 
"Jacobin clubs" were formed at a number of centers. In a speech at 
Cincinnati, in 1802, St. Clair said that they were first started at Cincin- 
nati by a Mr. Kerr, who was not even a citizen of the United States. He ■ 


condemned these clubs roundly, and as to their claims of republicanism 
said: "What is a republican? Is there a single man in all the country 
that is not a republican, both in principle and practice, except, perhaps, 
a few people who wish to introduce negro slavei-y amongst us, and those 
residing chiefly in the county of Ross ? " It is to be regretted that he was 
not more specific, for Ross County was supposed to be settled by people 
who left the South on account of slavery. The region was explored orig- 
inally by Col. Nathaniel JIassie and others in 1792, and on :\Iassie's re- 
ports parts of the Presbyterian congregations of Cane Ridge and Concord, 
in Bourbon County, Kentucky, decided to emigrate in a body, with 
their pastor, Rev. Robert W. Finley. Pinley freed his slaves for tliis 
purpose, and they moved to Ohio in 1796. In 1797 there were two notable 
additions to the colony in Dr. Edward Tiffin and Col. Thomas Worthing- 
ton brothers-in-law, of Berkeley County, Virginia, who freed their slaves 
to move to free soil. Wortliington was the Republican leader in Ohio 
almost from his arrival, and Tiffin was the first Governor of the State. 
"When the enabling act was passed, Solomon Sibley, of Detroit, wrote to 
Judge Burnet, "We may thank our good friends Judges Symmes and 
Meigs, and Sir Thomas, for what is done." "Sir Thomas" was Worth- 
ington, but the Federalists made little headway in that line of epithet, 
for the Jacobins had them all labeled as "Aristocrats." Even a nabob 
like John Cleves Symmes wrote that the Cincinnati editors "print every- 
thing for Aristocrats, and only now and then a piece for Democrats. 
We shall never have fair play while Arthur and his Knights of the Round 
Table sit at the head." 

There was apparently no party division on the slavery question. At 
the opening of the legislative session of 1799 several officers of the Vn-- 
ginia line petitioned for "toleration to bring their slaves into this Terri- 
tory, on the military lands between the Little Miami and Scioto rivers," 
and on Sept. 27, the fourth day of the session, the committee to which it 
was referred reported that this would be incompatible with the Ordinance 
whereupon it was "Resolved imanimously. That the House doth agree to 
the same." Yet of this House, as we have seen, twelve were Republicans 
and nine Federalists. On November 19, another petition was presented 
from Thomas Posey and other officers of the Virginia line, asking that 
slaves might be brought in "under certain restrictions," probably under 
indenture, with emancipation at certain ages. The House went into 
committee of the whole on this, and then referred it to a committee of 
three "to report by bill or otherwise," hut nothing further was heard of 
it, and Gen. Posey and others located in southern territory-. The senti- 
ments of the Ohio members are not known, but John Edgar, who repre- 
sented Randolph County in this legislature had petitioned, for the admis- 



siou of slavery three years earlier ; Shadrach Bond, who represented St. 
Clair County, joined in at least two petitions for slavery later; and John 
Small, who represented Knox County, was himself a slaveholder in 
Indiana, and identified with the pro-slavery party there. This attitude 



of this legislature is of interest in connection with an attempt to permit 
slavery in the constitution of Ohio, which we shall have occasion to 
notice later. 

Indiana's direct interest in Northwest Territory ended with the 
division act of 1800, except that until the admission of Ohio in 1802, the 
southeastern corner of Indiana, east of the Greenville Treaty line, and 


also the'' eastern part of the lower peninsula of Michigan, remained a 
part of Northwest Territoiy. The division act was obtained by Harri- 
son, substantially as he and his political associates had planned, with 
C'hillicothe as capital of Northwest Territory, and Vineennes as capital 
of Indiana Territory. Harrison's appointment as Governor of Indiana 
Territory followed in course. Harrison also secured the passage of a 
land law which was a just source of popularity in his future life. Under 
the land law of 1796, providing for the survey and sale of lands east of 
the mouth of the Kentucky River, only the alternate townships were 
divided into sections, and there was no provision for sale of less than a 
section in the other townships. The undivided townships were to be sold 
by quarters, excepting the four central sections, or, in other words, in 
quantities of eight sections. This practically put half of the public land 
out of the market, except to companies or wealthy individuals. The man 
who was not able to buy 640 acres had to buy from some other person or 
company. Harrison brought his plan before the House, and it was 
referred to a committee of which he was chairman. He brought in a 
report favoring sale by half and quarter sections, with easy terms of pay- 
ment. This was regarded as too great encouragement to the impecunious 
by the Senate, but a compromise was made on allowing sale by half sec- 
tions, with four years for payment, and eight per cent discount if paid 
before due. Sale by quarter sections was not conceded until by the act 
of March 26, 1804, for the sale of lands in Indiana Territory. 



Northwest Territory was divided by act of May 10, 1800 ; and by tlie 
census of that year there were 45,365 inhabitants left in Northwest 
Territory and 5,641 included in Indiana Territory. But at that time the 
latter did not include two important tracts that M'ere added two years 
later, when Ohio became a state. These were Wayne County, or the part 
of Michigan east of the eastern line of Indiana, with a portion of north- 
western Ohio, and that part of the Whitewater valley lying between the 
Greenville Treaty line and the present east line of Indiana, sometimes 
called "the Gore." The census showed 3,206 inhabitants in Wayne 
County. The number in the Gore was not reported separately, but it 
was probably more than 1,000. More than half of the population of 
Indiana Territory was outside of what is now Indiana. There were 
1,103 in Randolph County, Illinois; 1,255 in St. Clair County; 251 at 
Miehilimackinac, 65 at Prairie du Chien ; 50 at Green Bay ; 100 at Peoria ; 
and 300 Canadian boatmen, estimated, with no fixed abodes. In Indiana 
proper there were 714 at Vineennes, which was the only town returned 
separately. There were also 819 returned as in the neighborhood of 
Vineennes, a few of them of course west of the Wabash, and 55 "traders 
on the Wabash." In Clark's Grant, or "the Illinois Grant," as it was 
called, there were 929. Of the total population there were reported 135 
slaves and 163 negroes, i.e., "all other persons except Indians not taxed." 
It is certain that a number of those reported as free negroes were in 
fact slaves, for in Cahokia and Cahokia Township there were reported 
42 negroes and no slaves, and in Vineennes and neighborhood there were 
reported 71 negroes and only 23 slaves. There is no way of determining 
the exact number of each class. 

This little seed of slaveiy developed the chief political crops of the 
next quarter of a century. The four Illinois men Avho had petitioned for 
the admission of slavery in 1796 had not rested quietly. In 1800 they had 
sent a second petition to Congress asking a modification of the slavery 
clause to admit slaves from other parts of the United States, but whose 
children should be free, the males at the age of thirty-one and the females 
at the age of twenty-eight. This was presented in the Senate on January 



23, 1801, and laid on the table, as the petitioners were no longer in 
Northwest Territory. It does not appear to have been presented in the 
House. This failure merely turned the efforts of the Illinois people in 
new directions. Under the law creating it, Indiana could advance to the 
second grade whenever the Governor was satisfied that the people desired 
it. This would give the Territory a representative in Congress, and also 
a mode of expressing the local popular will. Accordingly they moved for 
it at once, and on April 11, 1801, John Edgar wrote to Gov. St. Clair: 
"During a few weeks past we have put into circulation petitions ad- 
dressed to Governor Harrison for a General Assembly, and we have had 
the satisfaction to find that about nine-tenths of the inhabitants of St. 
Clair and Kandolph approve of the measure, a great proportion of whom 
have already put their signatures to the petition. I have written to 
Judge Clark, of Clark County, to ]\Ir. Buntin and Mr. Small, of Post 
Vincennes. urging them to be active in the business. I have no doubt 
but that the undertaking will meet with early success so as to admit of 
the House of Representatives meeting in the fall. ' ' 

This was the first political problem that confronted Governor Harri- 
son. He was only twenty-seven years old when appointed, but had seen 
- considerable of public life. The youngest son of Governor Benjamin 
Harrison of Virginia, one of the signers of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and a member of the Continental Congress, he was heir to 
the friendship of numerous public men. After a classical course at 
Hampden-Sidney College, he began the study of medicine in 1790, and 
in 1791 was started to Philadelphia to continue his studies under Dr. 
Benjamin Rush, but his father died at this time, and, disliking medicine, 
he applied to Secretary Knox and President Washington for a military 
appointment, and was at once made an ensign in the Tenth U. S. Infantry. 
He walked to Pittsburg, and went down the Ohio, reaching Fort Wash- 
ington just as the remnants of St. Clair's defeated army ari-ived there. 
He was not popular at first, probably, in part at least, on account of his 
temperate habits. Array life was rather rough on the frontier, and 
Cincinnati was altogether "over the Rhine" at that time. Harrison 
said he saw more drunken men in his first two days there than he had 
seen in all his previous life. On June 1, 1793, when Wayne was at 
Hobson's Choice, he issued an order reading: "The Intoxicated and 
Beastly situation in which a great Number of the Soldiery belonging to 
almost every Corps, was discovered by the Commander in Chief yester- 
day, and at other times in the village of Cincinnati makes it his duty to 
prohibit anv passes or Permits to be given to any Non Commissioned 
officer or soldier to pass the chain of Centinels out of Camp, except by 
the field Officer of the Day ; and then not more than one :Man in a Com- 


pany, who first must be particularly recommended by Ms Commanding 
Officer." Harrison kept sober, and devoted his spare time to study, 
especially of tactics. His favorite study had been ancient history ; and 
he says he had read RoUin three times before he was seventeen years old. 
In 1792 he was made lieutenant, and in 1793, after Wayne had seen 
something of his service, he made him his aide-de-camp, in which posi- 
tion he won praise for gallantry at the battle of the Fallen Timbers. In 
November, 1795, he married Anne Cleves Symmes, daughter of Judge 
Symmes, and soon after Wayne put him in command at Fort Washing- 
ton. In the spring of 1798 he resigned his position in the army, and was 
soon appointed Secretary of Northwest Territory, resigning this position 
a year later to enter Congress. He was at this time identified with the 
Ohio Republicans, but, as he himself states, maintained a reticence on 
national politics that made his position the subject of much controversy 
at a later date. 

He did not desire Indiana Territory to advance to the second grade 
in 1801, for various reasons. Primarily it would largely decrease his 
own power, as he had a large part in legislation in the first grade ; and 
secondly the French settlers and a number of the influential Americans 
were of Federal tendencies in politics. He had not yet had opportunity 
to become fully acquainted with the situation. The government of 
Indiana Territory had begun on July 4, 1800, but with none of the offi- 
cials on the ground except John Gibson, the Territorial Secretary. Wil- 
liam Clark, Henry Vanderburgh and John Griffin had been appointed 
Territorial Judges, but they took no action until after the arrival of 
Governor Harrison on January 10, 1801. Gibson was therefore the 
whole government until that time. He was a notable frontier character, 
born at Lancaster, Penn., ilay 23, 1740, and fairly educated. At eighteen 
he joined the expedition of Gen. Forbes against Fort DuQuesne, and 
after its capture, and change of name to Fort Pitt, located at that point 
as an Indian trader. Soon after he was captured by the Indians, and 
doomed to death, but was saved by an old squaw, who adopted him in 
place of her dead son. He remained with the Indians for several years, 
becoming skilled in their languages, manners and customs, and marrying 
a sister of Logan (Tahgahjnte, a Cayuga chief) ; and then returned to 
Fort Pitt and resumed business as a trader. He was quite commonly 
known as "Horsehead," which is presumably a translation of his Indian 
name. In 1774 he accompanied Lord Dunmore's expedition against the 
Shawnee towns, acting as interpreter, and in this capacity received the 
celebrated speech, ""SVho is there to mourn for Logan?" his squaw wife 
having been one of the victims that Logan had avenged. He told Logan 
that Col. Cresap was not responsible for the massacre, but delivered the 


speech to Lord Duumore as lie had received it, and it later came to the 
possession of Thomas Jefiferson, who gave it to the world. At the begin- 
ning of the Eevolutionai-y war he raised a regiment, and served under 
Washington in New York and New Jersey, and at the close of the war 
he went back to Indian trading at Pittsburg. He served also as a member 
of the first constitutional convention of Pennsylvania, in 1788, and later 

AViLLiAji Henry Harrisox. when Governor of Indiana 
(From the portrait by Peale) 

as General of the Pennsylvania militia, and .judge of the Court of Common 
Pleas of Alleghany County. With a strong natural sense of justice, and 
good common sense, he was always popular ; and his knowledge of Indians 
made him invaluable to Indiana Territory. He served as Secretary until 
the admission of the State in 1816, acting as Governor in 1812-13, and 
shortly afterwards went to live with his son-in-law, George Wallace, at 
Braddock's Field, where he died April 10, 1822. 

As soon as Harrison arrived at Vincennes he called a session of the 


Governor and Judges for January 12. The session lasted for two weeks, 
and six laws and three resolutions were adopted, all but one of the laws 
being amendatory, or in repeal of, laws of the Northwest Territory, which 
were held to be in force in Indiana Territory. The duties of the Governor 
were not arduous. On October 15, 1801, Harrison wrote to James Find- 
lay, of Cincinnati, " I am much pleased with this country. Nothing can 
exceed its beauty and fertility. I have purchased a farm of about three 
hundred acres joining the town, which is all cleared. I am now engaged 
in fencing it, and shall begin to build next spring if I can tind the means. 
How comes on the distillery? I wish you to send me some whisky as 
soon as possible. * * * ^q ^ave here a company of troops com- 
manded by Honest F. Johnson of the 4th. We generally spend half the 
day together, making war upon the partridges, grouse and fish ; the latter 
we take in great numbers in a sein." His peace and quiet were inter- 
rupted by the petition for advance to the second grade but he was equal 
to the emergency. He wrote a "letter to a friend," and it found its 
way into print, arguing against the proposal on account of the great 
expense it would entail. Of the effectiveness of this letter, one of his 
bitterest enemies said: "Previous to this famous letter of the Governor 
against the second grade of government, the people, whether right or 
wrong, had generally petitioned the Governor to adopt the measure. A 
declaration of his own opinion, accompanied with an exaggerated calcula- 
tion of the expenses incident to this form of government, alarmed the 
people, by a representation of heavy taxes : and they immediately changed 
their opinions, for no other rea.sons than those stated by the Governor. ' ' ^ 
Harrison had been giving attention to real public needs from the 
beginning. On May 9, 1801, he issued a proclamation forbidding all 
persons from settling, hunting or surveying on the Indian lands. The 
object of this was to prevent trouble with the Indians, and it was fol- 
lowed five weeks later by the following : ' ' July 20. This day the Gov- 
ernor Issued a proclamation expressly forbiding any Trader from selling 
or giving any Spirituous Liquors to any Indian or Indians in the Town 
of Vincennes and ordering that the Traders in future when they sold 
Liquor to the Indians shoiild deliver it to them at the distance of at 
least a mile from the village or on the other side of the Wabash River, 
and Whereas certain evil disposed persons have made a practice of pur- 
chasing from the Indians (and giveing them Whiskey in exchange) arti- 
cles of Cloathing, Cooking, and such other articles as are used in hunting 
viz ; Guns powder. Ball &c. he has thought proper to publish an Extract 
from the Laws of the United States, that the persons offending against 

1 Letters of Deeius, p. 7. 


the Law may know the penalties to which they are subject, he also exhorts 
and requires all Magistrates and other Civil officers vigilantly to dis- 
charge their duties, by punishing, as the Law directs, all persons who 
are found drunk, or rioting in the streets or public houses, and requests 
and advises, the good Citizens of the Territory to aid and assist the 
Magistrates, in the execution of the Laws by Lodgeing information 
against, and by assisting to apprehend the disorderly and riotous per- 
sons, who constantly infest the streets of Vincennes and to inform 
against all those who violate the Sabbath by selling or Bartering Spirit- 
uous Liquors or who pursue any other unlawfull business on the day set 
apart for the service of God." ^ Five days earlier he had written to the 
Secretary' of "War concerning this evil, saying that he could tell from 
looking at an Indian whether he belonged to a neighboring or a distant 
tribe, as "The latter is generally well clothed, healthy and vigorous; the 
former, half naked, filthy, and enfeebled by intoxication; and many of 
them are without arms, excepting a knife which they carry for the most 
villainous purposes." He says there were about six thousand gallons of 
whisky sold annually to the six hundred Indians on the Wabash, and 
those near Vincennes were "daily in town and frequently intoxicated to 
the number of thirty or forty at once, when they committed the greatest 
disorders, drawing their knives and stabbing every one they met ; break- 
ing open the houses, killing cattle and hogs and breaking down fences." 
The people soon appreciated the need of such action, for on August 6, 
1805, the legislature adopted a law prohibiting the sale of liquor within 
thirty miles of any Indian council; and on December 6, 1806, another 
prohibiting the sale or gift of liquor to Indians within forty miles of 

One of the great sources of trouble was the establishment of bound- 
aries of land claims, and a session of the Governor and Judges was held 
Jan. 30-Feb. 3, 1802, which adopted laws for county surveyors and their 
fees. But the one subject that was uppermost with the most influential 
men of the Territorv^ was the slavery question. The chief wealth of the 
Territory was in land, and in the Illinois country this was mostly prairie 
laud, needing only cultivation to be productive. Labor was scarce and 
dear. Poor men could secure small farms and do their own cultivation, 
but the wealthy land owner saw his lands lying idle, while across the 
Ohio and the Mississippi similar owners were utilizing slave labor. More- 
over the French settlers in the TeiTitory had just enough slaves to make 
the situation tantalizing. The small iramber of slaves also made the 
institution much less repulsive than where large numbers were worked 

2 Executive Journal, Ind. Hist. Soc. Pubs., Vol. 


in gangs, like animals, most of the Illinois slaves lieing house servants, 
and all in direct touch with their owners. And further, if we may 
credit the French writers of the period, slavei-y had not produced the 
demoralizing effects on the whites that was already observable in Louis- 
iana.3 Paul AUiot, the French doctor who dedicated a memoir to Jeffer- 
son, after severe reflections on the people of Louisiana, says: "After 
having gone thirty leagues farther, the traveler reaches that place and 
good country known bj' the name of Illinois. It is in that enchanting 
abode that those good inhabitants exercise with kindness and humanity 
hospitality toward those who present themselves there, and those whom 
fortune has cast from its bosom, or who have been constrained to flee 
through persecution. Those fine inhabitants are prodigal of help to 
them and aid them without any selfish end in view in forming their 
settlements. * * * ^Marriage is honored there and the children re- 
sulting from it share the inheritance of their parents without any quarrel- 
ing. Never does that self interest which divides families in France, and 
even in other parts of Europe, disunite them. None of those blood- 
suckers known under the name of bailiffs, lawyers and solicitors are seen 
there. * * * Those good and courageous people, far distant from 
all faction, as well as from perfidy and tyranny, occupy themselves in 
the bosom of peace which they have at last found in a coantry which was 
formerly the abode of those men whom nature forms without need and 
without criminal passions, in rearing their children, in teaching them at 
an early age to love one another, to work, and finally, to enjoy as a 
consequence that terrestrial happiness which good spouses find in their 

It should also be borne in mind that most of the Illinois settlers, aside 
from the French, were foreigners, and that Southerners who were familiar 
with the objectionable features of slavery, so far as they had been de- 
veloped at that time, were few. John Edgar, who was the leading advo- 
cate of slavery in Randolph County, was an Irish naval officer, who 
commanded a British vessel on the lakes at the beginning of the Revolu- 
tion, but espoused the American cause from principle. He was wealthy, 
and was celebrated for benevolence and public spirit. Next to him in 
Randolph was "William ilorrisou, a native of Pennsylvania, who had 
come to the Illinois as a fur-trader, and had become the wealthiest resi- 
dent of the region. William St. Clair, the slavery leader in St. Clair 
County was a Scotchman, youngest son of the then Earl of Roslin, and 
a cousin of Governor St. Clair. John Duiloulin, who joined with these 
other three in the slavery petition of 1796, was a highly educated Swiss, 

3 See collected extracts in Eobertson's Louisiana. 


who acquired wealth in Illinois, and was a useful citizen. It was natural 
enough that such men should see no reason why they should be excluded 
from the benefits of an institution which existed on all sides of them, and 
they persisted in demanding it. In the fall of 1802, Harrison went to the 
Illinois country on business, and the people there made their desires 
very plain. In the discussion of the mode of securing a modification of 
the Ordinance, Harrison stated his willingness to call a convention to 
give the consent of the Territory to the change, if petitioned so to do. 
Petitions were at once put in circulation, and on November 22, the fol- 
lowing entry was made in the Executive Journal : ' ' Petitions having 
been presented to the Governor by a Considerable number of the Citizens 
of the Territory praying that a proclamation should Issue from the 
Executive authority for Calling a General Convention for the purpose 
of taking into consideration the propriety of repealing the sixth article 
of Compact between the United States and the people of the Territory, 
and for other purposes, and proof having been adduced to the governor 
that a very large majority of the Citizens are in favor of the measures : 
the Governor in Compliance with their wishes Issued his proclamation 
notifying all whom it may concern that an Election will be held at the 
Respective Court Houses in Each County of the Territory on tuesday 
the 11th. day of December for Choosing representatives to a General 
Convention, and the number of Representatives from the several Coun- 
ties to be as follows Viz. from the County of Knox, four, from the County 
of Randolph three, from the County of St. Clair three, and from the 
County of Clark two, and the Sheriffs of the' several Counties are 
authorized and required to hold the Elections in their Respective Coun- 
ties, and in case any of the Sheriffs are Candidates, then the election to 
be held by the Coroners." 

These elections were duly held; Clark County having been created 
on Februaiy 3, 1801, from Knox County, and including all of the Terri- 
tory lying east of Blue River and south of the east fork of White River. 
The delegates to the convention were leading men of their counties, but 
their names narrowly escaped obli\don. Fortunately Governor Reynolds 
preserved the record as to Illinois in his Pioneer History, in the sketches 
of Pierre Menard, Robert Reynolds and Robert Morrison, of Randolph 
County, and Jean Francois Perrey, Shadrach Bond and Ma.ior John 
Moredock, of St. Clair County, who were the delegates from those two 
counties. As to Knox County, all record was lost, until 1886, when, in 
moving some papers in the oifice of the Auditor of State, the original 
poll list was found. The Auditor. James H. Rice, did not know what it 
was, and sent it to Henry Cauthorn, of Vincennes, as an historical local 
relic. ^Ir. Cauthorn likewise had never heard of this convention, but he 


Mississippi Valley in 1801 


wrote an article about the poll list for the Vincennes Sun, which was 
luckily reprinted in the Indianapolis Sentinel of January 13, 1886, and 
which gives the result of the election in the choice of Gen. Harrison, Luke 
Decker, Francis Vigo, and William Prince. I at once wrote to ]Mr. 
Cauthorn, and was informed that the paper had been put on display in 
the office of the Vincennes Sun, and had been carried away by some un- 
known person. The names of the delegates from Clark County have 
never been found, but a guess has been ventured that they were Davis 
Floyd and one of the Beggs brothers. The only thing certainly known 
about them was that they opposed the introduction of slavery. The 
convention organized by electing Harrison president and John Rice 
Jones secretary. Jones was a talented Welsh lawyer, who had been in 
the Territory since Clark's expedition of 1785. On December 28 the 
convention agreed on its memorial, which asked for the suspension of the 
slavery clause for a period of ten years, but with no provision for the 
gradual emancipation of either the slaves so introduced or their children. 
The memorial also asked for the extinction of Indian titles, the right of 
preemption for actual settlers, land grants for schools, and to persons 
who would open roads and establish houses of entertainment on the prin- 
cipal lines of travel between the settlements, the grant of the saline spring 
below the mouth of the Wabash, i>ermission to the French .settlers to 
locate their donations outside of the original surveys, abolition of the 
freehold qualification for suffrage, and payment of a salary to the 
Attorney General of the Territory. They also adopted a formal resolu- 
tion of consent to the suspension of the ordinance for ten years, but 
provided that if Congress did not suspend the clause by March 4, 1805, 
their consent was withdrawn. They also recommended the reappoint- 
ment of Harrison, whose term expired in 1803, and the appointment of 
John Rice Jones as Chief Justice of the Territorial couii:. Obviously 
Harrison and Jones had some influence with the convention. They were 
close personal and political friends at the time, but became bitter enemies 

These papers, with a formal letter of transmission from Governor 
Harrison, were sent to Congress by a special messenger, and on February 
8, 1803, were referred to a committee of which John Randolph was chair- 
man. On March 2, it reported adversely on all the requests except the 
right of preemption and the payment of a salary to the Attorney General. 
John Randolph has been bitterly assailed by New England writers, and 
in some of his later speeches there is an incoherence that might indicate 
mental failure, but in this report, there is the clearest evidence of his 
sanity. No abler appeal to the petitioners could have been made than 
his statement as to the slavei-y proviso, which is in these words : ' ' The 
rapidly increasing population of the State of Ohio sufficiently evinces, 


in the opinion of your committee, that the labor of slaves is not neces- 
sary to promote the growth and settlement of colonies in that region; 
that this labor, demonstrably the dearest of any, can only be employed 
to advantage in the cultivation of products more valuable than any 
known to that quarter of the United States; that the commitee deem it 
highly dangerous and inexpedient to impair a provision wisely calculated 
to promote the happiness and prosperity of the Northwestern country, 
and to give strength and security to that extensive frontier. In the 
salutary operation of this sagacious and benevolent restraint, it is be- 
lieved that the inhabitants of Indiana will, at no very distant day, find 
ample remuneration for a temporary' privation of labor and emigi'ation. " 
There was no action taken on the report, but on December 15, 1803, the 
petition was recommitted to a committee composed of Mr. Rodney of 
Delaware, Mr. Boyle of Kentuckj', and Mr. Rhea of Tennessee, who, on 
February 17, 1804, reported in favor of suspending the slavery clause 
for ten yeai-s, but with provision that the descendants of imported slaves 
should be free, the males at the age of twenty-five and the females at the 
age of twenty-one. They also recommended the repeal of the property 
qualification for electors. No action was taken on this report, and none 
thereafter until after the period of consent set by the convention. 

This convention was unique in that it was the only one ever held to 
consent to a modification of the Ordinance. In character it was analogous 
to a constitvitional convention, for although the Territory was under 
the government of Congress, the articles of compact were irrevocable 
except "by common consent" of Congress and the people of the Terri- 
tory. No mode was specified for giving this consent ; and it is notable 
that nobody questioned the legality of the convention, as would cer- 
tainly be done if such a thing were attempted now. At that time, how- 
ever, Americans believed that the people had an inherent and inalienable 
right to alter and amend their form of government, and that this right 
could not be destroyed by a mere failure to specify the mode of its exer- 
cise. The Ordinance did not give the Governor any authority to call a 
convention for any purpose, in express terms. It did not even mention a 
convention. But it did sjieak of the consent of the people, and how was 
that consent to be obtained? Clearly the people could not speak except 
in some prescribed form. The Judicial department could not prescribe 
the form. The legislative department was restricted to adopting laws of 
the original states. The initiative could be lodged only in the Execiitive, 
and Harrison's common-sense method of using the power did not even 
raise a criticism from his ninuerous enemies. His stand on the slavery 
question, however, raised criticism later, and was the cause of the first 
appearance of the Abolition party in American politics. 

There was more reason for criticism of liis next step. Judge Clark 


had died on November 11, 1802, and Thomas Tern^ Davis had been 
appointed in his place. A session of the Governor and Judges was called 
for September 20, and on September 22, 1803, Harrison, with Judges 
Vanderburgh and Davis, adopted a Virginia law ' ' concerning servants, ' ' 
which provided that: "All negroes and mulattoes (and other persons 
not being citizens of the United States of America) who shall come into 
this Territory under contract to serve another in any trade or occupa- 
tion shall be compelled to perform such contract specifically during the 
term thereof." The apparent purpose of the provision as to "others 
not being citizens ' ' was to cover panis, or Indian slaves, which were quite 
numerous among the French settlements, but as the language would also 
cover white servants, it was further provided that: "No negro, mulatto 
or Indian shall at any time purchase any servant, other than of their 
complexion; and if any of the persons aforesaid shall nevertheless pre- 
sume to purchase a white servant, such .servant shall immediately become 
free." The law required the master to provide "wholesome and suffi- 
cient food clothing and lodging," specifying "one complete suit of 
cloathing suited to the season of the year, towit : a coat, waistcoat, pair 
of breeches and shoes, two pair of stockings, two shirts, a hat and a 
blanket." The contract was assignable with the consent of the servant, 
and both master and servant could appeal to the courts for protection in 
their rights. Penalties were prescribed for helping servants to escape 
and for trading with them. A servant who refused to work was to serve 
two days for every day lost, and for any offense punishable by fine was 
to receive instead a whipping, not exceeding forty lashes. There was no 
provision for indenturing negroes within the TeiTitory, but only for 
importing those already indentured, and no provision for the freedom 
of slaves or their children except as provided by the contract. It is 
difficult to conceive of this relation now as not being involuntaiy servi- 
tude, as the contracts contemplated were made in slave states, by actual 
slaves ; and yet it is also difficult to distinguish it from that kind of free- 
dom which Blackstone states to exist under the common law of England, 
as follows: "A slave or negro, the instant he lands in England, becomes 
a freeman ; that is. the law will protect him in the enjoyment of his per- 
son and his property. Yet, with regard to any right which the master 
may have lawfully acquired to the perpetual service of John or Thomas, 
this will remain exactly in the same state as before ; for this is no more 
than the same state of subjection for life, which every apprentice sub- 
mits to for the space of seven years, or sometimes for a longer term." 
Nevertheless it was extensively criticised as a violation of the Ordinance, 
and the controversy over it, and succeeding laws of similar character 
resulted in their condemnation by the people. 

But even this law did not satisfy the Illinois people. In 1800 Spain 


had ceded Louisiana to France, and our diplomats had been vainly trying 
to purchase the eastern bank of the Mississippi to its mouth. In the 
spring of 1803 an opportunity arose to purchase all of Louisiana, and 
they entered into an unauthorized treaty for the purchase. There is 
little reason to question that President Jefferson considered this pur- 
chase unconstitutional when it was made, but he saw its vital importance 
to the country, and took the chances, calling a special session of Congress 
for October to consider the matter. News of the purchase reached Indiana 
that summer, and the anti-Harrison faction in Illinois at once put 
petitions in circulation asking to be joined to Louisiana. John Edgar 
and the ilon-isons were the leaders in this, and it was charged by the 
Harrison party that they had formed a plan to make Edgar governor 
and Robert j\Iorrison secretary of the new Territory. This may have been 
true, for there were several plans advocated, and numerous candidates, 
but at the same time this annexation furnished the shortest and most 
certain road to slavery, and closer ties of blood and trade. The petition 
was presented to Congress, but it had other views, and by act of March 
26, 1804, all of Louisiana south of the present south line of Arkansas 
was made the Territory of Orleans, and that to the north of this line was 
put temporarily under the government of the Governor and Judges of 
Indiana, but without being joined to Indiana, and was called the District 
of Louisiana. The act was to take effect on October 1, 1804, but posses- 
sion of the District had been given to Captain Stoddard, for the United 
States, on March 9, and Congress had provided that the laws already m 
effect should continue until repealed or amended by the Governor and 
Judges of Indiana. Preparation was made during the summer, and on 
October 1, the Governor and Judges passed six laws for the District of 
Louisiana, including an elaborate law for the regulation of slaverj^ 
which remained in force in Missouri for many years after. The people 
of the District, however, objected to this anomalous form of government, 
and petitioned Congress for an independent government, which was 
granted on March 3, 1805. 

Meanwhile the people of Wayne County were also clamornig for a 
separate territorial government, and with good cause. In a petition for 
separation prepared in October, 1804, it is stated that the laws passed 
by the Governor and Judges in September, 1803, had not been seen m 
the conntv. It is not easv at the present time to realize the dii^culty of 
communication between the different parts of Indiana Territory, but 
Judge Burnet tells of one trip which will illustrate it. In December, 
1799, he, with ^Mr. ^Morrison and Mr. St. Clair, had occasion to go from 
Cincinnati to Vincennes on legal business. They purchased a ^'Kentucky 
boat " or ark— a flat-boat commonly used on the Ohio, and in this loaded 


their horses and provisions, and started down the river. On the after- 
noon of the fourth day they reached tlie Falls, where they abandoned 
the boat, and proceeded on horseback. The first two nights they camped 
out, on the trail to Vineennes, and the third night was passed in a de- 
serted cabin, which they found on the bank of White River. He does 
not mention meeting a solitary white settler on the journey, except at 
the Falls, but they encountered a band of Indians, two panthers, a herd 
of buffalo, and a wildcat. There was snow or rain during the trips going 
and coming. The travel to Detroit from Vineennes was more difficult 
than this, and that to the Illinois settlements was at times as bad as in 
the days of Clark's campaign. From such difficulties there arose the 
consensus of opinion among the early settlers that the capital of a state 
or territory should be as near the center of population as possible, and, 
if possible, on a navigable stream. In response to the Wayne County 
petition. Congress passed an act on January 11, 1805, providing that 
after June 30 of that year the Territory of Michigan should be estab- 
lished. The news of this did not reach Indiana Territory in time to 
prevent action treating Wayne County as still a part of the Territorj-. 
In the summer of 1804 the matter of advance to the second grade 
suddenly came up again; and this time from the Harrison party, which 
had opposed it three years before. Dawson gives Harrison great credit 
for the advance, and says: "notwithstanding the patriotism and disin- 
terestedness which he evinced in that important business, he has been 
charged with being an ambitious man, and has brought upon himself the 
ire of the selfish land-jobbers among his neighbors, who did not hesitate 
to arraign his conduct, merely because they conceived their taxes would 
be raised to pay the expenses of a representative government. ' ' ^ But 
this was exactly the argument that Harrison had made three years be- 
fore, and the people who had favored it before now opposed it. The 
argument made for it in 1804, from a statement supposed to have been 
made by Benjamin Parke, was this: "With aariculture improved, popu- 
lation increased, the counties of Wayne and Dearborn added to the 
territory; possessed of all the lands from the falls of the Ohio to the 
Mississippi, with the exception of the Pyan Kashaw claim, of no great 
extent, and which was shortly purchased ; and offices established at Kas- 
kaskia and Vineennes for the sale of public lands, it was thought that 
the measure might be safel.y gone into. To this advantageous change in 
our situation was added, that the expenses of the establishment would not 
exceed $3,500 (I thought about $3,000) ; that the people would be en- 
titled to a partial representative government ; that they would have the 

* Life of Harrison, p. 78 


absolute control over one branch of the Legislature ; that it would give 
them a Representative in Congress, and, although he would not be en- 
titled to vote, yet from his situation he would acquire respect and atten- 
tion, and would give a faithful representation of our situation, and that 
some sacrifices ought to be made to obtain even the partial exercise of 
the rights considered so dear and of such universal importance to the 
several States." » This looks plausible, but it does not account for the 
opposition, and it does not account for the extraoi'dinary haste with 
which the measure was adopted. Harrison issued his proclamation on 
August 4, calling for a vote on the question on September 11. The call 
did not reach Wayne County in time to allow an election, and in the other 
counties the number of votes cast was in inverse proportion to their dis- 
tance from Vineennes. Only 400 votes were cast in the entire Territory, 
and of these 175 were cast in Knox County, all but 12 favoring the 
change. The total majority for the change was 138, but outside of Knox 
County the majority was against it. So far as furnishing any satisfactory 
evidence of the wishes of the voters is concerned, the election was a 
farce, but Harrison acted on it, and on December 5, 1804, he issued his 
proclamation announcing the advance to the second grade, and calling 
an election for representatives to tlie legislature for January 3, 1805. 

The move was manifestly political, and the apparent motive was the 
slavery question. A case had arisen which had brought it to the front. 
In the spring of 1804, Simon Vanorsdell, claiming to act as the agent of 
the heirs of John and Elizabeth Kuykendall, seized a negi-o named George, 
and a negress named Peggy, at Vineennes, and was about to carry them 
out of the Territor\% when Harrison issued a proclamation forbidding it, 
based on information that Vanorsdell was "about to transport from the 
Territory certain indented servants, without their consent first had and 
obtained, with a design as is supposed of selling them for slaves." Van- 
orsdell was arrested and indicted, and habeas corpus proceedings were 
brought for the release of the nesrroes. At the September term of the 
Territorial court. Judges GrifBn, Vanderburgh and Davis all being pres- 
ent, the negroes were released on an insufficiency of evidence for their 
claimant, the court giving an opinion that they were fugitives neither 
from justice nor from slavery. Vanorsdell was also released, nobody 
appearing to prosecute. He at once rearrested the negroes, and a new 
habeas corpus proceeding was instituted, Harrison, General W. John- 
ston and John Johnson becoming bail for the negroes. At the June term, 
1805, the negroes were produced, but George having indentured himself 
to Harrison for a term of eleven years, the claim as to him was dropped. 

■ Woollen's Sketches, pp. 3-9. 
Vol. r~i6 


At the September term, Judge Vanderburgh, sitting alone, postponed 
the hearing as to Peggy until one or both of the other Judges were 
present. At the April term, 1806, Judges Davis and Vanderburgh heard 
the ease and released Peggy, holding that she was not a fugitive from 
justice or from slavery ; but they added to their decision this remarkable 
proviso: "But this order is not to impair the right that Vauorsdell 
(the defendant) or any other person shall have to the said negro girl 
Peggy, provided he, Vauorsdell, or any other person, can prove said 
negro Peggy to be a slave.' Nor shall this order impair the right of said 
Peggy to her freedom, provided the said Peggy shall establish her right 
to the same." In other words, under a basic law which prohibited both 
slavery and involuntary servitude', and a local law that permitted slavery 
by indenture, the Supreme Court of the Territory were unable to decide 
whether this woman was a slave or not. Tliis case must have produced 
an extensive discussion of fundamental principles at Vincennes, and the 
absurdity of a valid contract between a master and a slave in a slave 
state was probably realized. The Governor and Judges could not rectify 
the law, because they had power only to adopt the laws of the states. 
For this reason, and because it would give them a representative in 
Congress, which had been ignoring slavery petitions, who might obtain 
"the rights considered so dear," and especially the introduction of 
slavery. It is to be noted that Parke says "some sacrifices ought to be 
made"; and he also states in this same paper that in 1801, "the expenses 
of the second grade were, by some, estimated at al)out from .^1 2.000 to 

The election was duly held, and the members elect convened at Vin- 
cennes on February 1, to nominate councilors, and pass on the credentials 
of members. The Wayne County delegation was dropped on account of 
the establishment of Michigan Territory, and the election in St. Clair 
was held void on account of the polling having been stopped by a mob 
of opponents to the second grade. This left only five members, Init on 
April 18, tbe Governor called an election in St. Clair County for two 
representatives, to be held on May 20, and in July the legislature con- 
vened with the minimum number of representatives allowed by the 
division act. As soon as the composition of the legislature was known, 
Benjamin Parke was announced as a candidate for Congress. The 
Letters of Decius then began to appear in the Farmers Library, pub- 
lished at Louisville, bitterly criticising Harrison, and denouncing Parke 
as his tool, who wanted to go to Washington to secure Harrison's reap- 
pointment. They began on May 10, 1805, and continued at intervals 
until December 1, 1805, after which they were published in pamphlet 


form. Prof. Homer J. Webster has identified Isaac Darneille as the 
author of the letters.'' The Farmers Library was the first paper pub- 
lished at Louisville, the first number appearing on January 18, 1801. 
It was established by Samuel Vail, a disciple and protege of Matthew 
Lyon, the impetuous Irishman, who succeeded in making himself a martyr 
to the alien and sedition laws through his newspaper called "The Scourge 
of Aristocracy and Repository of Political Truth." Joshua Vail was 
the "associate editor and owner." Darneille was a native of Maryland, 
who came to Cahokia in 1794, being the second resident lawyer in 
Indiana Territory, preceded only by John Rice Jones. He had been a 
preacher, but was too much devoted to gallantry to last long in that line. 
He was a fine looking fellow, and probably caused more domestic in- 
felicity in the Territory than any other one man of his time. Reynolds 
says: "He never married according to the laws of the country, but to 
all appearances he was never without a wife or wives. It was rumored 
that he left a married wife in Maryland who was an obstacle to a second 
marriage in this country." It certainly was an obstacle, for one of the 
laws of the Governor and Judges had made Bigamy a felony, punishable 
by death. In 1806 Harrison waited on Vail and demanded the name of 
the author of the letters. Vail called on Darneille for proofs, and as 
none were forthcoming he made a full retraction, which was published 
in his own paper, and republished in the Frankfort Palladium. 

The legislature elected Parke to Congress, and passed a number of 
vei-y fair laws ; but the one law passed that attracted general attention 
was "An Act concerning the introduction of Negroes and Mulattoes into 
this Territory." This provided that a slaveholder might bring a slave, 
over fifteen years of age into the Territory, who might within thirty days 
enter into agreement before the clerk of a court of common pleas for any 
number of years of service to his master; and if he refused to make such 
an agreement the master could, within sixty days, remove him from the 
Territory. Any slave under fifteen years of age could be registered, and 
held without indenture, males until thirty-five years of age, and females 
until thirty-two. Children of indentured mothers were to serve their 
masters, males until thirty years of age, and females until twenty-eight. 
Indentured servants were not to be removed from the Territory without 
their consent, given before a common pleas judge. On a complaint of ill 
usage before a justice of the peace, the indenture might be cancelled; 
and if an indentured servant became free at the age of forty, or more, 
his master was to give bond of $500 that the servant should not become 
a public charge. This law received newspaper publication that the 

ilnd. Hist. Soc. Pubs., Vol. 4, pp. 292-3. 


former law of the Governor and Judges did not, and therefore received 
attention outside of the Territory. The "Liberty Hall," of Cincinnati, 
published an abstract of the law, inclosed in turned rules, and said : "If 
it were possible, with tears of blood we are constrained to publish the 
following sketch of the law of Indiana Territory respecting Negroes." 
The "National Intelligencer" denounced it roundly as a violation of the 
Ordinance and a menace to the entire Union ; and said that the Governor 
should he removed if ' he enforced the law, and that Congress should 
refuse Indiana admission to the Union until the law was repealed. Un- 
fortunately the files of the only paper published in the state at this time 
are not preserved, but the law met condemnation in Indiana. Josiah 
Espy, who traveled through Indiana in 1805, says : ' ' The Indiana terri- 
tory was settled first under the same charter as the state of Ohio, pro- 
hibiting the admission of slaves, but the genius of a majority of the 
people ordering otherwise (the southern climate, no doubt, having its 
influence), the legislature of that territory during the last summer, 
passed a law permitting a partial introduction of slavery, much to the 
dissatisfaction of the minority. This circumstance will check the emi- 
gration of farmers who do their own labor, while the slave owners of the 
Southern states and Kentucky will be encouraged to remove thither; 
consequently the state of society there will be altogether different from 
that of Ohio. Its manners and laws will assimilate more and more to 
those of Virginia and Kentucky, while Ohio will, in these respects, more 
closely imitate Pennsylvania and the middle states. " " It is hardly 
possible that these thoughts as to the effects of the law were confined to 
Mr. Espy. They manifestly present the political basis of the action; 
and it is certain that it was discussed in Indiana on that basis, for one of 
the correspondents of "Liberty Hall" says: "I have been making some 
enquiries respecting the growing population of Indiana Territory, but 
cannot find any comparison in the numbers to those who come to this 
state. The bait has not taken. The cunning slave-holder feels too flimsy 
a security to bring his horde to a country where the term of holding 
them is so precarious. And those who ai'e opposed to that hellish traffic 
are afraid to risk themselves in a country where there is a prospect of 
its introduction." The inducement evidently did not appeal strongly to 
slave-holders, for though the population of Indiana proper increased 
from 2,500 in 1800 to 24,520 in 1810, the number of free negroes, as re- 
ported by the census of Indiana Territon-, increased only from 87 to 
393, and the number of slaves from 28 to 237. The increase of slaves in 
Illinois proper was, however, greater in propoi'tion. The incoming anti- 
slavery population was locating chiefly in Clark and Dearborn counties. 

A Tour &e., p. 24-5. 



This legislature also established a Court of Chancery — the only one 
in this region ever exclusively confined to chancery — which continued 
until 1813, John Badollet, Thomas T. Davis and Waller Taylor serving 
successively as chancellors. It also chartered the first corporations in 
the state — "'the Boi-ough of Vincennes" and "the Indiana Canal Com- 
pany," the latter to construct a canal around the falls of the Ohio on 

John Badollet, First Chancellor op Indlvna 
(From a portrait by Leseuer) 

the Indiana side. Espy says of the latter: "At the late session of the 
legislature of Indiana a company was incorporated for this purpose on 
the most liberal scale. Books were opened for subscription while I was 
there, which were filling rapidly. Shares to the amount of about $120,000 
were already suliscribed by men of the first .standing in the Union. When 
the canal is finished the company intend erecting all kinds of water 
works, for which they say the place is highly calculated. From these it 
is expected that more wealth will flow into the coffers of the company 


than from the passage of vessels up and down the river. If these expec- 
tations should be realized, there remains but little doubt the falls of the 
Ohio will become the centre of wealth of the Western World." 

The legislature probably realized that the indenture law would not 
appeal strongly to slave owners, and they had another trouble in sight. 
During the summer a petition to Congress had been circulated in the 
Illinois country asking for the introduction of slavery and for a division 
of the TeiT-itory. The proslavery people of Knox County did not want 
division because it meant that the capital must .soon be moved from Yin- 
cennes. A petition was therefore prepared asking for the admission of 
slavery, and proposing that the Territory be divided by an east and west 
line, instead of a north and south line, so as to make two states similar 
to Kentucky and Tennessee. There was some reason for this in the fact 
that the Indian title had been extinguished to the southern part of the 
Territory from the Falls to the Mississippi. This was adopted by the 
Council, but was rejected by the House. It was then signed by Benjamin 
Chambers, John Rice Jones and Pierre l\Ienard, of the Council, and by 
Jesse B. Thomas, John Johnson, George Fisher and Benjamin Parke, of 
the House, and forwarded to Washington as "The petition of the sub- 
scribers, members of the Legislative Council and House of Representa- 
tives of the Indiana Territory, and constituting a majority of the two 
Houses respectively." This proposal for the division of the Territory 
by an east and west line completed the break between the proslavery 
factions in Indiana proper and the Illinois country. The Illinois people 
appointed a committee from the several townships of their region, which 
prepared another petition for the division of the Territory' as provided 
in the Ordinance. All of these petitions were sent on to Washington, 
and also one from Dearborn County asking to be joined to Ohio, as a 
matter of convenience. The committee to which they were referred re- 
ported in favor of suspending the slavery clause, but no further action 
was taken. The legislature of 1806 made another petition to Congress 
for the admission of slavery, and similar petitions were sent in from the 
Illinois countiy. Again the committee of Congress reported favorably, 
but no further action was taken. The Indiana legislature of 1807 adopted 
another petition for slavery, and a fonnal resolution consenting to the 
modification of the Ordinance; and also adopted a revision of the 
statutes, including the indenture law. 

Up to this time no petition had been sent from Indiana against 
slavery; and when I wrote my "Indiana, a Redemption from Slavery," 
thirty years ago, I said at this point, "The anti-slavery people were now 
thoroughly roused to the danger of the situation, and determined to 
make a vigorous resistance in Congress." I had not been able to find any 


special cause for this change of policy, but some twenty years later there 
was made public one of the most remarkable secrets in the history of the 
United States — a secret which had been kept for more than a century. 
In the summer of 1786 there came to Kaskaskia John Lemen, a young 
Virginian, who had come down the Ohio with his family. Though only 
twenty-six years of age, he had been a soldier in the Revolution, and had 
made friends of some of the great men of the day, as may be gathered 
from his modest entries in his diary. On October 4, 1781, he records : 
"I carried a message from my Colonel to Gen. Wa.shington today. He 
recognized me and talked vei-y kindly and said the war would soon be 
over, he thought. I knew Washington before the war commenced." On 
the same day he says : "I saw Washington and La Fayette looking at a 
French soldier and an American soldier wrestling, and the American 
threw the Frenchman so hard he limped off, and La Fayette said that 
was the way Washington must do to Cornwallis. ' ' On the 15th he says : 
"I was in the assault which La Fayette led yesterday against the British 
redoubt, which we captured. Our loss was nine killed and thirty-four 
wounded." On the 19th he says: "Our victory is great and complete. 
I saw the surrender to-day. Our officers think this will probably end the 
war." After a short stay near Kaskaskia he located at New Design, a 
settlement some four miles south of Bellefontaine, Monroe County, Illi- 
nois, and, as the Indians were troublesome, built "the old Lemen fort." 
He was a notable hunter and Indian fighter, though he is better known 
in Illinois history as a Baptist minister and an active enemy of slavery. 
His wife was a daughter of Capt. Joseph Ogle, for whom Ogle County, 
Illinois, was named. The entries in Lemen 's diary that are of especial 
interest to Indiana relate to his connection with Thomas Jefferson, and 

are as follows : 

"Hanger's Ferry, Va., Dec. 11, 1782. 
"Thomas Jefferson had me to visit him again a short time ago, as he 
wanted me to go to the Illinois country in the North West, after a year 
or two, in order to try to lead and direct the new settlers in the best way 
and also to oppose the introduction of slavery in that country at a later 
day, as I am known as an opponent of that evil, and he says he will give 
me some help. It is all because of his great kindness and affection for 
me. for which I am very grateful, but I have not yet fully decided to do 

so, but have agreed to consider the case." 

"May 2, 1784. 

"I saw Jefferson at Annapolis, IMaryland, to-day and had a very 
pleasant visit with him. I have consented to go to Illinois on his mission 
and he intends helping me some, but I did not ask nor wish it. We had 
a full agreement and understanding as to all terms and duties. The 


agreement is strictly private between us, but all his purposes are per- 
fectly honorable and praiseworthy." 

"Dec. 28, 1785. 
"Jefferson's confidential agent gave me one hundred dollars of his 
funds to use for my family, if need be, and if not to go to good causes, 
and I will go to Illinois on his mission next Spring and take my wife 
and children." 

"Sept. 4, 1786. 
"In the past summer, with my wife and children I arrived at Kas- 
kaskia, Illinois, and we are now living in the Bottom settlement. On 
the Ohio river my boat partly turned over and we lost a part of our 
goods and our son Robert came near drowning." 

"New Design, 111., Feb. 26, 1794. 
' ' My wife and I were baptized with several others to-day in Fountain 
Creek by Rev. Josiah Dodge. The ice had to be cut and removed first." 

"New Design, May 28, 1796. 
"Yesterday and to-day, my neighbors at my invitation, gathered at 
my home and were constituted into a Baptist church, by Rev. David 
Badgley and Joseph Chance." 

"New Design, May 3, 1803. 
"As Thomas Jefferson predicted they would do, the extreme southern 
slave advocates are making their influence felt in the new territory for 
the introduction of slavery and they are pressing Gov. William Henry 
Harrison to use his power and influence for that end. Steps must soon 
be taken to prevent that curse from being fastened on our people." 

"New Design, May 4, 1805. 
"At our last meeting, as I expected he would do. Gov. Harrison asked 
and insisted that I should cast ray influence for the introduction of 
slavery here, but I not only denied the request, but I informed him that 
the evil attempt would encounter my most active opposition in every 
possible and honorable manner that my mind could suggest or my mears 

"New Design, May 10, 1805. 
. "Knowing President Jefferson's hostility against the introduction of 
slavery here and the mission he sent me on to oppose it, I do not believe 
the pro-slavery petitions with which Gov. Harrison and his council are 
pressing Congress for slavery here can prevail while he is President, as 
he is very popular with and will find means to over-reach the 
evil attempt of the pro-slavery power." 

"Jan. 20th, 1806. 
"As Gov. William Henry Harrison and his legislative council have 
had their petitions before Congress at several sessions asking for slavery 


here, I seut a messenger to Indiana to ask the churches and people there 
to get up and sign a coimter petition to Congress to uphold freedom in 
the territory and I have circulated one here and we will send it on to 
that body at next session or as soon as the work is done." 

"New Design, Sept. 10, 1806. 

"A confidential agent of Aaron Burr called yesterday to ask my aid 
and sympathy in Burr's scheme for a Southwestern Empire with Illinois 
as a province and an offer to make me governor. But I denounced the 
conspiracy as high treason and gave him a few hours to leave the terri- 
tory on pain of arrest."' 

"New Design, Jan. 10, 1810. 

"I received Jefferson's confidential message on Oct. 10, 1808, sug- 
gesting a division of the churches on the ciuestion of slavery and the 
organization of a church on a strictly anti-slavery basis, for the purpose 
of heading a movement to finally make Illinois a free State, and after 
first trying in vain for some months to bring all the churches over to 
such a basis, I acted on Jefferson 's plan and Dec. 10, 1809, the anti-slavery 
element formed a Baptist church at Cantine creek, on an anti-slavery 

"New Design, Mar. 3, 1819. 

"I was reared in the Presbyterian faith, but at 20 years of age I 
embraced Baptist principles and after settlement in Illinois I was baptized 
into that faith and finally became a minister of the gospel of that church, 
but some years before I was licensed to preach I was active in collecting 
and inducing communities to organize churches, as I thought that the 
most certain plan to control and improve the new settlements, and I also 
hoped to employ the churches as a means of opposition to the institution 
of slavery, but this only became possible when we organized a leading 
church on a strictly anti-slavery basis, an event which finally was marked 
with great success, as Jeft'erson suggested it would be." 

"New Design, Dec. 10, 1820. 

"Looking back at this time, 1820, to 1809, when we organized the 
Canteen creek Baptist Church on a strictly anti-slavery basis as Jefferson 
had suggested as a center from which the anti-slavery movement to finally 
save the State to freedom could be directed, it is now clear that the move 
was a wise one as there is no doubt but that it more than anything else 
was what made Illinois a free State." 

Lemen kept his compact with Jeft'erson secret through his life, as he 
had agreed, and his children kept it after him, but in 1851, when Rev. 
John JIason Peck was pastor of Bethel Baptist Church — the one which 
Lemen had founded on "Cantine" (Quentin) Creek — they intrusted to 
him the preparation of an account of their father's life. Peck, known in 



Illinois history as the founder of Rock-Spring Seminary, which later 
developed into Sliurtleif College, and also as the author of an Illinois 
Gazetteer, and other books, was an old-time associate of the elder Lemen 
in the fight against slavery, and his statements add something to the 
meager recital of the diary. He says that at their meeting in 1784, 

Rev. J. M. Peck 

Jefferson and Lemen "agreed that sooner or later there would be a great 
contest to try to fasten slavery on the Northwestern Territoiy, " and 
that Jefferson "looked forward to a great pro-slavery contest to finally 
try to make Illinois and Indiana slave states, and as Mr. Lemen was a 
natural born anti-slavery leader and had proved himself such in Vir- 
ginia by inducing scores of masters to free their slaves through his pre- 
vailing kindness of manner and Christian arguments, he was just Jeffer- 


son's ideal of a man who could safely be trusted with his anti-slavery 
mission in Illinois." He says that Jefferson sent messages to Lemeu 
when opportunity presented, and that Jefferson sent a contribution of 
$20 to the new anti-slavery Baptist church when it was organized ; and 
that when Lemen sent his agent to Indiana he paid him $30 out of the 
money that Jefferson had supplied him. He quotes a letter written by 
Jefferson on September 10, 1807, to Lemen 's brother Robert, who was 
then living near Harper's Ferry, Virginia, in which he says: "If your 
brother James Lemen should visit Virginia soon, as I learn he possibly 
may, do not let him return until he makes me a visit. I will also write 
him to be sure and see me. Among all my friends who are near, he is 
still a little nearer. I discovered his worth when he was but a child and 
I freely confess that in some of my most important achievements his 
example, wish and advice, though then but a veiy young man, largely 
influenced my action. This was particularly true as to whatever share 
I may have had in the transfer of our great Northwestern Territory to 
the United States, and especially for the fact that I was so well pleased 
with the anti-slavery clause inserted later in the Ordinance of 1787. 
Before any one had ever mentioned the matter, James Lemen, by reason 
of his devotion to anti-slavery principles, suggested to me that we (Vir- 
ginia) make the transfer and that slavery be excluded; and it so im- 
pressed me that whatever is due me as credit for my share in the matter 
is largely, if not wholly, due to James Lemen 's advice and most righteous 
counsel. His record in the new country has fully justified my course in 
inducing him to settle there with the view of properly shaping events in 
the best interest of the people." Mr. Peck concludes his account of 
Lemen 's work in Illinois with this statement: "With people familiar 
with all the circumstances there is no divergence of views but that the 
organization of the Bethel Church and its masterly anti-slavery contest 
saved Illinois to freedom ; but much of the credit of the freedom of 
Illinois, as well as for the balance of the territory was due to Thomas 
Jefl'erson's faithful and efficient aid. True to his promise to Mr. Lemen 
that slavery should never prevail in the Northwestern Territory or any 
part of it, he quietly directed his leading confidential friends in Congress 
to steadily defeat Gen. Harrison's pro-slavery petitions for the repeal of 
the anti-slavery clause in the Ordinance of 1787, and his friendly aid to 
Rev. James Lemen, Sr., and friends made the anti-slavery contest of 
Bethel Church a success in saving the state to freedom."^ 

8 These details are from Mr. Willard C. MaeNaul's paper "The Jefferson- 
Lemen Compact" published by the Chicago Historical Society, in 1915. Much 
of the matter was published in the Belleville Advocate in 1908 and 1909. 


The liglit thrown on the character of Thomas Jefferson by these 
records is of more than local interest. Unhappily, what passes for his- 
tory and biography in the United States is largely nothing but post 
mortem politics, and few of our public men have escaped being painted 
in very dark colors by one group of writers while they are lauded to the 
skies by another. This is so notable that even a prosaic encyclopedia 
says: "Washington was accused of murder, treachery, corruption, hy- 
pocrisy, ingratitude, moral cowardice, and private immorality ; Franklin 
was charged with theft, debauchery, intrigue, slander and irreligion;. 
while the manifold charges against Lincoln remain within the memory 
of many now living ; and there is nothing strange in the fact that Jeffer- 
son was accused of dishonesty, craftiness, slander, irreligion, immorality, 
cow-ardice, and incompetence." ^ It is a trifle strange, however, that 
with Jefferson's well known sentiments on slavery, he has been accused 
of trying to introduce slavery into Ohio. Ephraim Cutler was a 
member of the committee on the bill of rights of the Ohio, of which John 
W. Browne was chairman, and he records that: "Mr. Browne proposed 
a section, which defined the subject thus: 'No person shall be 'held in 
slavery, if a male, after he is thirty-five years of age ; or a female, after 
twenty-five years of age.' The handwriting, I had no doubt, was ^Ir. 
Jefferson's. * * « ]t,ii- Browne observed that what he had intro- 
duced was thought by the greatest men in the Nation to be, if established 
in our constitution, obtaining a great step toward a general emanciijation 
of slavery. This statement is reinforced by a statement that Gov. Worth- 
ington had told him, that Jefferson had told him, that he hoped such an 
article might be put in the constitution. A footnote adds the statement 
that A. H. Lewis said that Gov. Morrow, of Ohio, told him that he talked 
with Jefferson after the constitution was adopted, and that Jefferson 
said: "It would have been more judicious to have admitted slavery for 
a limited period." On the face of these statements it would appear 
evident that Jefferson, knowing that slavery already existed in North- 
west Territory, thought that a gradual emancipation of the slaves would 
be more just than an immediate emancipation. That he wanted any 
more brought in, is hardly credible, as he was the only man in the 
United States at the time who had an agent in the Territory for the 
special purpose of keeping slavery out. It will be recalled that Jeffer- 
son's clause excluding slavery from the western lands, both north and 
south of the Ohio, was struck out on April 19, 1784; and it was on May 
2, two weeks later, that he made his final agreement with Lemen to go 
west and fight slavery on the ground. Jefferson never gave up a fight if 
there was a chance to win by a change of tactics. 

Encyclopedia Americana, Title, Jefferson. 


The new anti-slavery Baptist church did not object to Jefferson's 
contribution as "tainted money." Jefferson was unpopular with the 
Congregationalists of New England on account of his tight against a 
state-supported church in Virginia, although the Virginia church was 
Episcopalian. But this did not hurt the feelings of the Baptists, who 
were taxed in both New England and Virginia to support churches that 
they did not believe in. The Virginia Baptists made a very able protest 
against this injustice in 1775, and sent an address to Washington in 1789, 
objecting to the lack of a guarantee of religious freedom in the new 
national constitution. Some of the Virginia Baptists had been preaching 
emancipation for some years, and one of them, Rev. James Tarrant, 
moved on into Kentucky, and later organized the association of Baptists, 
who called themselves "Friends to Humanity." Lemen's new church 
called itself, "The Baptized Church of Christ Friends to Humanity, on 
Cantine Creek" — "Cantine" being an Americanization of "Quentin." 
They adopted what were known as ' ' Tarrant 's Rules Against Slaveiy. ' ' 
At this time there were only two Baptist churches in Indiana proper. 
The second one was constituted on May 20, 1809, by Samuel and Phoebe 
Allison, Charles, Sr., Charles, Jr., Margaret, Achsah, William and Sally 
Polke, John and Polly Lemen, William and Sally Bruce, and John 
Morris, "a man of color." It was located in Knox County, near Vin- 
eennes, and was called the Maria Creek Church. Its tenth article of 
faith was in these words: "We believe that African slavery as it exists 
in some parts of the United States, is unjust in its origin and oppressive 
in its consequences; and is inconsistent with the spirit of the Gospel. 
But viewing our situation in this Territory, as the Law does not tolerate 
hereditary slavery, we think it inexpedient to meddle with the subject in 
a Church capacity." Apparently none of the members were slave- 
holders, hereditary or otherwise, for in February, 1812, Peter Hans- 
hrough asked for admission to the church, and five of the then members 
objected on the ground that he was a slave-holder. The next month a 
majority of the membere having decided to admit Hansbrough, all of the 
objectors except William Bruce withdrew their objections and "Bro. 
Bruce being unwilling to continue in union with slave-holders," was 
dropped out, though the church declared they "have no objections to 
his moral character as a Christian." 

The first Baptist church in Indiana had been constituted on Novem- 
ber 22, 1798, near Owens Creek (otherwise Foui'teen ^Mile Creek) in 
Clark County, by John and Cattern Pettet and John and Sophia Fislar. 
In 1803 it was removed to "Silver Creek near the mouth of Sinking 
Fork" and was thereafter known as the Silver Creek church. This 
church took no stand on slaveiy, for on February 26, 1814, a brother 


was reported for "treating his slaves ill." The examining committee 
reported that "although he had chastised his slaves, yet not so severely 
as reported," and recommended that "the brother ought to receive a 
caution for the future," which he duly received. There were, however, 
some Baptists in Clark County who were not in connection with this 
church, and there were numerous settlers there who were opposed to 
slavery, when Lemen's messenger arrived to urge action. A meeting 
was called for October 10, 1807, at Springville, an Indiana metropolis, 
which has since joined Babylon and Nineveh as civic memories. It was 
a mile or two southwest of Charlestown, and was the first county seat of 
Clark County. It flourished for a short time, being very popular with 
the Indians as a trading point on account of a distillery located there. 
The Indians called it Tul-ly-un-gi, or Tullytown, on accoiuit of a trader 
named Tully who had an establishment in the place. But in 1802 the 
county seat was removed to Jeffersonville, which had just been laid out on 
a plan suggested by President Jefferson, with the alternate squares re- 
seinred for parks, except that instead of running the streets between the 
squares, as proposed by Jefferson, the proprietor ran them diagonally 
through the park squares, in order to save ground, much to the disgust 
of Gov. Harrison, who had taken an active part in the correspondence 
with Jefferson concerning the matter. The meeting at Springville or- 
ganized by electing John Beggs, who was a Baptist and an anti-slavery 
man, chairman, and Davis Floyd, secretary. A resolutions committee 
was appointed, composed of Abraham Little, John Owens, Robert Rob- 
ertson, and Charles and James Beggs, brothers of the chairman. James 
Beggs had represented the County in the last legislature, and was familiar 
with the details of the legislative petition. He was probably the writer 
of the resolutions, which are strong and well-worded. James Beggs was 
very particular about grammar, so much so that he was called "]Mr. 
Syntax" by his legislative associates. These resolutions are notable as 
containing the first known suggestion of "squatter sovereignty," as 
they ask that Congress make no change until the people are ready to 
form a state government; and the Senate committee to which these 
petitions were referred notes this fact in its report that "it is not expedi- 
ent at this time to siispend the sixth article of compact." Presumably 
Lemen's messenger went to Dearborn County also, for the people there 
sent in a memorial stating that the legislature had passed an unconstitu- 
tional law as to slaves, and asking that the law be revised or that they 
be added to Ohio. It is probable that Congressmen adopted the squatter- 
sovereignty idea as a happy solution of the problem, for Benjamin 
Parke, who represented Indiana in Congress could get no action on the 


matter, and after his return stated that Congress would not permit the 
introduction of slavery even if a majority of the people asked for it.!** 
The revelations of Lemen 's diary not only explain the sudden awaken- 
ing of the Indiana anti-slavery men, but also the continuous refusal of 
Congress to suspend the slavery proviso year after year, when committees 
were reporting in favor of its suspension. Jeffei*son's influence at the 

Jesse B. Thomas 

time was enormous, not only in Washington, but throughout the country. 
It was felt still further in Indiana. When the legislature of 1808 met 
the proslavery people began a new effort for slavery by sending petitions 
to the legislature for another appeal to Congress. But now that the anti- 
slaveiy element had started petitioning they also kept at it, and the 
little legislative body was fairly stormed with petitions for and against 

10 Western Sun, February 25, 1809. 


slavery, winding np with a petition from William Atchison and others 
of St. Clair County, asking that all anti-slavers' petitions be thrown 
under the table. Atchison was noted for vehement expression. AVilliam 
Morrison, whose principal mercantile house was at Kaskaskia, had several 
branch stores, and Atchison managed his store at Cahokia. On account 
of the high prices he charged, he was commonly known as "Chape 
Wollie." Reynolds tells of this eccentric Irishman inviting Rev. Benja- 
min Young, a Methodist cii'cuit rider, to preach at his store one Sunday 
in 1807. The congregation was small, and by way of apology to the 
preacher, Atchison said to him: "For my part, I'd walk miles on Sun- 
day, through briai's and hell, to hear such a sermon as that ye prached ; 
but these d — d French love dancing better than praehing. An ' ]\Iisther 
Young, could ye not stay with us to-night and go to the ball this 
evening?" His facetious petition itself escaped being thrown under the 
table by the narrow margin of one vote. It was no time for joking. The 
anti-slaveiy petitioners outnumbered their opponents by over 600, and 
they were mostly from the eastern counties. It was practically assured 
that the Territory would be divided very soon, and that Indiana would 
be left strongly anti-slavery. The Harrison party had begun going to 
pieces, and he had lost control of the legislature. By a combination of 
the anti-Harrison factions of proslavery men from the Illinois counties, 
and anti-slavery men from the eastern counties, the Harrison candidate 
for Congress was defeated, and Jesse B. Thomas of Dearborn was elected, 
but it was openly said that the Illinois representatives had required him 
to give bond that he would work for division before they voted for him. 
This was the first time that Harrison had failed to get his candidate for 
Congress elected, but a still more fatal l)low was to be struck at his 

The slavery petitions were referred to a committee of which General 
Washington Johnston — the "General" is a name, and not a title — was 
chairman. He was a Virginian who came to Vincennes in 1793, and 
entered the practice of law. He ranked high in every way, especially in 
Masonry, being the customary local orator of the order on public occa- 
sions. Up to this time he had acted openly with the proslavery, Harri- 
son party, but now he faced about. He said that he had always been 
morally opposed to the introduction of slaverj', and had favored it as a 
representative only because his constituents did so ^^ and there is no 
reason to question this. Indeed it is impossible that he could have had 
any such radical change of views if he had personally favored slavery 
before. On October 19, 1808, he made the committee's report, which 
was a paper that would do credit to any American statesman. It covers 

11 Western Sun, February 4, 11, 18, 1809. 



tlie entire range of the slavery question, and condemns slavery at every 
point ; shows that slavei-y is inexpedient and undesirable, by comparing 
the slave states with the free states ; declares the indenture law contrary 
to both the spirit and the letter of the Ordinance, and that "the most 
flagitious abuse is made of that law ; that negroes brought here are com- 
monly forced to bind themselves for a number of years reaching or ex- 
tending the natural term of their lives, so that the condition of those 
unfortunate persons is not only involuntarj- servitude but do-Kmright 
slavery": and concludes with a finding that it is inexpedient to ask Con- 
gress to modify the Ordinance, and that the indenture law ought to be 


The source of much of his argument is unquestionable. Jefferson's 
Notes on Virginia were written in 1781-2 in answer to a series of queries 
from Secretary De Marbois, of the French Legation, who had been in- 
structed by his government to collect information as to the colonies. 
Jefferson had a few copies printed for personal use, and a French edition, 
with some omissions was printed. In 1787 a public edition was printed, 
in the original form; and after Jefferson's death various editions were 
printed from an annotated copy found in his papers. There was a copy 
of this book in the Vincennes library at this time, and very probably 
other copies in the town. A comparison of one passage will show the 
relation of the two : 


"There must, doubtl3ss, be an un- 
happy influence on the manners of our 
people, produced by the existence of 
slavery among us. The whole commerce 
between master and slave is a perpetual 
exercise of the most boisterous passions, 
the most unremitting despotism on the 
one part, and degrading submissions on 
the other. Our children see this, and 
learn to imitate it; for man is an imi- 
tative animal. This quality is the gerra 
of all education in him. From his cra- 
dle to his grave he is learning to do 
what he sees others do. If a parent 
could find no motive either in his philan- 
thropy or his self love for restraining the 
intemperance of passion towards his 
slave, it should always be a sufficient 
one that his child is present. But gen- 
erally it is not sufficient. The parent 
storms, the child looks on, catches the 
lineaments of wrath, puts on the same 
airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives 

Vol. I— IT 

a loose to his worst of passions, and 
thus nursed, educated and daily exer- 
cised in tyranny, cannot hut he stamped 
by it with odious peculiarities. The man 
must be a prodigy who can retain his 
manners and morals undepraved by such 
circumstances. * * * Ajid can the 
liberties of a nation be thought secure 
when we have removed their only firm 
basis, a conviction in the minds of the 
people that these liberties are of the 
gift of God? That they are not to be 
violated but with his wrath? Indeed 
I tremble for my country when I re- 
flect that God is just; that his justice 
cannot sleep forever; that considering 
numbers, nature and natural means only, 
a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an 
exchange of situation is among possible 
events; that it may become probable by 
supernatural interference. The Al- 
mighty has no attribute which can take 
side with us in such a contest." 




' ' With respect to the influence which 
the practice of slavery may have upon 
morals aJid manners; when men are in- 
vested with an uncontrolled power over 
a number of friendless human beings 
held to incessant labor; when' they can 
daily see the whip hurrying promiscu- 
ously the young, the aged, the infirm, 
the pregnant woman, and the mother 
with her suckling infant to their daily 
toil; when they can see them unmoved 
shivering with cold and pinched with 
hunger; when they can barter a human 
being with the same unfeeling indiffer- 
ence that they barter a horse; part the 
wife from her husband, and unmindful of 
their mutual cries tear the child from its 
mother; when they can in the unbridled 
gust of stormy passions inflict cruel 
punishments which no law can avert or 
mitigate; when such things can take 
place, can it be expected that the milk 
of human kindness will ever moisten the 
eyes of men in the daily practice of such 
enormities, and that they will respect the 
moral obligations or the laws of jus- 
tice which they are constantly outrag- 
ing with the wretched negro? * » « 
At the very moment that the progress 
of reason and general benevolence is 
consigning slavery to its merited desti- 
nation, that England, sordid England, is 

blushing at the practice, that all good 
men of the Southern states repeat in one 
common responise 'I tremble for my 
country when I reflect that God is just,' 
must the Territory of Indiana take a 
retrograde step into barbarism and as- 
similate itself witli Algiers and Mo- 
rocco? With respect to its political ef- 
fects, it may be worthy of enquiry how 
ling the political institutions of a peo- 
ple admitting slavery may be expected to 
remain uninjured, how proper a school 
for the acquirement of republican vir- 
tues is a state of things wherein usur- 
pation is sanctioned by law, wherein the 
commands of justice are trampled un- 
der foot, wherein those claiming the 
rights of free men are themselves the 
most execrable of tyrants, and where is 
consecrated the dangerous maxim that 
' power is right. ' Your committee will 
here only observe that the habit of un- 
limited dominion in the slave-holder will 
beget in him a spirit of haughtiness and 
pride productive of a proportional habit 
of servility and despondence in those 
who possess no negroes, both equally in- 
imical to our institutions. The lord of 
three or four hundred negroes will not 
easily forgive and the mechanic and la- 
boring man will seldom venture a vote 
contrary to the will of such an iiiduen- 
tial being." 12 

The effect of this report was remarkable, for the House at once con- 
curred in it without division, and the House as constituted had stood five 
to one for slavery. Furthermore they at once took up the bill for the 
repeal of the indenture law which the committee had reported, put it 
through three readings, and passed it ; and it was signed and sent to the 
Council that same morning. Five days later it was taken up by the 
Council, when only John Rice Jones, Shadraeh Bond of St. Clair County, 
and George Fisher of Randolph, were present, and they defeated it 
without division. It would have been political suicide for the Illinois 
men to have passed the repeal bill, and yet all of them, including Rice 
Jones, the son of John Rice Jones, had voted for it under the spell of 

12 At this time all voting was by open announcement of choice at the polling 
place, and everybody knew how everyone else voted. 


Johnston's report. The vote of the Council saved the indenture system 
for Illinois, where it made a great deal of trouble for many years after- 
wards. The bitterness resulting from this legislature was very deep ; 
and this was evidenced by the burning of Jesse B. Thomas in effigy at 
Vincennes, and by the murder of Rice Jones at Kaskaskia by Dr. Dunlap. 
But the demonstrations of anger did no good, for Thomas went to Con- 

JoHN Rice Jones 

gress and secured all he had pledged. An act for the division of the 
Territory was approved on Februai-j- 3, 1809, and he also secured laws 
making councilors and the delegate to Congress elective by the people, 
and putting the power of apportionment for the representatives in the 
hands of the legislature. He obtained for himself an appointment of 
Judge of the Territorial court of Illinois, and removed to that state, 
where he became prominent, being one of its first national senators. John 


Rice Joues also left Indiana at this time, locating in Missouri, where he 
was for years a member of the Supreme Court. 

Some of the descendants of Jones have felt outraged by mere his- 
torical statements about his career in Indiana, but they seem to have 
overlooked really severe criticisms of him, that were made while he had 
opportunity to answer them.^^ The historical truth is that, as the Terri- 
torial government advanced to higher grades, the Governor's appointing 
power decreased, and at the same time, by the growth of population, the 
luimber of necessary political allies increased, until thei'e were not offices 
enough to go around. Influenced perhaps by a consideration of family 
or pei-sonal relation, Harrison put to the front a number of the later 
comers to the Territory, among them Waller Taylor, Benjamin Parke 
and Thomas Randolph, who were appointed to the class of offices to 
which Jones aspired. As long as Jones was in office he was a political 
friend of Harrison; when lie went out of office he became Harrison's 
enemy, and thete is no other visible cause for his change of attitude. To 
an unprejudiced observer, this would seem to come within the scriptural 
rule: "When it is evening, ye say. It will be fair weather: for the sky 
is red. And in the morning, It will be foul weather to day : for the sky 
is red and lowering." There can be no question that after Jones went 
out of office, Harrison was assailed in the newspapers by Jones, Elijah 
Bachus, and William Mcintosh, who had been Territorial Treasurer. 
These attacks continued after Jones left the Territory, and it is a matter 
of judicial record that Harrison finally sued Mcintosh for slander and 
recovered judgment for $4,000. Harrison was usually fortunate in the 
character of his assailants: and in this case an interesting light is thrown 
on Mcintosh — and incidentally on the Owens colony at New Harmony — 
by the following naive entry in the diary of William Owen, as to a visit 
to Mcintosh : "We found a fine old man. His house is pretty large, but 
only partly finished inside. It is situated on a bank near the river oppo- 
site the rapids and in floods is quite surrounded by water. We were 
introduced to a black woman as his housekeeper but who seems to answer 
all the purposes of a wife, as he has three black children by her. Two 
of them are fine children. Mrs. J. Mcintosh, who is from New Jersey, 
had informed us of them before, saying she would go often to see him, 
were it not that he had a black woman and that he fondled the little 
black things as if they were as white as snow. Mr. Mcintosh showed us 
a number of papers relative to a meeting held at Vincennes by the 
French in order to reply to some insinuations made against their fidelity 
by Gen. Harrison. We had a good deal of conversation with him and he 

13 Woollen's Sketches, p. 373 et seq. 


seemed much ineliued to go all together with us. He apj^eared to be a 
deist. It raiued in the evening. After we had si;pped the black woman 
and the children and a negro man sat down with ns. They also remained 
in the room during the evening." ^^ 

The division act of 1809 left Indiana with its present boundaries 
except that the north line ran through the southern extreme of Lake 
Michigan. in.stead of ten miles north of it ; and the strip east of the 
"Wabash and west of a line drawn north from Vincennes was then put in 
Illinois Territory ; and both of these so remained until added to Indiana 
when the state was admitted. Although the division act was approved 
on February 3, 1809, it did not reach Indiana for several weeks, and an 
election for delegates to the legislature was held on April 3 under the 
old law. This was of interest as showing public sentiment in Knox 
County, where there were five candidates, and two to be elected. One of 
the candidates was Thomas Randolph, then Attorney General of the 
Territory, and he was the only one who stated his position on slavery, 
which was as follows: "Your former delegate will inform you that 
Congress would not give its sanction to the introduction of slaves was 
there a majority of the citizens of the Territory in favor of it. Tou say, 
and I believe it probable, a majority is opposed to it. I differ with them 
in opinion ; my voice would be in favor of the introduction. Let us not, 
however, agitate this question when more important subjects loudly de- 
mand our attention." The important subjects, as he explained at length, 
were foreign complications; but he did not explain what the legislature 
of Indiana Territory had to do with them. The election in Knox re- 
sulted, John Johnson 203, General "W. Johnson 140, John Haddon 120, 
Thomas Randolph 110, Dennis Sullivan 66. On April 4, the day after 
the election, Harrison proclaimed the division, redistricted the Territory, 
and called an election for May 22. He could not have done this unless 
he had received the division act before April 3. But Congress had also 
passed a suffrage act which put the power of legislative apportionment 
in the legislature, and when Harrison received this he again let the 
election proceed, and the legislature was held illegal and void by Con- 
gress; and in consequence Indiana did not get a valid legislature until 

The suffrage act also called for the election of a Congressman by the 
people, and as soon as it was received John Johnson and Thomas Ran- 
dolph announced themselves as candidates. Johnson said nothing as to 
slavery, but he had always been a proslavery man. Randolph tried to 
trim. In his published address he said: "It is my belief that a great 

Hind. Hist. Soc. Pubs., Vol. 4, p. 113. 


majority of the people of the Territory are opposed to me in opinion. I 
therefore yield the point. I think this question ought now to sleep. I 
think the interests of the Territory demand it ; and should I be honored 
with your suffrages I will not make an attempt to introduce negroes into 
the Territory unless a decided majority of my constituents should par- 
ticularly instruct me to do so." This situation opened the way for an 
anti-slavery candidate, and the man Avas at hand, in the person of young 
Jonathan Jennings. He was born in Hunterdon County, New Jersey, 
but his father, who was a Presbyterian preacher, removed to Fayette 
County, Pennsylvania, soon after Jonathan's birth; and here the boy 
grew to manhood, receiving a common school education, with some Latin, 
Greek and higher mathematics in a grammar school at Canuonsburg, 
Pennsylvania. He began the study of law, but in 1S06 went west, com- 
ing down the Ohio in a flatboat to Jeffei-sonville, where he stopped for a 
time, and then went on to Vincennes. Here he completed his legal 
studies, and was admitted to the bar at the April term, 1807. Legal 
business -was not abundant, and as he was a good penman, he found addi- 
tional occupation as clerk for Nathaniel Ewing, Receiver of the Lant' 
Office, and put in a week helping copy the Revised Statutes of 1807. -He 
also had a very brief journalistic experience. Elihu Stout, proprietor of 
the Vincennes Sun, was accustomed to get an ' ' assistant editor ' ' who was 
a partner, i.e., had as his compensation a share of the profits. He had 
fallen out with an assistant editor named Smoot, in November, 1807, and 
in December Jennings took the place for a couple of weeks, and then 
the partner.ship was "dissolved b.y consent." Possibly the difSeulty lay 
in Jennings' slavery views, for Stout was a pronounced proslavery man. 
Jennings found that there was not much prospect for him at Vincennes, 
and decided to go back to Clark County. As he was starting, Ewing 
said to him, "Look us up a good candidate for Congress," and Jennings, 
who had -apparently been giving the matter some thought, replied, "Why 
wouldn't I do?" After a brief talk, they agreed that he might be elected 
if he could get the support of the anti-slavery people of the eastern 
counties. The time was short. Jennings hastened to Charlestown, and 
consulted the Bcggs brothers. A meeting was called, and he was ac- 
cepted as a candidate. He then went on to Dearborn. In the southern 
district, where Captain Samuel Vance, a brother-in-law of Harrison, and 
General James Dill, a Harrison office-holder, were the leading politicians, 
he received no encouragement. In the northern district, where the Hol- 
mans, a Baptist family, were the leaders, a backwoods convention had 
been held, known later as "the Log Convention," and George Hiuit had 
been selected as a candidate, but with the understanding that if Clark 
County had another candidate Hunt would be withdrawn ; and Joseph 



Holmau had gone to Clark to learii the situation. Before he returned, 
Dill and Vance came up from Lawrenceburgh, and circulated charges 
against Jennings, and also induced Hunt to withdraw in favor of Vance. 
When Joseph Holman returned, Jennings made satisfactory explanation 
of the charges of Dill and Vance, and the Holmaus gave him their active 
support. In the election Jennings got every vote in the northern district 
except that of George Hunt. The votes of Clark and Dearborn out- 
balanced those of Knox and Han-ison, and the result was Randolph 402, 
Jennings 428, and Johnson 81. Randolph contested the election, and 

Tippecanoe Battleground Near Lafayette 

the committee reported the election void, on account of irregularities in 
Dearljorn County; but the House refused to concur in the report, and 
Jennings retained his seat. He defeated Randolph again in 1811; 
Waller Taylor in 1812 ; and Judge Elijah Sparks in 1814. His success 
was largely due to the slavery question, or rather to the recollection of 
it, which his opponents tried in vain to avoid. In addition to this, 
Jennings was unsurpassed as a frontier politician. He was thoroughly 
one of the people, joining in their sports and their work, while his 
opponents usually assumed some superiority over the masses in their 
style of life. Hence the Harrison party came to be called "the Virginia 
Aristocrats" and the Jennings party called themselves "the People"— 


and they were, so far as carrying elections was concerned. The slavery 
ques-tion as a living issue, had been removed by the repeal of the in- 
denture law by the legislature of 1810. The repeal bill passed the House 
easily, but in the Council the vote was a tie, and the bill was passed by 
the vote of James Beggs, President of the Council. 

Harrison had raised enmity in another quarter. He had been in- 
structed to extinguish the Indian titles in Southern Indiana and Illinois 
as rapidly as possible, and had been very .successful in doing so. But in 
his treaties he had recognized only the tribes who had originally claimed 
the region. When Wayne treated with the Indians at Greenville, all of 
the Ohio Indians were thrown back into Indiana, but without having 
any lands assigned to them. All of them, Wyandots, Ottawas, Seneeas of 
Sandusky, Delawares and Shawnees, joined in a request to him to 
assign lands to them, telling him that if he did not it "would bring on 
disputes forever." Wajaie refused to do this, telling them that they 
best knew their own boundaries, and adding : ' ' Let no nation or nations 
invade, molest or disturb any other nation or nations in the hunting 
grounds they have heretofore been accustomed to live and hunt upon, 
within the boundary which shall now be agreed on." This was impos- 
sible, because the Indiana Indians claimed all of Indiana. They did 
not object to the Ohio Indians living in their claimed Territory, and, 
indeed, seem to have given some assent to the idea that the Indiana lands 
belonged to all the tribes in common. At least Harrison wrote, in 1802, 
"There appeare to be an agreement amongst them that no proposition 
which relates to their lands can be acceded to without the consent of all 
the tribes." But he did not i;ndertake to get this general consent to any 
treaty, unless it was the treaty of June 7, 1803, by which only eight 
square miles were ceded. In this treaty three Shawnees joined, but in 
none of his other treaties in Indiana Territory did any Ohio Indian join, 
and apparently they were not consulted at all. By 1806 he had made 
five other treaties, for about 46,000 square miles of Indian lands in 
Indiana and Illinois; and when by the treaties of 1809 some 3,000,000 
acres more were added, Tecumtha became defiant and said that the lands 
should not be taken. It was this claim for a common title that Tecumtha 
urged at the celebrated council at Vincennes on August 20, 1810. when, 
after threatening vengeance on the chiefs who had signed the treaties, 
he said to Harrison: "It is you that are pushing them on to do mis- 
chief. You endeavor to make distinctions. You wish to prevent the 
Indians to do as we -wish them, to unite and let them consider their lands 
as the common property of the whole. You take tribes aside and advise 
them not to come into this measure ; and until oiir design is accomplished 
we do not wish to accept your invitation to go and see the President." 



This was the council that Teeumtha broke up by telling Harrison that he 
lied. After some attempts at resuming, in which he was told that the 
President would never admit his claims, he ended the negotiations by 
saying: "Well, as the great chief is to determine the matter, I hope the 
Great Spirit will put sense enough into his head to induce him to direct 
you to give up the land. It is true, he is so far off he will not be injured 
by the war. He may sit still in his town, and drink his wine, while you 
and I will have to fight it out." 

The trouble had been brewing for several years. Teeumtha and his 
brother, La-lu-i-tsi-ka. the Prophet, had located in the Delaware towns on 
"White River, and the resistance to the treaties began there. There 
La-lu-i-tsi-ka (the Loud Voice) assumed the name Tems-kwa-ta-wa (He 
who keeps the Door Open) and began his career as a prophet. His moral 
teachings were unobjectionable, as he condemned all the ordinary Indian 
vices, but he also taught that the Indians were being pimished by the 
Great Spirit for adopting the customs of the whites. They adopted the 
plan of accusing Indians who favored the whites of witchcraft, and an 


Indian accused of witchcraft was certain of death unless he could prove 
his innocence, which was usually impossible. Three Indians were put to 
death on these charges, on White River, and the Moravian mission, which 
had been started just east of Anderson in 1801 was broken up. In 1808 
the Prophet and his followers removed to Ki-tap-i-kon-nunk at the mouth 
of the Tippecanoe River, and liere the new religion flourished wonder- 
fully, reaching the tribes far and near, in every direction. There were 
some depredations on the settlements, but the most alarming feature of 
tlie situation was the defiant attitude of the Indians. In the summer of 
1811 it was decided that the safety of the frontier called for breaking up 
the Prophet's town, and on September 26 the main body of the forces 
called for the expedition started from Vincennes. Two miles above 
Terre Haute, Fort Harrison was built : and, the remainder of the forces 
having arrived, the march from that point began on October 28. On 
November 2, the army, which now consisted of about one thousand men, 
one-fourth mounted, and including nine companies of regulars, stopped 
two miles below the mouth of tlie Vermillion and erected a blockhouse, 
to protect the boats, in which the supplies had been brought thus far. 
On November 6, thej' came in sight of the ProiDhet's town, and after 
some parleying it was agreed that the troops should go into camp over 
night, and that a conference should be held the j,iext day. The troops 
accordingly camped on what is now known as Tippecanoe Battle Ground ; 
but a little after four o'clock in the morning the Indians attacked them. 
For two hours the Indians fought stubbornly, relying on the Prophet's 
promise to protect them by his magic, and then they fled in all directions. 
It wa.s said by the Indians that the attack was due to the insistence of 
the Potawatomi chief. "Winemac ; and at a grand council of the Indians 
which was held on the ]Mississinewa River in ilay, 1812, Tecumtha said, 
"had I been at home, there would have been no blood shed at that time." 
However that may have been, the reputation of the Prophet was ruined, 
and that was the most important result of the battle, for in the ensuing 
hostilities the Americans were merely fighting Indians with British 
backing, and that was much less serious than fighting Indians who be- 
lieved that a divinely inspired Prophet was guiding them. 

During the year following the battle of Tippecanoe, nearly all of the 
Indians professed repentance, and desired to make peace, blaming the 
Prophet for having led them astray ; but Harrison refused to make peace 
until they gave substantial evidence of a change of heart. His policy 
would probably have been successful if the war with Great Britain had 
not given the Indians new backing, with ample supplies. Henry Clay, 
and many others, imagined that all that was necessary for the conquest 
of Canada w-as to send some one to take possession, as Clark had done 



with Vincennes. Never was there a greater mistake. England had an 
able and efficient man in charge in Gen. Brock, which was in marked 
contrast with the United States. Among all the crimes that have been 
charged to Thomas Jefferson, it is singular that nobody has dwelt on 
his appointment of Gen. Hull as governor, and Judge Woodward as 
chief justice of Michigan Territory. Woodward has been described as 
a man who would attempt "to extract sunbeams from cucumbers," and 
Hull evidently could not get cucumbers from sunbeams. When Con- 
gress formally declared war, on June 18, 1812, word was at once sent to 

Defence of Fort Harrison 

Hull, which was received before the British in western Canada had any 
knowledge of it : but Hull promptly managed to let this dispatch, with the 
rest of his private papers, be captured by the British. Then the British 
sent an expedition which took the fort at Mackinac by surprise, before 
the commandant knew that war had begun, and they set all their agencies 
to work to stir the Indians to hostilities. Hull helped on the good work 
by sending orders to Captain Heald to evacuate the post at Chicago, and 
brint^ his garrison to Detroit. Heald started on August 15, and the 
troops were massacred by the Indians. If they had not been massacred 
there, they probably would have been elsewhere, as Hull surrendered 
Detroit to Brock on August 16. He was court-martialed afterwards, 
and sentenced to be shot, but was pardoned. He later published a lengthy 


defense, in which he dwells on the things lacking to his forces, but does 
not mention that their one serious lack was a commander. Two weeks 
later the results were manifested on the Indiana frontiers. Fort Wayne 
was invested by hostile Indians and put in a state of siege. On Septem- 
ber 3, Fort Harrison, which was held by Capt. Zachary Taylor, with a 
company of the Seventh regulars, was attacked by Indians under the 
Kickapoo chief Josey Renard (Na-ma-to-ha, or Standing, signifying 
Mau-on-his-Feet), but it was successfully defended imder circumstances 
ten times as disadvantageous as those that had confronted Hull ; and so 
was Fort Wayne. On September 3, a war party of Shawnees invaded 
the Pigeon Roost settlement, in Scott County, and in a few hours killed 
one man and twenty-one women and children. 

Fortunately Indiana was pretty well prepared for the storm. On 
April 16, Governor Harrison had issued general orders directing the 
militia offices to put their commands in readiness for active service, and 
warning the people to build blockhouses at convenient points, in which 
refuge could be found. These directions were followed in the spring and 
summer of 1812, and in consequence there was little loss of life after the 
first attacks. Governor Scott of Kentucky, was also active in preparation, 
and in August appointed Harrison General of the Kentucky militia which 
was to act for the defense of the frontier. As soon as news of the attack 
on Fort Harrison reached Vincennes, Col. Russell of the Seventh regu- 
lars marched from that place with 1,200 men, including one regiment of 
Kentucky volunteers, two regiments of Indiana militia, and three com- 
panies of "Rangers," who were State troops maintained by the United 
States. Fort Harrison was relieved on September 16. Meanwhile Gen. 
Harrison had marched from Piqua at the head of two thousand Ken- 
tuckians and seven hundred Ohio men, to relieve Fort Wayne, which was 
accomplished on September 12. On September 19 Gen. Harrison relin- 
quished command of the troops at Fort Wayne to Gen. James Winchester, 
and on the 24th received orders to take command of the army of the 
Northwest. His orders, dated September 17, said: "Having provided 
for the protection of the western frontier, you will retake Detroit; and, 
with a view to the conquest of Upper Canada, you will penetrate that 
country as far as the force under your command will in your judgment 
justify." He at once entered on the work of preparation for this task. 

Early in October, Gen. Samuel Hopkins led a force of two thousand 
mounted Kentucky volunteers from Vincennes on an expedition against 
the hostile Indians between the Wabash and Illinois rivers. After wan- 
dering rather aimlessly through the prairies for five days, his troops 
mutinied and returned home. The militia and volunteer forces of this 
period were wholly unmanageable unless they had confidence in their 


officers, and this must be borne in mind to attain any just understanding 
of the service of Harrison, which was performed with troops of this 
character. His usual course on entering upon any hazardous or trying 
enterprise, was to tell his men what would be expected, and request any 
who did not relish what was before them to withdraw at the outset. At 
the same time that Hopkins started on his expedition, Governor Edwards 
of Illinois, marched from Cahokia with 360 men, including two com- 
panies of Indiana Rangers under Col. Russell, against the Kickapoo 
town at the head of Peoria Lake. The force destroyed the town, killed 
twenty Indians, captured eighty horses, and destroyed a large amount of 
corn and other Indian property, with a loss of only four men wounded. 
After his return from his first expedition, Gen. Hopkins made another 
one up the east side of the Wabash, with 1,2.50 men, and destroyed the 
Winnebago town on Wildcat creek, in which the Prophet had taken 
refuge after the battle of Tippecanoe. It contained ' ' about forty houses, 
many of them from thirty to fifty feet in length," besides a number of 
huts. He also destroyed a Kickapoo town, on the other side of the creek, 
containing about one hundred and sixty cabins and huts, together with 
a considerable amount of corn and other supplies; and met with no 
casualties except that a detachment of Captain Beckes' Rangers fell 
into an ambuscade, and lost sixteen men killed and three wounded. Cold 
weather having set in, the force returned, after an absence of twenty 

As a number of hostiles had gathered on the Mississinewa River, 
under orders from Gen. Harrison, a force of 600 men, commanded by 
Col. John B. Campbell, of the 19th U. S. Infantry, marched from Dayton, 
Ohio, against their villages on December 14. Early on the morning on 
the 17th they surprised a Miami and Munsey town near Jalapa, killed 
eight warriors, and captured eight warriors and thirty-six women and 
children. Confining his prisoners in two or three of the houses, Camp- 
bell had the rest of the town burned, and the cattle and stock shot ; and 
then leaving his infantry to guard the prisoners, he proceeded down the 
river with two companies of dragoons, destroyed three more villages, 
killed a number of cattle, and captured some horses ; after which he re- 
turned to the first village and camped. Shortly after four o'clock ov. 
the morning of the 18th his camp was attacked by a body of Indians which 
he estimated to number three hundred, and for an hour a fierce fight 
followed, in which eight of Campbell's men were killed, and forty -two 
wounded. The Indians were driven off, leaving fifteen dead on the 
field. As Campbell had lost a large number of his horses in the fight, a 
large number of hostiles were reported to be at the principal village, at 
the mouth of the Mississinewa — known as the Osage Village — and the 



weather had become intensely cold, Campbell decided to return to Green- 
ville. His return was slow, seventeen of his wounded being carried on 
litters, and when he arrived at Greenville, 303 of his men were so badly- 
frost-bitten as to be unfit for duty. In his instructions to Campbell, 


Little Turtle 
(From the painting by Gilbert Stuart, made by order of President 
Washington, and destroyed when the British burned the capital 

Harrison had told him to avoid as far as possible any injury to chiefs 
who had been friendly, naming Richardville (Pin-je-wa, or the "Wildcat), 
Silver Heels (Am-bau-wit-ta, or the Flyer), White Loon (Wa-pi-man- 
gwa), Pecan (Pa-ka-na, or the Nut), Charley (Ki-tun-ga, or Sleepy), 
and ' ' the son and brother of the Little Turtle, who continued, to his last 
moments, the warm friend of the United States, and who, in the coui-se 


of his life, rendered them many important f?ervices. " He also gave in- 
strixetions to avoid injury to Francois Godfrey, who had a trading house 
near the mouth of the Mississinewa. The Little Turtle had died on July 
14, 1812, at Fort Wayne, where he had gone for treatment for gout. 
He was buried there with military honors, and his grave was treated with 
veneration by the Indians for many years. Finally the city spread over 
it, and its location was forgotten, until, on July 4, 1911, some workmen 
making an excavation uncovered it. Fortunately this came to the notice 
of ilr. J. M. Stouder, of Fort Wayne, who gathered up and preserved 
the articles that had been buried with the chief, including the sword 
presented to him by President Washington. It was due to the efforts of 
Mr. Stouder that the grave was identified as that of the Little Turtle. 

While these events were occurring, Haii'ison was preparing for opera- 
tions against Detroit and Canada. His chief difficulty was in getting 
sufficient provisions and supplies for an army to a point that was within 
reach of his objective. The War Department seemed to think that all 
that was necessary was men ; but the nearest point of supply was Cin- 
cinnati, and there was no road from there to the Maiimee, except that 
the timber had been cut for the width of a roadway through part of the 
intervening forest, in the expeditions of St. Clair, Wayne and others. 
There has been much foolish criticism of Harrison for his delay in act- 
ing ; but when one contemplates the absurdity of getting an array into a 
wilderness without supplies, and with no chance of getting them, it is 
apparent that Harrison's movement on the enemy was remarkably speedy. 
After the forest was passed, the difficulties became even greater, as will 
be seen from the following description by one familiar with it : " In this 
part of the country, one of the greatest difficulties which an army has to 
surmount is that which arises from the difficulty of transporitng pro- 
visions and stores. At all seasons the road is wet and miry. The coun- 
try, though somewhat level, is broken by innumerable little runs, which 
are generally dry, except during or immediately after a heavy rain, when 
they are frequently impassahle until the subsiding of the water, which is 
generally from twelve to twenty-four hours. Another of the difficulties 
of transportation arises from the nature of the soil, which being generally 
a rich loam, free from stones and gravel, in many places a horse will 
mire for miles full leg deep every step." " 

Scant notice has been given by historians to the herculean task of 
overcoming these difficulties, although HaiTison's official papers indicate 
the agency through which they were surmounted. In his orders of 
September 19, 1812, when he turned the command at Fort Wayne over to 

15 Palmer 's Historical Register, Vol. 2, p. 31. 



Winchester, lie said: "The supplies which have been reported to me, 
or ordered by ine, are as follows : 400,000 rations of beef and 150,000 of 
flour, purchased by Mr. John H. Piatt, under the authority of Gen. Hull. 
A part of this flour, and about 50,000 lbs. of beef has been brought on 
and consumed by the army. The balance of the flour is either on the 



■ i 



^f*^ 1 



M^I'^X 1 




MH^p^/Vf j, - 









1 .-;:, . .. ' -^ — 

- — — 

(From the only known portrait — a pencil sketch by Pierre le Drou, a 
young trader at Vincennes. Probably not an exact likeness. Repre- 
sents Tecumtha in his British uniform) 

way hither or to St. Mary's where it was to be deposited. I also directed 
Mr. Piatt to purchase and send on to St. Mary 's, whiskey, and other com- 
ponent parts of the ration to make the 150,000 lbs. of flour complete 
rations. ' ' i* On September 27, he wrote to Secretary Eustis, ' ' Agreeably 
to the authority given me by your letter of the 17th I have appointed 

16 Dawson's Harrison, p. 295. 


Mr. John H. Piatt deputy eonunissary ; lie is the same person employed 
by General Hull, and will, I think, make a most excellent officer. ' ' ^' 
On October 4, he wrote from Fort Defiance, "I have directed the com- 
missary Mr. Piatt to procure all the wagons in his power for transporting 
the provisions from St. Hilary's to this place." '^ On October 22, he 
wrote to Eustis, "I am not able to fix any period for the advance of the 
troops to Detroit. It is pretty evident that it cannot be done upon proper 
principles until the frost shall become so severe as to enable us to use 
the rivers and the margin of the lake for transportation of the baggage 
and artillery upon the ice. To get them forward through a swampy wil- 
derness of near two hundred miles, in wagons or on pack horses, which 
are to cari-y their own provisions, is absolutely impossible. The enclosed 
extract of a letter just received from the commissaiy Piatt, will give you 
some idea of the state of the road, and the difficulty of getting provisions 
even to Defiance." ^^ In fact Harrison depended on Piatt so fully that 
certain contractors, notably the firm of Orr & Greeley, accused him of 
favoritism, and intimated that he was interested with Piatt. On Decem- 
ber 20, 1815, Harrison demanded a congressional inquiry into the matter, 
in which the accusing parties offered no proof, and the satisfactory char- 
acter of Piatt's service was certified to by Generals James Taylor and 
James Findlay, and Col. Thomas P. Jesup ; and the committee reported 
that "Gen. Harrison stands above suspicion." 20 

John H. Piatt was born in New Jersey, August 15, 1781. His father, 
Jacob Piatt, was one of five sons of John Piatt (Pyatt) whose family, 
being HugTienots, took refuge in Holland after the revocation of the 
Edict of Nantes. The sons located in New Jersey, prior to 1760, and 
three of them were officers in the Revolutionary army, and charter mem- 
bers of the Society of the Cincinnati ; of these Jacob entered the army in 
1775. and served to the close of the war. Another brother, William, after 
serving through the Revolution, raised a company for St. Clair's expedi- 
tion in 1791, and was mortally wounded in the disastrous defeat of that 
year. His men undertook to carry him with them on the retreat, but he 
told them that they were wasting their time— to prop him up against a 
tree, with his loaded rifle in his lap to take one last shot at the redskins — 
and so they left him. His grandson, John James Piatt, kept his memory 
in his poem "An Unmarked Grave." John H. Piatt came to Cincinnati 
at the age of fourteen, and having a natural aptitude for business, ac- 
qilired large wealth while quite young. He is mentioned by the Cin- 

1" Dawson 's Harrison, p. 303. 

18 lb., p. 307. 

19 1b., p. 313. 

20 Am. State Papers, Mil. Aff., Vol. 1, pp. 644-61, 667. 

Vol. 1—18 


cinnati historians as one of the most enterprising and public spirited of 
the early business men of the place. An interesting account of his first 
step in supplying the army is preserved in a narrative by Samuel Wil- 
liams.21 Gen. Hull withdrew his army to Detroit on July 5, 1812, and 
on the 11th wrote to Gov. Meigs of Ohio, that he was short of provisions, 
and had authorized Piatt to purchase two months ' supply. At the same 
time that he received this, Meigs received a message from Piatt, then at 
Urbana, that the supplies would be ready as soon as the escort asked by 
Hull was ready. The next morning Meigs called a meeting of the citizens 
of Chillicothe, and in two hours ninety-five men volunteered to go as an 
escort. They chose Capt. Henrys Brush as commander, and the next 
morning, July 21, started on their march. At Urbana they picked up 
the train of ' ' seventy pack-horses, each laden with two hundred pounds 
of flour, in a bag, lashed on a pack-saddle ; and a drove of about three 
hundred beef cattle, ' ' and were joined by twenty soldiers of the Fourth 
U. S. Infantry. Williams' description of the march presents some of the 
features of frontier service, such as sleeping on the groi;nd without 
tents, drinking from wagon ruts, and dining thus: "Our company is 
divided into ' messes ' of six men each. Our rations are delivered together 
to each mess when we encamp at night. This consists of flour, fat bacon 
and salt. The flour is kneaded in a broad iron camp-kettle, and dra^vn 
out in long rolls the size of a man's wrist, and coiled around a smooth 
pole some three inches in diameter and five or six feet long, on which 
the dough is flattened so as to be half an inch or more in thickness. The 
pole, thus covered with dough, except a few inches at each end, is placed 
on two wooden forks driven into the ground in front of the camp-fire, 
and turned frequently till it is baked. Our meat is cooked thus : a branch 
of a tree having several twigs on it is cut, and the ends of the twigs 
sharpened ; the fat bacon is cut in slices and stuck on these twigs, leaving 
a little space between each, and then held in the blaze and smoked till 
cooked. Each man then takes a piece of the pole bread, and lays thereon 
a slice of bacon, and with his knife cuts therefrom, and eats his meal 
with a good appetite. Enough is thus cooked each night to serve for 
the next day ; each man stowing in his knapsack his own day's provision. ' ' 
The train was following Hull's trace, and a few miles north of Find- 
lay, "the expedition entered the Black Swamp, through which the road 
passed for many miles, much of which was almost impassable." They 
reached the Maumee on August 2, and on the 9th came to the River 
Raisin, where there was a post, and there they had orders from Hull to 

21 Ohio Valley Historical series, Miscellanies, No. 2. Cincinnati, Robert Clarke 
& Co., 1871. « 


stop until he sent a convoy. Hull tried this twice. His first detachment, 
under Major Vanhorne, was met by the British and Indians at Mag^laga, 
and driven back to Detroit after a hard fight. Col. ililler was then sent 
with nine hundred men. He was met by the enemy at Brownstown, and 
defeated them in a fierce battle, but his force was so crippled that he re- 
turned to Detroit.' A third detachment was sent, by a circuitous route, 
under Col. McArthur, but it did not get to its destination. On August 
17, Captain Elliott, of the British army, arrived at the River Raisin 
under a flag of truce, with the astounding news that Hull had surren- 
dered not only Detroit, but Brush's volunteers. Brush decided that 
Elliott was a British spy, and imprisoned him, but in the evening two 
Ohio soldiers who had escaped from Detroit, arrived with confirmation 
of the surrender. The Chillicothe volunteers did not propose to be sur- 
rendered, so at ten o'clock that night they released Elliott, and started 
for home, which they reached safely on August 23 ; however, the Govern- 
ment conceded that they were properly prisoners of war, and they were 
dul.y exchanged for British prisoners. They were fully convinced that 
Hull was a deep-dyed traitor; and for that matter so were most of the 
people of the West, though some only charged him with cowardice or 
incompetence. For years afterwards there was a popular western song 

"Let General Hull 
Be counted null, 
And let him not be named 
Among Columbia's gallant sons, 
For worth and valor famed." 

Piatt continued as Commissary General of the Army of the Northwest 
until January 26, 1814, when he entered into a contract to furnish rations 
to the army for one year from June 1, at a rate of twenty cents a ration. 
At that- time the Government's credit was good, and it was paying its 
debts in gold and silver, "and as the usage then was to make advances in 
money to contractors, he retaining in his hands, as an advance from the 
department, the balance of the commissariat fund ; which at the close of 
his engagements amounted to .ii4S,230.77. " This contract was made with 
General John Armstrong, then Secretary of War, who retired during the 
year, whereupon James Monroe, then Secretary of State, acted also as 
Secretary of War. By June 1, the Government was financially em- 
barrassed, and had to issue paper money, which at once went to a dis- 
count. In August the British captured Washington, and burned the 
capitol. A panic came on, and all the banks south and west of New 
York suspended specie payments. Prices of course went up, until supplies 



could uot be bought for less than forty -five cents a ration; but Piatt 
went on with his contract until December, when his drafts on the Govern- 
ment for supplies furnished, to the amoiuit of $210,000, had gone to 
protest. On December 26, General McArthur made a requisition on him 
for 800,000 rations, to be furnished within thirty days. Unable to com- 
ply, on account of the Government's failure to pay, Piatt hastened to 
Washington, and, as found to be the facts by the Coui't of Claims, "at a 

John H. Piatt 

personal interview there with him, notified to Mr. Monroe, then Secre- 
tary of War, that he would furnish no more rations under the contract. 
Secretary Monroe admitted to Piatt the inability of the Government to 
comply with the terms of the contract on their part, both as to money 
already due, and as to money which might become due for future sup- 
plies. Biit the military exigency then rendering it necessary that a 
large quantity of rations should be furnished immediately for the North- 
western Army, it was thereupon agreed by parol, between Piatt and the 


secretary-, that if Piatt would fnniish the rations which might be re- 
quired, he should receive for them whatever price they should be rea- 
sonably worth at the time and place of delivei-y ; and that the defendants 
(the United States), instead of paying as required by the terms of the 
original contract, should defer payment until such time or times as they 
should have the requisite funds. "'^ 

Under this agreement, Piatt furnished the ai-my 730,070 rations, 
which the evidence showed to be worth $328,531.54, and also furnished, 
under orders from the commander of the army, transportation and goods 
to distressed refugees of Michigan and friendly Indians, to the amount 
of $63,620.48. But when he came to settle with the Government, Wm. 
H. Crawford, then Secretary of War, would only allow the oi'igiual con- 
tract price of twenty cents a ration, refusing the parol contract because 
"by reason of what he considered countervailing evidence, he had doubts 
whether such assurances had been given. "Inasmuch as Mr. ]\Ionroe 
was then President, it can only be inferred that the "countervailing evi- 
dence" came from him. This presumption is supported by the fact that 
Piatt secured several statements addressed to the President, in support 
of the parol agreement, and the makers state that they made them at 
the request of the President, but this was at a later date. At the time, 
Piatt was allowed $148,791.87, or the original contract price, for the 
rations, and the claim for what was furnished to the Indians and refugees 
was refused in toto. In September, 1819, while Piatt was in Washington 
trying to get nearly a quarter of a million dollars that was still due to 
him, the United States brought suit against him for the $48,230.77 
balance of the commissariat fund, which had been advanced to him on 
his contract. He was arrested on a caputs ad respondendum, and would 
have been imprisoned but for the intervention of friends. As it was he 
was allowed to give bail, and remain "on the bounds" in Washington. 
On ilay 8, 1820, while this action was pending, Congress passed a private 
bill for his relief as follows : 

"Be it enacted, That the proper accounting officei's of the Treasury 
Department be, a.nd they are hereby authorized and recjuired to settle 
the accounts of J. H. Piatt, including his accounts for transportation, on 
just and equitable principles, giving all due weight and consideration to 
the settlements and allowances already made, and to the assurances and 
decisions of the War Department : 

"Provided, That the sum allowed under the said assurances shall 
not exceed the amount now claimed by the United States, and for which 
suits have been commenced against the said Piatt." 

■ Piatt 's Administrator vs. United States, 22 Wallace, p. 496. 


Apparently Mr. Monroe was now conviueed that he had given assur- 
ances, for he approved this bill. But no appropriation was made for the 
settlement; and the Second Comptroller and Third Auditor disagreed 
as to the meaning of the bill, the- latter claiming that the total allowance 
could not exceed the $48,230.77 for which the Government had brought 
suit, and the former holding that the limitation of the proviso aj^plied 
only to the "assurances," i.e., the parol contract for additional rations. 
In consequence Piatt received nothing whatever, except credit for the 
amount for which the Government was unjustly suing him. The obvious 
injustice of the bill was in making any limitation, for if the assurances 
were not made, the Government owed Piatt nothing, and he owed it the 
$48,230.77 ; but if they were made he was entitled to the full amount of 
his claim. Meanwhile he had borrowed money to appease pressing credi- 
tors, and had assigned his claim against the Government as collateral ; 
and scarcely was he released from imprisonment on the Government's 
suit, when creditors had him arrested on another action for debt. Worn 
out by his vain efforts to obtain justice, and depressed by the financial 
ruin that faced him, he died on February 12, 1822, a prisoner on the 
bounds at Washington. Congressman John E. FoUett, of Ohio, who later 
made a thorougli study of the case, said that he knew of nothing in 
history to equal it since Columbus was brought home in chains. 

Piatt had married Martha Ann Willis, a niece of Mrs. Nicholas Long- 
worth, of Cincinnati, and after his death Nicholas Longworth and Ben- 
jamin M. Piatt, a brother of John H., were appointed administrators of 
his estate. They at once presented a petition to Congress asking for a 
construction of the bill of 1820. This went to a committee of which 
John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, was chairman — he who was the Whig 
candidate for Vice President in 1832. Sergeant made a very careful 
investigation of the case in all its ramifications, and in his report pays 
high tribute to Piatt's honor and patriotism.-* lie supported the Comp- 
troller's view of the act of 1820, and recommended an appropriation of 
$63,620.48 to pay what was due for aid to refugees and friendly Indians, 
and this was done by act of May 24, 1824. The singular feature of the 
report is that while Sergeant found that Piatt had furnished the rations 
as claimed, and that they were worth what was claimed, he only urged on 
the House that the Government was making a good thing by settling on 
the basis recommended. Throughout the entire history of the case, no- 
body questioned that Piatt furnished the rations as claimed, or that they 
were worth what was claimed, or that the most disastrous results would 
have followed in the war if he had not furnished them. In the entire 

23 Am. State Papers, Claims, p. 894. 



report, the only discordant note is a statement by Tench Ringold, who 
was Monroe's assistant, and whose statement conclusively established 
the parol agreement, that he ' ' was certain that Piatt had made a fortune 
out of the contract." Sergeant disposed of this by letters from Judge 
Burnet, and John McLean, showing that in reality Piatt was ruined by 
it. As a matter of fact, at that very time Piatt owed the Bank of the 

Governor Posey 

United States at Cincinnati, $300,000, which he had borrowed to buy 
these rations for the Government, and which he had mortgaged his real 
estate to secure. 

Piatt's sister Hannah, who had married Philip Grandin, his partner 
in the banking house of J. H. Piatt & Co., which is said to have been the 
first private bank in the Ohio Valley, was determined that ju-stice should 
be done to her brother's memory, and she showed as much courage and 
persistence in her fight as :\Iyra Gaines did in her long struggle for 


justice. The claim for the balance due Piatt was kept before Congress 
almost continuously for years. Committee after committee reported 
favorably on it, but Congress took no action. Finally the Court of 
Claims was organized, and Mrs. Grandin was appointed administratrix 
de bonis non, and brought suit in the new court. At this point the 
representatives of the Government raised the new point that Piatt had 
barred suit by accepting the benefits of the act of 1820. The court 
divided evenly, and the case went to the Supreme Court of the United 
States, which, in 1875, gave judgment for .$131,508.90 in full of the 
amount originally claimed by Piatt, though four of the justices dissented 
on the theory of estoppel. The court held that the act of 1820 did not 
imply a final settlement, and that if it did, it could not estop Piatt, who 
was under duress when he accepted his release under the act, and his 
release was all that he received under it. Moreover, as Sei-geant showed, 
Piatt had protested against the injustice of the act during its passage. 
No interest was allowed, under the legal fiction that the United States 
is always ready to pay its debts, when claims are proper!}' presented. 
Ever since the Piatt heirs have been vainly trying to induce Congress to 
allflw them the interest which any court would allow at once in a case 
between man and man. 

It is probable that Piatt's heirs woiild never have recovered anything 
but for the fact that when he went to see Monroe he took with him John 
McLean, then Representative of thg Cincinnati district, and later Justice 
of the Supreme Court. In 1857 Judge McLean made a statement in 
behalf of the heirs, which shows the probable cause of Mr. Monroe's for- 
getfulness. After a preliminary statement of the situation. Judge ]\Ic- 
Lean says: "It would be difficult, if not impossible, at this time, to 
impress anyone fully with the distressing embarrassments of the Govern- 
ment at this time. * * * p^iijUg credit seemed to be utterly pros- 
trated. Under the circumstances, Mr. Piatt came to Washington with 
the determination, as I imderstood, to surrender the contract. He in- 
formed me that he had tried to have an interview with Mr. Monroe, 
acting Secretary of War, but was not admitted. I accompanied him to 
the private residence of Mr. Monroe, and we were admitted. Mr. IMonroe 
was esceedingl.y feeble. I understood that he had not sufficient strength 
to go to his office. His system appeared to be nearly exhausted by the 
]>ressure of his public duties; and I observed that he was very nervous. 
I have no distinct recollection of the words used in the interview ; nor 
whether Mr. Piatt or myself first stated to the Secretary the failures of 
the Government to meet his drafts ; but I have a distinct recollection that 
Mr. Piatt expressed to me a strong determination, before the interview, 
that he should give up his contract, as it would be ruinous to him to 


continue it under the circumstances ; and on his return he expressed him- 
self satisfied with the assurances given, and that at all hazards he would 
continue the supplies. I entertained no doubt, under the circumstances, 
the Government's failures had released him from the obligations of his 
contract, and this being the ease he had a right to expect an indemnity. 
I did not understand that Mr. Piatt claimed anything more than this. 

' ' I urged Jlr. Piatt strongly not to withhold his supplies, and I could 
not have done this had I not believed the conversation with ]\Ir. IMonroe 
authorized him to rely on the assiirances given. I am impressed that it 
was on the same occasion Mr. Monroe said that he had made temporary 
loans from the banks of the District of Columbia, and the ad.joining 
states, for the use of the Government, and that these loans had become 
payable, and he had not the means of paying them. He said that treasury 
notes would not be taken in the North for provisions, and that imless 
Congress should do something to revive the public credit he was appre- 
hensive that our northern army could not be kept in the field. These 
facts were so impressed upon my mind, and I have so often adverted to 
them in conversation and in writing, that I remember them as well as if 
I had heard them recently. * * * When we had the interview with 
Mr. Monroe, I was but little acquainted with public affairs, and I have 
never recurred to the circumstances that I did not regret that a written 
assurance was not required. Before Mr. Piatt engaged in the above 
contract he had the means, as I supposed, of acquiring the largest fortune 
of any individual in Cincinnati. I think his resources were greater than 
those of any other individual of my acquaintance. I have always under- 
stood, and believed, that he was ruined by the contract. Being in "Wash- 
ington, urging his claims, I was informed and believe that he was arrested 
by a creditor, and that he was confined to the prison limits, where he 
died. This, as I believe, was the frtiit of a devotion to his country, un 
surpassed, if equalled, by any army contractor. "2* 

Although Piatt's estate was announced to be insolvent after his 
death, it included a large amount of real estate. His administrators 
made a settlement with the Bank of the United States by which it took 
the mortgaged real estate for its debt of over $300,000; after which they 
proceeded to sell the remainder, and buy most of it in themselves, in 1 he 
name of third parties. This was not learned by Piatt's heirs for years 
afterwards: and then, in :\rarch, 1850, they brought suit for the recovery 
of these lands. This case was in the Ohio courts for twenty-five years, 
and at the December Term, 1875, the Supreme Court of Ohio gave the 
heirs judgment for about one hundred pieces of property, much of it in 

24 This document, with the other eviilence in the case, is in Printed Records 
of the Court of Claims, Dee. Term, 1872, Vol. 45, P to S, No. 2205. 



the heart of Cineiiuiati. The original parties were now long since dead, 
much of the property had been reconveyed, and the settlement involved a 
lengthy accounting for rents, improvements, profits, etc., so the Longworih 
heirs offered the Piatt heirs a compromise settlement of $400,000 in cash, 
which was accepted.^^ Half of this amount went for attorneys' fees, 
under contract, as was also the case in the recovery from the United 
States. Such was the wrecking of one of the finest estates west of the 
Alleghenies. Piatt's name belongs with those of Vigo, St. Clair and 
Pollock, as a man who let his patriotism get the better of his business 
judgment. But he saved the Ai-my of the Northwest, and the Armv of 

Battle of the Thajies — Death of Tecumseh 
(From Brackenridge's History of the Late War) 

the Northwest saved the United States in the War of 1812, by showing 
England that she stood fair to lose Canada; and that lesson has given a 
century of peace between the two countries since then. 

Tliere was no trouble in finding men for that war, on the American 
side. The indignation in the west over the employment of Indians in- 
creased with the surrender of Hull, and went to fever heat at the 
massacre at the River Raisin. The battle-cry of the western troops was 
"Remember the River Raisin." Detroit was reoccupied without resist- 
ance, and Perry's victory on the lake, and Harrison's victory on tl\e 
Thames put an effective damper on British hostilities in the west. The 
career of Tecumtha also ended with the battle of the Thames, in which 

Piatt et al. vs. Longworth et al., 27 Ohio State, p. 159. 


he was probably killed, though Harrison and his staff were not assured 
of it until after they returned to Detroit. He made almost as much dis- 
turbance in his death as in his life, for the question got into polities when 
Col. Riehai-d Johnson was a candidate for the Vice Presidency. There 
are three lines of evidence, one that he was killed by Col. Johnson, one 
that he was killed by Col. Whitley, one that he was killed by a private 
named David King. Each of these is supported by affidavits and state- 
ments, neither of which would furnish satisfactory historical evidence 
if it stood alone. 2'' There is also an Indian statement that he was not 
killed at the battle, but lived for some time later. It appears- to be con- 
ceded that he is dead now. The conventional portraits of Tecumtha and 
the Prophet were originally published by Benson J. Lossing, who said 
that they were drawn by Pierre LeDru, a young trader on the Wabash, 
from whose son he obtained them.^' There is, however no such name 
as LeDru, or LeDrou, given in Tanguay's Geneological Dictionary, or 
in Lasselle's list of traders on the^s LeDru may be a nick-name, 
as it means "The Thickset," and French nick-names often became family 
names by adoption. • There was a Pere LeDru, whom Shea describes as 
"an apostate Dominican," who officiated for a time at Vincennes and in 
the Illinois countiy, and then took an appointment at St. Louis.^" Pos- 
sibly he was the artist who made the pictures. 

Harrison's war activities took him away from Vincennes late in the 
spring of 1812, and Secretary John Gibson became acting Governor, and 
served until the arrival of Governor Posey, about a year later. His 
duties were largely military, in the keeping of the frontier in a state of 
defense. The most notable thing of his administration is that in his 
message to the legislature, which convened in February, 1813, he made 
the first known suggestion in the line of modem civil service reform in 
the United States. At that time the militia elected their own officers, and 
with little regard to fitness. Discussing the evils of this, Gibson said : 
"This evil having taken root, I do not know how it can be eradicated: 
but it mav be remedied. In place of men searching after, and accepting 
of commissions, before they are even tolerably qualified, thereby sub- 
jecting themselves to ridicule, and their country to ruin, barely for tlic 
name of the thing, I think may be remedied by a previous examination. 
This, however, among other important territorial concerns, rests witli the 

28Dr?lke's Tecumseh, p. 199. 

:t Field Book of the War of 1812, p. 189. 

28lnd. Mag. of Hist., 1906, p. 1. 

29 Shea's Life of Archbishop Carroll, pp. 471, 479; 111. Hist. Coll., Vol. 5, 

pp. 510, 515. 


legislature. "30 The United States did not adopt any law for "pass ex- 
aminations" nntil 1853, although they had been used for a few years 
earlier than that in the Treasurj' Department.^i The test of "fitness" 
had been urged since the time of Washington, but the idea of ascertain- 
ing fitness by an examination was not suggested until long after Gibson 
had proposed it in Indiana. This same legislature of 1813 pro%-ided for 
the removal of the capital of the Territory to Corydon, and the removal 
was made that year. 

Gen. Posey was serving as senator from Louisiana when he was ap- 
pointed Governor of Indiana Territory by President Madison. The 
appointment was confirmed on ilarch 3, 1813. He was a native of Vir- 
ginia, born July 9, 1750, on a farm on the Potomac River, near Mount 
Vernon. He served in Dunmore's war, raised a company at the begin- 
ning of the Revolution, in 1775, and served through that war, served 
under Wayne in 1793, and raised a company in Louisiana for the war of 
1S12, from which he was appointed to the senate. He was identified with 
the old Harrison party in the Territory, being their candidate for 
Governor against Jonathan Jennings in 1816, but did not take any great 
interest in politics. In fact his health was so bad that he was unable to 
live at Corydon during most of his term, his physician living at Louis- 
ville, and, as he officially advised the legislature of 1813-4, "I have taken 
all the medicine brought with me." The legislature, which was not of 
his politics, wa.s very conciliatory, and finally adjourned after authoriz- 
ing the president of the council and speaker of the house, with the clerks 
of the two bodies, to receive bills and messages from the Governor, as if 
the houses were in session, and make the necessary entries, in order to 
avoid "the expense of near fifty dollars a day," which would result 
from keeping the legislature in session. The legislature and the Gov- 
ernor continued in admirable harmony during the remainder of the 
Territorial period ; but the legislature and the Judges were not so har- 
monious. The legislature undertook to fix the districts in which the 
three judges of the Territorial Court should sit at nisi prius, and the 
judges promptly refused to obey the law, stating that they derived all 
their powers from Congress, and the legislature had no power over them. 
The legislature then petitioned Congress to make provision by which 
litigants could have their cases tried somewhere near their places of 
residence. The Jennings party had the legislature and the Congressman ; 
and they were showing real political discretion in developing as little 
friction as possible with the Governor and the Judges. But thej^ were 

30 Western Sun, Feb. 6, 1813. 

31 The Civil Service and Patronage, Harvard Hist. Studies, Fish, p. 183. 


not losing any political opportunities. In December, 1815, when the 
legislature petitioned Congress for admission as a state, the leading issue 
of Territorial politics was deftly introduced as follows : ' ' And whereas 
the inhabitants of this territory are principally composed of emigrants 
from eveiy part of the Union, and as various in their customs and senti- 
ments as in their persons, we think it prudent, at this time, to express to 
the general government our attachment to the fundamental principles 
of legislation prescribed by congress in their ordinance for the govern- 
ment of tills territory, particularly as respects personal freedom and 
involuntary servitude, and hope they may be continued as the basis of 
the constitution." 



There seems to be a hazy idea with some writers that there was a 
golden age in the United States when polities was unkno^\^l. If there 
was ever siieh a period in the world, it was in prehistoric times. The 
one constant factor in history is human nature ; and wherever society 
has existed, there has been the desire for preferment, position and power. 
It is manifested not only in public life but also in societies, churches, and 
all the various kinds of organizations of mankind. The politics of early 
Indiana did not have the outward manifestations of the party organiza- 
tions of the present, but it was of a very similar character, and office- 
holding and personal advantages of ditiferent kinds were its chief ends. 
National politics was at low ebb. The Federalist party was in a comatose 
condition, and nearly everybody called himself a Republican. Whenever 
that state is reached in any conimnnity, factions grow up within the 
dominant party which result in the formation of new parties. This con- 
dition had existed in Indiana Territory almost from its formation; and 
after the separation of Illinois Territory it crystallized as a Harrison and 
anti-Harrison division of the voters. Harrison, as Governor, controlled 
most of the local patronage, but from 1809, the anti-Harrison party, led 
by Jonathan Jennings, controlled the legislature and elected the delegate 
to Congress. 

The chief division in matters of principle was on the slavery ques- 
tion, the Harrison party having tied itself hopelessly to the proposal to 
admit slavery to the Territory, and the Jennings party having openly 
opposed it. The greatest strength of the Harrison party was naturally 
in Knox, and adjoining counties where of the slaves were held, 
iloreover, most of the Territorial officers lived at Vincennes, and had 
their property interests there. It was certain that the removal of the seat 
of government from that place would be a serious injury to local property 
interests ; but it was equally certain that the remainder of the Territory 
would not long consent to its continuance on the western border. These 
considerations M'ere the bases of the political issues of the later Terri- 
torial period. There were no formal party names, but there were some 
epithets used in discussion. In moderate discussion, the adherents of 



Jennings were called his "friends," but this was intended and understood 
simply as his party friends. Jennings was an adroit politician. He had 
an important advantage over the opposition in the slavery question, and 
that issue was not allowed to die, even after the legislature of 1810 had re- 
pealed the indenture law. The repeal law practically annulled existing 
indentures by removing the provision for their enforcement by the 
courts ; but there was no effort made to release the indentured servants. 
Indeed the anti-Harrison legislature of 1813 recognized the indentures by 
levying a tax of two dollars on "every slave or servant of color." 

The first effort to remove the capital was in the legislature of 1811. 
While the members who wanted it removed from Vincennes were in 
large majority they were much divided as to where it should go. The 
location of the seat of government was an important factor in real estate 
prices, and every enterprising town wanted it. ^ladison was always 
active in looking after its own welfare, and it was first on the field. 
William ^IcFarland, the active and able representative of Jefferson 
County, after much effort, succeeded in getting a law passed locating 
the capital at Madison — and tlien Governor Harrison vetoed it. General 
W. Johnston, who defended the Governor's veto, said: "The many and 
various attempts to remove it to ^Madison failed in either one or the other 
of the Houses, or before the Executive; for said he 'remove it to a more 
centrick scite, and it shall meet my most hearty approbation'." It is 
interesting to note that Johnston says to his Knox County constituents in 
this same article, ' ' I have resigned my seat as representative ; and have 
been honored by his Excellency Governor Harrison with the office of 
Attorney General of the territory and prosecuting attorney for your 
court. ' ' 1 The ^Madison people were naturally disappointed at losing 
their plum ; and on January 20, 1812, Jennings presented to Congress 
the "representation of sundry inhabitants of Indiana Territory com- 
plaining of the arbitrary conduct of the Governor of that Territoiy in 
withholding his approbation to an act passed by the legislature, for the 
removal of the seat of the Territorial Government." But Jennings was 
not dependent on Madison for presenting to Congress the woes of Indiana. 
On January 1, he had presented two petitions from the legislature of 
1812, one asking for admission as a state, and the other asking that 
"the inhabitants of that Territory may be authorized and empowered 
to elect the sheriffs of their respective counties." On the 13th the speaker 
presented a letter containing a protest against the petition for admission 
as a state, signed by James Dill and Peter Jones, members of the legisla- 
ture. Jones was a Vincennes man, and a member of the Harrison party. 

1 Western Sun, December 28, 1811. 


Dill Avas the chief representative of the Harrison party in Dearborn 
County, and was kept in office in that county Ijy Harrison, as clerk, 
recorder and prosecuting attorney all through the Territorial period, as 
well as being in the legislature a large part of the time. 

In April Jennings otfered a resolution for a committee to inquire into 
the desirability of authorizing changes of venue in the Indiana courts. 
The official record says : ' ' Mr. J. made a number of remarks on presenting 
his resolution. He lamented the general prevalence of a party s^Hrit in 
the community, which, in the Territory in question, actuated every officer, 
from the Executive to the lowest — the judicial officers not excepted — in- 
somuch as to corrupt the fountain of justice. The sheriffs were appointed 
by the Executive, and juries selected at their discretion, etc. It wa.s 
essential, he said, to the interest and welfare of every individual in the 
community, that the purity of jury trial should be preserved ; and for 
that purpose, he wished some provision to be reported by the committee 
referred to in the resolution." 2 This evidently refers to charges then 
in circulation that the jurj' in the case of Harrison against Mcintosh was 
packed. The committee requested was appointed, but did nothing. The 
legislature of 1813 then passed an elaborate law for changes of venue. 
This legislature also passed a law for the removal of the seat of govern- 
ment to Corydon. The removal was directed to be made by May 1, 1813, 
and, presumably, to forestall any failure on the plea that removal would 
be unsafe, it was provided that the Governor could call out "any number 
of militia that he may deem necessary for the more safe conveyance of 
any books, papers, or other thing by this act made necessary to be con- 
veyed to the said town of Corydon." The choice of Corydon was not 
made until after a, long contest. Madison was on hand again, with an 
offer of a donation of .$10,000, if given the capital, and the House voted 
for iladison, notwithstanding Harrison's former veto; but the Council 
would not consent to it. Charlestown, Lawrenceburg, Clarksville and 
Jefifersonville received some votes, and Corydon was finally accepted as 
a compromise. 

The Jennings party now had everything except control of the appoint- 
ments, and that could be obtained only by admission as a state. The 
request of 1812 for admission had been referred to a committee of which 
Jennings was chairman, and he had reported favorably, and introduced 
a resolution that Indiana should be admitted when it had 35,000 popula- 
tion. Congress, however, decided to wait for the 60,000 inhabitants stip- 
ulated by the Ordinance of 1787. This political warfare continued on 
the same lines after Harrison had ceased to be Governor, for his party 

= Annals of Cong. 1811-12, p. 1248. 

Jonathan Jennings of Ciiarlestown, Indiana, 

First State Governor 
(From a miniature owned In- Mr. Willis Barnes) 


still existed, its leaders being the men whom he had put in office. Owing 
to the mode of party formation, the political controversies were in 
appearance personal, the assaults of the Harrison party being directed at 
Jennings, and the "counter offensive" at Harrison. This continued to 
the last. In 1816 Jennings introduced a resolution in Congress for an 
investigation of the conduct of Indian affairs in the Territorj', which was 
under the Governor, stating expressly that it was not directed at Gover- 
nor Posey, but at Gen. Harrison. The only material result of this was 
a warm attack on Jennings by the editor of the Western Sun.^ With 
these facts in mind, it is easy to understand the political atmosphere in 
which the state came into being. 

The legislature of 1814 sent a memorial to Congress asking for admis- 
sion, which was presented by Jennings on February 1, 1815, and was 
laid on the table. In the meantime a census of the state was being taken, 
which was ready when the legislature met on December 4, 1815, aiid it 
showed a population of 63,897. The legislature at once prepared another 
memorial for statehood, which was presented in Congress on December 
28, but was printed in Niles' Register on December 14. If there were any 
question as to the political complexion of that legislature, it would be 
disposed of by the concluding sentence of the memorial, which reads : 
■ " And whereas the inhabitants of this territory are principally composed 
of emigrants from every part of the Union, and as various in their cus- 
toms and sentiments as in their persons, we think it prudent, at this time, 
to express to the general government our attachment to the fundamental 
principles of legi.slation prescribed by congress in their ordinance for 
the government of this territory, particularly as respects personal free- 
dom and involuntary servitude, and hope they may be continued as the 
basis of the constitution." This memorial was referred to a committee 
of which Jennings was chairman, and on January 5, 1816, he reported 
an enabling act. Then followed a delay of three months, which was not 
due to any objection to the admission of Indiana, but to opposition to 
the admission of ^Mississippi. It was here that Congress inaugurated the 
"twin state" process, i. e., admitting a free state and a slave state at 
the same time. The enabling acts for the two states finally passed the 
House on April 13, 1816, at the same sitting and without any intervening 
business. On Monday, the 15th, the House concurred in the Senate 
amendments, and on April 19 the bill was signed by the President. 

Meanwhile the opponents of the Jennings party had trained their 
guns on Jennings in the columns of the Sun. On January 20 there began 
a series of articles signed "Farmers & Patriots Rights," complaining 

3 Annals 14th Cong., p. 127.3 ; Western Sun, April 20, 1816. 


of a proclamation which President Madison had issued in December 
ordering people who had settled on the public lands, that had not been 
offered for sale, to be removed; and urging that he had no authority to 
do so under the land law of 1807. On February 10, "A Settler" joined 
in the discussion, suggesting that the President had been imposed on by 
designing advisors, and adding: "Might not Mr. Jennings (as I have no 
doubt his cunning lead him ) say to himself, my friends make the repre- 
sentations to the President, get the proclamation issued — and then 1 can 
move Congress to pass a special act or resolution excepting the settlers 
on the public lands in the Indiana Territory. Then, forsooth, I can, 
with more assurance & prospect of success, offer as a candidate for Gov- 
ernor of the state. And this deep laid scheme I am informed is going 
fast into operation. The proclamation issued — The motion made and 
Jonathan Jennings declared by his friends in this quarter of the territory 
as a candidate for the Gubernatorial chair ! ! ! Let my fellow citizens 
.judge these men — they want offices." To this, "Farmers & Patriots 
Rights" offered a feeble defense on the 17th, insisting that the President 
was to blame, and saying: "^Ir. Jennings at the present moment is 
discharging his duties as the peoples representative, and such of his 
particular friends here as I am intimate with, are pure, incapable of 
such conduct, and should be unsuspected." Then, on February 24th, "A 
Settler" replied with an inquiry as to the occupation of Mr. Jennings in 
past moments, and sarcastic comment on his "duties," and the purity of 
his friends, concluding his article : "Mr. Jennings and his friends should 
no longer be confided in — they must no longer force themselves upon the 
people — if they have only studied their ovni selfish and contracted views,, 
their a.scendency will be more injurious hereafter than it has been here- 
tofore — our approaching change into a state points to the necessity of 
changing men also, and for that change I pray." 

This assault had little effect. It was glaringly inconsistent in holding 
Jennings up as the power behind the throne who was controlling the 
action of the President, and at tlie same time portraying him as an insig- 
nificant character ; and the whole alleged controversy was on its face 
either the work of one man, or of two acting in conjunction. It was 
promptly charged that John Ewing was the author of all of the letters. 
This he denied with a show of great indignation at being charged with 
such base conduct, but he did not deny that he was the author of 
"Farmers & Patriots Rights," and he clearly intimated that he knew "A 
Settler," to whose personal character he paid high compliment.'' The 
only public attention paid to the attack by Jennings was the publication. 

4 Western Sun, Aug. 17, 1816. 


on March 30, of his bill for the relief of the settlers who had been ordered 
out of the public lands, which gave them the right of pre-emption on 
lands actually occupied by them. 

On May 3 the Sun published the enabling act, stating that it had 
been received the day before, and assailed Jennings for allowing only 
ten days for preparation for the election, which was set for May 13. 
This complaint was feeble, for the memorial of the legislature had ex- 
pressly asked that the election be held on that date, and the Sun had 
published the memorial on January 27, with the clause as to the date 
of the election in italics; and it had thereafter printed several notices 
of the progress of the bill, with as.surances that it would pass. This was 
generally understood throughout the Territory. The correspondence 
above quoted is based on the announced facts that Indiana was to be a 
state, and Jonathan Jennings was to be a candidate for Governor. Like 
the other attacks of the Sun in this campaign, it failed to do any damage. 
The principal attacks had been made in the Sun of April 20. One of 
these, signed "Farmer of Knox County," complained of the change of 
the paj'ment of congressman from a per diem basis to a salary, observ- 
inig that whereas Jennings had heretofore "received six dollars a day 
of the people's money," he would now get fifteen hundred dollars a year. 
He also objected to a law, for which Jennings had voted, giving to 
Canadians who had volunteered in our army in the war of 1812 a land 
bounty, ranging from 960 acres for a colonel to 320 acres for a private. 
But the war was too recent, and the sense of obligation to the Canadians 
who had sacrificed their interests in Canada from sympathy with the 
American cause was too strong, for this to arouse any material complaint. 
A third, and more substantial charge was that Jennings had attended 
a caucus at Washington for the nomination of a candidate for President 
"thus influencing improperly the free and unbiased voic« of the people 
on that important subject." But, on the other hand this demonstrated 
that the insignificant Jennings must be a man of some importance in 

While the attacks of the Sun did little damage, it gave the Jennings 
party aid and comfort by opening its columns to a discussion of the 
slavery question early in the campaign.^ This so quickly and thoroughly 
aroused the people that Mr. Timothy Flint, who was traveling in the 
Territory at the time, was impressed with the idea that it was the only 
thing in issue. He says: "The population was very far from being 
in a state of mind, of sentiment, and affectionate mutual confidence, 
favourable to commencing their lonely condition in the woods in har- 

5 Western Sun, Feb. .3, March 2, 20. 


monious intercourse. They were forming a state government. The ques- 
tion in all its magnitude, whether it should go a slave-holding state or 
not, was just now agitating. I was often compelled to hear the question 
debated by those in opposite interests, with no small degree of aspei'ity. 
Many fierce spirits talked, as the clamorous and passionate are accus- 
tomed to talk in such cases, about opposition and 'resistance unto blood.' 
But the preponderance of more sober and reflecting views, those habits of 
order and quietness, that aversion to shedding blood, which so generally 
and so honorably appertain to the American character and institu- 
tions, operated in these wildernesses, among these inflamed and bitter 
spirits, with all their positiveness, ignorance, and clashing feeling, and 
with all their destitution of courts and the regular course of settled 
laws, to keep them from open violence. The question was not long after 
finally settled in peace. ' ' " 

That this wa.s the chief matter of consideration in the election of 
May 13 is shown by the following statement in the next issue of the 
Western Spy, an Ohio paper: "A gentleman of respectability from 
Lidiana informs us that from the sentiments of the members elected to 
the convention as far as they are known, he has no doubt that a constitu- 
tion will be formed which will exclude involuntary slavery from that 
rising state. We sincerely hope this expectation will be realized. ' ' ^ 
There is scant room to doubt that the counties were all pretty thoroughly 
organized on the established party lines long before the enabling act 
was passed, and the Jennings party won by an overwhelming majority. 
They carried all the counties but Knox, Gibson and Posey, with the ex- 
ception of a few scattering delegates elsewhere. In its issue of May 3, • 
announcing the election, the Vincennes Smi announced the following 
named persons as candidates : G. W. Johnston, J. Ewing, AV. Wilson, 
G. R. C. Sullivan, S. T. Scott, John Badollet, William Polke, John John- 
son, Benjamin Parke, and Elias McNamee. It ingenuously stated that it 
had not consulted these gentlemen, but that it considered them desirables. 
It was more probably announcing agreed-on names of strong men in 
its own party, and weak ones of the opposition party. Benjamin Parke, 
John Badollet, William Polke and John Johnson were strong men of the 
Harrison party, and were elected. General W. Johnston was as able 
a man as there was in the Territory, and might have been elected in any 
anti-slavery county, but he had killed himself with the Knox County 
voters by his stand against slavery. John Ewing was an able man, but he 
was then a comparative new comer at Vincennes, was of Irish birth, and 

" Recollections of the Last Ten Years, p. 57. 
^ Quoted in Liberty Hall, May 27, 1816. 

First State House op Indiana, Located at Coeydon 


was charged in the campaign with being pro-British, which was about as 
popular then as being pro-German is at present. G. R. C. Sullivan was 
an active young lawyer, but was a new comer, not well known and not 
popular. Dr. William Wilson was a new comer, and not popular. Dr. 
Elias McNamee had long been known as an anti-Harrison man, was very 
unpopular politically at Vincenues, and could not have been elected to 
anything. On May 11, two days before the election, the Sun announced 

four more names — "Moses Hoggett, John Benefield, Posey, and 

Ebenezer Jones." Benefiel had some personal popularity, and was 
elected, chiefly, no doubt, on account of the weakness of the Sun's other 
candidates. He was the only anti-slavery man that was elected fi'om 
Knox County.* 

On June 10, as provided by the enabling act, the convention assembled 
at Corydon, all of the members being present except Benjamin Parke, 
who did not appear until tlie 14th. Corydon would not be classed as 
overgrown at present, but it is quite metropolitan as compared with what 
it was in 1816. The tow^l had been laid out in 1808 by R. ]\L Heth. On 
December 8, of that year, Harrison County was organized, and Corydon 
was made the county 'seat. The court house was built in 1811-12 by 
Dennis Pennington, and was a rather imposing building for the time in 
Indiana. It was built of limestone, and was forty feet square. The 
foundations were three feet under ground, the walls two and a half feet 
thick in the first story and two feet in the second story. On the lower 
floor there was but one room, with a stone floor and two fire places, and 
a ceiling fifteen feet high. Originally there wa.s a stairway from the 
lower room to the second floor, but in 1873 this was removed to the out- 
side of the building. This building was the Territorial and State capitol 
from 1813 to 1825, the House of Representatives meeting in the lower 
room and the Council — later the senate — in the rooms above. It was 
in this building that the convention of 1816 met, though at times they 
held sessions under a wide-spreading elm tree, some two hundred yards 
away. There were not accommodations in the town for the convention 
crowds. Sometimes there were as many as eighty non-residents there in 
one day. Hence most of the delegates lodged at*a hotel a mile east of 
town on the road to New Albany, a fine old limestone building, built in 
1809 by Jacol] Conrad, a Pennsylvania Dutchman, and still standing and 
used as a residence. It is now known as the old Capitol Hotel. There is 
here a fine spring which is said to furnish excellent water for mixed 

8 This name is commonly printed Benefield, or Bennefield in local histories, but 
he wrote it Benefiel. 


The members of the convention were as good an assembly as could 
have been picked in the Territory, men in whom the people trusted from 
personal acquaintance with them. Joseph Holman was the leading man 
of the four delegates from' Wayne County, and had been a close friend 
of Jennings ever since the campaign of 1809. He served in the war 
of 1812, and had a blockhouse on his farm near Centerville. He was 
prominent in the state for years afterwards, among other official posi- 
tions being receiver of public moneys for six years under appointment 
from President ^lonroe. "With him were two North Carolina Quakers, 
Patrick Baird and Jeremiah Cox, who had come North to get away from 
slaver.v, and Hugh Cull, a Methodist circuit rider and local preacher. 
Cull located in the Whitewater Valley in 1805, and at the close of 1808 
he and Joseph Williams had 165 white and one colored member in the 
circuit. At the head of the five delegates from Franklin County was 
James Noble, a lawyer of Virginia birth, and one of the most effective 
public speakers in the Territory. He was a militia general, and when 
mounted on his charger, ''Wrangler," was an impressive military figure. 
He was one of the first senators from the new state. With him was 
Robert Hanna .jun., better known as Gen. Robert Hanna, also a fine 
looking military man, who succeeded Noble in the Senate at the latter's 
death in 1831. The others were Enoch McCarty, a prominent citizen of 
Brookville, as was his father before him, who served later as legislator, 
clerk and .iudge ; William H. Eads, uncle of Capt. J. B. Eads the cele- 
brated engineer, who had a store and a tannery at Brookville : and James 
Brownlee, father of Judge John Brownlee of Marion, who was a Penn- 
sylvanian of Scotch-Irish descent, and who represented the county in 
the legislature for four sessions, and at the time of his death in 1828, 
was circuit judge. 

The Dearborn County delegation was not united politically. James 
Dill was the head of the Harrison party in the county. He had married 
a widowed daughter of Gov. St. Clair, whose daughter by her former 
marriage was the wife of Thomas Randolph, the former Attorney General 
of the Territory. Dill was of Irish birth and a lawyer by profession, 
who was clerk of the local courts, Territorial and State, for about thirty 
years. He paid much attention to dress, wearing knee-breeches with 
silver buckles, and a long, carefully plaited queue : but notwithstanding 
this fastidiousness he was popular with the people for his wit and his 
courtly politeness. His election was due to his personal popularity, for 
the people of Dearboi'n were not with him politically, nor were his col- 
leagues Ezra Ferris and Solomon Manwaring. Ferris was a native of 
Connecticut, brought west by his parents in 1789, when six years old, but 
educated in the East, and licensed as a Baptist preacher. He practised 


medicine and kept a drug store at Lawreneebnrgh, preaching for the 
Baptist churches of the vicinity. He was the backbone of the Baptist 
church in the county, and wrote the best account we have of the early 
settlement of the region.^ Manwaring was a lawyer, born in Delaware 
in 1776. He was made a Common Pleas Judge in 1810, and after the 
Councilors were made elective, was elected to the Territorial Council 
from 1810 to 1816. Switzerland County's one delegate was William 
Cotton, who was one of the county's earliest settlere, having located on 
Indian Creek in 1798. At the first recorded Fourth of July celebration, 
in 1805, he read the Declaration of Independence, and John Francis 
Dufour made the oration. Cotton served as a justice of the peace and 
an associate judge. His popularity is shown by the fact that in the elec- 
tion for the convention he defeated John Dumont, who was a very promi- 
nent man, later a candidate for Governor. It may be noted here that 
this election did not go by default. There were rival candidates in all 
the counties, and two contested elections reported to the convention. 

The ablest man in the Jefferson County delegation was Dr. David 
Hervey Maxwell, who was a son of Bezaleel Maxwell, a Virginian Revolu- 
tionary soldier, who located three miles southwest of Hanover in 1810, 
and who left a large line of descendants, including a number of the most 
prominent people of Indiana. David H. ^Maxwell read medicine in Ken- 
tucky with Dr. Ephraim McDowell, the man who performed the first 
operation of ovariotomy in the United States. He practised medicine 
at Hanover and Madison until 1819, and then removed to Bloomington. 
He was the chief factor in the establishment of the State University, and 
was a member of the Board of Trustees, usually president, until his death 
in 1854. :\Iaxwell Hall at the University commemorates him and his son, 
Dr. James Darwin Maxwell. During the war of 1812 Maxwell served as 
surgeon in the Ranger company of his brother-in-law Capt. Williamson 
Dunn. The other two delegates from Jefferson, Nathaniel Hunt and 
Samuel Smock, had been officials in Jeffersoi) County for a number of 
years; Hunt serving as county commissioner and assoeiate judge, and 
Smock as justice of the peace, militia officer, Judge of the Common Pleas 
Court, and Judge of the Circuit Court. 

The leader of the Clark County delegation, and the master spirit of 
the Convention, was Jonathan Jennings. With him wa.s James Scott, 
an able judge who had been appointed Prosecuting Attorney of Clark 
County in 1810 ; and elected to the Territorial House of 1813, of which 
he was Speaker, and from which he resigned on being appointed Chan- 
cellor of the Territory. The remaining three delegates from Clark were 

>Ind. Hist. Soc. Pubs., Vol. 1, Appendix. 


James Lemon, John K. Graham, and Thomas Carr. Lemon had been a 
justice of the peace, and a popular militia officer. Graham was a sur- 
veyor, and was later one of those who located the ]\Iichigan Road. 
Thomas Carr was born in Chester County, Pennsylvania, December 12, 
1777. His father died in 1784, and he went to live with an uncle at 
Perrysville, Kentucky, where he grew up, married, and in 1804 removed 
to Indiana, locating near Charlestown. In 1813 he moved to Valonia, 
where he had command of the blockhouse. He had two bachelor brothers, 
John and Samuel, who wei-e in the mounted Rangers, and were with 
Harrison at Tippecanoe. In 1816, after the war, he located on a farm 
on "Pea Ridge," where he lived until his death, March 10, 1847. He 
was the father of George W. Carr, the President of the Constitutional 
Convention of 1851, and John F. Carr, who was a delegate to the Con- 
vention of 1851. 

There were two men of commanding natures in the Harrison County 
delegation. Dennis Pennington, who came to the county in 1802, had 
been a justice of the peace since 1807, and was speaker of the House of 
Representatives in 1811 and 1815. His strong common sense and sterling 
character made him the most influential man in the county. He was 
later noted as a personal friend and supporter of Henry Clay. Davis 
Floyd was better educated, being a lawyer by profession, and very effec- 
tive before a jury. He also kept a tavern and operated a ferry at the 
Falls of the Ohio. Governor Harrison had early made him a favorite, 
appointing him Recorder in 1801, Sheriff in 1802, and Pilot at the Falls 
in 1803. But Floyd became involved in the Aaron Burr conspiracy, and 
in 1808 Harrison revoked his commissions, possibly at the suggestion 
of President Jeii'erson; though Floyd's acting as Secretary of the anti- 
slavery convention at Springville in 1807 may have reconciled him to 
the action. There is no question that Floyd and Robert A. New were 
Burr's agents at Jeffersonville, or that they raised two boat-loads of 
men there, who accompanied Burr on his expedition. Floyd was in- 
dicted and convicted, and received a depressing sentence of three hours 
imprisonment. He had been elected Clerk of the House of Representa- 
tives while he was under indictment, and was made Auditor of the Ter- 
ritory in 1813. New was elected assistant secretary of the convention 
of 1816, and Secretary of State by the first state legislature. It is not 
apparent that Burr's treason was very odious in the West, and it cer- 
tainly had little ei¥ect on the public esteem of these men. It may be 
added that Floyd was a prominent Mason, and one of the founders of 
the Grand Lodge of Indiana. With Pennington and Floyd were John 
Boone, Daniel C. Lane and Patrick Shields. Boone, better known as 
Squire Boone, was a brother of Daniel Boone, who had come from Ken- 


tucky in 1802, and had been a justice of the peace since 1808. Lane 
had been associate judge, and was the tirst Treasurer of State, serving 
for seven years. Sliields was an Irishman, who came to Indiana in 1805, 
after previous residence in Virginia and Kentucky. He served as a 
private at the Battle of Tippecanoe, and was a jvidge of the Common 
Pleas Court. 

There were five delegates from Washington County. Jolin DePauw 
was a son of the Charles DePauw who came over with LaFayette, and 
fought under him in the Revolution. John laid out the town of Salem 
in 1814. He was a merchant, a colonel of militia, and represented his 
county in the legislature at numerous sessions. He became quite wealthy, 
and his son, Washington DePauw endowed DePauw University. Wil- 
liam Graham was the only member of the convention who was born at 
sea, which nautical event occurred on March 16, 1782. His parents lo- 
cated in Kentucky, and William received his early education at Harrods- 
burg. In 1811 he removed to Vallonia, where he studied law, and was 
elected to the legislature in 1812. Subsequently, he was speaker of the 
House of Representatives in 1820, and represented his district in Con- 
gress for eight years, 1831-9, being elected as a Whig. He died near 
Vallonia, August 17, 1858. William Lowe had been an associate judge, 
and was later the first clerk of Monroe County, and for six years post- 
master at Bloomington. He died in 1840, aged 73. Robert Mclntire 
had been a justice of the peace, and later served in the legislature. Gen. 
Samuel Milroy was born in Mifflin County Pennsylvania, August 14, 
1780, and is said to have been a lineal descendant of Robert Bruce. He 
removed to Kentucky in 1806, and to Indiana in 1814. He was a popu- 
lar militia officer being appointed ilajor in 1816, Colonel in 1817, and 
Brigadier General in 1819. He was prominent in politics for years 
afterwards, serving in the legislature repeatedly, and distinguishing 
himself by the unusual record of opposing the State's borrowing $10,- 
000,000 for internal improvements. President Jackson appointed him 
a visitor to West Point, and he was for some time Register of the Land 
Office at Crawfordsville, but Jackson removed him for criticising his 
veto of the Wabash improvement bill. Milroy removed to Carroll 
County in 1826. He secured the passage of the act for the organization 
of the county, and gave the name of Delphi to the county seat. He was 
the father of Major General Robert H. Milroy, of Civil War fame, and 
of Major John B. Milroy. 

It was natural that Knox County should send a strong delegation. 
It was the seat of the oldest settlement, and Vincennes had long been the 
capital and metropolis of the Territory. John Johnson was unquestion- 
ably the leader of the delegation in the convention. He was a Virginian 




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and was probably the best lawyer in the Territory. If any of the other 
delegates from Knox could have contested intellectual superiority with 
him, it was Benjamin Parke, but he was a younger man, and recognized 
Johnson's seniority. Parke was born in New Jersey, in 1777, and went 
to Lexington, Kentucky, at the age of twenty. Here he read law in 
the office of James Brown, later Minister to France. He married Eliza 
Barton, and in 1801 they removed to Vincennes. He formed a warm 
friendship with Governor Harrison, who appointed him Attorney Gen- 
eral. He was elected to the first Territorial Legislature, and twice to 
Congress. In 1808 President Jefferson made him a Territorial Judge, 
and he held that position until Indiana became a state. A third mem- 
ber was John Badollet, a Swiss friend of Albert Gallatin. The tradition 
is that the two wanted to come to America, but had only enough money 
between them for one fare. They drew lots and it fell to Gallatin to 
come first. He prospered in the new world, and sent back money to 
help Badollet over. As a member of Jefferson's cabinet, Gallatin se- 
cured for him the position of Register of the Land Office at Vincennes, 
which opened January 1, 1805. Harrison made him Chancellor of the 
Territorial Court of Chancery, but he resigned this position after a few 
months. Judge William Polke served the public in various capacities 
at various times and always well. At this time he was best known as 
Harrison's chief of seouts in the Tippecanoe expedition. Col. John 
Benefiel, the fifth member of the Knox County delegation, as has been 
mentioned, was the only anti-slavery member of it, and the only one 
irom outside of Vincennes. He was one of the pioneers of the Busseron 
settlement, in the vicinity of Carlisle, which at that time was included 
iu Kuox County. 

Gibson County had four delegates, of whom Major David Robb was 
the most influential. He was born in Ireland, July 12, 1771. His father 
emigrated to America, and settled in Kentucky. From there David 
came to Indiana, in 1800, and located near the present town of Hazel- 
ton. He had served as justice of the peace, surveyor, and President of 
the Legislative Council. He was a captain at Tippecanoe, and a per- 
sonal friend of Harrison. He was a slave-holder, having purchased two 
slaves at the sale of Captain Warrick's estate, and having also two in- 
dentured servants of his own. JIajor James Smith of this delegation 
was a Virginian, who served as aide-de-camp to Harrison at Tippecanoe, 
and took command of Warrick 's company when that officer fell mortally 
wounded. He was for years a school commissioner, and also served 
as county surveyor. A third member was Alexander Devin, a Baptist 
minister, who came to Indiana from Warren County, Kentucky, in 1810. 
His son, Joseph, married a daughter of Major Robb. The fourth mem- 


ber was Frederick (Reichart) Rapp, the adopted son of George Rapp, 
the founder of New Harmony. 

Posey County had one delegate, Dan Lynn. He operated the Dia- 
mond Island Ferry, twelve miles above Mount Vernon, at the present 
site of West Franklin. He had served as justice of the peace and asso- 
ciate judge, and was later a member of the Legislature. The one repre- 
sentative of Warrick County was Daniel Grass. He entered the land 
on which Roekport now stands, in 1807, and settled there. In 1808 he 
was made a justice of the peace, and in 1814 an associate judge. He 
was elected representative and senator several times after the admis- 
sion of the state. Perry County also had one delegate, Charles Polke. 
He was a Baptist minister, who has been heretofore mentioned in con- 
nection with the Maria Creek Church. He was the father of William 
Polke, the delegate from Knox Countj'. 

The convention organized by electing Jonathan Jennings President 
and William Hendricks Secretary. William Hendricks was a man who 
would have become prominent anywhere. He was born at Ligonier, 
Pennsylvania, of Huguenot ancestors, who had settled among the Ger- 
mans of the Ligonier Valley. His father, Abraham Hendricks, repre- 
sented the county for four terms in the Pennsylvania Legislature. 
William was educated at Jefferson College, at Cannonsburg — later 
united with Washington, as Washington and Jefferson — where he was 
a classmate of Andrew Wylie, afterwards President of Indiana Uni- 
versity. After reaching manhood he came west and located at Cin- 
cinnati, where he studied law, and was admitted to the bar. In 1814 he 
removed to iladison, Indiana, where he located permanently. He brought 
with him a printing press, and established the second paper in the Terri- 
tor.y, known as The Western Eagle. He was received with open arms 
by the Jennings party, whose members had no love for Elihu Stout, of 
the Vincennes Sun. They nominated and elected him to the Legislature 
in 1814, and took the public printing away from Stout, and gave it to 
the Eagle. This was the cause of the meager and belated notices of 
public affairs in the Sun after that time, which has been commented on 
by some students of our history. It was soon found that Hendricks 
had rare political sagacity, and he took rank as one of the partj^ leaders. 
He married a daughter of Col. John Paul, the founder of Madison, a 
connection which added materially to his influence in the Territory. 

The question that the convention was to decide, under the 
enabling act, was whether it was expedient for it to form a constitu- 
tion. The determination to form one wa.s so manifest that the leaders 
of the Harrison party wisely decided to make no serious issue on it, and 
so, by a vote of 33 to 8, the eonventio'" resolved "to launch our political 


vessel of state," as the Western Sun expressed it. The formation of 
the constitution was not a really great task. There were few questions 
on which there was any material difference of opinion, and on these 
the majorities were usually overwhelming:. It is plainly apparent that 
the members had before them the constitutions of Virginia, Ohio and 
Kentucky, for most of tlie constitution adopted was taken from these 
three sources. Virginia furnished the bill of rights, and Ohio and Ken- 
tucky the remainder, except the provisions for schools and amendments ; 
so that there is some justice in the statement of Mr. Dillon: "In the 
clearness and conciseness of its style — in the comprehensive and just 
provisions which it made for the maintenance of civil and religious 
liberty — in its mandates, which were designed to protect the rights of 
the people, collectively and individually, and to provide for the public 
welfare — the Constitution that was formed for Indiana, in 1816, was not 
inferior to any of the State Constitutions which were in existence at 
that time." Incidentally this explains why the convention was in ses- 
sion for only seventeen days. 

The nearest approach to a party vote was on the slavery proviso of 
the amendment section. As originally reported this section only pro- 
vided for a vote by the people every twelfth year, and for the Legisla- 
ture calling an election for a convention if the vote favored it. In com- 
mittee of the whole house, this was amended by adding: "and which 
convention, when met, shall have it in their power to revise, amend, or 
change the constitution. But, as the holding any part of the human 
Creation in slavery, or involuntary servitude, can only originate in 
usurpation and tyranny, no alteration of this constitution shall ever 
take place so as to introduce slavery or involuntary servitude in this 
State, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party 
shall have been duly convicted." On June 20, Johnson moved to strike 
out these words, and substitute these: "But as the holding any part 
of the human family in slavery or involuntary servitude, can only origi- 
nate in usurpation and tyranny, it is the opinion of this convention 
that no alteration of this Constitution ought ever to take place, so as 
to introduce slavery or involuntary servitude in this State, otherwise 
than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party has been duly 
convicted." This was an ingenious presentation of two questions, 1, 
authorizing a convention to change the constitution without a vote of 
the people, and 2, prohibiting any change in one particular. The first 
question was not difficult. Most of the constitutions then in existence 
had been adopted without submission to a vote of the people, and the 
enabling act authorized this convention to adopt a constitution. They 
were going to adopt a constitution without submission to the people. 


They were the chosen representatives of the people. Why ask anything 
more of a future body of similar representatives? But as to the second 
question, a committee had already reported a provision that the people 
"have at all times an unalienable and indefeasible right to alter or 
reform their Government in such manner as they may think proper." 
If this were true, they could not bind a future convention as to slavery 
or any other subject. True, the mere expression of an opinion in a 
constitution had no force, but there was a precedent for it in the pro- 
vision of the Ordinance of 1787, that "no law ought ever to be made, 
or have force in the said territory, that shall, in any manner whatever, 
interfere with or affect private contracts." On the other hand, the 
legislature of 1815 had specially asked Congress for a prohibition of 
slavery, and the enabling act expressly provided that the new consti- 
tution should not be repugnant to the articles of the Ordinance "which 
are declared to be irrevocable;" and among these was the provision that 
there "shall be neither slavery nor involuntary sei'vitude in the said 
territory, otherwise than iu the punishment of crimes, whereof the party 
shall have been duly convicted." If they meant to keep this compact, 
why not say so? Practically it was a question whether the delegates 
favored putting every possible bar in the way of admitting slavery. 
Those who voted for Johnson's amendment were: BadoUet, Dill, Devin, 
Johnson, Lane, Lemon, Lynn, Polke (of Knox), Parke, Rapp, Robb, 
Smith and Scott. The remaining meml>ers voted against the amend- 
ment, with the exception of Daniel Grass, who had been given leave of 
absence on the 19th, on account of illness, and did not return. The 
vote therefore stood 13 to 29 ; and even this was probably due to Lane, 
Lemon and Scott, acting on the theory that they should not attempt 
to bind a subsequent convention. 

Johnson next moved to strike out the provision that a subsequent 
convention could revise the constitution without submission to the peo- 
ple, leaving the slavery clause as it stood. On this Floyd, Graham 
(of Clark) and Jennings joined the thirteen who had voted for the 
original amendment. Then Johnson moved to strike out the words "or 
invohnitary servitude," and this was negatived without division. It is 
to be noted that on these questions William Polke voted on one side and 
his father on the other, although both were members of the Maria Creek 
Church, with its anti-slavery article. The probable explanation is that 
William considered himself bound by the known sentiments of his Knox 
County constituents. The evident purpose of Johnson's last amend- 
ment was to save the possibility of indentured servants, and while the 
convention was clearly against the introduction of these in the future, 
it was not so explicit as to those already in the Territory. The provision 



for the exclusion of slavery,"' as originall.v reported read: "There shall 
be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, in this State, otherwise 
than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been 
duly convicted ; nor shall any male person, arrived at the age of twenty- 
one years, npr female person, arrived at the age of eighteen j-ears, be 
held to serve any person as a servant under pretense of indenture or other- 
wise, unless sTich person shall enter into such indenture while in a state 
of perfect freedom, and on condition of a bona fide consideration received 
or to be received for his or her service, except as before excepted : Nor 
shall anv indenture of any negro, or mulatto, hereafter made and exe- 

Old Capitol Hotel 

cuted out of the bounds of this State be of any validity within the State; 
neither shall any indenture of any negro or mulatto, hereafter made 
within the State, be of the least validity except in the case of appren- 
ticeships." In committee of the whole, this was amended to read as it 
went into the constitution : ' ' There shall be neither slavery nor invol- 
untary servitude in this State, otherwise than for the punishment of 
crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted: nor shall any 
indenture of any negro, or mulatto, hereafter made and executed out 
of the bounds of this State, be of any validity within the State." The 
part struck out refers to indentures made within the State, which were 
the only kind provided for by the laws of the Territory, and, further- 

II' See. 7, Art. 11. 

Vol. 1—2 


more, the provision extends only to future indentures. It therefore 
appears to have been the intention of the convention not to interfere with 
existing indentures made within the State, but to let the servants serve 
for the periods for which they were bound. This was the construction 
adopted in practice. The census of 1820 reported 190 slaves in Indiana. 
A local census at Vincennes in 1830 showed 32 slaves at that point.i^ 
The national census of 1840 credits three slaves to Indiana. However, 
the Supreme Court, in 1820, held that specific performance of these in- 
dentures could not be enforced, on the ground of "involuntary servi- 
tude." (Case of Mary Clark, 1 Blackf., p. 122.) 

The closest contest that developed in the convention was over the 
eligibility of legislators to office. In 1811, Jennings had secured an act 
of Congress removing the property qualifications of voters; requiring 
sheriffs to hold elections as provided by law ; and providing that, ' ' any 
person holding, or who may hereafter hold, any office of profit from the 
Governor of the Indiana Territory (justices of the peace and militia 
oifieers excepted), shall be ineligible to, and disqualified to act as a mem- 
ber of the Legislative Council or House of Representatives for said Ter- 
ritory." The shoe was now on the other foot. As originally reported, 
section 20, of Article 3, was an ideal civil service reform measure, read- 
ing: "No person holding any office under the authority of the President 
of the United States, or of this State or Territory, Militia officers ex- 
cepted, shall be eligible to a seat in either branch of the General Assembly, 
unless he resign his office, previous to his election ; nor shall any member 
of either branch of the General Assembly, during the time for which he is 
elected, be eligible to any office, the appointment of which is vested in the 
General Assembly." This produced some consternation. Under the 
system they adopted the General Assembly elected not only the Treasurer, 
Auditor and Secretai-y of State, but also the Circuit Judges. It was 
desirable that these should be high grade men, but it was also desirable 
that the first General Assembly should have high grade men, as it was 
to frame the laws under which the new State was to begin operation. 
On June 26, Mr. Cotton moved to amend this section by adding : ' ' Pro- 
vided, That nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to 
prevent any member of the first session of the first General Assembly 
accepting any office that is created by this Constitution, or the Constitu- 
tion of the United States, and the salaries of which are established." 
This was adopted by a vote of 22 to 19, all of the lawyers except Scott 
voting for it. Mr. Fenis then moved to add ju>stices of the peace to 
militia officers in the exemption from the article. This was defeated 

11 Cauthorn 's Vincennes, p. 23. 


by a vote of 14 to 25. By consent, the words "or Territory" were then 
struck out, so that it would not apply to existing appointments. Mr. 
Smith then moved to strike out the entire section, and this was lost by 
a vote of 9 to 28. The net result was practically to nullify the section 
as to the first session. 

This action was on Jiuie 26, and that day appears to have been the 
time of adjusting compromises. One of them was a much vexed question 
of the size of counties. On the 24th the committee of the whole had 
adopted a section reading: "No new county shall be established by 
the General Assembly, which shall reduce the county or counties, or either 
of them from which it shall be taken, to less contents than four hundred 
square miles; nor shall any county be laid off of less contents." This 
protected the existing counties, but it put an insuperable ban-ier in the 
way of new counties which were especially desired by various towns that 
aspired to be county seats, especially along the Ohio River. On the 
26th Mr. Maxwell moved to amend this by adding: "except counties bor- 
dering on the Ohio and Wabash rivers, and in such other parts of the 
State as may be naturally circumscribed, so as to render such small 
county or counties necessary." Thereupon Mr. Smock moved to strike 
the section out entirely. This was defeated by a vote of 26 to 14. In 
the afternoon the matter was settled by adopting a new section reading : 
"The General Assembly, when they lay off any new county, shall not 
reduce the old county or counties from which the same shall be taken, 
to a less content than four himdred square miles." It may excite some 
surprise that five of the thirteen counties represented in this convention 
now have less than four hundred square miles of area, and that they 
suffered this reduction under this constitutional provision. The shortage 
in Franklin, Wayne and Jefferson is small, and may be due to uninten- 
tional error; but Switzerland has only 225 square miles, and Dearborn 
only 207. The method was discovered at an early date. In 1818 Ripley 
County was organized of lands north of Switzerland Comity. In 1821, 
the north end of Switzerland County was added to Ripley, but as the 
General Assembly did not do this "when they lay off any new county," 
the constitution remained intact. The amputation of Dearborn did not 
occur until 1844, when that county had a scant four hundred square 
miles. By counting an unusually low water mark, the General Assembly 
justified itself for taking Ohio County out of it. Ohio is now the smallest 
county in the State, but when created it contained only a fraction of one 
of its present townships; and later enough was taken from Dearborn 
to bring it to its present size. There was, however, no objection to this 
from the county. The people had fallen out in 1836 over the rival claims 
of Lawrenceburg and Rising Sun for the county seat, and the legisla- 



ture, with strict impartiality, established the county seat at Wiliuiugtoii. 
This action brought reconciliation of the rivals on the basis of the divi- 
sion above described, the act providing that Lawrenceburg and Rising 
Sun should be the county seats of the two counties respectively. 

On this same June 26 it was determined that Corydon should be the 
capital of the State until 1825 ; and thereby hangs a tale. On the morn- 
ing of June 28, as recorded in the convention journal, "The President 
laid before the convention the writing obligatory of Davis Floyd, Esq., 
relative to his propositions on the subject of the accommodations, &c., of 
the Governor of the State of Indiana, during the continuance of the seat 
of government at Corydon." In the afternoon, on motion of Mr. Dill. 

The Governor's Mansion, Corydon 

the convention "Resolved, That it be recommended to the General As- 
sembly of the State of Indiana, to appropriate the money voluntarily 
given by the citizens of Harrison County to the State, to the purchase 
of books for a librai-y for the use of the Legislature and other officers of 
government ; and that the said General Assembly will, from time to time, 
make such other appropriations for the increase of said library, as they 
may deem necessary." Here was a bright prospect for a State Library 
from the generosity of Corydon — contemporaneous with the temporary 
location of the capital. 

This dream was destined to fade away. When the legislature arrived 
there were no evidences of action by the people of Corydon; and on 
November 1.5, Senator James Beggs offered a joint resolution for a com- 


mittee to inquire "what contracts or engagements have been made by 
certain individuals to provide a suitable house of accommodation for 
the Governor in the town of Corydon, and to pay certain sums for certain 
purposes, etc." The committee was appointed, and on December 6 
reported that no house had been provided, but that Mr. Floyd stated to 
the committee that he had given an obligation to provide one, but it had 
been impossible to do so; Init that he is ready to give up the building 
which he now lives in for that purpose at any time when demanded, and 
pay a reasonable sum for the deticieney till completed, or he will keep 
possession and pay an equivalent rent for the whole imtil spring, but 
no obligation can be found by your committee. They also reported that 
they had "made every- inquiry for a certain bond said to have been given 
by certain individuals in Harrison County for the sum of one thousand 
dollars payable on the twenty-ninth instant for the use of the state, but 
cannot get any information where it is, or in whose hands it was de- 
posited." The matter drifted over to the next legislature, when, on 
December 19 the House showed its teeth by adopting a resolution for a 
committee "to take into consideration the propriety of taking the sense of 
the people of this State, on that part of the Constitution which fixes the 
seat of Government at Corydon until the year 1825, with leave to report 
by bill or otherwise." The committee reported in favor of submitting 
the question to the people, and the report was considered at length, but 
on January 12, 1818, it was indefinitely postponed. The legislature 
contented itself instead with a resolution reciting that whereas a bond 
has been given by certain citizens of the County of Harrison for the 
payment of one thousand dollars, which had been lost or mislaid, the 
Trea,surer was authorized to make demand, and the Auditor to bring suit 
for the money. 

Seven years elapsed before the next scene, opening when, on January 
18, 1825, 'Sir. Beckes, of Knox, introduced a resolution asking the Auditor, 
Treasurer and Secretary of State to attend the session of the House on 
the 24th and furnish what information they had "relative to a bond 
heretofore given to the Governor for the use of the State, under arrange- 
ment between the members of the Convention and the citizens of Corydon, 
at the formation of the Constitution: in pursuance of which, it wa.s 
agreed and consequently a provision inserted in said Constitution, fixing 
the seat of government at Corydon, until the year 1825; also, what pro- 
ceedings have been taken for the collection of said bond, and that accom- 
panying which information they furnish this House with a copy of said 
bond." As there is no record of the appearance of these officials, it may 
be that the gentleman from Knox was merely making a record for his- 
torical purposes. At any rate this is the last appearance of Shylock and 


Corydon's men of promise. The State Library was inaugurated a^t this 
same session, with a modest annual appropriation of $50 and a salary 
of $15 payable quarterly to the Librarian, which office was filled by 
the Secretary of State, ex officio. It may be added, however, that in 1820, 
a ' ' law library ' ' for the use of the State officers was formed at Corydon, 
by subscription, which was later removed to Indianapolis. Possibly this 
was accepted in place of the lost bond, but nothing appears in the records 
on the subject. 

To return to the convention, another matter settled on that June 26 
was the salaries of State officers, the Governor being allowed $1,000, the 
judges of the Supreme and Circuit courts $800 each, the Auditor, 
Treasurer and Secretary of State $400 each, and members of the General 
Assembly $2 per day and 8 cents per mile for actual travel. The Harri- 
son leaders made a record for economy by ottering amendments reducing 
the Treasurer's salary to three hundred dollars, and the compensation 
of legislators to a dollar a day. These were voted down by large ma- 
jorities ; but to prevent an undue accumulation of wealth by office-holders 
a clause was adopted providing that, ' ' No persons shall hold more than 
one lucrative office at the same time, except as in this constitution is 
expressly permitted." Even considering the greater purchasing power 
of money at the time, it must be conceded that the convention was not 
extravagant. The total expense was only $3,076.21. The members al- 
lowed themselves $2 per day and mileage, and the most princely salaries 
allowed were $3.50 per day to the Secretary and his two assistants, and, 
of course they had to work at night, as they had to write everything 
in long hand. While the convention's work was not strikingly original 
in most respects, it was progressive for the time. It was distinctly to 
the convention's credit that it abolished imprisonment for debt. Its pro- 
visions for education were wise and far-sighted, both in its provisions 
for husbanding the resources that were to be available for schools, and 
in its provision that, "It shall be the duty of the General Assembly, as 
soon as circumstances will permit, to provide, Ijy law, for a general 
system of education, ascending in a regular gradation, from township 
schools to a state university, wherein tuition shall be gratis, and equally 
open to all." Of the same character was its provision that when a new 
county should be laid off, ten per cent of the proceeds of the sale of lots 
in the seat of justice should be appropriated for a public library, and a 
library company should be incorporated to care for it. It was creditable 
that the convention made it the duty of the General Assembly to enact 
a penal code "founded on the principles of reformation, and not of vin- 
dictive Justice ; and also to provide one or more farms to be an asylum 
for those persons, who by reason of age, infirmity, or other misfortune, 


may have a claim upon the aid and beneficence of society ; on such prin- 
ciples, that such persons may therein find employment, and every reason- 
able comfort, and lose, by their usefulness, the degrading sense of de- 
pendence. ' ' 

The criticism of the constitution at the time was wholly political, and 
notably weak. It was charged to contain provisions ' ' contrary to every 
principle of true republicanism, and subversive of the rights of the 
people," and this was done to "the frenzy and intrigue which marked the 
progress of the measure of a State government in every stage." But 
when it came to specifications, all that was cited was keeping the capital 
at Corydon, and depriving the people of the right of changing the 
constitution oftener than once in twelve yeare. These objections met with 
no favor except from those who were seeking something to complain of. 
As a matter of fact, plainly obvious, the only sensible thing to do was to 
let the capital remain where it was for the time being. Everybody knew 
that ultimately it must be removed farther north, to a central point in 
the State. But at that time the Indian title had been extinguished to 
only about one ^hird of the state, at the southern end. Corydon was as 
central a point of the inhabited part of the state as could be found ; and, 
indeed, in 1825, when the capital was removed, Corydon was much nearer 
the center of population than Indianapolis. The second objection was 
unfounded, and the public saw this so clearly that it was quickly dropped. 
The provision neither prohibited a convention oftener than once in 
twelve years, nor any other mode of amendment. What it said was that, 
"Every twelfth year, after this constitution shall have taken efl:'ect, at the 
general election held for Governor there shall be a poll opened, in which 
the qualified electors of the State shall express, by vote, whether they 
are in favour of calling a convention, or not, and if there should be a 
majority of all the votes given at such election in favour of a convention, 
the Governor shall inform the next General Assembly thereof, whose duty 
it shall be to provide, by law, for the election of the members to the 
convention, tlie number thereof and the time and place of meeting. " This 
was self-executing and compulsoiy. Without any legislation, and with- 
out any expression of desire for it, the expression of the people was to 
be taken every twelfth year. To say that a convention could not be held 
oftener would be to nullify the provision of the bill of rights that the 
people "have at all times an unalienable and indefeasible right to alter 
or reform tlieir Government in such manner as they may think proper." 
At that time the American people believed this, and meant it when they 
said so. The courts had not yet perpetrated the absurdity of applying 
the doctrine that "the expression of one made is the exclusion of an- 
other, " to a public, natural and indefeasible right. No such construction 



was ever given to this section by anyone in authority, and if it had been 
the meaning of the section, our present constitution would be a nullity, 
for it was not adopted in that way. 

The nearest approach to a sane objection to the constitution at the 
time was a criticism of limiting the terms of judges to seven years, the 
writer holding that they should serve during good behavior. This was 
sound, but the mode of choosing judges was intinitely preferable to our 
present system — the Supreme judges being appointed by the Governor, 
with the consent of the senate ; and the Circuit judges being elected by the 
legislature. Comment has often be^n made on the small number of 
officials made e'eetive by the people, in this constitution. But this system. 

State Offices, .\t Corydon 

which is what is now commonly called "the short ballot," was universal 
in the United States at that time, and its evils had not yet developed. 
As party organization came into use, this system ottered the easiest and 
most effective basis for the construction of a political "machine" that 
could be devised, and it was on that account that it was generally aban- 
doned about the middle of the last century. It is difficult to say which is 
the more absurd, the claim of advocates of the "short ballot" that their 
plan is new, or their claim that it would prevent machine domination. In 
Indiana the only state officers elected by the people were the governor, 
lieutenant-governor, and the legislators. All the others were appointed 
or elected by them, and chiefly by' the legislature. This was in accord 
with the fundamental American idea that the legislators are "the repre- 


sentatives of the people"; and the Americans of that time actually 
believed in this idea. 

Another comment that has been made on this convention is that a 
large percentage of the members subsequently held office, which has been 
taken as evidence that they were "scheming politicians." This charge 
was made at the time by the Harrison party. In the assault on the 
convention quoted from above, it is said: "The p.ernicious practices that 
have unfortunately been elsewhere tolerated, have, I am told, been here 
introduced — I have heard it said that a caucus, composed of membei-s of 
the convention, met at Corydon, and pledged themselves to support cer- 
tain men for certain offices, without consulting the people or knowing 
their wishes or opinion on the subject; and I am told some of these men, 
whom they promised to support, were members of their own body. 
Should this have been the case, what are the people to think of such men ? 
Such conduct would be a treacherous imposition on the community, and 
give a mortal stab to our civil liberty— if permitted to be practiced with . 
impunity, it will deprive us of the pillar on which it rests, at the same 
time producing the most injurious effects to the happiness and freedom 
of our State. Such proceedings here can only proceed from a political 
delirium, and must not be practiced among us with success, else, if it be, 
artifice of sinister knaves will render it habitual, deprive the people of all 
opinion of their own, and thus undermine our dearest and best rights. 
If it be a fact that our members intended an assemblage so illegal and 
injurious, they should be exposed." As nobody took the trouble to deny 
that a caucus had been held, it is very probable that there was one. At 
that time nominating conventions had not been devised, and there was 
no way to get harmonious party action in a state election without some 
kind of agreement on candidates. Very probably it was agreed that Jen- 
nings should be the candidate for Governor, Hendricks for Congressman 
and Noble for Senator. These three men unquestionably constituted a 
triumvirate that controlled the State for a number of years afterwards. 
But the offices later held by members of the convention were almost 
wholly elective offices, which shows that the majority of the people were 
with them. Somebody must occupy the offices, and it is hardly feasible, 
in a republic, to let the minority name them. 

The really singular thing was the liberality of the controlling party 
to the minority. The advance to statehood was a political revolution. 
Prior to it, most of the appointing power was in the hands of the Gover- 
nor, and while Harrison was Governor it wa.s exercised almost exclusively 
for the benefit of his personal and political friends. He expected per- 
sonal loyaltv from them. There is a world of significance in the entry 
of :^Iay 4, 1805, in James Lemen's diary, heretofore quoted: "At our last 


meeting, as I expected he would do, Gov. Harrison asked and insisted that 
I should cast my influence for the introduction of slavery here." Why 
did lie expect this? He knew that Harrison favored it, and Harrison 
had appointed him a justice of the Quarter Sessions Court, and a .judge of 
the Common Pleas. Lemen refused, and he was not thereafter appointed 
to anything. The members of the Harrison party in the convention had 
received appointments .from him, but of the others there were seventeen 
who had never held an appointive office of any kind, and sixteen others 
who had been only justices of the peace or associate judges, and these 
were not considered remunerative offices. And now this ostracised class 
was in control, and the people of the State were back of them. What was 
their course ? John Johnson, the Harrison leader in the convention, was 
appointed a judge of the Supreme Court by Jennings, and confirmed by 
a senate of Jenning's politics. Waller Taylor, one of the foremost Harri- 
son leaders in the Territory, was elected to the United States Senate, 
with James Noble. Benjamin Parke, who was one of Harrison's closest 
friends, and who had been constantly in office since 1803, as Attorney 
General, Congressman, and Territorial Judge, was made U. S. District 
Judge by President Madison. Of course this last may have been a per- 
sonal matter of Madison's, but it is hardly probable that the appointment 
would have been made if Hendricks and Noble had opposed it. Aside 
from the Parke appointment, it is certain that a few years later no 
political party would have given two of the most important offices within 
its control to political opponents. This action must be attributed to the 
conciliatory policy of Jennings, for Waller Taylor had gone out of his 
way to insult Jennings, and to try to provoke him to a duel, in 1809. 

There were some minor matters in which less generosity was exer- 
cised. The convention had its printing done by Mann Butler, the Ken- 
tucky historian, who was then publishing The Correspondent, at Louis- 
ville. This was bitterly resented by Elihu Stout, of the Vincennes Sun, 
who complained of sending the work out of the Territory. However he 
had little ground for complaint. Louisville was the closest point at 
which the work could be satisfactorily done, and it would have seriously 
incommoded the convention to have had its printing done at Vincennes, 
with the facilities for transportation then existing. There was more 
ominous action for Vincennes in the proceedings relating to the State 
seminary. Jennings had secured very favorable terms from Congress as 
to land gi'ants. The donations offered, and of course accepted, were, 1, 
section 16 in each township for the support of public schools; 2, all of 
the salt springs "and the lands resen'ed for the use of the same, not 
exceeding thirty-six sections," for the use of the people of the state; 3, 
five per cent, of the net proceeds of the sales of public lands in the 


State, for roads and cauals, of which three-fifths was to be expended 
under direction of the legislature, and two-fifths under the direction of 
Congress; 4, one entire township for "the use of a seminary of learning," 
which was ' ' in addition to the one heretofore reserved for that purpose ' ' ; 
and 3, four sections for the location of a seat of government. On June 
19, the convention appointed Jonathan Lindley, Benjamin Parke, and 
James Noble a committee to select the seminary and saline lands, Parke 
and Noble being members of the convention. Jonathan Lindley was a 
splendid selection for this purpose. He was a Quaker who had settled 
near Paoli in 1811. David Thomas, who traveled through Indiana in 
1816, and who had a letter of introduction to Lindley, says of him : "This 
distinguished Friend removed from North Carolina about five years ago ; 
and with a few others fixed his abode in the wilderness. During the 
late war, this little community formed the frontier; but its members 
appear not to have suffered either from fear or injury. He has fre- 
quently explored the lands beyond the borders of the settlement in the 
time of that commotion, and never considered either himself or his com- 
panions in danger. Indeed there was small cause. No instance of Indian 
hostility towards this society is known ; so firm and inviolate has been the 
peace which the ancestors of these savages established with William Penn, 
and so faithfully is the memory of his virtues transmitted from sire 
to son." 12 The appointment of this commission was a preliminary to 
the establishment of a State University in place of Vineennes University, 
but the constitution provided that none of the school lands should be sold 
before 1820. 

On ilarch 26, 1804, Congress had granted a township to Indiana 
Territory for a "seminary of learning." On October 10, 1806, the 
Secretary of the Treasury designated a township in Gibson County for 
this purpose ; and on November 29, of the same year the Indiana legis- 
lature incorporated The Board of Trustees for the Vineennes University, 
appointing the Board and making them trustees for this land grant, with 
authority to sell not to exceed 4,000 acres of it. The Board sold the 4,000 
acres, erected a brick building, and opened a school in 1810. On April 
27, 1816, Congress added its sanction to the proceedings thus far by an 
act confirming the titles of those who had purchased from the Board. 
In 1817 and 1818 the Board petitioned Congress for authority to sell 
the remainder of the land as the school was in need of funds, and the 
timber was being stolen. The Senate Committee on Public Lands, with- 
out any suggestion that the land was under State control, refused the 
petition on the gi-ound that the State was not sufficiently populated "to 

: Ind. Hist. Coll. Indiana as Seen by Early Travelers, p. 54. 


keep ill respectable standing an institution such as is contemplated, even 
after, by anticipation of its fund, it had been forced into a premature 
existence." (Am. State Papers, Pub. Lands, Vol. 3, p. 302.) 

In 1820, as soon as the constitution allowed the sale of lands, the 
legislature established a Board of Trustees for a State Seminary, at 
Bloomington. At the same time a joint resolution was adopted appoint- 

Samuel Judah 
(Fi'om a portrait) 

ing an agent to take charge of the Gibson County lands, rent them for 
terms of not more than two years, and collect ''all arrears of rent that 
may be due to said State." In 1822, the legislature created a commission 
to sell the Gibson County lands, pay the proceeds into the State treasury 
as a fund for the benetit of the State Seminary, and also to execute 
deeds for the lands sold liy the Trustees of Vincennes University for 
which deeds had not been given, thus recognizing it as the original bene- 


fieiary. After this blow Viiiceniies University suspended operations, 
and in 1824, on representation to the legislature that "the building is 
rapidly decaying for want of funds to repair the same," a law was passed 
adopting Vineennes University as Knox County Seminary, under the 
school system then in vogue, giving it the revenues appertaining to a 
county seminary, but to be "under the direction and control of the Board 
of Trustees of said university." This last provision was repealed at the 
next session, and the university became a seminary under the general law 
of the State. For a decade it ran along in this condition until Samuel 
Judah appeared on the scene. He was one of the longest-headed lawyers 
and politicians in Indiana, and he recognized in this another Dartmouth 
College case. His first step was to introduce in the legislature of 1838 
a bill reciting that whereas it is "reported that from neglect to supply 
the vacancies occasioned by death or removal from the state, in the 
Board of Trustees of s'aid university, it is now doubted whether a lawful 
board of trustees can be assembled," therefore the persons named are 
appointed trustees, with all the rights and powers, etc. It was a very 
simple little bill for legalization, such as the legislature frequently passed, 
and so it became a law, nobody dreaming what it would cost the State. 
So the phoenix arose from its ashes, and Knox County Seminary again 
bloomed forth as Vineennes University, with all of its original territorial 
rights, as expressly preserved by the 12th article of the constitution. 
True the act provided that "nothing in this act shall be so constnied 
as to give the trustees any right to or power over the college township 
in Gibson County," but nobody was asking to be given any right of that 
kind. All the trustees wanted was the revival of the University, whose 
rights were guaranteed by the constitution. 

The next move was the presentation to the legislature of 1843 of a 
petition reciting the facts, stating that the sales of the Gibson County 
lands were illegal, but that the Trustees "do not desire to disturb or dis- 
quiet the titles of a numerous body of citizens to a large and valuable 
tract of country. They only desire justice, and would rather receive a 
compensation from the State than by a resort to a legal proceedings 
regain the lands from the purchasers." This was ignored, and thereupon 
suits for the lands were instituted in Gibson Comity. Then arose a 
chorus of indignation from the purchasers of the land that reconciled 
the legislature of 1846 to assuming the responsibility for the State, and 
authorizing the Trustees to bring an action in chancery in the I\Iarion 
Circuit Court to settle the question. The Circuit Court decided for the 
Trustees, and the State appealed to the Supreme Court, which reversed 
the decision. Then the Trustees took the case to the Supreme Court of 
the United States on writ of error, and that tribunal affirmed the decision 


of the Marion Circuit Court. Chief Justice Taney and two of the asso- 
ciate justices dissented from the decision on two grounds : first, that the 
Territorial legislature had no power to designate the beneficiai-y ; and 
second, that the words of the grant in the enabling act made it a grant 
of two sections for one seminary. The first ground is untenable. It 
would be absurd to make a gi-ant to a territory for a seminary if the 
territory could not designate a seminary to receive it; and furthermore, 
if there had been any question of territorial power. Congress had sanc- 
tioned the action of the legislature by its act of 1816 ratifying the sales 
by the Board of Trustees. In support of the second proposition Taney 
argued that in no other instance had Congress undertaken to endow two 
seminaries, but that both donations had gone to one institution. This is 
historically true ; but he overlooked the obvious fact that in all other 
cases both donations had gone to the original beneficiary. The words of 
the grant — ' ' That one entire township, which shall be designated by the 
President of the United States, in addition to the one heretofore reserved 
for that purpose, shall be reserved for the use of a seminarj' of learning, 
and vested in the legislature of the said State, to be appropriated solely 
to the use of such seminary by the said legislature" — could just as 
properly be construed to mean that Congress intended both townships for 
Vineennes University; and if the Chief Justice had followed his argu- 
ment to its legitimate conclusion he would have so held. The majority 
decision makes the grant read of one entire township for a seminary of 
learning "in addition to the one heretofore reserved for that purpose to 
another seminary." 

Under an act of February 13, 1855, Mr. Judah settled with the State, 
accepting its bonds for $66,585 and leaving 2,200 acres of land that had 
not yet been sold to be accounted for. Of this amount he retained 
$26,728.23 for fees and expenses, and turned the remainder over to the 
Board. The Board sued him for an accounting, and, among other things, 
Judah answered that he had used $4,500 "in procuring the passage of the 
act of 1855"; whereupon the Trustees replied that he had "fraudulently 
and corruptly expended such sums in hiring pei'sons to aid him in in- 
fluencing members of the legislature and in bribing members to procure 
the passage of said act. ' ' But the court found for Judah for the amount 
he claimed. Forty years slipped away, and in 1895 the Trustees of the 
University bobbed up with a supplemental claim for the 2,200 acres of 
land that had not been sold in 1855. In the meantime the State had 
sold practically all of it for a total of $1,547.30, it being swampy and 
undesirable. The legislature appropriated $15,000 more "in full settle- 
ment of all claims against the State"; and the Trustees accepted it by 
formal resolution. But this opened the eyes of a new bmich of lawyers 



to the enormity of the wrong done to Vineennes University. In the Su- 
preme Court decision of 1852 i* the court, in commenting on early dona- 
tions to Indiana and other states, said that "if these reservations had been 
judiciously managed, they would have realized a fund at this time of at 
least $200,000 each." Plainly, here was the correct measure of damages, 

t ► 


Present Vincennes University 

judicially found by the highest court of the land. Up to this time the 
State had paid Vincennes University $81,585 for lands that it had sold 
for $16,598.66, the difference being for interest allowed. But if the 
State had wrongfully taken the lands, as the Supreme Court of the 
United States had decided, it was morally liable for the wrong done, and 
not for the benefit it had received, and the State had authorized a settle- 
ment on an equitable basis. Moreover, the State had been fully reim- 

13 14 Howard, p. 268. 


bursed by the acts of Con^-ess of July 12, 1852, and February 23, 1854, 
by which it was granted 23,206 acres to indemnify it against loss of the 
Gibson County lands; and it had sold these new lands for $80,000 and 
turned the proceeds over to Indiana University. Manifestly justice 
needed to be warmed over. 

Accordingly the matter was brought before the legislature of 1899, 
which passed a bill for the issue of $120,000 of bonds to Vineennes Uni- 
versity in one more full and final settlement of the claim. Gov. ]Mount 
vetoed the bill, on the ground that the finals had been played, but recom- 
mended that a committee be appointed to report to the next session 
"whether or not there is anything due Vineennes University by reason 
of the sale of these lands," referring to the lands unsold in 1855. The 
Senate then appointed a committee of three hold-over senators, N. L. 
Agnew, Eph. Inman and Geo. C. IMiller, to investigate the entire matter 
and report to the next ses.sion. This committee reported a finding of 
facts, with this conclusion : ' ' The compensation rendered by the State 
to the University was evidently very inadequate to repair the wrong done, 
while the State on the other hand has not retained any of the fruits of 
the wrongful act so far as we can determine. We submit upon the fore- 
going statement of facts there is no legal claim against the State in favor 
of the Vineennes University. As to whether the State should recognize 
an equitable or moral responsibility for the wrong inflicted by the State 
upon the University, we leave to the judgment of the Senate." This 
brought the cjuestion into the political arena ; for it was plainly a ques- 
tion for the people whether the State should stand on legal technicalities, 
or do what its own representatives had found to be "equitable and 
moral" in dealing with a public educational institution. The claim was 
urged on the legislatures of 1901 and 1903, and the latter determined on 
a new investigation. The judicial and legislative departments had in- 
vestigated the claim, and all that was left was the executive department. 
Therefore a concurrent resolution was adopted making the Governor, 
Secretary, Auditor and Treasurer of State a committee to investigate 
and report "on just and ecjuitable grounds." 

The majority of this committee, the Secretary, Auditor and Treasurer, 
reported in favor of paying the University $120,548, and Governor 
Durbin made a dissenting minority report, in which he showed very 
satisfactorily that the lands were not worth anything like $200,000 in 
1852, and added a mass of other matter that had nothing to do with the 
case. He called attention to the fact that the charter of the Vineennes 
University had authorized it to conduct a lottery to raise funds, that 
Congress had given it land donations in addition to this one, and that 
with all this assistance it was never anything but a grammar school. It 


may be mentioned that the lottery was not a productive asset. This 
franchise lay dormant until May 1, 1879, when, as authorized by its 
charter, the University appointed "five discreet persons" to conduct a 
lottery for the purpose of raising a sum not exceeding $20,000 ' ' for the 
purpose of procuring a library and the necessary philosophical and ex- 
perimental apparatus." The State constitution had prohibited lotteries, 
and this action of the University was evidently taken with some appre- 
hension, for a test case was decided at the May term, 1879, of the Supreme 
Court. The court held that the lottery franchise was a vested right which 
could not be taken away by the constitution." The discreet managers 
then proceeded, but a ticket seller was arrested, and the case again went 
to the Supreme Court, which had an access of light, and reversed itself.i^ 
Bills were presented to the legislature of 1905, but not passed. Durbin'a 
stand brought the matter into still greater political prominence, for he 
had been trying to make a record for economy, and had made hini.self so 
unpopular that the Democratic platform of 1904 made an issue of his 
"cheese-paring policy." The legislature of 1907 passed a bill for the 
issue of $120,548 of bonds to the University in settlement of its claim, 
and, when Gov. Hanly vetoed it, passed it over his veto. His veto was 
based on the ground that the bill violated section 5 of article 10 of the 
constitution, which prohibits contracting State debt except to meet casual 
deficits, pay interest, or provide for public defense. The University's 
contention was that the debt already existed, but Hanly said that the 
word "debt" meant an obligation that could be enforced at law, and not 
a mere equitable claim. On that basis the legislature could never pay 
an equitable claim, for it would be creating a debt of it. After the bill 
was passed over his veto. Governor Hanly refused to sign the bonds, and 
so the matter rested until Thomas R. Marshall was elected Governor. 

Governor Marshall took a residence in the north part of Indianapolis 
preparatory to his inaugural. It had been the custom for some years 
for the out-going Governor to escort the in-coming Governor to the in- 
augural ceremonies ; and when the day arrived, Hanly secured the services 
of Fred Sims, Secretary of State, as aide-de-camp, and proceeded to the 
Marshall mansion. After very formal salutations, they and Marshall 
took seats in the carriage and started. For the first mile the decorum 
observed was up to the standard observed in the hearse at a well-regulated 
funeral. Hanly is not effusively jovial in his lightest moments, and there 
was nothing in the occasion to exhilarate him. Marshall was tempo- 
rarily distraught, owing to the fact that .iust before he started one of 

14 Kellvuii vs. the State, 66 Ind., p. 588. 

15 The State vs. Woodward, 89 Ind., p. 110. 

Vol. 1—21 


his inaugural guests had fallen down stairs, and incurred unliquidated 
damages. Sims, with characteristic deferential courtesy, thought it was 
not for him to take the offensive in such presence. Not a word was 
spoken until they reached ^Monument Place, when it occurred to Mar- 
shall, who is a very thoughtful man when he is thinking, that some one 
ought to do something to liven up the joy ride, and he obsei'ved, "By 
the way, Governor, I am going to sign those Vincennes University 
Bonds." Hanly turned on him with an icy glare, and replied, "Very 
well, sir. That is your privilege." Having thus happily reached a com- 
plete agreement, the party came to its destination without any further 
interruptions. IMarshall signed the bonds, and so the Vincennes Uni- 
versity land claim ended — unless the Trustees shall find some basis for 
an additional claim. 

In the constitution of 1816, in addition to the provision of a frame of 
government, and the declaration of fundamental principles in which 
everybody agreed, there are some provisions that look more like adjust- 
ments of local interests than proper constitutional provisions. One of 
these is the regulation of banking, in Article 10, as follows: "There 
shall not be established or incorporated, in this state, any Bank or Bank- 
ing company or monied institution, for the purpose of issuing bills of 
credit, or bills payable to order or bearer ; Provided that nothing herein 
contained shall be so construed as to prevent the General Assembly from 
establishing a State Bank, and branches, not exceeding one branch for 
any three Counties, and be established at such place, within such Coun- 
ties, as the directors of the State Bank may select ; provided there be 
subscribed and paid in specie, on the part of individuals, a sum equal 
to thirty thousand dollars : Provided also, that the Bank at Vincennes, 
and the Farmers' and Mechanics' Bank of Indiana, at Madison, shall be 
considered as incorporated Banks, according to the true tenor of the 
charters granted to said Banks by the Legislature of the Indiana Terri- 
tory : Provided that nothing herein shall be so construed, as to prevent 
the General Assembly from adopting either of the aforesaid Banks as the 
State Bank: and in case either of them shall be adopted as the State 
Bank, the other may become a branch, under the rules and regulations 
herein before prescribed." In the light of existing conditions, however, 
this was a very rational provision for a state financial system. The 
Territory had never had a general banking law, and there had been 
little opportunity for the use of one if it had existed. The wealth of 
the people was almost exclusively in lands and chattels. There was 
very little money in circulation, and the smaller forms of domestic com- 
merce were chiefly on a basis of barter. In this, skins and furs were 
largely the medium of exchange. Specie came into the Territoiy mainly 
from the sale of produce taken to New Orleans in flatboats, and as brought 


ill by immigrants, especially those who intended to purchase lands. It 
was both difficult and dangerous to transport specie in any material 
quantity. As long as the old United States Bank existed, its bills fur- 
nished a convenient medium for carrying money ; but its charter expired 
in 1811, and was not renewed. Instead of it a system of private banks 
arose, beginning in New England, and developing from there to the 
middle and western states. 

Under statutory provision, or in the absence of any statute, as in 
Indiana, anybody could start a bank and issue bills, for a bank bill is 
merely a note payable on demand. Very little of this was done in Indiana 
though some merchants issued "shinplasters" for small change, of which 
the only other supply was obtained by cutting silver coins into sections. 
In 1814, Indiana Territory relieved the local scarcity of money by incor- 
porating the two banks named in article 10 of the constitution. Their 
charters were identical, that of the Madison bank being copied from that 
of the Vincennes institution, and they were granted within a few days of 
each other. Both had capital stocks of $750,000; the managers of both 
were among the wealthiest and most respected men of the Territory ; by 
the efforts of the Indiana Congressman and Senators, both were made 
depositories of land office receipts; and both were prosperous, and being 
conducted to the satisfaction of the shareholders and of the public. There 
were four or five other banking institutions in the Territory, most of them 
in good standing, but too small to lie considered as State agencies. One 
was regarded as suspicious — the bank at Lexington — and in 1815 an act 
had been passed "to prevent swindling," which was directed at this 
institution, and which required banks to publish the names of their stock- 
holders. Lexington was an ambitious young town which had been made 
the county seat of Scott County; and William Hendricks' newspaper. 
The Eagle, had been sold and removed to that point. The suspicions as 
to the bank were realized, as is mentioned by most of the early visitors 
to the State. David Thomas speaking of Lexington (New Lexington, 
it was then called) -says: "At this place the sign of the Lexington Bank 
was displayed by nine swindlers; several of them are now imprisoned." 
Samuel R. Brown (1817) says: "This flourishing town is famous for 
having produced the pretended monicd institution called 'The Lexington 
Indiana Manufacturing Company.' which has exploded." Timothy Flint 
(1828) says: "The bank of New Lexington was a notorious scheme of 
iniquity; and was one of the first bubbles that burst in this young com- 
munity. Though the people did not immediately take warning they were 
among the first that discarded all the ridiculous temporizing expedients 
of relief, and restored a sound circulation." i" 

16 Indiana as Seen by Early Travelers, Ind. Hist. Comn., pp. 49, 156, 462. 



The constitution plan for a State Bank was carried out by an act of 
January 1, 1817, which adopted the Vincennes Bank as the State Bank. 
Its capital stock was increased to $1,500,000, and 14 branches were 
authorized, one for every three counties, of which the Madison bank was 
to lie one. The Madison bank declined, and only three branches were 
organized at Brookville, Corydon and Vevay. The experiment could not 
have been tried at a more unfortunate time. The new Bank of the 
United States began business on January 1, 1817, and began business in a 

Old State Bank Building, Brookville 

very poor way. By authorizing discounts on pledges of stock, before it 
issued any bills, the payment of the stipulated capital was evaded ; and 
the actual paid-in capital of the Bank was two millions in specie instead 
of seven millions, and twenty-one millions in funded debt instead of 
twenty-eight millions. The remaining twelve millions was made up of 
stock-holders' notes. Discounts were made at an appalling rate. The 
officials of the Baltimore branch, who had borrowed $1,957,700 from the 
parent bank, on a pledge of 18,290 shares of its stock, took out of the 
Baltimore branch $1,540,000 additional on a pledge of "the surplus 
value" of the same shares. Bv March, 1819, the at Baltimore 


approximated a million and three quarters, and for the whole country 
more than three millions and a half, which was half a million more than 
the protits. Meanwhile dividends of $4,410,000 had been made. In the 
fall of 1818 a committee of Congress investigated the Bank, and on Janu- 
ary 16, 1819, reported that it had violated its charter in four particulars, 
and recommended a forfeiture of its charter. Congress took no action, 
but the stock fell to- 93, and William Jones, the President of the Bank, 
soon fled. Mr. Cheves, of South Carolina, took his place on March 6, 
1819, and at once instituted measures of curtailment, and collection 
of balances. He put the Bank in a safe condition in seventy days ; but he 
brought on a panic that paralyzed the whole country. In the words of 
one of the most intelligent writers of the period : ' ' The Bank was saved 
and the people were ruined. For a time, the question in ilarket street, 
Philadelphia, was, every morning, not who had broken the previous day, 
but who yet stood. In many parts of the country the distress was as great 
as it was in Philadelphia, and in others it was still more deplorable." ^^ 
For months afterwards the papers were full of tales of woe. On April 
10, Niles Register said: "From all parts of our country we hear of a 
severe pressure on men in business, a general stagnation of trade, a large 
reduction in the price of staple articles. Real property is rapidly de- 
preciating in its nominal value, and its rents or profits are exceedingly 
diminishing. Many highly respectable traders have become bankrupts, 
and it is agreed that many others must 'go': the Banks are refusing 
their customary accommodations ; confidence among merchants is shaken, 
and three per cent, per month is offered for the discount of promissory 
notes, which a little while ago were considered as good as ' old gold, ' and 
whose makers have not since suffered any losses to render their notes 
less valuable than heretofore." 

On August 7, the same paper said: "It is estimated that there are 
20,000 persons daily seeking work in Philadelphia ; in New York, 10,000 
able-bodied men are said to be wandering about the streets looking for 
it, and if we add to them the women who desire something to do, the 
amount cannot be less than 20,000; in Baltimore there may be about 
10,000 persons in unsteady employment, or actually suffering because 
they cannot get into business." On October 9, the Register quoted 
from The Kentucky Gazette: "Slaves which sold some time ago, and 
could command the most ready money have fallen to an inadequate value. 
A slave which hires for 80 or 100 dollars per annum, may be purchased 
for $300 or $400. A house and lot on Limestone street, for which $15,000 

" William M. Gouge, A Short History of Paper Money and Banking in the 
United States, Phila., 1833. 


had been offered some time past, sold under the officer's hammer for 
$1,800. A house and lot which, I am informed, was bought for $10,000, 
after $6,000 had been paid by the purchaser was sold under a mortgage 
for $1,500, leaving the original purchaser (besides his advances) $3,500 
in debt. A number of sales, which excited at the same time astonish- 
ment and pity, have occurred in this town." There was a similar de- 
preciation of values everywhere. Speaking of the situation in Indiana, 
Samuel Merrill says : ' ' From 1820 to 1824, the prices of produce were 
only from a third to a fourth of what they had previously been, except 
where extensive new settlements created temporary demands. All real 
property fell in much the same, and town property in even a greater 
proportion. * * * There was, no doubt, much wrong feeling and 
wrong principle that led to the relief laws and other efforts to prevent 
the collection of debts; yet when property to large amounts was sacri- 
ficed for costs merely, as was often the case, even the creditors derived 
no benefit. It was for the interest of creditors, generally, not than 
of debtors, that the latter should not be ruined needlessly, and that as 
many of the former as possible should receive at least a part of their 
dues. About this time the following circumstances occurred : A farm of 
200 acres had been sold for $4,000, of which $3,000 was paid in hand, 
and a mortgage given on the property for the $1,000. This sum not 
being paid, the mortgaged premises were taken and sold to the original 
owner for less than half the sum due, and he afterwards proceeded to 
collect the balance, with costs, of the mortgagor. The land would, at 
any time for the last twenty years (from 1850), have sold at from $30 
to $60 an acre. There were many even still harder eases which called, 
at least, for such provisions in relation to the sale of real property as 
would be best, on the whole, for all creditors and all debtors. The state of 
public opinion may well be imagined, from the fact that many of those 
who had so managed the Banks that they became a fraud on community, 
still retained, to a considerable extent, the respect of their fellow 
citizens.^ ^ 

In regard to the remedies for such conditions, I will quote here the 
words of Mr. Gouge, which ought to be inscribed on imperishable monu- 
ments in every township in the United States : ' ' There was one measure 
which, as it might have alleviated the distress, we have sometimes won- 
dered was not adopted. "We have wondered it was not adopted because it 
is a measure which has been adopted in other countries, and in our 
own country at other times. "We mean ^n equitable ad.iustment of the 
affairs of debtor and creditor. When the South Sea bubble bursted, the 

islnd. Gazetteer, p. 120. 


British Parliament saw that to require a literal fulfilment of the obliga- 
tions which were affected by that stock-jobliing concern, would be to give 
the getters up of that scheme all the property of their miserable dupes. 
It therefore, in some cases, reduced the amount of money to be paid, as 
much as nine-tenths. During the Revolutionary War, scales of depre- 
ciation, of continental money were from time to time published by the 
Legislature, by which the courts were governed in enforcing such con- 
tracts as were submitted to adjudication. The great Banking bubble of 
America was the same in principle as the South Sea bubble, but of longer 
continuance, and involved in it the fortunes of the whole community. 
But nothing like an equitable adjustment of the affairs of debtor and 
creditor was attempted. An obligation to pay 10,000 dollars entered into 
in 1816 or 181S, when the current dollar was in some parts of the country 
worth perhaps but 50 cents in silver, was enforced according to the strict- 
ness of the letter, in 1819 and 1820, when the current dollar was of equal 
value with the legal dollar, and worth one hundred cents in silver. It is 
an awful thing to change the money standard of a country; but it is 
equally awful to refuse to recognize such a change, after it has actually 
been made. Effecting an equitable adjustment of the affairs of debtor 
and creditor, by a legislative or a judicial recognition of the practical 
changes which had been made in the standard of value, would not have 
'impaired the obligation of contracts.' Both debtor and creditor, when 
they entered into the contract, had the ' current ' dollar in view. ' ' i* 

Nothing can be more ruinous to all legitimate business than a con- 
tinuous fall of prices, resulting from a gradual return of a depreciated 
currency to its face value. After the Napoleonic wars, France was the 
only European country that was wise enough to resume specie payments, 
and at the same time adjust existing business on the existing value of 
her paper money, which was worth about three cents on the dollar. The 
other nations resumed in the same way that the United States used in the 
years following the Civil "War, and had the same experience of a long 
extended period of bankruptcy and business paralysis. A nation that 
stupidly persists in treating a dollar as a fixed quantity, no matter 
whether it be specie or depreciated paper, is necessarily bringing ruin 
to its people. 

The Bank of Vincennes began business as the State Bank when the tide 
of inflation and speculation was at its full. Its management was a close 
parallel to that of the Bank of the United States, which began business at 
the same time. It loaned money freely, especially to land purchasers 
and promising business enterprises. It favored its own officials. It had a 

19 Short Hist.* of Paper Money, etc., pp. 125-6. 



set-back when the Bank of the United States took the public deposits 
away from it, and from numerous other banks, but these were restored 
under an arrangement that relieved the Bank of the United States, 
which w^as the Government's fiscal agent, from responsibility for the de- 
posits, by making the debt a direct one to the United States. But the 
Vincennes Bank did not liave a Cheves to pull it from under the impend- 

Nathaniel Ewing 
(From a portrait) 

ing ruin. It steered straight into the maelstrom with every sail set. 
In 1820 disaster was in sight. From April, 1819, to June, 1820, the land 
office had deposited $295,325.77 to the credit of the United States, and 
but $77,062.87 of this had been paid. In July, Secretary of the Treasury 
Crawford objected to the Bank's failure to meet his drafts, and stopped 
the deposits. It leaked out that the Bank was in trouble, and attacks 
on it began to appear in hostile newspapers. These vver<? discounted by 


friendly newspapers as political, but the report of the Bank to the Legis- 
lature in December showed that it was insolvent. On January 2, 1821, 
it suspended specie payments, and on February 3 called a meeting of 
stockholders to consider surrendering its charter. This meeting, held on 
February 5, elected a new board of directors, made David Brown presi- 
dent, and appointed a committer to examine the Bank. 

Another calamity was at hand. The principal debtor of the Bank 
was Charles Smith's Steam Mill Company. Steam power was just be- 
ginning to be introduced in the West, and the newspapers had glowing 
accounts of its superiority over water power, and anticipations of home 
manufacturers of all kinds, without the heavy expense of transportation 
from the East. Nathaniel Ewing, Receiver of the Land Office, Pension 
Agent, and former president of the Vineennes Bank, was largely in- 
terested in the Steam Mill Company, and Judge Benjamin Parke was 
its nominal agent, though the actual business of the agent was largely 
transacted by others. This company, as various others in early times 
was authorized by its charter to transact banking business, and issued 
bills of its own, in addition to maintaining a mercantile establishment, 
for the disposal of its own and other produce. On the night of February 
10, it was discovered to be on fire, and the helpless people of the town 
saw it burn to the ground. The Steam ilill company owed the Bank 
$91,000, and its assets were practically wiped out of existence. It was 
said that the fire was incendiary, which was probably true, though the 
ineendiarv was never located. 

Notwithstanding this crowning disaster. President Brown, who seems 
to have been a very guileless person, wrote of the Bank to Secretary 
Crawford, on April 5 : " There is no doubt of its solvency ; its losses are 
but nominal." Crawford replied on :May 4. with a very pointed inquiry 
why the Bank did not pay the $218,262.90 that it owed the Government ; 
and on receipt of this. Brown made this mournful reply : 

"Vineennes. Mav 22, 1821. 

Your communication of the 4th inst. was received today, and will 
be laid before the directors at their meeting on the 24th. 

I stated to you, in my communication of the 5th April, that we might 
probably retrieve the character of the bank. Further investigations, 
however, have given me such views of the situation of affairs as to con- 
vince me of the fallacy of all hopes of placing the institution on a respec- 
table footing again. I therefore advertised, the 12th instant, a general 
meeting of the stockholders, to take place the 13th June ensuing, to in- 
vestigate the situation of the bank, and to take into consideration the 
expediency of winding up its business. 


In relation to the pension business, I feel it my duty to state that no 
funds for the payment of pensioners have ever come into my hands. 
How your appropriations have been disposed of, I am unable to say. 

It was an unfortunate day which brought me to preside over an 
already ruined institution. ^ly character, to me, is more than all the 
world liesides ; and I have to regret the possibility of my reputation suf- 
fering for the sins of others. The evils which have been done were before 
the 7th of March last (the period of my appointment). 

Very respectfully yours, &e., 

David Brown." 

The "pension money" referred to was $10,006 that Ewing had re- 
ceived to paj' Indiana pensioners, who had not been paid.-'' Ewing was 
dismissed, and suit against him ordered. A week after this sad plaint, 
the directors met and voted a dividend of ten per cent, for the past six 
months. A year later they voted another of twenty per cent. The 
apparent purpose of these was to give stockholders credit on their in- 
debtedness to the Bank. At the meeting in June, 1821, a committee was 
appointed to wait on the stockholders of the Steam Mill, and see what 
could be done concerning their debt. Judge Parke told them he would 
surrender all of his property, but that if the debt was as large as stated, 
full payment was hopeless. The meeting then decided to wind up the 
Bank, and those stockholders who were indebted to the Bank were author- 
ized to surrender their stock, and receive a corresponding credit on their 
indebtedness. In the meantime, the State had become involved. It had 
borrowed from the Bank and deposited State bonds as security ; and had 
been accepting bills of the Bank with which to pay the debt. When 
payment was offered, it was found that the bonds had been turned over 
to the United States on its claim. When news of the June meeting 
reached Governor Jennings, he called a special session of the Legislature 
for November to deal with the situation. The Legislature passed a law 
directing the Governor to appoint an agent to bring suit to determine 
whether the Bank had violated its charter. The agent brought an action 
of quo warranto, charging twelve breaches of the charter in the informa- 
tion. The .Jury found the Bank guilty of nine of these violations ; and 
the Court, instead of appointing a receiver to wind up the business, for- 
feited the charter, and ordered all the property, rights of action and 
credits turned over to the State. The Bank took a writ of error to the 

-0 Tlie correspondence concerning the bank is in American State Papers, Finance, 
Vol. .3, p. 737; Vol. 4, p. 244; and Vol. 5, p. 104. The best detailed study is Esarey's 
State Banking in Indiana, Ind. Univ. Studies, Vol. 10, No. 2. 


Supreme Court, its chief contention being that under its charter it could 
not be dissolved until it had paid its debts. The Court held that this 
provision of its charter merely prevented a voluntary dissolution with- 
out first paying the debts, and did not interfere with a dissolution for 
cause. But it held that when a corporation is dissolved, it expires with- 
out heirs or successors; that the State could not sieze the property; and 
that all debts to the Bank died with it.^i This decision, which was 
reached at the November term, 1823, released all debtors to the Bank 
from farther liability, and the debtors were chiefly officials and stock- 
holders of the Bank. In the meantime they had settled with the Govern- 
ment by turning over to it the real estate of the Bank, and their personal 
holdings ; so that the main loss fell on the note holders. 

There was one debtor who desired no release. Judge Parke fell under 
condemnation with the others, at the time, though he never lost the esteem 
of the best people of the State. He condemned himself more severely 
than others condemned him, and it left a shadow over a life that knew 
many sorrows. He had two children, a son and a daughter. The 
daughter married Abram Hite, a young merchant of Louisville, and died 
young, leaving a son, who came to live with his grandparents. Judge 
Parke's son, Barton, was a promising boy who was preparing for college, 
at the Salem Seminary, when, in 1833, the great epidemic of cholera took 
away both the son and the grandson. Not long after this bereavement, 
a young man came to Salem to atteYid the Seminary, whom Judge Parke 
invited to live in his lonely home. It was Barnabas C. Hobbs, later 
Superintendent of Public Instruction. They became warm friends until 
the Judge's death on July 12, 1835. Mr. Hobbs left the following state- 
ment of a phase of his friend's life, that the outside world did not know: 
"Judge Parke was honest and generous to the core. He scorned all 
subterfuge, dishonesty and hypocrisy. While at Vincennes he was in- 
duced to unite his fortunes with two other men in the organization and 
management of a bank. He, of course, was busy witli professional duties, 
and left the management of the bank and his own fortune to the other 
partners. They found a desirable time and way to let the bank break 
and to liide its resources, leaving Judge Parke to attend to its liabilities. 
These reverses made him banki-upt for life, or nearly so. All who knew 
him knew his honesty and integrity, and admired his patience and resig- 
nation to his fate. After Governor Harrison left Vincennes Judge Parke 
moved to Salem, in "Washington County, a place at that time more central. 
He took an inexpensive house, and year by year used all his savings to 
cancel his bank indebtedness. He closed it all out a short time before ho 

21 State Bank vs. The State, 1 Blackford, p. 267. 



died. He was for years afflicted with tubercular consumption, and must 
have struggled with much infirmity while steadily performing his judicial 
duties. He suffered also from paralysis of his right side, so that he could 
not use his right hand in writing. He overcame this disadvantage by 
learning to write with his left hand, which he used with elegance and 
dispatch." -- 


Home op Benjamin Parke 
(This house was originally built at Vincennes, and removed in sections 

to Salem) 

It should be added here that the Farmers & Mechanics Bank of Madi- 
.son had a more creditable fate than its Vincennes twin. When the 
order was made for the withdrawal of the Government deposits, in 1818, 
the bank withdrew its circulation, which was being used to withdraw the 
specie from its vaults. In 1820 the deposits were restored, but the bank 
was embarrassed by the apparent unfriendly management of the Bank 
of the United States, and finally the directors decided to close it, which 
w^as done after fully meeting all of its obligations. The winding up was 

22 Woollen's Sketches, p. 388. 


done gradually, so as not to disturb business, and the last step was the 
sale of its uncollected assets to ililton Stapp and J. F. D. Lanier, later 
the founder of the great banking house of Winslow, Lanier & Co. At 
that time Lanier was a lawyer at Madison, and Stapp was a student in 
his office, though his preceptor was not much older than himself. James 
F. D. Lanier was born in North Carolina, November 22, 1800, a descend- 
ant of Thomas Lanier, a French Huguenot. His grandfather, James 
Lanier, served in the Revolutionary army, and in Wayne's campaign 
against the Indians. He later emigrated to Tennessee, and from there 
to Kentucky. In 1807, Alexander Chalmers Lanier, father of J. F. D. 
Lanier, removed to Ohio, and freed his slaves. He served in the war of 
1812, attaining the rank of ]Major; and in 1817, removed to Madison, 
Indiana, where he conducted a store until his death, in 1820. James F. 
D. received his education in the common schools of Eaton, Ohio, an 
academy at Newport, Ky., and at Madison, where he had, as he says, 
"for a year and a half, the almost inestimable advantage of a private 
school taught by a very superior person from the Eastern states" — pre- 
sumably Rev. Wm. Robinson, a Presbyterian missionary who located 
there in 1810. and conducted a private school, in addition to founding the Sunday school and the first Presbyterian church. In 1819 Lanier 
began reading law in the office of Gen. Alexander A. Meek, and con- 
cluded his studies at Transylvania, where he graduated in 1823. He was 
assistant Clerk of the House of Representatives in 1824, and at each 
succeeding session until 1827, when he was made Chief Clerk. His pur- 
chase of the assets of the Farmers & Mechanics Bank was his first re- 
corded financial venture, and probably started him on the career in which 
he -was so phenomenall.y successful, and of so great service to the State 
and to the Nation. 


iMention has been made of the charge of a caucus of the Jennings 
party at the time of the constitutional convention at Corydon ; and as an 
apparent fact the convention served the purpase of political conventions 
for both parties. Oliver H. Smith, who was in position to know, says: 
"I came to Indiana in the spring of 1817. The political affairs of the 
State were then in the hands of three parties, or rather one party with 
three divisions — the Noble, Jennings and Hendricks divisions — which 
were all fully represented in the convention that formed the constitution 
of 1816. Gen. James Noble and Jonathan Jennings were delegates. Jen- 
nings was elected President and William Hendricks Secretary of the con- 
vention. It was evident to leaders that personal political conflicts 
must arise between them unless the proper arrangements were made to 
avoid them. It was then agreed between them to aid each other in mak- 
ing Noble United States Senator, Jennings Governor, and Hendricks 
Congressman. * * * There were three judges to be appointed for 
the Supreme Court. Each subdivision was entitled to one. Gen. Noble 
selected Jesse L. Holman, living on the beautiful hights of the Ohio 
river, above Aurora, a good lawyer and one of the most just and con- 
scientious men I ever knew. Gov. Jennings selected John Johnson, a fine 
lawyer and an excellent man. He lived but a short time, and after his 
death, in the winter of 1822-3. I named the county of Johnson for him 
in the legislature, and not for Col. Richard "SI. Johnson, as some suppose. 
Gov. Hendricks named James Scott, of Clark County, a Pennsylvanian, 
one of the purest men in the State, a good scholar, and a fine lawyer. 
The opinions of no judge of our Supreme Court up to the present day, 
are, I think, entitled to stand higher with the profession than his. A 
strong common sense view of the case enabled him to select the grain of 
wheat from the stack of straw, and say, holding it up to the parties 
without discussing the chafl', 'It is my opinion that this is a grain of 

In this connection, it may be noted that Judges Holman and Scott 
both served for two full terms of seven years each, but Judge Johnson 

1 Early Indiana Trials, p. 84. 




died in 1817, and was replaced by Judge Isaac Blackford, who remained 
on the Supreme Bench until 1853 ; and whose fame is greater than that of 
any of his colleagues. He was one of the most unicpie characters that 
have appeared in Indiana history. He was born at Bound Brook, Somer- 
set County, New Jersey, November 6, 1786, and at the age of sixteen 
entered Princeton College, from which he graduated after the regular 

Ji'DGE Isaac Blackford 
(From a portrait.) 

four years course. He then read law for a year in the office of Col. George 
JIcDonald, later with Gabriel Ford, and in 1810 was admitted to practice. 
In 1812 he came West, carrying letters of introduction to Judge Isaac 
Dunn, of Lawrenceburg, and others. He stopped for a time at Brook- 
ville, and then located at Salem. At the organization of Washington 
County, in 1813, he was elected Clerk and Recorder. The next year he 
was elected Clerk of the Territorial legislature, which he resigned on 
being appointed Circuit Judge. He then removed to Vincenncs, and in 


1815 resigned as Judge and opened a law office. In 1816 he was elected 
to the first State legislature. In 1819, Col. McDonald also located at 
Vinc^nnes; and on December 25, 1819, the Sun said: 

'"The world was sad, the. garden was a wild, 
And man, the hermit, sighed till woman smiled. 

Married, — By tlie Rev. Samuel T. Scott, on Tliursday evening last, 
the lion. Isaac Blackford, one of the judges of the Supreme Court of this 
State, to Miss Caroline McDonald, daughter of Col. George McDonald, all 
of this place." 

They had one son, George, the mother dying at his birth, to whom 
Judge Blackford was tenderly attached ; but he died in youth, and the 
father was never the same afterward. While Judge of the Supreme 
Court at Indianapolis, he occupied rooms in the old "Governor's ]\Ian- 
sion," which stood in the Circle — now Monument Place — alone with his 
work and his books, for he was a great reader, and took the best British 
magazines, in addition to other reading. His reputation rests chiefly on 
his Reports of the Supreme Court decisions, which he edited and pub- 
lished for the first thirty-five years of the Court's existence, and which 
have always held high standing with the legal profession. He was very 
particular, not only about the substance of the Reports, but also about 
spelling and punctuation, and numerous anecdotes are preserved of his 
care in tliis matter. On one occasion, Samuel Judah, desiring to delay 
a decision, asked Blackford for the correct spelling of a word that he 
knew would be used in the decision. Blackford gave him the accepted 
form, and he at once dissented, and argued for another spelling until 
Blackford became uncertain, and put in two days looking for authorities, 
by which time the Court had adjourned, and the decision went over to 
the next term. In 1825, Judge Blackford was a candidate for Governor, 
but was defeated by James Brown Ray. Later in the same year he was 
defeated for Ignited States Senator by William Hendricks. In 1855, on 
the organization of the Court of Claims, at Washington, lie was appointed 
a Judge, and held this office until his death, on December 31, 1859. His 
remains were lirought to Indianapolis, and interred in Crown Hill 

But, to return to 1817, it is apparent that the opposition faction held 
a caucus also, for on July 13, G. R. C. Sullivan, a brother-in-law of Elihu 
Stout, announced himself as a candidate for Congress, and on the 20th. 
in an article in the Sun supporting Sullivan, "Indiana" said, of the pro- 
ceedings at Corydon: "Mr. A. D. Thorn was pitched upon by a party 
there, wlio pledged themselves to support him." The convention had 
adjourned on June 29, and on July 6 the Sun had announced that it was 


"authorized" to announce Thoni for Congress, and had "heard" that 
Hendricks was a candidate. It also had "understood" that Thomas 
Posey and Jonathan Jennings were candidates for Governor. Manifestly 
the opposition had agreed on both Posey and Thom, and the members of 
that party were so fully in support of this move that on August 3d 
Sullivan withdrew in favor of Thom. The constitution directed Jen- 
nings, as President, to call an election on the first ilonday in August 
(August 5), for Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Congressman, members 
of the General Assembly, sheriffs and coroners, and this call was duly 
issued on June 29. There was no delay, and no occasion for any with 
the party in power. Their organization was complete, and the delegates 
carried all necessary information to their several counties. The time 
was short, but there was little to be considered. The opposition under- 
took a feeble remonstrance to being prematurely rushed into the expense 
of a state government, but this was not popular in a state where most of 
the people were speculating in lands, and wanted "progress." The gen- 
eral sentiment was expressed in a toast, at the Fourth of July dinner at 
Fort Harrison : ' ' Indiana — another star upon the national banner, just 
rising into importance — may she always unite simplicity of manners with 
virtuous firmness and energetic patriotism." 

Most of the electioneering in those days was by personal appeal to 
the voter. There were no parades, and few speeches. Letters were used 
freely ; and it was quite common to have a letter, or article, published 
in a newspaper, and then have it reproduced in a hand-bill, which was 
handed about or mailed to the voter. In the electioneering by mail the 
members of Congress had a great advantage in the franking privilege 
and they used it as much then as in later times. On March 31, 1821. 
complaining of the lack of mail matter, the Vincennes Sentinel said : 
"With the exception of the land law, which we got hold of by accident, 
we have little of interest to give to our readers. This dearth of news 
here is in part owing to the small number of newspapers received; the 
cause of which, as we are informed, is this: The members of Congress 
when about returning to their homes, have a fashion of bundling up the 
articles they have collected at Washington such as dress patterns, boiniets 
and reticules for their wives and daughters ; quarto bibles, novels, plays 
and state papers, kegs of oysters, lobsters, Irish potatoes and garden seeds, 
franking them all home in the mails at Uncle Sam's expense, along with 
their unwashed shirts, cravats, waistcoats and breeches." The editor 
cautiously observes, however, that this does not come from the 
Indiana meml>ers, but "there are packages passing through the state 
destined for other states, weighing more pounds than the law prescribes 


ounces; thereby turning the mail carriage into a baggage waggon, full of 
pedlar's packs of natural and artificial curiosities." 

The election passed off quietly, Jennings receiving 5,211 votes to 3,934 
for Posey, the total being about two-thirds of the voters of the State. 
The majority for Hendricks was still larger; but the greatest ma.ioritj' 
was for Christopher Harrison, for Lieutenant Governor, as to which there 
appears to have been no caucus action. Harrison received 6,570 votes, 
his leading opponent being John Vawter, a Baptist preacher, after- 
wards cjuite prominent, who received 847 votes. There was a scattering 
vote for this office of 18 for Abel Finley, 14 for John Johnson, 13 for 
Davis Floyd, and 12 for Amos Lane. The General Assembly met on 
November 4, with ten senators and twenty-nine representatives as appor- 
tioned by the constitution. Six of the senators and ten of the representa- 
tives had been members of the constitutional convention, and a number 
of strong men were added, among them William Prince, Joseph Holman, 
John Paul, James Beggs, John Conner, Amos Lane, Williamson Dunn, 
Jonathan Lindley, Isaac Blackford, and Ratliff Boone. Isaac Blackford 
was elected Speaker of the House, and after inaugurating Governor Jen- 
nings and Lieutenant Governor Harrison, the caucus program was carried 
out without a hitch. James Noble and Waller Taylor were elected 
senators, and Jesse L. Holman and James Scott Judges of the Supreme 
Court. A law was adopted for the establishment of three Circuit Courts, 
and the judges were selected very probably as the .judges of the Supreme 
Court — Benjamin Parke for the first circuit, David Raymond for the 
second and John Test for the third. On November 6 the legislature pro- 
ceeded to the election of a Secretary of State, and chose Robert A. New, 
by a vote of 23 to 11 for Alexander Holton, three votes scattering. New 
was the oldest son of Jethro New, a Revolutionary soldier from Dela- 
ware, who removed to North Caroline, and, in 1794 to Kentucky, where 
he located in Owen County, near New Liberty, some fifteen miles from the 
Ohio river. He was the father of thirteen children, who preferred free 
soil to slave territory, and began moving to Indiana. Robert was a 
captain in the Indiana militia in 1814, and in 1815 was made "aid-de- 
camp to his excellency" Gov. Posey, with the rank of colonel. In the 
spring of 1816, he was made associate judge for Clark County. His 
brother John Bowman New located at Madison in 1815. He became a 
noted Campbellite preacher, and was the father of John C. New, Consul 
General to London ; and the grandfather of Senator Harry S. New. A 
third son of Jethro, Hickman New, father of Judge Jeptha D. New, 
located near Vernon, in Jennings County ; and in 1821 Jethro New, with 
the rest of his family, removed to the same place. Robert A. New had 
a very good education, and in March, 1819, while Secretary of State, 


joined with R. W. Nelson, editor of the local paj^er, in conducting 
Corydon Seminary, ''in which the Greek and Latin lan^ages and the 
ilathematics will be taught at the usual prices per quarter. The English 
Grammar will be taught for $8 per quarter. Reading, writing and 
arithmetic at $5 per quarter." Jethro New was a "Primitive Baptist" 
of the strict school, and his children were brought up in that faith. 
There were some aspirants in the General Assembly for the other State 
offices, but after consideration, the House decided that it would be a viola- 
tion of the constitution to elect a member to the office of circuit judge, 
or auditor or secretary of state. Accordingly they proceeded to election, 
and chose Daniel C. Lane Treasurer — of whom more hereafter. They 
also elected William H. Lilly Auditor. He was a practising physician, 
and devoted most of his time to his profession, leaving the auditing to a 
competent deputy. Moreover, jiis family lived in Kentuckj', and after 
the capital was moved to Indianapolis, on ]May 9, 1826, the Indianapolis 
Gazette published an article inquiring whether the State had an Auditor 
and suggesting that as ;\Ir. Lilly had "his family, property, etc., in Ken- 
tucky alwa.ys, and is only absent one-third of the year in the sister state 
of Indiana" it was doubtful whether he was within the constitutional 
rec|uirement of residence within the State. This appears to have affected 
the Auditor, for seven weeks later it was announced that he had formed 
a partnership with Dr. Galen Jones, a recent arrival at the capital, and 
that their office was in "the small frame building on Washington street, 
near IVIr. Henderson 's Tavern. ' ' - Both members of the firm became 
intemperate, and Dr. Lilly died in 1829. 

There was another election that caused some reflection. On November 
5, 1816, Amos Lane moved for a committee to consider the expediency 
of electing electors to cast the vote of the State for President and Vice 
President of the United States. On the 11th the committee report that 
it was expedient, was adopted by a vote of 20 to 4. On the 14th Jesse 
L. Holman, Joseph Bartholomew and Thomas H. Blake were chosen for 
this duty. The people had not voted on the presidency, either in Indiana 
or elsewhere, it being the custom at that time for the legislature to choose 
the electors, and the people to do their presidential voting in their 
choice of legislators. But Indiana had not yet been admitted as a state 
of the Union ; and when the subject came up in Congi'ess there were grave 
doubts whether Indiana was entitled to a vote. On December 2, at the 
opening of Congress, the Indiana senators and representative presented 
their credentials. Mr. Hendricks was at once seated ; but the credentials 
of the senators were referred to a committee, which was also charged with 

2 Journal, June 27, 1826. 


the duty of inquiring whether "any, and if any, what Legislative meas- 
ures may be necessary for admitting the State of Indiana into the 
Union." On the 6th the committee reported a joint resolution for the 
admission of the State, which wa-s adopted. On the 8th this resolution 
came up in the House, where some members pronounced admission a mere 
formality, but othei-s, especially llr. Taylor of New York, thought that 
".so solemn an act as pronouncing on the character and republican prin- 
ciples of a State constitution ought to be more deliberately con.sidered 
than was proposed." Accordingly the resolution went over to the 9th, 
when it was adopted. It was approved by the President on the 11th and 
the admission of the State therefore dates from that day. The senators 
were sworn in and took their seats on the 12th. 

Tlie count of the electoral votes was taken up by the joint session 
of the Senate and House on February 12, 1817. When Indiana was 
reached Taylor, of New York, objected to counting the vote as a dan- 
gerous precedent. The Speaker ruled that nothing was in order at the 
joint session but counting the votes, notwithstanding protests that this 
necessarily included deciding what votes could be counted. The Senate 
then withdrew, and the House proceeded to discuss the question. Most of 
the members appeared to think it was too late to question the right of the 
State to vote after its admission ; and the debate was closed by the maiden 
speech of Mr. Hendricks, who took a position that seems rather radical 
at this day. He held to the view later announced by Daniel "Webster, 
that the articles of compact in the Ordinance of 1787 were superior to 
any constitution, and said: "The only question for Congress to decide 
was whether the State had complied with the requisition of the act of the 
last session — whether the constitution adopted was republican or not — 
nothing more. Suppose, indeed, that the State had adopted no constitu- 
tion at all ; had chosen to live under their laws alone, and had not thrown 
their State government into the form of a constitution, would the State 
have been therefore deprived of her rank in the Union ? The Ordinance 
of '87 had guaranteed a State government when they had reached a 
certain population, and Congress could require of them no more than had 
been done." He insisted that he had been admitted as a Congressman 
before the resolution admitting the State had been adopted, and that 
the right of the electors to vote was as clear as his right.^ The House 
decided that Indiana had the right to join in the election, by a vote 
that was so nearly unanimous that no division was asked. The Senate had 
also gone into the discussion, but before it reached any conclusion, 
notification came that the House was ready to go on with the count. 

3 Annals of Congress, 1816-7, p. 947. 


And so Indiana's first vote was recorded for James ]\Ionroe for a second 
term. It did not make any material difference, for his vote was 183 to 
34 for Rufus King. 

In his message to the legislature of 1816-7, Governor Jennings intro- 
duced the subject of slavery, which was the chief disturbing factor in 
Indiana for years to come, in these words: "I recommend to your con- 
sideration the propriety of providing by law, to prevent more effectually 
any unlawful attempts to seize and carry into bondage persons of color 
legally entitled to their freedom ; and, at the same time, as far as prac- 
ticable, to prevent those who rightfully owe service to the citizens of 
any other State or territory, from seeking, within the limits of this 
State, a refuge from the possession of their lawful owners. Such a 
measure will tend to secure those who are free from any unlawful 
attempts to enslave them, and secure the rights of the citizens of the other 
States and territories as far as ought reasonably to be expected." The 
legislature understood the necessity for such legislation ; and adopted a 
law against man-stealing, an offense which consisted of attempting to 
remove anyone from the State except as provided by this law. Anyone 
claiming a right to the service of another was required to bring him before 
a .iiidge, or justice of the peace, for a hearing of both parties; and if the 
judge thought the claim well founded, he could bind the pereon claimed 
over to the next term of the Circuit Court, where he was to have a jury 
trial of his right to freedom. If he could not give bail, he must go to jail 
until the trial. The claimant was to pay the costs, in any event. Viola- 
tion of these provisions was punishable by fine of not less than $500 nor 
more than $1,000. By the same law, harboring escaping slaves, or en- 
couraging slaves to desert their masters, was made punishable by fine 
of not over $500; and giving a slave a false certificate of emancipation 
was made punishable by fine of not over $1,000.^ 

At this period the chief offense was the kidnaping of free negroes. 
The population of Indiana was within a comparatively short distance 
from the Ohio river, and Kentucky extended to low water mark on the 
Indiana shore. From the earliest times of American occupation the river 
had been infested by outlaws who preyed on their fellow-men. For illus- 
tration, Benjamin Van Cleve, who was thoroughly familiar with rough 
life on the frontier, gives this picture of social conditions at Red Bank 
(now Henderson, Ky.), in 1794: "This place is a refuge, not for the 
oppressed, but for all the horse thieves, rogues and outlaws that have 
been able to effect their escape from justice in the neighboring states. 
Neither law nor gospel has been able to reaeh them here as yet. A com- 

'Acts of 1817, p. 150. 


mission of the peace had beeu seut by Kentucky to one Mason ; and an 
effort had been made by the southwest teiTitory (Tennessee) to intro- 
duce a law, as it was unknown as yet to which it belonged ; but the 
inhabitants drove the persons away and insisted on doing without. I 
enquired how they managed to marry, and was told that the parties 
agi'eed to take each other for husband and wife before their friends. I 
was shown two cabins, with about the width of a street between them, 
where two men a short time ago had exchanged wives. An infair was 
given today b.y Mason, to a fellow named Kuykendall, who had run away 
from Carolina on account of crimes, and had run oft" with Mason's 
daughter to Diamond island station, a few days ago. The father had 
forbid him his house and had threatened to take his life, but had become 
reconciled, and had sent for him to come home. The parents and 
friends were highly diverted at the recital of the young couple's in- 
genuity in the courtship, and laughed heartily when the woman told it. 
She said she had come down .stairs after all the family had retired, 
having her petticoat around her shoulders, and returned with him 
through her parents' room, with the petticoat around them both and in 
the morning she brought him down in the same manner before daylight. 
This Kuykendall, I was told, always carried in his waistcoat pockets 
'devil's claws,' instruments, or rather weapons, that he could slip his 
fingers in, and with which he could take off the whole side of a man's 
face at one claw. We left them holding their frolic. I afterwards heard 
that Kuykendall was killed by some of the party at the close of the ball. 
A few years afterwards, Mason and his sons, with some others, formed a 
party and waylaid the roads between Natchez and Tennessee, and com- 
mitted many daring robberies and murders. ' ' ^ 

Such lawlessness reached its culmination in the gang of that talented 
pirate, John Murrell, whose business motto was, "Never rob a man 
unless you are willing to kill him." To this element a free negro ranked 
very much as a stray horse. One of Murrell 's favorite occupations was 
inducing a negro to run away from his master, under pretense of guid- 
ing him to freedom, and then selling him to some other slave owner. At 
times he would arrange this with the negro, it being understood that he 
would run away from his new owner, and seek fresh fields with 'Murrell, 
but he always landed in slavery. In early Indiana kidnaping was as 
easy as it was profitable and there was probably not a river county of the 
State that did not have its victims. Usually they simply disappeared ; 
but occasionally trace of them was found later. When it was certain that 
slavery was going to be abolished by the constitution of Indiana, the 

■ Mioh. Pion. and Hist. Coll., Vol. oi, p. 74-1. 


disappearance of slaves and indentured negroes increased. A negro 
woman held by John Warrick, near Owensville, disappeared in this way 
just before the constitution of 1816 was adopted, and later turned up in 
Kentucky, where through the intervention of friends she was released by 
a court, on account of her residence in Indiana, under the Ordinance 
of 1787. Three slaves of John Decker had a similar experience, being 
kidnaped from Gibson County, and later being released by a Mississippi 
court." At that time the prejudice of southern courts in favor of slaveiy, 
was offset by the policy of preventing emigration to free states, as well 
as by a natural sense of justice that had not yet become blunted. In 
1821, William Forster wrote from Vincennes : "I am sorry to say there 
are many slaves in the town — I suppose mostly such as were held under 
the territorial government ; but the State Legislature had made provision 
for their freedom. We hear sad stories of kidnaping. I wish some active 
benevolent people could induce every person of colour to remove away 
from the river, as it gives wicked, unprincipled wretches the opportunity 
to get them into a boat, and carry them off to Orleans or Missouri, where 
they still fetch a high price. I have been pleading hard with a black man 
and his wife to get off for some settlement of Friends, with their five 
children ; and I hope they will go. I hardly know anything that would 
make me more desperate than to be in the way of this abominable system 
of kidnaping; I cannot say, when once set on to rescue a poor creature, 
where I would stop. It is most shocking to think that they will betray 
one another, and sometimes the black women are the deepest in these 
schemes. A poor man told us that he never went to bed without having 
his arms in readiness for defence." '^ 

There was nothing unfair in the Indiana law, but the Kentuckians 
seemed to regard it as a grievance. On July 14, 1818, Niles Register con- 
tained this item: "Three Kentuckians, armed, on the 5th inst. (June) 
knocked down a negro woman in the street at Corydon, Indiana, and 
carried her off, threatening death to any persons that should interfere. 
Such infractions of the law cannot be suffered, and if not cheeked, will 
produce very unpleasant collisions among our western brethren." For 
obvious reasons, Indiana people were not in a very conciliatory frame of 
mind when, at the next session of the legislature. Gov. Jennings pre- 
sented a letter from Gov. Slaughter of Kentucky, written in pursuance 
of a resolution of the legislature of Kentucky, "concerning the difficulty 
said to be experienced by our citizens in reclaiming their slaves, who 
escape into vour state." The letter was courteous in form, but it ex- 
pressed regret that the writer had not received a statement of the cases 


6 Cockrum 's Pioneer Hist, of lud., pp. 572 
^ Indiana as Seen by Early Travelers, p. 2.j7. 


on which the complaint was Vjased, and stated that he did not know 
whether the difficulty complained of was due to a lack of energy on the 
part of Indiana officials or to the prejudice against slavery. This part 
of the Governor's message went to a committee that reported its opinion 
that the Governor and Legislature of Kentucky had teen influenced "by 
the improper representations of individuals who have been disappointed 
in their attem.pts to carry away those whom they claimed as slaves, from 
this state, without complying with the preliminary steps required by law ; 
together with the groundless assertions of unprincipled individuals, who 
have attempted in many instances, to seize and cari-j' away people of 
color, who were free, and as much entitled to the protection of the laws as 
any citizen of Indiana." Furthermore, if the Governor of Kentucky 
would specify his cases, they would be found to be of one of these two 
classes. They resented the intimations of lack of energy on the part of 
Indiana officials, and of a prejudice against slavery. There was some 
difference of opinion as to the enormities of slavery, but there was "but 
one sentiment on the subject of people of color migrating, in any circum- 
stance, to the State. It is believed, if not; restricted, it would in time be- 
come of not much less magnitude than slavery itself." But while 
colored citizens were not desired, they owed it to the dignity of the State 
"to defend them against the grasp of miscreants, who have, in repeated 
instances, attempted to carry them away from our shores into perpetual 
slavery, "s No action was taken on the line of this report, probably 
because the members came to the conclusion that it was a hardship to 
make the claimants wait until the next session of the court for a trial. 
An act was passed, approved Jan. 2, 1819, providing that when an 
alleged slave was held for trial by a justice, the judges of the Circuit 
Court should hold a special session, at which the question should be tried 
by a jury. It also added to the punishment for man-stealing a public 
whipping of not less than ten nor more than one hundred lashes. This 
concession did not satisfy the Kentuckians, and there wa.s continued 
complaint for several years. ^Meanwhile Indiana was stiffening up on 
the slavery question. Even Vincennes was invaded by the anti-slavery 
element. In 1817 a number of Canadians who had served in the Ameri- 
can army came to the state to claim the bounty lands which Congress 
had appropriated for them in Indiana. Among them was Major Markle, 
who located near Terre Haute, and built a celebrated old mill, and John 
Willson Osborn, who went to Vincennes. Osborn was a grandson of 
Col. John Willson, a British officer, stationed in New York, who went 
to Canada at the outbreak of the Revolution. Ilis father was Capt. 

f* House Journal, p. 50. 


Samuel Osboru of the British navy. Although his people were wealthy, 
young Osborn learned the printing trade in the office of the Upper Cana- 
dian Guardian and Freeman's Journal, which was conducted by Joseph 
Willock, Member of Parliament from the Niagara district, who was 
decidedly pro-American in his views, and who was killed in the Ameri- 
can service, near Fort Erie. In this employment Osborn took on Ameri- 

JoHN W. Osborn 

can ideas, and at the beginning of the War of 1812, went across Lake 
Erie and joined Capt. Mahar's company of "Irish Greens," for which 
he was disinherited by his grandfather. This did not worry Osborn, 
who, when he got through soldiering, went into the newspaper business 
at Homer, N. Y., for a time, and then started the Cortland Republican, 
at Cortlandville. While here he married Ruby Bishop. He arrived in 
Vineennes in June, 1817, and at once found employment in the office 
of the Western Sun, and a few weeks later became a partner, and edi- 


tor of the paper. This lasted Imt a few months as Osborii had very 
pronounc-ed anti-slavery views, which did not hinge with those of Elihu 
Stout, the proprietor of the paper; and so they "dissolved" and Osborn 
went to farming. 

In 1819 Osborn was joined at Vincennes by his brother-in-law, Amory 
Kinney, a native of Vermont, who had read law at Cortlandville, in the 
office of Samuel Nelson, later a justice of the Supreme Court of the 
. United States. Both Osborn and Kinney were satisfied that the slavery 
existing in Indiana was illegal, and they united to make a test case with 
two lawyers. Col. George McDonald, of New Jersey, the preceptor and 
father-in-law of Judge Isaac Blackford, who entered the practice at 
Vincennes in 1819 ; and Moses Tabbs, a son-in-law of Charles Carroll 
of Carrollton, signer of the Declaration of Independence, who was 
admitted to the bar at Vincennes in 1818. The test was made by an 
action of habeas corpus on behalf of a mulatto woman named Polly, 
held as a slave by Col. Hyacinthe Lasselle, the principal tavern keeper 
of Vincennes. Lasselle was one of the old families of the French in 
Indiana. His father, James Lasselle, was an Indian trader at Ki-ki-on-ga 
(the Indian village at the site of Fort Wayne) until the attack on that 
place by LaBalme ; and Hyacinthe was born there in 1777. He entered 
the fur trad& at the age of sixteen, at Detroit, removing to Fort Wayne 
after Wayne's victory, and then to the Wabash, where he traded until 
1804. In that year he located at Vincennes, and the next year married 
Julie Frances Busseron, daughter of Major Francis Busseron, who 
gave notable aid to Gen. George Rogers Clark. The suit was of a friendly 
character, the defense being conducted by Judge Jacob Call, later a 
representative in Congress. The case presented the question of the 
old French slavery, Polly being the daughter of a negro woman who had 
been captured by the Indians in the Revolutionary period. The Circuit 
Court held her to be a slave, but the Supreme Court held that the people 
of Indiana had the power to abolish slavery, without regard to the Vir- 
ginia Deed of Cession, and that "the framers of our constitution intended 
a total and entire prohibition of slavery in this state. "^ 

This decision was made in July, 1820, and it created some resentment 
among the slave-holders, who threatened vengeance on Osborn and Kin- 
ney, liut those gentlemen manifested a readiness to meet any one hunt- 
ing for trouble, and no casualties resulted. For some time a news- 
paper had been edited at Vincennes, by Nathan Blackman which was 
not exactly anti-slavery, but was in opposition to the Sun. Blackman 
died on December 19, 1821, and when his estate was disposed of, Kinney 

State V. Lasselle, 1 Blackf., p. 60. 


bought the printing office, and, on December 14, 1822, began the publi- 
cation of The Farmers and Mechanics Journal, with Osborn as edi- 
tor. This was as fully anti-slavery as any of the papers of the period, 
and for that reason was not popular at Vincennes, so after six months, 
Osborn removed to the new town of Terre Haute, and on July 21, 1823, 
began the publication of the Western Register and Terre Haute Adver- 
tiser. His papers at both places were ably conducted, and had large 
inlluence in crystallizing the growing sentiment against slavery, which 
was stimulated by the lawless acts of the Kentucky roughs and their 
Indiana allies. At the legislative session of 1820, impeachments pro- 
ceedings were instituted against Jacob Brookhart, a justice of the peace 
of Clark County, charging that he did "wilfully and corruptly aid, 
abet and assist in unlawfully arresting, imprisoning and running out 
of the state one Isaac Crosby, a man of color." The trial was set for 
December 21, but Brookhart resigned, and the proceedings were 
dropped. ^^ On February 8, 1821, there was a riot at New Albany over 
an attempt to kidnap a negro named Closes, who was brought there by 
a Kentuekian named Case. After he had lived at New Albany for a 
year, and it was commonly understood that he was free on that account, 
he was seized on an execution against Case. The hearing before a jus- 
tice of the peace was set for February 8; the claimant's agent appeared 
at the trial accompanied by "forty-three able bodied men." Only 
nine of these were sworn as witnesses, and the talk and manner of 
the delegation were so threatening that the sheriff called out the militia, 
twenty of whom, under Col. Charles Paxson, paraded near the court. 
The court released jMoses, and the Kentuckians seized him, and under- 
took to carry him off, which was promptly resisted by bystanders. 
Thereupon, "Judge Woodruff stood forth and with a loud voice com- 
manded the peace, no .sooner were the words uttered than he was knocked 
flat on the ground by a person from the other side of the river." When 
this occurred the militia charged the Kentuckians, and "several of 
them were knocked down with muskets and others pricked with the 
bayonets, and some badly wounded." The result of the affair was 
that Moses remained on free soil, and the discomfited kidnapers re- 
turned to their old Kentucky home.^i 

There were other cases of kidnaping in Indiana,!^ but these will suffice 

to present the local backgroimd when the Missouri Compromise brought 

f ■ slavery to the front in national politics, or rather tlie admission of 

10 Hou?e Journal, 1820-1, pp. 9.3, 118, 155. 

11 Centinel, March .3, 1821. 

12 For an interesting collection of kiilnajiing stories, see Cockrum 's Pioneer 
History of Indiana, Chap. 28. 


Missouri, which is sometimes called "'the second ^Missouri Compromise." 
The Missouri enabling act provoked little antagonism, but when Mis- 
souri offered a constitution that prohibited the emancipation of slaves, 
and the introduction of free negroes to the state, there was widespread 
remonstrance. Gradual emancipation was one of the unquestionable 
Jeffei-sonian doctrines, and the national constitution clearly prohibited 
any state from denying rights to citizens of other states that were 
exercised by its own citizens. Missouri refused to recede, and the mat- 
ter was compromised by an act of Congress admitting the state, but 
on the "fundamental condition" that its legislature should promise 
never to pags a law excluding negroes. The Missouri legislature then 
passed a "solemn act," promising not to such a law, which was of 
course not valid, as it was in direct conflict with the constitution from 
which the legislature derived its existence : but Missouri was in. Con- 
gressman Hendricks and Senator Noble voted against the admission, 
and Senator Taylor voted for it. The Indiana House of Representa- 
tives, on December 20, 1820, passed a concurrent resolution condemn- 
ing the ilissouri constitution, and directing the Indiana senators and 
representatives to urge the calling of another Missouri convention, and 
give the people of the state an opportunity to adopt a constitution with- 
out these obnoxious provisions; and similar action was taken in other 
northern states. The resolution passed the House by a vote of 22 to 5, 
but it was not passed by the Senate. It did not mention any names, 
but of course condemned Taylor by implication. 

The Missouri people denounced these objections as hypocritical, and 
with apparent cause. Indiana did not want free negroes. The report 
on Governor Slaughter's letter, quoted abov<», declared that there was 
"but one sentiment" in Indiana, and that was against the immigra- 
tion of negroes, slave or free. In 1816 M. E. Sumner, of Tennessee, had 
asked legislative permission to settle in Indiana forty slaves that he 
proposed to emancipate, promising to provide for them so that they 
would not become public charges. Representative Boone moved that the 
petition be thrown under the table, but it was referred to a committee, 
of w'hich John Dumont was chairman, and he reported in substance, "It 
would be impolitic to sanction by any special act of the general assem- 
bly, the admission of emancipated Africans into this state; the reasons 
are that the negi-oes being a distinct species, insuperable objections exist 
to their participation in the rights of suffrage, representation in the gov- 
ernment or alliance by marriage, and that in consequence, they could 
never feel themselves completely free." The report further suggests 
"the probability of intestine war at a future period." and urges that 


Congress should take action foi" foreign colonization. ^^ There was some 
discussion of the report, but no dissent as to the sentiments ; and finally, 
as no agreement could be reached, the matter was dropped. In reality 
there was no occasion for any action, for Mr. Sumner could have brought 
as many negroes into Indiana as he liked without any legislative permis- 
sion. The only restriction of the constitution was that they could not 
vote, nor serve in the militia. And while the objection to negro immigra- 
tion was almost as pronounced in Indiana as in Missouri, there was noth- 
ing hypocritical about Indiana's objection to Missouri's constitution. 
The point was tlmt if Missouri could exclude the undesirable class, it 
would force them into other states which wanted them as little as IMis- 
souri. Moreover, the states that tolerated slavery were the responsible 
source of the free negroes, and, in fairness, ought to keep at least their 
share of them. ^Missouri kept faith with the nation until 1847, and then 
passed a law prohibiting negro immigration. Four years later, Indiana 
did the same thing, by the constitution of 1851. 

In connection with the Missouri question, it may be mentioned that 
some Indiana writers have been misled as to Indiana sentiment by an 
article published in the National Intelligencer of February 5, 1821, giv- 
ing what purported to be resolutions adopted at a mass meeting at Mont- 
gomeryville, Gibson County, Indiana, which condemned Hendricks and 
Noble for their votes, and commended Taylor.' * This article was widely 
republished in Indiana papers with indignant and sarcastic comments. 
The Corydon Gazette printed the resolutions, which request John "W. 
JIaddox "to inform members who voted against the admission of Missouri 
that they disapprove," and expressed satisfaction that this would advise 
the outside world that there was such a politician as John W. Maddox 
in Indiana. It also stated that Montgomery ville was "a town only in 
name, as it contains only three or four round logged cabin roofed houses, 
and some of them without a tenant." In reality Montgomeryville was 
something like Boston, — "not a place, but a state of mind" — but Major 
John "W. Maddox was a man of some prominence in Gibson County, for 
he gave one of the toasts at the dinner to Gen. Harrison, at Princeton, 
on June 9, 1821. On April 7, the Centinel printed a letter over his 
name, protesting against the disparagement of Montgomeryville, which 
he asserted to possess some houses of "hughed loggs," but it is so fear- 
fully and wonderfully spelled and composed as to throw doubt on its 
authenticity. The matter attracted so much attention that a genuine 
Gibson County meeting was held, and Samuel Montgomery, Jesse Emer- 
son and Maj. James Smith, prominent citizens, were appointed to draft 

13 Niles Register, Vol. 11, p. 313. 
iiEsarey's Indiana, p. 252. 


resolutions. They reported that the prevailing discussion was liable to 
injure the reputation of Gibson County, and stated that, "Montgomery- 
ville is neither Town nor Village; that there are not more than two or 
three voters resident at said place, and that the resolutions spoken of 
must have been the production of some one or two individuals only.i^ 
Possibly the whole thing may have been a scheme of ]\Iaddox to adver- 
tise himself. 

During all these years there had been some demand for another con- 
stitutional convention, and it was formally proposed in the legislatures 
of 1819, 1821 and 1822. At the last named session a bill was passed to 
submit the question to the voters at the election in August, 1823. It 
is unquestionable that there were some defects in the constitution of 1816, 
that were already apparent to some of the people, the principal ones 
being the expense of annual sessions of the legislature, the absurdity of 
associate judges of the circuit courts, and the unsatisfactory system of 
removal of local officers by impeachment in the legislature ; but they were 
not apparent to the masses, and they were ready to suspect that there 
was .some sinister design in the proposition. This was promptly supplied 
by the charge that the object was to introduce slavery into the State. 
It is simply incredible that the legislature of 1822 had any such motive, 
but as the campaign developed everything seemed to support that theory. 
The advocacy was chiefly by Kentucky papers, which, with rare imbe- 
cility, expressed the hope that 'Indiana would admit slavery. i" The one 
Indiana newspaper that declared for a convention was the Vincennes 
Sun, and there is reason to believe that some of the Knox County people 
had been dreaming of a convention that would admit slavery, for one of 
the standing toasts at Vincennes dinners had been to the effect that the 
people had made the constitution, and could change it at their pleasure. 
But Vincennes now had an anti-slavery paper, and on July 3, Oshorn 
printed an article signed "B. Whitson," in which is said: "Most of 
you who settled in Indiana under territorial government were emigrants 
from those states where you could say, 'My ears are pained, my soul is 
sick, with every days report and outrage with which the earth is filled.' 
You saw the land of freedom with anxious eye. Yoii braved the difficul- 
ties of removing; you endured the hardships and underwent the priva- 
tions of settling in a country where you no more expect to witness those 
scenes of inhuman barbarity inflicted on the unfortunate and unoffend- 
ing descendants of Africa. But some of our citizens have rose to opu- 
lency; and it seems that they now wish to be placed in easier circum- 
stances, as to themselves and their children. They think it too hard for 

If' Centinel, May 5, 1821. 

i« Kettleborough's Constitution Making in Indiana, Vol. 1, pp. xlvii-li. 

This is the latest map showing the effect of LaSalle's report of his 
route from Lake Erie to the Illinois, by way of the ]\Iaiimee, St. 
Josephs, and Kankakee, which caused Lake Michigan and the sources 
of the Kankakee to be thrown to the East.) 


'Master Tominy to saddle his own horse, and little iliss to wash the 
dishes and sweep the kitchen.' Can any discerning mind doubt for a 
moment, but that our last legislature was infested with men of this 
description *? From what else could the bill originate, but from a desire 
to introduce slavery into this state ? Can we consent to sink our reputa- 
tion to a level with those states who say one thing and do another? 
* * * Some will tell you it is impracticable to introduce slavery into 
this state, because, they say, w* are under the control of congress ; and 
that we cannot frame a constitution contrary to the principles under 
which we went into state government. But I will assert on the authority 
of Governor Hendricks' word, that congi-ess has no power over us, to 
prevent us from forming a constitution which will admit slavery. It is 
true congress would not suffer us to form a constitution tolerating slav- 
ery; yet the act of congress was for the purpose 'of admitting us into 
the Union, on an equal footing with the original states.' But many of 
the original states constitutions tolerate slavery, and if we are 'on an 
equal footing,' we may, if we please, tolerate slavery too. « * * 
What if there are small defects in our constitution? If there are it shuts 
out from our state the sooty slave, and his sable master. * * » Never 
give up a certainty for an uncertainty. It is easier to prevent an evil 
than to remove it.i'^ 

There was another outside inlluence as potent as Kentucky advocacy 
of a convention. Illinois had called for a vote on calling a convention 
this same year, and James Lemen was still on guard in that state. On 
ilarch '22, 1823, a convention was held at Belleville, and The St. Clair 
Society for the Prevention of Slavery in the State of Illinois was organ- 
ized, with John Messinger as Chairman, and James Lemen and Samuel 
Mitchell as ^lanagers. They issued a strong address against slavery, 
which was charged to be the avowed purpose of the proposed Illinois 
convention. Osborn published an account of the convention, the address, 
and a strong editorial urging the Illinois people, a number of whom 
were his subscribers, to vote against a convention. He also warned the 
Indiana people to be on their guard against the like danger.^* The final 
touch was added by an atrocious kidnaping case. On May 23, J. C. S. 
Harrison wrote from Vincennes to his father. Gen. Harrison, in Ohio, 
that Jack Butler, a former bond-servant of the General, had been carried 
off, together with his wife, two boys and four girls. He said they had 
evidently been kidnaped by three men, calling themselves Baird, Myres 
and Welsh, who had come over from Vandalia some days earlier, and had 
bought a skiff on the 22d., with which they had disappeared. He had 

1' Farmers and Mechanics Journal, July .3, 1823. 

^ Farmers and Mechanics Journal, June 19, July 10, 1823. 


sent a man to try to intercept them, but without success. General Har- 
rison at once published the letter in the Cincinnati National Republican, 
together with an offer of $50 reward for the arrest of any of the kidnap- 
ers, and the same amount for conviction. He asked newspapers of the 
southern states to copy and made a personal appeal to the governors of 
Louisiana and Mississippi to arrest the fugitives if possible. In this 
article he said: "Jack Butler, the man, belonged to a respectable 
farmer in Washington Co., Ky., from whom he ran away in the year 1801 
and came to Vincennes. His master pursued him, and having appre- 
hended him was about to take him home, when on the solicitation of the 
negro, I purchased him for the sum of four hundred dollars, upon his 
agreejuent to serve me for twelve years. This he faithfully performed, 
and was discharged in 1813. His wife, whom he married during the time 
that he was my servant, was the daughter of a free woman named I\Iary 
Cauty, who then, and had for years before, resided in Vincennes. I do 
not know from whence the mother originally came, but she could not have 
been a native of any of the U. States, as she spoke no English — herself 
and family using altogether the French language. After Jack was dis- 
charged from my service, he lived in Vincennes until the year 1816 ; and 
from that time until he was taken away he remained on a small farm of 
mine on the Illinois side of the Wabash, which I permitted him to occupy 
in consideration of his faithful services to me." 

Harrison's efforts were successful; and within a month it was an- 
nounced that the kidnapers were arrested and in jail at New Orleans. 
Osborn said : ' ' They were on the point of embarking for some of the 
W. India islands, when from some deficiency in their clearance papers, 
suspicion was excited and they were taken up, examined, and committed 
to jail." He added: "We have frequently remarked the promptitude 
with which, in general, the citizens of slave states, both those in authority 
and in private stations, have come forward to rescue from illegal bond- 
age persons of colour.^^ Here was an illustration of the evils of slavery 
that could not be questioned, and it had weight in the election, which 
resulted in only 2,601 votes for a convention with 11,991 against. Osborn 
printed the returns from Knox County, which had favored the conven- 
tion, but by a vote of only 353 to 345 against, with the comment: "This 
is much as we expected it would be, although some of the sage ' resident- 
ers' of the ancient order felicitated themselves with the pleasing dream 
of 'three to one in favor of the new Convention,' and as they termed it 
'plenty of sarvents.' " ^o 

After the War of 1812 immigration to the northwest became rapid, 

19 Farmers and Mechanics Journal, July 10, 24, 182.3. 

20 Western Reffister & Terre Haute Advertiser, August 13, 1823. 

Vol. I— 23 


and measures were taken by the Government to extinguish more of the 
Indian titles in Indiana and Illinois. There was trouble over conflicting 
claims of Indians to the same lands, and uncertainty as to some boundary 
lines, which necessitated some minor treaties, and caused provisions in 
others ratifying previous treaties and boundaries. In 1809 Gen. Har- 
rison had bought from the Kickapoos a tract west of the Wabash running 
twenty miles up the Vermillion, and in 1816 Benjamin Parke made a 
treaty with the Kickapoos and Weas for the same land. In September, 
1817, Lewis Cass and Duncan McArthur made a treaty with the Wyan- 
dots and others for a tract in northwestern Ohio and northeastern Indi- 
ana, connecting Fort Wayne with Lake Erie and the ceded lands in Ohio. 
The important treaty for Indiana, however, wa.s made at St. Marys, in 
October 1818, by Jonathan Jennings, Lewis Cass and Benjamin Parke. 
On October 2, the Weas released all of their lands in Indiana except a 
reservation seven miles square on the Wabash, running north from the 
mouth of Big Raccoon Creek. On the same day the Potawatomis re- 
leased all claims south of the Wabash, and a strip twenty-five miles wide . 
north of the Wabash, extending from the Vermillion to the Tippecanoe. 
On the 3d the Delawares released all their claims in Indiana, and agreed 
to move west of the Mississippi within three years, for which j^urpose 
they were to be furnished 120 horses, pirogues and provisions. On the 
6th the Miamis released all of their lands south of the Wabash, except- 
ing some small reservations, and one large one, extending from the 
mouth of the Salominie to the mouth of Eel river, and an equal distance 
south, and including 1,500 square miles. The large tract in Indiana thus 
obtained was commonly known as "The New Purchase," and, indeed, 
was so called in the act of the legislature for the division of Wayne 
County, of January 10, 1818. In his message to the legislature, of 
December 7, 1819, Governor Jennings calls it "the late purchase"; but 
the legislature, in its act establishing counties in it, call it "the new 
purchase, lately acquired from the Indians." ^i Before these treaties, 
only the southern part of the State, about one third of its extent, was 
open to settlement. They added substantially another third, in the cen- 
ter of the State. The act of 1820, above mentioned, added parts of the 
new purchase to adjoining counties, and divided the remainder on the 
line of the second principal meridian, the part east of the line being 
called Delaware County, and that west Wabash County. 

In this connection it will be well to note the survey system of Indi- 
ana, the history of M'hich has been very fully unearthed by Mr. Geo. R. 
Wilson of "the Freeman Line Commission." Although following the 

Acts of 1820, p. 95. 


same system of division, the Indiana surveys are entirely independent of 
the Ohio surveys, except in the triangular tract in the southeastern part 
of the State, east of the Greenville Treaty line, which is known as "the 
Gore." The first large survey in Indiana was of the Vineennes Tract, 
originally given by the Indians to the French in 1742, and ceded to the 
United States by the Treaty of Greenville. In 1801 Governor Harrison 
wrote to the Secretary of War that the difficulty of keeping squatters ofiE 
the Indian lands was much increased by the fact^that the tract had not 
been surveyed, and the boundaries established. In 1802 the Government 
sent Thomas Freeman, a Government Surveyor, who had been appointed 
in 1796 to run the line between Spanish Florida and the United States, 
to survey the Vineennes Tract. This tract was twenty-four leagues in 
width, up and down the Wabash, from White river to Pointe Coupee 
near ^lerom, by twice that length, extending on both sides of the Wabash. 
Freeman made the survey in 1802 and 1803 ; and the two Indiana cor- 
ners, the northeastern in Orange County, and the southeastern in Perry 
County, are still known as "Freeman's Corners." In making the survey 
it was found that white settlements had already encroached on the Indian 
lands in the vicinity of Carlisle, in Sullivan County, and of Princeton, 
in Gibson County, and by a supplemental treaty at Fort Wayne, on 
June 7, 1803, it was agreed that offsets should be made to take in these 
two settlements and the north and south lines were so surveyed. In 
1804, Ebenezer Buckingham, Jr., began the main survey of Indiana lands, 
and he took Freeman's southeast corner for his starting point. He ran 
the Base Line east and west from this point, and also evidently intended 
to run the second principal meridian through this point, but in 1805, he 
threw this twelve miles east, presumably to take it out of the Vineennes 
Tract, which makes it run through Freeman's northeast corner. In con- 
sequence, all land descriptions in Indiana refer back, by township and 
range numbers, to Freeman's corners. 

Here also may be noted the beginning in Indiana of our present 
Indian system. The Indian school of Isaac McCoy has often been men- 
tioned by Indiana writers, but the significance of his work has been over- 
looked. McCoy was a most remarkable character. Many of the pioneer 
preachers underwent great hardships, but no other equaled McCoy in 
this respect. In fact, St. Paul himself had no more strenuous life. Like 
the Apostle to the Gentiles, he was converted by a great light. At the 
age of seventeen, while working in the woods, on a dark misty day, he 
suddenly had the impression of a bright light about him, and turned to 
see if the sun had come out, when it vanished. At the same time he had 
his "call." He says: "I not only felt an impression to preach, but I 
felt strong impressions to publish salvation to the inhabitants of Vin- 

I \ 


eeniies. I could not account for these impressions, as I was an entire 
stranger to the place, and knew but little of it by information, and the 
accomplishment of such a thing seemed impracticable." He knelt in 
prayer, and thereafter had no doubt as to his duty. He had not been 
especially sinful. He was born in Fayette County, Pennsylvania, June 
13, 1784. His father, who was a Baptist preacher, removed to Kentucky 
when he was six years old, and he grew up there, known throughout the 
neighborhood as a boy with a fondness for books, and an aversion to evil 
in all forms. In 1803 he married Christiana Polke, a daughter of 
Charles Polke, the Baptist preacher who was a member of the Indiana 
Constitutional Convention of 1816. His calling was so impressed on his 
mind that "in settling the match he told her that he must move directly 
to Vincennes. " Six months after their marriage they removed to Vin- 
cennes; but finding the climate sickly, and no opening for missionary 
work, they went to Clark County, and located near the Silver Creek 
Baptist Church, to which his father, William ^IcCoy, had been minister- 
ing for several years. Here they lived for three years, and here he was 
licensed to "exercise his gift" of preaching. Then they moved back to 
"the Wabash country," and settled eight miles northeast of Vincennes 
near his wife's uncle, ilajor William Bruce. Here he purchased tifty- 
four acres of land, on Maria Creek, and soon after the Maria Creek Bap- 
tist Church was constituted, with him as pastor. He was not a tent- 
maker as Paul was, but he had learned the trade of a wheelwright trom 
his father, and not only made spinning-wheels, but repaired all sorts of 
farming implements. During the War of 1812, all the settlers in the 
vicinity lived in a fort, and ilcCoy, who had frontier training with a 
rifle, was a leader in the precautions against hostile Indians. Between 
times he went on missionary journeys through Kentucky and as far as 

After the war, McCoy's thoughts were turned towards the Indians, 
whose wretched condition attracted the sympathy of all intelligent men 
familiar with it. The controversy in the Baptist church over the subject 
of missions had already begun. The Calvinistic brethren, holding to pre- 
destination and election, considered missions, Sunday schools, an edu- 
cated ministry, tracts, and all other organized efforts at salvation as 
works of the devil, being officious interferences with the established will 
of God. In the division of the church that followed these were known as 
"Primitive Baptists," or more familiarly as "Hard Shells." ilcCoy 
met some opposition from these, but his personal popularity gave him 
support in the churches where he was known. In October, 1817, he 
succeeded in getting an appointment from The Board of the Baptist 
Triennial Convention (now Missionary Union), for one year, for parts 


of Indiana and Illinois, with instructions "to give attention to the 
Indians as far as practicable." He began his work with seeming hope- 
less obstructions. He knew nothing of Indian languages, and the only 
available interpreters were French Catholics, who used their influence 
with the Indians against him. In this first year he obtained the promise 
of only two-half-breed children for his proposed mission school from 
their Indian mothers; and these were refused by their Catholic fathers. 
The net result of the first year's work was that he bought a small tract 
of land on Raccoon Creek, near the present town of Montezuma, Indiana, 
as near the new Wea reserve as he could conveniently get, and put up 
two log cabins for his proposed mission. In October 1818, although his 
appointment had not been renewed, he moved with his wife and seven 
small children to this location, accompanied only by a young man named 
Martin, who was employed as an assistant, ilartin was a professed 
atheist, but he was the only help available, and he was later converted 
through the efi'orts of McCoy, and himself became a missionary. After 
getting settled, he left his family at the mission, and went with Martin 
on a journc.y through the wilderness of central Indiana, in search of 
Indian pupils, going as far as the Shawnee towns on the Ohio border. 
The Indians, when sober, were courteous, but rather suspicious. They 
could not understand a white man who wished to do something for them 
from purely disinterested motives. Chief Anderson, who had just taken 
part in the New Purchase treaty, told him that when the Delawares were 
settled beyond the ^lississippi, and had some assurance that they would 
not again be disturbed, he would be glad to consider his proposals, but 
for the present nothing would be done. McCoy returned to the mission, 
and on January 1, 1819, opened his school, %vith six white children from 
the families of the nearest settlers, and one lone Brotherton Indian boy, 
who was taught, boarded and clothed gi'atuitously. 

McCoy had come home with a fever, and he had repeated attacks 
afterwards, which several times brought him to death's door. He had a 
weak stomach, and the Indian cooking on which he had to rely when 
traveling, was often of a character to try a strong stomach. This, added 
to great exposure in a country where malarial disease was prevalent 
even among' the Indians, brought recurrent spells of sickness that at 
times prostrated him for weeks. But, when strong enough to ride a 
horse, he kept at his work, and gradually broke down the distrust of the 
Indians, as well as gaining the confidence of the whites with whom he 
came in contact. At the same time he was making every effort to acquire 
the Indian languages, under the most discouraging circumstances. Late 
in the fall, Martin left him, to preach in the white settlements, and was 
replaced by Johnston Lykins, another unbeliever, who later became a 


convert, and a devoted Indian missionary. In May, 1820, in response to 
an invitation from John Johnston, the Indian agent at Fort Wayne, and 
influential ^Miami chiefs, the mission was moved to Fort Wayne. The 
effects of the mission were sent up the Wabash in a batteau, except some 
cattle and hogs, which were driven overland, McCoy and his wife and 
children going on horseback. In this removal they were assisted by 
McCoy's brother-in-law, William Polke, of the Constitutional Conven- 
tion of 1816, who subsequently took much interest in the mission, and 
aided on the material side of the work.22 On May 29, 1820, the school 
was opened at Fort Wayne with ten English pupils, six PVeuch, eight 
Indians and one negro. The school grew rapidly, and the difficulty of 
maintaining it grew in proportion, for it had no regular support. If 
generous people had not responded to McCoy's appeals for aid with 
gifts of food and clothing it must have been abandoned. Gov. Cass 
heard of it at Detroit, and came to the rescue with $450 worth of food and 
clothing from public funds. But with all of this, ilrs. McCoy was at 
times left with two or three dozen scantily clad Indian children, and no 
food in the house but a small .supply of hominy. She was entitled to 
as much credit as McCoy for pulling the school through. She not only 
attended to the housekeeping but instructed the Indian girls in all sorts 
of domestic employments. McCoy's mechanical skill enabled him to give 
instruction in all sorts of mechanical work that was useful on the frontier, 
and between them the school demonstrated its utility to the most skep- 
tical ; for there were skeptics, some of whom even pronounced ]\IcCoy a 
fool for trying to teach Indians. One notable convert to the usefulness 
of the work was John Vawter, an elder of the Silver Creek church, 
who had often discoursed against missionary work of all kinds. He 
had become U. S. marshal for Indiana, and after a visit to the mission 
school, completely reversed his views, and wrote a circular letter urging 
aid to the mission, which was widely published in the West, and brought 
much needed aid. 

The fame of the school also spread among the Indians, and came to 
ilenominee, a Potawatomi who had set up as a religious leader, with a 
pretty fair religion of his own, but with no knowledge of Christianity. 
On McCoy's invitation he visited Fort Wayne, and decided to adopt 
McCoy's religion. He went back with a promise from ^IcCoy to visit 
him. This was done in June, 1821 ; and McCoy was received with dis- 
tinguished honor, and protestations of friendship from all the Potawa- 
tomis in the vicinity. This was of importance for a treaty with the 
Potawatomis was to be held at Chicago in August. ]\IcCoy decided to 

22 Polke Memoirs, in Ind. Mag. of Hist., 1914. 



accept the invitation of these Indians to locate among them, if satis- 
factory arrangements could be made. He confided his plans to Sena- 
tor Trimble, of Ohio, who visited the mission on his waj' to the treaty, 
and secured the warm cooperation of this representative of the Govern- 
ment. At the treaty the Potawatomis agreed to give a section of land 
for a school, and the Government agreed to pay $1,000 a year, for fifteen 

Eliza McCoy 

years, for the support of a teacher and blacksmith. There was a moment 
of danger, when the interpreter represented that the Indians wanted 
a Catholic teacher, but one of the Indians understood English, and made 
a protest ; and all of the Indians announced that they wanted ]\IcCoy. 
The school at Fort Wayne had grown to more than forty pupils, but 
in December, 1822, it was removed to the St. Josephs, near Niles, Michi- 
gan, and the Carey ]\Iission was established. It remained until 1828, 
when ]McCoy followed the Indians to the West. Thev were in sore need 


during the rest of the winter, owing to the failure of supplies to arrive, 
but after that the mission prospered, and there was no serious physical 
discomfort. In the course of his work, McCoy became satisfied that the 
only hope for the Indians lay in separating them from contact with the 
whites, and he evolved the idea of a separate Indian Territory west of 
the Mississippi, where they could live to themselves, luitil thoroughly 
civilized. He had gained the confidence of officials at Washington, who 
were persuaded of the soimdness of his view. It found ready acceptance 
from politicians who wanted to get rid of the Indians east of the Missis- 
sippi. The only material objection came from Southern politicians who 
did not want the Indians colonized south of the Mason and Dixon's 
line. McCoy was put forward as the champion of the system, which fi- 
nally resulted in the establishment of Indian Territory, and our present 
system of education and aid to the Indians. The Government did not 
do its full duty in suppressing outlaws and disreputable whites who 
furnished liquor to the Indians; but McCoy and 'his family followed 
the Indians and devoted themselves to their welfare. His pamphlet, 
"The Practicability of Indian Reform," published in 1829, was the argu- 
ment on which the new system rested. 

He realized, however, that the work, if successful, could not be left 
to governmental agencies alone. He advocated church action until, in 
1842, he succeeded in organizing the American Indian Mission Associa- 
tion, and located at Louisville to take charge of its work. He continued 
in this until his death, on June 21, 1846. His tombstone in the old 
"Western Cemetery" at Louisville bears the merited inscription: "For 
nearly thirty years his entire time and energies were devoted to the 
civil and i-eligious improvement of the aboriginal tribes of this country. 
He projected and founded the plan of their colonization, their only 
hope, and the imperishable monument of his wisdom and benevolence." 
His daughter Delilah, a native of Indiana, who had married Johnston 
Lykins, remained with him on the mission field. His niece, Eliza McCoy, 
entered the, work, and became one of the most noted of Indian mission- 
aries. She was also a native of Indiana. At her death she left a hand- 
some fortune to the cause. In all of Indiana history there is no brighter 
record than that of this devoted family. 

The treaties of 1818 gave opportunity for the location of a permanent 
capital, which was something that the Stat-e had been looking forward 
to for several years. As before mentioned, when the State was admitted 
Congress donated four sections for a capital, to be selected by the legis- 
lature from "such lands as may hereafter be acciuired by the United 
States, from the Indian tribes within the said territory." By an act 
of January 11, 1820, ten commissioners were appointed to select the site. 

/> f}ia^3 ^ottitf •\i'li',t 

jlif ? rtiv/d y^sTTrHfiMir jnr^ro. ""J 

t4 fi-T ^mf^&r«rt -mfr- . '■', 

hni ef Till Jvwtt . t V,"^ 


Ralston 's Plat of 1821 


The commissioners were George Hunt, of Wayne County; John Conner 
of Fayette ; Stephen Ludlow, of Dearborn ; John Gilliland, of Switzer- 
land; Joseph Bartholomew, of Clark; John Tipton, of Harrison; Jesse 
B. Durham, of Jackson; Frederick Rapp, of Posey; William Prince, of 
Gibson ; and Thomas Eramerson, of Knox. With the exception of Will- 
iam Prince, the appointees accepted, and met at the house of William 
Conner, on White river, about four miles below Noblesville, where Con- 
ner had kept a trading station since 1802. Governor Jennings accom- 
panied the party. After examining the land for thirty or forty miles 
along the river, they agreed on May 27 to locate at the mouth of Fall 
Creek, but as the survey of the township in which this lay was not com- 
pleted, they adjourned for a week, and on June 7 made the selection 
by exact description. By act of January 6, 1821, the legislature rati- 
fied the selection, as everybody expected, and provided for thre« com- 
missioners to lay out the town. It provided that they, "or a majority 
of them," should meet on the town site, on the first Monday in April, 
1821, and lay out a town, "on such plan as they may conceive will be 
advantageous to the State and to the prosperity of said town, having 
speciality in view the health, utility and beauty of the place." The 
commissioners chosen were James W. Jones, Samuel P. Booker and 
Christopher Harrison, but only Harrison appeared at the time and 
place designated. He, however, was equal to the emergency, and, hold- 
ing himself a majority of those present and voting, he went ahead with 
the work, employing Alexander Ralston, a surveyor who had helped 
Major L 'Enfant lay out Washington City, and Elias Pym Fordham, 
an Englishman from Birkbeck's Illinois colony, to make the survey. 
The design was Ralston 's, and was a modification of the Washington 
plan, the plat covering a mile square, ten blocks in each direction, with 
diagonal streets running to each of the four corners ; and Ralston 
asserted that "it would make a beautiful city, if it were ever built." 
Gen. John Carr, who had been appointed Agent for the sale of the 
town lots, also went on with the sale in October, and 314 lots were sold 
at a price of $35,596.25, of which $7,119.25 was paid in; but 161 of 
these lots were afterwards forfeited or released, as they did not attain 
the selling value anticipated by speculative purchasers. The sui-\'ey 
and sale of lots were legalized by act of November 28, 1821. 

The act for the appointment of the commissioners also gave the 
name Indianapolis to the new capital, and this point caused almost 
as much discussion as all the remainder of the bill. Gen. !Marston G. 
Clark had proposed "Tecumseh," before the legislature met, and it had 
been advocated by some of the newspapers ; but this and several other 
names were rejected by the House, and "Indianapolis" was adopted. 


The controvei-sy was a household story in Indiana, but nearly half a 
century passed before there was any known statement as to who sug- 
gested Indianapolis. Then Judge Jeremiah Sullivan, in answer to an 
inquiry from Governor Baker, stated that he originated it, and went 
to Corydon with the intention of proposing it ; that he at first confided 
in Samuel Merrill, a fellow member of the House, who approved the 
name and went with him to Governor Jennings, who also approved ; 
that he then moved the adoption of the name, and ^lerrill seconded the 
motion, which was adopted. Judge Sullivan's story was published in 
Holloway's History of Indianapolis, in 1870, and in Sulgrove's Indian- 
apolis, in 1884. and was not questioned publicly until 1910. It was then 
announced that ilrs. John Ketcham, a daughter of Samuel ^Merrill, in 
some unpublished memoirs, stated that her father had always claimed 
to have originated the name, and that he reiterated the claim after she 
called his attention to Judge Sullivan's statement, but said to "let the 
matter drop." As all the parties concerned were of unquestionable 
integrity, there is manifestly a case of poor memory on the part of some- 
body. Aside from Judge Sullivan's published statement, there are two 
facts that would favor his claim. The fii-st is that ilr. ^Merrill wrote 
what is known as Chamberlain's Gazetteer of Indiana, originally pub- 
lished in 1849, and in his account of the foimding of Indianapolis, he 
says, "the name of Indianapolis was given to it," and nothing more. 
Second, while the discussion of the question was in committee of the 
whole, and therefore is not reported in the .iournal, it does record that 
on December 22, when the bill wa.s reported out, "ilr. :\Ierrill moved to 
amend the said bill by striking out the sixth section and inserting in 
lieu thereof the following : the said town shall be called and known by 
such name a.s the commissioners sliall select." Section six of the act 
has no reference to the name, but on December 30 the senate struck out 
all of the bill after the enacting clause and inserted a substitute, which 
accounts for the transfer of the name to section 21.=''' As there was no 
action liy the House, in the way of amendment, after Mr. Merrill's mo- 
tion, which was lost, it is evident that Indianapolis was in the bill at 
that time. 

The name "Indianapolis" excited as much hilarity in the State, 
at the time, as the other names had caused in the House. The Vin- 
cennes Centinel, on January 15, 1821, announced the new name thus: 
"Such a name, kind readers, you would never find by searching from Dan 
to Beersheba : nor in all the liliraries, museums, and patent offices in the 
world. It is like nothing in heaven, nor on earth, nor in the waters 

■H. J., p. 1.59; S. J., p. 155. 



under the earth. It is not a name for man, woman or child ; for empire, 
city, mountain or morass; for bird, beast, fish nor creeping thing; and 
nothing mortal or immortal could have thought of it, except the wise 
men of the East who were congregated at Corydon." A week later it 
had another editorial comment in similar vein, and a communication, 
which closed with the words: "Should you require the etymology of 

Jeremiah Sullivan 

the word itself, I beg leave to refer you to the Pataphreazely (a new 
work and very rare) under the head 'Sil.' (This work serves as a Lexi- 
con to the ancient Hindoo language!) and reversing the letters you have 
Silopanaidni which signifies 'A Head Without Brains.' " However, 
the public rather liked the name after they became accustomed to it; 
and it has not only had niany imitations, but also has been appropriated 
bodily for towns in Texas, Colorado, Iowa and Oklahoma. This dupli- 
cation of names caused so much miscarriage of mails that the postal 
authorities had all of them changed except the Oklahoma town. 


Being designated as the capital, and being the capital were two 
different things. Oliver H. Smith, who made his debut in political life 
as a representative in the legislature of 1822-3, says that among the 
few measures in which he took an active interest, was "the act giving a 
representation to 'the new purchase,' to strengthen the middle and 
northern parts of the State, in passing a law for the removal of the 
seat of government from Corydon to Indianapolis. This latter act was 
warmly contested, debated weeks and finally passed by a very close vote. 
The first constitution provided that 'Corydon, in Harrison County, 
shall be the seat of government of the State of Indiana, until the year 
eighteen hundred and twenty-five, and until removed by law.' It fur- 
ther provided, 'the General Assembly may, within two years after their 
first meeting, and shall in the year eighteen hundred and twenty-five, 
and every other subsequent term of five years, cause an enumeration to 
be made, of all the white male inhabitants above the age of twenty-one 
years; the number of Representatives shall at the several periods of 
making such enumeration be fixed by the General Assembly, and ap- 
portioned among the several counties.' The question was whether it 
was competent for the Legislature to take the census and make the ap- 
portionment at any intermediate time, or whether it could only be done 
at the expiration of every five years. We carried the biU in favor of 
the first construction, and the seat of government wa.s removed years 
sooner than it would otherwise have been."-^ This is not quite exact. 
The new counties that had been formed since the last constitutional ap- 
portionment had no representation. The people of Marion County met 
at Crumbaugh's tavern, on September 26, 1822, and petitioned for 
representation. The people of the New Purchase were in close political 
touch with "the Whitewater," from which many of them came, and 
which ]Mr. Smith represented. What the General Assembly of 1822-3 
did was to give representation to the new counties, to the extent of three 
representatives and two senators.-^ which was enoiigh to give a majority 
at the next session. There is no record of any census or enumeration 
being ordered in any intermediate year ; but the Auditor of State had in 
his office a report of the taxable polls in each county and furnished 
the information to the legislature when it was wanted. Such a re- 
port was made in 1824, although there is no official record of it.-" 
The polls that year were 34,061, and at the regular enumeration, 
which was reported by the Secretary of State in 1825, the polls were 

"* Early Indiana Trials, p. 76. 

2^' Acts, p. 110. 

20 Isaac Eeed's Christian Traveller, p. 194. 


36,977. The population in these years was estimated at five times the 
number of polls, which was probably very close to the fact. 

The removal act was approved January 20, 1824, a year later. It 
provided that Indianapolis should be "the permanent seat of govern- 
ment of this state upon, from, and after the second ilonday in- January 
(January 10) in the year one thousand eight hundred and twenty -five," 
provided for the removal, and reciuired all state officials to be estab- 
lished there at that time. What especially grieved the Corydon people 
was a provison in the bill that the next legislative session should begin 
on the second Monday in January, 1825, instead of the "first Jlonday 
in December" 1824, as provided by the constitution, "unless directed 
by law," and which would have kept the capital at Corydon for a year 
longer. The bill passed the House after a vigorous fight. It yas amended 
in the Senate, and then passed that body by one vote. It came back to 
the House, and on January 7, "Uncle Dennis" Pennington moved to 
amend by substituting "December" for "January," but the previ- 
ous question was demanded, and the amended bill was passed by a vote 
of 25 to 17. On January 23 Pennington introduced a bill to suspend the 
operation of the act until 1826, but this was laid on the table. On the 
27th Pennington and John Zenor, his colleague from Harrison County, 
filed a protest, denouncing the law as in violation of the constitution, 
which last sad rite the majority respectfully attended. On February 20, 
the Marion County people gave a supper to their Senator, James Greg- 
ory, and Representative, James Paxton, at which numerous toasts were 
drunk, and "great harmony and good feeling prevailed during the 
festivities of the evening." 

The actual work of removal was entrusted to Samuel Merrill, who 
was then Treasurer of State, as a result of a falling out of the party 
in power. At some time prior to 1827, Senator Noble and Governor Jen- 
nings had a disagreement that put them out of speaking relations for 
several years,^^ but whether this early is not known. There had been 
trouble, however, between Senator Noble and Daniel C. Lane over the 
recovery of the $25,000 of state bonds, which the Vincennes Bank had 
turned over to the United States. The settlement of the State's debt 
to the Bank was made in bills of the Bank, which had been taken for 
taxes, as provided by law, but which had gone to a discount. Through 
a misunderstanding as to the amount due. Noble had settled for more 
than Lane had provided, and Lane insisted that he was liable only for 
the bills of the Bank in his hands, which were sufficient to cover the 
diflference. At the session of 1822-3 all of the State officers came up for 

"' Smith 's Early Indiana Trials, p. 



reelection before the legislature, and Noble's adherents made war on 
Lane. In the House a committee was appointed to examine his accounts, 
with Jlr. Beckes as chairman, which reported on December 13, that when 
the bond adjustment was made there was in the Treasurer's hands 
$540.37 '! which sum might have been paid to the honoi-able James Noble 
on said bonds." Lane had that amount in Bank bills, but it was too late 

Samuel Merrill 

to use them, as the settlement with the Bank and the Government had 
been made. The Noble party had brought out Samuel Merrill against 
Lane. Merrill was a Vermonter, of good education, who had taught 
school in Vermont and Pennsylvania, read law at York, Pennsylvania, 
and located at Vevay to practice. He was elected Representative for 
Switzerland County in 1821. Notwithstanding the committee report, the 
friends of Lane were standing by him, but that night he brought on his 
own downfall, which is related by Oliver H. Smith as follows: "The 
day for the election was not fixed. I was among the warm friends of 


Mr. Merrill. Our prospects for his election were very poor — chances 
as ten to one against iis. Mr. Lane, as was his custom, l>egan his course 
of entertainments, and, as his house was small, he only invited to his 
first dinner the senators and the Speaker of the House of Representa- 
tives, General Washington Johnston, — intending, no doubt, to feast the 
members of the House on some other evening before the election. Next 
morning the House met, and a few of us understanding each other passed 
around among the uninitiated, and soon had them in a perfect state 
of excitement against Lane. The time had now come, and I introduced 
a resolution inviting the Senate to go into the election instanter. The 
resolution was reciprocated, and down came the Senate. The joint 
convention was immediately held, and Mr. Merrill was elected by a 
large ma.iority, the Senators voting for Mr. Lane and the members of 
the House for Mr. Merrill, who made the State a first rate officer, "^s 
The vote was 32 for Merrill and 25 for Lane, and the real reason for the 
fight on Lane was set out in a letter from Dr. J. B. Slaughter, Senator 
for Harrison and Crawford, in a letter to the Corydon Gazette, on April 
23, 1823, in which he gives the correspondence between Lane, Noble and 
Jennings. When Lane went out of office, he left the $540.37 in Vin- 
cennes Bank bills for his successor.^" 

Mr. Merrill was not only a good Treasurer, but also an exceptionally 
good man to move a capital. He made a two weeks trip to Indianapolis 
to get acquainted with his landing place ; sold off such furniture as could 
not advantageously be moved ; packed the books and records carefully 
in boxes; and started, along with the State Printer, for Indianapolis. 
He says: "The journey of about one hundred and sixty miles occupied 
two weeks. The best day's travel was eleven miles. One day the wagons 
accomplished but two miles, passages through the woods having to be 
cut on account of the impassable character of the road. Four four- 
hoi-se wagons and one or two saddle-horses formed the means of convey- 
ance for the two families, consisting of about a dozen persons, and for 
a printing press and the state treasury of silver in strong wooden boxes. 
The gentlemen slept in the wagons or on the ground to protect the silver, 
the families found shelter at night in log cabins which stood along the 
road at rare though not inconvenient intervals. The country people 
were, many of them, as rude as their dwellings, which usually consisted 
of but one room, serving for all the purposes of domestic life, — cooking, 
eating, sleeping, spinning and weaving, and the entertainment of com- 
pany." Col. :Merriirs daughter, Mrs. Ketcham, records her infant 
memorv that when this train approached a settlement, "the ambitious 

^8 Early Indiana Trials, p. 77. 
29 House Journal, 1822-3, p. 143. 

Vol. 1—24 


teamster" used to put all his bells on his horses, to give the populace a 
fitting impression of this State progress. At Indianapolis the Clerk of 
the Supreme Court and the Secretary of State were lodged in small 
rooms on the second floor of the new Mai'ion County court house, and 
the other State offices were kept in rented quarters, until the State put 
up buildings. The legislature of 1825 appropriated $1,000 "to build on 
lot number one in square number sixty-eight in Indianapolis, a sub- 
stantial brick house for the residence of the treasurer of state, to contain 
the offices of the treasurer and auditor, and a fire proof vault for the 
better security of the funds and records of the state." This first dis- 
tinctively State building of Indiana stood on the southwest corner of 
Washington street and Capitol avenue. It was a two story building 
with the offices on the west side and Auditors office upstairs, and the 
Treasurer's residence on the east side, with a one-story dining room 
and kitchen back of the main building. It was occupied by the Treasurer 
until 1857, and was torn down in 1865, to be replaced by a more preten- 
tious brick building, which was occupied by the Supreme Court, and 
all the State offices except the Governor and State Librarian, until 1877. 
From tlie point of view of the present, the most remarkable thing 
about this removal was the expense, of which J\Ir. IMerrill was directed to 
keep a careful account. His bill, to the next legislature was as follows : 

"To Messrs. Posey and Wilson for boxes $ 7.56 

To Mr. Lefler for one box 50 

To Seybert & Likens for transportations of 3,945 lbs. 

at $1.90 per hundred 74.95 

To Jacob & Samuel Kenoyer for transportation of 

one load 35.06 

Deduct for proceeds of sale of furniture at Corydon, 

November 22nd, 1824 52.52 


For some mysterious reason there was a cut of five dollai-s from 
this by the specific appropriation bill of February 12, 1825, which 
allowed to Samuel Merrill "sixty dollars and fifty-five cents for cash 
advanced by him for expenses incurred in removing the property of the 
state from Corydon to Indianapolis." However, this did not include 
the cost of removing the State Library, for which there was a separate 
bill for $9.50; and to the eternal credit of the State, the legislature 



allowed Col. Merrill "also one hundred dollars for his personal trouble 
and expenditure in packing and moving the property of the state." The 
thing that made the lasting impression on Col. Merrill was the bad roads, 
although Indiana roads were supposed to be at their best in November, 
when this trip was made. The legislature of 182.5 had appropriated 
$55,624.94 for making state roads to the new capital, from ten different 
points, and these roads consisted of openings, forty-eight feet wide, cut 
through the forests that covered the southern and central parts of Indi- 
ana. Trees eighteen inches or more in diameter were cut twelve inches 
above the ground, and smaller ones were cut even with the ground. This 

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Cost of Moving St.vte Libi:.\ry 

made a road ; and the more it was traveled, especially in wet weather, 
the worse it became. Col. ilerrill's favorite story in later years was 
about an Ohio man who traveled through Indiana. When he got home 
he was a.sked "whether he had been pretty much through the state. He 
said he could not tell with certainty, but he thought he had been pretty 
nearly through, in some places." The cause of the bad roads was that 
they were usually mere passages over the natural surface, which in the 
wooded, and then inhabited part of the State, was composed of decayed 
vegetable matter, very poroiis, overlying clay soil. The surface of the 
State is quite level ; there was only natural drainage ; and the rain fall 
was greater than at present. Consequently loaded wagons made mud 
holes, and mud holes were of a rather permanent character. 

The same conditions affected the health of the State, there being a 
great deal of malarial disease. While other transportation was difficult 
the facilities for the transportation of germs was unsurpassed. The 


pools and swamps afforded unlimited breeding ground for mosquitoes, 
and if one may judge from the universal complaints of travelers, the 
mosquitoes were much more numerous than the leaves of- the forest. 
Says Col. Merrill: "The years 1820, 1821, and 1822, were attended 
with more general and fatal sickness than has ever been experienced, 
either before or since, in the west. Palestine, on the East Fork of 
White river, then the seat of justice of Lawrence county, was nearly 
depopulated; Vevay, Jeffersonville, Vincennes, and many other towns, 
lost nearly one-eighth of their inhabitants the first year and probably 
one-fourth in the three years; and during that time, in most neigh- 
borhoods, there were but few persons who escaped without one or more 
severe attacks of fever. The prevailing diseases were bilious and in- 
termitting fevers, the former, in many cases, differing very little from 
the yellow fever of New Orleans. " ^o At the new settlement of In- 
dianapolis the year 1821 was worst, there being only three persons in 
the settlement who were not prostrated. Ignatius Brown says : ' ' Though 
so general, the disease was not deadly, about twenty-iive cases only, 
mostly children who had been too much exposed, dying out of several 
hundred eases." ^^ The affliction was so prevalent that in December 
the legislature adopted a resolution: "That the second Friday in April 
next be observed as a day of public supplication and prayer to Almighty 
God, that he may avert the just judgments impending our land ; and 
that in his manifold mercies he will bless the country with fruitful 
seasons, and our citizens with health and peace. Resolved also, that the 
Governor be requested to issue his proclamation requiring the citizens 
to abstain from all servile labor on said day; and soliciting religious 
societies of every denomination to keep and observe the .same as a day 
of humiliation, fasting and prayer." Good Friday was perhaps chosen 
to get the Catholic influence. Governor Jennings duly issued his proc- 
lamation ]\larch 12, 1822, and the day was generally ol)served. 

There were numerous discussions of the disease in the newspapers, 
the general opinion being that it was due to "miasmatic exhalations" 
in the atmosphere.^- At Vincennes opinions were advanced that the 
exhalations were the result of throwing garbage and refuse into the 
streets; to a lack of shade trees; and to decaying "water grasses" in 
the river. Some thought the "pond" adjoining the town was the cause, 
but it was pointed out that the people who lived nearest the pond were 
the least affected. On one point there was unirersal agreement, and 
that was that the situation was deplorable; and at A^incennes the eom- 

^" Chamberlain 's Gazetteer, p. 119. 

"1 Hist, of Indianapolis, p. .5. 

32 Vincennes Sun, March 16, 2,3, April 6, 1822; Centinel, May 6, 13, 1820. 


bination of sickness, hard times, burning of the steam mill, removal of 
the capital, and failure of the Bank, caused the Sun to say: "A few 
years past Vineennes was the very emblem of prosperity; every wind 
wafted her some good. Our houses were fiUed with inhabitants, our 
streets were cr