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GENEAI-03Y COUL.BCT10N 



3 1833 01741 2674 



GENEALOGY 
977.2 
IN2471A 
1918 



CONTENTS 

MARCH, 1918 

TOPENEBEE AND THE DECLINE OF THE POTTAWATTOMIE 

Nation Elmore Barce 3 

Lincoln in Indiana /. Edivard Murr 18 

Reviews and Notes 76 

JUNE, 1918 

Some Reminiscences of James Whitcomb Riley 

George S. Cottman 99 

A Historical Sketch of Tell City Will Maurer 108 

Diary of the Mexican War Thomas Bailey 134 

Lincoln in Indiana /. Edward Murr 148 



BOARD OF EDITORS 



James Albert Woodburn, Ph.D., Professor of American History 
and Politics, Indiana University. 

Samuel Bannister Harding, Ph.D., Professor of European His- 
tory, Indiana University. 

George S. Cottman, Former Editor, Indianapolis. 

Christopher B. Coleman, Ph.D., Professor of History, Butler 
College. 

William Orlando Lynch, A.M., Professor of American History, 
Indiana State Normal School. 

Harlow Lindley, A.M., State Archivist; Professor of American 
History, Earlham College. 

Jacob Piatt Dunn, LL.B., Secretary of the Indiana Historical 
Society, Indianapolis. 

Demarchus C. Brown, A.M., State Librarian, Indianapolis. 

Logan Esarey, Ph.D., Managing Editor; Assistant Professor in 
Western History, Indiana University. 



escsi's 



SEPTEMBER, 1918 



Secret Political Societies in the North During the 

War Mayo Fesler 183 



DECEMBER, 1918 

General Joseph Bartholomew George Pence 287 

Warrick County Prior to 1818 Arvil S. Barr 304 

The Populist Party in Indiana Ernest D. Stewart 332 

Edward A. Hannegan John Wesley Whicker 368 

Notes 376 

Index 388 



A HISTORY OF INDIANA 

FROM ITS EXPLORATION 
TO 1918 

In two volumes, 1,120 pages. 

BY 

LOGAN ESAREY, Ph. D. 
Assistant Professor in Western History in Indiana University 

The range of the book can best be judged from the follow- 
ing Table of Contents : 

Vol. I. 
Chapter 

I The French in Indiana. 
II The English Period, 1764-1779. 

III The Conquest by Virginia. 

IV Closing Campaigns of the Revolution. 
V Indian Wars, 1790-1796. 

VI Government of the Northwest Territory. 

VII Indiana Territory, 1800-1816. 

VIII Indiana and the War of 1812. 

IX From Territory to State. 

X The State Government at Corydon, 1816-1825. 

XI Economic Development, 1825-1835. 

XII Religion and Education in Early Indiana. 

XIII Politics From 1825 to 1840. 

XIV Removal of the Indians From the State. 
XV The Public Lands in Indiana. 

XVI Systematic Internal Improvements. 

XVII The Second Bank of Indiana. 

XVIII The Pioneers and Their Social Life. 

XIX The Mexican War. 

XX The Constitutional Convention of 1850. 

XXI Politics From 1840 to 1852. 



A 
E 
Y 



CONTENTS 

Page 

AND THE Decline of the Pottawattomie 

— Elmore Barce 3 

I NDIANA — J. Edward Mu rr 13 

iND Notes 76 



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INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY 

published quakterlt by 
The Department of History of Indiana University 

WITH the cooperation OF 

The Indiana Historical Society The Indiana State Library 



BOARD OF EDITORS 

James A. Woodburn, Ph.D., Professor of American History and 
Politics, Indiana University 

Samuel B. Harding, Ph.D., Professor of European History, In- 
diana University 

George S. Cottman, Former Editor, Indianapolis 

Christopher B. Coleman, Ph.D., Professor of History, Butler 
College 

William O. Lynch, A.M., Professor of History, Indiana State 
Normal School 

Harlow Lindley, A.M., State Archivist, Professor of History, 
Earlham College 

Jacob P. Dunn, LL.B., Secretary Indiana Historical Society 

Demarchus C. Brown, A.M., State Librarian 



LOGAN ESAREY, PH.D., Managing Editor, 

Instructor in Western History, Indiana University 



Subscription Price, $2.00 per year. Single Number, 50 Cents. 

Address all communications to tUe Managing Editob, Bloominqton, Ind. 



Copyright, 1918, by 
Indiana University 



INDIANA 
MAGAZINE OF HISTORY 

Vol. XIV MARCH, 1918 No. 1 

Topenebee and the Decline of the 
Pottawattomie Nation 

By Elmore Barce, Fowler, Indiana 

About three miles southwest of the town of Earl Park, in 
Benton county, Indiana, there is a section of land, known by 
way of legal description as section 31, in township 26 north, 
range 9 west, but otherwise known as "Sumner's Indian 
Float," and this section was at one time set apart by treaty to 
the renowned Topenebee, who for forty years, was the prin- 
cipal chief and sachem of the Pottawattomie tribe of Indians. 

The grand prairies west of the Wabash, comprising all of 
what is now Benton county and the greater portion of Warren, 
were really a part of those vast savannas of wild grass-land, 
interspersed with blackrush sloughs, willow-lined creeks, and 
pleasant groves of mixed timber, which extended as far west 
as the Illinois river, and which, up to about the year 1790, were 
grazed by herds of the American bison. About that time 

A big snow, about five feet deei), fell, aiul froze so bard on tbe top 
tbat tbe people walked ou It. causing the buffalo to perish by starvation. 
Next siiring a few buffalo, poor and haggard in appearance, were seen 
going westward, and as they approached the carcasses of dead ones, which 
were lying here and there upon tbe prairie, they would stop, commence 
pawing and lowing, then start oft again in a lope for the west. Forty 
years ago (i. e.. forty years prior to 1S78) buffalo liones were found in 
large quantities on tbe prairies: In some places, many acres were cov- 
ered with them, showing where a large herd had perished, and tbeir trails 
leading to and from watering places, were plainly to be seen.i 

'Memories of Shauhena, by N. Matson. Chicago, 1878. 



4 Indiana Magazine of History 

Early settlers were familiar with great depi'essions and 
hollows in the prairie, known as buffalo wallows, and these 
were the last traces discernible of the giant herds. 

Notwithstanding the departure of the buffalo, these great 
plains still held forth allurement for savage huntsmen. The 
pleasant groves were ofttimes situated on the margin of spark- 
ling streams, or were blessed with springs of cool water ; wild 
berries and nuts abounded in the wild woods; the rich 
alluvium of sunny slopes yielded a bountiful harvest of yellow 
maize; and the wilderness of gi'ass, the banks of the creeks 
and the groves themselves, were threaded with numberless 
paths made by the feet of the timid deer. In fall and spring- 
time great flocks of Canadian geese and wild ducks filled every 
pond and depression, wild turkeys were abundant, and the 
great flights of wild pigeons were at times so thick as partly 
to obscure the sun. 

The beauty and grandeur of these great level stretches of 
prairie, studded with groves, was incomparable. Standing on 
the hills to the west of Parish Grove, in Benton county, one 
could not only view the whole of the slope that extended for 
miles to the south and west, but could look over into the plains 
of the Illinois. To the north and east lay Hickory Grove, with 
a small lake to the south of it; to the north and west the 
prairies again, and the slopes of Blue Ridge, twelve miles 
away, so named because the dews of the morning made the 
prairies appear like a sea of blue. In the autumn, the giant 
blue-stem, growing so high that horsemen could tie the tops 
together above their heads, filled the whole plains as far as the 
eye could see.^ 

This was the land of the Pottawattomies. In 1640 the 
Jesuit Relation records that they were the neighbors of the 
Winnebagos in the far north. In 1670, a portion of them were 
on the islands in the mouth of Green Bay. They were then 
moving southward. Friendly with the Kickapoos, with whom 
they afterwards lived in mixed villages on the prairies west 
of Lafayette, they seemed to have joined with that tribe and 
the Sacs and Foxes in wiping out the last remnants of the old 

"J. Wesley Whicker, Sketches of the Wabash Valley, published by Attica 
Ledger, 1916, p. 108. 



Barce: Topenebee 5 

Illinois Indians," and the three conquering tribes then divided 
the country between them ; the Kickapoos taking the territory 
along the Vermillion river, the Pottawattomies the domain in 
eastern and northern Illinois and northwestern Indiana north 
of the Wabash river, while the Sacs and Foxes went further to 
the west. In approaching the Wabash, the Pottawattomies 
became trespassers upon the lands of the Miamis, but that 
tribe never seems to have been able to prevent their encroach- 
ments. 

By other tribes tbe Pottawattomies were called "squatters," charged 
with never having had any lauds of their own. and being mere intruders 
upon the prior estates of others. They were foremost at all treaties where 
lands were to be cedetl, clamoring for a lion's share of the presents and an- 
nuities, particularly where the last were the price paid for the sale of 
others' lands, rather than their own.'* 

At the Treaty of Fort Wayne in 1809, the resentment of 
the Miamis at the unla'wf ul claims of this tribe to the territory 
watered by the Wabash and its tributaries, was one of the prin- 
cipal obstacles to be met and overcome by General Harrison." 

The following account was given by Joseph Barron, inter- 
preter to General Harrison, to Prof. W. H. Keating, of Fort 
Wayne, Indiana, in 1824, as to the origin and meaning of the 
word "Pottawattomie" : 

A Miami, having wandered out from his cabin, met three Indians, 
whose language was unintelligible to him ; by signs and motions he in- 
vited them to follow him to his cabin, where they were hospitably enter- 
tained, and where they remained until dark. During the night, two of the 
strange Indians stole out of the hut, while their comrade and the host 
were asleep. They took a few embers from the cabin, and placing these 
near the door of the hut, they made a fire, which, being afterwards seen 
by the Miami and his remaining guests, was understood to imply a couueil- 
fire between the two nations. From this circumstance the Miami called 
them, in his own language. Wa-ho-na-ha, or firemakers, which, being trans- 
lated into the other language, produced the term by which the Pottawat- 
tomies have ever since been distinguished, and the pronounciation of which, 
.spoken by themselves, is Po-ta-wa-to-me. in their language, "we are mak- 
ing a fire."* 

^Fergus Historical Series, IV, No. 27, p. 174. 

* Fergus Historical Series, IV, No. 27. p. 174. 
'■Indiana Magazine of History. 1915, pp. 366-367. 

* Fergus Historical Series, TV, No. 27, p. 164. 



6 Indiana Magazine of History 

The characteristics of these savages, who have left behind 
them so many names of groves, towns and streams, in north- 
ern Indiana and western Illinois, may be described in part as 
follows: They seem to have lived in separate roving bands, 
which separated or divided, "according to the abundance or 
scarcity of game, or the emergencies of war." They loved the 
remoteness and seclusion of the great prairies, from which 
they emerged at frequent intervals in Tecumseh's day to make 
raids on the white settlements in southern Indiana and in Illi- 
nois, burning the cabin of the settler, tomahawking his family, 
and stealing his horses. Pursuit, if not made immediately, 
was futile. Traveling by day and night, the murderous bands 
were lost in the great wilderness of the north, and the Prophet 
was a sure protector. The savage chief, Turkey Foot, for 
whom two groves have been named in Benton and Newton 
counties, stealing horses in far away Missouri, murdered three 
or four of his pursuers, and escaped to the great prairies be- 
tween the Wabash and Lake Michigan.' He was never taken. 
The cowardly and brutal massacre at Chicago, August 15, 
1812, was the work, principally, of the Pottawattomies, "and 
their several bands from the Illinois and Kankakee rivers ; 
those from the St. Joseph of the Lake, and the St. Joseph of 
the Maumee, and those of the Wabash and its tributaries were 
all represented in the despicable act.''^ 

Unlike the Kickapoos, who were tall and sinewy, and more 
cleanly in their habits, the Pottawattomies were shorter and 
more thickly set, very dark, and squalid in appearance, and 
were given the significent name by the French-Canadians of 
"Les Poux," or those who have lice." Their language was of 
the rough, gutteral variety,'" they used huge quantities of fire 
water, and were inveterate gamblers. Of all the tribes of the 
northwest, none were more treacherous, or prone to break a 
treaty, and none were more under the influence of Tecumseh 
and the Prophet and the British agents at Maiden. 

For nearly half a century, Topenebee, whose name, accord- 
ing to Jacob Piatt Dunn, signifies "A Quiet Sitting Bear," was 

' Dawson's Harrison, 176-177. 

'Fergus Historical Series, IV, No. 27, p. 173. 

« Wau-Bun, the Early Day in the Northwest, Mrs. J. H. Kinzip. Chicago, 1856. 

^'Fergus Historical Series, TV, No. 27, p. 136. 



Barce: Topenebee 7 

their head and principal chief. He was probably born near 
Niles, Michigan, on the upper bend of the St. Joseph of the 
Lakes, for here there was located "the great Pottawattomie 
village, ruled over by Aniquiba, the great chief of the Potta- 
wattomies,"" who was the father of Topenebee. Topenebee 
was thus of the royal blood, and the ruling clan of his tribe. 
His sister, Kaukeama.i- married William Burnett, a famous 
French fur trader, who thereafter became very influential and 
powerful among the tribesmen. His sons, by this Indian 
princess, were unfriendly to the advancing white settlements 
of the West, and Abraham Burnett, in command of a mixed 
band of Pottawattomies and Kickapoos, is said to have laid a 
plan to ambush and surprise Harrison's army near Perryville, 
Indiana, on its march to the battleground at Tippecanoe. is 
This plot, however, failed. 

From the first, Topenebee seems to have been hostile to 
the United States. He was no doubt in the battle of Fallen 
Timbers, fought with Anthony Wayne, in 1794, for he appears 
as a signer of the Treaty of Greenville, Ohio, of August 3, 
1795, signing that document as "Thu-Pe-Ne-Bu,"'* and the 
fact that he signed as the first of the "Putawatames of the 
River St. Joseph," shows that at that early date he was their 
chief and principal sachem. At an early date, Topenebee em- 
braced the teachings of the Prophet, and became an ally of the 
Shawnee brothers and the British. When Tecumseh and the 
Prophet came to the Wabash in the year 1808, for the purpose 
of organizing their Confederacy of Indian Tribes to oppose 
the further advance of the new Republic, they settled at the 
mouth of the Tippecanoe on certain lands granted them by the 
Pottawattomies and Kickapoos, although this grant was 
opposed by the Miamis, who were the rightful occupants and 
owners of the soil. In the negotiations leading up to this 
transaction, Topenebee took an active part. Local tradition 
at Attica, Indiana, preserves the tale that 

Sometime in the Fall of the year 1807, Topenebee and the Kickapoos 
and Potbiwattomies, Miamia and Winnebagos, met Tecumseh and hla 
prophet beneath the spreading branches of a splendid oali that stood within 

" Michigan Pioneer and Historical Recollections, XXX, 88. 
1= United States Statutes at Large, Indian Treaties. 298. 
'^Sketches of the Wahash Valley, p. 11. 
" United States Statutes at Large. Indian Treaties. 54. 



8 Indiana Magazine of History 

the coiTorate limits of tlie city of Attica. In tliis couucil it was agreed 
that the Shawnee tribe, under Tecumseh and his brother, the Prophet, 
might have as their hunting ground the territory drained by Shawnee 
creek, and then a line drawn from there to the watershed of the Tippe- 
canoe river, and up the Tippecanoe river about twenty miles.is 

The Pottawattomie chief was thus largely instrumental 
in bringing the impending conflict closer to the Vincennes set- 
tlement, and in hastening incidentally the downfall of his own 
people. Neither is there any doubt that during the trouble- 
some period preceding the battle of Tippecanoe and until after 
the War of 1812, that Topenebee and all the leading chiefs of 
his tribe were in close communication with the British agent, 
Matthew Elliott, at Maiden. According to Mrs. Kinzie : 

The principal men of the Pottawattomie nation, like those of most 
other tribes, went yearly to Fort Maiden, lu Canada, to receive a large 
amount of presents, with which the British government had, for many 
years, been in the habit of purchasing their alliance.is The presents they 
thus received were of considerable value, consisting of blankets, broad- 
cloths or strouding, calicoes, guns, kettles, traps, silver-works (compris- 
ing arm-bands, bracelets, brooches and ear bobs), looking glasses, combs, 
and various other trinkets distributed with no niggardly hand. it 

These and a vast quantity of whiskey, won them away 
from General Harrison and made them British allies in the 
War of 1812. 

Topenebee, if he did not actually take part in laying the 
plot, was fully aware of the impending massacre of the troops 
of Ft. Dearborn, on August 15, 1812. This is shown by the 
fact that, 

Early in the morning Mr. Kiuzie (the trader located at the old post), 
received a message from To-pen-nee-bee, a chief of the St. Joseph's band, 
informing him that mischief was intended by the Pottawattomies. who 
hart engaged to escort the detachment; and urging him to relinquish his 
designs of accompanying the troops by land, promising him that the boat 
containing himself and family should be permitted to pass in safety to 
St. Joseph's. 18 

Bearing in mind the close relations between the British 
and the Pottawattomie chiefs, the fact that this warning was 

^'Sketches of the Wabash Valley. IS. 
"TTait-Bim, the Early Day in the Northu^est, p. 204. 
" Wau-Bun, 21. 
i» Wau-Bun, 222. 



Barce: Topenebee 9 

sent to a personal friend, and the further fact that Pottawat- 
tomies from the St. Joseph river were present at the slaughter, 
the evidence is rather strong that Topenebee was the leader in 
the whole affair from the beginning. 

After the crushing of the Prophet in 1811, and the de- 
struction of British influence in the northwest, consequent 
upon the War of 1812, the decline of the Pottawattomies was 
swift and appalling. The terrible ravages of firewater played 
no inconsiderable part. Many of their principal chieftains 
became notorious drunkards, reeling along the streets of 
frontier posts and towns and boasting of their former prowess. 
Topenebee was no exception. Reproached by Gen. Lewis Cass, 
because he did not remain sober and care for his people, he 
answered : "Father, we do not care for the land, nor the 
money, nor the goods, what we want is whiskey, give us 
whiskey!"' 3 

Without leadership, without any intelligent plan of co- 
operation with his fellows, a prey to savage appetites and pro- 
pensities, and without the nowledge or inclination to utilize 
his land, except to hunt thereon to relieve his immediate and 
pressing wants, the Pottawattomie became a wanderer and a 
beggar in his own country, roving here and there in quest of 
game, or falling into the hands of unscrupulous traders, who 
robbed him of his peltries and possessions for a pint of rum. 
To withstand the advancing tide of white immigration was 
impossible. Says Logan Esarey : 

No description can give an accurate impression of the sattlement of 
Indiana. One who has watched the rising waters of a flood overflow the 
land will appreciate the overflow of the State by the swelling tide of immi- 
gration. By 1825 the settlers were entering the northern half of the state.20 

Already, on October 2, 1818,-i there had been consum- 
mated at St. Mary's, Ohio, a treaty between the Pottawattomie 
nation and Jonathan Jennings, Lewis Cass and Benjamin 
Parke, whereby said nation ceded to the United States, "A 
large tract of country lying in central-western Indiana and 
eastern Illinois, fronting on the Wabash from the mouth of the 

^'Michigan Pioneer and Historical Recollections. XIV, 260. 

'"History of Indiana, Logan Esarey, 273. 

» United States Statutes at Large. Indian Treaties. 185. 



10 Indiana Magazine of History 

Tippecanoe to the mouth of the Vermillion, and extending 
westward to a line drawn as nearly parallel with the Wabash 
as practicable, so as to strike the two latter streams twenty- 
five miles from their respective confluence with the Wabash; 
and now embraced in parts of Tippecanoe, White, Benton, all 
of Warren, the north half of Vermillion counties, Indiana, and 
the greater portion of Vermillion county, in Illinois/'^^ 

A few years later this cession was to be occupied by herds- 
men and great droves of cattle, and the famous Chicago road 
was to run through the northern stretches of this area from 
the towns on the Wabash to the growing town around old Ft. 
Dearborn. 

This was but the beginning of the retirement. On October 
16, 1826,-3 there was concluded at the mouth of the Missis- 
sinewa, between the Pottawattomies and Lewis Cass, James 
B. Ray, and John Tipton, a treaty whereby the tribe released 
all claim to valuable tracts of land north and west of the Tippe- 
canoe, along Eel river, and about Fort Wayne. This was fol- 
lowed by the treaty of September 20, 1828, granting a great 
tract in northeastern Indiana, and the final treaty on the Tip- 
pecanoe river, on October 27, 1832,-'* concluded between the 
Pottawattomies and Jonathan Jennings, John W. Davis, and 
Marks Crume, commissioners, wherein "the chiefs and war- 
riors aforesaid cede to the United States, their title and inter- 
est to lands in the States of Indiana and Illinois, and the terri- 
tory of Michigan, south of Grand River." 

Thus, from the year 1818, to the year 1832, a short space 
of only fourteen years, the Pottawattomie nation had lost prac- 
tically all of its valuable holdings and claims in northern In- 
diana and southern Michigan, and the tribe had sunk into a 
terrible decadence from which it was never to recover. 

In all these treaties Topenebee had signed as chief sachem 
of his tribe, but in 1832, old, drunken and decrepit, he had 
fallen from his high estate as the associate of Tucemseh, and 
the krdly commander who had led all the bands north of the 
Wabash, until there was reserved for him out of all the vast 
prairies and woodlands of northern Indiana, but one section of 

'^Fergus Historical Series. IV, No. 27. Note, pp. 179-lSO. 
=' United States Statutes at Large. Indian Treaties. 295-297. 
^ United States Statutes at Large. Indian Treaties. 399-403. 



Barce: Topenebee 11 

land — the exact language of the Treaty of 1832 was : "To To- 
pen-ne-bee, principal chief, one section. "25 This section was 
to be selected under the direction of the President of the United 
States. 

The section of land thus reserved for Topenebee proved to 
be of no benefit either to himself or his descendants. Under 
authority of the President, one J. T. Douglass, on January 20, 
1836, reported to the government that he had selected section 
31, in township 26 north, range 9 west, as Topenebee's land. 
This selection was confirmed by President Martin Van Buren, 
on March 29, 1837.-'"' The section thus selected was ideally 
located to suit a prairie Indian. From a memorandum at- 
tached to an old deed discovered in the archives of the Benton 
circuit court, this section, or Indian Float, was described as 
being at Sugar Grove, in Benton county, seven miles north of 
Parish Grove, and thirteen miles south of Iroquois, or Bunkum, 
on the Chicago road from Williamsport, Warren county, to 
Chicago. The west side of the section was in the eastern verge 
of Sugar Grove, and the entire eastern side was a prairie of 
Blue-stem, watered on the northern side by Sugar creek, which 
extended on west through the Grove into the State of Illinois. 
From the viewpoint of the early cattle men, it was just the 
location adapted for an ideal ranch. The timber afforded fuel, 
and also protected the herds in winter ; the creek afforded an 
abundant supply of fresh water, and the surrounding prairie 
was an ideal grazing ground. Edward C. Sumner, the greatest 
cattle man north of the Wabash river, riding over the old 
Chicago road, about 1834, immediately perceived its advan- 
tages, and afterards built a ranch on its western side and along 
the banks of the creek. 

Long before the section was located by Douglass, however. 
Topenebee had parted with all his title to Alexis Coquillard. 
The treaty was made, as has been shown, on the 27th day of 
October, 1832. On November 27 of the same year, Topenebee, 
by a deed executed in St. Joseph county, Indiana, did 

Grant, bargain, sell, convey and confirm unto the said Alexis Coquillard 
and David H. Colerick, and their heirs and assigns forever, all that section 

» United States Statutes at Large, Indian Treaties, 400. 

'"Final Court Record No. 1. page 284, Clerk's Office, Benton Circuit Court. 
See also, Verden vs. Coleman, 4 Ind. 457. 



12 Indiana Magazine of History 

of land called a floating reserve, made to the said To-pe-ne-bee at tlie 
Treaty of Tippecanoe, made and concluded by and between the chiefs of the 
Pottawattomie nation, and Jennings. Crume and Davis, commissioners. 

The consideration named in the deed was eight hundred 
dollars, or one dollar and twenty-live cents per acre, and this 
deed was placed on record in Benton county on July 17, 1846.=^ 

In Judge Timothy E. Howard's History of St. Joseph 
County, Alexis Coquillard is named as the founder of South 
Bend. He was of French descent and had served in the War 
of 1812 in the American Army under General Harrison, 
although but seventeen years of age. He later became a trader 
on the St. Joseph river and wielded such an influence over the 
Pottawattomie tribe that they would have made him their 
chief, if he had not prevented it.-s He is mentioned by Logan 
Esarey as one of the traders who were present at the payment 
of annuities to the Indians, and at the various treaties made 
with the tribes. He was undoubtedly present at the treaty of 
October 27, 1832, for by the terms of that instrument he was 
paid five thousand one hundred dollars, due him for debts in- 
curred by the Indian tribes.=» Let us hope that he took no 
advantage of the aged and besotted chieftain of the Potta- 
wattomie tribe. On October 7, 1846, Alexis Coquillard and his 
wife, Frances, conveyed this section to Edward C. Sumner for 
the consideration of twelve hundred dollars.^" 

Thus passed away the last dominion that Topenebee ever 
exerted over the prairies, which, in his youth, he had been so 
familiar with. Six years after the treaty of 1832, his tribe 
passed beyond the Mississippi and old, feeble and broken, he 
retired to southern Michigan, where in August, 1840,^1 to use 
the melodious language of J. Wesley Whicker, "he passed from 
among the inhabitants of earth and took his trackless way 
alone to the Happy Hunting Ground."32 

'^ Deed Record No. 1, page 214, of Benton county, Indiana. Recorder's Office. 
^'History of St. Joseph County, Indiana. Timothy E. Howard, 1907, p. 132. 
=" United States Statutes at Large. Indian Treaties, 403. 
"Deed Record No. 1, page 323, Recorder's Office, Benton County. Indiana. 
'^Bureau of American Ethnology. Handbook of American Indiana. Part II. 
785. 

''■'Sketches of the Wabash Valley. 18. 



Lincoln In Indiana 

(Continued) 
By J. Edward Murr 
Lincoln a Hoosier 

"I am uot afraid to die, aud would be more than 
willing, but I have au irrepressible desire to live till I 
can be assured that the world is a little better for my 
having lived in it." 

Although Mr. Lincoln was born in Kentucky, it is not 
possible by any proper method rightly to classify him as a 
Kentuckian in the sense that he stood forth as typical and 
representative of the citizenship of that great State. The 
extreme poverty of his parents, together with their utter lack 
of social standing with that dominant class usually regarded 
both in Kentucky as well as by those without as possessing 
those distinguishing traits that differentiated them from 
citizens of other States, makes any attempt to exalt one of 
Lincoln's class as typical or representative in any way of 
Kentucky, but little short of preposterous. 

Kentucky, as has been stated, has not only produced many 
great sons, but has been especially fortunate in adopting 
others. It may be said to her credit that she has been quite 
as kind to the one as to the other, but the class whom she has 
delighted to honor has not been that one to which Lincoln 
belonged. Henry Clay, an adopted son, was more nearly 
representative of the genuine Kentuckian in the estimation 
of Kentuckians themselves, and certainly by those without 
the State, than any whom Kentucky has ever produced. 

It it be true that in him were to be found those distinguish- 
ing traits more prominently than in others — traits which 
historians and writers generally have regarded as peculiarly 
differentiating — then it may be said that there are discerned 



14 Indiana Magazine of History 

even today among the class to which he belonged these same 
marked traits ; and being generally true as it is of her citizens, 
and so much so as to justify the pride they have in such a 
heritage, it would appear that but for the unprecedented fame 
of Lincoln there would have been great hesitancy to classify 
him as one of their number in view of the fact that he pos- 
sessed nothing in common with the ruling portion of them. 
Certainly there was nothing in common between Lincoln and 
Henry Clay save their political predilections ; for on the social 
side and in all that dinstinguished Clay in addition to his 
brilliant genius, Mr. Lincoln bore absolutely no resemblance. 
Lincoln was awkward, ungainly and homely to a marked 
degree ; uneasy to the extent of being bashful in the presence 
of ladies; lacking culture, ease and grace; a total stranger 
to many of the conventionalities of polite society. And thus 
had he been destined to remain in the State of his birth, he 
would have more nearly represented the mountaineer type 
and such as they, rather than that other class so accustomed 
to such a man as Clay. 

Clay was a Chesterfield in the drawing room, a Marl- 
borough in dignity and bearing before public assemblies; so 
polished and refined in his manners, brilliant and fascinating 
in conversation, and so prepossessing in personal appearance 
as scarcely to have an equal; withal a statesman the peer of 
any and all of his day, and so persuasive, convincing and 
eloquent an orator, with a voice so charming as to awe vast 
assemblies, command listening senates and cause his one-time 
enemy, John Randolph of Roanoke, who sat in his invalid 
chair, to exclaim to his attendants: "Lift me up so that I 
may hear that voice once more." Henry Clay, and such as he, 
will ever be regarded as embodying those eminent traits be- 
speaking the genuine Kentuckian, rather than Abraham Lin- 
coln, who would have been the last person to assert such a 
claim for himself. 

Without, therefore, purposing to make invidious distinc- 
tion against any, it cannot be justly charged that the claim 
degenerates to the level of a mere puerility when it is asserted 
that Abraham Lincoln was a typical Hoosier rather than a 
Kentuckian, and he was such not only during his residence in 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 15 

Indiana, for one-fourth of his life, but it is further claimed 
that he remained a Hoosier throughout his great career. 

State lines, of course, do not ordinarily mark the boun- 
daries of racial characteristics or peculiarities in manners 
and customs of representatives of the same people, save per- 
haps in those instances where large rivers or mountain ranges 
form the boundary lines. Hence the change of residence of 
Mr. Lincoln to the Sangamon river country was not such as 
to occasion any difficulty in adjusting himself to the purely 
local manners, habits and customs of the people. But it is 
nevertheless true that there was a marked individuality and 
certain well-defined characteristics in speech and in habits 
of life typical of the Hoosier. These dominant traits of char- 
acter which Mr. Lincoln acquired during a residence in Indi- 
ana of fourteen years, clung to him to the day of his death. 

In his pronunciation (he began his Cooper Institute ad- 
dress by saying "Mr. Cheerman") his peculiar idioms, 
homely illustrations, figures of speech, his quaint humor and 
rare wit, his personal appearance, his refusal — at least fail- 
ure — to readily conform to mere conventionalities in dress 
and many other things of that sort were pre-eminently char- 
acteristic of the pioneer Hoosier. Mr. Lincoln's hands had 
held the ax and maul so long as to prove rebellious when the 
conventionalities of men attempted to glove them. His custom 
was to carry his gloves on occasion, but he rarely wore them. 

The genius and all that has made for fame in Indiana has 
in the main been south of the National Road, which runs 
through the State centrally from east to west. The Hoosier 
north of this line was as a rule an Eastern product — a Yan- 
kee — while the southern half of the State was peopled by 
Carolinians, Tennesseeans, Virginians, Kentuckians, and a 
few Yankees, the latter class coming by way of the Ohio 
river. If there is apparent contradiction to the foregoing 
statement in the pride that the State of Indiana has had or 
now has in such men as General Lew Wallace, Senator John 
W. Kern and Vice-President Thomas R. Marshall and others, 
let it be remembered that their blood and lineage are wholly 
that of the southern Hoosier; the tide of emigration coming 
up from the South merely carried them somewhat farther 
north than it did others. 



16 Indiana Magazine of History 

That there was marked illiteracy during the pioneer period 
goes without saying, and that there was a sad lack of refine- 
ment and culture is also quite true. But it seems to have 
escaped the earlier writers' notice for a time that the blood 
which peopled the southern portion of the State in particular 
was for the most part quite as good as any in the New World, 
and since it was this strain that was destined to produce the 
first typical American, Abraham Lincoln, there is the highest 
reason for asserting that it was of the best. 

Prior to the Civil war the eastern portion of our country 
looked upon the West somewhat after the manner that Europe 
viewed the Nev/ World, in the matter of letters, up to the time 
of Washington Irving. The country had been accustomed to 
look to the Atlantic coast for leadership in substantially 
everything, and so strongly intrenched was this notion in the 
minds of the people generally that even the people of the 
West themselves were slow to realize that it was this section 
of our country that was to produce the typical American. 
During the formative period of our country's history the 
Atlantic coast was of necessity but Europe transplanted to the 
New World. So it became necessary to allow the tide of 
emigration to reach that region somewhat remote from these 
influences to bring forth "upon our new soil" this real domi- 
nant Americanism. 

As great as was Mr. Lincoln in the estimation of the East, 
there are certain sections today that have never yielded the 
ancient notion of the East's own rightful leadership, and they 
refuse to allow that any good thing can come out of the West, 
which surpasses or even equals the East. Not that there is 
any vulgar opposition to the claim made by the West, so much 
as there is a dogged disposition to ignore the West to the point 
of thinking in terms of the East, and apparently not at all 
realizing that what we as a nation had been unconsciously 
striving for has been in fact consummated west of the Alle- 
ghenies. 

That southern Indiana was of all places best suited to rear 
this great character destined to furnish the nations of the 
earth an example of the possibilities of the plain people is the 
position here taken. The odium, not to say the shame, of 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 17 

being a Hoosier has, as heretofore indicated, undergone a 
marked change since Lincoln's time. While Mr. Lincoln was 
a resident of this portion of Indiana, or soon after his reaching 
Illinois, there were many domiciled in log cabins in this 
Indiana wilderness who were afterward to become famous. 

It is significant that the private secretary to Mr. Lincoln, 
Major John Hay, who later became one of our greatest secre- 
taries of State, was born a few miles north of where Lincoln 
lived; and in fifteen miles from the birthplace of Hay and a 
few miles to the east of Lincoln there lived Walter Q. Gresham, 
afterward an eminent jurist, a great soldier and also a secre- 
tary of State. Here resided Eads, of Eads jetties fame ; and it 
was from this portion of the State that there came Generals 
Harrison, Hovey, Wallace, Burnside, Rosencranz and others of 
Civil war fame ; the Lanes, James, Joseph and Henry S., and 
what shall we say of Generals Jefferson C. Davis, John Tip- 
ton, Governor Jennings and Joaquin Miller; of writers, 
jurists, orators, educators and statesmen, who subdued this 
wilderness, fought valiantly at Shiloh, Vicksburg, Antietam, 
gettysburg, or marched with Sherman to the sea? Among 
such a people capable of producing and rearing these, and 
such as these, Mr. Lincoln spent those years between seven 
and twenty-one. If we may be permitted to assume that the 
Almighty desiring early to surround his destined leader 
through a terrible Civil war with those influences best calcu- 
lated to bring about the deliverance of a people in bondage, as 
well as preserve the unity and continuity of a great nation, 
by taking him to a free State among a people who had strong 
convictions against human slavery, then we may see no de- 
parture from His ancient methods in dealing with His chosen. 

Jefferson Davis, who was born in a slave State and within 
a few miles of Mr. Lincoln, and reared in the belief of the 
justice of such an institution, said by way of rejoinder to 
President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, in a message 
to the Confederate congress, that "it was the most execrable 
measure ever recorded in the annals of guilty man." Thus 
we may perhaps be allowed to surmise that had Lincoln con- 
tinued to reside in Kentucky his attitude, if not favorable 
toward slavery, at least might have been so lenient as to have 



18 Indiana Magazine of History 

eliminated him from leadership in the nation's crisis. The 
Indiana residence, while freeing Mr. Lincoln from that favor- 
able inclination that seems usually to have prevailed with 
those reared under its sway, was at the same time in close 
juxtaposition, and thus permitted him to occasionally look in 
upon its cruelties. It is quite generally understood that Mr. 
Lincoln's first view of slavery after reaching maturity was 
on the occasion of his celebrated flatboat trip down the Mis- 
sissippi river with Allen Gentry, this being when he was 
nineteen years of age. 

The writer, while residing in Spencer county, Indiana, a 
number of years since, serving a church there in the capacity 
of minister, had in his congregation a number of elderly men 
and women who remembered very well that Lincoln, while a 
ferryman at the mouth of Anderson creek, accompanied their 
neighbor, Mr. Ray, a flat-boatman, down the Mississippi river 
some two years prior to the celebrated trip with Allen Gentry. 

The circumstance and the occasion of the trip were as 
follows : Lincoln, while serving as ferryman at the mouth of 
Anderson creek, had cultivated a crop of tobacco on the site 
of the present little village of Maxville, some three-fourths of 
a mile below the town of Troy. The tobacco field had been 
planted and cultivated by Lincoln during the lull of business 
as a ferryman, and while the tobacco had ripened, had been 
cut, cured and otherwise prepared for the market, Mr. Ray, 
well known to Lincoln, "was building a flatboat up the mouth 
of Anderson" preparatory to making the southern trip. 
Accordingly Lincoln, thinking that he saw a way for market- 
ing his "two hogsheads of tobacco", proposed to Ray that they 
"strike up a trade", and on Ray asking "what sort of a trade 
he meant", Lincoln replied : "I've got my tobacco crop cured 
up and ready for market and I've got no way to get it south un- 
less I send it by boat, and it struck me you'll need hands. You 
and me might get together some way. I'll tell you what I'll 
do. I'll go along with you at the oar if you'll take my tobacco 
and then pay me the difference." This proposition appealed 
to Ray and the bargain was accordingly made, Lincoln going 
along as a hand "at the oar". 

William Forsythe, for many years a business man in 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 19 

Grandview, Spencer county, born and reared in the town of 
Troy, remembered "long Abe", the ferryman. He often re- 
lated to the writer the circumstance of his having been "set 
across Anderson by Lincoln". He stated that the boys of 
Troy would frequently go down to the mouth of Anderson 
creek to hear "Long Abe talk and tell yarns." While he 
failed to recall any of "Long Abe's yarns," yet he stated that 
when the boys had "prowled about town" and time hung heav- 
ily on their hands, some one would at such times speak up and 
say: "Boys, I'll tell you what let's do. Let's go down to 
Anderson and listen at Long Abe talk." Usually this sugges- 
tion was acted upon and they would straightway repair to the 
ferry. When asked as to what "Long Abe" talked about, he 
replied: "He would just set down and the boys 'd all get 
aiound him and he'd say things that would make them all 
laugh." Forsythe often related the circumstance of Lincoln's 
making the flatboat trip down the Mississippi river with Ray. 
Jefferson Ray, a son of the flatboatman, was likewise a busi- 
ness man, and he, as was Forsythe, was officially connected 
with the church of which the writer was pastor. Thus these 
and many others — some having personal knowledge and others 
relating the circumstance as received from Ray — establish 
beyond any doubt that Lincoln looked in upon slavery at least 
two years earlier than we have been accustomed to suppose. 
The fact that Lincoln thus had an earlier view of slavery 
than i.=i generally believed is, of course, of no great moment 
in any effort made to establish his opposition to that institu- 
tion. That he possessed a life-long conviction that all men 
should be free is indisputably true; but if he did in fact, as 
here recorded, make this flatboat trip south at such an im- 
pressionable age (that of seventeen), and it is as clearly 
established as anything could well be, then it does become 
more or less valuable not only as furnishing him a more ex- 
tended view of the effects of slavery, but doubtless in no small 
measure served also as a preparation for the two later jour- 
neys south in more mature years ; thus enabling him to profit 
during the interval by meditation and reflection such as must 
have necessarily arisen on the occasion of the journey made in 
the earlier period of his life. 



20 Indiana Magazine of History 

In addition to the foregoing, the fact of Lincoln's having 
made this journey South should be told now since the earlier 
biographers have failed to record it, and the passing of all 
those who could supply data and subject matter precludes 
the possibility of any future historian being able to glean in 
a field which is of course now largely, if not wholly, barren. 

It should perhaps be stated in this connection that the 
writer found no authentic account of any definitely expressed 
convictions by Lincoln, covering this period, on the question 
of African slavery. However, James Gentry, when interro- 
gated as to this particular, exclaimed: "Why, Abe always 
was against slavery!" And then he added: "But Abe fol- 
lowed Henry Clay around wherever he'd go in mighty nigh 
everything, and old Harry's notions was responsible fer Abe 
a bein' so slow to send out his Emancipation Proclamation. 
Abe'd a done it long before he did, I reckon, if his head hadn't 
been so full of Henry Clay's notions." 

That Henry Clay was Lincoln's political ideal and pos- 
sessed marked influence upon him is true, and to no small 
extent justifies the conviction here expressed by his old boy- 
hood friend and associate. Lincoln, naturally conservative 
and of the Clay school in politics, not only saved the border 
States to the Union during the Civil war, but on the other 
hand was able sufficiently to modify his Clay notion of grad- 
ual emancipation to issue finally the Emancipation Procla- 
mation when it appeared to be warranted by military 
necessity. 



One-Fourth of Lincoln's Life Spent in Indiana 

"I tell uiy Tad that we will go hack to the farm 
where I was happier as a boy when I dug potatoes at 
twenty-five cents a day than I am now." 

Mention has been made of the fact that in many instances 
those who have undertaken the task of writing extensively 
concerning the life and character of Mr. Lincoln have pro- 
fessed to see comparatively little which appeared to justify 
special treatment beyond a few anecdotes and stories in the 
events of his career prior to his becoming a resident of Illi- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 21 

nois. It is strange indeed that in this day, when educators 
are calling attention particularly to the adolescent period of 
youth, that there has not been some effort beyond that hitherto 
attempted to note particularly this period in the life of our 
martyred President. 

The failure to do this, especially in more recent times, is 
doubtless attributable in part to the fact that those who have 
attempted to gather suitable data have generally made hasty 
journeys to this field, and meeting with comparatively little 
success, have yielded to the belief that this period was so 
elusive as not to warrant any extended effort. 

In view of the fact that Lincoln is so generally regarded 
as a model in the higher reaches of statesmanship, politics, 
and morals, and possessing as he did substantially all of the 
cardinal virtues, so that writers and speakers, both on the 
platform and in the pulpit, editors of magazines, the press, 
educators in the great universities, the schoolmaster in the 
"little red schoolhouse", and the plain people in the highways 
and about the firesides in millions of homes, are accustomed 
daily to recount his virtues, laud and magnify his name, 
therefore, if it can be shown with any degree of certainty 
that the formative years had much to do in shaping Mr. Lin- 
coln's unprecedented career, then it would appear that a 
somewhat extended investigation of this period of his life is 
not without considerable interest. Moreover, if these neg- 
lected years may be made to yield a fruitful harvest, tlien it 
is but just to the memory of Lincoln that this be done, espe- 
cially since he reached the heights of fame from a lower level 
than any other great character in history. 

The only great men in American history comparable to 
President Lincoln by reason of early disadvantages are Horace 
Greely, Henry Wilson and Benjamin Franklin. If in the 
judgment of some there be yet others, distinctively American, 
deemed worthy of such comparison, these named are at least 
representative. They were all born in a zone of alluring 
chance and opportunity as compared with Lincoln. Greely 
and Wilson were each within a three days' tramp of educa- 
tional centers, while Franklin was bom and lived in one. The 
beaten path of travel crossed their horizon. There was no 



22 Indiana Magazine of History 

lack of incentive and inspiring examples of patriotic men 
prominent in public affairs, while Lincoln's youth was far 
remote from any and all of those influences calculated to 
uplift and inspire, things usually deemed so essential in at- 
taining unto excellence. 

Lincoln's poverty, like Franklin's and Wilson's, was ex- 
ceedingly great, but was in his case more easily and content- 
edly endured than the more exacting thing of being deprived 
of a chance to quench his consuming thirst for knowledge. 
His youthful ambition to rise in the world was native, domi- 
nating and irresistible. Denied as he was the privileges of 
school, access to libraries, and the association of the educated 
and learned, it was left for him to demonstrate the possibility 
of going forth to conquer, unaided by artificial and external 
means, save a borrowed library of seven books and becoming 
as he did such a master of them as to enable him in turn to 
master men, cope with rising events and challenge the ad- 
miration of mankind. So great were his achievements and 
so enduring his fame that he staggers royalty on its road 
with burdens of oppression into soberness and justice, and 
provokes and inspires by his illustrious deeds along the path 
from the dust-covered floor of his wilderness cabin to the 
nation's capitol, the peasant's son to hope. The boy Lincoln 
needed no incentive to acquire knowledge. To know with him 
was from the first a passion. He did not wish so much for 
examples of what learning might accomplish or produce as 
he did for the necessary tools with which he might fashion 
the boy of his day-dreams — himself — into the man he really 
believed himself capable of becoming. 

He early learned to believe in himself, implicitly, trust- 
fully and overwhelmingly, and no one thing was more con- 
spicuous throughout his entire career than this, save perhaps 
his honesty. No President of the United States ever received 
more advice and listened to it more patiently than he, but no 
man who ever sat in the executive chair of the nation needed 
it less or used it more sparingly. This was characteristic of 
hmi as a youth. He gave a patient hearing to all and then 
followed his own counsel. He was quite self-contained and 
abundantly resourceful, accustomed as he was in youth, and 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 23 

later in his public career, to be much on the "stump", yet his 
caution was so great as to make him a rather poor extem- 
poraneous speaker. He must first think it over and then he 
was ready without fear or favor. He never doubted his ability 
to meet any emergency or master any task, and he cared but 
little for precedent, although he established more precedents 
than any other President in American history. He wrote his 
first inaugural address without consultation with anybody, 
and read this "as if he had been delivering inaugural ad- 
dresses all his life." He kept his own counsel. In mature 
years he rarely confided in his most intimate friends. He 
never did fully in any of them. In youth this trait was 
noticeable. He was diffident on occasions, and impressed all 
of his associates with the idea that what he said on any given 
subject was but little as compared to much that he could say. 
He never left any one in doubt, however, as to any position 
taken on any subject. From the day of his youthful opposi- 
tion to intemperance down to the "house divided against 
itself" speech, and the famous letter to Horace Greely wherein 
he stated that his "paramount object was to save the Union", 
he stood out in the open. He rescued politics from the charge 
of trickery and double-dealing and restored it to a place of 
honor, and if it has at any time since sunk down into the 
"mud and scum of things", it is no fault of his. 

What Lincoln purposed doing or saying in any given case 
he carried out to the letter. Where most others jumped at 
conclusions, he patiently reasoned his way, and when once 
reached no one could by any possibility, either by persuasion 
or force, move him. Mrs. Lincoln once said of him : "When 
he has made up his mind no one can change him." 

As a youth his obstinacy would have passed for stubborn- 
ness but for the manifest fairness and justness of the position 
taken. This, together with the fact that his sense of justice 
and honesty ever caused him to make amends for any mis- 
take in judgment which he made, caused him to be invariably 
chosen by his associates to adjudicate differences. 

Any boyhood quarrel leading to fight ended by Lincoln's 
opponent becoming his frind. He "got mad", but was a 
stranger to malice. When he said in a great state paper — 



24 Indiana Magazine of History 

his second Inaugural Address, — "with malice toward none, 
with charity for all," he was not voicing a thing learned dur- 
ing the terrible four years' war; he was but announcing to 
the world that his lifelong disposition to hold no malice, after 
having been tried in the fires of four years of civil war, had 
come out unchanged. Had General Andrew Jackson been 
in his stead and given utterance to such a sentiment, we would 
perhaps have deemed it so at variance with his accustomed 
manner as to call it hypocrisy. Jackson, however, would 
never have uttered this sentiment at the close of a great war 
for the preservation of the Federal Union. It may be doubted 
whether we have ever had any other President who would 
have done so. 

Young Lincoln had a fight with William Grigsby when six- 
teen years of age, and not only did they "make up" and be- 
come friends, but during the Civil war on one occasion when 
party spirit ran high, a man in Gentryville was freely indulg- 
ing in criticism of Lincoln and "Bill Grigsby hauled his coat 
off and made him take it back". The Lincoln critic was a 
local bully, and after the trouble, when Lincoln's honor had 
thus been saved by proxy, Grigsby exclaimed : "No man can 
talk about Abe around here unless he expects to take a 
lickin'." 

The great Lincoln lecturers, such as Bishop Charles Fow- 
ler, Vice-President Schuyler Colfax and Col. Henry Watter- 
son, listened to with attention and great profit by 
multitudes, always placed the emphasis upon other periods in 
Mr. Lincoln's life rather than upon the formative years. 
Indeed, it cannot escape the notice of the least observant that 
substantially all that has ever been said upon the platform 
concerning Mr. Lincoln's youth, especially as pertaining to 
or influencing in any way his public career, has been very 
largely confined to those years (the first seven) spent in 
Kentucky, the State of his birth. 

Some of his biographers, in desiring to have him secure 
the supposed benefits of a longer residence in his native State 
than it was his fortune to have, took some liberties with 
certain incidents transpiring at a later period and gave them 
a Kentucky setting. Two biographers at least distinctly as- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 25 

sert that Lincoln was called "honest Abe", while yet a resident 
of Kentucky; and some of them attribute to him the ability 
to read and write while a mere infant, making much of his 
schooling in that State, and otherwise making assertions that 
are incompatible with reliable testimony. 

The boy Lincoln learned to read quite young, and while 
yet a resident of Kentucky. He was, however, indebted to 
his mother for this rather than to Riney or Hazel, his two 
teachers there. The attendance at the Riney school was at the 
age of four, only for a very brief time, and he went simply 
to accompany his sister Sarah. He was seven years old when 
he attended the next term. Evidently he was greatly profited 
and made rapid progress during this session. 

Col. Henry Watterson in his great lecture on Lincoln, as 
well as in other public addresses where incidental reference 
to Lincoln is made, invariably speaks of him as the "great 
Kentuckian", making no mention whatever of that period in 
Mr. Lincoln's life spent in the State of Indiana. But as if 
fortifying himself against the possibility of this assertion 
being called in question, since the whole of that life save 
the first seven years was spent outside of Kentucky, he 
straightway asks : "For what was Springfield, Illinois, but a 
Kentucky colony?" 

In view of the foregoing logic, what would be the claim 
in behalf of Henry Clay, who was a bearded man from the 
State of Virginia when taking up his residence in Kentucky? 
And to use the interrogatory of Colonel Watterson, and apply 
it to Mr. Clay, we may ask: "For what was Kentucky but a 
Virginia colony?" Again in the case of Gen. Albert Sidney 
Johnston of New England lineage, that great military cap- 
tain who came so nearly planting the Stars and Bars on the 
banks of the Ohio river ; does it follow that he was a Puritan 
when his impressionable years of training were spent among 
Cavaliers? And yet again, because the last remaining mem- 
ber of the old school of brilliant editors, Col. Watterson him- 
self, honored as he is throughout the nation, and ever regarded 
as a truly great Kentuckian, because he himself happened to 
be bom elsewhere than in the State of Kentucky, does it in 
the least lessen the just claim to such distinguished consider- 



26 Indiana Magazine of History 

ation, since he like Mr. Clay is the very embodiment of all of 
those eminent traits bespeaking a Kentuckian? 

When the bill before the United States Senate proposing 
to appropriate $2,000,000 for the erection of a Greek memo- 
rial temple to the memory of Lincoln was under discussion, 
Senator Ollie James of Kentucky, in speaking in behalf of 
the measure and in opposition to the proposed substitute, 
that of erecting a memorial highway from Washington City 
to the battlefield of Gettysburg, spoke of Mr. Lincoln as "that 
great Kentuckian", and suggested that if it was deemed ad- 
visable to construct a Lincoln roadway anywhere, it would 
be more fitting to build one from Lincoln's birthplace in 
Kentucky to the State of Illinois. The presumption is that 
in that event this highway would pass through Indiana, al- 
though, as usual, no mention was made of that State. 

Ex-Presidents Roosevelt and Taft both visited the birth- 
place of Mr. Lincolln in official capacity, and both of them 
in addresses on those occasions did not fail to note the fact 
(and very properly so) that Mr. Lincoln was a Kentuckian 
by birth, but no mention was made of the fact that when 
Illinois received him he was a bearded man, and when Ken- 
tucky dismissed him he was a mere child, departing with 
little more than a memory of his native State. 

Colonel Roosevelt in particular spoke of Mr. Lincoln as 
"the great Kentuckian", and associated him with the Ken- 
tucky pioneers. Indeed, some of Mr. Lincoln's biographers 
have repeatedly denominated him as a Kentucky pioneer, 
whereas his parents were both Virginians ; and while he was 
born in Kentucky, in leaving that State while yet so young 
it cannot rightly be claimed that he was in any sense a Ken- 
tucky pioneer. As Colonel Roosevelt asserts, he was asso- 
ciated with these pioneers, although but very briefly and 
merely as a child. However, some of his Indiana neighbors 
were Kentuckians. 

A search through numerous addresses delivered on great 
public occasions, in lectures, periodicals and books reveals the 
unmistakable fact that but small space has been allotted to 
those years in the life of the great President spent in Indiana, 
but much has been said by the many concerning Mr. Lincoln's 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 27 

birthplace, and a labored effort made to account for his great- 
ness by the mere fact of his having had a Kentucky origin. 
The reasons for this are perhaps not difficult to ascertain, at 
least some of them. 

Kentucky had the proud distinction of early producing 
or adopting many great men. Being the gateway to the North 
through which the emigrant tides poured to the newer States 
and Territories, she took toll of these, often selecting the 
best, but not always. Being a slave State and fostering an 
institution that materially contributed to the creation of a 
regime generally prevailing over a large portion of the State, 
although not all, there was in consequence lodged with this 
favored class all the political power, as well as the intellec- 
tual, financial and social prestige. It was this class that was 
met with and spoken of, and being especially fortunate in her 
adoption of Henry Clay, the world without readily came to 
regard Clay, and such as he, as typifying Kentucky as a 
whole. 

Her mountaineers and poor whites did not at that time 
disturb averages as they now do. They were then content 
to enjoy their feudal fights. The currents of life swept around 
them. No John Fox, Jr., was at that period portraying their 
life and character, but whatever was said in song or story 
was of the other dominant and ruling class. So true was this 
that when Stephen Collins Foster from farther north looked 
in upon this scene he was induced to locate "The Old Ken- 
tucky Home" in the Blue Grass region with "darkies gay" 
and pickaninnies playing on the cabin floor. 

Indiana was not so fortunate in some particulars. During 
the pioneer period of her history, and therefore while Lincoln 
was a resident of that State, the term "Hoosier" was given to 
her citizens, a name at that time, and for a considerable 
period thereafter, conveying the idea of. whatever else it 
may, inferiority, boorishness in manners, deplorable ignorance 
and crudity; and thus the name was indicative of that some- 
thing bespeaking an inhabitant of a State whose community 
life was believed to be faithfully portrayed by Edward Eg- 
gleston in the Hoosier School Master. Although Eggleston 
perhaps never meant that his fictitious portraiture of the 



28 Indiana Magazine of History 

early pioneers was to be taken so seriously, but, fiction though 
it was, and portraying as it did the life and character of the 
pioneer type of that day, not only in the State of Indiana but 
throughout the Middle West as well, no matter of fact history 
was ever more faithfully and literally received. It is believed 
that in remote sections of our country there are those today 
who still hold to the ancient belief, and apply it to the present 
generation of Hoosiers. Therefore, for one seeking to eulo- 
gize a great character, and particularly such a one as Lincoln, 
deficient as he was in the training of the schools, certainly 
anything else but polished in the manners and customs 
peculiar to the older and more settled communities, and above 
all, one who apparently by nature was so democratic in his 
tastes and appetencies, there is small wonder that the earlier 
historians and eulogists (all of whom save one were from 
without the State) studiously avoided the Hoosier period in 
Mr. Lincoln's life, save that in tracing his itinerary they 
bridged these formative years spent among Hoosiers with a 
few incidents and anecdotes of more or less interest, and 
briefly noted the beginnings of his career, then passing on to 
the more active years of his manhood in the State of Illinois. 
At this late day when we are so far removed from those 
things once generally prevalent, when the title "Hoosier" has 
become quite as honorable as that borne by the citizens of 
any State in the Union, and more especially when we come to 
consider the life and services of such a world character as 
was Mr. Lincoln, some things may be justly asserted con- 
cerning the Hoosier period in his life with a reasonable expec- 
tation that adequate emphasis be allowed and it in conse- 
quence be placed in its proper relation. 

Three States, Kentucky, Indiana and Illinois, had to do 
in producing, rearing and offering to the world this great 
character. It is a distinguished honor that the State of Ken- 
tucky has in being able to point with pardonable pride to the 
spot that gave birth to our greatest American. This spot has 
been highly and very fittingly honored by the expenditure of 
a vast amount of money in the erection of a suitable memorial 
building. This has caused Presidents, congressmen, govern- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 29 

ors of States, and multitudes of the plain people to make 
pilgrimages there and thus pay homage to his memory. 

The prairie State of Illinois that twice offered Mr. Lincoln 
as her successful candidate for the presidency, and in whose 
soil his body now reposes beneath a costly and imposing 
monument, has just cause for pride. But if Kentucky gave 
Mr. Lincoln birth, it was as if she deemed that quite sufficient 
honor and speedily dismissed him at the tender age of seven 
to be received by the new State of Indiana with a pioneer's 
welcome. Here amid the heroic frontier hardships he reached 
his majority, spending fourteen years, or just one-fourth of 
his entire life on Indiana soil. 

In an address to an Indiana regiment of Civil war soldiers 
President Lincoln said: "I was born in Kentucky, raised in 
Indiana, and now live in Illinois." Since it is particularly 
with these years spent in Indiana with which we have to do, 
the inquiry is here made: What period in the life of any 
man is of as much interest or ordinarily calculated to influ- 
ence and shape the destiny as those years between seven and 
twenty-one? What happened during those formative years 
in Mr. Lincoln's life? Was his stay in Indiana a mere chance, 
one of the accidents in the fortune of a roving, nomadic 
father, or is there rather discerned a leading of Providence? 

It may not be inappropriate here to raise the question, 
would his career have been what it afterward became had he 
spent these formative years elsewhere, even in the State of 
Illinois ? Or, reversing the order of history, had he been born 
in Indiana, spending the first seven years there, removing to 
the State of Kentucky, remaining there until attaining his 
majority, and then going to Illinois as he did, would his career 
have been what it was? It is believed that certain influences 
would have produced marked changes in him, and so much 
so as to have prevented Lincoln from becoming the great anti- 
slavery advocate and leader. Moreover, it cannot be doubted 
that had he spent all of these fourteen formative years in 
Kentucky, even though born in Indiana, his greatness would 
have almost wholly been attributed to a residence and rearing 
among Kentucky pioneers, and the accident of his birth would 
have doubtless received somewhat less consideration than it 



30 Indiana Magazine of History 

has. Unquestionably, had Mr. Lincoln been reared elsewhere 
than in Indiana, particularly in a slave State, the plans and 
purposes of his life might have been hindered or defeated 
altogether. In raising such questions we are not wholly in a 
field purely conjectural. 

The Every-day Life of Lincoln 

I personally wisli Jacob Fieese, of New Jersey, appoiuted colonel of 
a colored regiment, and this regardless of whether he can tell the exact 
color of Julius Caesar's hair. 

Many people have from time to time expressed a desire to 
know somewhat more in detail concerning the "every-day life 
of Lincoln's youth ;" something as to his "manners, habits and 
customs ;" whether he "possessed vicious tendencies ;" whether 
he was "given to idleness or not," as has been alleged ; whether 
he was "of a quarrelsome nature," and many other things of 
this sort, so that some adequate idea might be formed as to 
just what extent, if any, there was a basis for supposing him 
at that time making any preparation, however unconsciously, 
for the unprecedented career that awaited him. 

A painstaking effort was made covering this field of in- 
quiry, and it is believed that these repeated interviews with his 
former associates elicited information which vv'ill aid in reach- 
ing conclusions as to the influence some things transpiring in 
his youth had in shaping his destiny. 

It should be stated first of all that Lincoln himself was 
accustomed to assert from his fifteenth year onward, in a sort 
of half jest, half earnest way, that "he didn't always expect to 
grub, dig and maul." When asked at such times what he ex- 
pected to do he invariably replied : "I'll do something and be 
somebody," and often closed by saying: "I'll be President, I 
reckon." If Lincoln possessed visions of a future altogether 
different from the ceaseless round of menial toil, which did not 
particularly promise to better his condition since he failed to 
receive remuneration commensurate thereto, his boyhood as- 
sociates in no single case asserted that they at any time antici- 
pated the great career of Mr. Lincoln. As we now look back 
upon Mr. Lincoln's career and witness his rise to fame, it ap- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 31 

pears so utterly at variance with all that is deemed essential to 
achieve greatness as to occasion momentary doubts of the 
truthfulness of history. Had he lived in an earlier age his life 
story would have speedily passed into romance and fiction. 

Contrary to the usual representation, a number of these 
boyhood friends, while not especially schooled, were quite well 
informed, and many of them had prospered until they pos- 
sessed at least passing wealth. No better citizen could be 
found anywhere than the Gentrys, Larmars, Halls, Forsythes, 
Brooners, and others. These men asserted that "Lincoln as a 
boy was jokey and lively, entering into all of their boyish 
sports heartily." These sports and games consisted of jump- 
ing half hammon (now called hop, step and jump), the broad 
jump, running, slap jack, town ball, stink base, wrestling, I 
spy, etc. 

On one occasion when quite a number of the young folks 
had gathered at the Lincoln cabin and were engaged in a game 
of "hide and go seek," Lincoln among them. Granny Hanks 
came to the door with a Bible in her hands, and calling to young 
Lincoln, said : "Abe, I want you to come in hyar and read a 
chapter for me out'n the Bible. I aint hearn it read fur a right 
smart spell." It should be stated that it is not certain just who 
this old lady was, but there was a lady called "Granny Hanks" 
who for a time at least, resided with the Lincolns. These 
pioneer neighbors of the Lincolns frequently alluded to her in 
conversation. No mention has ever been made of her by any 
of Mr. Lincoln's biographers, and it is quite immaterial for our 
purpose to establish the identity, save that there might arise 
the charge that this character was purely fictitious. That sub- 
stantially all of the immediate relatives of Nancy Hanks fol- 
lowed her to Indiana is the statement made by the Hankses 
themselves, and thus there need be no scruples as to the iden- 
tity of this particular lady. 

We are accustomed to believe that in those days respect 
on the part of young folks for old age was especially charac- 
teristic. At any rate, in this case Lincoln immediately quit the 
game when so requested and went into the house followed by 
all the rest of the young folks. The future humorist and wit, 
who read a chapter from Artemus Ward to members of his 



32 Indiana Magazine of History 

cabinet just before announcing his intention of publishing the 
Emancipation Proclamation, now gravely seated himself 
opposite the old lady and presently began thumbing the leaves 
of the book which had been handed to him in search of a suit- 
able chapter. The young people had crowded into the room, 
some being seated on the backless bench, some two or three on 
chairs, and a number were standing about the room. Presently 
the reader began a chapter, presumably in the Prophecy of 
Isaiah, but he had not read very far until he began making use 
of Bunyan's Pilgriyn's Progress and such other volumes as he 
was familiar with, all this time making solemn but ill- 
concealed sly observations as to just how this rendering was 
being received by Granny Hanks. After a number of 
verses ( ?) had been read the old lady's suspicion became 
aroused, and finally when the reader venturedto make a rather 
free translation she suddenly interrupted him by exclaiming : 
"Abe, I've hearn the Bible read a great many times in my life, 
but I never yit hearn them things in it afore." Lincoln, per- 
ceiving that he was fairly caught, threw off his make-believe 
solemnity and abandoned himself to guffaws of hearty 
laughter, at the same time lifting the book high above his head 
and occasionally striking his knees a resounding whack with 
the free hand. After indulging himself in this manner for a 
time and occasioning more or less merriment among the older 
boys and girls present, his laughter at length subsided and he 
remarked : "Granny, you caught me that time, didn't you?" He 
then began deliberately reading again, this time following the 
text. 

The character of Lincoln's humor, and his disposition to 
make free use of it at the least provocation by associating it, 
as in this instance, with the more serious things of life, were 
apparently prominent enough at an early period readily to 
account for some of the surprises produced in the minds of 
cabinet officers and others high in authority during the days 
of his occupancy of the White House. 

It is exceedingly difficult for those of this century and 
age of plenty, accustomed to the numerous conveniences of 
modern life, to appreciate adequately the social standing, self 
denial and lack of the many things once regarded as luxuries, 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 33 

but now considered as necessities and which in many instances 
are now to be had merely for a trifle. Moreover, the early set- 
tlers, particularly in Lincoln's day, had to contend with some 
things which their descendants are free from altogether. In 
addition to the afflictions peculiar to the pioneer period, as well 
as the danger of being exposed to wild animals, there were 
many annoyances to which the people were subjected. They 
had the mosquito without the modern conveniences of meeting 
his attacks ; the woods tick, still met with in certain sections ; 
burrs, such as the "stick tights," "Spanish needles," cockle and 
"beggar's lice ;" venomous serpents, such as the deadly rattlers 
and copper heads — the latter being, if not quite as venomous, 
certainly more treacherous — chiggers and numerous incon- 
veniences. In addition to the foregoing there were the body 
and head lice, particularly the latter. It was Lincoln's favorite 
poet. Burns, who wrote a poem "on seeing a louse on a lady's 
bonnet." Had the Scotch bard been a resident of this section 
in the early days, he would have had occasion to witness the 
"crawlin beastie" again and again, for no term of school ever 
closed without a siege by this species of vermin. 
Wesley Hall stated : 

One morning bright and earl.v Alie came to our home, nnd after being 
seated and asked by my mother in trae neighborly fasliion. "how .".re 
all the folks?" he replied: "They are all well, Mrs. Hall, but mother thinks 
the children have got the creepers, and she sent me over here this morn- 
ing to borny your line-tooth comb." When this information was imparted. 
Mrs. Hall threw up her hands and exclaimed : "My Lordy. Alio, d'ye reckon 
it's a fact?" Whereupon Abraham observed that "he reckoned they had. 
but not having a comb with teeth close enough together to ketch 'em, 
he had been dispatched on the hinit of one that would." 

The accommodating possessor of this household article 
brought it forth and knowing that her own children, and Wes- 
ley in particular, had been at play with the Lincoln children, she 
suddenly suggested the possibility of the "creepers" having 
found lodgment on the heads of the younger members of her 
own household and desiring to verify her supposition, she put 
it to the test by proceeding to comb the head of young Wesley 
and found abundant evidence to justify all of her suspicions. 
After young Hall had been subjected to this rigid examination. 



34 Indiana Magazine of History 

with Lincoln seated near, occasionally offering humorous re- 
marks, Mrs. Hall made bold to suggest the possibility of the 
"creepers" being upon Lincoln's head; whereupon he 
acquiesced to the effect that there was a possibility of this being 
true. Then Mrs. Hall further pointedly suggested that she be 
privileged to make examination, and Lincoln getting down on 
his knees before her and bending his head over, facing a news- 
paper spread out on the floor, it was not long before all con- 
cerned wei'e satisfied that the investigation was timely. 

Lincoln was given to indulging himself in the sport of 
fishing, coon and opossum hunting at nights, but found sport 
distasteful if he had to stalk a deer cautiously, approach a flock 
of turkeys or sit quietly on the bank of a stream without a 
companion. Such distaste grew out of the fact that it divorced 
him from his companions or necessitated refraining from con- 
versation. His enjoyment of the night-hunting was attributed 
to the fact that on such expeditions there was small need of 
refraining from hilarious conversation, and since it placed him 
in company of a goodly number of men and boys he engaged in 
this particular diversion quite frequently. His overmastering 
desire to be found in the company of others — the more, the 
better — led him to attend all social functions of the neighbor- 
hood such as weddings, corn-huskings, log-rollings and rais- 
ings. In fact, he could usually be found mingling with the 
crowd no matter what had called it together. His presence, 
therefore, on some of these occasions, was not due to any espe- 
cial interest in the things done, but because he loved the fellow- 
ship of men. He frequented all horse races held in the settle- 
ment, and if a fight between two "bullies" was scheduled, he 
was invariably present. These horse races, of course, were noth- 
ing more than a test of speed of "brag horses" in that and ad- 
joining neighborhoods, the owners having usually placed a bet 
and challenged one another to a test. They partook somewhat of 
the nature of Indian pony races rather than regular race 
track meets. The race was run on a straight-away, often a 
public road. Such gatherings afforded opportunity also to 
ascertain who was the champion "wrastler" and the best broad 
or half-hammon jumper. Foot races were indulged in; "town 
ball," "stink base," and "chicken" were played not only before 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 35 

and after the races, but on many other occasions where crowds 
were gathered. Horseshoe pitching, throwing a heavy maul 
as a shot put, lifting a dead weight — usually a boulder or log — 
and many other such things tested physical endurance and 
prowess. In all feats of strength Lincoln excelled, such as 
throwing the maul and wrestling. Being exceedingly awk- 
ward, his movements, while surprisingly quick, were ludicrous 
and provoked more or less merriment. Fistic encounters were 
quite common, but resort to the use of a weapon such as a 
knife or gun was exceedingly rare. Men bearing any grudge 
against each other, or taking umbi'age at any fancied slight or 
insult, would say: "I'll meet you Saturday at town and I'll 
settle with you there." Hence Saturday afternoon fights were 
numerous. Usually the fight was fair, that is, "no gouging or 
biting" was permitted and no interference on the part of the 
bystanders was suffered on penalty of a personal chastisement 
by a "backer." If the under man "hollered enough," that was 
usually satisfactory to both the victor and onlookers, but if in 
the heat of passion other punishment was still meted out, there 
was no lack of friends and sympathizers for the "under dog" 
in the fight, who speedily came to his rescue. Lincoln was 
much given to wrestling, but seldom fought. He was not 
averse to this, but his well-known strength for a youth — a 
minor — prevented diflficulties with men; and since he reached 
his gigantic stature of six feet, four inches, when sixteen years 
of age, and possessing great strength, he was "too big to fight 
a boy and too young to fight a man." It should not be inferred 
by any of these remarks that Lincoln was quarrelsome or usu- 
ally disposed to "pick a quarrel." Indeed, the very opposite 
was true of him, but in the phraseology of the day, "he alius 
toted his own skillet." When provoked and .jeered at by the 
uninitiated because of his awkward appearance, he received 
the banterings at first quite good naturedly, and his tormentors 
were easily led into the belief that he was a coward. When 
forbearance ceased to be a virtue, Lincoln stood up for his 
honor and invariably "thrashed" his assailant. 

Rothchild in Master of Men, in speaking of Lincoln during 
this period, said : "He was the shyest, most reticent, most un- 
couth and awkward appearing, homeliest and worst dressed of 



36 Indiana Magazine of History 

any in the entire crowd." This characterization in some par- 
ticulars is not in accordance with the facts as detailed by many 
of Lincoln's early friends. Young Lincoln was not shy of any- 
thing or any one, save that he manifested more or less uneasi- 
ness in the presence of ladies. This was certainly true of him 
while reading law at New Salem, Illinois, when it is related 
that he changed his boarding place because a number of strange 
ladies came there to take their meals. When called upon in 
Washington City to make an address before ladies, he stated 
that "he was not accustomed to the eulogy of women." Lin- 
coln was not reticent at any time in life, and no more during 
his youth than at a later period, but if by reticence it is aimed 
to show that he could keep his own counsel and otherwise pre- 
vent encroachment upon his reserve, then no youth nor adult 
was any more reticent than he. But as a youth "he was a 
talker," and an incessant one, although he was a good listener. 
He was not dictatorial or inclined to monopolize conversation, 
but so incessant a talker was he that he was charged, and 
doubtless justly so, by his associates as being "vain about hear- 
ing his own voice." However, it should be said that this alle- 
gation was made, having in view his habit of "preaching" or 
"stump speaking." 

Major John Hay, his private secretary, asserted that Lin- 
coln's intellectual arrogance and unconscious assumption of 
superiority was the one thing that such men as Senator Sum- 
ner and Governor Chase could never forgive. Secretary 
Seward, that astute politician and sage of Auburn, after three 
months of the untried Lincoln in the White House, wrote his 
wife that "the President is more than a match for us all." 

When Mrs. Lincoln early in the administration said to her 
husband that certain politicians were asserting that Secretary 
Seward would "run things," Lincoln calmly remarked : 

1 may not rule myself, but certainly Seward shall not. The only 
ruler 1 have is my conscience, following God in it. and these men will 
have to leani that yet. 

Lincoln had a becoming respect for age — provided age set 
the example. A lady whom Lincoln had occasionally called on 
and accompanied to social gatherings, said : 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 37 

One eveuin' Abe and me wus standiu' out in the yard at our house a 
talkin', and we heard a clatter of horses' hoofs comin' up the road that 
run past the house, and purty soon we seen who it was. It was a neigh- 
bor that wus always braggin' about his horses, a elaimin' he had the fastest 
horse in all the country 'round, and he had a proud way of ridiu' just to 
show off. So as I say, up he come, like as if he wus going after a doctor, 
and when he got opposite to us he stopped and begun as usual to brag 
.about his horse, sayin' among other things that he could ride him in a lope 
all the way to Boonville and he'd never even draw a long breath, and a 
whole lot more things like that. Abe stood there and "peared to listen to 
him like if 'twas the first time he'd ever heard him tell them things, and 
then when he finally got through Abe up and says: "I've heard you say 
that time and agin. In fact your always a braggin" on what you've got 
and what you c'n do or a goin' to do. Now suppose jest for once in your 
life you quit your braggin' and blowin' around and really do something. 
Strike out for Boonville, and when you git there, take a right good look 
and see if your brag horse aint fetchin' some mighty short breaths." 

As to Lincoln's being "the -worst dressed youth in the 
crowd," that is an overdra"wn statement, for they "were all 
dressed about as nearly alike as coon skin caps, hunting shirts 
or a blouse and buckskin breeches could make them. If there 
was any difference, it would be in Lincoln's favor on the score 
of cleanliness, for his mother frequently commented upon the 
fact of his being so careful with his clothing, and certainly no 
better evidence could be desired in such a matter than that of a 
mother. If the assertion that he was the worst dressed one in 
the crowd should be from the tailor's point of view, then there 
need be no difference of opinion concerning it. He appears to 
have always had more or less difficulty in obtaining garments 
large enough. His trousers were usually from five to twelve 
inches too short, and since he almost invariably wore moccasins 
or low topped shoes, there was an unprotected area between the 
ankle and the knee that was quite large. Lincoln himself, in 
speaking of this when accused of being associated with the 
well-to-do and prosperous, said that this part of his anatomy 
"had been exposed to the elements for so long that his shin 
bone was permanently blue"; and he submitted that "there 
was nothing about the circumstance indicating aristocracy." 

As has been clearly indicated, Lincoln was often selected 
by the uninitiated as a target for sport, and his good nature 
was frequently regarded as an indication of cowardice. On one 



38 Indiana Magazine of History 

occasion he was attacked as he stood near a tree, by a larger 
boy with a crowd of others at his back. It was supposed, of 
course, that the big awkward boy would run when the charge 
was made, but not so. Instead, Lincoln quickly laid out the 
first, second and third boy in rapid succession, and then placing 
his back against a tree, he turned tormentor, daring the re- 
mainder to make any further demonstration, and when they 
elected not to do so he taunted them for being cowards. 

There was at least one instance when Lincoln yielded to the 
temptation to deviate from his accustomed fairness, yet it 
would appear that there was some extenuation in the matter. 
Colonel Lamon, in his biography of Lincoln, relates what pur- 
ports to be the correct version of this circumstance, but that 
there are some statements in it wholly incompatible with the 
general deportment of Lincoln, as well as in the subject matter 
itself, is the assertion of a number of eye witnesses of the 
affair. Wesley Hall, James Gentry, Redmond Grigsby and 
Joseph Gentry were all living at the time that this incident was 
investigated by the writer. They were all present when the 
incident took place and were much given to relating this cir- 
cumstance and for some cause reverted to it more frequently 
than any other that came under their observation during the 
early life of Lincoln. 

A crowd of boys and young men had gathered, for no 
particular purpose, when Lincoln and William Grigsby, after a 
time, got into a dispute over the ownership of a certain spotted 
pup. Each alleged that a neighbor had promised to make him 
a present of this particular pup. The dispute finally assumed 
the proportions of a quarrel. Grigsby stepped squarely in 
front of Lincoln and angrily dared him to fight. Whereupon 
Lincoln said : "Bill, you know I can lick you, so what's the use 
of you making such a proposition?" Grigsby, whom it was 
generally asserted feared no man and was a great fighter, re- 
plied : "I know you c'n whip me, but I'll fight you for the dog 
jest the same." Finally Lincoln said: "I'll tell you what I'll do. 
Bill. Although I know that pup belongs to me, and you know it 
too, I'm willing to put up John Johnson here in my place. He's 
more your size, and whichever whips gets the pup." This was 
readily agreed to by Grigsby, and "hauling their coats off as 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 39 

the boys formed a circle, they began the fight." They had not 
fought long until it became evident to all, and to Lincoln in 
particular, that Grigsby was having the best of the argument. 
Suddenly, without any warning, Lincoln stepped into the ring, 
seized Grigsby by the collar and trousers and bodily hurled him 
over the heads of the crowd. He then "dared the entire Grigs- 
by crowd to come into him." There being no disposition to do 
so, Lincoln's anger subsided quickly and presently he was 
laughing and joking. 

Hall and the Gentry brothers asserted that "Abe always 
acted fair," and they couldn't understand at first why he should 
interfere as he did in this instance, until it was ascei'tained 
subsequently that the pup had in fact been given to Lincoln, 
and Grigsby knowing this, had conceivedthis plan of obtaining 
it. Both of the Gentrj^s and Hall stated that this altercation 
took place on the exact site of the railroad depot at Lincoln 
City, which stands one hundred and fifty yards west of the 
Lincoln cabin site. 

The assertion of Mr. Lamon in this instance, as well as in 
others, that "Lincoln drew forth a whiskey bottle and waived it 
dramatically above his head" on the defeat of Grisby, or that 
he "was accustomed to take his dram," and such other similar 
statements, is not at all in accordance with anj^ of the testi- 
mony given by Lincoln's early friends. They expressly stated 
that no such thing transpired during this fight as Lincoln ex- 
hibiting a bottle of whiskey, but they were unanimous in stat- 
ing that Lincoln never at any time so much as tasted intoxicat- 
ing liquor of any sort, nor did he use tobacco, either in chewing 
or smoking. 

It was this same William Grigsby who later became such 
a warm friend of Lincoln that he offered during the Civil War 
to whip any man in Gentryville who was disposed to speak dis- 
paragingly of his old friend, "Abe Linkern." Amos Grigsby, 
brother of William, a short while after the fight, married Sarah 
Lincoln, sister of Abraham. At this time she was eighteen 
years of age and her brother was sixteen. While they were 
very much attached to one another, the Grigsbys did not like 
young Lincoln by reason of the affair with William, and the 
wedding was arranged to take place in the two-story log house 



40 Indiana Magazine of History 

of the groom's father. In fact, there was to be a double wed- 
ding since one of the Grigsby girls was to be married at the 
same time. Young Lincoln was not privileged to be present 
and witness the marriage of his only sister in consequence of 
the trouble aforementioned. Lincoln meditated revenge for 
this slight in a manner quite unusual indeed and unheard of in 
this section. It was as follows : 

Lincoln quietly sought an interview with a young man 
who he knew was an invited guest at the double wedding and 
requested that he do him a favor. "Certainly, Abe, I'll do 
anything for you. What is it?" "Well, you know I'm not to 
be at that wedding. It seems they don't care to have me around 
for some reason or other, and I've picked on you to look things 
over and somehow manage to do the honors of conducting the 
grooms to the bridal chamber." Careful and detailed instruc- 
tion was given as to diplomatic procedure so that suspicions 
might not be aroused on the part of any. It appeared that these 
were carried out to the letter and worked admirably. When, 
according to the pioneer custom, the grooms were escorted up 
the perpendicular sassafras ladder in one corner of the room, 
which led up through a "scuttle hole" in the ceiling to the now 
darkened bridal chamber on the second floor, there resulted 
more or less confusion for a time in ascertaining identity just 
as Lincoln had planned. 

Lincoln, considering this a clever practical joke, wrote an 
account of the affair in verse, calling the poem "The Chron- 
icles." These verses as recited by Lincoln on the least provoca- 
tion to all who would give him audience, gave the Grigsbys 
great offense. When Lincoln ascertained that they were ag- 
grieved, he went to the Grigsby home and disclaimed having 
any purpose whatever of casting any aspersion upon their char- 
acter or good name, stating that he only purposed having some 
fun. He closed by turning over to them the original manuscript 
containing the objectionable Chronicles, accompanying this ac- 
tion with the promise that so far as he was concerned nothing 
more would be said concerning them, a promise that he faith- 
fully kept. This generosity of character so appealed to the 
offended Grigsbys that they all became his friends. 

As a sequel to this incident, it may be stated that James 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 41 

Gentry, when some reference was made by the writer to the 
"Chronicles of Reuben," laughed uproariously, and straightway 
began reciting certain portions of "Abe's poetry" in great glee. 
Gentry stated that "when Abe wrote his Chronicles they kicked 
up a big hulla-ba-loo, but finally it all got quiet when Abe 
handed them over to the Grigsbys." 

Redmond Grigsby was yet living at the time of the inter- 
view with Gentry, and in the course of Mr. Gentry's remarks 
he incidentally mentioned the fact that only the day before this 
he had met Grigsby and "they fell to talking about this double 
wedding and the Chronicles in particular." Gentry remarked 
to Grigsby : "Red, everybody's dead now but you, by gum ! I'd 
let 'em come out." (Meaning the publication of the Chron- 
icles.) But Mr. Grigsby said: "Jim, there's plenty time fer 
that yet." It would appear from this remark that the original 
document was in the possession of Redmond Grigsby, a brother 
of Aaron. Mr. Grigsby died a short while after this, and what 
became of the Chronicles, if he did in fact have them in his 
possession, is not known. 

LINCOLN'S HONESTY AND TRUTHFULNESS 

With malice toward none, witli cliarity for all, witii flrmuess in the 
right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on in the work we are 
in, to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne 
the battle, and for his widow and his orphan ; to do all which may achieve 
and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations. 

All of the discussions of Lincoln's life make pointed refer- 
ence to his uncompromising honesty and truthfulness. So 
prominent were these traits in his character as to induce his 
friends to denominate him "Honest Abe" while he was quite 
young. 

Unfortunately, most of the emphasis has been so placed as 
to leave the impression upon the minds of our youth that Lin- 
coln learned honesty some time after reaching maturity ; leav- 
ing the implication that either this trait was not noticed during 
his youth ; or, if so, no reliable and trustworthy evidence of it 
was obtained, justifying specific mention of it at any length. 
This attitude is not only unjustifiable, judging by the facts and 



42 Indiana Magazine of History 

evidence testified to by his boyhood associates, but it is quite at 
variance with all the generally accepted standards and theories 
of life governing such matters. 

It is, of course, not charged that dishonesty characterized 
Mr. Lincoln's youth save in the single accusation made by some 
of the earlier biographers against him in recounting the advice 
given his flatboat partner, Allen Gentry, to pass counterfeit 
money for genuine money. When all the circumstances con- 
nected w^ith this transaction are knowTi, the inference and im- 
plication of doubtful honesty proves to be groundless. 

In the days when Lincoln and Gentry made their cele- 
brated flatboat trip down the Mississippi river "wildcat" money 
was quite as common as any other, particularly along the Ohio 
and Mississippi rivers. Wildcat money was so frequently 
offered in payment in the smaller transactions at that time that 
it occasioned no more comment or concern than the depreciated 
"trade dollar," Canadian quarter or dime did later in this sec- 
tion. Thus, when Lincoln advised the passing of wildcat money 
received in the course of their bartering during the day, he was 
but following the custom practiced by the people of that time. 

There never was any occasion for a revolution in Mr. 
Lincoln's character or a deviation in any particular from his 
youthful customs, as he did not at any time practice deception 
or dishonesty. It may be said that whatever he may have 
learned or acquired in the State of Illinois, certainly honesty 
was not learned there. If his associates in that State, noting 
his steadfast adherence to the old-fashioned trait of honesty, 
denominated him "Honest Abe," it is but an indication that 
his early training in the Indiana wilderness was so rooted and 
grounded in him that he could not only withstand the social, 
business and political temptations of life in Illinois as to chal- 
lenge their admiration ; but the inference is that he was much 
unlike most, if not all, other men in public life at that time. 

Most men of mature years draw heavily upon the teach- 
ings of childhood and youth. To put it in a way calculated to 
meet with general acceptance, what a man becomes in morals 
and in the practice of the great principles of honesty and truth- 
fulness is largely determined in childhood and young manhood. 
Never were these teachings better exemplified than in the life 
of Abraham Lincoln. 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 43 

When Lincoln, a bearded man, walked down Sangamon 
river bottom, Illinois, for the first time, his character was 
already formed. He brought with him from Indiana his rare 
wit, humor and inexhaustible fund of anecdotes. He possessed 
no bad habits. His school days were over. It is true that he 
took a post-graduate course in Shakespeare and Burns, and 
when John Calhoun, of Lecompton fame, ofi'ered him the posi- 
tion as assistant surveyor, this graduate of the Indiana wilder- 
ness, fresh from his reading of the classics — the King James 
version of the Bible, Aesop's Fables, Lives of Franklin and 
Washington — reported to Calhoun in just six weeks for duty, 
having mastered this science in that incredibly short time, to 
the astonishment of his benefactor. 

One of Lincoln's teachers in Indiana was a man by the 
name of Crawford. Lincoln was in his fourteenth year while 
in attendance upon this particular term. On one occasion the 
teacher observed that some liberties had been taken with the 
pair of antlers over the door of the school room, one prong 
having been broken, and on making this discovery he straight- 
way instituted an inquiry to find the guilty culprit. Lincoln, 
being quite tall and seeing this prong presenting a temptation 
to swing upon it, yielded, with the result that the prong failed 
to support his weight and fell to the ground. When the irate 
teacher asked who was guilty, Lincoln stepped forth and 
quickly volunteered the information : 

I did. sir. I did not mean to do it. but I hung on it and it brolte. I 
wouldn't have done it if I'd a thought it'd a broke. 

It is not at all necessary to suppose in attempting to show 
the honesty and truthfulness of Lincoln that there were no 
others in the school at that time who would have done as he 
did under similar circumstances. Indeed, in every little school- 
house of the land today there are those who would do this, but 
since this circumstance did transpire as here related it is im- 
portant in that it sets forth the inherent trait at such a period 
in his life. 

One of the neighbors of the Lincolns was Josiah Crawford, 
for whom young Abraham often worked as a "hired man" and 
his sister Sarah worked as "hired girl." "Old Cy Crawford," 



44 Indiana Magazine of History 

as he was usually called, was more or less given to certain 
peculiarities, being quite presumptuous and so penurious as to 
be called "tight" or "close" by his neighbors, but withal possess- 
ing many splendid traits. He was not an educated man, but 
being what was called "handy," he was able to do almost any- 
thing. He was a pioneer doctor and dentist, and in addition 
he was a farmer. In this latter capacity he frequently em- 
ployed young Lincoln. 

Crawford possessed a small library which, to some ex- 
tent, accounted for whatever superiority he had over some 
of his neighbors. Lincoln borrowed all of these books, reading 
and re-reading some of them, one being Weem's Life of Wash- 
ington. It was the custom of Lincoln to carry a book with him 
in the fields or in the "clearing," and this practice was not dis- 
pensed with even when laboring for a neighbor. At every op- 
portunity, whether at the noon hour or rest, or permitting a 
"horse to breathe," he brought forth the book to read. 

John Hanks, who lived with the Lincolns from 1823 to 
1827, said, as recounted by Mr. Herndon : 

WTien Abe and I returned to the house from work he would go to the 
cupboard, snatch a piece of corubread and sit down and read. Wo grubbed, 
plowed, mowed and worljed together barefooted in the fields. Whenever 
Abe had a chance in the field while at work, or at the house, he would 
stop and read. He kept the Bible and Aesop's FaWcs always in reach and 
read them over and over again. 

He kept up his daily custom of carrying a book with him 
and reading as he walked, as well as reading until a late hour 
at night, until established in the practice of his profession. 
During his boyhood on securing a new book he frequently read 
until midnight. His artificial light for this purpose was made 
by gathering dry sticks and splinters and piling them beside 
the jambs so that when the fire died down he freely laid some 
of this tinder on the forestic and thus managed to read quite 
well. One night after having obtained the aforementioned 
copy of the Life of Washington from Crawford he read until 
quite late, and on retiring to the loft he laid the book between 
two of the logs — the "chinkin and daubin had worn away." 
While he was wrapped in sleep a rain storm came and greatly 
damaged the leaves and warped the cover. On making this dis- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 45 

covery the following morning Lincoln was mortified, and realiz- 
ing the scarcity of books and keenly appreciating their value, 
he very naturally supposed that Mr. Crawford would be "put 
out" about it. Nevertheless, he took the damaged treasure 
home and related somewhat in detail the circumstances of the 
night before, proposing to do whatever the owner thought was 
right and proper to make amends for his carelessness. Mr. 
Crawford was not averse to driving a bargain, for it was his 
custom with Lincoln "to dock him" when he failed to begin his 
day's labor early enough or for any cause lost any time. In 
this instance he proposed that Lincoln "pull fodder for three 
days and they would call matters even." Lincoln entered no 
protest at the time and energetically went to work. In relating 
this circumstance to a gentleman in Rockport afterward, he 
stated : 

At the close of the secoud day luy loug arms had stripped every blade 
oft' old Blue Nose's corn, and I reckon Cy ought to be satisfied ; at any 
rate I aru, but I think he was pretty hard on me. 

We are indebted to Silas G. Pratt for an incident illustra- 
tive of Lincoln's mingled goodness, truthfulness and honesty : 

One morning when Lincoln, with his ax over his shoulder, was going 
to work in the clearing, his step sister, Matilda Johnson, who had been 
forbidden by her mother to follow him, slyly and unknown to her mother 
crept out of the house and ran after him. Lincoln was already a long 
distance from the house among the trees following a deer path and whist- 
ling as he walked along. He, of course, did not know the girl was coming 
after him, and Matilda ran so softly that she made no noise to attract 
his attention. When she came up close behind, she made a quick spring 
and Jumped upon his shoulders, holding on with both hands and pressing 
her knees into his back, thus pulling him quickly to the ground. In falling 
the sharp ax fell and cut her ankle very badly. As the blood ran out 
the mischievous Matilda screamed with pain. Lincoln at once tore off 
some cloth from the lining of his coat to stop the blood from flowing, 
and bound up the wound as well as he could. Taking a long breath he 
said: "Tilda, I am astonished. How could you disobey your mother so?" 
Tilda only cried in reply, and Lincoln continued: "What are you going to 
tell mother about getting hurtV" "Tell her I did it with the ax," she 
sobbed. "That will be the truth, won't it?" To which Lincoln replied 
manfully: "Tes. that's the truth; but it's not all the truth. You tell the 
whole truth, Tilda, and trust your good mother for the rest." So Tilda 
went limping home and told her mother all the truth. The good woman 
felt so sorry for her that she did not even scold her. 



46 Indiana Magazine of History 

If, in speaking of honesty, we may make the term so 
broad as to include not only right dealings in mere money or 
business transactions, but fair-mindedness and an implied pur- 
pose and intentional disposition to be such under trying circum- 
stances, there is much that may be said illustrative of the fact 
that Lincoln's life was the embodiment of truth and fair- 
dealing. The boyhood associates of Lincoln stated that his 
word was always considered good and that he could be de- 
pended upon to do what he agreed to do. He was generally 
trusted by his neighbors, and if necessity seemed to justify his 
asking credit, as was sometimes the case, this was granted. 

It was pretty generally conceded, however, by the old 
neighbors of Lincoln and others who had personal acquaintance 
with members of the family concerned in one transaction, that 
there was one noted exception to the rule. The town of Gentry- 
ville was laid out by Mr. Gentry in the year 1824. Gentry was 
a North Carolinian who settled in this section in the year 1818, 
some two years after the coming of the Lincolns. He was a 
man of some means for that day, as evidenced in his entering 
twelve hundred acres of land and founding the town. He estab- 
lished a store, encouraged the purchasing of lots and the erec- 
tion of houses, and offered certain inducements to artisans and 
trade-folks so that in a short while the little place became some- 
what of a commercial center. Among those who had estab- 
lished themselves in business there was a certain Mr. Jones. 
On his proving to be prosperous and otherwise possessing ad- 
vantages over Gentry, overtures were made to him and he ac- 
cordingly disposed of his business to Gentry. In a short while 
thereafter he embarked in business again, locating this time a 
little distance from Gentryville, but near enough to cause the 
trade to follow him. On perceiving that the future of the town 
site was in jeopardy, Gentry proposed to Jones to move again 
to Gentryville. This he did, and it was his store that Lincoln 
frequented on Saturdays, rainy days and in the evenings. 
Jones was a man of large influence, politically and otherwise. 
He early professed a great liking for young Lincoln and freely 
prophesied on more than one occasion that Lincoln would yet 
be heard from in the world. He was thought to be rather ex- 
travagant in some of his assertions and prophesies, however. 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 47 

and there is little wonder that the citizens should so think when 
they heard him venture to assert repeatedly that "Lincoln 
would some day be President of the United States." Jones was 
a man somewhat after the type of Denton Offut, the store- 
keeper with whom Lincoln was associated a few years later in 
Illinois. In fact, it appears that Lincoln's habit of frequenting 
these small stores invariably impressed himself so strongly 
upon the owners as to cause them to employ him. Lincoln 
drove a team for Jones, packed and unpacked boxes of goods, 
butchered and salted pork and at certain times performed some 
of the more menial services in the store proper such as the 
transfer of heavy and cumbersome wares from the cellar to the 
main floor. These labors, however, were not continuous, but 
merely occasional for a nominal sum as a wage — thirty cents 
per day being the usual price. Jones was regarded as some- 
what of a politician, and was a pronounced Jackson Democrat. 
At one time he was the only subscriber to the Louisville 
Journal in this place, and Lincoln availed himself of the privi- 
lege of reading it aloud — a habit which became fixed in him as 
in many another who was brought up in what was termed 
"blab schools," where every scholar studied his lesson by read- 
ing aloud during "books." 

In later life Lincoln's practice was to read aloud, and he 
had difficulty in grasping the meaning of the printed page un- 
less his ears heard as well as his eyes saw. 

The fact that young Lincoln became a "Jackson man" was 
largely due to the association and influence of storekeeper 
Jones, and it was from this man that he obtained the History 
of the United States, one of the few books that had so much to 
do in shaping his career. Just before the Lincolns left for Illi- 
nois and a short while prior to Lincoln's reaching his majority, 
he was in the store observing an extraordinarily large pair of 
shoes. They were so large as to cause him to think that they 
would "fit him," and being greatly in need of footwear he 
asked the privilege of trying them on. This, of course, was 
granted, and Lincoln found that they were just his size. He 
thereupon indicated his desire to purchase them, but stated 
that he did not have the money then and would not have it until 
a date which he specified. The storekeeper shook his head and 
refused the young man the desired credit. 



48 Indiana Magazine of History 

Years went by and Lincoln was to be inaugurated Presi- 
dent. Very naturally some of his Gentryville friends were de- 
sirous of witnessing these ceremonies, and a little party of five 
made the journey to Washington, among them being Jones, the 
storekeeper. No opportunity readily presenting itself to meet 
their old friend until after the inaugural ceremonies were over, 
they resolved to get in line and meet him at the general recep- 
tion tendered. This suggestion was acted upon, and by a mere 
chance, not at all by design, the storekeeper Jones came last. 
As tlie first man of the little group approached, Lincoln, 
straightway recognizing him, greeted him with a beaming 
countenance, grasping the proffered hand in both of his and 
saying : "Howdy, Jim." He readily recognized each one as they 
approached, giving them a very cordial greeting, but when 
Jones approached he was greeted with silence, although Lin- 
coln shook hands with him. The storekeeper going on the sup- 
position that he was not recognized, exclaimed : "Mr. President, 
I'm from Gentryville also. My name is Jones. I reckon you 
don't remember me." Whereupon Lincoln inclined his body 
forward until his face was on the same level with the face of 
Jones, and whispered in the ear of his old friend : "0 yes, Mr. 
Jones, I remember you very well, and I remember that shoe 
transaction also," smiling and otherwise giving him evidence 
of his old-time friendship. It is but just to say that a portion 
of this story was denied by Jones who said that he never re- 
fused Lincoln the shoes, but that they were turned over to him 
when Lincoln asked for credit. The supposition is that, on 
seeing his old friend approaching him, Lincoln hit upon this 
plan to have a bit of his old-time sport even if the occasion was 
an inaugural reception. The story, however, as here recorded, 
received general credence by the old friends of Lincoln, and 
that it took place substantially as here detailed is doubtless 
true. 

"Nat" Grigsby and the storekeeper Jones later on during 
the Lincoln administration called on the President at the White 
House. We have the best authority for stating the fact, the 
occasion and the ludicrous results of that visit — the testimony 
of both Grigsby and Jones themselves. "Nat" Grigsby and 
"Blue Nose" Crawford had been caricatured by Lincoln in some 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 49 

of his doggerel poetry called the "Chronicles of Reuben." 
Grigsby, long afterward, confessed that at the time this occa- 
sioned considerable feeling on his part against Abe, but after a 
time all was forgotten. That this was true and that Mr. Lin- 
coln thought quite well of Grigsby is evidenced by a circum- 
stance that transpired on the occasion of Lincoln's visit to 
Gentryville during the campaign of 1844. Lincoln made 
speeches both at Gentryville and at Carter's schoolhouse. It 
was at the latter place that Lincoln, in the midst of his address, 
recognizing Mr. Grigsby who came in late, exclaimed : "There's 
Nat." Whereupon he quit tlie speech and platform and went 
back to greet his old friend with the old-time warmth and boy- 
ish enthusiasm, then returned to the front to continue his 
speech. Whether it was this circumstance, or the numerous 
other evidences of Lincoln's partiality for him that induced 
him to believe Lincoln, as President, could and would appoint 
him to some federal position, it is immaterial for our purpose. 
At any rate, Grigsby was fully persuaded that he was amply 
competent to serve in some capacity (and he was a man of 
some ability) . He very naturally presumed upon the old-time 
friendship of Lincoln, and accordingly called upon Jones and 
proposed that he accompany him to Washington on a similar 
mission in his own behalf. This met with hearty approval on 
the part of Jones, and preparations were made for the journey. 
They resolved to see the President in person rather than to 
make formal application for a place in some other way. At 
length the two old neighbors of the President appeared at the 
White House. Lincoln, being apprised of their presence, 
although many were in waiting, stepped into the room in which 
they were seated and greeted them quite as if he had met them 
at Carter's schoolhouse or Baldwin's blacksmith shop in Gen- 
tryville. Unmindful of who might chance to be in the room or 
what might be the construction placed upon his democratic 
demeanor, he said: "Howdy, Nat," and "Howdy, Bill," and 
otherwise by word and greeting conducted himself much as if 
he were oblivious of the fact that he was President of the 
United States. 

Lincoln was never justly, at any time, accused of being 
hypocritical, but that he could act the part well calculated to 



50 Indiana Magazine of History 

carry out his purpose is much in evidence in this as in other 
instances. Major John Hay asserted that Lincoln "was a trim- 
mer the equal of Halifax, but he never trimmed his principles." 
There is discerned in this little circumstance with his boyhood 
associates an ability to manage men and deal with difficult 
situations in a way quite characteristic of him. After the 
warm greeting and hand-shaking with his old friends, accom- 
panied by such familiarities as "the laying on of hands," and 
other evidences of appreciation of their visit, he requested that 
they both accompany him to an adjoining room. Going on the 
supposition that they were being taken to his private office 
where they could have the opportunity of presenting their 
claims, they quickly followed him, and were ushered into a 
large room where Mrs. Lincoln sat. Neither of them having 
ever met Mrs. Lincoln, they were accordingly introduced by the 
President, and at the same time dismissed or disposed of as 
follows: "Mrs. Lincoln, here are two of my boyhood friends 
from Gentryville, Indiana, Mr. Grigsby and Mr. Jones." 
Whether just at this point there was a sly wink, or some other 
signal known only to the secret code of the President's family, 
is, of course, purely in the realm of conjecture, but the pre- 
ponderance of evidence is much in its favor, for he straightway 
said after the formal introduction : 

Jlai'}', yon know I'm pestered and bothered continually by people 
coming here on the score of old acquaintance, as almost all of them have 
au ax to grind. They go on the theory that I've got offices to dispense 
with so numerous that I can give each one of them a place. Now here 
are two friends that have come to pay me a visit just because they are my 
friends, and haven't come to ask for any office or place. It is a relief to 
have this experience. You kuow the room's full of folks out here 
(pointing) waiting to see me about something or other, and I want you 
to see that "Xat" and "Bill" here have a gootl time while they are with 
us." 

After the first Lady of the Land had given her promise to 
do as requested, Lincoln returned to his labors. It is not pos- 
sible to know whether the President went to his private office 
and sought relief by giving way to unrestrained laughter or 
not, but he doubtless consoled himself with the fact that if in 
the field of diplomacy matters of great moment could always 
be disposed of as readily as was true in this particular instance, 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 51 

he had reason to regard himself equal to any exigency that 
might arise. The two office-seekers, accustomed only to the 
dames and damsels of Gentryville, gowned in linsey-wolsey, 
and whose colloquial speech was quite their own, were suddenly 
found in the presence of a "fine lady," and there is no occasion 
for surprise when they asserted that both of them heartily 
agreed that discretion was the better part of valor and they 
accordingly beat a hasty retreat, returning to Indiana without 
so much as mentioning the real object of their visit to the Capi- 
tal. When twitted about their failure by some of their neigh- 
bors, they both confessed that "Abe was too much for them," 
and especially after he had said what he did to Mrs. Lincoln 
about his old friends asking for office. 

LINCOLN'S FREEDOM FROM BAD HABITS 

In it we sliiill And a stronger bondage broken, a viler slavery manu- 
mitted, a greater tyrant deposed; and when tliere shall be neither a 
slave upr a drunkard on earth, how proud the title of that land which 
may truly claim to be the birthplace and cradle of both those revolutions 
that have ended in victory. 

Lincoln as a youth was remarably free from bad or vicious 
habits. He was in general good favor with all of his associates 
and was dutiful and obedient to his father and mother. His 
temperamental makeup was such as to win friends and to hold 
them. He, as has already been indicated, never at any time in 
his boyhood, used intoxicating liquors, although this custom 
was generally prevalent. Since Lincoln's habit was to frequent 
the grocery store in Gentryville in company with Dennis 
Hanks, where much drinking was indulged in, his refusal to 
drink intoxicants is somewhat remarkable. He professed to 
have a distaste for intoxicants of all sorts, and also abstained 
as a matter of principle. In later life he stated that "he had 
no desire for intoxicating liquors and did not care to associate 
with drinking men." His terrible arraignment of the liquor 
traffic before the Washingtonian society is familiar to all, and 
it is highly probable that his strong convictions expressed in 
later years on that subject were to some extent formed by 
noting, as he did while a resident at Gentryville, the evil effects 
of its use by many of his associates. 



52 Indiana Magazine of History 

Wesley Hall stated that his father frequently employed 
both the elder Lincoln and his son Abraham to labor for )iim 
as carpenters as well as to perform work incident to the suc- 
cessful operation of a tanyard. Hall asserted that young Lincoln 
frequently pushed the plane at a workbench preparing planks 
for the father's use in the construction of cupboards and other 
pieces of household furniture. In this connection Hall laugh- 
ingly recalled a boyish act of his. On one occasion when Abra- 
ham was laboring at the bench with the plane, Hall crawled 
beneath the long bench and lay down upon his back just oppo- 
site Lincoln's feet. He was peculiarly struck with the great 
length of the young carpenter's shoes, and reaching forth he 
selected a wooden ribbon and was busily engaged in measuring 
the foot when Lincoln noticed this performance and "yanked 
him out." 

In the performance of the work connected with the tannery 
the elder Hall frequently employed a number of men, and it was 
the custom, when weather permitted, to take the noon meal in 
the grove near the tanyard rather than to go to the house. 
Hall stated that when the food had been made ready and spread 
out on a rude table, and dinner was announced, Abe invariably 
walked to a certain large forest tree whose roots had grown in 
such a manner as to form a sort of rustic bench. There seating 
himself, leaning back against the trunk, he drew forth from 
the folds of his loose fitting waumus or blouse a book and be- 
gan to read, rather than go to the table as the other men did 
to eat. When asked if Lincoln did not also eat the noon meal, 
and why he did not do so with the others, he replied : 

Certainly Abe et dinner, but don't j-ou know be never draul:. and tbeni 
times the black bottle would be passed around purty often, so Abe would 
say to me "You see, Wesley. I don't drink and the rest of the men do, and 
if I was to eat when they do and not drink with them, they'd think may 
be I was smart, and so I jest hit upon this plan of bringing along my book 
with me and reading while they eat. I eat after they get through — In 
plenty time to go to work when they do, and that a way I git to read some 
and at the same time I don't go against a custom that they think is all 
right even if I don't. 

A diligent inquiry among Lincoln's boyhood friends for 
everything characteristic or peculiar to him elicited the fact 
among other things that he did not indulge in intemperate 



Miirr: Lincoln in Indiana 53 

language. It might be alleged that there was an exception in 
the frequent use of the by-word "I jings," which seems to have 
followed him by way of Illinois to the White House. 

That young Lincoln was extremely awkward and homely 
to a marked degree is evidenced by the testimony of all of his 
early friends. Being seated his stature did not impress itself, 
but a close observer would note that his lower extremities were 
of such proportions that a marble or ball placed upon his knee 
would roll toward the body. His gait was exceptional and 
peculiar to him. He made rather long strides as compared to 
many tall men who, in attemptong to keep step, form the habit 
of a jerky, premature stride. Lincoln lifted his feet squarely 
from the ground and in like manner planted them, so that the 
foot did not bend at the toes or the weight of the body rest 
momentarily upon the heel ; however, he was slightly pigeon- 
toed. His walk therefore, while not to say cunning, was 
stealthy, and possessing great bodily vigor he could walk long 
distances in a short while. 

Mrs. Polly Agnew, whose maiden name was Richardson, 
and who was the mother of a number of children, some of 
whom became men of considerable local prominence — among 
whom was Doctor Mason, a physician well-known in his day 
throughout southern Indiana — often related a circumstance 
that took place on her arrival in Indiana, in which Lincoln 
bore a conspicuous part, and which furnishes a splendid field 
for a painter. The Richardsons were pioneers in Spencer 
county, floating down the Ohio river in a boat and landing at 
the site of the present beautiful town of Grandview. Their 
arrival was sometime after the coming of the Lincolns. The 
landing had been effected, and they desired to penetrate the in- 
terior some distance before locating. They had their ox-teams 
and wagon (save for the wheels), so the father and son felled 
a large gum tree, and sawing off blocks or circular slabs of 
such thickness as would prove suitable for wheels, they soon 
were ready to begin their journey through the unknown wilder- 
ness. No white man had as yet made settlement in this part of 
the country. The wagon was loaded with bedding, cooking 
utensils and such other things as they would at first need, and 
with the mother and daughter, Polly, the narrator of the inci- 



54 Indiana Magazine of History 

dent, they started on their tedious way, leaving behind them 
many things in the boat for which they had to make a second 
trip. The choice of a farm location was by midday decided 
upon. In the midst of the great forest they came upon a cluster 
of trees so situated as to enable them by cutting brush and lay- 
ing these on poles placed in forks to erect a brush lean-to or 
brush house, which would serve them temporarily. The mother 
and daughter were left in the midst of the great forest alone 
while the men returned to the boat for another load. A storm 
came up, nightfall was approaching, and the wagon had not 
returned. In the midst of their anxiety there suddenly ap- 
peared out of the forest a stranger of gigantic stature, dressed 
in coon-skm cap, hunting shirt and buckskin breeches, and 
bearing a gun. He came up smiling and, by way of explana- 
tion for his presence, stated that he lived a short distance 
north, and having just learned that a new family was moving 
into the community he had come down to render any service 
needed. When informed by Mrs. Richardson that the men folks 
had gone to the river for another load and were expected to 
return at any time, the stranger remarked : "Well, ladies, I'm 
quite sure they cannot get back tonight for the rain has inter- 
fered, and so I'll just stay with you and see that no harm comes 
to you during the night." 

This information and proffered help was anything but re- 
assuring to the frightened ladies. The tall stranger, acting 
upon his own suggestion, now stepped to a large tree fronting 
the lean-to, and seating himself with the gun placed across his 
lap, leaned against the trunk, thus evidencing his disposition to 
remain on guard. Seeing this, Mrs. Richardson stepped into 
the brush house and she and the daughter held a whispered 
consultation. It was agreed that while the stranger might 
prove to be more dangerous than any foe of the woods, yet the 
mother suggested that "he had a good face." After a few 
moments in conversation they observed that the stranger had 
laid down his gun and began dragging a large limb toward the 
brush house. The mother and daughter both ventured out near 
him and requested to know what he meant by such procedure. 
Whereupon he smiled and said: "Ladies, the woods around 
here are full of wolves and bears, and we've got to have a bon- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiaiia 55 

fire tonight or they might give trouble." When the mother re- 
marked that they entertained no fear of wolves, the man 
laughed right heartily and said: "You just wait and we'll see 
if there isn't about two women around here somewhere that'll 
get pretty badly scared before long." With that remark he 
began the search for dry branches and limbs of fallen trees, 
and this he continued doing until there was collected quite a 
pile. 

When darkness had settled down over them and the wagon 
had not returned as the stranger had ventured to prophesy, the 
ladies became more or less reconciled to the presence of the 
man. He accepted the food they prepared, but refused to go into 
the lean-to. An hour or so had passed, when the stranger, who 
all this time was watched from within with some remaining 
suspicion, called to them that they need have no fears of wolves 
who by this time were howling in the distance. Ere long these 
denizens of the night ventured quite near, and the ladies, thor- 
oughly frightened, requested that he come into the lean-to. 
The stranger then approached the bonfire and requested Mrs. 
Richardson and her daughter to "step out and take a look at the 
green-eyes." This they did, and the daughter exclaimed in her 
fright: "Why, mother, there is a thousand of them. What 
would we have done alone?" The tall stranger laughed and 
said, addressing the young lady : "Miss, there is not more than 
a half dozen of the varmints, and every one of them is a cow- 
ard. Now you just see if they are not." Taking a fire brand 
and waving it vigorously, the "green eyes" vanished and the 
howling was heard in the distance. The manifest danger con- 
fronting the ladies by the presence of such animals drew them 
nearer to their protector, and they acted on his suggestion to 
"go in and try and get some sleep while he kept watch." When 
morning broke the stranger announced his intention of return- 
ing home, saying as he started : "I'll find out today if your 
men folks get back all right, which I reckon they will, but if 
they don't, I'll be back here tonight and we'll keep the 'thousand 
pairs of green eyes' at a safe distance." 

This was the introduction the Richardson family had to the 
future President, for the tall stranger who kept watch through 
the night was Abraham Lincoln. The Richardsons and the Lin- 



56 Indiana Magazine of History 

coins became fast friends. It was William Richardson who 
stated that on one occasion when they were preparing to build 
a corn crib, and some heavy pieces of timber were to be put in 
place, the men engaged in doing this were making hand spikes 
with which to carry them. Lincoln chanced to come up and 
asked what they were going to do with hand spikes. When in- 
formed that they were being prepared to carry the heavy tim- 
bers Lincoln remarked that he could shoulder and carry the 
sticks himself, and at once acting upon the suggestion he actu- 
ally performed the feat unaided. Richardson believed that it 
would have taken the combined strength of three or four men 
to do what Lincoln did. 

It was this same Richardson who related another circum- 
stance indicating the phenomenal strength of Lincoln. A 
chicken house was to be moved and some preparation was being 
made to do this when Lincoln picked it up bodily and carried it 
for some distance. Richardson thought that it "weighed at 
least six hundred pounds, and maybe more." 

Whether it was this romantic meeting of Polly Richardson 
in the brush lean-to, or whether it was due to certain traits of 
character discerned in her by Lincoln, particularly her consid- 
erate kindness of heart in befriending him in certain ways, that 
attracted him, in any case he often "kept company with her." 
Aunt Polly, as she was generally called, was a lady of more 
than average intelligence. While she was not educated, yet in 
her use of language this was not particularly noticeable. She 
was never any more delighted than when surrounded by those 
who were anxious to know of some of her pioneer experiences, 
and particularly those pertaining to Lincoln. She often told of 
being accompanied by Lincoln to spelling bees, play parties, and 
to church, and even asserted that she was Lincoln's first sweet- 
heart. If there be any reluctance on the part of anyone to ac- 
cord this rather enviable distinction to the old lady who thus 
made the claim, it may be said in her behalf that her frankness 
in relating certain circumstances pertaining to this, and the re- 
gret occasioned by not having wisdom enough to foresee in her 
girlhood Lincoln's great career may to some extent plead more 
eloquently than any mere statement of fact by the writer. 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 57 

Yes, I was Abe's first sweetheart, 

Hed take me to spelling bees and play parties and to meetin' and tbe 
like, but still I can't say that I wanted him to go with me though. Still 
Abe was always mighty good, and I never found any fault with him ex- 
cepting he was so tall and awkward. All the young girls my age made fun 
of Abe. They'd laugh at him right before his face, but Abe never 'peared 
to care. He was so good and he'd just laugh with them. Abe tried to go 
with some of them, but no sir-ee, they'd give him the mitten every time, 
.iust because he was as I say so tall and gawky, and it was mighty awk- 
ward I can tell you trying to keep company with a fellow as tall as Abe 
was. But still Abe was always so good and kind 1 never sacked him, but 
bein's I didn't have no other company them days when us young folks 
would all start to meetin' or somewhere else that away, I'd let .Vbe take 
me. I'd sometimes get right put out the way some of the girls treated him, 
a laughing and saying things, and so when we'd get oflf to ourselves I'd 
give them a piece of my mind about it. And then they'd all say that it 
is too bad the way we do, because Abe's so good, but they'd appear to 
forget all about it, for the veiy next time they'd do the same way. Abe 
wanted me to marry him, but I refused. I suppose if I had known he 
was to be President some day, I'd a took him. 

The writer was once a schoolmaster, and was again and 
again made to think of Lincoln on daily seeing the children of 
the daughter of Colonel Lehmonowsky, one of Napoleon's old 
soldiers. The oldest son, Adam, was six feet and five inches in 
height ; Charles, six feet and four inches ; John, six feet and 
three inches ; Anna, five feet and eleven inches ; Sallie, five feet 
and nine inches, and Joseph, the baby, at fifteen years of age 
was six feet and six inches ! This family was remarkable not 
only for their great stature, but were giants mentally as well. 
The extreme stature of the youngest member, his shuflfling, 
shambling gait, and great good nature, with some degree of 
humor and wit, reminded one continually of Lincoln. 

Not far from where Lincoln VN'as reared there occurred a 
wedding some years since that made the story of Lincoln's first 
sweetheart seem all the more plausible, especially that part 
which relates to his great stature and awkwardness. 

A veritable son of Anak, six feet and six inches in stature, 
married a diminutive little lady four feet and six tall. The 
nuptial bands were solemnized in a "meeting house" in the 
presence of the entire countryside. The wedding was quite 
simple throughout. There were no flower girls, no best man 
nor bridesmaids ; no soloist sang "0, promise me," nor did the 



58 Indiana Magazine of History 

bride reach the Hymeneal Altar leaning on the arm of her 
father, keeping step to the strains of Mendelssohn's Wedding 
March. Instead, at the appointed hour, which followed the ser- 
mon, the bride and groom came down the center aisle unat- 
tended ; the groom making long, ungainly strides and the bride 
holding on to his arm akimbo with the tip of her fingers, while 
some wag in the choir who had a fine sense of appropriateness 
pitched the old time camp meeting hymn, "Leaning on the 
Everlasting Arms," and by the time the happy, but somewhat 
embarrassed couple reached the chancel, the choir lustily joined 
in the chorus. 

While Lincoln was acting as ferryman at the mouth of 
Anderson creek, a corn husking took place in the neighborhood 
which he of course attended. At such times, as at log rollings 
and raisings, the work was divided equally into two parts and 
captains elected, who "chose up", thus dividing the crowd pre- 
paratory to a race. On the particular occasion above referred 
to, Lincoln while busily husking away, intent on making his 
side "beat", kept up a running fire of humorous remarks at the 
expense of the other side, directing his remarks toward one 
man. This individual, not possessing a temperamental make-up 
such as to endure this long, accordingly gave way to his anger 
and hurled an ear of corn at Lincoln across the rail that divided 
the pile of corn. Taking good aim he threw the hard, horny 
nub at Lincoln, striking him full in the breast and cutting such 
a gash as to leave a scar which Lincoln carried to his grave. 
Lincoln did not reply in kind against his assailant, but his an- 
ger arose. 

There were some customs more or less peculiar to this part 
of the State in Lincoln's day, continuing for years thereafter, 
and among these was the celebration of the New Year. The 
ceremony, while lacking the refinement and more poetic senti- 
ments usually supposed to have attended the Yuletide in north- 
ern Europe, yet considering that it was a backwoods custom 
during the holiday week the method of celebration possessed a 
sense of appropriateness. At the midnight hour, just as the 
old year was dying and the New Year about to be ushered in, 
large numbers of men and boys with firearms assembled before 
a farm residence, and without any warning a voice began re- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 59 

citing, rather stump fashion, a bit of crude verse which was 
called "the New Year's Speech." The person chosen to recite 
this was usually one possessing the gift of "oratory." Know- 
ing that Lincoln was much given to public exhibitions and dis- 
posed to make addresses on numerous occasions, it was pre- 
sumed that he frequently made the New Year's Speech. This 
fact, however, was not certainly established. Since the custom 
of the pioneers has passed away, with many other things pecul- 
iar to them, the New Year's Speech brought from the South is 
here given : 

Awake ! Awake ! my ueighbor dear 

And to my wish pray lend an ear. 

The New Year is now at your door, 

The Old Year is past and comes no more; 

And I for you wish a Happy Year 

That you from bad luck may keep clear ; 

That your family, and all the rest 

May with content be ever blest. 

That you may be free and able 

To feed the hungi-y at your table; 

That your barns and all your cribs 

May with much grain be stocked 

Your fields and meadows handsomely flocked 

And scarcity not be known. 

Rut mind there is the Blessed Hand 

Who gives and takes at His command. 

But now before I make an end. 

For too much time I cannot spend. 

Shall I salute you with my gun. 

Or would you wish the report to shun? 

Just here the speaker paused and if granted permission to 
fire his gun, the speech was resumed as follows : 
Now, since you gave me leave. 
I do now here declare 
The noise shall sound throughout the air, 
Sausage and pudding will be right 
To satisfy our appetite. 
Whiskey Bounce or Apple Brandy, 
Or any liquor that comes handy. 
And we will receive it with thanks to thine 
And this is the end and wish of mine. 



60 Indiana Magazine of History 

Just as the speech was finished a volley or two was fired, 
and when ample justice had been done to sausage and pudding, 
as well as satisfying the thirst, the guns were reloaded and 
another house sought. This was kept up throughout the re- 
mainder of the night, the speech being repeated at each place. 

LINCOLN'S ATTITUDE TOWARD THE CHURCH AND 
RELIGION 

Nobly sustained as the govemmeut bas been by all the fhurebes, I 
would utter nothing which might in the least appear invidious against 
any. * * * God bless all the churches, and blessed be God who in this 
great trial giveth us the churches. 

During Mr. Lincoln's early life he was disposed more or 
less toward fatalism, not that there was any one act of his, 
or any single utterance by which this fact could be estab- 
lished, so much as there was discerned an approach toward 
all undertakings in life with this conviction dogging his foot- 
steps. These fatalistic beliefs were so general among the 
people of that day as to include practically all. 

Lincoln seems to have yielded so far to the ultra Calvin- 
istic teachings characterizing the pulpit efforts and emphasis 
of that day as to become more or less submissive to what was 
conceded to be the stern and inevitable decrees of Fate. This 
strange belief must not be confounded with that bold and 
open opposition to religious faith, as was the boast of some, 
but was in fact a religious and Christian interpretation of the 
teachings of the scriptures, especially peculiar to the primi- 
tive Baptists. 

Lincoln was not a communicant of the Little Pigeon 
Baptist church, although his father, mother and sister were; 
likewise the Johnsons, his step-sisters and step-brother. His 
father and mother united with this church by letter, thus indi- 
cating their connection with the church in Kentucky. 

While Lincoln was more or less indoctrinated with the 
fatalistic tendencies of a theology generally prevalent at the 
same time he was not at all disposed to accept the common 
literal interpretation of the Scriptures and in consequence 
he held aloof from formal union with the church. 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 61 

That we may more fully appreciate to what extent some 
of these teachings influenced the parishioners, a circumstance 
may be detailed that transpired in this region where Lin- 
coln reached his majority, although many years after; but it 
will perhaps serve quite well by way of illustration to show 
this same religious emphasis lingering many decades later, 
and for that matter may yet be found in this region as well 
as elsewhere. 

An aged man, just two years younger than Lincoln (well 
known to the writer) who was much given to theological dis- 
putation, gave as his belief that "what is to be will be, even 
if it never comes to pass;" that "God had decreed and fore- 
ordained certain things," and they "were bound to come to 
pass;" that there was no use to flee from imminent danger 
since each one of us was to die in a certain way, at a certain 
time, and no effort on our part could possibly prevent this. If 
we were to be drowned, or shot, or die of disease, then no mat- 
ter what might befall us prior to the appointed hour this 
event would eventually take place according to Divine ap- 
pointment. 

This particular gentleman was quite aged when the 
horse-power threshing machine was succeeded by the steam 
thresher. A large crowd had gathered to witness the strange 
engine, and while many of them were gathered about it the 
water began foaming. This circumstance alarmed the en- 
gineer who was anything else but expert, and he hurriedly 
indicated his fears by announcing his intention of reaching a 
point of safety. Acting upon his better judgment he started 
at a lively pace out into an adjoining field, and without any 
need of further urging when the crowd witnessed his flight 
they all joined in. The old brother of fatalistic beliefs 
brought up the rear, by reason of infirmities of age and not 
because of any wish to be found in the extreme rear. After 
a safe distance had been reached and sufficient time had 
elapsed to allow all danger to pass, the engineer ventured 
back to his post again and pretty soon he announced that the 
"Iron Horse was all right." Whereupon certain adherents 
of the Methodist faith, who had been again and again sub- 
jected to humiliation and defeat by the superior ability of the 



62 Indiana Magazine of History 

old Baptist brother to argue, now turned upon him merci- 
lessly. After a good-natured laugh had been indulged in at 
his expense, the old gentleman remarked : "I've got as good a 
Baptist heart in me as any man, but I've got a cov^^ardly pair 
of Methodist legs and they run avs^ay with me." 

Lincoln would have enjoyed the laugh at the old Bap- 
tist brother's expense but the fatalistic teachings so pos- 
sessed him that he would have still found a lurking belief that 
all such events were predetermined, and that this grip of Fate 
possessed us all. Later in life he threw off the major portion 
of these beliefs, but not all of them. 

He retained the basic principle of that theology which 
taught the wholesome doctrine that "the Almighty hath his 
purposes." Not only did he believe that "if we did not do 
right, God was going to let us go our own way to ruin," but 
expressed the belief that "the Almighty was going to compel 
us to do right in order that he might destroy slavery, give 
success to our arms, and maintain our unity as a nation." 
He further said : 

I do not believe that He will do these things so much because we 
desire them as that they accord with His plans of dealing with this nation. 
I think He means that we shall do more than we hare yet done in fur- 
therance of His plans, and He will open the way for our doing it. I have 
felt His hand upon me in great trials and submitted to His guidance, and 
I trust that as He shall further open the way I will be ready to walk 
therein, relying on His Help and trusting in His Goodness and wisdom. 

It is a small matter as to what particular creed or sect 
this theology might properly belong, as compared to the 
greater fact that he had thrown himself fully upon the Al- 
mighty, and in so doing he worthily took his place along side 
of Moses, Joshua and Paul. 

His early theology made the heavens brass and the un- 
changing decrees made God stern, exacting and demanding 
justice. His later faith was so modified by sorrows and trials 
as to believe in the efficacy of prayer, and he came to see God's 
beneficence and mercy mingled with His justice. Lincoln's 
daily habit from early youth was to read the Scriptures and 
give himself to prayer. It would appear that this fact and 
the sentiment and spirit of some of his great State papers 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 63 

would be quite sufficient to have prevented Ingersol and others 
possessing liberalistic views to assert, as they were accus- 
tomed to do, that he was an unbeliever. 

That Lincoln, after reaching Illinois, passed through a 
period of religious doubt, even to the extent of questioning 
the authenticity of the Bible and denying the divinity and 
sonship of Christ, is undoubtedly true. However, there was 
nothing ever uttered by him either in any public manner or 
in private conversation while a resident of Indiana that even 
so much as indicated any liberalistic views or tendencies. He 
made no pretentions, however, of being a Christian during 
his youth ; that is, he made no public profession, and was not 
regarded as such by his associates. Mr. Lincoln certainly 
was not a Christian in the orthodox sense until sometime 
after reaching the White House, if indeed he ever became 
such as measured by certain formulas. Herndon, Colonel 
Lamon and Major John Hay all stoutly maintained that he 
never changed his religious beliefs at all. 

In making the simple statement that young Lincoln was 
not a Christian, nor so regarded by his associates, it would be 
altogether misleading unless it be properly understood. Their 
standards and his for presuming upon such a claim were of 
course measured by the practice of the local church in de- 
manding the observance of certain forms and subscribing to 
certain tenets. It was, of course, not allowed that any one 
could be so presumptuous as to set forth the claim that he 
was a Christian, independent of these. Lincoln not having 
done this was, of course, not considered as being a Christian. 

It may be truly said, without casting any aspersion upon 
the character and profession of some, that there were others, 
indeed many, who composed the membership of Little Pigeon 
Baptist church in Lincoln's day who possessed doubtful moral- 
ity ;- certainly they failed to measure up to the requirements 
of Christian standards of living generally in vogue today. It 
is not charged that gross and flagrant wrongdoing character- 
ized any one of them, but it is claimed that delinquencies in 
many matters were the rule. 

The ministry themselves were often indeed quite gen- 
erally given to dram drinking, and certainly this was true of 



64 Indiana Magazine of History 

substantially all the parishioners — women as well as men. 
It will be seen, therefore, that these well-meaning pioneers 
hedged up the door of entrance into the kingdom by erroneous 
theological emphasis upon some matters by demanding of all 
who sought fellowship with them that they subscribe to these, 
but too often their own delinquencies and shortcomings were 
such as to be only too painfully apparent. 

Lincoln, given to approaching any and all things along 
lines of reason, could not fail to note the inconsistencies in " 
profession and practice. Possessing morals quite beyond 
most people, abstaining from the use of intoxicants and to- 
bacco, temperate in speech and painstakingly honest and 
truthful, given to reading the Bible daily, and regarded as 
possessing such a wholesome amount of common sense and 
sound judgment as to be selected to adjudicate all differences 
arising among his fellows, it may therefore be seen that while 
Lincoln made no profession of religious faith in conformity 
to the standards of the time, yet his character was quite be- 
yond that of others. 

For this youth, who if not educated in the ordinary ac- 
ceptation of the term, possessed more knowledge even then 
perhaps than most of us are ready to allow, and being ac- 
quainted for instance, as we know that Lincoln was, with the 
movement of the heavenly bodies, and then to hear in the 
Sunday sermon the maledictions of Heaven hurled at "eddi- 
cated" folks who presumed to think that the earth was round, 
that it "revolved upon its axle tree," and similar animadver- 
sions, one can deeply sympathize with a disposition to refrain 
from formal union with such a class. 

Again, for young Lincoln to assemble with these wor- 
shippers in Little Pigeon church; the preacher and people to 
engage as they often did in a give and take sort of fashion in 
the coarse, crude jokes of doubtful propriety anywhere — 
much less in a place of worship — hurling at one another, 
albeit good-naturedly, hilarious repartee and scintillating 
witticisms better suited to the school house debates; and 
when the minister suggested that it was time for worship, 
for some old brother to start the hymn, "How Tedious and 
Tasteless the Hours," pitching it in a strange key, putting in 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 65 

an unconscionable number of quarter and half rests, and then 
for the leader, perhaps, at the close of the stanza to expec- 
torate his ambier in a belated sort of manner, no matter 
where, preparatory to another effort; and when that was 
finished and the sermon was entered upon, with all of the 
vials of wrath poured forth, and anathemas heaped upon the 
heads of offenders (as was often the case) in such a fashion 
as to indicate enjoyment in anticipation, with a great deal of 
sound and little sense; therefore, for a youth of Lincoln's 
purity of character and sense of propriety, faculty of reason- 
ing and freedom from such habits above referred to, to re- 
frain from formal union with the church is after all not a 
thing to excite wonder or provoke harsh criticism. 

In calling attention to some of the foregoing things pe- 
culiar to the pioneer days generally prevailing, and even today 
found in Kentucky and Tennessee, there is no disposition to 
excuse Mr. Lincoln from the mistake certainly chargeable to 
him of refraining from formal union with the church at a 
later period. It is hoped that the treatment here offered con- 
cerning the crude manner of worship and erroneous emphasis 
of the primitive Baptists will not be taken as an intentional 
slight upon that branch of the church. (The writer's fore- 
bears were of that faith.) While some justification for young 
Lincoln's attitude toward this class is here set forth, yet it is 
manifestly true that this particular church so generally prev- 
alent in large sections of the country during the formative 
period, furnished the sole means of worship, and so admin- 
istered to the spiritual needs of the people as abundantly to 
justify its existence. 

The question of Mr. Lincoln's religious attitude later in 
life has provoked considerable discussion. Substantially all 
creeds, like all political parties, have claimed him. Those en- 
tertaining liberalistic views have been quite as free as any 
in asserting the claim that Lincoln was of their number. This 
was the boast of Colonel Ingersol, of agnostic fame. Mr. 
Herndon, his law partner, said that his religious faith was 
best represented by the teachings of Theodore Parker; and 
he and others possessing religious beliefs that classed them as 
deists were disposed to claim Mr. Lincoln as possessing a 



66 Indiana Magazine of History 

like faith. This class in particular have challenged those who 
claim Mr. Lincoln as a Christian to point out in all of his 
utterances at any time a sentence where the name of Jesus 
Christ was used. This attitude is wholly unworthy of sucl]. 
men as Herndon, Lamon and others. Lincoln told his par- 
ticular friend, Bishop Simpson, that he did pass through a 
period of doubt and distrust of the Scriptures, but that he 
later came to see the folly of such. It is a noteworthy fact, 
however, that Mr. Lincoln's language in reference to Deity 
was such as to give no offense to any faith or creed. 

It is believed that no one today would be disposed to 
undertake the hopeless and thankless task of attempting to 
substantiate the claim that Mr. Lincoln was not a Christian 
in view of all the evidence at hand to the contrary. With a 
sincere purpose of doing the right as "God gave him to see 
the right," far removed as he was above the loose morality of 
strong partisan politics, refusing as he did repeatedly to be 
governed by notable examples of expediency, and mere con- 
ventionalities ; absolutely unmindful of probable accusations 
in his departure from an age-long custom of indirection in 
diplomacy; implicitly trusting in the plain people; relying 
upon the "gracious favor of Almighty God," with no disposi- 
tion at any time to substitute expediency for conscience ; will- 
ing rather to lose popular applause or any mere temporary 
advantage than even to appear to take liberties with possible 
success by a firm adherence to the eternal principles of jus- 
tice and truth; with a sublime patience and unexampled for- 
titude, he refused to be moved by the clamor of public opinion. 

He was a statesman without craft; a politician without 
cunning; a great man with many virtues and no vices; a 
ruler without the arrogancy of pride and the bigotry of 
power; ambitious without mere selfish personal gratification, 
and successful without becoming vain-glorious. If that 
Hebrew lawgiver and leader, Moses, in that unprecedented 
wilderness march with a horde of newly liberated slaves, felt 
that faith was depleted or courage run low, he could and did 
betimes climb the mountain stairway and cry to the God of 
battles, and Jehovah came down "in trailing clouds of Glory;" 
or if he were harassed by the pursuing foe, or flanked by fiery 



Mtirr: Lincoln in Indiana 67 

serpents, he could afford to be content, for was not the 
Almighty himself on the picket line in a cloud by day and a 
pillar of lire by night ? But not so this later liberator whose 
tall form was stooping under the terrible burdens, both North 
and South. What wonder that betimes we see him on his 
knees in the White House in prayer with Bishop Simpson, or, 
as when Lee flushed with victory on the gory fields of Freder- 
icksburg and Chancellorsville turned his victorious legions 
north once more, Lincoln fell upon his face and cried to the 
God of Battles : "This is your war. The North can't stand an- 
other Chancellorsville. You stand by our boys at Gettysburg 
and I'll stand by you ;" and he did. 

YOUNG LINCOLN ON THE STUMP 

My opiuiou is that uo State can in any way lawfully get out of tbe 
Union. It Is the duty of the President to run the machine as it is. I 
reckon that it will be some time before the front door sets up house keep- 
ing on its own account. 

The boyhood friends of Lincoln were quite pronounced 
in stating that while Lincoln was ever ready to enter into 
all of their boyish sports, especially to accompany them to any 
place where there was a crowd, he could not be induced either 
to play, fish, or accompany them on any expedition of any 
character if he had in his possession a new book. Lincoln 
himself, in later life said that he borrowed all the books to 
be found for a radius of fifty miles. His habit was to commit 
to memory such portions as particularly pleased him, making 
copious notes on paper, if he had it, but if he did not (as was 
frequently the case) he made free use of boards, the wooden 
fire shovel or any smooth surface presenting itself. He was 
an omnivorous reader, devouring anything offered. He regu- 
larly borrowed the Louisville Journal from Jones, the store- 
keeper, and a temperance paper and religious publication 
from a neighbor by the name of Woods. Lincoln had strong 
convictions on the subject of temperance, and in reading the 
publication borrowed from Woods was encouraged to commit 
some of his own thoughts to paper. He took this to his 
old friend and was pleased when "Uncle Woods" said that 



68 Indiana Magazine of History 

"for sound sense it was better than anything in the paper." 
Woods in turn showed the manuscript to a Baptist preacher 
who was so delighted with it as to believe that it was beyond 
anything found in the temperance journal, and 'proposed 
sending it to the editor at some point in Ohio. It is said that 
this article was accepted and appeared in the paper, to the 
great delight of Lincoln as well as of his patron and friend, 
Woods. 

Succeeding so well in this venture, he attempted a politi- 
cal treatment, taking as his theme, National Politics. The 
subject doubtless suggested itself to him on reading the 
Louisville paper. This manuscript was submitted to his old 
friend Woods, as before, who showed it to Judge John 
Pitcher, an attorney residing at Rockport. Pitcher on read- 
ing the article exclaimed: "The world can't beat it." This 
remark greatly encouraged young Lincoln, and he journeyed 
to Rockport to call upon Pitcher at his office. It is claimed that 
subsequently Pitcher loaned Lincoln law books, and showed 
him considerable attention, such as "drawing him out" in 
conversation on finding him a great talker and quite original 
in his ideas and methods of investigation. 

The essay on National Politics, while not preserved en- 
tire, has been in part, and from these sentences some notion 
may be formed as to Lincoln's ideas at that early period : 

The American govei'ument is the best form of government for an 
intellifrent people : it ought to be kept sound and preserved forever. * * • 
General education should be fostered and carried all over the countr.v ; and 
the constitution should be saved, the X'nion periietnated and the law,'^ 
revered, respected and enforced. 

Lincoln's plea for educational advantages is pathetic 
when his own disadvantages were so marked. 

Among those pioneers in this section who, after attaining 
old age, were rich in the remembrances of former years, was 
Captain John LaMar. The LaMars were among the first set- 
tlers in this part of the State. Captain LaMar witnessed the 
killing of the last Indian by the whites in this region, there 
having been more or less trouble between the two races prior 
to the Battle of Tippecanoe as well as such minor engage- 
ments as the Pigeon Roost Massacre. However, by the time 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 69 

the Lincolns settled here the Indians had nearly all left this 
section. The writer had as a parishioner in his church, Mrs. 
LaMar, a lady four years younger than Mr. Lincoln, and 
being a neighbor, of course knew him quite well. Captain 
LaMar, on one occasion, was riding to mill with his father 
along the road leading past the Lincoln cabin. They observed 
a boy perched upon the top of a staked-and-ridered fence, 
reading and so intently engaged that he did not notice their 
approach. The elder LaMar was so impressed with this fact 
that he remarked to his son : 

Johu. look at that boy yonder! You mark my words, he will make a 
smart mau out of himself. I may not see it, but you see if my words 
don't come true. 

Captain LaMar lived to witness the fulfillment of his 
father's prophesy. He was present on the occasion of the 
unveiling of the Nancy Hanks monument in 1902. 

"Nat" Grigsby said: 

Lincoln was always at school quite early and attended to his studies 
diligently. He always stood at the head of his class and passed the rest 
of us rapidly iu his studies. He lost no time at home, and when he was 
not at work he was at his books. 

The schoolmates of Lincoln stated that he was never rude 
on the playground, and was usually made choice of when an 
arbiter was needed in adjusting difficulties between boys of 
his age and size. When his decision was given, it put an end 
to the trouble. 

In an interview with Dennis Hanks by Mr. Herndon, the 
former said : 

We learned by sight, scent and hearing. We heard ;ill that was said, 
and talked over and over the questions heard, and wore them slick and 
greasy and threadbare. We went to hear political and other siieeches, and 
to such gatherings as you do now. We would hear all sides and opinions 
and talk them over, discuss them, agreeing or disagreeing. Ahe was a 
cheerful boy. Sometimes he would get sad, but not very often. He was 
Always reading, scribbling, ciphering and writing poeti-y. 

Miss Roby, who married Allen Gentry, the young man 
with whom Lincoln made the celebrated flatboat trip down 
the Mississippi river, said that she was at Gentry's Landing 



70 Indiana Magazine of History 

while this boat was being loaded preparatory to making the 
southern journey. In speaking of Lincoln at this time she 
said : "He was long, thin and gawky, his skin having the ap- 
pearance of being dried up and shriveled." One evening as 
they sat on the edge of the boat with their feet in the water, 
Miss Roby called attention to the sunset; whereupon Lincoln 
explained to her that the sun did not move in fact, but only 
appeared to do so ; that it was the earth that went around the 
sun. The young lady laughed at the absurdity of such no- 
tions and thought him foolish, but later came to realize that 
young Lincoln was not foolish, but knew much more than 
anyone around there supposed. 

It was this same young lady who related a circumstance 
that took place in the schoolroom when all the scholars were 
engaged on a Friday afternoon spelling match. This circum- 
stance has been related by almost all of the earlier biographers 
of Mr. Lincoln. The schoolmaster, Crawford, had "given out" 
the word "defied," and the first one attempting it had said: 
"d-e-f-y-e-d ;" the second "d-e-f-f-yed" and at length it came 
Miss Roby's turn. Not being certain she chanced to look 
across the room where Lincoln stood smiling. She notice 
him slyly placing his finger to his eye, and taking the hint she 
spelled the word correctly and went to the head of her class. 
Young Lincoln was ever regarded as a good speller, and par- 
ticularly so by the time he reached his seventeenth year. In 
fact, he was easily the best speller in the neighborhood and 
was commonly supposed to know quite as much as his teach- 
ers, and more than some of them. 

As late as the year 1880, in this section, if a young man 
excelled in spelling so that he could "take the floor" at spelling 
matches, and could "solve all the problems in the arithmetic," 
he was regarded as learned ; and no one questioned his ability 
to teach school. 

Lincoln especially liked argumentative bouts, and this 
caused him to be much in the company of his elders. This 
habit he later styled "practicing polemics." His ability to 
argue, and his particular enjoyment of it, seems to have been 
maintained during his occupancy of the White House. His 
secretaries are on record as saying that he spent more time 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 71 

and greater pains with the famous Vallandingham letter than 
with any State paper. 

As a youth he was quite inquisitive on almost any sub- 
ject, and his habit was never to leave a subject, however 
difficult, until he had mastered it. He was a good listener, 
and appeared to know when to keep silent when in company 
of his elders. After hearing fireside discussions, if certain 
phases were not clear to him, he lay awake after retiring and 
beginning at the first of the argument he carefully reviewed 
it step by step until he had thoroughly satisfied his own mind 
of the certainty of conclusions reached. He often walked to 
and fro for considerable periods, repeating these arguments 
to himself, and after mastering them once he never forgot 
them. As he later put it, he "was not satisfied when on a 
hunt for an idea until he could bound it north and south, 
east and west." He was slow in reaching conclusions, but 
when once he announced his decision in any given matter, he 
could not be moved by the force of argument or any other 
pressure brought to bear. 

Many of his well-known stories, anecdotes and "yarns" 
were of Indiana origin. He and Dennis Hanks usually spent 
their evenings at the Gentryville store, and on rainy days 
they might be found either at the store or at Baldwin's black- 
smith shop. Baldwin was a great master at story telling, and 
it was his "yarns" afterward related by Lincoln that caused 
members of cabinets or Congress, and even representatives 
of foreign countries, to smile or laugh uproariously. 

It was his custom, after reading the Louisville Journal 
at Jones' store to meditate upon what he had read, and then 
while at work in the fields he would often review some of these 
discussions for the benefit of his associates. 

Lincoln has been accused of being lazy, and in support 
of this assertion more or less evidence has been offered. Mr. 
Romine, a near neighbor to the Lincolns and for whom 
Abraham often labored, is quoted as saying that "Lincoln 
was lazy." The writer did not know Mr. Romine, but Mrs. 
Romine was yet living when the data composing these pages 
were being obtained. In no single instance was this charge 
of laziness made against Lincoln by any of his early friends. 



72 Indiana Magazine of History 

However, it is believed that some of them would have been 
inclined to this belief had they been approached earlier in 
life when it was the fashion to make the charge against any 
who spent time poring over books. For any chance passerby 
to see a youth lying beneath the shade of a tr-ee, busily read- 
ing, was prima facie evidence that he was lazy and usually 
occasioned, as in Lincoln's case, some such remark as, "Old 
Tom's Abe'd ruther fool his time away a readin' out of a book 
than to work any day." Indeed, this disposition to criticise 
those who engage in purely mental labors while others were 
in the fields or shops is met with frequently even today. 

Not long since in this very region, an artist spent some 
days on an eminence sketching a landscape, and he was sub- 
jected to severe criticism by the farm laborers, remarking 
that "he is doubtless the son of a bloated aristocrat and was 
not raised to work." Thus in Lincoln's time for one to have 
a day off and elect to spend it in reading, was regarded as 
indicating a lazy disposition. Had the day off been spent 
along the river bank with hook and line, or in the woods with 
the gun, it would have elicited no unfavorable comment. The 
major portion of Lincoln's early friends came to realize this, 
and where once might have been found carping criticism, at 
the time the writer was gathering data he found commenda- 
tion. 

The fact that Lincoln frequented the Gentryville store or 
blacksmith shop has been cited as evidence quite sufficient to 
establish the charge that he was lazy. There is a rule in logic 
that if too much is proven, then nothing is proved. Cer- 
tainly, if the mere fact that Lincoln was often found at Gen- 
tryville is deemed sufficient evidence to prove his indifference 
to work, then substantially all of his neighbors were lazy, 
since Gentryville was a Saturday town or rainy day town for 
the surrounding neighborhood, just as many towns are today. 
As congressmen and senators frequent the cloakroom, smok- 
ing and indulging themselves in the pastime of story telling, 
so in like manner Lincoln frequented the pioneer cloakroom — 
Jones' store — thus gathering that fund of stories and anec- 
dotes which he afterward related to his associates and White 
House visitors. Lincoln's boyhood friends indicated that "he 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 73 

was ever ready to turn his hand at anything, no matter much 
what, and was always at work if there was any work to be 
had." 

Joseph Gentry, a brother of Allen, told of hearing Lin- 
coln make his first public address, apart from such efforts as 
the schoolhouse debates occasioned. The circumstances lead- 
ing up to this were as follows : 

Two neighbors each owned a flock of geese, and one 
evening when one of these flocks returned and was being 
housed for the night, it was ascertained that a certain grey 
goose was missing. The ovnier, knowing that his flock occa- 
sionally mingled with that of his neighbor, and very naturally 
supposing that it had strayed off with these, he accordingly 
went to the home of the owner of the other flock. On his 
arrival there he explained his mission, and at once pointed to 
a certain goose claiming it as his; whereupon the neighbor 
disputed the claim, and before long this occasioned a heated 
argument which came little short of a personal encounter. 
The two disputants made sundry threats on separating, each 
saying in effect that the matter was not settled, and the 
owner of the stray goose indicated that he would "bring the 
matter before the squire." Accordingly, attorneys were con- 
sulted and employed to prosecute and defend. The day was 
set for the trial, the court room being the schoolhouse about 
one mile east of the Lincoln cabin. 

The difference between these two neighbors occasioning 
the litigation very naturally produced intense interest 
throughout the community, so much so in fact that when the 
day flxed for the trial came, a great crowd assembled. How- 
ever, not all of these came merely to gratify curiosity, for 
both sides had subpoenaed a number of witnesses. Mr. Gen- 
try stated that so far as to his having any personal interest 
or motive in attending, it was due solely to a boyish curiosity 
to witness these proceedings, and falling in with Lincoln, 
who was at that time in his seventeenth year, they walked 
together to the schoolhouse. Arriving early, they went well 
forward and sat down on a backless puncheon seat. Erelong 
the little house was crowded. The two litigants, together 
with members of their families and friends, were seated on 



74 Indiana Magazine of History 

either side of the room. There was that characteristic still- 
ness that foreboded a storm, and presently, without any 
warning whatever, Lincoln arose, and advancing quickly for- 
ward, faced the assembled crowd and began making an ad- 
dress. Gentry maintained that Lincoln had not previously 
indicated his purpose to him or to others of attempting such 
a thing, and when he thus stood forth and began the speech 
he (Gentry) was greatly surprised. It was, of course, not 
possible for Gentry to give the exact language of Lincoln on 
this occasion, but since the circumstances were indelibly fixed 
in his memory he found no great difficulty in setting forth the 
scene rather vividly, and it is believed that the following 
version of it is substantially what occurred : 

Friends aud neighbors, what means this great gathering of old neigh- 
bors? What is it that has called us together here? (up to this time the 
speaker's face being as serious as Lincoln's face could be) and then amid 
the painful silence his features changed, his eyebrows lifted, aud irresisti- 
ble humor beamed forth.) "What brings us together? Why — an — old — 
gray — goose !" A great roar of laughter greeted this ludicrous drawl, but 
not being interrupted in any way and doubtless encouraged to proceed 
by the volley of laughter, he continued (serious again), this time stating 
the case. "Mr. A., here (addressing him), has lost a goose and he asserts 
that his neighbor, Mr. B., here (pointing) has it. Although Jlr. B. dis- 
claims having in his possession any goose not his own, not being able or 
disposed to settle their difference between themselves, they have decided 
to go to law. and that's why we are all here." (Comical again.) "Mr. 
A. (addressing him), you say you have lost a gray goose, and that you 
Icnow that Mr. B., here has it, and rather than lose it you have resolved 
to bring the matter to the court. Now you, Mr. A. (pointing and then 
quickly turning his face and body half about) and you Mr. B., after you've 
had your trial today, and no matter which way it goes, what have either 
of you gained? W-E-L-L, Mr. A., if you win your case you'll get back your 
old gray goose, aud it-is-worth-say-about-two-bits ! (great laughter). And 
you. Mr. B., if you win today, you'll get to keep your old gray goose that 
you claim has always been yours, and it's worth say-about-two-bits 
(laughter). Now you. Mr. A. (serious again), aud you, Mr. B., if you 
win today you'll get back your goose or keep your goose as the caise may 
l)e, but (very earnestly) I tell both of you that whichever one may win, 
he's going to lose! And lose what, you say? Well, you have both been 
neighbors, and you'll lose your friendship for one another for one thing; 
and not only that, it won't stop there. For what means this array of 
witnesses here? (pointing). It means your wives and family and friends 
will be at outs, and you've set up a commotion in the entire neighborhood, 
and what about? (exceedingly comical). Oh, w-e-1-1, all-on-account-of-an- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 75 

old-gray-goose ! If I were in your place, men. I'd stop all this liair pnlling 
and wool gathering. I'd get together here and now and settle this thing, 
make up and be friends. 

The result was that just as the court and the two attor- 
neys from the county seat town came through the little door- 
way, Lincoln had the two litigants shaking hands and smiling. 
Lincoln had thus laughed the matter out of court and won his 
maiden case which may not inaptly or inappropriately be 
called "The Gray Goose case." 

Thoughtful consideration is invited by way of compari- 
son of this circumstance with Lincoln's Cincinnati speech 
where he presumes to address his "friends across the river," 
as well as his famous Cooper Institute address, and above all 
his first inaugural where he stands as the nation's peace- 
maker, saying : "You of the North and you of the South, you 
can not fight always, and after you have fought with much 
loss on both sides with no gain * * * can aliens make 
treaties easier than friends can make laws?" 

The method and manner, certainly the peculiar plat- 
form mannerisms, the skilful bringing together of humor and 
the setting forth of the serious side, were pre-eminently char- 
acteristic of young Lincoln so that when he sprang into the 
arena of debate later, he came fully armed to meet the "Little 
Giant" Douglass, if not with a shepherd's crook and sling, 
with weapons more formidable — the speech and faith of the 
plain people, appealing as he did "to the considerate judgment 
of mankind and invoking the gracious favor of Almighty 
God" in defense of a holy cause that had been repeatedly de- 
fied. 

The unrivaled genius of Lincoln whose consummate art 
in statement enabled him to become such a wizard with the 
pen, and which flowered out on the prairies of Illinois, was 
budding forth in the morning of his life in the wilderness of 
Indiana, becoming, as he did in after years, "the greatest 
leader of all, he had the humblest origin and scantiest scholar- 
ship, yet he surpassed all orators in eloquence, all diplomats 
in wisdom, all statesmen in foresight and the most ambitious 
in fame." 

(To he Continued) 



Reviews and Notes 

Chronicles of the Cape Fear River, 1660-1916. By James 
Sprunt. Second Edition, Raleigh, 1916 ; pp. xii, 732. 

It will no doubt be a surprise to many readers to find a 
volume of this size filled with the history of this small district; 
it is hardly more than a large community. The district is quite 
as fortunate in having Mr. Sprunt as one of its citizens as in 
having two and one half centuries of interesting history. As 
early as 1663 commissioners sent from the Barbadoes exam- 
ined the North Carolina coast with a view to settlement. Al- 
most a century previous, 1585, the old English sea dog. Sir 
Richard Greenville, had coasted along the sandy shores of 
Cape Fear. In 1660, or thereabouts, adventurers from Massa- 
chusetts established a trading post on the Cape Fear river. 
The first permanent settlers arrived May 24, 1664. The colony 
was thus over a century old when the Revolution broke out; 
two centuries old in time of the Civil war. Some four hundred 
men went from here in 1740 to fight the Spaniards on the 
Spanish Main. During this period the Cape Fear river bank 
was dotted with fine old plantations. On the headwaters of 
the river were Sotch refugees from the Jacobite rebellion in 
Scotland, from Glencoe and Culloden. The story of Flora 
McDonald is both interesting and pathetic, to the thousands of 
Scotch descendants in the Northwest. The material develop- 
ment of the country from 1790 to 1860 — canals, railroads, 
steamboats — the growth of institutional life, form a signifi- 
cant story and in this volume it is mingled with enough rem- 
iniscent incidents, such as a visit to Wilmington in 1852 by 
Joseph Jefferson, to make the whole interesting. By far the 
greatest interest, historically, attaches to the chapter dealing 
with the Civil war. The Cape Fear coast, guarded by Fort 
Fisher, was the most difficult section on the whole Confederate 
seaboard to close against blockade runners. Fort Fisher was 
the last gateway of the Confederacy to the outside world. 
More than one hundred of these blockade runners are named 



Revietvs and Notes 77 

and many of their exploits are told. One, the Siren, made 64 
trips through the blockade. Altogether it is a volume which 
will hold one's attention and repay the time spent in reading. 
No effort has been made to test it for accuracy, except in a gen- 
eral way, but the writer has evidently put in many years in a 
faithful search for materials. The sources are indicated. 

Colonial Virginia Its People and Customs, by Mary Newton 
Stanard; published by J. B. Lippincott Co. 1917 ; pp. 
376. 

This is a sumptuous volume from the standpoint of the 
bookmaker and is not less attractive either from that of the 
reader or historian. The author has become saturated with 
the rich life of the Old Dominion in colonial times. 
The author has gathered her materials from the files of 
the old Virginia Gazette, the Virginia Magazine of His- 
tory and Biography, William and Mary College Quar- 
terly and the many collections of public records yet pre- 
served in the county towns. The author has in her work held 
in mind a picture of the olden times rather than what is usu- 
ally understood by the term history. Such chapter heads as 
The Virginia People; Houses, from Log Cabin to Mansion; 
Household Goods; Social Life; Courtship and Marriage; 
Dress, Theater, Outdoor Sports; Education, Books, Music, 
Pictures; Religion; and Funeral Customs show the scope of 
the book. Many readers will perhaps be surprised to find in 
Virginia just as great a desire for education and religion as 
there was in New England. Life in Virginia was much fuller 
than in any other of the colonies, just as her statesmen of that 
period were farther-sighted. The famous old families of Vir- 
ginia are often in the story and thousands of their descendants 
scattered in the West will be pleased to visit their ancestral 
homes in this volume. The author's style is well-suited to the 
subject. More than two score full page photogravures illus- 
trate the text. It is one of the most attractive and readable 
volumes published during the year. By all means it should 
stand side by side with Bruce's Institutional History of Vir- 
ginia to give color and life to the picture. 



78 Indiana Magazine of History 

History of the United States. By Emerson David Fite, Ph. 
D. Professor of Political Science in Vassar College. 
Published by Henry Holt & Co., New York, 1916. pp. 
X— 575. 

This text is fully illustrated with nine maps in color and 
thirty-five in black in addition to above two hundred cuts. In 
the opinion of the reviewer this volume approaches more near- 
ly the ideal text in United States history than any that has 
come to his attention. The perspective, the proper proportion 
between the various fields of our history, has been more nearly 
attained. The political principles, commercial policies and 
customs, developed in colonial times and later built into the 
national life, have been developed and other material either 
passed by or only casually noticed. Two other features are 
commendable. The author has never allowed himself in de- 
scribing governmental activities to forget the conditions which 
give rise to those activities. This has necessitated a constant 
counterplay between the home life of the people and the con- 
duct of their representatives in government. This has neces- 
sitated the use of what seems at first an unnecessary amount of 
detail concerning commercial and social life but this is in 
reality the best feature of the book. One can see from page to 
page the people taking possession of their heritage of natural 
resources and reducing it to a nation of homes. The cow-boys 
on the ranches, the circuit riders organizing the churches, the 
politicians organizing counties and States and the promoters 
opening up mines or building cities and railroads, all are 
shown in their characteristic capacities and their influence on 
the nation is deduced. The second feature is the avoidance 
of the common didacticism of most of our text books. The field 
of generalization in history is usually best left to the reader 
and especially is the teacher robbed of his opportunity when 
the facts of history are thus interpreted by the author. It is 
as if an author of an arithmetic should carefully solve every 
problem ; or an editor of the Latin classics should furnish the 
student with an interlinear translation. History with such a 
text ceases to be a study and becomes a mere memory exer- 
cise, a weariness to both teacher and pupil. The volume under 
review seems to be a most promising text. The problem of 



Reviews and Notes 79 

the text is set forth in the following quotation from Crevecoer, 
quoted by Dr. Fite on page 100 : "What then is an American, 
this new Man ? He is neither an European, nor the descendant 
of an European ; hence that strange mixture of blood, which 
you will find in no other country. I could point out to you a 
family, whose gi'andfather was an Englishman, whose wife 
was Dutch, whose son married a French woman, and whose 
present four sons have now four wives of different nations. 
He is an American, who leaving behind him all his ancient pre- 
judices and manners, receives new ones from the new mode of 
life he has embraced, the new government he obeys, and the 
new rank he holds. He becomes an American by being re- 
ceived into the broad lap of our great 'alma mater'. Here in- 
dividuals of all nations are melted into a new race of men, 
whose labors and posterity will one day cause great changes 
in the world. Americans are the western pilgrims, who are 
carrying "along with them that great mass of arts, sciences, 
vigor, and industry, which began long since in the east. They 
will finish the great circle. The Americans were once scat- 
tered over all Europe. Here they are incorporated into one of 
the finest systems of population which has ever appeared. . . . 
The American is a new man, who acts upon new principles; 
he must therefore entertain new ideas, and form new opin- 
ions. From involuntary idleness, servile dependence, penury 
and useless labor, he has passed to toils of a different nature, 
rewarded by ample subsistence . . . This is an American." 

Sieur de Vincennes Identified. By Pierre-Georges Roy. (In- 
diana Historical Society Publications, Vol. vii. No. 1). 
Indianapolis, C. E. Pauley and Company 1917, pp. 130. 

The documents contained in this study and the comj 
ments upon them establish beyond doubt that the founder of 
the post on the Wabash was Francois-Marie Bissot de Vin- 
cennes. The author goes into considerable detail in regard to 
his family and the whole discussion incidentally throws some 
light on the dealings of the government of New France with 
the Miamis and other tribes on the Wabash. 

Of the hundred twenty pages of that only twenty-five are 
devoted to the "Sieur de Vincennes" (pp. 81-105) , about forty- 



80 Indiana Magazine of History 

five to his father Jean-Baptiste (pp. 31-75) and the remaining 
pages to other relatives, particularly to the related family 
Margane de Laveltrie, which some writers have regarded as 
the family Vincennes. This arrangement of space is doubt- 
less due to the limitations of the material at M. Roy's disposal, 
but the elder Vincennes, on his own merits, is not unworthy 
the attention of students of Indiana history. He too was an 
officer in the French army and a strong wielder of French in- 
fluence among the Miamis. It appears also that he took ad- 
vantage of his position to cany on an illicit trade with the 
Indians. Perhaps his chief importance is due to his success in 
persuading the Miamis to resist the tempting advances of the 
British traders. 

The young Francois-Marie followed the career of his 
father, and to the prestige of the elder Vincennes is probably 
due the ready acceptance of his authority by the Wabash 
Indians. So successful was he that, while hardly more than 
a boy, the commander of the Illinois sought to attach him to 
the service of Louisiana, and much to the indignation of the 
governor of Canada, succeeded. The government of Louis- 
iana was making great efforts to exclude the British from the 
upper Mississippi Valley, and this policy apparently led to 
the founding of the post that later became Vincennes. 

The treatment of the founding of Post Vincennes is very 
slight and there is nothing on its early historJ^ In the dis- 
cussion of the battle with the Chickasaws the fact is not 
brought out that Bienville had appointed a rendezvous with 
D'artaguette at Ecois a Prud'homme for the tenth or eleventh 
of March, 1736, and then failed to keep his appointment. The 
statement of Rickarville that Vincennes was burned at the 
stake is accepted, although all other contemporary accounts 
that the present writer has seen indicate that he was killed in 
battle. 

M. Roy does not always give the source of his authority 
but most of his documents have come originally from the 
French archives. He has made a very full tabulation of the 
publications that refer to his subject. He has succeeded ad- 
mirably in presenting facts where much has been tradition and 
has cleared the way for accurate work on the early history of 
Post Vincennes. Paul C. Phillips 



Reviews and Notes 81 

Samuel Jordan Kirkivood, by Dan Elbert Clarke, State His- 
torical Society of Iowa, Iowa City, 1917. p. xiv, 464. 

Kirkwood was the "war governor" of Iowa. As such he 
holds a place in the estimation of lowans similar to that held 
by Morton among Indianians. In fact their careers are sim- 
ilar in many regards. Each was a successful lawyer ; each had 
achieved a high standing in the Democratic party when the 
position of that party on the slavery question forced him into 
the Republican party. Each almost at once became the leader 
of the Republican party in his State as well as its governor; 
each later went to the United States Senate and Kirkwood, 
still later, into Garfield's cabinet; each was bitterly opposed 
during the Civil war by southern sympathizers in his State. 
Governor Kirkwood was born in Harford county, Maryland, 
December 20, 1813 ; spent part of his boyhood in Washington, 
D. C. ; taught school in Pennsylvania, one of his pupils being 
his cousin. Prof. Daniel Kirkwood, of Indiana University; in 
early manhood settled on a farm near Mansfield, Ohio; stud- 
ied law and practiced in Mansfield, serving his State as pros- 
ecutor, member of the Constitutional convention, and member 
of the legislature ; and in the spring of 1855 moved to Iowa 
City where he engaged in farming and milling, serving his 
State as assemblyman, three terms as governor and two as 
United States senator. Such in brief is the career of the man. 
Mr. Clark has written the biography from the papers and 
letters of Governor Kirkwood, from newspaper sources and 
from the Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, (1893) by 
Henry W. Lathrop. The volume is fully noted, is readable and 
of convenient length. 

Western Influences on Political Parties to 1825. An Essay in 
Historical Interpretation. The Ohio State University 
Bulletin XXII, No. 3. By Homer C. Hockett, Profes- 
sor of American History in the Ohio State University, 
Columbus, 1917, pp. 157, paper. 

The author has endeavored to find a "key to the political 
history of Monroe's presidency, so long superficially, known as 
the Era of Good Feeling." In search of this the author has ex- 



82 Indiana Magazine of History 

amined the political history of the American people down to 
1825. The first divisive issue, that between the Federalists and 
Antifederalists, was largely the old issue of property against 
personal rights. The Federalists controlled during the period 
following the Revolution until the settlement of the west and 
the consequent growth of democracy overwhelmed them. The 
struggle during this period was essentially one between the 
wealthier classes around tidewater and the poorer settlers in 
the west. The origin of this struggle, Professor Hodder finds, 
was far back in colonial times as soon as there became a differ- 
entiation between the commercial men of the coast and forest 
breakers on the frontier lines in New England, between the 
planters and the back country men in the south. The fear of 
the property men, it seems, was that the Democrats would rob 
their opponents by means of taxation. The principal reason 
for the Era of Good Feeling was the collapse of this struggle. 

The old Republican party, born of a sectional struggle, 
really died when it became national, that is, when the west 
which it represented became the nationalist section. The new 
alignment into Democratic and Whig was due to this divergent 
interests of west and south. Thus, Professor Hockett con- 
cludes that these early parties had their origin in sectional 
interests. What influence the application of this theory of in- 
terpretation will have in the history of political parties is not 
pointed out. It is a thought-provoking essay, to say the least. 

Little Turtle The Great Chief of the Miami Nation. By Cal- 
vin M. Young. Published by the author at Greenville, 
Ohio, 1917; pp. 249. Illustrated. 

Little Turtle was the greatest of the Miami chieftains. 
As a native warrior and leader he ranks with Pontiac and 
Tecumseh, both of whom he probably excelled. It fell to his lot 
to meet the army of the United States in battle four times, 
under Harmar at Fort Wayne, St. Clair at Fort Recovery, 
under Wayne at Fort Recovery and again at Fallen Timbers, 
and win two victories. With one exception he administered 
the most crushing defeat ever received by an American army 
at the hands of the red men. It is to his credit as a general 
that his enemies usually outnumbered him and certainly were 
better equipped. 



Reviews and Notes 83 

These are the stirring events about which Mr. Young has 
written. The author was born in Darke county, Ohio, (in 
which Greenville is located) spent part of his boyhood near 
the birthplace of Little Turtle on Eel river, in Indiana, and all 
his life in the neighborhood of the events about which he 
writes. Part of the narrative is composed of the traditions 
handed down in the vicinity. The author has clearly indi- 
cated the source of his information, however, so that the read- 
er may judge for himself of its authenticity. Little Turtle is 
not made out a noble hero of the forest but is properly drawn 
as the capable, wily, savage he was. The story, in general, is 
sober, not overdravm, plainly stated, and kept well within 
the evidence. There are scenes of sublime pathos where this 
chief of a declining race stands out manfully against his ene- 
mies, but it is the pathos of the situation, and the author wise- 
ly abstains from any attempt at fine writing or over-coloring. 
The story is one of great historical interest and the author has 
told it in a straightforward manner. The little volume should 
be in every library of the State so that our people may form the 
acquaintance of our greatest native son. 

History of the Church of the Brethren in Indiana. By Otho 
Winger, President of Manchester College. Brethren 
Publishing House, Elgin, Illinois ; 1917, pp. 479. 

The volume is confined entirely to Indiana. There is no 
account of the origin and earlier history of the denomination, 
nor any attempt to distinguish it from other churches in In- 
diana by a statement of its creed or discipline. The first chap- 
ter is a brief statement of pioneer conditions and a list of the 
twenty-four "mother churches" established before the organ- 
ization of the State into districts. 

Chapter two contains a brief historical account of each of 
the present one hundred and twenty-five congregations. This 
is a valuable bit of history and will be treasured as such, espe- 
cially by all members of the church. The Congregations are 
given alphabetically and thus no idea of historical development 
is shown. 

Chapter three deals with the church organization. The 
first district meeting seems to have been held about 1857 and 



84 Indiana Magazine of History 

by 1863 such meetings were well established. These meetings 
are made up of ministers and elders and deal with questions 
not only of organization and policy but of creed and morals. 
Maps show each district and the location of each church within 
the district. Tables showing time, place, and officers of each 
meeting are given together with some of the more important 
proceedings. Chapter five deals with the Missionary activity 
of the church and Chapter six with education. In the latter 
chapter is a detailed history of Manchester College, a thriving 
college, now twenty-three years old, owned and conducted by 
the church. The last chapter contains a number of biographies 
of well-known members of the congregations in Indiana. Pres- 
ident Winger has written in a simple straightforward manner, 
as all would expect who know him, and has covered satisfac- 
torily a field of our State history on which little material was 
hitherto available. 

Marches of the Dragoons in the Mississippi Valley. An ac- 
covMt of Marches and Activities of the First Regiment 
United States Dragoons in the Mississippi Valley be- 
tween the years 1833 and 1850. By Louis Pelzer. Pub- 
lished by the State Historical Society, Iowa City, 1917 ; 
pp. 282. 

Besides giving a fair picture of the frontier from Chicago 
by way of central Iowa, Fort Leavenworth to Texas, this vol- 
ume furnishes a background for the reading of many of our 
books of travel in the period covered. John J. Audubon, Cap- 
tain Bonneville, George Catlin, George Croghan, De Smet, 
Thomas J. Farnham, Edmund Flagg, John C. Fremont, Josiah 
Gregg, and Francis Parkman were some of the many visitors 
at the frontier posts who are known in the literature of west- 
ern travel. The volume also furnishes a counterpart to the 
history of the American Indians, and especially to that chapter 
(which has not been written) dealing with Indiana agencies. 

Jefferson Barracks was the general rendezvous of the dra- 
goons. Expeditions were made along the Santa Fe Trail to 
the Texan border, to the Pawnee Pict Village, to Des Moines, 
to the Rocky Mountains, up the Canadian and Arkansas rivers, 



Reviews and Notes 85 

to South Dakota, Among the Sioux, along the Oregon Trail to 
the South Pass, to California, and to the Red River of the 
North. These show the field and extent of their operations. 
The volume is written from official reports obtained from the 
war department. One of these documents, which is included 
entire, is a journal by Capt. Nathan Boone, son of the great 
explorer of Kentucky. The value of the book is much reduced 
by the lack of maps. It can not be read without the aid of a 
map of that period. The writer in most cases has neglected 
to locate mentioned places which have long since disappeared 
or to identify men not widely known. Aside from these de- 
fects it is a readable, and for historical purposes, a very useful 
book. 

History of the United States. By Matthew Page Andrews, 
M. A. Published by J. B. Lippincott & Co., Philadel- 
phia, 1914. pp. xvii — 378 — xlviii. 

This is a text book in United States History suitable for 
junior high school classes. The old traditional lines of text 
book writing have been closely followed, although the author 
states in the preface that he has introduced some innovations. 
In spite of an evident intention to abbreviate the colonial his- 
tory thei'e still remains considerably more than one-fourth of 
the entire volume devoted to this period. One half of this 
space it is believed could have been reserved profitably for a 
treatment of the great political and economic changes which 
have taken place since 1896. Sectional rivalries and bickerings 
over slavery and tariffs also might be passed over with more 
brevity. This fault, however, is found in every textbook on 
American History now before the public. The constructive 
statesmen like Hamilton, Monroe, Clay, Lincoln, and Hay are 
neglected for the sectional leaders of the Garrison, Webster, 
Calhoun type. Aside from these questions of perspective and 
emphasis there can be no objection to the book as a clearly 
written, well-arranged text. The sections are carefully organ- 
ized, the leading points can not be missed and the style is pic- 
turesque and clear. The analyses and questions at the end of 
each chapter will be of service to most teachers. 



86 Indiana Magazine of History 

Historical Sketches of the Wabash Valley. By J. WESLEY 
Whicker, Attica, Indiana. Published by the author, 
1917 ; pp. 159. 

The author is an attorney, and a descendant of one of the 
early settlers of the community. The sketches represent the 
work of leisure hours in a field which has always had a fas- 
cination for the author. They were originally written for and 
published in the Attica Ledger as a means of rousing local in- 
terest in the centennial celebration of Indiana. The writer is 
well acquainted with the traditional history of the Middle Wa- 
bash Valley, and from these he has woven many delightful 
stories. While not always adhering to strictly documentary 
evidence, he never leaves the reader in doubt as to the source 
of his information. The sketches of Cicot, the scout, and Bur- 
nett, of Sheshepah, Topenebee, the Battle of Kickapoo, Ouiat- 
enon, Harrison and the Battle of Tippecanoe are all most in- 
teresting. In fact there is not a dry sketch among the forty- 
six which constitute the volume. The biographies of Senator 
Hannegan, and Dr. Evans, the accounts of the building of the 
Wabash and Erie canal, the Wabash railroad, the founding and 
mutual rivalries of the towns of Maysville, Attica and Coving- 
ton ending in the "Greek War" are all well told. There were 
also "communities" — ^the "Coal Creek Community", the "Foun- 
tain County Community" and the "Grand Prairie Harmonical 
Institute" — as well as a station on the "Underground", and a 
rendezvous of horsethieves. The author has done a public ser- 
vice to his county in thus putting these stories in form for 
preservation. 

History of the United States Political Indtistrial Social. By 
Charles Manfred Thompson, Assistant Professor of 
Economics, University of Illinois. Benj. H. Sanborn & 
Co., Chicago, 1917. pp. xx— 540. 

Professor Thompson has written his text from the eco- 
nomic standpoint. All the, larger phases of our history, coloni- 
zation, revolution, western migration, civil war, and political 
reorganization are interpreted by economic motives. Admit- 
ting that this is the proper method of writing and teaching 



Reviews and Notes 87 

history then one is compelled to say the text under considera- 
tion is excellent. The points stand out clear, the chapters are 
well-organized and the style is clear, though perhaps too diffi- 
cult for any classes below high school. As an industrial his- 
tory it excels any of the recent texts. Two other features are 
worthy of attention. It embodies the researches of the latest 
investigators, especially those who have been working in the 
field'of western history. The west is given more nearly its due 
proportion in the development of the republic. As a conse- 
quence the colonial history is abbreviated. This is an improve- 
ment. Moreover those lines of development which have tended 
toward strength and unity have been stressed. The slavery 
question, so often over-emphasized has been given a more re- 
stricted and more proportional treatment. Altogether, if one 
is willing to subscribe to the economic interpretation of his- 
tory, it is a very desirable text for high schools or even fresh- 
men in colleges. 

Morgan's Raid in Indiana. (Indiana Historical Society Pub- 
lications. VII, No. 2.) By Louis B. Ewbank^ Indian- 
apolis, Indiana, 1917, pp. 50. Paper. 

Judge Ewbank has confined himself strictly to his sub- 
ject beginning his story with the crossing of Morgan into In- 
diana at Mauckport and ending it with Morgan's passing 
through Harrison on the East State line. The story is writ- 
ten from the newspapers — the New Albany Ledger, the Indi- 
anapolis Journal, the Louisville Journal and the Madison 
Courier — the Official Records of the Rebellion, Basil Duke's 
Morgan's Cavalry, Morgan and his Captors, Smith's History of 
Indiana, and a very sparing use of the best source, the Indiana 
Adjutant General's Official Reports. No attempt has been 
made to use the vast amount of evidence still in the minds of 
those yet living who saw Morgan and took part in his pur- 
suit. The story is plainly and simply told. The Confederate 
raiders are not unduly criticised as has sometimes been done 
by Indiana writers. They were on a legitimate raid and con- 
ducted themselves generally as good soldiers. Judge Ewbanks 
has merited the thanks of our people for thus making the story 
available. 



88 Indiana Magazine of History 

Publications of the Nebraska State Historical Society Vol. 
XVIII. Edited by Albert Watkins, Historian of the 
Society, Lincoln, 1917, pp. xiii — 449. 

This volume includes the proceedings of the society from 
1908 to 1916 inclusive together with the minutes of the direc- 
tors' meetings for the same period. Besides these there are 
memorials of Charles S. Paine, former secretary of the society, 
James B. Kitchen, Jefferson H. Broady, and Lorenzo Crounse. 
The Historical papers are: Acknowledging God in Constitu- 
tions, by Rev. William Murphy; Nebraska Reminiscences, by 
William DeCourcey French; the Rural Carrier of 1849, by 
John K. Sheen; Trailing Texas Long-horn Cattle through 
Nebraska, by James H. Cook ; Neapolis, Near-Capital, by Al- 
bert Watkins; Controversy in the Senate over the Admission 
of Nebraska, by John Lee Webster; and How Nebraska was 
brought into the Union, by Albert Watkins. The volume has 
eleven full-page illustrations. 

Publications of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Pro- 
ceedings of the Society at its Sixty-fourth Annual Meet- 
ing, October 19, 1916. Madison, 1917 ; pp. 363. 

Besides the formal proceedings and reports including 
those of five auxiliary societies there are eight historical 
papers : President Lincoln as a War Statesman, by Arthur L. 
Conger; New Light on the Career of Nathaniel Pryor, by 
Joseph B. Thoburn; Reminiscences of a Pioneer Missionary, 
by Chrysostom Verwyst; The Beginning of the Norwegian 
Press in America, by Albert Olaus Barton; The Dream of a 
Northwestern Confederacy; by William C. Cochran; Mary 
Elizabeth Mears: "Nellie Wildwood," by Publius V. Lawson; 
the Watertown Railway Bond Fight, by William F. Whyte; 
and Brevet Major Isaac N. Earl: A Noted Scout of the De- 
partment of the Gulf, by Newton N. Culver. 

Indiana University Register of Graduates 1830-1916. Pub- 
lished by the University, Bloomington, 1917. pp. 359. 

This is the sixth edition of the Register, the other editions 
appearing in 1897, 1899, 1901, 1904 and 1911. Many of the 



Reviews and Notes 89 

old catalogs, however, contain lists of all previous graduates. 
The alumni ai'e given by classes, then by location, and finally in 
alphabetical order with class numerals. The university has 
conferred degrees on 6108 diffei'ent persons of whom 5243 are 
reported living. 

Special Report of State Board of Accounts of Inidana Informa- 
tion for the Public Concerning the Examination and In- 
vestigation of Public Offices, By GILBERT H. Hendren, 
State Examiner, Indianapolis, 1917 ; pp. 57, paper. 

This is a general statement of the scope, work and meth- 
ods of the board. Last year it secured the return of approxi- 
mately $237,000 to the public funds. The total expense of the 
board was about $162,000; this of course is only a trifle in 
comparison with what it saved by prevention. So drastic is 
the law under which it operates and so carefully is the work 
of auditing performed that grafting is almost impossible in 
the public offices of the State. 

The Eleventh Annual Report of the Indiana Village for Epi- 
leptics at Newcastle for the period ending Sept. 30, 
1916. By W. C. Van Nuys, Supt, pp. 48. Paper. 

This institution has had a daily average attendance of 
218. Only males have been admitted. A separate group of 
buildings for females is in process of construction. During 
the year 118 have been admitted; 28 discharged as unim- 
proved ; 22 have died. Statistical tables are included showing- 
age, nativity, color, education, alleged causes of disease, pre- 
vious occupation, location by counties, and per capita cost of 
inmates. 

Report of the Proceedings of the Indiana Horticultural Society 
for the Year 1916, By M. W. RICHARDS, Secretary- 
Treasurer, Indianapolis, 1917 ; pp. 467, paper. 

The volume contains a report of the 56th annual meeting 
of the society, held November 14-18, 1916, at West Baden ; also 
the proceedings of the State Board of Horticulture for the 
year and a number of other papers and addresses. Among the 



90 Indiana Magazine of History 

latter is a paper by E. Y. Teas, a charter member of the So- 
ciety, entitled Personal Reminiscences of Early Indiana Hor- 
ticulture. Another paper of historical quality is a Biography 
of Johnny Appleseed by E. R. Smith. The volume is beauti- 
fully illustrated. 

Register of Officers, 1865-1916, and Alumni, 1875-1915, of 
Purdiie University, Lafayette, 1917; pp. 167, paper. 

This is the fifth Register of the Purdue alumni ; the first 
appeared in 1896, the second in 1901, the third in 1907, the 
fourth in 1912. The first part of the Register is an alphabet- 
ical list of officers and instructors. Then follows a list of 
alumni similarly arranged. Next are the alumni by classes 
and lastly by locality. The total number of baccalaureate de- 
grees conferred is 5,043, of which 426 are for Agriculture, 61 
for Chemical Engineering, 923 for Civil Engineering, 1,087 for 
Electrical Engineering, 1,088 for Mechanical Engineering, 802 
for Pharmacy, 656 for Science. 

The Indiana Historical Society, at its meeting at In- 
dianapolis, December 27, 1917, adopted the following resolu- 
tion: 

Whereas, Mr. and Mrs. John H. Holliday have recently 
given their beautiful country home and many surrounding 
acres to the City of Indianapolis, to be used in perpetuity for 
park purposes ; 

Whereas, The Indiana Historical Society recognizes in 
said act not only a great and generous gift to their immediate 
community, but an epoch-making event that should be noted 
by the entire State, Therefore be it 

Resolved, That the members of the Indiana Historical 
Society hereby express to Mr. and Mrs. John H. Holliday 
their sincere gratitude for this most generous gift, and also 
acknowledge their deep appreciation of those noble qualities 
of mind and heart which made such gift possible. Be it further 

Resolved, That coming as it did at the time of celebrating 
Indiana's first Centennial, the gift of Holliday Park stands out 
as a high tower with beacon light, marking the century closed, 
and the one just entered. As soft light glows upon the past, 



Reviews and Notes 91 

as our pioneers of 1800 pass in review, and a broader light 
shines for Indiana's future, the park which bears their name 
will be a blessing and a benefit to all coming generations. May 
Mr. and Mrs. Holliday have the gratification of knowing that 
their names are indelibly written into the history of Indiana, 
as most generous citizens and true benefactors of our common- 
wealth. 

Resolved, That these resolutions be published in the In- 
diana Magazine of History; that they be spread upon the 
minutes of the Indiana Historical Society, and that a copy 
be sent to Mr. and Mrs. Holliday. 

Sarah Fletcher Wagner, 

Frank B. Wynn, 

H. U. Patton, 

— Committee. 

The Essex Institute Historical Collections for October has 
interesting material on the life of John Rogers, the sculptor, 
and a sketch of old Salem and vicinity, especially Hawthorne. 

The second number of the Michigan History Magazine — 
October, 1917 — has several articles of interest to Indiana read- 
ers, Washington Gardner's Civil War Letters; Supt. A. N. 
Cody's Teaching Michigan History in the Public Schools; 
Byron Finney's Will Carleton, Michigan's Poet; and John Fitz- 
gibbon's Government Survey and Charting the Great Lakes. 

The Iowa Journal of History and Politics for October has 
an article by Ivan Pollock on the Iowa War Loan of 1861 and 
one by Frank E. Horack on the Legislation of the Thirty-sev- 
enth General Assembly. 

The Tennessee Historical Magazine for September, 1917, 
has as its leading article a paper by George B. Jackson on John 
Stuart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Southern Dis- 
trict — that is Tennessee and Kentucky — after the Proclama- 
tion of 1763. The paper covers the period of the early migra- 
tion to Kentucky and Tennessee and hence is of great value. It 
was written as a Master's thesis in Vanderbilt University 
under Professor Sioussat. 



92 Indiana Magazine of History 

The Mississippi Valley Historical Review for December, 
1917, has the following articles : Howell Cobb and the Crisis 
of 1850, by R. P. Brooks ; A Larger View of the Yellowstone 
Expedition, by Cardinal Goodwin; the Beginnings of British 
West Florida, by Clarence E. Carter; and Historical Activities 
in the Trans-Mississippi Northwest, by Dan E. Clark. 

The American Historical Review for January, 1918, has 
President W. C. Ford's address to the American Historical As- 
sociation on the Editorial Function in United States History. 
Another timely article is by James G. Randall on the News- 
paper Problem in its Bearing on Military Secrecy during the 
Civil War. 

The History Teacher's Magazine for January 1918 con- 
tains a Topical Outline of the Great War, by Prof. S. B. Hard- 
ing. This is an invaluable syllabus for teachers presenting 
work in this field. It can be had in pamphlet form from the 
above Magazine at Philadelphia. 

In the same issue are America's Debt to England, by 
Lucius B. Swift of Indianapolis and The War and the Teach- 
ing of War, by Howard C. Hill, formerly of Indiana, now of the 
University of Chicago high school. 

The Journal of History, published by the Reorganized 
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, contains articles 
on Voices and Visions of yesterday (relating to the revelations 
of Joseph Smith) ; Polygamy from an Official Standpoint; Loy- 
alty of the Saints ; and the Keokuk Dam. 

The Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine, pub- 
lished by the Historical Society of Western Pennsylvania made 
its initial appearance January, 1918. It is a quarterly of about 
60 pages, of neat appearance and well edited. The leading 
article is the Journal or Commonplace Book of John Taylor, 
one of the pioneer preachers and teachers of Pittsburg. The 
delightful poem, The Boatman's Horn, by Gen. William O. But- 
ler, is reprinted. There is certainly an ample field for the 
quarterly, and our best wishes are for its prosperity. 



Reviews and Notes 93 

The January number of the Indiana University Alumni 
Quarterly is a war number. Besides an extended review of 
the war activities of the University there is an article on How 
Germany Regards Art, by Prof. A. M. Brooks and one on 
America and the War, by Prof. J. A. Woodbum. There is also 
a brief biography of John W. Foster, in whose death recently 
the University lost its most distinguished living alumnus. 

The Early Life of Professor A. Marshall Elliott, by Prof. 
George C. Keidel, is a pamphlet of 10 pages containing a brief 
biography of the noted Romance scholar and teacher at Johns 
Hopkins University. 

The Loyalist Refugees of Netv Hampshire is the title of 
a 20 page pamphlet by Prof. Wilbur H. Siebert, of Ohio State 
University. 

The Exercise of the Veto Power in Nebraska, by Knute 
Emil Carlson, is a master's thesis in the University of Ne- 
braska. The author has traced the rapid growth of the veto 
power in State constitutions after the Revolution; its use in 
particular by the governors of Nebraska and the grovrth of the 
item veto. This is the first joint publication of the Nebraska 
Historical Society and the Legislative Bureau. It is a pamph- 
let of 105 pages. 

By the favor of Mrs. Benjamin D. Wolcott, vice-regent 
for Indiana, the Survey is in receipt of the Annual Report of 
the Mount Vernon Ladies' Association of the Union for 1917. 
This organization in 1859 raised $200,000 by popular subscrip- 
tion and purchased Mount Vernon. Their purpose is to pre- 
serve the estate as nearly like it was in the time of Washing- 
ton as possible. 

The Daughters of the American Revolution Magazine for 
October has a description of the Whitley house, the first brick 
residence erected in Kentucky. It dates from 1783. Mrs. 
Henry A. Beck, of Indianapolis, is State Regent of the Daugh- 
ters in Indiana and Miss Emma Donnell, of Greensburg, is 
vice-regent. 



94 Indiana Magazine of History 

The Missouri Historical Review of January, 1918, has an 
article by H. A. Trexler on the Missouri-Montana Highways ; 
a continuation of Gootf ried Duden's Report ; and a brief biog- 
raphy of George Creel. 

Our Exchanges 

The Survey has in binding the files of its Indiana ex- 
changes. It is the purpose of the SURVEY to preserve, if pos- 
sible, the files of at least one newspaper from each county in 
the State. Opportunity is here taken to thank the publishers of 
these exchanges for their assistance. All historical writers are 
fast realizing that the historians of the future as well as those 
of the present will have to depend largely on the newspapers 
for their material. 



INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY 



Organized December 11, 



"The objects of this society shall be the collection and 
preservation of all materials calculated to shed light on the 
natural, civil, and political history of Indiana." 

This society was organized by the leading men of our State. 
The following were the first officers : 

Benjamin Parke, president; Isaac Blackford, first vice- 
president; Jesse L. Holman, second vice-president; James 
Scott, third vice-president ; John Famham, corresponding sec- 
retary; Bethuel F. Morris, recording secretary; James Blake, 
George H. Dunn, Isaac Howk, James Whitcomb and John Law, 
executive committee. 

In the early days its annual meetings were one of the 
great occasions of the winter at the State capital. Among its 
early members were eight governors, all the judges of the 
supreme and federal courts, most of the circuit judges, a 
majority of the U. S. senators and congressmen and other 
leading men of the State. The annual address was usually 
given by one of the great men of the nation. 

The society has never had a building to house its collec- 
tions nor adequate funds to publish its papers. Its member- 
ship fee has been one dollar per year until quite recently when 
it was raised to two. One dollar of this fee goes to the Indiana 
Magazine of History which is sent free to all members. A 
small donation is made annually by the State. It has never 
received but one gift or endowment. This was made by Hon. 
WiUiam H. English, its former president and one of the distin- 
guished historians of the State, 

The Society should have an income of $5,000 per year. 
Indiana has at least 5,000 men and women who are interested 
in the State's history; and it is thought that if the matter 
were brought to their attention they would help in the work. 
The membership fee is not a gift. The Society sends its pub- 
lications free to its members. These will cost on an average 
$1 per year. It also sends the Indiana Magazine of History, of 
which it is a joint publisher, free. The price of the Magazine 
itself is the same as the entire membership fee. 

For further information address 

CHARLES E. COFFIN, Secretary, 
Star Building, Indianapolis ; o" 
INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY 
Bloomington, IndiaiaSi. 



»iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii!iiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiriiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiriiiiiiMiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiii>:j 

I CHRISTIE BELL I 
[ OF GOLDENROD 
I VALLEY 

E By Henry Thew Stephenson. ■ 



A simple, charming romance, seasoned with a liberal sprink- 
ling of delicious humor and containing dramatic situations that 
make the story one of unusual interest. 

"Christie Bell of Goldenrod Valley" is a story of Indiana. 
Three brothers, whose home town is Cincinnati, began life at 
the very bottom of the ladder. Two of them have reached 
the top by widely different routes. This is the story of how 
the third came to stand beside them. When the narrative opens. 
Carmichael Bell, the black sheep of the family, is a shiftless 
farmer in southern Indiana. But as the story shows, of the 
three brothers he possesses the strongest character. The oppor- 
tunity to appear in his true colors is due to his daughter 
Christie, who lives with her father in the valley of the Golden- 
rod. For a portion of the story the scene is laid in Cincinnati. 
There, after nearly falling a victim to the plots of her uncle 
against his brother, her father, Christie suddenly dominates the 
situation, places her father in his proper position and regene- 
rates the character of her uncle. 

Christie is a fresh, lovely girl, witty and full of spirit. 
Her resourcefulness is shown in the stirring events that hang 
about a flood in the Ohio valley in the sixties and the suc- 
ceeding cholera scourge. But she is Indiana all through. And 
the last view we get of her is in the beautiful valley of the 
Goldenrod, where she has gone with her father and her lover, 
to look again upon her childhood home. 

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James A. Woodburn, Higher Education fn linliuna (jiaperi l.OO 

Horace Greeley, The American Conflii't, Vols. 1 and II, contalna 

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DIANA 
AZINE 
I STORY 



CONTENTS 






Page 


iSMINrSCENCES OF Jamks Whitcomb Riley- 


_ 


Q€ S CottVHUt 


99 


iCAL Sketch of Tell City— PFi'M Maurer 


108 


ilTHE Mexican Wak — Thomas Bailey 


134 


IN Indiana (Concluded)— J. Edward Murr— 

i 


148 



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INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY^ 

published quarterly by 
The Department of History of Indiana University 

WITH the cooperation OF 

The Indiana Historical Society The Indiana State Library 



BOARD OF EDITORS 

James A. Woodburn, Ph.D., Professor of American History and 
Politics, Indiana University 

Samuel B. Harding, Ph.D., Professor of European History, In- 
diana University 

George S. Cottman, Former Editor, Indianapolis 

Christopher B. Coleman, Ph.D., Professor of History, Butler 
College 

William O. Lynch, A.M., Professor of History, Indiana State 
Normal School 

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Earlham College 

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Copyright, 1918, by 
Indiana University 



INDIANA 
MAGAZINE OF HISTORY 

Vol. XIV JUNE, 1918 No. 2 

Some Reminiscences of James 
Whitcomb Riley 

By George S. Cottman 

The sincere and universal deference paid to James Whit- 
comb Riley at the time of his death and the extraordinary- 
tributes extended to him while he still lived, are of passing 
wonder. It is a study in character, in moral effects and in 
the psychology of the masses. The spirit that distinguished 
Mr. Riley was exactly the reverse of that by which men seek 
prominence and popularity. The theoretical virtues of simple 
kindliness, hearty good will and avoidance of self -glory he put 
into practice, and mankind paid him in full, revealing that deep 
down in the human heart exists appreciation of those virtues. 

A little incident, here published for the first time, illus- 
trates notably one side of Mr. Riley's character. One day a 
good many years ago, prior to one of the meetings of the 
Western Association of Writers, which met annually at Winona 
Lake, and in which we were both interested, I chanced to meet 
the poet in the Bowen-Merrill book store, where he was wont 
to loiter. The conversation turned on sundry mutual friends 
who attended the literary meetings, among them Benjamin S. 
Parker, of Newcastle. Mr. Parker, a faithful servitor of the 
muse, whose talent for worldly success was nil, had confided to 
me that he would be unable to attend Winona that year on 
account of the expense. This I casually mentioned to Mr. Riley, 
and he at once evolved a happy plan. That was that I, as 



100 IndiarM Magazine of History 

an official of the organization, should invite Mr. Parker to be 
its guest, he (Mr. Riley) to pay through me, sub rosa, the rail- 
road fare and the hotel bill for the week. 

My memory of this is freshened by a letter of Mr. Riley's 
which, under date of June 19, 1898, reads : 

Dear Fi-ieud Cottman— Your tlioughtful favor regar'ding our dear old 
friend finds me yours to command, but you have overlooked informing 
me of amount needed for the transportation, or I would enclose same. 
Therefore, can't you arrange at once to meet me at Bowen-Merrill's, a& 
I'll now be there every morning, or can be there any hour you would 
prefer and notify me by message in their care. 

Gratefully and fraternally yours, 

J. W. Riley. 

The scheme went through, but came near being amusingly 
embarrassing, as the recipient of the courtesy was grateful, 
the association knew nothing about it and I was enjoined from 
telling anybody. It was not until long after that Mr. Parker 
knew how he came to be invited to the literary love feast that 
year. 

Mr. Riley's attitude toward the above literary association 
as contrasted with that of some critics whose views were more 
nice than broad, was also a revelation of the man. There is 
no gainsaying that at those gatherings much very crude verse 
and much equally crude prose was spilled out on the desert air 
in the name of letters. The review of Indiana literature that 
ranks highest does not deign to recognize the existence of the 
said Western Association of Writers ; others did recognize it as 
a mutual admiration society; a professional space-filling 
humorist of Chicago dubbed it the Literary Gravel Pit Asso- 
ciation, and made dollars out of it whenever it had a session, 
and one journalistic censor of local repute, after accepting a 
place on its program and entering into its fellowship with ap- 
parent relish one year, dished up a column of supercilious dia- 
tribe by way of rebuke to aspiring small potatoes. 

Riley, who was a member of the association, seemingly 
did not share these critical feelings in the least. Had the 
membership been of poets and literati of his ovra caliber he 
could not have evinced a more hearty sympathy and fellowship. 
In a word, amid these literary crudities as amid the crudities 
of the life that he wrought into literature, he penetrated to 



Cottman: James Whitcomb Riley 101 

fundamentals and caught the spirit and meaning. The kindred 
souls who joyously flocked together in the name of literature 
represented a distinct movement away from sordid things and 
were the first to create in Indiana anything that could be called 
a literary atmosphere. As compared with this, I believe, the 
sometime painful limpings of the muse affected Mr. Riley not 
one whit. Here as elsewhere he was kindly and charitable. 

Of course, Riley, when he attended these meetings, was 
always the center of attraction, not alone because of his fame, 
but because of his fascinating and unique personality and of 
his genius as an entertainer. He and John Clark Ridpath 
loved to hobnob and made an admirable pair. 

One of these Winona gems was resurrected by Booth 
Tarkington in a fugitive article some years ago. Its incentive 
was the park barber, whose fair daughter was popular among 
the tonsorial artist's customers. In a moment of inspiration, 
after a visit to the shop, Riley thus paraphrased Tennyson : 

It is the barber's daughter, 

Aud she has grown so dear, so dear. 

I worship e'en the hither 

Her pa leaves in my ear. 

One of the W. A. W. meetings was made especially me- 
morable by the attendance of both Riley and Robert J. Bur- 
dette, the latter then in his full fame as a humorist. The 
contrast between the two men as mirth provokers was inter- 
esting to note. Burdette, genial as the sunlight, rollicked in 
fun with the abandon of a happy boy, and with as little regard 
for probability. On the other hand, back of all Riley's whim- 
sical conceits lay a semblance of verity that made the humor 
of them indescribably penetrating. If Burdette was a genuine 
humorist, bubbling over like a living spring, Riley was simply 
sui generis. The essential difference between them is, perhaps, 
well illustrated by this. 

One day the two wags sat on a piazza of the hotel, the 
center, as usual, of an interested group, when the talk turned 
on the experiences of the entertainer as he barnstormed among 
the rural towns. It took the form of an impromptu narrative 
to which first one and then the other contributed as the story 



102 Indiana Magazine of History 

gamboled along. The point to be made is that, while Burdette's 
contribution to this offhand collaboration was characteris- 
tically funny, I can not today remember a word of it. On the 
contrary, what Riley said and how he said it — his dry drollery 
and the pictures he called up before one — are indelibly im- 
pressed on my mind. He may or may not, before or since, 
have let his fancy run along the same groove ; but, so far as 
I know, quite lost to literature is the moving tale of the visit- 
ing celebrity who is met at the railroad station by the leading 
citizen and carried off to his home. The relation of host and 
guest in the interim before the "show" is mutually em- 
barrassing, the former being ill at ease in the presence of 
greatness and the latter being generally miserable with over- 
travel, loss of rest and cinders in the ears, besides the con- 
sciousness that he has only so long in which to feed, curry him- 
self, get into a dress suit and look pleasant preparatory to the 
evening's performance. 

The divine tact of woman comes to the fore. In the midst 
of the citizen's ponderous attempts at conversation the good 
wife thinks of the rehabilitation which even great men have 
to undergo, and at her suggestion the guest is shown into the 
"company" bedroom with its big porcelain bowl and pitcher — 
the latter empty, of course. He delicately hints for water and 
the host with cheerful alacrity, but embarrassed at his own 
oversight, brings in from the rain barrel a supply of last 
month's vintage well stocked with wiggle tails and with a smell 
all its own. The unhappy guest, not wishing to be intrusive, 
further suggests a towel. The towel is brought with apologies. 
Then some one thinks of soap — there is a fleeting glimpse in 
the dusk of the citizen scuttling groceryward, and in due time 
he takes the center of the scene again, having captured a cake 
of fancy soap of the door-knob variety — the kind that gets 
slicker and harder the more you rub it. One window of the 
room opens to the street so the passersby can look in and be 
friendly. The guest tries to draw the blind. It is one of these 
skyrocket blinds, and with an upward z-z-ipp, the whole thing 
mysteriously disappears. ("I never did understand what be- 
came of these curtains," commented Riley). The donning of 
the dress suit not being intended as part of the public enter- 



Cottman: James Whitcomb Riley 103 

tainment, the guest scrooges back into the corner that promises 
most privacy, but just as he is waving his arms aloft with the 
immaculate dress shirt over his head, a bunch outside take it 
for some sort of a playful signal and crowd up to the window 
for a better view, "Ah, ha. Come out o' that — you needn't 
try to hide — we see you", carol sundry gay and friendly voices. 
They don't know it's "company" till the leading citizen goes 
round the house and explains. 

Here the improvised reminiscences evaporated, the gist of 
the merit being the inimitable Riley flavor that went with the 
improvisation. 

Mr. Riley had his little literary animosities that were 
sometimes ludicrous in their ferocity. He could not, for in- 
stance, tolerate Browning or Walt Whitman as poets, and on 
one occasion when these were defended he expressed his 
scorn of both with characteristic pith. Browning's intellectual 
subtleties were, evidently, quite foreign to Riley's mental proc- 
esses. "To think," he commented, "of Elizabeth Barrett 
Browning, a real poet, living with that man year after year 
and having to listen to the things he wrote." 

On the other hand, if his critical judgment failed on cer- 
tain sides it was broad and penetrating on others, as the fol- 
lowing letter shows. The verses in question were a fugitive 
poem attributed to Tennyson, but not to be found in the great 
poet's works. It was called "The Skylark," and while it ob- 
viously took its cue from Shelley's famous poem it showed the 
touch of a master hand and a truly Tennysonian warmth and 
imagery as if even he, in an idle moment, might have experi- 
mented with the theme. The first stanza ran : 

How the blithe lark runs up the golden stair 

That leans through cloudy gates from heaven to earth, 
And all alone in the empyreal air, 

Fills it with jubilant sweet sounds of mirth; 
How far he seems, how far 

With the light upon his wings 
Is it a bird or star 

That shines and sings? 

This rather unusual poem is certainly not widely known. 



104 Indiana Magazine of History 

I introduced Mr. Riley to it and received in return the follow- 
ing critique : 

Dear Frieud : "TLe Skylark" (signed Tennyson) is certainly a 
poem, but not one that Alfred Tennyson would write. But for Shelley's 
"Skylark," obviously, this one had not been written — which fact, singly 
clears the master poet— at least to my mind. It is a poem and a fine 
poem for precisely the same reasons first and originally found and estab- 
lished by Shelley's. Indeed it seems, to the subscriber, an almost avowed 
imitation, yet by a poet who recognizes its secondary worth as com- 
pared with the divine inspiration of Shelley's poem. Possibly the credit 
to Tennyson is a printer's error, or might it be the work of a Tennyson 
brother? In any event it is not Alfred's. Find poem herewith returned. 
With all thanks, your old fraternal 

James Whitcomb Riley. 

Riley was an ardent admirer of Richard Realf, the author 
of "Indirection" and a number of other remarkable poems not 
so famous. Before Richard J. Hinton published his Realf 
volume, I collected and printed in a little brochure a few of 
the best of the poems that were floating around, and it was to 
this booklet the following letter refers : 

Dear Friend : Can you supply me with one more copy of your Eealf 
poems? In spite of all my care and vigilance the last copy you gave 
me has utterly vanished as "the snows of yesteryear." . . . Herewith 
I hasten the Realf portrait to you . . . Can't you arrange with some 
good artist for a reproduction of It? I count it a privilege to meet all 
expenses of same. The picture is one our entire fraternity would rejoice 
in possessing copies of. 

My first acquaintance with Mr. Riley was in 1879. At 
that time he was an amateur actor in the Greenfield Dramatic 
Club. I harbored the fond delusion that I was foreordained 
to be a writer of plays and the happy idea occurred to me that 
a combination might effect a short cut to fame for both of us. 
Therefore, I infiicted on him the manuscript of a comedy which, 
though it failed of its original purpose, paved the way to some 
very cordial letters which to the present day repose among 
my valued relics. At least one of these letters is so charac- 
teristic of the Riley of that day that I quote it in part. The 
sense of irksomeness, I think, was due to the fact that he had 
been trying to come into harness after the long Bohemian free- 
dom of youth : 



Cottman: James Whitcomb Riley 105 

Not long ago my time was wholly mine; now it bas passed like the 
generality of blessed privileges. ... In fact I'm growing stale and 
sour, and feel sometimes — Ave Maria ! — like shutting myself up like a 
Chinese lantern, or a concertina, which is more poetical and "passing"; 
for at best I but jog through the world like poor Chispa, "half the 
time on foot and the other half walking." 

In this letter he is much distressed by the discovery that 
part of the aforementioned play had been lost : 

I have not written to you before because — because — and here I 
shudder, but will confess the truth, the whole truth and nothing but 
the truth. Mr. Black, to whom I told you I had given your Mss., dropped 
in upon me night before last to leave a letter for you and to confer 
the (here is inserted an awful zigzag line) intelligence that he had 
lost the fourth act of your play — ! If you occupy this blank I warn 
you now that you will find it haunted with some very vicious ghosts. 
Better take a clean page of your own and do it right! ... I en- 
close Mr. B.'s letter. 

I haven't the heart to read it, for if he criticised you as heartlessly 
as he does me, God help you. . . . On an average I am in the city 
once a week and would have been out today but for the hanging [one of 
those legal pleasantries had been scheduled in Indianapolis for that 
day]. There is no demon in all hell's brotherhood that inspires in my 
breast the fearful awe that seizes on me when I realize the fact that 
the red-eyed law stalks through the world at large. 

As I recall my first and my last personal impressions of Mr. 
Riley I am struck by the contrast. Soon after the correspond- 
ence above referred to he hunted me up at my place of work 
in the old Sentinel printing office and -we passed what was to 
me a very pleasant half hour. He was then thirty years old 
— an age at which most men know about what their status in 
life is going to be, but his future was as indefinite to him as 
though he were jusT; emerging from boyhood, albeit he was 
then receiving local recognition as a prodigy. He looked rural 
to a degree, and the first impression was of the oddness of his 
appearance, his prominent eyes set in the midst of the blondest 
of complexions, a wine-colored overcoat rather the worse for 
wear and faded about the lapels, a slouch felt hat of uncertain 
fashion and accessories of like ilk, making a combination not 
easily imagined by those who knew him only in his immaculate 
after years, when his scrupulous taste in dress was notable. 
In conversation his glance was all forward and the questions 



106 Indiana Magazine of History 

of the present all bore upon the uncertainties of his future. 
His preferred theme was a personal one, but pursued with such 
youthful naivete that no one would think of calling it egotism 
in the ordinary sense of the term. On the contrary, it was so 
individual that it gave a piquant flavor to the discourse. 

It seemed that good friends, with the best of intentions, 
no doubt, seeing in him a man of promise, had gratuitously 
assumed the role of literary sponsors. These freely told him 
what they thought was bad in his poetry, and he mildly re- 
sented the failure to recognize that he, too, was entitled to 
some judgment in the matter. I recall, also, something like 
scorn for the professional elocutionist and for those who 
thought he ought to improve his talent by taking lessons. To 
this day, when I am so unfortunate as to have to hear one of 
these professional readers do a Riley stunt in the cut and 
dried style, I feel a consuming desire to give him a glimpse 
of Riley's little think at the beginning of his phenomenal plat- 
form career. 

All this was a little more than thirty-seven years ago. 
Just six days before the unexpected messenger came I spent 
a quiet evening with the poet in his pleasant Lockerbie street 
home. Thirty-seven years had wrought changes. At yon end 
was a raw genius just being welcomed by the world ; at this 
the finished product after a kindly world had done its best. 
Having worked out his mission on his own chosen lines he 
was not only laden with honors and a universal respect such 
as fall to few men, but had abundantly reaped the substantial 
rewards of life. The room where he received his friends was 
a nest of culture with its laden bookcases lining the walls, its 
touches of art, its graceful tokens of friendship, and the cen- 
ter and culmination of this setting of elegance and taste was 
the poet himself, attired from head to foot with a scrupulous 
neatness that was in itself an art. The unique personality of 
old, with all of its flavor that can only be described as 
"Rileyesque," remained unimpaired, but in place of the hint 
of verdancy and the uncertainty of one with the nuts of life 
yet to crack, experience had wrought into him a poise, a large 
centrality, call it what you will, that seemed too perfect for 
any mundane thing to disturb. 



Cottman: James Whitcomb Riley 107 

His glance now was all backward and he preferred to 
browse discursively in the old fields, recalling this or that 
vanished figure that had left its impress on his past, particu- 
larly the local literati that haunted the sanctums of the long 
since defunct Indianapolis Herald and Journal. He spoke of 
his whim of coupling up certain of these characters, for some 
obscure reason, with his earlier literary idols. For example, 
George Harding, editor of the Herald, was Charles Lamb; 
Charles M. Walker, of the Journal, was Leigh Hunt, and so 
forth. He said that since his paralytic stroke of some years 
ago had left his right hand disabled he had virtually ceased 
literary production because it was temperamentally impossible 
for him to dictate or compose in the presence of another per- 
son. Before the paralysis his favorite time for composing was 
the late night hours after others had retired and there was no 
longer probability of disturbance. The composing process, as 
he described it, was exceedingly slow and painstaking. He 
would write and rewrite, destroying completely each unsatis- 
factory effort and beginning anew, and many times, he as- 
sured me, he was surprised by the gray dawn creeping in at 
the windows, with at most a few lines accomplished. His last 
words' at the close of this visit, and the last I ever heard him 
utter, were a cheery "Come again, I'm obliged to you for a 
pleasant evening," whereby, with characteristic grace and 
courtesy, he reversed the obligation. 

The world was certainly good to James Whitcomb Riley — 
so good, indeed, by comparison with the lot of most men, that 
the gods seemed bent upon an amiable experiment to see how 
it would work. It worked well. It seemed to work auto- 
matically, for Riley appreciated and out of his genius repaid 
the world in kindness. The world appreciated and proved itself 
reciprocal to the heart that is filled with a universal kindliness. 
Riley, like the rest of us, had his repulsions, and at times 
these amounted to animosities, but they were at a minimum 
and they were not obvious. It seemed to be a settled habit 
with him to say very little about a man unless he could say 
something friendly and approving, and the number that came 
within this category were legion. 



A Historical Sketch of Tell City, Indiana 

By Will Maurer. 

During the last half of the preceding century, when im- 
migrants from central Europe were discovering America as a 
land of industrial promise and political freedom, there were 
organized in the United States various societies which encour- 
aged immigration and materially aided the immigrant in find- 
ing a homestead and securing a livelihood in the new country. 
One of the wealthiest and most inuential of these organiza- 
zations in the Middle West was the Swiss Colonization Society 
(Schweizer Ansiedlungsverein) of Cincinnati. As the name 
obviously implies its founders were Swiss Americans, although 
later the membership became largely German, who united for 
the purpose of encouraging and aiding the immigration of 
their countrymen to America. 

The Swiss Colonization Society was organized on January 
10, 1857. According to the terms of the constitution, member- 
ship was on the basis of shares ; each fifteen dollar share en- 
titled the holder to two city lots or one garden lot in a town, 
which was to be founded as soon as a suitable site could be 
secured. From the beginning the organization was very active 
in the search for a tract of land suitable for the settlement. 
The officers of the society carried on an extensive correspond- 
ence for this purpose and were soon in communication with 
the governors in most of the Middle Western States. Letters 
were also written to various land offices, to Swiss consuls in 
the United States, to the president of the Illinois Central 
Railroad and to prominent German Americans, such as Fred- 
erich Muench. 

A Land Commission was appointed, whose duties were to 
be the examination of land which might prove suitable for the 
purposes of the Colonization Society. On May 7, 1857, a letter 
of instruction was sent to Mr. G. Liver, chairman of the com- 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 109 

mission, outlining the duties of that body, and describing 
exactly what kind of land was desired. The communication 
stated that the commission was to be given free rein in the 
selection of lands. It was not, however, to negotiate for the 
purchase of lands, without the express approval of the central 
government of the society. Furthermore, "the commission 
is not to go further north than 43 latitude and is to keep in 
mind for purchase an area of at least 10,000 acres. The com- 
mission is to make allowance for approximately 6,000 town 

shares (town lots) and 1,000 garden shares (lots) . 

The commission has a cash capital of $70,000-$80,000 at its 
disposal, and the central government wishes if possible to buy 
farmland for $20,000-$30,000 on credit. The society will buy 

only farmland on credit . The commission is to make 

the object of its mission public, as far as possible. The com- 
mission is to tour the States, Illinois, Missouri and Iowa, as 
well as the territories of Kansas and Nebraska. In inspecting 
lands, the commission is to bear in mind the following points : 
healthful climate, fertile soil, good water, timber, stone, situa- 
tion on a navigable river and if possible on a railroad . 

The site must have a good landing place and must adjoin 
the river for at least two miles. If, in regard to a river, it 
is a question of the eastern or western side, the latter is to 

be preferred . Mr. Liver, of Milwaukee, will act as 

president of the commission and Dr. Zwinger, of Pittsburg, 
as treasurer." 

We see from the records of the society that this com- 
mittee was soon making trips of inspection throughout the 
states of the Middle West. Regions as far west as the foot 
hills of the Rockies, the "Switzerland of America," were con- 
sidered. Missouri seemed especially favorable and attractive 
to the members of the society, "though Missouri is a slave 
holding state, and none of our colony would ever forget the 
sacred principles of Republicanism so far as to make use of 
such a privilege."* 

By June, 1857, the Land Commission was ready to begin 
negotiations for a tract of land in Missouri, but while the 
organization was deliberating over the purchase of this land, 

♦From a letter to the Hon. F. P. Blair, St. Louis, January IS, 1S57. 



110 Indiana Magazine of History 

there came to its notice a tract in Indiana. The following 
letter records the first official action in regard to that land. 

Cincinnati, Jime 9, 1857 
A. G. Selman, Esq., Shelbyville, Indiana. 
Dear Sir: 

YouP esteemed favor of the SOtti ult. has been duly received and 
its contents have been carefully examined by the Board of Directors 
of the Swiss Colonization Society. 

You have, however, not stated in your letter, what the price would 
be, and we should also like to know, ichether the landing is good. 
Please give the necessary information about these two points, and we 
shall then see what we can do. 

I sho'ild be obliged to you, if you would send us an answer by return 
of mail. If you have maps of the land, you may also send us one. 
Very Respectfully, 

John Eggees 
Recording Sec. of Swiss Col. Soc. 

A week later Mr. Selman was informed "that the Board 
of Directors of the Swiss Colonization Society passed a reso- 
lution last night (June 15) to buy a tract of land on the 
Missouri River which was offered some time ago." But this 
action on the part of the board was not final, although it would 
seem so, for the Missouri land was not purchased, — probably 
because it was not all in one piece. 

About the middle of July, Messrs. Oehlmann, Rebstock 
and Tuffli were sent to Perry county as representatives of the 
society to inspect the land which Mr. Selman was offering. 
They returned in ten days with a favorable report, and Mr. 
Selman was invited to Cincinnati "in order to give further 
information about the land." The tract under consideration 
was situated two miles below the town of Cannelton and com- 
prised 20,000 acres, 4,000 of which lay along the Ohio River. 
The land was reputed to be fertile and rich in minerals.* 
The society wanted even more land than was offered, and 
on July 31 wrote to the government land office at Vincennes 
to find out if there was any suitable "congress land" available 
in Perry county. 

Early in August the Swiss Colonization Society informed 
Selman that it was ready to close the deal with him and the 

•Letter to Mr. C. W. Lange, Lexington, Ky., June 29, 1857. 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 111 

Hon. Ballard Smith, his partner in the transaction. But a 
long delay ensued before the sale was consummated. There 
seemed to be great difficulty in clearing the titles to the land 
and the board of the society evidently gave up hopes of mak- 
ing the Perry county purchase, for in October a Land Com- 
mission was again sent to Missouri. In a letter of November 
4 the Board urgently asked Mr. Selman and Judge Elisha M. 
Huntington, a Perry county land holder, if they could not 
furnish a clear title to a single tract of 4,000 acres by Jan- 
uary 1. An early reply from Judge Huntington assured the 
board that such could be secured, and during the next few 
months the following lands were bought by the Colonization 
Society through its agents : Elisha M. Huntington, 398 acres 
for $15,920 ; Marshall Key, 302 acres for $12,080 ; John James, 
74 acres for $3,750; Charles Limberick, 40 acres for $600 
Pacob Dewitt, 160 acres for $2,500; Nimrod Latimer 
22 acres for $264; Edwin Morris, 40 acres for $1,000 
George W. Butler, 74 acres for $3,700; Benjamin Per- 
singer, 200 acres for $10,000; Abel Butler, 270 acres for 
$5,500; Samuel E. V/ebb, 200 acres for $3,600; Eli Thrasher, 
120 acres for $2,400 ; J. B. Huckaby, 40 acres for $430 ; Fred 
H. Oelschlaeger, 212 acres for $3,000 ; H. P. Brazee, 200 acres 
for $5,000 ; John Turner, 120 acres for $1,435 ; William Butler, 
200 acres, for $3,100; Ballard Smith, 480 acres for $5,700; 
Homer Hull, 80 acres for $1,000 ; Nancy Field, 40 acres for 
$250 ; A. G. Sehnan, 800 acres for $3,200 ; William Butler, 80 
acres for $1,000. In all 4,152 acres were bought costing 
$85,429. The purchase of this land in Indiana was opposed 
by some of the branch societies of the Swiss Colonization So- 
ciety and many members withdrew. This did not disconcert 
the remaining members, since the Periy county tract would 
probably not have supplied land sufficient for the original 
membership. 

In January, 1858, Mr. Louis Frey, the agent of the Swiss 
Colonization Society, was sent to Cannelton to attend to the 
preliminary work connected with the founding of the proposed 
town. At the same time the county recorder was informed 
"of the purchase of a tract of land in your county, upon which 
a new town. Tell City, will soon be laid out." The board 
furthermore asked the advice of the recorder in the prepara- 



112 Indiana Magazine of History 

tion of deeds, etc. A short time after this, the society's engi- 
neer, Mr. August Pfaeflflin, began the work of surveying the 
land and laying out the town, of which 7,328 town lots and 
974 garden lots were laid out. 

In the official plan for colonization these lots were thus 
described. The size of the city lots in 200 blocks is fixed as 
follows : 

(a) In the best located sections of the city at forty feet 
front and one hundred forty feet deep. 

(b) In the middle section of the town at forty-eight feet 
front and one hundred forty feet deep. 

(c) In the outlying sections of the city at sixty feet 
front and one hundred forty feet deep. 

The corner lots of each block are only seventy feet deep. 
The garden lots shall be, like the city lots, divided according 
to their location and distance, into three classes, of which 
those lying nearest the own site shall be laid out at five- 
sixths of an acre, those more distant from the town site at 
one and one-ninth acres, those furthest removed at one and 
two-thirds acres. The lots of the last class may, if necessary, 
be laid out beyond the corporation line. 

Mr. Pfaeflflin was also instructed to prepare a map of 
the town, which would be necessary for the assignment of 
the lots. In addition to other duties, Mr. Frey and the engi- 
neer were to examine land in the vicinity, with the view of 
purchasing it for farmlands; since it seemed that there was 
a greater demand among the prospective settlers for farm- 
land than for town lots. More land was bought, but there 
was a great deal of delay in negotiating the purchase, due to 
the failure of some of the directors, who did not reside in 
Cincinnati, to vote on the matter. Because of this, Mr. Frey 
was advised by the secretary to attend to pressing business 
in the future without waiting for the approval of the directors. 
Early in February the society already had in its possession 
2,710 acres for the town site and 6,000 acres (for some of 
which it merely held options) of farm and garden lands. 

Since town lots were to be apportioned by lot, the coloni- 
zation plan provided that a number should be reserved and 
given to first settlers in exchange for lots which were not 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 113 

suitable for building. Whether or not a lot was capable of 
improvement was to be determined by a committee of three, 
one member chosen by the lot owner, a second by the society 
or its representative, and the third by both parties concerned. 
This matter of improveable and non-improveable lots later 
caused a great deal of confusion and dissension. However, 
each shareholder was not to be permitted thus to exchange 
more than one lot and he must furthermore within one year 
of his arrival erect a brick or frame house, worth not less 
than $125. The society was to provide each settler with enough 
building material for a one-story, two room house, the amount 
for it to be paid in three yearly payments. Owners of garden 
lots might buy an additional tract of gardenland, not to exceed 
three and one-third acres. The terms for the purchase of 
farmland were: one-third cash, one-third in three years and 
one-third in six years. 

Lots were distributed in March, 1858, in which month 
the first settlers began to arrive. The society placed all vacant 
buildings at the disposal of the newcomers, but they came in 
such numbers, that many were forced to live in the open for a 
time while a great many had to leave for want of homes.* 
In a few weeks there were one hundred families in the town. 

Communications from Mr. Frey, during the month of 
April, present a vivid and interesting picture of that busy 
time. The agent lamented the fact that many settlers had 
no place to stay; that they must build but find that their 
lots were not yet surveyed. He reported that a great number 
of lots were so situated that during the first year no three 
out of ten would be suitable for building purposes, because 
they lay deep in the forest ! In reply to questions and reproach, 
Mr. Frey said the work had not progressed more rapidly be- 
cause of shortage of labor and building materials ; furthermore, 
the town had been laid out "zu groszartig" and the work ac- 
complished was hardly noticeable compared with the work to 
be done. By the end of April three of ten houses which the 
society had planned to build were completed and were oc- 
cupied by six families. Twenty-one houses at that time had 
been started by settlers. The only passable road was the 
Plank road (which has been superseded by the alley between 

•From a letter by Secretary Eggers, April 14, 1858. 



114 Indiana Magazine of History 

Main and Ninth streets) and around this crude street busi- 
ness was ah-eady concentrating. 

During the first months Mr. Frey labored strenuously. 
He occupied the precarious position of buffer ^between the 
worried settlers and the impatient directors of the Coloniza- 
tion Society. He adjusted many matters that were but vaguely 
defined in the plans of the organization, and proceeded on his 
own initiative at times when the delay necessary for an official 
action of the society would have meant loss to the settlement. 
One such occasion arose with regard to the "reserve lots," 
those lots, which were given for lots not suitable for building. 
Frey found the two hundred reserve lots to be scattered about 
in almost inaccessible sections of the settlement, and turned 
over to settlers lots situated along the Plank road. Due in 
part to such actions, there developed among some of the di- 
rectors a strong dislike for Frey. They maintained that he, 
as well as Pfaefflin, the engineer, was not discharging his 
duties as promptly and efficiently as he should ; it seems, how- 
ever, that the distant officials merely failed to comprehend the 
task of the man who was supervising the building of a town. 

A distressing shortage of funds was not the least of the 
problems which confronted the pioneers. At times the work- 
men were paid scarcely more than enough to defray neces- 
sary expenses, and in the absence of cash they were paid 
in orders on the grocery stores. Finally, Frey asked for 
authority to dismiss unmarried workmen, if the treasurer of 
the society were unable to raise necessary monies.* About 
the middle of July, 1858, all workmen who were not actual 
settlers were dismissed. This action is reported as having 
called forth dissatisfaction. In a letter of August 9, the agent 
urgently requests a remittance of $600, "since the workmen 
have received no pay for more than a month." 

In spite of these various handicaps the building of Tell 
City and even the improvement of its streets progressed 
steadily, and the end of August found a town of 1,156 souls. 
The report of the president of the Swiss Colonization Society 
to the Convention at Tell City, in September, 1858, stated 
that there were in the settlement 262 dwelling houses, valued 

•Letters by Mr. Frey, June 12 and 13, 1858. 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 115 

at more than $40,000. The president found the great extent 
of the settlement to be a disadvantage since it was easy to see 
the remoter garden lots must remain for years dead capital 
for the owners, because they were too far away for gardens 
and too small for farms. He therefore recommended that 
they be bought back and be sold again in larger sections. 

The most important action of the Convention of 1858 
was that by which the government of the settlement was 
transferred from Cincinnati to Tell City. There were in the 
Swiss Colonization Society two governing bodies, a Board of 
Directors, and a Board of Control which attended to the de- 
tails of administration, subject, however, to the Board of 
Directors. From September, 1858, the Board of Control, still 
subordinated to the Board of Directors, was situated at Tell 
City. The Convention further limited the expenditure of the 
Board of Control to $800 per month. Although the change 
secured a prompter and more efficient management of the 
town, the two boards were at times engaged in bitter wrangles 
over points and policies of administration. 

An official letter of the Swiss Colonization Society states : 
"This association is organized more for the common benefit 
of the poorer class of our countrymen, which consists mostly 
of intelligent mechanics and farmers." We infer that the 
"mechanic" element was rather in the majority, for in the 
planning and organization of the settlement more attention 
was given to the development and encouragement of industry 
than to the fostering of agricultural pursuits. The founders 
of Tell City fully expected it to become an important manu- 
facturing center. It was favorably located and the neighbor- 
ing lands were said to contain rich coal beds. The enormous 
scale upon which the town was laid out clearly showed that 
the village was expected to develop into a thriving metropolis. 
The streets cut through the tangled forests were conceived 
as the spacious thoroughfares of a busy city. Those running 
east and west were seventy feet wide, including the side- 
walks, each ten feet in width ; those running north and south 
were eighty feet wide, including sidewalks of twelve feet on 
each side. Tell City seems always to have taken a great pride 
in the improvement of its streets, for, about April, 1858, 



116 Indiana Magazine of History 

each society share was assessed five dollars, payable in monthly 
payments, the revenue to be used for street and other im- 
provements, and the early minutes of the town board, as well 
as those of the Society's Board of Directors show that much 
time and money were spent for that purpose. The wide, 
well-kept streets of the town at present further attest this 
fact. During the earlier years some of the citizens insisted, 
perhaps wisely, that too much money was being spent on 
streets; that it would be more profitable for the town and 
for share-holders in general to turn the money to the encour- 
agement of industry. 

Section 12 of the first colonization plan provided that 
the society should reserve a stretch of land which should 
serve as building sites for factories and other large establish- 
ments. These sites were to be sold at one dollar per foot, 
provided they did not exceed a front of one hundred feet. If 
more than one hundred feet front was desired, every front foot 
over the one hundred should cost three dollars. A second 
plan of colonization formulated in September, 1858, author- 
ized that any manufacturing firm, employing more than ten 
men, should be given a lot of one hundred feet front and the 
full depth of the block gratis. Further, such establishments 
might borrow from the society from $500 to $1,000 for two 
years at 6 per cent, interest, with satisfactory security. But 
this amount was not to be paid until the buildings necessary 
to the undertaking were erected. Although no mention is 
made of it in the colonization plan, it seems the society would 
also loan money on the firm's guarantee to employ a certain 
number of men. The rate was $500 for every twenty men 
employed. The society itself did not undertake any manu- 
facturing enterprise, but merely aided and encouraged pri- 
vate undertakings. 

From the very first, many firms encouraged by the oifers 
of assistance and the brilliant prospects of Tell City as a 
future manufacturing center, sought to found establishments 
in the new town. The first ventures were, as we might ex- 
pect, saw-mills. A letter of February 4, 1858, shows that 
two companies, Kraatz and Co. and Herrmann and Co. were 
contemplating the erection of saw-mills; in the same month 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 117 

it was resolved to give Herrman and Co. all the trees cut 
down in the making of the streets. This company began 
work in May. A shingle factory, which had been granted 
$300, began work about the same time. Soon after a brick- 
yard was opened, and a lime kiln was started about two and 
a half miles from the town. During the summer many peti- 
tions for assistance were laid before the directors of the 
society. In August Mr. Huthsteiner, one of the earliest pio- 
neers and proprietor of the first hotel, asked to rent some 
land for a saw-mill. It was decided to rent him the block 
reserved for a park as a place to erect a portable saw-mill. 
In September the board sold J. Endebrock a lot of forty feet 
front and one hundred forty feet depth at one dollar per 
front foot for the erection of a sash and door factory. A 
firm which wished to use a lot on the river front for a lumber 
yard was denied the right, since the Board of Control was 
of the opinion that valuable lots along the river should be 
adorned by buildings rather than be made unsightly by yards. 

The convention of September found many industrial prop- 
ositions for its consideration. Messrs. Burggraf and Zins 
desired a lot free, that they might build a foundry, the first 
building to cost about $1,500. This was granted and in addi- 
tion $1,000 was placed at the disposal of the company. Pikel 
and Haufbauer, who also wanted a lot and $2,000 for the erec- 
tion of a foundry, were granted their petition. Fred Zirbel 
was forwarded $1,000 for the erection of a flour mill, provided 
he began the building of the same during the coming winter ; 
if not, he was to receive but $500. Peter Schreck, a brewer, 
was loaned $300 at 6% for two years. Huthsteiner and 
Pfaefflin received $500 at 6% for the aid of their saw-mill. 
Various other resolutions similar to the above were passed 
by the convention. A general resolution provided that all 
persons receiving lots for manufacturing purposes must build 
on the same within a half year, unless otherwise provided 
by contract. Furthermore, those persons receiving lots gratis 
were not to be given deeds until they had kept their concerns 
in operation for five years; until that time they were to re- 
ceive warrant deeds. 

Through the succeeding months many manufacturing 



118 Indiana Magazine of History 

projects, mostly flour mills, saw-mills and wood- working in- 
dustries, were organized and discussed. The most important 
of these was the Tell City Furniture Company, which was 
organized in the spring of 1859 with a capital of $50,000. 
This company has developed into one of the town's most 
important establishments. The Fischer Chair Company which 
developed from the firm of Combs, Hartman and Co. (1863) 
is another of the pioneer industries. 

An interesting organization was the Tell City Industrial 
Society which was founded in October, 1858, by friends of 
the settlement in St. Louis and Louisville, as well as by citi- 
zens of Tell City. Its purpose, as stated in the constitution, 
was to provide work for the citizens of Tell City and to in- 
crease the prosperity of the town and the value of the prop- 
erty by the founding of industrial establishments. The so- 
ciety proposed to found a furniture factory, a factory for 
wagons, plows, etc., a factory for lasts, pegs and cobblers' 
supplies and an extensive coopershop, since these plants could 
use as raw material the timber standing on the Colonization 
Society lands. Funds were to be raised by the sale of shares 
at $10 per share. As soon as two thousand shares should be 
subscribed, preparation for the first establishment was to be 
begun. The second was to be started when three thousand 
shares were taken and the third when four thousand and the 
fourth when five thousand. Although it aroused considerable 
enthusiasm and was evidently organized on sound principles, 
the Tell City Industrial Society seemingly languished away 
without accomplishing much definite good for the town. 

The Cannelton Reporter of October 2, 1858, says of its 
neighbor : 

Tell City is a marvel. There is notliing like its liistory and progress, 
and it lias no precedent. It has now over eleven miles of streets, cut 
seventy feet wide through the forest ; it has 1,500 people and 300 huoses. 

Notwithstanding this flattering report, which was, in 
fact true, the outlook in Tell City was not the brightest. To 
begin with, the town had been founded at a time when there 
was a general financial depression throughout the country.* 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 119 

The letters of Mr. Frey show how difficult it was to secure 
funds for the execution of the society's plans. This con- 
dition hardly improved, for by the summer of 1859 the society 
paid out very little for the subsidy of industry and there was 
even difficulty in getting the directors to meet obligations 
already made. Of course, the individual firms as well as the 
Swiss Colonization Society were hard pressed, and several 
establishments did not survive the first difficult months. Tell 
City's first winter reminds one faintly of the first winter of 
the Pljrtnouth colony. Prospective settlers were warned that 
work was scarce and money "tight." Sickness and a flooded 
Ohio were further discouraging factors and everybody looked 
forward hopefully to spring. But the hopes were realized 
only in part. A shoe factory and several other projects seem 
never to have materialized and during the summer of 1859 
many families had to leave Tell City on account of lack of 
work. 

Very little real money circulated during the first years. 
Each plant kept a commissary department, and the employees 
were paid in produce, which the factory had received from 
the farmers in payment for furniture, etc. The worlanen 
were also given orders on the local stores while cash was 
scarce. One man states that he worked a year before he 
was paid his first five dollar bill in actual cash. This same 
man, who, like many other settlers, owned stock in an estab- 
lishment, drew dividends but three times in thirty years, — 
and then the dividends were paid in additional stock. Con- 
trary to the opinion of some persons interested in the early 
industrial organization of the Swiss Colonization Society, the 
firms were not co-operative, although employees often owned 
shares. The children of a shareholder were assured a position 
in the factory for life, or on good behavior. By this provi- 
sion, opportunity was given boys for learning that particular 
trade. If necessary, men, not related to share-holders, were 
employed, but stock holders and their families were preferred, 
and were paid better wages. Wages, even if not paid in cash, 
were good. 

The town had scarcely time to recover from the depres- 
sion of the earlier years before the dark financial clouds of 



120 Indiana Magazine of History 

the Civil war enshrouded its industries and manufactures. 
During these dark days employees, even men with families, 
received as little as fifty cents a week in cash. After the v/ar, 
however. Tell City industry began to flourish and the town 
showed evidences of fulfilling all that the founders expected 
of it. In the years immediately following the war some of 
the strongest firms, most of which still survive,, were founded. 
In this group are the Southwestern Furniture Co., The Chair 
Makers' Union, The Tell City Planing Mill and the Herrmann 
Bros. Wagon Co. Probably the most luckless of the Tell 
City enterprises was the Agricultural Machine Co. The finan- 
cial tribulations of this company occupy much space in the 
proceedings of the Colonization Society. Its original purpose 
was chiefly the manufacture of hay presses. These sold to 
the South for cotton presses, in which capacity they did not 
prove very satisfactory. Later the firm manufactured stoves, 
which also were not sucessful. In 1869 the "Alligator" fac- 
tory, as it was dubbed by the citizens, was bought by an In- 
dianapolis company, which started the Cabinet Makers' Union, 
now one of the town's chief establishments. The youngest 
of the important manufactories is the Tell City Desk Co., 
organized in 1890. 

The various furniture factories made common grades of 
furniture, and their large output was sold mostly to the south- 
ern negro. The following article, taken from the Tell City 
Anzeiger of March 26, 1870, presents a good summary of 
Tell City's furniture industry : 

Tbe furniture trade of Tell City witli the South is constantly increas- 
ing. None of tlie steamboats plying between New Orleans, Memphis and 
Cincinnati passes our city without first shipping a quantity of furniture 
of all kinds; there is even often a lack of transportation facilities, so 
that the large wharfboat is constantly full to overflowing and sometimes 
cannot accommodate the goods awaiting shipment. At the beginning of 
last mouth the splendid sidewheeler "Indiana" was detailed here from 
Louisville, without cargo, in order to take a full cargo of furniture to 
the South. Several others have followed this boat. 

The same paper on July 30, 1870, reports: 

Last Sunday morning at seven o'clock Capt. J. W. Sterett with his 
new side-wheel steamer "Diana" arrived here from the upper Ohio and 
took on board furniture to the value of $8,000, eight wagons and a large 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 121 

consignment of shingles. Aside from the crew, the steamer carried only 
ten passengers. She lay at the lauding until eleven p. m., up until 
which time the work of loading continued uninterruptedly. The wares 
were piled in cabins, stiite rooms, upon the decks and in fact, in any 
place where sufficient room could be found, and 'only narrow passage 
ways were left as a means of communication from one end of the boat to 
the other. The merchandise was destined for Galveston, Texas. 

In fact, the enormous boat loads of Tell City furniture, 
which passed down the river in the days before the railroad, 
have become almost traditional along the Ohio. During pe- 
riods when the river was low, the Tell City mills were forced 
to store their product until the river became navigable again, 
and this, of course, caused a tremendous export in the favor- 
able seasons. Frequently, too, the furniture would be towed 
on barges to Evansville, Indiana, or Henderson, Kentucky, and 
there loaded on trains. Tell City was indeed (and still is) 
an important furniture manufacturing center. But that was 
not Tell City's only product as the following list of exports 
during two weeks in 1866 shows : 

300,000 pounds of castings, exclusive of kettles, etc., from Kimbe! 
and Zins' foundry; several hundred bedsteads, bureaus, tables, wardrobes, 
etc., from the Tell City Furniture Factory ; 400 dozen chairs from the chair 
factories; 20 cotton presses and 2 hay presses from the Agricultural Ma- 
chine Co. ; 100 sacks of carded wool and cloth from Hanser, Becker and 
Spoerris' woolen factory; 200 barrels of flour from Steinauer and Co.'s 
mill ; 50 half barrels of beer from F. Voelkers and C. Becker's breweries ; 
20,000 feet of flooring, doors, windows, etc., from JI. Deckert's and J. 
Schoettlin and Co.'s Planing Mills; 500 new kegs; 20 fine marble grave- 
stones from H. Ludwig; 25 pairs of bellows; 4 wagons; 12 spinning 
wheels; 2 spring wagons. 

In 1866 Tell City had approximately 2,600 inhabitants, 
mostly Swiss and German, more factories than any city of 
its size on the Ohio south of Louisville, good schools, and 
no jail. 

One of the chief concerns of this growing industrial com- 
munity was the securing of a railroad. The first project 
which affected Tell City was the so-called Anderson Valley 
railroad. A notice in the Tell City Anzeiger, March, 1867, 
informs us: 

The citizens of Dubois county are willing to build a good road, if 



122 Indiana Magazine of History 

possible a railroad, from Jasper to the Ohio river, and for this purpose 
have invited the citizens of Troy, Cannelton and Tell City to participate 
in the matter. 

Local citizens are invited to assemble at the marketplace Sunday 
morning at ten o'clock for a discussion. 

Nothing definite ever came from this proposal, as far as 
Tell City was concerned, although much enthusiasm was 
aroused and some negotiations were entered into. Again in 
1871 there was a railroad agitation; the line, known as the 
Ohio River railroad, was to run through Newburg, Rockport, 
Grandview, Troy, Tell City, Cannelton and Leopold and con- 
nect with the Air Line near Hartford, Crawford county, 
or else run into New Albany on an independent line.* 

It was not until some years later that Tell City was 
linked to the rest of the country by rail. The Huntingburg, 
Tell City and Cannelton railroad, a part of the Air Line sys- 
tem (now the Southern) was organized about 1886. By 
August of the same year the citizens of Tell City had sub- 
scribed $5,000 for the proposed line, and in September they 
held a railroad election which was to determine whether the 
city should levy a two per cent, tax for that purpose. By a 
vote of 455 to 15 it was determined to levy the tax.** On 
May 4, 1887, the city council passed an ordinance granting a 
right of way to the railroad company. On the thirty-first 
of December, 1887, amid the rejoicings of Tell City's inhabi- 
tants, the first railroad train came through the town. 

As early as March, 1859, steps had been taken relative to 
the incorporation of Tell City as a town. This action had 
been resolved upon by the convention of 1858. In April the 
agent was ordered to make a census of the town and compile 
a report of the society property. In July Tell City was incorpo- 
rated, the first election occuring on Monday, July 25, 1859. 
The trustees elected were, Henry Brehmer, Joseph Einsiedler, 
Charles Reiff, Chris Nebelmesser, J. M. Rauscher, Fred Rank 
and William Leopold. The other officials were J. C. Schening, 
clerk ; Fred Steiner, marshal ; William Leopold, assessor ; John 

*De la Hunt: Perry County. A History. W. K. Stewart Co., Indlan- 
olis 1916, page 312. 

**Tell City Anzeiger, September 18, 1886. 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 123 

Wegman, treasurer; Rauscher, Anders and Reiflf, school 
trustees. 

On March 3, 1860, a committee, which had been ap- 
pointed for that purpose, was urged to secure a town seal, 
representing William Tell as a symbol of the town, as quickly 
as possible. 

It was intended to dissolve the Swiss Colonization So- 
ciety as soon as the incorporation was effected. A newspaper 
account says the society was declared dissolved in the conven- 
tion of 1860, and the following disposal made of its property : 

The property of the Society is to be divided into three equal parts: 
one-third shall be turned over to the Tell City free schools immediately, 
one third shall be used for improvements in the settlement and one- 
third for the benefit of manufacturing companies. 

As long as Tell City was not incorporated as a city the 
administration of the property of the dissolved society was 
to be in the hands of a board of seven members, called a 
liquidation committee, which should be elected annually by 
the citizens of Tell City. At this time the value of the Swiss 
Colonization Society property was something over $50,000. 
On February 24, 1877, a meeting of the citizens of the town 
was called to discuss the transfer of the business of the Swiss 
Colonization Society (meaning doubtless, only the liquidation 
committee) to the town of Tell City. Nothing definite in 
regard to the matter was done until the next year, on Septem- 
ber 12, 1878, the board of the Society resolved to appoint a 
committee to examine the society records and turn the valua- 
ble records over to the city. Then, on March 20, 1879, the 
committee for the cession of the society property reported 
that all lots and lands which the society still owned should 
be transferred to the Tell City school, for the benefit of the 
special school fund. Some time later it was resolved that 
the money remaining ($133.13) be given to the city to buy 
a small fire-engine for the Little Active Fire Company. And 
on the same day, April 17, 1879, a motion was made that it be 
published in the paper three times that the society board 
from this day be completely dissolved, for which Editor Bott 
shall receive two dollars. It was passed. Hereupon the 
society board adjourned forever. 



124 Indiana Magazine of History 

The minutes of the town board during these years show- 
that it was busied with the usual affairs which come before 
such bodies, — street improvements, market ordinances, etc. 
The records were kept in both German and EngUsh and in 
1878 the town clerk was given a special allowance of $20 for 
writing the minutes in the two languages. The town ordi- 
nances, it seems, were drawn up in English, and in order 
that members of the town board might use them intelligently 
for reference, they had to be translated into German. Still, 
by 1870 the occasional use of an English word for its Ger- 
man equivalent, and a poorer quality of German script show 
a decline of the German. The minutes of the board of trus- 
tees and later of the city council, were written in German 
until as late as 1894. On April 16, 1865, a special session 
of the board was called to pass resolutions on the death of 
Abraham Lincoln. In 1867 an ordinance was passed licensing 
saloons. The minutes reveal that there were several com- 
peting volunteer fire companies, and the trustees had to exer- 
cise tact to escape the charge of partiality in assisting the 
different companies. In 1868 a fire department was estab- 
lished. A committee to consider the diminishing of the cor- 
poration limits was appointed in 1869. This matter came up 
again in 1877, but nothing was done. 

In 1871 the building of a jail was proposed. The privi- 
lege of erecting telegraph poles was granted in 1878, and 
similar action with regard to the telephone was passed in 
1882. 

On January 6, 1886, a petition from over 200 voters was 
presented, asking the incorporation of Tell City as a city. 
Consequently, the town clerk was directed to publish a notice 
that on the first day of March, 1886, a poll would be taken 
at the market house to determine whether the town should be 
incorporated as a city. A large majority favored incorpora- 
tion and a record of proceedings was filed in the circuit court 
of Perry county in March, 1886. The city was divided into 
three wards, the first extending from the southern boundary 
of Tell City to Humboldt street, the second comprising the 
territory between Humboldt and Jefferson streets, and the 
third bounded by Jefferson street and the northern corpora- 
tion line. 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 125 

The first meeting of the common council was held on 
March 31, 1886. The officials were August Schreiber, mayor; 
Anton Mora week and John C. Harrer, councilman from the 
first ward; Valentine Ress and John Hess, from the second 
ward; Henry Bader and Joseph Adam from the third ward; 
Frederick Kaelin, city clerk; William Schroeder, marshal;, 
Alexander Gasser, Sr., treasurer, and Charles Gramberg, as- 



Having now traced a rough outline of the historical 
development of Tell City, and having observed and followed 
out the industrial plans of the Swiss Colonization Society, 
we will doubtless find it of interest to retrace our steps and 
notice those phases of the community life which differentiated 
Tell City from other settlements of the time and gave it its 
distinctive character as a unique Swiss American settlement. 
We find among the members of the Swiss Colonization Society 
a strong interest in education. Some of the more eager set- 
tlers tried as early as February, 1858, to secure a vacant 
house for a school house. This was objected to, because it 
was felt that it was more necessary to provide shelter for 
the coming settlers than to have a school house. In June 
a committee which had been appointed to attend to the matter 
of erecting a school house reported that there were then in 
Tell City fifty children of school age, and that in a short time 
the number would probably be doubled. As the financial con- 
dition of the society would not permit its appropriating much 
money for school purposes, for the time being only one school 
building could be erected: In the same month it was decided 
to construct a building, about 30 by 40 feet in dimensions, 
two-storied, with a large school room and a residence for the 
teacher in each story. The first school, under the direction 
of Albert Oestreicher, was opened within four months of 
the founding of the settlement, though not in the building 
proposed, for a year later the society was still unable to build 
a school house. ' Citizens at that time were asked to con- 
tribute to the salary of a second teacher. 

For the first few years the struggle to keep the schools 
going was a difficult one. The administration of school affairs 
was a matter of general community interest and mass meet- 
ing of the citizens for the discussion of school matters were 



126 Indiana Magazine of History 

frequently held. Fortunately, the proceedings of these meet- 
ings from 1861-68 have been preserved. On July 14, 1861, it 
was resolved that two German-English free schools should be 
established in Tell City and as soon as the means permitted 
a third school, a high school, should be founded. The cur- 
riculum was to include reading and writing in German and 
English, arithmetic, history, geography, singing and draw- 
ing. (No mention is made of yodeling, but the good Swiss 
did at one time teach it in their schools.) There were to be 
thirty hours of instruction a week and advanced pupils were 
to be given work to do over Saturday and Sunday. A six 
weeks' vacation was to be allowed in the summer, and during 
that time the teachers were to receive half pay. The salary 
of the teachers was set at thirty dollars per month, with resi- 
dence and one cord of stove-wood a year free. Before the elec- 
tion of teachers in 1861 a meeting was held so that all citizens 
might inform themselves concerning the fitness of the appli- 
cants. A committee of ten citizens was to co-operate with 
the school board in choosing teachers. 

In 1862 a fire destroyed one of the school buildings and 
the funds for building a new school were made up largely 
by private subscription and the contribution of the Coloniza- 
tion Society. This school was known as the South school. 
By 1865, however, the new school was so crowded that plans 
for another building were inaugurated. The same year the 
funds available were not sufficient to keep the schools going 
the full term as free schools and during the month of Decem- 
ber a tuition fee of one dollar per pupil was charged. By 
1866 the public schools accommodated four hundred pupils, 
who were taught by five teachers. The teachers at that time 
were Mr. Debus, Mr. Huthsteiner, Mr. Baumgaertner, Mrs. 
Ellen Largent and Miss Hedwig Knecht. That year it was 
definitely decided to build a two-story brick school house with 
four rooms, on Tenth street, between Jefferson and Tell. 
The funds for this building were also in part provided by 
private contributions. 

Money for the schools was often raised by fairs, picnics 
and exhibitions, which were always well patronized. One 
picnic netted a sum of $131.90. The property which the 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 127 

Swiss Colonization Society ceded the schools was also of great 
assistance. Besides the public schools there were various 
private night schools in which mathematics, bookkeeping and 
especially English were taught. The citizens of Tell City, 
though they cherished lovingly the memories and the tradi- 
tions of their native Switzerland, were striving industriously 
to acquaint themselves with the customs and language of 
the adopted fatherland. Tell City, like all German Hoosier 
communities, was deeply interested in the struggle for the 
legal recognition of German instruction in the public schools 
of Indiana. This matter was decided by an act of the General 
Assembly of 1869, which sanctioned the use of the German 
language in the public schools. 

Nothing presents clearer the intellectual attainment and 
cultural standing of the founders of Tell City than the names 
which they gave their streets. It is a delightful surprise to 
find in this little city streets named Mozart, Schiller and 
Rubens. The street names Franklin, Fulton, Gutenberg, Watt 
and Payne show a recognition of the leaders in various fields 
of knowledge and achievement. Humboldt, Jefferson, Wash- 
ington, Blum, Steuben and DeKalb testify to an admiration 
of alL champions of liberty, and Tell, Pestalozzi and Winkelried 
proclaim a reverence for the heroes of Switzerland. 

The first church in the community was established by 
Catholics. Two lots on the west side of Eighth street, be- 
tween JeflFerson and Fulton, were sold the congregation in 
1859, but the cornerstone for the building was not laid until 
July 10, 1870. Two lots were sold to a German Evangelical 
congregation in 1861, and a church was erected in 1863. At 
present there are in Tell City, besides the churches named, a 
German Methodist church, founded during the 'SO's, an Eng- 
lish Methodist, established some ten years later, and a Luth- 
eran congregation which was founded in 1900. 

The early Tell City newspapers contributed considerably 
to the community life. The first newspaper was the Helvetia: 
Organ fuer Fortschritt, Freiheit und Vaterland. It was not 
originally a Tell City paper, but first appeared in Cincinnati 
in 1857, under the editorship of J. H. Walser. It was widely 
read by Swiss all over the country and devoted most of its 



128- Indiana Magazine of History 

space to news from Switzerland and to the activities of Swiss 
settlements in the United States. It was closely identilied 
with the Swiss Colonization Society and became virtually its 
official organ. Like all German newspapers it contained a 
Feuillton, or literary section; the selections published were 
often really good literature. The management of the Helvetia 
was transferred to Tell City in 1859, from which time it was 
known as the Helvetia, Tell City Volksblatt. Dr. N. Sorg be- 
came editor of the paper in November, 1859. 

The Helvetia was followed by the Tell City Anzeiger, 
which was pubhshed by M. Schmid and F. J. Widmer and 
first appeared on September 1, 1866. It was to be "not a 
so-called political, but a local paper." After the first year it 
was published by Martin Schmid and Son, and in the third 
year passed into the hands of H. G. Bott and M. Schmid, Jr. 
The Anzeiger remained in the hands of the Bott family until 
1912, when it was bought by the Evansville Demokrat, a 
German newspaper published in Evansville, Indiana. The 
Feuillton of the Anzeiger offered its readers many interest- 
ing bits of literature. Some American impressions of the 
German author and traveler Gerstaecker were reprinted in 
the Anzeiger, and occasionally we find selections from eminent 
German American writers. Frequently there were copied 
from larger German American papers verses in which the 
transplanted German expressed his impressions of America. 
There were frequent satirical thrusts at the Prohibitionists; 
sketches and poems in the Swiss dialect were always popular 
with the readers of the Anzeiger. 

The early records of the Swiss Colonization Society ex- 
pressed the hatred that its members felt toward slavery and 
emphasized their love of republican principles and liberty 
equality and justice. In this respect the people of Tell City 
were but typical of all German Americans, although the fact 
that many of the townspeople were Swiss intensified their 
love of freedom and democratic government. They were 
always actively interested in the political questions of the 
country. By 1860 Tell City was able to assert itself as a 
political factor. The town was Republican in politics and 
its citizens were enthusiastic, loyal champions of Abraham 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 129 

Lincoln. At the first presidential election in which Tell city 
participated all but three of the votes cast were for the 
Rail Splitter. Their zeal for Lincoln and the Union assumed 
a more concrete form than mere noisy cheering and ostenta- 
tious flag waving. The first company to leave Perry county 
for enlistment in the Civil war was a Tell City company 
captained by Louis Frey. This company left on May 17, 1861. 
Again in November the town sent more volunteers, a com- 
pany of ninety, the largest single body of men that came from 
the county during the war. The oflicers were Theodore 
Pleisch, captain; Nicholas Steinauer, first lieutenant, and 
Ernst Kipp, second lieutenant.* Thus did Tell City make 
its contribution to one of the most glorious pages in the his- 
tory of Indiana. 

In July, 1862, a homeguard was organized. Every man 
who did guard duty one full night, from eight p. m. until 4 
a. m., was to receive a certificate good for a credit of forty 
cents on his taxes. Four companies of artillery were also 
formed. The chief duties of these organizations was to keep 
watch along the Ohiu. They drilled every afternoon in an 
open space where the Southwestern Furniture Company now 
stands, and whenever an alarm was sounded from the market 
house, now replaced by the city hall, they were to assemble 
there immediately. The homeguards were called out twice, 
once when it was reported that Morgan the Raider was ap- 
proaching the town, and again when rebels were said to be 
threatening Troy, a small town a few miles down the river 
from Tell City. 

The town again showed its patriotism in 1916. Of the 
national guard companies mustered in for border duty in 
July, the Tell City company of 119 men was the largest com- 
pany in its regiment. 

After the war the political mind of Tell City found much 
to take up its time. There was a bitter contempt for Presi- 
dent Johnson and his policies, and correlative with that a 
strong feeling against the negro. It was very humiliating to the 
people of Tell City to see the negro receive the full rights of 
citizenship, while everywhere Know-nothing was disparaging 

*De la Hunt, Perry County a History, 216. 



130 Indiana Magazine of History 

the German element. In those days the German American 
element in Indiana, more solid than it now is, was an impor. 
tant, as well as an uncertain factor with which to reckon in 
State politics. The voters of Tell City, like the majority of 
German Americans throughout the land, recognized Carl 
Schurz as their political guide and leader. 

During the '90's Tell City and its neighbor, Cannelton, 
were engaged in a bitter struggle for the location of the county 
courthouse. Tell City, finding it necessary at that time to 
build a city building, the present city hall, planned the struc- 
ture so that it could be used as a courthouse, should the city 
win the fight. But in 1896 Cannelton came out victorious, 
having subscribed $30,000 for the county building. It is said 
that Tell City earlier had the chance of locating the court- 
house, but refused because the settlers did not want any 
loafers hanging around. 

No German American settlement in the last decades of 
the preceding century would have been complete without its 
Turnverein, or gymnastic society. So, also, the Turnverein in 
Tell City was influential in the life of the community. Al- 
though the early inhabitants were industrious and thrifty, 
as they had to be to withstand the hard times through which 
they lived, they were also a people who greatly loved recreation 
and social intercourse, and the social life of the town centered 
largely around the Turnverein. The entertainments, which 
were frequent, varied from mere informal gatherings to gor- 
geous masque balls. In May, 1859, the Swiss Colonization 
Society gave the Turnverein a ninety-nine year lease for a 
lot, the rent to be one dollar a year. The chief purpose of a 
Turnverein is the physical training of youth, the development 
of a "sound body in a sound mind." Classes for the training 
of children in the gymnastic arts were held twice each week, 
and to insure general participation, the dues at one time were 
as low as ten cents a month for each pupil. A big gymnastic 
exhibition was held in Tell City as early as 1859, and even 
Turners from Cincinnati participated. 

There was a Theater-Sektion of the Turnverein which 
deserves especial mention. The group of amateur actors 
comprising the "Sektion" presented frequent plays, and 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 131 

seemed to be most active between 1860 and 1870. Some of 
the prominent actors were Peter Herrmann, Mrs. Wagner, Mr. 
and Mrs. Dreyling, Mrs. Thomas, Mr. Keck, Mrs. Bauer, Mrs. 
Kepp, and Mr. Nebelmesser as prompter. The pieces pre- 
sented were usually some of the farces with which German 
hterature abounds. Benedix was a favorite author; plays by 
Holtei, Gutzkow, Kotzebue and Koerner were also presented. 
But dramatic efforts in Tell City were not limited to comedy 
and farce, for at one time Koerner's Hedwig, Die Banditen- 
braut, a "heavy" drama in verse was given. Perhaps the 
most notable offering was Schiller's The Robbers. The fact 
that plays were often repeated shows that they were really 
appreciated. We see that in this little German American 
settlement, long before the Little Theatre movement became 
a popular fad, there existed a true people's theatre, which was 
backed by an enthusiastic patronage. At times Tell City 
would also be visited by professional companies of both Eng- 
lish and German actors. One such company presented Fati.'^t 
and Gretchen and William Tell. The inhabitants of the town 
were such enthusiastic theatre goers that sometimes there 
would be more than one company playing on the same night. 

The good people of Tell City delighted fully as much in 
music as they did in drama. A Maennerchor (men's chorus) 
was organized in January, 1859, with twelve members. This 
soon became an important organization. A brass band was 
organized soon after the Maennerchor and when the weather 
was favorable a concert was given every Sunday by one or 
the other of these musical groups, or sometimes by both to- 
gether. In May, 1860, the Schillersaengerbund on the Ohio, 
a union of singing societies from Evansville, Henderson, Ken- 
tucky, Tell City and Cannelton, held its first song festival at 
Tell City. The Tell City Maennerchor participated in several 
large singing tournaments, not only in Indiana, but also in 
other States. 

The Helvetia doubtless expressed the sentiment of the 
town, when it said : 

We are glad to have here a Maennerchor which has often shown us 
the power of song, and which is a great credit, not only to our settle- 
ment but to all Germans. May the members of the same continue to 
contribute to the intellectual and cultural advancement of our colony. 



132 Indiana Magazine of History 

Though the Maennerchor outlived its contemporary, the 
Theater-Sektion, it is no longer a potent influence. Tell City, 
however, has always supported several musical organizations. 

The national sport of Switzerland has long been rifle 
shooting. The Swiss founders of Tell City brought with them 
a love for their native pass time. The plan of colonization 
provided that a certain hill, which was called the Rigi, in 
honor of the Swiss mountain, should be set aside as a rifle 
range. A Schuetzen-verein was soon organized and frequent 
shooting matches were held, in which there was manifested 
much interest. The club also maintained a Hbrary. Repre- 
sentatives from Tell City participated in many shooting 
matches in this country and in Switzerland. In 1868 the club 
was presented with a beautiful flag from the Schuetzen-verein 
of Einsiedeln, Switzerland. Tell City marksmen captured 
prizes at Schwyz in 1867, at Zug, in 1869, and at Uster in 
1900. At the national shooting match at Highland, Illinois, 
in 1872, Mr. G. Fahrin won two cups and other prizes (exclud- 
ing the cups) to the value of $100. The Tell City Schuetzen- 
verein no longer exists. 

Other essentially German organizations in Tell City are 
the William Tell Grove, Order of Druids, organized 1864, and 
the Gruetliverein, organized in 1859. Besides these organi- 
zations Tell City supports chapters of many of the most promi- 
nent American orders. 

Reviewing the activities which gave to early Tell City 
such an interesting and varied community life, we are almost 
forced to agree with one of the early settlers who maintained, 
"There is more life among the Germans than among the 
'Yankees!'" But, as the younger generation gi-ew up, the 
town became more and more Americanized, interest in those 
things which were typically Swiss became weaker and weaker, 
until, in the words of the aforesaid pioneer, "There is no en- 
joyment but the picture show." 

Still, Tell City is conscious of, and takes pride in the 
rich background of its early history. Nor has it altogether 
lost the character of a Swiss settlement. The German lan- 
guage frequently tinged with a strong Swiss accent is often 
heard on the streets of the town and there is everywhere an 



Maurer: Sketch of Tell City 133 

atmosphere of thrift and industry. A home-coming week, 
June 28 to July 4, 1908, commemorating the fiftieth anniver- 
sary of the founding of the town, brightened Tell City's recol- 
lections of the early pioneers and their activities. The unique 
history of the town and its Swiss character were also brought 
out in its Indiana Centennial Celebration of July 20 to 22, 
1916. Frequently the Swiss flag was displayed with our own 
emblem and floats representing incidents in the early life of 
the town as well as tableaux illustrating the Tell tradition 
made valuable historical contributions. 

A comparison of the plans of the Swiss Colonization 
Society with the town of Tell City as it is today shows that 
the town never fulfilled the expectations of its founders. A 
prominent citizen, who has been acquainted with Tell City's 
industrial history from earliest times has analyzed the situa- 
tion thus: first, the founders expected altogether too much. 
Then, the town has always been a purely manufacturing town. 
It received no support from the surrounding territory, be- 
cause the soil was so poor that agriculture did not flourish. 
To remedy this, the Colonization Society tried to buy land at 
Rome, Indiana, but found the price too exorbitant. Similar 
eiforts at Grandview failed. Finally, Tell City was unfor- 
tunately planned to be a strictly Swiss settlement. No Ameri- 
cans were encouraged and no outside capital was accepted. 

Tell City now numbers between four and five thousand 
inhabitants. It would indeed be difficult to find anywhere a 
busier manufacturing center. Some of the early industries 
still thrive. As we have seen. Tell City's chief product is 
furniture. Whereas in earlier days the furniture was a cheap 
grade destined for the South, now much of the product, which 
is of the finest grade, finds a market in the East.* 

*The material for this thesis has been gathered from (1) letter files 
and other records of the Swiss Colonization Society; (2) early files of the 
Tell City Anzeiger; (3) Isolated numbers of the Helvetia; (4) Thomas 
James de la Hunt, Perry County A History. 



Diary of the Mexican War 

By Thomas Bailey, Musician, Company C, Fifth Regiment, 
Indiana Volunteers 

Mustered in October 30, 1847. Company C. Capt. 
Robert M. Evans. James H. Lane, Colonel. Allen May, Lieut. 
Colonel. Fifth Regt. 

Oct. 31. Sunday. On this morning embarked on board of 
Steam Boat "Wave" in company with Company H. Capt. E. G. 
Caryl and Company I Capt. Mahlon D. Manson^ and Co. [ ?] 
was in the cabin and the below deck, the whole under com- 
mand of Maj. John H. Myers and after a fine ride we arrived 
at JefFersonville at 9 o'clock at night, landed and layed by all 
night, no soldiers allowed to go on shore. 

Nov. 1. Monday. Left Jeffersonville about 10 o'clock, 
passed the Falls, water rather low, the S. Boat Phoenix close 
in our rear and S. Boat Ne Plus Ultra about ^ mile ahead, 
run all day, fine weather, had a fine view of Louisville and 
Albany ; saw S. boats at several landings. 

Nov. 2. Tuesday. Having run all night at daylight 
passed Evansville, at 11 o'clock passed the mouth of the 
Wabash. 

Nov. 3. Wednesday. Having run all night at daylight 
at Island No. 16 in Mississippi ; run all day, passed Memphis 
at 7 p. m. At 7 p. m. run on for a few hours, fog arose. 
Stoped at a "wody" and, wooded [took on cordwood for 
engineer] ; started again and got lost in the fog. layed by 
till morning at a cotton farm, today we were racing from 
12 o'clock till near night with S. Boat Phoenix and most of 
the time both boats just abreast. Just above Memphis we 
wooded and Phoenix passed us. She stopped at Memphis and 
we passed her. 

Nov. 4. Thursday. This morning [stopped at] the Cot- 

'Died January 14, 1S48. 

2 Ot Crawfordsville ; Congressman 1871-1873; died at Crawfordsville Febru- 
ary 4, 1895. 



Bailey: Diary of the Mexican War 135 

ton farm between 9 and 10 o'clock and left two of our men 
on shore, Sam Cosner and William Hays, both supposed to 
have deserted afterwards. Cosner was taken by our officers 
out of the Fourth Ten. Regt. of Vol. at camp at Molino and 
afterwards made a good soldier. They both joined that Regi- 
ment at Memphis where Hays again deserted and has not 
been heard of since, today passed Helena, in the afternoon 
run the Horse-Shoe bend, passed the mouth of White River at 

7 p. m. about two hours after Jas. H. Bartlett of Capt. Gary's 
Company fell overboard and was lost, the yawl was sent 
after him but he sunk before they got to him, it was very 
dark. 

Nov. 5. Left landing where we had stopped for fog dur- 
ing previous night and run a few miles. Stopped for fog 
about 9 a. m. this morning; at 10 a. m. started and run 
all day and passed Vicksburg at 10 o'clock at night. 

Nov. 6. Saturday, waked up, we were landed at a 
wood yard, today, passed Grand Gulf at 9 o'clock a. m., fine 
looking country on shore. Passed Natchez at 5 o'clock p. m. 
and landed to wood this evening, run down in sight of Ellusis 
Cliffs. 

Nov. 7. Having run all night wooded [in] the morning 
early above Baton Rouge. Run all day. Very fine country. 
Sugar farms. Arrive at Lafayette at 9 o'clock. Here we 
lay all night, no one allowed to go on shore. 

Nov. 8. Left Lafayette at 7 a. m. run down to lower 
end of Algiers on west side of river opposite New Orleans. 
Stopped by the side of Ship Thamowo, S. Boat Phoenix on 
the side. Ship Tiberias above and Palestine and Victory and 
several below; put Capt. Gary's company on the Thamawo 
at 11. The steam ship Alabama anchored in river close to 
us, the Wave soon after went to her to put us on board of 
her, she was not ready to receive us and we were put on 
board the ship Sophia laying above the Thamawo out in the 
river, till the Alabama could get her coal and get ready; here 
we passed the night on the Sophia. 

Nov. 9. Tuesday. On board the Sophia; left here at 

8 in evening went on board of the Q. M. Dept. Job boat, 
Colonel Clay, run up to Lafayette to go on board of the 



136 Indiana Magazine of History 

Alabama Steam Ship. When arrived there was ordered to 
go back and anchor out in the river, did so. After runing 
into the Alabama and smashing her boat and then run into 
stern of the S. Boat Chas. Carroll, went down to Sophia and 
anchored in middle of river, had to sleep in hold without any 
food or any place to cook till next day at 1 o'clock. While 
laying here I took possession of a negro peddling yawl and 
went to city shore and spent day in city. 

Nov. 10. "Col. Clay" started to Alabama where our 
Company and Company I commenced going on board of the 
Alabama. She laying at same place the Wave On Sunday 
night at 7 oclock steam ship started for Vare Cruiz. She 
had a number of horses on board also a number of officers 
[of] Company C and I ; we run down 10 or 12 miles, had to 
stop for fog. 

Nov. 11. Left the landing at 6 a. m. run on down river 
passed Ft. Jackson about 1 o'clock and before dark were out 
of sight of land. 

Nov. 12. Friday, fine weather run all day and night. 

Nov. 13. Fine weather run as usual; I was some sea 
sick. 

Nov. 14. Sunday, fine weather, running as usual. 

Nov. 15. Monday morning, a severe storm raging, came 
on at 10 oclock continued all day, land in sight, continued 
beating land with bow to the wind. 

Nov. 18. Storm abated in the night about 12 oclock and 
commenced raining. We commenced running for Vera Cruz, 
came in sight about 10 oclock a. m. came to anchor at 11, 
passed English Mail Steamer Severn of London, and an- 
chored just between the castle" and town behind the Severn 
and two of U. S. war vessels, name not known, a large 
amount of shipping steamers to the right of us. at 12 
o'clock we landed on the mole in Vera Cruz and marched out 
about two miles to camp. Where [we] were encamped 
[with] part of First, Second Dragoons also 3 Ten. Vol. and 
some of U. S. Artilery in a rather open plain close to a church. 

Nov. 17. We were here in camp, from this to the 25 
we was hard at drill. Having drew our muskets and ac- 
couterments also our canteens. 

' San Juan de Ulloa. 



Bailey: Diary of the Mexican War 137 

Nov. 25. All up this morning at 3 o'clock and com- 
menced our march to City of Mexico. Started soon after 
day light Our Regiment in advance and our Company, C, at 
the head of the Column. We stopped at the second arched 
bridge for dinner till our train of wagons did ascend the 
high sandy hill, passed Santa Fe. We here had a shower of 
rain, then passed over a large rolling plain, and here met 
some troops and some wagons. We encamped at a small 
river 18 miles from Vera Cruz ; we found stationed here some 
of the mounted men from Georgia; today passed through an 
uncultivated land with all the ranchars houses burnt, had a 
fine cool day to march, through a sandy road. 

Nov. 25. Friday, started at 8 o'clock a. m., passed 
several arched bridges and encamped on the Sawana; fine 
and cool all day, ranchas all burnt, more uneaven land, very 
little sign of cultivation. 

Nov. 27. Saturday. Marched to the National Bridge and 
encamped just beyond. Passed two arched bridges; today 
found a number of regulars stationed here, found first build- 
ings here, some fine ones and some in a wretched state. 

Nov. 28. Sunday. Started early march to Plan del Rio. 
[a small town] our company in rear guard today. We en- 
camped beyond a broken bridge on an elevated piece of ground 
close to the ruins of an old church, most of houses in ruins, 
an old fort just above the bridge all in ruins, having been 
blown up with powder to [prevent] reinforcements from 
reaching Gen. Scott [at Cerro Gordo]. 

Nov. 29. Monday, started early, marched up hill all 
day and encamped at fine creek called En Ereno ; here found 
several houses in ruins, no timber in sight fine grass country, 
weather fine, cool, as we were very high up on mountains. 
Several fine ranchors in sight at a long distance. Several fine 
ranches at our camp but evacuated by owners or residents. 
We tore off the roofs for fire wood, today we marched through 
the Cerro Gordo Pass, saw lots of canon balls over the ground 
and three brass cannon in the road two of them in the Cerro 
Gordo redoubt all of their carriages gone and none but the 
guns left, first few miles very hilly after we got through 



138 Indiana Magazine of History 

Cerro Gordo, a rising lofty elevated prairie almost among 
the clouds, very good roads for last three day, all paved and 
all the dust in them lime.* 

Nov. 30. Tuesday, left camp at El Reno and marched 
up mountains, nearly all of the time we appeared to be near 
tops, we could see clouds between [us] and the tops, they 
appeared close to us today, the country looked fine but not 
settled, passed several ranches, saw corn, and lots of fruit and 
saw some cultivation, nearly all of the fences stone, some 
com up, some planted. Oranges and other fruits all 
ripe, and plenty, saw peach trees in bloom and with fruit on, 
very good water, cool. After marching 6 miles passed by 
Jalapa and after 3 miles more came to camp. Called campe 
Buttes. Saw little of city, the shrubs and garden fine. Finest 
kind of oranges, peaches and apples in abundance, people 
gathering fruit and plowing and planting. 

Dec. 1. Wednesday. In camp at dress parade; in the 
evening we had a general firing off of guns, nothing of note 
till Dec. 5. 

Dec. 5. Sunday. Commenced march Wed. early again, 
passed through a settled country, up the mountains all the 
time, passed through several villages came to pine timber 
on the mountain. Got so high as to be among the clouds, 
could see them above and below, before and behind us, in 
road like a thick fog. during the march in the clouds it was 
drisly, we passed several places that had been volcanoes, on 
the apparent top was a vast amount of lava and rocks, all 
look like if they had been melted and resembled about 3 miles 
of blacksmith cinder showing that there has been terrible 
irruptions and earth quakes as the mountains appeared be 
of melted stone on the top; several Mexican fortifications, 
two of them redoubts crossing the road, with embrasures for 
cannon ; before we got to our camp we passed La Joya where 
Capt. Walker with 45 men defeated 300 Lancers in just 47 
minute by the watch, killing 67 without the loss of a man. 
this evening we encamped at Los Vegas close by an unfinished 
church, among clouds, we were so elevated it was cold, driz- 
zling and disagreeable. 

«The battle of Cerro Gordo had been fought on the preceding April 18, 1847. 



Bailey: Diary of the Mexican War 139 

Dec. 6. Monday. We marched from Las Vegas early 
and arrived at the Castle of Perote at about 2 p. m. today, 
passed several vilages; first part of the road clay, traveled 
along above clouds; after 8 or 10 miles decended from clay 
mountains into a sand valley that extended to Perote; on 
the mountains fine lumber, pine, cedar and evergreens, valley 
close to Perote in better cultivation than any land seen yet 
in Mexico. The town small and ill-looking, we encamped 
between the castle and town. 

Dec. 7. Tuesday. Left the castle of Perote and marched 
to a village called San Juan near 28 miles, no timber in sight 
in our whole days march in the immense sandy plain; the 
mountains at a great distance on both sides of the road, 
when we started this morning the Sugar Loaf Mt. right in 
center of the plain looked as if it was close to us, we just had 
partly passed the mound when we came to our camp; the 
top of Orizaba in sight all day; no cultivation to-day; only 
passed two ranches, only one of them inhabited; it was on 
the left of the road, 11 miles from Perote; here we found the 
water salty, here the Colonel gave out one wagon load of 
bread extra to our regiment. We marched all day, camped 
close to the village, on very level ground, at a distance from 
mountains, had a very disagreeable marching in dust and 
sand but fine camp ground. 

Dec. 8. Wednesday marched from San Juan to Talpeca 
about 30 miles all day in same plain as at Perote, same sort 
of road as yesterday, no timber. Saw no cultivation today 
but saw ranches at a distance from road. Our Company in 
middle and wagons as guards. Today lost 4 men out of our 
Brigade, who gave out and lagged behind the rear guards 
and were taken by the Mexicans — one from Ten. Regiment, 
2 from our Regt. company B. Capt. [George] Green and one 
from Co. I Capt. Manson [William H.] Marshall of Co. B. 
came to us at Molino del Rey. the other two of our Regiment 
were killed, the Tennesseeman has never been heard of. 

Dec. 9. Marched all day to Agua or warm springs, still 
in the plain, fine camping ground very close to foot of moun- 
tain; to-day drew flour for first time. Dress parade this 
evening of our brigade. Fifth Ind. vols, and 3rd Ten. vol. 



140 Indiana Magazine of History 

all fired off their guns and alarmed the brigade that had just 
arrived at Talpeca consisting of Third and Fourth Ky. volun- 
teers some Dragoons and Artilery. the Dragoons came to 
our camp to see if we had been attacked, also the Third Ky. 
Regiment was formed and started to us but returned to camp 
at Talpeca. 

Dec. 10. Left camp at Agua and marched to El Penon, 
passed 3 villages, left plain after several miles of it. today 
well cultivated fields of corn for miles, ditches for fences and 
muscat (mesquite) plants for heges, soon after leaving the 
plain came to Nopalucan, the second village passed today. 
Here we purchased some Mexican bread. We were 
rear guard to day and was here in town till the ad- 
vance guard of the Kentucky Brigade arrived in town, Maj. 
Genl. [William 0.] Butler and escort; soon after we passed 
another town there was a report of an attack in front. The 
wagons were formed in double line and the brigade closed up 
and prepared for an attack, some of our Company thought 
they could see the Lancers about a mile from road among 
the bushes and muscat [mesquit] plants on the left. I saw 
them but could not tell whether Lancers or other Mexicans; 
we saw clouds of dust at a distance on both sides of road 
in an apparant village, some sayed raised by the Mexican 
Lancers. Soon after came to our camp at a small mud wall 
village close to foot of an almost perpendicular mountain. 
Here we used water from a made pond that was filled in the 
wet season. 

Dec. 11. Saturday, marched from El Penon to Amozoe 
and encamped in the main Plaza; today for first few miles 
we marched right along under the mountains the road run- 
ning right at the foot. Soon after we left the mountains 
we passed through a village, the country in places some culti- 
vated, lofty and rolling road very dusty and sandy especially 
near Amozoe; just before we arrived at camp we passed 
through El Penon Pass; was near a mile long and was a 
road cut through rock some places hardly wide enough for 
two wagons to pass. The sides of the appearant wall so 
steep as to not allow a man to get out at more than one or 



Bailey: Diary of the Mexicayi War 141 

two places, with trees and bushes growing on the edges that 
completely covered it from end to end. 

Dec. 12. Sunday. Marched from Amozoe to Puebla, 
same dusty and sandy road, country hilly, well cultivated 
for Mexico. It was here at edge of city [we were met] by 
Our gallant countryman Gen. [Joseph] Lane also 4th Ind, 
Vol. we marched through a good part of the city, found it 
a large splendid city, houses 2 and 3 stories high, built in the 
old Spanish style, with many fine churches, we were quartered 
in a large church west of the Great Church, an immense 
building, as part of it, supplied our whole regiment with quar- 
ters, with open courts full of fruit trees with splendid foun- 
tains of good water. 

Dec. 13. Monday. In the large cathedral or church 
resting, got orders at one o'clock to prepare to march at 4 
o'clock p. m. which was incorrect in the end. 

Dec. 14. Tuesday. This morning left out quarters for 
the city of Mexico and after a long fatigueing march of 30 
miles we arrived at San Martins and encamped in one of the 
Plazas; today marched through a well cultivated country all 
the ground in good cultivation could see many from road. 
When about 12 miles from Puebla at ranch, we was wheeled 
into platoons in expectation of an attack, but it was all a 
flare up to get the men in ranks, as we seen no enemy all 
day ; we got to camp after dark, here this evening the orderly 
sargeant of Company B was stabed by a Mexican ; it was only 
a slight flesh wound. 

Dec. 15. Wednesday. Marched from San Martins to Rio 
Frio near 28 miles, most of the fields watered by ditches 
bringing water from the mountains, which were on both sides 
of the road. Soon began to assend the m.ountains ; for a while 
found it under good cultivation, good pine timber, close to 
Rio Frio found lots of trees acrost road to prevent General 
Scott from advancing on the City [Puebla], passed one large 
arched bridge, close to camp found an arched bridge gone 
and a tempory wooden one and here also Mexican breast- 
works; about noon we had about 20 pack mules stolen and 
retaking of them delayed us, so it was near dark when we 



142 Indiana Magazine of History 

entered camp, the highest and coldest in Mexico. Today Cap- 
tain [Samuel] McKenzey and some others got behind the rear 
guards and were taken by Guerrilas; the same night one of 
them came in to camp nearly naked and reported McKenzey 
wounded and taken prisoner. 

Dec. 16. Thursday. March from Rio Frio to within 
about 15 miles of the City and encamped close to a lake and 
a very indifferent village of unburnt brick; we traveled up 
hill a short distance and then down hill to near our camp; 
on those Rio Frio mountains there was good pine and cedar 
timber, also oak and laurel. 

Dec. 17. Friday. Marched from our mud built village 
to the City road, very good ; marched in by Penon road ; saw 
the great fortifications that were raised to meet General Scott 
that were never used, as he turned them and entered the 
City by other side. We marched passed the front of the 
Great Cathedral and was quartered two squares west of the 
main Plaza and Cathedral on the south side of the street in 
the large Convent of Santa Clara. 

Dec. 18. In quarter ; nothing of note but drill three times 
a day. Alimeda a great square of at leaste 20 acres, planted 
with all sorts of trees so as to represent a Park with fine 
paved walks and splendid fountain and trees making a great 
shady place, great for walking for citizens. City has narrow 
irregular rough paved streets, all of the houses built in Span- 
ish style with portico and windows. The entrance a very 
large door. Some similar to our barn doors in size but more 
like our prison doors to allow their carriages, wagons and 
mules to enter; the lower rooms are the abode of mules and 
mustangs ; and here the slaves or lower class live ; the wealthy 
Mexicans living always in the upper story. The stories are 
higher than in the states being mostly near 15 feet high. 
There are many Churches built in a very firm and lasting 
manner; Some of them in the greatest of splendor and has 
few equals in the world, the main Church room is near 
500 feet long and more than 100 ft wide with an arched 
roof about 100 feet high. Supported by 16 columns in two 
rows at least 8 feet thick this room does not occupy ^ of the 
vast building. 



Bailey: Diary of the Mexican War 143 

Jan. 17-1848. Today our Regiment moved out to the 
plain of Molino del Rey. about 5 miles from the City and 
beyond the great Castle of Chepultepec. we were here en- 
camped on an extensive plain, very level, our camp about a 
mile from Toculy, our sentinels close by the Kings mills or 
Molino del Rey, here we still drill three times, a day, so we 
did not have much time to do nothing and the most of the time 
it was very warm in day time but cold at night, the Castle of 
Chepultepec is about one mile nearer the City than Molino ; it 
was the Mexican Military Collidge; it is built over the top 
of a hill altogether of stone ; it is about a mile in circumference 
at the base about 300 feet above the level plain; the castle 
covers near ten acres of the whole top on the side next to the 
City, the hill is nearly perpendicular; the base of the hill is 
surrounded by large gardens with old shade trees in abun- 
dance so as to make a splendid Park or Garden, on the west 
side a great Park of more than 20 acres, immense large 
cedar trees altogether, a great many of them over 3 feet, 
all the trees are supposed to have been planted by the ancient 
Mexicans; there are more than 100 acres of ground in the 
garden. Parks and vacant courts, together with the Hill, 
are surrounded by a wall near 20 feet; the road from City 
to Molino goes through this enclosure. I noticed one cedar 
tree at the foot of the Hill where the road stars up to the 
Castle, that was 60 feet around, had an immense top in a 
very thrifty gi'owing state, the Hill and the Castle Chepultepec 
are surrounded by a very level plain, very nearly and partly 
covered with water, all of the fences are ditches from 8 
to 10 feet wide and from 6 to 8 feet filled with water, noth- 
ing of any note but Camp news, and very hard at drill. 

May 13. Saturday. This evening at 10 o'clock we 
started from our Camp at Molino and in the following morn- 
ing arrived in the town of San Augustin, 15 miles south of 
the City of Mexico near the foot of the mountains, we traveled 
all night, it was tolerable cool, though not very unpleasant, the 
road settled all the way; we passed many houses or ranches, 
we were quartered in a large Amphitheater, or circus together 
with Company's D, E, H, and J this is a fine town with 
very large and splendid gardens and orchards with many 



144 Indiana Magazine of History 

apples peaches and with fine water and great shade as the 
plaza was filled with good shade trees. Here, we quite drill- 
ing and had none but dress parade in afternoon at 4 o'clock. 
In the west edge of this town they make the factory cloth 
as in the states, they have all parts going on picking, card- 
ing, spinning, weaving, they here also make some woolen 
clothing and blankets of many different colors. 

May 30. Tuesday. Today ordered for a grand inspec- 
tion of arms and acouterments, all are cleaning up guns, we 
are expecting to march in few days. 

May 31. Wednesday. In quarters preparing to march 
tomorrow. 

June 1. Thursday. Drum beat at 2 o'clock did not move 
till daylight, on our way to Vera Cruz passed Cherubusco, 
here left the road to the city, turned to the east to come to the 
great road from Mexico to Vera Cruz, encamped in village 
at the foot of a large hill called Mexicalcingo, in sight of the 
city and Penon. 

June 2. Friday. Marched very [early] our Regiment 
in the advance, m.arched across the uncultivated plain an came 
to the great road east of Penon, passed the road about 10 
o'clock, there we encamped at Dec. 16. As we came up 
marched to the mountains just before we got to our camp 
where we passed a small creek, we found two men murdered 
and thrown down a deep chasm. We encamped tonight in 
Muscat (mesquit) plant field. Today Boyd of Co. E. was 
killed by falling off a stone on his head when he was resting. 
[No such name in roster of regiment.] 

June 3. Saturday. Today marched to the Rio Frio 
where we camped on Dec. 15 most of the way up hill, first 
few miles yellow clay soil all the way. Tolerable good tim- 
ber, evergreen. This morning, started late as we had to wait 
for the Fourth Regiment Tenn. to start as it was their 
day to go in the advance. 

June 4. nearly all way down hill, pine timber, fine farms, 
camped i mile beyond San Martin in a wheat field. 

June 5. Monday. We were in advance. Started early 
had gone ten miles by sunrise, left camps before 3 o'clock, 
fine cultivation all the way, dusty. We passed through the 



Bailey: Diary of the Mexican War 145 

city of Puebla and encamped in the edge of the city a small 
Park or Alameda with fine water. A long march today level 
ground, just as we get our tents up came on a hard rain and 
hail. 

June 6. Fourth Tennessee Regiment in advance marched 
over an uneaven rocky country to a small village to within 
8 miles of Ely Penon where we encamped on Dec. 10. in the 
square, rain again. 

June 7. Wednesday. Started last. Third Tennessee 
Regiment in advance passed Ell Penon at 9 o'clock, passed 
Nopalucan at 11. here we took a left hand road, sayed to be 
nearer, 7 miles beyond Nopalucan camped in a' large plain 
close to ranch, rain again. 

June 8. Thursday. Marched early Fifth Indiana Regi- 
ment in advance, a sandy uneaven country mostly unculti- 
vated, some large fine farms, fields of corn all size below the 
waist of man ; encamped here raining. 

June 9. Friday. Marched from San Francisco to Cas- 
tle of Perote a long march. After 6 or 7 miles passed San 
Juan where we encamped on Dec. 7. today marched through 
mud for first time in Mexico, fine fields of corn. 

June 10. Saturday. Started early, Third Tennessee 
Regiment in advance, commenced raining, passed Las Vegas 
at 11 o'clock, soon after ascended the mountains, marched 
through the black pass, and encamped on the left of a village 
and road in a small plain within 10 miles of Jalapa, continued 
raining during our march today for first [time] broke a 
number of wagons coming over the hills. 

June 11. Sunday. Started early not raining, cloudy, 
met some Mexican soldiers and large trains of heavy waggons, 
passed camp Patterson marched through city of Jalapa and 
encamped 6 miles beyond. 

June 12. Camped, rested from long march awaiting for 
shipping to arrive at Vera Cruz. 

June 13 Tuesday 

June 14 Wednesday 

June 15 Thursday 

June 16 Friday. 

Yesterday had a mass meeting of soldiers at Col. Lane's ; 



146 Indiana Magazine of History 

asked of Democrats to repond to the nominations of Gen. 
Cass for President and Genl. W. 0. Butler for Vic. President. 

June 17. Saturday. Today moved our camp from old 
ground over a mile to just east of the bridge where we camped 
Nov. 29. raining. 

June 18. Sunday, raining and continued all night. 

June 19. Monday. Encamped; orders to be ready to 
start tomorrow at J hour's notice. 

June 20. Thursday. In camp; rain slightly this morn- 
ing 

June 21. Sill raining. 

June 22. Moved camp from the bridge one or two miles 
up creek. 

June 23. In camp, raining 

June 24. Saturday. In camp preparing to march this 
evening. 

June 25. Sunday. Reville beat at 12 o'clock a. m. 
raining hard, did not march until day light. Passed Plan Del 
Rio or Broken Bridge at 11 o'clock A. M. this night encamped 
at a Rancho 4 from the National Bridge, very far to go for 
water. 

June 26. Marched at daylight passed the National 
Bridge encamped at Owiegas, on the North side of the road, 
in a small field close to the West bank of river. 

June 27. Commenced march at 2 o'clock, passed the 
bridge we encamped Nov 26, marched to San Juan before 
daylight, encamped met U. S. Mail here. 

June 28. Marched at 4 o'clock for Vera Cruz encamped 
on the beach 3 miles from Cera Cruz. 

June 29. Started at 6 o'clock marched to city at one 
O'clock p. m. embarked on ship Elizabeth of Philadelphia 
Companys B, C, D, E, I, in command of Maj. Myers and at 
6 o'clock p. m. was towed out and sailed with a light East 
wind. 

June 30. Friday. Sailing, two ship in sight. 

July 1. Saturday. Sailing, wind same as yesterday. 

July 1. Sunday. Wind same as yesterday, today the 
"Ship Rockall" that was all the way in a few miles of us to 
leeward passed us close to our windward, with in speaking 



Bailey: Diary of the Mexican War 147 

distance. Part of Third Regiment of Tennessee on board. 

July 3. Monday. Calm all day. "Rockall" a few miles 
ahead. 

July 4. Saw two steam ships on their way to Vera Cruz. 

July 5. Calm at 9 o'clock was taken in tow by Star and 
the Rockall also; had a hard rain had to be towed again. 
Anchored at the Balize bar.^ 

July 5. Thursday. Passed the bar early and Fort Jack- 
son at 3 o'clock. 

July 7. Run down below Algiers and anchored out near 
the middle of the river the Rockall just ahead of us. 

July 8. Saturday at 10 o'clock all five companys em- 
barked on Steam boat Pike N 8 [Number 8] for Madison, 
Ind. run to New Orleans there stopped until 6 in evening. 

July 17. Today we arrived at Madison at 3 o'clock P. M. 
passed through the Canal at Louisville Ky. this morning at 
daylight all soldiers took boarding mostly amongst the Citizens 
as the boarding houses were full with the Fourth Regiment 
Indiana Volunteers who were waiting to be discharged. 

July 27. Today at 3 o'clock p. m. Company C. was mus- 
tered out the service of the U. S. A. 

Thomas Bailey. 

5 Mouth of Mississippi river. 



Lincoln in Indiana 

(Concluded) 
By J. Edward Murr 

LINCOLN'S AMBITION TO BECOME A RIVER PILOT 

I know there is a God and that he hates injustice and slavery. I see 
the storm coming, and I know that His hand is in it. If He has a place 
and work for me — and I think He has — I believe I am ready. 

It was Goldwin Smith who said: "The Mississippi river 
was once a mental horizon and afterward a boundary line." 
During Lincoln's youth this river had become the highway for 
the western pioneer, and what was true of the Father of 
Waters was true of the Ohio river. 

Lincoln came in touch with the outside world on this 
great highway. Travel by boats, slow as it was, served as 
quite the best means of making long journeys. Occasionally 
a passing steamer landed at Anderson creek, and since Troy 
was regarded as a place of some importance most of the river 
crafts made port there. Hence young Lincoln, while acting 
as ferryman during his seventeenth year, was privileged to 
see somewhat of life from without. Notable men occasion- 
ally passed, and he may have even met with some of them. 

A short distance above Troy, General LaFayette, while 
making his tour of the Western States by way of the Ohio 
river, spent a night in a stone house on the river bank after 
his disabled steamer sank. Perhaps Lincoln did not see the 
"Friend of Washington," but his passing and the circum- 
stance of his spending the night ashore not far from where 
Lincoln lived, furnished a theme for the pioneers for a con- 
siderable time thereafter. 

It was while acting as ferryman at Anderson creek that 
Lincoln made his first dollar. This circumstance, which he 
related in later life to members of his cabinet and Secretary 
Seward in particular, was as follows : 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 149 

I was standing at the steamboat lauding contemplating my new boat, 
and wondering how I might Improve It, when a steamer approached com- 
ing down the river. At the same time two passengers came lo the river 
bank and wished to be taken out to the packet with their luggage. They 
looked among the boats, singled out mine, and asked me to scull them to 
the boat. Sometime prior to this I had constructed a small boat in which 
I planned to carry some produce South which had been gathered chiefly 
by my own exertions. We were poor, and in them days people down South 
who did hot own slaves were reckoned as scrubs. When I was requested 
to scull these men out to the steamer, I gladly did so, and after seeing 
them and their trunks on board, and the steamer making ready to pass on, 
I called out to the men : "You have forgotten to pay me." They at once 
each threw a half dollar in the bottom of the boat in which I was standing. 
You gentlemen may think it was a very small matter, and in the light 
of things now transpiring it was, but I assure you it was one of the mo.st 
important incidents in my life. I could scarcely believe my eyes. It wa.s 
difficult for me to realize that I, a poor boy, had earned a dollar in less 
than a day. The world seemed wider and fairer before me. I was a 
more hopeful and confident being from that time. 

Young Lincoln being ambitious and desirous of better- 
ing his condition very naturally looked to the river for em- 
ployment. Possessing some skill with carpenter's tools he 
had at this time constructed a boat that he deemed seaworthy 
enough to make the journey referred to in his conversation 
with Secretary Seward. 

It has been asserted by some of his biographers that this 
journey was not made, and one writer ventures to suggest 
that since the Lincolns had nothing in the way of produce 
justifying such a trip, it was therefore merely a journey of 
the imagination. Such a position taken is a needless effort 
to establish the well-known poverty of the Lincolns, but since 
no such journey was undertaken by any at that time without 
presuming upon neighborly assistance, which proved in sub- 
stantially every case to be a mutual accommodation, the pro- 
posed trip down the Ohio and Mississippi by young Lincoln 
might have been fully justified, since it is now known that 
he had on his own account a crop of tobacco. The plans for 
the trip, as indicated in the conversation with Seward, were 
so changed as to cause him to leave his own boat behind and 
take passage upon the flatboat of Mr. Ray. 

Having made this and the later trip with young Gentry 



150 Indiana Magazine of History 

down the great river, he seems to have been disposed "to fol- 
low the Ohio," and a little later went to his old friend and 
patron "Uncle Wood," in whom he reposed great confidence, 
requesting that this gentleman aid him by way of a recom- 
mendation to secure a position on some steamer plying up and 
down this river. Mr. Wood, realizing that Lincoln was not 
of age. hesitated to advise the youth to leave his father, and 
refused to give the assistance deemed by Lincoln essential to 
secure a position. It was quite the rule in that day for a boy 
to remain with his parents until reaching his majority. How- 
ever, Lincoln was very insistent, and in the course of his argu- 
ment remarked that "it was his best chance," and "a chance is 
all I want." After some persuasion on the part of Wood, he 
yielded and remained with his father until well into his twen- 
ty-second year. 

Since the river traiRc along the Ohio and Mississippi at 
that time, and for a considerable period thereafter, was great, 
had young Lincoln succeeded in prevailing upon his old friend 
Wood to aid him in securing a position as pilot we might 
have lost our great war President, but would have perhaps 
gained another Mark Twain. In any case, had he been so 
fortunate as to find some "Boswell," his fame as a humorist 
would have been secure. 

That young Lincoln seems to have become resigned to 
his lot is evidenced by Mr. Wood in stating that soon after 
this interview relative to his becoming a river pilot he saw 
Lincoln whip-sawing lumber, and on asking him what he in- 
tended doing with this, Wood was told that the elder Lincoln 
was "planning to erect a new house in the spring." The let- 
ters of John Hanks concerning the Illinois location and the 
glowing accounts of Dennis Hanks on his return from that 
region occasioned the abandonment of the plan to erect the 
new home, and the lumber was disposed of to Josiah Crawford 
who used the major portion of it in the construction of an 
additional room to his house. 

It was soon after young Lincoln returned to the farm 
from Anderson Creek ferry that he formed the habit of at- 
tending the various courts, but it was while acting as ferry- 
man that he attended court for the first time. His presence 



Mwrr: Lincoln in hidiama 151 

there was not prompted by mere curiosity or due to any am- 
bition that he possessed to take up the law as a profession, but 
he appeared as a prisoner at the bar, the first and only time 
in his life; although, had there been debtors' prisons during 
a certain period of his lifetime, he might have suffered im- 
prisonment in consequence of the overwhelming obligations 
that he assumed and which he failed to meet until many years 
after they were incurred. 

The circumstance of his becoming a prisoner and his ap- 
pearance in the court were as follows : 

While acting as ferryman at Anderson creek on the Indiana 
side of the Ohio river, John and Benjamin Dill, two farmers 
residing on the Kentucky side of the river just opposite the 
town of Troy, had become licensed ferrymen. Occasionally 
when busily engaged in agricultural pursuits, they neglected 
the ferry to the extent that their ferry bell would sound 
again and again without their hearing it; or, what was more 
probable, on hearing it failed to respond to its call. On such 
occasions when the bell rang repeatedly, young Lincoln would 
push out from the Indiana side and ferry the anxious traveler 
across the river, and of course received the usual fee for such 
services. 

Whether Lincoln's ear was thought to be too attentive to 
the ferry bell on the Kentucky side of the river, or whether 
the Dill brothers wished to make him an example to any and 
all who were disposed to take liberties with their legal rights, 
we do not know, but in any case they decided to entrap Lin- 
coln and visit him with suitable punishment. Accordingly they 
requested a neighbor to sound the ferry bell, and when they 
did not respond as was frequently the case, Lincoln quickly 
oared across the river. Running his boat up to an opening 
in the dense willows on the river bank where the supposed 
anxious passenger stood in apparent readiness to step in, Lin- 
coln was surprised to find himself seized by both the supposed 
passenger and the Dill brothers who had up to his appearance 
been hiding in the willows. They at once announced their 
intention of giving their prisoner a "ducking." The youthful 
ferryman not appearing to understand their motives became 
very angery, and the presumption is that he manifested thia 



152 Indiana Magazine of History 

in no uncertain manner. It never appeared clear whether the 
original purpose of the Dill brothers was carried out or seri- 
ously attempted after the preliminary skirmish with "Long 
Abe," but it is quite true that they at length proposed to "take 
him before the squire" where punishment could be meted out 
in a legal manner. Lincoln, by this time understanding his 
supposed offense, accompanied his captors to the local justice, 
one Samuel Pate, who resided one mile distant down the river. 
On their arrival at the farm home of Pate finding that gentle- 
man out on the farm at work, one of their party was dis- 
patched to inform his honor that more weighty matters needed 
his attention, while the others stood guard over the prisoner. 

More or less regularity appears to have been observed 
in the hearing accorded the youthful offender. At first it is 
said he was greatly disturbed on hearing the statements of 
the two Dills and about the decoy, more especially so when it 
appeared from some of their assertions that a jail sentence 
awaited him, but when the 'Squire proposed to him to offer 
his version of the affair and make any statement that he 
cared to, Lincoln gladly availed himself of the opportunity. 
In doing so he freely and frankly confessed that on numerous 
occasions he had ferried passengers across the river from 
the Kentucky side when the travelers failed to secure a re- 
sponse to the repeated ringing of the bell, but he disclaimed 
any knowledge of the fact that in so doing he had violated 
any law, distinctly stating that he did not know he was thus 
encroaching upon the rights of the Dill brothers; that if he 
had known it was wrong, he would not have been guilty in any 
single instance. He further alleged that not only was he free 
from intentional wrong, but in reality he supposed he was 
conferring a great favor upon the owners of the ferry who, 
he supposed, were at such times away from home or were 
otherwise engaged, as well as accommodating anxious trav- 
elers. 

Without throwing himself upon the mercy of the court 
or pleading for leniency, he nevertheless did so all the more 
effectively by impressing, as he did, both his accusers and 
the 'squire with his sincerity, truthfulness and honesty, re- 
asserting his ignorance of the law and promising that in the 



Mur)': Lincoln in Indiana 153 

future he would not be found trespassing upon their rights. 
The appeal was effective, and the court, after listening to this 
recital of facts, dismissed him with some suitable words of 
advice. Thus, like Caesar in chains, he had talked himself 
free. 

The 'squire became greatly interested in Lincoln, and 
finding him a great talker and inquisitive concerning court 
procedure especially, urged the young man to prolong his stay, 
which he did. On taking his leave the 'squire pressed upon 
him an invitation to attend a sitting of his court which Lin- 
coln accepted, and not only did he attend this particular sit- 
ting, but became a regular attendant so long as he remained 
ferryman at Anderson creek. 

'Squire Pate did not live to witness Lincoln's rise to fame, 
but many of his family did. The house is still standing in 
which this trial was held, and the only remaining son of Pate 
pointed out the room in which this memorable sitting of his 
father's court was held. The circumstance was known to a 
number of the old citizens of the neighborhood, and a full 
account of this incident appeared in a local newspaper in 
Lincoln's old home county — the Perry County Tribune. 

Young Lincoln was in the habit of attending the ses- 
sions of the circuit court as well as trials before the local jus- 
tice of the peace. That he possessed an ambition at this early 
period to become a lawyer is certainly true. 

His friend, David Turnham, was elected constable of the 
township, and had in consequence gotten possession of a copy 
of the Revised Statutes of Indiana. Lincoln being especially 
anxious to read this volume and Turnham being loath to have 
it leave the house, Lincoln spent hours at Tumham's home de- 
vouring this book. 

The volume contained a copy of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence as well as the National and State Constitutions. 
These Lincoln studied, committing to memory the Declara- 
tion of Independence and large portions of the National Con- 
stitution, and for the first time in his life met with legal enact- 
ments touching upon slavery. 

Aside from the flatboat trips down the Ohio and Missis- 
sippi rivers, young Lincoln saw comparatively little of the 



154 Indiana Magazine of History 

world without. As has been indicated, he frequented the sit- 
tings of the circuit courts at Boonville, in Warrick county, as 
well as at Rockport, the county seat of Spencer county, and 
was often at Troy. In addition to his visits to these compara- 
tively small places, he had an occasion to go at least once a 
year, after approaching manhood, to Princeton, in Gibson 
county, there being a carding machine located at that place 
which converted the fleece into rolls ready for the spinning 
wheel. Hand carding being quite tedious and slow, young 
Lincoln was sent with the wool to this machine. The journey 
was a rather long one for that time, and occupied some three 
days. These little excursions, together with the usual trips 
to Gordon's or Hoffman's Mills, relieved the monotony and 
routine of life, and it is said that these trips were gladly wel- 
comed by the future President. 

The mills for grinding corn in the early days were crude 
affairs. The "horse-mill" was the first one introduced, small 
mills propelled by horses hitched to a "sweep." Later, and 
during the Indiana residence of the Lincolns, Hoffman's water 
mill was erected on Anderson creek. The horse mill at Gor- 
don's was the scene of that incident that Mr. Lincoln was ac- 
customed to revert to again and again, professing to think that 
it was one of the principal incidents of his life. The circum- 
stance was as follows : 

Lincoln and young David Tumham had gone to mill, but 
securing a late start and having to "take their turn," it was 
quite late in the afternoon when young Lincoln hitched his 
father's old flea-bitten gray mare to the sweep, and perching 
himself upon the accustomed seat began to urge the old mare 
to a lively pace. He was "clucking" and belaboring the horse 
with a switch and in the midst of his urgings he started to 
say : "Get up here, you old hussy," when the old gray resisted 
the continued drubbing and lifting her hind feet kicked him 
full in the face. Before the sentence was finished the young 
man was knocked off the sweep and lay unconscious. Young 
Turnham ran for help, and soon Abraham's father came with 
a wagon, placed the unconscious youth in it, and took him 
home. He lay in a stupor during the greater portion of the 
night but toward morning showed signs of returning con- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 155 

sciousness. Erelong he roused up and opening his eyes ex- 
claimed: — "you old hussy," thus completing the exclamation 
attempted the evening before. 

Mr. Hemdon, the law partner of Lincoln, said that Lin- 
coln often called attention to this experience of his youth and 
entered into discussions with him as to the mystery connected 
with the utterance of these particular words on regaining con- 
sciousness. 

Occasionally young Lincoln was privileged to get a breath 
of the great world from without by meeting with some chance 
passerby or "mover" to other regions in the then far West. 
On one occasion a wagon of one of these emigrants broke down 
near the Lincoln cabin and while the damaged vehicle was 
undergoing repairs the wife and daughter on invitation spent 
the time in the Lincoln cabin. What was especially interesting 
to the youth was that they had a book of stories which the lady 
read to him. After their journey had been resumed, Lincoln, 
who like the great apostle to the Gentiles turned everything to 
his advantage, proceeded to virite a story of the whole affair ; 
but giving free play to his imagination and fancy he drew the 
account out at some length, describing in detail his mounting 
a horse and overtaking the emigrant wagon, and proposing an 
elopement with the young lady whose father interposed objec- 
tions to their marriage. Lincoln purposed enlarging upon this 
story and submitting it for publication, but thought differently 
concerning it later, and thus the story, which was doubtless 
crude and altogether unworthy of a place in literature, was 
lost save that we have preserved the one item of value which 
was that he was always "scribbling and writing." 

It is rather remarkable that Lincoln did not appoint any 
of his old associates to any Federal position, since there, were 
at least some three or four of them quite capable. On the 
score of boyhood friendship it would appear that he would 
under ordinary circumstances have remembered them, especi- 
ally when good and efficient service would have been rendered 
by some of them in certain departments. So far as can be 
ascertained no applications ever reached him for patronage 
from any of his old friends, although, as has been heretofore 
detailed, some two or three journeyed to Washington for that 



156 Indiana Magazine of History 

purpose, but were anticipated and forestalled in such a man- 
ner as to prevent any formal request being made. This charac- 
teristic seems to have been peculiar to Lincoln, for even in the 
appointment of his friend, Judge David Davis, unusual pressure 
was made with some suggestion of reluctance even then. The de- 
partments were not filled with his old associates, and political 
loyalty was not especially rewarded by him. This practice 
was quite the reverse of that of President Grant. 

William Ferrier, well known by the writer, was a boy- 
hood associate of General Grant. He often related the follow- 
ing circumstance which was characteristic of General Grant, 
although in some respects an exceptional incident ; and since it 
serves as a contrast to the practice of Lincoln it is here given. 

Ferrier was the founder and long the publisher of the 
Clark County Record, an Indiana newspaper in its day wield- 
ing considerable power and influence. Ferrier and .Grant 
were boys together and were great friends. At the time of 
Grant's appointment to West Point, young Ferrier was ap- 
pointed to Annapolis, but was prevented from entering the 
Navy by reason of physical disability, and another was se- 
lected in his stead who later became a Rear Admiral. Ferrier 
drifted West and early became an editor. Like Grant, he was 
a Democrat, but at the outbreak of the Rebellion he boldly 
changed his political affiliation and became an ardent sup- 
porter of Lincoln. Later when General Grant became Presi- 
dent, his old friend decided to go to Washington and call upon 
him in the White House. On entering the waiting room he 
found a large number of persons, and supposing that it would 
be some time before he could be admitted he seated himself, 
and while indulging in this reflection he was surprised greatly 
on hearing his name called. On regaining his composure 
somewhat he approached the private office of his boyhood 
friend with conflicting emotions, very naturally judging that 
his name must have been recognized as that of an old acquaint- 
ance and thus given precedence ; at the same time wondering 
whether he was justified in accepting such courtesy when so 
many were in waiting, perhaps on urgent business. On enter- 
ing the room of the President he was greeted by General Grant 
with the salutation: "How are you, William?" The two old 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 157 

friends renewed their former acquaintance by reference to 
numerous incidents transpiring in their youth. Grant partic- 
ularly mentioned the old swimming hole and the time when 
their clothing was stolen, while Ferrier reminded Grant of his 
driving a particularly fine span of horses down main street in 
Georgetown and cracking his black-snake whip. In recalling 
this incident Ferrier suggested : 

Mr. President, although we have been separated all these years, I 
have watched your career with considerable interest and pride. I have 
been your supporter, both during the War and in the political campaign, 
but I give it as my judgment that as great as have been the honors that 
have been showered upon you. you have never had an occasion to be quite 
as proud of them as you were that morning in Georgetown when you drove 
those 



Grant laughed heartily and readily acknowledged that 
"this was probably true." After a few moments in conversa- 
tion Ferrier arose preparatory to taking his leave, whereupon 
the President motioned him to be seated, and then unexpect- 
edly asked him if there was not some position at his disposal 
in the government which Ferrier would like to have. Ferrier, 
whose purpose in making the call was far removed from this, 
replied : 

No, sir, Mr. President. I have no ambition at all to serve the govern- 
ment in any appointive or elective office .whatever. I am an editor and 
enjoy my work, and do not desire to leave it. 

To which the President replied : 

Very well, William, then I'll see to it that you are furnished certain 
copies of government notices which are at my disposal, and these can be 
printed by you ; they will mean something to you, I hope. 

No opposition was of course made to this, but on the con- 
trary the unexpected offer was received with hearty thanks. 
On Ferrier's again suggesting that he was unduly taking up 
the President's time, Grant motioned him to his chair and 
asked: "Where is your brother Jim?" Ferrier replied that 
his brother was a resident of Jeffersonville, Indiana. "Then, 
William," announced the President, "I shall appoint Jim as 
postmaster of Jeffersonville." "But, Mr. President, my broth- 
er is not now, nor has he been an applicant for this position, 



158 Indiana Magazine of History 

whereas others have, and my understanding is that Senator 
has this matter at his disposal." "William, I must re- 
member my old boyhood friends. Jim will be appointed post- 
master at Jeffersonville." "Yes, but Mr. President, while I 
assure you I appreciate your generosity and friendship, and 
I feel quite sure that while my brother is not an applicant for 
the place, he would be more than pleased to receive the ap- 
pointment. But my understanding is that Senator has 

already made choice of a gentleman for this place." "William, 
I am President and Jim will be postmaster." 

The sequel is a matter of history and furnishes very in- 
teresting reading in the light of present-day procedure. 
James Ferrier was appointed postmaster for Jeffersonville, 

and Senator interposed objections, the Senate refusing to 

confirm the appointment. On the adjournment of Congress 
Ferrier was appointed by Grant, and when Congress reassem- 
bled the matter came up and his confirmation again failed. 
On the adjournment of Congress once more the President 
appointed Ferrier, and this time the Senate confirmed his 
appointment. William Ferrier, the editor, enjoyed the gov- 
ernment patronage in the matter of public printing as long as 
this was at the disposal of General Grant. 

Lincoln never forgot a kindness, as evidenced in his 
steadfast refusal to attack John Calhoun during the great 
debate with Douglas, since Calhoun had early befriended him. 

Lincoln was enabled to appear before the people as a suc- 
cessful candidate on numerous occasions, and took particular 
pride in calling attention to the fact that he had never been 
defeated but once when the people themselves were appealed to, 
although his methods in some respects were anything but 
those of a politician. 

He did not concern himself in local elections when he was 
not a candidate. Being so often before the people for pilitical 
preferment, there were times when others equally ambitious to 
serve their party either became Lincoln's opponent or threat- 
ened to be. At such times he would seek an interview vdth 
them, and with an unconscious arrogancy and priority of 
claim he would say : 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 159 

I would rather than not that you step aside in this race and let me 
have a free field so that I may show them what I can do. 

He was only delivered from egotism by the recognized 
superiority of his powers, and would have been justly charged 
with monumental selfishness but for the steadfast adherence 
to the great basic principles of truth and justice. Meeting 
often with trickery and double-dealing in politics among those 
high in the councils of the party, he never lost faith in the 
plain people. Since he himself never wavered in the perform- 
ance of his public duties, but administered public affairs as 
conscientiously as he pulled corn blades for the Crawford 
damaged book, he thus more nearly than any other before or 
since represented the people. It is believed that he is 
more highly regarded and sincerely appreciated by the people 
of the South today than is Jefferson Davis, and this, together 
with the fact that he preserved the unity and continuity of our 
nation, is the greatest and most enduring monument to his 
memory. Of all the men aspiring to the Presidency during the 
campaign of 1860, Lincoln alone could have preserved the 
unity and continuity of our nation. 

"NOW HE BELONGS TO THE AGES" 

Broken by it I too may be; bow to it I never will. The probability 
that we may fall in the struggle ought not deter us from the support of a 
cause we believe to be just. 

An attorney by the name of Breckenridge resided on a 
farm not far from Boonville, the county seat of Warrick 
county. This tovra was about twenty miles from the Lincoln 
cabin, but the ambitious youth frequently made pilgrimages 
to this gentleman's home to borrow his law books, sometimes 
remaining throughout the day and night reveling in the mys- 
teries of the law. 

Wesley Hall maintained that young Lincoln also obtained 
his first opportunity of reading Shakespeare on these visits, 
and alleged that he had heard Lincoln recite portions of some 
of the great dramatist's writings. 

Members of the Breckenridge family long pointed out a 



160 Indiana Magazine of History 

certain stump in the yard of the home which they had pleased 
to call "Lincoln's Stump" by reason of the fact that at certain 
times he was in the habit of perching himself upon this while 
reading. 

Lincoln visited the circuit court sessions both at Rockport 
and Boonville, and it was at this latter place that he heard 
John Breckenridge, a member of the famous family by that 
name in Kentucky. 

A murder had been committed, and the defendant had em- 
ployed the brilliant criminal lawyer. The knowledge that "a 
big lawyer" from an adjoining state was to be connected with 
the case reached Gentryville, and a number of men journeyed 
to Boonville to witness this trial and particularly to hear 
Breckenridge. Lincoln was, of course, one of this group. 

Breckenridge had been greatly favored by nature, and 
possessing an enviable reputation as a great lawyer he had 
become more or less vain. Quite in keeping with the custom 
of the times among certain classes his dress was particularly 
fastidious, and his raven black hair was made yet more glossy 
by a copious use of "bear's ile." 

The court room was crowded, and Lincoln stood well to 
the rear throughout the whole of Breckenridge's argument. 
At the close of this address a short recess was taken, and dur- 
ing this intermission a number of the members of the bar 
offered congratulations on the masterly effort of the great ad- 
vocate. Young Lincoln, witnessing these expressions of appre- 
ciation and being profoundly moved by the address himself, 
straightway resolved to offer his congratulations also. Un- 
mindful of the fact that he was not a member of the bar, that 
he was dressed in his accustomed blouse, and buckskin 
breeches, with his coarse black hair disheveled and in wild con- 
fusion, he pressed forward, offered his hand to the great man 
and was on the point of expressing his pleasure at hearing the 
argument, when Breckenridge deliberately turned his back 
upon the youth, not deigning to notice him. 

Years went by, and when Lincoln was in the White House 
this gentleman, then a resident of the State of Texas, was pre- 
sented to the President, who readily recalled both the man and 
the circumstance at Boonville. Lincoln exclaimed as he 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 161 

grasped the proffered hand: ''Oh, yes I know Mr. Brecken- 
ridge. I heard you address a jury in a murder trial at Boon- 
ville, Indiana, when I was a boy. I remember that I thought 
at the time it was a great speech, and that if I could make a 
speech like that I would be very happy." 

It will be observed throughout that Lincoln's ambition "to 
rise in the world" was overmastering. It was said of a great 
German that he was the "God-intoxicated man." So it might 
well have been said of young Lincoln that he was intoxicated 
with a consuming desire to acquire knowledge. 

Very naturally one would be led to believe that had such 
a hungry mind been supplied with books in abundance his ad- 
vancement would have been rapid. But there is even in this 
wasted pity and sympathy, judging by some certain things 
transpiring a little later. 

When Lincoln entered upon the practice of his chosen 
profession — the law — and had more or less leisure for study, 
he read but few books. Associated as he was with Stuart, 
Logan and Herndon, and the latter possessing a rather pre- 
tentious library, yet Lincoln rarely read these books. It was 
his custom while out on the circuit to take on these six weeks' 
journeys school texts, and a great deal of his time was taken 
up with literature of a lighter character than one would have 
supposed true in his case. A great deal of his reading was 
desultory, and he appeared to revel in those publications of a 
humorous or witty character. Judging by his tastes in this 
regard, had he been privileged to have access to such publica- 
tions as Judge or Puck, he would have been greatly delighted. 

It may well be doubted therefore whether any other 
course than that which he did pursue would have proven any 
better than the self denial which was imposed upon him, and 
compelled his complete mastery of the few classics that fell 
into his possession. 

Contrary to the statement of Colonel Lamon and others 
who alleged that Lincoln did not read the Bible during his 
youth, it is indisputably true that he read it again and again. 
Indeed, if there were no other evidence than his public ad- 
dresses and State papers to verify this, that would be quite 



162 Indiana Magazine of History 

sufficient for the very spirit and sentiment of many of them 
are traceable to the King James version of the Bible. 

But we do not need to rely upon this source altogether for 
information in the matter, since his associates assert that he 
was accustomed to read the Bible very much, and such a prac- 
tice in a youth, which was not at all common then and for that 
matter is not so today, would well be calculated to occasion 
comment. 

The London Times, in speaking of Mr. Lincoln's second 
Inaugural Address, likened it to the productions of one of the 
ancient prophets, and spoke of its author as possessing such 
keen prophetic insight and power as to justify the appellation 
of a seer. 

Lincoln read Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress again and 
again, and so familiar did he become with it that he could 
repeat many pages from memory. He particularly admired 
Aesop's Fables, and so often did he read them that he could 
have said, as did Lord Macaulay of Milton's Paradise Lost, 
that if every copy had been destroyed, he could have repro- 
duced it from memory. Dennis Hanks said that "young 
Lincoln would lie down on his face in front of the fire, with 
Aesop's Fables before him," and read to his stepmother and 
the "illiterate Denny," as Abraham called him. When some 
point in the story appealed to him as being funny or humor- 
ous, he would laugh and continue laughing so heartily that 
both Mrs. Lincoln and Dennis would be compelled to join him, 
although Hanks asserted that "most of the time he did not 
know what he was laughing about, although Abe said he did." 

The family Bible, Pilgrim's Progress and Aesop's Fables 
were the only books in the possession of the family on their 
arrival in Indiana. The mother of Lincoln was accustomed 
to read these books to both her daughter Sarah and little 
Abraham, and it is said that Aesop's Fables possessed a pecul- 
iar fascination and charm for him while yet a mere lad at his 
mother's knee. 

The Life of Washington, which Lincoln obtained from 
Josiah Crawford in the manner heretofore detailed, was read 
many times, and if it may be charged that this volume took 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 163 

occasion to deify Washington and failed to meet with accep- 
tance at a later period, it was perhaps the very best sort of 
publication for Lincoln and certainly better suited to him 
at that time than such a biography as that by Washington Irv- 
ing. The History of the United States, as has been stated, was 
obtained from Jones, the storekeeper, but Robinson Crusoe, 
and The Life of Benjamin Franklin we do not know how or 
when they were obtained, but probably from the library of 
Crawford. 

What marvelous transformation was thus wrought in the 
life of a single youth, and what potential possibilities are 
wrapped up in a single soul ! Left, as Lincoln was, a mother- 
less lad at the tender age of ten, living for one winter in a 
half-faced camp with no teachers and no schools worthy of the 
name, yet strange to say mastering some of the world's best 
classics, which fate, or chance (that Victor Hugo says is only 
another name for Providence) had thrown in his way, and 
with the Indiana wilderness as his Alma Mater he matricu- 
lated at an early age. His curriculum was histoi-y, theology, 
mathematics, literature and woodcraft. His major was his- 
tory ; his f rat house, a half -faced camp, and his college campus, 
a clearing that he had made with his own hands. He left 
brush college during his freshman year to devote himself ex- 
clusively to athletics, in which he particularly excelled, espe- 
cially with the ax and maul. After a time he took up the study 
of law, having found a copy of Blackstone's Commentaries in a 
barrel of plunder which, strange to say, he had purchased 
from one poorer than himself. He later entered upon the 
practice of his chosen profession which he followed until he 
was called to be the chief executive of the nation. 

Lincoln's life story surpasses anything in the pages of 
romance or fiction ever conceived or invented by literary gen- 
ius ! It is passing therefore strange that the boy Lincoln has 
for the most part been refused those things that in later years 
were so marked in his character and which were beyond ques- 
tion sufficiently prominent in his youth as to cause his early 
associates to remember him by them. 

An effort has been made in the performance of this self- 
imposed task to show that substantially every characteristic 



164 Indiana Magazine of History 

trait so universally allowed in Mr. Lincoln as a man was also 
noted in him as a boy and youth. 

It is believed that sufficient data has been offered to sub- 
stantiate the claim made that before Mr. Lincoln reached the 
State of Illinois, and therefore while yet a resident of Indiana, 
he possessed that inimitable style in public address, his well- 
known sense of fairness, his strange and weird melancholy, his 
quaint humor and rare wit, his consuming ambition, certain 
weaknesses, his abiding faith in Providence, his superstitious 
beliefs, his Calvinistic fatalism which he usually hitched on to 
a sort of Arminian faith, his freedom from bad habits, his 
methods in original investigation, his peculiar style in con- 
troverted questions, his power with the pen, his honesty and 
truthfulness, and in fact every characteristic that has been 
noted in him again and again as a man. 

It is also believed that there is sufficient data submitted 
to justify the claim that not only was the foundation of Mr. 
Lincoln's character laid in the Indiana wilderness, but the 
beginning of all that afterwards made him great asserted 
itself during these early years. 

It is of course not asserted that Mr. Lincoln's style, both 
in public address and in composition, was at all perfected 
while a mere youth, for he seems to have made steady pro- 
gress in this to the very last. But it is claimed that there is 
sufficient evidence to warrant the belief that his peculiar style 
in debate, his platform mannerisms, his cool, calculating logic 
and irresistible wit and humor were quite as characteristic 
of his boyhood efforts as they were later noted and so generally 
commented upon. 

It is recalled that he could set an entire neighborhood 
laughing and talking about his productions. He impressed 
himself upon Judge Pitcher and the Baptist minister so as to 
cause each of them to express keen appreciation of his ability 
with the pen when his manuscripts on National Politics and 
Temperance were submitted to them. It would seem to be 
only a reasonable supposition and not mere conjecture that the 
man who wrote the second Inaugural Address, the Cooper In- 
stitute speech, and the Gettysburg oration in the day of his 
power and maturity would have manifested some intimation 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 165 

of this great ability and latent power earlier in life a thing 
which he seems to have done quite often, but more particularly 
in the compositions above referred to. 

LEAVING THE INDIANA WILDERNESS 

The Almighty has his own purposes ; * * * Foudly do we hope, 
fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass 
away. 

The Lincolns and Hankses left Indiana in the month of 
March, 1830. John Hanks, after spending four years in the 
Indiana home of the Lincolns, returned to Kentucky, and then 
moved to Illinois in the year 1828. He wrote such g'lov.ang 
accounts of the new country that it caused Dennis Hanks to 
make a journey to this region with a view of removing there. 

The terrible blight of milk-sick which began its ravages 
in Gentryville in the year 1818 continued for the next ten 
years. Dennis Hanks lost all of his cattle in consequence of 
its ravages, and had been seized with the disease himself, but 
recovered. When Dennis Hanks decided to leave Indiana for 
Illinois, he influenced his mother-in-law, Mrs. Lincoln, who did 
not wish to be separated from her daughter. She seems to 
have been largely responsible for the removal of the Lincolns 
also, and accordingly both families and that of Levi Hall, 
another son-in-law of Mrs. Lincoln, began to make prepara- 
tion for this change during the winter of 1830. 

The farm of Thomas Lincoln was disposed of to the elder 
Gentry, if indeed it was not already his by reason of having 
loaned the money for its purchase originally. At least, a 
quantity of com and a drove of hogs were disposed of t© Mr. 
Gentry, and such other changes were wrought as proved neces- 
sary to make this journey to begin life anew. Thomas Lincoln 
had a "chuck wagon," the woodwork being his own construc- 
tion, but since it was "ironed off," it was a subject of consid- 
erable comment, for such vehicles were exceedingly rare. It 
was necessary to have suitable teams of oxen, and accordingly 
there began more or less "swapping and dickering". In the 
main this was done by Dennis Hanks, John Johnson and Abra- 
ham Lincoln. Allen Brooner stated that two of these oxen 



166 Indiana Magazine of History 

were obtained from him, Abraham Lincoln and John Johnson 
making this trade. There was considerable "haggling" over 
the trade on the part of Johnson, Lincoln not entering into 
the matter save in an incidental way. Brooner long after- 
ward, in speaking of this circumstance, said: "If anybody 
had asked me that day to pick out a President, I'd a quickly 
made choice of Johnson." 

The elder Hall sold the other yoke of cattle to Thomas 
Lincoln, but these were purchased by proxy, he having sent his 
son Abraham and Dennis Hanks to do the trading. Wesley 
Hall delivered the team to Hanks and young Lincoln. 

Hall was present on the occasion of the beginning of the 
journey to Illinois. However, the Lincolns only journeyed 
that afternoon as far as Gentry's in Gentryville, and remained 
over night with that gentleman. During the night young 
Lincoln made a judicious selection of notions, such as needles, 
pins, thread, knives, forks and spoons, his purchase amount- 
ing to just thirty dollars. With this "peddler's outfit" he pur- 
posed realizing a profit by disposing of it along the way at the 
farmhouses. This he seems to have succeeded in doing beyond 
his expectations, for "he wrote back after his arrival in Illi- 
nois stating that he doubled his money". 

The people of Gentryville were loath to see the Lincolns 
leave, and it is said that on the morning of their final depar- 
ture quite a crowd collected to bid them farewell. Many of 
them accompanied the Lincolns some distance on their jour- 
ney, among them being the elder Gentry. One man in telling 
of seeing them begin their journey stated that "Abe drove the 
oxen, having a rope attached to the horn of a lead ox, and with 
a hiclcory 'gad' in his free hand." 

None of the party of thirteen ever returned to the scenes 
of their fourteen years' residence in Indiana save Abraham, 
and, as has been stated, he spent three days in and about Gen- 
tryville during the political campaign of 1844 making three 
speeches in that county. He was the guest of the Gentrys 
most of the time. However, after making the speech at Car- 
ter's schoolhouse he accepted the urgent invitation of "Blue 
Nose" Cravsrford to accompany him home. He was much the 
same Lincoln then that his old friends had known fourteen 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 167 

years before. He quite readily recognized all of his old 
neighbors, calling them by their given names, and made in- 
quiry as to certain things in which he had been especially 
interested prior to his leaving there. He expressed a desire 
on reaching the Crawford home to see the old whip-saw-pit 
where he had stood as the "under man" on many an occasion 
whip-sawing lumber. 

Sometime after Lincoln had been in the White House, 
seventeen years having elapsed since seeing his boyhood home 
and meeting with his old friends, a gentleman from Gentry- 
ville visited him in Washington, his purpose in making the 
journey being merely to gratify his curiosity and pleasure in 
beholding the greatness of his old boyhood friend. On his 
arrival at the White House he found quite a number of people 
in waiting. He sent in his name, and supposed, of course, that 
the rule here would be something similar to what he and the 
then present occupant of the White House had been accus- 
tomed to in their boyhood in going to Gordon's Mill — first 
come, first served. But he was greatly surprised a few mo- 
ments after making his presence known to hear his name 
called, and on entering the private office of the President he 
was warmly greeted with the old time cordiality. They had 
conversed but a short while when Lincoln said to him : 

Now, Bill, there's a whole lot of dignitaries out there (pointing) that 
are waiting to see me about something or other, and I'll tell you what 
I want you to do. This is your first visit to Washington, and I reckon 
you'll want to look around at the sights, so you go and do that and then 
come back here about supper time and after we've had something to eat 
we'll go ofC to ourselves, and I jings we'll have a good time talking over 
old times. 

This appealed to his old friend, and accordingly he re- 
turned from viewing the sights of the city toward night-fall 
and found Lincoln waiting for him. After they had dined Lin- 
coln said: "Now come with me", and leading the way they 
reached a room on the second floor. After entering, the Pres- 
ident turned the key, he then pulled oif his coat, and seating 
himself on the small of his back with his feet resting upon the 
table he began asking numerous questions concerning his old 
neighbors. The narrator in telling this, said : 



168 Indiana Magazine of History 

Abe asked about eveiiybody from tlie mouth of Anderson creek to 
Boonville. He'd say: "Bill, wlio did Sis so-and-so marry? Where does 
this one live? Who lives on such-and-such a farm?" By and by, closing 
his eyes and drawing a long breath, he said: "Bill, how did the Genti-y 
boys vote in the last election?" I hesitated to tell him, for I know'd ever 
one of 'em voted for Douglass and were agin him. But finally I out with 
it, and Abe opened his eyes slow like, and looking straight at me for a 
little bit he sorter sighed. 

The statement made by some of the biographers that 
Allen Gentry voted for his old flat-boat partner, in spite of the 
fact that he was a Democrat, is incorrect. The writer, in an 
interview with James Gentry, referred to this Gentryville 
neighbor's visit to Lincoln, and Mr. Gentry exclaimed with a 
laugh : 

Yes, Bill told me all about it when he got back from seeing Abe, and 
he said Abe 'peared to ask about everybody from Anderson clean down 
to Boonville, but he left us boys to the last. Never even mentioned our 
names till he asked how we all voted, and when Bill told him we all went 
agin him, by gum, it mighty nigh broke old Abe's heart. Course, fellows 
like us goin' agin him would hurt, I reckon, but them was purty stormy 
times, and we know'd it would take a smart man to run things, and we'd 
all grow'd up with Abe and while we liked him, and we kuow'd that Abe 
could hold his own in a tussle, we didn't think he was big enough to 
wrastle with such questions that was up then. Besides, by gum, we was 
all Democrats and believed Judge Douglass could take matters in hand. 

When it was suggested that Lincoln managed to keep 
house pretty well after all. Gentry laughed heartily and said : 

O, Abe always tracked the Constitution, and as long as he done that 
he had 'em. Then he followed Henry Clay in lots of things such as hia 
African Colonization scheme and gradual emancipation and the like, and 
you know old Henry was purty tolerable hard to head off. So Abe just 
stood there between all of them fellers and made 'em take their medicine. 
Ab% come out all right in the end. but if he hadn't a stood by the Constitu- 
tion, and if he'd got off on something else like a whole lot of the rest of 
'em did, he'd a never a made it. It was stickin' to the Constitution that 
done it. 

When Wesley Hall was asked as to whether he at any time 
during his youth was inclined to the belief that Lincoln would 
some day become famous, he straightway replied: 

Abe would have been one of the last ones of our crowd that I'd a ever 
dreamed about becoming President I would have picked out one or two 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 169 

of the boys tbat was a heap more likely than him. Not but what Abe 
was smart and all that, but he was so tall, lean, lank and ugly, and went 
lumbering around so and was always a jokin' and cuttin' up, and I couldn't 
see anything in him then that looked like my notion of what a President 
ort to be. 

When it was suggested to Hall, by way of provoking fur- 
ther comment, that Lincoln certainly was one of our gi-eat 
men, he exclaimed: 

Yes, he is and the greatest too, but what made him so great? I'll tell 
you, it wusn't because he was educated, for he had no chance down here 
them days, but Abe just acted up there at Washington like he would any- 
wheres else, and whenever anything comes up he just done what wnz 
right, that's all. It was nothing but Abe's honesty that made him great, 
and when you come to think about it that oughn't to be so strange. That's 
what all of us boys was taught them days, and I think I've been honest 
myself all of my life, just as honest as Abe ever was fer that matter. 

When it was further suggested that Lincoln managed 
things pretty well and overcame great obstacles, Hall ob- 
served : 

Yes, that's so, but after all when all is said and done, it always comes 
back to what I say. Abe always just done what was right about every- 
thing, that's all. If somebody else'd been in his place that'd a been as 
honest as he was and a alius done about what's right, everything'd a 
come out all right. 

The simplicity of Lincoln's life, his democratic spirit, his 
approachableness, living the life of a commoner while the 
executive head of the nation, are quite in keeping with his oft 
expressed partiality for and faith in the common people. He 
was the very embodiment of the homlier virtues of truth, sin- 
cerity and honesty. The temptations ordinarily would have 
been strong upon one like Lincoln in the heyday of his power 
either to attempt to conceal his humble beginnings, his pov- 
erty and lack of schooling, or on the other hand to have re- 
ferred boastfully to them. Not the least mark of his greatness 
is the fact that he did neither. What modesty forbad in this, 
as in other things, his honesty and good sense approved, so 
that the democracy of manhood in him shines like a beacon 
light, dimming the glare of burnished and furbished greatness 
in the many so-called great men. 



170 Indiana Magazine of History 

General Andrew Jackson has ever been popularly re- 
garded as one possessing that democracy of spirit scarcely 
equalled by any other chief executive of our nation. It may be 
altogether fitting in this connection to relate an incident hav- 
ing to do with this element in "Old Hickory". An old Shen- 
andoah Valley neighbor of the writer often related the follow- 
ing circumstance concerning Jackson, and since it seems good 
enough to be true, and judging by the character and standing 
of the old neighbor, it is believed to be true. 

Some twenty-five teamsters were hauling iron ore to 
Georgetown from a point in Virginia, each man driving a four- 
horse team. It was while Jackson was President that on one 
occasion, after the wagons and teams had been disposed of in 
the big wagon yards at Georgetown, an uncle of the informant, 
Baker by name, proposed to the crowd that they go over to 
the White House and pay their respects to "Old Hickory". 
Practically all of the men opposed the proposition, since they 
were in their work-a-day garb, and it was suggested by some 
that on their next trip they come prepared for this visit to 
the White House by each bringing along suitable apparel. But 
Baker was insistent, and so much so that one man, to some ex- 
tent spokesman for all the rest, said, addressing Baker: "If 
you'll do all the talking, we'll go." Whereupon Baker replied : 
"Certainly, I'll do that provided all of you will do what I ask 
you to do." When it was asked as to what was expected of 
them, Baker drew his black-snake whip about his neck and 
tying the free end of the lash into a bow with the stock hanging 
down in front, not unlike a yoke, said : "Now, men, all of you do 
as I have and then fall in line by twos and follow me." This was 
done, and the twenty-five Virginians marched up to the White 
House, with Baker leading them. When the door opened in 
response to their ring, an old-time colored man stood looking 
out upon this strange sight, manifesting surprise, and then 
bowing quite low he asked what was wanted. Baker, true 
to his promise, acted as spokesman and straightway requested 
that the party be taken in and given an audience with the Pres- 
ident. The door closed behind the old colored man, and er^ 
long it was opened again, and with another low bow the old 
fellow announced: "Gemmen, de President's busy and can't 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 171 

see you." But Baker was not to be disposed of so easily, for 
now quickly stepping up near the old man and lifting his voice, 
cried out : "We came to see the President, and we are going 
to do so before we go away." Just then a voice within, with 
a sort of military ring in it, was heard asking: "What's 
the matter out front? What does that crowd of men want?" 
Presently the door was thrown wide open, sending the old ser- 
vant with it, and Jackson stood facing Baker and his twenty- 
four neighbors. The President, without any word of greeting 
or salutation, immediately asked: "What's wanted, men?" 
Baker, having uncovered and each man doing so in like man- 
ner, replied: "Mr. President, we are Virginians and your 
friends, and we have no business with you at all save that we 
just wished to call and see you, that's all." Jackson's brow, 
which at first was knitted into a frown, at once cleared, and 
turning about face he said to Baker and his men : "Follow 
me." Baker leading the way and the men following by twos, 
each one with his hat under his arm, filed into a "big room on 
the right." As they entered it was observed that quite a num- 
ber of well-dressed gentlemen were in the room, and seeing 
the Virginians following Jackson they all arose and quickly 
stepped back near the wall with a look of astonishment and 
wonder upon each face. Jackson did not stop until a small 
table was reached on the opposite side of the room from the 
door of entrance, and going behind this and resting his hand 
upon it with a sort of lurking twinkle in either eye, he said, 
addressing Baker who now stood immediately in front of him : 
"You say that you are Virginians and wish to see me. Is there 
anything I can do for you ?" to which Baker replied : 

No, sir, Mr. President, we have not come to asli any favor of you, 
as I said. These men vrith me are my neighbors. We are all Virginians 
and your friends and supporters. We are teamsters and haul iron ore to 
Georgetown, and I proposed that we come over and call on you. Some of 
the men did not want to come dressed as we are, and I told them we'd go 
just as you see us." 

While Baker was making this explanation it was ob- 
served that a peculiar look came over the President's features 
as if he were especially pleased, and then he said : "You say 



172 Indiana Magazine of History 

you just wished to see the President, and now that you have 
seen 'Old Hickory' what do you think of him ?" 

Baker, apparently being equal to just such an emergency 
as this, quickly observed: "Mr. President, we think he does 
pretty well for a 'shell bark'." Some of the men composing 
the party afterward confessed grave fears as to just how this 
familiarity of their spokesman would be received, but all sus- 
pense was quickly relieved by Jackson giving himself up to 
unrestrained laughter. Straightening up to his full stature, 
with his features set hard, and looking toward the gentlemen 
standing about the wall, he said : 

Gentlemen, you are all Englishmen and accustomed as you are to cer- 
tain things, you no doubt gaze with wonder and perhaps surprise upon a 
scene like this. You very naturally ask what is the secret of our great- 
ness as a nation and how we are going to maintain our liberties. I'll 
answer you by sayiug that we have had two wars with your nation, 
although now we are happily at peace. I had something to do in both of 
these wars, and I whipped your army at New Orleans with an army com- 
posed of men just like these Virginians here, and as long as men in their 
work-a-day clothes think they have a right to come to the nation's Capitol 
and call on their ruler, so long will our liberties be safe. 

Following these remarks Jackson stepped quickly among 
the Virginians and taking each by the hand gave words of 
greeting. General Jackson was quite democratic, hating kings 
and monarchies, but at the same time possessing more or less 
of the imperialistic spirit, while Lincoln possessed all of the 
democracy of Jackson and none of the other spirit. 

Death and Burial of Nancy Hanks Lincoln 

"All that I am or ever hope to be I owe to my angel 
of a mother." 

"I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of 
mine that would attempt to beguile you from a grief of 
a loss so overwhelming." 

In the year 1818 Abraham Lincoln experienced a great, 
misfortune in the death of his mother. The many exacting 
duties incident to pioneer life doubtless constituted a factor 
in producing that strange melancholy that ever possessed him, 
but to be bereft of his mother at the age of ten was perhaps 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiamt 173 

in the main responsible for this. At least it justifies the 
belief that such a sad misfortune at this period of his life, 
together with some of the attending circumstances, readily 
took advantage of a latent predisposition so characteristic of 
his mother. 

Comparatively little is known concerning Nancy Hanks 
and there is small wonder, since nothing eventful transpired 
in her life beyond those things common to the pioneer. Al- 
lusion has already been made to the early belief of her neigh- 
bors and her more immediate relatives as to her obscure 
origin. She certainly did not attempt to correct this belief, 
and doubtless was possessed with the same idea as were 
others. That there has been a more or less labored effort on 
the part of certain biographers of Mr. Lincoln to account for 
his exceptional ability by professing a marked partiality for 
his maternal ancestry is known to all. 

Dennis Hanks, as reported by Elinor Adkinson in The Boy 
Lincoln, said : 

We wus all pore them days, but the Lincoliis was poorer thau any- 
body. Choppin' trees an' grubbiu' roots au' trappin' didn't leave Tom no 
time. It wus all he could do to git his family enough, to eat an' to 
liiver 'em. Nancy was terribly ashamed of the way they lived, but she 
kuowed Tom wus doin' his best an' she wusn't the pesterin' kind. She 
wus purty as a pictur an' .smart as you'd find 'em anywhere. She could 
read and write. The Hankses wus some smarter 'u the Lincolus. Tom 
thought a heap of Nancy, an' he wus as good to her as he knowd how. 
He didn't drink or swear or jilay cyards or fight; an' them wus drinkin,' 
cussin', quarrelsome days. Tom wus popyler an' he could lick a bully 
if he had to. He jest couldn't get a head some how. 

Mr. Herndon, the friend and law partner of Mr. Lincoln, 
and later his biographer, in speaking of Lincoln's mother, 
said : 

At the time of her marriage to Thomas Lincoln, Naucy was in her 
twenty-third year. She was above the ordinary height in stature, weighed 
about one hundred and thirty pounds; was slenderly built and had much 
the appearance of one inclined to consumption. Her skin was dark; her 
hair dark brown, eyes grey and small ; forehead prominent, face sharp 
and angular with an expression of melancholy which fixed itself in the 
memory of anyone who ever saw or knew her. Though her life was 
seemingly clouded by a spirit of Siidness, she was in disposition amiable 
find generally cheerful. Mr. Lincoln said to me in 1851, on receiving the 



174 Indiana Magazine of History 

news of his father's death, that whatever might be said of his parents 
and however unpromising the early surroundings of his mother may have 
been, she was highly intellectual by nature and had a strong memory, 
acute judgment, and was cool and heroic. From a mental standpoint she 
no doubt rose above her surroundings, and had she lived, the stimulus 
of her nature would have accelerated her son's success. She would have 
been a much more ambitious prompter than his father ever was. 

That Mr. Lincoln possessed the melancholy self-control, 
cool and calculating judgment and natural goodness of his 
mother is apparent, and even marks of facial resemblance are 
conceded. Some certain and important traits of character 
are also traceable to the father, and taking it all in all these 
latter qualities are quite as important as were the others. 
That faculty and habit of story telling so natural to the Presi- 
dent, his peculiar and quaint method of relating them and 
their appreantly inexhaustible supply were characteristic of 
not only his father, but true of his uncles, Mordecai and 
Josiah, as well as of many of his Lincoln cousins. 

Without suggesting any lack in the family of his mother 
of that greatest of all traits which he possessed — that of 
honesty — and for which he is so justly famed, it must be said 
in all fairness that whatever by nature, example and precept 
he received from the mother that caused a nation to call her 
son "Honest Abe", certainly honesty was a dominant trait of 
the father and the one characteristic that stands out so promi- 
nently in the life of practically every Lincoln. Dennis Hanks 
confessed that Lincoln was indebted to his father for his 
uncompromising honesty rather than to the Hankses. 

Judging by the data in hand, therefore, it may be said 
that the Lincolns were the equal of the Hankses in social 
standing and ancestry, and in fact there is discerned a favor- 
able comparison in substantially all other things ordinarily 
considered in such matters. 

It should particularly be said that the meagerness of 
knowledge concerning Nancy Hanks, and more especially her 
early death, furnished a large field for conjecture and the 
freest possible play of the imagination. Since Thomas Lin- 
coln lived until the year 1851, having ever remained a simple- 
minded, illiterate pioneer, never at any time distinguishing 



Mun-: Lincoln in Indiana 175 

himself, it became the fashion to speak lightly and even dis- 
paragingly of him as compared to his wife, Nancy Hanks, who 
dying while quite young, became a subject for adulation and 
eulogy, and whatever was deemed wanting in the father and 
husband was readily supposed to have been possessed by the 
mother and wife. 

That Nancy Hanks was somewhat exceptional and in every 
way worthy of such an illustrious son appears to be abun- 
dantly evident in spite of the meagerness of data at hand. 
That she must have wielded a strong influence upon him is 
equally true, and perhaps even greater than we can possibly 
know. Yet, in all fairness it must be said that Mr. Lincoln 
seldom mentioned his mother in later life, but again and 
again paid great tribute to his stepmother and it was the step- 
mother, not Nancy Hanks, of who he spoke when he used the 
oft-quotetd lines (usually misquoted) : "Al that I am and 
ever hope to be I owe to my angel of a mother." 

Any attempt to account for the remarkable career of 
Abraham Lincoln must give a large place to the plans and 
purposes of the Almighty. The Jewish nation spent four 
centuries in a strange land before it produced its great 
prophet, military leader and law-giver, Moses. We do not 
ordinarily attempt to account for the career of Moses by 
emphasizing his lineage and learning so much as we do the 
fact that God was with him from the time he was placed in 
the little pitch basket among the bulrushes of the Nile until 
the day when he climbed the mount to die. 

Bishop Charles Fowler, in his lecture on "Abraham Lin- 
coln", related the following incident in the life of the Presi- 
dent which transpired when Lincoln was twenty-eight years 
of age. A short distance from Springfield, Illinois, an old- 
fashioned camp-meeting was in progress in a grove. A party 
of seven men, composed of physicians, lawyers and ministers, 
had decided to attend these services one night. 

On this particular occasion Lincoln was in a hilarious 
mood, joking with the lavs^ers, preachers and doctors in suc- 
cession, and even thrusting humorous remarks upon the 
horses drawing the vehicle in which they were riding. He 



176 Indiana Magazine of History 

kept every one laughing by his stories and "yarns", until the 
grove was reached. 

That evening a pioneer minister preached a sermon of 
unusual power, occasioning considerable rehgious excitement. 
While the discourse throughout was stirring and thoughtful, 
the peroration was particularly so. In this he referred to 
Moses leading the children of Israel out of Egyptian bondage, 
and laid stress upon the fact that God had called him for such 
a purpose in the fulness of time. Then, as was frequently 
the case in pulpits of that day, he pronounced a curse upon 
African slavery in America, prophesying that "the Almighty 
would raise up a leader to smite this curse." As he closed his 
remarks he lifted his hands beseechingly, and in a burst of 
prophetic fervor exclaimed: "Who knows but that the man 
destined to liberate the slaves in our land is here tonight." 

On the return journey of the group, for whom Lincoln 
had furnished so much amusement and fun, he was strange- 
ly silent, so much so as to speak only occasionaly when ad- 
dressed by some member of the party. This silence was 
noted by all, and elicited more or less comment on the follow- 
ing day. Sometime during the day after the journey taken, 
one member of the camp-meeting visitors had occasion to 
call on Lincoln, and found him still gloomy and depressed. 
Thinking -to rally him by some reference to the occurrences of 
the evening before, he proceeded to do so, and thereupon Lin- 
coln remarked as follows : 

Tou remember, of course, what the preacher said about slavery and 
in his peroration that "God would raise up a man to smite slavery", and 
closed by saying: "Who knows but that he is here tonight." Well, you 
and others may thing me foolish, but I had the conviction then and still 
have it that I am that man. 

At the time of the death of Lincoln's mother there was 
mourning in practically every home of the entire neighbor- 
hood, for that dread disease peculiar to the pioneer days, 
knoAvn as milk-sick, had appeared in epidemic form and at- 
tacked beasts as well as men. Thomas and Betsy Sparrow, 
who had in part reared Nancy Hanks, and who had fol- 
lowed the Lincolns to Indiana, living in the abandoned half 
faced camp, were both stricken with this scourge and died 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 111 

about the same time Mrs. Lincoln did. In fact, of the twenty- 
five families in this settlement, many of whom were former 
Kentucky neighbors of the Lincolns, more than half were 
claimed by this strange malady. 

Medical assistance was not to be had nearer than thirty 
miles; and even had there been sufficient attention, it is 
altogether doubtful whether the ravages of this destroyer of 
the pioneers could have been arrested. 

One may form some idea of the extent to which the pion- 
eers were governed by stern necessity when it is recalled that 
Thomas Lincoln, the husband, on the death of his wife was 
forced to perform a part of the offices of an undertaker. 
There being no one save himself in that community sufficiently 
skilled with tools to construct a coffin, he did this, and at the 
same time made coffins in which to bury Thomas and Betsy 
Sparrow. He was not a stranger to this kind of work, since 
he was in the habit of doing it for the entire community. 
The lumber with which the coffin for Nancy Hanks Lincoln 
was made was whipsawed out of a log unused in the building 
of the wilderness cabin. Dennis Hanks and Thomas Lincoln 
sawed the planks, and while they were thus engaged, Abra- 
ham whittled out the wooden pins which the elder Lincoln 
used to fasten the planks together, there being no nails in 
this part of the world at that time. 

The writer knew two persons who were present at the 
funeral of Nancy Hanks Lincoln. Her burial, which took 
place a few hundred yards to the south of the cabin home, 
was denied even the usual committal services, there being no 
officiating minister present. Indeed, at this time there was no 
church or minister nearer than thirty miles. 

The writer on one occasion had pointed out to him the 
spot near the foot of the grave where little Abraham stood 
weeping while the rude casket was being lowered. The Rev- 
erend Allen Brooner, then a mere lad, was present on this 
occasion. He lost his own mother a few days after the burial 
of Mrs. Lincoln and she was buried by the side of Lincoln's 
mother; consequently the circumstances became indelibly 
fixed in his memory. No stone marked these graves for years, 
and when it was proposed to erect a small monument to the 



178 Indiana Magazine of History 

memory of Nancy Hanks Lincoln, there was some difference 
of opinion as to which of the two graves was hers, but the 
statement of Brooner was final. 

Although Abraham was but ten years of age at this time, 
yet impressed with the fact that his mother's memory was 
entitled to the usual funeral services that he had been accus- 
tomed to witness, he wrote a letter requesting the services of 
Parson Elkins, an itinerant Baptist minister who resided in 
Kentucky, and who had visited the home of the Lincolns in 
that State, frequently conducting services there and doubt- 
less officiated at the burial of his baby brother. At any rate, 
Elkins had impressed himself upon the mind and heart of 
the lad so that he did not hesitate to presume upon his good 
offices by asking that he travel a hundred miles through this 
wilderness. 

The boy's confidence in thus presuming upon the willing- 
ness of the pioneer preacher to come to him in his need was 
not misplaced, for although he made this journey and 
preached the funeral discourse at the grave side without re- 
muneration, yet, like Mary in breaking the alabaster box of • 
precious ointment, Parson Elkins' offices on this occasion have 
enshrined his memory in the hearts of Christendom and his 
name by this one deed alone has been redeemed from that 
oblivion to which it would have otherwise been consigned. 

One may stand at the grave side of the mother of Lin- 
coln today, look through the woods to the north and see the 
little knoll on which then stood the cabin where now looms 
up with comparatively large dimensions a high school build- 
ing immediately in front of the cabin site — an institution 
that would have been regarded by Lincoln in his youth as 
Heaven sent. 

Marked changes have been wrought since that mournful 
pioneer funeral procession took its sad way down the slope 
and through the wood to the elevated spot where his mother 
sleeps. In making this little journey now one crosses the 
steam railroad track, passes beneath the telephone and tele- 
graph wires, and walks by the mouth of a coal mine — all 
telling of another civilization and another age, for they all 
came after Lincoln's removal to Illinois. 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 179 

It is claimed, and not without sufficient grounds, that the 
place where the future President spent his youth and reached 
his majority, and where he formed and matured his char- 
acter, possessing as he did while yet a youth substantially all 
of those eminent traits that we are accustomed to note in him 
as a man, that place where his mother now sleeps and where 
his only sister lies buried, is of the greatest possible interest, 
and in view of such world-wide admiration of Lincoln it is 
deserving of suitable recognition by our general government. 

The State of Indiana some years since, aided by indi- 
viduals, erected a modest monument to the memory of Nancy 
Hanks Lincoln, the mother of the President, and made pur- 
chase of the grounds adjoining her burial place which now 
constitute what is known as Lincoln park. 

As commendable as was this belated tribute, unfortunately 
the site of the cabin home of Lincoln was not included in this 
purchase and this place yet remains in the hands of private 
individuals. Should there come a time (and it will) when 
this spot shall have been appropriately honored beyond that 
hitherto attempted, and some President of the United States 
in official capacity shall journey thither and deliver an ad- 
dress, if perchance in the course of his remarks he should 
give utterance to some such sentiment as the following, he 
would only be speaking true to history : 

Here on this spot in tlie year 1816 TTiomns Lincoln erected a log 
cabin in whicli was reared his son Abraham, our first typical American, 
who in temperamental make up, in certain marked characteristics, in 
the simplicity of his life and character, was the embodiment of those 
traits of honesty and truthfulness which pre-eminently characterized the 
pioneer Hoosier citizen. Three States of our Union had to do in shaping 
his destiny and fashioning his great career. Kentucky gave him birth, 
in the day of his power Illinois offered him to the country in the hour 
of the Nation's crisis; but it was here in Indiana that these enduring 
traits of character found their setting, without which he would have 
failed in his gigantic task, and, possessing them as he did, they later 
fashioned him into a mighty leader destined under God to give this 
nation a new birth of freedom, that "the government of the people for 
the people and by the people might not perish from the earth." 

In a year after the death of Mrs. Lincoln, Thomas Lin- 
coln made a visit to his old home in Kentucky, leaving Dennis 



180 Indiana Magazine of History 

Hanks, Abraham and his sister Sarah in the wilderness. The 
motive in making this visit became apparent to those re- 
maining behind when on his return he brought with him a 
bride and her three children, Matilda, Sarah and John D. 
Johnson, children by a former marriage. The second Mrs. 
Lincoln, who was destined to wield a remarkable influence 
over the future President, was a woman somewhat above the 
average pioneer. Her coming to this destitute home was 
timely, since Abraham had now reached that age when he 
stood in need of just such encouragem.ent and sympathy as 
she was eminently capable of giving and which she freely be- 
stowed upon him. 

In an interview with Mr. Herndon she said, in speaking 
of this period and of Abraham in particular : 

I induced my husband to permit Abe to read and study at home as 
well as at school. At first he was not easily reconciled to it, but finally 
he seemed willing to encourage him to a certain extent. Abe was a 
dutiful son to me always. We took particular care when he was reading 
not to disturb him, and we let him read on and on until he quit of hia 
own accord. 

Notwithstanding the fact that Mrs. Lincoln had been left 
a widow, and at the time of her marriage to Thomas Lincoln 
was living "on an alley of the town in a log cabin," she was 
highly regarded by her neighbors and possessed a pride and 
bearing quite beyond that which her condition would ordi- 
narily appear to warrant. The proud spirit that character- 
ized her then was never broken by any of the vicissitudes of 
her later years. She was quite superior in many ways to 
her husband. Her gifts and graces were so pronounced as 
to call forth in later years splendid tributes of praise from 
both her own children and her step son. The changes wrought 
in the wilderness cabin home soon after her coming occa- 
sioned neighborhood comment, and made such an impression 
upon Dennis Hanks, an inmate of the home and later her son- 
in-law, as to cause that gentleman to pay her grateful praise. 

Aside from the refinement and culture which she pos- 
sessed, tending to inspire her household to emulate her, she 
caused her husband to make certain needful changes in the 
cabin by hanging a door, laying a floor and cutting a win- 



Murr: Lincoln in Indiana 181 

dow. She brought with her certain household effects, such 
as beds, bedding, bureau, many cooking utensils, knives and 
forks — in all a four horse wagon load, so that there is small 
wonder the cheerless cabin took on new life and caused Abra- 
ham in later life, when recalling these scenes, to say: "She 
made me feel like I was human." 

It is claimed that at this time young Abraham was a good 
boy, affectionate, loving his parents well and obedient to their 
every wish. Although anything but impudent or rude, he 
was sometimes uncomfortably inquisitive when strangers 
would ride along or pass by his father's fence, and he always, 
either through boyish pride or to tease his father, would be 
sure to ask the first question. For this his father would 
sometimes knock him over, but when thus punished he never 
"bellowed, but would drop a kind of silent unwelcome tear as 
evidence of his sensitiveness or other feelings." 

So inquisitive and eager for news was he that on one 
occasion when a stranger rode up to the Lincoln home to 
make inquiries as to the road Abraham straightway asked: 
"What's the news, stranger?" Before any reply could be 
made the father, who was attempting to give proper direc- 
tions of the way, turned and rebuked his son for his inter- 
ruption. In a moment or two young Abraham again asked: 
"Stranger, what's the news where you come from?" This 
time the indignant father, desiring to silence the inquisitive 
son, quickly swung his arm, struck the boy full in the mouth 
with the back of the hand, knocking him down. Young Lin- 
coln, on regaining his feet and perching himself at a safe 
distance on the fence, as the stranger was drawing rein pre- 
paratory to ride on his way, once more eagerly asked: "I 
say, stranger, what is the news?" 

During his Indiana residence up to the time of his moth- 
er's death, Abraham Lincoln had not been privileged to at- 
tend school. Soon after the coming of his step mother to 
the home he was sent to school, his first teacher being Mr. 
Dorsey who "kept school" not far from the Little Pigeon 
church. In all he attended three different sessions or terms 
during his Indiana residence, one at ten years of age, another 
at fourteen and a very brief term during his seventeenth 



182 Indiana Magazine of History 

year. The entire time thus spent in the school room was less 
than one year during his life, and he was indebted to his 
step mother for the privilege of attending school at all after 
reaching an age when such an opportunity might reasonably 
promise profit. Such privilege was accompanied by a keen 
appreciation and gratitude that enabled him richly to repay 
her in later years for her kindness and partiality. The debt 
that mankind owes this elect lady can never now be paid save 
in grateful remembrance of her timely foresight, and thank- 
fulness for wisdom and direction perhaps not altogether of 
Earth. From the first Lincoln and his step-mother became 
great friends. In her old age she expressed a decided par- 
tiality for him, even indicating a love beyond that for her 
own son. 

Lincoln's great stature and lumbering gait were a subject 
of neighborhood comment, and Mrs. Lincoln and his father 
often joked him concerning them also. The elder Lincoln 
was in the habit of remarking that "Abe looked like he had 
been chopped out with an ax and needed the jack plane to 
smooth him down." Mrs. Lincoln said to him on one occa- 
sion when she saw him "bump" his head as he came through 
the cabin door : "Abe, I don't care much about the mud you 
carry in on the floor, for that can be scrubbed, but you must 
be careful with my whitewashed ceiling and not damage it." 
The next day young Lincoln hunted up a crowd of young- 
sters, and after causing them to wade through a pond of 
muddy water, he marched them to the Lincoln cabin, picked 
them up one by one and made them walk across the ceiling 
with their muddy feet. When Mrs. Lincoln came home and 
noted the condition of the ceiling she laughed right heartily. 
Abraham then walked a long distance after lime, prepared 
whitewash, and once more made the cabin ceiling immacu- 
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Vol XIV SEPTEMBER, 1918 No. 3 

INDIANA 
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OF HISTORY 



CONTENTS 

Page 

Secret Political Societies in the North During the 

War— JIfoyo Fealer 183 



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INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY 

published quarterly bt 

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BOARD OF EDITORS 

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College 

William O. Lynch, A.M., Professor of History, Indiana State 
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Harlow Lindley, A.M., State Archivist, Professor of History, 
Earlham College 

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Copyright, 1918, by 
Indiana UnlverBlty 



INDIANA 
MAGAZINE OF HISTORY 

Vol. XIV SEPTEMBER, 1918 No. 3 

Secret Political Societies in the North 
during the Civil War 

By Mayo Fesler 

I Introduction 

The history of a secret political society is difficult to un- 
ravel. Especially is this true of a secret political organization 
whose principles have been condemned as pernicious and 
treasonable by a large majority of the people and whose rec- 
ords have been destroyed in order to prevent them from fall- 
ing into the hands of government officials. The difficulty is 
materially increased when the feeling against such societies 
is so violent as to lead, not only the press, but public officials, 
as well, to make strangely extravagant statements in their 
reports concerning the operations of the societies. 

In an attempt to determine their extent, purpose, and 
influence, the writer was confronted with a combination of 
difficulties. In the first place, men who were members of 
these orders, or members of the party from which the orders 
recruited their ranks, either denied the existence of any such 
societies, or minimized their extent and importance; while 
men who were opposed to their principles, were inclined to 
magnify the dangers resulting from their operations and at- 
tribute to them a treason worse than rebellion. The excite- 
ment of the Civil war times prevented men from taking a 
moderate view of such matters. It was a period of strong 



184 Indiana Magazine of History 

partisan feeling. There were few who could see any middle 
ground between intense patriotism and active disloyalty; 
between devotion to the union and sympathy for secession; 
between a "peace democrat" and a "hissing copperhead". 
The bitter animosities then existing seemed to confound all 
distinctions. "He that is not for us is against us" was inter- 
preted in its most literal sense. And so, Democrats, Copper- 
heads, Butternuts, Knights of the Golden Circle, Sons of Lib- 
erty and rebels, were jumbled into one hodge-podge of "hiss- 
ing traitors". As a result, all the material bearing upon the 
history of these societies, official documents as well as unoffi- 
cial, must be weighed in the light of these peculiarly intense 
times. 

The student might expect that the lapse of fifty years 
would tend to soften and dissolve these extreme views, and 
that survivors of those days could now recall the exciting 
events with less of partisan bias ; but it is not the case. Most 
of these men, who are still living, retain the bitter animosities 
which characterized the days of the rebellion, and all attempts 
to secure from them a moderate estimate of these societies 
have failed. Some five hundred letters of inquiry, containing 
lists of definite questions, were sent to these survivors, repre- 
sentative men of both parties in all sections of the country; 
and probably half as many personal conferences were held. 
The information thus obtained contains little of real historical 
value. In reply to the questions, "What was the avowed pur- 
pose of the order", "The relations of the political parties in 
your community to the order", and "The character of the mem- 
bership"? the supporters of the Republican party uniformly 
reply, in substance, "The order which was composed entirely 
of Democrats, had for its avowed purpose the overthrow of 
the government and the lending of assistance to the southern 
rebels." Tlie members of the Democratic party reply, "The 
avowed purpose of the order which was composed of the 
riifraff of the Democratic party, was the protection of the 
rights of the citizen against the usurpation and tyranny of 
the Republican administration". Many who were known to 
be members of the order, refused to give any information 
whatever concerning its operations. The effort was made 



Secret Political Societies 185 

in a number of cases to secure statements from these men 
through relatives, or close friends; but the odium which at- 
tached itself to the societies, and that peculiar sense of obliga- 
tion which men have for secret vows even though the society 
in which they were taken may have long since become extinct, 
have made even these indirect efforts of little avail. 

The failure to obtain reliable information from these sur- 
vivors, however, did not materially affect the scope of this 
investigation, for there still remained a mass of valuable con- 
temporary source material in the form of newspapers, manu- 
scripts in the state department at Washington, the War of the 
Rebellion Official Records, the official records of the several 
trials before military commissions, and numerous diaries and 
biographies of men of the time. All of this source material 
was carefully scanned and analyzed in the effort to reach a 
fair estimate of the extent and influence of these secret socie- 
ties which so disturbed the loyal people in the States border- 
ing on the Mason and Dixon line during the trying days of the 
Civil war. This study has resulted in the following narrative 
and conclusions. 

The plan, at first, contemplated maps and tables showing 
the distribution and number of the lodges, but exact numerical 
details, it was found, could not be obtained in sufficient quan- 
tity for such an exhibit. Therefore in this direction no at- 
tempt at anything beyond an approximation has been made. 
The result, then, of this investigation is an estimation of the 
importance of the secret associations on the struggle of 1861 
to 1865, rather than an exhaustive, detailed account of their 
operations. 

2. Origin of the Knights op the Golden Circle 

In July, 1863, there appeared at the headquarters of Gen. 
William S. Rosecrans in central Tennessee a surgeon from the 
Confederate army who gave his name as Dr. George W. L. 
Bickley and requested permission to pass through the lines to 
his home in Cincinnati. He excused his Confederate uniform 
and his presence in the Confederate army by saying that he 
was caught in the south at the outbreak of the war and was 
forced to join the southern army as a surgeon in order to get 



186 Indiana Magazine of History 

through the lines. The federal authorities granted him a 
pass but not without some suspicion as to his real character. 
They stipulated that on his way home he must travel by way 
of the Mississippi and Ohio rivers and make no stops between 
Memphis and Cincinnati. 

Gen. Ambrose E. Burnside, then commanding at Cincin- 
nati, was informed by telegram that Dr. Bickley was on his 
way north under pass from General Rosecrans and that it 
might be well to watch his movements. Instead of fulfilling 
the stipulation to go directly to Cincinnati Bickley stopped 
off at New Albany, Indiana. The authorities were notified 
of this and General Boyle at Louisville was directed to watch 
him and, if he deemed it advisable, arrest him. On July 17 
Bickley and his wife were put under arrest at New Albany 
and their baggage seized. An examination of their persons 
and effects revealed sufficient evidence to prove that Dr. 
Bickley was no other than the originator of the secret political 
order known as "The Knights of the Golden Circle", which 
was at that time causing such apprehension along the border. 
On the person of Mrs. Bickley was found the great seal of 
the order bearing the emblem of a Maltese cross surmounted 
by a star and encircled by the inscription, "Great Seal of the 
K's of the G.C., 1856". With the seal was found a number of 
metal stars, emblems of the order. In Bickley's trunk, among 
a number of incriminating papers and letters, were found sev- 
eral copies of a pamphlet containing the "Rules, Regulations 
and Principles" of the order ; a newspaper clipping from the 
Richmond Whig containing an "Open Letter" of George Bick- 
ley, "K.G.C., President of American Legion", dated July 17, 
1860; a key to the grips, signs, passwords, etc., of the Knights 
of the Golden Circle ; a copy of a letter from George Bickley 
to the secretary of war of the Confederate States offering to 
furnish a mounted brigade ; and a card on which was engraved 
a Confederate flag with the three letters, K.G.C. printed in 
bold type across the bars. Above and below the flag were the 
words "General George Bickley, Mexico and a United South".i 

This evidence strengthened by the sworn statements of 

1 "Papers relating to the case of George W. L. Bickley", found in the Judge 
Advocate General's office, contain most of material for Chapter I. References 
to them will be indicated by the abbreviation "Bickley Papers". 



Secret Political Societies 187 

two witnesses regarding their acquaintance with Bickley was 
deemed sufficient to justify his imprisonment. On August 18 
he was transferred without trial to the State penitentiary at 
Columbus, Ohio, where he was held until March 20, 1864. He 
was then taken to Fort Lafayette where he remained until 
March, 1865. From there he was transferred to Fort War- 
ren where he Ayas held until his release in October of that year. 

During his Incarceration Bickley made numerous efforts 
to secure his release. He wrote to General Bumside in Cin- 
cinnati, to Gen. John A. Dix in New York, to Secretary of 
War Stanton, and finally to the President, imploring their 
interposition in his behalf. In all the communications he 
admitted his connection with the Knights of the Golden 
Circle, "an order which was established for the purpose of 
colonizing Mexico", but denied that it had any relation to the 
secret political order known by that name, then existing in the 
border States. Inquiries were sent out from the office of the 
secretary of war to officials acquainted with the character of 
the prisoner to learn the reasons for his detention. The reply 
in each case was that Bickley is a dangerous man and should 
not be released during the continuance of the rebellion. In 
the report from the judge-advocate general's office, reviewing 
the case, Bickley is alluded to as "the chief of the treasonable 
association known as the Knights of the Golden Circle, an 
officer in the rebel army, a conspicuously disloyal individual", 
and "a most mischievous as well as dangerous character", and 
"his personal restraint is, for these reasons, advised".^ 

The arrest and incarceration of Bickley was not in itself 
a matter of particular moment — his was only one of the nu- 
merous military arrests made during the summer of 1863. 
But his relations to the secret order of the Knights of the 
Golden Circle made his arrest a matter of more than local 
interest, since at that moment the operations of the order 
were causing considerable uneasiness in the border States and 
arousing serious apprehensions in the minds of many sup- 
porters of the union cause. 

From the beginning of the struggle there had been con- 
siderable opposition to the war in the north, but particularly 

' Bickley Papers, A. A. Hosmer, acting Judge Advocate to Secretary Stanton, 
July 17, 1865. 



188 Indiana Magazine of History 

along the border where the influence of southern social and 
political ideas was strong. This opposition had gradually in- 
creased with the progress of the war and its attending severi- 
ties. Every new call for troops, every new draft, every defeat 
of the union armies, and every military arrest brought forth 
another groan fom the opponents of the administration. The 
disaffected element, which at no time had been, in sympathy 
with the war, felt more and more the burden of taxation and 
the numerous restraints placed upon their liberties by the 
State and federal governments. These were made all the 
more unbearable when imposed by soldiers and officers of the 
administration — men from their own communities who keenly 
enjoyed the emotions of authority and dominance. Moreover, 
they witnessed in their midst the organization of a semi-secret 
order called the "Union League", whose purpose, as they 
viewed it, was the rendering of assistance to the already tyran- 
nical government in the enforcement of its tyrannical meas- 
ures. These experiences, coupled with an already strong 
prejudice against the party in power, and, in many cases, a 
close sympathy with the cause of the southern States, led many 
into more than open protest against the administration — into 
secret organization, which under a strict interpretation of the 
consitution might be classed as "giving aid and comfort to 
the enemy". Whether or not this secret opposition should 
prove formidable, depended upon the organizing ability of 
the leaders and their courage. But the fact that their move- 
ments were secret and that their plans were maturing at a 
time when the most sanguine supporter of the union was 
depressed with a feeling of doubt as to the fate of the nation, 
made the danger seem a real one and caused the patriots to 
regard their machinations with a deep solicitude. 

The secret political and military societies, popularly 
known as the "Knights of the Golden Circle", "Knights of the 
Columbian Star", "Order of American Knights", and "Sons 
of Liberty", were scattered over a number of the central and 
western States. They were strongly intrenched in southern 
California ;3 a number of lodges were reported in Michigan 

' War of the Rebellion, Official Records of the Union and Confederate 
Armies, Series I, Vol. L, Part II., p. 938. Reference to these records will be 
indicated by the abbreviation O. R. 



Secret Political Societies 189 

and Iowa ; sworn statements by officers of the order indicated 
their existence in New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, Mary- 
land, and Delaware ; in several counties in Pennsylvania pros- 
perous and active lodges were discovered; one lodge was 
reported in what was then Washington territory;-' even as 
far north as Boston the secret agents of the organizations 
attempted to gain a foothold. These societies, however, were 
most prosperous in the border States along the Ohio and Mis- 
sissippi regions which had been settled largely by immigrants 
from the mountains of North Carolina, Tennessee, and other 
sections of the seceding States. 

The actual membership of the various societies will never 
be known. No correct and complete files were kept and the 
meager information in the hands of local State secretaries 
was destroyed when the plans of the order were exposed in 
1864. Various estimates have been made by leading members 
and by government officials who were engaged in ferreting 
out their plans. C. E. Dunn, second in command of the order 
in Missouri, in a sworn statement before Provost Marshal 
Sanderson at St. Louis in July, 1864, declared the membership 
of the American Knights in that State to be 100,000 ; in Illi- 
nois, 100,000 ; in Indiana, 125,000 ; in Ohio, 40,000 ; in Michi- 
gan, 20,000 to 25,000.5 In southern California alone the mem- 
bership was estimated at 24,000, while the order could control 
at least 50,000 men." In conference with the Confederate 
agents in Canada in 1864, Mr. Clement L. Vallandigham 
represented the strength of the Sons of Liberty at 300,000, of 
whom 85,000 were in Illinois; 50,000 in Indiana; and 40,000 
in Ohio.T In a spech at Dayton, in the summer of 1863, he 
placed the number at 500,000, which Judge Advocate Holt, in 
his report concerning "Secret Associations and Conspiracies 
against the Government", says "is much nearer the true 
total".8 

These secret associations bore different names in different 
sections and at different periods of the war. In St. Louis the 
organization was called at one time "Corps de Belgique"; in 

•O. B. I, Vol. L, pt. II, p. 1056. 

^ 0. R. II, Vol. VII, p. 629. 

« O. R. I, Vol. L, pt. II, p. 940. 

' The Southern Bivouac, Vol. II, p. 206. 

8 0. R. II, Vol. VII, p. 930. 



190 Indiana Magazine of History 

Chicago "The Democratic Invincible Club" ; in Louisville "The 
Democratic Reading Room"; in California the "Knights of 
the Columbian Star". In other localities they were known 
as the "Knights of the Mighty Host", "Knights of the Circle 
of Honor" and "Mutual Protection Society". But the names 
by which they were generally known were "Knights of the 
Golden Circle", "Order of American Knights", and "Sons of 
Liberty". While it cannot be definitely proven that one is 
the parent organization and the others the offspring, yet they 
follow each other so closely in time and purpose, and are com- 
posed of so nearly the same element in the membership that 
the popular mind has been justified in thinking them one and 
the same in almost every particular except the name. 

The parent association "The Knights of the Golden Cir- 
cle", as has been noted, had its origin in the fertile brain of 
Dr. George W. L. Bickley, a practicing physician, a professor 
of materia medica in the Eastern Medical college of Cincin- 
nati, and a professor of medical jurisprudence in the Ohio 
Law school. Bickley was a man of more than ordinary lit- 
erary ability, as shown by the papers found on his person 
when he was captured. He wrote much and was for a time 
editor and publisher of a magazine.^ He no doubt kept him- 
self well informed on public questions which in the decade 
before the war were so seriously disturbing the country. One 
of his chief characteristics seems to have been a tendency to 
evolve elaborate schemes on paper, one of which was this 
secret order of the Knights of the Golden Circle. 

In 1854 when the visionary William S. Walker was plan- 
ning his filibustering project in Lower California, and the 
whole country, especially, the south, was disturbed by various 
projects of this kind, the Knights of the Golden Circle was 
organized in Cincinnati and started on its career by the 
inauguration of lodges in that city and in two small towns in 
that section of the State. Its object as stated in the ritual was 
the "entire and speedy conquest of Mexico and the establish- 
ment of a separate and independent nation upon such a basis 
as to render it subservient to the march of American civiliza- 

• The American Cavalier, a military journal devoted to the extension of 
American civilization — only one copy seen. 



Secret Political Societies 191 

tion". In justification of this object the "rules" laid down 
the doctrine that 

Each and every American citizen has a right to denationalize himself 
and become a citizen of any other nation, and he has the unquestionable 
right (when once there) to rebel against the existing government (as in the 
case of Texas) and attempt the establishment of a new government. . . . 
When a nation has lost its nationallity — where society has given up its 
existence — then the territory so occupied is thrown open to adventurers 
from civilized nations and may be seized by them for the purpose of 
Christian civlllzatlon.io 

Mexico, they assured themselves, was in this sad state 
and, therefore, open to christian domination. 

The "rules, regulations and principles" which were to 
govern the order were issued by the "Congress of the K.C.S. 
(Knights Commanders South), and the General President" 
from the headquarters at Washington, D.C. They provided 
for two sections, the Mexican Legion and the American Le- 
gion. Bickley was commander-in-chief of the American 
Legion and the General President. The regulations provided 
for civil and military departments ; but since the object of the 
order was the invasion and conquest of foreign territory, the 
military department received most attention. The laws for 
its government provided that the American Legion 

Shall consist of four divisions, each perfect within itself, each commanded 
by a marshal, who shall be resijonsible to the commander-in-chief. 

There were to be divisions consisting of two brigades; 
brigades of two regiments ; and regiments of companies ; after 
the plan of the the existing military system in the United 
States army. 

Provision was made for cavalry and artillery companies. 
Salaries for officers and enlisted men were specified. In addi- 
tion to the salaries grants of land were promised. Enlisted 
men were to receive 640 acres; lieutenants, 960 acres; cap- 
tains, 1,280 acres ; majors, 2,560 acres ; marshals, 2,880 acres ; 
and the commander-in-chief, 3,200 acres. Each member was 
required to take an oath to support and sustain the govern- 
ment established by the American Legion and its legal repre- 

" Art. 3S, The Rules, Regulations and Principles is a pamphlet of some fifty 
pages. Only two copies known to be preserved — one in State Department, the 
other in War Department, Washington, D. C. 



192 Indiana Magazine of History 

sentatives. He was also required to obligate himself "not 
to do anything which in his judgment would be contrary to 
the best interest of the United States of America", and to 
"protect and defend the same against any foreign power 
whatsoever". Further, "If at any time the United States 
should become involved in a foreign war the services of the 
legion shall be promptly tendered to the United States gov- 
ernment, and in no instance will the legion be allowed to take 
up arms against the United States". 

There were three degrees in the order." The First or 
Company degree was a purely military one given to every 
member of the legion who was to bear arms. It insisted upon 
secrecy, true allegiance, and obedience to the K.G.C. The 
Second or Brigade degree was practically the same as the 
First except that it was not administered to the company at 
large, but only to the non-commissioned officers, and stated 
clearly the full purpose of the order, namely, "the conquest of 
Mexico and the establishment of a civilized government in the 
conquered territory". The Third or Division degree was tak- 
en only by the commissioned officers who were to become a 
part of the army council. In this degree the detailed plan 
of campaign of the 55 (K.G.C.) was set forth as follows: 

All companies are to move so as to reach 17 and IS on a given day. 
The city and federal authorities of those places are already pledged to 
assist us off. Our arms, munitions, and material having been previously 
sent there from the several depots. All will be shipped together and form 
one solid fleet, with suflieient armament to beat off any interfering power. 
Eight and 9 have each promised us a frigate as convoys, and we must have 
a good steamer of our own. Our landing point must be 2.i2 As soon as 
our independence is recognized, we will then throw open our ports and 
invite immigration. 

Finally after all had rebelled and come over to them they 
would control the Gulf and the destinies of 12. 12 

The Articles of War for the government of the K.G.C. 
contained the following oath to which every soldier and officer 
was compelled to subscribe : 

I, — — , of my own free will, do solemnly swear or affirm (as the 

case may be) that I will bear true allegiance to the K.G.C. and its lawful 

" Degree Book, a separate pamphlet of only a few pages in extent. 
1= It is not known to what places these figures refer. The key found with 
the papers does not fit the numbers. 12 evidently means Mexico. 



Secret Political Societies 193 

officers, and I will serve tbem honestly and faithfully against all their 
enemies, and I will never desert my brethren in arms, but I will protect 
them and their interests as far as I possibly can; and I will do no act 
knowingly in violation of the laws of the K.G.C. I will support the gov- 
ernment established by my brothers in arms and their officers. 

The regulations contained provisions for the organization 
of castles in all parts of the country and also a long list of 
social and political maxims which were generalities of no par- 
ticular import. Mention was made of a colonization and steam- 
ship company which was to furnish the capital necessary to 
carry out the designs of the K.G.C. 

It will be seen from these extracts that the purpose of 
the organization at the time of its inauguration was filibuster- 
ing pure and simple. No statement in the ritual or degree 
book can be interpreted as indicating treason to the govern- 
ment of the United States. In fact, the members were bound 
to defend the government against any foreign power. The 
association might involve the United States in serious inter- 
national difficulties, but this could not be called treason ; and 
evidently there was no treasonable intention in the mind of 
the founder, when he conceived the principles embodied in this 
new secret society. 

General Bickley, after his arrest and incarceration at 
Fort Lafayette, New York Harbor, in 1864, insisted that the 
policy of the K.G.C. to Americanize and incorporate Mexico 
and the United States into one common republic was not 
treason, but was "the offspring of that generally accepted pol- 
icy known as the Monroe Doctrine which has become as much 
a part of Americanism as our theory of republican govern- 
ment."i3 Concerning the filibustering aspect of the society he 
wrote in the same letter : 

But, sir, you may say the whole scheme was a secession fllibusterism. 
I beg to say that secession was the bane of the organization, and that so 
far as its filibustering aspect goes, my country is guiltier than I. We com- 
menced filbustering at Plymouth Rock, at Jamestown, at Roanoke Island, 
under the leadership of the Pilgrim Fathers . . . ; we filbustered the red 
men out of their ancestral domain and built up an empire of Christian 
civilization that has merited and received the admiration of mankind; we 
filbustered Spain out of the Floridas, France out of Louisiana Territory, 

^ Bickley Papers. Bickley to Stanton, Jan. 16, 1865. 



194 Indiana Magazine of History 

Mexico out of Texas, and, at a later day, out of California ; so that if I am 
a fllibusterer my country is my tutor. 

It is not known by what method or at what time General 
Bickley set about to extend the organization. According to 
his own statements, sometime before the outbreak of the war 
he went south to settle his mother's estate. His brother-in- 
law, Eli Kinney,!* says that before the outbreak of the War 
Bickley had left his wife and was in the south. Judging from 
the document which was found among his effects when cap- 
tured, and from the rapid extension of the order in the south 
and especially in Texas, General Bickley must have devoted 
most of his time after 1854 to the propagation of this filibus- 
tering association. In September, 1859, he issued from Wash- 
ington, D.C., as "Headquarters of the American Legion K.G. 
C", a proclamation in which he proposed the invasion of 
Mexico by a new and vigorous race, and appealed to the young 
men of the country by declaring that the K.G.C. opened for 
them a new field of industry and enterprise. "This contin- 
ent," he said, "belongs to one people ; that people is the Anglo- 
American." The extent to which this proclamation was made 
public can not be ascertained. 

The first definite information of a public nature regard- 
ing the order is found in the Mobile Mercury of April 6, 1860. 
In this issue appeared a general order from the commander' 
which indicates, to some extent, the spread of the society and 
its seeming strength in the south. The general order. No. 
546, called for a meeting of the delegates, of the various 
lodges or castles^^ at Raleigh, North Carolina, for May 7, 1860, 
at which time the following business would be transacted: 
election of a permanent commander of the military depart- 
ment of the K.G.C., a financial secretary, and a president of 
the governing department; the determination of the equipment 
and the time of motion ; and the preparation of an address to 
the people of the southern States. 

The call stated that no political or religious question then 
disturbing the country would be entertained by the convention. 
When the business of the session was completed they were to 

" Ihid, sworn statement of Eli Kinney before provost marslial. 
1° Local lodges were called "Castles" or "Temples". 



Secret Political Societies 195 

adjourn "to meet no more as a convention in the United 
States." 

The Mercury, in an editorial of the same date, says of 
this call: 

General George Bickley, through our columns today, Issues a general 
order to the members of his organization. The papers of the south are 
resipectfully requested to extend the order as a matter of service and 
favor to thousands who belong to the order throughout the southern 
States. The purpose of this order has been so far revealed as to vindicate 
It from the suspicion of fillbusterism, and to commend it to the favor of 
thousands who cherish all objects calculated to redound to the glory and 
interest of our beloved south. 

When General Bickley in the call stated that the political 
questions about to divide the north and south were to have no 
place in the deliberations at Raleigh, he intended either to blind 
the eyes of the north as to the true purpose of the meeting, 
or he had not estimated accurately the state of mind of the 
membership, as indicated in the address issued to the people 
of the south at the close of the session. 

This addressi** declared that the possesion of Mexico by 
the south was absolutely necessary to the maintenance of 
political equality in the union. It contained an eloquent de- 
scription of the fruitfulness of Mexico, the fertility of her soil, 
her undeveloped capacity for the production of cotton, sugar 
and tobacco, the suitableness of her climate for slave labor, 
the enormous wealth of the Romish church, and the advantage 
of confiscating three hundred million dollars to the use of the 
K.G.C. It estimated the entire membership of the order at 
48,000, and the military force at 18,000. It declared the 
plans of the K.G.C, in regard to Mexico, to be temporarily 
postponed but not abandoned; and concluded with the state- 
ment : 

That the southern governor will have use for us in the next six months 
is confidently expected. If so, the K.G.O. may find its Mexico in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. 

This address indicates a very decided change in the policy 
of the organization. The change is further emphasized by an 
open letter to the K.G.G.'s in the Richmond Whig of July 7, 

" An Authentic Exposition of the Knights of the Golden Circle, pamphlet 
published by U. S. National U.C, Feb., 1862. 



196 Indiana Magazine of History 

1860, in which General Bickley urged the south to assist in 
carrying out the plans of the order. He argued that the 
county was divided into two parts — northern and southern — 
and that reconciliation was impossible. "With Mexico Amer- 
icanized and southernized, the south will equal in territory the 
north." He pleaded with the slave-holders to lend financial 
assistance to the movement, promising them that 

No more negroes will be siJirited away on tbe famous Underground Rail- 
road. There will not be a free negro in the southern States in 1870, and 
your cotton production will be fifteen instead of five million bales. 

This same letter contained the names of a number of 
citizens from various sections of the south, and the names of 
banks in six different cities in these States to which donations 
could be sent. It also stated that donations could be sent 
directly to Colonel N. J. Scott of Auburn, Alabama, who was 
paymaster general and financial secretary of the organization. 

The long list of names and the various banks mentioned 
to which funds could be sent, indicate that the order by 1860 
was pretty well represented in the several slave States. The 
ritual issued in 1859 asserted that in September of that year, 
there were 250 working castles embracing 15,000 members, 
and that at least two-thirds of these expected to go to Mexico 
with the expedition. There is no evidence to prove this esti- 
mate false and none to substantiate it. Careful investigation 
has been made in the south, but insufficient evidence has been 
found to warrant any definite statement as to the extent of 
the order, further than that it existed in Kentucky, Arkansas, 
Alabama, and Texas; the latter State being the most fertile 
field for its growth. 

The rapid development of the society in Texas can be 
accounted for by its geographical position. Bordering on 
Mexico, that State was naturally the drill ground for filibus- 
tering expeditions. Here such schemes could find a most 
loyal and enthusiastic support. From here such expeditions 
could most advantageously invade Mexico. Moreover, the un- 
settled condition of politics in that State and the antagonism 
between the pro-slavery and anti-slavery elements added an 
influence in favor of a secret political organization. 

The headquarters of the K.G.C. in Texas were at San. 



Secret Political Societies 197 

Antonio^^ where two lodges or castles were established. A 
castle was organized in almost every county.i^ General Bick- 
ley took an active personal interest in the society in this State. 
The funds of the order were applied to the purchase of arms, 
accoutrements, and ammunition. It was estimated on good 
authority that 8,000 well equipped men could be brought into 
the field on four days' notice. When first established in 
Texas, in 1856, the intention of the organization was simply 
and solely that of a filibustering expedition into Mexico ; but in 
1860 when the question of secession was before the people of 
the State, the order became the instrument for the defense of 
slavery in Texas. Although the membership was really insig- 
nificant when compared to the voting population of the State, 
its perfect organization and its vow of secrecy made the society 
strong enough in Texas to control the policy of the Democratic 
party in the election of 1860. 

Nothing further is known concerning the history of the 
order prior to the outbreak of the war, except that during 
those days when the southern States were organizing them- 
selves into a confederacy the Knights of the Golden Circle was 
a subject of frequent comment in the Confederate capitol at 
Montgomery. 19 It is manifest, however, that the society could 
have no place as a filibustering scheme in the midst of the 
great and all-absorbing movement of secession. Nor was 
there any place for its operations in the heart of the Confed- 
eracy, even as an organization in sympathy with secession, 
for secret societies find no soil where the people are so unani- 
mously of one opinion. The only field in which it could oper- 
ate successfully as an ally of the confederacy or as an oppon- 
ent of the federal administration was the immediate territory 
on each side of the Mason and Dixon line where the senti- 
ment of the people was about equally divided between the 
north and the south, and where bitter local animosities were 
greatly intensified by this division of sentiment on national 
issues. 

"Moore's Rebellion Records, Vol. XII, p. 110. Paper read before N.Y. Hist 
Society, June 25, 1861, by Maj. J. T. Sprague. 

" Williams, Life of Sam Houston, 129. 

" Wm. Howard Russell, "My Diary North and South", 185. Russell was, 
correspondent for the London Tijties and wrote from Montgomery, Ala., May 5, 
1S61: "I hear a good deal about the Association called the Knights of the 
Golden Circle." 



198 Indiana, Magazine of History 

General Bickley, as has been pointed out in the preceding 
chapter, declared, prior to the Charleston meeting of the rep- 
resentatives of the order, that his organization had no de- 
signs hostile to the government ; that he intended to avoid the 
political questions then disturbing the entire country ; and that 
his sole purpose was the acquisition of foreign territory by 
force of arms, and the introduction into that territory of im- 
migrants from the southern States. The manifesto of the 
Charleston meeting, however, indicated clearly the sympathy 
of the organization for the southern cause. The general, a 
man with more of personal and selfish interest than devotion 
to a principle, seemed perfectly willing to accept this change 
of view and to alter the constitution of the order so that it 
would express this sympathy. All that was needed was a 
slight change in the ritual. In 1861 this change was made 
and the rules, regulations, and principles were made to de- 
clare that the acquisition of territory in Mexico had, for its 
primary purpose, the extension of slavery and the political 
equality of free and slave States. 

The First degree of the remodeled ritual reads in partr^ 

The first field of our operation is Mexico, but we hold it to be our duty 
to offer our services to any southern State to repel a northern army. We 
hope such a contingency may not occur ; but whether the union is recon- 
structed or not, the southern States must foster any scheme having for 
its object the Americanization and southernization of Mexxico, so that 
in either case our success will be certain. 

In the Third, or Political degree, called the "Knights of 
the Columbian Star" the qualifications for membership indi- 
cate, even more clearly, the adaptation of the order to meet 
the demands of the south. The candidate was required to be 
familiar with the work of the two former degrees, to be a 
native of a slave State, or if of a free State, to be a citizen 
of a slave State, a protestant and a slave-holder. A candidate 
who was born in a slave State was not required to be a slave- 

1 Louisville Journal, July 18, 1861. The editor vouches for the authenticity 
.of the statements regarding the change in the ritual. 



Origin of Golden Circle 199 

holder provided he could give evidence of his character as a 
southern man. The candidate for this degree was obliged to 
promise assistance to any southern State which might be 
invaded by abolitionists, to do all in his power to build up in 
his community a sentiment favorable to the expulsion of free 
negroes, and, if he went to Mexico, he was to use his influence 
to make it a slave state and to urge its annexation to the 
United States. After the candidate had taken the oath of se- 
crecy, the secretary explained to him that the whole purpose 
of the organization was the extension of slavery and the estab- 
lishment of a government in Mexico. 

Fortified with this new purpose, that of giving aid to the 
south in case of actual war, the K.G.C., with its element of se- 
crecy, began its expansion into the territory north of Mason 
and Dixon line, where, as has been stated, there existed a 
strong sympathy for the southern cause. Kentucky, where 
the sentiment was then evenly divided, furnished a fertile 
field for its development. By August, 1861, it was claimed 
that the K.G.C. in that State numbered at least 8,000.- Cas- 
tles were organized in Marion, Barron, Daviess, Christian, 
and Henderson counties. In Louisville alone it was asserted 
that nearly or quite 3,000 were admitted into the order, many 
of whom entered the Confederate service. In May, 1861, a 
resolution was offered in the Kentucky house of representa- 
tives calling for an investigation of the Knights of the Golden 
Circle, particularly in regard to the introduction of arms into 
the State. No investigations, however, were made.'^ As the 
war spirit increased and men began openly to espouse the 
cause of secession and to take up arms to force the State out 
of the union, the need of a secret order no longer existed in 
that State, and so the society was forced north of the Mason 
and Dixon's line where sympathy for the Confederacy was 
strong, but where it was held in subjection by the arm of the 
federal government. 

A determined effort has been made to ascertain when, 
how, and by whom, the organization of the Knights of the 
Golden Circle was introduced into the border States north of 
the Ohio river, but the labor has resulted in nothing more than 

2 The Commonwealth, Frankfort, Ky., July 31, 1S61. 
= The Southern Bivouac, Vol. II, p. 641. 



200 Indiana Magazine of History 

a strong supposition based upon rather insufficient evidence. 
Local tradition in Orange county Indiana, attributes the es- 
tablishment and, in fact, the origin of the order to Dr. Wil- 
liam A. Bowles of that county,* who in 1864 was tried before 
a military commission at Indianapolis for treason and sen- 
tenced to be hanged. The career of this man lends some 
color to this local tradition. He had a very decided sympathy 
for the southern cause. His wife was a native of New Or- 
leans and the owner of a number of slaves which she brought 
to her Indiana home in 1858. The presence of these slaves 
aroused great indignation in the community and Dr. Bowles 
was compelled by the courts of the county to send them back 
to New Orleans. He had served as a colonel in the Second 
Indiana volunteers in the Mexican war and to him was attri- 
buted the disgraceful retreat of the Indiana troops at Buena 
Vista. His experience in Mexico, his belief in slavery, his 
southern relations, his wealth, and his natural liking for in- 
trigue fitted him well for the work of promoting a secret asso- 
ciation whose filibustering purpose of seizing and American- 
izing Mexico had given way temporarily to the more imme- 
diate purpose of securing peace betwen the two sections, even 
at the cost of separation. 

When the rebellion began Dr. Bowles made no attempt 
to conceal his sympathy for the south. He wrote to his wife, 
who was then in New Orleans: 

If Kentucky had gone out at the proper time, southern Indiana would 
have been with her today — if not the whole state.s 

He expressed a desire to join the southern army, but his 
health was such that he feared he would be of little service, 
so he decided to remain in the north to protect his property 
and be of use to the south in the enemy's territory. From 
the outset of the war he was active in the propagation of these 
secret societies which opposed the administration; and it is 
fair to suppose that he had much to do with the introduction 
of the Knights of the Golden Circle into the border States. 

Rumors of secret conspiracies are found in many of the 
northern papers during the year 1860, but in most cases they 

*West Baden, Ind., Journal, Feb. 10. 1903. 
•Foulke, Life of Oliver P. Morton. Vol. I, p. 380. 



Origin of Golden Circle 201 

refer to the general movement of the southern leaders toward 
secession. On January 9, 1861, a select committee of five was 
appointed in the federal house of representatives 

To inquire wbetlier any secret organization hostile to tlie goverument of 
the United States exists in the District of Columbia ; and, if so, whether 
any officials or employes of the city of Washington or of the federal gov- 
ernment in the executive or judicial department are members thereof. 

The committee met and examined a number of witnesses 
among whom were the mayor of Washington and the clerk of 
the circuit court of Baltimore. The former, in reply to the 
question as to whether he knew of a secret order called the 
Knights of the Golden Circle, denied all knowledge of its exist- 
ence. Other witnesses were questioned in the same manner. 
Some admitted that they had heard of it as a filibustering or- 
ganization after the style of Walker's scheme, but did not know 
of its existence in Washington or vicinity. In their report on 
February 14, 1861, the committee said : 

The committee is unanimously of the opinion that the evidence pro- 
duced before them does not prove the existence of a secret organization 
here or elsewhere, hostile to the government that has for its object an at- 
tack upon the Capital.6 

This report, however, did not allay the popular belief that 
southern emissaries were quietly and successfully building up 
a secret society in the north which would soon be a serious 
menace to the government. 

In Indiana, within a month after the attack on Fort 
Sumter, the existence of the K.G.C. was strongly suspected in 
Wayne and other counties, and measures were taken to coun- 
teract its operations.'^ In July, 1861, an anonymous pamph- 
le entitled "An Authentic Exposition of the K.G.C." was pub- 
lished at Indianapolis. This pamphlet, while it was written 
by one who claimed to be a member and created considerable 
comment through the press at the time, is, in most respects, 
worthless as an authority regarding the organization. In 
September, 1861, John C. Brain, a professional artist, who 
was wandering about Michigan City, Indiana, was arrested, 
charged with being a spy in the service of the rebels, and a 
"member of the disloyal secret order known as the Knights 

'Bouse Report, No. 79, 36th Cong., 2nd Sess. 

'W. H. H. Terrell, Adj. Gen. Indiana, Report, Vol. I, p. 294. 



202 Indiana Magazine of Historxj 

of the Golden Circle." The evidence produced on his exam- 
ination proved that he had made efforts to induce men to 
join the order. He was sent to Fort Warren and there de- 
tained some five or six months. « 

In December, 1861, the Indianapolis JourrwP claimed 
that a secret society had been organized in the State of Indi- 
ana for the purpose of opposing the war and defeating all 
attempts to sustain it by taxation ; that it was undoubtedly an 
offshoot of the K.G.C. organization adapted to that latitude; 
and that it existed in Indianapolis, Rockville, Madison, Sulli- 
van, Vincennes, and Greencastle, as well as in eastern Illinois. 

Before the middle of the year 1861, Governor Oliver P. 
Morton was confident of the existence of the order in the 
State and began a system of espionage which in 1863 and 1864 
resulted in its complete exposure. By May, 1862, sufficient 
evidence had been obtained to justify an investigation into 
the character, purposes and movements of the order by the 
grand jury of the United States circuit court. Witnesses were 
summoned before the jury from every part of the State. 
Newly enlisted soldiers were secretly given leave of absence 
and sent back to their homes to become members of the lodges 
in order to report their operations. In many sections of the 
State these witnesses found castles active and fully organized. 
Regular meetings were being held and military drill practiced. 
One castle of sixty or seventy members in Brown county, was 
being effectively trained in military tactics. After an exam- 
ination of these witnesses from the different parts of the 
State, the grand jury made an elaborate report in which it 
said:io 

A secret oath-bound organization exists, numbering some fifteen 
thousand in Indiana, as estimated by the members of their order, com- 
monly known as the Knights of the Golden Circle. Their lodges or 
castles, as they denominate them, are located in various parts of the 
State; yet they have common signs, grips, and words whereby the mem- 
bers are all able to recognize each other, and pass-words to enable the 
member to enter the castle in which he was initiated or any other which 
he may choose to visit. 

» O. B. II, Vol. II, p. 711. 

"Indianapolis Daily Journal, Bee. 30, 1861. 

"W. H. H. Terrell, Adj. Gen. Indiana, 1861-65 Report, Vol. I, p. 295. 



Origin of Golden Circle 203 

After alluding to the filibustering origin of the order the 
report continues: 

Said grand jury has abundant evidence of the membership binding 
themselves to resist the payment of the federal tax and to prevent enlist- 
ment in the army of the United States. In localities where the organi- 
zation extensively prevails there has been a failure to furnish a fair 
proportion of volunteers. The meetings of the order are held In by-places, 
sometimes in the woods, and at other times In deserted houses; its mem- 
bers frequently attend with arms in their hands, and in almost evei-y 
instance armed sentinels are posted to keep off intruders. The credulous 
and unwary are often allured Into the fold of the order upon the pretext 
that it was Instituted for no other purpose than the better organization of 
the Democratic party. 

As a result of the three weeks session of the grand jury- 
sixty indictments were returned, sixteen of which were for 
treason, eighteen for conspiracy to take and possess the prop- 
erty of the United States, and thirteen for conspiracy to defeat 
operations of the law. 

This report, published on August 4, 1862, naturally ex- 
cited much alarm throughout the State. The Democratic 
leaders at once declared that this was merely a move by the 
party in power to insure a Republican victory in the October 
elections. The Indianapolis Sentinel, the Democratic organ 
of the State, denied any knowledge of the existence of such 
an association and every eifort was made by the Democratic 
press and by the party organization to counteract the effect 
of this report of the grand jury. The Republicans on the 
other hand found it a most excellent party weapon, and they 
did not use it lightly. The Indianapolis Journal, on the day 
the report was made public, started off with an editorial which 
said: 

Nothing so seriously affecting the public safety of the government has 
been developed since the outbreak of the rebellion. A secret association 
exits in Indiana of 15.000 men, sworn to resist federal taxation and mili- 
tary enlistments, prepared by signs to recognize and assist each other and 
to recognize and protect members of similar organizations in the rebel 
army, and meeting with arms In their hands and under protection of armed 
sentinels. So gigantic a conspiracy is second only to the rebellion of which 
It is an offshoot. The grand jury has sent to places where castles of the 
order were believed to exist, brought to this city the men suspected of 
belonging to it, put them on oath and forced out of them word by word 



204 Indiana Magazine of History 

confessions which are embodied In the revelations now made. Signs, grips 
and pass-words were revealed by witnesses. Some of the grand jury, in 
order to satisfy themselves by experiment, mixed with the crowd at the 
conventlonii on last Wednesday and the signs they had learned were 
recognized and returned by about one hundred persons.12 

In his speech before the Republican State convention, 
which was held June 18, while the grand jury was still in ses- 
sion. Governor Morton warned the men of Indiana against 
factions and secret organizations. He declared that he had 
undeniable evidence from several sources of the existence 
of secret societies in the State of a dangerous character whose 
purpose was aid and comfort to the southern traitors.i^ Re- 
publican papers published many improbable stories regarding 
the secret conclaves of the Knights and reported many in- 
stances of the midnight meetings of the lodges in dark and 
secluded places. Politicians from the governor down harped 
long and loudly on tPTese evidences of "Democratic duplicity." 

Assert as strongly as they might the treasonable charac- 
ter of this organization and its intimate relation to the Demo- 
cratic party, the Republicans were unable to stem the tide of 
Democratic victory in October, 1862. The success of the 
Democrats in this election, however, can not be interpreted 
as a refusal on the part of the people to believe in the exist- 
ence of these orders, for many adverse circumstances assisted 
to overthrow the Republican party. The defeat of Pope's 
army in the Peninsula ; the absence of so many voters who had 
joined the ranks ; the unpoplarity of the draft — all were pow- 
erful influences against the administration. The Republicans 
hoped that their cry against this treasonable organization 
would overcome these unfavorable influences, but this weapon 
failed to have the desired effect. It was evident that the peo- 
ple did not accept all the extravagant statements of the parti- 
san press and platform. A Democratic state ticket and legisla- 
ture were elected thoroughly hostile to Morton and not at all in 
sympathy with the administration at Washington. The Re- 
publicans declared that the victory was accomplished by means 
of the K.G.C. organization, and that a majority of the mem- 
bers of the legislature were members of the society in good 

" Democratic State Convention, Aug. 4, 1862. 
i^Foulke, Life of Morton. Vol. I, p. 206. 



Origin of Golden Circle 205 

standing. While these declarations were extravagant and 
unwarranted, it is a well known fact that the members of the 
K.G.C. supported the Democratic candidates and that a ma- 
jority in the legislature, while denying the existence of a 
treasonable order, sometimes admitted the existence of a 
secret organization whose purpose was the protection of a 
citizen against arbitrary arrests and against the machinations 
of the "Union League," a secret society whose chief purpose, 
according to their idea, was the enforcement of the will of a 
tyrannical administration. 

On January 16, 1863, Mr. Thomas J. Cason, Repubhcan 
representative from Boone county, offered a resolution in the 
House ordering an investigation into the secret political and 
military organization alleged to exist in that State with the 
object of resisting the laws of the State and of the United 
States. The question was laid on the table by a party vote." 
On January 20, 1863, Benjamin F. Gregory offered another 
resolution in the House which read : 

Whereas, It is reported and believed by ■ many loyal citizens in this 
State that there are many secret organizations or societies formed and 
being formed, intended in their character and nature to prejudice the 
minds of the loyal people of this State against the further prosecution 
of the war for the suppression of the rebellion in the land, therefore an 
act of justice to those against whom disloyalty is charged, as well as an 
act of justice to the citizens of the State of Indiana, and of the loyal 
people of the United States, there be appointed from this House a special 
committee of one from each congressional district in the State to investi- 
gate the facts in relation to said secret organizations, with power to send 
for persons and papers, who shall report their proceeding to this House.is 

Various objections were made to such an investigation — 
it would be useless and expensive, no investigation should be 
made until facts had been discovered to prove the existence 
of such societies, the resolution was based upon a mere rumor 
originating with the abolition Indianapolis Journal, an inves- 
tigation would embitter partisan feeling and cast a reflection 
upon the Democratic party, and finally, no one believed the 
accusations which had been made. The proposition was laid 
on the table by another strictly party vote. 

This conduct on the part of the Democratic House may 

20. 



206 Indiana Magazine of History 

be interpreted in one of two ways : either the majority knew 
little about the secret order and deemed the rumors so ground- 
less that they did not deserve the recognition of the House, 
or they feared the exposure of an organization in close touch 
with the party in power, including in its membership many 
Democrats. If the former supposition be the true statement 
of the case then the Democratic party was playing bad politics, 
for a refusal to grant an investigation only fixed more firmly 
in the minds of the Republicans the belief that such an or- 
ganization existed within the ranks of the Democratic party. 
The bitter opposition of the legislature to the administration 
of Governor Morton and, especially, to him personally, lent 
some color to the accusation that the House and Senate were 
harboring many Knights of the Golden Circle. 

On January 14, 1863, at a Union meeting in Indianap- 
olis, Governor Morton made a speech in which he gave the 
history of the secret societies in Indiana. On the 24th, at a 
similar meeting in Shelbyville, he denounced in strongest 
terms the K.G.C.'s. Again on February 23, at Cincinnati, he 
warned the people against their secret intrigues. ''^ He re- 
minded them of the charge that the One Hundredth and Ninth 
Illinois regiment, which had been recently disbanded by Gen- 
eral Grant,!' was a Circle and that several regiments of Indi- 
ana troops were not free from the baneful influence of the 
order. He urged the people to throttle the public enemies, 
declaring that they would speedily be brought to trial. 

During this time his agents were not idle. Spies through- 
out the State, were keeping close watch upon the lodges and 
reporting every movement made by the Knights. Col. Henry 
B. Carrington, mustering officer for Indiana, was busily en- 
gaged in the effort to detect the operations of the secret socie- 
ties in their attempt to secure desertions from the army. In 
a despatch to Brigadier-General L. Thomas, adjutant-general 
of the United States army, on January 25, 1863, he confirmed 
the report which he had previously sent to the secretary of 
war in June, 1862, that a treasonable society existed in Indi- 
ana. He stated that nearly 2,600 deserters and stragglers 

"Foulke, Life of Morton, Vol. I, p. 234. 
" Chicago Tribune, Jan. 13, 1863. 



Origin of Golden Circle 207 

had been arrested within a few weeks; that most of the de- 
serters, true to the oath of the order, deserted with their 
arms ; and that in one case seventeen had fortified themselves 
in a log cabin and were being maintained by their neighbors, i'* 
On March 20, 1863, Colonel Carrington submitted to the sec- 
retary of war a memorandum on the condition of public affairs 
in Indiana.'" In this report he stated that the oath of the 
K.G.C. embodied three objects : securing the desertion of sol- 
diers with their arms and the protection of these deserters; 
resisting further drafts and interfering with further enlist- 
ments; and stopping the war. He said that the society as- 
sumed new force and significance in December; the signs, 
grips, and passwords were changed; the obligations became 
more directly treasonable ; and the organization assumed mili- 
tary form and purpose. A five pointed star was adopted as a 
sign of recognition in case the State were invaded by the 
rebels. Night and day signals were provided by which the 
members could rally to the assistance of a brother. The or- 
der had enjoined upon its members thorough arming, and 
during February and March alone nearly 30,000 arms, consist- 
ing chiefly of revolvers, entered Indiana. Sixteen boxes came 
from Lexington, Kentucky, under the guise of household 
goods. One box from Cincinnati was marked "pick-axes," 
another "hardware," another "nails." The county lodges 
drilled regularly. The membership of the order was esti- 
mated at 92,000, and there were known lodges in every county 
but seven. Plans were discussed in some of the lodges re- 
specting the seizure of the arsenal, the railroads and the 
telegraphs. Several lodges made it obligatory upon the mem- 
bers to resist the draft. In conclusion this memorandum 
predicted serious violence if the tension were not relieved and 
the people of the State permitted to become quiet again. 

On March 26, 1863, Governor Morton, who had gone to 
confer with the secretary of war, telegraphed to Colonel Car- 
rington that large shipments of arms were being made from 
New York for insurrectionary purposes. Colonel Carrington 
at once issued a military order prohibiting the importation of 

» 0. R. Ill, Vol. Ill, p. 19. 
" O. B. II, Vol. V, p. 363. 



208 Indiana Magazine of History 

weapons for secret organizations and restricting the sale of 
arms.^o 

Up to this time there had been little open and violent 
opposition to the administration, but during the spring of 1863 
many acts of violence occurred not only against the enrolling 
officers but also against private citizens. Reports of disloyal 
conduct came up from nearly every section of the State, espe- 
cially from the southern counties. A soldier on furlough at 
his home near French Lick disappeared. His friends asserted 
that the Knights of the Golden Circle were his murderers. A 
cavalry squadron, sent to Johnson county to arrest deserters, 
was fired upon. This also was charged to the knights. A Mr. 
Robe of Green township, Morgan county, was killed by Syl- 
vester Bailey and no provocation was given except that Mr. 
Robe's son was a witness against the K. G. C.'s in the exami- 
nation before the grand jury at Indianapolis. In the attempt 
of the county grand jury to ascertain who the murderer was 
a number of witnesses refused to testify regarding the work 
of the secret order for fear of incriminating themselves. On 
April 13 a serious riot occurred near Danville, Indiana, in 
which one man was killed. The riot was brought about by 
a crowd of mounted men wearing butternuts, presumably 
Knights of the Golden Circle. A farmer living in Union town- 
ship, Morgan county, stated that on passing a schoolhouse in 
White River township at two o'clock in the morning he saw 
in a wood near the building a large number of horses hitched. 
He recognized them as belonging to members of the order 
in the county. Scores of similar incidents were reported 
through the Republican press from all parts of the State. 

The highest pitch of excitement, however, seems to have 
been reached in an incident which occurred in the spring of 
1863 in one of the back counties of the State and a stronghold 
of Democracy. This incidental was the killing of Louis Pros- 
ser on April 18, 1863, by Captain Cunning, an officer of the 
volunteers. The latter, with some three or four strong union 
men and soldiers, had gone over to Brown county to attend 
a union meeting to assist in reviving the spirit of loyalty 

=»Foulke, Life of Morton, Vol. I. p. 385. 

^ Related by W. H. Smith, Indianapolis, Dec. 28, '02, an eyewitness of the 
incident 



Origin of Golden Circle 209 

which seemed to be especially lacking in that section of the 
State. Prosser was the leader of the Democracy in that 
county and a former representative of the legislature. He 
was also at the head of the Knights of the Golden Circle and 
an outspoken partisan of the rebellion. Accompanied by a 
few armed followers he attended the union meeting. While 
Captain Cunning was speaking Prosser shot and killed one 
of the soldiers who was standing on the outskirts of the crowd. 
Captain Cunning, who saw him fire the shot, drew his revol- 
ver, fired, and mortally wounded Prosser, whose followers 
succeeded in carrying him away to the hills. Intense excite- 
ment prevailed. The rumor spread that Governor Morton 
was sending a detachment of troops to capture Prosser, dead 
or alive. His friends, supposedly all members of this secret 
order, flocked to his hiding place to protect him from arrest. 
The next day fifty armed men were seen drilling in Nashville, 
the county seat, and a company of forty armed men from 
Jackson and Bartholomew counties passed through the town, 
going in the direction of Prosser's home, with the evident 
intention of protecting him from arrest and removal from 
the county. The testimony given before a commission, ap- 
pointed by the governor to investigate the affair, indicated a 
state of anarchy in the county and an evident intention on 
the part of the members of the secret organization to oppose 
in every possible way the enforcement of the law. Men all 
over the southern half of the State went armed. The Journal 
declared : 

The news comes up from every part of the State that the K.G.C. are 
supplying themselves with arms. Immense quantities of revolvers and 
bowie knives are shipped, from this city to Cincinnati and other parts of 
the State. They are sent into country neighborhoods in lots of ten to one 
hundred, showing that companies and societies are all being armed. 22 

So frequent had these acts of violence become in some 
of the southern counties of the State and so many rumors 
were set afloat concerning supposed raids of the K.G.C. 's 
that whole communities were kept in a constant state of alarm 
and excitement. In Washington county, where the order was 
unusually strong, the slightest rumor of the movements of 

=> Indianapolis Journal, March 12, 1863. 



210 Indiana Magazine of History 

the Knights led the union sympathizers to barricade their 
houses or flee to safer quarters in the adjoining county.^* 

Unfortunately for the general situation, the federal gov- 
ernment was forced to resort to the draft in the spring and 
summer of 1863. This only added fuel to the flame. In no 
section of the north did this exercise of the war power create 
more disturbance than in Indiana. Partisan spirit, which had 
been aroused by the State draft in the fall of 1863, came to 
a white heat when the federal government asserted the right 
to levy upon the individual States. Protests against draft, 
and particularly the commutation clause, were the topics of 
conversation at all gatherings, and these protests soon rip- 
ened into threats of opposition by force of arms. Enrolling 
ofl[icers were fired upon and a number were killed. Draft 
boxes were destroyed, enrollment papers were burned, and 
vigilant committees were organized to protect men who re- 
sisted the draft. Finally Governor Morton was forced to 
issue a proclamation (June 11, 1863) setting forth the law 
regarding opposition to the draft and warning citizens of the 
State against infractions of that law. He took occasion to 
admonish the people against the unbridled license of speech 
which was driving many into dangerous secret societies, 
whose purpose was the weakening of the government and the 
strengthening of the enemy's cause.^* 

Naturally, but without sufficient justification, the sup- 
porters of the administration attributed most of the violence 
of the times to the Knights of the Golden Circle. If a fisticuff 
took place in front of a rural church or a country school- 
house the partisan press cited it as another illustration of the 
machinations of the secret "emissaries of Jeff Davis." No 
doubt members of the order were implicated in many of these 
outrages, but there were many disturbances with which the 
Knights had nothing to do — disturbances which found their 
cause in purely local and personal jealousies, or sprang out 
of temporary excitement. Men's emotions were kindled to 
fever heat during those days. They had abnormal feelings of 

» statement of Supt. E. K. Koffman, Salem, Ind., July 30, 1903. See report 
of Adj. Gen. 1861-65, Vol. I, pp. 27S-293. Gen. Terrell here gives a long list 
of the outrages and riots which he presumably attributes to the K.G.C. 

=^W. H. H. Terrell, Adj. Gen. Indiana, Report, Vol. I, p. 288. 



Origin of Golden Circle 211 

patriotism and loyalty. Their opinions were radical, and he 
that dared utter the slightest protest against the policy of the 
administration was condemned by all loyal citizens and classed 
with the group of offenders indiscriminately called "traitors, 
butternuts, and copperheads." 

Coupled with the serious acts of violence cited above, and 
the disposition of many to cripple the hands of the adminis- 
tration, were other attempts on the part of the opponents of 
the war which resulted most ludicrously to the members of 
the Knights of the Golden Circle. One of these was an inci- 
dent which occurred in Indianapolis known as the "Battle of 
Pogue's Run." The Democrats had called a mass meeting for 
Indianapolis on May 20, 1863. A number of prominent Dem- 
ocrats, not only from Indiana but from the neighboring States, 
were announced as speakers, among them Congressman C. L. 
Vallandigham of Ohio, Gov. Horatio Seymour of New York, 
And Sen. Daniel W. Voorhees of Indiana. The evident pur- 
pose of the meeting, at least in the minds of the Democratic 
leaders, was a pfotest against the administration and the war. 
But the radicals and the members of the secret organizations 
took advantage of this meeting for an armed demonstration. 
Word was sent to the lodge urging them to come armed and 
prepared for emergencies. The understanding was that an 
attack would be made on the State arsenal and Camp Morton, 
and that the prisoners would be released and armed. Mem- 
bers of a number of castles obeyed the order with alacrity. 
Arms and ammunition were concealed on their persons and in 
wagons. One castle sent a delegation of twenty or more from 
Sullivan county fully equipped for such an enterprise.25 They 
camped on the outskirts of the city, leaving their munitions of 
war hidden under the hay. The mass meeting was a large 
one, numbering some ten or twelve thousand, of whom prob- 
ably three thousand were armed. Governor Morton was fully 
informed of the warlike preparation on the part of the so- 
ciety by his spies, who were acquainted with almost every 
lodge. A small federal force which was in Indianapolis at the 
time, under the command of Gen. Milo Haskall, together with 

3, 1902. A member of the delegation 



212 Indiana Magazine of History 

the union paroled prisoners at Camp Carrington, were or- 
ganized and placed under command of Col. John Coburn. 
They were stationed about the city to protect government 
property and suppress riotous demonstrations. Several com- 
panies were placed at the Circle, in the center of the city, two 
blocks from the statehouse yard, where the meeting was to 
be held. A cannon was placed in position to command the 
statehouse. 

The meeting was called to order by Daniel W. Voorhees. 
Mr. Vallandigham, accused of insurrection, had been arrested 
at Dayton, Ohio, some days before by order of Gen. Ambrose 
E. Burnside. This fact furnished Mr. Voorhees an excellent 
text for his attack on the administration. "One man there 
would have been in our midst today," he said, "an honored 
guest, one whom you all expected to see here on this occasion, 
but he has fallen a little sooner than the rest of us, perhaps 
a victim to the base usurpation which has taken the place of 
public rights and of the constitution."26 Speeches were also 
made by Joseph E. McDonald and Thomas A. Hendricks. The 
tenor of all of the addresses was the usurpation of power and 
the tyranny of the State and federal officials. None of the 
speakers, however, advised armed resistance to the govern- 
ment. While the meeting was in session troops were stationed 
about the statehouse grounds. It is easy to conceive that 
they more than carried out their orders to prevent a demon- 
stration. They became insolent, taunted the "copperheads," 
encircled the crowd and prevented egress, called for three 
cheers for Lincoln and the flag, and in various ways disturbed 
the meeting as only soldiers can whose sense of authority and 
egotism has developed more rapidly than their sense of fair 
play and their knowledge of the rights of the individual cit- 
izen. Their insolence increased with the enthusiasm of the 
crowd. About four o'clock in the afternoon, while Mr. Hen- 
dricks was speaking, some eight or ten soldiers with bayonets 
fixed and rifles cocked entered the crowd and slowly advanced 
to the stand.2^ This created much excitement among the 
Democrats. Mr. Hendricks hastened to close his remarks, the 

»Foulke, Life of Morton, Vol. I, p. 273. 
'^Ibid, 274. 



Origin of Golden Circle 213 

chairman called for the report of the committee on resolu- 
tions, and the meeting adjourned. The enthusiasm of the 
Democrats gave way to intense anger at this interruption of 
a public meeting of a free people by a few insolent soldiers. 
Their wrath, which vented itself on the street, only added fuel 
to the flame, for it furnished the over-zealous soldiers with 
an excuse for arresting the would-be traitors and hurrying 
them off to the guard-house. 

When the meeting was over and the trains were leaving 
the city a shot was fired from a car on the Lafayette or 
Terre Haute railroad. 

The intention to create an armed disturbance now seemed clear, and 
the soldiers determined to give the remaining butternuts a lesson. When 
the Indiana Central train left the station a cannon was placed in front 
of it. The train stopped. A small body of soldiers was collected and a 
policeman, accompanied by the soldiers, demanded the surrender of all 
firearms in possession of the passengers. Nearly 200 weapons were given 
up. The train to Cincinnati was also stopped, revolvers were taken and 
many others were thrown by their owners into Pogue"s Run at the side of 
the track. Weapons had been given to the women in the belief that they 
would not be searched. Seven were found upon one woman. A knife nearly 
two feet long was discovered in the stove of one of the cars. In all about 
five hundred revolvers were taken from those who had attended the 
meeting.28 

The ludicrous ending of the peace meeting produced a 
feeling of deep chagrin and anger in the minds of the Demo- 
crats whether they were connected with the treasonable plans 
of the order or not. Nor is this to be wondered at. No doubt 
the officials winked at the conduct of the soldiers who had 
as much to do with the bloodless battle as did the K.G.C.'s. 
On the following day the Sentinel in an editorial declared that 
Indiana was as completely under military rule as France, Aus- 
tria or Russia, while the Joimial glorified over the discom- 
fiture of the traitorous schemes of the Knights of the Golden 
Circle. 

The humiliating results of the Indianapolis peace meet- 
ing, the victories of the union armies during the summer of 
1863, and the raid of John Morgan in July practically put an 
end to the Knights of the Golden Circle in the State. Re- 



214 Indiana Magazine of History 

peated statements were made at the time and afterwards that 
Morgan was in communication with the Knights, that they 
knew definitely of his plans, and that he was promised assist- 
ance by them upon his entrance into the State. The fact that 
there was an understanding of some kind among the Ejiights, 
to the effect that their lives and property should be protected 
in case of a raid into the north by a southern army, is evident 
from the use of the lone star which was worn by the mem- 
bers under the lapel of the coat and hung in the windows of 
their homes as a protection to their property, but there is no 
evidence that Morgan expected any assistance or that they 
knew of his intentions. Gen. Basil Duke, second in command 
during the raid, says that they met only two or three mem- 
bers of the order in Indiana, and that they expected and re- 
ceived no assistance from the order whatever.29 

The Knights of the Golden Circle were more numerous in 
Indiana than in any other northern State; but the number 
of lodges will never be known, since there was no central 
authority to whom reports could be sent, and minutes of the 
local societies were either not kept at all or were destroyed 
when the governor exposed the order. Lodges were evidently 
established in nearly all the southern counties of the State, 
especially in the counties of Harrison, Washington, Jennings, 
Martin, Daviess, Orange, and Brown. One lodge was estab- 
lished in Indianapolis, a number were reported from Boone, 
Huntington, Allen, Dekalb, Randolph, and Wayne counties. 
But as an association the Knights of the Golden Circle in 
Indiana showed a lack of close organization and accomplished 
little more than to bring upon its members, and unjustly upon 
the Democratic party, the condemnation of the supporters of 
the war for the preservation of the union. 

The history of the Knights in the other sections of the 
country is of less importance than in Indiana, for that State 
was the storm center of such movements during the war. 
But public apprehension was early aroused in other States 
because of the threatened danger from these secret enemies 
of the government. Early in the fall of 1861 southern Illi- 
nois was brought to the attention of the authorities at Wash- 

=' statement of Gen. Basil Duke, March 28, 1903. 



Origin of Golden Circle 215 

ington as being a fertile field for the propagation of secession. 
On December 5, 1861, Secretary William H. Seward wrote to 
David L. Phillips, United States marshal for the district of 
Illinois, saying: 

It is represented to this department that there is strong ground for 
the belief that treasonable organizations are in existence in the southern 
part of the State of Illinois. You will please send a proper person to 
that quarter to examine into the truth of the matter and in case any 
well-founded evidence should be discovered against any person or per- 
sons you will give notice to this department by post. In cases which will 
not admit of delay, however, you will arrest the person, secure his papers, 
and give immediate notice by telegraph to this department.3" 

On February 23 Mr. Phillips made his report to Secretary 
Seward, enclosing the report of one of his assistants, A. J. 
Davis, whom he had sent into the southern counties of the 
State to make investigation. Davis reported at length con- 
cerning fourteen well known sympathizers in the counties of 
Washington, Jefferson, Hamilton, and Williamson, ten of 
whom were members of the K.G.C. He named William Dodd 
of Mount Vernon, clerk of the county courts, who initiated 
him into the order ; Henry Williams of Spring Garden, a lead- 
ing citizen and member of the same castle, who had attempted 
to raise a company for the rebel army ; Dr. Clemerson, prose- 
cuting attorney for Williamson county, a native of Georgia, 
and the leader of the K.G.C. in that county. Mr. Phillips 
advised the arrest of all these men as "malicious and devilish 
enemies of the government." He thought the arrest of a few 
of the leaders would hold in check the treasonable element in 
that part of the State.^i 

In the early part of 1862 the "M. P.'s" or "Mutual Pro- 
tection Society" was organized in and around Paris, Illinois. 
Their secrets were exposed by the editor of the local paper. 
A crowd of the members came into Paris for the purpose of 
getting satisfaction from the editor, but they found the Demo- 
crats as well as Republicans ready to protect him.^- 

The political interest of the State, in the spring of 1862, 
was centered in the constitutional convention which sat in 

=•0. R. II, Vol. n, p. 270. 

a /bid, 241. 

« Daily Illinois State Journal, Aug. 28, 1862. 



216 Indiana Magazine of History 

Springfield. Rumors were afloat concerning the disloyalty of 
some of its members. The correspondent for the Chicago 
Tribune wrote: 

It has been rumored around for some days that there are many 
Knights of the Golden Circle and members of the Mutual Protection society 
in the convention. The number of the K.G.C. has been placed so high 
as to come within a few votes of a majority of the convention.33 

In order to quiet the public apprehension regarding the 
influence of the order in the convention a committee was ap- 
pointed on February 13 to investigate the charges. On March 
20 the committee reported that the rumors had no founda- 
tion. It is not at all probable that the order had any influ- 
ence in the deliberations. 

During the summer of 1862 the government still contin- 
ued to keep a close watch on the secret organization. Mar- 
shal Phillips reported that the midnight meetings were held 
in various parts of the southern counties and that as many 
as five hundred persons had been in attendance at one meet- 
ing. He further stated that the K.G.C. claimed to have 
lodges in every county in the State and a membership of at 
least 20,000 men.3* During the summer months Phillips made 
numerous arrests, most of which were for treasonable utter- 
ances and for membership in the K.G.C. Investigations were 
also made by Major Merrell, provost marshal in southern 
Illinois. A full report of these investigations appears in the 
Chicago Tribune for August 25, 1862, under the caption the 
"Cairo Expose." While the report is evidently exaggerated 
and the depositions printed indicate that the testimony canie 
chiefly from men of little education, they show a widespread 
disaffection in the southern part of the State. Strong castles 
were reported in Perry, Jersey, Jefferson, Franklin, LaSalle, 
Jackson, and Williamson counties. Depositions were taken 
and members testified that they had joined the organization 
with the definite understanding that the object of the society 
was to lend assistance to the southern cause and to oppose the 
"abolition" war then going on. In some cases names of mem- 
bers were given and the membership of castles reported, vary- 
ing from seventy to four hundred. 

"Chicago Daily Tribune, Feb. 11, 1862. 
«J6id, Aug. 23, 1S62. 



Origin of Golden Circle 217 

The Carbondale Times, a Democratic paper, commenting 
on this expose, estimated the membership in Illinois at 30,000. 
A month later the same paper declared that it had no doubt 
of the existence of the order in southern Illinois, and that it 
believed its main purpose was to give aid and comfort to the 
enemies of the government.^^ The Illinois Journal, in discuss- 
ing this statement, said: 

The existence of an order in the south bearing the name of "The 
Knights of the Golden Circle" was proved beyond a doubt months ago. 
Its original object was the conquest of Mexico and Central America. On 
the election of Lincoln it became the chief instrument in fomenting rebel- 
lion against the government, and for the establishment of a Confederacy 
based upon negro slavery. A damning stigma upon the Democratic party 
is that none but Democrats joined the order. Many Democrats unhesitat- 
ingly condemn this treasonable association. Many have been seduced into 
the organization who, upon discovering its treasonable tendencies, have 
promptly witbdrawn.36 

Nothing resulted from the "Cairo Expose" further than 
to arouse the people in the southern part of the State to an 
abnormal sense of their danger, and to hasten the organization 
of Union societies (Loyal Leagues and others) , in opposition 
to the K.G.C., and for the support of the union and the war. 

The existence of this secret treasonable society in the 
Democratic counties and the convincing evidence that many 
prominent Democrats were members furnished the Republi- 
can press and platform in Illinois with most excellent material 
for the fall campaign of 1862. About the middle of July the 
Chicago Tribune began the cry of "traitors, copperheads, and 
secessionists." This cry grew more and more clamorous as 
the campaign progressed. No effort was spared to give the 
public full details of all the outrages supposed to have been 
committed in the name of the order. The matter occupied 
a leading place in each day's edition; special reporters were 
sent to the southern part of the State to investigate the situa- 
tion, and, naturally, they made their stories as extravagant 
as possible. But, as in Indiana, this excellent campaign 
weapon failed to have sufficient force to overcome the results 
of the calamities in the field and the widespread dissatisfaction 

= Quoted in Illinois State Journal. Sept. 10, 1862. 
" Chicago Tribune, Jan. 7, 1863. 



218 Indiana Magazine of History 

with the administration. The Democrats succeeded in secur- 
ing a majority in the legislature. This, to them, was a clear 
vindication of the party from the stigma which the Republi- 
cans attempted to fasten upon it, and to the Republicans, a 
convincing proof that the Democratic party was so strongly 
intrenched behind this treasonable secret society that the 
State was in danger of going over to the enemy. 

The silence which followed the election cannot fail to 
convince the reader that these attacks on the "Peace Demo- 
crats" were in part, at least, for political effect. But this 
silence did not long continue. As soon as the legislature 
met in January, 1863, Republican papers opened fire again 
on the secret societies, which they insisted had a large major- 
ity in that body. The Tribune declared that: 

The leading spirits among the Democrats (iu the legislature) are for 
revolution in the State, and no member is now afraid to say he is a K.G.C. 
Tour correspondent might call every Democrat in the House a Knight of 
the Golden Circle and they would only laugh at him. 37 

On January 10, the same paper added: 

The legislature has been in session one week, during which time the 
Copperheads have not uttered one loyal word, but have belched forth 
treason day and night. 

A sensation was created in this session of the legislature 
by a speech made by Representative Funk, one of the rich 
farmers in the State. He became very much annoyed by the 
filibustering methods of the Democratic majority in its efforts 
to hamper the governor in his war policy. Mr. Funk arose 
one day to object to a trifling resolution and took occasion to 
express his sentiments regarding the Democratic opposition. 
"Mr. Speaker, you must excuse me," he said, "I could not sit 
longer in my seat, and calmly listen to these traitors. My 
heart cries out for the lives of our brave volunteers in the 
field whom these traitors at home are destroying by thou- 
sands." He then proceeded to portray the results of their 
opposition, closing with a bitter denunciation of these "seces- 
sionists at heart, their aiders and abettors who seek to em- 
barrass the government and stop the war."^^ This speech 
was published throughout the north in pamphlet form and 

"The Liberator, March 6, 1S63. 

»■ Statement of Joshua Pike, Jerseyville, III., Dec. 1, 1902. 



Origin of Golden Circle 219 

widely circulated as an illustration of the spirit of the peace 
Democrats. 

That there was very serious opposition in this legislature 
to the war, and, particularly to the Emancipation Proclama- 
tion, is evident, but that it was caused by the presence of mem- 
bers of the Knights of the Golden Circle cannot be substan- 
tiated. The influence of the order in the legislature, however, 
cannot be accurately estimated, since no investigation was 
permitted and no official notice was taken of it during the ses- 
sion. There were, no doubt, members of the order in the 
legislature who assisted in hampering the State and federal 
administration, but it is to be noted that at no time during 
these ugly days did Governor Yates seem to feel that this 
secret society was a serious menace to the State government. 
The southern half of Illinois, like the southern part of Indiana, 
was settled almost entirely by emigrants from the southern 
States, ahd their sympathies leaned strongly toward the south. 
As a result those secret societies found here a fertile field in 
which to develop. The total membership of the order in this 
State was probably not so large as in Indiana, but the spirit of 
opposition to the draft and the conduct of the war was quite 
as radical. Castles were established in most of the counties 
in the southern part of the State. In Cass county, the mem- 
bership numbered possibly 500 with lodges located at Beards- 
town, Monroe, Virginia, Philadelphia, Newmansville, Ashland, 
and Chandlersville. In Jersey county, castles were organized 
at Jerseyville, with 300 to 400 members; at Fidelity, with 
possibly 100 members ; at Paradise and Delhi with a smaller 
membership. 39 In different parts of Hamilton county lodges 
were found with a membership varying from 75 to 100. Cas- 
tles were organized as far north as Peoria and Chicago, but 
in that part of the State the war spirit was so predominant 
that the order never at any time aroused any anxiety in the 
minds of the people. The indications are that the member- 
ship in the State was composed largely of the riff-raflf of the 
Democratic party and, while they did control the local politics 
of a number of counties and created much uneasiness in the 
minds of those who are inclined to attribute power to mere 

"Quoted in Chicago Tribune, Oct. 11. 1861. 



220 Indiana Magazine of History 

secrecy, they were at no time sufficiently powerful to get con- 
trol of the State. The organization in the spring of 1863 
was absorbed by its successor, the "Order of American 
Knights." 

In Ohio, we find the State Journal asserting, as early as 
October, 1861, that agents of the Knights of the Golden Circle 
were working secretly in the State; that their oaths, grips, 
pass-words and correspondence were in the hands of the fed- 
eral authorities; and that the marshal for the northern dis- 
trict of the State had made a raid upon one of their castles 
in Marion county and arrested the leader.^" The various of- 
ficial reports concerning the K.G.C.'s in Ohio assert that the 
society was as strong in that State as in Indiana and Illinois. 
A careful search in that section of the State where the society 
would naturally have met with the most favorable reception, 
namely, in the Virginia military land district, settled largely 
by emigrants from southern States, has failed to corroborate 
the official statements. There were local organizations in 
some sections of the State whose object was resistance to the 
draft and to the arrests made by home guards and provost 
posses* 1 but few of these were castles of the Knights of the 
Golden Circle. There were riots and violence in some of the 
counties which rumor attributed to the Knights, but such 
rumors cannot be verified. The slight evidence obtainable, 
the arrest of individual Knights, and the rumors concerning 
their lodges and secret meetings, tend to substantiate the belief 
that emissaries of the order were sent to different sections of 
the State, that here and there they found a few followers, but 
that the number of castles was never large and their mem- 
bership never included any considerable number even of those 
opposed to the war. The excitement attending the arrest and 
trial of Vallandigham in May, 1863, and his nomination for 
the governorship of the State can, in no sense, be attributed 
to this secret order. In fact, Vallandigham was not a mem- 
ber of the Knights of the Golden Circle. His connection with 
the secret opposition to the administration came with the 
reorganization of the order under the titles of "Order of 
American Knights" and "Sons of Liberty.""'^ 

" statement of J. W. Eyler, Georgetown, C, Apr. 16, 1903. 
"Vallandigham, Life of C. L. VallaneUsham^ 370. 



Origin of Golden Circle 221 

In Missouri, as in Kentucky, the condition during the first 
two years of the war were not favorable to the development 
of secret political societies opposed to the administration. The 
opposition found no necessity for secret hostility. It was only 
when the federal authorities had established some semblance 
of order in the State that these organizations found any rea- 
son for being. Here and there were found embryonic socie- 
ties, such as the "Paw Paws" in the southern counties of the 
State, a military band, sometimes declared to be only a branch 
of the Knights of the Golden Circle ;*3 and the "Corps de Bel- 
gique" in St. Louis, a secret club organized by the resident 
Belgian consul, Charles S. Hunt. But these were nothing 
more than local clubs. The "Corps de Belgique" seems to 
have had for its special object the unification of southern sym- 
pathy in St. Louis and the surrounding region in aid of Gen- 
eral Sterling Price's proposed invasion of the State. All that 
it accomplished was to furnish the nucleus around which was 
built up the more pretentious order of American Knights.** 

Iowa, in a sense, was a border State and was not entirely 
free from the efforts of these secret emissaries. In the fall 
of 1862, H. M. Hoxie, United States marshal for the district 
of Iowa, arrested a number of members of the Knights of the 
Golden Circle. This action was highly approved by the war 
department with the suggestion that the order was regarded 
by the department as "a traitorous one" and "the leading 
members should be arrested."*'' In February, 1863, Mr. Hoxie 
received a letter from a prominent citizen of Clarke county 
(one of the lower tiers of counties) stating that a branch of 
the Knights of the Golden Circle called the "Union Relief 
Society" was thoroughly organized in every township in that 
congressional district.*" Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood about 
the same date received word that the Knights had been hold- 
ing secret meetings in different places in Madison county and 
that they had a supply of arms sufficient to arm at least 300 
men. Castles were reported in Decatur, Warren and Lucas 



«0. 


R 


II, 


Vol. 


VII, p. 24 


" Ibid, 


228 


et seq. 


«0. 


R 


11, 


Vol 


IV, p. 567 


«0. 


R 


III 


Vo 


. Ill, p. 6 


" Ibid, 


p. 66. 





222 Indiana Magazine of History 

counties. Governor Kirkwood wrote to Secretary Stanton in 
March that the order was "widely spread throughout the 
State" and that the public mind was in such a feverish and 
excited condition that a collision could be prevented only by a 
"convincing proof of the power of the government to preserve 
peace and order."*^ Both the governor and the federal offi- 
cials in the State asked for arms and the appointment of pro- 
vost-marshals with a sufficient force to prevent an outbreak 
in the southern counties. The governor, in March, 1863, 
issued a proclamation warning those who were seeking to 
array the people against the government and setting forth the 
punishment which would be inflicted for such criminal acts.^^ 
But the danger from the society did not extend much beyond 
the two lower tiers of counties and at no time was Iowa in 
danger of internal disorder. PubHc opinion was too over- 
whelmingly in favor of the administration to permit the ex- 
tension of the society to the central and northern portions of 
the State. 

We have no knowledge of the existence of the society in 
any of the middle or western States; but east of the Alle- 
ghenies we find evidence of attempts to organize castles. As 
early as October, 1861, the police of Philadelphia arrested a 
one-armed man named Charles Murray, on whose person they 
found papers containing the constitution and by-laws of the 
"Knights of the Golden Square." A comparison of these doc- 
uments with those in possession of the state department relat- 
ing to the Knights of the Golden Circle indicated that they 
were one and the same society. In his report to Secretary 
Seward regarding the documents, chief-of-detectives L. C. 
Baker said : 

The document is copied almost verbatim from the constitution and 
by-laws of the Knights of the Golden Circle. I am satisfied that F— 
(Murray) is a member of the K.G.C. and that he has copied their consti- 
tution and by-laws. 

The detention of Murray prevented the extension of the 
society under his direction.** 

In March, 1863, Judge Advocate L. C. Turner, received 

"Ibid, p. 82. 

«L,. C. Baker, United States Secret Service, p. 93. 

« O. R. Ill, Vol. Ill, p. 75 ; New York World, Apr. 10, 1863. 



Origiji of Golden Circle 223 

information from Reading, Berks county, Pennsylvania, to 
the effect that castles had been formed in various parts of the 
county with the object of resisting the conscription and defy- 
ing the laws of the United States. Detectives were sent to 
make investigations which resulted in the arrest of Philip 
Huber and three others charged with being members of the 
Knights of the Golden Circle. In his deposition Detective 
W. Y. Lyon reported that a number of lodges existed in Berks 
county and that they were rapidly increasing ; that the avowed 
object was resistance to the draft and to the laws of the Unit- 
ed States.50 These arrests and the exposure of the order 
effectually put an end to their efforts in the east. 

Frequent reports reached the secretary of state and sec- 
retary of war at Washington concerning the presence of 
agents of the Knights in various parts of the union. Even as 
far north as Maine they were suspected. Detroit and vicin- 
ity was said to be the center of their disloyal practices for 
Michigan. New York city was declared to be infested with 
them. These rumors cannot be verified and the fact that the 
government apparently paid no attention to them would indi- 
cate that they were only the suspicions of alarmists. 

In concluding the review of this first of the secret orders, 
it is well to quote the testimony of Judge Advocate H. L. 
Burnett, who should have been well acquainted with the true 
pui-pose of the society and the history of its operations. In 
his report to the secretary of war he says : 

There is no question but tliat this secret order was per se, a treason- 
able conspiracy. Every man of ordinary intelligence who, in view of the 
existence of a formidable armed rebellion in the land, subscribed to the 
oath of that order, first having read its ritual, was a traitor. The object 
of the leaders of the order seemed to be to educate the masses of the 
Democratic party and weld all the hostile elements of the north into bitter 
hatred of the administration and its avowed policy, and by inflammatory 
and incendiary appeals to arouse in their breasts such a degree of hos- 
tility toward the government that when the fitting time came they would 
be ready, at the beck of their leaders, to spring to their bloody work. 
Their intent seemed to be to make of this order and the embittered Democ- 
racy and malcontents throughout the land one grand, united, hostile mass, 
which should at the proper time be hurled against the government and its 
army. ■ 

" O. B. II, Vol. VIII, p. 524. 



224 Indiana Magazine of History 

A review of the evidence from which Mr. Burnett draws 
his conclusions and the full report which he made at this time 
indicate that he was an advocate of a cause rather than an 
unprejudiced observer. The objects of the leaders were, no 
doubt, inimical to the government, but the mass of the mem- 
bership never indicated a disposition to enter the arena on 
the side of the Confederacy. Their opposition seems to have 
been the result of strong partisan prejudice and the belief 
that the administration was assuming unconstitutional 
powers. The organization never became numerically strong 
enough to offer any real menace to the government. In Indi- 
ana and Illinois it did hinder materially the operations of the 
State and federal authorities, but even here the dangers were 
magnified. The order from first to last was so lacking in 
leadership, organization, and initiative that it could never 
have become in any sense a real menace to the government. 
And when its successor, the Order of American Knights, was 
established, with its more centralized control, the Knights of 
the Golden Circle was easily absorbed by it. 



3. Order of American Knights and Sons of Liberty 

The Order of American Knights, the successor to the 
Knights of the Golden Circle, originated in the mind of a law- 
yer of St. Louis, Phineas C. Wright, who afterward became 
editor of the New York Evening News, a paper which he 
planned to make the mouthpiece of the organization. Mr. 
Wright it seems had, prior to the war, resided in New Orleans. 
A year before the outbreak of hostilities he removed to St. 
Louis with his family where he entered upon the practice of 
law.i The exact date of the establishment of the new asso- 
ciation, and the circumstances of its inauguration cannot be 
ascertained, but the supposition, based upon the evidence given 
in the testimony of the conspirators, is that Mr. Wright, some- 
time in the early spring of 1863, worked in conjunction with 
the members of the Corps de Belgique in St. Louis and estab- 

ijohn A. Marshall, American Bastille, 218, 227.' 



Sons of Liberty 225 

lished in its place the Order of American Knights.^ That he 
was a man of visionary temperament, a mystical romancer, 
and revelled in the mysterious and meaningless phrases of 
secret societies is clearly shown in the ritual of the new order 
which is decidedly turgid and rhetorical. There were five 
degrees in the new order — the Fourth or Grand degree being 
the highest degree of the State; while the Fifth or Supreme 
degree was the highest in the United States. Only high offi- 
cials received the Fourth and Fifth degrees.^ In the First 
or Vestibule degree the candidate (neophyte) was taken 
through a sea of meaningless colloquies, after which the K.L. 
(Knight Lecturer) explained to him some of the principles 
which the order attempted to inculcate. It was this declara- 
tion of principles which furnished the military commission at 
Indianapolis with the best evidence that the order was n 
complete sympathy with the rebellion. ■» These principles 
summarized are as follows : 

1. All men are endowed by the Creator with certain rights — equal 
only as far as there is equality in the capacity for the appreciation, enjoy- 
ment, and exercise of these rights — some of which are inalienable, while 
others may, by voluntary act or consent, be qualified, suspended, or relin- 
quished for the purjwse of social governmental organization. 

2. Government arises from the necessities of well-organized society. 

3. Right government derives its sole authority from the will of the 
governed, expressly declared. 

4. The grand purpose of government Is the welfare of the governed. 

5. The government designated "The United States of America" was 
created by thirteen free, sovereign, and independent States, for their 
mutual benefit, to administer the affairs of their common interest and 
concern ; being endowed with the powers, dignity, and supremacy, and, 
no further, or other, which are distinctly specified and warranted and con- 
ferred by the strict letter of the constitution of the United States.s 

After listening to these sound "State Rights" principles 
the candidate was asked, "How wilt thou respond to the decla- 

-O. R. II, Vol. VII, pp. 627, et seq. House Executive Document, No. 50, 
39th Cong., 2nd Sess., p. 519. This document contains the charges, testimony, 
findings and sentences of the plotters in the Camp Douglas Conspiracy ; much 
of the testimony related to the secret societies. 

'O. R. II, Vol. VII, p. 642, testimony of Green B. Smith. 

• Discussed in Chapter V. 

° Benj. Pitman, Trials for Treason at Indianapolis, 1864, p. 298. This volume 
contains the official record of the trials before a military commission in the 
cases of Dodd and others. It will be referred to hereafter by the abbreviations 
Indiana Treason Trials. 



226 Indiana Magazine of History 

rations thou hast just heard?" Placing himself in the "sol- 
emn attitude of invitation" he took the following vow : 

I, , fully comprehending and appreciating the declaration of 

principles which I have just heard pronounced, hold them for truth, to 
cherish them in my heart, to inculcate them among my fellows, to illus- 
trate them, as far as in me lies, in my daily walk and conversation, and 
if needs be defend them with my life. 

Then promising never to reveal the secrets of the written or 
unwritten ceremonies the candidate was advanced to the Sec- 
ond degree — "to the Temple where truth dwells serenely" — 
where he listened to a discourse on the subject of slavery, ar- 
guments which were distinctly southern in sentiment. In 
brief they were as follows: 

The servitude of the African to the white man, imposed and regu- 
lated by wise and human statutes, and by suggestions of refined public 
sentiment, should promote the advancement of both races and is approved 
by the sanction of Divine economy. 

When a people, of whatever race, shall have attained a social organ- 
ism favorable to material and intellectual progress they should establish, 
and maintain such form of government as a majority shall expressly 
declare and ordain. 

All power resides in the people and is delegated always to be exercised 
for the advancement of the common weal by the express and implied terms 
of the ordinance or constitution. Hence any, the least, encroachment beyond 
the express limits is usurpation on the part of the delegate and is danger- 
ous to the liberties of the people, since usurpation unrebuked, may become 
tyranny, despotism, and oppression. 

Whenever the chosen rulers, ofBcers or delegates, to whom the people 
have entrusted the power of the government shall fail or refuse to admin- 
ister the government in strict accordance with the letter of the established 
and accepted compact, constitution, or ordinance it is the Inherent right, 
and solemn and imperative duty of the people to resist the usurpation of 
the functionaries and, if need be, expel them by force of arms. 

Our swords shall be unsheathed whenever the great principles which 
we aim to inculcate and have sworn to maintain and defend shall be 
assailed.6 

The A.B. (Ancient Brother) then demanded of the candidate 
a solemn vow in which he promised : 

At all times, if needs be, to take up arms in the cause of the oppressed 
— In my country first of all — against any monarch, prince, potentate, power, 

«0. B. II, Vol. VII, p. 2S9. Pamphlet containing Ritual ot O.A.K. Rare. 
Loaned by Wra. Dudley Foulke. 



Sons of Liberty 227 

or government usurped, which may be found in arms and waging war 
against a people or peoples who are endeavoring to establish or have 
inaugurated a government for themselves of their own free choice in 
accordance with and founded upon the eternal principles of Truth. 

His acceptance of these principles of the Temple so far 
advanced the candidate "from the outer darkness" as to as- 
sure the A.B. (Ancient Brother) that there was "one more 
votary to Eternal Truth, rescued from the galling chains of 
Error." The neophyte was now prepared for the instructions 
received in the Inner Temple. This was the "most excellent 
degree of the Order of American Knights," or Third degree. 
The instructions here were only an amplification of the princi- 
ples of the Second degree regarding slavery and state sover- 
eignty. The dogma of state rights was set forth in somewhat 
more positive terms than in the first two degrees. After lis- 
tening to the reading of these principles, the candidate, for 
the third time obligated himself never to reveal any of the 
secrets of the order and to defend its principles with the 
sword, if necessary. He further promised that he would: 

ever cherish the sublime lessons which the sacred emblems of our order 
suggest, and will so far as in me lies impart those lessons to the people 
of the earth where the mystic acorn falls from the parent bough, in whose 
visible firmament Orion, Arcturus, and Pleiades ride in their cold resiileu- 
dent glories, and where the Southern Cross dazzles the eye of degraded 
humanity with its corruseations of golden light, fit emblem of Truth, while 
it invites our sacred order to consecrate her temples in the four corners of 
the earth where moral darliness reigns and despotism hollds sway," etc.T 

With this fitting climax to the ceremonies, the candidate, 
duly impressed with a full appreciation of the dignity and 
solemnity of the occasion, became a full fledged Knight ready 
to ride forth in true Don Quixote style "to do battle in the 
cause of Truth." 

In addition to the written part of the ceremony there 
were the passwords, signals of danger, hails, watchwords, and 
the other mysterious features which characterized the numer- 
ous secret societies of the decade before the war, and attracted 
the attention of the superstitious and ignorant. As an ex- 
pression of their devotion to the cause of state sovereignty 
the originators of the order adopted as their first and most 

^Indiana Treason Trials, 300; O. R. II, Vol. VII, p. 292. 



228 Indiana Magazine of History 

important password "Nuohlac" — ^the word "Calhoun" re- 



The political divisions of the States furnished a conven- 
ient basis for the local organization of the order which con- 
templated the establishment of a lodge in every township in 
every State in the union. The subordinate lodges in the 
townships sent delegates to the county, or Parent Temple. 
The Parent Temple sent delegates to the State, or Grand Coun- 
cil, which in turn chose delegates who composed the Supreme 
Council of the United States.* The chief officer in the order 
was the Supreme Grand Commander who presided over the 
Supreme Council. Next in rank was the Grand Commander 
chosen by the State Council as head of the order in the State. 
In each county was a Grand Seignor chosen by the delegates 
from the subordinate lodges. In addition to the Grand Com- 
mander, the State Council elected a Deputy Grand Command- 
er, a Grand Secretary, and a Grand Missionary. The duty of 
the last named officer was the organiaztion of subordinate 
lodges in the townships. 

The military plans of the order were not mentioned in 
the published documents and were known only to the leaders 
in the States, to those who had received the Fourth and Fifth 
degrees. Members who had taken only the subordinate de- 
grees, when placed on the witness stand before a military 
commission, testified that they knew nothing of a military 
department. They were unable to explain satisfactorily in 
the light of this ignorance that part of the obligation in v/hich 
they promised 

To take up arms against any Monarch, Prince, Potentate, Power or 
government usurped, wliich may be found in arms and waging war against 
a people endeavoring to establish a government for themselves of their 
own free choice. 

They claimed that they understood by that oath that 
armed force was to be resorted to only in defense of their 
indivdual rights at the polls; in opposition to the draft; 
against military arrests ; and as a counter influence to the mili- 
tary organization known as the Loyal League.^ All the offi- 

' House Exec. Doc. No. 50, p. 183. 

' Most of the witnesses testified to complete ignorance of the military depart- 
ment of the order. 



Sons of Lihertij 229 

cial reports which discuss the objects of the new order assert 
that its primary purpose was the formation of a Northwest 
Confederacy, as a direct ally of the rebels. ^'^ Here again 
only the leaders knew of these treasonable purposes, which 
did not take definite shape until after the Order of American 
Knights was replaced by the new organization. The Sons of 
Liberty. No doubt, in many communities where southern 
sentiment was predominant, as in central Missouri and in the 
Ohio river counties of Indiana and Illinois, many of the mem- 
bers were ready and willing to aid any Confederate force 
which might invade northern territory; but this can be said 
only of the lodges in these sections of the country and not of 
the mass of the membership. 

Phineas C. Wright, the first Supreme Grand Commander 
of the order organized the State Councils in at least three of 
the States — Missouri, Illinois, and Indiana. In Missouri the 
chief ofiicers were Charles L. Hunt, Grand Commander; 
Charles E. Dunn, Deputy Grand Commander; and Green B. 
Smith, Grand Secretary." In the northern part of the State 
where the federal govei-nment was in control and able to quell 
any open opposition, the lodges grew rapidly in numbers and 
membership. But south of the Missouri river, particularly in 
the south-central and southwestern parts of the State, where 
the southern sentiment was so overwhelming, few, if any, 
lodges were established. Castles were organized in practically 
every ward of St. Louis, with a membership of from 50 to 
150 in each. Flourishing temples were found in Ray, Charl- 
ton, Clay, Randolph, Howard, Boone, Calloway, Audrian, Hen- 
ry, Lincoln, Cooper, Mississippi, Marian, Buchanan, and Mont- 
gomery counties.'- Strong lodges were reported in Renick, 
Palmyra, Hannibal, and other cities in the northeastern part 
of the State.13 

Arms and ammunition" were purchased in St. Louis and 
shipped to the members in the outlying counties.'-' So bold 
had the order become by the spring of 1864 that Provost Mar- 

"0. R. II, Vol. VII, pp. 244, S02. 

^Ibid, 933. 

«/5id, 296. 

^''IMd, 745. 

"/6)d, 642; Statement ot Green B. Smith. 



230 Indiana Magazine of History 

shal J. P. Sanderson, soon after his assignment to that posi- 
tion in St. Louis, determined to make a thorough investiga- 
tion and expose what seemed to him "a secret organization 
most dangerous to the public peace and welfare of the gov- 
ernment." He dispatched agents to the northern part of the 
State to ferret out the operations of the order there; se- 
lected agents who secured admission to the lodges in St. Louis ; 
and sent spies into Illinois, Kentucky, Indiana, and Ohio. 
These investigations, coupled with the confessions of prison- 
ers who were held by the federal authorities in St. Louis, re- 
sulted in the arrest of the leading officers, twenty-four leading 
members in St. Louis, and some seventy-five members from 
the northern part of the State. From the examination of 
these witnesses and the sworn statements of the officer of the 
order General Sanderson, in June, 1864, framed an extensive 
report which he sent to Major General Rosecrans, command- 
ing the Department of Missouri. This report presented a 
dark picture of the conditions of loyalty in Missouri and the 
other border States. It asserted that treason lurked in almost 
every county and that the intention of the traitors was to 
carry the entire northwest over to the enemy.^^ A study of 
this report in connection with the testimony submitted with 
it, and in the light of late testimony, is found to be inaccurate 
and overdrawn. Colonel Sanderson's spies were not all re- 
liable men, especially the one he characterized as the "shrewd, 
cool, wide-awake Yankee," Edward F. Hoffman, whose long, 
facetious and rather apologetic letters brand him as an unre- 
liable witness. Some of the agents did, however, give a 
straightforward statement of facts in their reports, and it is 
from them chiefly that the meagre data regarding the order 
in Missouri has been derived. 

The number of members in the State was estimated all 
the way from 10,000 to 60,000.i6 The lowest estimate, 10,000, 
was sufficient to include the total membership. 

The arrest of Hunt and the exposure of the order through 
the public press put a stop to its organized activities in the 
State. Local lodges may have continued to meet, but the order 



Sons of Liberty 231 

lost all semblance of an organized effort in opposition to the 
administration. Whatever plans the leaders may have had 
for the future, they were blighted by the timely exposure made 
by the government. The effectiveness of the order in Missouri 
was destroyed before it entered upon its first campaign. 

Not until the meeting of the Democracy of Illinois at 
Springfield, June 17, 1863, was a Grand Council for that State 
formed. At the close of this meeting P. C. Wright, Supreme 
Grand Commander, initiated into the order a number of prom- 
inent Democrats of the southern pai't of the State. S. Corning 
Judd, of Lewiston, was chosen Grand Commander, and B. B. 
Piper, Grand Missionary." 

In Illinois the order partook more of a political character 
than in Missouri — i. e., it aimed at opposition to the adminis- 
tration rather than armed resistance to the government. Many 
of the lodges practiced military drill and carried arms; but 
the majority understood that they were preparing themselves 
to protect their rights at the ballot box, and their property 
against the bands of outlaws which infested the State. Lodges 
were rapidly organized in the southern counties of the State 
and usually absorbed the membership of the Knights of the 
Golden Circle and the Mutual Protection Society. Quincy, Il- 
linois, was a center from which radiated the influences of the 
order into both Illinois and Missouri. Active and flourishing 
lodegs were reported in the counties of Warren, Woodward, 
Sangamon, Adams, Morgan, Clinton, Hamilton, Coles, Logan, 
and Fulton.i* One of Marshal Sanderson's agents reported that 
the order extended over the entire State and that the leaders 
claimed a total membership of 80,000 for Illinois alone. Other 
estimates of the membership for the State varied from 10,000 
to 50,000. It is safe to say that at no time did the membership 
of the order exceed 10,000. The exposure of the Knights in 
Missouri and Indiana in the spring and summer of 1863 put 
an end to the activities of the leaders in Illinois and led many 
to withdraw their support from the movement." 

The State Council of the 0. A. K. for Indiana was organ- 
ized at a meeting held in Terre Haute about August 27, 1863. 

" House Exec. Doc. No. 50, p. 542, Testimony of S. C. Judd. 
"O. R. II, Vol. VII, p. 27S. 
^'Ibid, 277. 



232 Indiana Magazine of History 

Mr. Wright was present and stated the purpose and plans of 
the order. Temporary officers were elected and a meeting fixed 
for Indianapolis September 10, 1863. Delegates from the dif- 
ferent parts of the State were present at this meeting in Sep- 
tember. Harrison H. Dodd was elected Grand Commander 
and William H. Harrison Grand Secretary.^o plans for divid- 
ing the State into four districts and arranging for complete 
military organization were discussed. At a meeting in No- 
vember a committee was appointed to present plans for the 
establishment of a newspaper which should advocate the prin- 
ciples of the order in Indiana. In the meantime lodges were 
being established in the various counties as far north as Fort 
Wayne. As in other States, the membership of the Knights of 
the Golden Circle furnished a nucleus for the new order. This 
insured its rapid growth. By the middle of February, 1864, 
according to the report of the Grand Secretary, forty counties 
were organized and twenty more were in process of organiza- 
tion.2i The total membership reported to that date was 
12,000. This report did not include the numerous counties 
fi'om which unofficial reports had come. It is safe to say that 
the order soon became more widespread and more fully or- 
ganized in Indiana than in any other of the border States. 

The first regular annual meeting of the State Council 
was held February 17, 1864, at Indianapolis, for the purpose 
of electing officers and choosing delegates to the meeting of 
the Supreme Council at New York, February 22. H. H. Dodd 
was re-elected Grand Commander and William H. Harrison 
Grand Secretary. The Grand Commander delivered an ad- 
dress at this meeting which was ordered printed and distrib- 
uted to the Parent Temples in the various counties.-^ In this 
address he asserted that the purpose of the order was the 
"service of true Republicanism," by which he meant the inde- 
pendence of the individual States as secured by the Revolution 
of 1776. He declared that the great principle then at issue 
was the centralization of power, against which the Democratic 

-' Indiana Treason Trials, 80, Testimony of Wm. H. Harrison. 

^ Ibid, 319. This report named the following counties: Grant, Clay, Black- 
ford, Dekalb, Harrison, Marshal, Washington, Allen, Brown, Wells, Vigo, Foun- 
tain, Sullivan, Parke, Marion, Vermillion, and Vanderburg. 

^ Ibid, 315; Testimony of Wm. H. Harrison. 



Sons of Liberty 233 

party had been opposed since the formation of the union. He 
opposed the liberation of four million blacks insisting that 
the question be left to the individual States. He declared Lin- 
coln and Morton's government to be a usurpation under which 
the people could not remain passive. He was willing to abide 
by the decision of the ballot box in the election of officers, but 
was unwilling to obey them when they exercised undelegated 
powers. 

At this same meeting a platform was adopted which de- 
clared that: 

Whereas, President Lincoln is usui-ping undelegated powers and 
attempting to establish a centralized despotism, therefore be is resolved 
that patriotism and manhood alike enjoin upon us resistance to such 
usurpation ; that the constitution of the United States can be maintained 
only by adhering to the principles of the voluntary consent of its mem- 
bers; that a convention of the States be called to adjust the differences 
now existing ; that the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 
embody the true exposition of the constitution, and that we will support 
and maintain the constitution of the United States as interpreted in the 
light of those resolutions.23 

The committee on newspaper reported in favor of a State 
organization to be called the "Constitutionalist," and all mem- 
bers were urged to assist in securing at least 10,000 subscrib- 
ers.-* The military bill which had been drafted some time 
before was adopted at this meeting, and provided for a divi- 
sion of the State into four districts — Northeastern, North- 
western, Southeastern and Southwestern — and for the ap- 
pointment of a Major-General for each district.^"- Dr. William 
Bowles, of K. G. C. fame, was chosen head of the Military 
Department and Commander of the Southeastern District. 
The adoption of this military bill smacked too much of armed 
rebellion against the authorities of the State and the United 
States to suit a number of prominent politicians who had, up 
to this time, given their support to the order. According to 
their testimony they decided to have nothing more to do with 
the movement. In fact this military act determined the fate 
of the order, for it took from the movement the support of 

'^ Ibid, 31S; Proceedings of the Grand Council 

«/bid, 320. 

''Ibid, 80; Testimony of Wm. H. Harrison. 



234 Indiana Magazine of History 

any prominent Democrats who might have alHed themselves 
with a purely political society. It also furnished Governor 
Morton with a clear proof of the treasonable designs of the 
leaders. Although he did not expose these designs for six 
months, he knew at the time every move they were making. 

In January, 1864, Mr. Wright accepted a position on the 
editorial staff of the New York Evening News. He still re- 
tained his position as Supreme Grand Commander of the order 
which he had established and continued his active interest in 
its behalf.26 At different times during the winter of 1863 he 
issued to the lodges addresses teeming with the same verbiage 
which characterized the ritual and smacking strongly of treas- 
onable opposition to the administration. These addresses, 
however, were the expression of an individual member only. 
They never received the sanction of the Supreme Council of 
the order. Mr. Wright organized the Order of American 
Knights in New York, with James A. McMasters, editor of 
New York Freeman's Journal, as Grand Commander.^^ An 
effort was made to unite the disaffected elements in the East, 
particularly in Pennsylvania and New York, but this resulted 
in complete failure. 

At the last meeting of the Supreme Council, held in Chi- 
cago in September of 1863, it was decided to hold an adjourned 
meeting in New York on February 22, 1864. The meeting 
was duly called and among the leaders present were Messrs. 
Wright and McMasters of New York, Dodd of Indiana, Massey 
of Ohio, Greene of Illinois, and Barrett of Missouri. On the 
way to the meeting^s Mr. Greene and Dr. Barrett stopped at 
Windsor, Canada, to confer with Mr. Vallandigham, induct 
him into the order, and obtain permission to use his name for 
the office of Supreme Commander. Mr. Vallandigham became 
a member, consented to the use of his name for the office, and 
suggested some material changes in the ritual of the order. 
They stated to him that one of the purposes of the New York 
meeting was the consideration of just such alterations as he 
suggested. 

Early in the session the leaders became convinced that 

=• Ibid, 43 ; Circular letter written by Mr. Wright. 

-''House Exec. Doc. No. 50, p. 519; Testimony ot J. B. McMasters. 

^ Ibid, 502; Testimony of C. L. Vallandigham. 



Sons of Liberty 235 

the ritual should be altered and the order given a new name. 
Government officials had exposed their secrets; some of the 
members were opposed to the idea of knighthood as suggested 
in the name American Knights; and many desired a modific- 
cation of the principles as set forth in the ritual.-" A com- 
mittee, with Dr. Massey of Illinois as chairman, was appointed 
to draft a new constitution and by-laws for the association. 
The results of his deliberation and a consideration of its report 
by the council as a body were a slightly modified ritual, new 
signs and grips, and a new name for the order. Inspired by 
the memory of the patriots of the Revolutionary days in New 
York City, these modern defenders of the cause of human 
freedom adopted the name of "Order of the Sons of Liberty." 
Mr. Vallandigham was duly elected Supreme Commander 
of the new order ; a committee was appointed to convey this 
information to him, and induct him into the Supreme Council 
degree. He accepted the honor conferred upon him and sug- 
gested some changes in the ritual, which had not yet been 
printed. The most important addition which he suggested 
was the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, which afterwards 
became the lesson of the Inner Temple of the Second degree.^o 
The printed work of the order under a new name was much 
more voluminous than that of the Order of American Knights ; 
but in essential features it was very similar. The constitu- 
tion provided for a Supreme Council, a Grand Council for each 
State, and Parent and Branch Temples in each county. The 
officers of the order were practically the same as those of the 
American Knights, namely, a Supreme Commander, State 
Grand Commanders, and County Grand Seigniors.^i A num- 
ber of standing committees were provided for. The principles 
of the order were changed considerably in language and form, 
but they still maintained the principles of State sovereignty 
as strongly as before. The ritual consisted of four degrees — 
the Vestibule, the First degree, the degree of the First Con- 
clave, and the degree of the Second Conclave. In the Vestibule 

^ Ibid, 544 ; Testimony of S. Corning Judd. 

^ Ibid, 1S4; Testimony of Amos Green. 

31 Evansville Journal, Aug. 11, 1S64 ; Contains Gen. Carrington's full report 
of June 2S, 1864, exposing the O.A.K. and S. of L. The constitution and ritual 
are given in full. This copy has been verified and corrected by General Car- 
rington. 



236 Indiana Magazine of History 

degree the candidate was required to give assent to a "Declara- 
tion of Principles," which was nothing more than a statement 
of the doctrines held by the Democratic party since the days 
of Jeiferson — i. e., the doctrine that the federal government is 
one of delegated powers. 

A majority of the Democrats who joined the order took 
only this Vestibule degree. They understood the organization 
to be nothing more than a Democratic club whose purpose 
was the advancement of the interests of the Democratic party. 
Nothing in the principles to which they subscribed in this 
degree could be construed into a treasonable design against 
the government. However, they obligated themselves to per- 
form without hesitation or delay whatever was rightfully re- 
quired of them by the duly constituted authorities of the so- 
ciety. Since the duly constituted authorities were at that time 
conspiring against the government the members obligated 
themselves to assist the conspiracy. As a matter of fact they 
were never called upon to do this, so they need be criticised 
only for taking the obligation and not for giving actual assist- 
ance, which in all probability they would never have given if 
called upon by the leaders. 

In the lesson of the First degree the well-known compact 
theory was set forth much more fully than in the Vestibule 
degree, and the candidate was taught that : 

In accordance with these principles, the federal government can exer- 
cise only delegated powers; hence if those who shall have been chosen to 
administer that government shall assume to exercise power not delegated 
they shall be regarded and dealt with as usurpers. 

The claim of "inherent power" or "war power" as also "State neces- 
sity," or "military necessity" on the part of the functionaries of a consti- 
tutional government for sanction of any arbitrary exercise of power, we 
utterly reject and repudiate. Whenever the officials to whom the people 
have entrusted the power of government, shall refuse to administer it in 
strict accordance with its constitution, and shall assume to exercise power 
or authority not delegated, it is the inherent right and imperative duty of 
the people to resist such officials, and if need be expel them by force of 
arms. Such resistance is not revolution, but is solely the assertion of 
right. 

In the next degree, that of the First Conclave, are found, 
in condensed form, the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 
1798 and 1799, Mr. Vallandigham's personal contribution to 



Sons of Liberty 237 

the ritual. These resolutions, however, are but a restatement 
of the lesson of the First degree. In the degree of the Second 
Conclave the candidate received no lesson; he merely obli- 
gated himself to defend the principles of the order, as already 
set forth in the ritual. 

In addition to these four degrees there w^ere the degrees 
of the Grand Council and the degree of the Supreme Council, 
both of which belonged to the unwritten Work of the order. 
The general password was the same as that of the Order of 
American Knight, namely: Calhoun spelled backword form- 
ing three syllables, "Nu-oh-lac." These, together with the 
initials "S. L." and the expression, "Give me liberty or give 
me death," pronounced alternately with the warden of the 
Outer Court, admitted the member to the Vestibule. 

The written and unwritten work of the Sons of Liberty 
as thus explained applied, in general, to the order in all the 
States; but each State was left to provide its ov/n internal 
organization. This was consistent with the doctrine of State 
Rights as set forth in the ritual. The constitution and laws 
of the order in Indiana are the only ones preserved for us.^^ 
Here we find an elaborate system worked out in detail, provid- 
ing for the organization of the Grand Council, county Parent 
Temples and Castles. The State was left free to provide for 
its military department. In Indiana the State was divided 
into four districts, as under the constitution of the Order of 
American Knights. In Illinois the State was divided into con- 
gressional districts over which were placed brigadier-generals. 

The return of the leaders from the New York meeting 
meant a vigorous campaign for the order under the new name. 
Members of the 0. A. K. were not required to take new obli- 
gation. They were members of the new order by virtue of 
their relations to the old. The existing officers retained their 
positions. The Grand Secretary of Indiana, W. H. Harrison, 
sent a circular letter to the different county Temples of the 
State advising them of the changes made in the ritual and 
requesting them to send an accredited member of the Temple 
to IndianapoHs for new instructions.^s in Illinois agents from 
the Grand Council were sent out to instruct the Temples in 

*^ Evansville Journal, Aug. 11, 1S64. 

"Indiana Treason Trials, 83; Testimony of Wm. H. Harrison. 



238 Indiana Magazine of History 

regard to the new ritual.^* The leaders in Missouri opposed 
the alterations made at New York and refused to introduce 
them in their lodges, so the organization in that State re- 
mained under the old name. In Kentucky, where the Grand 
Missionary of the 0. A. K.'s from IHinois, B. B. Piper, had 
organized a few castles of the Order of American Knights in 
the eastern part of the State during the fall and winter of 1863 
and 1864, the Grand Council was organized as the Sons of 
Liberty with Joshua A. Bullitt, judge of the Kentucky court 
of appeals, as Grand Commander, and Felix G. Stidger, an 
ex-federal soldier, as Grand Secretary.^' Mr. Stidger was at 
that time in the secret employ of the federal authorities in 
Kentucky and Indiana and joined the order for the purpose of 
betraying its operations to the government. He was in con- 
stant communication with General Carrington and Governor 
Morton at Indianapolis, and at the same time intimately asso- 
ciated with the leaders of the secret society in that city and 
Louisville. His disclosures during the summer of 1864 and 
his testimony before the military commission in Indianapolis 
in August of that year were considered by the judge advocate 
as the most important evidence leading to the conviction of 
the leaders. The character of Stidger's evidence will be dis- 
cussed in a later chapter. 

In Kentucky the Temples were never numerous and the 
operations of the order were confined to a small number of 
radicals in the city of Louisville, whose chief object seemed 
to be to secure supplies of Confederate funds from Canada. 

In Ohio, the home of the Supreme Commander, the 
strength of the Sons of Liberty cannot be ascertained. Gen- 
eral Carrington says that the State Council was to be estab- 
lished in June, 1864, and that the order was almost as pow- 
erful in that State as in Indiana.^" Judge Advocate Holt, in 
his report, assumes that the number exceeded 80,000"'; and 
the biographer of Mr. Vallandigham says that because of the 
influence of the Supreme Commander lodges were organized 
in almost every county in Ohio.^^ Various other estimates 

M House Exec. Doc. No. 50, p. 482 ; Testimony of A. R. Cassill. 

'^ Indiana Treason Trials, 110; Testimony of Felix Stidger. 

« O. R. II, Vol. VII, p. 339; Carrington to Potter, June 5, 1864. 

" O. R. II, Vol. VII, p. 930. 

•• Vallandigham, Ufe of C. L. Tallandigham, 374. 



Sons of Liberty 239 

and assertions were made concerning the strength of the order 
in that State, but a careful search reveals no evidence to sub- 
stantiate any of these assertions. Dr. Massey, the Grand 
Commander of the order in that State, no doubt succeeded in 
organizing a number of castles, particularly in Vallandigham's 
congressional district, which centered about Dayton, but the 
war Democrats were so completely in control of the State 
party machinery that even Mr. Vallandigham had difficulty in 
being chosen delegate from his district to the Democratic 
national convention which met in Chicago on August 29, 1864. 
In the absence of more confirmatory proof, and with recent 
statements made by men who lived there during those stirring 
times, it is fair to assume that the Sons of Liberty never 
gained much ground in Ohio, and at no time numbered more 
than a few thousand members. 

In fact the operations of the Sons of Liberty were con- 
fined almost wholly to the States of Indiana and Illinois. Here 
the bitterness of feeling existing between the Union men and 
the "Peace-at-any-price" opponents of the administration had 
become so intense by June of 1864 that federal. State, and 
local authorities were called upon repeatedly to quell disturb- 
ances. Robbing, stealing, and general outlawry became so 
prevalent in the southern sections of these States that men 
went armed, slept with rifles under their pillows, barricaded 
their houses and places of business, and in a number of cases 
good citizens rose in their might and without judge or jury 
put to death many of the outlaws. 

Union men organized themselves into the Loyal League 
for the purpose of "maintaining the national and State gov- 
ernments against all enemies at home or abroad." This Loyal 
League was a secret military organization composed chiefly 
of members of the Republican party, and intended to protect 
the community in which they were organized against these 
local disturbances. The over-zealous partisan spirit of these 
men, no doubt, often led them to abuse the purpose for which 
they had banded themselves together, and to inflict upon Dem- 
ocrats, because they were Democrats, abuses and punishments 
which were undeserved. It mattered not what the nature of 
the opposition to the government was — it might be resistance 



240 Indiana Magazine of History 

to the draft ; a raid by a band of outlaws such as Clingman's 
band in southern Illinois; a drunken riot between "butter- 
nuts" and soldiers at home on a furlough — all were attributed 
to the machinations of this treasonable secret society, indis- 
criminately designated Knights of the Golden Circle, Order of 
American Knights, or Sons of Liberty; to which it was as- 
sumed all Democrats belonged. The partisan spirit among 
the Democrats on the other hand was just as radical. The 
efforts of federal officials to preserve order and suppress riots 
were resented by the opponents of the administration as usur- 
pation of power. When the officers called to their assistance 
the armed members of the Loyal League, or Home Guards, the 
peace Democrats declared it to be tyranny and oppression. 

The number of castles and the membership of the Sons of 
Liberty in Indiana gradually increased during the summer of 
1864. The report of the secretary, given at the last meeting 
of the Grand Council of the State, held June 14, 1864, at In- 
dianapolis, estimated the membership at 15,000, an increase 
of 20 per cent since February, 1864.3" Thirty counties with 
forty delegates were represented at this meeting. Among the 
leaders present were William A. Bowles, Lambden P. Milligan, 

Andrew Humphreys, Stephen Horsey, McBride, and 

Harrison H. Dodd. Nothing of vital importance occurred at 
this meeting except the adoption of a resolution giving the 
Grand Commander power to appoint a secret "Committee of 
Thirteen" to act in the interim of the meetings of the Grand 
Council, and exercise the same power which that body had. The 
membership of this committee was to be known only to the 
Grand Commander. The only satisfactory explanation for 
this extreme secrecy is, that Mr. Dodd and the few leaders 
realized that the treasonable conspiracy in which they were 
then engaged (to be related in the next chapter) would not 
meet with the support of the membership of the order, but 
that with a committee absolutely secret and select the negotia- 
tions with the Confederate agents in Canada could be carried 
to a successful conclusion. *" 

The total membership in Illinois was estimated by the 

»' Indiana Treason Trials, 86 ; Testimony ot Wm. H. Harrison. 
"House Exec. Doc. No. 50, p. 544; Testimony of S. C. Judd. 



Sotis of Liberty 241 

Grand Commander of the State to be 20,000. Although the 
same conditions favorable to the growth of the society existed 
there, as in Indiana, the leaders were not so active in their 
missionary efforts, and the indications are that the member- 
ship increased very slowly, if at all, in central and southern 
Illinois. Further, the exposure of the 0. A. K. in Missouri, 
from April to July 1864, practically ended the activities of 
the order in central Illinois. Chicago was the center of inter- 
est during the summer of 1864. There the meetings of the 
Grand Council for the State were held, and also the meetings 
of the Supreme Council. For some time there had existed in 
Chicago a secret lodge by the name of the "Sons of Illini," 
which was claimed to be only another name for the Sons of 
Liberty, but the constitution of the former club is in no way 
similar to that of the Sons of Liberty, and the testimony be- 
fore the military commission at Cincinnati does not confirm 
the relationship of the two. There were, however, several 
meeting places of the Sons of Liberty in Chicago ; and by the 
middle of August the membership was declared to be fully 
5,000." 

By April, 1864, no well-defined plan had been developed 
by the leaders for violent opposition to the government. The 
acts of violence attributed to the lodges up to this date were 
of a local character and not part of a general plan. The lead- 
ers no doubt had such plans in mind, but they did not develop 
into realities until the Confederate agents appeared in Canada 
with a plentiful supply of bank notes to support liberally a 
movement in the rear of the federal army.^2 

4. The Northwest Confederacy of 1864 

One of the well-defined hopes of the southern leaders, 
from the first outbreak of hostilities in 1861 to the close of 
1864, was the separation of the northwestern States from the 
union and either the organization of these States into a North- 
west Confederacy in alliance with the south or their admission 
into the southern Confederacy as States. This hope found 

"Ibid, 640. 

" The Southern Bivouac, Vol. II, p. 572. 



242 Indiana Magazine of History 

expression in resolutions passed by the Confederate congress ; 
in the proclamation of General Braxton Bragg to the people 
of the northwest in September, 1862 ; in the speech of Presi- 
dent Davis at Montgomery, Alabama, in 1863 ; in the frequent 
proposals of the southern press to separate the "Northwestern 
States from the Yankee government"; and the desire of the 
peace party in the northwest for a separation from New Eng- 
land if the desolating war then going on was not brought to 
a speedy close. ^ 

The three staple arguments used in favor of this proposal 
were: 

1. The future of the northwestern States on account of 
their geographical position, their agricultural interest, and 
their blood relationship, is inseparably associated with that of 
the south.2 

2. The Mississippi is their common carrier. 

3. The unequal alliance with the east, particularly with 
New England, is unnatural and injurious to the western 
States. 

These arguments had no little influence in moulding the 
opinion of the people of the northwest and producing, in 1863, 
so much active opposition to the administration that Lincoln 
declared to Charles Sumner in January of that year "that he 
feared the fire in the rear" — meaning the Democracy, espe- 
cially of the northwest — "more than any military chances."^ 

The Confederate leaders watched with growing satisfac- 
tion this disaffection in the northwest and the open opposition 
of her citizens to the "severe and unconstitutional" measures 
adopted by the federal government. They were also fully ac- 
quainted with the existence in the border States of the secret 
political organizations which have been the subjects of discus- 
sion in the previous chapters. 

»McPherson, Political History of United States During the Great Rebellion, 
42, 303 ; O. R. I, Vol. LII, p. 1, p. 363 ; O. R. IV, Vol. II, pp. 41, 137, 179, 490. The 
Richmond Whig and other Southern papers contained frequent editorials favor- 
ing the plan ot Northwest separation. 

2 Chicago Tribune, Feb. 2, 1863 ; Daily Illinois Journal, July 20, 1863 ; New 
York Herald, Sept. 3, li>63 ; Foulke, Life of Morton, Vol. I, p. 398. Cong. Globe, 
2nd Sess., 36th Cong., p. 794. Many Democratic mass meetings in Indiana and 
Illinois passed resolutions favoring separation from New England. 

3 Pierce's Sumner, Vol. IV, p. 114, quoted in Rhodes, Vol. IV, p. 223. 



Northwest Confederacy 243 

In the spring of 1864 the Confederate government de- 
cided to utilize these hostile forces, if possible, in furthering 
its plans of secession. Its arms had met with defeat in every 
quarter ; Lee had been driven back at Gettysburg ; Vicksburg 
had fallen; the federal government had undisputed posses- 
sion of the Mississippi from its source to its mouth ; supplies 
were getting low ; the difficulty of obtaining them was becom- 
ing more and more apparent; the depleted ranks of the Con- 
federate army could no longer be filled with new recruits ; the 
north refused to exchange its prisoners; Grant was closing 
in on Richmond ; and Sherman was on his march to the sea. 
The situation was a desperate one. The only gleam of hope 
was a stroke in the rear — an uprising in the disaffected por- 
tions of the north, and the release of some 30,000 to 50,000 
Confederate soldiers imprisoned in the northern cities. Such 
a movement as this would be a serious threat to the safety of 
the northwest, which would force Sherman to retrace his steps 
and so probably prolong the war until foreign recognition 
could be obtained. 

Accordingly, in April, 1864, President Davis appointed 
Jacob Thompson, C. C. Clay, and J. P. Holcombe as commis- 
sioners to proceed at once to Canada and there carry out the 
oral instructions which they had received from him. The sum 
of $900,000 was placed at their disposal, to be used in releas- 
ing Confederate prisoners; transporting them to the south; 
crippling and embarrassing the federal government by de- 
stroying military and naval stores ; influencing the press ; and 
purchasing arms and ammunition for the disaffected portions 
of the northwest, especially the secret political organizations.* 
On April 30 Judah P. Benjamin wrote to John SHdell, saying: 

We have sent Jacob Thompson and Clement Clay of Alabama to Can- 
ada on secret service, in the hope of aiding a disruption between the east- 
em and western States in the approaching election at the north. It is 
supposed that much good can be done by the purchase of some of the 
principal presses, especially in the northwest.5 

On March 16, 1864, Captain T. H. Hines, who made hlm- 

< Mss. Confederate Archives, Treasury Dept., Benjamin to Thompson, Apr. 
28. 1864. 

'Ibid; Benjamin to SUdell. Apr. SO, 1864. 



244 Indiana Magazine of History 

self famous in the Morgan raid as a companion of the general 
in his escape from the Ohio penitentiary, was detailed by the 
Confederate government to the special service of assisting es- 
caped prisoners who were willing to re-enter the Confederate 
service, and of urging the friends of the Confederacy in the 
northwest to organize and prepare themselves to render such 
aid as the circumstances would allow. 

Captain Hines proceeded at once to Canada by way of 
the United States, while the commissioners went by sea.'' The 
latter reached Montreal on May 29. Mr. Thompson, as chief 
of the commission, sought to secure conferences, not only with 
the leaders of the disaffected elements in the north, but also 
with representatives of the administration at Washington. 
The conference with Greely at Niagara Falls and the almost 
humorous failure of his negotiations" for cessation of hostili- 
ties led the commissioners to turn to the leaders of the peace 
party, with the hope of organizing an active and practical 
opposition to the war. Naturally the first man to whom they 
turned was Clement L. Vallandigham, who had been at Wind- 
sor, Canada, since his exile in 1863, and was now Supreme 
Commander of the secret order. The Sons of Liberty. Captain 
Hines had a conference with Vallandigham on June 9; and 
on the 11th of June Mr. Thompson, himself, met Mr. Vallan- 
digham and the two discussed thoroughly the existing hos- 
tility in the border States.^ 

In this conference Mr. Vallandigham stated that the order 
was well organized, partially armed, and "ready to defend the 
principles at any cost"; that the membership was 300,000 
strong, distributed as follows: 85,000 in Illinois, 50,000 in 
Indiana, 40,000 in Ohio, and while the number in Kentucky 
was not stated it was estimated as very large. He introduced 
to Mr. Thompson a prominent officer of the order with whom 
the Confederate commissioners afterward arranged for the 
distribution of funds to be used in "arming and mobilizing the 
county organizations." Thompson was initiated into the or- 

'Ibid; Benjamin to Hines, Marcli 16, 1S64. 

' Much of the detailed narrative of these events is derived from the personal 
account of the incidents by Judge T. H. Hines, published in the successive issues 
of the Southern Bivouac, Vol. II, Dec. 1SS6 to March 1SS7. 

» O. R. I, Vol. XLIII, pt. II, p. 931, Thompson to Benjamin, Dec. 3, '64. 



Northivest Confederacy 245 

der. He examined the principles for which it stood and de- 
cided that only the occasion was lacking for members to arise 
and assert their rights. He felt that the moment had arrived 
when this occasion should be furnished. Holcombe was not 
so sanguine; while the northwest was "fermenting with the 
passions out of which revolutions have been created," he felt 
that conditions were not yet favorable for an uprising; but 
he urged the government not to abandon its efforts to separate 
this section from the United States. 

Negotiations between Mr. Thompson and Mr. Vallandig- 
ham continued. A conference was held with a representative 
of the Sons of Liberty from Chicago, who asserted that he had 
"two regiments organized, armed, and eager for an uprising." 
Communication was had with the representatives from Ohio, 
Indiana, Missouri, and Illinois, and July 20th was fixed upon 
as the date for a simultaneous uprising of the order in these 
states. Money was supplied to these leaders for arming the 
members and meeting the other necessary expenses of the un- 
dertaking. 

Mr. Vallandigham informed the commissioners that in 
the interval he would return to Ohio and would, no doubt, be 
arrested, which event would give the occasion for a genera} 
uprising and retaliation by the order for the many acts of 
oppression which its members had suffered." He reached 
Hamilton on June 15, in time to be present at the Democratic 
district convention which was called to select a delegate to the 
national Democratic convention to be held in Chicago on July 
20. Mr. Vallandigham's friends had supported him for the 
nomination in the face of much opposition, and his appear- 
ance at the afternoon session of the convention was sufficient 
to carry the day for him. The motion to elect him as dele- 
gate was carried amid great applause. As soon as the neces- 
sary business was transacted the convention adjourned to the 
courthouse yard to listen to the speech from their leader, who 
had been in banishment from May, 1863. i" 

In the course of his remarks, which were confined chiefly 
to an arraignment of the "unconstitutional and oppressive 



246 Indiana. Magazine of History 

measures of the Republican administration," Mr. Vallandig- 
ham took occasion to speak of the Knights of the Golden Circle 
or "any other secret society, treasonable or disloyal in char- 
acter," whose purpose was armed resistance to the federal or 
State authorities. He declared that he did not know that any 
such had ever existed, but he was positive that none existed 
at the present time — he admitted that there were lawful po- 
litical or party associations whose purpose was to strengthen 
the Democratic party and oppose the influence of the "danger- 
ous, secret, oath-bound combination among the friends of the 
administration known as the Loyal Union League" ; he knew 
of but one great conspiracy, that was the Democratic party, 
whose purpose was the overthrow of the present administra- 
tion in November, not by force of arms, but by the ballot box 

— and he warned the men in power that there was a 

Vast multitude bouud together to defend, by whatever means, the exi- 
gencies of the times demanded, their natural and constitutional rights as 
freemen.ii 

Much to his chagrin and the disappointment of his friends 
the federal authorities ignored the presence of Mr. Vallandig- 
ham in Ohio, and the occasion for the uprising in that State 
did not present itself. Mr. Thompson, however, did not lose 
faith in the project. In his reports to Richmond he assured 
the Confederate officials that 

The rank and file in the northwest are weary of the war and eager to 
accept from any source relief from the existing conditions. 

A decisive movement he felt would push thousands into 
open revolt. This, however, was not the feeling of the lead- 
ers of the Sons of Liberty. As the day appointed for the up- 
rising approached they realized that they were not prepared 
for such a hazardous undertaking. They so informed the Con- 
federate commissioners and called a meeting of the representa- 
tives of the order for July 20 at Chicago. Delegates from at 
least four States were present: Messrs. Dodd, Bowles, Wal- 
ker, and Wilson from Indiana; Bullitt and Williams from 
Kentucky; Holloway, Piper, Swen, and Walsh from Illinois; 
and Barrett from Missouri. Captain Majors represented the 
Confederate commissioners with power to complete arrange- 

" Ibid, p. 330, et seq. 



Northwest Confederacy 247 

ments for the expenditure of a large sum of money in further- 
ing the insurrection. The leaders were convinced that an up- 
rising on the day appointed would end disastrously; so Au- 
gust 16 was iixed upon as a time far enough distant for the 
final arrangements to be perfected. An additional supply of 
money was furnished to the leaders, the expenses of all dele- 
gates to the conference at Chicago were paid, and a committee 
selected to confer with the Confederate agents across the 
border.i2 

This conference took place on July 22 at St. Katherine, 
Canada. The committee argued that the success of the upris- 
ing would depend upon a movement of Confederate troops into 
Kentucky and Missouri in sufficient force to occupy the atten- 
tion of the northern army while the conspirators were busy 
in the rear. Such a movement was then under way in both 
Kentucky and Missouri, which removed any reason for delay 
on this score. The committee also urged that a series of pub- 
lic peace meetings in the northwestern States was necessary 
to prepare the public mind for the uprising. Mr. Thompson 
agreed to furnish all the funds needed for such meetings. 
Arrangements were completed for the uprising, which was to 
occur on the 16th of August. The general plan was to move 
upon the prison camps at Columbus, Indianapolis, Chicago, 
Alton, and Rock Island; seize the arsenals at these points r 
free and arm the Confederate prisoners; get control of the 
telegraph lines and railroads; move toward the south to the 
rendezvous at Louisville and St. Louis, drawing to their forces 
all the disaffected as they marched across the States; over- 
throw the State authorities; organize provisional govern- 
ments ; and so threaten the union cause in the northwest that 
Sherman would be forced to abandon his march to the sea and 
return to the defense of the States north of the Ohio. Such a 
culmination as this would give the south a breathing spell 
during which she could collect herself, possibly turn the tide 
of war and ultimately succeed in securing a favorable peace, i^ 

The leaders returned to their States, if not full of confi- 
dence as to the outcome of this grand scheme, at least with. 

1' House Exec. Document No. 50, p. 666. 
^^ Indiana Treason Trials, p. 113. 



248 Indiana Magazine of History 

their pockets full of Confederate drafts on Canadian banks. 
Judge Bullitt, Grand Commander of the order in Kentucky, 
reached the Ohio with his hand-grip sagging under the weight 
■of Confederate gold. He was met at the ferry landing at 
Louisville by a United States officer and placed under arrest, 
and shortly afterwards was transferred to Ft. Lafayette.i* 
During the three following days twenty-four other arrests 
were made in Louisville. These arrests destroyed all hopes 
of assistance from the order in Kentucky. 

Grand Commander Dodd of Indiana and his chief col- 
leagues, Messrs. Walker and Bowles, returned to Indianapolis 
also with a large sum of money, estimated at $200,000, a part 
of which had already been spent in the purchase of arms and 
ammunition in New York. Dodd arranged for runners to be 
sent to the various county Temples, the officers of which should 
inform the lodges in the townships concerning the details of 
the plan. He called upon the chairman of the State Demo- 
cratic committee, J. J. Bingham, editor of the Indianapolis 
Sentinel, and requested him to announce a Democratic mass 
meeting for August 16 at Indianapolis. He explained to Mr. 
Bingham the purpose of the gathering and the plans for the 
insurrection. The latter refused to call the meeting and ad- 
vised Mr. Dodd to drop the whole matter, declaring that the 
revolutionary scheme was wild and visionary. Realizing the 
effect of the exposure of such a scheme on the election of 1864, 
Mr. Bingham and Joseph E. McDonald, one of the Democratic 
leaders, called a council of prominent Democrats of the State 
to discuss ways and means of putting an end to the plot and 
preventing its exposure by the Republicans. Congressman 
Michael C. Kerr, a member of the Sons of Liberty from New 
Albany, declared that the people in Washington, Floyd, and 
Harrison counties had the idea that a revolution was impend- 
ing, and that the frightened farmers were selling their hay 
in the fields and their wheat in the stack. The members of the 
conference were unanimously of the opinion that the whole 
movement should be stopped, not only because the plans were 
treasonable but because their exposure would have a disas- 
trous effect on the Democratic vote in the State election on 

"/6i(Jj p. 100; Testimony of J. J. Bingham. 



Northwest Confederacy 249 

October 11. Dodd and Walker were called in and compelled 
to promise that they would go no further with their arrange- 
ments.i* The Democratic leaders did not report this conspir- 
acy to the Republican officials. They had no desire to furnish 
the administration with a campaign weapon which could be 
used with telling effect. Governor Morton and General Car- 
rington had already published a full expose of the Sons of Lib- 
erty in the State, giving the ritual, grips, pass-words, and 
some of the plans of the order, and attributing to it treason- 
able designs of the most diabolical character, i^ 

Meanwhile in Illinois "peace meetings" had been called 
for Peoria, Springfield, and Chicago. The first one at Peoria 
proved a success, in so far as having a large crowd and arous- 
ing the masses in favor of peace. The second one at Spring- 
field was lukewarm and the last one at Chicago was a failure. 

The plans for the uprising had met with discouragement 
from every quarter ; Vallandigham's return to Ohio had been 
ignored by the government ; the order in Kentucky had been 
demoralized by the arrest of its leaders; the leading Demo- 
crats of Indiana refused to lend countenance to the plot; a 
number of the conspirators had been arrested in St. Louis; 
and the government seemed to be acquainted with the opera- 
tions of the order in all of the States. All of these difficulties 
convinced the leaders of the Sons of Liberty that the time was 
not yet ripe for the insurrection. 

Another conference between the Confederate commission- 
ers and representatives of the State and county organizations 
was held at London, Canada, on August 7th. The representa- 
tives asked for another postponement until August 29, the 
date fixed for the Democratic national convention at Chicago. 
The reasons for this request were set forth in the following 
letter addressed to the three commissioners : 

We have tliouglit on the conclusion of this morning and feel con- 
strained to say a few words more. We told you we could not approve 
the plan and the more we think about it the more thoroughly are we con- 
vinced that it will be unsuccessful. Time is too short to e.xpect assist- 
ance, however willing they may be to assist. It will require some two 
days to travel back to places of residence and make arrangements about 
cashing drafts and procuring messengers of the right sort to go into the 

'•June 28, 1864. Printed in full in the Evansville Journal Aug. 11, 1864. 



250 Indiana Magazine of History 

different counties and give notice. Tliis will require until Thursday to 
get the ear of our chiefs, which will give only one day to select and notify 
men that they are in for a perilous and uncertain campaign under men 
whom they know little about. ... A movement unsupported by vigorous 
co-operation at Indianapolis and Springfield had better not be undertaken. 
We are willing to do anything which bids fair to result in good; but 
shrink from the responsibility of a movement made in the way now pro- 
posed, and have concluded frankly to communicate this to you. You under- 
rate the condition of things in the northwest. By patience and perse- 
verence in the work of agitation we are sure of a general uprising which 
will result in glorious success. We must look to bigger results than the 
mere liberation of prisoners. We should look to the grand end of adding 
an empire of northwestern States. is 

After due consideration August 29 was accepted by the 
commissioners as the final date. They insisted, however, upon 
no more delays. This date was considered particularly favor- 
able for the inauguration of the revolutionary movement in 
Chicago — a time when the city would be crowded with visit- 
ors attending the Democratic national convention. The plan 
provided for transportation to that city a large number of 
the members of the order fully armed and equipped, ready for 
instant action. These were to be led by a band of Confeder- 
ate officers and soldiers, who should go to Chicago from Can- 
ada by way of Detroit. 

In the meantime the federal and State authorities were 
busily engaged in ferreting out the details of the conspiracy; 
Provost Marshal Sanderson was still investigating the opera- 
tions of the C. A. K. in Missouri and Illinois ; General Bur- 
bridge and Judge Advocate Holt were watching closely the 
movements of the Sons of Liberty about Louisville;" Colonel 
Sweet had secret agents in the lodges in Chicago ; and Gov- 
ernor Morton, assisted by General Carrington, was creating 
considerable uneasiness in Indiana by his unremitting efforts 
to expose the leaders. 

Morton had information from New York that Walker 
was purchasing arms in that city, presumably for the Sons 
of Liberty. This information was confirmed about August 20 
by a letter from New York, stating that : 

Copperheads of Indiana have ordered and paid for 30,000 revolvers and 

" The Southern Bivouac, Vol. II, p. 567. 
" O. R. I, Vol. XXXIX, pt. II, p. 214. 



Northwest Confederacy 251 

forty-two boxes of ammunition to be distributed among the antagonists 
of the government for the purpose of controlling the presidential election. 
Thirty-two boxes of the above have been forwarded to J. J. Parsons, Indi- 
anapolis, via Merchants Dispatch and marked Sunday School books.is 

Governor Morton put this information into the hands of 
the federal authorities and ordered an investigation of the 
facts. Sufficient evidence was secured to corroborate the state- 
ments in the letter from New York and to warrant a search 
of the private office of Mr. Dodd, the Grand Commander of 
the Sons of Liberty. The provost marshal found there thirty- 
two boxes containing some 360 to 400 navy revolvers and 135,- 
000 rounds of ammunition; about two bushels of the rituals 
of the Sons of Liberty ; a roll of the members of the order in 
Indianapolis; and considerable correspondence between Mr. 
Dodd and prominent Democrats in the west.i^ 

All this information was made public, and the excitement 
aroused by the exposure led the Indianapolis Journal to call 
a meeting of the people in the governor's circle for the even- 
ing of the 22nd, "to consider the present aspect of political 
affairs in the State."-'' This meeting was, of course, a Repub- 
lican gathering. Resolutions were adopted expressing the 
alarm of the citizens at the threatening danger from secret 
orders and condemning the Democratic party for its alliance 
with these enemies of the government. Governor Morton was 
present and in a rousing speech added to the excitement of the 
occasion by declaring that the arms and ammunition seized on 
the preceding Saturday were but a drop in the bucket com- 
pared to the immense quantities that had been imported into 
the State in a similar manner during the past twelve or eight- 
een months.2i He was confident that the Confederate authori- 
ties were furnishing the money for the supplies and were 
using the Sons of Liberty for the purpose of stirring up civil 
war in the northwest. Nor did he let the Democratic party 
escape a severe flaying at his hands. 

Look at the composition of the Democratic State ticket now before the 
people. Five men upon it are members of the Sons of Liberty — one-half of 

"Foulke, Life of Morton, Vol. I, p. 408. 

^^ Indiana Treason Trials, 119; Testimony of Col. A. J. Warner. 

"O. R. I, Vol. XXXIX, pt. II, p. 295; Indianapolis Journal, Aug. 22, 1864. 

« Chicago Trihune, Aug. 26, 1864. 



252 Indiana Magazine of History 

the whole ticket. This secret order is but the nucleus ; it does not embrace 
all the traitors, nor indeed the principal ones. It probably embraces the 
greater part of the rank and file of those who are willing to go into this 
movement, but the men who expect to reap the fruit of this revolution, 
these it does not include.22 

So severe was his arraignment of the Democratic candi- 
dates on the State ticket that they were forced to publish a 
denial of membership in the order or of any knowledge of any 
conspiracy against the State or federal government. 

The campaign of 1864 was at its height just at this time 
and no better ammunition could have been furnished the Re- 
publicans than the evidence of a deep-rooted conspiracy 
against the federal government. Governor Morton, who was 
a candidate for re-election, made the most of it in his debates 
with McDonald, the Democratic nominee for governor. He 
lost no opportunity to attack the secret societies. At Law- 
renceburg he again spoke of the seizure of arms belonging to 
the Sons of Liberty at Indianapolis ; and that while McDonald 
was not a member of the order, he had been nominated by it, 
and was associating with five of its members on the State 
ticket. The Republican speakers and press all over the State 
took advantage of the conspiracy to insure a Republican vic- 
tory at the polls in October. 

This exposure at Indianapolis was another serious blow 
to the plans of the conspirators, but it was not sufficient to put 
a stop to the preparations for the insurrection August 29. 
Mr. Thompson expressed his confidence in the favorable out- 
come of the movement. In his communication to Mason and 
Slidell, August 23, 1864, he said : 

I am addressing evei-y energy that is practicable and reasonable to 
assist the northwestern people and everything justifies the belief that suc- 
cess will ultimately attend the undertaking. In order to arouse the 
people political meetings, called "Peace meetings," have been held and 
inflammatory addresses delivered and whenever orators have expressed 
themselves for peace with the restoration of the union, and if that can 
not be, then peace on any terms, the cheers and clamor of the masses have 
known no bounds.23 

The Confederate commissioners completed their arrange- 

=> Foulke, Life of Morton, Vol. I, p. 411. 

" The Southern Bivouac, Vol. II, p. 509 ; Thompson to Mason and Slidell, 
Aug. 23, 1S64. 



Northwest Confederacy 253 

ments for the insurrection. Captains John B. Castleman and 
Thomas H. Hines were appointed by Mr. Thompson to lead 
the expedition against the United States prisons in the north- 
west. They selected a detail of some sixty Confederate sol- 
diers, then in Canada, including Colonel G. St. Leger Gren- 
f ell, at one time Morgan's chief of staff ; Colonel Vincent Mar- 
maduke of Missouri; Colonel Benjamin Anderson of Ken- 
tucky ; and Captain Cantrill, formerly of Morgan's command. 
They understood that they were to co-operate with the Sons 
of Liberty, who should gather ostensibly to stand the Demo- 
cratic convention ; free the prisoners during the confusion of 
the convention; and then inaugurate the revolution which 
would spread rapidly over Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois.-* 

Neither the Sons of Liberty nor the Confederate commis- 
sioners took into account the presence of spies in their midst. 
State and federal officials were in close touch with the move- 
ments of the secret order. Colonel Sweet, who was in com- 
mand of Camp Douglas, received information of the intended 
attack on the camp, reinforced the garrison and sent United 
States Detective Thomas H. Keefe to Canada to accompany 
secretly the Confederate soldiers to Chicago.-" 

On the 27th and 28th of August the detail of Confederate 
leaders reached the city in small parties, "assuming the ap- 
pearance and conduct of men attracted by the political interest 
of the occasion." Other Confederates came from the south 
through Indiana and Illinois. The 29th of August found the 
city crowded with Democrats from all the northern States. 
Among them were the leaders of the Sons of Liberty, who 
were there to attend not only the national convention, but also 
a meeting of the Supreme Council of the order. The Chicago 
Tribune of August 27 said : 

The city is full to overflowing already with the gathering clans of Cop- 
perheads, Butternuts, O.A.K.'s, Sons of Liberty, original peace men, gen- 
tlemen from Canada, Fort Lafayette graduates, and border rebels under 
military parole; all assembling for the last time under the soiled banner 
of Democracy to put in nomination the last Democratic presidential candi- 
date. Dick Dodd, Grand Commander of the Sons of Liberty in Indiana, 
made his appearance yesterday. It is not known how many of his mid- 

=■0. R. I, Vol. XLV, pt. I, p. 1077, Report or Col. Sweet. 
» William Bross, Sketch of Col. J. B. Sweet, 17. 



254 Indiana Magazine of History 

night assassins accompanied him, but it is generally known that a large 
number have been regularly detailed for duty at the Chicago convention. 

The headquarters of the Sons of Liberty and the Confed- 
erate officers was the Richmond hotel, at the corner of Lake 
street and Michigan avenues. Over their suite of rooms was 
the sign, "Missouri Delegation."26 

The Sons of Liberty were opposed to the nomination of 
McClellan for President and favored Governor Seymour of 
New York. Their poHcy was to pack the convention with Sey- 
mour delegates, nominate him, and adopt a radical peace plat- 
form. ^^ They had two meetings of the leaders at the Rich- 
mond hotel during the convention. Mr. Vallandigham, Su- 
preme Commander of the order, presided. In a speech he said 
that he had come to Chicago expecting a repetition of the 
Charleston convention — a split in the party — but since his 
arrival he had changed his opinion. Instead of discord he 
found a wonderful unanimity of feehng and oneness of ideas. 
He advised the nomination of McClelland and the united action 
of all Democrats for his election. =8 

The "peace Democrats" in the northwest had a strong 
following in the convention and Vallandigham, their leader, 
secured the incorporation of a plank in the platform demand- 
ing a cessation of hostilities and a convention of States in 
order to restore "peace on the basis of the federal union."29 
But the order of the Sons of Liberty, of which the same leader 
was the Supreme Commander, was in such a minority in the 
convention that from the beginning their influence amounted 
to little. On the second day Mr. Olds, a delegate from Ohio, 
suggested that the Sons of Liberty might have a communica- 
tion to make to the convention, but he did not press the mat« 
ter, and the suggestion was ignored by the chair.s" There 
was a rumor that Governor Seymour and other leading Demo- 
crats had a conference with Mr. Vallandigham and insisted 
upon an abandonment of the conspiracy, to which the latter 

"Everybody's Magazine, Jan., 1900. p. 85, — Personal account by Col. Thos. 
H. Keefe. 

^Statement of H. H. Dodd, March 16, 1903. 
''Indiana Treason Trials, 149; Testimony of James B. Wilson. 
2» Rhodes, History of the United States, Vol. IV, p. 523. 
'"New York World, Aug. 31, 1864. 



Northwest Confederacy 255 

consented with reluctance. This rumor, however, cannot be 
verified. 

On the night preceding the convention the Confederate 
leaders called a meeting of the officers of the Sons of Liberty, 
assured them that their part of the plans were complete, and 
informed them that the 8,000 Confederate prisoners in Camp 
Douglas were ready to co-operate in the revolutionary move- 
ment. They requested definite information from these officers 
concerning the strength of the armed force which the repre- 
sentatives of Mr. Vallandigham had agreed to provide. Much 
to their disgust they soon learned that these officers of the 
secret order had failed to carry out their part of the agree- 
ment and had not properly informed the members in the 
county Temples. They found that those who had come to 
Chicago were totally without organization and initiative. 
They deemed it necessary to adjourn the conference to the 
evening of August 29 in order to give these officers time to 
collect their scattered forces and report the actual number 
under their control. When the Sons of Liberty, then in the 
city, learned that the order was to meet with no consideration 
at the hands of the national convention, and that heavy rein- 
forcements had arrived at Camp Douglas, they became demor- 
alized. It looked too much like a struggle to these valiant 
knights. As soon as they met with the Confederate leaders 
on the 29th the latter realized that these men were not the • 
material out of which soldiers are made and that the attack on 
Camp Douglas would have to be abandoned. As a last resort 
they proposed that the Sons of Liberty supply Hines and Cas- 
tleman with a force of 500 men to capture the arsenal and free 
the prisoners at Rock Island. They argued that so small a 
force could quietly take possession of a passenger train leav- 
ing Chicago at 9 p. m., and, by cutting the telegraph wires, 
could reach Rock Island without their presence being known 
to the federal authorities. But this again smacked too much 
of real danger to suit the taste of the wary chieftains who had 
been so courageous while the Confederate money was being 
supplied to them so lavishly. Realizing that all prospects of 
an uprising in the northwest were at an end, at least for the 



256 Indiana Magazine of Histonj 

present, most of the Confederate veterans returned to Canada 
or to the southern States through Illinois and Indiana. 

Viewing the situation from this distance the question 
arises : What was there in the condition of things to warrant 
the hope of carrying out such an extensive conspiracy? In 
the first place, as has been stated, the Confederate commis- 
sioners knew of the serious disaffection existing in the north- 
west, particularly along the Ohio river. They also knew that 
at this time there were nearly 30,000 Confederate soldiers in 
prisons located in the States of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois; 
and that these prisoners were guarded by only 5,000 or 6,000 
federal soldiers, most of whom belonged to the Veteran Re- 
serve Corps, and were wholly ineffective for active service.^i 
The release of such an army of well-seasoned troops in the 
midst of a disaffected country, they felt confident, would turn 
the tide of war in their favor. At least in the desperate straits 
then confronting them the Confederacy could not lose by the 
attempt. 

But they put too much confidence in the statements of 
the leaders of the Sons of Liberty. They failed to estimate 
correctly the character of these men and their followers. They 
did not realize that the secret order was sadly lacking in or- 
ganization and capable leadership. It was true beyond a 
doubt, as Holcombe said, that these States were "fermenting 
with the passions out of which revolutions are created,"32 but 
the fermentation had not reached a stage in which it could 
seriously aflfect the entire northwest. The attempt to inaugu- 
rate a counter revolution was destined from the beginning to 
be a fiasco. The Confederate commissioners failed to esti- 
mate the deep undercurrent of loyalty which permeated the 
great northwest. 

5. Treason Trials in Indiana 

The results of the Chicago convention cleared the air con- 
siderably and convinced the peace Democrats and, particu- 

» O. R. II, Vol. VIII, p. 996, contains August report; Prisoners distributed 
as follows: Camp Douglas, 7,000; Rock Island, S,000; Alton, 111., 1,200; Camp 
Chase, Ohio, 5,000 ; Camp Morton, 5,000 ; Johnson Island, 2,500. 

»»New York Herald, July 31, 1S72, Holcombe to Benjamin. 



Treason Trials in Indiana 257 

larly, the Sons of Liberty that they could not count on the 
sympathy of the Democratic party. Their chief support was 
gone and the order now dwindled into impotency. Only here 
and there did it show any animation or desire to continue its 
opposition to the administration and the war. As far as 
menacing the government of the States of the northwest was 
concerned the danger, which had never been formidable, was 
entirely gone, and the authorities might have looked upon the 
operations of these revolutionary agitators as a huge farce. 
But these operations supplied campaign material of such ex- 
cellent quality that it could not be disregarded by the Repub- 
lican campaign managers. The arrest and trial of the leaders 
in the closing weeks of the campaign supplied the Republican 
press and speakers with additional damaging evidence against 
the Democratic party. 

Mr. Dodd returned to Indianapolis after the convention 
declaring that the charges of conspiracy made against the Sons 
of Liberty were without foundation. He urged the people to 
withhold judgment until the charges were substantiated.^ A 
few days later he published an address in pamphlet form, 
written by Walker, and under the imposing signature of the 
supposed "Committee of Thirteen," in which he asserted that 
the charges were "absolutely and wickedly false." 

Whatever may be the views and wishes of individuals, the object 
charged is not comprised in the purpose of the organization. A Northwestern 
Confederacy, it is true, is not an impossibility, but its establishment would 
be the effect rather than the object of an uprising of the people: an event 
Which the continuance of the acts of tyranny of the party in power will 
certainly produce.2 

In this address Dodd seriously implicated the Democratic 
party by declaring that 

The immediate purposes of the Sons of Liberty and the Democratic party 
were identical. 

Mr. Dodd was arrested some time about the 7th of Sep- 
tember, 1864, by Gen. Alvin P. Hovey. Between that date and 
October 10 a number of arrests were made, including the four 
major generals of the Sons of Liberty, William A. Bowles, 



258 Indiana Magazine of History 

Andrew Humphreys, Lampdin P. Milligan, and Stephen Hor- 
sey ; the deputy Grand Commander, Horace Heff ren, and the 
Grand Secretary, William H. Harrison. J. J. Bingham, editor 
of the Sentinel, and a number of lesser lights in the party 
were also arrested. 

On September 17 General Hovey appointed a military 
commission to try Dodd for conspiracy. The commission met 
on September 22 in Indianapolis, with Judge Advocate Major 
H. L. Burnett as the prosecuting attorney for the government. 
The council for the defense objected to the jurisdiction of the 
court, insisting that the civil courts were open and that the 
State was not under martial law — a condition necessary to the 
jurisdiction of a military court.^ Mr. Burnett defended the 
jurisdiction of the military tribunal by claiming that martial 
law was declared when the President issued his proclamation 
of September 25. 1862, subjecting all aiders and abettors of 
the existing insurrection to martial law. The objections of 
the defense were overruled, and on the 27th of the month the 
judge advocate presented five charges against Mr. Dodd, as 
follows : 

1. Conspiracy against the government of the United States. 

2. Affording aid and comfort to the rebels against the authority of 
the United States. 

3. Inciting insurrection. 

4. Disloyal practices. 

5. Violations of the laws of war. 

Under these charges were various specifications, which 
were in substance as follows : 

Membership in the secret societies Ijnown as the Order of American 
Knights and Sons of Liberty, whose purpose was the overthrow of the 
government; holding communication with the enemy; conspiring to seize 
munitions of war stored in the arsenals and to free the rebel prisoners 
in the north ; and attempting to establish a Northwestern Confederacy.-* 

To all of these charges the accused pleaded not guilty and 
the examination of witnesses began at once. Much to the sur- 
prise and consternation of Mr. Dodd, the first witness intro- 
duced by the government was none other than Felix G. Stidger, 

' Indiana Treason Trials, 9. 
*Ibid, 17. 



Treason Trials in Indiana 259 

former Grand Secretary of the order in Kentucky, with whom 
Dodd had frequently conferred, and in whom he had placed 
implicit confidence, never suspecting that he was a govern- 
ment detective. Mr. Stidger related the entire history of his 
connection with the Sons of Liberty; his efforts to prevent 
them from suspecting his true character; his frequent con- 
ferences with the leaders; and a full explanation of the un- 
written work of the order. He testified that he had attended 
a number of meetings of the Grand Council in Indiana and 
Kentucky; that he was present at one of the meetings in 
Indianapolis in June, 1864, when all the accused were there; 
that they all agreed to the murder of United States Detective 
Cofiin, who had divulged the secrets of the order; that the 
council voted to complete the military organization of the 
State as soon as possible ; that Mr. Dodd had divulged to him 
all the details of the plans for the uprising which had been 
agreed upon in Chicago ; and that Dr. Bowles had discussed 
with him the military plans of the order.s 

Mr. Stidger was the principal witness for the government 
and he gave some damaging first-hand testimony, but his evi- 
dence concerning the grand conspiracy was merely a repeti- 
tion of what Mr. Dodd and Judge Bullitt had told him. Fur- 
thermore, Mr. Stidger detailed at length a conference which 
he had with Mr. Heffren, who was afterward tried for treason 
and conspiracy. Heffren later turned state's evidence and, 
in a seemingly truthful story of his relations to the order, de- 
nied ever having met Stidger. The judge advocate cross- 
questioned Mr. Heffren on this point closely, but failed to con- 
vince the latter that he had met Mr. Stidger. The council for 
the defense cross-examined Mr. Stidger at great length on 
this same point, but all that we have of the examination is the 
following statement by the official stenographer : 

A lengthy cross-examination here took place, but no additional facts 
were elucidated.^ 

This explanation is not made in order to minimize the 
value of Mr. Stidger's testimony, but merely to give it its true 
perspective. It is interesting to note in this connection that 



260 Indiana Magazine of History 

in the official report of the trials at Indianapolis the cross- 
examinations were seldom published, particularly those of 
government witnesses. This is not proof positive that the 
authorities desired to give the public only that part of the 
evidence which portrayed the accused and the organization in 
the worst possible light, yet the reader of the trial proceed- 
ings is led to wonder if that is not the case. 

Mr. Stidger's testimony was followed by that of several 
others. Joseph Kirkpatrick, of New York, testified to the sale 
of the arms which had been found in Mr. Dodd's office and 
to a contract for 2,500 more revolvers and 135,000 rounds of 
ammunition.^ William Clayton related the history of the 
order in Illinois, and told of the military organization and the 
plans for the uprising in the northwest.* Wesley Tranter 
testified that he had been a member of the order, but that 
when he learned its treasonable purposes he determined to 
expose it ; that he knew of the importation of arms into the 
State for the purpose of aiding the rebels; that the leaders 
of the order had arrangements made for murdering Governor 
Morton ; and that they were in constant communication with, 
the rebels." 

At the opening of the court on October 7 the commission 
was furnished with a great surprise. The judge advocate 
arose and said that the accused, Mr. Dodd, had escaped from 
confinement and therefore could not be produced in court. 
According to the report of Colonel Warner, who was in charge 
of the prisoner, Dodd had made his escape from his quarters 
in the third story of the postoffice building by means of a rope 
which had been conveyed to him by some of his friends. Na 
serious effort was made to recapture him and, as afterwards, 
learned, he leisurely made his way to ' Canada. i« 

The Republicans found in this incident another proof of 
the treasonable character of the accused, of the order which 
he represented, and especially of the party to which he be- 
longed. Occurring only four days before the State election, it 
furnished an excellent climax to an already exciting campaign. 

'/bid 38. 
»Ibid, 41. 
'Ibid. 49. 
"Ibid, 50. 



Treason Trials in Indiana 261 

In the Indianapolis Journal Colonel Carrington published an 
address, in which he declared : 

The exposure of the Sons of Liberty has beeu ruade. Every word is 
true. Harrison H. Dodd, Grand Commander of Indiana, has been on 
trial. Proof was overwhelming. Night before last he escaped from the 
third story window by a rope. Only one man was in the room with him. 
That man was Joseph J. Bingham. Innocent men do not do so. The 
act confesses the guilt. Not one-fourtli of thg testimony had beeu offered 
before Dodd fled. I am no politician. I know from two years" labor what 
this secret order means. Citizens, evei-y day shows that you are upon 
the threshold of revolution. Tou can rebuke this treason. The traitors 
intend to bring war to your homes. Meet them at the ballot box while 
Grant and Sherman meet them in the field. n 

The Democratic press, on the other hand, saw in the es- 
cape of Dodd an effort of Governor Morton to 

Get up a show conspiracy against the government, to be exposed upon the 
eve of the election, and afford a fund of political claptrap to assist the 
Republicans in carrying the State.12 

The Indianapolis Sentinel hinted that Dodd was in com- 
plicity with Morton, and the Cincinnati Enquirer wondered 
how Mr. Dodd contrived to escape to Canada when the State 
was so crowded with spies and secret policemen, every one 
of whom knew him.^s 

The judge advocate rested the case against Dodd and 
asked for an adjournment, during which time he wished to 
prepare the papers for the prosecution of other prisoners. In 
October the commission met again and the judge advocate 
submitted the case of Dodd and asked the commission to pro- 
ceed to its finding and sentence. Arguments were made on 
both sides. The counsel for the defense maintained that mar- 
tial law did not then exist in the State of Indiana, and that, 
therefore, the military tribunal had no jurisdiction. Further, 
that the evidence offered before the court was principally hear- 
say and totally insufficient to prove the accused guilty of 
treason and conspiracy. 

Mr. Burnett, in his reply, argued that when General 
Hovey convened the commission within the limits of his juris- 

u Indiaanpolis Journal, Oct. S, 1S64. 

"Chicago Times, Oct. 22, 1S64. 

''Indiana Treason Trials, 340. Contains open letter by Mr. Dodd, denying 
all complicity with the administration party and exonerating the Democratic 
leaders from any connection with the "Dodd Conspiracy". 



262 Indiana Magazine of History 

diction with orders to try the case of Dodd, he, by virtue of 
his military power as the representative of the commander- 
in-chief of the army of the United States, suspended the civil 
law and put in operation the military or martial law. As to 
the evidence given under oath, Mr. Burnett asserted that 

It was of such a character that no argument of the coimsel, or finely 
drawn sophistries can change the perilous and treasonable nature of the 
circumstances testified to. The proof shows that there exists In this 
State an organization numbering from fifty to eighty thousand men, mili- 
tary in character, and about two-thirds armed, ready at any time to be 
called out to obey the orders of their superiors, regardless of the law and 
authority of the United States.i* 

After a brief deliberation the commission found Dodd 
guilty on all the charges and specifications and sentenced him 
to be hanged at such time and place as the commanding gen- 
eral of the district should designate. The finding and sentence 
were later approved by the judge advocate general, but Mr. 
Dodd's escape to Canada made it impossible to carry them 
into eff'ect.is 

When the commission met again, October 21, the judge 
advocate preferred the same charges against William A. 
Bowles, Andrew Humphreys, Horace Heffren, Lambdin P. 
Milligan, and Stephen Horsey, as against Dodd.^" In this sec- 
ond trial the accused and the public were furnished several 
surprises. J. J. Bingham, Dr. James B. Wilson, and William 
H. Harrison, who were under arrest, were released on condi- 
tion that they testify as witnesses for the government. Their 
testimony was by far the most important given before the 
commission. They related in detail their connection with the 
secret societies. Harrison verified the documents and reports 
which had been seized in Mr. Dodd's office; stated that he 
knew of the plans for the insurrection and the presence of 
arms in the city for that purpose ; admitted that he was em- 
ployed as Grand Secretary of the Sons of Liberty at a salary 
of $800 a year ; and that he destroyed the records of the order 
when the plans were exposed by General Carrington.^^ 

"J6Jd, 69-71. 

»0. R. II, Vol. VII, p. 1214. 
"■ Indiana Treason Trials, 74. 
'''Ibid, 90 et seq. 



Treason Trials in Indiana 263 

Mr. Bingham related the facts in connection with Dodd's 
request for the call of a Democratic mass meeting, August 16 ; 
the effort of Democratic leaders to put a stop to the proposed 
uprising ; denied any knowledge of the military department of 
the organization and declared that he had taken no part in 
the operations of the order after the meeting, February 16, 
1864, when he became convinced that it was all a "humbug."i8 

Dr. Wilson testified at length regarding the meeting of 
the Supreme Council at Chicago, July 20. He told of the 
plans for the uprising as agreed upon there; the presence of 
Confederate agents in that council ; the distribution of Confed- 
erate funds to carry out the insurrection ; and also of the Su- 
preme Council meeting in Chicago during the Democratic con- 
vention when Mr. Vallandigham was present and spoke in 
favor of accepting McClellan as the Democratic nominee for 
the Presidency.io 

The greatest surprise of the trial was the release of 
Horace Heffren, who turned state's evidence and appeared as 
a witness for the government. He explained the relations of 
the two departments of the order — the civil and military ; stat- 
ed that Mr. Bowles was commander of the military department 
in the State ; had worked out an elaborate system for organ- 
izing companies of infantry, lancers, and artillerymen; ad- 
mitted that he was Grand Seignior of the Temple in Washing- 
ton county which embraced 1,000 to 1,100 members; but 
claimed that he had severed his active connection with the 
order after the Grand Council meeting in Indianapolis in Feb- 
ruary, 1864 ; and told of the mihtary plans for the insurrection 
on August 16, adding that Governor Morton was to be seized 
and held as hostage for those engaged in the uprising who 
might be taken prisoners. James S. Athon, secretary of 
State and a member of the Sons of Liberty was to be made 
governor. The insurrection failed, he said, because of the 
prompt action on the part of Messrs. Kerr, McDonald, and 
other Democratic leaders.^o Fifty-two other witnesses were 
examined concerning the order in various parts of the State, 

"/bid, 98 et seg. 
" Ibid, 145 et seq. 
-"Ibid, 123 et seq. 



264 Indiana Magazine of History 

and the connection which the accused men sustained to its 
operation. A careful reading of the testimony as reported 
by the official court stenographer and afterward published in 
book form by him furnishes ample proof of the statement 
made by the attorneys for the defense that the evidence of 
some of the leading witnesses for the State was full of inac- 
curacies, that it was chiefly hearsay, and that the reputation 
of the witnesses themselves for truth and veracity could be 
fairly questioned. Whole pages are devoted to the effort of 
proving general bad character of these witnesses. 

The examination of witnesses was completed, November 
25, and the court adjourned until December 6, to allow the 
counsel time for the preparation of their final arguments.-^ 

When the commission met on the 6th, Jonathan W. Gor- 
don, counsel for Dr. Bowles and Mr. Humphreys, discussed 
at great length, the question of the jurisdiction of the court. 
He quoted extensively from English and American sources in 
his efforts to define martial law. He denied the right of the 
President to proclaim such law and declared that it did not 
exist in Indiana and that, therefore, the military court could 
not entertain jurisdiction in the case.22 

Martin M. Ray continued the argument for the defense 
confining himself chiefly to the question, whether or not the 
Sons of Liberty was a conspiracy, per se. He asserted that 
no interpretation of the written work of the order could jus- 
tify such a charge. The fact that those men held to the ab- 
stract doctrine of state sovereignty as embodied in the Vir- 
ginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 and 1799 was not 
sufficient to justify their arrest on the charge of conspiracy. 
He did not deny the military feature of the order nor "that 
a few desperate men of that branch in and out of the State 
sought to precipitate the order into a revolution," but he did 
deny the complicity of his clients, Messrs. Humphreys and 
Bowles, and the mass of the membership of the Sons of Lib- 
erty, in this conspiracy.23 

John R. CofFroth then spoke in defense of Lambdin P. 
Milligan, reviewing the five charges against the accused. He 

=» Foulke, Life of Morton, Vol. I, p. 425. 
^Indiana Treason Trials, 219 et seq. 
^Indiana Treason, Trials, 224 et seq. 



Treason Trials in Indiana 265 

asserted that Mr. Milligan's political views, his opposition to 
the policies of the administration, and his sympathy for the 
northwest were shared by men of all parties who felt that her 
interests had been made to pay tribute to New England. He 
attacked savagely the testimony of the government witness, 
describing Horace HefFren as that "mud-sill of infamy, who 
turned informer to purchase his own release." Of Tranter, 
Teney, and Robertson he said, "a case must be desperate, in- 
deed, which relies for support on the testimony of such wit- 
nesses," and of Zumro he declared that in every statement he 
was impeached by respectable witnesses.-'' 

The Judge Advocate, in his extended reply to these argu- 
ments of the counsel for the defense, maintained the jurisdic- 
tion of the court on the ground of the President's proclama- 
tion and the necessity of the crisis. Speaking concerning the 
latter point he said: 

It lias been proved beyond question that a conspiracy more extended, 
more perfect in its organization, and more damnable in its design never 
was concocted or brought into existence under any government since gov- 
ernments were first instituted. It has been proved that this conspiracy 
existed in almost every town and county of the State ; and not only in this 
State but in the States of Missouri, Illinois. Kentucky, and Ohio; that 
it was thoroughly organized and partially armed; that all the objects con- 
templated by the order were illegal, treasonable, and damnable; that its 
lurking venom permeated all grades of society. . . . The danger from this 
conspiracy was imminent, requiring prompt action, and a strong and vigor- 
ous arm ; that there was an overijowering necessity for military interfer- 
ence on the part of the government.25 

Concerning the general purposes of the order, the 
judge-advocate said: 

The proof most clearly demonstrates that the common design of the 
order was to reorganize the government on the same principles which 
•were the foundation of the present rebellion, and are the cardinal prin- 
ciples of the Confederate government. . . . The order was political in its 
character only so far as it intended and did attempt to educate the masses 
of the Democratic party up to this belief.26 

After a brief consultation the commission found all four 
of the accused guilty of the charges preferred against them. 

"Ibid, 238 et seq. 
^Ibid, 266. 
"Ibid, 273. 



266 Indiana Magazine of History 

Bowles, Milligan, and Horsey were sentenced to be hanged 
"at such time and place as the commanding officer of the dis- 
trict shall designate."2^ Humphreys was to be confined at 
hard labor during the war, but his sentence was afterward 
commuted on condition that he would confine himself within 
the limits of Wright and Stockton townships, Greene county, 
Indiana, during the remainder of the rebellion.^s These sen- 
tences were approved by President Johnson and the execution 
of the three prisoners was set for May 19, 1865.29 jn the mean- 
time they were confined in the military prison at Columbus, 
Ohio. Three days before the time fixed for the execution 
President Johnson commuted the sentence of Horsey to life 
imprisonment and postjwned the date of execution for Bowles 
and Milligan to June 2.^" 

Meanwhile the three prisoners presented petitions to the 
United States circuit court for the district of Indiana, to be 
discharged from unlawful imprisonment, claiming that they 
were not, when arrested, in the military or naval service of 
the United States, and, therefore, were not subject to the jur- 
isdiction of the military tribunal.^i They prayed to be 

turned over to the proper civil tribune, to be proceeded against according 
to the law of the land, or discharged from custody altogether.32 

The circuit court certified to a difference of opinion between 
the two judges on the question of the jurisdiction of the mili- 
tary commission and the cases were taken to the supreme 
court of the United States for decision. 

The friends of the accused exerted every effort to secure 
pardons for the prisoners, but the President steadfastly re- 
fused their requests. Instructions were sent to General 
Hovey from the war department to pay no attention to writs 
from any civil court but to carry out the sentence decreed by 
the commission, unless otherwise ordered by the authorities 
at Washington. Preparation was made for the execution of 
the orders. The gallows were erected on the parade grounds 
by Confederate prisoners from Camp Morton. 

='0. R. II, Vlo. VIII, 10, 548. 

"Ibid. 11. 

"Ibid, 548. 

^Ibid, 587. 

n/6id, 897. 

» Ex parte Milligan, 4 Wallace 2. 



Treason Trials in Indiana 267 

As the date set for the execution aproached, the conser- 
vative Repubhcans realized the gravity of the situation. Gov. 
ernor Morton conferred with Judge David Davis of the su- 
preme court, who was confident that the military court was 
illegal because martial law did not exist in Indiana, and the 
civil courts were open. The governor at once wrote to Presi- 
dent Johnson, recommending a commutation of the sentence 
to life imprisonment. Later, he sent other urgent requests, 
reiterating the recommendations in his first letter. One of 
these requests was carried to Washington by Mrs. Milligan. 
Finally, Governor Morton despatched John W.. Pettit, speaker 
of the Indiana house of representatives, to the capital to pro- 
test against the execution of the prisoners. After two lengthy 
conferences he succeded in securing commutation of the sen- 
tence to life imprisonment. A cipher message was sent to 
General Hovey by the war department ordering him to trans- 
port the prisoners under sufficient guard back to the Ohio 
penitentiary where they were to be kept at hard labor for 
life.33 

The case of Milligan came up for argument in the supreme 
court in March, 1866. J. E. McDonald, J. S. Black, James A. 
Garfield, and David Dudley Field were counsel for the peti- 
tioner. Mr. Speed, attorney general of the United States, Mr. 
Stanberry and Benjamin F. Butler, special counsel of the 
United States, appeared for the government. The only ques- 
tion at issue before the court was the jurisdiction of the mili- 
tary tribunal. Able and elaborate arguments were presented 
by both sides. On April 3, 1866, the court decided that the 
military commission had no jurisdiction. In this opinion the 
court said : 

No graver question was ever considered by the court, nor one which 
more nearly concerns the rights of the whole people; for it is the birth- 
right of every American citizen, when charged with crime, to be tried and 
punished according to law. . . . The constitution of the United States is 
a law for rulers and people, equally in war and in peace, nnd covers with 
the shield of its protection all classes of men, at all times and under all 
circumstances. No doctrine involving more pernicious consequences was 
ever invented by the wit of man than that any of its provisions can be 
suspended during any of the great exigencies of government. 



' Foulke, Ufe of Morton, Vol. I, pp. 427, 428. 



268 Indiana Magazine of History 

As to the source from which the mihtary commission de- 
rived its power the court declared it could not be found in the 
constitution, act of Congress, or mandate of the President; 
that it was not complete under the laws and usages of war; 
that: 

Martial laws cannot arise from a threatened invasion. The necessity 
must be actual and present; the invasion real, such as effectually closes 
the ports and deposes the civil administration. None of these conditions 
existed in Indiana at the time of the arrest and trial. . . . Therefore one 
of the plainest constitutional provisions was infringed when Milligan was 
tried by a court not ordained and established by congress and not com- 
posed of judges appointed during good behavior. 

Concerning the crimes imputed to Milligan the court said : 

If guilty of these crimes imputed to him, and his guilt had been ascer- 
tained by an established court and impartial jury, he deserves severe pun- 
ishment. Open resistance to the measures deemed necssary to subdue a 
great rebellion, by those who enjoy the protection of government, and have 
not the excuse even of prejudice of section to plead in their favor, is 
wicked; but that wickedness becomes an enormous crime when it assumes 
the form of a secret political organization, armed to oppose the law, and 
seeks by stealthy means to introduce the enemies of the country into peace- 
ful communities, there to light the torch of civil war, and thus overthrow 
the power of the United States. 

On April 10, 1866, the war department, directed by the 
President, ordered the discharge of the prisonerss-* who re- 
turned to their homes in Indiana after an imprisonment of 
eighteen months. Indictments were later found against all 
of the accused, including Dodd. Milligan was arrested and 
compelled to give bail, but the cases never came to trial. 

In the spring of 1868 Milligan brought suit against the 
members of the military commission for damages. The case, 
however, was not tried until 1871. Thomas A. Hendricks 
was the leading council for Milligan and Benjamin Harrison 
for the defendants. 

The trial was a long one and a great part of the history of the Sons 
of Liberty was given in evidence. Judge Drummond charged the jury, that 
owing to the two years statute of limitations, the defendants would not be 
liable for any act prior to March 13, 1S66, but that they would be liable 
for any imprisonment subsequent to that time, which was the result of the 
previous trial and conviction.35 

^O. R. II, Vol. VIII, 10, 548. 

» Foulke, Life of Morton, Vol. I, p. 431. 



Camp Douglas Conspiracy 269 

The jury, evidently not disposed to favor Milligan, real- 
izing that the evidence compelled a decision in his favor, 
brought in a verdict for damages amounting to five dollars. 
The Democrats hailed the decision the supreme court and 
this later decision of the State court as a complete vindication 
of Milligan from the charges preferred against him. This 
was not a correct inference, because the only question at issue 
in these cases was the jurisdiction of the military tribunal. 

Although this last decision closed the real history of the 
secret orders in Indiana, in press and on platform, echoes of 
its purposes and operations were heard for a generation. Re- 
publican orators in every campaign paraded its treasonable 
character before the public as an illustration of Democratic 
disloyalty. As late as 1882 Senator Daniel W. Voorhees was 
the victim of a scathing attack on this score in the Senate at 
the hands of Senator John J. Ingalls of Kansas. And today, 
in the southern part of the State survivors of those days eager- 
ly dwell on the "dangerous and widespread conspiracy" of the 
Knights of the Golden Circle and Sons of Liberty. 

6. The Camp Douglas Conspiracy 

The humiliating failure of the attempted insurrection 
during the Democratic national convention in August, 1864, 
convinced the Confederate commissioners in Canada that the 
Sons of Liberty could not be depended upon to lead a revolu- 
tionary movement in the northwest. Mr. Thompson, writing 
in December to the Confederate secretary of war, said : 

This uomiuation (McClellan's) followed as it was by divers disclosures 
and arrests of persons, prominent members, totally demoralized tlie Sons 
of Liberty. The feeling with the masses is as strong as ever. They are 
true, brave, and, I believe, willing and ready, but they have no leaders. 
The vigilance of the administration, its large detective force . . . added to 
the hirge military force stationed in those States, make organization and 
preparation almost impossible. A large sum of money has been expended 
in fostering and furthering these operations and it seems to have been to 
little profit.i 

He recommended that, for the future, they exert their 
eiforts toward inducing those who were conscripted to make 

» O. R. I, Vol. XLIII, pt. 2, p. 931. 



270 Indiana Magazine of History 

their way south to join the southern army. The commis- 
sioners then turned their attention to the naval operations on 
the Great Lakes, the history of which does not belong to these 
pages. 

Captains Hines, Cantrill, Anderson, and a few of the Con- 
federate officers who still lingered in the vicinity of Chicago, 
did not consider the situation so hopeless. They continued to 
believe that members of the secret organization could be used 
to advantage in fomenting a revolution in the rear of the 
union armies. They conferred with some of the more radical 
peace men and found that they were still disposed to assist in 
an attack on Camp Douglas for the purpose of releasing pris- 
oners. 

Tuesday, November 8, the night of the Presidential elec- 
tion, was selected as the time for this second attempt. Public 
interest at that time, they thought, would be centered on the 
result of the election and the presence of a large body of men 
from southern Illinois, members of the Sons of Liberty and 
southern sympathizers, would not create any suspicion in a 
city the size of Chicago.^ Furthermore, the garrison at Camp 
Douglas had been reduced to 800 men, chiefly of the veteran 
reserve corps, Colonel E. J. Sweet, commanding. At this 
time the prisoners numbered between 8,000 and 9,000 Con- 
federates, many of whom were reckless bushwhackers from 
Morgan's band of raiders.^ Captain Hines was confident, 
that if these men could be set at liberty, they would create 
consternation in the northwest. He supplied additional funds 
for the undertaking. Agents were sent into southern Illinois 
to arrange for the transportation to Chicago of 1,500 Sons of 
Liberty and southern sympathizers.* 

The small Chicago contingent, in the meantime, was em- 
ployed in the purchase of arms, and the manufacture of am- 
munition. The home of Charles Walsh, one of the most active 
of the Sons of Liberty, who lived within a block of Camp 
Douglas was made the store house and the factory for these 
amateur revolutionists. The campaign was to be under the 
direction of Captains Hines and Fielding, Colonels George St. 

'House Exec. Doc. No. 50, p. 58; Testimony of John T. Shanks. 
• Ibid, p. 188 ; Testimony of Col. B. J. Sweet. 
'Ibid, p. 558; Testimony of Thos. J. Sears. 



Camp Douglas Conspiracy 271 

Leger Grenfel, and Vincent Marmaduke. The plans in gen- 
eral were the same as those adopted for the uprising on Aug- 
ust 29, with the exception that the field of operation was to 
include only Indiana and Illinois. At a given signal on the 
night of election Camp Douglas was to be attacked from three 
sides and the Confederate prisoners were to rise in revolt and 
overpower the guards; arms Vv^ere to be seized in different 
parts of the city; telegraph wires were to be cut; banks 
robbed; and a band sent west to free the prisoners at Rock 
Island and seize the arsenal. These things accomplished, the 
forces were to move through Indiana and Illinois, accumulat- 
ing strength as they preceded south, to a chosen rendezvous 
on the Ohio where a junction was to be made with the Confed- 
erate forces under Forrest then in Kentucky. 

There was some reason for their confidence in a successful 
attack on Camp Douglas, for, according to Colonel Sweet's tes- 
timony, there v/ere not more than 250 men on duty at any one 
time. The camp, including an area of sixty acres, was sur- 
rounded by a board fence twelve feet high and could be easily 
assailed from either side. A band of 500 men on the outside, 
working in conjunction with 8,000 seasoned Confederate sol- 
diers on the inside, could readily overpower so small a gar- 
rison.* Moreover, the time chosen was a most seasonable one. 
In the midst of the rejoicing over the result of the election the 
firing of signal rockets would not be noticed and the pres- 
ence of the citizens down town would leave the region about 
the camp practically free of inhabitants. 

But the Confederate leaders were again at fault in their 
estimation of the character of the men with whom they had to 
deal. Informers were within their own camp. A majority 
of the members of the Sons of Liberty were men of small 
calibre and little honor and they admitted into their confi- 
dence, as did the order in Indiana, men who had no scruples 
against the role of informer. These men offered to report 
the transactions of the order for a stipulated sum per report. 
Colonel Sweet employed not only these men, but two Confed- 
erates who were willing to betray their comrades." To verify 

" O. R. I, Vol. XLV, pt. I, p. 1078; Report of Col. B. J. Sweet. 
'House Exec. Doc. No. 50, p. 190; Testimony of Col. B. J. Sweet. 
' John T. Shanks, and Maurice Langhoon. 



272 Indiana Magazine of Historrj 

the reports of these informers he enlisted the services of Col- 
onel Thomas H. Keefe, of the war department secret service, 
and Captain E. R. P. Shurly of the veteran reserve corps, 
acting adjutant general at Camp Douglas.** Since the fiasco 
of August 29, Colonel Sweet had not ceased his vigilance. He 
learned through these agents that the plan for the release of 
prisoners had not been abandoned, and that some of the Sons 
of Liberty were still plotting with Confederate officers. At 
his request General Hooker, commander of the department, 
came to Chicago to confer with him. A number of confer- 
ences were held with the military, State, and city authorities, 
all of whom were convinced that a plot for the release of the 
prisoners was developing.^ Colonel Sweet learned that Briga- 
dier General Walsh, military commander of the Sons of Lib- 
erty, had notified the order in the southern part of the State 
that the administration intended to interfere with the elec- 
tion in Chicago by military force, if necessary, in order to 
secure a Republican victory. This was used as an excuse for 
arming the members in Chicago, and arranging for the trans- 
portation of a large number of the order from the southern 
part of the State. 

The election, it will be remembered, was to take place on 
Tuesday, November 8. On the 5th Colonel Sweet was in- 
formed of the arrival of a large number of suspicious char- 
acters from Fayette and Christian counties. On Sunday, the 
6th, it became evident that additional bands had arrived in 
the city, many of whom were escaped Confederate prisoners of 
war and soldiers of the rebel army. 

Colonel Sweet delayed making any arrests, hoping that 
by Monday, the 7th, all the leaders and many more of the men 
and arms of the expedition might be captured. But he de- 
cided, as he says in his report, that "the great interests in- 
volved would scai'cely justify taking the inevitable risks of 
postponement." He, therefore, sent the following dispatch 
to Brigadier Genei-al John Cook, commanding the district of 
Illinois, urging him to send reinforcements at once. 

"Everybody's Magazine, Jan., 1900, p. 83. 

"O. R. I, Vol. XXXIX, pt. II, p. 530; Col. Sweet to Gen. H. E. Paine, Sept. 
27. 1S64. 



Camp Douglas Conspiracy 273 

The city is filling up with suspicious characters, some of whom are 
known to be escaped prisoners, and others who were here from Canada 
during the Chicago convention plotting to release the prisoners of war at 
Camp Douglas. . . . My force is, as you linow, too weak and much over- 
worked, only 800 men all told, to guard between 8,000 and 9,000 prisoners. 
I am certainly not justified in waiting to take risks, and mean to arrest 
these oflScers, if possible, before morning. The head gone, we can manage 
the body. In order to make these arrests perfect, I must also arrest two 
or three prominent citizens who are connected with these officers, of which 
the proof is ample.io 

Acting upon this determination, Colonel Sweet made ar- 
rangements at once for a raid on the conspirators. Colonel 
Lewis C. Skinner, commander of the Eighth veteran reserve 
corps, was sent with a squad of fifty men to search and guard 
the house of Charles Walsh; another squad, under command 
of Captain Pettiplace, was sent to surround the Richmond 
House; while a third detachment of 100 men, under Captain 
Strong, marched into the heart of the city to preserve order 
and arrest suspects." After some difficulty Colonel Skinner 
gained admittance to Walsh's house where he arrested Walsh 
and three of the Confederate officers — Captains Cantrill, 
Travers, and Daniel. On the premises were found 210 double 
barreled shotguns and carbines; 350 revolvers; over 13,000 
rounds of ammunition ; 344 boxes of caps ; 2 kegs of powder ; 
bullet molds, pistol wrenches, and other implements for mak- 
ing cartrdiges. The shotguns were all loaded with cartridges, 
composed of from 9 to 12 largest size buck shot, and capped 
ready for instant use.^- 

At the Richmond House, Colonel St. Leger Grenfel and 
J. T. Shanks were arrested — the latter for mere form's sake, 
for he was employed by Colonel Sweet to spy on Grenfel. At 
the home of Dr. E. W. Edwards, 70 Adams street. Colonel 
Marmaduke and Captain Hines were known to be stopping. 
The former was secured, but the latter eluded Detective 
Keefe. Judge Buckner C. Morris, treasurer of the Sons of 
Liberty, was next arrested at his home, 6, Washington street. 
All of these arrests were completed before Monday morning. 
Reinforcements arrived that day from Springfield and all day 

" O. R. I, Vol. XLV, pt. I, p. 1079. 
'^Everybody's Magazine, Jan., 1900, p. 90. 
"O. R. Vol. XLV, pt. I, p. 1081. 



274 Indiana Magazine of History 

squads of federal troops and city police were busy arresting 
members of the Sons of Liberty, Confederate soldiers, and 
bushwhackers from southern Illinois. Before night 106 of 
these vagabonds, including the notorious Clingman, leader of 
a band of cutthroats, were put under arrest and imprisoned in 
Camp Dougles. A few days later a number of the Sons of 
Liberty were arrested, among them being Patrick Dooley, 
secretary of the Temple in Chicago, who had destroyed most 
of the papers belonging to the order. 

These prisoners were examined at Camp Douglas by 
Colonel Sweet and his assistants. The testimony convinced 
him that the Sons of Liberty furnished the inspiration for this 
attempted insurrection and that some of the leaders were in 
consultation with the rebel officers. ^^ These arrests complete- 
ly crushed the conspiracy and put an end to further efforts on 
the part of Confederate commissioners to use the Sons of Lib- 
erty in their desperate attempt to create a "fire in the rear." 

This exposure, directly preceding the election, furnished 
the Republicans with a suitable climax to the campaign in 
Chicago and the northwest. The Republican press teemed 
with stories of the enormous conspiracy on the part of the 
Sons of Liberty and claimed, that since only Democrats be- 
longed to the order, the Democratic party was responsible for 
these treasonable designs. "Vote for Abraham Lincoln!" 
was the final warning to all "loyal citizens." This blow, com- 
ing as it did on the very eve of election, came too late for the 
Democrats to prove the unreasonableness of the accusations, 
and so they were forced to go before the people on election day 
carrying this additional blot on their loyalty. 

The exposures of the Sons of Liberty in Indiana, the ar- 
rests in Chicago, the glorious victories of the union armies, 
and the defeat of McClellan at the polls, completed the demor- 
alization of the Sons of Liberty, and the order ceased to exist. 

The history of the society, however, is not complete with- 
out a brief account of the trial of the Chicago consipartors in 
the spring of 1865. A military tribunal was convened in Cin- 
cinnati on January 9, composed of officers of the army, with 
Major H. L. Burnett, judge advocate of the department of fhe 

^IMd, 1080. 



Camp Douglas Conspiracy 275 

Ohio, as prosecutor. After several preliminary sessions the 
conunission met on January 11, and proceeded to the trial 
of Charles Walsh, Buckner S. Morris, Vincent Marmaduke, R. 
T. Semmes, Charles T. Daniels, George St. Leger Grenfel, and 
Benjamin M. Anderson. 

The accused submitted a plea against the jurisdiction of 
the military commission, stating that, the offense charged, not 
being an infraction of any article of war, they were not amen- 
able, therefore, to its jurisdiction. They prayed that the 
court would take no further cognizance of the matter, but re- 
mit it to the courts of the United States in the northern dis- 
trict of Illinois for trial. This prayer was denied by the com- 
mission. 

The charges and specifications preferred against these 
men, practically the same in each case, were as follows : 

1. Conspiracy, in violation of tlie laws of war, to release rebel pris- 
oners confined by authority of the United States at Camp Douglas near 
Chicago, Illinois. 

2. Conspiring to lay waste and destroy the city of Chicago, Illinois, 
by capturing the arsenal, cutting the telegraph wires, burning railroad 
depots, taking forcible possession of banks and public buildings, and leaving 
the city to be sacked, pillaged, and burned by rebel prisoners of war con- 
fined at Camp Douglas.i* 

To these charges each of the accused pleaded not guilty, 
and the commission proceded to take evidence. Ninety-four 
witnesses were examined, and, although the testimony in the 
main related directly to the attempted release of prisoners at 
Camp Douglas, much of the history of the Sons of Liberty 
as divulged in the Indianapolis trials and told in these pages, 
was repeated at Cincinnati. 

Among the prominent witnesses was Clement L. Vallan- 
digham, who testified to his relationship with the order, but 
denied any knowledge of its military and treasonable char- 
acter.15 His statements, however, are proven to be false by 
the published correspondence of the Confederate commission- 
ers and the personal account of the attempted insurrection as 
told by Judge Thomas A. Hines, of the Kentucky bar, whose 
report is eminently reliable. Mr. Vallandigham may not have 

" House Exec. Doc. No. 50, p. 21. 
"/6id, 502-518. 



276 Indiana Magazine of History 

been implicated in the Camp Douglas conspiracy of November 
8, but it is evident that he knew of the plots prior to that date, 
and assisted materially in perfecting them. He was too able 
and shrewd a man, however, to expose his hand at that time. 
Only the published documents of the commissioners and the 
personal account of Judge Hines have revealed his connection 
with the movement. 

Another witness was Corning S. Judd, who admitted that 
he was Grand Commander of the order in Illinois, but asserted 
that the purpose of the society was nothing more than a closer 
organization of the Democratic party, and that the State 
council disbanded in July, 1864.1" The government examined 
a number of witnesses who had already testified before the 
military commission at Indianapolis; among them were J. J. 
Bingham, James B. Wilson, and Felix G. Stidger. In addition 
to these were the usual list of informers, whose reputation for 
truth and veracity, already questionable because of the role 
which they played, was rendered wholly unreliable by their 
seeming inability to tell the truth. 

In the arguments the lawyer for the defense argued 
strongly against the jurisdiction of the military commission 
to try civil cases when the regularly established courts were 
open. 

The judge advocate, in his reply, asserted that the mili- 
tary commission had its justification in the necessity of the 
case ; that in time of war the executive for the time being be- 
comes, and must be, all powerful; that the chief executive 
officer, as commander-in-chief, is the great fountain head of 
power, and transmits that power to his subordinates who ex- 
ercise it in their departments. 

In this department General Hooker is the direct representative of tlie 
commauder-in-cliief, the President; in this department he is the judge of 
the necessity which shall call a military court into existence, and of the- 
means to be employed for the suppression of the rebellion ; and there is' 
no other power, judicial or legislative, that can judge of that necessity, 
or determine the means to be employed to meet the existing emergency, i^ 

He admitted that some of the witnesses had been seri- 



Camp Douglas Conspiracy 277 

ously contradicted and impeached, but in the essential particu- 
lars, he contended that their testimony remained uncontra- 
dicted and was corroborated by a number of witnesses. Re- 
garding the Sons of Liberty, he said: 

That organization was based upon the theory that a State has a right 
to secede; that each State was sovereign and supreme in, and of itself, 
and that, therefore, the government had no right to coerce a State. . . . 
If this nation is merely a confederation of petty sovereign States — if this 
great republic is merely a combination of separate sovereignties, each 
having an independent right to secede at will, and the general government 
has no right to coerce a State which secetles from the general compact, and 
dissolves at will the general union, then, gentlemen, I have entirely misread 
our history ; the Sons of Liberty are justified in their hostility to the gov- 
ernment, and the south must go unrebuUed for the fractricidal war which 
has devastated this land for the p;ist four years. But these are the doc- 
trines of the Order of American Knights and the Sons of Liberty ; and the 
only point in which I can perceive that they differ from the rebels in arms 
against the government is that the latter have carried into effect what 
they believed, while the others have not. The one, having avowed his faith, 
shoulders his musket and marches to the battlefield to fight for the faith 
that is in him, while the other, with the instincts of a coward, says the 
doctrine in the abstract is right, but hesitates to join his brother to battle 
for it. The rebel, with greater consistency, says "That which is abstractly 
right, we will make practicable." is 

The commission, after a session lasting from January 9 
to April 19, brought in its verdict. Semmes and Walsh were 
convicted and sentenced to three and five years, respectively, 
in the Ohio penitentiary ; Grenfel and Daniels were sentenced 
to be hanged; and Morris and Marmaduke were acquitted. 
Daniels had escaped from confinement during the trial and 
Anderson had committed suicide in prison sometime before 
the trial was concluded. i-' Immediately after the verdict was 
rendered the members of the commission requested the com- 
manding general to pardon Walsh and remit his sentence.^o 
After a brief confinement both he and Semmes were liberated. 
Daniels was not recaptured and Grenfel's sentence was after- 
ward commuted to "imprisonment for life, at hard labor, at 
the "Dry Tortugas," by order of President Johnson.21 It 

«/!)jd, 585. 

"O. B. II, Vol. VIII, p. 684. 

-■» House Exec. Doc. No. 50, p. 574. 

^^Ibid, p. 653. 



278 Indiana Magazine of History 

appears, however, from the records that Grenfel was never 
taken to that island but to Fort Jefferson, Florida, from which 
place he escaped on March 7, I868.22 With his escape the 
history of the Camp Douglas conspiracy was ended. 

7. Conclusion 

In the preceding chapters the extent and operation of these 
secret political societies existing at the time of the Civil war 
have been related. This chapter will be devoted to the discus- 
sion of their actual influence on the struggle of 1861 to 1865. 
In order to do this we need to review the character of the mem- 
bership; the political and military purposes of the majority; 
the relation of the societies to the southern Confederacy; the 
character of the witnesses who exposed the orders; and the 
role which partisan spirit played in these exposures and in 
the general estimate of the societies. 

First as to the character of the membership. It will be 
remembered that the Republicans in every campaign attacked 
the Democratic party for harboring and fostering these trea- 
sonable societies, declaring that the leaders of the party, if 
not actually members, were in active sympathy with the pur- 
poses of the orders and expected to reap the results of their 
machinations. Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania, in a speech 
made in the House of Representatives in February, 1863, de- 
clared : 

I verily believe the members of the Democratic party throughout the 
North are holding secret meetings under the name of the Knights of the 
Golden Circle, and plotting to seize the gorernment and depose the 
President. 

Senator Henry Wilson of Massachusetts, in the same ses- 
sion declared: 

There is not on this continent today, in any town, city, county or 
State, a political organization a man can enter and be a traitor but a 
Democratic organization. 

Governor Morton repeatedly made similar assertions. As 
late as 1866 in his arraignment of the Democratic party, he 

^O. R. II, Vol. VIII, p. 928. 



Conclusion 279 

declared that the leaders, then managing the party, were the 
men who 

Introduced and organized in this State tlie widespread conspiracy, first 
-known as the Knights of the Golden Circle and afterward as the Sons of 
Liberty, which had for its purpose the overthrow of the State and National 
governments. 

The Republican press, both east and west, was full of 
similar assertions, particularly during the political campaigns. 

Such statements had more of vote-winning power than 
truth in them. While it is true that the membership in these 
organizations was recruited, almost to a man, from the ranks 
of the Democratic party, it is wholly unfair to assume that that 
party as a national organization in any sense fostered these 
secret societies. It is not even correct to assert that the 
Democratic party leaders in the States where the orders were 
most flourishing, were all in sympathy with them. Even in 
Indiana many of the prominent Democrats strongly opposed 
the establishment of lodges in the State, and when the trea- 
sonable plans of the few leaders of the order became appar- 
ent they ofltered to assist the governor in exposing them. It 
is true that Mr. Bingham, Mr. Milligan, Congressman Kerr 
and a number of prominent Democrats were members and 
took an active part in promoting the societies. It is also 
true that some of the leaders, Mr. Voorhees and others, who 
were not members, expressed their sympathy with the move- 
ment, and for that reason they deserved the severe condemna- 
tion which they received at the time. The prominent Demo- 
crats, however, who were directly implicated in the treason- 
able plots of August, 1864, can be counted on the fingers of 
one hand. Governor Yates, of Illinois, in an address deliv- 
ered in Chicago in November, 1864, said : 

I do not believe that one-half — no, not one-fourth — of the Democratic 
party which is now ranged under the banner of McClellan and standing 
on the Chicago platform is disloyal to the country. 

President Lincoln said to Senator McDonald of Indiana: 

Nothing can make me believe that 100,000 Indiana Democrats are dis- 



The facts seem to be these: the membership was com- 
posed chiefly of the more ignorant portion of the Democratic 



280 Indiana Magazine of History 

party, and the societies were regarded from the beginning by 
the leaders, as a thorn in the flesh which they tried to get rid 
of, but which they were forced to carry until the wound fes- 
tered and left a scar which did not disappear for a generation. 
In a determination of the purposes of these orders we 
need to consider not only those stated in the rituals and those 
indicated by the treasonable conduct of some of the leaders, 
but also the intentions, as far as they can be determined, of 
the mass of the membership. Judge Advocate Holt, in his 
extended report to Secretary of War Stanton in the fall of 
1864, summarized the purposes of the order and set forth 
eleven specific aims which the leaders had in view from the 
beginning. They are as follows : 

1. Aiding soldiers to desert and harboring and protecting deserters. 

2. Discouraging enlistments and resisting the draft. 

3. Circulating disloyal and treasonable publications. 

4. Communicating with and giving intelligence to the enemy. 

5. Aiding the enemy by recruiting for them or assisting them to 
recruit within our lines. 

6. Furnishing the rebels with arms, ammunition, etc. 

7. Co-operating with the enemy in raids and invasions. 

8. Destruction of government property. 

9. Destruction of private property and persecution of loyal men. 

10. Assassination and murder. 

11. Establishment of a Northwest Confederacy. 

These purposes, according to his report, were to be ac- 
complished by means of both the political and military de- 
partments of the order ; the latter being well-armed and ready 
for an aggressive movement. 

As to the political purposes of the order, the constitution 
of the Sons of Liberty gave as its object the maintenance of 
constitutional freedom and states rights, as recognized and 
established by the founders of the republic. The Declaration 
of Principles in the Vestibule degree indicated the same pur- 
pose. It was this degree alone which a majority of the mem- 
bers took. In other words, a majority of the members joined 
what they understood to be a Democratic club whose purpose 
was the maintenance of the established principles of the Dem- 
ocratic party. This conclusion is derived from the mass of 
evidence given during the trials and from investigations insti- 



Conclusion 281 

tuted at the time and from recent statements made by men 
well acquainted with the order. Of course, we need to take 
into consideration the fact that the members of the orders 
would not admit, even on the witness stand, any treasonable 
motives on their part ; but the above conclusion is corroborated 
by the government witnesses who gave otherwise damaging 
testimony against the leaders in the August and November 
conspiracies. Even Mr. Stidger, whom the government regard- 
ed as one of its most reliable witnesses, admitted that when 
he initiated men into the order he was careful to say nothing 
about the unwritten militaiy part of the ritual. 

It is true that a large number of the members took part 
in the military drills at lodge meetings, and in some cases were 
organized into companies and regiments ; yet the evidence in- 
dicates that a majority of these men understood that they were 
drilling for the purpose of protecting themselves, their prop- 
erty, and their rights, against what they believed, was the 
usurpation and tyranny of the Republican administration. 
There is no evidence to show that this majority had any in- 
tention of assisting the South. That there was a minority of 
the members who had treasonable intentions against the gov- 
ernment cannot be doubted ; but the declaration that all were 
conspirators who joined the organization, heard the ritual 
read, and took the obligation, is false. 

It was repeatedly asserted that the members were in con- 
stant communication with the rebels. Individual members, 
possibly a considerable number, did aid soldiers to desert, har- 
bored and protected the deserters, discouraged enlistment, 
openly and violently opposed the draft, hampered in every way 
possible the State and national administrations ; and a smaller 
number secretly conspired with the Confederate agents in 
Canada to establish a Northwest Confederacy ; but there is no 
reliable and sufficient evidence to prove that there was a well 
organized system of communicaion with the rebels by which 
they were assisted to recruit within the union lines, furnished 
with arms or ammunition from the north, or aided in the de- 
struction of government property. 

Frequently the statement was made that the orders knew 
of intended Confederate raids into northern territory. It is 



282 Indiana Magazine of History 

absurd to suppose that the Confederates gave notice of such 
movements to these so-called friendly allies, for such informa- 
tion would certainly have defeated the purpose of the expedi- 
tion. A careful search has been made through the Confed- 
erate sources, biographies, diaries, newspapers, and official 
reports, for some statement indicating the co-operation of the 
societies with the rebels, but nowhere has such co-operation 
been discovered, except the conspiracies on the Canadian bor- 
der which have already been discussed. Further, the replies 
from a number of men in the south who were closely associated 
with the Confederate leaders deny any communication, what- 
ever, on the part of the Confederate government with these 
societies. Judge Hines, from whom we have quoted at length 
in the preceding chapter, says on this point : 

The assertion, which has been gravely and officially made, that there 
was at any time during the war a political organization, including northern 
and southern men alike in its ranks, and affording certain means of com- 
munication between the Copperheads of the north and the rebels of the 
south . . . was utterly without truth or foundation. 

An examination of the evidence of the large number of 
witnesses who at different times gave testimony concerning 
the operations of the societies, will convince the reader that 
the officials of the government were hard pressed for straight- 
forward and conclusive proofs to substantiate the extravagant 
statements which they made concerning the treasonable char- 
acter of the orders. 

Judge Advocate Holt, in his report, discussed at some 
length the witnesses and their testimony. He characterized 
them as shrewd, intelligent men, actuated by laudable motives ; 
members of the order, who upon a full acquaintance with its 
principles, were appalled by its infamous designs; officers of 
high rank in the order, who were prompted to make confes- 
sions; all of whom he regarded as reliable and trustworthy 
men. He pointed out in particular, the testimony of the fe- 
male witness, Mary Ann Pitman, who was the chief authority 
for Provost Marshal Sanderson's report from St. Louis con- 
cerning the co-operation of the northern branch of the order 
of American Knights with the southern branch under the com- 
mand of General Sterling Price. A casual reading of her 



Conclusion 283 

sworn statement cannot fail to convince the reader of its 
credibility. The judge described Felix Stidger as a man of 
rare fidelity, who at great personal risk furnished the gov- 
ernment with information leading to the exposure of the 
orders in Indiana and Kentucky. The suspicious character 
of some of Mr. Stidger's evidence has already been discussed. 
Another witness upon whom the government seemed to rely 
was J. Winslow Ayer, one of Colonel Sweet's agents in the 
Chicago lodges of the Sons of Liberty. Dr. Ayer was a street 
agent for a patent medicine. He came to Colonel Sweet and 
agreed to furnish him with information for so much per re- 
port. The colonel employed him, but had so little confidence in 
his reliability that he used government detectives to verify his 
statements. Ayer's account of the plotting of the Sons of 
Liberty, when measured by the testimony of other witnesses 
who were thoroughly acquainted with the facts, seems dis- 
torted and unreliable. In his testimony at Cincinnati he 
stated that he was a graduate of the Eclectic medical school 
of that city. A sworn statement of the dean of the faculty 
indicates that Ayer never attended a course of lectures in that 
school. Another witness of the same kind was Dr. Henry L. 
Zumro, the chief government witness against Milligan. He 
was a member of the Sons of Liberty and as such was em- 
ployed by the government at a salary of $100 per month to 
expose the disloyal intentions of his compatriots. His repu- 
tation was considerably clouded by the testimony of witnesses 
in the treason trials at Indianapolis, who testified under oath 
that his reputation for truth and veracity was bad. The ef- 
forts of the prosecution to impeach these statements concern- 
ing Zumro proved futile. In the main the important witnesses 
were men of no standing in the communities in which they 
lived. They were either men who turned state's evidence in or- 
der to save themselves, or men who took the vows and obliga- 
tions of these secret orders with the deliberate and premedi- 
tated intention of violating these oaths and betraying their 
brothers, many of whom they were directly instrumental in 
bringing into the organizations. 

Their evidence, however, was sufficiently consistent and 
corroborative on the main facts in the case, to warrant the 



'284 Indiana Magazine of History 

severe sentences meted out to the conspirators in both trials; 
these men deserved the extreme penalty of the law. But it 
was not sufficient to justify the extravagant statements made 
in the official reports implicating all the members of the orders 
in a grand conspiracy to overthrow the government by foment- 
ing a revolution in the rear of the union armies. No such 
treasonable motives can be justly attributed to so large a body 
of northern citizens. 

The influence which led to the extravagant reports and 
conduct of the government officials toward these organizations 
was the excessive partisan spirit then existing. Governor 
Morton and the leaders who joined him in hounding these 
societies to death regarded the safety of the union as depend- 
ent upon the supremacy of the Republican party. To them 
the government, the administration, and the Republican party 
were synonymous terms. Any citizen who attacked either 
was disloyal to his country. There was, too, an element of 
justice in this radical view. The government was engaged 
in a struggle for its existence. All the power and force at its 
command had been called into requisition, and after nearly 
four years of struggle, the enemy had not been overcome. At 
such a time opposition to the party in power becomes oppo- 
sition to the government. As Governor Morton said in his 
proclamation of June, 1863 : 

That wliicli is idle talk iu time of peace may become aid and comfort 
to the enemy in time of war. 

A rebellion can be aided in other ways than by food, 
clothing, arms, and medicine. It needs hope and sympathy; 
and nothing so buoyed up the hopes of the southern States as 
the signs of opposition and disaffection on the part of those 
who still maintained their allegiance to the federal govern- 
ment. 

Governor Yates in his message of January, 1863, said : 

The secessionists' strongest hope and main reliance is a divided nwth. 

And Secretary of War Stanton declared : 

A chief hope of those who set the rebellion on foot was aid and com- 
fort from disloyal sympathizers in the northern States whose eflforts were 
relied upon to divide and distract the people of the north and prevent 



Conclusion 285 

them from putting forth their whole strength to preserve the national 
government. 

There were many in the north who opposed the war from 
humanitarian motives ; many who were tired of the horrible 
waste of Hfe and treasure ; and many who honestly protested 
against the suspension of the rights of the citizen ; but to the 
radical Republican it made little difference what the charac- 
ter of the opposition was. He who did not acquiesce in the 
judgment of the administration was a "traitor" and a "seces- 
sionist." The great mistake of the majority of the Demo- 
cratic party was the failure to distinguish between partisan 
opposition in time of peace and in time of war. Their incli- 
nation to criticise severely the mistakes of the party in power 
furnished an excuse for the more radical opposition on the part 
of the extremists, as represented by the peace Dmocrats in the 
northwest. It also furnished a cloak behind which disap- 
pointed politicians of the type of Vallandigham, Dodd, Bowles, 
and Walker could organize secret societies, and in the name of 
these organizations carry on their treasonable conspiracies. 
In so far as the opposition encouraged such hostility to the 
administration it merits the severest condemnation. 

The facts in regard to these societies and the acts of trea- 
son attributed to them seem to be about as follows : A dozen 
or more restless and unprincipled leaders in the Democratic 
party, who saw their political influence rapidly waning, organ- 
ized these secret societies and drew into their folds a large 
number of ignorant opponents of the administration, who 
were dazzled by the elements of secrecy. Encouraged by the 
mushrom growth of the order and desirous of immediate po- 
litical power, these leaders, tempted by Confederate money, 
conceived, in conjunction with the Confederate commission- 
ers, a treasonable plot to overthrow the government in the 
northwestern States and organize the territory into a separate 
confederacy, or, failing in this, to throw the influence of these 
States to the south. It is not credible that a tenth of the nom- 
inal membership of the order knew of the plans for the up- 
risings and it is not at all probable that this tenth would have 
followed these leaders if the insurrection had actually broken 
out. From first to last these organizations were singularly 



286 Indiana Magazine of History 

lacking in energy and initiative. They were as impotent for 
any concerted action as an association of children. Some of 
the officers commanding departments regarded their move- 
ments with alarm, and frequently urged the general govern- 
ment to adopt measures for their suppression. The Presi- 
dent, and the authorities at Washington, on the other hand, 
while seriously disturbed by the widespread disaffection in 
the border States, looked upon the machinations of the leaders 
of these particular societies with "good-humored contempt" 
and saw in their movements a nearly equal mixture of puer- 
ility and malice. A careful investigation of all the available 
material regarding their purpose, membership, extent, and 
operations, has led the author of this monograph to the same 
conclusion. 



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A History of Indiana 

FROM ITS EXPLORATION TO THE 
PRESENT TIME 



LOGAN ESAREX, Th.D., 
Assistant Professor m Western History in Indiana Universitv 

This History of Indiana, complete in two large handsome volumes 
bound in dark blue silk cloth. The most complete history of Indiana pul)- 
lished, covering the time from the very earliest to the present time. This 
history is accurate and reliable, and so places the facts that any one who 
reads this work will be greatly interested. This set of histories should be 
in every home, and private library as well as every public library of the 
state. We should all know more of the history of our own state. 

What a few reviewere have to say : 

The American Historical Review — Mr. Esarey has made a distinct con- 
tribution to the history of Indiana, and in so doing to the history of the 
nation. The style of the author is clear and distinct. The emphasis is 
well placed and the subjects are treated with due proportion. The institu- 
tional history is well covered topically and the chapters are subdivided in 
a way to show the connection with the general subject. 

THE NATION 

Mr. Esarey's volume is one of the best examples of State history as it 
ought to be written. The task of the historian in Indiana is even more diffi- 
cult than in most States, from the fact that there is no considerable collec- 
tion of historical materials to draw upon. The documentary sources of 
many commonwealths have been published, but since a short-sighted Legis- 
lature half a century ago prevented John B. Dillon from organizing them 
and from giving Indiana a State library to be proud of, Indiana has been 
consistently remiss In its attention to such mattera 

Indiana University Alumni Quarterly — This History should, and doubt- 
less will, receive a generous welcome. Indeed, Dr. Esarey's achievements 
in this direction have not been approached by those of any one else in the 
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General Joseph Bartholomew — George Pence 287 

Warrick County Prior to 1818 — Arvil S. Barr 304 

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Edward A. HA'NNEGANWoAn Wesley Whicker 368 

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INDIANA 
MAGAZINE OF HISTORY 

Vol. XIV DECEMBER, 1918 No. 4 

General Joseph Bartholomew 

By George Pence 
A Foreword 

It was in the summer of 1894, while on a visit with my 
brother, Prof. WilHam D. Pence, to our brother, the Rev. 
Edward H. Pence, D.D. (then the minister in charge of the 
First Presbyterian church at Janesville, Wisconsin), that it 
was proposed that we make the trip to Lodi, Wisconsin, a 
town some sixty miles to the northwest, to visit James Bar- 
tholomew. James Bartholomew, with whom the writer had 
been in a desultory correspondence for some time, was a son 
of General Joseph Bartholomew, one of Indiana's pioneers and 
in whose honor our county was named. 

We desired to procure additional information concerning 
the noted man of whom so little had been published, and to 
make sure of our intent, Edward sent a telegram to the Pres- 
byterian minister at Lodi, the Rev. James M. Campbell, D.D., 
inquiring whether or not James Bartholomew was still living 
there. The reply only increased our eagerness when we read : 

James Bartholomew living here, quite aged and feeble and totally blind. 

Dining enroute at Madison, the beautiful capital of Wis- 
consin, we took a Northwestern train for Lodi, some twenty 
miles to the north, where we arrived at one p.m. 

Upon inquiring we found that Mr. James Bartholomew 
lived on a large and fertile farm about one mile north of the 



288 Indiana Magazine of History 

town, and further that the last train south would be due in 
two hours. Promptly we procured a conveyance and within 
twenty minutes had reached the vine-clad cottage of Mr. Bar- 
tholomew, which stood in the center of a large tract of land 
owned by him. 

Our knock at the door was answered by a matronly lady 
who, when we had given our names and had asked if we 
could see Mr. Bartholomew, asked us to await her announce- 
ment to him, as he was then lying, resting on his couch. 

In a short time we were ushered into their pleasant sunny 
reception room. Mr. Bartholomew was standing in the middle 
of the room with his outstretched hands to bid us welcome; 
and after I had told him who we were, and introduced my 
brothers, he said, "Gentlemen, I feel that I am honored" and 
"I am glad to see you," and turning his face to the writer, 
added, "I have been wanting to see you for years." 

The latter expression appealed to us, particularly, as he 
was totally blind, and as we afterwards learned he had been 
thus for over forty years, and that it had been caused from 
the "sore-eyes" contracted while a schoolboy — a malady then 
quite prevalent. His dignity, learning and courteous manner, 
together with his garb and the choker with which his throat 
was dressed, struck us as the old-time gentleman of the fifties. 

We mentioned the object of our visit to be to procure some 
additional facts concerning his illustrious father and made 
inquiry why there had not been more published concerning 
him, when he told us the reason for this was the native mod- 
esty of the father ; that he seldom made mention of his acts, 
and that it required some effort to persuade him to relate any 
of his adventures, even to his children. 

He informed us that General John S. Simonson, late of 
Clark county, Indiana, had prepared a sketch at one time of 
the father, but for some reason or another it had never been 
published. 

That Mr. James Bartholomew was proud of his father was 
without question to us, as this feature cropped out more than 
once in replying to our numerous inquiries. 

Thus from facts secured from Gen. Joseph Bartholomew's 
own son, at an age when early recallments are vividly awak- 



Pence: General Joseph Bartholomew 289 

ened, as well as from other authentic sources, we propose to 
essay a readable tribute to a great man — one of the most 
noted of his time, of the unboastful sort, given more to the 
applied art of doing than to the fine art of telling about it 
afterward. 

His days fell in the territorial times of the great State of 
Indiana, rough days, tough days and men-making days — the 
days of which William Henry Harrison, John Gibson, John 
Tipton and Joseph Bartholomew were products. 

The times found the man ; the man shaped the times. It 
is ours to save to memory the fame and story that we and 
posterity may go to school to them. 

General Joseph Bartholomew 

Joseph Bartholomew was born in the State of New Jersey, 
March 15, 1766. At the age of five the family removed to the 
western frontier of Pennsylvania, settling at Laurel Hill, 
where they were the neighbors of General Arthur St. Clair, 
of Revolutionaiy War fame, and whom President Washington 
appointed as the first governor of the Territory Northwest of 
the Ohio. 

Bartholomew's youthful days along the frontier were full 
of adventure and already at the age of ten years he had 
become expert with the rifle. When but eighteen he was rated 
as an "Indian fighter" and took an active part in the defense 
against marauding bands of Indians. 

At this place, Laurel Hill, his father died, and he remained 
at home with his mother until 1788, when he was married to 
Christiana Peckinpaugh, and the newly married couple mi- 
grated to the then village of Louisville, Kentucky, locating 
some four miles east of the town. 

On August 3, 1795, at Greenville, Ohio, Mad Anthony 
Wayne concluded his celebrated treaty with the belligerent 
Wyandots, Delawares, Shawnees and other tribes, and Bar- 
tholomew, either as a volunteer or as an interested spectator, 
was present. 

The result of this treaty was the cessation of general 
hostilities for a time by the red men against the whites, and 
was the first permanent cession of lands which, within a few 



290 Indiana Magazine of History 

years, became a portion of Indiana. Bartholomew was en- 
gaged in the survey of the boundary lines covered in this 
treaty and later helped the government surveyors in running 
the subdivision lines of the First Principal Meridian. While 
he lacked the early education he was the growing man and 
kept apace with the surroundings, in time becoming a prac- 
tical surveyor and in later days followed land surveying, and 
helped many of the incoming new settlers in locating their 
land warrants. 

In 1798 he removed with his family to Indiana territory, 
settling in Clark's Grant near the town of Charlestown and 
it was here in 1809 that his wife died. The fruits of this 
marriage were ten children : viz : Joseph, Jr., who is buried 
in Clark county; Sarah, married Hugh Espy; John; Cath- 
erine, married a McNaught ; Mary, married Patrick Hopkins ; 
Amelia, married Patrick Hopkins, relict of Mary, deceased; 
Martha, married Gamaliel Vail; Christiana, married Isaac 
Epler ; Marston Clark and Albert. There were no descendants 
or relatives, in 1894, of General Bartholomew by this mar- 
riage residing in Indiana, save a few through the daughter, 
Sarah Espy. 

In the spring of 1811 General Bartholomew was married 
to a Miss McNaught, and it was about this time that by rea- 
son of his marked traits for leadership and under the threat- 
ened antagonism of the Indians of Indiana territory, that he 
was selected by Governor William Henry Harrison as lieu- 
tenant colonel of the regiment of militia. ^ Within a very few 

1 To Bis Excellency William Henry Harrison, Governor and Commander in 
Chief of the Indiana Territory: 

Sir: The following gentlemen is recommended to fill the vacancies in the 
Militia of Clark County, sa : William Patrick, John McCoy, William Montgomery 
and James Bigger, Captains. John Jenkins, John Herrod, Jenry Joiles and 
John Chun, Lieutenants. Thomas Jacobs, Joseph Carr, Joseph Bowers and Jos- 
eph StiUinell, Ensigns. Col. Clark and William Gwathmey will attend to the 
vacancy occasioned by the death of Capt. Thompson. I have the honor to be 
very respectfully 

Sir your Humble Servant 

Joseph Bartholomew, 
7th March, 1811. Commanding Clark Milita. 

(Address) Jeffersonville. 
March 10. 

His Excellency William Henry Harrison, 
Vincennes. 
Sm: Inclos'd you will nnd a general Return of the Several detachments 
of the Militia from the Second, Fifth and Sixth Regiments of Indiana MUltla. I 



Pence: General Joseph Bartholomew 291 

months, on September 12, 1811, we find his regmient with 
marching orders issued by the governor to rendezvous at Vin- 
cennes, this campaign including the memorable battle with the 
Indians at Tippecanoe on Thursday morning, November 
7, 1811. 

On September 14 we find Colonel Bartholomew with one 
hundred and twenty of the Clark county militia on the march 
and camped at the noted Half -Moon springs on the old French 
Lick road, four miles southeast of Paoli. On Wednesday, 
November 18, the troopers reached the territorial capital, Vin- 
cennes, reinforced enroute by the companies of Capt. Spier 
Spencer and that of Capt. Berry. Governor Harrison mus- 
tered the troops consisting of the United States regulars under 
Captain Boyd, the dragoons and the militia. The governor, 
as commanding general, issued his general orders appointing 
Major Joe H. Davis in command of the dragoons, and Colonel 
Bartholomew in command of the foot soldiers. On September 
26 the American army, consisting of 910 men, is on the march 
and reaches old Terre Haute on October 2, where it is halted 
to build a fort, named for the governor, Fort Harrison. The 
fort was completed on October 28 and is garrisoned with a 
force when the main army, under orders, marched northeast- 
erly toward Prophetstown, the town of Tecumtha and his 
half-blinded brother, the Prophet, Ells-kwa-ta-wa. 

This vicinity was reached on Wednesday afternoon, No- 
vember 6, 1811, and at a small prairie Colonel Bartholomew's 
foot soldiers placed their knapsacks in the wagons, were 
formed in line of battle and thus marched toward the Indians' 

am sorry these are not more complete. The uncertainty whether we will March 
or not is very much in the way of having the companies complet in every respect. 
If we get a few days notice before we march I have no doubt but we shall ap- 
pear in good order so far as Respects the companies from my Regiment. The 
following gentlemen were elected as Offlcers in the Militia of the Second Regi- 
ment of Indiana Militia ; viz, William Kelly, Captain ; Philip Boyer, Lieutenant 
and Daniel Stark, Ensign in a new Company form'd in the upper part of the 
County — Tobias Miller, Captain in the Jeffersonville Company. Please to com- 
mission the above gentlemen. The light company mentioned in my last is not 
completed. 

I have the Honor to be very Respectfully, 

Sir, your Humble Servant — 

Joseph Baetholomew, 
Lieut. Col. Second B. I. M. 
August 11. ISll. 



292 Indiana Magazine of History 

town for over two miles and before halting surrounded 
the town. 

The Indians met General Harrison and made a plea for 
peace, promising to give satisfaction the next morning. There 
was considerable trouble in this palaver with the Indians, as 
the Frenchman whom General Harrison had taken with him 
to act as interpreter, and who knew each of the chiefs per- 
sonally refusing to attend the powow, being in fear of them, 
for as he termed it, that he "would be roasted." 

That evening after the powow with the prophet — his 
brother Tecumtha was then on a missionary trip in the south 
to enlist the southern tribes into his confederacy, the Amer- 
ican army selected a site for camp about one mile north of the 
Indians' town. This was on an elevated tract of woodland 
between Burnetts creek on the west and a prairie on its east, 
General Harrison selecting Colonel Bartholomew as officer of 
the day, and on his suggestion, based upon his knowledge of 
the Indian, the troops slept on their arms. 

On Thursday morning, November 7, 1811, at four o'clock. 
Colonel Bartholomew is going the round of the sentries, a 
drizzling rain is falling and the darkness of the autumn morn- 
ing is suddenly lightened by the glare of the fire from the 
rifles of the treacherous Indians who a few hours before had 
promised to give satisfaction at their peace powow. The fire 
from the Indian guns made it as light as day. Colonel Bar- 
tholomew assumed at once the command of the foot soldiers, 
but riding a very nervous horse found it difficult to handle 
him, and was greatly in fear of being thrown. His troops 
were armed with squirrel rifles, and as the Indians at the 
first had the advantage, it was here that through his tact he 
became master of the moment when he requested General 
Harrison to give him a company of regulars whose guns were 
equipped with bayonets. General Harrison at once gave orders 
for one of Captain Boyd's companies to follow Colonel Bar- 
tholomew, when a bayonet charge was made by these hard- 
ened regulars and the Indians were routed. This closed the 
short and decisive battle in favor of the American army, but 
in this charge. Colonel Bartholomew received an Indian's bul- 
let through his right forearm, breaking both bones. 



Pence: General Joseph Bartholomeiv 293 

It was fully two hours before his wound was dressed and 
the bones of his arm were set, he sitting on a stump in the 
camp awaiting his turn, with the other wounded, for the sur- 
geon, Dr. Andrew P. Hay, his neighbor at Charlestown, to 
give him the needed attention and professional service. 

Ensign John Tipton in his memorable account of the Tip- 
pecanoe campaign, reports the American loss at 179 killed and 
wounded, 37 of his own company, including its captain and 
two lieutenants. John Tipton went home as captain of his 
company. Truly, it was a day of sacrifice when the lives of 
Owen, Spencer, Joe Davis, Warrick, and Judge White went 
out and an hundred others, but the red man was mastered in 
Indiana. 

The victorious army, after burying the illustrious dead, 
returned with wounded to Vincennes, reaching there Novem- 
ber 24. When the militia was mustered out. Colonel Bar- 
tholomew's wound gave him much trouble and he suffered 
throughout his entire after life from it. 

He now returned to his farm, and it is at the next term 
of the territorial legislature that his successful charge and 
gallant fight at Tippecanoe is mentioned, and made a matter 
of record by a vote of thanks for his valiant services in the 
Tippecanoe campaign. 

During the summer and fall of 1812 the western Indians 
became more fretful and a deplorable condition existed 
amongst the white settlers along the lower Driftwood and 
Muscatatuck rivers in southern Indiana, and on September 3, 
1812, the deplorable massacre by the savages occurred at the 
Pigeon Roost settlement, some forty miles south of Columbus. 
In this twenty-four persons, mostly women and children, were 
slain by a straggling band of Shawnee warriors. 

At this date General Bartholomew, whose home was less 
than twenty miles from the scene of the massacre, was away 
from his home, but a large force was soon collected at Charles- 
town which pursued the retreating Shawnees. This force 
was under the command of Captain John McCoy, of the Clark 
county cavalry. In an interview with the late F. C. Nugent, 
of Jonesville, Indiana, he mentioned that his father was a 
member of the company which followed the savages to the 



294 Indiana Magazine of History 

banks of the Muscatatuck and where the Indians were soon 
located, but by the foolishness or cowardice of the captain, 
orders were given to sound the bugle, which was done and the 
murderous Indians escaped by swimming the river. It was 
the general expression of regret among the men that General 
Bartholomew was not in command, as he would have shown 
better judgment and courage and the savages possibly would 
have been punished. The elder Nugent never forgave his 
captain, and while of the same politics, ever refused to vote 
for him and denounced him to the day of his death. 

In June, 1813, General Bartholomew, with one hundred 
and thirty-seven men, moved from Vallonia, in Jackson 
county, toward the Delaware Indian towns on the west fork 
of White river, some twenty miles above the present site of 
Indianapolis, with the intention to surprise and punish the 
Indians for some of their outbreaks and depredations. Lieu- 
tenant Colonel John Tipton and Major David Owen were his 
aides. The line of march was along the east side of Drift- 
wood river through Bartholomew county along the present line 
of the Brownstown State road. Their trail was still visible 
seven or eight years later when the county was organized, 
settled and named for Bartholomew, and its nearest point to 
Columbus is immediately west of our Garland Brook cemetery, 
east of the city. 

This expedition was of but short duration and in a skir- 
mish with the Indians but one of them was killed and a mem- 
ber of the Jackson county militia was wounded. The line of 
march on the homeward trip of the troops was along the oppo- 
site side of Driftwood on the present line of the Mauck's Ferry 
State road, which passed through the Dwight farm, two miles 
west of the city. 

At the site of Lowell bridge, four miles northwest of 
Columbus (this locality was geographically known in 1813 as 
the "Upper Rapids of Driftwood"), a bark canoe was made 
and the wounded Jacksonian was floated down Driftwood to 
his home at Vallonia. The date of this was June 20, 1813, as 
mentioned by General Tipton in one of the invaluable journals 
kept by him. 

The Delawares still remaining peeved and unruly, the fol- 



Pence: General Joseph Bartholomew 295 

lowing month, July, 1813, Colonel William Russell, in com- 
mand at Fort Harrison, at old Terre Haute, is ordered out 
with the regulars and the militia on a second expedition, 
northward on the same "Bartholomew Trail," through Bar- 
tholomew county, to disperse and punish the still hostile 
Delawares. 

His force consisted of five hundred and seventy-three men, 
volunteers, militia and regulars, and among the latter Lieu- 
tenant Zachary Taylor, who was on the march through this 
neighborhood and who, thirty-five years later, was elected 
President of the United States. 

One of the sons of General Bartholomew, who was a mem- 
ber of one of the companies of Clark county militia ordered 
out, was sick and his father, the general, requested to act as 
his substitute. 

This was agreeable to Colonel Russell and he appointed 
General Bartholomew as his aide. Upon the march through 
this county the commanding officer was suddenly taken vio- 
lently ill, when he at once called General Bartholomew to his 
tent and said to him, "General Bartholomew, I put my force 
under your command until I am better, and I give you full 
responsibility." 

The Delawares were overawed by this large force of troops 
and ended their further warlike demonstrations in central 
Indiana. 

Colonel Russell, in his report of the expedition to Governor 
Harrison, said, "Colonel Bartholomew acted as my aide-de- 
camp. This veteran has been so well tried in this kind of 
warfare that any encomiums from me would be useless." 

This was the last Indian expedition of the doughty Bar- 
tholomew, and he now quiets down again upon his farm in 
Clark county which was located some two miles out from 
Charlestown on the Jeffersonville State road. 

One of the questions asked James Bartholomew was how 
his father regarded the treatment of the whites toward the 
Indians in the encroachment upon their lands. 

His reply was: "Father thought the Indians had been 
harshly treated by the whites," and then added with apparent 
pride, "But he killed as many of them as any other man." 



296 Indiana Magazine of History 

James Bartholomew also mentioned that his father, who had 
met Tecumtha, regarded this Indian chief as the greatest dip- 
lomat he ever knew. 

General Bartholomew erected the first brick farm house 
in Clark county, and according to the statement of Mr. Nu- 
gent, by reason of his very happy and jovial disposition and 
his love for young people, his home was the seat of constant 
gayety and hospitality. The general was an accomplished 
dancer and he took as much delight in that amusement as did 
the younger folks. His personal associations were of the 
highest and his social standing was the same. 

In December, 1817, we find him as one of the essential 
eleven in the constitutional organization of the Grand Lodge 
of the Masons in the newly erected State of Indiana, which 
met at Corydon, the then State capital, his membership being 
at Blazing Star Lodge, No. 36, Kentucky. 

This preliminary meeting adjourned to meet the next 
month at Madison. He is not mentioned as being present, yet 
later records show that he acted as Grand Treasurer and 
Grand Senior Warden pro tern. 

In 1819 he was elected on the Whig ticket as a member 
from Clark county, in the State legislature, and in 1820 was 
one of the presidential electors of the State, which cast its 
vote for James Monroe. While a member of the Lower House, 
on January 11, 1820, a bill was passed to appoint commis- 
sioners to select a site for the permanent capital of the State, 
the federal government having donated four sections of its 
land for such purpose. In this act General Bartholomew was 
named as one of the ten commissioners. 

The others named were Gen. John Tipton, George Hunt, 
John Conner, John Gilliland, Stephen Ludlow, Jesse B. Dur- 
ham, Frederick Rapp, William Prince and Thomas Emerson. 
To John Tipton, the methodical man, we are again indebted 
for a written account of the trip northward through this por- 
tion of the trail, which later, in 1823, was surveyed by Tipton 
under the act creating a State road forty-nine feet in width 
from Mauck's Ferry on the Ohio river, northward through 
Corydon, Salem, Brownstown, to the newly made capital, In- 
dianapolis. Tipton relates that on May 17, 1820, he, with 



Pence: General Joseph Bartholomew 297 

Conner and Governor Jennings, with Tipton's black boy, Bill, 
met General Bartholomew at Colonel Jesse B. Durham's at 
Vallonia, and with General John Carr and Captain Dueson, of 
Charlestown, they made the trip together, northward, along 
the trail mentioned above. The commissioners viewed several 
proposed sites, but before the end were divided only between 
the site at Waverly Bluffs, now in Morgan county, and one 
which was selected. General Bartholomew and four others, 
including Tipton, voted for the site which was selected, and 
which the following year was given the name of Indianapolis. 

General Bartholomew used the spade to make the mound 
showing the location of the middle corner of the four donated 
sections, and, as James Bartholomew informed us, often 
claimed "to have dug the first dirt for the State capital." 

This same year, 1820, he was elected to the State Senate 
from Clark county, and at the 1820-21 session of the legis- 
lature a bill was introduced to erect a new county out of Jack- 
son and Delaware counties. This was the first proposal to 
form a county from the "New Purchase," as the territory 
purchased at the Saint Mary's treaty was called. This terri- 
tory, which embraces nearly the whole of central Indiana, had 
by an act of the legislature been divided into two counties, 
making the Second Principal meridian as the dividing line. 
The western portion v/as called Wabash and the eastern Dela- 
ware county. In the former term of the legislature it was 
enacted that the permanent north line of Jackson county, 
when the New Purchase was opened for settlement, should 
be the line dividing townships 7 and 8 north. This line is an 
east and west line one and one-half miles south of Axalia in 
Bartholomew county. As the proposed new county would 
take of a three mile strip from Jackson county, there was 
developed a strong fight against the bill by the Jackson county 
representative. General Carr. Tipton, a member from Har- 
rison county, was leading the fight for the lines of the new 
county as proposed and in the end won out. It was on Tip- 
ton's motion that the newly erected county was called for his 
old commander and leader in all of the campaigns in which 
they had both engaged, seeking the vanquishment of the red 
man in Indiana, General Bartholomew. It was near the last 



298 Indiana Magazine of History 

days of the term, January 21, 1821, that the bill had passed 
both the House and the Senate and the act was at once signed 
by Governor Jonathan Jennings, on that date. 

Generals Tipton and Bartholomew were of opposing polit- 
ical parties — Tipton being a Democrat, but this did not induce 
a lack of respect for each other. 

After Bartholomew's services ended in the State legisla- 
ture, in which he had served with conspicuous ability, in 1825, 
he returned to his Clark county farm, which then consisted of 
two hundred and thirty acres of excellent farming land. In 
this year General Bartholomew was appointed a member of 
the board of commissioners to make deeds of the lands in 
Clark's Grant and at a meeting of the board, August 20, 1825, 
he was made its chairman. The records show but one other 
meeting of the board, October 15, 1825, which he attended. 
Dr. Andrew P. Hay was then also a member of this board, 
which held its meetings at Charlestown. This was the last 
public service of General Bartholomew mentioned, and ac- 
cording to Mr. Nugent, he gave his full time to his farm. 

One of Mr. Nugent's stories of General Bartholomew con- 
cerned the finishing of the large brick house which the general 
erected on his farm. The painter had taken great pains in 
graining the front door, and having completed a very hand- 
some job of it, the owner came up to enter it, and not aware 
that the paint was fresh, put his hand on it to push it open, 
leaving an imprint of his hand very markedly. The painter 
was greatly put out about it, and grumbled at having to do 
his work over, but the general good-naturedly told him that 
it made no difference and to let it alone as it was, and so it 
remained with the mark of his hand plainly visible for nearly 
forty years. 

It was while living here that Mrs. Bartholomew, the sec- 
ond wife of the general, died from the result of an accident. 
She was quite fleshy and was one day riding horseback, on the 
Charlestown and Springville road, when a sudden clap of 
thunder frightened her horse and throwing her, broke a leg. 
This injury was the cause of her death within a very few days. 

The fruits of the second marriage were five children, viz : 
George McN.; Nancy, married James Bradley in McLean 



Pence: General Joseph Bartholomew 299 

county, Illinois; Angela, widow of William Merriam, living, 
1894, in one of the Dakotas ; James Currie, our host — ^named 
for one of the early sheriffs of Clark county, Indiana; and 
William Milton, then living at Pingree, North Dakota. 

In 1830, by reason of being one of the bondsmen for Dr. 
Andrew P. Hay, who had been appointed by President Jack- 
son, receiver of public monies at the Jeffersonville land office, 
and being called upon by the federal government for a settle- 
ment, a shortage was found. General Bartholomew, whose 
share of the defalcation amounted to some $10,000, was com- 
pelled to sell his farm to make good for his neighbor. It was 
Doctor Hay who had dressed the general's fractured arm at 
the Battle of Tippecanoe and they had been personal friends 
for many years. 

General Bartholomew sold his farm at eighteen dollars per 
acre which, as Mr. Nugent mentioned, was considered a very 
high price at the time, and taking his entire family, in 1831, 
removed to McLean county, Illinois, and thus it was that Indi- 
ana lost the citizenship of one of her most noted men and one 
of her foremost history-makers. 

He purchased six hundred acres of government land in one 
body and soon settled down again to farming and improving 
his land. He was also engaged at his self-taught profession 
of land surveying. He founded a town on his land and called 
it Clarkesville, in honor of his old-time friend, Marston G. 
Clarke. This town is not now even on the map, but was 
located but a few miles from Lexington in the "Sangamon 
Country." 

The United States government had granted General Bar- 
tholomew a pension, for wounds and disabilities received dur- 
ing the 1812 war, of twenty-three dollars per month. This 
he drew each year at New Albany, Indiana, and it was his 
custom to make this annual trip by horseback, the usual route 
taken by him being via Terre Haute, Spencer, Bloomington 
and Salem. It was recalled by the son that one of these trips 
was made by the State capital, Indianapolis, which site he 
had assisted to select, and it was thought that this trip in- 
cluded the trail through Bartholomew county, which had been 



300 Indiana Magazine of History 

named for him — and of which the general and hia family, as 
the son told us, were justly proud. 

Another story mentioned by Mr. Nugent — and also related 
by the late David Deitz, the first treasurer of Bartholomew 
county, who had formerly been a neighbor in Clark county, 
was of the swarthy complexion of General Bartholomew, who 
was very dark-skinned. 

When his neighbors heard that the new county being 
erected in the "New Purchase" was named for their noted 
neighbor, some jocular friend suggested that "the soil must 
be very black up there to suggest such a name." 

In 1840, when General Harrison was nominated by the 
Whigs as their candidate for President, General Bartholomew, 
who had always been strong anti-Jackson and a staunch Whig, 
promptly rallied to his old friend and companion-in-arms. 

He regarded General Harrison, as the son told us, as being 
the best off-hand speaker he had ever heard, and that General 
Harrison, when on the march, always encouraged his men and 
frequently made speeches to them to that end. 

The Whig's battle-cry in 1840 was "Tippecanoe" and our 
old hero, who had taken such an active part in that battle 
along with the candidate for President, was soon identified 
in the political campaign. He saddled his horse and on its 
back traveled through Illinois and Indiana and in Kentucky 
for his candidate. General Bartholomew was in Indiana at 
the time of the monster Whig meeting, which was held at 
the "Battle Ground" and where he presided. It was claimed 
that seventy-five thousand people were present at this, said- 
to-be, the largest political meeting ever held in Indiana. A 
similar, huge meeting was held by the Whigs of Illinois during 
the campaign, at Springfield, where General Bartholomew was 
again selected to preside. 

The old hero is now, in 1840, seventy-four years of age 
and the prolonged horseback exercise during the campaign 
had been too severe for him, having aggravated a chronic 
trouble, the inflammation of the bladder, and returning to his 
home he became violently ill on election day, November 2, 
1840, and died the next morning at one o'clock. 

He was buried at the graveyard at the village founded by 



Pence: General Joseph Bartholomew 301 

him, Clarkesville, and near his side is the grave of Captain 
James Bigger, who had commanded a company under General 
Bartholomew in several campaigns against the Indians. 

It was not until 1895 that a suitable monument was erected 
at the grave of General Bartholomew, but on each Memorial 
Day it has ever been marked with garlands of flowers by the 
members of the G.A.R., who appreciate and honor the memory 
of as brave a soldier as ever lived and who helped to carve out 
two great States of the Middle West, Indiana and Illinois. 

General Bartholomew was not large of stature, but was 
described as weighing about one hundred and forty pounds, 
about five feet eight inches in height, his form as straight as 
an arrow and of a very dark complexion. At the time of his 
death his hair was white as snow, although as shown in the 
two oil portraits now in possession of the board of county 
commissioners of Bartholomew county the hair is as black as 
the crow's wing. 

These portraits were painted in 1826, and one of them, the 
family picture, was in the reception room at the time of our 
visit. The son told us that it was painted in Louisville and 
its old mahogany frame but adds to its ancient appearance. 
It was at the suggestion of the writer that a loving son, who 
desired to add honor to the father, should make a gift of the 
family picture to the authorities of the county which had 
been named for him. 

It was the last official act in 1895 of the writer, who was 
retiring from the term of office of county auditor, to record 
the matter of the gift of James Bartholomew (whose death 
occurred a few weeks before) of this picture as the "property 
of the board of county commissioners of Bartholomew county, 
Indiana, forever." 

The first portrait of General Bartholomew was procured 
as a gift, through the writer, by the widow of Judge New, the 
mother of J. Thompson New, of Clay township, in 1880. This 
picture was resurrected through the publication in George E. 
Finney's newspaper at Columbus, The Columbian, of some 
correspondence concerning the hunt for a picture of General 
Bartholomew. This picture, an unfinished one, had been in 
the possession of the News for over half a century and had 



302 Indiana Magazine of History 

been painted by James New, a young art student, who died in 
the late twenties. The work was said to have been done at 
Salem, Indiana, and it is unquestionably a replica of the family 
portrait. 

The writer has the pleasure to own the Masonic apron and 
sash which General Bartholomew wore. These have been 
loaned to St. John's Lodge No. 20, F.&A.M., at Columbus, and 
having been placed in a frame now hang on her walls. These 
were presented to the writer at the request of James Bar- 
tholomew at his death in 1895. 

General Bartholomew was not a member of any church, 
but was a constant attendant of the Presbyterian. Mr. Nugent 
related that he was one of the most moral men he ever knew, 
and that he could not brook a vulgar or profane word from 
any one. 

Here was a rare man, of the sort schooled in hardness for 
hard tasks. The crude environment with which he had to 
do, so impoverished of all we call necessities, was an incor- 
porate part of the man. That unkempt soil, now so rich in 
answer to the returning toil, was then possessed by matted 
grasses, the impenetrable forests; the air was fairly redolent 
of malaria, a haunting, invisible, malignant legion of harrow- 
ing devils, which, peeved at dispossession, beleaguered with 
fateful vengeance the despoilers of their abode, the virgin soil. 

These hardy sons and daughters of hardy fathers and 
mothers before them, told us little of their hardships. They 
little knew the stage they wrought for a civilization so soon 
to burst almost full-grown, and within less than a century. 
The mighty steam-boat, monarch and servant of conrmierce 
and civilization, made possible this western empire. Hardly 
a generation had gone, when the locomotive drove the steamer 
to exile. Now electricity haunts the locomotive with the dread 
of a new rival. A new conqueror arrives ; gasolene threatens 
to conquer space, time, and the air trembles for its immemo- 
rial liberty. But let us not lay our emphasis here. 

We were wondering, however, what our brave old hero of 
simple, but strenuous days, should say, could that Sangamon 
county graveyard give him back. Moreover, let us test if 
these, the complex, be better days after all. Do they iron and 



Pence: General Joseph Bartholomew 303 

nerve our arms to severer tests of the man and woman? Do 
the times, do the customs produce a more virile type of four- 
squared manhood? Do ethics, does religion mean any more 
to us, with our greater facility, than they meant to this man 
and to his contemporaries, who floored our stage for us to 
act upon? 

Not ships, nor armies, nor millions make our land great, 
but her men. In the high virtues of physical, mental, moral 
devotion, do we now set to our children the killing pace which 
our fathers set for us ? 

Grave it deeply on the stone which we loyal men of Bar- 
tholomew county carve to our hero, that it was a great man 
whom we honor ; great in virtue, in vision, in self-mastery ; a 
man who held only vice in derision; and dying poor, with 
meagre acres to bequeath to his own, gave an empire to those 
whose deepest sin shall be to forget their great benefactor in 
the greed to exploit his benefactions. 

Columbus, Indiana, March 15, 1896. 



Warrick County Prior to 1818 

By Arvil S. Bare, A. M., Selvin, Ind. 

For many years prior to the organization of Warrick 
county, the southwestern part of Indiana was in the hands of 
the Indians. On account of their migratory nature it is diffi- 
cult to say just what Indian tribes inhabited these parts. The 
Miamis, Wyandots, Delawares, Pottawatomies, Kickapoos, 
Shawnees, Weas, and the Piankeshaws were the most closely 
connected with this part of the State. At one time the Dela- 
ware Indians had a village, called Delaware Old Town, near 
the present site of Newburg, Indiana.^ In 1801 there was 
another Delaware town on the Ohio opposite Henderson, Ken- 
tucky." Later there was an Indian town on the head waters 
of Little Pigeon creek. Some time before 1800 the Pianke- 
shaws had two villages not far from Jasper, Indiana.^" The 
last Indian village in Warrick county was probably that of the 
Shawnees. This tribe, as late as 1812, was located near the 
mouth of Cypress creek." Though it is said for a number of 
years that the Indians would occasionally return for a hunt 
on Pigeon creek. ^^ 

Many years prior to the first English settlement west of 
the Allegheny mountains, the Indians of the northwest found 
their favorite hunting ground in Kentucky. In late summer 
they would cross the Ohio river to take their annual hunt and 
return again in early winter. After the Kentucky hunting 
ground became the home of the white settlers, the region of 
the Ohio river became the fighting ground of the two peoples 
and from time to time it was necessary to send out regular 
expeditions to quiet the Indians. 

Among the early expeditions of this kind was that of Col- 
onel Josiah Harmar, who was sent to make peace with the 

• The St. Clair Papers, II., 26; Readings in Indiana History, 65. 

" Indiana Quarterly Magazine of History, II., 7. 

" George R. Wilson, History of Dubois County, 103. 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 220. 

" Bvansville's Men of Mark. 9. 

304 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 305 

Indians around Vincennes.^^ He was ordered to move his 
small army from Louisville, where he was encamped, to Vin- 
cennes. On account of the great difficulty and danger of trav- 
eling the Vincennes Trace, he decided to go by water. On 
July 6, 1787, Capt. David Zeigler, with sixty men, in eight 
boats, two keel boats, one small keel boat, and two canoes, 
laden with provisions, was dispatched from the Fallsi* dovra 
the Ohio river, i^ The next day Colonel Harmar followed with 
the rest of the army. On the 10th of July the fleet landed at 
what was called the "landing and carrying place"!" in what 
was later Warrick county. This landing was also called the 
"rocks" and was about eight miles above the mouth of Green 
river.i'^ From this point a trace ran to Vincennes.is The fleet 
was put under the command of Maj. John F. Hamtramck and 
sent up the Wabash to Vincennes. On the 11th of July, 
Colonel Harmar, with the rest of the troops, started by land 
to Vincennes. The weather was rather warm and the men 
had to carry fifteen days' flour on their backs. Colonel Har- 
mar, in describing the country, said : "From the Ohio, where 
we set out for the White river, we had a very difficult march, 
the country being full of thickets and scarce of water."i9 
After some years of desultory warfare, peace was concluded 
with the Indians in 1795. ^o The Ohio river was made the 
southern boundary line between the two peoples and neither 
was supposed to trespass on the land of the other. Neverthe- 
less, the settlers in Kentucky soon made it a practice to cross 
over the river into the Indiana territory every fall to kill bear, 
deer and buffaloe, merely for the skins.^i In this manner they 
so thinned out the game in the southwestern part of the terri- 

" The St. Clair Papers, II., 22, note. 

" The falls of the Ohio were almost opposite the present site of Louisville. 

" The St. Clair Papers, II., 24. 

" The St. Clair Papers, II., 25, 26. 

" The St. Clair Papers, II., 26. 

" The exact course of this trace is not known. However, Colonel Harmar 
was familiar with it before making his trip down the Ohio. It is probable that it 
left the Ohio near the site of the present town of Newburg and continued nearly 
north along Big Pigeon creek hitting White river near the Western boundary of 
Pike county. The St. Clair Papers, II., 24, 25, 26, 27. 

" The St. Clair Papers, II., 27. 

=» J. P. Dunn, Indiana, 266. 

« Moses Dawson, A Bistorical Narrative of the Civil and Military Services 
of Major-General William H. Harrison, 8. 



306 Indiana Magazine of History 

tory that the Indians began to complain of their injuries and 
again started their depredations. An interesting story of 
these early times was told to the father of Colonel Cockrum 
by Jean La Ture, a pioneer boatsman on the Ohio and Missis- 
sippi : 

He (LaTure) said that his father was with Lafayette for a while during 
the Revolutionary War and afterward settled in Virginia, where he married 
a beautiful French woman. He himself had been born in Virginia and was 
about ten years old when his father resolved to move to Kentucky. After 
staying there three years he decided to come to Indiana territory and to 
Vincennes, where he learned he had relatives. "We had two horses," said 
LaTure, "and loaded one with our plunder and the other was for my mother 
and eight-year-old sister to ride. We started and traveled several days, com- 
ing to Green river. We followed it to the point where it runs into the Ohio 
and then could find no way to cross either river, so we went up the Ohio for 
seven or eight miles and found a family of friendly Indians, who carried us 
over in a canoe, the horses swimming. This was in the fall of 1803. We then 
traveled in a northerly direction for more than a day, when we came to a 
large creek (Big Pigeon). Following along this creek we crossed one of 
its forks (no doubt Big creek in Greer township, Warrick county) and con- 
tinued for several miles farther and came to another fork (Smith's Fork). 
We did not cross this, but went up the south bank until we found some high 
land and selected a place for a camp, intending to stay a few days and rest. 
After being in camp about two days, nine or ten Indians came, pretending 
to be very friendly. We gave them food, which they ate, but after finishing 
their meal they jumped up so suddenly that we had no time to think; g^iving 
a loud yell one caught me, another my little sister and a third attempted to 
hold my mother, but she got hold of an axe and in the scuffle struck the blade 
in the Indian's thigh, severing the main artery, from which he bled to death. 
Another Indian ran up back of my mother killing her with a club. My father 
was killed at the fort by two Indians with clubs. About half of them took 
the dead Indian away and were gone for some time. The rest loaded our 
plunder on the horses and we went away to the north, leaving my father and 
mother where they fell, after taking their scalps. After wandering that day 
and a part of the next we came to a big Indian town near a river, which I 
think is now White river. My little sister was left there and I never saw 
her again. I was then taken to an Indian town near Lake Michigan and lived 
with the Indians for several years. I went with a party on a hunting expedi- 
tion and was gone several days, during which trip I made my escape and met 
a party of General Harrison's soldiers after the battle of Tippecanoe and 
went with them to Vincennes. I went through the War of 1812 and since 
then I have hunted Indians and killed every one that I could find."22 

In 1804 the Indians were again brought to terms. By the 
treaty of August 18, 1804, the Delaware Indians ceded to the 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 307 

United States all their rights to the tract of land which lay- 
between the Ohio and Wabash rivers and below the tract ceded 
by the treaty of Fort Wayne, and the road leading from Vin- 
cennes to the falls of the Ohio river. For this territory the 
national government gave the Delaware Indians an additional 
annuity of three hundred dollars; promised persons to teach 
them to make fences, and cultivate the soil ; and lastly to give 
them horses fit for draught, cattle, hogs, and implements of 
husbandry to the amount of four hundred dollars.-^ On Au- 
gust 27, the Piankeshaws, who laid claim to the above tract, 
relinquished their title. As a compensation they received an 
additional annuity of two hundred dollars for ten years, and 
merchandise, provisions, or domestic animals, and implements 
of husbandry, at the option of the tribe, to the value of seven 
hundred dollars.^* This treaty gave to the United States the 
extreme southwestern part of Indiana and at once settlers 
began to come into the country. 

Previous to this the settlers had been warned to keep off 
the land of the Indians. Many emigrants from Virginia, 
Tennessee and the Carolinas had already squatted along the 
Ohio in Kentucky, waiting for the government to open up the 
new country. Immediately following the opening of this 
region, a large number of settlers came into southwestern 
Indiana. It was about this time that Warrick county got its 
first permanent settlers.^^ 

Nearly every locality has its "first settlers", but rarely 
do the first actual settlers of a community come down to the 
present as such. There are two kinds of first settlers: those 
preserved by tradition and those found in the records of the 
land entries. The first were prominent men of affairs in 
their neighborhood after it became more thickly settled. The 
second may or may not have been the first settler. In most 
all cases, however, the squatter preceded the so-called "first 
settlers." These facts must be borne in mind in reading the 
accounts of these "first settlers." 

= William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 171-3. 

=> The American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I., 689. 

" American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I., 690. 

» William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 200. 



308 Indiana Magazine of History 

The first white person to make a permanent settlement in 
what is now Warrick county seems to have been Major John 
Sprinkle.26 He was born in Pennsylvania, in 1772, and later 
moved to Henderson county, Kentucky. During his residence 
in Kentucky he was awarded the title of major of the Ken- 
tucky state militia. He was a man of honor and high social 
standing in the community.^^ In 1803 he removed to Indiana, 
settling on the present site of Newburg, where he remained 
until his death in 1821.^8 In the fall of the same year (1803) 
James Lynn and Felty Hay moved into that neighborhood.^^ 
A little later Bailey Anderson crossed over the river from 
Kentucky and settled near the mouth of Cypress creek.^o 

Like many of the early settlers, Bailey Anderson's entire 
baggage consisted of an axe, gun, and a supply of ammunition. 
It is said that while he was building his cabin he lodged at 
night in a tree. This novel bed was made by fixing pieces of 
timber across two branches of a tree and spreading over them, 
the skins of wild animals. This place was later known as 
"Bailey's Roost". A few months afterward four other fami- 
lies, the Briscoes, Skeltons, Vanadas and the Arnolds,^! moved 
into the vicinity. It was a desirable location and these were 
soon followed by others. 

=' James Lynn settled in Warrick county as early as 1801. However, this 
was not a permanent settlement. History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Coun- 
ties. 191. 

" The Sprinkles came to Henderson in 1792. Not long afterwards George 
Springle, probably the brother of Major Sprinkle, was captured on the Indiana 
Bide of the river by the Indians. However, he was finally surrendered to the 
American soldiers at Port Wayne and allowed to return to his home at Hender- 
son. — Monte M. Katterjohn, Warrick and its Prominent People. 69. 

^ History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties, 21. 

=» Will Fortune, Warrick and its Prominent People, 16. 

"» Bailey Anderson was one of the leading men of the county. The exact 
date of his coming to the county is not known. Will Fortune in his book, War- 
rick and its Prominent People, gives the date of his coming as 1805. The His- 
tory of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties gives the date as 1S07. We do 
know that Bailey Anderson was on the rangers' service in 1807. His coming 
was some time prior to that. After having served on the Rangers, he was 
made captain of the Knox county militia, in 1808. It was at his house that the 
early courts of the county were held and he himself became judge of the court 
of common pleas of the county in 1813. The following year he was made an 
associate judge of the Warrick county circuit court. Nothing further is known 
of his life. Indiana Historical Society Publications, III., 148; Will Fortune, 
Warrick and its Prominent People, 16, 43 ; History of Warrick, Spencer and 
Perry Counties, 24 ; W^illiam M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 220. 

•1 Will Fortune, Warrick and its Prominent People, 17. 



Barr: Warrick Cotinty Prior to 1818 309 

Although the first permanent settlement was made in the 
county as early as 1803, the land was not surveyed until 
1805.^2 Prior to this all the settlers were necessarily squat- 
ters. Even these, on account of the great distance they were 
required to travel to get a title for the land, many preferred 
to remain squatters. In 1807, William Johnson entered the first 
tract of land in the county.^^ This tract contained 205i/^ 
acres on the present site of Newburg. Other early land en- 
tries in the county^* were made by Daniel Rhoads, in 1810; 
Richard Vankirk, Felty Hay and Solomon Land, in 1811; 
John Vanada, Joseph English and Ratliff Boon, in 1812.35 
Since these were the only land entries in the county down to 
1812, it does not follow that these were the only settlers. 

A great deal has been written about pioneers. The first 
inhabitants of Warrick county had much in common with all 
the early settlers in the State. Probably the only special fea- 
ture of the county was the unusual abundance of game. The 
canebrakes along the Ohio river and the thickets along Big 

s= History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties, 22. 

^ History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties, 23. 

" History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties, 22, 2y, 27. 

" Hon. Ratliff Boon, ex-governor of the State of Indiana was born In 
Georgia, (some say in North Carolina), in 17S1. He was the cousin of the 
noted pioneer, Daniel Boon and the son-in-law of Bailey Anderson. His par- 
ents moved to Danville, Kentucky, and there he was put in the public schools. 
He also learned the trade of gimsmith. In 1S09 he moved to Indiana settling 
about two miles west of the present site of Boonville. 

Colonel Boon through his unusual tact and sagacity made himself one of 
the most prominent men in Indiana during the early days. He had force of 
character and had a way of making loyal friends. In 1812 he was commissioned 
lieutenant in the Fourth Indiana regiment. The next year Warrick county was 
organized and he became the first treasurer, which office he held until 1820. On 
the admission of Indiana into the union in 1816, Boon was elected to the State 
legislature as representative of Warrick county. In 1818 he was elected to the 
State senate. The following year he was chosen as lieutenant governor and 
upon the resignation of Governor Jennings he filled out the unexpired term. He 
was re-elected as lieutenant governor at the next election resigned on January 
30, 1S24 to become a candidate for Congress. He was elected on the Jackson 
Democratic ticket. He was defeated by Col. Thomas H. Blake for representative 
in the 20th congress. However, he was a member of the 21st, 22nd, 23rd, 24th and 
25th congresses. With the 25th congress he ended his political connections with 
Indiana. 

In 1839, Colonel Boon removed to Pike county, Missouri, where he was 
defeated by Thomas H. Benton in caucus, as a candidate for United States 
senator. This practically ended his political life. He died in 1846. Will Fortune, 
Warrick and its Prominent People; William Wesley Wollen, Biographical and 
Historical sketches of Early Indiana; A Biographical Congressional Directory, 
1774-1911, 486; Indiana Historical Society Publications, III., 186, 208. 



310 IndiaTia Magazine of History 

Pigeon, Cypress and Little Pigeon creeks were their favorite 
hiding places. A few stories of early hunting in the county 
have been preserved. 

In the fall of 1807, when the deer were at their best and the bears fat 
upon the mast, Major Sprinkle and his two kinsmen, cousins from Penn- 
sylvania, went a little way back from the river and made a camp, in- 
tending to have a week's hunting. They had been hunting two or three 
days when the boys had an experience, the marks of which they carried to 
the end of their lives. They had been following a drove of deer for some 
time, when they came upon an old bear and two cubs eating acorns under a 
white oak tree. One of the boys shot one of the small bears, knocking it 
down. The old mother and the other little one ran off. It seemed that the 
little bear was only stunned and was not fatally injured and was soon up, 
staggering around. The young men ran up to it, intending to finish it with 
their hunting knives. They laid down their guns, but had not quite reached 
the place where the young bear was, until the old mother came at them 
savagely. 

They attempted to get their guns, but before they succeeded the old 
bear knocked one of them down. The other got his gun, but it was empty, 
and rushing at the bear that was fighting his brother he struck it over the 
head with the barrel of the gun. The bear knocked the gun out of his hands 
with such force that it broke his arm. The other brother, though badly 
wounded, got his gun and attempted to shoot the bear in the head as it was 
biting his brother, but his aim was so bad that he only slightly wounded it, 
and then the bear turned upon him and knocked him down, biting his legs in 
a fearful manner. The boy with the broken arm stabbed the bear many times 
with his hunting knife and finally hurt it fatally. It started, however, to 
follow the cubs, but had gone only a few yards when it laid down and died. 
The young men were found by the Major and taken to camp and then to his 
cabin, where they were for several months before they were able to be out. 
This experience satisfied their roving dispositions and they returned to their 
Pennsylvania homes. 

Long after the game was thinned out of the surrounding 
country, the old Polk Patch, now Selvin, Warrick county, re- 
mained a good hunting ground. As late as 1824, David John- 
son, Jessie Houchins, Joel Harden and Conrad LeMasters 
pitched their hunting camp at Polk Patch. On the first day 
they killed several deer and a bear. They were so successful 
in their hunting that they had more game than they knew 
what to do with. Of the deer only the hind quarters and the 
hides were aken, the rest left where it was killed. The second 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 502. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 311 

day Mr. LeMasters was seriously hurt in a fight with a bear 
and the party had to return home.s" 

The woods were full of troublesome and dangerous ani- 
mals. The wolf was so despised that a price was put on his 
scalp. A wolf's scalp was worth two dollars.^^ The following 
incident, which took place at the Sprinkle settlement in 1812, 
is told of the most dangerous of these animals. 

There was a young girl who lived with one of these families at the 
Sprinkles settlement who was expecting a sister from central Tennessee. She 
was very uneasy about her, fearing that she had been captured by the Indians. 
Late one evening, just before dusk, a whining, piteous cry was heard, which 
did not seem like the scream of a panther, as it was continuous. This girl 
heard the noise and declared it was the cry of her sister, and nothing could 
stop her from going out to it. Before the men in the fort realized her inten- 
tions, she was running in the direction of the noise. Three of the men got 
their rifles and hurried after her. They were uncertain what it was, thinking 
it might be the ruse of the Indians trying to imitate the cry of a woman or 
child to draw some of the people into an ambush. The men had gone nearly 
a quarter of a mile when they heard the most terrible scream of the panther 
mingled with the outcry of the unfortunate girl. Hurrying as fast as thejr 
could, when they located the scream, they were very cautious in their advance. 
Coming to an open space they saw several animals which were biting and 
scratching the body of the girl they had killed. The men killed the old panther 
and two of the young ones that she, no doubt, was teaching to scream, which 
was the cause of the peculiar noise which they had heard. After she had 
killed the girl she was teaching the young ones how to attack their prey, and 
she would bound onto the prostrate form and bite and scratch it. The kittens 
would go through the same motions and thus had torn her into pieces.39 

These pioneers had other things to do as well as to fish 
and hunt. Houses had to be built, land had to be cultivated, 
and homes protected. For many years the early settlers of 
Warrick county were continually in danger of Indian raids. 
Early in the first decade of the nineteenth century, in order 
to give them more safety, they enlarged the Old Indian Traces 
into a complete system of roads. 

The first roads of the state were usually the old Indian 
trails or the Buffalo paths. Of these early trails probably the 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 175. 

M On December 24th, 1816, the Indiana legislature passed a law providing 
that for the killing of each wolf two months old and upwards, the person should 
receive $2.00 and for wolves under that $1.00. To get the pay the person had 
to produce the scalp, with the ears entire and within one month after the killlnB. 

•• William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 503. 



312 Indiana Magazine of History 

best known in the southwestern part of the State was the Vin- 
cennes Trace.*" Long before the first white settlers came into 
the country this trace was a fairly well defined route, for both 
the Indians and Buffaloes, between the Bluegrass region in 
Kentucky and the Illinois prairies. Later it became one of 
the regular lines of travel leading into the interior of Indiana. 
There were two main branches of this trace, a northern and 
southern route. The northern route led from Louisville, Jef- 
fersonville and New Albany by Greenville, Fredericksburg, 
Paoli, Mount Pleasant,* ^ and Maysville to Vincennes on the 
Wabash river.*^ The southern route followed along the North- 
ern Trace to Paoli where it branched off to the westward and 
entered Dubois County at Union Valley,*^ passed to the south 
of Haysville and Pottersville, leaving the county near the Miley 
schoolhouse,** thence through northern Pike county, crossing 
White river at Decker's ferry to the northwest of Petersburg, 
and thence to Vincennes on the Wabash.*^ These routes later 
became stage-coach roads. 

Three other traces in southwestern Indiana were traveled 
previous to the opening of that region to settlement. The 
first of these, traveled by Colonel Harmar, has already been 
discussed. This trace, although important at one time, seems 
later to have disappeared but the other two routes; the Red 
Banks trace and the Yellow Banks trace, were well known to 
tiie early settlers. The Red Banks trace crossed the Ohio 
river at Red Bank Island, about a mile below the present site 
of Henderson, Kentucky, and ran northward through what 
is now Vanderburg and Gibson counties to Vincennes.*^ In 
1801 Governor Harrison asked the national government to 

«« This trace was also known as the "Buffalo Trace", "Mud Holes", "Gov- 
ernor's Trace", "Louisville Trace", "Vincennes-Ohio Falls Trace", "Clarksville 
Trace" and the "Old Trace", Readings in Indiana History, 156 ; George R. Wil- 
son, History of Dubois County, 27, 100, 158; William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer 
History of Indiana, 223. 

" iteunt Pleasant was on the east branch of White River, (Driftwood 
branch) in Rutherford township in Martin county. 

•^ Readings in Indiana History, 157 

*' Union Valley is in the Northeastern Dubois County near the central part 
of Columbia township. George R. Wilson, History of Dubois County, 284. 

" Miley Schoolhouse is in northwestern Dubois county in the southwestern 
part of Boone township. George R. Wilson, 284. 

" George R. Wilson, History of Dubois County, 27; History of Pike and 
Dubois Counties, 1885, 251. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 313 

send a deputy to the Indians to arrange for the opening of 
this trace.*^ In 1802 the crossing at the Ohio river was made 
more convenient by the establishment of a ferry at Hender- 
son by Jonathan Anthony.-'s Another ferry, called Blair's 
ferry, was established six miles farther up stream.*^ With 
the opening of the southwestern part of the state to settle- 
ment in 1804 this trace became one of the important routes 
to the interior. 

The Yellow Banks trace^o crossed the Ohio river at the 
Yellow Bank island, almost opposite Owensboro, Kentucky, 
and ran northward past Rockport, to the headwaters of Little 
Pigeon, thence near the present site of Selvin, thence in a 
northwesterly direction to Honey Springs,^! thence along the 
spring branch to the Little Patoka river, thence to the north- 
ward crossing the Big Patoka about forty miles up stream at a 
good ford and continued to the forks of White river and the 
Vincennes trace.^- This route, at first an Indian trace, was 
later used by the early settlers as a route to the interior. 

With the opening of the southwestern part of the State to 
settlement, other routes of travel became necessary. One of 
the earliest of these ways of travel was the Blue River trace. 
This trace crossed the Ohio at the west end of the large bend 
about three miles west of Blue river and ran north hitting the 
Vincennes trace about forty miles east of the Mud Holes." 
There was a road in Kentucky leading to the south bank of 
the Ohio. Two other traces appeared almost simultaneously 
with the first settlements. These were the routes to the salt 
works in southeastern Illinois. One of the most difficult 
problems of the pioneer was to keep a supply of salt. One of 
these salt routes ran from Vincennes southward, crossed 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 324 ; Thwaites Early 
Western Travels, IV., 266 ; Samuel Cummings, The Western Pilot for XSSh 64. 

" Moses Dawson, Life of Harrison, 18. 

" Edmund L. Starling, History of Henderson County, 118. 

" Thwaites, Early Western Travels, IV., 266. 

™ Yellow Banks was called Weesoe Wasapinuk by the Kickapoos, William 
M. Cockrum, A PiPoneer History of Indiana, 174. 

'■^ Honey Springs were in the southwestern part of Pike county near Spur- 
geon. Historical Atlas of the State of Indiana, 171. 

^' William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 174, 212, 256, 156, 
177, 205, 207; Samuel Cummings, The Western Pilot for ISSi, 58. 

°3 The Mud Holes were on the southern branch of the Vincennes trace al- 
most south of Portersville. 



314 Indiana Magazine of History 

White river near David Robb's place and the Patoka at John 
Severn's,^* thence in a southwest direction to near the present 
site of New Harmony, thence across the Wabash river near 
the point where the Little Wabash empties into the main 
stream and thence to Saline creek.^s Another one of these 
routes used by the early settlers for the same purpose, crossed 
the Wabash near the Saline region and followed the Ohio 
eastward, passing near the present site of Newburg, Indiana, 
then with the course of the river eastward across Blue river 
trace and probably to the Fall on the Ohio.5« Before the set- 
tlement of this part of the State the Ohio trace had been a 
regular passway for the Indians from time immemorial.^'^ On 
account of the scarcity of salt these routes were of extreme 
importance.58 

The early settlers down to 1820 experienced great difficulty 
in getting sufficient salt for cooking purposes and to save their 
meat. It was very hard to get and high priced, usually selling 
for ten to twenty cents a pound in backwoods currency. ^^ The 
people were very saving with it. Meat was placed in a meat 
trough made of a poplar tree and salted. After the meat had 
taken all the salt it would, the brine which had collected in the 
bottom of the trough was saved to be used again. On account 
of the danger from Indian attacks, the early settlers from 
this region of the coxmtry went in squads to the salt springs 
and camped on the ground until they had sufficient salt for the 
year. The salt was sacked and brought home on horseback.^o 

Bradbury in his Travels in the Interior of America (1809- 

" In 1807 there were two ferries across the Patoka near the crossing of 
this trace, one by John Severn's and the other by John Miller's. Miller's ferry 
was about three miles above the mouth of Patoka river. Indiana Historical So- 
ciety Publications, III., 140-1. 

K William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 216. 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 220. 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 221. 

" In the fall of 1807 salt became so scarce and so high priced that a number 
of the settlers south of White river petitioned the governor for an escort of sold- 
iers to protect them while on the trail and at the salt works west of the Wabash 
river. William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 216. 

" However by 1823 the price of salt had fallen to 37i cents a bushel at 
Shawneetown. Niles Register, XXIX, 165. 

«> Joseph P. Elliott, History of Evansville and Vanderburg County, Indiana, 
54 ; William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 474. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 315 

11) described the salt manufacturing at the Wabash Salt 
Springs^i as follows : 

They first ascertain by boring at what depth they shall come to the rock, 
and afterwards look out for a hollow tree, which must be at least from three 
to four feet in diameter. This they cut down carefully for fear of splitting 
and saw off such a length as will reach from the surface of the ground to the 
rock. If the hollow of the tree is not large enough to allow sufficient space for 
a man to work within, they enlarge it. A well is next dug, and when so deep 
that there is danger of the earth falling in, the trunk is put down and sunk 
to the surface of the -ock. After the influx of fresh water is prevented by 
calkins around the edges at the bottom of the trunk, the perforation is made. 
And the salt water immediately rises to the surface.62 

Some years later, in 1814, a party of men undertook to es- 
tablish a salt well on Cypress creek, in Warrick county. This 
well was put down about two or three miles back from the 
Ohio river at a deer lick. After boring to a considerable depth 
without any satisfactory results the men engaged in the work 
became discouraged and abandoned the enterprise."* Another 
attempt was made on Pigeon creek. For a number of years, it 
was thought that salt water could be obtained on this stream. 
Two enterprising citizens of the county put down a well 528 
feet deep and obtained a tolerable supply of salt water from 
which they made from twenty-five to thirty bushels of salt a 
day.6* Not being satisfied, they bored deeper and hit mineral 
water which ruined the well.^^ 

Along in 1805, in 1806 and in 1807 the Indians were loud 
in their declarations that the whites should be driven beyond 

«i The Wabash Saline springs were in the southeastern part of Illinois, 
along the Ohio river, below the mouth of the Wabash and near the present site 
of Shawneetown. These springs were so important that in 1802 they were taken 
over by the national government. United States Statutes at Large, 14th Congress, 
1st session, ch. 67, 68 ; Moses Dawson, Life of Harrison, 30. 

"= Thwaites, Early Western Travels, V., 276 ; for further references on this 
subject see: Thwaites, Early Western Travels, I., 108. III., 283; IV., 271; V., 
276-8; Vincennes Western Sun, April 29, 1809; George R. Wilson, History of 
Dubois County, 48. 

^ Will Fortune, Warrick and Its Prominent People, 40. 

" The salt springs of the west generally produced a bushel of salt from 
one hundred gallons of water. Thwaites, Early Western Travels, VIII, 283. 

« The Indiana Gazetter, 1833, 30. 



316 Indiana Magazine of History 

the Ohio river.8« Bands of Indians were continually roving 
through the country to the south of White river.«^ They be- 
came more active than usual in their depredations. There is 
no doubt that many people of whom we have no account were 
captured or killed in attempting to settle in this part of the 
State. For the better protection of these settlers, Governor 
Harrison constituted in the early part of 1807, the Ranger 
service.«8 Col. William Hargrove, 69, was put in command 
of the troops in the southwestern part of the State. Under his 
protection two new traces were laid out and patroled. 

The first of these routes, the Patoka trace, started near 
John Severn's (where the Redbanks trace crossed the Patoka 
river) and ran along the south bank of that stream, across the 
Yellow Banks trace and eastward to the Blue River trace. 
The second started from the Red Banks trace at a point fif- 
teen miles north of the Ohio river and ran eastward parallel 
with that stream to the Blue River trace.'^** These traces as 

=« Following is an extract from a letter of W. H. Harrison, governor of In- 
diana Territory to Captain William Hargrove, in command of the Rangers 
which showed the attitude of the Indians toward the settlers beyond the Ohio 
river : 

"The times are very unsettled. The Indians are continually grumbling be- 
cause the white people are in this country and threatening that unless their 
lands are restored they will drive them back across the Ohio river. North of 
White river they could easily concentrate in such numbers that should they 
find our people unprepared, they could overrun the most of our territory. It la 
hard to tell anything about what an Indian will do when he has the advantage. 
They are the most treacherous, cunning rascals on earth and the most brutal 
as well. The only safe way is to keep the advantage on our side and put the 
Indians on the defense. When they know that your position makes one white 
man equal to ten Indians there is no danger of an attack." William M. Cock- 
rum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 21S-9. 

8' William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 201. 

<» Rangers were organized under officers the same as the regular army and 
paid the same as army officers of the corresponding rank. The rangers were to 
arm and equip themselves, and provide for their own horses if they wanted one. 
They were given a dollar a day with a horse or seventy-flve cents without a 
horse.— Annals of Congress. 12th congress, 1st session, II. 222S; William M. 
Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 202. 

™ Col. William Hargrove was bom in South Carolina, 1775. He later moved 
to Kentucky and was there married. Here he spent three years in Indian serv- 
ice and showed himself to be a brave soldier. In 1803 he moved to Indiana 
settling near Princeton, Indiana. In 1807 and 1812 he was in the Ranger 
service. He was gradually promoted to the rank of colonel. In 1811 he served 
in the Tippecanoe campaign. William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indi- 
ana, 203. 

'» William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 212-218. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 317 

well as the Vincennes, Yellow Banks, Red Banks, Ohio, and 
Wabash traces were regularly patroled by two or three men 
twice or three times a week.'^i 

Every precaution was taken for the safety of the settlers. 
They were required to settle on or near the regularly traveled 
traces and build a fort or a blockhouse.^- It was not safe for 
any one to live outside the forts from the first of June to the 
last of November. This was the season for the Indian raids.'^s 
However if they chose they might build their houses where 
they intended to locate and return each night to stay at the 
blockhouse.^* There were three or four of these forts'^s jn 
the country at that time. The first of these was located on 
the present site of Newburg. The Sprinkles, Hayes, Lynns, 
Alexanders, Darbys, Frames, Wests, and the Roberts — in all 
thirty-five persons — lived in this fort.'^*' There was also an- 
other large fort on the present site of Selvin, Indiana. This 
fort was probably sufficiently large to accommodate a hundred 
soldiers besides the settlers living there. '^^ Bailey Anderson's 
settlement at the mouth of Cypress creek has already been de- 

" There were two other traces in southwestern Indiana, traveled to a con- 
siderable extent at one time, which, however, were not usd by the settlers of 
Warrick county. The first of these was called the Barren trace or the High- 
land trace. It crossed the Ohio river about seven miles below Shippingport, at 
Sullivan's ferry, passed Corydon, crossed the Blue River trace, ran through the 
northern part of Crawford and Perry counties, near Jasper and on to Vincennes. 
The second of these traces ran from Rome northward seventy-five miles to Vin- 
cennes. There was a ferry across the Ohio at Rome. Thwaites, Early Western 
Travels, IV., 261, 264. 

" Governor Harrison gave the following instruction to Colonel Hargrove, 
commander of the Rangers : There are always some contrary people in all walks 
of life who are hard to manage. The ones that you reported are not all who 
have been troublesome. There is no deviation from the rules. Anyone who re- 
fuses to stay in the fort when ordered, arrest them and send them to this post 
under guard. When the government does all that it can to protect its people 
they must and shall obey the rules. Their territory is under no law that can 
force obedience but military and all of its subjects must obey the governing 
rule or be sent out of it." William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 
207. 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 503, 205. 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 214. 

" Governor Harrison gave Colonel Hargrove, commander of the Rangers, 
the following instruction as to the building of these forts : "In making the 
building be sure that it is strongly put together, made out of large logs and 
that a stockade ten feet high be built that will enclose one acre of ground. In 
this enclosure should be erected a number of buildings that will safely protect 
fifty people." 

'" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 603. 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 218. 



318 Indiana Magazine of History 

scribedJ® There was one other settlement in the county the 
exact location of which is not known. When these new comers 
were first mentioned they were located on a large creek, 
some distance from the Ohio river, ten miles to the west of the 
Yellow Banks trace,''^ and not far from the trace running 
parallel to the Ohio river. This trace was about fifteen miles 
to the north of the river.^" On account of danger from the 
Indians they were asked to move either near the Yellow Banks 
trace or the new trace.^i It is supposed that these settlers 
moved to one of these places, for Colonel Hargrove reported 
that he was successful in getting all the straggling settlements 
gathered near one of the traces.^^ jt is probable that these 
settlers located in the northeastern part of the county. 

The Indians became especially active in 1807. In the 
early spring of that year a band of Delaware Indians captured 
a family named Larkins, near the present site of Otwell, Pike 
county. Mr. Larkins was killed and Mrs. Larkins and five 
children carried into captivity. In July of the same year, a 
half breed Delaware Indian, called "Swimming Otter", re- 
ported that there was likely to be an Indian raid within the 
next ten days in this section of the country. A band of about 
twelve Indians had planned to cross the Vincennes trace near 
the present boundary line between Pike and Dubois counties 
and to move southward toward the mouth of Green river.^s 

™ Cummings in his sketches of a Tour to the Western Country, 1807-09, men- 
tioned this settlement: "Having passed two more islands, and some new farms, 
in nine miles and a half, we came to a string of six or seven good looking settle- 
ments, called Scuffletown, Kentucky, on the left ; and two miles and a half on 
the right, we observed two new settlements, a small creek, and a bluff rock, 
serving as a base to an elevated conic promontory terminating a wide reach, 
and narrowing the river so by its projection, as to make it an eligible situation 
for a fortified post." Thwaites, Early Western Travels, IV., 265. 

™ The folowing mention is made of this settlement in Colonel Hargrove's 
correspondence : "They all agreed in their statements that there are several 
other bands scattered over the territory some distance north of the Ohio river 
from ten to fifteen miles east of the Yellow Banks trace to something like the 
same distance to the west of the same trace. They claim that there is one band 
of these refugees west of the Yellow Banks trace about ten miles. They were 
camped near a large creek." William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 
214. 

»> William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 218. 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 214. 

^ Governor Harrison wrote to Colonel Hargrove, commander of the Rang- 
ers, as follows : "The Governor wishes to assure you of his appreciation of your 
successful work in gathering so many of the unfortunate refugees at points near 
the Yellow Banks and other traces and the large colony which you have gath- 
ered on the new trace crossing the Yellow Banks road." William M, Cockrum, 
A Pioneer History of Indiana, 218. 

» William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 201-210. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 319 

Colonel Hargrove had time to make preparation to receive the 
raid and the Indians were thoroughly chastised. 

A little later in the year (1807) the people began to fear 
another attack from the Indians. In October of that year, 
Maj. John Sprinkle informed the governor that detached 
bands of Indians had been passing for eight or ten days and 
appeared to be carrying their luggage with them. Some of 
these Indians made their camp not far from Bailey Anderson's 
cabin. The gathering of the Indians on the Ohio in the later 
fall was looked on with suspicion. Colonel William Hargrove, 
Bailey Anderson and two other men, were sent to visit the 
chief, whose name was Setteedown.** Chief Setteedown as- 
sured these men that the tribes were only paying a peaceful 
visit, that the reason for their coming was the abundance 
of game ; and that they would go back to their country by the 
26th of November. True to their word, the Kickapoos, the 
visiting Indians from Illinois, returned again to their homes 
without any trouble.s^ 

The Shawnee Indians continued to live in what is now 
Warrick county until 1811. This band of Indians was under 
the control of Chief Setteedown, who, for one of his race, 
was wealthy, having a large drove of horses and cattle. Their 
village, already referred to, was situated near the mouth of 
Cypress creek, on the north bank of the Ohio river. The west 
end of this town was near the Newcom coal mines and scat- 
tered over a considerable territory along and back from the 
river. It is said that at one time the village numbered about 
one hundred wigwams.*" During the years from 1808 to 1811 
these Indians were peaceable^'^ with the white people who 
lived in that section.** 

•* Bailey Anderson was to act as interpreter. William M. Cockrum, A Pio- 
neer History of Indiana, 220. 

» William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 222-228. 

« Will Fortune, Warrick and Its Prominent People, 9. 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 502, 513. 

» FYom 1808 to 1811, there was considerable trouble in Indiana Territory 
with the Indiana along the frontier. Governor Harrison was able to secure a 
peace with some of the Indians In 1809, but Tecumseh and his followers were 
loud in their declarations against it and tried to prevent its being carried Into 
effect. During this period the Indians made numerous raids along the frontier, 
crossing over into the white settlements in many places, killing the settlers or 
running off the stock. The times became so troublesome that many left the 
country. Warrick was considered to be a safe place even In time of war. Vin- 
cennes Western Sun, May 13, 1809 ; William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History 
of Indiana, 340-363 ; Moses Dawson, Life of Barriaon, 262. 



320 Indiana Magazine of History 

Preceding the outbreak of the War of 1812, the Indians 
made numbers of raids along the border. The unsettled con- 
dition of the Indians probably had something to do with one 
of these murders committed in Warrick county, the details of 
which follow : 

Probably as early as 1810, the Meeks family settled on 
Little Pigeon creek, in the northern part of Luce township, 
Spencer county. There Atha Meeks and his son William built 
log houses. In the cabin of the elder Meeks were his two 
grown daughters and his son, Atha, Jr. William Meeks, an- 
other one of his sons, who had a wife and one small child 
lived near by. It seems that by the spring of 1812 only a 
few straggling bands of Indians remained in the neighbor- 
hood.89 Most of them had probably gone north under the di- 
rection of Tecumseh to prepare for a general raid along the 
frontier. However Chief Setteedown and his followers were 
still living in the county. What led the Indians to make an 
attack on the Meeks family can only be conjectured. It might 
have been, as some claim, that a family living near Darlington 
who had a grudge against the Meeks family, persuaded Set- 
teedown that Meeks had been stealing his traps.^o It was 
doubtless partly done at the instigation of Tecumseh, who had 
planned to make a concerted attack along the entire frontier,oi 
and in this manner so to divide the attention of the settlers as 
to prevent the militia from going to the protection of any other 
part of the State.^^ So Setteedown's warriors before depart- 
ing to the Wabash country to put on war paint and feathers, 
decided to massacre the nearest white settlers, toward whom 
they had a grudge. Thus early on the morning of April 14, 
1812, an attack was made on the Meeks family. Some say 
that the murder was done by Setteedown, his son and an Ind- 
ian called "Big Bones''^^ while others lay the deed to a band 

'1 History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties, 251. 

™ Will Fortune, Warriclc and Its Prominent People, 11. 

»i The story of the stealing of tlie traps is discarded by General Lane. Jos- 
eph Lane, Rosebury, Oregon, in a letter to Col. W. M. Cockrum, June 21, 1878, 
said: "There was no cause, except treachery which all Indians were full of for 
the Shawnee Indians murdering Atha Meeks. He was a very harmless man. It 
was always believed by those in a position to know that the murder was done 
by a few discontented members of that band, aiming to remove all traces of that 
family." William Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 515. 

»= Moses Dawson, Life of Harrison, 262. 

<« History of Warrick Spencer and Perry Counties, 251. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 321 

of Setteedown's warriors."* At least it is known that only- 
three Indians participated directly in the murder.^s The ac- 
counts agree on this fact. 

While the Indians were on their way to the Meeks cabin to 
make the attack they met Atha Meeks, Jr., the strong, athletic 
son of senior Atha on his way to a nearby spring to get some 
water with which to prepare breakfast. Some say that he 
was fired at by two of the Indians and slightly wounded in 
the knee and wrist. Others make no mention of this. Never- 
theless two of the Indians attacked him with tomahawks but 
he fought so desperately that he partly succeeded in warding 
off with his arms the blows aimed at his head. It is probable 
that the two Indians had already emptied their guns or they 
would have made quick work of him. In the meantime Atha, 
Sr., had been aroused by the noise and had appeared at the 
door where he was shot through the brain killing him instant- 
ly. The Indian rushed forward to scalp the dead man, but 
Mrs. Meeks succeeded in getting her husband's body in the 
house and barring the door before the Indian reached it. 
Tradition says that she received a severe wound in the ankle 
from a tomahawk, throvni by the Indian.'*" William Meeks 
was aroused by the report of the gun and came to the rescue 
of his mother. One of the Indians was fatally wounded. The 
two who were trying to kill Atha, Jr., escaped before William 
had time to reload his rifle."' 

William started at full speed to a settlement in the south- 
ern part of Luce township, Spencer county to spread the news 
of the murder. When the news reached that place a runner 
was sent to French island, on the Ohio river, for the help of a 
keel-boat crew under Sam Perkins. The crew of seventeen 
men volunteered to the man. These with a number of farm- 
ers made up the posse. One account has reached us that Rat- 
liff Boon was put in commandos while another gives this dis- 
tinction to Captain Young."" 

« History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties, 252. 
" History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties, 252. 
^ William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 614. 
"> Will Fortune, Warrick and Its Prominent People, 12. 

" William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 514 ; Will Fortune, 
Warrick and Its Prominent People, 11. 

» Moses Dawson, Life of Harrison, 262. 



322 Indiana Magazine of History 

It was probably about noon before the party of men was 
ready to start. Although the Indians had six or eight hours 
the lead they were encumbered with their baggage and fami- 
lies. Traditional stories vary a great deal as to the outcome 
of this expedition. Some say that only Setteedown and his 
family were fleeing to the northward and that they were cap- 
tured. Others say that Setteedown was accompanied by a 
band of warriors few of whom ever lived to cross the river.^^o 
Yet another account says that the posse went only to the In- 
dian camp where they hid themselves to watch for the return 
of any of the Indians. At least the stories agreed that one 
Indian was taken captive. As to who this captive was, there 
is a difference of opinion. Some say that it was Chief Settee- 
down while others say that it was an Indian who had been 
hunting for two or three days and at nightfall came to the 
camp where he was taken. 

The captive was placed in a log cabin, probably Uriah 
Lamar's house, near Grandview, where he was to await pre- 
liminary trial. While waiting for trial the Indian was killed. 
Whether he was shot by William Meek, while the guards were 
away to get a drink, or shot by Thomas Ewing or bled to 
death by Bailey Anderson stories vary. At least the Indian 
was killed.ioi It is said that for months after the hasty re- 
treat of the Indians, horses and cattle were found around Set- 
teedowns' home. These were gathered up and thirty-five 
turned over to the widow of Atha Meeks.102 

There is no doubt, however, about the effect of this raid 
upon the people of Warrick county. A murder committed in 
a section of the State where the settlers felt in almost com- 
plete safety even in time of war, so alarmed the people that it 
was impossible to make the militia turn out to march to the 
assistance or protection of any other places. The alarm was 
so great that many families abandoned their homes flying they 

iw Joseph Lane, Rosebury, Oregon, In a letter to Col. W. M. Cockrum, June 
21, 1878, said: "The Indians were encumbered with their women and children 
and could not make the speed well-mounted soldiers could, and it was generally 
believed that but few of them ever lived to cross White river. There was always 
an undertalk that Boon did a good deed and the country was well rid of the lazy 
vagrants." William M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 614. 

>" Will Fortune. Warrick and Its Prominent People, 13. 

"" WllUara M. Cockrum, A Pioneer History of Indiana, B14. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 323 

knew not where, — ^many without means of support.^o^ Those 
who remained in the county took refuge in such temporary 
forts as they had been able to construct. It was especially bad 
for the people to be confined to the forts because it was corn 
planting time.i"* 

After the first year of the war the people of Warrick 
county began to feel more secure^o^ and many people from 
along the frontier settled in that section of the country.ios 
The county was never again troubled with the warlike 
Indians, however, for many years afterwards peaceful ones 
occasionally returned to hunt in that region.io^ 

ORGANIZATION OF THE COUNTY 

The county was named in honor of Capt. Jacob Warrick, 
who fell in the Battle of Tippecanoe, November, 1811. Little 
is known of his life except that he was one of the heroes of 
Tippecanoe, where he distinguished himself for his bravery. 
Governor Harrison in reporting the battle said of Captain 
Warrick's death : "Warwick (Warrick) was shot through the 
body ; being taken to the surgeon to be dressed, as soon as it 
was over, (being a man of great bodily vigor and still able 
to walk) he insisted upon going back to head his company, al- 
though it was evident that he had but a few hours to live."i 
Such was the bravery of the man from whom the county took 
its name. 

In 1818, the territorial legislature of Indiana enacted a law 
authorizing the organization of two new counties to be called 
Warrick and Gibson.^ At that time Warrick county included 

'™ Moses Dawson, Life of Harrison, 263. 

i»* American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I., 808. 

i" This fact is very well shown by a study of the table of the membership 
of the Methodist Church from 1810-15 hereafter. 

>°« In July, 1812, the Rangers were sent out again. This gave the people 
greater security. William M. Cockrura, A Pioneer History of Indiana, 349. 

1" Joseph P. Elliott, History of Evansville and Vanderburg County, 1897, 
34. 

• American State Papers, Indian Affairs, I., 778. 

' An act for the formation of two counties out of the county of Knox: Sec- 
tion 1. "Be it enacted by the Legislative Council and House of Representatives, 
and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same. That from and after 
the passage hereof all that part of Knox County which is included in the follow- 
ing boundaries shall form and constitute two new counties, that is to say: 
Beginning at the mouth of the Wabash ; thence up the same with the meanders 



324 Indiana Magazine of History 

all the territory which now comprises the counties of Posey, 
Vanderburg, Warrick, Spencer, Perry and a portion of Craw- 
ford. John Ocheltree, Abel Westfall, William Polk, Robert 
Elliott and William Prince, all from Knox county, were ap- 
pointed conunissioners to locate the county seat.^ The com- 
missioners were to meet at the mill of Jonathan Anthony on 
Pigeon creek and there decide upon the location. At the time 
appointed for their meeting a majority, for some reason, 
failed to appear and in their places were substituted William 

thereof to the mouth of White River; thence up White River with the meanders 
thereof to the forlis of White River; thence up the east fork of White River, to 
where the line between Sections No. 20 and 29, in Township No. 1 north, of 
Range No. 4 west, strikes the same ; thence with said line to the line of Harrison 
County ; thence with the said line dividing the counties of Knox and Harrison to 
the Ohio River; thence down the Ohio River to the beginning. 

Section 2. Be it further enacted, that the trace of country included within 
the aforesaid boundaries be, and the same is hereby divided into two separate 
and distinct counties by a line begining on the Wabash River and known and 
designated by the name of Rector's base line, and with said line east until it in- 
tersects the line of Harrison County, and that from and after the first day of 
April, one thousand, eight hundred and thirteen, the trace of country falling 
within the southern division thereof, shall be known and designated by the name 
and style of the County of Warrick. And the northern division thereof shall be 
known and designated by the name and style of the County of Gibson. 

James Dill, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 
James Beggs, 
President of the Legislative Council. 

Approved, March 9, 1813 : John Gibson." Laws of Indiana, 181S, 67. 

' "Be it enacted by the Legislative Council and House of Representatives, and 
it is hereby enacted by the authorities of the same, that John Ocheltree, Abel 
Westfall, William Polk, Robert Elliott and William Prince, all of Knox County, 
be and they are hereby appointed commissioners for the purpose of fixing the 
seat of justice in the counties of Gibson and Warrick, whose duty it shall be 
to convene at the house of John Mcjunkin, in Gibson County on the first Monday 
In February next, and proceed to fix the seat of justice in the county of Gibson 
in conformity with and in respects agreeably to an act passed at the last session 
of the Legislature, entitled "An Act fixing the seat of justice in all new counties 
hereafter laid off." 

Section 2. And be it further enacted. That the aforesaid Commissioners 
shall immediately after they may have fixed the seat of justice in Gibson County, 
repair to Warrick County to the mill of Jonathan Anthony, and proceed to fix the 
seat of justice in the same, in the same manner as is provided in the first sec- 
tion of this act tor fixing the seat in Gibson County. 

Section 3. And be it further enacted. That the Sheriff of Knox County 
be and he is hereby required to serve the aforesaid Commissioners with a notice 
of their said appointments on or before the 20th day of January next, for which 
service he shall be allowed such compensation as the courts of Common Pleas 
in the counties of Gibson and Warrick may deem reasonable to be allowed Eind 
discharged in the same manner that other county claims are ; Provided, however, 
that if any of the said commissioners should be disqualified to act as Commis- 
sioner by the said act for fixing the seats of justice, etc., the said courts of 
Common Pleas in the said counties of Gibson and Warrick, or either of them, 
shall have power to appoint others to supply such vacancy. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 325 

Prince, Daniel Putnam, Alexander Diven, John Milburn and 
William Hargrove.* Evansville was selected for the capital 
of the county. Hugh McGary, who owned the lower part of 
what later became the city of Evansville, laid out a number 
of lots and donated some of these to the county on condition 
that the commissioners should locate the courthouse at that 
place.5 The deed to this land was made to Nathaniel Claypool, 
county agent, and dated July 15, 1814. It is probable that 
Colonel McGary's gift of a hundred acres of land had consid- 
erable influence in the selection of Evansville as the county 
seat.6 This was the first capital of Warrick county. 

Within three months after Evansville was made the capi- 
tal of Warrick, an act was passed by the territorial legislature 
creating out of that county the counties of Posey (with nearly 
its present limits) on the west and Perry on the east. Thus 
Warrick was limited approximately to the territory now in- 
cluded in Vanderburg, Warrick and Spencer counties. This 
left the site of Evansville in the southwestern corner of War- 
rick, with the result that the territorial legislature moved 
the county seat from Evansville to a site at the mouth of 

♦ History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties, 37. 

' Joseph P. Elliott, A History of Evansville and Vanderbitrg County, Indiana, 
60. 

• Indiana Magazine of History, March, 1914, 5; History of Warrick, Spencer 
and Perry Counties, 37 ; Joseph P. Elliott, A History of Evansville and Vander- 
hurg County, 60. The commisisoner had reported on June 13 before this, and 
June 20, Nathaniel Claypool, county agent, was directed to lay out the town of 
Evansville. 

8 The act of the legislature changing the seat of justice for Warrick county 
was passed in September, 1S14, and was as follows: 

Whereas, It has been satisfactorily proven to this legislature, that Evans- 
ville, the seat of justice for the county of Warrick, is precisely in the corner 
of that tract of country which must hereafter form said Warrick County after 
the proper and necessary divisions shall take effect. 

1. Be it therefore enacted by the Legislative Council and House of Repre- 
sentatives, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same. That the seat 
of justice of Warrick county shall be and the same is hereby established and 
fixed on fractional section number 7, in township number 7 south, on range num- 
ber 8 west, of the second principal meridian, it being the place at first selected 
by the commissioners appointed to fix the seat of justice in said county, by 
an act of the Legislature passed at the last session : Provided, however. That 
Nathaniel Ewing shall convey to the county of Warrick and for the sole use 
of said county three hundred acres of land out of the above named fractional 
section at the price of two dollars per acre, and oft the east end of the said 
fractional section. 

2. Be it further enacted. That the court of the said Warrick county author- 
ized to do county business, shall cause the said three hundred acres of land de- 
scribed as aforesaid, to be laid out into town lots, and sold agreeably to the 



326 Indiana Magazine of History 

Little Pigeon creek, later called Darlington. This location was 
about four miles above Newburg on a tract of land owned by 
Nathaniel Ewing, which had been donated to the county for 
that purpose.^ The county seat was retained on the Ohio on 
account of its importance as a commercial route. 

At first the sessions of the courts were held in private 
houses in various parts of the county. At the first meeting of 
the county board, Lawrence Younce was given the contract on 
October 31, 1814, to build a county jail for the sum of $593. 
The specifications for this building were as follows: "The jail 
is to be eighteen feet square from outside to outside, to be 
built with a double wall of well-hewn timber twelve inches 
square, and to be raised in that manner so as to bring the 
joints of the outside wall, leaving a space between the two 
walls six inches to be filled up with rock and gravel. The first 
story to be seven feet high and the second to be eight. The 
lower fioor to be made with square timber laid double, said 
timber to be twelve inches square, and done in a workman-like 
manner. The upper floor to be laid with timber of the same 
quality as the lower, but one layer of logs completely put to- 

provisions of an act entitled "an act for fixing the seats ot justice in all new 
counties hereafter to be laid off," and shall cause the public buildings of said 
county to be erected thereon, in such places of as is most suitable and will best 
promote the interest of said county. 

3. Be it further enacted. That any person or persons, who has or have 
purchased any lot or lots i nthe town of Bvansville of the agent of the said 
county of Warrick, may at his or their election either retain possession of such 
lots or convey such lots to the said county of Warrick, and have the purchase 
money refunded if paid or their bonds cancelled or given up to them, if such 
purchase-money be not paid by applying to the said court of Warrick county 
and it shall be the duty of said court on receiving sufficient titles, and upon ap- 
plication made as aforesaid to cause the same to be refunded and given up ac- 
cordingly. 

4. Be it further enacted, That the agent of said Warrick county shall on 
the second day of March next, or as soon thereafter as convenient, reconvey to 
Hugh McGary, the tract of land at Evansville, which was conveyed to the said 
Warrick county, except so much thereof as may be retained by Individuals who 
purchased lots of the agent for the said county as aforesaid, and the said court 
of Warrick county, if any such lots are retained, shall cause the amount of pur- 
chase-money thereof when collected, to be paid to the said Hugh McGary. 

5. Be it further enacted. That the circuit and other courts hereafter to be 
held for the said Warrick county shall be held at the house of Daniel Rhodes 
in said county, until a court house shall be erected on the said tliree hundred 
acres of land sufficient for the accommodation of the courts, at which time said 
court shall adjourn to the court house. This act to take effect from and after 
its passage. 

» Will Fortune, Warrick and Its Prominent People, 15. 
10 Historical Atlas of Warrick County, 10. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 327 

gether, with a floor of planks two inches thick well spiked 
down in the logs of the floor, the garret floor to be of logs of 
nine inch timber, and ceiled with plank one and one-half 
inches thick and spiked accordingly. The upper story to be 
divided into two rooms with a partition of timber ten inches 
thick, well and completely confined in the wall of the said 
house. The roof to be of shingles of good quality. The raft- 
ers, sheathing and weatherboarding to be of good quality. In 
the lower to be windows nine inches square with double grates 
of iron bars one inch and a quarter square, put in the wall 
and well confined, so that the bars of the inside grates shall 
face the lights of the outside grates. The upper story to have 
one window eighteen inches square, made in the same manner 
as the windows in the lower story. Two doors of common 
size to be of planks three inches thick made double, so that 
each door shall be six inches thick and well put together in 
the manner that jail doors ought to be done, hung with large 
hinges extending across the door, and clasped on the opposite 
side and riveted, with caps of iron on the head of each rivet. 
In the second floor of the upper story there is to be a trap door 
to open on said floor, and confined in a strong manner, as the 
door in the wall, each door to have a bar of iron confined with 
a staple at one end, to extend across each door and locked in 
a staple in the wall of the jail with a good padlock. It is con- 
sidered that all the timber out of which the said jail is to be 
built, is to be of good quality."io This building was completed 
May 8, 1815 and received by the county board on August 15. 

The next business of the county board was to provide for a 
county courthouse. The plans for this building were as fol- 
lows: "Twenty by twenty feet square, of well hewn logs not 
less than one foot, to be one story and a half high, the upper 
story to be six feet high. Three window*, large enough to re- 
ceive eighteen lights of sash, two floors, one staircase, bar, 
jury box and judge's bench, two doors, shingle roof and one 
partition above with a door through the same, two windows 
above of the same size as the windows below, completing the 
same with locks, bolts and hinges, all in workman-like manner 
on or before the first day of March, 1816."" Daniel Deckrow 

« History of Warrick, Spencer and Perry Counties, 39. 



328 Indiana Magazine of History 

contracted to construct this building for $290, Ratliff Boon 
and Adam Young being his securities. The building was com- 
pleted long before this time and the board received it on De- 
cember 4, 1815.12 

On December 21, 1816, an act was passed (to go into effect 
February 1, 1817) by the General Assembly of the State of 
Indiana, creating Pike county out of Gibson, Knox and 
Perry counties. By this act the northern boundary of War- 
rick county was moved farther north enlarging the limits of 
the county,i3 however the northern boundary was yet south 
of the present boundary. These boundaries were not retained 
long and the organization of Vanderburg and Spencer counties 
out of Warrick, February 1, 1818, left the latter county with 
almost its present boundaries.^* 

After Spencer and Vanderburg counties had been formed, 
the county seat was again left far from the center of the 
county. The legislature was asked to appoint a commission 

^ Historical Atlas of Warrick County, 18S0. 10. 

^^ Pike county was formed out of Knox, Gibson and Perry counties witli 
tlie following boundaries : "Beginning at a point on White River where the line 
dividing sections nine and ten in range nine, town one north of Buckingham's 
base line strikes the same, thence south with said line to the township line 
dividing townships three and four south, thence east with said township line 
until it strikes the range dividing ranges two and three west, thence north with 
said range until it strikes the line dividing the counties of Orange and Gibson, 
thence with said line until it strikes the line dividing the counties of Orange and 
Gibson, thence with said line until it strikes Lick Creek, thence down said creek 
to White River, thence down said river with the meanders thereof to the place 
of beginning." Laws of Indiana, 1816, 20S. 

" Vanderburg county was formed out of Warrick, Gibson and Posey with 
the following boundaries : "Beginning on the Ohio river where the range line 
dividing ranges eleven and twelve west, strikes the same, thence north with the 
said range line to the center of township four, south of Buckingham's base line, 
thence east through the center of township four, south, to the range line divid- 
ing ranges nine and ten west, thence south with said range line dividing town- 
ship five and six south, thence east to the first section line in the range nine, 
thence south with said section line to the Ohio river, with the meanders thereof, 
to the place of beginning." 

Spencer county was formed out of Warrick and Perry coimties with the 
following boundaries : "Beginning on the Ohio river where the section line 
passes through the center of the seventh range strikes the same ; thence north 
with the said section line until it strikes Little Pigeon creek ; thence up said creek 
with the meanders thereof, to the township line passing between townships four 
and five ; thence east with said township line to the range line dividing ranges 
five and six ; thence north to the line of Pike county, thence east with the line 
dividing the counties of Perry and Pike to the range line dividing ranges three 
and four, thence south with said range line until it first strikes Anderson River, 
tlience down said river with the meanders thereof, to the Ohio River, thence 
down the same to the place of beginning." Special Acts of 1S17, 22. 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 329 

to select a more suitable location. On January 1, 1818, John 
Tipton, Zachariah Lindley, James B. Slaughter, Roland B. 
Richards, and Davis Edwards were appointed commissioners 
to relocate the capital of Warrick county.i^ On March 19, 
1818, this commission presented a report as follows: 

We, the undersigned commissioners, appointed by the General Assembly 
of the State of Indiana for the purpose of fixing the seat of justice for the 
county of Warrick, do report that we have obtained, by donation, 175 acres 
of land from the following persons and out of the following tracts of land, 
to-wit : Sixty acres of land from John Barker, of the west end of the southwest 
quarter of section 26, in township 5 south, of range 8 west; sixty acres of 
land from William Berry, of the east end of the southwest quarter of section 
26, in township 5 south, range 8 west; thirty acres of land from Richard 
Stephens, part of the northwest quarter of section 26, township 5 south, of 
range 8 west, to be laid off in the southwest corner of said quarter-section, 
immediately north of and adjoining the donation of William Berry, to be 
sixty poles east and west and to run north to include the said quantity of 

" Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of Indiana : 
(Note. Sections 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 relate to the formation of Van- 
derburg county). 

9. John Tipton, of Harrison county, Zachariah Lindley of Orange county, 
James B. Slaughter, of Harrison county, Roland B. Richards, of Gibson county, 
and David Edwards, of Posey county, be, and they are hereby appointed com- 
missioners to fixe the seat of justice of Warrick county, agreeably to an act en- 
titled "an act for fixing the seat of justice in all new counties hereafter to be 
laid off", whose duty shall be to meet at the house of John Hargrave in the 
said county on the third Monday of March next and proceed to fix and estab- 
lish the permanent seat of justice for the said county of Warrick, and so soon 
as the said county seat is established as aforesaid, the town of Darlington 
be, and the same is hereby declared no longer to be the seat of justice of the said 
county of Warrick, and the same is hereby removed from Darlington to the 
place so established. 

10. Be it further enacted. That so soon as the seat of justice is fixed as 
aforesaid within the said county of Warrick, it shall be the duty of the board 
of county commissioners to proceed to erect the necessary public buildings 
thereon, and when the said buildings are, in the opinion of the Circuit Court, 
sufficient for their acommodation, the said court shall be adjourned thereto, 
after which all courts for said county shall be held at said seat of justice. 

11. All persons who have purchased any lot or lots at the town of Dar- 
lington shall be permitted to reconvey the same to the commissioners of War- 
rick county for the use of the said county, whose duty it shall be to receive said 
conveyances and refund to the person or persons so conveying the original pur- 
chase money with interest thereon to be paid out of the funds of the said 
county of Warrick ; Provided, also, That it shall be the duty of the commis- 
sioners as aforesaid to pay over unto Nathaniel Ewing the balance yet due on 
the original purchase of the tract of land whereon the said town of Darlington 
is situated and receive a conveyance from the said Nathaniel Ewing, and dis- 
pose of the same at public auction for the benefit of the said county of Warrick, 
either for ready money or on such credit as the circuit court of said county 
may direct. All acts and parts of acts coming within the purview of this act, 
be, and they are hereby repealed. 



330 Indiana Magazine of History 

thirty acres, and twenty-five acres of land of William Barker, fifteen of which 
lie in the northeast quarter and ten in the northwest quarter of section 35, 
in township 5 south, of range 8 west, adjoining to and immediately south of 
the donation of John Barker, Sr., on which above described tracts of land 
we have agreed to fix the permanent seat of justice for the county of Warrick, 
but it is to be understood that William Berry, Sr., is to have one lot, to-wit: 
The second choice of lots laid off on his donation.16 

This commission was signed by John Tipton, Zachariah 
Lindley, David Edwards and James B, Slaughter. This was 
the beginning of the town of Boonville. 

Again the matter of public buildings came before the 
county authorities. At first the courts were held in a log court- 
house, built on the public square, but this soon became too 
small for the transaction of the necessary county business. 
Then the county commissioners ordered a new brick building 
thirty-five feet square to be erected, which, however, was never 
built. A frame building was later agreed upon instead. 

A ditch two feet deep and two feet wide was filled with smoothly hewn 
logs to a level with the surface of the earth, on which was built a stone wall 
eighteen inches in height. This constituted the foundation and on it was built 
the frame proper. However, this building was never completed. It was 
weather-boarded and roofed, but was neither lathed nor plastered, and thus 
remained until 1836. While it was capable of holding more people than the 
log cabin it could hardly be used even during the summer months.iT 

A jail had to be provided for and in October, 1818, the 
county agent let the contract to John Upham with the follow- 
ing specifications : 

The jail is to be eighteen feet square, from outside to outside, to be built 
with a double wall of well-hewn timber twelve inches square, and to be raised 
in that manner so as to bring the joints of the outside wall opposite the face 
of the logs of the inside wall, leaving a space between the two walls of six 
inches, to be filled up with rock and gravel. The first story is to be seven 
feet high, and the second eight, etc.i8 

This building was on the northeast corner of the square, 
but after some time it became too small and a new brick build- 
ing was built on Sycamore between Third and Fourth streets. 

•• H^stoT^cal Atlas of Warrick County, 10. 

" Win Fortune, Warrick and Its Prominent People, 28. 

" Win Fortune, Wtariok ana Ite PronUnent People, GS, 



Barr: Warrick County Prior to 1818 331 

At the end of our period, 1818, Warrick county had be- 
come fairly well established along the lines that she was to 
make her future development. Within her limits were already 
formed four townships — Anderson, Boon, Skelton and Camp- 
bell — with 300 voters and a total population of 1,500. The first 
mail route had already been established in 1817, better roads 
were being built and the county was gradually being brought 
into closer touch with the outside world. Although Warrick 
for the next two decades was probably not to enjoy the rapid 
progress granted her neighbors, she had played an important 
role in the early annals of southwestern Indiana and was again 
to assume an important place among the leading counties of 
southern Indiana. 



The Populist Party in Indiana 

Ernest D, Stewaet, A. M., Dupont, Ind. 
Origin of Populism 

The sudden origin and rapid growth of the People's party 
was a most striking political phenomenon of the period from 
1890 to 1896. Beyond a doubt it was the most important third 
party in the history of American politics up to that time. In 
1892 and 1894 the party attained a strength which practical- 
ly gave it the balance of power. For this reason politicians re- 
garded it with respect and secretly courted it, though publicly 
as a matter of political policy they affected to hold it in deri- 
sion. Many of the People's party's demands have since been 
enacted into law. This fact more than any other testifies to 
the sincerity and significance of the movement. 

The chief cause of the sudden appearance of the People's 
or Populist party in 1890 and 1891, was the economic condi- 
tions of the time. From 1873 to 1893, roughly speaking, the 
country was in the throes of an industrial crisis.^ It was a 
period marked by falling prices and consequent wide-spread 
discontent, particularly among the agricultural and laboring 
classes. These classes constituted to a large extent the debtor 
element upon whom the burden caused by the declining prices 
fell most heavily. It is obvious that a debt contracted by a 
producer when prices are high will have practically increased 
in amount if paid off when prices are low. A $1,000 debt con- 
tracted in $1.10 wheat is equal to $1,290 when paid in 85c 
wheat, provided the cost of producing the wheat remains the 
same. The average price of wheat during the five years end- 
ing in 1883 was $1.11 a bushel ; the average price in the next 
five years was 81c. In 1885 it was lower in the United States 
than it had been in forty years. During the decade from 1881 
to 1891 there was a general drop in the prices of corn, cotton, 

• To be distinguished from a monetary crisis. F. W. Taussig, Principles of 
Economics, 400 seg. 

332 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiarut 333 

wool, and live stock estimated at 40 per cent. Between 1884 
and 1888 there was an increase of 7 per cent in the number of 
animals received at the Chicago stock market over the num- 
ber of animals received in the years from 1880 to 1884; yet 
the decrease in value was 10% although there had been an in- 
crease in population of 22% in the same period. ^ The price 
of steers in the Chicago stock market in 1884 was $6.02 a 
hundred. In the next five years the price steadily went down 
until in 1889 it reached $3.95. In the same length of time 
wheat showed a consistent decline from 95c to 88c, corn 60c to 
43c and oats from 36c to 28c. In the Indianapolis market about 
1880 wheat was selling around $1.25. In 1891 it fluctuated 
between 80c and 90c. In 1890 the prices of wheat and corn 
due to a short crop were better than for several years, but on 
the other hand there were times, during the darkest days of 
1893 and 1894, when 40c wheat was not uncommon. Under 
such conditions it was small wonder that thousands became 
restless and wished for a change. 

Naturally the classes affected were not at a loss in fixing 
to their own satisfaction the cause of their distress. They felt 
that the main reason for the prevailing low prices was the 
scarcity of money. According to the quantitative theory of 
money, the precious metals are commodities just as meat or 
cotton or corn, and are governed by the same law of supply 
and demand. Increase the amount of the commodity and it 
becomes cheaper, that is, cheaper in comparison with other 
commodities. Since the value of these goods is measured in 
terms of money, prices rise. On the other hand, let the 
amount of money in circulation be curtailed, the supply les- 
sened, and money becomes dearer, that is, a given amount of 
any commodity will not exchange for as much money as before 
and the prices fall. Holding to this quantitative theory, think- 
ing people saw in the insufficient supply of money the one 
great cause of the hard times. It was generally believed that 
lack of money was the deliberate act of self-seeking men who 
had cornered the money market in order to enhance the value 
of the precious metals for their own profit. The act of 1873 

' These facts and figures are taken from W. A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side, 
21 seg. 



334 Indiana Magazine of History 

demonetizing silveri by which the normal increase in the 
money supply was prevented, was dubbed the "crime of '73" 
and pointed to as clear evidence of this deep-laid plot. Herein 
lies the necessary relation between the economic phase of the 
matter and the political. The remedy for the bad state of 
affairs into which the country had fallen was to be found in 
the restoration of silver to an equality with gold through free 
coinage and the issuance of paper money direct from the 
government. 

Many persons also found fault with the way in which the 
government issued money to the people. By the constitution, 
"Congress shall have the power to coin money and regulate 
the value thereof". It was charged that although the govern- 
ment coined the money it turned it over to individuals and cor- 
porations to trade in. Both old parties, it was said, had de- 
serted the wise doctrine of finance that money should be is- 
sued by the people themselves through their agent, the govern- 
ment. Instead they had turned over the business of issuing 
money and controlling its volume to a few persons who used 
their power in their own interest. This was the essence of 
the farmers' quarrel with the national banks. i The farmer 
objected to the banks because they appeared to him a money 
monopoly fostered by the government. He would have them 
abolished as banks of issue and the money issued directly by 
the government. The whole national banking system was un- 
just and an unnecessary tax on the people. For one thing, the 
banks received double interest, — interest on their bank notes 
when loaned to the people, and interest on the bonds securing 
their circulation. 

Upon the question of interest a great many thinking peo- 
ple held well defined convictions. Interest was looked upon 
as a destroyer. It was pointed out that money loaned for a 
number of years at compound interest amounted to more than 
the profits of ordinary industry in the same length of time. 
That is, interest charges accumulate faster than the savings 
of labor. The reason, of course, was that interest rates were 

' A full discussion of this act presenting both sides of the question is beyond 
the scope of this paper. 

1 Another grievance lay in the fact that by the law of 1864 establishing 
the national banks they were not permitted to issue loans on land. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 335 

too high. The obvious remedy, therefore, was a decrease in 
the legal rate. The profits arising through the lending of 
money, it was contended, should not exceed the profits arising 
through the expenditure of labor. For instance, if a net 
profit of 2 per cent is the maximum yielded by farming, that 
industry cannot afford to pay a higher rate of interest than 2 
per cent.i Again, it was pointed out that the price of any 
commodity other than money is constantly changing, un- 
affected by any arbitrary law. The question then was asked, 
why are interest rates alone fixed always making necessary 
the payment by the borrower of the top price ? 

One great cause of existing evils in society then, it was 
felt, was the power of money, a power which could be neutral- 
ized by increasing the supply of money, taking from it its 
interest-bearing function to the extent of bringing its value as 
a profit-bearing investment to the same level with land and 
labor. The annual net profit on labor and labor's productions 
was about 3 per cent. Interest on money should be no higher 
than that. 

Besides the financial errors there were other evils pointed 
out as the cause of the people's distress. It was believed that 
the operations of speculators were responsible to a certain ex- 
tent for the low prices of farm products. A bill to prevent 
such alleged speculation, knovm as the Butterworth Bill, was 
introduced into congress, but never enacted into law. Not 
only food speculators but land speculators also were an 
anathema in the eyes of the farmers. In fact the prevention 
of speculation in land was the main object of the Farmers' 
Alliance organized in Texas in 1875. Alien ownership was 
especially frowned upon. Another grievance in this connec- 
tion was the great land monopoly built up by the railroads 
throughout the south and west by governmental grants. 

Since the discontented elements believed that reform was 
needed because the functions of government had been taken 
wanted to see those functions brought more under public con- 
trol. They believed in greater power for the people, espe- 
cially in the regulation of these industries partaking of the na- 
ture of natural monopolies. From this attitude arose their 

1 W. A. Peffer, The Farmer's Side, 77. 



336 Indiana Magazine of History 

demand for the government regulation and even taking over 
of the telegraph, telephone, and railroad companies. In re- 
gard to the railroads, it was felt that the only way for the 
people to avoid the high rates charged by the railroads due 
to their over-capitalization was to ovsoi and operate them 
themselves. To the same attitude may also be traced the ad- 
vocacy in the latter history of the radical movement of the 
Initiative and Referendum. 

Add to the above mentioned factors the beliefs held by 
many persons that the two old parties had been insincere in 
professing friendship for free coinage and poor people in 
general ; that the rich were largely exempt from their share of 
taxation ; that the administration of the government was cor- 
rupt and extravagant; and one may form an idea of the ele- 
ments going to make up the People's party. 

The demands of the Populists, particularly in the early 
stages of the movement, may be summarized under the three 
heads of land, transportation, and money. 

The Political Background 

The way had been prepared for the People's party by vari- 
ous social and quasi-political organizations among the farmers 
and laborers dating back as far as 1867. This remarkable 
activity among the two great laboring classes was a disting- 
uishing characteristic of the two decades and a half beginning 
with 1870. It was what sociologists would call the awakening 
of class consciousness. The farmers suddenly realized that 
they had common aims and purposes, and that through or- 
ganization they possessed a great amount of power. This 
feeling found expression in the formation of various Granges, 
Farmers' Alliances, Industrial Unions, Benefit Associations, 
Agricultural Wheels, etc., in most of the States of the Union. 
Such associations did not always justify the hopes of their 
founders and in most cases their political influence was negli- 
gible. Yet one or two of them came to exercise a decided 
influence on the course of events. Originally their aims were 
of two kinds, social and educational, though many of them 
were perverted from the original purposes. 



Stewart: The PoTptdist Party in Indiana 337 

The Patrons of Husbandry, known also as the Grange, was 
the earUest of these associations. Organized in 1867 at Wash- 
ington, D. C, it was a secret organization, women were ad- 
mitted on an equality with men, and it was begun primarily 
for social purposes. Its scope broadened, however, until many 
of its demands were enacted into law and were the key to the 
independent parties of the time. It attacked the growing 
power of the railroads ; with their over-capitalization, and ex- 
orbitant rates, and its ideas succeeded so well that it has been 
called "the mother of the Granger legislation." The two 
principles of this legislation are that transportation belongs 
to the people, and that congress has the power to regulate 
it.i 

Next in point of importance, perhaps, was the Farmers' 
Alliance, organized in Texas in 1875 to prevent the monopo- 
lizing of new lands by speculators. It also had a social aim. 
After absorbing the Farmers' Union of Louisiana, and the 
Agricultural Wheel of Arkansas it finally became split into 
two parts, The "Southern" Alliance, and what became known 
as the "Northern" or National Farmers' Alliance. The latter 
originated in Illinois in 1877. Unlike the southern wing it 
was not secret and was more inclined to participate in politics. 
"Equal rights to all, special privileges to none" was its motto. 
The official title of the "Southern" Alliance was The National 
Farmers' Alliance and Industrial Union. i 

Another agricultural organization strong in Indiana and 
Illinois particularly was the Farmers' Mutual Benefit Associa- 
tion, commonly known as the "F. M. B. A.". Its objects were 
the same as the other bodies mentioned. It was a secret order 
and admitted only men. Besides these main bodies there were 
various minor and local "Alliances", "Unions", and "Wheels" 
in almost every State. 

According to S. J. Buck, an authority on the Granger 
movement, the origin of the Peoples party is to be found in 
the St. Louis platform adopted by the "Southern" Alliance 
and Knights of Labor in 1889." This famous platform, the 
basis of the later Populist demands, deserves detailed treat- 

' The creation of the Interstate Commerce Commission in 1887 was the di- 
rect result of its efforts. W. A. Pefter, The Farmer's Side, 150. 
^ F. M. Drew in Political Science Quarterly for 1891, p. 283. 



338 Indiana Magazine of History 

ment. It is given here with the changes made the next year 
at the annual meeting of the Alliance at Ocala, Florida : 

1. We demand the abolition of national banks. (Also we demand) 
that the government shall establish sub-treasuries or depositories in the 
several States (to take their place). The sub-treasuries shall loan money 
direct to the people at a low rate of interest not to exceed two per cent per 
annum, on non-perishable farm products, and also upon real estate, with 
proper limitations upon the quality of land and amount of money. We 
demand that the amount of the circulating medium be speedily increased 
to not less than $50 per capita. 

2. We demand that congress shall pass such laws as shall effectually 
prevent the deaing in futures of all agricultural and mechanical produc- 
tions; preserving a stringent system of procedure in trials as shall secure 
the prompt conviction, and imposing such penalties as shall secure the most 
perfect compliance with the law. 

3. We demand the free and unlimited coinage of silver. We condemn 
the silver bill recently passed by congress. 

4. We demand the passage of laws prohibiting the alien ownership of 
land, and that congress take early steps to devise some plan to obtain all 
land now owned by aliens and foreign syndicates; and that all lands now 
held by railroad and other corporations in excess of such as is actually 
used and needed by them, be reclaimed by the government and held for 
actual settlers only. 

5. Believing in the doctrine of "equal rights to all and special privi- 
leges to none," we demand that taxation, national or state, shall not be 
used to build up one Interest or class at the expense of another. We believe 
that the money of the country should be kept as much as possible in the 
hands of the people, and hence we demand that all revenues, national. State 
or county, shall be limited to the necessary expenses of the government 
economically and honestly administered. 

6. We demand the most rigid, honest and just State and national con- 
trol of the means of public communication and transportation, and if this 
control and supervision does not remove the abuse now existing, we demand 
the government ownership of such means of communication and transporta- 
tion. 

At the same time that the St. Louis platform was being 
constructed, the "Northern" Alliance adopted a similar one. 
It is given here also since it, along with the St. Louis platform 
proper, served as a model for the leaders in the political cam- 
paign of 1890. 

Whereas, the farmers of the United States are most in number of any 
order of citizens, and with the other productive classes have freely given 
' S. J. Buck, Granger Movement, 309. 



Stetvart: The Populist Party in Indiana 339 

of the blood to found and maiutain the nation; therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the public land, the heritage of the people, be reserved 
for actual settlers only, and that measures be taken to prevent aliens from 
acquiring titles to lauds in the United States and territories, and that the 
law be rigidly enforced against all railroad corporations which have not 
complied with the terms of their contract, by which they have received 
large grants of land. 

2. We demand the abolition of the national banking system and that 
the government issue full legal tender money direct to the people in suffi- 
cient volume for the requirements of business. 

3. We favor the payment of the public debt as rapidly as possible, and 
we earnestly protest against maintaining any bonds in existence as the 
basis for the issue of money. 

4. We favor a graded Income tax, and we also favor a tax on real 
estate mortgages. 

5. We demand economy and retrenchment as far as is consistent with 
the interests of the people in every department of the government, and we 
will look with special disfavor upon any Increase of the official salaries of 
our representatives or government employees. 

6. We favor such a revision and reduction of the tarlfC that the taxes 
may rest as lightly as possible upon productive labor and that Its burdens 
may be upon the luxuries and in a manner that will prevent the accumula- 
tion of a United States treasury surplus. 

7. The stability of our government depends upon the moral, manual 
and intellectual training of the young, and we believe in so amending our 
public school system that the education of our children may inculcate the 
essential dignity necessary to be a practical help to them in after life. 

S. Our railroads should be owned and managed by the government, 
and be run in the interest of the people upon an actual cash basis. 

9. That the government take steps to secure the payment of the debt 
of the Union and Central Pacific railroads and their branches by fore- 
closure and sale, and any attempt to extend the time again from the 
payment of the same beyond its present limit will meet with our most 
emphatic condemnation. 

10. We are in favor of the early completion of a ship canal connecting 
the Great Lakes with the Gulf of Mexico, and a deep water harbor on the 
southern coast in view of opening trade relations with the Central and 
South American states, and we are in favor of national aid to a judicious 
system of experiments to determine the practicability of irrigation. 

11. We sympathize with the just demands of labor of every grade 
and recognize that many of the evils from which the farming community 
suffers oppress universal labor, and that therefore producers should unite 
in a demand for the reform of unjust systems and the repeal of laws that 
bear unequally upon the people. 

12. We favor the Australian system, or some similar system of voting, 
and ask the enactment of laws regulating the nomination of candidates 
for public office. 



340 Indicma Magazine of History 

13. We are in favor of the diversifloation of our productive resources. 

14. We (will) favor and assist to office such candidates only as are 
thoroughly identified with our principles and we will insist on such legis- 
lation as shall make them effective. 

In January, 1891, at a session of the national order in 
Omaha, further demands were made as follows: the election 
of President, Vice-President and the United States Senators 
by popular vote, restriction of the liquor traffic, woman's suf- 
frage, liberal pensions, passage of the Conger land bill, free 
and unlimited coinage of silver and the increase of the cur- 
rency to $50 per capita. The convention pledged itself to de- 
mand "that the government allow us to borrow money from 
the United States at the same rate of interest as do banks". 
It was resolved not to affiliate with either the Republican or 
the Democratic party and a declaration was made in favor of 
nominating a national ticket in 1892. 

Thus by 1890 the forces of discontent had acquired con- 
siderable headway. Through the efforts of the Farmer's Al- 
liance, assisted by the labor element, a set of principles had 
been drawn up in a combination new to the political history of 
the country. The way was cleared for a new party. There 
remained the task of harmonizing the discordant elements 
and welding them into one organization. We shall see how 
this was accomplished in the years 1890 and 1891. 



The Work of the Alliance and the F. M. B. A. 

Though 1890 was an "off" year in politics it saw the launch- 
ing and partial success of the new party in several of the 
western and southern States. In the western States a number 
of wet years had caused the farmers to increase the kind and 
area of cultivation to such an extent that when normal dry 
weather returned there were many failures and bankrupt- 
cies. i Especially was this true in Kansas. This fact largely 
accounts for the more acute development of the People's party 
movement in Kansas and the west generally than in Indiana. - 
The latter State, besides being a more eastern and hence a 

1 C. R. Pish, Development of American Nationality, 475. 
" Indianapolis Journal, Sept. 15; Oct. 26, 1890. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 341 

more conservative State, had more uniform and normal crop 
conditions. 

However, a campaign took place characterized by great 
activity among the members of the various farmers' organiza- 
tions during the summer and fall. Barbecues, picnics, and 
rallies galore were held throughout the State, and some ex- 
citement prevailed. Speakers such as L. L. Polk, national 
president of the Farmers' Alliance, and J. H. Allen, of Terre 
Haute, a local worker, addressed large audiences. In many 
of the meetings laborers and farmers participated on common 
ground. 1 There was a great deal of talk of uniting the Knights 
of Labor and the Alliance, at least to the extent of identical 
platforms.- Steps were taken toward establishing a radical 
press. On November 23, a meeting was held at Newcastle to 
consider the establishment of an official organ for the Alliance. 
Three thousand subscribers were pledged then and there.^ In 
many counties the farmers' oi-ganization, sometimes acting 
together, sometimes separately, placed independent tickets in 
the field. June 7 the Farmers' Mutual Benefit Association 
and The Knights of Labor held a joint convention at Wash- 
ington, Daviess county, and nominated a full county ticket. 
The candidates were about equally divided between Democrats 
and Republicans.* At Fort Wayne on September 11 the 
Farmers' Alliance and various labor organizations decided to 
put forth an independent county ticket. The Democrats were 
said to be making efforts to prevent this action.^ In Wells 
county the F. M. B. A., acting alone, passed resolutions favor- 
ing the nomination of a county ticket. At Vincennes it was 
decided not to put an independent ticket in the field.^ These 
political moves are typical of what was going on in a great 
or less degree all over the State. 

The economic phase of the situation is illustrated by the 
action taken in several localities against merchants and mid- 
dlemen in general. One reads of a secret meeting of the farm- 

1 Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 2, 1S90. 
^ Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 26, 1890. 
' Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 24, 1S90. 
* Indianapolis Journal, June S, 1S90. 
' Indianapolis Journal, Sept. 12, 1890. 
' Indianapolis Journal, July 10, 1890. 



342 Indiana Magazine of History 

ers held at Martinsville, December 11, for the purpose of 
organizing a store "run according to their own dictation''.^ 
The Farmers' Alliance of Vigo county and the people of Terre 
Haute decided to boycott a Chicago firm selling dressed meat 
in order to preserve the home market for home producers.^ 
At Tipton, the Alliance took action toward the owning of an 
elevator. Rumor had it that an Alliance store was to be 
started by the first of January.^ Many of these projects of 
course never materialized, but they show the attitude of mind 
of the agriculturalists and their ideas of the proper remedies 
for the amelioration of their condition. 

The attitude of the two old parties toward the doings of 
the farmers is significant. The Republicans probably were 
safer against the effects of the new ferment than the Demo- 
crats. The Alliance was strong in the Democratic counties 
of the State and in such localities was encouraged by the Re- 
publican leaders.4 The Democratic party, posing as the more 
progressive party and the especial friend of the farmer, found 
itself in somewhat of a dilemma as to just what attitude to 
take. It compromised by maintaining that all the good things 
in the farmers' demands were already the cardinal principles 
of the Democratic party, while the points which were not 
found in the Democratic platform were impractical and vis- 
ionary. Throughout the period of the People's party the Indi- 
anapolis Journal, the Republican organ, held to a policy of 
serene contempt toward the fledgling. The Sentinel, the 
Democratic organ, was more gracious. 

Official action looking toward greater solidarity was taken 
on June 19 on the occasion of the meeting of the Farmers' 
Convention at Indianapolis. 

The Farmers' Convention on June 19, 1890 

On June 19, 1890, there met in Indianapolis representa- 
tives from the Farmers' Alliance, the F. M. B. A., the 
Grange, and the other farmers' organizations of the State. 

1 Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 15, 1890. 
' Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 15, 1890. 
" Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 9, 1890. 
♦ Indianapolis Journal, May 5, 1890. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in, Indiana 343 

The meeting was called for the ostensible purpose of founding 
a State league in the interests of agriculturists. It met in the 
lecture room of the State Board of Agriculture. The call for 
the meeting was sent out by J. B. Kingsbury, editor of the 
Indiana Farmer. 

Though the aim of the gathering was ostensibly the for- 
mation of a State league, the political phase of the situation 
was paramount. However, the body assumed an equivocal and 
uncertain attitude on the question of taking independent po- 
litical action. The general sentiment seemed to be that if po- 
litical action were taken at all it should be only local. As long 
as possible the farmers were to work within the old parties, 
endeavoring to secure the nomination of men who would carry 
out their ideas. But as one of the resolutions declared : 

When the old parties fail to nominate men suitable to the farmers, 
we deem it our duty, and pledge ourselves to nominate such independ- 
ently, and will strive by all honorable means to secure their election. 

On the other hand we have the words of one of the leaders : 

It is not our purpose to tear down, but to promote our own interest. 
We therefore let politics alone just so far as we are able. The farmers' 
interests are local, as a rule, and do not interfere with the general prin- 
ciples of the parties. We are a unit on wanting State and county taxes 
cut in two, but tariff questions do not bother us. We believe with our 
parties on that subject. i 

(At no time in the history of the People's party did the 
question of the tariff ever figure prominently.) 

A number of resolutions were concurred in by the assembly 
strongly suggestive of the later pure Populist platforms. Class 
legislation, monopolies and trusts were denounced. The direct 
election of United States senators was favored and an unsuc- 
cessful attempt was made to amend the resolution by including 
the President and Vice-President. Another resolution called 
for the reduction of fees and salaries. In regard to the money, 
question a free coinage bill which was being discussed in the 
Senate was enthusiastically endorsed. It was demanded also 
that the legal rate of interest be proportionate to the rate 
earned by capital when invested in agriculture and other pro- 

1 Indianapolis Journal, June 20, 1890. 



344 Indiana Magazine of History 

ductive industries. The passage of the Butterworth bill^ was 
favored. Also the exemption of debtors from taxation to the 
amount of their bona-fide indebtedness was called for. In 
regard to local matters the convention concurred in resolutions 
to the effect that school funds should be appropriated accord- 
ing to the enumeration of pupils, that public printing should 
be let to the lowest bidder and that the political parties place 
men on their tickets in sympathy with the farmers' interests, 
the farmers to give them their support regardless of past 
political ties. When suitable men are not put on the tickets 
the farmers to take independent action. 

In addition the following resolutions were reported by the 
resolutions committee but recommended to be laid on the 
table: 

That all co-anty and townsbip offices be let to the lowest bidder; that 
no farmer TOte for one who had been a candidate In the old parties; that 
women stand on the same legal footing with men as executors and in 
property interests ; that county commissioners be restricted in their powers 
of constructing public buildings by a vote of the people; and that the 
government should lend its credit to farmers on land at two per cent. 

This latter resolution provoked discussion in which it was 
finally decided that such a provision would be impracticable 
since "land sharks would buy up all the rocky and swamp land 
and palm it off on the government by fraud". ^ 

The liquor question came up when a member of the reso- 
lutions committee introduced a plank expressing the views of 
the Prohibitionists. The Prohibitionist party at this time was 
third in importance among the parties of the State. Many 
feared that the introduction of such a resolution would have 
the effect of identifyng the farmers' movement with the Pro- 
hibitionists and thus lead to its downfall. After a lively dis- 
cussion a harmless compromise resolution was adopted and the 
affair closed. 

1 This bill was aimed against speculation in farm products. It proposed 
to make illegal all sales for future deliveries except in the case of the farmer 
who was to be allowed to sell his ungrown crop. 

' Indianapolis Journal, June 20, 1890. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 345 

The First State Convention 

The work of the Farmers' convention represented politi- 
cal activity but it was activity within the old parties. The first 
definite action taken in Indiana toward the fusion of the vari- 
ous radical elements into an independent political organization 
was when representatives from the Greenbackers, the Union 
Labor Party, the Farmers' Alliance, the Grangers, the F. M. 
B. A., and other bodies met in the Criminal courtroom at Indi- 
anapolis, on September 23, 1890, for the express purpose of 
founding a third party.^ It may be considered Indiana's first 
State Convention of the People's party.^ The gathering was 
respectable, consisting of about one hundred delegates repre- 
senting all the congressional districts in the State except the 
First and Third. It was estimated that probably one-third 
of the counties of the State were represented. John C. 
Maugherman of South Bend was elected temporary chairman 
and J. Y. Demaree temporary secretary. Later all officers 
were made permanent.^ 

In starting the organization of the party one of the first 
cares was in regard to a State central committee. This body 
was elected and consisted of one member from each congres- 
sional district with J. H. Allen of Vigo county as chairman.^ 

The platform, presented by M. C. Rankin of Terre Haute, 
chairman of the committee on resolutions, dealt mostly with 
State issues. The State debt was deplored and greater econ- 
omy and lower taxes urged. A just and equitable redistrict- 
ing of the State was demanded and it was urged that a check 
be placed on the power of county commissioners to heap debt 
on the corporations under their control. A non-partisan, 
competent, and permanent management of the State charitable 
and penal institutions was demanded and disapproval ex- 
pressed of the existing contract labor law. Furthermore, in 
the payment of wages to laborers by employers, no property 

' Indianapolis News, Sept. 23, 1890. 

1 The Republican State convention of 1890 was held on June 10, the Demo- 
cratic on August 28. 

= Indianapolis News, Sept. 23, 1890. 
' Indianapolis News, Sept. 23, 1890. 



346 Indiana Magazine of History 

was to be exempt. Child labor was vigorously condemned. 
The assembly declared against the voting of taxes on the peo- 
ple of counties, townships and municipalities for the purpose 
of raising money to be handed over to corporations for the 
building of railroads.^ In regard to the reward of the old 
soldiers, a subject dealt with freely by both the old parties, 
the convention declared for per diem service pensions, for 
the Union ex-prisoner of war pension bill and for the pay- 
ment of pensions from the date of disability instead of from 
the date of application.^ 

The only utterance in the platform on the money question 
was in connection with the demands concerning pensions. 
The plank ran as follows : 

We favor the issuing of a full legal-tender paper money to meet the 
disbursements under these bills (pension bills), thereby enabling the gov- 
ernment to maintain its honor and pay its debts, and at the same time aid 
the people by giving them a sufficient volume of money to meet the demand 
of the legitimate trade interests of the country. Our government paid the 
soldiers in paper money during the war and the veterans will gladly accept 
It in payment of their just demands. 

Among the lesser resolutions was one recommending that 
the inspector of mines be a practical miner. Another, that 
the State furnish school books at cost to the townships, these 
in turn to distribute them free to the pupils. 

The Farmers' Convention held on June 19, 1890, was en- 
dorsed. 

In the course of its proceedings the convention was ad- 
dressed by Capt. Thomas Wadsworth of Daviess county, and 
Moses Hull, of Chicago, one of the original Greenbackers of 
the country.! 

Following is the ticket nominated by the convention : 

Secretary of State, Leroy Templetou, of Benton county; Auditor of 
State, James M. Johnson, of Daviess county; Treasurer of State, Isaiah 
N. Miller, of Grant county; Attorney-General, William Patterson ("Green- 

' This refers to the practice of raising a lump sum by taxation and handing 
It over practically as a free gift to railroads, factories, etc., in the course of con- 
struction by the localities directly benefited by these enterprises. The farmers 
seem to have objected to this practice only in connection with railroads. 

' Indianapolis Journal, Sept 24, 1890. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 347 

back Billy"), of Indianapolis; Clerk of Supreme Court, Benjamin F. Street, 
of Gibson county ; Superintendent of Public Instruction, William Whitney 
of Delaware countw (a member of tlie Kniglits of Labor) ; State Geologist, 
Edward S. Pope, of Indianapolis; Chief Statistician, John W. Shockley, of 
Henry county. 

No nomination was made for the office of judge of the 
Supreme court, as no suitable man could be found who re- 
sided in the judicial district. Later a nominee was found in 
the person of John S. Bender.^ Another change was made 
in the ticket by the substitution of the name of Martin V. 
Kindle for that of Leroy Templeton. After his nomination on 
the State ticket, Templeton was named for congress by the 
Democrats and Independents of the Ninth district and with- 
drew his name in order to make the congressional race.^ It 
was said that all of the candidates on the ticket were 
farmers.! 

The political organization which thus entered the field 
was christened "The People's Party."- The plow and ham- 
mer were adopted as the party emblem. 

It was charged by the Indianapolis Journal, the Repub- 
lican organ, that Democratic politicians were present in the 
convention who made strenuous efforts to get their candi- 
didates endorsed.^ There is no doubt but that from the start 
the members of the convention were afraid their organiza- 
tion would be dominated by the Democrats. 

The Indianapolis Sentinel, the Democratic organ, on the 
other hand, had this to say : 

The whole affair was manipulated by Republican managers. Those 
who participated are being used only to pull the monopoly chestnuts out 
of the fire.4 

» Indianapolis News, Sept. 23, 1890. 

' Appleton's Annual Encyclopedia for 1890, p. 440. 

• Indianapolis News, Sept. 30, 1890. In the ensuing campaign Templeton 
received 19,494 votes to his successful opponent's 20,752, losing by only 1,258 
votes. Report of Secretary of State, Documentary Journal, 1890, Part I. 

» Indianapolis News. Sept. 23, 1890. 

' Some of the names proposed before the final one was adopted were "The 
Farmers' and Laborers' National Party", "The People's Industrial Party", and 
"The Independent Union Party." 

» Indianapolis Journal, Sept. 24, 1890. 

• Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 24, 1890. 



348 Indiana Magazine of History 

Although only a comparatively short time intervened be- 
tween the time of their convention and the date of the elec- 
tion, the farmers made a vigorous campaign. The results of 
the election showed that they had developed unexpected, 
though still insignificant strength. Martin V. Kindle, the 
candidate for Secretary of State, polled 17,354 votes and 
the vote for the other candidates on the ticket ran approx- 
imately at that figure. The Prohibitionists, the only other 
minor party in the field, polled barely twelve thousand.^ 

After the Campaign 

Thus the Populist State campaign of 1890 closed. An 
indication of what reform measures would be expected of the 
next legislature is given by the resolution adopted at the 
annual meeting of the State Farmers' Alliance on November 
20. On that date the following resolutions were adopted: 
That State and county officers be paid salaries in proportion 
to the business transacted and in accordance with salaries 
paid for similar services in ordinary business ; that debtors be 
allowed exemption, from bona-fide indebtedness; that free 
gravel roads be placed under the control of district super- 
visors; that teachers take and report to the trustee the 
enumeration of their respective districts ; that the law giving 
the county commissioners the power to hold special elections 
for voting aid to railroads and corporations be repealed ; that 
no one living in an incorporated town be eligible to the office 
of township trustee.^ 

On the following day, November 21, a set of resolutions, 
more general in their scope and more outspoken, was adopt- 
ed. These resolutions declared in favor of bimetallism and 
free silver, the abolition of national banks, and the issuance 
of greenbacks, limited government control of transportation 
and communication, and the abolition of gambling in food 
products. They also demanded the revision of the tax laws, 
and just pensions. The Australian secret ballot,^ and the 

• From Report of the Secretary of State, Documentary Journal, 1890 Part 
I. 

' Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 21, 1890. 

> The secret ballot was first put into operation in Indiana in 1890. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 349 

graded income tax were endorsed. The liquor traffic was 
denounced. 

Further work of the convention included the adoption of 
what was known as the North Carolina business-agency plan 
by which the members were to purchase their agricultural 
machinery and other supplies through a State agent. The 
Alliance Advocate published in Indianapolis by J. C. Kings- 
bury, was made the official organ of the organization.- 

How closely allied were the demands of the various farm- 
ers' organizations is shown by the manifesto issued at a meet- 
ing of the F. M. B. A. at Peru,^ December 17. It asserted 
that fees in county offices were exorbitant, that the legal rate 
of interest was too high, and that foreign corporations were 
drawing vast incomes from the State without taxation. It 
demanded that assessors list property at its true cash value; 
that official fees be reduced 10 per cent; that taxes from toll 
roads, railroads and pipe lines be divided among the various 
school districts ; that a law be enacted permitting debtors to 
deduct their bona-fide indebtedness from their assessments; 
that mortgages not reported to the assessor become null and 
void in the county where recorded; and that county officials 
hold office for four years only and be ineligible for re-elec- 
tion, i 

Thus the year 1890 saw the attempt of the farmers of 
the State to unite for independent political action, without 
destroying at the same time the different farmers' organiza- 
tions. The next four years were to see the gradual growth 
of the new party until it reached its zenith as an independent 
force in politics. 

The Year op Organization 

The chief characteristic of the year 1891, so far as the 
People's party was concerned, was the development and per- 
fecting of the party organization. 

The picnics, barbecues, and speech-making of the previous 

' Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 22, 1890. 
» Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 18, 1890. 



350 Indiana Magazine of History 

year continued.^ The F. M. B. A. and the Alliance in their 
meetings throughout the State continued their denunciation 
of alleged evils in the State and local governments. On Janu- 
ary 16 the representatives of the F. M. B. A. held a meeting 
at Decatur and demanded reform in the Democratic manage- 
ment of the county.2 In the Indianapolis Journal of Janiz- 
ary 28, 1891, one learns that at Crawfordsville lodge No. 310 
of the Alliance adopted resolutions in regard to fees, salaries, 
mortgages and terms of office. The question of mortgaged 
lands was particularly prominent. The demand w^as reiter- 
ated that the mortgagee be exempt from taxation to the 
amount of his mortgage. The lodge also declared in favor of 
the principle that notes not listed for taxation be non- 
collectible.i At Saline City, near Brazil, the local F. M. B. A. 
passed resolutions condemning the liquor traffic. The meet- 
ing was secret and other business was not made public, but 
it was believed that they would place a county and State 
ticket in the field in the next campaign.^ At Peru in De- 
cember there was a discussion over the starting of a new 
Alliance paper. It was said that a paper was to be started 
at Portland the following week.^ 

In other localities where the members of various farmers' 
lodges felt that the integrity of their organization was at 
stake, political action was deplored. For instance at Charles- 
ton, Clark county, the F. M. B. A. strongly denounced the 
politics in the organization.* At a meeting at the Hotel Eng- 
lish in Indianapolis, February 2, 1891, with delegates present 
from Indiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Illinois Alliances it 
was brought out that the members had no wish to form a 
third party. Their organizations, they said, were not 
political.5 

Two external forces came in at this time to influence the 
growth of the People's party, the one adversely, the other 

I Indianapolis Journal, July 24, 28 ; Sept. 28, 1891. 

- Indianapolis Journal, Jan. 17, 1891. 

^ Indianapolis Journal, Jan. 28, 1891. 

" Indianapolis Journal, July 15, 1891. 

' Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 12, 1891. 

• Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 17, 1891. 

» Indianapolis Journal, Feb. 5, 1891. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 351 

favorably. These two forces were the crop conditions of 
1891 and the action of the Democratic legislature. 

The year 1891 was one of unusual agricultural produc- 
tivity. The corn crop of the State was 125,092,649 bushels, 
an increase of 43% over the yield of the previous year, and 
the largest crop with the exception of that of 1888 in a 
decade. The yield of wheat was 58,305,796 bushels, more 
than double the amount raised in 1890, and the largest crop 
since 1881. The production of hay, barley, rye, and oats 
was normal. The potato crop also was a large one, the larg- 
est since 1885. ^ This prosperity naturally checked the re- 
forming zeal of the radicals, though not to any great extent. 

The tax law of 1891 passed by a Democratic legislature, 
revised and reconstructed the existing methods of taxation in 
such a way as greatly to increase the burdens of the taxpay- 
er.2 From the point of view of the agriculturists, a weak- 
ness of the law was said to consist in the fact that the farmer 
had to pay a tax upon value represented while the money 
lender got credit for his indebtedness. In other words, the 
farmers were taxed upon what they owed while the other 
classes were not.i This increase of their taxes undoubtedly 
strengthened many in the People's party doctrine. It was 
said by many and hoped by the Republicans that the farmers 
would be greatly strengthened in their opposition to the Dem- 
ocrats because of the latters' passage of this law doubling 
assessments instead of a reform fee and salary bill, a partic- 
ular pet of the Populists. 2 

Amalgamation and Organization 

Up to this time the action of the People's party had been 
a matter of State and local concern. The first step toward 
the fusion of the various elements into a national organiza- 

• These figures are taken from the Forty-first Annual Report of the State 
Board of Agriculture for 1S90, pp. 279-293. 

= The main features of this law were four: (1) A tax of 6c on each $100 
worth of property for the Benevolent Institution Fund in addition to the 12c tax 
rate. (2) A thorough revision and reconstruction of the law regulating assess- 
ment and collection of taxes. (3) The creation of a permanent Board of State 
Tax Commissioners. (4) Special provision for the taxation of express, Pullman, 
telegraph and telephone companies. Appleton's Annual Encyclopaedia, 1891, 
p. 379. 

' Indianapolis Journal, May 30, 1S92. 

= Indianapolis Journal, July 29, 1891. 



352 Indiana Magazine of History 

tion was the National Union Conference held at Cincinnati, 
May 19, 1891.3 Kansas, Indiana and Ohio naturally sent 

2 This National Union Conference, as it was called, was a gathering of all 
the politico-reform forces of the country for the purpose of founding a third 
party. The germ of the meeting was the agitation carried on by the Kansas 
delegates at the Ocala conference of the Farmers' Alliance Dec. 4, 1890, for a 
meeting at Cincinnati early in the year 1S91 of all the alliances and industrial 
unions in the country who stood by the St. Louis platform to consider a third 
party movement. It was recommended at that time that the name of the party 
be called the "National Union Party of America" (Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 5, 
1890). At the Cincinnati meeting in the delegation from Kansas seven different 
organizations were represented. They were : The Farmers' Alliance, The Citi- 
zens' Alliance, The People's party. The Knights of Labor, The National Indus- 
trial Alliance, The Anti-Monopoly party. The Single-Tax Men (Indianapolis Sen- 
tinel, May 19, 1S91). There were almost 1500 delegates present representing 
thirty-two states in the Union and two territories (W. A. PetEer, The Farmer's 
Side, p. 160). However, the apathy of the South was noticeable and their dele- 
gates were few. 

Senator W. A. Peffer, of Kansas, was chosen permanent chairman of the con- 
vention, and Ignatius Donnelly, of Minnesota, chairman of the committee on 
resolutions. Other prominent personalities in the convention were, T. V. Pow- 
derly, head of the Knights of Labor ; General J. B. Weaver, a veteran Green- 
backer and the party's destined candidate for president ; "Sockless" Jerry Simp- 
son, of Kansas ; George W. Washburn, President of the New England Industrial 
Alliance ; Mason Greene, of Boston, the personal representative of Edward 
Bellamy and his theories; Captain C. A. Powers, of Terre Haute, and Miss 
Helen M. Gougar, also of Indiana. 

The work of the convention fell mainly under two heads, the selection of a 
national committee and the drafting of a set ot resolutions. H. B. Taubeneck, 
of Illinois, was elected chairman of the national executive committee, which con- 
sisted of three members, from each state. (Indianapolis Journal, May 31, 1891.) 

In a platform dealing with numerous and varied subjects, the chief planks 
were the following: (1) "Crystallization of the political reform forces of the 
country into the 'People's party of the United States of America.'" (2) En- 
dorsement of the platforms adopted at St. Louis in 1889; at Ocala, Florida, in 
1890; and at Omaha, Nebraska, in 1891. The demands set forth in the above 
mentioned platforms were then summarized: (a) The abolition of national 
banks as banks of issue, and the issuance by the government of legal tender 
treasury notes to take the place of bank notes, the treasury notes to be loaned 
at not more than 2 % on farm products according to the sub-treasury plan, 
(b) Free and unlimited coinage of silver. (c) No alien ownership of land. 
(d) Just and equal taxation, (e) Economical administration of governmental 
revenues, (f) Imposition of a graduated income tax. (g) Government control 
of transportation and communication, in case of control proving ineffectual, com- 
plete ownership, (h) The election by direct vote of the people of the President, 
Vice-President, and United States senators. 

In addition to the above a number of resolutions, not a part of the plat- 
form, were presented : That universal suffrage be recommended to the considera- 
tion of the States and Territories ; that justice be done to ex-soldiers who were 
paid off in depreciated currency at the end of the war, by the issuance of legal 
tender treasury notes sufficient to make the pay of old soldiers on a par with 
coin ; that the principle of the eight-hour day apply to all corporations employ- 
ing labor. 

In this way, by the naming of a national executive committee and the adop- 
tion of a set of resolutions, the People's party was launched into the sea of 
national politics. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 353 

the largest delegations to this convention, Kansas leading 
with 409. Indiana came second with 154 delegates. While 
Kansas undoubtedly dominated the convention, Indiana's in- 
fluence was far from negligible. In the election of Mort C. 
Rankin, of Terre Haute, who had long been identified with 
the farmers' movement, as treasurer of the national executive 
committee, Indiana was represented in a responsible position. 
The three national committeemen from Indiana were C. A. 
Powers, of Terre Haute; Leroy Templeton, of Boswell, and 
J. D. Comstock.i 

Organization of the party more than what already existed 
was effected within the State at a meeting held July 30, in 
Indianapolis. About 150 memebrs of the party attended, rep- 
resenting forty-seven counties and twelve out of the thirteen 
congressional districts.^ The call was issued by J. H. Allen, 
of Terre Haute, chairman of the State central committee, or- 
ganized at the State convention held the previous year. T. 
W. Force, of Shoals, president of the State Alliance, presided. 
The plan of organization contemplated a general sub-State 
committee composed of three men from each county, a State 
executive committee to be selected by this larger State com- 
mittee and a State central committee of three men from each 
congressional district. It will be noticed that this is a triple 
organization throughout compared with the usual plan. The 
duties of the members of the sub-State committee were to look' 
after the interests of the party in their respective localities. 
Leroy Templeton, of Benton county, was elected chairman of 
the State central committee. Dr. H. W. Taylor, of Anderson, 
secretary, and Joshua Strange, of Arcana, Grant county, 
treasurer.! 

Before the conference adjourned arrangements were made 
for the removal of the American Nonconformist, a People's 
party paper, edited by L. Vincent, from Winfield, Kansas, to 
Indianapolis. This was on condition that 5,000 paid subscrib- 
ers be guaranteed. The Nonconformist, thus introduced into 
Indiana, became later the most important Populist organ of 
the State. 

•Indianapolis Journal, May 21, 1S91. 
2 Indianapolis Sentinel, July 31, 1891. 



354 Indiana Magazine of History 

In November a further step was taken toward harmon- 
izing the various farmer elements into a third party on the 
occasion of the meeting of the Supreme Council of the Farm- 
ers' Alliance at Indianapolis. Animated by a common anti- 
pathy to Cleveland, delegates were present from all parts of 
the country. Although the convention thus partook of a na- 
tional, not a State character, the fact that Indianapolis was 
chosen as a city in a favorable section possesses some sig- 
nificance. Eight industrial organizations were represented. 
The sounding of the Alliance as to its attitude toward the 
formation of a third party was the real purpose of the meet- 
ing, i 

The events which took place on November 16 to 20 were 
varied and complicated. Besides the Alliance council, in- 
cluding the F. M. B. A., the Grange, and other farmers' or- 
ganizations, two other bodies, whose deliberations were inter- 
woven with those of the Alliance, met at the same time. These 
two bodies were the executive committee of the People's party 
and the executive committee of what was known as the Con- 
federated Industrial Union. This latter organization had its 
origin at the Ocala meeting when the Alliance invited farmer 
and labor organizations to send delegates to a conference at 
Washington, D. C. At this Washington conference an execu- 
tive committee consisting of five members from each of six 
organizations was appointed which met November 19 in In- 
dianapolis three days after the first coming together of the 
Supreme Council. Its functions were to decide on the place 
of meeting and the apportionment of delegates to a national 
convention for the nomination of President and Vice-President 
to be held on February 22, 1892.2 

The executive committee of the People's party was on hand 
throughout the deliberations of the council working in the 
interests of the third party movement. Throughout the de- 
liberations the case of a third party was a strong one. Most 

> At the present writing (1917) Mr. Strange resides at Marion. He ia 
connected officially with Farmers' National Congress, U. S. A. 

'Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 16, 1891. 

2 The plans in regard to this meeting were afterwards changed. Because of 
the decision to hold the nominating convention later in the year the committee 
meeting in February decided merely on the general plan of representation. Indi- 
anapolis Journal, Nov. 20, 1891. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 355 

of the delegates shared the view that only by the formation of 
a third party could the objects of the Alliance be achieved. 
It had tried to get the old parties to take up its ideas and 
failed. Independent political action was the next logical step. 
Practically all of the opposition to a third party came from 
the Southern delegates. In their view the dissolution of the 
Alliance in case it entered the political field was inevitable.^ 

It was freely alleged, in view of the busy and excited meet- 
ings at the Hotel English, that the executive committee of 
the People's party was scheming to swallow both the F. M. 
B. A. and the Alliance.- In the deliberations of the Alliance 
proper, the attitude toward a third party was shown by the 
fact that when Jerry Simpson, of Kansas — "Sockless" Jerry, 
one of the best informed leaders in the movement — introduced 
a resolution instructing Alliance congressmen to keep out of 
party caucuses at Washington during the winter, the motion 
was carried with enthusiasm. The Alliance Congressmen at 
this time numbered fourteen — thirteen representatives and 
one senater.i 

It would be beyond the scope of this paper to give a de- 
tailed account of the proceedings of the various committees, 
councils, and other organizations. It will be sufficient to give 
merely the results of the convention. 

In the first place the definite inauguration of a third party 
backed by various farmers' organizations was made an as- 
sured fact. No doubt existed anywhere that a ticket would 
not be gotten out before June, 1892, with Leonidas L. Polk, 
of North Carolina, national president of the Alliance, heading 
it.2 The candidates of the next year were to enter the field 
with the pledged support of the Farmers' Alliance, the Indus- 
trial Union, and the F. M. B. A. In the second place, the 
work of the Indianapolis convention brought about a split be- 
tween the anti-sub-treasury wing and the main body of the 
Alliance, resulting in the issuance of a call by the bolters for 
a new Alliance to be organized at Memphis, Tennessee, in De- 
cember. The sub-treasurjr wing amalgamated with the Peo- 

» Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 16, 1891. 
= Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 18, 1891. 
' Indianapolis Sentinel, June 20, 1S90. 
' Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 21, 1891. 



356 Indiana Magazine of History 

pie's party, thus committing that party to the land loan and 
farmers' credit plan.^ Furthermore, the meeting brought 
about practical amalgamation between the Farmers' Alliance 
and Industrial Union and the F. M. B. A., the two most pow- 
erful agrarian organizations.^ The latter order toward the 
close of the conference revised its constitution before ad- 
journing. Among other changes the sub-treasury plank in its 
platform was modified so as to have the same purport as a 
similar plank in the Ocala platform. The general sentiment 
seemed to be against fusion with the third party until after 
the February meeting.^ 

) 
The High-water Mark of Populism — The Year 1892 

With definiteness and a background given to a national 
People's party by the three great conventions, viz. : The Con- 
federated Industrial Conference at St. Louis in 1889 ; the Na- 
tional Union Conference at Cincinnati in May, 1891, and the 
Supreme Council of the Alliance at Indianapolis in Novem- 
ber, 1891, the members of the party in Indiana began the 
campaign of 1892 with confidence and enthusiasm. The State- 
wide activity of the "Populists," as they had now come to be 
called, was of much the same nature as in 1890 and 1891. 
However, there were the additional factors of greater solidar- 
ity of organization and of the excitement of a presidential year. 
The chronic Prohibition ailment was still giving trouble. In 
most of the counties there was no hope of the two parties 
coming together. In a few instances, however, fusion oc- 
curred, as at Marion, where it was reported that the respect- 
ive leaders of the People's and Prohibition parties agreed to 
unite their forces in the county campaign.^ At Vincennes in 
April a mass convention was held by members of the People's 
party for the nomination of a city ticket. It was said that a 
majority of the convention had been Democrats.^ At a mass 
convention held at Newcastle, May 21, for the nomination of 

"Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 21, 1891. 
1 Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 22, 1891. 
= Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 21, 1891. 
•Indianapolis Journal, March 28, 1892. 
'Indianapolis Journal, April 5, 1892. 



Steivart: The Populist Party in Indiana 357 

county officers, a full ticket was put out, consisting of nom- 
inees from the Democratic and Prohibitionist parties and the 
Alliance.3 In Jasper county a county ticket was nominated 
consisting mostly, it was said, of Democrats. 

The State convention of the People's party met on May 27 
at Masonic Hall, Indianapolis.* At this time the party had 
organizations in two-thirds of the counties. Seventy-two 
counties of the State had representatives in the convention. 
Samuel W. Williams, of Knox county, "Telephone Sam," so 
named because of his being the author of a telephone law 
passed by the legislature of 1885, — was elected temporary 
chairman, and W. W. Prigg,i of Henry county, was made sec- 
retary. 

The preamble of the platform read as follows : 

In view of the great social, industrial and economic revolution now 
dawning on tlie civilized world and the new and living issues confronting 
the American people, and recognizing that in all ages and in all civilizations 
the great middle class has been the bulwark of civil liberty . . . the 
People's party believes the time has arrived for a crystallization of the 
reform forces of our State. Therefore, we invite all persons who are 
desirous of bettering their condition to join with us in eradicating the evils 
which are now so rapidly destroying the body politic. 

On the subject of finance the p^latform continued : 

We demand a national currency, safe, sound and flexible, issued by 
the general government only, a full legal tender for all debts, public and 
private, and that without the use of banking corporations; a just, equitable 
and eflicient means of distributing it direct to the people at a tax not to 
exceed two per cent, to be provided as set forth in the sub-treasury plan 
of the Farmers' Alliance, or some better system; also by payments in dis- 
charge of its obligations for public improvements. 

In the advocacy of the sub-treasury plan is seen the influ- 
ence of the meeting of the Supreme Council of the Farmers' 
Alliance at Indianapolis the previous November. Although 

' According to the Indianapolis Journal, tour of these candidates were Demo- 
crats, three were ProhibltiDnists and three Alliance men. Indianapolis Journal, 

May 22, 1S92. 

* At the same time there was a meeting of the judicial and executive boards 
of the Farmers' Alliance, no doubt for the purpose of coming to some under- 
standing with the third party. Indianapolis Sentinel, May 27, 1892. 

'Resides at present (1917) at St. Mary's, Ohio. 



358 Indiana Magazine of History 

formulated at the Ocala convention in 1890, the plan did not 
figure in the farmers' demands in their two State conventions 
in 1890. 

The sub-treasury plan was one of the most striking and 
ill-fated of the farmers' demands. It is said to have been orig- 
inated by C. A. Macune, the editor of the National Economist.^ 
Broadly speaking, it is an extension of the familiar principle 
of borrowing money on warehouse receipts. The plan pro- 
vided for the storing of grain in local government ware- 
houses, the produce to be used as security for the loaning of 
paper money by the government to the farmers at a low rate 
of interest. One or two per cent, was the usual rate advocated. 
The money was to be loaned up to 80 per cent, of the market 
value of the grain. 

The purpose of the plan as set forth by its advocates was 
to provide a safe, certain, and efficient method of giving a 
flexibility to the volume of money which would exactly equal 
the flexibility or variations in demand. That is, it was hoped 
that the plan if put into operation would secure a uniformity 
of price on the basis of the high prices prevailing during the 
summer months. The theory was that as the products of the 
farm were put on the market, instead of money being absorbed 
from other channels to move them, the marketings of the 
crops would be met by an issue of money from the govern- 
ment. In this way the supply of money would always exactly 
equal the demand, stringencies in the money market would be 
avoided, and prices would be kept uniform.i 

A bill embodying the features outlined above was intro- 
duced in 1892 in congress. In the report of the committee of 
Ways and Means a number of arguments were brought for- 
ward in opposition to the scheme. It was pointed out that if 
the market value of the grain after storing fell below eighty 
per cent, of its original value the government would lose. The 
number of federal officers would be greatly increased, it was 
said, and the jurisdiction of the federal courts augmented to 
the oppression of the people. Also, it was urged, the plan 
would encourage speculation. Thousands of dollars worth of 
wheat could be carried at a low rate of interest with a com- 

> Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 23, 1891. 
lAppleton's Annual Encyclopaedia, 1890, p. 300. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 359 

paratively small amount of cash. Finally, it was a violation 
of the constitution in that it was class legislation: persons 
with wheat could get money from the government at a tow 
rate of interest and loan it to others at a higher rate.^ 

In the opinion of many the sub-treasury plan was un- 
sound. In the form in which the idea first took shape no 
doubt this is true. Yet it aimed to remedy a real weakness 
in our rural credits system — a weakness recognized and rem- 
edied twenty-five years later by the Farm Loan and Credits 
Act of 1916. 

Another plank in the platform demanded free and unlim- 
ited coinage of silver and denounced the efforts of President 
Harrison in calling an international monetary conference to 
assist the United States in fixing a value for silver. In addi- 
tion, the increase of the circulating medium to $50 per capita, 
a graduated income tax, and postal savings banks were de- 
manded. 

In regard to the subject of transportation and communi- 
cation, government ownership and operation of railroads, the 
telegraph, and the telephone were advocated. At that time 
considered among the wildest dreams of the Populists, these 
demands are now largely favored by public opinion. 

With reference to land the platform declared : 

The land, including all the natural sources of wealth, is the heritage 
of the people and should not be monopolized for speculative purposes ; alien 
ownership of land should be prohibited ; all land now held by railroads and 
other corporations in excess of their actual needs, and all lands now owned 
by aliens should be reclaimed by the government and held for actual 
settlers only. 

Among the State demands, equal representation of politi- 
cal parties on election boards, just redistricting of the State, 
valuation of property for taxation according to net receipts 
derived therefrom, popular election of county superintend- 
ents, abolition of the office of county assessor, listing of prop- 
erty for taxation at a fair cash value and exemption of prop- 
erty holders from bona-fide indebtedness, were demanded. 

Besides the planks in the platform proper the following 

- Indianapolis Journal, Aug. 6, 1S92. 



360 Indiana Magazine of History 

demands were set forth in a number of resolutions : the in- 
itiative and referendum, woman's suffrage and the reduction 
of intemperance by a proper distribution of wealth.^ With 
better economic justice, reasoned the PopuUsts, there would 
be better morals. 

A minority report was also brought forward by the com- 
mittee on resolutions which agreed with the majority report 
on everything but the subject of intemperance. The minor- 
ity report unequivocally demanded the abolition of the liquor 
traffic. The suggested plank was rejected and the majority 
report adopted by a vote of 574 to 164.2 

It will be observed that the platform of this convention 
was silent in regard to the tariff and the trusts. The former 
never at any time occupied more than a subordinate place in 
the People's party program; the latter, particularly in the 
later history of the party, became a leading issue. According 
to the Indianapolis Sentinel the declarations of the platform 
were "socialistic." ^ 

The convention also nominated a full State ticket headed 
by Leroy Templeton, of Boswell, Benton county, a wealthy 
farmer and stock-raiser. Templeton, it will be remembered, 
had been nominated by the party in 1890 for secretary of 
State, but after having been nominated for congress by the 
Democrats and Independents of the Ninth district he had 
withdrawn his name. 

The following is the remainder of the ticket : 

Lieuteniint-Governor, J. A. Houser, of Marion county, physician; Sec- 
retary of State, Jesse L. Hobson, of Wabasli county, farmer; Auditor of 
State; Louis C. Kasten, of Allen county, mechanic; Treasurer of State, 
Townsend Cope, of Jennings county, farmer; Attorney-General, D. H. 
Fernandes, of Madison county ; Superintendent of Public Instruction, J. H. 
Allen, of Vigo county ; State Statistician, C. H. Bliss, of Howard county, 
editor of a Populist paper; Reporter of the Supreme Court, W. H. Dewey, 
of Washington county, mechanic. 

These were the more important nominations. Besides 

1 Indianapolis Journal, May 28, 1892. 
' Indianapolis Journal, May 28, 1892. 
1 Indianapolis Sentinel, May 28, 1892. 



StewaH: The Populist Party in Indiana 361 

these, names were also placed in nomination for Supreme and 
Appellate Judges. ^ 

The work of the convention included also the selection of 
a new State central committee, consisting of one member from 
each congi-essional district. This, it will be noted, was an 
abandonment of the arrangement inaugurated in 1890 whereby 
there were three members from each district. Joshua Strange, 
of Arcana, Grant county, was made chairman of the new 
committee, with G. C. Stahl, of Delaware county, as secre- 
tary, and L. M. Johnson, of Ripley county, treasurer. 

It was in the course of the ensuing campaign that the 
members of the People's party began to be called "Populists." 
As usual in such cases, the term at first applied in derision 
came to be adopted by the members themselves until the name 
"Populist party" became official. Since the birth of the party 
in 1890 it had been consistently called the People's party. The 
word "Populist" so far as the writer has been able to learn, 
was unknown up until the summer of 1892. At first the term 
took the form of "Populite." This, however, whether by the 
rules of euphony, or for some other reason, never caught the 
popular fancy and "Populist" came to be the accepted word. 

The State campaign was naturally over-shadowed by the 
national campaign. In this, as in national politics, free silver 
was coming to be more and more the dominant issue. Both 
old parties made strenuous efforts to keep the struggle con- 
fined to the old rallying cry of the tariff. Hence in regard to 
the money question they adopted straddling and evasive plat- 
forms, i The Republicans, entrenched in the sound-money 
East, were sincerely and strongly opposed to the free silver 
"populistic" doctrines of the South and West. Among the 
Democrats, defection to the new ideas was increasing. Cleve- 
land, by his letter in 1892 on free coinage of silver alienated 
a great many Democrats and disappointed more.^ Events 
were shaping themselves toward Bryanism and the political 
jumble of 1896, 

The platform put out by the Populist national convention 
at Omaha on July 2 was mainly along the lines of the na- 

' Indianapolis Sentinel, May 28, 1892. 

1 J. A. Woodbum, Political Parties and Party Problems, 161, 162. 

= J. S. Bassett, Short History of the United States, 750. 



362 Indiana Magazine of History 

tional demands formulated by the Indiana State convention 
in May. 3 

Some idea of the state of the country as seen by the Popu- 
lists may be gained from the preamble of the national plat- 
form: 

The conditions which surround us justify our co-operation. We meet 
in the midst of a Nation brought to the verge of moral, political, and 
material ruin. Corruption dominates the ballot box, the legislatures, 
congress and touches even the ermine of the bench. The people are 
demoralized. . . . The newspapers are largely subsidized or muzzled; 
public opinion silenced ; business prostrated ; our homes covered with 
mortgages; labor impoverished and the land concentrating in the hands of 
the capitalists. The urban workmen are denied the right of organization 
for self-protection ; imported pauperized labor beats down their wages ; a 
hireling standing army, unrecognized by our laws, is established to shoot 
them down, and they are rapidly degenerating into European conditions. 
The fruits of the toil of millions are boldly stolen to build up colossal 
fortunes for a few. . . . From the same prolific womb of governmental 
injustice we breed two great classes — tramps and millionaires.! 

• The following is an outline of the platform as adopted by the National 
Convention : 

I. Money. 

(1) Issuance of a national flexible currency direct to the people as set forth 
in the sub-treasury plan of the Farmers' Alliance. 

(2) Free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. 

(3) Increase of the circulating medium to $50 per capita. 

(4) A graduated income tax. 

(5) Economical State and national administrations. 

(6) Postal savings banlcs. 

II. Transportation and Communication. 

(1) Government ownership and operation of railroads and government 
operation of the telephone and telegraph In the interest of the people. 

III. Land. 

(1) No alien ownership or speculative monopoly of land. Reclamation by 
the government of all land owned by the railroads in excess of their actual 
needs. 

A number of resolutions were also adopted in addition to the platform 
proper. 

(1) That there should be a free ballot and a fair count through the adop- 
tion of the Australian ballot. 

(2) That the revenue from an income tax should be applied to relieve 
domestic taxation. 

(3) That the contract labor and immigration laws should be repealed. 

(4) That the universal eight-hour day should be put into effect. 

(5) That the initiative and referendum should be established. 

(6) That the President and Vice-President should be elected for one term 
only, and the senators by direct vote. 

The convention nominated for President, James B. Weaver, of Iowa, an old 
radical, and the presidential candidate of the Greenbackers in 1880; for Vice- 
President, James G. Field, of Virginia. 

1 The literary craftsman of this famous preamble was Ignatius Donnelly. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana S6S 

The preamble continued in the same melancholy vein, re- 
citing the issue of gold-bearing bonds, the demonetization of 
silver, and the efforts of the two old parties to confine the 
issues of the campaign to the tariff, as evidence of gross in- 
justice being perpetrated upon the people. 

The choice of the convention, could it have had its way, 
was the honored jurist, Walter Q. Gresham,i whose presiden- 
tial boom was cut short only by his own declination. Lionized 
by the convention from the start, he was the most available 
man the People's party had and the one most likely to harmon- 
ize the different factions. Colonel L. L. Polk, of North Caro- 
lina, the national president of the Farmers' Alliance, had re- 
cently died. With both Gresham and Polk eliminated the 
mantle fell upon General James B. Weaver, a veteran Green- 
backer, who was ultimately the nominee of the convention. 

Members of the Indiana delegation figured most promin- 
ently in connection with the efforts put forth to induce Judge 
Gresham to accept the nomination. In the early part of the 
proceedings, a caucus was held, consisting of the delegations 
from Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa to take steps toward procur- 
ing the Judge's consent. A delegation consisting of A. J. 
Streeter, of Illinois ; Judge Orr, of Colorado, and Leroy Tem- 
pleton, an intimate friend of Gresham, was finally dispatched 
to Chicago.^ For a time it seemed that partial success had 
attended their efforts when H. E. Taubeneck, of Illinois, chair- 
man of the national committee, nearly stampeded the conven- 
tion to Gresham the next day by reading a telegram from J. 
A. Houser signifying Gresham's conditional acceptance of the 
nomination.2 Later information from Gresham himself laid 
at rest, once and for all, the hopes of his supporters, and the 
Indiana delegation, after having been passed by once in the 
roll call, broke for Weaver." 

^ Judge Gresham, a native of Indiana, born near Corydon, had been a major 
general in the Civil War. After the war he settled down as a lawyer, and rose 
rapidly in his profession until he secured the appointment as judge in one of 
the federal circuit courts. It was said he was converted to the doctrines of the 
People's party by reading Ignatius Donnelly's political novel, Caesar's Column. 

'Indianapolis Journal, July 4, 1S92. 

= Houser, it will be remembered, was the candidate of the People's party In 
Indiana for lieutenant governor. He was a newspaper writer and the reputed 
author of the work. Is Marriage a Failure* Indianapolis Sentinel, July 5, 1892, 

• Indianapolis Sentinel, July 5, 1892. 



364 Indiana Magazine of History 

The Indiana members of the national committee, which 
consisted of three members from each State, were M. C. Ran- 
kin, of Terre Haute; C. A. Robinson, of Greenfield, and Fraser 
Thomas. 

The campaign in Indiana was carried on in much the same 
way as in 1890. Rallies, barbecues, and picnics were the order 
of the day. The opening shot in the campaign was fired on 
July 20, at a monster rally at Vincennes when General J. B. 
Weaver spoke to an immense audience. Another speaker was 
Mort C. Rankin, of Terre Haute. 

After the election, November 8, it was found that Leroy 
Templeton, the head of the ticket, had received 22,000 votes, 
about 4 per cent, of the total vote cast, and an increase of 
10,600 over the vote cast in 1890.i 

The Yeae 1894 

After the more or less exciting presidential campaign of 
1892, the political pot became calm again. Consequently 1893 
brought few new developments in the People's party. The new 
party had made greater inroads into the Democratic than into 
the Republican camp in the elections of 1892, but while the 
large Democratic majorities in the South were safe against 
such losses, the narrower Republican margins in the North 
were in many cases wiped out. An unexpected Democratic 
victory was the result, perhaps not altogether due to the 
Populists. At any rate the free silver idea was gaining 
ground and populistic doctrines were becoming more respec- 
table. The financial panic of 1893, whether or not brought on 
by the disasters of the Cleveland administration, intensified 
the economic distress of the time. Low prices continued. 
These and other conditions of the time continued to provide 
the Populists with ample ground upon which to base their 
grievances. Instead of abating, the waves of discontent were 
rising higher and higher. 

In Indiana at this time harmony prevailed within the 
party. In January, 1894, at the call of Joshua Strange, chair- 
man of the State central committee, there was a love feast of 

•Report ot the Secretary of State, Documentary Journal, 1S92, Part I. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 365 

about thirty-five Populists at the Hotel English, Indianapolis. 
It was rumored that C. A. Robinson, president of the Indiana 
F. M. B. A., would object to the old plank in the platform fa- 
voring government ownership of railroads. This was denied 
by both Robinson and Strange.^ At this meeting Strange gave 
it out as his opinion that the coming fight would be between 
the People's party and the Republicans.2 

The convention for nominating a State ticket and draw- 
ing up a platform was held in Indianapolis on May 24. There 
was supposed to be one delegate from each township going 
to make up the roster, but actually only three or four hundred 
were present. It was understood that the candidates were to 
be distributed evenly throughout the State. ^ 

The platform contained the following planks : 

The platform adopted by the Omaha nominating conven- 
tion in 1892 was endorsed. It was demanded that the cir- 
culating medium be increased to $50 per capita. Free coinage 
of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one, to be issued direct to 
the public was also demanded. Vigorous opposition to banks 
of issue, either State or national, and to interest bearing bonds 
was expressed and the Acts of 1873 and 1893,2 ^^^ere bitterly 
denounced. These two acts, it was said, had the effect through 
the setting up of the gold standard of reducing the laborers 
and producers of this country to the level of pauper labor in 
the Old World. The old demands of a national graduated 
income tax and the direct election of United States senators 
were reaffirmed. 

The remainder of the platform was devoted to State is- 
sues. 

The immediate repeal of the Metropolitan police law was 
asked for. This was a law passed by the legislature of 1893, 
which applied to cities between ten and thirty-five thousand 
population. By the terms of the law three police commis- 
sioners were to be appointed by the governor. These com- 
missioners were to have complete control over the police in 
the cities coming within the scope of the law. The law was 

' Indianapolis News, Jan. 4, 1894. Indianapolis Sentinel, Jan. 4, 1894. 

= Indianapolis Sentinel, Jan. 4, 1894. 

'Indianapolis Sentinel, May 22, 1894. 

' The act repealing the Sherman Silver Purchasing Act. 



366 Indiana Magazine of History 

aimed mainly to prevent political corruption in the appoint- 
ment and removal of policemen. By its terms no policeman 
was to be removed henceforth on account of his political be- 
liefs. The Populists objected to the law because, as they said, 
it interfered with local home rule.i 

Another plank, a natural demand for a third party to make, 
struck at that part of the election law which prohibited minor- 
ity representation on election boards. 

Further, a constitutional convention to revise the State con- 
stitution2 was demanded, the changes contemplated being re- 
form in the system of taxation, the initiative and referendum 
and the placing of the veto power of important laws in the 
hands of the people. The old demand made in the conventions 
of 1890 and again in 1892, that debtors should not be taxed 
on their bona-fide indebtedness, was reiterated. Moreover, it 
was demanded that debtors in paying their debts should pay 
in gold, silver or any lawful money without any previous dis- 
criminatory agreement. This was a blow at the "gold bugs" 
who it was charged conducted their transactions in gold at 
the expense of the poor. 

In regard to labor, the Populists were explicit and reason- 
able. They declared against child labor and convict labor in 
competition with free workmen. According to their plan, 
convicts should be put to work building and improving public 
roads. They favored industrial arbitration, an employer's lia- 
bility law and the reduction of working hours by legal enact- 
ment. They also advocated municipal ownership of public 
utilities and the construction of public works by the State and 
by communities. 

General demands were a homestead law, an inheritance 
tax of five per cent on sums above $2,000 for the benefit of 
the State sinking fund, more efficiency in the administration 
of the public school funds, and the conformation of the State 
naturalization laws to the national laws on that subject.^ 

^ Indianapolis Journal, December 1, 1S94. 

' The demand for a constitutional convention had been made by various 
minor parties, notably the Prohibitionists, for some time. The agitation has 
finally resulted in the act for a constitutional convention of September, 1917, the 
change in the basic law taking the form of a new constitution because of the 
difficulty of amending the old one. 

1 The idea here involved was that no foreigner be allowed to vote unless he 
was a naturalized citizen. As it was, the qualiflcations were merely one year's 
residence and declaration of intention to become a citizen. 



Stewart: The Populist Party in Indiana 367 

There was also a resolution declaring for woman's suffrage 
and one expressing alarm over the liquor traffic. In doing 
away with the traffic, the initiative and referendum was urged 
as the best remedy. As usual, the party was guarded and 
equivocal in its expressions in regard to prohibition, no doubt 
through fear of being identified with the Prohibitionists. 

The ticket put out by the convention was as follows : 

Secretary of State, Dr. C. A. Robinson, i of Fouutaiutowu ; Auditor 
of State, Edgar A. Perljins, of Indianapolis; Treasurer of State, A. B. 
Keeport, of Logansport; Attorney-General, Silas M. Iloloomb, of Tipton; 
Superintendent of Public Instruction, Capt. J. H. Allen, of Terre Haute; 
Clerli of tlie Supreme Court, J. Harry Montgomery, of Lawrence county; 
Statistician, William P. Smith, of Indianapolis; State Geologist, Edward 
Kindle, of Bloomington ; Judge of Supreme Court in Fourth District, D. W. 
Chambers. 

The high water mark of the independent Populist vote was 
reached on this ticket, Dr. C. A. Robinson, the candidate for 
secretary of State, receiving 29,388 votes, or five per cent of 
the total.2 

(To be continued.) 

'President of the Indiana F. M. B. A. At present, (1917) Riley imperson- 
ator and platform lecturer. Residence, Greenfield. 

' The Populist percentage of the respective total votes for the election years 
from 1890 to 1900 are as follows: 1890 3 per cent, 1892 4 per cent, 1894 5 per 
cent, 1896 1.3 per cent, 1898 1+ per cent, 1900 1/5 per cent. 



Edward A. Hannegan 

By John Wesley Whicker, Attica, Indiana. 

Edward A. Hannegan came into Fountain county, Indiana, 
about 1825 and lived for probably one year with a brother- 
in-law who had erected a grist mill in the northern part of 
the county. In 1825-6 he worked for the farmers on Shawnee 
prairie in Fountain cvounty. In the winter of 1826 he taught 
school in the northern part of the county and in 1826-7, while 
teaching school and working by the month for the farmers on 
Shawnee prairie, he was admitted to the bar in Fountain 
county to practice law and at once entered into the practice. 
A little later, on May 7, 1829, he was admitted to practice law 
in Warren county, Indiana, and located at Williamsport, but 
remained there only a few months when he moved to Coving- 
ton, which had been selected as the county seat of Fountain 
county. 

In the organization of the General Assembly in 1829 he 
was chosen as enrolling clerk. This was the first public office 
he held. At this time, 1829, the lawyers followed the judge 
over his entire circuit and were called circuit riders. Hanne- 
gan rode the judicial circuit in which he practiced with Judge 
John R. Porter as president judge. 

He was elected to the office of prosecuting attorney for the 
judicial district in 1830. In 1832 he was elected from his 
congressional district in Indiana to congress as a Democrat, 
defeating Albert S. White of Lafayette, and served his dis- 
trict in congress until 1840, when he was defeated by Henry 
S. Lane of Crawfordsville. He distinguished himself in con- 
gress as an orator, and Webster said of him: "Had Hanne- 
gan entered congress before I entered it I fear I never should 
have been known for my eloquence." 

On August 5, 1838, while yet a member of congress, Hanne- 
gan was made a colonel in the State militia and was stationed 



Whicker: Edward A. Hannegan 369 

at Fort Plymouth, Indiana, on account of trouble with the 
Indians. 

In 1842 he was elected to succeed 0. H. Smith in the Unit- 
ed States senate. At this time the Democratic and Whig par- 
ties were almost evenly matched in the general assembly in 
the State of Indiana; so closely that one or two votes would 
determine the contest. On the first ballot 0. H. Smith, the 
Whig candidate, received 72 votes and Tilghman A. Howard, 
the Democratic candidate, received 74 votes. Joseph G. Mar- 
shall, a Whig, received one vote. The second ballot the vote 
stood as follows: 0. H. Smith, the Whig, received 73 votes, 
Tilghman A. Howard, the Democratic candidate, received 74 
votes. Neither received enough votes to elect. 

As a criminal lawyer Edward A. Hannegan had won a 
reputation that extended over the State of Indiana. He was 
called to Switzerland county, Indiana, to defend a man ac- 
cused of murder. He cleared the man. The man was very 
poor and could not pay Hannegan anything for his work, but 
in the presence of his son he and his son, a boy of about six- 
teen years of age, pledged themselves that in payment for his 
attorney fees in this particular case, if the opportunity ever 
came, to repay him by supporting him for any office he might 
wish, "regardless of politics, they would do so. The man he 
had cleared soon afterward, sickened and died and dying 
pleged his son to carry out their promise to Edward A. Han- 
negan. A few years later the son of the man was stricken 
with hasty consumption and was nearing the end, but was yet 
able to ride in a buggy or other conveyance for an hour or 
more. 

When the election came the Whig candidate for the State 
senate in that district was Daniel Kelso. The district was very 
close and Kelso went to the dying man to get him to go to the 
polls and vote. Kelso was a Whig and the dying man told 
Kelso that if he would pledge himself to vote for Edward A. 
Hannegan for the United States senate they could take him to 
the polls and he would vote for Kelso for the State senate. 
With this pledge Kelso hauled the dying man to the polls ; he 
voted for Kelso and Kelso was elected by one vote. 

On this second ballot this Daniel Kelso, a Whig, voted for 



370 Indiana Magazine of History 

Edward A. Hannegan, a Democrat, and continued to vote for 
him. In the sixth ballot the Democrats dropped Tilghman A. 
Howard and supported Hannegan who then received 76 votes 
and was thus elected by one vote to the United States senate 
in 1843. The Whigs accused Kelso of selling his vote and by 
public resolution renounced him. 

In the Democratic caucus of the United States congress to 
determine whether or not we would declare war on Mexico in 
1846, the vote was a tie, Hannegan not voting, and in that 
caucus Hannegan cast the one vote, the decisive vote in favor 
of declaring war, and thus the one vote of the dying man in 
Switzerland county, Indiana, added to the domains of the 
United States of America all of the territory that came to the 
United States as a result of the Mexican War. And this the 
politicians use today to show the value of one vote. 

In 1849 Hannegan was defeated by Governor James Whit- 
comb for the United States senate. On the 29th day of March, 
1849, Hannegan was appointed by President Polk as minister 
to the court of Prussia and the queen of Prussia became so 
infatuated with this eloquent Hoosier representative that His 
Majesty the Kaiser grew jealous and when on a state occasion 
Hannegan broke all rules of courts and etiquette and kissed 
the hand of the queen, the Kaiser requested that Hannegan be 
recalled, he having served about two years. 

In the county election in 1851 there were three candidates 
for representative in the lower house of the legislature from 
Fountain county. Hannegan was the Democratic candidate, 
William Piatt, for whom Piatt county, Illinois, was named, ran 
independent and received 80 votes. Hannegan received 997 
votes and Jacob Dice, a United Brethren preacher and the 
Whig candidate, received 1,165 votes and was elected. 

As the politicians gathered in the courthouse yard in the 
dusk of the autumn evening and the returns came in from the 
out townships, Hannegan, realizing his defeat, said: "The 
gloom of this night is the winding sheet of my political ca- 
reer." He immediately entered the race for the nomination 
for President of the United States on the Democratic ticket, 
had secured pledges of nine States to support him and it 
looked as though nothing would prevent his being the Demo- 
cratic nominee for President in the following election. 



Whicker: Edward A. Hannegan 371 

Franklin Pierce was then unknown and Hannegan had 
been the only man in the United States senate from the mid- 
dle west on the Democratic side of the house who could cope 
with Daniel Webster in eloquence and debate, and it seemed 
that his nomination was certain. In the stress of the canvass 
he drank too much and came home for a little rest and to 
sober up. He and his wife were living with his wife's brother, 
Capt. John R. Duncan, at Covington. Duncan had distin- 
guished himself for bravery and won his title of captain in 
the Mexican War and was greatly interes^ted in the welfare 
and political career of his brother-in-law and felt that the 
drink habit was growing on Hannegan to the point of jeopard- 
izing Hannegan's chances for the nomination and thought it 
best that Hannegan should know it. 

Hannegan's wife agreed with Duncan, but did not like to 
talk to Hannegan about it. (Perhaps she had taken him to 
task for the incident with the queen of Prussia and still had 
unpleasant memories of the occasion.) At least it was left to 
the brother-in-law to speak to Hannegan about curbing his 
habit of drink. A quarrel followed and Mrs. Hannegan took 
Hannegan by the arm and started upstairs with him. The con- 
versation fired Hannegan to great anger and as his wife 
started to pull him to the stairway he snatched a dagger from 
the mantle in the room and drove it to the hilt in the neck of 
Duncan, his brother-in-law. 

This was on the 6th day of May, 1852. Duncan died the 
next day. Upon his death he declared that no blame should 
be attached to Hannegan. The only official record that is left 
of the Hannegan-Duncan tragedy is the following short entry 
in the order book among the records in the clerk's office at 
Covington : 

Sixth Judicial Day of the September Teem of Court, 1852. 
State of Indiana, 

vs. 
E. A. Hannegan, on a charge of manslaughter. 

Comes now the said defendant and no bill of Indictment having been 
found by the grand jury, it is ordered by the court that the said defend- 
ant be discharged and go hence without day. 

Signed: September 18, 1852, by J. Naylob, Judge. 



372 Indiana Magazine of History 

Lew Wallace (afterwards general in the federal army in 
the War of the Rebellion, minister to the court of Turkey and 
author of The Fair God and Ben-Hur) had been elected pros- 
ecuting attorney of the district. On account of this finding of 
the grand jury and the fact that in the presence of Mr. Wal- 
lace, Hannegan had been permitted to state his case to the 
grand jury which was the most dramatic incident perhaps 
ever occurring before a grand jury in Indiana and on account 
of bitter criticism by Isaac A. Rice, who at that time was pub- 
lishing a paper at Covington and was an eloquent lawyer of 
note, Wallace tendered his resignation as prosecuting attor- 
ney and moved to Crawfordsville, county seat of the adjoin- 
ing county. Daniel W. Voorhees, afterwards the eloquent 
United States senator from Indiana, was appointed prosecuting 
attorney to fill the vacancy made by the resignation of Wal- 
lace. Voorhees refused to have the grand jury review the 
case, served the unexpired term of Wallace and on account of 
severe criticism moved from Covington to Terre Haute. 

Isaac A. Rice had been so bitter in his denunciation of 
Voorhees and Wallace that he too moved from Covington with 
the paper that he was editing and located in Attica. The 
paper that he brought with him from Covington to Attica is 
still in existence and is now the Attica Ledger. Isaac A. Rice 
was elected State senator from his district in 1856 and was 
nominated for congress in 1860 and would have been elected 
to congress, but while making a speech at Delphi in his con- 
gressional race he dropped dead. He was yet a young man, 
an able editor and an eloquent public speaker. 

Hannegan was never the same man after the tragedy. He 
abandoned his presidential aspirations and for a few years 
continued to practice law at Covington. His prestige was 
gone and his drink habit grew on him. He moved to Saint 
Louis, Missouri, and opened a law office there (his son had 
previously located in Saint Louis) , and for two years he pros- 
pered and concluded to again enter politics in a new field 
away from the sad memories of the tragedy that had ended 
his political career in Indiana. 

In the meantime his wife, who had been very devoted to 
him, had died and the whiskey habit still remained with him. 



Whicker: Edward A. Hannegan 373 

He had also become addicted to the use of morphine but in 
spite of all these habits he was still an eloquent orator. He 
could still charm a jury in the court room, and he gathered 
about him a few over-zealous friends who insisted that he 
should start a new political career. 

It was planned that in January, 1859, a great meeting 
should be held in Saint Louis and the principal address was 
to be made by Hannegan. This was the period preceding the 
nominations of the Presidential election of 1860. Hannegan's 
address was planned to advance the interests of Stephen A. 
Douglas for the Presidency and again to bring the speaker 
into prominence. 

The meeting was carefully arranged and well advertised. 
The audience was everything that those who had the meeting 
in charge could have wished and the promoters were elated at 
their prospects. But the mills of the gods are relentless. Han- 
negan had worshipped long at the shrine of Bacchus and 
again Bacchus claimed his toll. Realizing that upon the suc- 
cess of this speech depended his success or failure in his last 
effort to gain political prominence, Hannegan resorted to both 
whiskey and morphine for stimulant. The man who made the 
introductory speech reviewed the public life of Hannegan at 
length and talked too long. When at last he presented the 
distinguished and able speaker the alcohol and opium had 
passed the stage of stimulant and had reached the stage of 
stupefaction. Hannegan made an address, but it lacked the 
brilliancy and power of oratory which his hearers had been 
led to expect, and not only did it fall flat but was a disap- 
pointment to the promoters, to the audience and to Hannegan. 
Those who had planned the meeting severely upbraided him 
for his indulgence at such a critical time, but Hannegan real- 
ized more keenly than they how completely he had failed. Sad 
and broken-hearted he left the meeting and went to his room, 
stung by the criticism of his over-confident friends and de- 
pressed by the sense of his own humiliation and was never 
seen alive after that inauspicious night. 

The next morning his dead body was found in his bed. 
Upon his retirement on the night of the 24th day of January, 
1859, he had taken an overdose of morphine, whether to in- 



374 Indiana Magazine of History 

duce sleep and rest from his troubled past or with suicidal 
intent will never be known. 

Harriet Martineau, the famous English writer, who visited 
Washington while Hannegan was in congress, thought him 
the most eloquent man in congress, preferring him to Web- 
ster. 

Julia Henderson Levering, who was born in Covington 
and lived there until she was probably fourteen years of age, 
says in her publication. Historic Indiana : 

Covington was a very thriving town in those days, with the lively com- 
merce of the new canal and river, and far eclipsed the capital of the state 
in business prospects. In the village there was a brilliant coterie of young 
men, who had settled there because of the flattering business outlook. 
Many of them became famous afterwards in State and national politics. 
Such men as Senator Edwai-d Hannegan, Judge Henry Ristine, Daniel 
Voorhees, David Briar, Daniel Mace and Lew Wallace resided in the town, 
with many others equally honorable, but who attained less fame. 

Again she says : 

There was also much bluster throughout the west during President 
Polk's campaign over the claims of Great Britain regarding Oregon. With 
the other States west of the Alleghenies, Indiana joined in the cry of her 
own United States Senator, Edward Hannegan, of "Fifty-four forty or 
fight." 

Hannegan was ever fond of his home, of Covington, the 
Wabash valley and Wabash river. Often he would leave 
Washington during a session of congress to go home and fish 
and hunt and regain his health along the banks of the Wabash. 
Once he said to a friend: "Come go home with me and let 
me show you the lovely valley of the Wabash." Again on a 
hot day in Washington : "I can endure these hot and crowded 
halls no longer, I must have free air and space in which to 
roam, I would like to fish and hunt where I pleased and when 
I pleased; come go home with me, and see how I live in In- 
diana, and the beauty of the Wabash river and the Wabash 
valley." 

In closing a speech in congress, Hannegan himself de- 
scribed better than anyone else the feeling and the sentiment 



Whicker: Edward A. Hannegan 375 

that inspired him through his poHtical career, through his 
tragedy and on to the end of his life in this beautiful para- 
graph : 

For tlie singleness and sincerity of my motives I appeal to Heaven; 
by tliem I am willing to be judged now and hereafter when prostrate at 
Thy feet, O God, I falter forth my last brief prayer for mercy on an 
erring life. 



Reviews and Notes 



Nebraska History is the title of the official publication 
of the Nebraska State Historical Society. It is a monthly in 
magazine form, edited by Addison E. Sheldon for the society, 
and devoted to the publication of material relating to the 
pioneer days of the State. The society has about 450 mem- 
bers. 

The Indiana Society for the Prevention of Tuberculosis is 
issuing a circular called the Stimulator to arouse among the 
voters an interest in the foundation of a State Sanatorium for 
the treatment of tuberculosis. The first number was published 
October 9, 1918. 

The History Teachers' Magazine has changed its name to 
the Historical Outlook. Albert E. McKinley remains its man- 
aging editor. It is an organ of the American Historical As- 
sociation. Among its advisory editors is Oscar H. Williams, 
High School Inspector of Indiana, and on the National Board 
of Historical Service which closely cooperates with the edito- 
rial board of the Historical Outlook is Dr. S. B. Harding, also 
of Indiana. 

The Proceedings of the Mississippi Valley Historical As- 
sociation for 1916-17 were published as an extra number of 
the Mississippi Valley Historical Review in October. The pa- 
pers of this number were read at the Chicago meeting April 
26-28, 1917. The Proceedings were prepared by Prof. Bev- 
erly W. Bond, of Purdue. Articles by Indiana men are "The 
Coming of the Circuit Riders Across the Mountains," by Dr. 
W. W. Sweet, of DePauw, and "Possibilities in State Histor- 
ical Celebrations," by Harlow Lindley, of Earlham. 

The Tennessee Historical Magazine for June contains an 
account of the "Memphis Railroad Convention of 1849," by 
R. S. Cotterill, and a continuation of Albert G. Goodpasture's 

376 



Reviews and Notes 377 

"Indian Wars and Warriors of the Old Southwest, 1730- 
1807." 

The October number of the Missouri Historical Review 
contains a continuation of "Gottfried Duden's Report, 1824- 
27." This is a valuable addition to the pioneer literature of 
the Mississippi Valley. 

The Survey is under obligations to the Curator of Inde- 
pendence Hall, Philadelphia, for a copy of a catalog of the 
portraits and other works of art now contained in that build- 
ing. These number about 400, including portraits of nearly 
all the well-known characters of the Revolution. The booklet 
contains large portraits of many of the signers of the Decla- 
ration. 

Govei-nment in Indiana, a supplement to S. E. Forman's 
Advanced Civics and also to his American Republic, is the 
title of a small manual prepared by C. V. Haworth, superin- 
tendent of the Kokomo city schools. The pamphlet is a brief 
commentary and analysis of the State constitution in manual 
form. The duties and powers of the various officers and 
boards of State, county, city and township are given. 

The Michigan History Magazine for April contains the 
"Pageant of Escanaba," by Supt. F. E. King, of the Escanaba 
schools. There are also articles by William L. Jenks on the' 
"Creation of the Territory of Michigan," "James B. Angell and 
the University of Michigan," by Wilfred B. Shaw, and "Rem- 
iniscences of the Macinac Country," by Brajrton Saltonstall. 

The following letter indicates the progress being made in 
beautifying and marking the Vicksburg battlefields, now a 
national park: 

War Department, 
Vicksburg National Military Park Commission. 
Vicksburg, Miss., Apr. 16, 1918. 
Logan Esarey, Editor, 

Indiana Magazine of History, 
Bloomington, Indiana. 
Dear Sir: 

The park commission invites your best efforts on behalf 



378 Indiana Magazine of History 

of an appropriation by the Indiana legislature for a State 
memorial in the Vicksburg National Military Park, on the 
commanding area inclosed by Indiana circle, and near where 
two guhs of the First Indiana Battery were served. 

By authority of the legislature, at a cost of $38,000 the 
State commission placed in the park 16 beautiful monuments 
that bear the record of each of the 28 Indiana organizations 
engaged in the Vicksburg operations, and 53 massive mark- 
ers. The War Department authorized bronze portraits of 9 
Indiana officers (Alexander, Benton, Hovey, Keigwin, Kim- 
ball, Lucas, McGinnis, Shunk, Washburn) placed in it, at the 
cost of the park funds. The commission secured a bronze 
portrait of one Indiana officer (Slack), as a gift to the park. 

It remains for the legislature to complete this work by an 
appropriation to commemorate on this battlefield park the de- 
votion to duty, steadfast patriotism, and heroic services of In- 
diana soldiers in the Vicksburg operations. 
Sincerely yours, 

William T. Rigsby, 
Chairman, Park Commission. 

The Louisiana Historical Qimrterly for September, 1917, 
contains an account of Lafayette's Visit to New Orleans by 
Judge Henry Renshaw, and a paper of about 90 pages on Gen- 
eral James Wilkinson by his great grandson, James Wilkin- 
son. 

Special Report Concerning Common School Funds is a 
booklet of 89 pages issued by Gilbert H. Hendren, State ex- 
aminer. The booklet contains an interesting and valuable his- 
torical account of the school funds by George Pence, one of the 
State fund examiners. This is the best account of the origin 
and present condition of the different funds available. Every 
fund is treated separately and the acts quoted creating them. 
Under the Seminary Fund is given a list of the seminaries 
chartered by the State with date and location of each. The 
distribution to each county is given, together with the dates 
and amounts belonging to each county. The booklet repre- 
sents an immense amount of very careful work by Mr. Pence. 



Reviews and Notes 379 

Part IX Transactions of the London and Middlesex His- 
torical Society of London, Ontario, contains an interesting ac- 
count of the Wilberforce Refugee Colony in Middlesex county. 
This colony was composed almost entirely of colored refugees 
who crossed the Ohio on the Ohio and Indiana borders before 
the Civil War. It was the haven of most of the colored run- 
aways assisted by the Underground Railway in Indiana dur- 
ing the exciting period of the Fugitive Slave law. The article 
is by Fred Landon, Public Librarian of London. 

The Twenty-eighth Annual Report of the Eastern In- 
diana Hospital for the Insane for the year ending Sept. 30, 
1917, has recently been issued. This hospital is located at 
Richmond and is under the superintendency of Dr. Samuel E. 
Smith. The enrollment for the year was 891. There were 
146 new cases admitted ; 64 discharged and 65 deaths ; whole 
number under treatment for the year was 1,037. The cost 
per capita was $217.37. This hospital was opened August 1, 
1890, since when 4,185 patients have been admitted, 2,165/ 
men and 2,020 women. 

Almost the entire space of the July number of the Iowa 
Journal of History and Politics is taken up with Dan E. 
Clark's article on the "Frontier Defense of Iowa, 1850-1865." 
Other articles are "Wheat and Cotton During the Civil War," 
by Louis Bernard Schmidt, and "The Ages of the Soldiers in 
the Civil War," by W. W. Gist. 

In the July Missouri Historical Review is an account by 
R. S. Cotterill, of the National Railroad Convention in St. 
Louis in 1849. The main purpose of this convention was to 
further the project of a Pacific Railroad. Abner T. Ellis, of 
Vincennes, was temporary chairman. Indiana was represent- 
ed by 35 delegates. Judge Stephen A. Douglas presided. One 
of the leading members was 0. H. Smith, of Indiana, whose 
address on this occasion is preserved in his Trials and 
Sketches, page 400. 

The Address of Amos W. Butler, Secretary of the State 
Board of Charities, delivered at the State Conference of Char- 



380 Indiana Magazine of History 

ities and Corrections at Emporia, Kansas, October 30, 1917, 
has been issued in pamphlet form. Mr. Butler deals in a his- 
torical way with one of the greatest questions now confront- 
ing government in America. The care of defectives and un- 
fortunates is rapidly coming to be one of the heaviest finan- 
cial burdens of society. Mr. Butler has devoted his hfe to 
the study of this problem and has earned a nation-wide repu- 
tation. The subject of his address is "Colonies for Public 
Wards." At the meeting of the American Prison Association 
at New Orleans, Nov. 20, 1917, Mr. Butler spoke on "A State 
Board of Charities and Corrections." In this address which 
was printed in pamphlet form, the speaker pointed out the 
benefits to Indiana resulting from such a board. 

The July Michigan History Magazine contains an article 
by William H. Hathaway of Milwaukee on "County Organi- 
zation in Michigan." Besides an historical account of the 
formation of each county, there is a series of maps showing 
the changes in county lines from year to year. 

The July Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine has 
an excellent article by Mrs. Agnes M. Hays Gormley on "The 
Rappite Community at Economy and at New Harmony." Mrs. 
Gormley was well acquainted with the brothers and sisters of 
the Harmony Society and writes with a sympathy not always 
shown by historians. Although brief, it is one of the best 
accounts available of that strange community. 

Another valuable article in the July number is a letter by 
William Henry Harrison accepting the nomination to the 
presidency from the Anti-Masonic Convention held at Phila- 
delphia in 1838. 

National School Service is the title of a journal which 
appeared from Washington, D. C, September 1. The editorial 
staff is headed by Dr. Guy Stanton Ford. The historical sec- 
tion of the journal is under the supervision of Dr. Samuel B. 
Harding. The purpose of the paper is to furnish the teachers 
with reliable governmental information. The paper is sent 
free to school teachers. 



Reviews and Notes 381 

The Seventeenth Annual Report of the State Board of 
Forestry and of the State Park Committee, by Richard 
Lieber, State Forester, and Charles C. Deam, his assistant, is 
reprinted from the Year Book. The forest lands of the State 
are estimated at 3,000,000 acres. The State Park committee 
is a result of the late centennial celebration and seems to be 
the only thing of lasting importance resulting from that agi- 
tation. Two parks have been laid out and are now owned by 
the State, one known as McCormick's Creek Canyon in Owen 
county, the other as Turkey Run, in Parke county. The for- 
mer cost $5,253, the latter $41,075. 

The Illinois Catholic Historical Review, published by the 
Illinois Catholic Historical Society, made its initial appear- 
ance in July. The first number is a neat booklet of 144 pages. 
Every article in it is of historical interest to Indiana readers, 
but especially is the one on Pierre Gibault by Joseph J. Thomp- 
son, editor of the magazine. Indiana also claims Gibault as 
one of its pioneer heroes. "Early Catholicity in Chicago," by 
Gilbert J. Garragas, and "The Illinois Missions," by Joseph 
J. Thompson, are other articles that bear closely on early In- 
diana history. 

The June Records of the American Catholic Historical 
Society continues the Diary of Bishop Flaget. During the 
period covered in this issue the Bishop was at Bardstown, 
Kentucky. 

Volume I, Publications of the North Carolina Historical 
Commission is devoted entirely to the papers of Thomas Ruf- 
fin. The papers of Judge Ruffin cover the period from 1803 
to 1830. A memorial oration by William Graham, a chronol- 
ogy of his life and a calendar of the letters precede the papers 
in the volume. 

Journal of Thomas Dean. Indiana Historical Society 
Publications, Vol. 6, No. 2. Edited by John Candee Dean, 
annotated by Randle C. Dean. Indianapolis, 1918. Price, 
50 cents. 



382 Indiana Magazine of History 

This journey, of which this journal is the record, was 
made from Deansboro, N. Y., to central Indiana during the 
summer of 1817. The party, consisting of Dean and some 
Brothertown Indians, left home May 31 and passed down 
Lake Ontario, Lake Erie, French Creek, Allegheny river, Ohio 
river, up the Wabash, across the central part of Indiana via 
Fort Wayne to Detroit. Mr. Dean was in search of a western 
home for the Brothertown Indians, who finally settled on Fox 
river, Wisconsin. The trip was made in a large keel boat or 
schooner of 6 tons burden. The party made from 50 to 70 
miles per day on the western trip, going from Pittsburg to 
Cincinnati in 6 days ; from Cincinnati to Louisville in 2 days ; 
from Louisville to the mouth of the Wabash in 10 days ; or the 
entire distance of 1,003 miles in 15 days. Traveling up the 
Wabash was found much more difficult on account of the rapids 
and shallow water. 

The comments made by Dean on the general condition of 
the western country and especially on such places as New Har- 
mony, Vincennes and the Shaker settlement on the Busseron 
prairie are interesting and valuable. The journal is plain 
though a little more editorial explanation here and there would 
have helped the ordinary reader. It is one of the most valu- 
able papers published by the Society. If the editors have any 
more such material in their possession they should by all 
means make it available in some such way as they have this. 

L. E. 

The Public Life of Zachariah Chandler, 1851-1875. By 
WiLMER C. Harris, Ph.D. (Michigan Historical Publications, 
University Series, II.) (Lansing, Historical Commission, 
1917, pp. 152, $1.00.) 

This is a plain account of the public career of Zach. Chand- 
ler, the noted Republican political leader of Michigan, from his 
election as mayor of Detroit in 1851 to his sudden death while 
a senator of the United States in 1879. These years marked 
stirring times, during which Chandler was engaged in much 
party activity and in many political controversies. Dr. Harris 
in his brief monographic sketch is able to touch only lightly 
on varied subjects of much historical importance. The mono- 



Reviews and Notes 383 

graph is intended to supplement, not to supersede, the Post 
and Tribune Life of Chandler, which was written from partial 
and friendly motives. Dr. Harris writes without bias or par- 
tizanship and is far from being a eulogist. He merely sets 
forth, with very little of either commendation or disapproval, 
the party record of Chandler and his position on public poli- 
cies. We see Chandler as an early Whig candidate for gov- 
ernor of Michigan in 1852; as one of the founders of the 
Republican party in 1854, as the successor of Lewis Cass in 
the Senate in 1857 ; as a Radical Republican in that body dur- 
ing the Civil War and Reconstruction times, till his defeat 
for re-election in 1875 ; as Secretary of the Interior for a time 
under President Grant; as chairman of the Republican Na- 
tional Conrunittee in 1876 ; and again as United States Senator 
to fill an unexpired term. 

The author finds in Chandler a "typical product of his 
time," a "fire-eater of the Northwest," and an "exponent of 
practical spoils politics," one who was a political manager of 
great strength, who never hesitated to build and use a party 
machine in order to promote his own political ambition and to 
keep himself in power. The kind of radical that Chandler 
was before the Civil War is shown by his being ever ready 
to meet southei'n threats of disunion with counter-threats of 
hanging rebels, and by his proposal to his Republican col- 
leagues to stand up in the face of Southern insults with bold 
challenges to fight — "to carry the quarrel into a coffin." He 
knew no compromise. If the right of secession were to be con- 
ceded, or if the South had to be "let alone" to break up the 
Union, he wished to know it. Then Chandler would resign 
his seat in the Senate, arrange his business affairs, and pre- 
pare to migrate, as he proposed never to live in a country 
whose government "had no power to enforce its own laws." 
He preferred to join the Comanche Indians. His famous 
letter about "stiff-backed men" and a little "blood-letting" as 
a cement to the Union finds its due recognition in the essay. 

One is disappointed to find that only a very few lines are 
given to Mr. Chandler's connection with the campaign and 
disputed election of 1876, when the cause of "a civil service 
reform candidate was managed by a dyed-in-the-wool spoils- 



384 Indiana Magazine of History 

man." Chandler's telegram is given, announcing Hays' elec- 
tion with 185 electoral votes, but nothing is told of what 
Chandler did in the winter of 1876-1877 to make that famous 
telegram good. It is so with many other subjects of im- 
portance ; everything is brief, sometimes to the point of leav- 
ing one quite unsatisfied. However, such defects are incident 
to the nature of the task. The volume, on the whole, is a 
credit to the author and it is one of distinct value to the stu- 
dent of American politics. It contains a good deal of Michi- 
gan political history. Valuable material is presented from 
Chandler's letters, and an informing chapter on the racial and 
religious elements in Michigan's voting on historic issues. The 
volume has a good index and a full biography. 

J. A. W. 

The Pottawattomies 

Miss Frances Emerson, of Plymouth, has recently pre- 
sented the library with a valuable collection of books and 
pamphlets relating to these Indians. Recent interest in this 
tribe of Indians is largely due to the efforts of the late Daniel 
McDonald, of Plymouth. As a member of the house of rep- 
resentatives in 1905, he secured an appropriation for a monu- 
ment to the Pottawattomies at Twin Lakes in Marshall county. 
It will be recalled from history that here is where the tribe 
was assembled preparatory to being transported to their new 
reservation in Kansas in August, 183'8. The address of Mr. 
McDonald in support of the bill for erecting the monument is 
included in this collection. This address and another delivered 
by the same author at the unveiling of the monument, Sep- 
tember 4, 1909 (also included in the collection), deal with the 
history of the tribe. Previous to this, Mr. McDonald, who 
was an editor at Plymouth, had prepared and published a 
volume on the Removal of the Pottawattomies. This volume 
of 59 pages the author published previously in 1899. 

In addition to these. Miss Emerson included a volume en- 
titled Queen of the Woods, by Leopold Pokagon, last chief of 
the band which bears his name. Pokagon was born at Po- 
kagon village, a few miles north of South Bend, in 1830, and 
died near Hartford, Michigan, January 25, 1899. Besides 



Reviews and Notes 385 

this were three small booklets printed on birch bark paper, 
entitled Algonquin Legend of South Haven, Algonquin Legend 
of Paw Paw Lake, Pottaivattomie Book of Genesis and the 
Red Man's Rebuke, all by the old chief. The Survey acknowl- 
edges obligation for the gift. All of the books are out of print 
and hard to find. 

The Jasper Courier 

Ben Ed Doane, editor of the Courier, has recently- 
deposited with the library a complete file, 60 volumes, of the 
Cou7-ier. This is the oldest paper in Dubois county, having 
been established in 1858 by John Mehringer, Rudolphus Smith 
and Clement Doane. Mr. Doane, father of the present editor, 
was the editor and manager. From then till now father and 
son have conducted it. There are only a few papers in the 
State that have been edited so long by father and son and still 
fewer that have unbroken files through so long a period. 

Grover Cleveland 

The following letter is printed at the request of the Divi- 
sion of Archives and History of New York : 

Deae Sir — I should be grateful if friends of Jlr. Cleveland who possess 
published addresses or other critical comment of historical value concern- 
ing his policies or character, or letters to or from him, or personal recol- 
lections of incidents connected with his life, which would be of interest in 
the preparation of a biography, would communicate as soon as practical 
with Mr. William Gorham Rice of Albany. Any such comment, letters, and 
accounts of incidents will be acknowledged and will be carefully returned 
if the sender so desires. 

It is my hope that Jlr. Rice, aided by such material and by his own 
already existing collection, may feel disposed to undertake a biography of 
Mr. Cleveland during the ensuing year. 

The assembled letters, comment, publications and records now pro- 
posed to be brought together, will be deposited ultimately in the State 
Library at Albany for the use of Dr. John H. Finley, who some time ago 
invited Mr. Rice to collaborate with him, or whoever finally may prepare 
a definitive and documented biography. The collection thus deposited will 
also be of permanent value because of its accessibility to anyone who in 
the future may desire to obtain for historical or other purposes knowledge 
of Mr. Cleveland's traits, and his opinions and admini.strative record on 
public questions. 

Mr. Rice was a secretary to Governor Cleveland in Albany and was 



386 Indiana Magazine of History 

later, by President Cleveland's appointment, a United States Civil Service 
Commissioner at Washington, and is nove a New York State Civil Service 
Commissioner. He was associated with Mr. Cleveland from 1882 onward, 
and was always an esteemed and devoted friend. 

Inquiries concerning the requests and suggestions made in this letter 
may be addressed to Mr. Rice at his residence, 135 Washington Avenue, 
Albany, or at the Capitol, Albany. 

I am, very truly yours, 

FEA.NCES F. Cleveland Pkeston. 

Year Book of the State of Indiana for the year 1917. 
Compiled and published under the direction of James P. Good- 
rich, Governor. Indianapolis, 1918, pp. 883. 

"The Indiana Year Book provided for by the legislature 
of 1917, and herewith presented, is the first attempt of this 
State to give to the people in simplified and brief form a report 
of the operation of the various offices, departments and insti- 
tutions, together with such documents, facts and statistics as 
make up a general reference work for the State." 

Of late the publication of the reports of the various State 
officers has come to be a serious financial burden. Moreover, 
no one cared to have his private library monopolized with the 
twenty to seventy volumes of annual and biennial reports. It 
is the purpose of the governor to give the people a simplified 
yet complete report of the State governmental business in a 
handy single volume. The movement is altogether commend- 
able. The volume is well edited, well printed, on good paper 
and substantially bound. Such a volume can scarcely be re- 
viewed. It is a political encyclopedia of the State and is with- 
out doubt the most valuable State publication so far issued by 
the State. 

Reconstruction in Louisiana after 1868. By ELLA LONN, 
Ph.D., Assistant Professor in Grinnell College. G. P. Put- 
nam's Sons, 1918. Pp. vi, 538, $3.00. 

The field covered by Dr. Lonn's book is one of great diffi- 
culty. The partisan bitterness aroused by the struggle is still 
in the atmosphere. The documents on which the history must 
rest are all full of partisanship. The author has rightly pre- 
served in her story enough of the contemporary expression to 



Reviews and Notes 387 

give the reader a sense of this characteristic period. The 
story is told with commendable reserve and impartiality. 
There is ample evidence that the sources have been used lib- 
erally. There has been a tendency in the last decade by 
writers on Reconstruction to condemn without reserve the car- 
pet-bag government. It seems that the mantle of charity 
which is used so freely might be used with more impartiality 
in this regard. 

Sweeping generalizations in history are easily made. 
Except mere physical description they constitute the cheapest 
filler for the historian and likewise cause the most trouble. 
From this moralizing Dr. Lonn has wisely refrained. Barring 
a few typographical errors and lapses of the pen, the volume 
contains little for adverse criticism. On the other hand, the 
author is entitled to great praise for a patient investigation 
of a difficult subject. Dr. Lonn is a native of Indiana, her 
home being at Laporte. 

L. E. 

The current number (4) completes the first volume of the 
Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine. The current 
number is taken up almost entirely with a history of Alle- 
gheny, by Charles W. Dahlinger. The story begins with 1783 
and closes with 1906, when Allegheny was consolidated with 
Pittsburg. 



INDEX 



The names of contributors are printed in small capitals, the titles 
of books in italics and the titles of articles in quotation marks. 



American Cavalier, The, 190. 

American Knights, order of, 188; 
224 seq. 

Anderson, Baily, 308. 

Andrews, Matthew Page, his Bis- 
tory of the United States, re- 
viewed, 85. 

Aniquiba, 7. 

Attica, an Indian Village, 8. 



"Bailey's Boost," 308. 

Bailey, Thomas, "Diary of the Mex- 
ican War," 134-147. 

Babce, Elmoee, article by, 112. 

Barr, Aevil S., article by, 304-331. 

Barron, Joseph, 5. 

Bartholomew, Gten. Joseph, biog- 
raphy of, by George Pence, 287- 
303. 

Bartholomew, James, 287. 

Battle Ground, rally, 300. 

Benjamin, Judah P., 243. 

Bettinger, Albert, 118. 

Bickley, Dr. George W. L., 185 seq. 

Bingham, J. J., 248, 257, seq. 

Blue Ridge, 4. 

Boon, Ratliff, 309. 

Bowles, Col. William A., 200, 233, 
240, 257 seq. 

Brain, John C, 201. 

Breckinridge, John, 160. 

Bullitt, Judge Joshua A., 238. 

Burdette, Bobert J., 101. 

Burnett, Abraham, 7. 

Burnett, William, 7. 

Burnside, Gen. Ambrose E., 185, 187. 

"Butternuts," 183-286 passim. 



Cairo Expose, 216. 

Calhoun, John, 158. 

Camp Douglas Conspiracy, 269-278. 

Carrington, Col. Henry B., 206. 

Cason, Thomas J., 205. 

Castleman, Capt. John B., 253. 

Chronicles of the Cape Fear River, 

by James Sprunt, reviewed, 76. 
Chandler, Zachariah, Public Life of, 

reviewed, 382. 
Church of the Brethren, History of, 

by Otho Winger, reviewed, 83. 
Circle of Honor, Knights of, 190. 
Clarke, Dan E., his Life of 8. J. 

Kirkicood, reviewed, 81. 
Clark, Marston G., 299. 
aay, C. C, 243. 
Cleveland, Grover, 385. 
Coburn, Col. John, 212. 
CofEroth, John R., 264. 
Colonial Virginia, its People and 

Customs, by Mary Newton Stan- 

ard, reviewed, 77. 
Columbian Star, Knights of, 188. 
Copperheads, 185-286 passim-. 
Coquillard, Alexis, 11. 
Corps de Belgique, 189. 
CoTTMAN, George S., article by, on 

Riley, 99-107. 
Crawford, Josiah, 162. 
Cunning, Captain, 208. 

Darlington, 326. 

Dean, John Candee, and Randle C, 

their Journal of Thomas Dean, 

reviewed, 381. 
Delaware, expedition against, 294 



Index 



Democratic Invincible Club, 190. 
"Diary of the Mexican War," by 

Thomas Bailet, 134-47. 
Dix, Gen. John A., 187. 
Dodd, H. H., 232, 240 ; 257 seq. 
Dodd, William, 215. 
Douglas, Camp, to be attacked, 255. 
Duncan, Capt. John R., 371. 
Dunn, C. E., 189. 
Dunn, Charles E., 229. 
Earl Park, 1. 

Eggers, John, letter by, 110. 
Elliott, JIatthew, 8. 
Emerson, Frances, 384. 
Espy, Hugh, 290. 
Ewbank, Louis B., his Morgan's 

Raid in Indiana, reviewed, 87. 



Hay, Dr. Andrew P., 298. 

Heffreu, Horace, 258 seq. 

Hendricks, Thomas A., 212. 

Hickory Grove, 4. 

Hines, Capt. T. H., 243. 

Hoekett, Homer C, his Western In- 
fluence on Political Parties, re- 
viewed, SI. 

Hoffman, Edward F., 230. 

Holcomb, J. P., 243. 

Holliday, Mr. and Mrs. John H., 90. 

Horsey, Stephen, 240, 257 seq. 

Hovey, Gen. A. P., 260 seq. 

Howard, Tilghman A., 369. 

Hoxie, H. M., 221. 

Humphreys, Andrew, 240, 257 seq. 

Hunt, Charles L.. 229. 



Farmers Alliance, 340, seq. 

F. M. B. A., 340. 

Ferrier, James, 158. 

Ferrier, William, 156. 

Feslek, Mayo, article by, 183-286. 

Fite, Emerson David, his History of 

United States, reviewed, 78. 
Fort Dearborn Massacre, 8. 
Fort Harrison, 291. 
Frey, Louis, 111 seq. 

Grant, Gen. U. S., 156 seq. 
Gregory, Benjamin F., 205. 
Grenfell, G. St. Leger, 253. 

Half Moon Springs, 291. 

Hall, Wesley, 159. 

Hamtramck, Maj. John F., 305. 

Hanks, Dennis, 162. 

Hanks, John, 165. 

"Hannegan, Edward A.," biography 

of by John Wesley Whickeb, 

368-375. 
Harding, George, 107. 
Hargrove, Col. William, 316. 
Haruiar, Josiah, 304. 
Harris, Wilmer C, his Public Life 

of Zachariah Chandler, reviewed, 

382. 
Harrison, WUliam H., 232, 290. 
Haskall, Gen. Milo, 217. 



Indianapolis, site of chosen, 296. 
Indians in Warrick county, 304 seq. 

Jackson, Gen. Andrew, 170. 

Jasper Courier, 385. 

"Journal of Thomas Dean, by John 
Candee Dean and Handle C. 
Dean, reviewed, 381. 

Judd, S. Corning, 231. 

Kankeama, 7. 

Keating, W. H., 5. 

Keefe, Thomas H., 253. 

Kelso, Daniel, 369. 

Kerr, Michael C, 248, 257 seq. 

Kickapoos, 6. 

Kinney, Ely, 194. 

Kirktvood, Samuel Jordan, by Daa 
E. Clarke, reviewed, 81. 

Knights of Golden Qrcle 185-224; 
members 189; degrees, 192; cas- 
tles, 199; An Authentic Exposi- 
tion of, 201 ; in Indiana, 201 seq. ; 
in Illinois, 214 seq.; in Ohio, 220; 
in Missouri, 221; in Iowa, 221; 
conclusions by writer, 278 seq. 

Lamar, Uriah, 322. 
LaTure, Jean, story of, 306. 
"Lincoln in Indiana," article by J^ 
Ed. Murb, 13-75. 



Indiana Magazine of History 



"Lincoln in Indiana" (concluded), 
article by J. Ed. Mure, 148-182. 

Lincoln : A Hoosier, 13 seq. ; per- 
personal appearance, 14; sur- 
roundings, 16; first flatboat trip, 
18; one-fourtb of life spent in In- 
diana, 20; poverty, 22; everyday 
life, 30; honesty, 41; church, 60; 
speaker, 67; river pilot, 148; fer- 
ryman, 148; in Squire Pate'a 
Court, 152; kicked by a horse, 
154 ; a novelist, 155 ; interested in 
law, 159 ; religion, 161 ; reading, 
162 ; trip to Illinois, 165 ; estimate 
by neighbors, 170 seq. 

Lnicoln, Thomas, 165. 

Little Turtle, by Calvin Young, re- 
viewed, 82. 

Liver, G., 108. 

Lonn, Dr. Ella, her Reconstruction 
in Louisiana, reviewed, 386. 

Marches of the Dragoons in the 

Mississippi Valley, reviewed, 84. 
Marmaduke, Vincent, 253. 
Marshall, Joseph G., 369. 
Maueeb, Will, "History of Tell 

City," by, 107-133. 
McCoy, Capt. John, 293. 
McDonald, Joseph E., 212. 
McGary, Hugh, 325. 
Meeks, Atha, killed by Indians, 320. 
Mexican Legion, 191. 
"Mexican War, Diary of," by 

Thomas Bailey, 134-147. 
Mighty Host, Knights of, 190. 
Milligan, Lambden P., 240, 257 seq. 
Morgan's Raid in Indiana, by Louis 

B. Ewbank, reviewed, 87. 
Morton, O. P., 202, 206. 
Muench, Frederick, 108. 
Mutual Protection Society, 190, 215. 

Northwest Confederacy, the, 241 
seq. ; uprising planned, 247 ; meet- 
ing at Indianapolis, 248; at Chi- 
cago, 24^; arms, 250. 

Nugent, F. C, 203. 

"Nuohlac," 228. 



Parish Grove, 2. 

Parker, Benjamin S., 99. 

Pate, Squire Samuel, tries Lincoln 

for illegal ferrying, 152. 
Peace Democrats, 254. 
Pelzer, Louis, his Marches of the 

Dragoons, reviewed, 84. 
Pence, George, "Biography of Gen- 
eral Joseph Bartholomew," 287- 

303. 
Pfaefflin, August, 112. 
Phillips, David L., 215. 
Pigeon Roost Massacre, 293. 
Piper, B. B., 231. 
Pitcher, Judge John, 164. 
Pogues Run, Battle of, 211. 
Polk Patch, 310. 
"Populist Party in Indiana," by 

Ernest D. Stewart, 332-367. 
Populist party, origin, 332 ; back 

ground, 336; platforms, 338, 343, 

344, 346, 352, 357, 360, 362, 365; 

conventions, 342, 345, 346, 352, 

355, 356. 
Porter, John R., 368. 
Pottawattomies, books and papers 

on, 384. 
Pottawattomie, meaning of, 5. 
"Pottawattomie Nation, Decline of," 

by Elmore Babce, 1-12. 
Prosser, Louis, 208. 

Roy, Pierre-Georges, his Sieur de 
Vincennes Identified, reviewed, 79. 

Roy, Martin M., 264. 

Realf, Richard, 104. 

Reconstruction in Louisiana, by Dr. 
Ella Lonn, reviewed, 386. 

Red Banks, 312. 

Rice, Isaac R., 372. 

"Riley, James Whltcomb, some 
Reminiscences of," by Geokoe S. 

COTTMAN, 99-107. 
Robb, David, 314. 
Rock Island, to be attacked, 255. 
Russell, Col. William, 295. 

Salt Springs, 315. 
Sanderson, J. P., 230. 



Index 



391 



Scott, Col. N. J., 196. 

"Secret Political Societies in Nortli 
during Civil War," article by 
JlATo Fesleb, 183-286. 

Selmiin, A. G., 110. 

Setteedown, 320. 

Shaubena, memories of (note), 1. 

Simouson, Gen. J. S., 288. 

"Skylark," a poem, 103. 

Smitli, Sen. O. H., 369. 

Sons of mini, 241. 

Sons of Liberty, 188. 

Sprinkle, Major John, story, 310. 

Sprunt, James, his Chronicles of the 
Cape Fear River, reviewed, 76. 

Stanard, Mary Newton, her Colomal 
Virginia Its People and Customs, 
reviewed, 77. 

Stewart, Ernest D., article on Pop- 
ulist Party, by, 332, 367. 

Stidger, Felix G., 258 seq. 

Sumner, Edward C, 11. 

"Sumner's Indian Float," 1. 

Sweet, Col. B. J., 270 seq. 

Swiss Colonization Society, 108 seq. 

"Tell City, A Historical Sketch of," 
by Wiix Maurer, 107-133. 

Tell City, history of, 107 seq.; 
founding. 111; purchase of land 
for, HI; plan of, 112; factories, 
116; roads, 121 seq.; incorpora- 
tion, 123; schools, 126; news- 
papers, 127; Tumverein, 130; the- 
aters, 130 ; Schutzen-verein, 132. 

Temples, 232. 

Thompson, Charles Manfred, his 
History of the United States, re- 
viewed, 86. 

Thompson, Jacob, 243. 

Tippecanoe campaign, 290 seq. 

Tipton, John, 294. 

"Topenebee and the Decline of the 
Pottawattomie Nation," by El- 
more Babce, 1-12. 

Topenebee, 6 seq. 

Traces, in southwestern Indiana, 
312 seq. 



Treason Trials in Indiana, 256-269. 
Trials, Treason, in Indiana, 256-269. 
Turnham, David, 153. 

Union League, 188, 205, 239. 

Vallandigham, Clement L., 189, 211, 

234 seq. ; 244. 
Vallonia, 294. 
yin<:ennes, Sieur de Identified, by 

Pierre-Georges Roy, reviewed, 79. 
Voorhees, Daniel W, 211. 

Wabash Valley, Historical Sketches 
of, by J. Wesley Whicker, re- 
viewed, 86. 

Walker, Charles M., 107. 

Walker, William S., 190. 

Wallace, Lew, 372. 

"Warrick County Prior to 1818," ar- 
ticle by Abtil Babh, 304-331. 

Warrick county, first settlers of, 307 
seq. 

Warrick, Capt. Jacob, 323. 

Western Association of Writers, 100 
seq. 

Western Influence on Political Par- 
ties, by Homer C. Hockett, re- 
viewed, 81. 

Whicker, J. Wesley, biography of 
Edward A. Hannegan, 368-375. 

Whicker, J. Wesley, hia Historical 
Sketches of the Wabash Valley, 
reviewed, 86. 

Whicker, J. Wesley, quoted, 12. 

White, Albert S., 368. 

Williams, Henry, 215. 

Winger, Otho, his History of the 
Church of the Brethren in Indi- 
ana, reviewed, 83. 

Winona, 101. 

Wright, Phineas C, 229. 

Yellow Banks, 313. 
Young, Calvin, his Life of Little 
Turtle, reviewed, 82. 

Zeigler, Capt. David, 305. 



INDIANA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY 



Published Quarterly by the Department of History 
of Indiana University 



WITH THE CO-OPERATION OF 

The Indiana Historical The Indiana State 

Society Library 



VOLUME XIV 



BLOOMINGTON, INDIANA 
1918 



XXII iNDiASA" IN THE FIFTIES. 

XXIII CmL War Politics. 

XXIV The Common Schools. 
XXV Building the Railroads. 

XXVI The Civil War. 

XXVII Reconstruction. 

XXVIII Agricultural Development. 
XXIV Greenbackers and Grangers. 

XXX Mining. 

XXXI State School System. 

XXXII The Tariff Question. 

XXXIII The Indiana Cities. 

XXXIV The Colleges. 

XXXV Commercial Development. 

XXXVI Populists, Sooalists and Progressives. 
XXXVII Military History Since the Civil War. 

XXXVIII Literary HisVory. 

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in the middle west is better equipped to perform this splendid task 
for the Hoosier commonwealth. The work is scholarly in every 
way. The Indiana people interested in the history of the State and 
all students of history everywhere are under a debt of gratitude to 
Professor Esarey for his gathering together so many of the ma- 
terials for a most attractive history of the development of the 
State." 

L. N. Hines, State Supt. Elect. 



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