ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
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3ENEALOGYI
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INDIANA M/ 3AZINE OF HISTCPY
yolumeXVIII March to December 192;
i for M p r c h
*ge H. P^off it , TT i3 Day end
George T ?. Wilson 1
TT : story of the Knov Pot] ' : Pert 3' in Indiana
C p r«i Fr p r - ; c >~ L Br a nd 4 7
Jesse Kii bell - Pioneer
George V'. ~no Helen P. a etti
c
?! i s 1 r .' c a ]. N ew s 116
Contents fo^ June
Crawford' County T . TJr . Pleasant
Pioneer Stories ~° li - T . 1,r . Lester 166
History of ' 1_ T ' ; - " fchir - Party ir. Indians
Carl F. B-rnnd 17 7
The M c j '.' an Kurd e r at TT i n d s t a n
. McGowan EG 7
Historical Indiana Flj ' ric«l C • ;ior.
212
Contents for September
Tn ° " -..' a 1 Sc ho 1 3 , As c p n s i n S em i n a ry
John C. Choney 221
Indiana Primary'" Lows F. J. Connell 224
Crawford County r :. h. Pleasant °~°
The Deportation of the Pottav ' L j a s
B. F. Stuart 255
To t h i ng ? p r t y in I nd i a n p
C*rl Brand 266
Historical Ne 1 Indiana Historical C
Contents for Lectin! er
:eh and Pushmataha J. We " ' hicker 316
Pioneer Life ' >one County Jane fire^orv Stevenson
Pioneer Stories of the n *> ] ■
J. William Lester 347
lv ill e Id* H«lpn 1 cCerty
neer Homesteads Julia LeClere Knox 371
[j jtorical News 381
views
Indiana
Magazine of History
Vol. XVIII MARCH, 1922 No. 1
George H. Proffit His Day and Generation
By George R. Wilson, Jasper
Dedicated to my sister, Miss Margaret A. Wilson
Information and incidents of thrilling interest may be
found in the lives of many of our leading pioneers in southern
Indiana. They erected our state, wrote our constitutions and
started Indiana on a long and honorable career. The wisdom
of some was sought in the councils of the nation, to its own
credit and benefit ; the voices of others were heard in congress,
at public debates, and in our high courts with consideration,
pleasure, and public benefit; the bravery of many was shown
in our early wars and in the local but nationally historic
battlefield of Tippecanoe, while the executive ability and war
record of General Harrison called him to the White House.
One of the bright stars in a constellation we might call
the "Southern Cross" of Indiana is George H. Proffit, of
Pike county. My own county of Dubois is interested in Mr.
Proffit because he represented the county in the legislature
during the years 1831, 1832, 1836, 1837, and 1838 (five terms) ;
and in congress, from 1839 to 1843, (two terms), twenty-
sixth and twenty-seventh congresses ; and because he was one
of our pioneer merchants, even though his store at Porters-
ville, our first county-town, may have been only a branch store
of that at Petersburg. In this way we became, in a sense,
personally interested in this brilliant pioneer orator, political
meteor, and youthful statesman ; this French lily of Louisiana,
transplanted to Hoosier soil, led an eventful career for about
2 Indiana Magazine of History
twenty years, living entirely, while in Indiana, under the
state's first constitution.
The production of a biographical sketch places a responsi-
bility upon a writer that is almost personal. For that reason
we called into our services the intimate knowledge of Mr.
W. D. Crow, editor of the Petersburg Press; Mr. Simon Mor-
gan, grandson, and Mr. Geo. C. Morgan, great-grandson of
Mr. Proffit ; Mrs. Mary J. Taylor, and others to whom history
and tradition had been handed down. It has been said that
so many distinguished men have risen from apparently adverse
circumstances on farms, or on the frontier in America, that
it has become a common lot of biography to magnify the
difficulties of such an origin and praise the man who has over-
come such impediments. We can hardly say this of our
subject, for he was born September 7, 1807, in New Orleans ;
and, died in Louisville, September 7, 1847, at the age of forty,
but we can give him credit for making use of his opportunities
and abilities, which is indeed worth while. It was Mr.
Proffit's good fortune to be in touch with the best thought and
temper of the state in his day. In this connection it is well
to remember that eighty years ago the south and west were
closely related from a political standpoint. In point of time,
trade and travel, New Orleans was our metropolis. ,
The New England people pride themselves on their learn-
ing and general literary qualities, and justly so; yet we must
remember that from south of the Ohio river — the cavalier
half of America ; the Jamestown section, if you please — came
many flowery orators, statesment and writers, even from as
far south as the Gulf of Mexico. Patrick Henry, the orator
of liberty days ; Jefferson, writer of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, our title deed to liberty; Washington, the father
of his country; Marshall, the construer and great conservator
of the constitution, were Virginians, and therefore southern
people. It is largely due to Virginians that the earlier public
discussions and the later public papers so often partook of
the quality of literature. Our own subject was a capable
artist when it came to delivering an oratorical address in
poetic prose.
We do not wish to record mere platitudes of excellence,
without giving a reason, or the circumstances under which, or
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 3
through which, Mr. Proffit's dominant qualities were brought
out; therefore a short review of pioneer days is carried
through this biography. From the close of the American
Revolution until the close of the Civil war public speakers in
America were rather extravagant in their statements. Their
orations were frequently of the bombastic order, which in
our vernacular is appropriately named "tall talk." Even the
most prominent and world renowned orators used the grand-
iloquent style of oratory, in courts as well as before the
public. This tendency to extravagant oratory may be seen
in the early orations of such men as Patrick Henry; the
scholarly Webster; the famous Virginian, known as Henry
Clay of Kentucky; Missouri's Senator Benton; South Caro-
lina's famous Senator Hayne, the great southern leader ; John
C. Calhoun; and many others of Mr. Proffit's day. Such
oratory usually follows successful revolutions, and frequently
leads up to other revolutions. It is a matter of fact that the
Indiana pioneers loved a spread-eagle speech. Eloquence of
that kind reached a degree of extravagance, bombast, and
turgidity, never before known, except perhaps, in the ritual-
istic formalities of the feudal ages. It was what the voter
wanted and he got it, as he usually does, even unto this day.
Such a flow and style of language may have had much to do
in placing Indiana before the country in literature as well as
in politics. It is also found in the advertisements for the
opening of new pioneer towns, about 1830.
Mr. Proffit was a shrewd politician and knew how to handle
the gift nature had given him, with the skill and art of the
most successful orators of his day. His style of delivery
enhanced his words with deeper meaning and more power than
when ordinarily used. He knew how to apply the exciting
adjectives to the sleeping nouns, with the skill of a master.
Mr. Proffit was a good off-hand speaker, a success in an un-
dress uniform as well as in the regulation dress suit of his
day. He was a brilliant and witty local epigramatist and
phrasemaker, whose ideas attracted any one who had the good
fortune to know him intimately. He looked what he was.
His features were full of intellectual strength and becoming
graces. His glance was a mingling of the sunshine and the
lightning of heaven.
4 Indiana Magazine of History
Mr. Proffit came upon this earth during the first decade of
the last century, when such wonderful literary men as Cowper,
Macauley, Lytton, Hugo, Emerson, Schiller, Andersen, Brown-
ing, Mill, Longfellow, Whittier, Poe, Holmes, Tennyson, Dar-
win, Fitzgerald, Lincoln, and many others were ushered in.
Wonderful men were being born ! Few decades of the century
can outclass the first decade. It was a time when great intel-
lectual men were coming. Could it have been in the air, or
in the heir ?
From 1830 to 1850, nearly all orators saw fit to have a
high sounding beginning, an argumentative discourse, and a
lofty and grandiloquent peroration, in which their figures of
speech soar broad-cast to the high heavens. Occasionally
arguments were replaced by things sentimental. There was
a lofty and bombastic style not often seen in these days. The
faded portraits of pioneer days usually show an orator in a
full dress suit, or a swallow-tailed coat, with one hand stuck
in front between the buttons in imitation of Daniel Webster,
waiting for the applause to die down.
The decades from 1830 to 1850 were marked with mawkish
sentimentality; it was an era of extreme sentiment and gush,
perhaps better described as "swash"; no one seems to know
just why. This is evident in the songs, pictures, etc., of those
days. Mr. Proffit lived in an age when people were much
given to hero worship and to extreme and sweeping statements.
This is evident from his addresses and from those of all other
orators of his day. There was much floridness and exaggera-
tion in the political speeches of the middle period of the last
century. The Congressionable Globe is indisputable evidence.
To have been born in a log cabin was a source of popularity
at the time of the Harrison election, in 1840, and it was
magnified greatly for political effect. In pioneer days the
minds of men were busily engaged, perhaps more than at tlie
present time, in studying our government, compiling and
applying new laws, promoting new enterprises, institutions,
or policies, or in finding objections to them. Most men were
intensely partisan, and were usually known as followers of
the thoughts promulgated by their respective favorite poli-
tician or statesman, for whom they would fight at the drop
of a hat.
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 5
Mr. Proffit served five terms in the state legislature. In
1831 and also, in 1832, he served on the committee on educa-
tion; in 1836 he served on the judiciary committee, on enrolled
bills and on canals and internal improvements; in 1837, he
served on the judiciary, on corporations, and on canal and
internal improvements, and in 1838, on the judiciary, canal
and internal improvements. In 1837, Mr. Proffit received the
second highest vote for speaker of the house.
In Governor Noah Noble's message to the legislature, De-
cember, 1836, appear these words :
In establishing the several routes composing the plan of our
public works, they do not accommodate the interests, nor enlist the feel-
ings of our citizens of Jackson, Scott and Clark counties, nor of those
south of the New Albany and Vincennes road, and therefore they com-
plain of its injustice. Of their dissatisfaction, information, both verbal
and written, from sources that cannot be disregarded, has been com-
municated to the governor, that he may make it known to the legislature.
In the last named counties, delegates have been sent to a convention at
Jasper to deliberate upon measures for the promotion of their wishes,
and through their representatives here, the character of the improve-
ments proposed, and the extent of their claims upon the patronage of
the state will be made known to the legislature. But whilst they com-
plain, they acknowledged their obligations to the state, and mindful of
their duty, they are ready, now as heretofore, to sustain the state in her
measures, and to respect the supremacy of her laws. Good policy would
seem to dictate a course that will quiet these claims and unite these
small districts in interest and feeling with the other portions of the
state, and I recommend the subject to your serious considerations.
During the same session, but a few days later, Mr. Proffit
presented a resolution calling on the committee on canals and
internal improvements to inquire into the expediency of con-
structing a turn-pike road from Evansville to Washington, by
way of Princeton and Petersburg, and also one from Paoli to
Mt. Carmel, by way of French Lick, Portersville, and Peters-
burg. Thus he endeavored to make Petersburg the crossing
point of two improved highways. At one time, B. R. Ed-
monston, of the "Convention of Jasper," presented a petition
in the house of representatives asking for a state road from
Jasper to the mouth of White river. This "Convention of
Jasper" was a voice in the wilderness calling for means of
transportation, and the state highways now under construction
6 Indiana Magazine of History
in Dubois and adjoining counties are part of the delayed
answer.
Many pioneer speeches were delivered to win future votes
for an internal improvement in the home county, or to tickle
the fancy and raise the pride in the folks back home. The
Wabash and Erie canal and its various branches, constituted
a subject of serious consideration in Mr. Promt's day. The
routes of the canals were also a matter upon which an honest
difference could exist. Various towns on the Ohio river de-
manded a terminal and great was the excitement months
before even the surveys were made. It was under such cir-
cumstances that one of Mr. Promt's canal speeches was
delivered. As a future vote-getter in pioneer days as a high
/praise of the generosity and public spirit of the men of his
own counties of Dubois and Pike, and as a collection of flowery
compliments, it is so classic, that even Lord Chesterfield him-
self, might have to look to his laurels. The entire speech
appears in the Indiana Democrat January 13, 1832. The
speech was delivered in the legislature, in January, 1832,
when Mr. Promt represented the counties of Dubois and Pike.
Arouse ye sleeping politicians of today, wipe off the dew-drops
that sparkle on your garments, and listen to what the voters
used to hear or read in days gone by. Mr. Promt's speech
is too long to copy here, but listen to this extract :
I stand upon this floor, sir, the wakeful guardian of the rights and
interest of two counties, southern counties, sir, far distant from the
scene of this contemplated work and non-expectants of a share in the
distribution of its funds; we are as little interested in the woi-k as any
portion of the state can possibly be, but, sir, I have generous and
liberal constituents, men, who in charging me to watchfulness and
wisdom, mean not that I should indiscriminately oppose any measure,
no matter how important, because not immediately conducive to their
interest; men who would regret to see their feelings and generosity mis-
represented in this hall by me their sentinel, sounding the alarm cry
of danger, and no danger to be apprehended; shouting the fearful word
"taxation" and no contribution asked. No sir, we care not where a
work of character and importance is projected without jeopardizing the
monied interest of the state, north or south, east or west, it shall have
our fostering hand extended over it and it shall command our untiring
exertions to its advancement and success.
Wilson: Profflt, His Day and Generation 7
This address falls musically upon the ear and awakens
slumbering memories of men and events. It brings a smile,
for the amount of state taxes paid by his two counties was
very small. In 1829, in Dubois county, it was only $209.68,
and that included some delinquent taxes and penalties. This
speech had foresight in it. The southern arm of the canal
was built by way of Petersburg to Evansville. Mr. Proffit
occasionally used this pun, at his own expense, "I am not only
a Proffit but the son of a Proffit."
Mr. Proffit and the people of Dubois county had a vision of
a railroad from New Albany, through Dubois county, to Mount
Carmel, Illinois. On Saturday, January 7, 1837, Mr. Proffit
presented in the house of representatives, a petition signed
by sundry citizens of Dubois county praying for a ; rail or
macadamised road from New Albany to Mount Carmel. A
bill was passed to incorporate the "Mount Carmel and New
Albany Railroad Company." Ten days later he was fighting
in the Indiana house of representatives for an appropriation
of $150,000 for a road from Rockport to Jasper, and a con-
tinuation from Jasper, by the most eligible route to the Central
canal, but before he could complete the work the house ad-
journed. The case was lost, so to speak, by a vote of 41 to
49. The Wabash and Erie canal and the Michigan road were
financially helped by land grants, so why not aid other public
enterprises? On June 6, 1838, Senators John Tipton and O.
H. Smith had a bill before the United States senate to grant
to the Mount Carmel and New Albany railroad company of
Indiana, the alternate sections of the public land on the route
of the road, on condition that the company should carry the
United States mail for twenty years and its troops, arms, and
munitions of war, forever free of expense. It was ably de-
fended by the two Indiana senators. The bill was amended
and then made a special order for the next day. It was not
passed, yet, the Southern railroad is the vision that came true.
Do you recognize it? It is the Biblical Jacob's ladder to the
Knobs, and its branches now cover ten out of the eleven coun-
ties in Mr. Proffit's old district.
Mr. Proffit did excellent work in the Indiana house of
representatives, but he never became a state senator. Fortune
8 Indiana Magazine of History
failed him in that ambition, for Judge Elisha Embree, who
was rather conservative on the question of internal improve-
ments, defeated Mr. Proffit for the state senate, about 1833 ;
and, in 1847, was elected to congress over Robert Dale Owen.
Pike county was kindly disposed toward Mr. Proffit. In the
congressional race of 1839, in Pike county, Mr. Proffit received
478 votes; Mr. Owen 227. Robert Dale Owen succeeded Mr.
Proffit, in 1843, and Judge Elisha Embree succeeded Owen,
in 1847.
You who love to ramble down the dusty corridors of yester-
century and who love to draw the curtains and peep into the
mysteries of long ago, may study the traditions and read the
printed pages of the annals of time, from the first dawn of
written history to the twilight of yester-night and you may
not find a character to parallel that of Abraham Lincoln — the
child of Kentucky, the boy of Indiana, the young man of
Illinois, the man of America, and, father of freedom who now
belongs to the ages; and, you must not forget that he lived
here among us, in the days when Clay, Proffit, Brackenridge,
and other political orators were making the welkin ring, and
he drank in such speeches as only they were able to deliver.
Mr. Proffit was a political factor in southern Indiana before
the Lincoln family moved to Illinois. He was full of political
efficiency, of rare personal service, and of rich southern humor
and, no doubt was enjoyed by Abraham Lincoln, for both
Lincoln and Proffit knew there was more human nature in
the world than anything else.
Mr. Proffit was known over all of Indiana from the Ohio
river to the shifting sand-dunes of the lake counties. It ap-
pears that his was the pride and flower of the Hoosier oratory
of his day. He was magnetic, popular, and successful ; there
radiated from him vigor, health and happiness. His presence
was felt wherever he was. It is said he had the ability to
give back to an audience its own thoughts and conceptions,
illuminated, purged, perfected perhaps magnified, and trans-
figured until the product was better than the audience could
produce, and by this art he won approval because he under-
stood and was understood. He had the power to express a
soul's emotion and appreciation. Occasionally he could make
the place where he stood breathe forth an atmosphere of
Wilson: Pro flit, His Day and Generation 9
dreams and fancies. Washington used long words; Lincoln
used short words, as did most pioneers in southern Indiana,
except in the writing of legal documents, but Mr. Proffit ran
to neither extreme.
In his oratorical peregrinations over the state of Indiana,
no doubt he went well prepared for his addresses, even to
the extent of seven fingers. "Loaded seven fingers" was a
pioneer expression meaning that a muzzle-loading gun of those
days was so heavily charged that the ramrod stood out seven
inches above the muzzle. The expression came to mean "well
prepared", as for a speech. He could deliver a virile, pulsat-
ing American political speech, whenever necessary. Early
pioneer orators were long on the glories of liberty and free-
dom, the rights of man, and kindred generalities, and usually
full of historical and political platitudes. Mr. Proffit was so
constituted, that if he fell in an undertaking, he would fall
like a strong man ; he would not hesitate to embrace the pillars
of a house and pull the house down upon him. He was a
master of sentences and could build them well balanced and
full of grace, dignity, and ever increasing interest. He seemed
always able to charm, fascinate, and carry away his hearers.
He had the power to transform dry logic into sentiment.
There was an aristocratic southern color about him that
was not altogether without its punishment and rewards.
According to all accounts we have of him he was a pioneer
orator in demand even in the elite east. His speeches do not
have the breadth and depth of Webster, those of very few
orators do, but in the mere use of words many of his sentences
come upon us with a fancied Websterian ring of college days.
He had a gift of words and a facility of expression, the result
of much choice reading and careful study. For a western
orator, his orations had an unusually wide range of thought,
imagination, and broad appeal.
Under the uninvited questions that come from a modern
political crowd, the rounded periods of the olden times, that
embodied the eloquence of the past, have disappeared; and
hard knocks, close reasoning, and pointed questions demanding
a direct answer have taken their places.
In their stump speeches, during the heat of political cam-
paigns very often our local pioneer orators used noisy rhetoric,
10 Indiana Magazine of History
tossed out big adjectives and stinging epithets, and made real
exaggerations. They brought this fiery oratory from the
south. Mr. Promt, himself, could make stinging adjectives
cluster about an opponent's name, as honey-bees gather about
the wild flowers of the countryside. There was a great deal
of solemn humbug in frontier politics of eighty years ago. As
a rule many pioneer speeches show superlative degrees, exces-
sive tastes, and vicious language. They often contained much
scurrility and abuse of the opposite party. Jackson used to
say he had won all his battles, defeated all his enemies, and
rewarded all his friends. In pioneer days the rancorous ani-
mosities of politics led to many a fist-fight. These early cam-
paigns, usually grumbled with thunder, but in time, the
violent eddies in the stream were flowing smoothly to the sea.
Among Mr. Proffit's political or oratorical peers or oppon-
ents may be mentioned three men, all strong and prominent
Democrats, all sturdy and successful men of their day and
exceedingly worthy and honorable, and all eventually members
of the constitutional convention of 1850. They show the
power and make of men with whom he had to compete. Mr.
Proffit's most prominent opponents were Benjamin Rose EoV
monston, Judge James Lockhart, and Robert Dale Owen.
Benj. R. Edmonston was a man of large, physical frame
and great personal courage. He was devoted and strong in his
attachments to principles or friends and ever ready to defend
them. He was always bitter in his denunciations of what he
considered wrong. These traits in his character fitted him to
be a leader in the days of the early settlement of Dubois
county, when personal encounters often settled the political
status of a neighborhood or county. Many times before he
was of age he demonstrated his physical strength in "fist and
skull" encounters with the champions of his political oppon-
ents, as was customary in pioneer days. He weighed over two
hundred pounds and when flat-boating was the means of
transportation, he would frequently shoulder a barrel of corn
and carry it upon the boat — a feat ordinarily requiring two
men. He had more than an average intellectual ability, al-
though having only the scant education the "bab schools" of
that day afforded. He was a successful public debater and
stump orator in the then First congressional district. He was
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 11
a presidential elector of this district in 1844 and cast his
vote for James Knox Polk. His style was fervid and pointed,
more calculated to arouse enthusiasm in his own party than
to win over persons from the opposite party. Edmonston had
red hair, a florid complexion, and usually wore a red flannel
shirt. His friends called him "Red Rover." He was a native
of Buncombe county, North Carolina, and was always jealous
of the honor of his native state, but not given much to the use
of "buncombe." His political speeches were spiced with his
own solos, for he was a good singer. He was born March 8,
1807, died in August, 1856, and his remains lie buried in
Dubois county. Benj. R. Edmonston was a member of the
house during the 20th, 24th, 28th, and 33rd sessions, was
state senator during the 29th, 30th, and 31st sessions of the
Indiana legislature, a member of the last state constitutional
convention, sheriff of Dubois county, and, at the time of his
death, one of the state canal commissioners.
In the Western Sun, April 26, 1836, appears a column letter
dated at Jasper, March 31, 1836. It is signed by Benj. Rose
Edmonston. It is one of the very first letters, dated at Jasper,
to find its way to a printed page. The letter is well written,
full of political data, Biblical references, and the political
irony of the day. It is directed against George H. Proffit, who
was a candidate for state representative for Pike and Dubois
counties. Few could compose a better letter today. However,
Mr. Proffit was elected and served during the session which
opened on the following December, and it was during that
session he presented his railroad petitions.
Mr. Proffit's store at Portersville, not over eight miles
from Mr. Edmonston's country mansion, may have been a
Whig listening post for the purpose of prolonging Whig su-
premacy in Dubois county, for the county had been under
Whig local government from its organization until 1839, when
the Democrats came into county power, and remained there
even unto this day. The Whig party, in Dubois county, went
out with the smoking embers of the old log court house at
Jasper, while its successor, the Republican party, has never
been able to obtain a substantial foothold in the purely local
and county government.
12 Indiana Magazine of History
Judge James Lockhart was a man of acknowledged talents,
a forcible speaker, a sound lawyer, and a good judge; he made
no pretense to what is called flowery eloquence, but was rather
a matter-of-fact, straightforward speaker and much endeared
to his friends. He had few of the arts of the professional
orator, and none of that studied grace and polish which some
men often utilize in place of solid worth and good judgment;
but he was a sober thinker, and never addressed an audience
without conveying a message of value. He was "formed on
the good old plan, a true and brave democmtic man." Well
poised with the serenity of calm judgment, he was duly and
truly prepared to serve his people in the exalted position he
held, but the voters did not send him to congress in his first
attempt, in the year 1839. Judge Lockhart is described as
being tall, large, and portly, forehead prominent, hair and eyes
dark. He was a most valuable member of the late constitu-
tional convention of Indiana. He represented the counties of
Pike and Vandenburg, and stood by the ancient landmarks
with great firmness. He was the first judge to formulate a
code of rules for the government of his circuit courts. He died
while a member of congress, having served in 1851, 1852,
and 1857.
Robert Dale Owen was a Democrat of great force in the
state. It was mainly through the efforts of Robert Dale Owen,
a Scotchman, that the women of Indiana finally secured the
right to own and control their separate property during mar-
riage; the right to their own earnings; the widow's absolute
ownership of her part of the deceased husband's property ; and
a woman's right to divorce a husband for habitual drunken-
ness and cruelty. He is so prominently connected with the
pioneer history and development of southern Indiana that the
writer may as well carry roses to New Castle as to place a
laurel on his brow.
Mr. Owen was a man small in stature, with a large fore-
head, light hair and eyes, and prominent features. He looked
like a sturdy Scotchman, recently from the "Land o' Cakes."
He was a man of many parts and in early life wrote a play
called "Pocahontas." He was a man of literary ability, a re-
former, and a statesman. He was born at Glasgow, Scotland,
November 7, 1801. His family became connected with the
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 13
New Harmony pioneer enterprise, a subject too large to men-
tion now except by name. Robert Dale Owen was considered
one of the best educated, most intelligent, and most influential
men of his day in southern Indiana.
On August 5, 1839, Mr. Owen and Mr. Promt were candi-
dates for congress, and Mr. Proffit was elected. Mr. Owen
carried the counties of Orange, Posey, Warrick, and Dubois ;
and Mr. Promt carried Gibson, Harrison, Crawford, Spencer,
Vandenburg, Perry, and Pike. In 1877, in an article pub-
lished in Scribner's Monthly, Mr. Owen gave this incident of
that campaign :
I may mention here, as illustrative of the style of thought and
idiomatic expression among the simple people with whom I had made my
home, an incident of later date, when I was in the field for congress
against George H. Proffit. It was in a rustic portion of the district,
and after I had spoken I had been invited as usual to spend the night
at a neighboring farmer's. Happening to sit, during the evening, on
my host's front porch, I overheard, from just 'round the corner of the
cabin, the conversation of two men who did not suppose I was within
ear-shot. Their talk was, as usual, of the candidates:
"Did you hear Owen speak?" asked one.
"Yes," said the other, "I hearn him."
"Now, ain't he a hoss?" was the next question.
"Well, yes; they're both blooded nags; they make a very pretty
race."
Seldom, indeed, were better blooded men than Promt and
Owen entered for congressional sweepstakes.
Later, Mr. Owen became a member of congress and served
his district well. While in congress he was a prominent char-
acter. He introduced a bill creating the Smithsonian Institu-
tion, and for many years afterwards he was one of its regents.
At the south steps of the state house stands a bronze statue
of Mr. Owen. The inscription reads :
1801—1877
An Appreciation
Erected in 1911 in honor of Robert Dale Owen by the women
of Indiana in recognition of his efforts to obtain for them
education privileges and legal rights.
Author, Statesman, Politician, Philanthropist.
"Write me as one who loved his fellow men."
14 Indiana Magazine of History
In the musty tomes of congress are to be found many-
speeches of John Lockhart, Robert Dale Owen, and Mr.
Promt. In the Indiana constitutional convention of 1850, Mr.
Owen was considered the best writer of correct English.
The names of Edmonston, Lockhart, and Owen, in the order
named, appear in their own chirography on the original en-
grossed parchment copy of the state constitution of 1850 in
the spread-eagle signatures of pioneer days. That is the docu-
ment referred to when you hold up your hand and swear "to
support the constitution of the state of Indiana," etc. These
men have been given full consideration that you may form an
idea of the men with whom Mr. Proffit found it necessary to
compete for the honors he earned. The highest honors to
these men canje after Mr. Proffit had passed to the great
beyond. In the beginning of the race for congress, in 1839,
Judge Lockhart was nominated, at Jasper, on what was then
known as the "Van Buren ticket." It was the first congres-
sional convention ever held at Jasper. In time Judge Lock-
hart withdrew and Robert Dale Owen was substituted. Mr.
Proffit's election over Mr. Owen drew the attention of voters
from distant states, because of Mr. Owen's religious principles.
Geo. H. Proffit was educated in English and French, and
belonged to one of the leading families of Louisiana, where his
grandfather held the office of surveyor-general under the
French government. He came to Pike county about 1828 at
the age of twenty-one, and engaged in the merchandise busi-
ness. He is spoken of as "a merchant of the twenties." He
became a member of the Indiana legislature and served several
terms with distinction. He served in congress two terms.
The east and south regarded him as a brilliant son of Indiana.
Much praise was showered upon him by Whig papers of about
1840, during the Tippecanoe and Tyler campaign. He was a
true southerner and was very fond of politics, hunting, fishing,
and horse racing. In that respect he was akin to Daniel Web-
ster of the same day and generation. Webster outlined many
of his famous orations, and committed some to memory while
fishing in the streams in and about Marshfield, his New Eng-
land estate. Mr. Proffit was perhaps as good a fisherman as
Peter of old, and he was also a fairly good fisher of men and
votes for many years, as is evident from his political record.
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 15
Mr. Proffit may have constructed many of his flowery sen-
tences while fishing in Mill creek, and in Patoka, and White
rivers.
Oliver H. Smith, whose face may be seen upon a copper
tablet in the waiting room of the Union Station, at Indian-
apolis, and who was the author of Early Indiana Trials and
Sketches, a valuable pioneer volume of 1857, had a personal
acquaintance with George H. Proffit. Senator Smith served
his state in the senate, at Washington, while Mr. Proffit was
a member of congress from Indiana. In his book Senator
Smith has this to say of Mr. Proffit :
In the great campaign of 1840, which resulted in the triumph of
General Harrison, there were few speakers of greater prominence than
George H. Proffit of Petersburg, Pike county. He was in person below
the medium size, short, slim, and spare, a good mouth, head small, high
forehead, cheeks bony, dark eyes, light brown hair. He was quick and
ready, his voice remarkably loud and clear, and he possessed a fluent
elocution and a fertile imagination. The greater power of Mr. Proffit
was on the stump before the people. I first became acquainted with him
at Washington City, while he was in the house of representatives. He
very soon made his mark in the House, and rose to a highly respectable
position as a ready debater. As a popular speaker, in addressing the
masses, few stood higher, in the East. One evening, after dark, I was
passing down the avenue from Capitol Hill, at Washington, when I
noticed a large gathering up at the City Hall. I walked up, and found
it to be a political Harrison meeting. Many transparencies were ex-
hibited. General Walter Jones, the president, was seated on the plat-
form, surrounded by vice-presidents. Just as I reached the skirts of the
crowd, General Jones rose, and at the top of his voice said: "Is the
Honorable George H. Proffit of Indiana in the assembly? If so he will
come forward and address the audience." A voice in the crowd, "Mr.
Proffit is unable to speak tonight. He exhausted himself at Wilmington
last night." General Jones: "We are sorry to hear it, the people want
to hear Mr. Proffit. Is Caleb Cushing of Massachusetts in the crowd?"
A voice: "Yes, Mr. Cushing is here." "Let him come up to the stand."
I was much gratified to see our Proffit stand higher with the multitude
as a speaker, than Mr. Cushing, the distinguished orator of Massa-
chusetts. Mr. Cushing took the stand and spoke over an hour. I heard
few such speeches during the campaign. He was rather taller than
Mr. Proffit, inclined to baldness, wide mouth and dark hair. He was
fluent, loud, rapid and animated. The only fault I could find at the
time with his speech, was its extreme bitterness against the Democratic
party. I had been much on the stump in that contest, had heard many
distinguished men, and my observation had satisfied me that soft words
16 Indiana Magazine of History
and hard arguments was the true policy. The sun, and not the wind,
made the traveler part with his cloak.
Mr. Proffit abandoned the Whig cause with his friends — Cushing,
Wise, Upshur, Gilmer, Spencer, Irwin, and a few others, in 1841. His
name was more fortunate than theirs, in not being rejected by the Senate.
The reason, however, was that Mr. Tyler wisely withheld the nomination
of Mr. Proffit until after the Senate adjourned, and then sent him to
Brazil as our Charge. The senate at the next session refused to confirm
the nomination, and he returned soon after, in very bad health, lingered
for some time, and died at the city of Louisville. The last time I was at
Petersburg I visited his tomb. As I stood silently by his grave, he
seemed to rise as in the day of his pride before me, and then sink back
to his mother earth. How soon we pass from active life to the sleep
of death!
Mr. Proffit is interestingly spoken of in A Tour Through
Indiana in 1840, a delightful and charming Indiana produc-
tion from the pen of Mrs. Kate Milner Rabb. Mr. Owen is
also mentioned with becoming grace and dignity. This won-
derfully well drawn pen picture of the pioneer days of Indiana
deserves a careful perusal if you are interested in the subject
of this paper, and his day and generation with its barbecues,
speeches, and processions. Politicians in Mr. Proffit's day
did things and took chances no one would dare attempt in
Indiana today. In 1840, Martin Van Buren was the Demo-
cratic candidate for re-election as president, and William
Henry Harrison was the Whig candidate. It was during this
campaign that Mr. Proffiit rendered heroic work for the
Whigs.
On page 342, of Goodspeed's History of Pike and Dubois
Counties, we find this notice of Mr. Proffit :
During the "twenties" George H. Proffit came to Petersburg and
engaged in merchandising. He later turned his attention to law and
politics, especially the latter. He was a shrewd politician and an orator
of great .brilliancy, etc.
Thus a commercial history dismisses its mention of one of the
most wonderful men accredited to Pike county.
It is related of Mr. Proffit that once upon his return from
Washington, he brought with him a very fine carriage, carry-
all or barouche, the first ever seen in Pike county. It was
drawn by a team of dashing horses with a set of flashy harness.
As was usual in those days, there was a large basket meeting
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 17
in the neighborhood of Petersburg. Mr. and Mrs. Proffit at-
tended, coming in the carriage, their driver in livery, and
Mr. and Mrs. Proffit correctly dressed, silk hat and all, after
the fashion of the elite east. The approach of the Proffits
created a sensation, and any one who knows the pioneers of
the decade of the forties needs no prophet to tell him what
result to expect. It practically broke up the meeting. The
Proffit turn-out got the crowd, leaving the minister almost
without a congregation. The people viewed, admired, and
wondered, but the old taxpayers shook their heads, did not
approve, and said that hereafter they would not vote for any
one who made such a display on the money they were paying
him to represent them in congress ; that it was too much like
royalty and not to the liking of an American citizen of south-
ern Indiana. The amusing part about this is the fact that no
other public speaker in Indiana could so bemean and condemn
the Van Buren administration in Washington for its extrava-
gancies, aristocratic tendencies and so on, as Mr. Proffit. Yet,
Mr. Proffit was dressy, he could not avoid it ; he was a cultured,
educated, aristocratic man from the south and really at home
in the social ways of Washington and the east. The southern
cavalier spirit was in him and he could not help it; blood
will tell.
Mr. Goodlet Morgan who heard the address used to relate
a story to the effect that at one time Mr. Proffit had incurred
the displeasure of some of the voters of Petersburg, whether
through the defamation of his rivals, the carriage and livery,
or some fancied wrongs seems unknown. Having in some
way, become aware of this displeasure, Mr. Proffit notified
the voters by placards at the voting places that he wished to
speak to them once more before they voted. A large crowd
gathered to hear him, and he spoke for an hour. At the end
of the speech he secured practically every vote in the town,
such was the overpowering influence of his eloquence, and
the strength of his logic. It is interesting to know that he
prepared for this event with the greatest care and the highest
regard for "stage setting." He had a platform built with a
canopy, dressed his two little daughters in their finest white
dresses, and had one of them on each side of him. In begin-
ning his speech he told the crowd that he wanted it to und^r-
18 Indiana Magazine of History
stand that he valued its good opinion and its confidence even
as he loved his two little girls. He told the crowd, that he
could with fortitude and courage, although with unspeakable
grief, follow to the grave the bodies of his beloved children
and there stand until the last clod was thrown upon their
little coffins, but he confessed that he had not the strength to
endure the loss of the confidence of the masses who had so
frequently honored him, whom he had sought to serve so faith-
fully, and whose good opinion he was sure he still deserved.
He then proceeded with an exposition of his views and an
explanation of his attitude with the result that the whole
crowd was with him heart and soul long before he had finished.
In 1842, the Whig party began to separate itself from
President Tyler and to detest him. By May, 1843, President
Tyler was abandoned by the Whigs and was seeking support
for his administration from the Democrats. In the main it
was the old banking system that caused the dissatisfaction.
In 1841, Mr. Proffit left the Whig party. He was a turbu-
lent and daring spirit. There was a French cavalier dash in
him. His tempestuous public harangues suited the people of
the times. His style of oratory was every where received
with acclamation and huzzas. When it was known that he
was to be present at a political gathering, it added hundreds
to the excited throng. His spirit was suited to lead in battle.
He was in the front rank as an orator in 1840. Do not blame
Mr. Proffit too harshly for leaving the Whigs. He was- placed
in the front rank where the battle raged the fiercest. He would
not accept a rear guard position when the danger was past.
Mr. Proffit was a real idol of the common people when political
excitement prevailed. His speeches were bold and searching
against the Democrats of Van Buren's day.
Under our first constitution, state elections were held an-
nually in August; the legislature convened in December and
everybody talked politics. Party conflicts were frequent and
extremely animated. Political fist-fights were common; for
heated discussions were conducive to ugly words and combats,
yet after all, they were sponsors of our present local political
knowledge. The early newspapers of Indiana contained very
little of what we now call local news. Politics was the chief
item of interest in pioneer days, and aside from a few brief
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 19
items from the outside world column after column was given
over to the discussion of national and state political questions.
Political booklets, or tracts, were printed and circulated, and
in this way Indiana eventually became a close state, politically.
Many of the booklets were severe in tone and argument.
Mr. Proffit's biography gives us valuable glimpses of the
days when Indiana was in the turmoil of annual elections in
the dog days of every August. No sooner was one election
over, than they began their stump speeches for revenge at the
next general election. Today when a man is a candidate for
congress we are permitted to speak to him as "running for
congress." In pioneer days a candidate for congress was
spoken of as "standing a poll for congress."
In 1839, the Whig candidates for the nomination to con-
gress in the first district were John A. Brackenridge, G. Bur-
ton Thompson and Geo. H. Proffit. Mr. Proffit was nominated
at Rockport. He received five votes out of the eight that
were cast. The convention was conducted on the county unit
system. The votes of Dubois, Pike, 'Gibson, Vanderburg, and
Posey were cast for Mr. Proffit. Each county had one vote.
Crawford county voted for Senator G. Burton Thompson, of
Perry county, while Spencer and Warrick voted for Bracken-
ridge. Perry, Orange, and Harrison were not represented at
the convention. In this convention Simon Morgan, John
Hurst, and Dr. A. B. McCrillus, one of the founders of Jasper,
represented Dubois county. Pike county was represented by
M. W. Foster, John W. Posey, and Albert Hammond.
In speaking of an address delivered at Freedonia, April 29,
1839, by Mr. Proffit, the Leavenworth Arena of May 2, says:
Well may Pike and Dubois boast of their faithful servant — one
who has done much for the enlightened and patriotic people that so often
honored him with their suffrage. Mr. Promt's speech was listened to
very attentively. Many went to hear him, and at the same time harbored
great prejudices against him, but afterwards were thoroughly convinced
that he was the people's man — such a man as they would delight to
honor.
The extent to which the pioneers would go to defeat a can-
didate is shown in a copy of the Hickory Club a pioneer paper,
• wherein, among other things, appears this statement :
20 Indiana Magazine of History
It is currently reported in this county, and the people generally
believe it, that he (Mr. Proffit) kicked the Bible out of his house and in
mockery to the Christian religion administered the Lord's supper using
cornbread and buttermilk. This is said to be true.
This statement was signed "Harrison County;" however,
it was a coward's attack and not a county's. This was also
charged against Mr. Promt, in earlier campaigns in Pike and
Dubois counties, but these charges were never substantiated.
Time after time Mr. Proffit challenged any man to prove 'his
charge against him. One slanderer said "Mr. Proffit admin-
istered the sacrament with whiskey, etc." This is mentioned
here as an example of pioneer politics. Judge James Lock-
hart started to make this race for congress in 1839, but in
time, Robert Dale Owen was substituted and became the Demo-
cratic candidate; then the "concoctors of the buttermilk
slander" had all they could do to clear up another religious
controversy. The "buttermilk slander" became so extensively
circulated that ministers and other church people finally
carded the papers as follows :
Petersburg, June 12, 1839. We, the undersigned, members of the
Methodist, Presbyterian, and Baptist churches of Pike county having
understood that a report has been circulated that Geo. H. Proffit of this
county, kicked the Bible out of his house and administered the Lord's
supper with cornbread and buttermilk, and was guilty of other disorder-
ly and unbecoming conduct, deem it a duty incumbent on us, as good
citizens and as Christians, to pronounce it a vile falsehood. Many of
us have been acquainted with Mr. Promt several years, from his first
settling in this state, and he could not have been guilty of such improper
behavior without it coming to our knowledge, and we regret that any
person should be guilty of such gross falsehood as to charge Mr. Proflit
with such conduct.
(Rev.) James Ritchey,
(Rev.) David Horn ad y,
Samuel Stucky, Jr.,
(Rev.) H. P. DeBruler,
Samuel Stucky, Sr.
Mr. Promt's southern accent caused many of his political
enemies to believe he was a foreigner. In closing a circular
issued during the campaign of 1839, Mr. Proffit says :
I am a native of Louisiana, and every feeling of my heart is truly 1
American. I have resided in this state eleven years, five of which I
Wilson: Proffit, His Day a?id Generation 21
have served in the legislature, and I assure you that if you should
honor me with your suffrage for the office I seek, every opportunity shall
be gladly seized to evince to you my gratitude.
To my competitor personally, I have no objections, he has always
treated me as a gentleman, but to me there is a very convincing reason
why he should not go to congress. I WISH TO GO MYSELF.
Mr. Proffit's victory, in 1839, was indeed a victory, for it
was an early Whig congressional victory in the Pocket. Mr.
Proffit won his laurels as an orator before he was thirty-four
years of age. At a time when oratory was in flower in the
American congress he was an idolized, popular Whig leader
and a far-famed Hoosier orator, whose speeches were veritable
Niagaras of forceful logic and rhetoric. One wonders where
this Petersburg merchant acquired his ability and when he
found time to keep abreast of the national questions of the day,
to such an extent as to attract national recognition.
In August, 1839, George H. Proffit was elected to congress
from this district by a vote of 6,008, being 779 more than
Robert Dale Owen, the Democrat, received. Mr. Proffit was
known at that time as a constructive Whig, yet men were not
always known by party names. Politics was very personal.
In the Indiana delegation to congress in 1841, all were new
men but Mr. Proffit, who alone withstood the political upheaval
of the campaign. During Mr. Proffit's last term in congress
his associates were Andrew Kennedy, Henry S. Lane, Richard
W. Thompson, and David Wallace, all exceptionally strong
men. This election gave Mr. Proffit a prominence in Indiana
and in many eastern states. The presidential campaign of
1840 was much of a frolic on the part of the Whigs. There
were many jubilant and uproarious expressions of imprisoned
mirth and fun on the part of the voters, and anything like
calmness of judgment and real seriousness of purpose seemed
to be absent from the Whig camp. Harrison was presented
to the Whigs as a "poor man's friend" — while Van Buren was
proclaimed an aristocrat. The Whigs charged President Van
Buren with using golden spoons, with planting mulberry trees
in the White House grounds, and with other so-called extrava-
gances, etc. The Whigs claimed he was so "slick" that he
should have planted "slippery elms." His enemies referred to
him as the "Kinderhook Wizard." General Harrison's mili-
22 Indiana Magazine of History
tary record was magnified greatly by the Whigs, a common
custom in those days, borrowed from the Jackson Democrats.
In the congressional election of 1840, when Geo. H. Proffit
was again elected to congress, he received 190 votes in Dubois
county while Judge Lockhart received 202. Mr. Proffit served
in congress from March 4, 1839, to March 3, 1843. At that
time Mr. Proftit was rated as a Whig, and since then few
Whigs or Republicans, as such, ran any better races in Dubois
county. Pioneer voters were men usually of few words and
they were usually for a man, or against a man. It was not
always a party question. Voters made no half-way choice.
If they had no use for a man, they never told him to go to
limbus; they told him to go all the way down. An idea of
what was uppermost in the minds of people at any given time
may be obtained from the subjects of their orations. In 1828
the fourth-day-July was celebrated by public speaking in
nearly all parts of Indiana. Here are some of the toasts —
"The Day We Celebrate," ''Washington," "The Sages and
Heroes of the Revolution," "The Cause of Liberty," "Greece,"
"The Present Administration of the General Government,"
"The American System," "Internal Improvements," "The
Spirit of the Times," "Indiana," "The New Purchase," "The
Army and the Navy." In 1830, some of the toasts were "The
Day — The brightest and most glorious in the annals of free-
dom," "Gen. George Washington — the name conveys sufficient
meaning," "The Heroes of the Revolution — may their fame
be as immortal as the struggle was glorious," "Charles Car-
roll — the only survivor of the noble band who signed the Dec-
laration of Independence," etc., etc. This was at a period in
our history when, at least once a year, there was a feast of
patriotism and a flow of patriotic oratory — a holiday that
should by all means be revived.
In pioneer days toasts were the usual mode of expressing
thought and sentiment. They were emphasized in various
ways, such as — "Six cheers and one gun," "four cheers and
one gun," "six cheers and two guns," "standing in silence,"
"three cheers," etc. In those days in southern Indiana po-
litical discussions and polemic societies were conducive to
offhand oratory with perhaps equal parts of logic and noise.
Political processions came into general use in the campaign
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 23
of 1840, and an accomplished orator was a dangerous oppon-
ent. In pioneer days a cheap politician was called a "rabble-
rouser." The word explains itself, when separated exactly
in the middle. Mr. Proffit was nearly the opposite of a cheap
politician, but he knew human nature and he could hand out
compliments with the skill of an artist. A few of the pioneer
voters could spit tobacco into either eye of the family cat
contentedly sleeping, with its back to a fireplace, ten feet
distant, for there was a lot of plain living and some high
thinking going on at the same time, in many a log cabin along
the banks of the drowsy, sleepy, Patoka river, that beavers'
paradise of gentle curves and graceful meanderings. The in-
habitants felt honored at being designated and appealed to as
taxpayers, American patriots and citizens, holding the destiny
of a nation in the hollow of their hands. Mr. Proffit knew
cabin life as well as that of Washington. He had touched
life on many sides, and was in sympathy with the needs, hopes,
and ambitions of our pioneers, but patriotism was his pole-
star after all ; politics the means to an end.
In those early days a barbecue was a free-will offering on
the altar of patriotism or politics, a great outdoor feast of the
very fat of the land. The stump-speech system of electioneer-
ing was prevalent. It came to the Pocket from the south.
Its peculiar advantages over the convention system of the
east gave it a preference for many years. It was a school
for offhand orators, and many of the statesmen of eighty years
ago learned how to speak in the old-time political campaigns.
In pioneer days, strong men like Mr. Proffit often went into
public life from an inward call and a love of the highest dis-
tinction, often to the sacrifice or injury of their health or
fortune. Distinction was the reward. In those days it was
not exactly the caprice of fashion, not the accident of high
rank, and not a distinguished social position that established
a man's reception in a community — to do that it usually took
his politics, or his position on some great state or national
issue.
The Van Buren marker, at Plainfield, and the Van Buren
Hill near Brazil, are amusing reminders of the days of early
travel over the old Cumberland road. Mr. Proffit was a strong
advocate for the completion of the Cumberland road, the great
24 Indiana Magazine of History
national highway through Indiana, and on February 8, 1840,
wrote the Spirit of '76, a Whig paper of Indianapolis, blaming
the Van Buren adminitsration for lack of support to the great
highway. On the 14th of June, 1840, Mr. Froffit wrote the
same paper denouncing Tilghman Howard, the Democrat can-
didate for governor of Indiana, for leaving his seat in congress
to look after his political fences at home, while bills for the
up-keep of the road were pending in congress. In the Spirit
of '76, under dates of July 11 and 18, of the year 1840, may
be found Mr. Proffit's speech, delivered in the house of repre-
sentatives, at Washington, on April 27 of that year. It is on
the general appropriation bill. It is a severe indictment of
Van Buren's administration, and is probably "loaded seven
fingers."
Near the opening of his speech Mr. Proffit says :
It required no stretch of intellect to perceive that the order had
gone forth to vote down every proposition of the minority; and, sir, up
to this hour, that order has- been most implicity obeyed. It comports
not with my taste to describe the tumult, the legislative depravity, the
utter recklessness which I have here witnessed. It has been but a com-
bination of the disgraceful scene with which our sitting opened; and it
is now lamentably palpable that a congress which commenced in revolu-
tion, riot, and anarchy, must terminate in disorder and disgrace, etc.
The speech is a long one, and a severe one. In closing,
Mr. Proffit said :
I take no pleasure in criticising the course of my government; I
know the fallibility of human nature. I regret being compelled to show
my fellow-citizens the corruptions of their government. I regret that this
corruption exists. I am sorry that the necessity is forced upon me to take
any thing like a prominent position in denouncing the conduct of the
administration. I know that a faithful discharge will draw down the
execrations and base calumnies of the administration presses; our
motives impunged; public course misrepresented; private character as-
sailed; 'life's life lied away.' But, sir, I, for one, will pursue my
course with the same defying spirit which animated the poet when he
exclaimed !
"As little as the moon stops for the baying
Of wolves, will the bright muse withdraw one ray
From out her skies — then howl your idle wrath!
While she still silvers o'er your gloomy path."
Wilson: Pro flit, His Day and Generation 25
On May 14, 1840, in one of Mr. Proffit's speeches in con-
gress he said he did not pretend to be very orderly in congress
himself. Thus began the presidential campaign of 1840, with
Mr. Proffit making the keynote speeches which were of great
assistance in winning the fight for "Tippecanoe and Tyler,
too," and for which services it is thought Mr. Tyler about
two years later rewarded Mr. Proffit with an appointment to
Brazil, but the senate was so hostile to Mr. Tyler, and perhaps
to Mr. Proffit, that it did not confirm the appointment. Mr. .
Proffit was severe in his denunciation of Van Buren's admin-
istration, almost to the extent of an iconoclast. He supported
General Harrison as a hero worshiper would, in the days of old.
On December 22, 1840, in the house of representatives, at
Washington, Mr. Proffit submitted a resolution calling for
$450,000 to be expended on the national road in Ohio, Indiana,
and Illinois in 1841. He then "in a very animated manner,
foretold the direful consequences which he had alleged would
ensue, in case the house should not make the appropriation.
He declared that :
The eight states of the Northwestern Territory would unite, and in
their indignation would make their way into the hall to obtain their
rights by force. He could not conceive why the people of that part of
the Union should be so treated. The south got appropriations for its
Dismal Swamp, and everything else; so, also, did the north; but as for
his people, and those of the other northwestern states they could obtain
nothing. 'Why!' said he, 'are the people of the West to be thus
trampled upon? Mr. Proffitt also discoursed on the grievances of the
Western people arising from other causes. He then touched upon nulli-
fication, the tariff question, etc., and concluded by giving the House a
solemn warning, that in case the resolution should be rejected, the
people of the northwest would rise in their might when thier indignation
would be an all consuming blaze, without a particle of smoke, which
would destroy all that was not right.
Mr. Proffit could well have said to the New England
members :
Be strong-backed, brown-handed, upright as your pines;
By the scale of a hemisphere shape your designs.
for Mr. Proffit did so shape his own designs. During the days
when Webster, Calhoun, Benton, Hayne, and Clay were in
the senate, and the subtreasury bill was under serious con-
26 Indiana Magazine of History
sideration many ugly threats were made by the southern and
western leaders and when reminded of it, they pointed to the
ugly record of New England in the War of 1812, with its
Hartford convention, resolutions, etc., as the school in which
they had learned how to threaten the disruption of the Union.
When reminded of her selfish attitude in the War of 1812,
New England may well hang her proud head in shame. Mr.
Proffit was using the Yankee talk, argument, or reasoning, as
well as the southern, when he predicted a northwestern revolt,
unless the national road was given more financial aid. The
south and west learned their line of reason and talk from the
scholarly and elite New England, but happily all such talk
ended with the Civil war of 1861.
President Tyler vetoed several important bills. This
caused much ill feeling between the president and those of the
Whigs who still believed that a United States Bank was an
absolute necessity. All the cabinet officers resigned except
Daniel Webster, (whom General Harrison had made secretary
of state), for Webster had started on the great negotiations
with England over the boundary line between Maine and
Canada. Webster tried his utmost to prevent the break be-
tween Tyler and the Whigs. Webster said it would ruin the
Whig party, and help neither the bank nor the country.
Henry Clay exhausted his power of ridicule and sarcasm in
denouncing Mr. Tyler. Whig newspapers attacked Mr. Tyler
and prominent Whigs denounced him. Mr. Proffit remained
faithful to the president. The Massachusetts Whigs, in 1842,
in their convention, declared a final separation of the party
from President Tyler. It was the beginning of the end of the
Whig party. Some Whigs left the party; the party left some
Whigs.
At one time during a discussion about the northeast boun-
dary of Maine, Mr. Proffit objected to the cost of the surveys
but he withdrew his objection when informed three lines were
to be surveyed. The present boundary as adjusted by Daniel
Webster was the middle line. Mr. Proffit was not inclined to
"twist the lion's tail," as was often the case in those days, but
usually by a cheap grade of politicians.
In July, 1840, the house had before it the case of Lieutenant
Hooe, concerning the enlistment of negroes, or other colored
Wilson: Pro flit, His Day and Generation 27
persons in the service of the army or navy of the United
States. It seems the conduct of a president in this case did
not meet with Mr. Proffit's approval. Mr. Proffit said he was
unqualifiedly opposed to the admission of the testimony of
colored persons against white men. He approved fully of the
laws of the state of Indiana, which provided that no negro,
or mulatto, or Indian, or even the quarter-blood, should be
admitted as evidence against white persons. He considered
the conduct of the president in the case of Lieutenant Hooe
as an insult not to be pardoned by any southern man and a
direct attack upon the institutions of the south, etc.
On Monday, August 23, 1841, in the house, Mr. Promt said :
He believed the Whig party was not to be found in these halls;
they were to be found at the plough-handles and in the workshops. The
Whig party succeeded, by the addition of the old Jackson men, who
wished to reform the abuses of the administration. He compared a vetoed
bill, which was concocted in the senate to make great men — to make
presidents — to a limping animal that stalked up the avenue with a leg
of brass and a leg of wood, and finally died with the "Botts." He said
he belonged to the corporal's guard; and, if the member from Virginia
would permit him, he would march as the humblest member of the for-
lorn hope. He thought the president (Mr. Tyler) should have a new
cabinet; and if he were asked when, he should say NOW. If the present
members went out of their own accord, so much the better. He went
against Mr. Clay with sorrow, but he never could have Mr. Clay for
his president. He felt the chains upon his wrists now; he did not feel
them when he advocated Mr. Clay's cause before the people for thir-
teen long years. He said the name of the bill would be changed before
it was passed, and he should not be surprised if its authors stole the
title of the much abused Sub-Treasury bill for it. Mr. Proffit defended
the president (Mr. Tyler) with eloquence, and to the fullest extent.
On Tuesday night, August 24, 1841, a full length effigy
of John Tyler was displayed from a pole in one of the prin-
cipal streets of Vincennes because in the exercise of a power
vested in him by the constitution he vetoed the bill chartering
a bank of the United States. Politically, Mr. Proffit fell for
his friend John Tyler.
Mr. Tyler's elevation to the presidency, through the death
of General Harrison, was America's first lesson — yet not
learned — of the danger of being careless in naming a vice-
presidential candidate. Mr. Tyler's administration would
have been a most distressing failure had not Daniel Webster
28 Indiana Magazine of Histo'ry
remained his secretary of state until he completed his boun-
dary treaty with England ; then A. P. Upshur, who signed Mr.
Proffit's passport, in time, became Mr. Tyler's secretary of
state. Mr. Proffit was before the public at a time of great
unrest. Sectional interests were slowly dissolving party lines.
The symptoms of the approaching dissolution of the Whig
party were clear, but the travail that was to bring into life
the Republican party had not yet come to pass. Mr. Promt
was one of the star speakers in the defeat of President Van
Buren and the election of Harrison and Tyler. It is to be
remembered that Mr. Harrison died soon after his elevation
to the presidency, and that Mr. Tyler became president. Mr.
Tyler's administration did not meet with the approval of many
eastern Whigs, but Mr. Promt defended him ; thus Mr. Proffit
became the victim of an enfilading fire from the Van Buren
Democrats and the eastern Whigs — some of the very men his
vicious attacks upon the Democrats had helped to elect. He
proved to be a foeman worthy of their steel, as the records of
congress conclusively prove. He insisted upon their votes be-
ing recorded on all questions of party policy.
On March 11, 1842, in an address before congress, Mr.
Proffit said :
He was endeavoring to do something to relieve the country and to
restore the state of the currency. He was for the country; he was
determined in the words of Washington, to have no party but this
country. If the gentlemen chose to keep up an angry party denunciation,
in which he admitted that he had himself too much indulged in the times
past, they could do so; but for him — as he grew older he grew wiser.
The Whigs had told the people they would endeavor to allay these
party dissensions, and pour oil upon the troubled waters; they were
pledged to this, and he was resolved to perform it.
On March 18, 1842, in the house:
Mr. Proffit spoke of the bitterness of party spirit at the present
session, and the acrimony with which the executive and his supporters
on this floor had been attacked; and, added, that many of these gentle-
men who had been the most violent in their denunciations, had been
seeking office from him.
Mr. Proffit regretted but little had been done by congress.
Among other things he said :
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 29
Looking, sir, on the political struggles which have agitated and
still continue to agitate, this country, names more often than things
causing the rally, it is painful to witness the bitter fruits of error
committed. No question of domestic policy settled, no particular principle
finally established, everything seems to be the sport of the hour, or of
the majority temporarily in the ascendant, etc.
In closing this address Mr. Proffit said :
We wish to forget party and think of our country, and our country
only. We feel deeply and sensibly the delicate position we occupy, sit-
uated, as it were, between two contending parties; but we honestly and
firmly believe in the correctness of that position, and will maintain it,
convinced that it is our duty to do so, as Republican Representatives.
On May 4 and 19, June 10 and 30, and August 2, 1842, Mr.
Proffit was faithfully defending Mr. Tyler on the floor of the
house, from attacks made by Whigs as well as by Democrats.
In a speech before the house, on June 18, 1842 :
Mr. Proffit gave his definition of a Locofoco, whom he considered as
a dissatisfied, discontented individual, willing and ready to tear down
all government, in the hope that something would turn up to his own
advantage. He thought there were Whig-Locofocos as well as Van
Buren-Locofocos — men who were always telling the people that they were
badly treated.
In 1840, Hanover county, Henry Clay's native county, in
Virginia, gave a dinner in honor of Mr. Clay. At that dinner
there was given a complimentary toast to Mr. Proffit. The
toast reads:
George H. Proffit — surpassed by few in talent — by none in honesty.
His country's good has been his object, irrespective of party.
The dinner was given at Taylorsville, Virginia, in the first
half of 1840, at which time Mr. Proffit had not been in congress
six months. During his first year in congress Mr. Proffit de-
livered a speech before an audience of ten thousand at West
Chester, Pennsylvania. Its effect may be imagined for after
the applause had subsided nine cheers were spontaneously
given by the assembly. The first year Mr. Proffit was in
congress a correspondent of the New York Herald, then a
neutral paper, wrote his paper as follows :
30 Indiana Magazine of History
For an hour and a half, Mr. Proffit kept the House convulsed with
laughter. He is decidedly original. He thinks exactly as no other man
ever thought or ever will think — as no other mortal ever can think. He
is a man of unquestionable talent; and, as a partisan, may be ranked
as the most ardent and rabid of the Harrison party. John Randolph
once said that he would walk a mile to kick a sheep; and I suppose
that Mr. Proffit would traverse the whole of the greater prairies of the
West to demolish a locofoco, as such; and yet few men possess, as a
man, better feelings than he does. He is always good natured and com-
placent to all and as he possesses strong conversational powers, a ready,
and a rich store of wit, and a large fund of anecdotes, he is popular
with all parties. As a representative, he is industrious and attentive
to the interests of the people, and may be regarded by them as a faithful
and constant agent.
From the records of congress it appears Mr. Proffit was a
fiery, extemporaneous speaker, often on the floor and in tne
heat of debate, but it does not appear that he was ever charged
with loquacity. He had done much to elect Harrison and
Tyler, who received 234 out of 294 electoral votes. Gen.
Harrison was moderately in favor of a bank ; Tyler was op-
posed to a bank. Tyler was a Virginian and not a Whig in
its generally accepted term. He was a "state-rights" Whig or
Democrat, with emphasis on the compound adjective, and is
now generally recorded as a Democrat in our histories. This
ticket was elected at a time when the west was supplying
presidential candidates and demanding serious consideration.
In a sense, Tyler was a Democratic tail to a Whig kite. Had
President Harrison lived out his term, it is apparent, Mr.
Proffit would have been very powerful in the councils of the
party, but Mr. Tyler was not a very popular president, and
the burden of defending his administration fell upon such
men as Mr. Proffit, who were, to some extent, responsible for
his election ; thus Mr. Proffit' s last term in congress was one
of defending the president, a task not in harmony with his
aggressive spirit. President Tyler was a Virginia "State-
Rights Whig" who became a Democrat and is probably best
known as a negative statesman, who quarreled with the Whig
leaders, vetoed many bills, among them the fiscal bank bills
and the protective tariff bill (of 1842) ; opposed the Ashburton
treaty and the annexation of Texas; and favored the Confed-
erate cause of 1861, etc. In 1840, Mr. Proffit carried Harri-
Wilson: Pro flit, His Day and Generation 31
son's banner, and beat Tyler's drum; they were elected, but
Mr. Tyler proved a hard man to justify. The burden fell upon
Mr. Proffit to an unusual extent.
On January 10, 1843, in the house, Congressman Botts,
of Virginia, brought forward articles of impeachment against
President Tyler, who came from his own state. The vote
stood 83 yeas and 127 nays. Thus it was decided the presi-
dent was unimpeached and unimpeachable. Mr. Proffit voted
against the impeachment of the president, but said :
For his part, he would have been perfectly willing that the impeach-
ment should have gone on, as he would like to see the black silk gloves,
and other trappings of a court of impeachment, but he did not vote for
the resolution, because he did not believe in the truth of the charges,
or that they contained impeachable matter.
On Friday, March 3, 1843, the last day of his last term,
Mr. Proffit, Mr. Wise, and some others, were at the desk of
Mr. Fillmore, chairman of the committee of ways and means,
examining the manuscript copy of a bill in care of Mr. Fill-
more, it being the only one to which the members had access.
The chairman told them they must take their seats. Mr.
Proffit stood for a moment evidently in great astonishment,
and then said firmly "Sir, I will not take my seat." A great
sensation was instantaneously created, and much confusion
ensued. A half dozen gentlemen sprang to the floor and each
addressed the chair. Some asserted positively that Mr.
Proffit was not out of order, and begged the chairman to bear
in mind that the house of representatives was not a school
house. During the excitement Congressman Oliver drew Mr.
Proffit to his desk and succeeded in pouring oil on the troubled
waters, and the affair was allowed to terminate — with Mr.
Proffiit's congressional career. Those were ugly days in con-
gress and in one of his speeches in the house, Mr. Proffit told
the speaker, if he could not get protection from the speaker
he would come prepared to protect himself. In those days
dueling was not uncommon and many men went armed.
Mr. Proffit is perhaps better known as a Whig, refined, and
with a great respect for education and learning. Practically
all the old eastern Whigs cultivated dignity and its allied
graces, but Mr. Proffit may not have been altogether an ex-
32 Indiana Magazine of History
tremist along that line, at least, not to the extent of arro-
gance. When you once thoroughly know an American gentle-
man, you can easily recognize a Hoosier gentelman. Mr.
Proffit was both.
In 1843, President John Tyler, who filled out the unexpired
term of William Henry Harrison, and for whom Mr. Proffit
did heroic campaign work, appointed Mr. Proffit envoy extra-
ordinary and minister plenipotentiary, to Brazil. His sheep-
skin commission reads as follows:
JOHN TYLER
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
To GEORGE H. PROFITT, Greeting:
Reposing special trust and confidence in your Integrity, Prudence
and Ability, I DO APPOINT YOU, THE SAID GEORGE H. PROFFIT,
OF INDIANA, ENVOY EXTRAORDINARY AND MINISTER PLENI-
POTENTIARY of the United States of America NEAR HIS MAJESTY,
THE EMPEROR OF BRAZIL, authorizing you, hereby, to do and per-
form all such matters and things as to the said place or office doth ap-
pertain, or as may be duly given you in charge hereafter, and the said
office to hold and exercise during the pleasure of the President of the
United States for the time being, AND UNTIL THE END OF THE
NEXT SESSION OF THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES AND
NO LONGER.
SEAL
of the
UNITED STATES
In testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of
the United States to be hereunto affixed.
Given under my hand, at the City of Washing-
ton, the Seventh day of June in the year of our
Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-three
and of the Independence of the United States of
America the sixty-seventh.
By the President, John Tyler.
H. S. Legare,
Secretary of State ad interim.
When Mr. Proffit started for Brazil he had a passport which
read as follows :
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA DEPARTMENT OF STATE
To all to whom these presents shall come - - Greeting:
Know Ye, that the bearer hereof George H. Proffit, Esquire, a dis-
tinguished citizen of the United States, is proceeding to Rio de Janeiro,
Wilson: Profflt, His Day and Generation 33
in the character of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of
the said United States, near His Majesty the Emporer of Brazil'.
These are therefore to request all whom it may concern to permit
him and the persons of his suite, to pass freely without let or molesta-
tion, and to extend to them all such friendly aid and protection as would
in like cases be extended to citizens and subjects of other Countries re-
sorting to the United States in the lawful pursuit of their business.
In testimony whereof, I, A. P. Upshur, Secretary of State
of the United States have hereunto set my hand, and caused
the Seal of this Department to be affixed, this 19th day of July
SEAL A. D. 1843, and of the Independence of the United States the
sixty-eighth.
A. P. Upshur.
The original papers are in the archives of the Indiana Uni-
versity. With the penetrating glance of a seer Mr. Proffit
saw in the future, the end of the Whig party, as such, and went
over into the camp of the Democrats as did Mr. Tyler, when
all was mist and uncertainty to the generality of his contem-
poraries, and he paid the penalty for his independent judg-
ment. The* man that makes a character worthy of history
usually makes foes. History is usually very kind to great
men ; biography is not always so kind. The dignity of history
and the truth of biography compel us to speak the language
of humility when we say that Mr. Promt's appointment to
Brazil was not confirmed by the United States senate, and he
was called home. Perhaps neither the president nor Mr.
Proffit expected the appointment to be confirmed. Mr. Proffit
served as miniister from June 7, 1843, until August 10, 1844.
Senator Thomas H. Benton of Missouri, hated President
Tyler and all his friends. He seems to have had a special
dislike for Mr. Proffit, who was one of President Tyler's most
trusted lieutenants. It is probable that Mr. Proffit had in
some of his speeches exposed to ridicule some of Benton's
weaknesses, as the latter's ability, however great, was immeas-
urably exceeded by his vanity. This sort of man always
afforded Mr. Proffit an irresistible subject for the exercise of
his power of ridicule. Doubtless he had exercised this more
than once at Senator Benton's expense. In his Thirty Years'
View, Senator Benton makes an incorrect statement when he
says Mr. Proffit was not received by the emperor of Brazil.
Read the following from Senator Benton's works :
34 Indiana Magazine of History
At the ensuing session a rapid succession of rejections of nomina-
tions took place. Mr. George H. Proffit, of Indiana, late of the House
of Representatives, was nominated minister plenipotentiary and envoy
extraordinary to the Emperor of Brazil. He had been commissioned in
the vacation, and sailed upon his destination, drawing the usual outfit
and quarter's salary, leaving the principal part behind, bet upon the
presidential election. He was not received by the Emperor of Brazil,
and was rejected by the Senate. Only eight members voted for his con-
firmation: Messrs. Breese, Colquitt, Fulton, Hannegan, King, Semple,
Sevier, and Walker. He had been nominated in the place of William
Hunter, Esq., ex-senator from Rhode Island, recalled — a gentleman of
education, reading, talent and finished manners; and eminently fit for
the place. It was difficult to see in Mr. Proffit intended to supersede
him, any cause for his appointment except for his adhesion to Mr.
Tyler.
Thus, Senator Benton squared things after Mr. Proffit's
death for all the ridicule Mr. Proffit may have heaped upon
him in his campaign speeches, but he had no reason for saying
that Mr. Proffit was not received by the emperor. The details
of his formal reception were well known to a numper of people
at Petersburg who were living twenty or thirty years ago and
who heard Mr. Proffit describe the ceremony very minutely.
They were greatly amazed that Mr. Proffit (a Pike county
merchant) was not much embarassed in being presented to
an emperor, but Mr. Proffit was as Bill Nye said of Benjamin
Franklin : "To him a king was no greater than a seven spot."
That Mr. Proffit was very prominent in congress for a
young member, however, is revealed occasionally through Sen-
ator Benton's work; for instance, in writing of the attempt
to pass the national bank bill, in 1841, when the measure had
been vetoed by Tyler, and the attempt was being made to pass
it in the House over the presidential veto (an attempt which
was opposed by Mr. Proffit and in which he was successful,
since the effort failed) Benton says:
It was disapproved and returned to the House with a message stat-
ing his objections to it, where it gave rise to some violent speaking,
more directed to the personal conduct of the President than to the ob-
jections to the bill stated in his message. In this debate Mr. Botts, of
Virginia, was the chief speaker on one side, inculpating the President;
Mr. Gilmer, of Virginia, and Mr. Proffit, of Indiana, on the other were
the chief respondent^ in his favor
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 35
It is quite evident from Senator Benton's reference to it
that this debate was a very important one and attracted wide
attention at the time. The President still had a large num-
ber of powerful and very able friends in both houses. The fact
that Mr. Promt was put forward as one of the two chosen ora-
tors and debaters to bear the brunt of the battle, selected from
all the eloquent, able, and brilliant men in the House who were
still Tyler's friends, is a tribute to his ability, that even his
enemies could not ignore. Mr. Proffit had just passed his
thirty-fourth birthday at the time of this debate. He was still
on his first term as a representative in congress.
Senator Benton's reference to the fact that only eight
senators voted to confirm Mr. Promt's nomination as minister
to Brazil contains nothing of reproach to Mr. Proffit person-
ally, since these were the eight who stood by Tyler to the end.
Caleb Cushing received but two votes, all the others in the
senate being cast against approval of his appointment to
an important post. At that time there ^$r^oa^s$)out fifty
members in the senate.
Sydney George Fisher, a well known biographical writer,
in his The True Daniel Webster does not write very compli-
mentary of Senator Benton, but classes him as a man of dis-
torted views.
Evidently Mr. Proffit had sufficient grounds for attacking
Senator Benton, and he did it while the senator was living.
Senator Benton was a relay speaker in the long debates be-
tween Senator Hayne and Daniel Webster. Webster had to
defeat both of them and he did it with becoming grace and
dignity. Here is a quotation from one of Senator Benton's
speeches :
Every canal and every road tending to draw the commerce of the
western states across the Alleghany Mountains is an injury to the people
of the West. They must trade with New Orleans and make that their
great city.
Benton was opposed to the great national road through
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, etc. That was enough to destroy
any community of interest between him and Mr. Proffit, to
say nothing of the senator's attempt to unite the west with
36 hidiana Magazine of History
the south. Senator Benton's opinion of Mr. Proffit will not
cause Mr. Proffit to lose any friends.
Naturally Mr. Proffit's adhesion to Tyler in the break
with the Whig party lost him many Whig friends locally and
gained him few among the Democrats. He was accused of
deserting his party for the sake of office. Judge Foster, a
local Whig of great influence and prominence, always insisted
that Mr. Proffit had clung to Tyler with the expectation of re-
ceiving the appointment to Brazil. At this day, this does not
seem probable. Mr. Proffit seems to have stood by Tyler from
the very first when there could have been no immediate hope
or expectation of reward ; and indeed no desire for such at the
hands of the President, since Mr. Proffit's ability would have
brought almost any office he may have desired within his
reach, provided it was within the power of his party to grant
it. He was accused of having turned to be a Democrat, but as
he was not active after his return from Brazil, his health hav-
ing failed, it is problematical just what his stand would have
been. It is unthinkable that having attained the heights when
most men are just beginning a career, he would have thrown
all away for the sake of an appointment of any kind when
the highest places in the land were open to him. It is probable
that he conceived it to be his duty to stand by the President
and did so until he was gradually estranged from his party.
He became involved to such an extent in the bitter personal
quarrels that followed, and was so goaded on, that he reached
the point where he had to stand with Tyler to the end.
Apparently Mr. Proffit had been well received in Brazil,
and his recall home reminds us of the wisdom of old, "A
prophet is not without honor save in his own country and in
his own house." In 1841, when Mr. Proffit went over to
the opposite party it caused quite a disturbance among the
Whigs in Indiana. He was not a "Clay for President" man.
In the Whig convention of May, 1844, Mr. Clay was nominated,
but he was defeated by the Democratic candidate, James Knox
Polk, of Tennessee. In this Clay campaign of 1844, the Whigs
used to sing a song to the tune of "Auld Lang Syne;" one
stanza ran :
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 37
Leave vain regrets to errors past
Nor cast the ship away—
But nail your colors to the mast
And strike for Henry Clay.
This was the campaign in which Mr. Promt could not, or
did not, "strike for Henry Clay."
The word W-H-I-G (We hope in God) is a time honored
English term for those who opposed power and upheld the
cause of liberty. In America, many men, whose sons became
Republicans, took the name Whig when they felt it their mis-
sion or duty, to oppose what they termed the tyranny ot
Andrew Jackson. Abraham Lincoln, the great Republican,
and greater American, became a Republican by the Whig route.
One of the most tiresome notions of pioneer political days was
that "a statesman must remain perfectly consistent from
childhood to old age and never change his opinions." Even
unto this day some people hold to this theory, not only in
politics but in many other things. Such a doctrine is usually
an enemy to progress, since it practically rules out the intelli-
gence and the conscience of a candidate for office.
Many pioneers who came from the south, soon became
prominent forensic orators. They did not always possess
qualities essential in great lawyers, or deep thinkers, but they
were effective as public speakers on the political issues of the
day. From the Pocket the easy way to the open door of the
world was by whiskey, the rivers, and politics. When our
local pioneers spoke of "going to town," they meant to New
Orleans. Not a few of our early statesmen came here from
Louisiana, and much early business was transacted at New
Orleans. It was our early market, and thereby much Mexican
silver was brought to Indiana. Strange as it may seem, the
Mexican dollar constituted the larger part of the coin of the
pioneers in 1837.
Mr. Proffit was a man of ability and of serene soul. He
was endowed with a delightfully joyous nature. He radiated
good cheer and did not live by his hates alone. He was one
of the best citizens of Pike county. American born with
American ideals, he cherished America's traditions and honor.
In the twilight of local history he represented the noblest ideals
of local American life. All his short years were devoted to
38 Indiana Magazine of History
serving the best interests of his country and the local people.
To every worthy movement he gave his encouragement and
support. How full is that page in the early history of In-
diana when Mr. Proffit was an orator ! He had an air of con-
fidence, success, and gaiety. His features were sharply cut,
refined, and delicate. The biography of this man is a pioneer
history of his district, a measuring-rod of pioneer politics and
Hoosier progress in southern Indiana. His name added not
only a dignity and a spirit, but also an orator to the political
influence in the Pocket. Perhaps after all, "the proper study
of mankind is man."
Some pioneers could be referred to as men of dress,
judging from the records left by them. In 1831, the law
provided that the stocks of Indiana militia men had to be made
of black leather or silk. Among articles stolen from Andrew
Porter, owner of a boat in 1821, two miles below the mouth
of Deer creek in Perry county, were "a close-bodied black
broadcloth coat with a black velvet collar, a gold watch (cased
as a hunting watch) and a yellow silk handkerchief" — fairly
good evidence of some style. "Silk Shirt," a warrior of the
Delaware tribe of Indians lost several horses at an Indian
encampment near Vincennes, in 1820. He advertised for their
recovery in the Western Sun, June 24, 1820. If his mother
followed the traditional method in naming him, some settlers
must have been wearing silk shirts at least a generation be-
fore Mr. Proffit put in his appearance in southern Indiana.
Even in those days a voter could do what a candidate or a
public official could hardly afford to do.
In the decade of the thirties men were far more particular
about their personal appearance than they are at present. In
an advertisement at Vincennes, in 1836, are these items:
Silk velvet, marseilles, and Valencia vestings; Italian silk cravats;
silk and linen handkerchiefs; gentlemen's silk, linen, cotton, horseskin and
beaver gloves; silk half-hose, silk and satin vests, silk hats, etc.
In 1840, a well dressed gentleman wore blue broadcloth
with plated gold buttons, a buff vest, and a high hat.
Mr. Proffit was never at a loss in the social duties of his
day. By his friends he was considered one of the finest gentle-
men in Indiana, while those not his friends, or not in sym-
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 39
pathy with his political ideas, were inclined to say he was
"high-falutin" — a pioneer expression for well-mannered or
perhaps aristocratic people. Well may we take our hats off to
the ghost of any pioneer politician who escaped severe critic-
ism. In the decade of the thirties Governor Noah Noble was
a very polished man. In the decade of the forties, James
Whitcomb, a Democratic nominee and a very polished man,
became governor ; so we see Mr. Promt was in his class with
good manners. In retrospect, we look in the mirror of his-
tory and biography, with pardonable pride and pleasure upon
this pioneer orator of the Pocket and perhaps wonder why
he came to' southern Indiana. In his day thousands of flat
boats, loaded with the products of the Wabash valley, reached
New Orleans annually. Perhaps he came north to make his
mark, or his fortune, for the same reason that hundreds of
young Hoosiers went west fifty years ago. It would seem that
of Mr. Promt no citizen of Pike county could think without
pleasure or speak without praise. If there are to be any
paintings on the walls of the new temple of justice in that
county paintings of Mr. Proffit, Mr. Foster, The Old Fort, The
Buffalo Trail, and Abraham Lincoln moving to Illinois, should
find appropriate places. It would help local history through-
out all of southern Indiana. If I were a citizen of Pike county
I would ask permission to suggest this to the county commis-
sioners. The records of Pike county show that Mr. Proffit
was awarded the contract for the construction of the first
brick court house in the county, in the year 1834. This would
indicate that he was a man of means or good credit, when he
was yet very young. Mr. Simon Morgan, a grandson of Mr.
Proffit, has an oil painting of Mr. Proffit. Not many pioneers
of Mr. Proffit's day were financially able to sit for an oil paint-
ing though ever so crude.
Along the vista of a century of local history there are
high points and bright lights. Mr. Proffit was a bright light
in the wilderness of southern Indiana. He was qualified by
inherited aptitude, training, and education to be an orator,
and a leader of men. In 1836, General Harrison received 165
votes in Dubois county. Van Buren received 127. In 1840,
General Harrison also carried Dubois county; he' received
264 votes to Van Buren's 239, and since then only the Demo-
40 Indiana Magazine of History
cratic candidates for president carried the county. In Pike
county, Harrison received 474 votes to Van Buren's 318. To
Mr. Proffit's efforts are due many of these Whig votes.
As has been previously stated, Mr. Promt died in Louis-
ville, Kentucky. The Louisville Democrat, of September 8,
1847, in speaking of Mr. Promt's death said :
The Hon. George H. Proffit, who has filled several important sta-
tions in our country, died at the Comstock House about one o'clock, on the
night of the 6th. inst. He has been afflicted for some time, we learn,
and came to our city last Thursday for the purpose of procuring further
medical aid. This will be sad news for his family, as it did not look
for his death so soon.
This notice was copied by the Indiana State Sentinel,
Madison Courier, and the Western Sun, and that seems to
have been the extent of the notices. At that time all these
papers were using column after column in explaining how
Judge Embree came to defeat Robert Dale Owen for congress,
by 391 votes, in Mr. Promt's old district. The remains of Mr.
Promt lie buried in the Walnut Hills cemetery, at Petersburg.
The inscription on the stone reads as follows :
HON. GEORGE H. PROFFIT
Born in the
City of New Orleans, La., September 7th, 1807
Died in the
City of Louisville, Ky., September 7th, 1847
Aged 40 years.
He was frequently elected to the Legislature from the Counties of
Pike and Dubois, was elected to Congress from the First Congressional
District in 1839 and re-elected in 1841 ; was appointed Minister from the
United States to the Empire of Brazil in 1842. In all the various posi-
tions of Honor and Trust which he filled he acquitted himself with
credit and honor and to the entire satisfaction of his constituency and
the government which employed him.
The records of Pike county reveal, in the petition of the
widow for the setting aside to her of her dower interest, that
Mr. Promt died the owner of 1,541 acres of land, practically all
of which was in the immediate vicinity of Petersburg, some of
which the town now covers. In addition to this he owned
seven lots in the town and two very valuable lots in the city of
Evansville. His personal estate was undoubtedly very large
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 41
for that day, since the settlement of other estates show pay-
ments of interest, debts, etc., to Mr. Proffit. Mr. Proffit left
as his only heirs his wife and Emily ; the latter married Good-
let Morgan a few months after her father's death and the
estate was settled out of court; that is, the personal estate
was so disposed of. Mrs. Proffit shared in Mr. Promt's estate
under Indiana's first constitution when a widow's estate was
not under the more liberal laws that appeared later through
the efforts of Robert Dale Owen in behalf of the women of
Indiana.
At the time of his death Mr. Proffit was one of the wealth-
iest men in this section of Indiana. This was accumulated in
the few years he was in Pike county. He owned good prop-
erty in the city of Evansville. The property he owned at the
time of his death would now be worth a handsome fortune.
Most of this was made in mercantile business and in trading
in land, although he did not hesitate to "take a chance." As
an evidence of this it is well known that he wagered $5,000 on
Polk's election and won the money. It was not regarded as
any "surething" either, owing to the great popularity of Clay.
Mr. Proffit would also bet on a horse race, or back his judg-
ment on a dog or cock fight. This sporting inclination was
one of the secrets of his great popularity with the pioneers.
He drank, as did most men of his day, but rarely to excess.
Notwithstanding the fact that he mixed freely with the people,
took part in their sports, and occasionally drank with them, he
seems to have had a manner that let them know that while
he could do these things, he was, after all, not really one of
them. They had this feeling and seemed to have respected
him for it. He was, after all, a southerner, with the southern
man's class ideas.
While there seems to be no record that Mr. Proffit was
educated especially for the law, he practiced that profession
to a limited extent in Petersburg, and was unquestionably far
above the average lawyer of that day in ability and learning.
However, the profession at that time did not offer great pros-
pects of financial return. The litigation was mostly trivial and
small sums only were involved. Goodlet Morgan, who mar-
ried Miss Proffit, told the following story about one of Mr.
Proffit's experiences as a lawyer:
42 Indiana Magazine of History
Mr. Proffit was engaged to prosecute a small civil suit before a local
justice of the peace. The justice was a man of decided views on all
subjects and one who made up his mind quickly. The evidence being in,
Mr. Proffit arose to make an argument for his client. The justice prompt-
ly told him that it was useless to argue the case, that the court's mind
was made up and that he was going to decide the case against Mr.
Proffit's client. Mr. Proffit insisted on his right to be heard until the
court finally said: "Mr. Proffit, the court has no objection to hearing you
make a speech, but it is now supper time, the evidence is in, and the
court here and now decides the case in favor of the defendent and against
your client; the court will be here at eight o'clock in the morning and
so far as I am concerned you may speak until sun-down and I will hear
you. Court is adjourned." Mr. Proffit, who was a man of violent
temper, when aroused, was making loud protests long after the justice
had closed his office and gone home to supper, but gradually the ludicrous
side of the matter dawned upon Mr. Proffit and he later enjoyed telling
the story as much as his hearers enjoyed listening to it.
Mrs. Mary J. Taylor, of Petersburg, who was fifteen years
old at the time of Mr. Proffit's death, was one of the play-mates
of his two daughters. She was in the Proffit home countless
times. She says that when in good health Mr. Proffit weighed
about one hundred ten pounds. He was a charming man about
home, of perfect manners and idolized his family. He was
gone much of the time and on the occasion of his return his
wife and daughters always gave a "party" to celebrate the
event to which the young folks, and especially the friends of
the girls, were invited. On these occasions Mr. Proftlt was
always at his best, kept the girls in a high state of delight
with tales of his experiences as member of the legislature,
member of congress, and minister to Brazil. His house was
well furnished for that day. The entertainments given were
always a source of pleasure to the young. Mr. Proffit took spe-
cial pains to entertain the girl friends of his daughters, and
soon made them feel perfectly at ease in his presence. Mrs.
Taylor remembers him thus as one of the most charming men
she ever saw. Mrs. Taylor also remembers his wife. She
was Miss Mahala Wyatt, daughter of John Turner Wyatt, a
prosperous farmer of near Petersburg, and was reputed to
be the most beautiful girl of her day in this section of the
country. Her father lived on the road from Petersburg to
Evansville, and it was on one of his trips to Evansville that
Mr. Proffit first saw her. She retained her beauty almost to
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 43
the day of her death, which occurred long after that of her
distinguished husband. She had none of the education that
distinguished Mr. Proffit; yet for her he always manifested
the strongest affection. One of Mrs. Taylor's most vivid recol-
lections of him is his devotion to his wife and daughters. The
daughters also had much of their mother's beauty.
Unfortunately Mrs. Taylor remembers little of the politi-
cal life of that day. She never attended a political meeting at
which Mr. Promt spoke, and says that girls of her age, as a
rule, did not attend political meetings in those days. She does
not remember exactly the way Mr. Promt was brought home
after his death at Louisville, but thinks it was overland on the
old Buffalo trail to New Albany. She distinctly remembers his
death and says that the death of Abraham Lincoln was the
only other occurrence of the kind that ever caused so much
excitement in Petersburg and vicinity. It seems that it was
wholly unlooked for and unexpected by the majority of people
and even by his family. She naively remarks that Mr. Promt
was regarded here as being almost as great as a president.
Mr. and Mrs. Proffit were the parents of two daughters,
Emily, who became the wife of the Hon. Goodlet Morgan, and
Amanda, who died at the age of nine years and six months.
All the members of the family are buried at Walnut Hills
cemetery at Petersburg. An inscription on a stone reads :
Amanda, second daughter of George H. and Mahala Promt. Died
September 18, 1845, aged 9 years, 6 months, and 3 days.
On February 1, 1848, an act of the General Assembly
was approved which named Mahala Proffit as adminisitratrix
of the estate and also as guardian of Emily Proffit.
Some years after the death of Mr. Proffit his widow be-
came the wife of John B. Hannah, a man well known locally,
and very prominent in the Democratic party of Pike county.
We may not have measured this man correctly, or have
visualized him properly. We have tried to make national facts
shine through the surface annals of local history and through
the data of biography ; and, to show the reasons for any action
or position Mr. Proffit took. Perhaps there are no hues so
soft and delicate as those with which the imagination invests
that which is unseen or only faintly seen, particularly so,
44 Indiana Magazine of History
when one takes no delight in being an iconoclast. Remote-
ness in time may have an idealizing effect. The voice that
comes from the dim chambers of the past may have a subdued,
softening influence, for it is a good practice to write the short-
comings of men of the past upon the sands of the sea shore,
if they must be written at all, and let the waves wash them
away. It seems almost as difficult to say anything new of the
old days as it is to say anything old of the new days. If you
doubt this, try it.
In conclusion, we may as well recognize, that democracy
places a heavier burden on individuals than do many other
forms of government; for that reason every citizen of our
form of government should know his local, state, and national
history; for, after all, history, like charity, should begin at
home. Biography is history with a soul. He who knows his
history well, does not find much trouble in judging where
America should have stood in the World War, or where she
should stand now. It is unsafe for a state to produce ignorant
men and indifferent women. None should be ignorant of, or
indifferent to, the high aims and ambitions of America.
Let us rake "embers out of the ashes of the past," and
fan them into a blaze to illuminate the present and throw a
headlight into the future. There are many embers of unsullied
fame in southern Indiana. Shall they shine? There were
many good men during the mid-years of the nineteenth century
whose biographies we should compile for the help they may
be to the future historian. Old documents and papers taken
from the blurred and scattered records of a countryside, are
often rich in a subdued splendor of historical data and human
interest.
The power of this nation was made up, in part, by the
generations of the past, whose bodily forms long ago crumbled
into dust beneath the bramble and the briar of neglected burial
grounds; but whose sentiments, spirits, and impulses move
on. Woodrow Wilson says :
The history of a nation is only the history of its villages written
large. Local history is the ultimate substance of national history.
Poets, painters, and peers have pictured the passing
pioneers in pleasing poetry and polite prose ; why can not we
Wilson: Proffit, His Day and Generation 45
•
ordinary mortals try it? History mellows with age, and his-
torians themselves soften in their interpretations of men and
of conduct. Some pioneers were leaders, great local historical
figures, whom their grandchildren may well study, analyze,
and admire. May the time soon come when the names of our
pioneers will shine with the reward that justly belongs to
them ; however, the illumination of the past will not serve its
best purpose unless its rays are able to penetrate into the
present and to bestow guidance and confidence for the future.
Often a generation will place an erroneous judgment upon con-
temporaneous men and events, and time only will correct the
injustice.
Mr. Proffit's life was all too short, being only forty years
to a day. He died too young, but most men die at the wrong
time. His political career is a wonderful record of brilliant
achievements, successes, and, in time, adversities. In fewer
than twenty years he advanced from bartering indigo for mink
skins at Petersburg and Portersville on the banks of White
river, to being sent as envoy extraordinary and minister pleni-
potentiary by the president of the greatest republic on earth,
and being received by the emperor of the greatest American
empire at Rio de Janeiro, on the shores of the sea. It recalls
to mind the lines of the poet :
Honor and fame from no condition rise,
Act well your part, there all the honor lies.
It may be said of Mr. Proffit, and of each of the other
Hoosier pioneers mentioned in this sketch:
What lasting gratitude to them we owe!
'Tis from their toils our richest blessings flow,
Illustrious men! though slumbering in the dust,
You still are honored by the good and just!
Posterity will shed a conscious tear,
And, pointing, say, 'There sleeps a pioneer.'
We have accomplished our purpose if we have, for a
short time brought back the pioneers to the very few yet liv-
ing who knew them and have given some slight basis for ap-
preciation by those who knew them not.
46 Indiana Magazine of History
REFERENCES
Indiana House Journals, 1831-32-36-37-38.
Senate Documents, Volume 56„ 937.
Early Trails and Sketches, O. H. Smith, 359, 360, 370.
The original Brazil commission and passport, at Indiana University.
Indianapolis Semi-Weekly Journal, issued September 4, 1841-2.
Wilson, History of Dubois County, 168, 169, 258.
True Life of Daniel Webster, Sidney G. Fisher, 130, 131, 168, 173,
233, 237, 241, 251, 277, 279, 309, 385, 391, 400, 411, 415, 388, 389.
Leavenworth Arena, June 14, 1838; June 6 and July 4„ 1839; May
28, April 2, November 28, June 25, July 16 and July 23, 1840.
Modern Eloquence, Volume IX, 1199 and 1218.
History of Pike and Dubois Counties, 293, 305, 309, 338, 342, 566
and 590.
Mrs. Kate Milner Rabb, A Tour Through Indiana in 1840, 104, 169,
183, 322, 324, 325, 346, 349.
Free Enquirer, October 15, 1831, Common Era, etc.
The Century Dictionary and Cyclopedia, IX, 1016.
W. W. Woolen, Biographical and Historical Sketches, 196, 200, 289,
308, etc.
Dwight, History of the Hartford Convention, 355, 361, etc.
Extra State Gazette, June 10, 1842.
Vincennes Gazette, September 2, 1847.
Indiana State Sentinel, November 15 and 22, 1842.
Spirit of '76, March 7, June 27, July 11 and 18, 1840.
Webster's address on "Greek Independence."
(The speeches of Webster, Benton, Hayne, Calhoun and Clay show
how closely related were the South and West about 1830-1840.)
The Western Sun, 1825-1850, September 14, 1839.
The Harvard Classics, L, 465 and 466.
Madison Courier, September 11, 1847, page 2, column 2.
Louisville Democrat, September 8, 1847.
The Western Sun, September 11, 1847, page 2, column 2.
Indiana State Sentinel, September 11, 1847, page 2, column 1.
Congressional Globe, VIII, 396 and 526; IX, 48; X, 371; XI, Part I,
I, 312, 339, 476, 617, 651, 699, 830; Part II, 254, 259; XII, 146, 395;
Appendix, 1, N. E. Boundary Map.
Indiana Magazine of History. XVII, 48.
Speeches of Daniel Webster, (A. L. Burt Co., N. Y.) "The Greek Revolu-
tion," 121, 161; "The Reply to Hayne," 347-444; "The Reply to Cal-
houn," 445-520.
Thirty Years View, Senator Thos. H. Benton, (Appleton Co.) II, 341
and 630.
Gales and Seaton's Debates, VI, 115.
Local Laws of Indiana, 1847-1848, pp. 351, 352.
Tyler Effigy— See Western Sun, August 28, 1841.
Von Holtz, Constitutional and Political History of the United States,
II, 420, 421, 424, 447 and 470.
The History of the Know Nothing Party In Indiana
By Carl Fremont Brand, A. M.
INTRODUCTION
This study of the Know Nothing party was undertaken at the sug-
gestion of Dr. Logan Esarey at Indiana university. One of the most
powerful movements in our political history has received comparatively
little attention from historians. This may be due to two causes: first, it
disappeared as suddenly and silently as it arose, apparently having had
but little permanent effect on our politics or institutions; and second, the
traces it left were few.
It is a difficult task to write the history of a secret society from
the reports which become public. The newspapers of the time were full
of Know Nothing news, but it was the opponents of the order who were
so anxious to publish anything they could learn about it. Those who
were favorable were pledged to secrecy and pretended to know nothing
at all about the organization. The result of this situation is that the
Know Nothings must be studied in a great measure from the reports of
their enemies.
The records of the various councils would have been the best source,
but they seem in practically every instance to have been destroyed when
the council disbanded. It has been impossible to gain access to the
private papers of Col. Richard W. Thompson and other leaders of the
party. Until these become available, we will have to be content with
the information that newspapers and contemporary political literature
can give.
The Origin of Know Nothingism
Political nativism in the United States divides itself natur-
ally into three periods. Until 1845 it was a local movement
confined largely to New York city. In 1845 it entered the
field of national politics, but died out within a few years. Re-
vived under the auspices of the Know Nothing order it became
national in 1854, but again after a brief existence it was stifled
by the intrusion of a larger issue. It is with the last phase of
the movement that this paper is concerned, but for a proper
understanding of the subject a brief survey of early nativism
is necessary.
Hostility to foreigners and Catholics dates back to colon-
ial days, but as there were few Catholics in the country and
immigration was so small as to be almost negligible, the oppo-
47
48 Indiana Magazine of History
sition was based upon theory, rather than upon some ever
present danger. After the Revolution a small but steady in-
flow of Irish Catholics began, most of whom settled in New
York city. In 1786 the first Catholic congregation was organ-
ized there, the members of which were mostly Irish, who, to
the number of several thousand, were settled in one district,
forming a community noticeably apart from the native born
citizens. 1 They soon became a factor in local politics.
The naturalization question divided the first political part*
ies. The Federalists were strongly anti-alien. The first natur-
alization law, approved March 26, 1790, required only two
years' residence in this country. A few years afterwards the
Federalists extended the time to five years and in 1798 to four-
teen years. The Democratic party on the other hand was
very favorable to foreigners; in fact, it contained a very large
element of naturalized citizens. When the Federalists were
overthrown in 1800 the naturalization period was promptly
reduced to five years (1802). 2
The earliest exhibition of hostility toward Catholics came
on Christmas eve, 1806. In a riot between a crowd of Irish-
men and some non-Catholics in New York city a city watch-
man who attempted to interfere was killed by an Irishman.
Only the arrival of the authorities prevented a general sack
of the homes of the Irish Catholics. 3 This isolated incident
shows how early there existed an antagonism directed against
them. The next spring, when some assemblymen were to be
chosen, an "American ticket" was put forward, the first at-
tempt at a Native American organization. 4 This ticket did
not prove to be successful.
For several years there was no further manifestation
of the latent nativist sentiment, but all the time the Catholic
population became more and more numerous until by 1826
they numbered twenty-five thousand in New York city alone.
The native born viewed this increase with alarm, which re-
sulted in the first great attempt at organization. In 1834 a
series of twelve letters signed by "Brutus" appeared in the
New York Observer. The real writer was Samuel F. B. Morse,
1 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 17.
3 Cooper, American Politics, 54.
3 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 18.
* Cooper, American Politics, 54.
Brand: History of Knoiv Nothing Party 49
later the inventor of the telegraph, who, in a recent visit to
Europe, had learned of the existence of the Leopold Founda-
tion, a Catholic organization intended to promote church ex-
pansion in America. As the letters of "Brutus" voiced an
alarm felt by many, steps were taken toward the formation of
an organization, which in July of 1835 received the name of
the Native American Democratic Association. The principles
of the movement, as declared in its platform, were : opposition
to office holding by foreigners, to pauper and criminal immi-
gration and to the Catholic church on the ground that that
church was a political machine. 5 For the November elections
of that year, 1835, the Whigs united with the new movement,
beginning an alliance that was to last throughout the career
of nativism in the state. But their combined forces were de-
feated. The next spring Samuel F. B. Morse ran for mayor,
unsupported by the Whigs, and polled, about fifteen hundred
votes. 6 In 1837 Aaron Clark, supported by a combination of
natives and Whigs, was elected by a plurality of three thou-
sand three hundred, together with a common council of the
same politics. But the nativist movement was ruined by the
fusion, and absorbed by the Whigs in the hour of victory. 7
For a number of years nativism again was inactive.
Then in June, 1843, a new organization was formed in New
York city, which, in February, 1844, took the name, American
liepublican Party. 8 In the spring election of 1844 this organ-
ization succeeded in electing its candidate for mayor and the
greater part of the city council. 9 The movement by this time
had spread throughout New York state and similar organiza-
tions had been formed in Boston, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and
New Orleans; each of which cities, in 1844, elected in whole
or in part, an American Republican municipal government. 10
In May and July of 1844, the great Kensington and Southwark
riots, a number of conflicts between Americans and Irish, took
place in Philadelphia, which lost much sympathy to the cause
5 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 26.
6 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 29; Whitney, Defences of the Amer-
ican Policy, 240, says nine thousand, evidently an exaggeration.
7 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 31.
8 Carrol, Great American Battle, 264. Whitney, Defence of the American
Policy, 244.
9 Carrol, Great American Battle, 265.
10 Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 247-8.
50 Indiana Magazine of History
of nativism. 11 In the November elections of 1844, the Ameri-
cans again carried New York and Philadelphia, electing
mayors in both cities, and sending six representatives to the
twenty-ninth congress, four from the former city and two
from the later. 12
The purposes of the American Republicans, as given in
an appeal issued by their executive committee of the city and
county of New York were as follows:
1. To extend the time of naturalization (to twenty-one years).
2. To guard from corruption and abuse the proceedings necessary to
obtain certificates of naturalization.
3. So to instruct and form public opinion, as to give native citizens
an equal chance at least with foreigners to obtain office and lucrative
employment.
4. To prevent the exclusion of the Bible from the use of schools.
o. To prevent riots, the violation of our laws, the desecration of
the American flag and the shooting and murder of peaceable citizens
when in the exercise of their undoubted rights.
6. To resist any further encroachments of a foreign civil and
spiritual power, upon the institutions of our country.
7. To prevent all union of church and state. 13
A convention met in Philadelphia, July 4-7, 1845, to per-
fect a national organization. Fourteen states were repre-
sented. 14 The convention issued an address and a declaration
of principles and named the new party the "Native Ameri-
can." 15
The Native American party, however, was a failure.
Each year it declined. A second national convention, scantily
attended, met at Pittsburgh, then adjourned to Philadelphia,
in 1847, where Zachary Taylor and Henry Dearborn were
recommended for the presidency and the vice-presidency.
But no campaign was made and the Native American party
passed out of existence. 16
11 Lee, Origin and Progress of the American Party in Politics, 42 et seq.
12 Cooper, American Politics, 54.
13 The Crisis, 8. Address of the Executive Committee of the American Re-
publicans of Boston, 12. Proceedings of the Native American State Convention
of Pennsylvania, 8, 15.
14 Indiana was represented but the names and number of delegates are not
stated. Lee, Origin and Progress of the American Party in Politics, 229.
15 Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 252.
"Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 256.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 51
The passing of the Native American party left the field
open for a new factor in American politics, the secret politi-
cal society. There were many of these associations, but two
stand out above all others in importance, namely, the Order
of United Americans, commonly called the 0. U. A., and the
Order of the Star Spangled Banner, the Know Nothing order.
Of these the Order of United Americans was the first
in the field. It was organized in New York city, December
21, 1844, and adopted the weapon of secrecy. 17 Expansion
was slow but steady. By 1850 chapters were organized in
Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and
California. In 1854-55 the order appeared in nearly all the
western and southern states. 18 The 0. U. A. was a social and
beneficial society, with no program of political conduct. The
secrecy extended only to the signs and ceremonies connected
with its work. There was a uniform ritual for all chapters,
but i there were no degrees, 19 In government, the chapters
or local organizations were grouped into a State Chancery,
which was the legislative head, consisting of three delegates
from each chapter. The Arch-Chancery, in turn, was the
national legislative head, consisting of three delegates from
each State Chancery. The presiding officer in each chapter
was called the Sachem. The 0. U. A. was thrown into the
background by the rise of the Know Nothing order. It
reached its height of prosperity in 1855, when it was repre-
sented in sixteen states. After that date it declined rapidly. 20
The Native Sons of America was another society formed
in December, 1844, in New York. 21 The United Daughters of
America, organized in New York city, November 27, 1845,
was a woman's auxiliary to the 0. U. A. 22 The Order of
United American Mechanics originated in Philadelphia in
1845. Its purposes were:
(1) Mutual aid and benevolence; (2) the reformation of the natur-
alization laws; (3) to oppose pauper foreign labor.23
17 Carrol, Great American Battle, 252.
"Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 258-264, 272.
19 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 70.
20 Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 265-272.
21 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 64.
23 Carrol, Great American Battle, 258.
23 Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 312. Carrol, Great American
Battle, 258.
52 Indiana Magazine of History
The United Sons of America organized in Philadelphia
in 1845. 24 Two societies, the Benevolent Order of Bereans,
and the American Protestant Association, were founded by
"Orangemen," protestant Irish whose antipathy to the Ca-
tholics exceeded, if possible, that of the native born Ameri-
cans. 25
The Order of the Star Spangled Banner, or Order of
the Sons of the Sires of '76, was conceived and planned by
Charles B. Allen of New York city, who had never been as-
sociated with any of the other nativist societies. As early
as 1849, he prepared his plan, but did not begin his work until
the next year. Drawing a little group about him, he formed
a secret organization whose qualifications for membership
were far more restrictive than the 0. U. A. Secrecy was
specific and stringent. The plan of action was to control,
rather than to make nominations, by concerted action in favor
of such nominees of other political parties as might be agreed
upon. It cost nothing to acquire and hold membership. At
first there was no stated place of meeting. A private home
or lodge room might be used. 26
After two years the little group numbered scarcely thirty.
Then, under new leaders, steps to increase the membership
were taken, and a thousand new members were secured in
four months. Regular weekly meetings were instituted. This
reorganization took place in April, 1852 P All this time the
existence of such an organization was entirely unknown to
the general public. In the local elections of 1852 and still
more in 1853 it was able to take a decided stand. Then, in
the latter year, its existence first became known 28 and for
lack of a better name was dubbed the "Know Nothing Order"
and under that name the Order of the Star Spangled Banner
continued its career.
A revival of nativism came in the years 1853-54. The
story of the imprisonment of the Madiai family in Tuscany
for reading the Protestant Bible, it was said, roused the horror
21 Whitney, Defence of the American Policy, 315.
25 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 68.
M Carrol, Great American Battle, 268. Whitney, Defence af the American
Policy, 281-2.
27 Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 283.
28 Indianapolis Journal, Aug. 22, 1853.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 53
of the Americans. 29 Catholic bishops were said to be at-
tacking the American non-sectarian school system. In 1853
Father Alessandro Gavazzi, a priest and revolutionary, came
to America for the purpose of agitating against the Catholic
church. He was received in the same manner as Kossuth.
On October 29-30 he spoke in Indianapolis on the evils of the
Church of Rome, against Catholic schools, and of the horrors
of the Inquisition. 30 At the same time, the lack of tact of
Bedini, papal nuncio to the United States, who came to settle
a dispute between the New York archbishop and the members
of the diocese, roused American feeling. 31 The thought that
the ambassador of a foreign prince should have power to set-
tle disputes between Americans was repugnant to most of our
citizens.
The Know Nothing Order, taking advantage of these cir-
cumstances, realized its ambition of becoming national. A
system of national, state and local councils was adopted and
other arrangements for a widespread and numerous organiza-
tion. 32 The work of expansion was rapidly carried out and
by the early part of 1855, every state and territory in the
Union had been organized. 33
On May 14, 1854, a general convention met at New York
city in which seven states and the District of Columbia were
represented. It adjourned after making arrangements for
a fuller gathering later. 34 On June 14 a Grand Council met
in New York city at which thirteen states were represented.
29 Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 95. The Sons of the Sires, 31.
30 Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 1, 1853.
31 Indianapolis Journal, Feb. 7, 1854. The Sons of the Sires, 32.
32 Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 283.
33 The organization of the order in the several states occurred in the follow-
ing order, according to Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 84. New York,
April 4, 1852; New Jersey, April, 1853; Vermont, Maryland, May, 1853; Con-
necticut, July, 1853; Ohio, October, 1853; Massachusetts, November, 1853; Penn-
sylvania, December, 1853 ; District of Columbia, January, 1854 ; New Hampshire,
Indiana, February, 1S54 ; Rhode Island, Maine, March, 1854; Alabama, April,
1854; Georgia, Illinois, May, 1854; Michigan, June, 1854; Iowa, July, 1854;
Kentucky, Wisconsin, North Carolina, August, 1854 ; Missouri, Louisiana, Oregon,
September, 1854; South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia, Delaware, October, 1854;
Mississippi, November, 1854; California, Texas, Fall 1854; Florida, Arkansas,
December, 1854; Minnesota, May, 1855; New Mexico, Kansas and Nebraska in
1855. See also Madison Courier, Sept. 23, 1857 ; Indianapolis Journal, Aug. 22,
1S53; Rushville Republican, May 17, 31, 1854; New Albany Ledger, June 7, 1854;
Carrol, Great American Battle, 269-70.
34 Carrol, Great American Battle, 270.
54 Indiana Magazine of History
The following officers were elected:
James W. Barker, president, New York City; W. W. Williamson,
vice-president, Alexandria, Va. ; Charles D. Deshler, corresponding sec-
retary, New Brunswick, N. J.; James M. Stephens, recording secretary,
Baltimore, Md.; Henry Crane, treasurer, Cincinnati, Ohio; John P. Hil-
ton, inside sentinel, Washington, D. C; Henry Metz, outside sentinel,
Detroit, Mich.; Samuel P. Crawford, chaplain, Indianapolis, Ind.35
On June 17, the delegates completed the organization of
the order by adopting a constitution and a new ritual. 36
Under their hands the Grand Council became a permanent
body, holding jurisdiction wherever the order spread. After
making arrangements for a second Grand Council to be held
at Cincinnati, November 15, 1854, the convention adjourned. 37
The causes of the success of nativiism were due to (1)
the increase in the volume of immigration, and (2) the growth
in power and influence of the Catholic church.
The increase in immigration, due to the potato famine in
Ireland and the political unrest in Germany, presented a real
problem to the United States. This is shown by the following
table : 38
From 1790 to 1810 120,000
From 1810 to 1820 114,000
From 1820 to 1830 103,979
From 1830 to 1840 762,369
From 1840 to 1850 1,521,850
Total for the entire 60 years 2,722,198
The following table shows the rapid increase during the
first half of the decade 1850-1860 :
From June 1, 1850 to Dec. 31, 1851 558,000
In the year 1852 375,000
In the year 1853 368,000
In the year 1854 (estimate) 500,000
Aggregate for four and one-half years 1,801,000
38 Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 18, '54. Carrol, Great American Battle, 271.
39 Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 18, 1854. Carroll, Great American Battle, 271.
27 Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 18, 1854.
38 The Sons of the Sires, 189. The Crisis, 15-23. Appendix to Congressional
Globe, 33 Congress, 2 Session, 51.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 55
The assimilation of such a mass of an element entirely-
different from the native stock threatened the homogeneous-
ness of the people, which was considered essential to a per-
manent nationality. 39 The pauper and criminal element
among- the immigrants was believed to be large. The states
of Europe were thought to make a regular practice of ridding
themselves of their undesirables by paying their passage to
America.
The commissioners of the poor in England recommend that Parlia-
ment pass an act authorizing the different parishes in England to raise
money for the purpose of sending the most vicious and worthless of their
parishes — such as are irreclaimable — out of that country to this!
Such is a passage quoted from Niles Register. 40 Such charges
may or may not be true, but it is certain that they were made
often and with great effect. 41 It is also certain that the pro-
portion of paupers and criminals among the foreign born was
much larger than among the native born. 42
The immigrants remained a class apart, forming their
own settlements and retaining their own habits and customs,
many of which were repugnant to the Americans. The lax
observance of the Sabbath customary on the continent shocked
our people in a day when Puritanism was still a strong senti-
ment. The foreigners had their own political associations,
societies, militia companies and clubs. 43 Their liberal views
upon the liquor question won the enmity of the "Maine Law"
men, for the temperance movement was then at its height. It
was felt that the foreigners were the rumsellers, and were
the most active in the opposition to the proposed reform. 44
39 Whitney, Defence of the American Policy, 69.
40 The Crisis, 24.
41 The Sons of the Sires, 68. Carrol, Great American Battle, 107. The Crisis,
24-34. New Albany Tribune, Feb. 15, 1855.
4 - The Crisis, 2 8. Whitney, Defence of the American Policy, 180, 358.
"Whitney, A Defence of the American Policy, 175, gives the following as the
articles in the platform of a German society in Richmond, Va. (summarized).
a. Abolition of all neutrality. Intervention in favor of every people strug-
gling for liberty.
b. Reform in religion ; abolition of laws for the observance of the Sabbath ;
of prayers in Congress, of oath upon the Bible.
c. The establishment of a German university and instruction in the German
language.
See also, Logansport Journal, June 24, July 15, 1854. The Crisis, 50-55.
44 Brookville Indiana American, June 16, 1854.
56 Indiana Magazine of History
But it was the political activity of foreigners that gave
the natives the greatest cause for alarm. The catering of
politicians to secure their vote was notorious. Candidates for
office were chosen for their availability to catch the foreign
vote. .
If he had an ear "for the sweetness of the German accent and the
richness of the Irish brogue" he was put upon the course of the presi-
dential race.-io
The naturalized citizens held the balance of power between
the two old parties. 4 8 They cast over a quarter of a million
votes in 1852, in an election in which a change of thirty-nine
thousand votes would have elected Scott instead of Pierce. 47
Kossuth once said to some German-Americans:
You are strong enough to effect the election of that candidate for
the presidency who gives the most attention to the European cause. 48
A large portion of the foreign vote was venal. The native
born felt that an element foreign in origin, ignorant and ir-
responsible, and secret in its character, cast the deciding vote
in the elections. 49
The Know Nothings tried to make it clear that they bore
no enmity to foreigners as such and did not desire to deprive
them of their rights. 50 Representative N. P. Banks of Mas-
sachusetts expressed this on the floor of the House :
I bear no enmity to foreigners * * * But if they hold as the supreme
head of secular power the Pontiff of Rome, and consider that he can in
any case absolve them from their allegiance * * * to the United States
* * * if they understand that their interests are separate from those
of American citizens, if they take direction from their spiritual guides
in political matters, and by preconcerted and private arrangements,
form associations, and make parties of their own, seeking to obtain and
hold the balance of power, throwing their weight first into one scale and
then into the other * * * they will force upon American citizens the
alternative either to make similar combinations against them, or to
abdicate the seats of political power.si
45 The Sons of the Sires, 46.
4e Terre Haute Union, Sept. 1, 1857.
"Appendix to Congressional Globe. 33 Congress, 2 Session, 52.
48 Whitney, Defence of the American Policy, 338.
49 New York Times, Dec. 6, 1854. Logansport Journal, March 16, 1856.
60 The Sons of the Sires, 116. Brookville Indiana American, May 11, 1855.
51 Appendix to Congressional Globe, 33 Congress, 2 Session, 52.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 57
The more conservative opponents of the Know Nothings
recognized this fact.
Were foreigners to discard the dictation of self-appointed leaders
among themselves, abandon their own national organizations, disre-
gard all causes which bound them together or separated them from one
another in the old country, we confidently believe that we should no
longer hear of Know Nothing or Native American politics. 52
The second great cause of nativism was the fear en-
gendered in the minds of Protestant Americans by the
growth of the power and influence of the Catholic church. The
growth of that church may be seen from the following table : 53
1808 1855
Bishops 2 40
Archbishops 7
Priests 68 1,704
Missionary stations 678
Churches 80 1,824
Ecclesiastical institutions 2 37
Colleges 1 21
Female academies 2 117
Adherents very few 2,500,000 (in 1851)
Papal provinces 7
The hierarchical system of the Catholic church with its
infallible head roused the fears of the native Protestants for
the safety of their free institutions. Romanism was believed
to suppress intelligence, adjudicate by the inquisition, muzzle
the press and forbid discussion, favor absolutism and pro-
nounce liberty of conscience a wicked heresy. 54
There is not in the annals of mankind, any example of such perfect
despotism, exercised not only over monks shut up in the cells of a convent,
but over men dispersed among all the nations of the earth.55
The increase of purely Catholic societies, schools, and col-
leges set them apart from other citizens. Of all their associa-
tions the Jesuits were the most feared. "When Jesuitical con-
jurers * * * follow * * * it behooves us to organ-
ize even secret societies." 56 The whole Roman system was
53 New Albany Ledger, June 21, 1854.
53 Whitney, Defence of the American Policy, 116-17.
B * Whitney, Defence of the American Policy, 95.
85 "Sam", or the History of a Mystery, 533.
B(i Rushville Republican, May 17, 1854.
58 Indiana Magazine of History
looked upon as a great conspiracy to ensnare Protestant Amer-
ica. The Roman schools were regarded as designed not so
much to promote education as to make converts to popery.
The papal conspiracy is represented to be of a far more insidious
character than has been surmised, * * * we fear the story is not
without foundation.5"
The Roman church was believed to be an active political
agent, still insisting on its mediaeval claims of temporal su-
premacy over every nation and people of the earth. Under
the organization of the Jesuits the Catholic vote was pre-
sumed to be cast solidly for the candidate most favorable to
them. 58 In 1852 both parties had bid for the foreign and
Catholic vote. The question seemed to be, which of the two
candidates and of the two parties was most favorable to the
Catholics and foreigners. 59 A purely Catholic political ticket
was not unknown. In 1841 a separate ticket was nominated
by a mass meeting of Irish Catholics in New York city. The
purpose of this "Carrol Hall" ticket was to rebuke the Demo-
crats. The result showed that the balance of power lay in
their hands. 60 Reflecting on the activity of the church and
the attitude of the old parties, the native Protestants thought
that the Roman church was striving directly to establish its
temporal or political power in the United States. 01
The Beginning of the Know Nothing Movement in
Indiana and the Campaign of 1854
The secret work and ritual of the society which after-
ward came to be called the Know Nothings seem to have
been brought to Indiana in the month of February, 1854, when
the first lodge was organized at Lawrenceburg in Dearborn
^Rushville Republican, May 17, 1854.
58 Appendix to Congressional Globe, 33 Congress, 2 Session, 52. The Crisis,
72-80.
69 Indianapolis Journal, July 1, 10, 13, 1852; Brookville Indiana American,
June 16, 1854 ; The Sons of the Sires, 46. Terre Haute Union, Sept. 1, Oct. 8,
1857.
•"Carrol, Great American Battle, 263.
"Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 71.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 59
county. 1 The organization spread rapidly, penetrating every
part of the state, but all the while keeping its movements
shrouded in the utmost secrecy. During March and April it
reached the towns of southern Indiana, local organizations
being formed at Versailles, 2 Madison and New Albany. By
the end of spring its mysterious presence was felt in the towns
of central and northern Indiana.
The details of the organization of the society cannot be
told fully, for the traces it left were few. None of the organs
of public opinion were openly used to advance its propaganda.
From curious, enigmatical posters in Lafayette the uninitiated
could surmise that the Know Nothings were abroad in their
city. 3 Diamond shaped pieces of paper scattered about on the
streets of Madison and even pasted on the door of the Courier
office were the only intimation that the society was at work
there. 4 The Terre Haute Journal said :
Is there a Know Nothing wigwam among us? No doubt exists that
regular meetings of the society are held here from time to time. Tney are
banded together in opposition to naturalized citizens, especially to those
of the Catholic faith.5
Democratic editors were especially active in their at-
tempts to expose the progress of the order. "We understand
that a 'Wigwam' 6 of the Know Nothings was established in
town last night," said the Rushville Jacksonian. "It is a re-
hash of Native Americanism, gotten up on such a scale that
Whig politicians can follow their instinct by joining without
being exposed." The Republican, replying in a manner com-
mon to those editors favorable to the Know Nothings, ac-
cused the Democrat of being the real Know Nothing, saying :
1 Whitney in A Defence of the American Policy, 284, makes the statement
that the order was introduced into Indiana by the formation of a state council
in Feb., 1854. This is undoubtedly a mistake as it is positively stated in Know
Nothing sources that the state council of June 11-12, 1854, was the first. He
probably had the date of the organization of the first lodge in mind. See the
Indianapolis Journal, March 18, 1854, Aug. 9, 1860 ; Indianapolis Sentinel, July
31, 1856; Brookville Indiana American, Nov. 2, 1855.
2 Brookville Indiana American, April 7, 1854.
3 New Albany Tribune, April 25, 1854.
* Madison Courier, June 7, 1854.
5 Madison Courier, Jun-> 14, 1854.
6 The proper term is "council". The O. U. A. was organized into "wigwams"
or "lodges" and in popular speech these terms were frequently applied to the
Know Nothing councils.
60 Indiana Magazine of History
We understand he went to Indianapolis for the purpose of joining,
although we don't know anything about it, more than that his instincts
would naturally lead him that way."
The Evansville Enquirer, denouncing the Know Nothings bit-
terly, announced their appearance in that city in June. The
New Albany Tribune, now becoming recognized as very fa-
vorable to Know Nothingism, retorted that such abuse would
make the order rapidly increase. 8 "Like an ill-omened bird
of night," said the Logansport Democratic Pharos, giving an
account of the organization of a branch there, "this society,
afraid to meet the light of day, and honestly avow its purpose,
holds its gatherings in secret." 9
The Know Nothing question held a leading place of in-
terest in the newspapers of the time. Editors favorable to
the movement, although they invariably denied all connection
with the organization, commented with obvious pleasure upon
its vigorous and rapid progress. The "old line" Democratic
editors, fearing the approach of this new secret political as-
sociation that had already become such a powerful factor in
the east, printed anything that tended to discredit the move-
ment or to expose its proceedings.
The name of no man of prominence is connected with the
extension of the order over the state. The work was accom-
plished by obscure men. Not many politicians were willing
to identify themselves with such a movement while it was in
its infancy, although they were willing enough to make use of
it when its political strength began to be revealed. Judge
William J. Peaslee, president of the council at Shelbyville,
was actively engaged during the spring and summer of 1854
in organizing subordinate councils throughout central In-
diana. 10 Samuel Brown, of Boone county, was prominent as
an organizer in his own district. 11
Quietly the Know Nothings worked their way through-
out the state until they were numbered by thousands. By
May, 1854, three months after their appearance, one of the
national leaders, Lewis C. Levin, of Philadelphia, boasted that
7 Rushville Republican, May 3, 1S54.
s New Albany Tribune, June 20, 1854.
9 Logansport Journal, June 24, 1854.
10 Indianapolis Chapman's Chanticleer, Oct. 5, 1S54.
11 Lebanon Boone County Pioneer, Sept. 15, 1855.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 61
thirty thousand names were on the rolls of Indiana "wig-
wams;" enough to constitute the deciding factor in future
elections. 12 With a rapidity unequalled in our whole political
history their progress continued until by July they could claim
a membership of sixty thousand and were still daily increas-
ing in numbers. 13 They were proportionately strongest in the
southern part of the state. In Dearborn county they claimed
a majority; in the city of Madison alone the number was
variously estimated at from five to twelve hundred. 14 The
old ''Burnt District" (then the Fifth congressional) soon be-
came a Know Nothing stronghold. At least three councils
were located in Indianapolis. In the northern part of the
state Know Nothingism never gained so firm a foothold, yet
in the one county of LaPorte there were five subordinate coun-
cils. 15
A brief survey of the political situation in Indiana in
1854 here becomes necessary. Parties were in a state of
flux. The Whigs, as an organization, had practically ceased
to exist after their disastrous campaign of 1852. They had
largely drifted into the ranks of the Know Nothings. The
Free Soil movement, at its height in 1848, had had its vote
cut in half in 1852, but still obtained strong support in central
and northern Indiana. The radical Abolitionists were a mere
handful, but, because of their activity, they exercised an in-
fluence far out of proportion to their numbers. The "Maine
Law" temperance men were an important factor in politics
although the agitation was not at the high pitch of a few
years previous.
The Kansas-Nebraska Bill, which passed the House
March 22, 1854, split the Democratic party. The major por-
tion, the "Old Liners," remained true to their party affilia-
tions and followed the lead of Pierce and the administration.
A smaller fraction, whose antipathy toward the extension of
slavery overcame the strength of their party ties, severed
relations with the Old Liners and became known as Anti-
Nebraska Democrats.
32 Indianapolis Sentinel, May 27, 1854.
13 New Albany Tribune, July 17, 1854.
"Madison Courier, June 14, 1854.
15 Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 5, 1854.
62 Indiana Magazine of History
This same situation existed throughout the north. These
diverse elements of the opposition united for the campaign
of 1854 in nearly all the northern states. This movement
marks the birth of the Republican party, although in 1854
it received that name in but a few states. In other states
fusion tickets known as People's or Anti-Nebraska, were
formed, the various elements of the opposition uniting on
the common ground of enmity to the further expansion of the
slave power.
In Indiana as elsewhere there was a movement for a
Fusion or People's party. The Know Nothings, perhaps the
strongest of all the elements of the opposition but not strong
enough to run a ticket of their own, determined to act with
the Fusionists, to control the whole movement and to direct
it in their own interests. In this they were merely following
the usage of their brethren in the eastern states when the
party was weak there. As a result their program was car-
ried out with astonishing success, for during the entire can-
vass of 1854 the invisible machinery of Know Nothingism
governed the Fusion movement — its nominations, its active
organization and its campaign. 16
A state convention was called for July 13, 1854, by the
Fusionists to meet in Indianapolis, for the purpose of uniting
on a common People's ticket. The Know Nothings, now that
a sufficient number of councils had been organized to hold a
state council, secretly decided to hold their state convention
at the same place on July 11-12. 1T Their next step was to
secure control of the election of delegates to the Fusion con-
vention. In this they succeeded. Probably three-fourths of
the Fusion delegates chosen were Know Nothings. 18 The men
thus openly elected to the Fusion convention were then se-
cretly nominated by the Know Nothing county councils to
their own convention. Thus it happened that the members of
the state council secured control of the People's convention.
The Know Nothings engaged the Masonic hall for July
11, 12 and 14. 1C The windows were blinded and an attempt
"Turpie, Sketches of My Own Times, 153; Rockport Democrat, July 28,
1855; Indianapolis Journal, July 24, 1855.
1T Indianapolis Chapman's Chanticleer, July 20, 1854.
18 Indianapolis Sentinel, July 27 ,1854.
11 Indianapolis Sentinel, July 12, 1854.
Brand: History of Knovj Nothing Party 63
was made to keep the proceedings secret, in which they were
quite successful for the time being, although one of the
younger editors of the Sentinel, Mr. Austin H. Brown, climbed
upon a small building in the rear of the hall and succeeded in
identifying several members before he was detected and dis-
lodged from his position. 20
Among the well known delegates were Godlove S. Ortn,
Godlove 0. Behm, and W. G. Terrel, of Lafayette, the latter
the editor of the Lafayette Journal; Judge William J. Peaslee,
of Shelby ville ; Reuben A. Riley, of Greenfield (father of James
Whitcomb Riley) ; Dr. James N. Ritchey, of Franklin; Milton
Gregg, editor of the New Albany Tribune, and Rev. Lucien W.
Berry, president of Asbury University. The exact number
of delegates present is unknown but the hall was said to be
crowded. 21 A complete council would have consisted of one
delegate from each county council. Judge Peaslee was presi-
dent of the council. 1 '- Many other prominent politicians con-
nected with the Fusion movement found business in Indian-
apolis while the Know Nothings were in session but disclaimed
any connection with them.
Seeing a crowd going into Masonic hall, thinking it was an anti-
Nebraska meeting, went in too, and we were seen coming out, for the
very good reason that we were not allowed to stay in; but if the very
respectable men and good citizens we saw in the hall and left in it were
Know Nothings, we have no objection to be called one.23
Berry Sulgrove, editor of the Indianapolis Journal, was
present at the convention and wrote blandly that it was only
a caucas of anti-Nebraskaites, which was no doubt the truth
but not the whole truth. 24
Details of the proceedings are lacking. The first session
was held on the afternoon of July 11, at which time a state
constitution was reported and adopted, along with a ritual and
a set of rules and regulations. 25 As these documents are dis-
20 Indianapolis Journal, July 15, 1854, Aug. 9, 1860 ; Brookville Indiana Amer-
ican, July 21, 1854.
- 1 Brookville Indiana American, July 21, 1854.
2 - Indianapolis Sentinel, July 13, 1854.
23 Madison Courier, July 19, 1854.
21 Indianapolis Journal, July 15, 1854; New Albany Tribune, Aug. 1, 1855.
20 Indianapolis Sentinel. Sept. 18, 1854.
64 Indiana Magazine of History
cussed in the following chapter and are given in the appendix,
they will not be dealt with here.
The council nominated a state ticket which the Know
Nothings planned to have renominated by the convention of
the 13th and appear as if brought out by the latter. 26
The officers elected for the ensuing year were: 27
President, Godlove S. Orth, Lafayette; vice-president, J. H. Cravens,
New Marion, Ripley county; secretary, Rev. Samuel P. Crawford, In-
dianapolis; treasurer, E. H. Barry, Indianapolis; chaplain, Rev. James
Havens, Rushville; mashall, Elias Thomasson, New Albany; sergeant-at-
arms, John T. Wallace, Bowling Green.
On the 13th this board of officers drafted a set of orders. 28
This ended the work of the first Know Nothing state conven-
tion.
The People's convention met July 13. Many of the dele-
gates to the secret conclave of the Know Nothings now took
their seats in the People's convention. All the various ele-
ments of the opposition, the Anti-Nebraska Democrat, Whig,
Free Soil, Abolition, Maine Law and Know Nothings, were
represented. The Fusion papers however, refrained from
mentioning the Know Nothings as forming a factor. They
did not care to have that known. The convention organized
by electing Thomas Smith, of Ripley county, a former Demo-
crat, president, with a number of vice-presidents and secre-
taries which included men of all the factions. 29 A leading
Know Nothing, Dr. James Ritchey, was one of the vice-presi-
dents. A committee on resolutions was appointed, on which
Judge Peaslee acted.
The one common object which had brought them to-
gether and which united them, namely the restoration of the
Missouri Compromise, was expressed in a platform of resolu-
tions; a more radical minority report of George W. Julian
being voted down. 30
20 Indianapolis Sentinel, July 27, 1854; Logansport Journal, Oct. 7, 1854; New
Albany Tribune, Aug. 1, 1855.
27 Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 18, 1854.
23 See appendix.
29 Indianapolis Journal, July 15, 1854.
80 Logansport Journal, July 22, 1854. For this slight Julian never ceased
denouncing the Know Nothings.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 65
The convention then proceeded to renominate the fol-
lowing ticket slated by the Know Nothing conclave, as though
it was being brought out spontaneously. 31 The party affilia-
tions of each as given are taken from the Sentinel. 32
For secretary of state, Erasmus B. Collins, of Dearborn county.
(Free Soil, Maine Lav/, Know Nothing.)
For auditor of state, Hiram E. Talbot, of Putnam county. (Maine
Law, Know Nothing.)
For treasurer of state, William R. Nofsinger, of Parke county.
(Free Soil, Maine Law.)
Judge of the supreme court, Samuel B. Gookins, of Vigo county
(Whig, Free Soil, Maine Law.)
Superintendent of common schools, Prof. Caleb Mills, of Montgom-
ery county. (Whig, Free Soil, Maine Law.)
Recommending this ticket to the people of the state, the
convention adjourned, feeling that the work of uniting the
many factions of the opposition was well under way.
This ticket and the method of its nomination did not
please the more radical anti-slavery men, such as George W.
Julian, but both the platform and ticket were suitable to the
Know Nothings. Julian says of the convention:
The platform, however, was narrow and equivocal, and the ticket
nominated had been agreed on the day before by the Know Nothings, in
secret conclave, as the outside world afterward learned.33
Also in his Raysville speech, July 4, 1857, he said:
The Know Nothings were pleased (in 1854) not only because they
liked the platform but because the state ticket publicly nominated at
the same time had been formed by the order in secret conclave the day
before, as the outside world has since learned.34
Julian denounced the Know Nothings in the bitterest in-
vective, and did not want them in the People's party. In his
Recollections he says:
Pretending to herald a new era in politics in which the people
were to take the helm and expel demagogues and traders from the ship,
it reduced political swindling to the certainty and system of a science.
31 New Albany Tribune, Aug. 1, 1855.
82 Indianapolis Journal, July 22, 1854.
31 Julian, Recollections, 144.
34 Julian, Speeches, 130.
66 Indiana Magazine of History
It drew to itself, as the great festering center of corruption all the
known rascalities of the previous generation, and assigned them to
active duty in its service. It was an embodied lie of the first magni-
tude, a horrid conspiracy against decency, the rights of man, and the
principle of human brotherhood. 35
He was also the principal exponent of the conspiracy
theory, the belief of the abolitionists being that the whole
Know Nothing movement was created by southern slave hold-
ers for the sole purpose of diverting popular interest from
the anti-slavery agitation into a new and less dangerous
channel.
Its birth, simultaneously with the repeal of the Missouri Compro-
mise, was not an accident, as any one could see who had studied the
tactics of the slave holders. It was a well-timed scheme to divide the
peoples of the free States upon trifles and side issues, while the South
remained a unit in defense of its great interest. It was the cunning at-
tempt to balk and divert the indignation aroused by the repeal of the
Missouri restriction, which else would spend its force upon the aggres-
sions of slavery; for by thus kindling the Protestant jealousy of our
people against the Pope, and enlisting them in a crusade against the
foreigner, the South could all the more successfully push froward its
schemes.
On this ground, as an anti-slavery man, I opposed it with all my
might from the beginning to the end of its life.36
To the believers in the conspiracy theory, the opposition
of the Know Nothings to foreigners appeared as an attempt
to discourage immigration to the north, and thus prevent
the north from outstripping the south in population. They
saw the invisible hand of the slave holding aristocracy of the
south attempting to preserve the political equilibrium of the
sections. 37
The more moderate anti-slavery men were alarmed at
the rise of Know Nothingism, fearing that it would crush
out the anti-slavery movement in the north. 3S Horace Greeley
foresaw that while it would temporarily divert public opinion
from the slavery question, it did not contain enough elements
of permanence to be dangerous. As he said:
35 Julian, Recollections, 140. It evidently failed in part of its duty with
respect to demogogrues.
3 " Julian, Recollections, 141.
37 Ft. Wayne Standard, April 19, 1855.
38 Indianapolis Sentinel, Dec 9, 1854
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 67
It would seem devoid of the elements of persistance as an anti-cholera
or an anti-potato-rot party would be.
The Maine Law temperance men also believed that Know
Nothingism was inimical to their own movement. 39
To the views of the northern radicals it is interesting to
oppose those of the southern Democrats. To the latter the
movement in the north was Abolitionism in a very thin dis-
guise. Representative 0. R. Singleton, of Mississippi, said on
the floor of the House:
They are all Free Soilers or Abolitionists * * * Show me a
single resolution passed by them in a subordinate lodge, or in Grand
Council, which repudiates Abolitionists, or Abolition sentiments, or ex-
presses a willingness to acquiesce in the provisions of the Kansas-
Nebraska act, or the fugitive slave law.40
The "Old Line" press in the north also tried to stigma-
tise the movement as an abolition order, or at least con-
trolled by an abolition majority. 41
The true attitude of Know Nothingism toward slavery
was not expressed correctly by any of the views given above.
The order in its primitive character and purpose wished to
ignore entirely the issue of free soil and slavery, which it
considered to be sectional. 42 Know Nothingism, on the other
hand, they wished to make a national issue.
The American organization is not a local institution; it extends
east, west, north and south, and an entire repudiation of everything like
abolitionism was necessary to preserve its integrity and unity. This in-
dependent nomination (i. e. Ullman for governor of New York) there-
fore, is a guarantee to our southern friends that whatever the parties
of the North may do, the patriotism of the masses knows no distinction
between North and South.
Their theory was correct. As long as the slavery ques-
tion was rapidly dividing the political parties, the churches
and the Union itself into opposing camps, the Know Nothings
could not commit themselves to one side or the other and re-
main national.
39 Indianapolis Sentinel, Dec. 9, 1854.
40 Appendix to Congressional Globe, 33 Congress, 2 Session 267.
41 Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 4, 1854.
"Whitney, Defence of the American Policy, 298; Indianapolis Sentinel, Dec.
18, 1854; Appendix to Congressional Globe, 34 Congress, 1 Session, 1192.
68 Indiana Magazine of History
But Know Nothingism in Indiana did not quite conform
to this theoretical non-committal position. In the councils of
central and northern Indiana, both the leaders and the rank
and file were men with strong opinions on the slavery ques-
tion. Only in the southern portion were the "national" Know
Nothings in a majority. Thus in 1854 the state organization
was controlled by men with free-soil views. Throughout its
brief history the fortunes of the Know Nothing movement in
Indiana were largely determined by its relations with the
anti-slavery element. 43
The Democratic party held its state convention at In-
dianapolis, May 26, 1854. Already the strength of their new
secret foe was known and feared. The following resolution,
aimed at the Know Nothings, was introduced by Dr. B. F.
Mullen, a Roman Catholic:
That the Democracy of Indiana, still adhering to the constitution
of the Confederacy, openly and avowedly condemn any organization,
secret or otherwise, that would aim to disrobe any citizen, native or
adopted, of his political, civil, or religious liberty.44
It passed without opposition. The Journal commented that
though it did not fully understand the resolution it must be
aimed at the Know Nothings, "a set of gentlemen of whom
every person talks and about whom they 'Know Nothing'." 45
The Democrats made the campaign of 1854 chiefly against
Know Nothingism. Governor Joseph A. Wright attacked it
severely, claiming in a speech at Indianapolis that he had suc-
ceeded in breaking up sixty Know Nothing wigwams. Ex-
Lieutenant-Governor Jesse Bright, Dr. Graham N. Fitch, of
Logansport, and the other Democratic campaign orators
handled the Know Nothings very vigorously. 40 They were
called the "party with one idea," the "dark lantern party,' 1
"owls," "birds of night," "midnight conspirators" and such
opprobrious terms.
Since the principles of the party were secret its oppon-
ents could attack only its secrecy and its manifest opposition
"Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 1, 1854; Ft. Wayne Standard, Nov. 30, 1854.
44 Madison Courier, June 7, 1S54 ; New Albany Ledger, June 20, 1854 ; Indian-
apolis Sentinel, July 31, 1856 ; Brookville Indiana American, June 9, 1854.
45 Indianapolis Journal, May 26, 1854.
46 Indianapolis Journal. Oct. 14, 1854; Apr. 21, 1858; Oct. 21, 1854; Sept. 2,
1854.
Brand: History of Knoiv Nothing Party 69
to Catholics and foreigners. The secrecy of the movement
threw it open to many charges. It was un-American and was
preventive of a free and true expression of the voice of the
people at the ballot box. 47 Secrecy gave an appearance of
cowardice. Instead of the heretofore frank, open methods of
American politics, an unjust, exclusive, anti-democratic means
of gaining elections was adopted. The anti-Papal program
was construed as mere bigotry and the anti-foreign creed was
held to be unfair to the naturalized citizens. 48
The Whig party practically had ceased to exist by 1854.
From its former ranks the greater part of the Know Nothing
strength in Indiana was recruited. 49 The Free Soilers and
Maine Law men constituted a considerable portion. God-
love S. Orth, Richard W. Thompson, William K. Edwards,
Schuyler Colfax and Solomon Meredith were old Whigs. Be-
sides there was a small percentage of Anti-Nebraska Demo-
crats, of whom Will Cumback was the most conspicuous ex-
ample, in the Know Nothing councils. 50 All the elements of
the People's party were represented in the movement. Yet
many anti-Nebraska men, such as Oliver P. Morton, were re-
pelled by their secret measures, their opposition to the Ca-
tholic church and their desire to exclude foreigners from the
suffrage. 61
The tactics which the Know Nothings used to secure the
nomination of their candidates by the People's convention of
July 13 were pursued in district and local nominating con-
1T A comparison of the presidential vote of 1852 with that of 1856 proves con-
clusively that the major portion of the Know Nothings in Indiana came from the
ranks of the Whigs. Buchanan's strength, allowing for the increase in popula-
tion in the four years, was practically the same as that of Pierce in 1852. The
Fillmore and Fremont vote combined equalled approximately that cast for Scott
in 1852. The result in the following counties is illustrative:
County Pierce Scott Buchanan Fremont Fillmore
Clark 1812 1186 1950 492 1074
Floyd 1815 1328 1767 228 1262
Gibson 1127 942 1286 365 766
Lawrence 1113 1054 1126 480 660
Ohio 455 432 505 104 379
Orange 1022 747 1207 49 606
Switzerland 1147 1134 1121 228 1040
The Indianapolis Journal, Dec. 6, 1852, and Dec. 3, 1856 ; see also Indianapo-
lis Sentinel, June 14, 1854, and Julian Recollections, 141.
48 Indianapolis Sentinel, May 24, 1854.
"Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 1, 1854; Indianapolis Journal, May 25, 1854.
50 Rushville Republican, Aug. 30, 1854; Richmond Jeffersonian, Aug. 31, 1854.
m Foulke, Life of Morton, I, 43, 44.
70 Indiana Magazine of History
ventions throughout the state. The Democrats and other op-
ponents charged the Know Nothings at the time with making
use of these subtle means, and although the latter denied the
facts at the time, they later confessed to the truth of the ac-
cusation.
The same invisible power was found at work in the nomination and
election of congressmen in nearly every district in the Stated 2
Mr. Cumback (in the Fourth district) was nominated by a
Know Nothing convention in the first instance, and we know
that Mr. Slaughter, the candidate against Mr. English in the
Second district, was first nominated by a Know Nothing cau-
cus.
We have no doubt every anti-Democratic candidate in the state, un-
less it be Mr. Dunn, was brought out in the same manner * * * Cum-
back, Holloway, Barbour, Scott, Mace, Colfax, Brenton and Pettit are
all Know Nothings. 53
In the "Old Burnt District" a Fusion convention met
at Cambridge City. The Know Nothings attempted to nomin-
ate Morton, but as he was not willing to connect himself
with their organization, they secured the nomination of D. P.
Holloway, editor of the Palladium.' 04 Harvey D. Scott in the
Seventh district was the nominee of a Know Nothing conven-
tion in Terre Haute, August 3, 1854. 55 Thomas C. Slaughter,
of Corydon in the Second district was likewise chosen in secret
conclave and confirmed by a People's convention. 56
A call was issued by William J. Peaslee, chairman of the
Sixth district Fusion committee, for a convention to be held
at Indianapolis, August 3, to nominate a candidate for con-
gress. Messrs. J. P. Chapman, former editor of the State
Sentinel; William Sullivan, and Lucien Barbour, were desig-
nated to procure a suitable place. 57 It is interesting to note
that three of these men at least, Peaslee, Chapman, and Bar-
bour, were prominent Know Nothings. Following their usual
"New Albany Tribune, Aug. 1, 1855.
"Indianapolis Sentinel, Jan. 21, 1S56, Sept. 2, 1S54.
»« Foulke, Life of Morton, I, 42.
65 Indianapolis Sentinel, Oct. 6, 1854.
"Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 2, 1854.
" Indianapolis Journal, July 22, 1854.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 71
tactics the "dark lantern party" secured the nomination of
Mr. Barbour. During the campaign Mr. Barbour and his op-
ponent, Thomas A. Hendricks, made Know Nothingism the
issue, the one appealing to that sentiment as strongly as the
other opposed it. 58
The same methods were followed in the counties. In
Marion county a ticket prepared by a secret Know Nothing
meeting on September 16, was ratified to a man by the Fus-
ionists on September 20. Every man on the ticket was
claimed to be a member of the order. 59 The council of Wayne
county fixed up a ticket on September 16 that was introduced
and nominated, with two exceptions, by the People's conven-
tion at Centreville, one week afterwards. 60 The same thing
happened in Floyd county. 01 In Dearborn county the Peo-
ple's convention nominated a ticket that had been selected
by a secret council of Know Nothings, even though in the
meantime the Lawrenceburg Register had secured possession
of and published the names. 62
An insight into the political workings of the Know Nothing
lodges at this time is afforded by the minutes of the Milton
lodge, Wayne county, which came into the possession of the
Richmond Jeffersonian and were made public. 63 An entry
dated September 8, 1854, records that a committee of three
from each ward was appointed "to attend to forming a ticket
for corporation officers." On September 15th it is stated
that said committee "reported the following ticket," etc. On
the same date occurs a most important entry which confirms
the dictation to the People's party by the Know Nothings in
Wayne county referred to above :
On motion the Council went into the election of delegates to the
County Council, which resulted in the election of the following persons:
Henry Voglesong, E. Roberts, James L. Allen, and H. B. Sinks; County
Council to be held at Richmond on the 16th of September.
On motion of Dr. Kersey, the delegates be instructed to use their
best efforts to promote the permanent interests of the organization.
a Holcomb and Skinner, Life of Hendricks, 163-164.
53 Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 21, 1S54.
60 Richmond Jeffersonian, June 21, 1855.
"New Albany Ledger, Aug. 30, 1854; Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 2, 1854.
62 Indianapolis Sentinel, Oct. 7, 1854.
es Richmond Jeffersonian, July 5, 1855.
72 Indiana Magazine of History
The next entry, dated September 18th, reads :
Council was called by the president, for the purpose of letting the
committee report the proceedings of the County Council which was
held on the 16th instant. They report the Council met, and appointed
the following officers: J. B. Dinsmore, president; Nim. H. Johnson, vice-
president, and that the greatest harmony prevailed. They then went
into the selection of a ticket for state and county officers which resulted
in the following: (Here follows what was called the "People's Ticket"
with two exceptions). Which report was unanimously adopted, and the
members agreed to support the ticket nominated by the People's Con-
vention on the 23d inst.
Such was the procedure. First delegates were appointed
to the council at Richmond — a county council, hence similar
proceedings must have been transpiring in the subordinate
councils all over the county. Next a special meeting was
called to hear the report of these delegates, which embodied
as the result of the main action of the county council the
precise ticket, with slight exceptions, introduced as original
at the so-called People's convention one week afterwards.
Finally the Milton council agreed to support the ticket nomi-
nated by the People's convention of the 23d inst. five days
before such convention had any existence.
In the light of such testimony there can be no question
of the activity of the Know Nothing machinery. Moreover
such proceedings were not peculiar to Indiana. It was the
method of control planned by the founders of the order and
had been practiced elsewhere with great success.
While there was no authorized publication of the Know
Nothing platform the main principles were beginning to be
pretty well known. The following platform is given by an
organ of the Fusion party that was more than favorable to
Know Nothing principles :
1. Repeal of all naturalization laws.
2. None but native Americans in office.
3. A pure American common school system.
4. War to the hilt on Romanism.
5. Opposition, first and last, to the formation of military compan-
ies composed of foreigners.
6. The advocacy of a sound, healthy and safe nationality.
7. Hostility to all Papal influence, in whatever form, and under
whatever name.
8. American institutions and American sentiments.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 73
9. More stringent and effective emigration laws.
10. The amplest protection to Protestant interests.
11. The doctrines of the revered Washington and his compatriots.
12. The sending back of all foreign paupers landed on our shores.
13. The formation of societies to protect all American interests.
14. Eternal enmity to all who attempt to carry out principles of a
foreign church or state.
15. Our country, our whole country, and nothing but our country.
16. And finally, American laws and American legislation, and
death to all foreign influence, whether in high places or low.64
Briefly, Know Nothingism professed to oppose and annul
the influence of the Roman Catholic church over the institu-
tions and affairs of our country and to break up the sub-
serviency of American politics and politicians to foreign in-
fluence. Its advocates asserted that they
desired to return to the pure Americanism of the Republican Fathers, and
the administration of national affairs upon principles as understood by
them.65
After the constitution of the grand council became known
in the fall of 1854 the object became definitely known,
The object of this organization shall be to resist the insidious policy
of the church of Rome and other foreign influence against the institu-
tions of our country by placing in all offices in the gift of the people,
or by appointment, none but native born Protestant citizens.66
The Know Nothings claimed to bear no enmity to for-
eigners as such, but only to their misuse of the privileges
given them here. This position is well stated in a communi-
cation signed "Know Nothing" in the Journal.
We wage no war on the elective franchise of the foreigner. We op-
pose or denounce no man's religion. We interfere with the right of no
man, native or foreigner, to "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."
But we do oppose, and we will battle till we destroy, that accursed
party practice, which lays the institutions of our country at the feet
of the ignorant, the debauched, and the un- Americanized subject of any
and every European king. We do not think that a mere voyage across
the Atlantic * * * qualifies a man to hold our offices, or make our
64 Brookville Indiana American, May 26, 1854; Indianapolis Journal, July 8,
Sept. 2, 1854.
65 Logansport Journal, March 15, 1856.
88 See appendix. Constitution of the Grand Council, Art. 3, Sec. 1. Indian-
apolis Sentinel, Sept. 18, 1854.
74 Indiana Magazine of History
laws or even to control us in doing either. We want men to know our
country, and its Constitution, to have some stake, some home, some
abiding place in it, and we have determined * * * it shall be done. 6 "
In Indiana the Nebraska question clouded the Know Noth-
ing issue. The congressional campaign was fought out prin-
cipally on this question. The party in the state as a whole
was heartily opposed to the Kansas-Nebraska bill although
there were exceptions. 68 The temperance question aided in
complicating the congressional campaign. Will Cumback in
a speech at Manchester, Dearborn county, frankly declared
he did not want the vote of any foreigner, of any man who
favored the Nebraska iniquity, or who was opposed to the
search, seizure, confiscation, and destruction of all intoxi-
cating drinks. 69
Mention has been made of the curiosity aroused by the
mystery of the secret order and the attempt to spy on the
Indianapolis convention. The attempts to discover and expose
them have no parallel in the history of our secret societies.
Consequently the Know Nothings had to take the utmost care
to preserve the secrecy of their meetings. The signal for a
meeting was given by scattering bits of paper cut or colored
in such a manner as to designate the place and time. 70 They
met usually in some secluded place, well guarded. In Bloom-
ington while the council was weak, they met in the midst of
a field where there was a tall growth of fennel. One lodge
near Crawfordsville had its headquarters in a deserted house
in the woods. 71 A lodge near Georgetown, bothered by espion-
age, met at night in a cornfield. Finding themselves sur-
rounded by eavesdroppers one night, at a given signal they
suddenly put out the lights and charged their unwelcome visi-
tors who fled and troubled them no more. 72
A series of exposes 73 was the result of this espionage upon
67 Indianapolis Journal, Oct. 21, 1854; see also New Albany Ledger, June 21,
1854; Logansport Journal, June 24, 1854.
^ Indianapolis Indiana Republican, Aug. 9, 1S55 ; Madison Courier, Sept. 6,
1854.
63 Indianapolis Sentinel, Aug. 29, 1854.
10 Madison Courier, June 7, 1854 ; Indianapolis Journal, Mar. 18, 1854, April
5, 1855 ; New Albany Ledger, Apr. 4, 1855.
71 Indianapolis Sentinel, June 4, 1855.
72 Indianapolis Journal, Sept. 2, 1854.
73 Brookville Indiana American, Apr. 7, 1854, Sept. 22, 1854; Indianapolis
Journal, May 30, 1854; Indianapolis Chapman's Chanticleer, Oct. 5, 1S54.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 75
"Sam" or the "Cayennes" as the Know Nothings were popu-
larly nicknamed. Most of them were false, consisting of
conjecture and popular report. Finally authentic copies of
the constitutions of the grand, state, and subordinate councils,
and the ritual were secured from a drunken friend of "Sam"
and the whole was published in the Indianapolis Sentinel,
September 18, 1854.
It was natural that a bitter enmity should be aroused
between the Know Nothings and the lower class of foreigners
and Catholics in the country. Unscrupulous politicians court-
ing the support of that vote told the foreigners that the Know
Nothings wished to disfranchise all foreigners and either kill
or drive them out of the country. Taking this literally many
Germans and Irish went armed. There is at least one instance
in Franklin county where several Germans attended a funeral
armed with Bowie knives to defend themselves against the
murderous Know Nothings 74 At this time there were great
construction camps of Irish laborers along the railroads then
being built. It was not at all safe for a man of native Ameri-
can opinions to go near them, for they held a bitter hatrod
against the Know Nothings. To intimate that any one was
a Know Nothing was sufficient to set the Irish on them in all
their fury. Riots and assaults on individuals were common. 75
The Germans of Franklin county prepared to go armed to the
polls on election day. 76
By the end of September, 1854, the Know Nothings claimed
to number eighty-seven thousand in the state. 77 There Is no
way of verifying the claim but it cannot be greatly exagger-
ated. There were councils in practically every town and com-
munity in the state, possibly as many as five hundred. 78 The
strength of the individual councils ranged from a few members
up to several hundred. The strength of the one in such a
small place as Milton, Wayne county, rapidly increased from
the original nine to one hundred thirty. Because of their
close organization they were even more powerful than their
numbers warranted. The balance of political power was in
74 Brookville Indiana American, Sept. 29, 1854.
75 Stormont, History of Gibson County, 97.
78 Brookville Indiana American, Sept. 29, 1854.
77 Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 26, 1854.
"Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 5, 1854.
76 Indiana Magazine of History
the hands of "Sam." The way to political preferment was
through a Know Nothing "wigwam" and to oppose nativism
was to commit political suicide. 79
The election came on October 10, 1854. There was con-
siderable rioting. The Know Nothings of New Albany and
Jeffersonville were charged with importing bullies from Louis-
ville, who assaulted foreigners and Roman Catholics to pre-
vent them from voting. 80 It is certain that "brass knuckles"
were used to help carry the election, but it is impossible to fix
the blame for such happenings. All the charges do not come
from one side. Irishmen were accused of using violence
against the "Natives." sl
It was certain that "Sam" was very active on the day of
the election, but it was not until the returns came in that it
was discovered just how successful he had been. Although
the Know Nothings had nowhere openly run tickets of their
own, the thorough manner in which they controlled, almost
monopolized, the People's movement was now so well known
that its victories were reported indiscriminately as Fusion, or
Know Nothing successes. Nine out of the eleven Fusion can-
didates for congress were elected, 82 of whom every one with
the possible exception of George G. Dunn in the Third dis-
trict were Know Nothings. 83 George Dunn, Will Cumback,
David P. Holloway, Lucien Barbour, Harvey D. Scott, Daniel
Mace, Schuyler Colfax, Samuel Brenton and John U. Pettit
were the men sent to congress by Know Nothing support. In
but two rockribbed Democratic districts, the first and the sec-
ond, were the Old Liners successful, where Smith Miller and
William H. English were re-elected. The Indiana delegation in
the existing congress consisted of ten Democrats and one Whig.
73 Logan sport Democratic Pharos, May 7, 1856.
80 Baird, History of Clark County, 11; Indianapolis Sentinel, May 21, 1855;
New Albany Ledger, May 23, 1855.
81 Stormont, History of Gibson County, 97.
82 Indianapolis Journal, Oct. 14, 1854.
83 Logansport Democratic Pharos, Sept. 22, 1858 ; Madison Courier, Dec. 24,
1856 ; New Albany Ledger, May 16, 1855. A list of one hundred twenty members
of congress elected as Know Nothings is given in the Congressional Globe (Ap-
pendix, 34 Congress, 1 Session, 352) in the speech of Representative Smith. In
it every one of the nine fusion members from Indiana is listed as a Know Noth-
ing. Representative Mace showed his nativist sentiments when he objected on the
floor of the House to Witte's resolution against secret political associations. See
the Congressional Globe, 33 Congress, 2 Session, 571.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 77
The People's state ticket was also triumphantly elected by
a majority of about thirteen thousand. 84 Among the Know
Nothings elected to the state senate were David Crane of
Floyd and P. S. Sage of Ohio and Switzerland. 85 To the house
they sent David Kilgore of Delaware, who was elected speaker,
James W. Hervey and Horatio C. Newcomb of Marion, David
Cain of Switzerland, Solomon Meredith and Charles H. Test
of Wayne, and Robert N. Hudson of Vigo. 86
In the county and city elections over the state they were
equally successful. Princeton, New Albany, Covington,
Salem, Logansport, Lafayette, Indianapolis, and Crawfords-
vilie were among the places which the followers of "Sam"'
helped to carry. 87
Both the Fusionists and their opponents attributed the out-
come of the election to the Know Nothings. The Journal said :
There was a universal impression somewhere yesterday that the
horrible "Know Nothings" were responsible for the very unexpected re-
sult of the election, but nobody assumed the responsibility of averring
of his own knowledge that such was the fact. * * * Not an infre-
quent accompaniment of their cheerful looks was a mysterious and to
our ears, silly inquiry about "Sam" and whether anybody had seen him
and chuckles over the "sucks in" that "Sam" seems to have practiced
on our Slaveite friends. * * * The Know Nothings are, as usual,
charged with this result, and so far as we can learn with great justice.
There can be little doubt that a vast majority of all the native born
citizens of the State, are unchangably hostile to the subserviency to
foreigners, which for years has been the disgrace of the country, and the
defeat of right and truth.ss
An organization, admitted to be a controlling power in the State,
suffered itself to be abused, maligned and persecuted * * * without
retorting, explaining, or contradicting. * * * It has had no organs,
no canvassers, no friends among prominent men, but it has put the
schemes of the shrewdest to shame, and the forces of the strongest part-
ies to flight. * * * Politicians have not controlled it. 89
83 Indianapolis Journal, Oct. 21, 1854.
81 Indianapolis Sentinel, Oct. 26, 1854, contains the official vote.
85 Senate Journal for 1855, 3-4.
89 House Journal for 1855, 3-5.
87 New Albany Tribune, May 8, 1855; New Albany Ledger, May 9, Oct. 17,
1855; Rockport Democrat, Apr. 21, 1855; Logansport Democratic Pharos, May 19,
1858.
88 Indianapolis Journal, Oct. 14, 1854.
78 Indiana Magazine of History
The Democratic papers universally charged the "dark lan-
tern party" with their defeat. As the Sentinel put it. "It is
a Know Nothing triumph." 00
By the end of 1854 the Know Nothings had made their
entry into every state of the union. In Philadelphia, Wash-
ington, D. C, St. Louis, Chicago, and the cities of Massachu-
setts, Ohio, and Virginia the Know Nothings won notable vic-
tories.'* 1 In Nashville, 1 '- Tennessee, and Bridgeport, 03 Con-
necticut, they elected mayors who were not even known to be in
the running until after the votes were counted. In some of the
old Whig strongholds of Massachusetts it was not known that
a new ticket was out until the very day of the election. Their
triumphs were as unexpected as they were complete. 04
The Fusionists of the state held a grand outdoor meeting,
November 1, at Indianapolis in honor of their recent success.
To the Old Liners it appeared as nothing but an open air
meeting of the "dark lantern" party. Certain it is, that in
the speeches native American sentiment was expressed as
freely as anti-Nebraska. Oliver P. Morton, the mildest of
all, said:
The provision of our state constitution allowing the right of suffrage
to aliens is not only inexpedient but unconstitutional. °5
At a Fusion supper, the following toast was given:
The safest repository of American interests is the hearts of the
American people. And the surest mode of governing America is to place
her government in American hands — without the aid of foreign in-
fluence.*^
The Know Nothing state council took advantage of this
gratification to hold a meeting of their own. 97 In this they
followed their usual custom — whenever the People's party
met, "Sam's" inner circle of friends had their own little coun-
cil. The proceedings were kept secret, but it became known
80 Indianapolis Sentinel, Oct. 14, 1854.
" Indianapolis Journal, March 31, June 13, Aug. 12, Oct. 14, 1S54.
"Ibid. Oct. 7, 1854.
■New Albany Tribune, Apr. 25, 1854.
"Indianapolis Journal, March 31, 1854.
■ Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 7, 1854, July 31, 1S56.
" Indianapolis Sentinel, July 31, 1856.
97 Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 3, 1854 ; Indianapolis Chapman's Chanticleer,
Nov. 9, 1854.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 79
that, after a struggle between two opposing factions, it was
agreed to support Godlove S. Orth for United States senator.
Also Milton Gregg, editor of the New Albany Tribune and a
former Old Line Whig, who was now the most active advocate
of nativist principles in southern Indiana, was made the nomi-
nee for the post of state printer. 98
The second national convention of the "Order of the Star
Spangled Banner" met in secret session in Cincinnati, Novem-
ber 15, 1854. For the first time, delegates were present from
all the states of the Union. The attendance was large, but
there were few public men present. Among the delegates
were : Kenneth Rayner, of North Carolina ; John M. Clayton,
of Delaware ; Daniel Ullman, of New York ; Jacob Broom, the
leader of the former Native American party in Philadelphia ;
Mayor Conrad, of Philadelphia ; and Sam Houston, of Texas."
The names of the Indiana delegates have not been learned but
Rev. Samuel P. Crawford, of Indianapolis, who at this time
held the office of chaplain, may have served, 100 and John W.
Dawson, editor of the Fort Wayne Times, afterward acknowl-
edged that he himself was elected as one of the delegates of
this state. 101
The business of the session was the revision of the secret
ritual, but at the same time the political question was a wel-
come intruder. 102 At this time when the old parties seemed
in a process of dissolution, the Know Nothing movement was
thought to be in a position to control the coming election.
Several presidential possibilities, including Sam Houston, of
Texas; Millard Fillmore, of New York; John M. Clayton, of
Delaware ; Kenneth Rayner, of North Carolina ; Garrett Davis,
of Kentucky ; Jacob Broom, of Pennsylvania ; and Daniel Ull-
man, of New York; most of whom were present, were con-
sidered as available candidates. 103 But the purpose was
neither to make nominations nor adopt a platform. 104
o* Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 5, 24, 1854.
"^Terre Haute Wabash Courier, Dec. 2, 1854; Indianapolis Sentinel, Dec. 8,
1854.
100 Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 18, 1854.
101 Logansport Democratic Pharos, Sept. 22, 1858.
lt2 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 134.
»■ Indianapolis Sentinel, Dec. 8, 1854.
1M Indianapolis Indiana Republican, Dec. 7, 1854.
80 Indiana, Magazine of History
Aside from the revision of the ritual, 105 and the oaths of
the old degrees, the most notable news that came to the knowl-
edge of the outside world was the adoption of the new third
or "Union" degree. This degree was proposed by Kenneth
Rayner, who, although a slaveholder and a believer in South-
ern rights, was intensely national in his sympathies. Unfold-
ing his plan before the convention, it was received with great
enthusiasm, and when a committee, of which he was chairman,
reported the new degree with its oath, it was adopted by a
nearly unanimous vote. The degree was conferred by Mr.
Rayner on all the delegates present. It bound each member
under solemn pledges to adhere to, defend, and maintain the
union of the states against all assaults from every quarter
without any limitations whatsoever. The recipients of this
degree were welcomed into the brotherhood of the "Order of
the American Union." Within six months a million and a
half of men had taken the degree. 106
Such was the origin of the famous Union degree. After
the adjournment of the convention, November 25, and the
news of its work became known, a bitter protest came from
the anti-slavery men. They felt that they had been sacrificed
in order to gratify the demands of the pro-slavery wing. 107
In form the new oath merely affected to condemn any and
all attempts to disrupt the nation, a sentiment to which no
American could object. But in fact it gave the conservative
and pro-slavery element a means of suppressing the anti-
slavery agitation by using the discipline of the order against
its advocates. 108 The immediate result in the north was the
disband ment of many councils, and the withdrawal of many
members of anti-slavery sentiments. 109 Yet there can be no
doubt that the motive of the men originating the degree was
pure, and there is no ground to support the "conspiracy"
theory of the northern radicals, who held that the third de-
gree was a virtual pro-slavery obligation. 110 This move to
i<* Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 18, 1854.
108 "Wilson, Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, II, 420-22.
107 Indianapolis Sentinel, Dec. 8, 1854.
108 Scisco, Political Nativism in New York, 135.
10 ° Richmond Jeffersonian, April 19, 1855; Brookville Indiana American, Sept
26, 1856.
"o Julian, Recollections, 144.
Brand: History of Know Nothing Party 81
gain the political support of the south marks the beginning
of the disruption of the Know Nothing Party.
It is probable that a state council met in Indianapolis
November 20, to receive the new ritual from Cincinnati, but
the evidence is meager and no details were given out. 111
The year 1854 thus saw the entry of the Know Nothings
in Indiana. The startling rapidity with which it spread, the
secrecy which enveloped its action, and the phenomenal suc-
cess that it achieved, made it the most powerful political or-
ganization of its day. But already it had reached its zenith.
Coinciding with its period of expansion, those disruptive fac-
tors appeared which were soon to wreck and ruin it. The in-
trusion of the slavery issue and the contest with sectionalism
will be the subject of a further chapter.
111 The following note appeared in the Indianapolis Sentinel November 21,
1854 : "Mr. Editor — The Know Nothings assembled in this city today from all
parts of the State. At the meeting of the National Council held in Cincinnati a
new ritual and formulae of the order was received by the State delegates. These
documents will be distributed today.
Monday, Nov. 20. (Signed) SAM.
This is a fair sample of the evidence upon which much of our knowledge
of the Know Nothing movement rests, but as most of the Sentinel's Know
Nothing news later proved to be true, this may be taken as fairly reliable.
(To be continued.)
Jesse Kimball — Pioneer
By George William Beattie and Helen Pruitt Beattie
THE KIMBALL FAMILY
According to the Morrison and Sharpies History of the
Kimball Family, 1 the first Kimballs to come to America sailed
from Ipswich, England, in the ship "Elizabeth" April 10, 1634.
Their home in England had been in Rattlesden, Suffold county,
where they belonged to a middle class and not very numerous
family. The name there was spelled in various ways such
as Kemball, Kemble, Kimbal, Kimbel or even Kymbold. The
claim is made that the last mentioned form was the original
one.
There were two men from this family on the "Elizabeth" —
Henry Kemball and Richard Kimball. They may or may not
have been brothers. There is nothing to suggest that they
were related in any way beyond the similarity of their names
and the fact that they came to America on the same vessel.
Henry Kemball has but few descendants, but Richard has
many. Most of the Kimballs in America are in his line. Re
had eleven children and they all married and left issue but
one, and even that one may have married, although no record
to such effect has ever been found.
Richard was a wheelwright, and settled first in Water-
town, Massachusetts, moving later to Ipswich, where he spent
the remainder of his life, dying June 22, 1675. He was promi-
nent and respected in Ipswich. Indeed, he moved there at
the invitation of the people of the community, who were in
need of a competent man to act as wheelwright. The town
granted him a house lot, forty acres of land and liberty to
"pasture two cows free."
The Kimball family has always been distinguished for
general shrewdness and practical ability rather than for pure-
ly intellectual leadership. Few of the name have ever been
noted politically, professionally or in letters. Kimbals have
figured largely as capable and reliable men and women in the
1 Leonard A. Morrison and Stephen P. Sharpies History of the Kimball
Family.
82
Jesse Kimball.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 83
common walks of life; and, beginning with Richard and his
sons, have frequently been placed in positions of trust in the
town and church governments of the places in which they
lived. They have always been strongly represented in busi-
ness, and there they are uniformly successful. Until recently,
not many of them were rich, although generally they were in
comfortable circumstances. Now many of the name are
wealthy.
Although clearly a peace-loving people, the Kimballs have
always shown themselves to be public-spirited and patriotic,
and willing to fight when necessary. The name Kimball is
found often in the Revolutionary war rolls; and in the War
of 1812 and in the Civil war, Kimballs again played their part.
In the latter war, some of the name gained prominence.
Several of the Kemballs in England have distinguished
themselves in military service. General Sir Arnold Burrowes
Kembail, for long services in the east, was made Knight Com-
mander of the Star of India in 1860, and Knight Commander
of the Order of the Bath in 1878.
Ancestry of Jesse Kimball
While working on the life history of Jesse Kimball, pioneer
settler in New York, Kentucky and Indiana, it has been
brought strongly to mind that a man rarely goes through life
without leaving a trail by which he may be traced. Often-
times the trail is obscure and all but lost, but it exists, never-
theless. Old letters, deeds to property, wills, mortgages, rec-
ords of lawsuits, and all such papers — to say nothing of family
bibles and family traditions aid the persistent searcher, fre-
quently in a surprising manner.
In the case of Jesse Kimball the lack of authoritative in-
formation concerning his life activities constituted a great
handicap at the outset. Two very important sources of in-
formation, however, became available early in the search —
his family bible r and his pension application. In each of
these he stated that he was born on March 19, 1760, in Pres-
ton, Connecticut. Unfortunately, no mention of his birth can
be found in the Preston town records.
2 Jesse Kimball's bible is now owned by Miss Myrtle Knowles of Petersburg,
Ind., who kindly sent the writers a copy of the family record it contains.
84 Indiana Magazine of Histoi~y
Only recently, some old letters in the possession of a
member of the Kimball family, furnished long- sought informa-
tion concerning the parents of Jesse Kimball. The letters,
written during the years 1883-1888, for the express purpose of
supplying genealogical data, were from the son of Jesse's
brother, Isaac; 3 and they make it clear that Jesse's father
3 The Isaac Kimball letters in possession of Maj. George W. Kimball, Mt.
Vernon, Posey county, Ind.
Cincinnati, May 23, 1883.
Mr. Samuel Morrison :
My Parents to the best of my knowledge were natives of Conn. — my mother
raised in Hartford where my father & mother were married.
They went west to New York by way of Long Island Sound, passing Hell
gate (as it was then called) and settled in the interior of the state on the
Catskills.
My father was too young to be in the Revolutionary war, but his two older
brothers & his father were. At the close of the war one of them received a por-
tion of land in Henderson Co. Kentucky — moved to it & that brought my father
out to the new country. We came out in the year 1810 landed at Lawrence-
burgh, where we stayed for 7 years.
I cannot tell the year, but it was after the earthquakes (the earthquakes
were in 1S11-12) that shook from New Madrid to Cin'ti, that my mother fell
from a loft and lighting back formost on a churn, the dasher handle entered near
the spine past entirely through her body. I was in the room at the time and
saw my older Brother Charles pull the dasher out of her body. Strange as it
may seem she got well & lived 20 years after. I am now in my S2nd year &
have but one brother living. My oldest brother died 64 years ago & left but one
son, Charles Jackson Kimball living in Green Castle 41 miles beyond Indianapolis.
Tours, Isaac Kimball.
Charles J. Kimball, Greencastle, Ind., Fb. 12th, 1886.
Dear Nephew — 84 years ago I first peeped out from the top of Catskill moun-
tain on this beautiful world covered 4 ft. deep with snow. "We moved to Onterio
Co. when I was three years old, & from there to Indiana when I was 8 years old
& to the lower part of that state when I was 15 years old. After staying there
two years, when 17 years old I started on foot for Cincinnati, which I made in
one week, waiding some & swimming some streams; no railroads then. I Have
ever been glad of this movement. I had at that time but little or no knowledge
of the christian religion but I had a desire to get into better associations than I
found at Cynthianna, (Indiana).
Isaac Kimball.
Charles J. Kimball, Greencastle, Ind.: Cin'ti. Feb. 14th, 18SS.
My dear nephew — You wish me to write what I know about our ancestry.
Well, my grand father John Kimball was the great, great, great grandson of
Adam, the first, the intermediates I do not recollect, because I never collected
them. My Grandfather married a woman by the name of Sandos, or Sandors, —
She was some 3 years older than he & died about that long before him, which
events both occured at your grandfather Jesse's, (where also your own father
was buried). My father was the youngest of 3 sons, & my Aunt Mary the
youngest of 13 sisters, 16 in all, the boys names were Samuel, Jesse & Isaac,
the girls names were Thankful, Prudence, Olive, Mary and the rest of their
names I do not know. My mother's name was Sarah Warner. I have no knowl-
edge of my mother's relations but I see a good many of that name from the
eastern states where she was born. My grandfather and his 2 older sons served
Beattie: Jesse Kwiball, Pioneer 85
was named John Kimball. This information, accompanied as
it was by the names of Jesse's brothers and some of his sis-
ters, made it possible to establish the connection between his
family and the other branches of the Kimball family in New
England.
Upon following in the Kimball history the line through
which Jesse seems to have descended, we find that among the
sons of the immigrant Richard (1), was one named John (2).
He was born in Rattlesden, England, in 1631, and came to
America with his parents. He spent his life in Ipswich, Mas-
sachusetts, and died there May 6, 1698. By trade he was a
wheelwright, as his father, Richard, had been, but by occupa-
tion he seems to have been an extensive farmer also. He
frequently bought and sold land, and there are a large num-
ber of deeds on record at Salem, Massachusetts, bearing his
name. He married Mary Bradstreet, whose parents had come
over in the ship "Elizabeth" when the Kimballs came. He
had thirteen cheldren. His ninth child was named John (3) .
This John (3) was born March 16, 1668, in Ipswich. He
became a wheelwright and a farmer, and married Sarah Good-
hue. He bought two hundred acres of land in Preston, Con-
necticut, and moved there in 1727. He had nine children.
Of these Isaac (4) was the sixth.
Isaac (4) was born April 19, 1705. He married Prudence
Parke and lived much of his life in Preston, where he received
from his father, John Kimball (3), October 11, 1736, on ac-
count of "love and good will," eighty acres of land in that
town. Isaac (4) made his will March 20, 1744, and left half
his property to his wife, Prudence, and the other half to his
sons, John (5), Isaac (5) and Jesse (5), they to have the
whole on the death of his wife. The Jesse (5) here mentioned
was Captain Jesse of Canaan, Connecticut, whose Revolution-
ary war service and subsequent career is known. John (5) 4
is assumed to be the father of Jesse (6), who is the subject
of this sketch.
in the Revolutionary war, my own father being too young. Tour grandfather's
bounty land fell to him in Henderson Co. Kentucky & that is what brought so
many of the Kimball family out to the western country. A man by the name
of Morrisson wrote to me from Indianapolis to send to him an account of my
mother's accident & recovery — the letter misscared & was sent back to me, & I
can do no better than to enclose it to you. * * *
Isaac Kimball.
* From Vital Records, Preston, Connecticut, Vol. I, Page 91.
86 Indiana Magazine of History
The Indiana Branch of the Kimball Family
John (5) was born December 12, 1731. He married Ru-
hama Sanders, of Lyme, Connecticut, September 21, 1752,
and had a family consisting of three sons and, it is said, thir-
teen daughters. The sons were Samuel (6), Jesse (6) and
Isaac (6). Of the daughters, Thankful (6), Prudence (6),
Olive (6), Azuba (6), Silvia (6), Amy (6), Margaret (6),
and Mary (6) are known by name. Jesse (6) seems to have
been the second son. We know that Isaac (6) was the young-
est, and it is probable that Samuel (6) was the oldest.
John Kimball (5) was a soldier in the Revolution. His
son, Samuel (6), also saw Revolutionary service, in the Con-
necticut line. The war records of the various Samuel Kim-
balls who served in Connecticut organizations have been care-
fully studied but none of them can be identified positively as
applying to Jesse's brother. It is possible that the rolls
containing the name of this particular Samuel were among
the many that suffered destruction during and after the Revo-
lution. Nothing is known to us of Samuel's later career.
Isaac (6), 5 the younger brother, was not old enough to
enter the Revolution. He married Sarah Warner, in Hart-
B Posey County, Indiana, Probate Court Records.
Book 1815-1827, P. 121.
Springfield (old county seat of Posey), May 11, 1818.
Isaac Kimball filed his bond for $500 with Lewis Williams & Saml C. Hirons
his security for the faithful discharge of his duties as Admr. on the Estate of
Jesse Kimball Jr. deceased which bond was approved and at the same time filed
his inventory of apprasement amounting to $576.3914. Also the sale bill
amounting to $529.93.
Probate Order Book I, 136.
On motion ordered that Jesse Kimball be appointed Guardeen for John Kimbal
and Charles J. Kimbal sones of Jesse W. Kimball Deceased John aged about 6
year and Charles J. about Three years.
Probate Order Book C & D 1828-1834. May 21, 1832.
Charles J. Kimball, sixteen years old on the 7th day of Aug. 1831, minor
and son of Jesse W. Kimball late of Posey Co. Deed appeared in open court
and chose Jesse Kimball for his Guardian. Bond fixed $600. David Knight and
Elisha Kimball securities appointed and sworn.
Page 281. February 12, 1833.
Isaac Kimball, Admr.
vs.
Jesse Kimball, Guard.
Whereas at the August Term 1832 this cause came on for trial, and upon
inspection etc. — it was ordered that said Isaac Kimball Admr. be allowed &
credited by said Jesse Kimball with the sum of $92.90 as paid on Jan. 22, 1819,
and that said Isaac Kimball recover of said Jesse Kimball his costs by him
expended and said decree having been neglected to be signed, etc. or minuted
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 87
ford, and moved to New York State, living first in the Catskills
and later in Ontario county in the Western part of the state.
He then moved to Indiana, settling at Lawrenceburg, and
living there from 1810-1817. From Lawrenceburg he went to
Posey county; and, so far as is known, he spent the remainder
of his life there. He was appointed administrator of the
estate of his son, Jesse W. Kimball (7), and the records of
the Posey county courts mention him in this capacity as early
as May 11, 1818, and as late as February 12, 1833. His career
in Southern Indiana has never been fully worked out. He had
four sons, Jesse W (7), Charles (7), James (7), and Isa^c
(7). Of these, the first named married his cousin, Sarah
Kimball (7), daughter of his uncle Jesse (6).
Revolutionary War Service op Jesse Kimball
In his pension application, which is dated August 20, 1847,
Jesse mentions his brother, Samuel, in connection with his
own Revolutionary service. The following is a quotation from
the application:
I was a substitute for Samuel Kimball, who enlisted in the State of
Connecticut in the Service of the United States in the Revolutionary
War, for the term, I think, of three years or somewhere about that time.
And about three months before his time was out, he was taken with the
measles and came home and I went and served in his place. My cap-
tain's name was Captain Chapley and I do not recollect my lieutenant's
name, and I can recollect no other officers. We were stationed during the
whole time till I was discharged in the garrison of New London in the
State of Connecticut. I cannot recollect the time I served or the date of
my discharge, but I think the time of my service was about three months
or not less than three. If I remember right, I was discharged when my
brother's time was out. I received my discharge from Captain Chap-
ley in the New London garrison, Connecticut. My discharge and all
down on the records of this court it is ordered that said decree be entered
now, etc.
Prom family Bible of Jesse Kimball.
Grandchildren
John Kimball was horned Feb. 25 — 1813
Charles J. Kimball was borned Aug. 8 — 1815
*From Vincennes Marriage Records, 1807-1832.
This is to certify that I, James Martin, joined together as husband and
wife on the 25th of November, 1811, Jesse Kimball and Sally Kimball, being
published as the Law directs.
James Martin
Rec'd Aug. 23rd, 1812.
88 Indiana Magazine of History
the papers were burned in the State of New York where I lived on a
place called Bomen's Creek where I had my house burned down. I lived
in Connecticut sixteen or eighteen years. I then moved to New York to
the place called Bomen's Creek.
In an amendment to his pension declaration, Jesse stated :
That by reason of old age and consequent loss of memory, he can
not recollect the precise time he served; but to the best of his knowledge,
it was three months. And he recollects that he got his discharge maybe
one months or shortly before the town of New London was burned, but
he cannot recollect the day and dates.
His uncertainty concerning dates is only too evident. His
statements regarding time are seldom more than approxima-
tions. It must be borne in mind, though, that when he made
his pension declaration, he was about eighty-seven years of
age, and the loss of memory of which he complains, was en-
tirely natural.
There are valid reasons for questioning the correctness of
the date of his own birth. For instance, he states in his
declaration that he lived in Connecticut sixteen or eighteen
years before going to New York. If his Revolutionary service
terminated, as he says, shortly before the burning of new
London — which occurred in September, 1781 — he would then
have been past twenty-one years of age, providing he was
born in 1760, as he says. Furthermore, among the children
of John Kimball named in the records of the town of Preston, 7
is a daughter, Sylvia, who was born November 15, 1759 ; and
it is clear that if she is Jesse's sister, either her birthday or
Jesse's is incorrectly stated. Town records are generally
accepted as final authority in such cases, while an error re-
garding the date of his birth might easily have found lodg-
ment in Jesse's mind. He may have been born later than
1760, and there is ground for suspecting that such was the
fact. Family tradition has it that his Revolutionary war
service was rendered when he was a mere boy, and this accords
with his statement limiting his residence in Connecticut to
sixteen or eighteen years. The record of his own birth in
his bible could easily be the least reliable entry in it, since it
would be dependent upon hearsay and not upon his own
knowledge.
7 See note 4.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer' 89
The Captain Chapley referred to in his declaration was
undoubtedly Captain Adam Shapley, who was in command of
a company at New London from July 3, 1776 s until September
6, 1781, 9 when he was mortally wounded at Fort Griswold at
the time the town was raided and burned by Benedict Arnold
and his men. The "Bomen's Creek" mentioned was Bowman's
creek, the name then given to the present Canajoharie, Mont-
gomery county, New York, and the adjacent territory.
On the New York Frontier
From his statement that he lived sixteen or eighteen years
in Connecticut and then moved to Bowman's creek, it may be
assumed that Jesse left Connecticut very soon after his dis-
charge from the Revolutionary service. This assumption is
sustained by the fact that before the Revolution ended, he
enrolled in the militia of the portion of Albany county, New
York, now constituting Columbia county. 10 Enrollment in
the state militia of all able-bodied men between certain ages
was required by the New York law of that day. The evidence
of Jesse's enrollment was in a document in the office of the
state comptroller of New York, made out a short time before
the close of the Revolutionary war. The exact date of the
enrollment cannot now be determined, since the document was
among those that were partially destroyed by fire in the
New York state capitol in 1911.
It would interest us to know the cause of the fire that
destroyed Jesse's home on Bowman's creek, just as it would
interest us to know the reason for his enlisting in the militia
of Albany county instead of in his own county of Tryon, as
Montgomery county was called in Revolutionary times. Tyron
county — renamed Montgomery county, owing to the unpopu-
larity of the British governor, Tryon — was the center of fierce
border warfare in the later years of the Revolution. There
the Indians of the Six Nations, led by the famous Mohawk
Indian chieftain, Brant, and the British soldiers and Tories
under Johnson and the Butlers, devastated the country, burn-
ing houses and crops and driving away the settlers. Canajo-
* Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1775-76, Vol. XV. 463.
9 Caulkin's History of New London, 561.
10 James A. Roberts, New York, in the Revolution as Colony and State 238.
90 Indiana Magazine of History
harie and the Mohawk valley were ravaged in 1780. By the
end of 1781, the incomplete records available show that in
Tryon county alone, 700 buildings had been burned and 354
families had been driven from their homes. Such warfare
continued in New York for a year and a half after Cornwallis'
surrender, in 1781. ai Jesse's home may have been destroyed
in some raid, and he may have gone to Albany county for a
temporary refuge. On the other hand, the fire may have been
accidental ; and, since Albany county lay between Connecticut
and Bowman's creek, Jesse may have tarried there when on
his way originally from Connecticut, finding it expedient to
enroll at that time.
In connection with the Canajoharie (Bowman's creek)
residence, we find Jesse Kimball mentioned in the 1st United
States census of New York (taken in 1790) as a resident of
Canajoharie, and head of a family containing one male over
sixteen, one male under sixteen, and four females.
There was a considerable migration from Connecticut to
the valley of the Mohawk river after the Revolution, and there
were other Kimballs living in Montgomery county in 1790 in
or near Canajoharie. Among them were David Kimball and
his brother, Nathan, 12 both of whom were born in Preston,
Connecticut. They were second cousins of Jesse. The others
were apparently not closely related to him. The fact that
relatives were already on the New York frontier, would fur-
nish a strong reason for a youth of Jesse's age going so far
from home as he did to acquire a farm.
In the real estate records of Montgomery county, we find
that on April 21, 1789, Jesse Kimball acquired 97 acres of land
in Canajoharie district for 270 pounds. On the same day he
sold another piece containing 213 acres for 340 pounds. The
deed transferring this last piece of property was acknowledged
by him at Canajoharie on August 31, 1790. The records of
Montgomery county do not show how or when he obtained it.
It may be that the deed covering its acquisition was burned in
the fire that destroyed his home on Bowman's creek, as in
those days, deeds and other documents were often held in pri-
11 Francis Whiting Halsey, Old New York Frontier, 312-313.
11 U. S. Census 1790, New York; Morrison and Sharpies, History of the Kim-
ball Family, 257-258.
Beattie: Jesse Kimiball, Pioneer 91
vate houses for years before they were recorded. No such
papers were recorded in Montgomery county prior to 1790.
The deed to the land that Jesse purchased in 1789 was not
recorded until 1809. Both pieces of his property lay on Bow-
man's creek about six miles southwest of Canajoharie town, in
the tract patented to John Lyne in 1736.
Indian War Service
We quote further from Jesse's pension declaration:
I moved next (after leaving New York) to Henderson county,
Kentucky. I think I lived in that state about ten years, though between
that time and the time I was discharged by Captain Chapley, I enlisted
in the Indian wars for the term of three years. I served my time out,
and was discharged by Captain John H. Buel, at Cincinnati, Ohio. After
that, I came down to Henderson intending to go on to New Orleans, but
the captain of the boat on which I was got to be so afraid of the Indians
that he sold out and left me without money, and I never got back to
Connecticut only on a visit. I need only say that on my return home
I had only to pay 25 cents. I could scarcely travel for persons making
inquiry about the wars, so they never charged me from Henderson to
Connecticut. I bought one watermelon for 25 cents; was all my journey
cost me. And then I moved to this county (Gibson county, Indiana)
where I have lived for the last, I think, thirty-eight years or near that,
maybe more or less.
A diligent search of the war department records relating
to the Indian wars subsequent to the Revolution, fails to show
any mention of Jesse Kimball. The adjutant general at Wash-
ington states that he has no list of the soldiers in Captain
[John H.] Buel's company of the 2nd regiment, the company
in which Jesse would have been. The early records of the
war department are, however very incomplete, since the
United States war office, then located in Philadelphia, was
burned November 8, 1800, with all its contents. Fortunately
the time of Jesse's service can be established indirectly, as
we shall see.
Realizing, after General (Josiah) Harmar's defeat at the
hands of the Indians in 1790, that a larger army was necessary
for the service in the west, congress authorized the formation
of the 2nd regiment of United States infantry, March 3, 1791,
and Captain Buel was appointed to a command in the new
92 Indiana Magazine of History
regiment within a month. 13 A letter written by the secretary
of war August 11, 1791, states that Captain Buel was to march
that day from New Brunswick, New Jersey — the place which
had been his recruiting station — and that he was expected to
reach Fort Pitt (Pittsburg) in a month or more. 14 On Sep-
tember 18, 1791, Maj. Gen. Arthur St. Clair, governor of the
Northwest territory and commander in chief of the military
forces in the west after Harmar's defeat, wrote to the secre-
tary of war from his headquarters at Fort Washington (Cin-
cinnati) that he had heard of Captain Buel's arrival at Fort
Pitt. 15 Captain Buel therefore made the march with his men
within the time planned.
On October 20, 1791, Maj. Ebenezer Denny, aid de camp
to General St. Clair, wrote in his diary: 16
an express this day from Fort Washington. Captain Buel's company of
the 2nd Regiment had arrived there from the eastward.
Since General St. Clair's men left Cincinnati on their ill-
fated campaign against the Indians late in September, Captain
BuePs company, in which Jesse was enrolled, missed accom-
panying them by only a few days.
On the 19th of November, 1791, after the failure of the
St. Clair expedition, Major Denny embarked at Cincinnati for
the east ; and in his diary, speaking of the passengers on the
boat, he remarked :
Captain Buel, of the 2nd Regiment, who arrived at Fort Washing-
ton some short time after the army had marched from there, and where
he chose to remain, is now returning home.
It is clear to us, as it may not have been to Major Denny,
that Captain Buel's remaining at Cincinnati was not a matter
of his own choice. That General St. Clair had planned to
have Captain Buel and his company stay there for garrison
duty during his (St. Clair's) absence may be inferred from
the statement in his letter of September 18, to which we have
already referred:
I had the honor to advise you of the arrival of- General Butler and
the last of the troops I had reason to expect for the campaign.
13 B eitman's Historical Register and Dictionary of the Army, 260.
"Smith St. Clair Papers, II, 230.
» St. Clair Papers, II, 240.
10 Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, VII. "A Military Jour-
nal kept by Major E. Denny." 1781 to 1795.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 93
and from the letter he wrote from Fort Washington to the
secretary of war on October 6, 1791 :
In order to communicate with some degree of certainty with your
office, I have directed Captain Buel, when he arrives, to send a sergeant
and twelve men to a house that has been newly erected, half way between
this place (Cincinnati) and Lexington, to each of which two men are
to be sent off on every Monday morning to carry dispatches. * * *
I am this moment setting out for the army which I hope to overtake to-
morrow evening, i"
We may feel considerable certainty that Jesse had a part
in the bearing of these dispatches from Cincinnati to Lexing-
ton, from which point they were forwarded to the seat of
government at Philadelphia by way of Boone's wilderness
trace. Fleet-footed and athletic as he is known to have been,
we can picture him as an acceptable scout and messenger at
this critical time.
The return of Captain Buel to the east, mentioned by Ma-
jor Denny, was evidently merely temporary since in 1792-
93 Buel was in the 2nd Sub-Legion, ls a part of the organiza-
tion formed by General Anthony Wayne when he succeeded
General St. Clair. Wayne conducted a successful campaign
against the Indians, a campaign that terminated in 1794 in
the battle of Fallen Timbers. In this conflict, the power of
the Indians in the west was so broken that the peace that
followed endured for sixteen years. Jesse Kimball must have
been with Buel in this 2nd Sub-Legion.
It has already been shown that Jesse was in Canajoharie
as late as August 31, 1790 — the date when he personally
acknowledged his deed to property. His family bible gives
October 25, 1794, as the date of the birth of his first child
after his marriage to Elizabeth Roelofson. It would seem
proper, therefore, to assume that he came west with the 2nd
infantry in 1791, and that his three years of service covered
1791-92-93. He probably reached Henderson in Kentucky
late in 1793 or early in 1794.
There is a well-authenticated family tradition to the effect
that Jesse contracted an unfortunate marriage before he came
west, a marriage that terminated in a divorce and his de-
ws*. Clair Papers II, 245
18 Heitman, I, 260.
94 Indiana Magazine of History
parture from the scene of his troubles. 19 His entering the
United States army for service in the Indian wars must have
occurred at about that time. The tradition concerning the
divorce finds support in the record of the family belonging to
Jesse Kimball in Canajoharie, New York, in the census of
1790. The four females and one boy were probably his wife
and members of her family. The divorce, which its accom-
panying grief and mortification, goes far toward explaining
the somewhat surprising fact that a man of his character and
standing, as indicated by his real estate transactions in New
York and Kentucky and by his life in Indiana, would join
such an organization as the 2nd regiment of the United States
army was at the time of the Indian wars. The regiment is
known to have been made up, at that period, of a very dis-
reputable element of the community. The quality of many of
the men is indicated by the following passage from Maj.
Denny's "Military Journal," dated Nov. 1, 1791 :
The prediction [of defeat] by General Harmar before the army set
out on the campaign was founded on his experience and particular
knowledge of things. He saw with what material the bulk of the army
was composed — men collected from the streets and prisons of the cities
and hurried out into the enemies' country.
19 From letter of Mrs. Amyet Burton Harris, granddaughter of Jesse Kimball,
and daughter of Mahala Kimball.
Caldwell, Idaho, August 1, 1918.
I think Aunt Sarah's first husband's name was Jesse Kimball. They were
first cousins. (He) lived a long distance away. He and (she) had never met
until he came to visit his uncle and family. It was a case of love at first sight,
and in course of time they were married and lived happily together on what was
later the Levi Jones place, and still later the Lydia Knowles place.
Aunt Sarah was the beauty, in her father's family. Her husband died and
left her with the little boy Charles. Then she lived with her father and mother
until in course of time she married Uncle Hullum.
Yes, grandfather was a Revolutionary soldier. He and Mr. Wyatt and an-
other man, I can't quite call his name, all living in the vicinity of Owensville,
Princeton and Cynthiana, were shown great military honors at celebrations on
the 4th of July.
Grandfather had two sisters who I think lived with him, also his parents, —
one Aunt Amy, the other Aunt Thankful.
I remember when I was a child, a lawyer came out from Evansville and
talked pension to grandfather, — talked of everything pertaining to it, and left.
We never heard of it again. Grandpa never looked it up. He had plenty and
was not grasping for more.
Yes, there was an unhappy marriage, and consequently a divorce. I do not
know who the first wife was, or what state they lived in when married, but
think it was in the far east.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 95
The entire United States army, at that time, consisted of
the 1st and 2nd regiments of infantry and some militia, the
latter mainly from Kentucky. The 1st regiment had been
retained from Revolutionary service, and although containing
fewer than 300 men, was a high grade organization, very
different from the hurriedly formed 2nd regiment.
The Kentucky Frontier and the Roelofson Family
One of the problems connected with Jesse's life that long
seemed insoluble was that of when and where he married
Elizabeth Roelofson, the mother of the children named in his
family bible. Recent discoveries have made it clear that the
marriage occurred in Kentucky in the winter of 1793-94, soon
after his arrival there.
Family tradition pictures the wife as of Holland Dutch
descent, fair, ruddy-cheeked, stout, industrious, and "no taller
than the back of a splint-bottomed chair." The following
account of her wedding journey, as repeated by one of her
granddaughters,- shows her to have been level-headed and
resolute, as well:
I don't remember hearing grandfather speak of serving in the
Indian War, but he was familiar with the Indian mode of warfare and
took great pleasure in having me read to him hour after hour of those
things. He and grandmother were married in those troublous times.
Do not know where they were married or by whom. Our grandmother
was a Miss Elizabeth Roleson. Came from Germany [more probably
Holland. G. W. B.] when a child, with her parents. Do not know where
they settled, but it was among American people. Grandma said they,
the children, would hide out when they would see someone coming toward
the house, as there would probably be questions asked and they could
neither speak nor understand our language.
When Grandpa and she were married, the country was sparsely
settled. The Indians roamed the forest and were very troublesome.
The whites lived in little settlements [Near stockades. G. W. B.] here
and there. I do not know how far he went for her, but they had been
married and were enroute for his home on horseback, following a bridle
path. It was very cold weather. They traveled on and on, after night-
fall, hoping to reach the settlement. They were suffering much from
cold but on they went. After hours of solitary riding through deep
lonely forests, they routed a bunch of hogs from their hiding. They were
suffering so terribly with cold that grandpa suggested they tie their
so Mrs. Amyet Burton Harris.
96 Indiana Magazine of History
horses and get into the hog bed until morning to keep from freezing.
Grandma said: "No I never have slept in a hog bed. This shows we
are nearing the settlement. Let's press on." So they did, and after a
time came in sight of a house all aglow with light. They rode up and
he called out — when in an instant all was dark again. Grandpa called
and pleaded but there was no response. He said: "I know you well,"
calling the man by name. But they (the occupants of the house) were
afraid of Indians as they would resort to such tricks to get into houses
and slaughter the inmates. He continued to plead and tell them of
circumstances, places and people which he and they were familiar with.
At last the lamps were cautiously lighted and they were invited in and
met with a warm welcome, and were hospitably entertained until morn-
ing.
A recent book by a genealogist who has devoted many years
of research to the Roelofson-Rulison family, 21 states that the
family originated in Germany, one branch migrating to Den-
mark and another to Holland, thence to America. The Ger-
man form of the name was Ruloff, the Danish form Ruloffsen,
changing gradually in America to Rulison. The Holland
branch called itself Roelofson. Many variations in the name
have appeared, due to errors in transcribing or to attempts to
spell it phonetically. Elizabeth is a common name among the
women of the family. Wherever a copy of the signature of a
member of this family occurs in the Henderson county, Ken-
tucky records, the Holland form of the name is used, indicat-
ing clearly that Elizabeth's family was from Holland.
Several members of the Roelofson family lived on Schoharie
creek in Montgomery county, New York, a few miles only
from Canajoharie, and very near where Jesse's cousins set-
tled. 22 Jesse may have been acquainted with them during his
residence there. Another member of the family, Lawrence
Roelofson, Sr., moved from western Pennsylvania to Kentucky
with his two sons, William and Lawrence, Jr., his seven daugh-
ters, 23 and at least two sons-in-law, settling at or near Fort
11 Henry Flagler Rulison, Genealogy of the Rulison — Rulifson — Ruliffson
Families, 170.
22 U. S. Census 1790 — New York; also Henry F. Rulison Rulison Genealogy,
15, and History of the Kimball Family, 257.
23 Genealogy Rulison, Rulifson, Ruliffson Families, page 171.
NOTE — Mr. Rulison, in a personal letter to the writers before his book was
Issued, stated that he had done no research work in the Henderson county, Ken-
tucky, records, but had received his information concerning the Kentucky Roelof-
sons from two granddaughters of Lawrence Roelofson, Jr. His published ac-
count, therefore, so far as it relates to Lawrence, Jr., and his father shows many
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 97
Vienna, on Green river. 24 The earliest record known to the
writers relating to Lawrence Roelofson, Sr., is that in which
his name and the name of his son-in-law, Norod Franceway,
appear in the venire summoned September 17, 1781, for the
first grand jury in Washington county, Pennsylvania. 25 The
family had evidently made their home there on arriving from
Holland. Lawrence Roelofson's name does not appear in the
list of those who served on this grand jury, and we may be-
lieve that after having been summoned, he was found in-
eligible owing to the fact that he was then unable to speak or
understand English.
We do not know when Lawrence Roelofson, Sr., arrived at
Fort Vienna, but he and his family were living there in 1790. 26
of the inaccuracies and uncertainties of family tradition. For example, Christian
Roelofson is named as the father of Lawrence, Jr., and he is assumed to be a
brother of the Lawrence who lived on Schoharie creek. N. Y. Reliable records,
however, show that the father's name was Lawrence and he therefore, could not
have been a brother of the New York Lawrence. It is also stated that Law-
rence, Jr., was born in Henderson county, Kentucky, in 1772 ; but the evidence
at hand shows that none of the Roelofsons were in Henderson county until after
1790. Even then they were among the first white settlers at Red Banks. Eliza-
beth Roelofson's information that the children were born in Europe (see Mrs.
Harris' letter, p. 13) is probably more accurate than that of Mr. Rulison's in-
formants.
Mr. Rulison's book contains a gripping tale of the last journey of Ann Roe-
lofson Scott, a daughter of Lawrence, Jr., which we quote :
"April 1, 1852, John Tucker Scott with his family, consisting of his wife, Ann
Roelofson and nine children, and several other families, started overland across
the 'great plains' to go to Oregon, then a territory, with a caravan of ox teams.
The journey consumed full six months. When in the Black Hills of Wyoming,
then the territory of Nebraska, at a point in the trail about seventy miles north
of the present city of Cheyenne, Ann Roelofson Scott died, June 20, 1852. She
was sick but a few hours with what was known as 'plains cholera.' Around her
lowly bed on the ground in a shelter tent where she died, were her husband and
nine children, the youngest three years and six months old, the oldest nineteen
years. Her last words were : 'All is well.' All was indeed well with her, but
for her children, what a calamity ! A grave was made for her in the soft sand-
stone by chiseling out a coffin-shaped vault. She was wrapped in cerements and
buried by the side of the trail, in a wilderness far from civilization — without a
coffin. The next morning the oxen were yoked up and the caravan again started
westward, her husband and children with anguished hearts and fearsome glances
backward to the new-made grave."
Harvey Whitefield Scott, a son of Ann Roelofson Scott, became one of the
prominent leaders of thought in Oregon. For more than forty years he was
editor of the Portland Oregonian. His funeral ceremonies in 1910, conducted
by Masonic fraternities, are referred to as the most notable ever held in Oregon.
24 See note. 28.
25 Boyd Crumrine History of Washington County, Pennsylvania, 235-236.
26 Isaac Knight states that he heard the shot that killed Mr. Downs. See note
28. The year in which Thomas Downs was killed is given in the following from
Collins, History of Kentucky, II, 597. McLean county. A party of trappers
from the fort at Vienna, in 1790, while at the mouth of Green river, was attacked
98 Indiana Magazine of History
The fort was built not later than 1788, probably in 1784 or
1785, -" on the site of the present town of Calhoun in McLean
county. Existing evidence shows that some time prior to
April 8, 1793, Lawrence, Sr., and his family moved from Fort
Vienna to Red Banks, the name of the first settlement on the
site of the present city of Henderson, arriving there when only
one of the families living in the place boasted a house, the
others dwelling in camps. 28 It is probable that he was living
in this settlement when Jesse first reached it.
by Indians, who killed McElmurray and wounded Wm. Faith, a lad of 17, who
made his escape and returned to the fort. About the same time, the Indians
killed Thos. Downs near the fort.
27 Otto A. Rothert, History of Muhlenberg County, 30.
23 From The Story of Isaac Knight, Indian Captive.
The above ia the title of a 21-page pamphlet written by Rev. Hiram A.
Hunter from data supplied by Isaac Knight. The pamphlet was published in
1839 in Evansville, Ind., and reprinted in Overbrook, Kansas, in 1901. The
greater part of the narrative was reproduced in Brant and Fuller History of
Vanderburg County, Indiana. In 1814 Isaac Knight moved to Vanderburg
county, Indiana, and occupied a farm a few miles east of Evansville where he
passed the remainder of his life. Knight township in Vanderburg county, was
named for him. A historical painting by the artist Wilson representing the cap-
ture of Isaac Knight by the Indians hangs in the Memorial coliseum in Evans-
ville. Much of our knowledge of the journeyings of the Roelofson family in Ken-
tucky is derived from Mr. Hunter's pamphlet.
"Isaac Knight, the subject of the following narrative, was born in what was
then called Washington county, in Pennsylvania ; his father was John Knight
who married Ann Rolison, by whom he had seven sons, of whom Isaac was the
eldest. When the subject of this narrative was a child, his father removed, by
water, in company with his father-in-law, Mr. Lawrence Rolison, and Norod
Franceway, who had married in the same family. These all settled at or near
the place, known by the name of Vienna (now Calhoun) on Green river, about
eighty miles above its mouth, where, with much difficulty, they lived some years,
grinding their corn on hand mills or pounding it in a mortar ; and at one time
such was the difficulty with which bread stuff was had, that Isaac's father
bought some corn at the mouth of Green river, at one dollar and twenty-five
cents per bushel, and conveyed it to his family in a perogue or canoe. Indeed,
the difficulties under which the first settlers of that part of Kentucky labored,
were almost insupportable.
For the security of the whites and their families, they were impelled to build
and resort to forts in as large bodies as their thinly settled population would
permit. Uniting their energies, they labored by turn in each man's field, one or
more, as necessity required, standing as sentinel.
Seldom would anything short of abundant sign of Indian hostilities drive
them in the spring of the year, from their homely huts. It is, however, perfectly
within the recollection of the author of this narrative, that, when a boy, he
heard the report of a gun, which killed dead one of the finest men in the settle-
ment, and one, too, who lived within a few steps of his father's door. Mr. Downs,
who was thus shot by the Indians, left a wife and seven children to lament his
untimely death. He was most cruelly used by the savage butchers, and left
scalped on the ground.
About this time the country about the Red Banks, on the Ohio river, now
known as Henderson, in Henderson county, Kentucky, began to be spoken of as a
most desirable section, and Isaac's father, with the rest of the connection, moved
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 99
The following extract from the journal of one B. Van
Cleve, published in the American Pioneer, describes the social
conditions at Red Banks as they may have appeared to Jesse
when he arrived there :
July 8, 1794. Came to Red Banks. This place is a l-efuge, not for
the oppressed, but for all the horse thieves, rogues and outlaws that
have been able to effect their escape from justice in the neighboring
states. Neither law nor gospel has been able to reach here as yet. A
commission of the peace had been sent by Kentucky to one Mason ; and an
effort had been made by the Southwest Territory (Tennessee) to intro-
duce law, as it was unknown as yet to which it belonged; but the in-
habitants drove the persons away and insisted upon doing without. I
inquired how they managed to marry, aand was told that the parties
agreed to take each other for husband and wife before their friends.2^
This description is far from flattering, and it is evident
that the writer's knowledge of Red Banks' society did not in-
clude the whole population. The lawless element in such a
to that place, where they found a few families residing. But one house was yet
erected — the rest of the families lived in camps. In removing to this place, their
property being conveyed by water, except the stock, Isaac, then a boy about
nine or ten years of age, assisted in driving them. They at length arrived all in
safety, at the Red Banks, where even greater difficulties were undergone by
settlers, than had been endured by them at Vienna. Here, too, as at the former
place, they cultivated the soil in safety, only by means of sentinels. But these
only secured them from the attacks of red men. Greater fears were excited
among the quiet settlers, by the inhuman conduct of some white men, Kuykendall,
Ayers, Ashley, Howard, Cane, and the Masons, who seemed to delight more in
bloodshed and murder than in anything else. With such men as these they were
harrassed for some years, and no man's life was considered secure, who was so
unfortunate as to incur their displeasure."
Isaac Knight was captured by Indians across the river from Red Banks,
April 8, 1793. In the summer of 1795 he escaped and returned to Kentucky.
From Cincinnati he and a companion went down the Ohio in a boat. The nar-
rative continues as follows :
"After running some days, they landed at the mouth of Harden Creek.
Here Isaac met a young married woman, with whom he had gone to school
before he was taken by the Indians. They recognized each other, and she in-
formed him that his father and friends had removed from the Red Banks to
what was then, and is now called, Knight's Falls, on Green river. He was here
advised to land at the Yellow Banks, which he did. Now we find the weary,
anxious little prisoner within thirty miles of his father's dwelling.
From this place he started alone and afoot along a path some twelve miles
in length to the house of an old acquaintance, Mr. Martin Vernado, with whom
he had been often forted at Vienna, when but a child.
Next morning the kindness of Mr. Vernado and one of his sons impelled them
to accompany Isaac, in a canoe, down Green River, to his father's house."
28 Mr. Van Cleve gives Mason as the source of his information. This Mason
was probably the leader of the bandits who made Diamond Island near Red
Banks their principal haunt. They plundered boats and murdered passengers
and crews. See Cuming, A Tour in Thwaites Early Western Travels, IV, 267-8.
100 Indiana Magazine of History
community would naturally be much more conspicuous than
the quieter residents, and it would be only natural for a tran-
sient traveler to gain an unfavorable impression of the whole.
It is gratifying, however, to remember that Jesse's advent in
Red Banks at that time was not of his own volition. As is
shown by his statements in his pension application, he was on
his way to New Orleans after receiving his discharge from
the army at Cincinnati, becoming stranded at Red Banks
when the captain sold the boat on which he was traveling.
He must have been intending to take a ship at New Orleans
that would carry him back to his home in Connecticut, for
in commenting on the matter in his pension declaration, he
says, "And so I never got back to Connecticut, only on a visit."
Had the captain not become frightened, Jesse would doubtless
have continued on his way to New Orleans, and this sketch
would never have been written. During the ten years or more
that he lived in the vicinity of Red Banks law and order were
established. A county government was organized, and there
were added to the population men of high standing such as
the naturalist, Audubon, and Gen. Samuel Hopkins and his
associates in the Henderson land company.
The Roelofson family, including the families of the married
sons and daughters, must have formed a very appreciable
part of the early population of Red Banks. It is not known
just how long they remained there. We do know that on
April 8, 1793, while the family were living at Red Banks,
Lawrence's grandson, Isaac Knight, was captured by the In-
dians and carried far north of the Ohio. After two and one-
half years of captivity, he escaped and returned to Kentucky
in the fall of 1795, to find that his people had left Red Banks
and were then living at a station on Green river. This station
was known as Knight's Falls, and was probably established
by his father, John Knight. It was in the northeastern part
of the present county of Henderson, at or near Spottsville,
where Lock and Dam No. 1 on Green river were afterward
constructed. 30
We have no direct proof that Jesse Kimball moved to
Knight's Falls with the Roelofsons, although their change of
80 In returning to his parents, Isaac Knight traveled twelve miles by land,
going from Yellow Banks, now Owensboro, to the big bend in Green River and
eighteen miles down the river in a canoe to Knight's Falls.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 101
residence occurred at about the time that he allied himself
with them through his marriage to Elizabeth. There is valid
ground, however, for inferring that he did so, and that he re-
mained with them for a brief time.
His visit to Connecticut, of which he speaks in his pension
declaration, must also have been made at about this time, and
his wife, Elizabeth, and the eldest child, Polly, may have ac-
companied him. There is a vague family tradition to the effect
that Sarah, the second daughter, whose birth occurred March
5, 1796, was born in Connecticut. 31 The time would have been
propitious for such a trip, since the breaking of the power of
the Indians, through Wayne's victory in August, 1794, had
left the country comparatively quiet, and a woman could have
traveled in comparative safety. Such was very far from the
case when Jesse first arrived at Red Banks. His determina-
tion then to return to Connecticut by way of New Orleans
was doubtless due to the fact that the Indians were making
travel up the Ohio extremely hazardous. The trip to Con-
necticut must have been made soon after Wayne's victory, and
before the details of the campaign had become generally
known. This would explain the eagerness for information
that he says in his pension application was displayed all along
the line of his journey. He must have been one of the first to
carry the news.
It must have been shortly after his return from this visit
that Jesse made improvements on a tract of land in what
later became Hopkins county, Kentucky. Our knowledge of
his interest in this tract is derived from powers of attorney
that he and Lawrence Roelofson, Jr., executed in 1812 al-
lowing the sale of their preemption claims. 32 The rights of
each of these men had been acquired from the commissioners
of Logan county under authority of a law of Kentucky en-
acted in 1795, making provision for the sale of unoccupied
lands between the Green and Cumberland rivers. 33 So long as
Kentucky remained a part of Virginia, these lands had been
31 Family tradition supplied March 12, 1917, from Palmeto, Florida, by Enoch
Jones, only surviving son of Jesse Kimball's daughter, Sarah and by Major
George W. Kimball, her grandson.
33 Records County Court Clerk, Henderson, Kentucky. Deed Book C, pages
36-37.
33 Humphrey Marshall, History of Kentucky, II, 177-17S.
102 Indiana Magazine of History
reserved for holders of Virginia military warrants. The claims
of Jesse and Lawrence, Jr., must have been allowed between
1795 and March 1, 1797, the latter being the date when, by
the organization of Christian county, the territory in which
the lands were located ceased to be a part of Logan county.
The improvements on which these claims were based could
hardly have been made before Wayne's victory had relieved
the settlers in that Indian menaced region from the necessity
of living in or near stockades. Jesse and his companion doubt-
less erected cabins and grew crops on the new tract, at some
distance from the relatives at Knight's Falls.
Jesse must have been living near his wife's people at
Knight's Falls in 1799. In August of that year, the county
court at Henderson convened for its second meeting after
organization, and took up the matter of establishing public
highways. 34 An order was issued providing for a road from
Henderson to Green River, and Lawrence Roelofson's two
sons, his three sons-in-law, one of whom was Jesse Kimball,
his grandson and certain neighbors were ordered to assist in
the construction of the portion of the road between Lick
creek and Green river. They would naturally have been asked
to build the part of the road that was in the locality where
they lived. E. L. Starling says, concerning this work :
There were but two surveyors and twenty-eight whites and four or
five colored tithables to do the work required over the whole line of
twenty miles, a work which included clearing, grubbing, leveling, filling
and ditching thirty feet wide. From the list of men appointed to do this
work, the reader may form an. idea of the population of the country at
this time, remembering, of course, that many of those named lived fully
five, and some eight, miles from the line of the road.
Jesse Kimball and the Roelofsons probably continued liv-
ing at Knights' Falls through the year 1800, since it was in
July, 1800, that he and Lawrence Roelofson, Jr., witnessed the
signature of Adam Lawrence, Sr., to his will. The two sons
of Adam Lawrence were instructed in the above mentioned
road order to work upon the same section of road to which
Jesse and the Roelofsons had been assigned. All were evi-
84 E L. Starling, History of Henderson County, 55.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 103
dently neighbors. The Lawrence farm was about three miles
below Spottsville, on Green river. 35
In 1801, the sons and sons-in-law of Lawrence, Sr., ac-
quired lands near Highland creek, southwest of Red Banks,
and moved there, forming what was then called Roelofson's
Settlement. When, in 1843, a post office was established there,
the place took the name Smith Mills. The name was given in
honor of Col. Robert Smith, whose father, Thomas Smith, had
come to Red Banks with his family from western Pennsyl-
vania in 1796. Thomas Smith may have been a brother-in-
law of Lawrence Roelofson, Sr., who had married a Sarah
Smith. 36 The Smiths found the low lands about Red Banks
unhealthy, and removed to the higher land at Roelofson's set-
tlement. Colonel Robert was also a brother-in-law of Jesse,
having wedded one of Lawrence Roelofson's daughters, in
1803. 37 Colonel Robert erected a horse mill at Roelofson's
settlement at an early day, and it is probable that Jesse helped
build and operate it, since he was a skillful millwright, and is
known to have engaged in milling in Kentucky. There is
nothing to indicate that he ever owned a mill there himself.
A paragraph descriptive of Smith Mills, taken from E. L.
Starling History of Henderson County, pictures conditions as
Jesse must have found them when he went with the Roelof-
sons from Knight's Falls to the new settlement near Highland
creek.
It is a village located at the junction of the Henderson and Mor-
ganfield and the Henderson and Mt. Vernon roads. It is situated upon
high rolling land, and is one of the prettiest natural locations to be
found anywhere. The section of country comprising this voting pre-
cinct was originally as wild as the early pioneer could wish; and not
very many years anterior to its settlement, it was inhabited by bear,
wild cats, wolves, panthers, and endless numbers of deer and wild
turkeys. Bear were known in this part of the country as late as 1835.
In early times this precinct was known as Rowlanson's Settlement,
taking its name from that of William Rowlanson and several brothers,
who were probably the first settlers.
The little community, from a moral standpoint at least,
must have been a superior one. The Roelofsons were un-
35 Records County Court Clerk, Henderson, Ky. Will Book A, pages 5-6-7.
Deed Book "A", page 106.
36 Genealogy of the Rulison, Rulifson, Ruliffson Families, 171.
37 Starling, History of Henderson County, Kentucky, 672.
104 Indiana Magazine of History
doubtedly people of piety. We read in histories of religious
development in Kentucky, that Lawrence Rollison was one of
the young men licensed in 1802 by the Transylvania presbytery
to "exhort and catechize." 38 It was the revoking of this li-
cense of Lawrence Roelofson and others by the commission of
synod of Kentucky in 1805, that led to the formation of the
Cumberland Presbyterian church. 39 The Great Revival that
began its sweep over Kentucky in 1800, won numerous con-
verts in the western part of the state. There were not enough
regularly trained preachers to meet the needs of the growing
congregations, hence the appointment of untrained and prob-
ably scantily educated men such as Lawrence Roelofson, Jr.,
and his associates. Reverend James McGready, the leader of
the revival, spent his last days in Henderson county, minister-
ing to several congregations, one of which was at Roelofson's
settlement. 40
In spite of the stirring scenes amid which much of Jesse's
early life had been spent, he had always remained a farmer at
heart. He was never in a locality for any length of time with-
out acquiring a piece of land. The real estate records of
Henderson county show that on January 1, 1801, he received a
deed for 150 acres of land in that county, paying the sum of
$200 therefor. The land was located at the present Smith
Mills. Lawrence Roelofson obtained title to a portion of the
same tract of land on the same day. His name appears as one
of the witnesses to the signature of the deed to Jesse's land.
We have already mentioned the fact that Jesse and Lawrence,
Jr., each acquired preemption rights to 200 acres of land in
Hopkins county.
In 1807 Jesse sold his farm in Henderson county, together
with some live stock. The deed for the land was dated Janu-
ary 6, 1808. He fell into a dispute with Elias Turner, the
purchaser of the land ; and the records of the suits to which
the dispute led still exist in Henderson county. 41 From them
may be gathered much concerning the life of the time. The
" James Smith, History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, 593.
33 Rev. Robert Davidson, The History of the Presbyterian Church in Ken-
tucky, 239.
J. H. Spencer, History of Kentucky Baptist I., 527.
40 Smith, History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, 672.
"Records Circuit Court Clerk, Henderson, Kentucky. Case No. 1216, Jess©
Kimball vs. Elias Turner. Case No. 1238, Elias Turner va Jesse Kimball.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 105
suits involved sundry wild hogs bearing Jesse's "mark."
Turner asserted that the hogs he had bargained for with the
land in 1807 had been sold again to one Abner Lee, and that
he had been refused permission to hunt them. He asked dam-
ages. Abner Lee testified that he had bought only tame hogs,
from Kimball, and that Turner had said to him :
He would be glad if Kimball would hurry and get all his hogs away,
for, says he, Kimball has given me the privilege, after he gets all the
hogs away that can be collected of his, to take any of the wild hogs of his
that I can find, and I wish to turn out to hunting as I am informed that
Kimball has a large stock of hogs which had run away several years
before.
The arbitrators, appointed under authority of a Kentucky
law enacted in 1795, 42 awarded thirty dollars damages to
Turner on November 15, 1810, for "detention of his claims,"
but decided that "Kimball is not to be liable for anything that
happened to said wild hogs heretofore."
Removal to the Indiana Frontier
The following extract from Tartt History of Gibson
County, doubtless based on interviews with pioneers and their
descendants, relates to Jesse Kimball's residence in Kentucky,
and to his removal to Indiana :
Jesse Kimball, born in Connecticut, March 23, 1760, served in
the Revolutionary War, and about 1795, came down the Ohio River to
Red Banks, now Henderson, Kentucky, where he settled and soon after-
ward built a horse mill. He lived here and engaged in milling, farming
and trading with the Indians for several years. He had some difficulty
with the "Redskins," and one time, while he was out in a maple grove
making sugar, they came and burned his cabin and carried off every-
thing of value that suited their fancy. Becoming dissatisfied with his
location, he crossed the river and came north into Indiana Territory
and made a settlement in the southeast quarter of section 34, township
3 south, range 12 west. The date of his arrival is about the same as
that of Thomas Montgomery, in 1805. The spot which he selected for
his home was upon the site of an old Indian village, and his cabin stood
near a large perennial spring of pure cold water. About 1810, he built
and operated a water mill on Black River, a few hundred yards east of
his cabin. He subsequently constructed a horse mill which was in oper-
ation as late as 1840. He planted an apple orchard on his place which
^Humphrey Marshall, History of Kentucky, II, 175.
106 Indiana Magazine of History
was in bearing as early as 1812 or 1814. * * * He was very fleet
of foot, and frequently had foot races with the Indians. On one occasion,
in a trial of speed, he beat a chief running, which so disgusted the
Indian that he declared that he would not run again.
A resident of southern Indiana who is familiar with many-
details of Jesse's life, adds an interesting sequel to the above
mentioned race with the Indian chief. 44 He says that Jesse
had no sooner won the race than he realized that his victory
would probably cause him trouble in the future, since the
Indians had grown sullen and discontented and were murmur-
ing among themselves. With great sagacity and diplomacy,
he therefore announced that the race had been won unsatis-
factorily, and proposed that the chief run with him again.
When nearing the goal in the second race, Jesse purposely
stumbled and fell. The Indian was acclaimed the victor, good
humor returned to his followers, and a situation that might
have led to serious consequences was averted.
Considerable uncertainty exists as to the date when Jesse
established his residence in Indiana. We have just seen that
the Tartt history represents him as moving there about 1805.
The same history, in another place, gives 1804 or 1805 as the
date. It will be recalled that Jesse himself names ten years
as the length of his residence in Kentucky. This, if taken lit-
erally, would bring us to 1804.
Among the executive orders of William Henry Harrison,
Governor of Indiana Territory, we find one issued to Captain
William Hargrove, Commander of Rangers, directing him to
attend a meeting which would be held at Mr. Kimbles, who
lives on the site of the old Delaware town, eighteen or twenty
miles southwest of Mr. Severns. The meeting was for the pur-
pose of arranging for the protection of settlers going to the
salt works west of the Wabash river. 45 This order, dated
September 12, 1807, contains the earliest official mention of
Jesse's residence in southern Indiana, of which we have any
knowledge.
A great-great-grand daughter 46 of Jesse living on the old
Kimball farm states that he moved his family there March
M Told the writer by Rev. D. B. Montgomery, Owensville, Ind., author of a
Genealogy of the Montgomery Family. G. W. B.
45 W. M. Cockrum, Pioneer History of Indiana. 216
48 Mrs. Graoe Rogers
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 107
11, 1808, and planted his corn in June. This statement finds
some support in the testimony of Abner Lee, a witness in the
suit brought by Elias Turner,
that in the fall of the year 1808, Kimball employed this deponent to
collect all of the said Kimball's hogs that he possibly could collect, and
that when collected to drive the said hogs to the said Kimball's present
residence in Knox county, Territory of Indiana.
The apparent conflict in the dates given for Jesse's re-
moval from Kentucky to Indiana, ranging as they do from
1804 to 1808, may be due to the differing view points of the
persons whose statements are under consideration. His re-
moval to the home on Black river had evidently been planned
long and carefully. It is clear that he had explored the region
north of the Ohio very thoroughly, and that his attention had
been attracted to the site on Black river long before he moved
his family there, probably even before 1804, the year when
southern Indiana was opened to settlers. An old hunter told
him of the location, 47 an exceptionally desirable one owing
to the fact that on it was an ever-flowing spring of pure
cold water. The Delaware Indians had made it the site of one
of their towns, doubtless on account of the spring, and many
interesting Indian relics have been collected in that vicinity.
It is practically certain that it was from the Indian village on
this site that Mrs. Talbot and her little son were rescued by
discharged U. S. soldiers from Vincennes, in the year 1793. 48
Jesse probably erected a temporary dwelling on the newly
selected land before he transferred his family there ; and this
habitation was presumably the place referred to by Governor
Harrison as "Mr. Kimbles."
Jesse did not sever his connection with Henderson county
completely, even after he transferred his family to Indiana,
but passed back and forth at frequent intervals. Elias Turner,
in an affidavit made in Henderson, January 1, 1810, states that
"the defendant Kimball is itinerant here only, and he believes
will shortly depart this commonwealth." Jesse was there as
late as 1812, when he executed the power of attorney for dis-
posing of the Hopkins county claim.
47 Told by Rev. D. B. Montgomery.
48 Cockrum, Pioneer History of Indiana, chapter V.
108 Indiana Magazine of History
An oft-quoted tradition to the effect that Jesse moved
from Henderson county, because of trouble with the Indians
lacks credibility, since in crossing into Indiana, he was cer-
tainly going into a region far more seriously menaced by
Indians than western Kentucky was at that time. It is true
that the Indians burned his house in Henderson county. They
came while the family was away from home, and the fire
was proved to have been their work when, shortly after the
destruction of his home, Jesse saw an Indian wearing a shawl
that had been one of the prized possessions of his wife. 49 It
had been taken in the general looting of the house that pre-
ceded its destruction. It is said that he had incurred the
enmity of certain Indians by refusing to give them whiskey
on some occasion when they demanded it. The burning of
his home may have been because of this refusal. The millers of
those days were accustomed to operate stills in connection
with their grist mills, 50 as in that way any surplus grain
could be converted into a product that could be conveyed a
great distance with comparative ease. The nearest market for
their produce was New Orleans, and the product of the stills
was less bulky to transport and less liable to damage from
weather than the grain itself. The Indians undoubtedly knew
that he made "fire water," and his unwillingness or inability
to furnish it upon demand would very naturally have aroused
their resentment. It is probable, however, that his removal
from Kentucky to Indiana was due to the appeal to him of
the latter place as a farming region, and not to his fear of the
Indians in Kentucky.
An additional extract from Tartt, History of Gibson
County shows some of the conditions under which Jesse and
his associates lived :
These pioneer settlers experienced a great many hardships in lo-
cating in a wilderness, far distant from civilization, surrounded by wild
beasts and the fiercer red men, and it was only the bravest and most
49 Sketch of Jesse Kimball written by his grandson, Elisha Jones.
M John C. Leffel, History of Posey County, Indiana.
Robinson's Township — Charles Kimball obtained permission from the County
Commissioners to build a mill at the bridge where the Evansville and New Har-
mony road crosses Big Creek * * * These mills had a capacity of from 15
to 25 bushels a day. The miller was compelled to carry on some other kind of
business in connection with his mill to support his family. In many cases dis-
tilleries were run in connection with them.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 109
stalwart men that undertook the task. They lived mostly on the wild
meats of the forest, cultivating at first only small patches of Indian
corn, which was tended with rifle in hand. Old Red Banks or Hender-
son, Kentucky, was the nearest point at which they could get the corn
ground, and then with a horse-mill, waiting sometimes two or three
days for their turn at the mill. A trip was usually made about once a
year to the Saline wells in Southern Illinois, a distance of about seventy
miles, for a supply of salt, for which they paid $2.50 per bushel, and
carried it home on horseback. There was always a fear of the savages,
and the pioneer was always prepared for an attack. They were, how-
ever, very fortunate in not being disturbed.
Colonel Cockrum, in his Pioneer History of Indiana, gives
the following details of Jesse's early life in Indiana :
In 1810, Jesse Kimball built a flutter-wheel water mill on Black
River about six miles south of Owensville, Indiana, and ground corn
for himself and few neighbors for several years. Mr. Kimball came to
that neighborhood in 1804 from the Red Banks, now Henderson, Ken-
tucky, and took the burrs with him from Henderson with a horse in
the shafts and a pole through the stones for an axle.
A cane made from a mud sill of the above-mentioned mill,
now in the possession of one of Jesse's descendants in south-
ern Indiana, shows that the sill was black walnut. That
valuable wood was common in Indiana in pioneer days.
In moving his family from Henderson county to the new
home north of the Ohio, Jesse was fortunate in not being
obliged to hew his way through pathless forest. An old
Indian trail led from Red Banks to Vincennes, passing with-
in a few miles of Jesse's home. It was known as the Red
Banks trail, and could be traversed by vehicles. It was pa-
trolled for some time in order to protect the immigrants from
the Indians. 51 Without doubt it was over this trail that Jesse
traveled in his unique vehicle with mill-stones for wheels and
a pole through them for an axle.
Later Life in Indiana
The statement in Jesse's pension application, made in 1847,
that he had then lived in Gibson county about thirty-eight
years, is clearly one of the approximations characteristic of
■» George R. Wilson, Early Indiana Trails and Surveys, 392-295 ; Indiana
Hstorical Society Publications, Vol. 6, No. 3.
110 Indiana Magazine of History
his later years. At the time of making the application, we
know that he had made his home in Gibson county certainly
forty years and probably longer.
During these forty years he must have gained a reputation
for good judgment and common sense, since the Tartt history
records that in 1813 he was appointed one of the three ap-
praisers for the first estate probated in the Gibson county
court. He must also have enjoyed the good will and esteem
of his neighbors as well, for while he occupied his Black river
farm as early as 1807, he obtained no patent to the land until
1818. That he could retain possession of a farm for eleven
years by merely living on it, in the days when claim-jumping
and murderous fights over land were not uncommon, is an
indication of the regard in which he was held in the commun-
ity. A local historian who knew him said :
He would have been a bold man indeed who would have dared to
interfere with the land ownership of one so respected and beloved as
Jesse Kimball was.52
The records of Posey county show that in May, 1819, he
was appointed guardian of his grandsons, John and Charles J.
Kimball, sons of Jesse W. and Sarah Kimball, their father
having died. 53 Charles J. reached the age of sixteen in the
year 1831. In 1832 the court granted him the right to choose
his own guardian and he chose Jesse. Jesse probably con-
tinued in this relation until Charles was twenty-one years of
age.
John L. Grimes, an attorney-at-law in Evansville, Indiana,
who submitted Jesse's pension application to Washington in
1847, stated in his letter to the war department that when
he asked Jesse to whom he could refer for information con-
cerning his honesty and veracity, the answer came promptly
and proudly, "Anyone within fifty miles, who knows me."
Accompanying his pension application were affidavits from
three of his old friends and neighbors who were glad to testify
to his character. These men were the Reverend Joseph Was-
son, John Sharp and William Sharp, Sr. They stated that they
had been acquainted with him from twenty to forty years.
B Told by Rev. D. B. Montgomery.
■ See note 5.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 111
In his old age, Jesse was frequently furnished a carriage
or hack in which to ride in Fourth of July processions or on
other patriotic occasions, owing to his being a Revolutionary
war veteran. 54 Persons now living remember seeing Jesse
and other aged veterans riding in a carriage which, as a
mark of special honor, was drawn by men instead of horses.
The later years of his life seem to have been quiet and un-
eventful, spent on his farm and in his mill, and offering a de-
cided contrast to his earlier life. He had done his part, slight
though it was, in freeing his country from the domination of
the British; he had helped to subdue the fierce Indian tribes;
and his sturdy manhood must have contributed appreciably to
the betterment of each of the pioneer communities in which
he found himself. That he possessed ability, energy, initiative
and foresight is clear when we remember that in addition to
setting up one of the earliest mills in Gibson county, he is
said to have built the first frame house and burned the first
brick kiln. 55 The following quotation from a letter written by
his granddaughter, Mrs. Harris, attests his mechanical ingen-
uity:
I remember a man calling him a Yankee. Grandpa had been re-
pairing his carriage. He made the springs so there was a rocking mo-
tion instead of the ordinary springing motion. The man laughingly said,
"My! these Yankees are a contriving race."
As age with increasing feebleness and blindness came upon
him, we can imagine the comfort that he derived from the
devotion of the sons and daughters who married and made
their homes near the old home place. His faithful wife, Eliza-
beth, died in 1843 ; and after her death, his daughters, Sarah
Kimball Jones and Cynthia Kimball Knowles, were especially
64 From letter by Major George W. Kimball, Mt. Vernon, Indiana, March 10,
1920.
* * * It was in 1856 on the 4th of July when I witnessed at a public
gathering (a Celebration) in one of the villages, either in or near Cynthiana,
Posey Co., Indiana, seated in an open vehicle, two Revolutionary soldiers. One
was Jesse Kimball, leaning upon a staff ; the other Revolutionary soldier was
said to be a man by the name of Wiley of whom I know nothing, but the inci-
dent, which includes quite a number of men in the scene, drawing these old sol-
diers with a rope attached to the vehicle amid a good deal of patriotic pride
and enthusiasm.
From letter by John M. Grimes, attorney, Evansville, Indiana, August 2, 1847.
Also see note 19.
« See note 49.
112 Indiana Magazine of History
devoted to him. He died November 18, 1857, aged about
ninety-seven years, and was buried beside his wife in the
family graveyard on the farm. The grave of each is marked
by a sandstone slab bearing some simple carving the work of
a member of the family. 56
The old "burying ground" cannot but make a strong appeal
to Jesse's descendants. In it lie generation after generation
of Kimballs. Jesse's father and mother rest there, together
with his sisters, Margaret, Amy and Thankful, and his
nephew and son-in-law, Jesse W., although none of these graves
can be located. 57 The old farm also awakens a deep senti-
mental interest. It is still in the possession of one of his
descendants. Seven generations of Kimballs have quenched
their thirst at the old spring.
Before his death, Jesse transferred the farm to his son,
Isaac. The transfer was made in three different transactions,
each involving one-third of the land, in 1849, 1851 and 1852
respectively. Jesse was then past ninety years of age. Blind-
ness had even then come upon him, and the last two of the
deeds were signed by a mark as he could no longer see to affix
his signature. The distribution of the small amount of per-
sonal property remaining after his death was made by the
court February 8, 1859. 58
The influences that led Jesse's father and mother to leave
their old New England home and follow their son to the
new location in the west were typical of the pioneer period.
The move, both of the parents and of the brother, Isaac, and
his sons, must have been a result of the visit Jesse made to
M Inscriptions in Kimball family burying ground near the old home on Black
river, Gibson county, Indiana.
Sacred to the memory of Jesse Kimball who departed this life November 13th,
1857, aged 97 years, 8 months.
Sacred to the memory of Elizabeth Kimball, consort of Jesse Kimball, Senr.,
who departed this life december 4th 1843 aged 70 years. She was a believer in
the Christian religion, and died in the tryumph of faith.
An old foot stone leaning against a fence and inscribed J. W. K. probably
once marked the grave of Jesse W. Kimball. G. W. B.
57 Extract from Sarah J. Carter's letter :
Sarah J. Carter, of Cynthiana, Posey Co., Indiana, daughter of Jesse Kim-
ball's youngest daughter, Mahala, writes Aug. 4, 1920: "Yes, I have heard one
of the ancestors spoken of as old Aunt Thankful ; also an old maid sister named
Peggy lived and died at Jesse's home and was buried in the family cemetery. I
remember hearing the older ones of the family speak of Aunt Thankful."
08 Probate Order Book No. 2, Page 19, Princeton, Gibson county, Ind.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 113
Connecticut after establishing himself in Kentucky. He makes
a mere incidental reference to this visit in his pension paper,
and we know nothing more about it, but it must have been one
of the most far-reaching events of his life. We can imagine
the stories that he told before the hearths of the settlers along
the way from Kentucky to Connecticut. With the personal
knowledge of recent Indian movements that he then possessed,
and fresh from that earthly paradise, Kentucky, as he was,
what wonder that he was entertained throughout his journey
with no thought of pay. Visitors from the Ohio country were
rare indeed in New England then, and to the New Englanders
who were wresting their meagre livelihood from its stony bar-
ren soil, the tales that Jesse told of the lavish gifts nature had
poured upon the region along "La belle riviere," as the French
called the Ohio, must have been alluring indeed. No one can
know how many families eventually made their way westward
through the interest aroused by this one man. It was just
such influences that drew settlers from one region to another
in those days.
In appearance, Jesse was short, stocky, fair-skinned, and
possibly red-haired as his father is said to have been. In ac-
cordance with the custom of the time, he wore his locks long,
tying them on week days with a leather thong, and on Sun-
days with a black ribbon. He was a Whig and a staunch
Methodist. He possessed a genial disposition, a keen sense
of humor, and a decided gift for whimsical narrative. He was
a true and a helpful friend to those who, like himself, were
striving to gain a foothold in the wilderness. Stories are still
current in southern Indiana illustrating this rare trait in his
character. 59
69 From letter of David B. Montgomery, Owensville, August 24, 1921:
"By 1808, the Samuel Barr family, formerly from Ireland, emigrated from
North Carolina through Tennessee and Kentucky, and crossed the Ohio at Red
Banks their destination being the Black River country. They were delayed on
account of heavy rains on the Bluffs of Big Creek about one mile southeast of
Cynthiana. The Flatts on this side of the creek were covered with water deep
enough to swim a horse. When Jesse Kimball learned that the Barrs were held
up by the high water he started to meet them and invite them to become his
neighbors. He rode his horse as far as he could in the water without swimming.
Then he climbed upon a high stump and called to the Barrs telling them that as
soon as the water was low enough he would be there with a team to help them
across the flat, saying, 'I have a fine quarter section selected for you.' He ful-
filled his promise and he and the Barrs remained close friends as long as they
lived."
114 Indiana Magazine of History
He was not of the hunter-trapper-explorer type of pioneer
to which Daniel Boone belonged — one of those roving spirits
attracted irresistibly by the wilderness with its freedom and
its adventure. He belonged to a class of different mold, the
class that made the great untamed west an abode of home-
builders. Fate seemed to mark him as fitted for this special
task. More than once he was spared experiences that might
have ended his career. He was discharged from the garrison
at New London but a short time before the Arnold raid, when
nearly everyone at Fort Griswold was massacred; he missed
accompanying the disastrous St Clair campaign by only a
few days; he received his discharge from the Indian war
only a short time before the decisive battle of Fallen Timbers.
Furthermore, by the fact that a river captain became afraid
to go any farther, he missed returning to New England after
his term of military service in the west had expired, remain-
ing to aid in establishing the empire beyond the mountains.
The years that Jesse devoted to military service brought
him no reward in the form of pension or of land bounty. The
failure to obtain a pension caused him no concern, however, as
he had ample means to sustain him. He doubtless made the
application at the solicitation of a lawyer. His claim was
rejected because his three months of Revolutionary service did
not satisfy the requirement of the law of that day which de-
manded at least six months. The three years he spent in the
Indian wars did not entitle him to a pension. The statement
made in the letters of his nephew, Isaac, to the effect that
he had bounty land in Kentucky is an error. The property he
owned, both in New York and in Kentucky, was bought from
private owners. His preemption right in Kentucky was paid
for at a price fixed by the state. His farm in Indiana was
purchased in 1818, at the United States government price, as
is shown by his old land patent which is still treasured by one
of his descendants. 60 Neither his grave nor that of his father
has ever been marked officially, although certain patriotic or-
ganizations make a point of placing memorial tablets on the
final resting places of Revolutionary soldiers. Jesse has simply
been one of the pioneer heroes who have failed of due recog-
80 The old land grant is in the possession of Miss Myrtle Knowles of Peters-
burg, Ind.
Beattie: Jesse Kimball, Pioneer 115
nition, and who will obtain it only when their descendants
gather the scattered bits of their life history together and
make them known.
This sketch would be incomplete without the record of
Jesse Kimball's children. The information is taken from his
family Bible and from the public records of Knox, Posey and
Gibson counties in Indiana. It is as follows :
Mary (Polly), born October 25, 1794; married March 5, 1822, to
James Gates.
Sarah (Sally), born March 5, 1796; married November 25, 1811, to
Jesse W. Kimball; married October 7, 1819 to Hullum Jones.
Elisha, born March 6, 1798; married June 21, 1821, to Mary (Polly)
Boyle.
Amy, born February 3, 1799; died young.
Marget, born February 7, 1800; died young.
Esther, born October 15, 1802; married March 18, 1819, to Samuel
Miller.
Isaac, born April 19, 1804; married November 10, 1825, to Phyllis
Low.
Enoch, born May 15, 1806; married September 18, 1828, to Sarah
(Sally) Boyle.
Cynthia, born April 1, 1809; married October 20, 1825, to Ephraim
Knowles.
Mahalah, born March 3, 1812; married February 22, 1832, to
William L. Burton; married in 1847 to Andrew Baird.
116 Indiana Magazine of History
Historical News
By The Indiana Historical Commission
The third annual history conference, under the auspices
of the society of Indiana Pioneers, the Indiana Historical so-
ciety, and the Historical commission, was held on December
9th and 10th, 1921, in the Claypool hotel. This conference
on Indiana history which is rapidly taking on the nature of a
clearing house for state history, was attended this year by
more than two hundred people — the actual registration showed
one hundred and seventy. Forty-six counties in the state were
represented. From the standpoint of interest and attendance,
the conference was by far the most successful of the three
that have been held.
The Friday afternoon program was given over chiefly to
a discussion of county centennial plans. Those participating
in the discussion included Prof. Harlow Lindley, Lucy M.
Elliott, Herriott C. Palmer, Mrs. H. C. Robinson, Clarence H.
Smith, Miles S. Cox and Eliza G. Browning.
At the Friday evening session ex-Governor Samuel M. Rals-
ton read an interesting paper on Jonathan Jennings, the First
Governor of Indiana.
At the Saturday forenoon session, the following papers
were read: The Local Library — A Center for Historical Ma-
terial, by William J. Hamilton, secretary Indiana Public Li-
brary commission; Kinds of Material to be Preserved for
Historical Purposes, by Esther U. McNitt; The Value and Im-
portance of Historical Markers, by Colonel Robert L. Moor-
head, and The Writing of Family Histories, by Edgar T.
Forsyth.
At the Saturday afternoon session the following papers
were read: Indiana's Part in General Butler's Expedition to
New Orleans, by Rufus Dooley, Rockville; Local Pioneer His-
tory as Seen Through Local Pioneer Laws, by George R. Wil-
son; The Possibilities of Historical Pilgrimages: (1) The So-
ciety of Indiana Pioneers, by Amos W. Butler; (2) Local Or-
ganizations, by Ben F. Stuart, Burnetts Creek, and Creole
Customs in Old Vincennes, by Miss Anna C. O'Flynn, Vin-
cennes. 7
Historical News 117
The annual dinner of the society of Indiana Pioneers was
held on Saturday evening. A talk on Some Old-Fashioned In-
diana Writers, by Mrs. Demarchus C. Brown, and the singing
of the songs of days long gone, were the chief features of the
pioneer dinner program.
A committee was appointed to arrange for the Fourth an-
nual conference on December 10th and 11th, 1922. These
annual conferences on Indiana history are becoming a feature
in promoting a keener interest in our state's history. They
bring together the four leading organizations in Indiana that
are primarily interested in state history, namely, society of
Indiana Pioneers, Indiana historical society, Indiana histori-
cal commission, and the history teachers section of the In-
diana State Teacher's association.
The Henry County historical society has the distinction of
being the first local historical society in the state to take ad-
vantage of the special act approved March 10, 1921, enabling
the board of county commissioners to employ a curator to look
after the work of the local historical society. Clarence H.
Smith of Newcastle has been named as its curator. Mr. Smith
has entered upon his work and is devoting his time now to
classifying the collection of books, papers and relics that are
in the possession of the society.
The growing interest on the part of the reading public in
Indiana history is strikingly illustrated by the space now devot-
ed to this subject by the leading newspapers of the state. For
several months, Kate Milner Rabb, through her daily column
in the Indianapolis Star under the caption, The Hoosier Listen-
ing Post has done much toward arousing a greater interest in
the study of pioneer history, and in the preservation of old time
songs, stories and historical incidents that meant so much in
the early life of the state. Down in the southwestern part of
the state, the weekly appearance of the Pocket Periscope in
the Evansville Courier, edited by Thomas James de la Hunt,
has enlisted a large school of historical students and readers
in the study of southern Indiana and. Ohio river history. Up
in the northeastern part of the state, frequent articles contri-
buted by B. J. Griswold of Fort Wayne, in the Fort Wayne
Journal-Gazette, find a large number of readers. The most
118 Indiana Magazine of History
recent contributor in the school of historical news writers, is
George S. Cottman. Since early in November, 1921, Mr. Cott-
man has been contributing weekly articles to the Indianapolis
Neirs under the caption Bits from Indiana History. No person
in the state is better qualified to ferret out and relate early his-
torical incidents.
The annual election of the Allen County historical society,
held November 6, 1921, resulted in the election of Bert J. Gris-
wold as president; Ross L. Lockridge, vice-president; Mrs. J.
B. Crankshaw, secretary and treasurer. Page W. Yarnelle,
Mrs. A. J. Detzer, Dr. Charles R. Dryer, and Jacob M. Stouder
were elected to membership on the board of directors. At the
annual meeting a program consisting of historical papers and
readings was given as follows : Happy Kekiongo, Mrs. Arthur
Twining; The French and British Struggle, Luther Meyer;
Fort Wayne and the Revolution, Mrs. H. A. Thomas; Little
Turtle, Robert P. Cordiner ; Mad Anthony Wayne, J. H. Chap-
pel, and The Wabash-Erie Canal, G. H. Russell.
The history of Hancock county in the World war, com-
piled by George J. Richman of Greenfield, together with a man-
uscript history of Clinton county in the World war, have re-
cently been filed with the collection of State war records now
being compiled by the Indiana historical commission. The
Hancock county history is the first war history to be pub-
lished under the provisions of an act passed during the 1921
session of the state legislature.
A paper on the railroad wreck of October 31, 1864, by
Alva O. Reser, of Lafayette, was recently prepared and filed
in the Indiana State library. This disaster, the worst of its
kind that had occurred in the railroad history of the United
States up to that date, attracted nation wide attention, due to
the fact that the train was carrying Union soldiers from Iowa
and Illinois, who were going home on a furlough, many of
them to vote in the elections of 1864. Thirty men were killed
outright. The wreck occurred about eight miles east of La-
fayette.
The oldest church in Orange county and perhaps the oldest building
in the county, a landmark cherished through the passing century, will
soon take its place in the records of the past, as this historic edifice,
Historical Neivs 119
formerly the property of the Society of Friends, and known as the Lick
creek meeting house, has been sold and is now being torn down.
This house of worship, the first Protestant church in this part of
the country, was built early in 1813. In the latter part of the year 1812,
a group of Quaker pioneers came here from North Carolina. Legends
have been handed down telling of the devotion of these settlers to their
religious beliefs, and recording that the log meeting house was com-
pleted before any of the homes were erected. The Friends lived in their
"schooners" or in rude shelters until the church building was com-
pleted. * * *
The history of the church is inseparably entwined with the history
of the county. It was this group of settlers who came from Orange
county, Carolina, who gave to the county its name. Also, to one of the
leaders of these Quaker pioneers, Jonathan Lindley, who was appointed
first county agent, belongs the honor of laying out and naming the county
seat, Paoli. This was done in 1816.
A number of widely known women preachers among the Quakers
of early days came from this congregation. Among them was Amy
Moore, who was known throughout southern Indiana for her missionary
zeal. Another woman, praised for her evangelistic work in early times,
was Eleanor Chambers, who grew up in this church and began her work
here.
Famous underground stations during Civil war days also were
found in this community, and many fugutive slaves found their way in
safety to the north through the efforts of the Lick creek Quakers.
— Indianapolis News, January 20, 1922.
November 12, 1921, the Orange County historical society-
was organized in Paoli. The following officers were elected:
Alfred W. Bruner, Paoli, president; L. C. Ralston, Orleans,
vice-president; Anna Maris, Paoli, secretary, and Will Cave,
French Lick, treasurer. The first regular meeting of the so-
ciety was held in the courthouse, Paoli, November 19, at which
meeting a constitution was adopted, and forty-four charter
members were voted into the society. Papers and talks were
given by Miss Jennie Throop, Miss Mary Shirley, Senator
Oscar Ratts, Wilbur Brooks, J. A. McCoy, Aaron Maris, Miss
Ferguson and Jesse M. Trinkle on various subjects pertaining
to Orange county's history. The next regular meeting of the
society was held February 2, 1922, the 106th anniversary of
the organization of Orange county. To the credit of Orange
county it is the first of the county historical societies to ob-
serve the clause in their constitution which provides for filing
duplicates of all papers read at their regular meetings with
120 Indiana Magazine of History
the Indiana historical commission. Already the historical com-
mission has received a copy of two valuable papers read at the
February meeting. The first of these is by the president, Al-
fred W. Bruner, on Early Trails and Indian Treaties, while
the second is by Jesse Trinkle, entitled A Brief History of
Public Buildings of Orange County, as shown by the records of
the Board of County Commissioners of Orange County, 1816-
1916. If the other local societies in the state would follow the
precedent set by the Orange county society, there can be col-
lected in one central place, — the Indiana state library, — a
priceless collection of papers on local history such as has never
yet been assembled in the state.
The Washington County historical society seems to be show-
ing greater signs of activity than any other local society in
the state. Under the leadership of Mrs. Harvey Morris, its
president, the society has been reorganized under the town-
ship plan, a chairman being selected for each township. As an
indication of the success of this plan, P. H. Gill, chairman of
Polk township, reported at the November and December meet-
ings of the society, one hundred and six new members to-
gether with a collection of numerous and valuable old relics.
Other townships were represented at the December meeting
by the different chairmen of each and reported many new ac-
cessions to the society, as well as many contributions to its
museum. This society has its home in the courthouse at Salem,
and has already in its collection many articles of historical
value.
In the organization of the Randolph County historical so-
ciety much credit will have to be given to 0. H. Greist, super-
intendent of schools of that county. At the Randolph county
teachers institute held on Saturday, November 5, a representa-
tive of the Indiana historical commission was present and
urged the organization of a local society in Randolph county.
As a result of the appeal, a permanent organization was
formed with Philip Kabel as president; 0. H. Greist, vice-
president; and Judge A. L. Bales, secretary and treasurer.
Plans for a further organization will be perfected by Mr. Kabel
which means success for the work of this society in the future.
Historical News 121
Many important events have taken place in the old capitol
building at Corydon since its erection in 1811. On Saturday,
Nov. 19, in response to a call sent out by the newspapers,
a representative number of people gathered beneath the roof
of the old state house for the purpose of organizing a local
historical society. Lucy M. Elliott, representing the Indiana
historical commission, was present and urged the necessity
of such an organization in Harrison county. An organiza-
tion was perfected with 55 charter members and the following
officers were elected for the year 1922: Miss Jennie Griffin,
president; Lew M. O'Bannon, vice president; Thomas J. Wil-
son, secretary; and George Reuter, treasurer. A program
committee was appointed to outline plans for the work of the
society during the year 1922.
To Jasper county belongs the credit of organizing the first
local historical society in Indiana in 1922. January 10 a
meeting was held at the home of Mrs. John I. Gwin, of
Rensselaer. A representative of the historical commission
had been invited to be present and explain the necessity of
such an organization, and the plans of the state for cooperation
with local societies. The following officers were elected : C. R.
Dean, city superintendent of schools, president; Mrs. Charles
W. Hanley, vice president; L. H. Hamilton, secretary; and
Mrs. Mary E. Drake, treasurer. Various other committees
were appointed, and plans made for the compilation of the
Jasper county war history.
The month of December, 1921, recorded the organization
of the Crawford county historical society at English. The
following persons were elected to office: H. H. Pleasant, presi-
dent; Arthur H. Flanigan, vice president; Miss Lou Thorn-
bury, secretary and treasurer. Mr. Pleasant is county super-
intendent of schools, and is writing a history of Crawford
county that will soon be published in book form. This history
will contain also a history of the World war activities in
Crawford county. One of the immediate projects of the so-
ciety, is the purchase of five acres of ground near English,
on which is located the monument in honor of William H.
English, for a city park. With two such undertakings in
122 Indiana Magazine of History
mind, it can be safely said that Crawford county has work
ahead of it.
November 19, 1921, a committee composed of members of
the Indiana historical society, called a meeting and organized
a Carroll county historical society. John C. Odell, local his-
torian, was chosen chairman. The first regular meeting of
the society was held on Saturday, December 31, 1921, at the
public library in Delphi. A representative of the historical
commission was present and outlined the plans of the state
for the year 1922. According to the constitution of the so-
ciety, the annual election of officers takes place on December
31, and the following officers were elected : William C. Smith,
president; John C. Odell, vice president; Mrs. Charles Buckley,
secretary and treasurer; directors, Ben F. Stuart, Mrs. W. A.
Breining, Mrs. Henry Wilson, William Gros, and Mrs. Thad-
deus Guthrie; committee on township history, Mrs. Charles
Buckley, Mrs. N. W. Bowen and Ben F. Stuart; committee on
membership, Mrs. W. H. Robinson, Mrs. Mae Sibbitt and Mrs.
Harry Arnold. The second regular meeting of the society
was held January 21. The following program consisting of
ten minute talks was given : The Beginning of Commercialism
in Carroll County, Ben F. Stuart ; The Best Way to Obtain the
Early History of Carroll County, Charles Buckley ; Who Were
the Most Noted Pioneer Men and Women of Carroll County,
M. Sterling and John C. Odell; The Indian Reservations in
Carroll County, Date of Grant and Location, Amount of Land,
and Their Passing of Title with Consent of Government, Harry
Arnold.
Armistice day, November 11, 1921, was generally cele-
brated throughout the state of Indiana by programs, patriotic
and social in nature. No more beautiful or appropriate
program was given in the state than the celebration of this
event in Evansville. The program consisted first of a parade
in which marched the soldiers of three wars, the Service Star
legion, Labor Union members, civic organizations, and repre-
sentatives of every walk of life, the number of marchers esti-
mated from 5,000 to 7,000 ; and a pageant immediately follow-
ing the parade given in the Coliseum. Mrs. Albion Fellows
Bacon was the author of the pageant, and Mrs. E. A. Torrance,
Historical News 123
the director. The subject of the pageant was Disarmament,
and was written for the express purpose of showing t he
horrors of war and the blessings of peace. The theme of the
first act was war, accompanied by the attending spirits of
death and famine; and the theme of the second act peace,
enthroned on the earth surrounded by smiling nations and
happy flower-laden children. The concluding song, Peace to
the Nations, emphasized the central theme of the pageant,
Disarmament of Nations to insure permanent peace. It was
an all Evansville pageant and reflected great credit upon its
author and those supporting her in its production. The crowd
seeing the pageant and parade was estimated at fifteen
thousand.
When driving "Ade-Way" in Newton county, do not forget
to stop at the sign of the "Open Door Museum and Home of
the Round Table Club" located at Goodland, Indiana; and
while visiting this museum do not miss hearing the story of
its founding from the lips of the man who has spent thirty-six
years in its up-building for the benefit of the boys and girls
of Goodland. A. D. Babcock, sole founder and owner, will
tell you that several years ago he came to the conclusion that
"one could amuse himself at home." Selecting as his source
of amusement the gradual development of an historical collec-
tion of articles of rare value, he today can boast of having
the best collection of historicl relics in northwestern Indiana.
Mr. Babcock does not confine his efforts to Indiana alone, but
has in this collection relics of historical value from Africa,
Asia and Europe. Already the museum building is too small.
Plans are under way for its enlargement, after which he hopes
to invite all of the noted orators of the United States to speak
before the Round Table Club and in this way put Goodland, as
he says, on the map as a cultural center. Should this project
reach the proportions outlined by Mr. Babcock, Newton county
will be noted for two national attractions, George Ade, the
humorist, and the "Open Door Museum" of Goodland. . Mr.
Babcock is also the author of a volume of verse, "The Silver
Oar."
Indiana
magazine of history
VOL. XVIII JUNE, 1922 NO. 2
Crawford County
By H. H. Pleasant, A. M.
Crawford county, one of the smallest and poorest counties
of Indiana, lies nestled among the hills of southern Indiana.
The territory out of which the county was formed originally
belonged to Harrison, Orange and Perry. The General As-
sembly of Indiana enacted a law during the session of 1817-
1818 which provided for the new county. Governor Jonathan
Jennings signed the bill on January 29, 1818. Much credit
is due Senator Dennis Pennington of Harrison county, who
introduced several petitions sent to him by Martin H. Tucker
and other citizens praying for the formation of a new county.
The bill was introduced January 1, 1818 and passed January
5, 1818.1
The boundaries of the county were not definitely estab-
lished until 1831, since when it has had the following: Begin-
ning at Big Blue river and following the river with its mean-
dering until it reaches the line dividing section 26 from sec-
tion 27 in township three south, range two east, thence north
along that line till it intersects the river, thence following the
river to the Washington county line, thence west to the Orange
county line, thence south two miles, thence west twenty miles,
thence south nine miles, thence east six miles, thence south
four miles, thence east six miles, thence south to the Ohio
river, thence following the river and its meanderings to the
mouth of Big Blue river. 2
1 Senate Journal 1817-181S, pages 74, 81, 84, 88, 90 and 196.
2 Laivs of 1837, 239. This boundary was fixed by law February 10 1831.
126 Indiana Magazine of History
On different occasions citizens of Perry and Harrison
counties petitioned the General Assembly to be allowed to
unite certain parts of these counties to Crawford, but most
of the petitions have been rejected. 3
Crawford county was named in honor of William H.
Crawford of Georgia, cabinet officer and politician, who was
a candidate for the presidency in 1824. The county contains
about 300 square miles. When it was organized in 1818 the
land was heavily forested. There were not much more than
two acres of swamp land in the whole county. The uplands
were covered with oak, hickory, gum, beech, poplar and wal-
nut while the creek bottoms were covered with sugar, elm,
and sycamore. As a hunting ground the county was not sur-
passed by any in the state, while the streams of Big Blue,
Little Blue, Turkey Fork, and West Fork were the very best
for fishing. The White Sulphur well at Sulphur, Indiana, is
unsurpassed by any spring of mineral water in the country.
The Marengo and Wyandotte caves are considered by some
the most beautiful in the world.
When the county was organized in 1818 many settlers had
already located in it. Just how many squatters were in Craw-
ford county then one cannot say now but there must have
been a large number. In wandering through the woods, now,
one occasionally finds a pile of stones and the evidence of some
early home. Many old fruit trees, some still living and others
dead, are found scattered here and' there in the forests. This
indicates that the spot of land was at one time the seat of
some squatter's home. The five original townships into which
the county was first divided were Jennings, Ohio, Sterling,
Patoka, and Whiskey Run.
Jennings was named after Governor Jennings, Ohio lies
on the Ohio river from which it takes its name, Sterling was
named, no doubt, after Mount Sterling, a city in Montgomery
county, Kentucky, from which many of the settlers came,
Patoka derives its name from the Patoka river which runs
near the township. There is an Indian legend connected with
the name Whiskey Run. The story goes that down on the
stream one day an Indian named "Whiskey" killed a man
named "Run" who had a jug of whiskey with him. Then he
'•House Journal 1821, 198; 1834, 94, 173, 327, 584.
Pleasant: Crawford County 127
ran away with Run's whiskey. So the pioneers generally
spoke of that stream as Whiskey Run. One may take the
legend for what it is worth. 4
After the original organization of the county four new
townships were formed. The boundaries of the old town-
ships were changed too. In September, 1827, a large tract of
land was transferred from Perry county 3 to Crawford county
out of which a new township called Union was made. Lib-
erty township was formed out of territory taken from Sterl-
ing and Whiskey Run in December, 1842. Boone township
was carved out of Ohio township on March 7, 1848. It was
named after the Boones, one of whom is buried on the hill
near the town of Alton. The last township organized was
Johnson. This was formed about 1864. 6 Andrew Johnson
had been a war Democrat and a stanch Union man and was
candidate for the vice-presidency in 1864. So the people
named the township Johnson. 7
The first county seat was named Mount Sterling probably
after Mount Sterling, Kentucky, from which several of the
settlers came. The town was laid out in section 33, township
two south, range one east. This site is about four miles south-
east of the present town of English. The site of the town
was a high hill, hence the meaning of the word "Mount."
Birney Labruk made the plat of the town. 8 Thomas W. Au-
brey, who was probably the first justice of peace in the county
states that Birney Labruk came before him January 25, 1818,
and acknowledged that plat to be the true plat of Mount Sterl-
ing. Brice Patrick, who was the county agent, brought the
plat to the recorder's office and William Samuels recorded it
November 11, 1818, the drawing of which one may see in the
first book in the recorder's office on pages 2 and 3. A copy of
the plat is submitted in the present writing.
The town was located on the northeast quarter of section
33. The streets ran north and south and east and west. The
streets running north and south were Carr, Biddle, Dock,
Samuel, Hall, and Totton. They were sixty-five feet wide.
* Legend given by J. M. Johnson of Marengo, Ind.
B Laws of 1827. Commissioner's records Sept. 3, 1827.
'Commissioner's records, Book 3.
7 State Supt. Report 186!,, under Crawford county.
8 Recorder's Book 1, pages 3-4.
128 Indiana Magazine of History
Those streets running east and west were Main, Market, and
Water 9 streets. Only a few houses were ever built in Mount
Sterling. The county clerk's records show that James Brasher
lived there and at his home the August and December terms
of court were held in 1818. A few old apple trees of the
Horse apple variety were still standing in 1900. In that year
Henry Batman cleaned up and cultivated the old field which
had grown up in brambles years ago. He said the old apple
trees were still living after about 82 years. 10
One reason why the town never grew was the scarcity of
water. It was situated on a level plateau on the top of a
very high hill where water could not be easily obtained. After
the county seat was moved to Fredonia a law was enacted for-
bidding it "to be located in any other place unless a sufficient
quantity of good and wholesome water was available." 11
Henry Green bought land, August 1, 1812, located in sec-
tion 34, township 2 south, range 2 east. 12 Judge Green, who
was born in Ireland, was honored by being elected judge of
Crawford county. When Davis Floyd visited Crawford
county in 1818 to organize the first court Judge Green and
James Glenn were present to help him. These men were as-
sociate justices at the trial of Ouley which will be described
later. Green was elected to represent Crawford county in
the General Assembly of Indiana in 1821. 13 He introduced
petitions sent to him by James Glenn and others praying that
a commission be appointed to relocate the county seat of
Crawford county. These petitions were referred to a select
committee composed of Green of Crawford county, Charles
Dewey of Orange, Alexander Wallace of Orange, and Moses
Kirkpatrick of Floyd. After the committee had duly con-
sidered the matter, Green reported a bill providing for the
appointment of a board of commissioners to select a perma-
nent site for a county seat. The bill having been passed the
governor signed it on December 22, 1821. 14 Besides being a
legislator, he was appointed supervisor on the "Governor's
* From old plat in Recorder's office.
10 This information was furnished by J. E. Turley of English who was born
and reared near the old site.
11 Indiana Laws of 1827, page 86.
13 Sale Date Book Recorder's office.
33 Information furnished partly by Squire Henry Green, Marengo, Ind.
u Indiana House Journal 1821, 96, 236, 265.
Pleasant: Crawford County 129
Old Trail" as far west as the state road running from what
is now Marengo to Leavenworth. 15 He was justice of peace
for many years and left a well earned reputation. The date
of his death is unknown. His grandson, Henry Green, of
Marengo, still holds the office of justice of peace.
No farms were sold in 1813 in what is now Crawford
county. The war was on then and immigration to the west
was somewhat retarded. In 1814 the following men bought
farms: Alex Barnet, James Totten, Henry Fullenwider,
William McKay, Andrew and Joseph Kinkaid, Moses Smith
and Robert Fields. 16 Of these, Henry Fullenwider is prob-
ably best noted. He was a leading citizen around Alton for
many years. His descendants live in Boone township and the
Fullenwider school was named after him. He was one of the
trustees for district No. 4 when the congressional township
4 south, range 1 east was divided up by the township school
trustees in August, 1837. 17 He lived to a ripe old age.
The names of the men who bought farms in 1815 were
John Hastings, John Green, Robert and Isaac Sands. All
these men proved good substantial citizens. Isaac Sands was
elected to represent Crawford county in the General Assembly
in 1836, and had been treasurer of the county in 1830. 18 Later
he represented Crawford and Orange counties in the senate
of the General Assembly in 1841 for a term of three years. 19
In 1816 the following men came into the county and
bought farms at the land office at Jeff ersonville : Michael
Harvey, James Mcintosh, Abram Sheckles, William Sharp,
Eli Wright, Riggs Pennington, George Repley and Robert
Yates.
Robert Yates was one of the most noted men' of the above
group. Governor Jennings appointed him county commis-
sioner in 1818. He was selected by Sheriff Weathers to be a
member of the first grand jury ever held in Crawford county.
This grand jury which met at James Brasher's home in Mount
Sterling returned the indictment against James Ouley for
15 Commissioner's Records May 5, 1827.
16 The date book contains the names of all land buyers and dates of purchases.
Recorder's office.
17 Old synopsis book of Ohio township, August 23, 1337.
18 Commissioner's Records July 5, 1830.
"Indiana Senate Journal 1840, page 1-5.
130 Indiana Magazine of History
murder of Briley. Mr. Yates was also supervisor on the
county roads for several years.-
The list of men who bought farms in 1817 was much
longer. The following names were the more important:
George Jones, Henry Richards, Martin Scott, John Flannery,
John Sturgeon, John Sands, Robert- Scott, James Green, Dan-
iel Weathers, and Archibald Allen. These men were hardy
pioneers, and patriotic men.
Martin Scotts' farm was located in Jennings township
about four miles north of Leavenworth on the Old Salem and
Leavenworth road. Many of his descendants live in the
county at the present writing. His grandson, Martin Scott,
was elected trustee of Jennings township in 1894 over John
W. Collins on the Democratic ticket by a majority of 7 votes.
The original Martin Scott was one of the grand jurors from
Jennings township in 1818, when the murder case already
referred to was under consideration. He was also foreman
of the grand jury of the December term of court in 1818,
held at Mount Sterling. He was road supervisor for many
years as well as lister of Jennings township. Mr. Scott seems
to have displayed at times a very bad temper. The records
of the county show that he was fined $1.00 in May, 1829, for
swearing.- He was buried in the "Old Scott Graveyard" on
what, at the present writing, is the Aniel Froman farm.
Daniel Weathers and his brother Richard were born in
Wales. They moved to Virginia and from there to Tennessee.
Daniel Weathers lived in Tennessee in 1800 and cast his vote
for Adams for the presidency that year. Richard, who lived
at Knoxville, cast his vote there for Adams. While in Ten-
nessee Richard Weathers married a southern girl and later
moved to Indiana. Neither one of the brothers liked slavery.
They crossed the Ohio river at Tobacco Landing by means
of a raft which they pushed by a long pole. Richard settled
just east of Milltown in Harrison county on what is now
known as the McCutcheon farm and lived in a three sided
log cabin. 21
-° Recorder's office Book 1 or A, index.
-° Commissioner's records May 1829, Book 1824-1834.
;i Data given by Atty. J. H. Weathers, of Marengo, Indiana, grandson of
Richard Weathers.
Pleasant: Crawford County 131
While hunting one day he crossed the Big Blue river near
where Milltown now stands and came over into Crawford
county. The scenery charmed him so much that he decided
to re-move to Crawford county. So he moved to where Ma-
rengo now is and squatted on what is now, at this writing,
Lyman Jones' farm. Here he worked for 25 cents a day
until he had $75.00 which he hoped to apply on a farm when
he purchased one. One night his purse fell through the
puncheon floor and a cow managed to get it some way. The
money, most of which was paper, was chewed up by the cow
when Richard Weather found his purse the next morning.
So Mr. Weathers did not buy a farm then but sold out his
claim and squatted again where Dave Apple's farm now is.
Meanwhile Daniel Weathers had been more fortunate and
had bought the farm mentioned above. Richard Weathers
did not purchase a farm till 1825. 22
After the law was passed providing for the formation of
Crawford county in 1818, Governor Jennings appointed Dan-
iel Weathers sheriff and issued him a commission Sept. 8,
1818. The bond of Sheriff Weathers is here given:
Know all men by these presents; that we, Daniel Weathers, James
Barker, John Smith, Robert Yates, Thomas Roberts, Riggs Pennington,
and Richard Weathers are held bound to Governor Jennings and his
successors in office for the sum of $5000.00 for which payment we jointly
anl severally promise to pay to Governor Jennings and his successors
in office, provided however that if Daniel Weathers discharges his duties
according to law, the above obligations are null and void.
For the state For Weathers
James Barker Daniel Weathers
Richard Weathers
William Samuels Riggs Pennington
Recorder of Thomas Roberts
Crawford Co. Robert Yates
John Smith
James Barker23
Daniel Weathers performed his duty faithfully till he was
relieved from office about 1822. These two Weathers reared
families, several of whose sons served their country in the
Civil War. Major William V. Weathers, Captain Enoch
22 Most of the data given here was furnished by Atty. James Weathers, a
grandson of Richard Weathers, Marengo, Ind.
23 Weathers' Bond — Book A page 5 Recorder's office.
132 Indiana Magazine of History
Weathers, James M. Weathers, Andrew E. Weathers and
James Weathers have remarkable war records. When Cap-
tain Hines of Bowling Green, Kentucky, made his daring raid
into Crawford county in 1863, he talked with Captain Enoch
Weathers at Marengo. Major Weathers at the present writ-
ing is living at Marengo. Last but not least is Attorney John
Henry Weathers of New Albany. He was the son of James
Weathers who died at Marengo about 1918. John H. Weath-
ers practiced law at Leavenworth many years. In 1896 he
was nominated for judge of the circuit court in the district
composed of Harrison and Crawford counties. He lost the
election by 52 votes. Both counties were Democratic then
and usually polled a Democratic majority of 800 votes.
The names of the persons who bought farms in Crawford
county in 1818 were: Malachi Monk, George Wyman, Moses
Smith, Thomas Easley, George Wilks, Chas. Springer, Elisha
Tadlock, Elisha Totten, Peter Funk, Sam Westfall, Abram
Wiseman, Cornelius Hall, John Lee, Jacob Conrad, Elizabeth
Wright and Peter Sonner. 24
Of the above named persons probably Cornelius Hall was
the most noted man. He was appointed county commissioner
by Governor Jennings in 1818, and served the county in that
capacity. Mr. Hall was well read in law and at Ouley's trial
he was one of the judges. Sheriff Weathers chose him as
grand juror in 1818 when the circuit court was organized and
held the first session at Mount Sterling. When Mr. Hall's
term of office expired he became associate justice of Crawford
county, an office which he held many years.
Elisha Tadlock was the first seminary trustee of Craw-
ford county.- 5 When the law was enacted in 1818 which pro-
vided for the office, Governor Jennings appointed him trustee.
On December 18, 1821, he made a report to the General As-
sembly which showed that he had on hands then $100.50 of
seminary funds. He was elected to represent Crawford
county in the General Assembly in 1825 26 He was overseer
of the poor for many years in Whiskey Run township. At
that time there was no poor farm and the board of county
514 Old Sale date book — Recorder's office
25 Indiana House Journal 1821, 236.
26 Indiana Journal 1825, 1-5.
Pleasant: Crawford County 133
commissioners generally selected some one to look after the
poor in each township. In 1825 this board allowed him $37.50
for keeping Timothy Bennett for three months. Mr. Tadlock
was collector of the state revenues in 1827. In 1828 he was
licensed to keep a tavern at Leavenworth. 27
Moses Smith bought a farm near where English is and
there reared a family. His son, Minor Smith, grew up in
Sterling township and raised a family of several children,
two of whom were George C. Smith and James J. Smith. The
Smiths have always been good citizens and popular with the
people. In 1914 George C. Smith was elected trustee by the
Republicans in Patoka township, the first Republican trustee
in that township for many years.
Probably one of the most popular as well as one of the
best men in the county. In 1916 he was elected treasurer by
the Republicans over James M. Brown by 191 votes. Two
years later he was re-elected by the Republicans over James
Jones by 17 votes. 28
Malachi Monk was one of the earliest settlers of Crawford
county. He built a block' house near the town of Marengo on
the farm now owned by J. Ed Ross, county clerk of Craw-
ford county 1918-1922. He served his county in various ca-
pacities. Was road supervisor for several years. The date
of his death is not known. His son, Malachi Monk, junior,
was elected auditor for two terms from 1868 to 1876.
Abram Wiseman located in what is now Ohio township.
He and his brother, Jacob Wiseman, came from the East to
Kentucky and thence to Indiana. Several of their sons were
in the Civil war, among which one may mention George E.,
Philip, Abram, William and Henry. The grandsons of the
two pioneer Wisemans served in the Spanish-American war,
while in the World war a number of the Wisemans were over-
seas.
The last name of which the writer has space to write is
Peter Funk. The Funk family has been prominent all through
the history of the county. Solomon Funk and John E. Funk
were old supporters of the Republican party in 1860. John
E. Funk, who was elected county commissioner in 1894 helped
27 Commissioner's records Nov. 5, 1S25.
- s Data from the Crawford County Democrat.
134 Indiana Magazine of History
to re-locate the new county seat of justice at English in 1895,
when that town was made the county seat by the courts.
Cadmus C. Funk, who was the grandson of Solomon Funk,
was elected sheriff of the county in 1912 over V. Byrum by
a majority of 331 votes. 21 ' When his term of office expired in
1914 he was re-elected for another term of two years at the
close of which term he engaged in business at English.
The names of the men who bought farms in the county in
1819 were: John Roth, Henry Richards, John Hughes, Henry
Jones, John Sheckels, Jonathan Bird, William Groves, and
David Rice.
The list of names of the men who bought farms in 1820
is as follows: Dave Miller, John Sheckels, Sam Kemp, John
Morgan, Joseph Van Winkle, Addison Williams, and Reuben
Wright. Sam Kemp's farm was located two miles west of
Fredonia in section 7, town 4 south, range 1 east. Mr. Kemp's
son John was a noted man of the county during the Civil war.
He was a member of the 49th Indiana volunteers and was
wounded several times. 30 He lived to be a very old man and
died near Leavenworth. Sam Kemp's grandson, Clay Kemp,
lives at Alton at the time of the present writing.
Much can be said about Addison Williams whose rarm
was located in section 14, town 3 south, range 1 east. He
platted a town which he called New Haven and had the plat
recorded at the county seat in Fredonia. No one bought the
town lots and the town never grew. He lived on his farm
many years and was justice of peace for some time. He was
road supervisor in Jennings township for many years. 31 His
grave may be seen today on the old farm near the present
town of Magnolia. In those days men had their own local
cemeteries, many of which may still be seen scattered over
the county. Addison Williams, being disappointed because
his first town, New Haven, never grew, platted another town
which he named Magnolia. The plat was recorded on July
4, 1838. 32 This town which was situated about four miles
northwest of Leavenworth, was located in section 22, town 3
south, range 1 east. Many town lots were sold, a large mill
39 County papers for vote.
30 See Terrell's Reports, Regiment 49.
"County Recorder's old record. See A. Williams.
"Deed Book 2, Page 351.
Pleasant: Cmwford County 135
was built, and a still house constructed. The old buhrstones
may still be seen where his mill was built. Magnolia never
grew to any considerable size. Today it has several houses,
a store, and a postoffice.
In 1821 these men bought farms: James Brown, James
McMartin, Robert Samuels, Richard White, Hamilton Mc-
Kee, Gwartney, Ed Sturgeon, William Riley,
Lawrence Biers, John Vanmeter, Archibold Stone, John Con-
dra, Mason Jenkins, Ab. Wiseman, B. Bogard, Joel Lyons,
Richard White, James Mansfield, Jackson Nicholson, James
Totten, Abram Bird, John Goldman, David Lowe, Burton
Parr, Abram Sheckels, and George Wilks.
The Mansfield family lived at Leavenworth for a long
time. James M. Mansfield who was the son of James Mans-
field was a soldier in the Civil war. He was elected clerk
of Crawford county in 1866 and held the office one term. The
school at Mansfield was named after him.
Abram Sheckels bought a farm in town 4 south, range 1
east. Many of his great grandchildren still live in Boone
township at the present writing. He is the grandfather of
Oliver Morton Sheckels, superintendent of the city schools at
Brownstown.
Burton Parr became a very useful citizen of the county.
One of his descendants, E. E. Parr, was elected trustee of
Boone township in 1914. At the close of his term of office
he was re-elected. John Parr, another one of his relatives,
was elected trustee of Boone township in 1900.
James Totten was appointed sheriff of Crawford county
in 1825. At that time the office of sheriff was very difficult
to fill. Many of his descendants live in the county at the
present writing. 33
These men bought farms in 1822 : Julius Woodford, Peter
Frakes,, David Brown, Obadiah Childs, Jacob Conrad, Wilson
Scott, Sam McMahon, R. S. Thorn, Reuben T. Thorn, Thomas
Conon, and Ebeneezer E. Morgan.
This list has the names of the Thorn brothers : Reuben T.
and Robert S. Something will be said about the Thorn broth-
ers in the chapter on Fredonia.
33 Commissioners Records, May 1825.
136 Indiana Magazine of History
Julius Woodford for many years was one of the leading
citizens of Crawford county. He was elected county com-
missioner from the second district in 1833 to succeed Zebulum
Leavenworth. 34 He was one of the first merchants of Leaven-
worth. In 1825 he was granted a license to sell foreign mer-
chandise in the town. He sold the lot of ground to the Craw-
ford county seminary trustees in 1835 on which the old sem-
inary was built.
E. E. Morgan held the office of county recorder from 1825
till 1846.
In 1823 there were two men who bought farms: John
Austin and William Patton.
The list in 1824 was: John R. Wyman, Henry Rhodes,
David Wilbur, Edward Riddings.
For 1825 these men bought land: David Beals, Richard
Weathers, John Weathers, John Malion, Robert Baldwin,
Joseph Beals, Adam Denison, Walter Gresham, John Funk,
Will Stroud, Thomas Walker, James Totten.
In this group there are several names about which men-
tion should be made. Joseph Beals was the grandfather of
Stewart A. Beals who was elected county superintendent in
1903. The latter held that office for 14 years, during which
he did more for the schools of Crawford county than any
superintendent who held the office before him. It was through
his efforts that the high schools at Leavenworth, English,
Marengo, and Milltown were commissioned. At the present
writing he is superintendent of the English high school.
The list of those who bought farms in 1826 were : Henry
Bray, Sam Scott. William Good, R. T. Thorn, D. Gresham.
1827: John Peckinpaugh, David Lane, Charles Springer,
William Riley, David Attleberry, Robert Milesat, Dudley
Gresham, James Totten, Reuben T. Thorn, William Bland,
Francis Able, Thomas Parr, Milton Holcroft, 0. Raymong,
Julius Woodford. Thomas Davidson, Samuel Bird, W. P.
Thompson, Edward Butler, William Taylor, James Stuart,
Isaiah Bullington.
No farms were sold in 1828. The list for 1829 has these
names: John Leggett, J. H. Mills, Seth and Z. Leavenworth,
34 Commissioners Records, Sept. 1833.
Pleasant: Crawford County 137
Wood Proctor, Librim Frisbie, James Totten, John Lynch, and
Thomas Davidson.
In 1830 these men bought farms: Chas. Bloomfield, Elias
Chenoweth, Joseph VanWinkle, Abram D. Tower and Isaac
Funk.
Organization of the First Court
The first session of the circuit court of Crawford county-
convened at Mount Sterling, August 1, 1818. Hon. Davis
Floyd, Judge Green, and James Glenn composed the court.
Since there was no courthouse in Mount Sterling then, James
Brasher let the judges use his new log house. This house
was too small to accommodate all of the jurors, hence they
sat around on logs in the yard.
Sheriff Daniel Weathers was present and returned the
names of the following men for a grand jury: Cornelius
Hall, Lazarus Stewart, Alex King, William Osborn, James
Lewis, Elias Davis, Elisha Potter, Alex Barnett, William
Potter, Robert Yates, Peter Peckinpaugh, William Scott,
Reuben Laswell, Abraham Wiseman, George Tutter, Martin
Scott, John Sturgeon, Robert Sands, Isaac Lamp, Ed Gobin,
and Malachi Monk. 1
These men elected Cornelius Hall foreman. After due
consideration the jury returned a bill against James Ouley
for murder in the first degree. The evidence showed that
Ouley had followed William Briley through the woods for
some distance and had then shot him in the back about where
his suspenders crossed.
The ball came out in his neck making a wound about 8
inches deep. Briley died almost instantly and Ouley escaped
with his horse and about 75 cents in money.
Briley lived near the present town of English. He had
left home with a sack of wool and was going to Corydon to
get the wool carded. He was traveling on the Governor's
Old Trail which ran from Corydon to Vincennes. The exact
spot where the shooting occurred cannot now be located. It
happened near the top of White Oak hill in what was then
Whiskey Run township. 2
1 01d Court Records in the Clerk's Office, Book 1, English, Indiana.
2 This information was furnished by Attorney James H. Weathers of Marengo.
138 Indiana Magazine of History
This act occurred July 1, 1818. Some men happened by
and found Briley. They started to carry him to his cabin
over on Dog creek. After they had gone about two miles
they decided that they would bury him there. So a grave was
dug and the body was buried just as the men had found it.
Briley had no person living with him and Ouley might have
escaped if he had hidden the body.
The news spread rapidly and the whole community was
aroused. The only evidence then against Ouley was that he
had disappeared from home that same day on which the man
Briley was killed and that some woman had seen him follow-
ing Briley through the woods.
Jonathan Chambers and Zedekiah Lindley who were prom-
inent men volunteered to catch Ouley. These men had no
warrant for his arrest but they were experts in catching horse
thieves and felt sure that they could catch Ouley if he could
be found anywhere. So they traveled all over southern In-
diana but did not find him. They then crossed the Ohio river
near Mauckport and began hunting for him in Meade county,
Kentucky. After a two weeks' tramp they came to the town
of Brandenburg and decided to give up the hunt and let him
go. While stopping at the tavern one day they saw men haul-
ing cord wood into town. From these men they learned that
there was a wood cutter out in the forest who had come there
from Corydon a short time before. That night Chambers
and Lindley crept up and caught Ouley in his cabin. They
brought him back to the old block house near Marengo and
chained him to the logs in the house and guarded him day
and night till the trial came off on the first day of August.
The bill returned by the grand jury read :
James Ouley late of Crawford county, a yeoman not having the
fear of God before his eyes, but moved (and seduced by the spirit of the
Devil on July 1, 1818, with force and arms in Whiskey Run township
in and upon William Briley in the peace of God then and there being
wilful and of malice a fore thought did make and against James Ouley
with a certain rifle gun of the value (of $10 loaded with gun powder and
a certain leaden bullet with which gun the said Ouley did shoot William
Briley in the back and the ball came out in his neck making a wound
about 8 inches deep from which wound Briley died almost instantly. 3
3 Old Records in the Clerk's Office, Book 1.
Pleasant: Crawford County 139
The trial began at once. Ouley pleaded not guilty and
demanded that the county furnish him an attorney. The
court appointed Henry Stephens and Harbin Moore to de-
fend while William Thompson was appointed prosecuting at-
torney for that session of the court.
Daniel Weathers, the sheriff, had a large number of men
present from which these men were selected, for a petit jury:
Elisha Lane, Constance Williams, Marcus Troelock, Joseph
Beals, Andrew Troelock, David Beals, John Goldman, James
Richie, William May, George Peckinpaugh, Thomas W. Cum-
mins, and Robert Grimes. Constance Williams was selected
foreman of the jury.
The trial was conducted out of doors in the woodyard.
The jurors who were among the best men in the county were
sworn to hear the evidence and to decide the case. After all
the evidence was in and the court had instructed the jurors,
the jury retired to consider the evidence. After some time
the jury returned a verdict of guilty and placed his sentence
at death.
The counsel for defense asked for a new trial on these
grounds: 1. That the verdict was contrary to the state law;
2. That the evidence was not sufficient ; 3. The conduct of the
jurors was not proper; 4. That outsiders talked to the jurors
during the trial ; 5. That Elisha Lane had expressed his opinion
before the trial began; 6. That one of the jurors was too
much indisposed to pay the proper amount of attention that
such a case demanded. The juror in question was said to
have been asleep.
The court not being fully advised adjourned till the next
day when it refused the defendant a new trial and asked him
if he had any further reason why sentence of death should
not be passed upon him. He asked the court to arrest the
judgment of the jurors on these grounds: 1. That he was
a wheelright made the evidence uncertain; 2. That the bill
did not have the name of the state or county in it. 4
The court overruled the argument and passed this sentence
upon him :
4 All the statements here are taken from the clerk's records at the court house
in English, Indiana.
140 Indiana Magazine of History
That he should be kept in the old block house in the custody of the
sheriff till October 1, 1818, when he should be taken out on the same
road or on what ever new road might be laid out by that time in one
half mile of Old Mount Sterling , between the hours 10 a.m. and 2 p.m.
and hanged by the neck till dead.
Sheriff Weathers took the prisoner back to the block house
and chained him to the logs. Men kept guard over him day
and night. Yet he attempted to gnaw out. Years afterwards
when the block house was torn down one could see the place
where he had gnawed with his teeth on the logs of the block
house. 5
Cornelius Hall who was a carpenter, volunteered to make
the casket for Ouley. On the day of execution the coffin was
put into a wagon and Ouley was chained and hauled back to
Mount Sterling and hanged. He was buried in the old field
near the site of the hanging. His grave was marked for a
long time but now no trace of it can be found. Henry Batman
who cleared the old field in 1900 said that he found a spot of
clay near the road about three feet by six and thought that
must have been the dirt which was thrown up from the
grave. 6
There was not much direct evidence against Ouley in the
case but the jury was sure that he was guilty. So they wanted
to make an example of him for the rest of the outlaws who
lived in the county.
After the county seat was moved to Leavenworth another
affair occurred near Milltown, Indiana, for which the offend-
ing culprit was hanged at Leavenworth. James Fields, who
was under the influence of alcohol, came home one night and
ordered his mother to get up and get his supper. She did not
arise as quickly as her son thought that she should and he
drew a revolver and shot his mother through the thigh. This
occurred on June 7, 1846. Mrs. Field lived till June 10th and
died. The jury returned an indictment against Fields and
the sheriff arrested him and lodged him in jail. 7
The grand jury returned a bill against Fields which reads
as follows:
Information by Attorney James H. Weathers who was the gTandson of
Richard Weathers, deputy sheriff then.
• Information by James Turley of English, Indiana.
T County Clerk's Records for 1846.
Pleasant: Crawford County 141
James G. Fields, late of Crawford county, not having the fear of
God before his eyes but moved by the spirit of the Devil did with force
and with a certain revolver worth about $1 loaded with gun powder
and a ball; to wit, against one, Susanah Fields in the peace of God
did shoot with the said revolver and inflicted a wound from which the
said Susanah Fields died on the tenth of June at his home near Milltown,
Indiana.
Fields pleaded that he was not guilty in the sense in which
the grand jury had indicted him. The following men were
selected for a jury: A. B. Tower, James Vanwinkle, Sam
McMahan, Walker Main, Swango Hadden, William Arm-
strong, Marmaduke McCarney, James L. Temple, James G.
Sloan, Chas. Comcien, Nincom Haskens, and Gabriel Williams.
After all the evidence was in and the matter was discussed
the jury retired to consider the case but could not agree. So
the' jury was discharged on November 11, 1846. A new jury
which was composed of these men was empaneled: George
Jones, Oliver Hannon, John Jones, Greenberry Roberts, John
Goldman, N. C. Peckinpaugh, Tich Warner, James D. Jones,
William Dean, Andrew Biers, Elias O'Bannon, John K. Tyler.
This jury found Fields guilty of murder in the first degree
and he was sentenced to death. 8
Judge John Lockhart called Fields before him and ordered
him to be kept in the county jail at Leavenworth until De-
cember 18, 1846. On the 18th he was to be taken out and
hanged by the neck till dead.
The sheriff built the gallows on the east side of Poison
creek not far from where the old carding machine stood. On
the day of the execution the prisoner was put on a wagon
and hauled out to the gallows. Six men with guns walked
before the wagon. Sheriff Samuel Clark had taken care to
see that no confusion of any kind occurred or any attempt to
rescue the prisoner. Clark was so excited on this occasion
that when everything was ready he struck at the rope which
held the trap door on which he had put Fields and missed
the rope. The second time he cut the rope and let the pris-
oner fall. The rope broke but several men sprang forward
and helped the sheriff hold up the prisoner till the sheriff
tied the rope. Then he was left swinging till he was dead.
8 All the data here were taken from the clerk's records at the court house
at English's, Indiana.
142 Indiana Magazine of History
The body was buried at the foot of the gallows. Thousands
of men and women were present on that occasion. The
writer's father came from near Alton to see the hanging. Old
men said that the opposite hill was covered with men since
it afforded a good view.
Fredonia
While Judge Floyd was holding the first session of the
circuit court in Crawford county and the good citizens at
Mount Sterling were hanging Ouley, a new town was laid
out on the banks of the Ohio river by Allen D. Thorn and
Robert S. Thorn. These men had moved from Virginia to
Indiana and had finally located in Crawford county. Allen D.
Thorn made a plat of the town and filed it in the recorder's
office at Corydon, Indiana, before the county seat was located
at Mount Sterling. William Samuels stated that Allen D.
Thorn came before him personally and acknowledged the plat
to be the true plat of Fredonia. The indenture was made
June 22, 1818. 1
The site where the town was laid out was one of the most
picturesque of all river towns. At this point the Ohio river
makes a great bend in the shape of an ox-bow or a horse-shoe.
Hence the bend was called the horse-shoe bend. The river
sweeps far northward into Indiana and then glides away gent-
ly to the southward. Standing on the high bluff one can see
as far up the river as Leavenworth and down the river to
Schooner Point. The tongue of land on the Kentucky side
is about three miles across in one place and probably twenty-
five miles around.
From Indian Hollow to Schooner Point — a distance of 5
miles — the hill on the Indiana side is so precipitous that one
cannot build a road from the top of the bluff to the river
except at Fredonia where a small creek runs down to tne
river, up which was built a wagon road over which freight
could be hauled. This bluff is about 500 feet high, many
parts of which are almost perpendicular. On this high
plateau Allen D. Thorn and Robert S. Thorn laid out the site
for the town. The site, as already stated, commanded a view
'Deed Book: Pages 1, 2, Sn, recorder's office.
Pleasant: Crawford County 143
of the Ohio river for many miles so that hostile Indians could
not approach during the day without being seen by the people
of the town. The level land extended back from the river
bluff about one-half mile before the land became rough and
hilly and descended to Little Blue river on the west about two
miles away. The writer has copied a plat of the town and
inserted it here facing this page. 2
At that time any man owning land and wishing to sell
could lay out a town plat, give the town some name and ad-
vertise the lots for sale. He had the plat recorded in the
county recorder's office. If many lots were sold a town might
grow up. In that case he could get more for his land than
he could get if he sold outright. Many men bought lo/;s at
Fredonia and a town was soon started on that high hill.
Plenty of good water was found by digging several deep
wells. Thorn's well was about 6 feet in diameter and 86 feet
deep. It stands full of good water the year around. The
well was walled from bottom to top, in most places with
dressed stone. This indicates that much work must have been
done in its construction. The other two wells were also very
deep.
One serious objection to the town of Mount Sterling was
the absence of good water. Creek water could not be used
because of the danger from its impurity. After the county
seat was moved from Mount Sterling to Fredonia the Gen-
eral Assembly of the state of Indiana enacted a law providing
that the county seat must not be moved again under any
condition unless a good supply of drinking water was avail-
able. 3
Allen D. Thorn had a rich brother named Reuben T. Thorn.
At that time he was a large land owner of the county. Of this
land Allen D. Thorn owned 80 acres, while his brother owned
the rest which amounted to about 1468 acres. Reuben Thorn
as far as can be known never came to the county but remained
at his home in Fredericksburg, Virginia. Reuben Thorn was
very desirous of having the seat of justice located at Fredonia.
Fredonia had far outgrown Mount Sterling which at the best
never had many houses. He felt sure that he could sell his
2 Data given by an old citizen of the town.
3 Indiana State Lows for 1827, 86.
144 Indiana Magazine of History
land better if the seat of justice was located at Fredonia.
Hence he offered to give a tract of land on which a courthouse
might be built and a jail located. At that time no one had the
right to move the seat of justice from Mount Sterling. So
James Glenn, who was a prominent citizen of the county and
an associate justice, sent a petition to Henry Green, who
represented the county in the General Assembly at Corydon,
praying that the seat of justice be moved and that a commit-
tee be appointed to locate a new seat. This petition being read
November 21, 1821, was referred to a select committee of
which Green of Crawford county, Tipton of Perry county,
Dewey and Wallace of Orange county, and Kirkpatrick of
Floyd county, were members with permission to report by
bill or otherwise. The committee reported out a bill on No-
vember 30th which came up in the house on December 2d and
7th and was passed Thursday, December 15, 1821. In the
meanwhile many petitions were sent to the General Assembly
praying that the bill be passed. For this reason one can say
that the people in general approved of the change of the
county seat. After a few days in the committee the senate
passed the bill and the governor signed it. This provided that
Sam Connor of Perry county, Henry Thornton of Scott, Steph-
ens Rainey of Clark, Isaac Stewart of Floyd, and Robert
Evans of Vanderburgh should be commissioners whose duty
it was to meet at the courthouse in Mount Sterling on March
1, 1822, and after due examination to relocate the seat of jus-
tice if the committee thought that it was beneficial to the
people of the county. The committee was to value the im-
provements made on the lots at Mount Sterling and the cost
of digging the public well. The state was to compensate the
men who had bought the lots in Mount Sterling up to the
value of their improvements. 5
The county agent was empowered to examine the court-
house at Fredonia and if he found it better than the one at
Mount Sterling he should notify the commissioners who would
authorize the county officers to move their books to the new
location which the committee had chosen, or would choose if
it had not done so yet. If the committee relocated the seat
4 Indiana House Journal, pages: 43, 44, 96, 105, 171, 200. House Journal
for the year of 1S21.
Pleasant: Crawford County 145
of justice the sheriff was authorized to inform the county
commissioners where the new location was and when they
should meet. 5
The committee met at Mount Sterling and after due con-
sideration decided to accept Mr. Thorn's generous offer. He
had agreed to give a large tract of land on which he would
build the county a courthouse and a jail, all of which he was
to give to the county. The deed was duly made, as promised
by Mr. Thorn, to the county commissioners. The deed reads :
This indenture was made the 12th day of November, 1822 between
Reuben T. Thorn of (Fredericksburg, Virginia, by his attorney, Allen D.
Thorn, on the first and Thomas Davis, Cornelius Hall, and Robert Yates,
county commissioners of Crawford county on the second part and their
successors in office. That the said Reuben Thorn by his attorney, Allen
D. Thorn, for and in consideration of the county seat being permanently
located at Fredonia receipt whereof is hereby granted acknowledged and
bargained and sold and hath granted to the county commissioners and
their successors in office for the use of the county this tract of land:
Beginning at the center of section 10, township 4 south, range 1 east,
run south 91.5 poles, east 89.5 poles, to a certain white oak tree, north
91.5 poles, then west 89.5 poles to the starting point, in all about 50
acres. 6
The said commissioners to have and to hold said land with all its
appurtenances on the land.
Allen D. Thorn had this deed recorded December 15, 1822.
The new courthouse which was a two-story brick, was
about 39 feet long and 33 feet wide. The second story was
used for a court room and the down stairs provided rooms
for the different county offices. Reuben Thorn's contractors
did a good piece of work in constructing the house which is
still standing. The upper story now has been cut lower and
the ceiling of the first story has been raised. The building is
now used by the Methodists for a church. The house has not
been used for court purposes since 1843.
The old jail which was rather small was a strong one. The
house was built out of hewn logs which were notched down
well at the corners. Then the house was ceiled by using hewn
timbers about 10 inches wide and 4 inches thick. These tim-
bers, which were set vertically, were bolted to the logs. The
floor and ceiling were similarly constructed.
6 Indiana State Laws for 1821, 9-12.
« See book 1, page 94, in the recorder's office at English, Indiana.
146 Indiana Magazine of History
As far as known only one person ever escaped from that
old jail until is was condemned, about 1840. The man who
escaped was accused of horse stealing. He secured an iron
rod of some kind and burned his w r ay out. It must have taken
him a long time. After he was out the man escaped into Ken-
tucky before the officers secured him. After that man escaped
the jail was guarded of nights when there were prisoners in
it waiting trial. 7 When the board doing county business met
the first time after the man escaped they ordered E. E. Morgan
to have a new jail door made. This new door was to be made
of hewn timbers, the first laid lengthwise, then the second
set of timbers cross-wise and bolted to the first ones. Then
the third set of timbers was put lengthwise and bolted to the
first two sets. This made a door which was about one foot
thick. The board granted to Mr. Morgan for doing the work
and hanging the door the sum of $20. s
The location of the jail and courthouse is marked on the
accompanying plot of the town.
The sheriff was not responsible for the prisoners in these
early days. The board doing county business generally ap-
pointed some man jailer and when the jail was full with pris-
oners the jailer had several guards to help him keep them
safe till they were disposed of some way when court met.
In 1827 Sam Clark, Ephraim Conrad, Elias O'Bannon, Edward
Martin and Richard Boyles were allowed $2.50 each for help-
ing guard the jail. Henry Conrad was appointed jailer and
pound master in 1831 and in 1837, respectively. 1 '
When the new courthouse was ready the citizens of Fre-
donia went to Mount Sterling and carried away the records.
Local tradition says that the books were carried away Dy
force. The records were in Fredonia and the first session
of the court was held there on March 10, 1822. 10 At that
time the books were put into sacks and carried on horses.
If the records were carried away by force, it was only the
first time; they have been carried away from each of the
later county seats by force.
7 Information furnished the writer by Percy Allen, great grandson of the
jailer, Henry Conrad.
8 Commissioners records for 1829, May 4th.
9 Commissioner's records for 1827, November.
10 Clerk's old records, Book one.
Pleasant: Crawford, County 147
The county officers at that time were: county commis-
sioners, Thomas Davis, Cornelius Hall and Robert Yates;
county recorder, William Samuels; coroner, William Camp-
bell; the county treasurer was appointed each year by the
board doing county business. Daniel Weathers was the first
sheriff and held the office till about 1823, when Martin H.
Tucker was appointed.
Under the old constitution the county business in Craw-
ford county was done by a board composed of the justices
of the peace from the towns and the various townships. The
county had a board of county commissioners but they did
not seem to have much business to perform for the county.
The board doing county business was composed of William
Course, John Wood, Thomas Davis, Samuel Farrows, Henry
Wakefield and Allen D. Thorn. They were known as jus-
tices. 11
The board of justices held a meeting at the courthouse in
Fredonia in November, 1824, and contracted much business
for the county. The board appointed Seth M. Leavenworth
and Edward Golden to lay out a road from Leavenworth to
intersect the Mount Sterling road near Jake Enlow's farm.
Archibald Sloan was appointed to view out a road from his
farm to the farm of Richard Weathers. William Dodd who
was seminary trustee reported that he had $255.25 of the
seminary funds.
When the board met in January, 1825, they appointed the
following men superintendents of the 16th sections of school
land in the county: Allen D. Thorn, James Glenn, Peter Mc-
Michel, James Mcintosh, Martin Scott, Archibald Sloan and
William Anderson. Robert S. Thorn was appointed county
treasurer for the year 1825. Road supervisors were also ap-
pointed. Zebulum Leavenworth had charge of the Leaven-
worth and Salem road as far as the Jennings township line.
Calburn had charge from Fredonai to the mouth of Little
Blue. William Harvey was supervisor on the Leavenworth
and Paoli road as far as the Jennings township line. Allen
D. Thorn had charge of the road from Fredonia to the Prince-
ton ford and the Perry county line. From Cole's ford to
Leavenworth William May was appointed. Valentine Sauer-
11 County Commissioners' Records for November, 1824.
148 Indiana Magazine of History
heber from Leavenworth to Fredonia. James Totten was ap-
pointed sheriff to succeed Martin H. Tucker who resigned 13
The board doing county business set the following tax
rates for the county for 1825:
First rate land tax per 100 acres $1.25
Second rate land tax for 100 acres $1.00
These prices were fixed in 1825 for the taverns :
Third rate land per 100 acres $.75
On suits of clothes each $.50
License to sell foreign goods $10
Horses, mules, or donkeys $3.75
Yoke of oxen over three years old $.25
Brass clocks $1.50
Silver watches $-50
Ferries on the Ohio river $5.00
Ferries on Big Blue river $2.00
These prices were fixed in 1825 for the taverns :
One half pint of whiskey 12 cents
One pint of whiskey 12 cents
One half pint of wine 25 cents
One pint of wine 43 cents
One half pint of peach brandy 12 cents
One pint of peach bi-andy 18 cents
French brandies at the same rates as wines
Meals 25 cents
Horse feed for 24 hours 25 cents
Lodging for men 25 cents
License for taverns $25.00.14
This is the first evidence one has of fixing prices.
These men were the listers for the year 1825: Jennings
township, Ben Lyons; Sterling township, David H. Tucker;
Whiskey Run township, James Spencer; Patoka township,
John Wood ; Ohio township, Henry Conrad. It was their duty
to assess the property in their respective townships. They
were appointed by the board doing county business. Their
salaries were:
"County Commissioners' Book 2, January meeting for 1825. Book not num-
bered by pages.
14 Commissioners' Records for Jan. 5, 1825.
Pleasant: Crawford County 149
John Wood, Patoka twp. $5.00
James Spencer, Whiskey Run $6.00
David H. Tucker, Sterling $7.00
Henry Conrad, Ohio twp. $6.00
Ben Lyons, Jennings . $6.00 is
The same year Thomas W. Fox was granted a license to
run a tavern in Fredonia. The fee was $20. The prices were
fixed on the meals and drinks as shown above. Probably
this was the first tavern licensed in the county of Crawford.
The first grocery was opened in Fredonia in 1830. This was
the old name for a saloon. William Curry was the proprietor.
John Leggett was granted a license to keep a tavern in Fre-
donia in 1825. David Rice was granted a license to keep
store and sell foreign merchandise the same year. In 1829
the board doing county business granted Nancy Colhson a
license to sell liquor. Probably she was the first woman to
sell liquor in the county.
One of the best known citizens of Crawford county was
Henry Conrad. He moved from Virginia to Crawford county
and settled in Fredonia about 1822. He built a two story log
house and became a hotel keeper. This old house which has
been weather-boarded up is still standing. After the death
of Mr. Conrad in 1842 Esau McFall bought the house. During
the Civil war when Captain Hines made his disastrous raid
into Crawford county he stopped at Fredonia and took break-
fast at Esau McFall's hotel. 16 Henry Conrad was much hon-
ored by the people of the county. He was assessor of Ohio
township several times and was road supervisor several years
as well as overseer of the poor of Ohio township. For several
years he was jailer and pound master. He died in Fredonia
and was buried in the old cemetery in 1842. His son William
A. Conrad ran a store in Fredonia for many years. After
the Civil war he moved to Kansas and spent the last years
of his life at Winfield, Kansas.
Ever since the county had been organized many people
from Perry county and parts of Harrison county had wanted to
join certain parts of these two counties to Crawford county.
Mr. Tipton, to whom was referred the petition of John Ewing
10 Commissioners' Records for May S, 1827.
18 The information given here was furnished by Percy A Allen, great grand-
son of Henry Conrad.
150 Indiana Magazine of History
and others of Perry county praying for that part of Perry
county to be joined to Crawford county, reported that the
prayer was unreasonable and ought not be granted. The
house of representatives of Indiana concurred in the report.
Not discouraged, the citizens kept on working and secured
part of their desire during the next few years as the next
pages will show. 17
The board doing county business in 1827 transferred a
large tract of land from Perry to Crawford county. The
tract of land began at the meridian line south where Perry
county begins then running north four miles, west six miles,
south four miles, and east six miles. This tract of land was
added to Ohio township. Later in the same year 1827 the
board of justices made a new township which they called
Union. This new township consists of the congressional town-
ship three south,, range one west, and six sections of the con-
gressional township two south, range one west.
When Robert Thorn died Allen Thorn married his widow.
He built a large two story frame house under two giant locust
trees on the edge of the river bluff. The old house remained
standing till 1918 when it was torn down. Part of the old
foundation may yet be seen. The old well out of which the
writer has drunk is still used by the people. Allen D. Thorn
was justice of peace for many years and road supervisor on
the Leavenworth and Princeton road. The board doing county
business appointed him superintendent of the 16th section of
township four south, range one east, on January 3, 1825. 1S
In the same year he was asked to open a road 20 feet wide
from Fredonia to the mouth of Little Blue in the direction
of Rome.
In 1827 there was an exciting election in Crawford county.
The point at issue was whether Seth Leavenworth should be
elected to the General Assembly. He was in favor of moving
the county seat from Fredonia to Leavenworth. Gorry Jones
contested the election and the board doing business heard the
evidence. It appeared that James Coeputs, Will Hooten, David
Swarens, Ephriam Mansfield and John Maxwell had cast ille ; - al
17 Commissioners' Records for Sept. 3, 1827. They are not numbered by
County commissioners' records for January 3, 1825.
Pleasant: Crawford County 151
votes in the election at the town of Leavenworth. The board
voted to seat Leavenworth by the ayes: Mesen, McMickel,
Wood, Flinn, Tadlock, Blackwell, Woodford and Leavenworth.
The nays were : Mesen, Rice, Thorn and Suggs. It was plain
to be seen that Thorn did not want Leavenworth to go to, the
General Assembly at Indianapolis. 19
In 1827 the people sent Thorn to Indianapolis when the
bill was before the General Assembly to build a railroad from
Indianapolis to the Ohio river. Thorn met the committee and
made one of the greatest speeches of his life in favor of the
railroad being built to Fredonia instead of Madison. When
the committee voted Madison won the road by one vote. 20
Leavenworth who represented Crawford county in the Gen-
eral Assembly made a great speech in favor of railroads in-
stead of canals. One may see the speech in full in the Indiana
Journal, March 20, 1827. Both Thorn and Seth Leavenworth
lost popularity by advocating railroads. Hence, the first road
was built from Indianapolis to Madison. Thorn was appointed
postmaster in these early days. He was a tall man and wore
a high top silk hat, in the crown of which he carried the
letters while he was working around the town. If a man
asked him about mail, he took off his hat and ran the letters
and gave the man whatever were for him. Then he put the
others in his hat and went about his business. The mail left
Fredonia at 6 :00 a. m. Wednesdays and arrived at Princeton
at 6 :00 p. m. Thursdays. On the return the mail left Prince-
ton at 6:00 a. m. Thursdays and arrived at Fredonia 6:00
p. m. Fridays. Mail by way of Corydon and Bedford arrived
weekly. Not many letters ever came to Fredonia so one can
see why Thorn carried them in his hat. 21
Mr. Thorn was a very peculiar man. He never drank any
water at* all and was always of a cold disposition. He would
wear an overcoat while working in the harvest field. 22 Thorn
lived to be a very old man. He died about 1867 and was
buried in the cemetery at Fredonia. There is a brick for a
19 Information by Percy Allen of Fredonia.
20 Information by Allen of Fredonia.
21 Information given by George E. Wiseman of Beechwood, who knew Thom
well.
- Information furnished by Samuel R. Bird who married into the Thom
family.
152 Indiana Magazine of History
head-stone at his grave. After much trouble the writer, with
the assistance of Mr. Wiseman, was able to locate the grave.
Mr. Thorn once made a race for Congress but was defeated
in the nomination. His wife died about 1875 and the estate
was in the courts of Crawford county for many years till it
was settled in 1918 when his grand-daughter, Mrs. Hattie Hen-
ley, was appointed administratrix for the estate.
After the county seat was located at Fredonia in 1822
business began to boom. A man named Best bought a large
tract of timber which he sawed into plow beams. Mr. Best
lived in Louisville and owned a large hotel in that city. He
put a heavy mortgage upon the hotel to get the money to buy
the saw mill which he set up at Fredonia. For a long time
during the panic of 1837 and afterwards the market was not
very good, hence he could not sell the plow beams from which
he hoped to get the money to pay off the mortgage on the
hotel. William Conrad, who ran a store in Fredonia, one
day called Best into the store and asked him about the matter.
Best was- much discouraged and felt that he was sure to lose
the hotel. Then Mr. Conrad told Best that the men were in-
tending to close the mortgage when it became due but he
was ready to help him and could loan him the money. On
the day on which the mortgage became due Conrad went with
Best to Louisville and paid off the mortgage. At that time
he had acres of land covered with sawed plow beams. After
some time the sale of timber grew better and the man paid
Conrad every cent of the debt. 23 Mr. Best brought with him
a man named Frye to be his head sawyer. Mr. Frye who
was a Scotchman did well with the work, but his love for
whiskey overcame his best judgment and he died a pauper m
Fredonia. On his death bed he requested his friends to bury
his chopping ax and a pint of brandy with him. This request
was performed and the ax and the brandy were put in the
coffin with him. 24
Another old settler of Fredonia was Walter Gowans, who
was born in Scotland in 1767. He moved to America and
located at Fredonia in 1821. When the plague of cholera was
so bad in 1832 he fell a victim to that malady. His grave
is one of the oldest in the county which has no marker. 25
23 This information was given by Percy Allen, grandson of Mr. Conrad of
Fredonia and has the old account books of that Mr. Conrad yet.
"-^This information was furnished by Percy Allen of Fredonia.
Pleasant: Crawford County 153
Another important industry in these days at Fredonia was
tanning. Mr. Collingwood built a large tannery just out of
the town and employed three men all of the time. Thousands
of hides were tanned there and then shipped away on boats
for the trade on the Mississippi and at New Orleans.
During all these busy days while the county seat was at
Fredonia only one man was killed in that town. His name
was Hoback. One night he attended a dance at the Mrs.
Cummins' home. Here trouble arose between him and another
man. A fight ensued in which Hoback was killed with a
wooden hammer or maul. The court acquitted the defendant
on the grounds of self defense.
Many amusing stories are told about William Conrad, who
was justice of peace, and kept a large store in Fredonia in
these early days. Saturday was the most trying day of all.
On that day the country people came to town to trade. West
of the town about three miles lived two large men named
Wiseman. They weighed about three hundred pounds each.
There were two or three Goads in the county that were about
as large and as strong. A feud grew up between these par-
ties. When they came to town on Saturdays they did their
trading and put all the groceries in their wagons and then
got brandy and went out under the trees to drink. A fight
was sure to follow in a few minutes. Then Mr. Conrad would
go out and arrest the men and bring them into the office,
try and fine them 50 cents and costs. The men always paid
the fines, after which he would make them shake hands and
agree to be friends, give them a pint of brandy and put them
into the wagon and send them home rejoicing. 26
On the old account books of William Conrad one often finds
charged to some one : One gallon of brandy at 75 cents. Mrs.
Thorn's account on a certain page on which the date of 1860
is given is:
Debit
January 18, two sad irons $1.00.
21, one box of hair pins 20 cents.
22, three pounds of coffee 50 cents.
23, two pounds of butter 40 cents.
Total debit $2.10.
26 Percy A. Allen, the grandson of Mr. William Conrad.
154 Indiana Magazine of History
The first school house which was built in Fredonia was of
logs. The old recitation bench is in Allen's store at Fredonia
at the date of this writing. This old seat has many cuts and
carved marks on it. It was made out of yellow poplar and
must be about 75 years old.- 7
LEAVENWORTH
The town of Leavenworth was named after two men who
platted the town and lived there many years. Seth Marshall
Leavenworth was the fifth in descent from Thomas Leaven-
worth, who moved from England to America in 1664 and set-
tled at Rockbury, Connecticut, where Seth Marshall was born
June 13, 1782. His early education was obtained in the gram-
mar schools of Connecticut. Having caught the western fever
he came west in 1809 and located at Cincinnati for some time.
While here he studied law and taught school. After a short
time he moved farther west and finally settled at what is
now Leavenworth and bought a large tract of land in 1818.
While living at Leavenworth he became engaged to Esther
Mathers, of Cape May, New Jersey, whom he married at New
Albany, Indiana, June 15, 1820.
He engaged in business in Crawford county and was vary
successful. He helped build a mill at Leavenworth where corn
and wheat were ground and lumber sawed. In 1827 he built
a mill at what is now Milltown, which for many years went
by the name of Leavenworth's mill. While he owned the
mills at Milltown and at Leavenworth, he was very much
interested in the navigation of Big Blue river. 1 He wanted
the General Assembly of Indiana to enact a law to improve
Big Blue river but every bill failed to pass. 2 He helped to
locate and open all new roads many of which ran from Leaven-
worth out into the state. The roads tended to direct the
trade and the business into the little town of Leavenworth.
27 Information from Conrad's old account books.
1 All information was taken from the genealogy book of the Leavenworths.
In the Liberty Hall of Cincinnati, June 19, 1811, is an advertisement by Seth M.
Leavenworth for a school. The term closed June 30, and the next opened July
7. "All Sciences" were taught. — Ed.
2 Indiana House Journal for 1827, pages 316-374. Read was twice candidate
for governor. He and Leavenworth were political rivals. In a tilt before the
Assembly Leavenworth usually had the advantage. — Ed.
Pleasant: Crawford County 155
The people soon recognized that Mr. Leavenworth was a
leader so he was elected to represent Crawford county in the
General Assembly at Indianapolis in 1827. One of his objects
was to move the county seat from Fredonia to Leavenworth.
Of course this always caused an uproar among the people of
Fredonia. He introduced several petitions sent to him by
various citizens and these caused so much confusion at times
that Mr. Read of Davis and Martin counties refused to serve
on the committee with him but led the fight against the reso-
lution. On a test vote the house refused to kill the resolu-
tion. Later Mr. Leavenworth withdrew all the petitions.
Mr. Leavenworth tried hard to get a law enacted to build
a railroad from Indianapolis to the Ohio river. When the
matter came up before the people 1 of Crawford county such a
storm of opposition arose that he was not re-elected in 1828.
He believed that railroads were better than canals and made
a remarkable speech in favor of railroads. This speech caused
so much comment that the Indiana Journal secured a copy
from Mr. Leavenworth and printed it in the Journal, March
20, 1827. Men said that the "cars" would run over the stock
in the fields and woods and kill the children in the streets.
At that time the stock ran out in the forests. 3
One very far-sighted measure which Mr. Leavenworth ad-
vocated was a Marine hospital for the sick river men. Often
these men and women were exposed to the cholera and other
diseases while they were traveling on the boats. Sometimes
there would be an epidemic of cholera at New Orleans. A
passenger returning from the south might develop the disease
while he was on the boat and expose everyone on the boat.
After various encounters in the house the measure was de-
feated. Had this law been enacted the state would have been
compelled to build a hospital at some town on the Ohio river,
where men who were sick on the boats might be taken and
cared for till they were able to go home. 4
In 1828 he opened up a tavern at Leavenworth, where
he had operated ferries over the Ohio river and Big Blue,
besides operating the mills which have been mentioned. He
was interested in education and at one time was one of the
8 Indiana Journal, March 20, 1827.
* Indiana House Journal 1829, pages 127 and 172.
156 Indiana Magazine of History
trustees of Indiana University, 1838. 5 He was engaged in
every enterprise whereby the county would be improved. The
commissioner's records from 1824 to 1834 have many refer-
ences to his activities. He lived at Leavenworth till about
1850 when he moved to Missouri, where he died in 1853.
Zebulum Leavenworth, who was also a descendant of the
above mentioned Thomas Leavenworth, was a cousin of Seth
Marshall. He was born at Granville, Massachusetts, January
4, 1792. He attended the public schools till he completed the
course of study. When the great tide of immigration began
in 1811 he moved west to the city of Cincinnati where he
taught school one year. After he had closed his school in
1812 he studied law at Chillicothe, Ohio, under Judge Scott
for one year. In 1814 he became a surveyor. The govern-
ment at that time needed a large number of surveyors because
the War of 1812 was practically over and a great number of
men were moving west. Mr. Leavenworth was a very good
mathematician and enjoyed the work. He went to Illinois
and worked for the government for a long time. When he
was no longer needed he returned to Cincinnati on a keel
boat. This was rather slow traveling. The keel boat was
different from the broad horn, being pushed with oars and
poles. This must have been a laborious undertaking when
one thinks of pushing an old boat for several hundred miles
against the current of the swift Ohio river. Arriving at Cin-
cinnati he engaged in trade with success. In 1816 he moved
to Jeffersonville, Indiana, and two years later he located at
what is now Leavenworth, Indiana, in Crawford county.
On January 11, 1821, he married Margaret Patterson, at
Leavenworth, Indiana. She was born in Delaware, December
28, 1802, her people moving to Leavenworth in 1819. 6
Zebulum Leavenworth was connected with Seth M. Leaven-
worth in most of the enterprises already mentioned.
He served in the General Assembly of Indiana during the
sessions of 1830, 1832 and 1833. His work on education, on
the management of the city of Indianapolis, and on finances
were meritorious. He served on the committee of ways and
"Indiana University Catalogue for 1837-38, 39.
€ Most all the information on this page was taken from the Leavenworth
genealogy book.
Pleasant: Crawford County 157
means, opposed the law which changed the way of doing busi-
ness in Crawford county but was defeated. When he returned
home in 1831 the people elected him county commissioner from
the second district composed of Jennings township. He was
road supervisor for many years and in 1827 he was elected
justice of peace for Jennings township. 7
Mr. Leavenworth was one of the stockholders in the clay
turnpike company and helped run the stage line from Leaven-
worth via Bloomington to Indianapolis. As late as 1860
several of the old coaches of this stage line could be seen
standing in the vacant lots at Leavenworth. 8
In 1858 Zebulum Leavenworth was elected township trustee
of Jennings township. 9
In 1858 Mr. Leavenworth went over part of Scott town-
ship in Harrison county and secured the signatures of 72
land owners to a petition praying that that part of Scott town-
ship be joined to Crawford county. The citizens of Harrison
county carried the case to the circuit court at Corydon. When
the case was called for trial Mr. Walter Q. Gresham was
Leavenworth's attorney and Mr. Wolf represented Harrison
county. For a long time it seemed that Crawford county
would win, and just as the county judge was about to give
the decision Attorney Wolf came up to the judge and said
that he wanted to see him privately before he gave the deci-
sion. In the private interview Wolf told the judge that if
that part of Scott township was given to Crawford county
that it would endanger the Democratic party in the county
of Harrison; that part of the township was heavily Demo-
cratic and if given to Crawford county it would reduce the
majority in Harrison county so much that the party would be
in danger of defeat. The next morning the judge decided
that the action was unconstitutional and the land could not
be given to Crawford county. Mr. Leavenworth could have
appealed the case to the state supreme court for the sum of
50 dollars but he could not get a man in the town of Leaven-
worth to help raise the money. 10 Had that land been gained
to Crawford county in 1858, then English would not have won
7 County Commissioners' Records from 1824 to 1834.
8 Information given the writer by E. P. Leavenworth, son of Zebulum Leav-
enworth.
9 County Commissioners' Records for 1S59.
158 Indiana Magazine of History
the county seat in 1896, for then the town of English would
not have been the central point of the county. Mr. Leaven-
worth lived to celebrate his golden wedding at Leavenworth
in 1871. The Leavenworth Independent has the following
account of the celebration :
Golden Wedding A Half Century of Wedded Life The Dinner
Speeches Supper Presents A Rare Occasion and a Splendid Time. The
first golden wedding ever celebrated in Crawford county took place at
the residence of Oliver Leavenworth near the town last Wednesday even-
ing. The parties celebrating their fiftieth year of wedded life were
Zebulum Leavenworth and his wife, Margaret Leavenworth. Ages 79
and 69 respectively.
At the dinner party given on Wednesday at noon to a number of
friends and members of the family Mr. Leavenworth arose and in a
voice full of emotion gave the history of their married life in poem
form. The poem was full of pathos and sublime thoughts and when
the aged gentleman resumed his seat every eye was full of tears. Below
is the poem in full:
1. Fifty years through shine and shadow,
Fifty years, my gentle wife,
You and I have walked togethr
Down the rugged hill of life.
2. From the hill of spring we started
And through all the summer land
And the fruited autumn country
We have journey hand in hand.
3. We have borne the heat and burden
Willingly, painfully, and slow.
We have gathered in our harvest
With rejoicing long ago.
4. Leave the upland to our children.
They are strong to sow and reap.
Through the quiet wintry lowlands
We our level way will keep.
5. 'Tis a dreary country, darling,
You and I are passing through,
But the road lies straight before us
And the miles are short and few.
10 Information given by his son E. P. Leavenworth.
11 Leavenworth Genealogy Book.
Pleasant: Crawford County 159
6. No more dangers to encounter,
No more hills to climb, true friend,
Nothing now but simple walking
Till we reach the journey's end.
7. We have had our time of gladness.
It was a proud and happy day.
Ah. The proudest of our journey
When we felt that we could say;
8. Of the children God has given us,
Proudly looking on the six,
Lovely women are our daughters
And our sons are manly men.
9. We have had our time of sorrow
And our time of anxious fear
When we could not see the mile stones
Through the blindness of our tears.
10. In the sunny summer country
Far behind us Little Zebie, Thaddie,
And Marshall, too, grew weary
And we left them on the way.
11. Are you looking backward, Mother,
That you stumble in the snow?
I am still your guide and staff,
Lean upon me even so.
12. And what is that which you say?
Yes, I know your eyes are dim
But we have not lost our journey
And our trust is placed in him.
13. Cheer thee, cheer thee, faithful heart,
Just a little way before,
Lies the great Eternal City
Of the King that we adore.
14. I can see the shining spires
And the King, the King, my dear,
We have served him long and faithful.
He will bless us never fear.
160 Indiana Magazine of History
15. And the snow falls fast and heavy,
How you shiver in the cold,
Let me wrap your mantle closer
And my arm about you fold.
16. We are weak and faint and heavy
And the sun's low in the west,
We have reached the gate, my darling,
Let us tarry here and rest.
Mr. Leavenworth lived at his home there till about 1878
when he died and was buried in Cedar cemetery, overlooking
the little town in which he had lived so long and which he
loved so well. The hill covered with cedars was given to the
town by Mr. Leavenworth for a cemetery and has long been
known as Cedar cemetery. 12 His son with whom the author
is well acquainted lives in Leavenworth at the date of writing
and has furnished valuable information.
The site of Leavenworth lies on the Ohio river about three
miles above the town of Fredonia, where the rich bottom is
about one-fourth of a mile wide. A large spring of the best
drinking water ran out from under the river hill. Hence the
site was much superior to the town of Fredonia. The town is
about 363 feet above the sea. 13 Boats can land directly at
the wharf. The plat which was made by the Leavenworths
may yet be seen in the county recorder's office at English,
the county seat. The streets as platted are 50 feet wide,
except Front street, which is 60. The alleys are 12 feet wide.
The plat submitted here is an exact copy of the original. It
was filed in the recorder's office at Mount Sterling on July
14, 1819, William Samuels being the county recorder at that
time. 14
The town was situated on the deepest bend of the Ohio
river and soon became a landing port for the towns of Salem,
Paoli, Bono, Jasper and Bloomington. Of course not all of
the commerce of these towns passed through Leavenworth
but a large amount of the trade passed there. Leavenworth
was the principal trading point till the Monon railroad was
12 Information given the author by Mrs. Sullivan of Indianapolis, one or Tits
daughters.
13 Indiana School Journal
"County recorder's office, Deed Book 1, page 21.
Pleasant: Crawford County 161
built out from New Albany through Borden, Salem, Orleans,
Bedford and Bloomington. Then freight could be hauled to
those towns much easier and cheaper on the railroads.
The old bus or stage line ran from Leavenworth to Bloom-
ington. It left Bedford every Monday at 6:00 a. m. and came
by the way of Mount Sterling and Fredonia with the mail.
The mail bus arrived at Fredonia on Tuesday at noon. After
the Salem and the Paoli roads were built the coaches ran
directly to these towns and did not go around by Fredonia. 15
One may judge of the amount of business done at Leaven-
worth by the number of roads which ran out from the town
in all directions.
The freight could be landed on the banks of the Ohio river
at Leavenworth very easily. A road was built up the side
of the bluff back of Leavenworth and another road was con-
structed up the hill by going around up Poison creek. Here
the hill is not so precipitous and a reasonable load can be
hauled when the roads are kept in good repair. The old Jasper
road came up the river hill near the Big spring. One who
has not seen the river hills here cannot tell anything about
the amount of work required to construct such a road.
Many town lots were sold in Leavenworth after the plat
was recorded. The board doing county business granted
Julius Woodford a license to sell foreign merchandise on May
2, 1825, for a fee of $10. This license was good for one year
and permitted the man to sell any imported goods that he
cared to handle and the people would buy. Elias Lyons opened
up a store on January 2, 1827. 16
Elisha Tadlock, who had represented Crawford county in
the General Assembly in 1825, was the first one to open up
a tavern in Leavenworth. He began business in May, 1827.
Seth Marshall Leavenworth opened up a hotel in 1828. H. H.
Samuels started a store in the town on the first day of January,
1833. Just how many people lived in the town of Leaven-
worth in 1830 one cannot now tell. In that year there were
3,234 people in the county. In 1820 there were 2,583. By
1830 there were about 128 farms sold in the county. Hence
one can see that there was a large number of squatters in
18 Indiana Journal, August 14, 1827. See mail bids.
162 Indiana Magazine of History
the county. 16 In that case Leavenworth might have had 100
people.
In 1834 the leading citizens of Leavenworth secured sev-
eral lots near where the Big spring branch runs into the Ohio
river and started a manufacturing company. One finds a
record of the matter in the grantor and the grantee books,
but no further trace of the matter can be found. The records
do not tell what the company manufactured. The following
is a brief form of the charter which the General Assembly
granted the company.
The Leavenworth Manufacturing Company was incorpor-
ated by law February 1, 1834. The principal sections of the
charter are:
Section 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the state of
Indiana, that John Peckinpaugh, Dudley Gresham, and Elam Willey
together with such other persons as may associate with them for the
purpose of prosecuting the manufacturing, exporting and importing
business within the state to be established and located at the town of
Leavenworth or near the town in Crawford county, Indiana, be and the
same are hereby ordained and declared to be a body politic and to all
intents and purposes to be known by the name of the Leavenworth
Manufacturing Company by which name they and their successors shall
have continued succession, and be entitled to use all the privileges and
the immunities of the laws of the state of Indiana. The said corporation
shall exist for a term of 50 years.
Section 2. The capital stock of the company shall consist of $100000
and shall consist of $100 shares. The said corporation shall begin
business when $4000 worth of the stock has been sold. Dudley Gresham,
Elam Willey, and John Peckinpaugh shall receive subscriptions to the
said capital stock.
Section 3. When $4000 worth of the capital stock has been sold,
the corporation shall elect 5 directors who shall have the whole manage-
ment of the stock and the property. The said directors shall be elected
by the stock holders.
Section 6. The stock holders of the corporation shall be held re-
sponsible for the amount of their subscriptions to the capital stock.
Section 7. The capital stock shall be considered as personal prop-
erty and managed as the board of directors may direct.
Section 9. This corporation shall not act or be engaged in any
species of banking business or issue any bills of credit in the form of
bank notes.
« Commissioners' Records on the above dates using book two.
Pleasant: Cmwford County 163
Section 10. This act shall be and is hereby declared to be a public
act for the purpose herein specified and shall take effect and be in force
at once. 1 '!'
Leavenworth by 1830 had far outgrown Fredonia. Many
of the citizens of the town had for some time desired the seat
of justice re-located at Leavenworth. A law was enacted in
1827 which provided for the relocating of county seats by a
committee consisting of Henry McGee of Orange county, John
McPheeters and Robert Mclntire of Washington, George
Boone of Harrison and David Burr of Jackson. 18
This committee was to meet at Fredonia on the first Mon-
day in March, 1828, and make a careful study of the situa-
tion. Should the committee after a careful survey think that
the seat of justice ought to be moved, the committee was
authorized to choose a new seat of justice. This committee
did not think it was best to move the seat of justice; so the
county seat remained at Fredonia for several years more.
In 1831 the law of Indiana made a change in the way of
doing county business. Before that date most of the business
was done by a board composed in Crawford county of justices
of peace from each township. By the new law the county
was divided into three districts and one commissioner was to
be elected from each district. At the election held in August,
1831, Zebulum Leavenworth was elected commissioner from
the second district composed of Jennings and Whiskey Run
townships. Jacob Rice was elected from the first district com-
posed of Ohio and Union townships. James Glenn was elected
from the third district composed of Sterling and Patoka town-
ships. The seal of the county commissioners consisted of a
round device containing these words : "Commissioners' Court
of Crav/ford County", and a likeness of a girl holding a pair
of balances. 19
The people in Leavenworth tried to build up a town semin-
ary. On December 24, 1830, a law was enacted providing for
the incorporation of a seminary. The chief men who composed
the body corporate and politic were John L. Smith, Elam
Willey, Andrew Biers, James B. Davidson and Seth M. Leaven-
17 Indiana State Laws 1834, page 98.
18 Indiana State Laws 1827, page 86.
19 Indiana State Laws 1830-1831, page 59.
164 Indiana Magazine of History
worth. They were styled "The President and the Trustees of
the Leavenworth Seminary Society" and in that name could
sue and be sued. 20
The law provided that the trustees should be elected an-
nually on the first Monday of April by the subscribers of
the seminary. These trustees should take an oath before en-
tering upon their duties and after which they should elect
one of their number president who should be competent to
manage the business.
The trustees were to employ competent men as teachers
and dismiss the same when thought best. The law looked
well on paper but so many difficulties existed that not much
was done in education. Fredonia had a school society too
about this time, but the citizens there never succeeded any
better than the ones at Leavenworth in school matters. The
chief men who were interested in Fredonia were Allen D.
Thorn, Jacob Rice and Thomas Cummins. 21
Leavenworth was more successful when in 1835 a law
was enacted to incorporate a seminary for Crawford county.
The board of trustees located the site of the seminary at
Leavenworth.
Section 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of the State of
Indiana, That the qualified voters living in Crawford county are hereby
authorized to elect at their next annual election one commissioner or a
seminary trustee in each township of the county by a vote of the whole
county, and the qualified voter in each township receiving the highest
number of votes given in said election in the whole county shall be con-
sidered as duly elected trustee.
Section 2. The trustees so elected or two thirds of them shall meet
in the town of Leavenworth on the first Monday in May next, and each
before entering upon his duties as trustee execute a bond with security,
made payable to the state of Indiana in a penalty of $400, conditioned
for the faithful performance of their duties as such, which bond shall
be filed in the clerk's office.
Section 3. The trustees so elected and their successors in office
are hereby constituted a body politic and corporate by the name and
style of the president and the trustees of the Crawford county seminary,
and by that name corporate name may sue and be sued, plead and be
impleaded in any court of legal proceedings in this state and by that
name have perpetual succession.
20 County Commissioners' Records for 1831.
21 Indiana State Laws 1831, page 131.
Pleasant: Crawford County 165
Section 4. The trustees at their first meeting, or any subsequent
meeting, may appoint, designate, fix, and determine, at which place in
said county the seminary shall be located and a suitable building erected.
When the majority of trustees has selected a place and a suitable lot on
which to locate said building they may demand the seminary funds of
the county which may be on hands at that time.
Section 5. The trustees or a majority of them, at their first or
subsequent meeting shall elect of their own body a president and a
treasurer who may not be of their own body, to continue in office during
the will of a majority of the trustees.
Section 6. The treasurer of Crawford county is hereby authorized
and required to pay any order given by the board of county commis-
sioners to the trustee of the Crawford county library.
Section 7. The trustees so elected shall remain in office during
good behaviour.22
The trustees met at Leavenworth and after being duly
organized and having considered different places selected
Leavenworth as the site for the county seminary. Ebenezer
E. Morgan, who was county clerk, sold the trustees certain
lots on which to build the seminary. These lots are designated
on the plat of the town of Leavenworth. At that time William
Course, who was seminary trustee, had $427.66 on hands.
The trustees built a large two story house for the semin-
ary. The old building which is still standing is now used
for a residence by William Conrad.
Leavenworth by 1840 had far outgrown Fredonia. A
newspaper, The Leavenworth Arena, was being published in
1839. The Arena was the first paper that one finds any
account of in the records of the county. 23
The town of Leavenworth was incorporated by a state law
February 7, 1835.
22 Indiana State Laws 1835, page 32.
23 Commissioners' Records, book three, January, 1839.
Pioneer Stories of the Calumet
By J. W. Lester, Gary
When I undertook to write the stories of Lake county pioneers, I
had no thought of contributing anything to local history, for it seemed
obvious that the ground had been thoroughly searched for information
of historic interest. Mrs. Sheehan, Mr. Knotts, Mr. Bowers, Mr.
Matthews, and our friends in Hammond, Crown Point, and other places
in the county, had given the public accurate and intensely interesting
reports of their findings.
But I always have enjoyed visiting strange places and meeting
interesting people. I take in shorthand the exact words of those who
have a story to tell. It is to me a diversion which has become a hobby.
When I record a story I hold myself unaccountable for grammatical or
other errors, for should any occur I can point to the other person and
say, "He told it." While the one who tells the story can evade criticism
by pointing to me and saying, "He wrote it." My plan lessens the
responsibility of both parties.
Of the many stories I have recorded, the most interesting are of the
early stage routes, the trails, and the home life of the pioneers. One
hells of hunting deer and wild turkey on the banks of the Calumet;
another of the taverns along the stage roads; and still others, of seeing
the first steam engine; of fighting bald eagles along the beach; of visit-
ing Indian encampments and partaking of muskrat stew; of witnessing
the exodus of the Pottawatamies when they were forced by the govern-
ment to leave the richest hunting grounds in America; of the battles
between gamewardens and poachers among the swamps of the Little
Calumet; of the first building on the present site of this city; and
finally of the beginnings of Hegewisch, Tolleston, Hammond, and Gary.
Among those whose stories I have recorded are: Mrs. Henrietta Gibson,
Rev. Handley, Isaac Crissman, Wm. Kunert, Mrs. Vincent, Mr. Pesche,
Conrad Fabian, Mr. Nimitz, Mrs. Carr, and Ai'thur Patterson.
Copies of these stories are to be preserved in the city library by our
secretary, Mr. Baily, and they will be accessible to members of the
historical society and others who might be interested.
REMINISCENCES OF MRS. HENRIETTA GIBSON
(January 2, 1922)
My full name is Henrietta E. Gibson. I was born in Ham-
ilton, Canada, September 18, 1844. My father's name was
David Combs. He was born in Erie, New York, and was a
manufacturer of cloth. I have one brother, Major George W.
166
Lester: Pioneer Stories of the Calumet 167
Combs, of Glencoe, Illinois. Our family came by way of De-
troit to Chicago in 1846, and to Ainsworth station, now called
South Chicago, on February 27, 1850. There was only one
building there. That was the depot, and a man by the name
of Spears was agent. Father traded two horses and a wagon
and harness for forty acres where Hegewisch is. That part
of the country was called The Calumet region. It was nothing
but a wilderness of swamps, and the government sold the land
for a dollar and a quarter an acre. Our farm was right where
the U. S. Rolling Stock company factory is located, at Hege-
wisch. Father bought the James H. Cassidy inn at the toll
bridge, in 1850, and bought the stage house from Mr. Brum-
ley in 1853. That was about a half-mile from the fork of
the Calumet river. The driver of the stage coach always blew
a horn before he came in. Stages ran on a regular schedule
like the railroads, so we knew when they would come ana
watched for them. Father would have horses hitched at the
barn, or relay station, so they could go right on to Chicago.
The station was on the north side of the river at Hegewisch.
George Bunt kept the toll gate there and charged three cents
for each team that was driven across the river.
There were lots of Indians there. They kept their wig-
wams right at the forks of the Grand Calumet, about a half-
mile south of our stage house. They were Pottawatamies.
Chief Shaubenee often came there on business. He was very
friendly. My mother often hired the squaws to work about
the house, but they wouldn't take any money for it because
their husbands would take it from them, so my mother gave
them flour and eggs. One name was Naominequay (Na-6
mi-ne-quay'). She could talk English, and was rather nice
looking. I played with the Indian children a great deal and
acquired a kind of a dialect so I could talk with them. Two
of the girls had English names, Mary and Elizabeth. The
boys hunted with bows and arrows; the older men, with old-
fashioned guns. Shaubenee was short and thick-set and had
long hair. In cold weather he wore a blanket and fairly good
Indian clothes, including the leggings, blanket and moccasins,
and he always wore hoop earrings. His blanket was red,
trimmed with a black border — most of them wore gray. He
used to say, "I be Shaubenee — I own Shaubenee Grove." That
168 Indiana Magazine of History
was the way he introduced himself. Once he brought two girls
to our house. I think they were his daughters. They went
to Notre Dame college and were fine girls. They dressed like
Americans and played lovely on the piano. He was proud of
them and wasn't satisfied to have them like the other Indian
girls. When they came home they always came by stage.
The Indians always went to the Straits of Mackinac in sum-
mer. They were lazy, and did nothing but hunt and fish.
They were all Catholics, and we could hear them worshiping
in the morning. They would kneel down to the sun and chant.
I often went with my father to their wigwams. The squaws
made baskets, moccasins and miniature canoes of birch bark.
They ornamented the things with porcupine quills. They made
flowers on the edges of the canoes and stained them with
berries. Most of them left in 1862, as Tolleston was building
up then and the whites were coming in fast and crowding
them out. Father sold the stage house there to Doctor Egan,
of Chicago.
I was married in 1860 and I only saw a few Indians after
that. My husband was the first station agent at Tolleston.
While we were there two boys called one day on their way
home from college. They were tall, straight and nice looking.
They asked if I remembered them, but I didn't; then one re-
minded me of something that had happened at their camp
when I had visited it, and then I remembered them. His name
was Antone. They were both well dressed. After we moved
to Tolleston I saw an encampment in Gary, or where Gary is
now. It was on the edge of the Calumet marsh right down
here at Twenty-first avenue, south of the Michigan Central
and just north of the Pennsylvania railroad, about a half
a mile east of where Broadway is. I saw some of the Indians
we knew at Hegewisch, and often saw Shaubenee out here.
One day when I was there they had quartered muskrat and
yellow hard corn they were cooking in a big camp kettle that
looked like a soap kettle. It set out in the open, and they had
sticks set up, with one across them to hang the kettle on.
They dipped the stuff out and ate it with some kind of wooden
spoons or gourds. They were pleased to have us come to see
them, and they offered me some of the soup. I didn't want
to taste it, but tried it to please them. I didn't like it, for
Lester: Pioneer Stories of the Calumet 169
they didn't use any salt or other seasoning. The encampment
was in a valley at the base of a large dune they called Coup-
ne-con'. Con Sheffier removed the dune and he found the re-
mains of an Indian in the sand. He gave them to the Tolles-
ton school and I suppose they are there yet. We knew the
Joe Bailly family well. I used to play with Rose and Frank.
I visited them and they visited me at Grandma Gibson's. They
were half or part Indian and were beautiful girls and well
educated. But their grandmother was real Indian. She lived
in a hut by herself, and wore a broadcloth skirt, leggings and
a shawl. She was swarthy and had straight, black hair, but
Was rather nice looking. Most of the Indians had clear-cut
features. A half breed French and Indian lived near them
with the Indians. His name was Jean Baptiste Cloochie —
we called him "Clookie." A man in Chicago by the name of
C. D. Wicker married one of the Bailly girls and took a fancy
to the half-breed. He arranged to have him stay with my
mother-in-law at the Gibson Inn, a mile or two east of Tolles-
ton, where Gary is. He lived there for twenty odd years and
died when he was about ninety years old. He was buried in
Tolleston. That was in 1864. He was a fine old fellow and
everybody liked him. The Indians were nice to you if you
were nice to them, but it didn't do to anger them.
Ernest Hohman married an Englishwoman and kept a
stage where Hammond stands. It was north of the river.
Gibson station, near there, was named after my father-in-law's
brother. He had a farm between Gibson and Hammond.
George Tolle, a man who manufactured surgical instru-
ments, invested a good deal in land around here, and built a
house near where Lewis A. Bryan's place is. Tolleston was
named after him.
My mother-in-law, Anna Maria Gibson, kept a stage house
where the Froebel school building stands. It was called the
Gibson Inn. She first went there in 1837, and her husband,
Thomas Gibson, built the inn in 1837 or '38. He came from
Columbus, Ohio, in 1835. The hotel was a good, two-story,
hewn low building, which he built on the forty-acres. It faced
fjast on the old wagon road about where Madison street is,
«is near as I can remember. It was a little north-east of
where the school building stands. I couldn't say how many
170 Indiana Magazine of History
feet from it, but it was right close by. The barns stood about
where the building is. The inn was close to Gibson Run, a
small creek, and there was another small stream near there.
There were no other buildings nearer than at Miller's (Miller
station) and Tolleston. They sold out during the stock yards'
boom. The tavern was still standing in 1861 but was torn
down shortly after.
The stage route ran from Detroit to Michigan City, from
Michigan City to Gary, or where Gary is now, and from here
to Chicago. The drivers would come from Michigan City to
"Mother" Gibson's inn — we called mother-in-law, "Mother."
They generally got their dinner there, then came to our place
at Hegewisch for supper, then went to the Five-Mile house,
near Douglas monument; that was called Chicago then. The
stage crossed the Michigan Central about where Madison
street is in Gary and then ran to Hammond. They kept four
and sometimes six horses on the stage.
When I picked huckleberries around here there were no
houses except the Gibson inn. We lived in a two-story house
where the Tolleston station stands. My husband got fifty
dollars a month, wood for heating, light and rent, as station
agent for the Pennsylvania and Michigan Central railroads.
Lewis Kanothe came out in 1858 or '59 and started a little
grocery at Tolleston ; then Charles Kunert and George Wendt
came. Mr. Kunert bought and sold huckleberries and made
a lot of money on them. I have caught pickerel and black bass
right where the Gary hotel stands. There was a slough, or
swamp, there that was fed by a stream from Long lake, near
Miller. It didn't cost much to live them ; we had fresh milk,
butter and cream, cranberries, honey from wild bees, mallards
and other game.
In the early part of 1865 I had company at Tolleston and
had cooked potatoes for dinner. I put the parings in a pail
and set them on a bench back of the house. Pretty soon we
heard some bumping and knocking against the side of the
house and I went out to see what the matter was. A deer had
been attracted to the salt in the potatoes and put his head in
the bucket to get at them. His horns had got fast against
the bale and he couldn't get out. He shook his head, then
started to run with the pail still sticking. He jumped the
Lester: Pioneer- Stories of the Calumet 171
high board fence and the pail came off. He ran for the woods,
but my husband started after him with a gun and soon
brought the deer back. As late as in 1865 he took a vacation
from the railroad and hunted deer from September to April.
He shot eighteen, and they were all killed around here and
where Gary stands. He showed me where he killed one right
where the Lake Shore station was built. He killed his last in
1880 on this side of Michigan City. It happened to be on
Thanksgiving day, and it seemed that every one wanted to
see the deer. He sold it to Mr. Brinkman, a market man, and
he gave it to the state. The head is mounted at Indianapolis
and there is a plate under it which tells when and where it
was killed.
I don't think there is a foot of ground around here that
I haven't tramped over to pick huckleberries, and little did
I think then that such a fine city as Gary would ever be built
on those hills and swamps.
Mrs. Henrietta E. Gibson
Mrs. Mary Vincent, Pioneer of Lake County
(December 31, 1921)
I was born at Deep river and have lived in Lake county
all my life — eighty-two years. My father, John Wood, was
born in 1800 and died at Deep river in 1883.. He came from
Salem, Massachusetts, in 1835, to Wood's mills, three miles
west of Ainsworth, Lake county. He had a saw mill and a
grist mill ; that is why they called the place Wood's mills. He
built a log cabin in 1835 and went back to Massachusetts
and brought the family out. The family came by way of
Detroit, and from there to Michigan City by stage. Friends
brought them to Deep river, a distance of twenty-five miles,
and it took them two days. Daniel and Nathan Lowe lived
at Michigan City ; they were nephews of my father.
Michigan City was then the city of the west, and they
expected it to be the greatest. They also expected Liverpool
to be a great city, and my grandfather, Pattee, and my father
bought lots there for $250 each. They didn't think much of
Chicago then. On the way from Michigan City to Deep river
we stayed over night with a family by the name of Wolff.
172 Indiana Magazine of History
The roads were bad and we had to cross a bridge about a mile
long, south of Baillytown. Father and mother knew the
Joseph Bailly family well and often stopped there. There
was another family by the name of Dillingham that they knew.
There was only Indians around Deep river, and we had
no near white neighbors. It was all hazel brush around Val-
paraiso, and but one man lived there. He was a sort of her-
mit. Solon Robinson was at Crown Point. There was a
tavern four miles west of us, south of Lake station (now
known as East Gary) and between Wood's mills and Center-
ville (now Merrillville) . It was kept by Mr. Pierce. The
Gibson house is the only building I remember of being where
Gary is now. It was along the stage line.
They used to run a stage from LaPorte to Chicago. Our
place was on what is now known as the Lincoln highway —
the state road running to Joliet. We always took the stage
to Chicago. There was a corduroy road that crossed a marsh
at Westville, nine miles east of Valparaiso. They paid toll to
travel from Michigan City to Westville. In about 1851 we all
went down to Lake station to see the first train come in. It
was on the Michigan Central, and people came from miles to
see it. I remember it well, for I was ten years old at the
time. There was a small hotel there then, and I believe it is
still standing.
There was a tribe of Indians at Michigan City and they
often came out to Deep river to hunt and trap. In about
1841 or '42 about five hundred came through Deep river. They
were Pottawatamies. They were moved out west and they
stopped near us for two days to rest and to let the squaws
do their washing. There were several guards with them. One
of the officers stayed with us while they camped there.
When California was opened up there were lines and lines
of covered wagons passing our place from early morning until
late at night. They came from Michigan and different states.
Many of the travelers stopped and camped near us, and would
come to the house to get water and supplies.
My grandfather, Moses Wood, of Andover, Massachusetts,
fought in the Revolution, and was at the Battle of Lexing-
ton. My ancestor, John Wood, came from England, and settled
in Lynn, Massachusetts, in 1629.
Mrs. Mary Vincent
Lester: Pioneer Stories of the Calumet 173
Early Days in Lake County
(January 18, 1922)
My father, Charles Kunert, was born in Prussia in 1829,
and came here from Spring Valley, Illinois, in about 1856.
He was the first postmaster in Tolleston.
He used to walk to Chicago and exchange blueberries for
groceries. He was married to Augusta Aurich and there were
ten children : Emily was the oldest, then Ernest, William C,
Carolyn, Mary, George, Henrietta, Louise, Clara, Arthur, Wal-
ter and Charles. There are nine living. I was born the third
of January, 1864, here at the corner of Taft and Ninth avenue.
The Gibson tavern was at Fourteenth and Madison. Crone
had a tavern a mile east of Gibson station ; the next was Hoh-
man's, at Hammond ; the next Reese's, at Hegewisch, at what
they called the Indian ridge. They said there was quite an
Indian reservation on the ridge years ago. There were swamps
and forests all the way from Hegewisch to South Chicago.
The Gibson tavern was just about on the southeast corner
of what is now Madison street and Fourteenth avenue. I
remember real well of the old tavern. It was a plain building,
and, if I remember correctly, the bottom was made of logs
and the top was frame. It faced east, to the best of my recol-
lection. It stood about three hundred feet west of Gibson run,
and was torn down in about 1869 or '70. The run was just
about where Jefferson street is. It got its water from the
sloughs and run northwest and emptied into the Calumet. The
other branch they called Gibson run came through Tolleston
between Garfield and Grant street, and it run from Eleventh
avenue to Roosevelt and Seventeenth.
From 1876 to 1884 I did most of my hunting in what is
now the first and second subdivision of Gary, or, rather, east
of Broadway. In them days I used to hunt for market, and
my main stands were just east of the Gary hotel, about where
Broadway is, where the Delaware hotel stands, and about
where the Emerson school is. The ponds, there is where I
did most of my hunting. It was all hunting with muzzle-
loaders. When I got thirty ducks a day father came after me
with a wagon and got me. I used to sell the mallards in Chi-
cago for ninety cents to a dollar and fifteen cents a dozen. I
174 Indiana Magazine of History
averaged easily thirty-six a day; I know days that I got
seventy. The upper end of the slough where the Gary hotel
is was the best place for hunting. There was about eight to
ten feet of water, and on both sides of the slough there was a
bed of rice about thirty feet wide, and the rest was smart
weed — that was great feed for the ducks. At the other places
there was rice and smart weed, and a good many oak trees,
and the ducks fed on the acorns. I killed forty-eight in one
day in 1906 at about Sixth and Virginia streets. I went out
in the forenoon and killed the limit and then I went out again
in the afternoon. I have seen deer here. They used to tell
about a big oak tree at Gibson's place at Ninth and Cleveland
where they could see three or four deer hanging most any
day. Gibson shot lots of them around here.
I was out in 1870 with Mr. August Elser. He killed one
north of Aetna on the Grand Calumet river and another about
where the Coke plant is, in Gary. I have the heads of both
of these mounted. There was John Becker, August Keck,
Ernest Harms and Herman Kirchoff in the hunting party.
There was one more killed after this in the pineries near
Pine station, by John Becker — that was in 1872 or '73. There
were plenty of quail and partridges.
I was superintendent of the Tolleston club of Chicago from
1889 to 1897. There was a hunting club along the Little
Calumet river that started with the following members:
August Elser, John Becker, George Stolley, James Ewen and
Dan Owsley. The men who came from Chicago came out to
these men's places to hunt, and in 1868, I think it was, they
started the Tolleston club of Chicago. The first superintend-
ent was Daniel Hall, of Chicago, then Alexander McDougal,
Edward Savage, James French, Willard West, myself, Frank
Sommers, Ed. Brennan and George Haecker.
The grounds were practically owned by the club. In the
first place they bought forty acres, then they got in a man by
the name of Alexander, who owned the ground surrounding
the tract. They had his consent to dig the canal. After his
death they got possession of his farm of 320 acres. Their
holdings extended from what is now Chase street west to
Clark, north to Twenty-fifth and south to the meander line.
There was a meander line on the north side and one on the
Lester: Pioneer Stories of the Calumet 175
south side of the river. The government laid that out as swamp
lands, and it couldn't be sold for any other purpose. Some
people's land extended beyond the meander line ; and the club
bought that from the owners and some they took by squatters'
rights. Quite a little of this land went into litigation, for
instance sections nineteen and twenty, with John Cluff, father
of John Burns, which suit they lost to Cluff; section twenty-
one, with John Gunzenhouser, which was won by the club.
Several other adjoining property owners had suits with the
club, but the club won on all of them.
I took charge of the club on the first day of January, ana
at about that time there were several big battles between
poachers and watchmen. In 1893 James Conroy, head game-
keeper, and John Cleary were killed by Al Looker at John
Hargen's saloon. In 1894 Dick Stone, one of the guards, was
killed on the marsh. In 1896, when John Cluff won the suit,
a battle raged between the farmer boys south of the river in
which Theodore Prott had his knee cap shot off and Frank
Kostic, a farmer boy, was shot through the lungs. Lawrence
Traeger, a watchman for Frank Whitlock, was shot, but Dr.
Senn, Dr. Miller and Dr. Reynolds happened to be out from
Chicago and they attended to him right there in the swamps,
and he got all right. Barney Whitlock and Charles Blackburn,
guards, were sent to prison. Barney got six months and a
five-hundred-dollar fine, and Charley went to Jeffersonville for
two to fourteen years, but was out in fourteen or fifteen
months.
Frank Whitlock was head gamekeeper of the marsh and I
was superintendent of the house — they always had two super-
intendents. There was lots of small skirmishes that were
never recorded. I know of a number of instances. The Nimitz
brothers, John and Henry, were the most persistent of all the
poachers.
In 1894 was one of the greatest years for duck hunting
that there was on the marsh, according to the reports from all
the members who had been going there since 1896. In the
70's there was a good many canvasback and redhead; and in
the 80's and 90's there was more mallard, pintail and bluing
teal; there were also bluebill, spoonbill, gadwall, widgeon,
green wigdeon and green-wing teal. I knew of one swan and
176 Indiana Magazine of History
one pelican killed in 1885 or '86. They were killed by the club
members.
On the 27th day of October, 1894, F. A. Howe, president
of the club, killed 143 ducks, mostly mallards; J. M. Glispie
killed 117, R. M. Fair, a partner of Marshall" Fields, killed 75
green head mallards in the morning and took the 11 o'clock
train back to Chicago with his ducks. I went out all day and
killed 198 ducks and two geese.
Some might think this a fish story but the facts are right
on record at the club house. I resigned from the Tolleston
club in January, 1908, and went into business in the general
store here in Tolleston. I sold out in the fall of 1899 ana
went to work as game warden, in 1901. I was put in as
traveling deputy commissioner on fish and game for the state
by Z. T. Sweeney, state commissioner. I resigned in February,
1905, to fill the unexpired term of August Conrod, as town-
ship trustee of Calumet township. The term expired Janu-
ary 1, 1908. Then I went into the real estate business and
stayed in that three years. I am now employed with the United
States Steel company.
William Kunert,
Former Sapt. Tolleston Gun Club.
History of the Know Nothing Party In Indiana
By Carl Fremont Brand, A. M.
(Continued)
Organization
Thanks to the efforts of that bitter enemy of Know Noth-
ingism, the Indianapolis Sentinel, we have a knowledge oi
the inner workings of the Order in Indiana as it existed in
the fall and winter of 1854. 1 A description of its machinery
at this time, when it was in the height of its career, will not
fit it at any other period, for it was continually in evolution.
The ritual was adopted at the meeting of the Grand Council
at New York City in June, 1854, and revised at the Cincinnati
meeting in November.
The order was organized on the lodge system in a hierarchy
of subordinate, county, state and national councils. Subor-
dinate councils could be established only with the sanction of
the state council. An authorized agent of the latter could con-
fer the first and second degrees upon the applicants for a
charter, who must be at least nine in number, and organize
them into a council. For the charter the subordinate council
paid the sum of two dollars to the state secretary and five
dollars for the entire work of the order. Each council was
designated by a name and a number. To become a member of
the supreme order of the Star Spangled Banner a person must
be twenty-one years of age, a believer in the Supreme Being,
a protestant, born of protestant parents within the limits of
the jurisdiction of the United States, reared under protestant
influence and not united in marriage with a Catholic wife.
Candidates were admitted by ballot; five black balls exclud-
ing an applicant from the first degree and three from the
second. Each council elected its own officers, which consisted
of a president, vice-president, instructor, secretary, treasurer,
marshal, chaplain, inside and outside sentinels and sometimes
1 The complete ritual, copied from the Indianapolis Sentinelj September 18,
1854, is given in the appendix.
177
178 Indiana Magazine of History
a judge advocate and a number of solicitors. 2 The president
presided over the council and had sole charge of the charter
and ritual of the order, which were never to be out of his
possession except when necessary for a session of the council.
He was the executive head of the body and had charge of all
political work in the district over which the council had au-
thority. 3
The membership was organized in degrees. All persons
elected to membership were eligible for the first degree, to
which admission was gained by taking the obligation of that
degree. 4 This oath was designed to control the voter, who
pledged himself to comply with the will of the majority even
though it conflicted with his personal preference, and not to
vote for any man for office who was not of native, protes-
tant birth. Above the first degree was the second, to which
a member must belong to be eligible to office in the order,
or to command its support for office in the community. The
applicant pledged himself that, if elected to any public office,
he would remove all foreigners or aliens from office and in
no case would appoint such to any position of trust. The
third degree, introduced at the Cincinnati convention, has al-
ready been referred to. Its purpose was to control the na-
tional policy of the order; to make the preservation of the
Union one of its main objects.
The county council was composed of one delegate from each
subordinate council within the county and an additional dele-
gate for every fifty members. At least three subordinate
councils with an aggregate membership of one hundred were
necessary for the formation of a county council. The presi-
dent of the county council was ex officio the proxy of the
president of the state council in his county. Every county
council was required to obtain a seal from the corresponding
secretary of the state council for which the sum of five dollars
was paid. The device on the seal was the American eagle."
The state council was composed of one delegate elected by
each county council, and each delegate was entitled to one
-'Indianapolis Chapman's Chanticleer, October 5, 1854.
3 See appendix for Constitution of subordinate councils.
4 The oaths are given in the ritual in the appendix.
8 See constitution of state council and orders of board of officers in the
appendix.
Brand: History of the Know*. Nothing Party in Indiana 179
vote with an additional vote for every five hundred members
within the county which he represented. The officers consisted
of a president, secretary, treasurer, chaplain, marshal and
sergeant-at-arms. The president supervised the work of ex-
pansion. He appointed one proxy for each district in the
state, which corresponded territorially to the eleven congres-
sional districts, and through these proxies, directed the policy
of the order. These proxies kept the president in touch with
all sections of the state. The other officers of the state coun-
cil and the presidents of the county councils also had the
powers of proxies. The meetings of the state council were
held annually. At these annual sessions the delegates to
the grand council were elected by ballot for a term of one
year. 6
The highest body in the Know Nothing system was the
grand council of the United States. This was a representa-
tive body composed of thirteen delegates from each state,
chosen by the state councils, with five delegates from each
territory or district. In the nomination of candidates for
president and vice-president of the United States, each state
cast the same number of votes as it had in both houses of
congress. Thirty-two delegates, representing thirteen states,
constituted a quorum. The grand council had power to fix the
signs, passwords and all matters concerning the secret ritual
and decided what should be the national policy of the order.
The officers, a president, vice-president, corresponding secre-
tary, recording secretary and two sentinels, were elected an-
nually by ballot. All officers and delegates were required to
be full degree members of the organization. The sessions of
the grand council were held annually. The officers were sal-
aried and the delegates received three dollars per day for their
attendance and mileage. Each state, district or territorial
council paid the sum of four cents per annum for each
member into the national treasury of the order. 7
Like other secret societies, the Know Nothing lodge had
its own form of council procedure. This included the use of
passwords, signs, grips, signals of distress, test formulae, and
• See the constitution of the state council, orders of board of officers, and
general rules and regulations in the appendix.
7 See the constitution of the grand council and general rules and regulations
in the appendix.
180 Indiana Magazine of History
rallying cries. There were special formalities for entering or
leaving a meeting, and an elaborate initiation ceremonial.
All meetings were opened with prayer. At ordinary ses-
sions the members sat together as a first degree council.
Separate sessions of the second degree members might be
held after the adjournment of the first degree council. Prob-
ably there was also a third degree council session. 8 So far
it differed little from other secret orders, but the peculiar
characteristic of the Know Nothing system was the fact that
it sought to conceal the personnel of its membership. It
tried to keep absolutely all knowledge of the order hidden
from the outside world. To this end the time and place of
the meetings were kept secret. The notice for a meeting
was given by scattering right angled triangular pieces of
paper about the streets. An inquirer would ask a brother,
"Have you seen Sam today?" It was from this password
that the order received the nickname of ''Sam." A piece of
paper of the same shape, but red in color, signified suspected
danger, and the brethern would assemble prepared to meet it. 9
The name of the society was disclosed to second degree mem-
bers only. First degree members could truthfully claim to
"Know Nothing" of the organization. Secrecy on every point
was imposed on them. To avoid the questioning of curious
outsiders, they professed ignorance of all matters pertaining
to the society, for which they were dubbed "Know Nothings,"
in popular speech, and under that name they have been known
ever since.
The pc-litical work of the order was divided between the
subordinate and the higher councils. The subordinate coun-
cils were designed to control the smallest political areas. Each
subordinate council in every corporate city, town or town-
ship elected one delegate, with an additional delegate for every
additional fifty members of the council. These delegates met
and nominated candidates for city, town and township offices.
The councils had free expression so far as the instruction of
delegates was concerned, but once the latter decided the policy
s Scisco, Political, Nativism in New York, 101.
9 " 'What's the matter with Sam' — The streets this morning were covered with
triangular pieces of red paper, which, we believe, according to Sam's dictionary,
means that there is trouble." New Albany Ledger, April 4, 1855. Se also the
Indianapolis Journal, April 5, 1855.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 181
to be carried out, their decision was binding. Failure to obey
would bring down the discipline of the order on the offending
members. 10
Likewise the county council nominated candidates for
county offices. The political power of the state council was
limited to the selection of candidates for state offices, and of
state electors to be supported by members of the order. Can-
didates for congress were nominated by district councils. The
constitution of the grand council gave it no power to nomi-
nate candidates for president and vice-president of the United
States. When a national ticket was to be put in the field the
grand, council reorganized as a national convention.
The order issued no formal platform before 1855, but its
objects were kept continually before the members by means
of literature and speeches. 12
Such was the organization of the order in the period of
its greatest vigor. The system was designed to concentrate
the control of the voters in the hands of a strong executive, so
as to carry out the policy as decided by a few. How nicely
it worked in 1854 has been shown. But such a system was
bound to fail. The fear of the discipline of the order was
in itself not sufficient to suppress individualism, and in the
struggle the system had to bend and then break up altogether.
Nationalism and Slavery
The state legislature of 1855 was known as the "Know-
Nothing" legislature, because of the large number of Know
Nothings in it. 1 A bill was introduced which proposed an
amendment to the state constitution limiting the right of
suffrage to those who were citizens of the United States,
either by birth or by naturalization ; but it never progressed
beyond a second reading. The fear of offending the foreigners
10 See constitution of subordinate councils, Art. VIII, in the appendix.
Scisco. Political Nativism in New York. 10J,-C.
u " 'The Know Nothing' is the name of a new book that has just been pub-
lished. It is a story without preface, introduction, table of contents, page or
chapter headings, or anything to indicate its character or subject, except the
ominous 'Know Nothing'. Large editions, one after another, will probably dis-
appear without anybody's knowledge." This article from the Bedford White
River Standard, January 11, 1855, gives an idea of the character of Know Noth-
ing literature.
1 Brookville Indiana American, March 2, 1855.
182 Indiana Magazine of History
was still too great to permit the passage of any distinctively
nativist legislation.-
The Know Nothing movement in Indiana had reached its
crest in the fall of 1854. As the slavery question gradually
took precedence in the political world, Know Nothingism
waned in importance. In vain they fought to keep nativism
foremost. The discussion of the slavery question was for-
bidden. The Americans of the north were to stand by their
brethern of the south as co-workers in a common cause. 3 The
anti-slavery agitation had already divided the Baptist and
Methodist churches into two parts — a forcible illustration of
the deep-seated hostility which already existed between the
sections. It was depriving the people of all their national
sentiment and replacing it with the fanaticism and bigotry of
sectionalism. 4 The third or "Union" degree embodied this
nationalist doctrine and we have seen its disastrous results
upon the councils in Indiana.
The Union degree gave currency to the belief that the south
was rushing into the order with the hope of controlling its
action. It was thought they were planning to ally the south
with the native labor of the north against the immigrants
who were anti-slavery in the main. 5
From its origin the order in Indiana had been opposed to
the further extension of slavery. They vigorously refuted
the charge that Know Nothingism paralyzed anti-slavery sen-
timent. They pointed to the results of the state elections in
the north to disprove the assertion. Against this strong sen-
timent the ignoring policy was powerless. 6
The withdrawal of the members of Free Soil sympathies
continued during the early part of 1855. A struggle ensued
between the factions, the Indianapolis Journal, Berry Sul-
grove, editor, upholding the anti-slavery policy and the New
Albany Tribune, Milton Gregg, editor, the union policy. The
anti-slavery contention was that the American party 7 might
2 New Albany Tribune, December 14, 1858.
3 Indianapolis Sentinel, December IS, 1854.
* Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 211.
5 Indianapolis Journal, May 12, June 6, 1855. Fort Wayne Standard, Decem-
ber 14, 1854.
6 Indianapolis Journal, February 12, 1855.
7 The Know Nothing organization and doctrines began to be known as the
American Party and Americanism, respectively, during the early months of
Brand: History of the Knotv Nothing Party in Indiana 183
gain great strength, win a few victories, even elect a presi-
dent and gain control of congress, but its first infidelity to
freedom would be the signal for its overthrow. Whenever
the Know Nothings had fallen in with the anti-slavery cur-
rent in the free states, they had been almost uniformly suc-
cessful, but to array themselves against that sentiment, or to
ignore the question altogether would mean an inevitable de-
feat. Any party ignoring the question was doomed to be
ignored itself. s
The national Americans of Indiana were as a rule as much
opposed to slavery extension as the opposing faction. Rich-
ard W. Thompson, of Terre Haute, and Milton Gregg, of New
Albany, both declared they had no sympathy with slavery
whatever and avowed their opposition to its extension. 9 But
they held that the great principles of Americanism should take
precedence over the mere sectional issue. "One of the car-
dinal principles of the party in Indiana and the North," said
Gregg in the Tribune, "is peace, prosperity and a desire to
sink or ignore issues that disturb the harmony between North
and South." 10 Such a policy would never abolitionize the
order nor would it make it pro-slavery. 11 The Aurora Stand-
ard thought the course of the American party should be,
Union on the American question but on the slavery they (i. e.,
the different sections) must act apart. 12
The result of the controversy was that Americanism there-
after received but a half hearted support from the Indianapolis
Journal and the anti-slavery faction, who leaned more and
more toward "straight" Republicanism. But the breach was
not yet final.
American principles were freely and openly expressed as
the need of secrecy disappeared. Newspapers were started
with the avowed purpose of advocating Know Nothingism. The
Daily American, started at Terre Haute, took for its motto,
"Sam," brief but enormously expressive. 13 Many other papers
1855. As the party entered national polities the need of a more dignified name
than "Know Nothing" was felt.
8 Indianapolis Journal, March 27, April 10, May 24, 1855.
9 Madison Courier, March 18, 1S55.
10 Indianapolis Journal, May 24, 1855.
"New Albany Tribune, May 16, 1855.
12 Indianapolis Journal, June 6, 1855.
13 Indianapolis Journal, February 26, 1855.
184 Indiana Magazine of History
now came out openly in support of the Americans. 14 Later in
the year the Indianapolis Republican was purchased by the
Know Nothing state council with the purpose of making it a
state organ. Reverend Samuel P. Crawford, a. former Metho-
dist minister of Dublin and the chaplain of the national coun-
cil, was made the editor. 15 In addition to the usual anti-
Catholic and anti-foreign planks, the platforms put forward
by these papers usually contained a specific plank advocating
the extension of the term of residence before naturalization
to twenty-one years, the same period of time that a native
American had to spend here before he became a voter. 16
The enemies of the Know Nothings attempted to imitate
that feature of the movement which they had denounced as
most objectionable. Early in 1855 a secret political society,
popularly known as the "Sag Nichts" or "Say Nothings," was
founded in Newport, Kentucky, 17 or according to another ac-
count, in Ohio. 18 Its object was to protect Catholics and
foreigners and to secure their rights, especially at the polls.
14 The list of Know Nothing papers at this time included the New Albany
Tribune, Vevay Reveille, Aurora Standard, Fort Wayne Times, Bedford Standard,
Salem True Flag, Evansville Journal, Vincennes Gazette, Terre Haute Wabash
Courier, Terre Haute American, Greencastle Banner, Rising Sun Visitor, Terre
Haute Express, Jeffersonville Republican, Indianapolis Indiana Republican. Mod-
erate supporters of Know Nothingism, but now more Republican than American,
were the Indianapolis Journal, Richmond Palladium, Newcastle Courier, Brook-
ville Indiana American.
15 Richmond Jeffersonian, July 5, 1855.
18 Following is a platform of principles (summarized) printed by the Bed-
ford White River Standard, May 31, 1855, as the universally acknowledged prin-
ciples of Americanism at the time (1855). They are also markedly anti-slavery
in character.
1. Opposition to all forms of tyranny over the mind or body of man.
2. Principles and character, not birthplace, are the true standard of qual-
ification for citizenship.
3. No adherent of any foreign power, either political or politico-ecclesias-
tical, should be eligible to naturalization.
4. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as punishment for
crime, should exist in the territories. No more slave States should be admitted.
5. Candidates for office should favor resisting the aggressions of slavery,
popery and intemperance.
6. All officers, as far as practicable, should be chosen by direct vote of the
people.
7. Persons of foreign birth should not be admitted to the ballot till they
become citizens according to the Constitution and laws of the United States.
See also the Bedford White River Standard for March 29, April 12, May 3,
June 14, October 5, 1855; Indianapolis Journal, May 1, July 11, September 20,
1855 ; for expressions of American principles.
17 Bedford White River Standard, May 24, 1855.
18 Indianapolis Journal, August 22, 1855.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 185
Originally it consisted of foreigners, but was later joined by
many Old Line Democrats and Whigs. Several such associa-
tions were formed in Indiana. 19 It seems never to have
amounted to much politically and the name "Sag Nichts"
soon became a contemptuous term by which all Democrats
were designated.
As the spring elections drew near the Democrats again
made the Know Nothings their chief target. Lieutenant-Gov-
ernor Willard and Governor Wright resumed their attacks. 20
The Democratic convention, held at Indianapolis, April 19,
1855, was known as the "Anti-Know Nothing" convention. 21
To meet the attacks of their opponents the Know Nothings
adopted new tactics. If a meeting were called to expose and
denounce Know Nothingism it was drowned out by the shouts
and yells of the Americans who gathered for that purpose. 22
George W. Julian testifies to this fact also.
This happened in my own county and town, when thousands of men,
including many of my old Free Soil brethren, assembled in an organized
mob to suppress the freedom of speech; and they succeeded by brute
force in taking possession of every building in which their opponents
could meet, and silencing them by savage yells.23
Such proceedings would not have taken place the year be-
fore when even the personnel of the Know Nothings was sup-
posed to be secret, but men more openly avowed their connec-
tion with the movement at this time.
The Democrats at New Albany professed to fear Know
Nothing violence in the election. Upon this plea, several of
their candidates, William Weir, for mayor; Michael C. Kerr,
for city attorney, and Augustus Bradley, for councilman, with-
drew and left the field to the Americans. 24 In other cities
the Know Nothings seem to have repeated their tactics of the
previous year. Tickets were formed in secret conclave, re-
nominated by fusion conventions and put out under the name
of People's tickets. 25 Fusionists not in sympathy with the
"Bedford White River Standard, April 19, 1855. New Albany Ledger, May
30, 1855. Indianapolis Journal, June 6, 1855.
20 Indianapolis Journal, February 23, 1855.
21 Bedford White River Standard, April 19, 1855.
23 New Albany Ledger, June 6, 1855.
23 Julian, Recollections, 142.
24 Indianapolis Sentinel, April 20, 26, 1855.
25 Richmond Jeffersonian, March 29, April 12, 1855.
186 Indiana Magazine of History
Know Nothings might remonstrate against such dictation, but
the latter were too strong for them. 26
As in 1854 no straight American tickets seem to have been
nominated. But their relation to the People's party was clearly
recognized, so that their victories were referred to indis-
criminately as Know Nothing, Fusion or Republican suc-
cesses. In the township election at Indianapolis the Fusion
ticket was successful and the result was made known by the
jubilant use of the pass word, "Have you seen Sam?"- 7 A
few weeks later their city ticket was defeated. " 'Sam' must
have been out picnicing."-' 8 The result was heralded as a
Know Nothing defeat.- But the council was American, which
caused it to be known as the Know Nothing council. 30
The Know Nothings, i. e., People's Party, carried New
Albany and Richmond without opposition. There was little
interest there for "Sams" reserved his strength for great
occasions.' 51 "Sam's" ticket carried Terre Haute, Jefferson-
ville, Lawrenceburg, Lafayette, Logansport, Vevay, Green-
castle, Laporte and other cities. 32 "The Republicans gained
over their vote of last fall. Our old line friends will learn
by this that Sam is again convalescent." 33 The Democrats
were successful at Evansville, Fort Wayne, Columbus, Madi-
son and Rushville. 34 A curious feature of the Lawrenceburg
election was that the Know Nothings supported and elected
an Englishman and a German to office. This event was taken
to prove that Know Nothingism was not proscriptive of all
foreigners. 35
The Americans seemed to be sweeping the country. New
Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Penn-
sylvania, Ohio, Kentucky and the southern states were the
2,1 Indianapolis Sentinel. May 4. 1855. Indianapolis Journal, May 3, 1855.
27 Indianapolis Journal, April 3, 1855.
* Madison Courier, May 9, 1855.
28 New York Times, May 4, 1855.
30 Indianapolis Journal, January 18, 1858.
81 Indianapolis Journal, May 4, 1855.
12 Indianapolis Indiana Republican, May 10, 1855. Bedford White River
Standard, April 12, 19, 1855. Indianapolis Sentinel, April 10. 18. May 4, 7, 1856.
Princeton Democratic Clarion, April 14, 1855. New Albany Tribune, April 10,
May 9, 1855. New Albany Ledger, April 3, May 9, 16, 1855.
33 Rushville Republican, May 0, 1855.
34 New Albany Ledger, April 3, May 16, 1855. Rockport Democrat, April
21, 1855.
"New Albany Tribune. April 10, 1855.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 187
scenes of Know Nothing success in state or municipal elec-
tions. Attention then centered on the Virginia election in
May. Henry A. Wise, Democratic candidate for governor,
made Know Nothingism the issue, and after a vigorous cam-
paign defeated Flourney, the Know Nothing candidate. 36 This
election marked the high tide of Know Nothingism. Uniform-
ly successful until that time, it was the first of a series of
defeats from which the movement never recovered. It was
seen that the party in the south possessed only the old Whig
strength, and in reality was little more than that party in dis-
guise. The news of Wise's victory elated the Democracy of
Indiana. Jollification meetings were held and the Know Noth-
ings had recourse to their tactics of drowning them out by
shouts and yells. 37 To show that they were not disheartened
the Know Nothings, on May 30, held a meeting at the Bates
House, at Indianapolis. Henry S. Lane, Godlove S. Orth, Solo-
mon Meredith, Daniel Mace, Schuyler Colfax, Samuel W.
Parker, David Kilgore and Erasmus Collins, the secretary of
state, were the speakers. "Sam" in Indiana was not dead as
a result of the Virginia election. 38
Throughout the north the order was under the control of
anti-slavery men, just as it was pro-slavery in the south. It
was foreseen that there would be a clash at the next session of
the national council, which met in Philadelphia, June 5, 1855.
Every state in the union, also the District of Columbia and
the territory of Minnesota were represented, most of them by
a full delegation of seven. For Indiana, appeared Godlove S.
Orth, of Lafayette, the president of the order in Indiana;
James R. M. Bryant, of Williamsport ; J. S. Harvey, of In-
dianapolis; T. D. Allen; Thomas C. Slaughter, of Corydon;
Schuyler Colfax, 39 of South Bend; and Will Cumback, of
36 Indianapolis Journal, May 29, 1855.
37 New Albany Ledger, June 6, 1855.
w Indianapolis Sentinel, June 1, 1855. New Albany Ledger June 6, 1855.
39 Colfax, like many others, afterwards maintained that he was never a
member of the Know Nothing organization. But in a letter dated July 3, 1855,
to him from B, W. Jackson of Concord, N. H., the following passage occurs:
"You did not seek or solicit an initiation, but as I was authorized to do, I
proffered to give you the 'work' and on your pledge of secrecy did so." Then,
too, only third degree members could be admitted to national councils. Colfax
concurred in many Know Nothing doctrines, but disapproved of secrecy, and of
making a man's birthplace a test of his Americanism. He was selected as a
delegate to the council without his knowledge or consent. He wrote his wife
188 Indiana Magazine of History
Greensburg. In all there were about one hundred fifty dele-
gates. The District of Columbia voted as a state, equalizing
the sections, sixteen to sixteen.. 40
There was a struggle over the admission of the delegations
from Massachusetts and Louisiana, the former because of its
Free Soil tendencies and the latter because it consisted largely
of Catholics. The criticism of the Massachusetts delegation
and of Henry Wilson in particular was bitter, but in the end
they were admitted. The Catholics from Louisiana were re-
jected. 41
On the seventh a banquet was given to the members of the
council by the citizens of Philadelphia, over which Mayor
Conrad presided. It was to be "national" in sentiment and
anti-slavery was put under the ban. Schuyler Colfax wrote,
"A great banquet is to be given to the delegates this after-
noon. I have been selected to respond to 'the Press', but it is
to be a 'Union-saving' affair, and I shall not go." 42
On the eighth a sharp struggle took place for the presi-
dency of the council. E. B. Bartlett, of Kentucky, was elected
over James W. Barker of New York, who was a candidate for
re-election, but was set aside for a man more closely linked
with southern interests. 43 C. D. Freeman of Pennsylvania,
was elected vice-president; J. M. Stephens of Maryland, re-
cording secretary; C. D. Deshler of New Jersey, corresponding
secretary ; H. Crane of Indiana, treasurer (Orth was also voted
upon) ; and H. N. Rugg of Massachusetts, chaplain, (Rev.
Samuel P. Crawford, of Indianapolis, was also voted for.)
All looked forward to the report of the committee on the
platform, which consisted of one member from each state.
On June 11 two sets of resolutions were reported. In com-
mittee, that of the majority received seventeen votes; that of
the minority fourteen votes. The former were drawn up by
Mr. Burwell, of Virginia, and submitted by Caleb Lyon, of
New York. They denied the power of congress to abolish
that he feared the order would not come up to his platform — anti-slavery and
the admission of protestant foreigners — "and in that case I might better for my
own sake in the future be away than here." Hollister, Life of Colfax, 78-80.
40 Indianapolis Journal, June 5, 1855.
11 Indianapolis Journal, June 11, 1855. Indianapolis Indiana Republican,
June 21, 1855.
« Hollister, Life of Colfax, 78-79.
a Wilson, Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America, II, 426.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 189
slavery in the territories, or to abolish it in the District of
Columbia, and they demanded that the nation should main-
tain and abide by the existing laws on the subject. The text
of the Burwell resolution was as follows:
Resolved, That the American party, having arisen upon the ruins
and in spite of the opposition of the Whig and Democratic parties, can-
not be held in any manner responsible for the obnoxious acts or violated
pledges of either; — that the systematic agitation of the slavery question
by those parties has elevated sectional hostility into a positive element
of political power, and brought our institutions into peril. It has there-
fore become the imperative duty of the American party to interpose,
for the purpose of giving peace to the country and perpetuity to the
Union. That as experience has shown it as impossible to reconcile
opinions so extreme as those which separate the disputants, and as there
can be no dishonor in submitting to the laws, the National Council has
deemed it the best guarantee of common justice and of future peace to
abide by and maintain the existing laws upon the subject of slavery, as
a final and conclusive settlement of that subject in spirit and in
substance.
Resolved, That regarding it the highest duty to avow these opinions
upon a subject so important, in distinct and unequivocal terms, it is
hereby declared as the sense of this National Council, that Congress
possesses no power under the Constitution to legislate upon the subject
of Slavery in the States, or to exclude any State from the Union because
her constitution does or does not recognize the institution of Slavery as
a part of her social system; and expressly pretermitting any expression
of opinion upon the power of Congress to establish or prohibit Slavery
in any Territory. It is the sense of this National Council that Congress
ought not to legislate upon the subject of Slavery within the Territories
of the United States, and that any interference of Congress with Slavery
as it exists in the District of Columbia would be a violation of the spirit
and intention of the compact by which the State of Maryland ceded the
district to the United States and a breach of the National Faith.* 4
The minority report was written by Samuel Bowles, of
the Springfield Republican, who however was not a delegate,
and was presented by John W. Foster, of Massachusetts. It
was signed by Schuyler Colfax, for Indiana, and by the rep-
resentatives of thirteen other states. The text was as follows :
Resolved, That the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was an in-
fraction of the plighted faith of the Nation, and that it should be
restored, and if efforts to that end shall fail, Congress should refuse to
admit any State tolerating Slavery which shall be formed out of any
"Indianapolis Journal, June 15, 1855.
190 Indiana Magazine of History
portion of the territory from which that Institution was excluded by
that Compromise. 45
The debate on the reports began on June 11, and lasted all
through the next two days. 46 The north and the south were
pitted against each other, and for the first time in any politi-
cal convention the north stood united and firm. New York
alone, because Millard Fillmore and George Law were presi-
dential possibilities, voted with the south. Although the pro-
ceedings were supposed to be kept secret, the news of the de-
bate leaked out and were chronicled daily by the newspapers.
Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts; Will Cumback, of Indiana; 47
and Mr. Ford, of Ohio; vigorously attacked the majority re-
port. Kenneth Raynor proposed a compromise which failed.
All the Indiana delegates present voted against it. The
Northern resolutions were rejected by a vote of fifty-one to
ninety-two. The Southern were then adopted by a vote of
eighty to fifty-nine. This victory of the pro-slavery men came
upon June 13. 4S
The next morning fifty-three of the northern delegates
seceded and held a meeting with Henry Wilson as chairman.
An Appeal to the People, reported by John W. Foster was
adopted. It was as follows:
To the People of the United States :
The undersigned, citizens of various States, assembled at Philadel-
phia on the 14th of June, 1855, feel constrained under the existing state
of affairs to affirm the following principles:
1st. The unconditional restoration of that time honored Compro-
mise, known as the Missouri Prohibition, which was destroyed in utter
disregard of popular will — a wrong no lapse of time can palliate and
no plea for its continuance can justify, and that we will use all constitu-
45 Indianapolis Journal, June 15, 1855.
48 Indianapolis Indiana Republican, June 21, 1855.
47 Indianapolis Journal, June 16, 1855.
48 Following is the vote of the Indiana delegation on Raynor's proposition,
the majority report and the minority report:
Raynor's Compromise Majority Report Minority Report
Orth
No
No
No
Aye
Colfax
__
Cumback
__
Slaughter
No
No
No
Aye
Harvey
No
No
No
Aye
Allen
No
No
No
Aye
Bryant
__
Aye
From the
New York
Times
, June
15,
1855.
See also the Indianapolis Jour-
il. June 16, :
L855.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 191
tional means to maintain a positive guarantee of that compact until the
object for which it was enacted has been consummated by the admission
of Kansas and Nebraska as free States.
2d. That the rights of settlers in territories to the free and undis-
turbed exercise of the elective franchise guaranteed to them by the laws,
under which they are organized should be promptly protected by the
National Executive whenever violated or threatened; and that we cannot
conscientiously act with those who will not aid us in the correction of
these national wrongs and who will not even permit their fair considera-
tion and their full discussion.
3d. We further declare our continued and unalterable determination
to use all honorable efforts to secure such modification of the naturaliza-
tion laws, aided by such elevation of public sentiment as will preserve
the true interest of the nation, and will guarantee the three vital prin-
ciples of a Republican Government; SPIRITUAL FREEDOM, A FREE
BIBLE and FREE SCHOOLS— thereby promoting the great work of
Americanizing America.
4th. That we invoke the arm of Legislation to arrest that growing
evil the deportation by foreign authorities, of paupers and convicts to our
shores, and that as our National Constitution requires the Chief Exec-
utive of our country to be of native birth, we deem it equally necessary
and important that our diplomatic representatives abroad should also
possess no foreign prejudices to bias their judgment or to influence their
official action. 4 9
This document was signed by the delegates of thirteen
northern states: Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont,
Maine, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Iowa, Rhode Island,
Connecticut, and Wisconsin. All of the delegates from In-
diana signed it.
In addition to signing the Appeal to the People, the dele-
gates from Indiana laid before the council the following pro-
test:
The undersigned delegates, representing the Council of the State
of Indiana, respectfully protest against the platform adopted by the
National Council at its present session, and beg leave to say that in
regard to the measure known as the Kansas-Nebraska bill, neither those
within the Council of the State of Indiana, nor the people, have awaited
the action of the National Council in order to form their opinions.
Their opinions have been formed and avowed. An issue has been
made with their political antagonists, and the soundness of those opin-
ions tested in public debate and trial at the ballot box. The edicts of
the National Council, however canonical they may be, will be powerless
to change those opinions or to reverse the action of the people of Indiana.
49 Indianapolis Journal, June 20, 1855; Wabash Intelligencer, June 20, 1855;
Rockport Democrat, June 30, 1855.
192 Indiana Magazine of History
Always conservative in their opinions and actions; always mindful of
the Compromise of the Constitution of the United States; ardently
devoted to the American Union, they will see with regret the promulgation
of a platform by this body which can have no other effect than to
increase the fury or the conflagration which the passage of the Kansas-
Nebraska bill has lighted up.
The undersigned respectfully express their deliberate conviction that
immediately upon the publication of the platform adopted, the Order in
the State of Indiana will cease to acknowledge the authority of the
National Council; and they respectfully ask that this protest may be
received as a termination of their duties as delegates from that State.
James R. M. Bryant Godlove S. Orth
J. S. Harvey Thos. C. Slaughter
T. D. Allen Schuyler Colfax
Will Cumback.50
By this protest the personnel of the Indiana delegation
was first made known. The presence of some of them in
Philadelphia "on business" had aroused suspicion but they
could no longer conceal their connection with the Order.
On the motion of Godlove S. Orth, a corresponding com-
mittee was appointed consisting of one from each of the eleven
states represented in the seceders' convention. Orth was
placed on the committee as Indiana's representative. 51 Most
of the northern delegates then left the council.
The secession of the minority did not prevent the ma-
jority from finishing its work. Many northern members re-
mained in their seats and helped complete the platform. 52
This proved to be a long document in which the Burwell reso-
lutions were incorporated as the "twelfth section", and under
that name they were afterward known in discussions. We
shall see the disastrous results of the twelfth section upon the
order. The Union degree had caused the withdrawal of many
members from the councils. The pro-slavery twelfth section
now led to the formal separation of several state councils from
the national council. The council adjourned June 15, 1855.
The results of the Philadelphia convention were a distinct
shock to the Americans in Indiana. The firm stand of the
Indiana delegates met with the approval of the party as a
M Indianapolis Journal, June 20, 1855; Rockport Democrat, June 30, 1855;
New Albany Tribune, June 27, 1885; New York Times, June 15, 1855.
61 New York Times, June 15. 1855.
52 Text of the platform is given in the Indianapolis Journal, June 15, 1855;
Rockport Democrat, June 30, 1855.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 193
whole. They had voted against every compromise proposed
with slavery and under the lead of Colfax, Orth, and Cumback
won for the state the name of the "Massachusetts of her sec-
tion." 53
Orth, Cumback, Colfax, Harvey, and Bryant, and all our delegates
well merit the thanks of every true hearted friend of freedom in Indiana,
for their manly and resolute action. 54
The Americans of Indianapolis met in council June 25 and
passed a series of resolutions against slavery domination, ap-
proved the action of the northern delegates and endorsed the
Indiana protest. 55 American, anti-Nebraska, and Republican
meetings in many places expressed approval of the seceders. 56
The course pursued by the delegates from this State, to the Know
Nothing National Convention recently held at Philadelphia, deserves the
approbation of anti-slavery men of all parties,
ran a resolution of a Republican meeting in Dearborn
county. 57
The only notable instances where the Americans seemed
to endorse the platform occurred in Evansville and Jefferson-
ville. The American party in the former city 58 passed reso-
lutions fully endorsing the platform, twelfth section and all,
as did mass meetings in Jeffersonville and Clark county. 59
But a small minority of the American newspapers in the
state supported the platform. "We are opposed to the slavery
agitation in every form", the Evansville Journal expressed
itself, "and we are therefore opposed to the course of the free-
53 Indianapolis Journal, June 19, 1855.
54 Indianapolis Journal, June 19, 1855.
55 Following is a summary of the resolutions given in full by the Indianapolis
Journal of July 6, 1855:
1. Approved the action of the northern delegates.
2. Rejoiced that the North had resolved to be respected in its rights.
3. The council would adopt the policy recommended by a State or Northern
Grand Council.
4. Sympathy was expressed for the misrepresented brethren of New York,
New Jersey and Pennsylvania.
5. Resist slavery extension into Kansas and the other territories.
6. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise has released the North from all
obligation to enforce the Fugitive Slave act.
7. The action of the Indiana delegates was fully approved.
M Indianapolis Journal, July 4, 1855; Rushville Republican, July 25, 1855.
67 Indianapolis Journal, July 6, 1855.
" Bedford White River Standard, July 19, 1855.
"New Albany Tribune, July 4, 1855; New Albany Ledger, July 4, 1855.
194 Indiana Magazine of History
soilers in the national convention. And yet we do, not believe
in yielding to the south one iota more than she can justly and
by the constitution claim. . . The members must be united
. . . . If the freesoilers will not listen to reason. . . .
let them take their course." 60 The Jeffersonville Republican
said, "In the national council Indiana was most shamefully
misrepresented." 61 These two organs headed a short list
who followed "Sam's Banner — For the Union, the Whole
Union and Nothing but the Union" and tried to create the im-
pression that "Samuel is All Right, Wide Awake and Stand-
ing Up." 62
The conservative New Albany Tribune endorsed the plat-
form, with the exception of the twelfth section. It refused
to endorse that section because : it favored acquiescing in the
Nebraska swindle; omitted any expression of the power of
congress to prohibit slavery in a territory; declared congress
ought not legislate upon the subject of slavery in the terri-
tories ; and declared, virtually, that the act of 1850 by abolish-
ing the slave trade in the District of Columbia was a breach
of national faith. 63 The Bedford White River Standard, a
stout advocate of American principles, took somewhat the
came stand.
With the exception of section XII we heartily endorse it . . .
But the twelfth section shall form no part of our political creed. We can
never acquiesce in the principle attempted to be established by the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise. We can never submit to the over-
bearing spirit of the South, exhibited in her efforts to carry slavery into
free territory. We can never succumb to the doctrine that Congress has
no right to prohibit slavery in the territories or the District of Columbia
. . . In a word we shall never yield one jot or tittle towards an
acknowledgment that slavery is anything but a curse, a blight, an in-
famy, a shame; and our right to constitutionally blot it from our
escutcheons . . . We expect to cooperate with the great American
party ... we desire to be left free to entertain our own notions in
reference to the twelfth section.64
80 New Albany Tribune, July 4, 1855; Bedford White River Standard, July
5, 1855.
«New Albany Tribune, July 4, 1855.
62 Indianapolis Journal, July 16, 1855. The following papers endorsed the
platform: Evansville Journal, Jeffersonville Republican, Greencastle Banner,
Vincennes Gazette, Terre Haute American. See Rockport Democrat, July 21,
1855, and New Albany Ledger, July 11, 1855.
"New Albany Tribune, July 23, 1856.
44 Bedford White River Standard, June 28, 1855.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 195
The great majority of American papers whole-heartedly
and without reserve gave their support to the action of the
Indiana delegation and stood on the minority platform. 65
The Aurora Standard used the following plain and pointed
language :
We are sorry to see such a rupture in the party; yet we cannot too
highly commend the firmness and faithfulness of the withdrawing mem-
bers. — They have done right; and even if their action in this matter
should cause the downfall of the party they will receive the warmest
thanks of Northern men. The time has come when a firm stand must
be made against the aggressions of the South, and the American party
may as well fall in the breach as any other. They have given us an
exhibition of fidelity and firmness never before exhibited by the members
of any party, and such as we could not hope to see upon the part of
the Old Liners.66
The number of such quotations might be multiplied in-
definitely and no doubt they give a true expression of Ameri-
can sentiment. 67 They regarded the event as epoch making.
The hint expressed in the above quotation that the American
party might fall in the anti-slavery struggle was reflected in
many other cases. It seemed as though there was but one
path of duty for anti-slavery men in Indiana, and that was to
stand upon the Fusion platform and labor for the success of
that party. 68
The action of the Indiana delegates aroused the bitter dis-
approval of the south. The American party in the state was
ignored by their southern brethren who spoke of it as "a rot-
ten limb hewn off from the American party proper" by the
65 Indianapolis Journal, June 27, 1855. Other papers, that, like the Bedford
Standard and the New Albany Tribune, wished to keep the slavery issue sec-
ondary to Americanism, were the Corydon Argus, Cannelton Reporter and Terre
Haute Courier. See the Indianapolis Journal, June 27, 1855, for extracts from
many other papers on this subject.
<* Indianapolis Journal, June 27, 1855.
" Following is a list of papers of American-Fusion politics that supported
the action of the Indiana delegates : Indianapolis Journal, South Bend Register,
Fort Wayne Times, Terre Haute Express, Lawrenceburg Press, Decatur Press,
Brookville Indiana American, Fountain Democrat, Danville Advertiser, New Castle
Courier, Laporte Union, Indianapolis Indiana Republican, Aurora Standard,
Rushville Republican, Park County Republican, Lafayette Journal, Lafayette
Courier, Lafayette Gazette, Richmond Palladium, Madison Courier, Vernon Ban-
ner, Valparaiso Observer, Randolph County Journal, Delphi Journal, Portland
Journal, Howard Tribune, Muncie Messenger, Bedford White River Standard.
See the Indianapolis Journal, June 27, 1855; New Albany Ledger, July 11, 1855;
and Rockport Democrat, July 21, 1855.
68 Indianapolis Journal, June 27, 1855, from the Union Herald.
196 Indiana Magazine of History
Grand Council at Philadelphia. 69 They had indeed broken
the oath of the third degree by refusing to ignore the slavery
question and subordinate every issue to "Unionism."
While the convention at Philadelphia was in session, that
of a new movement, an offshoot of Know Nothingism, was
held. Many of those Know Nothings who had been driven
out of the lodges by what seemed to them proscriptive, pro-
slavery, third degree movements of the party during the
previous winter, had formed a rival organization known as
the "Know Somethings." 70 It was anti-slavery in character
and did not proscribe foreigners. 71 The movement strove for
national expansion and secured a foothold in several states,
but failed to gain any great strength. This party held its
convention at Cleveland, Ohio, June 14, 1855. Indiana was
represented by H. W. Clark and Rawson Vaile, editor of the
Indianapolis Journal, a former Free Soiler and Know Noth-
ing. The Know Somethings hoped that the seceders from the
Philadelphia convention would join their ranks, but they were
disappointed. They then voted to dispense with secrecy; put
out a platform in which anti-slavery, nativist, and temperance
planks were prominent; and decided not to act independently
in politics but with the Republican party. 72
A state Anti-Slavery convention was held at Indianapolis,
June 27, 1855. The question of Know Nothingism was in-
jected into the discussion by George W. Julian, who made it
the chief theme of his address. 73 He opposed all cooperation
with the Know Nothings because of their non-committal at-
titude upon the slavery question and denounced them as pro-
scriptive and intolerant. S. S. Harding, of Ripley county,
and Rawson Vaile replied, defending the Know Nothings
against the charges. The approval manifested by the con-
vention showed that a large proportion of those present were
either members of the order or sympathizers with them. 74
In the early part of 1855, a more liberal spirit began to
pervade Know Nothingism. The Know Nothing Crusader,
"Madison Courier, Nov. 14, 1855.
70 New York Times, June 14, 1855.
71 Indianapolis Journal, April 24, 1855.
■^Richmond Jeffersonian, June 21, 1855; New York Times, June 14, 16, 1855.
73 Indianapolis Journal, June 18, 20, 1855; Terre Haute Union, March 3, 1857.
74 Indianapolis Journal. June 28, July 2, 1855; Julian, Speeches, 113.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 197
New York Express, Philadelphia Sun, and other American
newspapers began a campaign to do away with secrecy. 75
The novelty of the mystery had worn away and what may
have seemed necessary to the movement during its weakness
was not needful in its strength. The order in Pennsylvania
and Delaware declared for an open organization. 76 The first
open meeting was held at Stuyvesant Institute in New York
City. After an open declaration of American principles it
was adjourned with "three cheers for the first full length
view of Sam." The Know Nothings felt that one of the prin-
cipal objections to their order was removed. 77
At the same time the doors were opened to protestant
foreigners more freely than ever. 78 Even the Catholic test
was abolished in Virginia, South Carolina, and other states.
It had been ignored in Louisiana and California from the be-
ginning. 79 The only local move toward admitting Catholics
was in Knox county. In view of the three hundred French
Catholics in and about Vincennes, who had always voted the
Whig ticket, there was an agitation to dispense with the re-
ligious test. 80 This liberalizing tendency was reflected in the
action of the next state council.
As in the previous year the state council was called to
meet upon the eve of the Fusion convention. The Americans
evidently intended to repeat their tactics and again secure
control of the Fusion party. The convention of the latter was
called to meet at Indianapolis, Friday, July 13, 1855, the an-
niversary of the Ordinance of 1787, for the purpose of a more
thorough organization. Affixed to the call were the signa-
tures of Godlove S. Orth, still president of the Know Nothing
state council, Will Cumback, Milton Gregg, William J. Peas-
lee, David Kilgore, Schuyler Colfax, and many other promi-
nent Americans. 81
The American state council met at the same place July
11-12, 1855. It was generally understood that an attempt
76 New Albany Ledger, March 2S, 1855; Madison Courier, March 28, 1855.
"Bedford White River Standard, March 29, 1855.
77 Indianapolis Journal, June 6, 1855 ; Indianapolis Indiana Republican, June
7, 1855.
78 Indianapolis Journal, June 9, 1855; Richmond Jeffersonian, March 20, 1856.
79 New Albany Ledger, May 23, 1855.
S0 Rockport Democrat, Sept. 22, 1855.
81 Indianapolis Journal, June 27, July 3, 1855.
198 Indiana Magazine of History
would be made to endorse the action of the delegates at the
last grand council and form an open state organization. 82
Any move to endorse such an anti-slavery program was op-
posed by the county councils of Vigo, Vanderburg, and a few
other counties where the straight Americans predominated.
The Vigo county council passed the following resolution
which shows the temper of that faction :
Resolved: That our delegates be instructed to vote and use his
influence in the State Council, to ignore the slave question entirely, and
to vote for no platform which has anything to do with the subject in
any form.S3
The first session of the state council took place on July
11. Officers were elected, William Sheets, of Indianapolis,
succeeding Godlove S. Orth as president. 84 The action of the
Indiana delegates to the national council was approved. 85
Although there was opposition to the motion it was made
unanimous. In the same way the southern pro-slavery plat-
form was unanimously rejected. The council declared itself
entirely disconnected from the national grand council, but
although severing all connection with that body, it preserved
its own organization intact and separate from the Republican
party. S6 The injunction to secrecy was removed and the pro-
ceedings were ordered to be made public. 87
On the twelfth, a platform of principles was adopted 88
which liberalized the order to some extent, making it more in
consonance with the true sentiment of the members in the
state. The platform was extended so as to take in all native
born and naturalized citizens except Roman Catholics. Fur-
ther resolutions favored the restoration of the Missouri Com-
promise; opposed the extension of slavery; opposed any al-
teration of the existing temperance law; favored the altera-
tion of that section of the constitution of the state which per-
82 New Albany Ledger, July 4, 1855, from the Aurora Standard.
81 Indianapolis Sentinel, July 17, 1855; Richmond Jeffersonian, July 26, 1855.
Si Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 7, 1855.
86 Indianapolis Journal, July 14, 1855; Madison Courier, July 18, 1835.
Logansport Journal, July "J, 1855; New Albany Tribune, July 18, 1855;
Indianapolis Sentinel, July 17, 20, 1855 ; Princeton Clarion, July 21, 1855 ; New
Albany Ledger, July 18, 1855; Bedford White River Standard, July 19, 1855.
« Madison Courier, Oct. 31, 1S55.
87 Indianapolis Journal, July 14, 1855.
88 Indianapolis Journal, July 17, 1855; Indianapolis Indiana Republican, July
19, 1855; Brookville Indiana American, Oct. 12, 1855.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 199
mits aliens to vote after a residence of six months and a dec-
laration of intention to become a citizen ; and refused to sup-
port anyone for office who acknowledged the existence of a
politico-ecclesiastical power superior to the president of the
United States. The unity of the party, and even the natlvlst
principles were made subordinate to the question of the res-
toration of the barrier against the further advance of the
slave power.
But the repudiation of the old national features of the
platform was not carried out with harmony. In fact it was
done in the face of much violent opposition. It was said that
the delegates of fifteen counties seceded from the council be-
cause of this action. S9 When the result was made known, it
was a bitter disappointment to the national Americans.
"What right had they to absolve the party from all connec-
tion with the national council? What is to become of our
pledges to stand by the Union?" said the Greencastle Banner.
That paper regretted the course taken and claimed the aboli-
tionists had gained control. Another Know Nothing paper,
the Evansville Journal, predicted that the platform would
help carry Indiana but would work against them in the na-
tional election. 90 The Vigo county council which had in-
structed its delegate to ignore the slavery question entirely
and had in turn seen its wishes ignored, now repudiated the
action of the state council. It passed resolutions not to fol-
low the state council in its act of secession from the national
council, but declared it would maintain its organization in
support of the principles declared by the latter; and that it
was tired of the whole slavery agitation. 91 Likewise the
American party of Evansville passed resolutions announcing
its determination to stand on the Philadelphia platform. 92 The
Cannelton Reporter, on the ground that the abolitionists of
northern Indiana were in control, discarded the proceedings
of the state council "in toto." The Corydon Argus and the
Vincennes Gazette also opposed the action of the state council.
The Democrats rejoiced at the new dissensions within the
American party. They announced that the order had com-
89 Indianapolis Sentinel, July 25, 1855.
90 Indianapolis Sentinel, July 20, 1855.
91 Indianapolis Sentinel, July 23, 1855; New Albany Ledger, July 24, 1855.
92 Indianapolis Sentinel, July 31, 1855.
200 Indiana Magazine of History
pletely abolitionized itself and looked upon the secession as
a virtual disbanding of the organization. 93
Yet the great majority of the American party Heartily
approved the proceedings of the state council. The opposi-
tion was confined entirely to the southern and southwestern
portions of the state. The majority regarded the liberalizing
of the order as a great advance, as an end of useless proscrip-
tion, and the position taken on the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise as a brave stand against pro-slavery dictation.
In fact the state council of 1855 marks the end of the
original character of Know Nothingism in the state. The
slavery question which threatened the order from the begin-
ning had gradually broken down the nationalism of the move-
ment. The day of mystery and secrecy was past and with it
departed much of the dread and fear which it inspired. There-
after the American party was regarded as but little different
in character from the other parties. It was looked upon as
conservative rather than proscriptive. The connection be-
tween the anti-slavery wing and the Republicans became con-
tinually closer, while the national or straight Americans re-
ceived less and less consideration from the other factions of
the opposition.
The Fusion convention met at Indianapolis, July 13,
1855. 94 As in the previous year the Know Nothings played
a prominent part. Judge Charles Test, of Wayne, who had
been assocaited with them in 1854, was called upon to pre-
side. B. R. Sulgrove was one of the secretaries. Milton
Gregg, David Kilgore, and Lucien Barbour were among the
eleven vice-presidents. The principal speech was made by
General Henry Wilson, the Know Nothing from Massachus-
etts, who had led the northern delegates in their secession
from the last grand council. Although the slavery question
was the chief topic of his address, he openly expounded and
defended the principles of Americanism. A state central
committee of fifteen members was formed upon which sev-
eral Know Nothings acted, namely, J. S. Harvey, Rawson
Vaile, and Lucien Barbour, of Marion county; Milton Gregg,
93 Lebanon Boone County Pioneer, Sept. 22, 1855; Rockport Democrat, July
21, 1855.
94 Indianapolis Journal, July 14, 1855.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 201
of Floyd, Solomon Meredith, of Wayne ; and John W. Dawson,
of Allen. A platform of resolutions was adopted. Since
secrecy had been abolished in the order there was no objec-
tion to an open avowal of American principles, so the follow-
ing plank was incorporated :
Resolved, That both experience and the unmistakable manifestations
of a just public sentiment demand a change of the Constitution and
laws of this State so as to limit the elective franchise to such persons
as are actual citizens of the United States, either by birth or by a full
and final conformity with the laws on the subject of naturalization.95
At this time there was very little difference between the
Indiana Americans and Republicans. Of course, the extreme
abolitionists and the straight Americans never could become
reconciled but both were minority factions in their respective
parties. There was really no middle wall of partition between
the order and the People's party. 96 The Indiana Republican,
the Know Nothing central organ, actively supported all Re-
publican movements. It actually treated the two parties as
one and the same organization. 97 The Indianapolis Journal,
although now identified more with Republicanism than with
Know Nothingism, openly advocated a complete union, or at
least a harmonious cooperation on the ground that there was
no real difference in principle between them. The proscrip-
tive features of the order had been abolished, the two parties
stood together on the slavery question, and the Republicans
accepted nativist principles in a mild form at least. 98 The
Republicans openly proposed to make such a change in the
constitution of Indiana as would prevent the voting of aliens, 99
and that policy was specifically declared to be Republican-
ism. 100 Many Republicans openly declared their adherence to
Know Nothing principles but did not see the use of a po-
litical party to gain them. They believed the principles of
Protestantism too sacred to Americans to be appropriated
by a single party 1,n The Republicans would gladly have the
90 Indianapolis Journal, July 14, 1855.
90 Indianapolis Journal, July 17, 1855.
97 Indianapolis Indiana Republican, Sept. 6, 1855.
es Indianapolis Journal, July 11, 1855.
99 Brookville Indiana American, Dec. 7, 1855.
100 Indianapolis Journal, Sept. 20, 1855.
101 Brookville Indiana American, Nov. 2, 1855.
202 Indiana Magazine of History
slight barriers separating the two parties discarded and would
"rejoice to see the day when Republican, Know Nothing, and
Know Something can stand openly and unitedly on a truly
American platform." 102 Others sensed the situation more ac-
curately when they predicted that the Republican movement
would swallow up and concentrate all the opposition. 103
The Americans too were moderating in their demands. A
naturalization period of five years was generally advocated,
even by the New Albany Tribune, the "straightest of the
sect", instead of the longer term of twenty-one years de-
manded formerly.
The order of United Americans was introduced into In-
diana in the fall of 1855 104 A few lodges of this nativist
secret society were established but they did not flourish. The
order of the Star Spangled Banner itself was not able to
prevent its own decline, so there was no room for a second
society.
A number of great election riots occurred in 1855 between
Know Nothings and their opponents, chiefly foreigners. In
the August election at Louisville more than twenty persons
were killed. 105 Although the responsibility for these acts was
disputed, the Know Nothings received the blame and the
Democrats made political capital out of it, throughout the
fall campaign. In the press and in county conventions the
latter denounced them bitterly. 106 Governor Wright de-
clared before the Democratic state convention that any at-
tempt by Know Nothings in Indiana to drive Democrats away
from the polls would be forcibly resisted. A plank was put
in the platform, which declared hostility to secret political
societies and deplored the scenes of riot, outrage, arson, and
murder caused by their members. 107 Governor Wright and
other Democratic speakers who stumped the state made the
Know Nothings their chief target.
For most of the county elections the Americans and Re-
publicans formed joint tickets. The tickets thus constituted
1M Indianapolis Journal, Aug. 22, 1855.
mm Logansport Journal, July 21, 1855.
1M Indianapolis Sentinel, Oct. 27, 1855.
103 Indianapolis Journal, Aug. S, 1855.
*°* Indianapolis Journal Aug. 22, 1855.
107 Indianapolis Journal, Aug 30, 1855.
Brand: History of the Knoiw Nothing Party in Indiana 203
were referred to indiscriminately as Republican, People's, and
American. In Wayne county the Americans nominated by
popular vote. 108 Godlove S. Orth was nominated for judge
of Tippecanoe county by the Americans and Republicans.
His standing with the latter was not hurt by the fact that
his name at the time was signed to the call for the next
American convention. In Harrison county the Know Noth-
ings nominated Walter Q. Gresham for clerk. 110 A Know
Nothing, William Wallace, was nominated for mayor of In-
dianapolis. 111 The Americans of Dearborn county showed
their more liberal views, as they had in the spring, by sup-
porting an Englishman and an Irishman for office. 112
The Americans conducted no campaign of their own
except in the southern portion of the state. Their demon-
strations took the form of grand outdoor mass meetings and
barbecues. Great rallies were held at Paoli, Corydon, New
Albany, Charleston, and Seymour. 113 The American ora-
tors were Colonel William A. Bowles of Paoli, David O.
Dailey, of Jeffersonville, David T. Laird, Thomas C. Slaugh-
ter, and G. P. R. Wilson, of Harrison county, John M. Wil-
son, of New Albany, William Sheets, of Indianapolis, and
General Pilcher, of Louisville. Most of them avoided the
slavery issue entirely.
In the elections the Democrats were universally success-
ful. Many counties which had given fusion majorities in
1854 now returned Old Liners to office. The American
strength in Ohio, Switzerland, Jefferson, Jennings, Floyd,
and some others was sufficient to give victory to the People's
tickets there. 114 It was a poor year for "Sam" in Indiana,
although at the same time he was winning great victories
in Massachusetts, New York, Kentucky, Tennessee, and
other southern states. 115
108 Richmond Jeffersonian, July 5, 1S55.
109 Indianapolis Indiana Republican. Sept. 20, 1855.
110 New Albany Ledger, June 27, 18555.
"i Indianapolis Journal, Sept. 26, 1855; Indianapolis Sentinel, Oct. 8, 1855.
112 Bedford White River Standard, Sept. 6, 1855.
113 Bedford White River Standard, Aug. 9, 23, Oct. 11, 1855 ; New Albany
Tribune, Aug. 22, Sept. 12,>26, 1855; Indianapolis Journal, Aug. 10, Sept. 13, 1855.
n * Indianapolis Journal, Oct. 11, 1855 ; Bedford White River Standard, Oct.
18, 25, 1855 ; New Albany Tribune, Oct. 17, 1855 ; Indianapolis Indiana Repub-
lican, Sept. 20, 1855.
1U Indianapolis Journal, Aug. 8, Nov. 9, Dec. 1, 7, 1855.
204 Indiana Magazine of History
The committee of correspondence, appointed at a meeting
of the delegates seceding from the last grand council, issued
a call dated August 21, 1855, to the American party authoriz-
ing state and local councils to send delegates to a national
convention, which was to be held at Cincinnati, November
21.H6 The committee desired to see represented all who fa-
vored religious and political liberty; opposed the importation
of foreign paupers and criminals ; favored an extended period
of naturalization ; and wished for a restoration of the Missouri
Compromise. It was signed by Godlove S. Orth, the member
for Indiana, and by the representatives of eleven other north-
ern states.
The purpose of the convention was generally understood
to be the reorganization of the Know Nothing Order in the
north upon an anti-slavery basis — to secure the consent of
the states that freedom should be national and slavery, sec-
tional. The question of presidential candidates was not to be
considered. 117
The convention met at Cincinnati, November 21, 1855.
Fifty-two delegates were present from Ohio, Indiana, Illi-
nois, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Michigan,
Vermont, and Wisconsin, representing one hundred, four elec-
toral votes. The Indiana delegation consisted of seven mem-
bers, J. C. Moody of Floyd county, Elias Thomasson of New
Albany, William Sheets of Indianapolis, the president of the
state council, John M. Dawson, editor of the Fort Wayne
Times, A. P. Cobb, James Hock, and M. S. Robinson. 118
The convention organized by the appointment of General
Williamson, of Pennsylvania, chairman, and W. W. Danne-
hower, of Illinois, secretary. 119 All were excluded from the
hall except third degree members of 1 the order. The strictest
secrecy was observed but an official report of the proceedings
was published daily. William Sheets acted on the committee
on credentials and J. C. Moody on the committee on perma-
nent organization. Thomas H. Ford, of Ohio, was elected
permanent president, with S. M. Allen, of Massachusetts, and
"' Text of the call in the Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 22, 1855 ; Madison
Courier, Aug. 29, 1855; Indianapolis Indiana Republican, Aug. 30, 1855.
102 Inditnapolis Journal, Aug. 22, 1855.
118 Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 24, 1855; New Albany Tribune, Nov. 28, 1855.
10 Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 23, 1855.
Brand: History of the Know Nothing Party in Indiana 205
William Sheets as vice-presidents. The latter escorted the
president to the chair.
The question of the platform absorbed much of the in-
terest of the convention. John W. Dawson, of the Indiana
delegation, offered a resolution proposing to expunge the
twelfth section of the Philadelphia platfrom, and substitute
in its stead a declaration that slavery is not a national but a
sectional issue, and must be settled as such by the states. 120
It was referred to the committee on resolutions.
J. C. Moody offered a resolution to repeal all rituals, tests
of membership, etc., leaving all regulations to the organiza-
tion in each. It was laid on the table. 121
The committee on resolutions, of which Sheets was a mem-
ber, offered two platforms, a majority and a minority report.
The latter was not extreme, either of Americanism or anti-
slavery. It proposed to exclude slavery from the national
territories. The majority platform proposed to go into con-
vention with the south next February and in place of the
existing twelfth section, to gain the substitution of a plank
calling for the restoration of the Missouri Compromise; if
that failed congress should refuse to admit into the union any
state tolerating slavery, which should be formed out of any
portion of the territory from which that institution was ex-
cluded by the compromise. The platform further provided
that: the several state councils could admit to membership
all citizens who were eligible to office under section eight of
the national platform ; protested against coalescence with any
party which demanded the postponement or abandonment of
American principles; and requested the president of the na-
tional council to call a meeting of the same at Philadelphia,
on the 19th of the next February. 122
This platform was adopted by a vote of ninety-six to
eleven, each state delegation having a vote equal to its elec-
toral vote. All the Indiana representatives voted for it. This
shows the reactionary character of the convention. The se-
ceding body was making overtures and proposing a reconcil-
iation to those who had given them offense. To go into con-
120 Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 23, 1855; Richmond Jeffersonian, May 15, 1856.
121 Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 23, 1855; New Albany Tribune, Nov. 28, 1855.
122 Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 24, 1855; Rockport Democrat, Dec. 15, 1855;
New Albany Tribune, Nov. 28, 1855; Indianapolis Sentinel, Nov. 27, 1855.
206 Indiana Magazine of Histot^y
vention with the south would be a waste of time so far as
any hope of compromise favorable to the north was con-
cerned. The effort of the free state delegates to get back into
the national council, no matter what their motive was, would
undoubtedly be construed as a confession of being in the
wrong and would confirm the south in refusing again. The
Indiana men were in sympathy with the majority. The ab-
sence of men with strong anti-slavery principles, such as Col-
fax, Cumback and Orth and the other original seceders, was
noticeable.
The Know Nothing organization seemed to be at the point
of crumbling to pieces at the end of the year 1855. Many of
the councils were disbanding. 123 Hundreds of their members
withdrew and openly declared their connection with the or-
der at an end. lLM The politicians who had rushed into the
order to control it now as suddenly rushed out again. It now
seemed probable that the organization, which in 1854 was
regarded as certain to carry the state in the next presidential
election, would not be able to make a respectable contest in
the election of 1856. The slavery question had played havoc
with "Sam's" plans.
123 For example see the Indianapolis Sentinel of Dec. 5, 1855, for the follow-
ing, taken from the Lafayette Courier: "Messrs. Editors: — At a meeting- of the
Star City Council held at the council room on Saturday evening, Dec. 1, 1855,
on motion it was resolved that we surrender our charter to the power from
whence it came, and disband our secret organization.
Stephen Stafford,
Secretary pro tem."
121 Lebanon Boone County Pioneer, Oct. 6, 1S55 ; Rockport Democrat, Dec. 8,
1855 ; Indianapolis Journal, Apr. 5, 1856 ; Madison Courier, Apr. 2, 1856.
(To be Continued.)
The McGowan Murder at Hindostan
By William McGowan, Oaktown
In the year 1787 my grandfather, McGowan with several
others embarked on the Ohio river from Washington county,
Pennsylvania, for Au Post (now Vincennes) ; among the
company were Jonathan and William Purcell and their fami-
lies. They proceeded down the river to the falls where Louis-
ville now stands, without accident or molestation. Landing
there, a part of the company with the women and children
packed the horses with such things as were needed for the
journey, my mother, the child of one of the Purcells, being
eight years old. They followed an Indian trace [Vincennes
trace] to Au Post, while the balance of the party ran the
boat to the mouth of the Wabash river. At Au Post the men
of the overland party procured help with pirogues, the largest
up-stream craft then in use, and went down the Wabash to
the Ohio, where they met the balance of the party and in this
way conveyed their belongings up the Wabash to their new
home at Au Post.
They were among the first American citizens of that place.
At this time my father, John Patrick McGowan was eighteen
years of age, he learned his trade of gunsmith with Colonel
[John] Small, at Au Post.
After my father and mother were married they lived for
some time in the village, my father working for the Indian
agent, Thomas Jones, at his trade of making guns. While
here an Indian named Pop in Dick, who was partly brought
up by Mr. Jones became very meddlesome about the shop. On
one occasion he stepped on a piece of hot iron, and severely
burned his foot, which made him very angry at my father,
who was in no wise to blame. This same Indian afterward
killed my father.
In the year 1805, on September 29, I was born six miles
northeast of Vincennes, but all during my infancy we lived in
Vincennes.
207
208 Indiana Magazine of History
In the year 1808 or 1809 my father built and made im-
provements and established a ferry on the east fork of White
river, about one mile below where Mt. Pleasant now stands
[Hindostan]. Our nearest neighbors were at Lick Creek,
near where Paoli now stands in Orange county; there were
a few families near Washington, Davis county. Shortly after
my father settled here, a man by the name of Boggs built a
cabin at or near where Mt. Pleasant now stands, a creek run-
ning into White river still retains his name.
About the year 1810 Levi Kinman, his wife and younger
brother, Jeremiah, built a cabin on the opposite side of the
river from my father's. My father got his help to roll his
logs and raise his building from Vincennes, our breadstuff
was brought up from Vincennes, but our meat consisted of
bear, deer and wild turkey. On this, with hominy and wild
honey, we lived fat and fine. After we were well established
my father opened a house of entertainment for travelers.
I remember when the people called Shakers moved to the
prairie which still bears their name. I recollect when Captain
[Spier] Spencer's company, "the Yellow Jackets" stayed at
my father's house all night, in 1811, on their way to join
General Harrison's army. About this time the Indians be-
came very hostile and our neighbor, Boggs and family, were
killed. Their house was afterward occupied by a family
named Dunham and later by people named Prior.
During this time the Indians committed many depreda-
tions on the frontier and the travelers. So, for their better
security, the settlers built forts after this manner. After
felling the trees, logs were cut 12 to 15 feet long, the upper
end was sharpened, then a ditch was" dug and these logs were
set up close together in it, the dirt was then packed tightly
on each side, making a stockade surrounding the largest
house, on the best site which would be on an elevation, af-
fording a clear view for some considerable distance. To this
house was added other houses so as to accommodate the whole
neighborhood. Into these forts the settlers took their effects.
Among the names I recollect are Forts Curry, Ochiltree, Pur-
cell, McClure and Decker in Knox county. When Fort Har-
rison was besieged, Purcell's fort concentrated their forces
McGowan: The McGowan Murder at Hindostan 209
with McClure's fort, both sites are in what is now Washing-
ton township.
In one of these forts there was a pious man, who every
evening called the inhabitants to prayer. While engaged in
prayer for their protection through the night, the Indians
drew near and while they listened, to the earnest pleadings of
these followers of the Most High, He that said "Touch not
mine annointed, and do my prophets no harm," put it into
the hearts of those Indians to turn aside from that place, they
crossed the Wabash river and attacked another fort in the
dead hour of night. (This was the testimony of an Indian
after the war closed). While the Indians were committing
depredations two families that I remember, Bogard and Hath-
away, were attacked while moving at what is now called
Steele's Prairie, some of them were killed, others were saved
by their teams running away.
In 1812 my father's house and Hawkin's on the west fork
of White river, were stations for a small company of rangers.
They passed from one station to the other every day so that
each station had guard only every other night, they not hav-
ing a sufficient number to divide. When they left our house
one morning, they said that night would be the last that we
would be left without a guard. But, oh, fatal night. Our
house was attacked by the Indians, my father was killed in
his bed, while my mother and an infant sister were in the
bed with him. The Indians then made an assault on the house
of our neighbor just across the river, but the two Kinmans
with a youth by the name of McGuire, held them off with
their guns and dogs so that they soon left. This was in May,
1812. The next day the rangers came, wrapped my father's
remains in a sheet, laid him on a puncheon taken from the
floor and buried him a few rods from the river bank. The
Indian Pop-in-Dick, who killed my father, was found to be
a leader in assaults on the settlers, for in his absence from
Vincennes there were always depredations committed. Be-
fore the war closed, this Indian was killed by Tom White,
at Fort Harrison. In a few days after my father was killed,
my uncles Purcell and Balthis, came and moved us away from
the ill-fated spot, to PurcelPs fort, which was seven miles
northeast of Vincennes, where we lived until the assault on
210 Indiana Magazine of History
Fort Harrison when, for our better security we moved to
McClure's fort. About this time two of the Milton boys, be-
ing away from their fort, were attacked by the Indians, one
was killed, the other supposed to have been captured.
Through all these perilous times the people stood firm and
true to each other and our homely fare was free to all that
saw fit to partake at our tables.
While living at our home on White river, the Indians drove
off our cows, taking them into the vicinity of Vincennes. If it
had not been for a young man who worked for my uncle,
named Jacob Quick, who saw and knew the cows, it is likely
we would never have seen them again, but he got a company
of neighbors together and they went after the cows and re-
covered them for us.
Our school-houses were built of logs and covered with
boards, with poles to weight them down, they were ceiled
with poplar poles split, with the split side turned down, the
upper side was covered with mortar, to exclude the air. The
floors were made of puncheons split from trees, hewn till they
were smooth. The windows were made by cutting away half
of two logs, nearly the length of the house, putting them in
the wall with the faces opposite, setting in split sticks about
four inches apart, and covering them with greased paper to
prevent its getting wet and to admit more light. The seats
were made of split logs, the four logs being inserted in holes
bored in the ends.
The writing desks were made of slabs or puncheons the
same as the floor, and were fastened to the wall under the
window. Our books were few and hard to obtain. Our tui-
tion was paid by our parents, there being no school fund for
us in those days.
The first plow that I used was called the bar-shear, with a
wooden mould board, and a bar two feet or more long.
The next was the Carie or half-wooden mould board, which
we thought was a great improvement. I remember the first
one was owned by Noah Purcell, and the farmers went to see
it, as one of the great wonders of the day.
For grain and grass cutting we have advanced from the
scythe and the sickle, to the reaper and the mower. From
treading out grain with horses and cleaning with sheet and
McGowan: The McGowan Murder at Hindostan 211
wooden riddle, we have threshers and separators of various
models, and instead of broadcast sowing we plant our seed
with the drill.
I recollect when Vincennes had but one brick house and
that was General Harrison's. The brick was made by Sam-
uel Thompson, in payment for the land now owned by Samuel
Thompson, Jr., and Bradway Thompson. The second brick
house was the Seminary. The third was built by Charles
Smith, this was later known as the Broadway tavern.
The first steam mill was built by Fellows & Co. Samuel
Thompson made the brick for the furnace. I helped to haul
them to the Wabash river when we boated them to the build-
ing site.
The first Presbyterian minister at Vincennes was Samuel
T. Scott. I recollect several of the first Methodist circuit rid-
ers whose headquarters were at Vincennes, these were
Schrader, Richards, Posey and James McCord. The first
Baptist minister was Isaac McCoy afterwards missionary to
the Indians at Fort Wayne.
How changed the scene in the last half century. Vincennes
has become a city, churches and schools have advanced. Keep-
ing pace with the general prosperity of our state. Many of
those who in youth endured the dangers and privations of
the pioneer have passed away, but few of us are left. Our
heads are white with the frosts of many winters. Soon we,
too, must pass away, but while our outward man must perish,
and return to mother dust, may our inward life be renewed
from day to day so that we may be ready when the summons
shall come. 1
May 27, 1874.
1 This article was furnished by Mrs. C. B. Robbins, of Oaktown, Ind., whose
husband was the great-grandson of the murdered man. It was prepared for
and read at an old settlers' meeting in Vincennes.
Historical News
By the Indiana Historical Commission
The annual spring meeting of the Henry County historical
society was held in Newcastle, Thursday, April 27. An all-
day program had been arranged, including the usual big din-
ner which always forms a valuable part of the historical
program. The Henry County historical society is one of the
few in the state that owns its own home. Several years ago
the society purchased the home of General Grose, and it has
been converted into a historical museum. Under the direction
of Clarence H. Smith, recently appointed curator, the histori-
cal society has grown greatly in membership, and the museum
collection is rapidly becoming one of the best in Indiana. Over
two hundred persons attended the annual spring meeting.
The Carroll County historical society held its first public
meeting on Friday night, April 28. One of the special fea-
tures of the program was a large painting giving an artist's
veiw of pioneer Carroll county. It depicted the coming of the
white settlers into Carroll county, the deportation of the Pot-
tawattomie Indians, the opening up of the first white settle-
ments, and contained a list of the first settlers in the county.
A valuable collection of pioneer relics furnished by Mr. and
Mrs. Charles Buckley was on display. Talks by Mrs. John
W. Ballard of Logansport on Songs of the Pioneers, and by
Dr. John W. Oliver on The Value of the Study of Local His-
tory were given. Special plans for organization of township
historical committees are being carried on throughout Car-
roll county.
Of the county historical societies in Indiana, none are doing
more valuable work than the Jefferson County society. Its
membership is over three hundred, with annual dues of one"
dollars ($1.00) . The old Lanier home, recently converted into
an historical museum, is visited by more than five hundred
people yearly. Among some of the most valuable collections
housed in the museum are : Copy of first issue of the Western
212
Historical News 213
Eagle, dated May 5, 1813, Madison, Indiana Territory; a copy
of the New York Daily Gazette, May 1, 1789, containing an
account of Washington's first inauguration as President; a
copy of the Madison Museum, 1832, probably the first literary
periodical in Indiana; the original marriage certificate of
Sarah Tittle Barrett and Nathaniel Bolton, 1832 ; minute book
of the Bronte Club, the second woman's club in America,
founded by Mrs. Constance Fauntleroy Runcie, 1867; docu-
ments bearing the original signatures of George Washington,
Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, Andrew Jackson, Martin
Van Buren, Abraham Lincoln, Oliver P. Morton and others.
Jefferson county is also one of the leading counties in conduct-
ing the archaeological and historical survey. Mrs. Michael C.
Garber, president, is in charge of collecting its valuable his-
torical material.
The Marshal Foch Day Volume issued by the Indiana His-
torical Commission has come from the press and been distrib-
uted. In this volume is to be found a report of all the exercises
held in Indianapolis during Marshal Foch's visit, November 4,
1921. A report of all the addresses made on that day, an ac-
count of the different meetings held, pictures and photographs
of the parade, and other public exercises given in the Marshal's
honor, are included in the publication. A copy of the publica-
tion has been placed in each of the public libraries in Indiana,
and in the high school libraries.
On Saturday, April 8th, a meeting celebrating the centen-
nial anniversary of the establishment of the Decatur County
bar association, was held in Greensburg. Judge John F. God-
dard, president of the Decatur County historical society, and
Judge John R. Carney of Vernon, president of the Jennings
County historical society, were responsible for this historical
celebration. Judges and prominent members of the bar resid-
ing in the Fourth district attended this meeting, at which
papers were read recounting a century's growth in the legal
profession in that part of Indiana.
A joint meeting of the historical societies of St. Joseph,
Laporte, Porter, and Lake counties, was held on Sunday after-
214 Indiana Magazine of History
noon, June 18th, in connection with the Dune summer camp
program on the shores of Lake Michigan in Porter county.
Papers read by representatives of each of the county historical
societies emphasized the importance of the study of the history
of the Dunes. An historical pilgrimage to the home of Joseph
de Bailley, the first white homestead in northern Indiana, was
one of the features of the program.
Among relics brought before the Orange County historical society
at a recent meeting, was a textbook 175 years old. The book, Dill-
worth's Assistant to Teachers, was published in London, England, in
1747, and is believed to be the oldest book in the county. Aaron Maris,
a descendent of a pioneer family, produced some interesting relics,
including the copy of a land grant to one of his ancestors that was
originally signed by William Penn, land patents signed by President
Van Buret! and some ancient marriage certificates.
Indianapolis News, February 25, 1922.
The passing of old Indiana newspapers, particularly those
of a century's growth or more, deserves notice among the his-
torical items of the state. The old Vevay Reveille established
in 1816, the year in which Indiana was admitted to the Union,
and which is said to have had a record of not missing an issue
in the 106 years of its publication, was recently sold to Earl S.
Brown, publisher of the Vevay Enterprise. The old Reveille
is said to have been the second oldest weekly newspaper in
Indiana.
Spencer County In The World War is the title of a manu-
script war history recently filed with the Indiana historical
commission. Mrs. Helen R. Swan, chairman of the War
History committee, has succeeded in obtaining reports on all
the organizations that took part in war work during the years
1917-1919. A valuable part of the Spencer County war history
collection consists of six scrap books filled with newspaper
clippings relating to Spencer county's part in the World war.
Miss Blanche Kercheval assisted Mrs. Swan in collecting and
preparing these valuable newspaper references.
The State library has received from Mrs. John H. Holliday
as part of the gift of John H. Holliday, the manuscripts of
three diaries of John Tipton: The Journal of John Tipton,
Historical News 215
Tippecanoe Battle Campaign 1811; Journal of John Tipton
of an expedition to the vicinity of Vallonia (now in Jackson
County) of Harrison County Rangers in July, 1812, to protect
citizens from the hostile Indians while pulling their flax;
Journal of John Tipton of tour in 1820 to fix the seat of gov-
ernment of the State of Indiana. Two or three years before
Mr. Holliday's death, he had deposited in the State libiary as
the property of the state, his collection on the Civil war. This
he had been gathering for many years. It is one of the best in
the middle West. The pamphlet collection is of particular in-
terest because these bear especially on the military prisons of
the Civil war period and are rare, and secondly, there are
many items on the Gettysburg campaign in which Mr. Holliday
was deeply interested. There are memoirs and biographies of
the principal generals on both sides, many volumes on Lin-
coln, a set of Vanity Fair of 1860, 1861 and 1862, the pro-
ceedings of the soldiers' societies of both sides, regimental
histories and biographies of the public men of that day. In
addition there are collections of pamphlets on the government
of Indiana, particularly the charities of the state, in which
Mr. Holliday was always active. There are about 1,500 vol-
umes in this gift. In the discretion of the librarian these items
may be loaned, but they are primarily for reference.
The number of the South Bend Tribune for March 9, 1922
is a hundred page golden anniversary edition. The paper con-
tains many interesting articles and pictures relating to the
early history of South Bend.
The Ft. Wayne historical society held its first quarterly
meeting of the year April 4. The program included a dinner,
followed by an historical pageant. As announced on the pro-
gram the pageant was given to honor the Peltiers — Fort
Wayne's first pioneer family, depicting scenes in their subse-
quent life with faithfulness to historical facts as these are now
obtainable. The prologue, written by Mrs. A. J. Detzer, de-
scribed the coming of the Peltiers "merest lads were they
both" in 1787; the arrival in the summer of 1804 of the beau-
tiful Angeline Chapeteau, and the welcome given to her by the
people living in and near the Old Fort. Mrs. Samuel Taylor
216 Indiana Magazine of History
was the author of the pageant proper, which was divided into
five episodes and twelve scenes. The musical program was ar-
ranged by Mrs. Will H. W. Peltier, pianist, and Mrs. Florence
Cleary, soloist. The pageant was directed by Ross Lockridge,
Vice-President of the Society, and the character interpreta-
tions were given by the Indiana University Extension public
speaking classes. The program emphasized three things : the
importance of family histories; the necessity for trained
speakers ; and the value of the pageant in teaching history.
On January 28, 1921, the Indiana Historical Commission
received a letter from the secretary of the Northern Indiana
historical society, in which the information was given that the
society had been asleep for a few years, but signs of renewed
activity were evidenced in the electing of new officers, and the
securing of an appropriation to be expended in buying furni-
ture and cases to furnish the rooms of the society which had
been permanently located in the old court house of St. Joseph
county. Through the efforts: of the new officers, Dr. H. T.
Montgomery, president, John A. Hibberd, secretary, and
Frank A. Stover, treasurer, a bill was presented to the Gen-
eral Assembly of 1919, which would make it possible for his-
torical societies having a collection of records, papers, and his-
torical relics, to obtain an appropriation from the county com-
missioners for the employment of a curator to take charge
of the rooms and collections of the societies, and make them
available to the public. Credit is due to the Northern histori-
cal society for the passage of Senate Bill 190.
On March 1, of this year, the county commissioners of St.
Joseph county made the appropriation provided for in the bill,
and upon the recommendation of the society Mrs. Eva Hoff-
man was employed as curator. The rooms of the society are
now open three days in the week, and the work of cataloging
and classifying the collections of the Society is going forward
rapidly under the direction of Mrs. Hoffman. One annual
meeting of the society is held each year, with special meetings
at the call of the president. The annual meeting of this year
was held on the evening of April 7. One of the interesting
features of the program was a talk by George Brennan, of
Historical News 217
Chicago, an authority on northern Indiana history, and the
author of a book on the Dunes of Northern Indiana which is
now in the hands of the publisher. A representative of the
Indiana historical commission was present and gave an in-
formal talk on the work of the commission in co-operation with
local historical societies. Talks were made by Dr. H. T. Mont-
gomery and local members of the society. A committee was
appointed to take up the work of compiling a history of St.
Joseph county's part in the World war, in manuscript form for
publication.
The regular monthly meeting of the Washington County
historical society was held March 25. A memorial service was
a part of the program in honor of a former citizen and presi-
dent of the Old Settlers society, Lewis N. Smith. The bio-
graphical sketch was read by Mrs. Asa Elliott, together with
a letter from Dr. S. W. Smith of Leesville, a son of the de-
ceased, who gave to the society two Bibles over one hundred
years old, formerly the property of his father. A sketch of
the life of Col. S. D. Sayles was read by his daughter, Mrs.
Martha L. Hobbs; and a paper on the Mounds of Howard
Township by S. H. Mitchell. This paper was prepared in con-
nection with the archeological and historical survey which
Washington county is making for the state. Many relics were
received, consisting of old newspapers, manuscripts, coins and
photographs.
CAPT. WILLIAM T. CRAWFORD
Indiana
magazine of history
VOL. XVIII SEPTEMBER, 1922 NO. 3
Early Normal Schools
ASCENSION SEMINARY AND CAPTAIN WILLIAM T.
CRAWFORD
By John C. Chaney of Sullivan, Indiana
In 1858 William T. Crawford of Lisbon, Ohio, a graduate
of Lisbon High School, fresh from his matriculation at Mount
Union college, Ohio, came to Farmersburg, Sullivan county,
Indiana, to visit relatives who had but recently immigrated to
Jackson township — on a vacation and exploring trip. He
farmed a crop of corn about two miles north of Hymera dur-
ing the summer of that year.
While thus engaged he noted the lack of education and in-
terest in education among the people with whom he came in
contact. When the few schools in the neighborhoods in the
fall assembled, he also noted the crudity of methods pursued
by the teachers of these schools.
The next spring at the close of the short terms of school
which then prevailed, he opened a select subscription school
in a private residence in Farmersburg in which there was a
spare front room about twenty feet square. In this select
school there were gathered together from surrounding country
schools and in the village of Farmersburg twenty-seven young
people — about equally divided between males and females.
This school continued for eleven weeks and adjourned to meet
again September 15th following. On assembling in September
there were thirty-two enrolled. The school awakened the
people to education; and the fame of the teacher spread for
219
220 IndiavM Magazine of History
many miles. There was at the time a newspaper published
at Sullivan, county seat of Sullivan county, whose editor inter-
ested himself in the educational demands of western Indiana.
The editor visited the Farmersburg school, which visit re-
sulted in an editorial in the newspaper, recommending all
teachers of Sullivan county, "Before beginning their work for
the school year, or if any of them had already begun, to close
their schools for a week, and attend the Crawford school at
Farmersburg."
This the teachers generally did; and then and there was
held an "institute week" in connection with daily recitations
in this select school.
It was yet early enough in the fall for the most of the
institute sessions to be held under a spreading oak tree stand-
ing on what afterward became Ascension Seminary grounds.
The then acting county "school examiner" attended the insti-
tute and lent it his co-operation and support.
It all resulted in a popular demand for a select school
which would not only impart instruction, but "train teachers
how to teach."
In 1860, from his own purse, Mr. Crawford, then but 22
years old, purchased a small field lying at the western edge
of the village of Farmersburg as a "school grounds," and
returned to his home in Ohio, where he married Elizabeth
Conkle, a school mate of his in Mount Union college.
He raised a flock of sheep and taught a three months term
of school in Ohio. He disposed of the sheep, gathered together
what money he could, and took his wife with him to Farmers-
burg to build a school building and found a Normal school.
Upon landing at Farmersburg he found many enthusiastic
friends in support of his enterprise, and he proceeded to the
erection of a two-story frame building 36 by 60 feet. Mean-
time, the Civil war had begun, and the call for volunteers to
save the Union had gone forth. The young professor heard
the call and answered it by raising Company H of the 85th
Indiana infantry, and soon went to the front, where, as cap-
tain of his company, he served "full three long years of war-
fare." His command distinguished itself in many of the hard-
fought battles of the rebellion.
Chaney; Early Normal Schools 221
While in the service his seminary building stood weather-
boarded and roofed but not plastered. The army was no place
for a fighting soldier to make money, and money was needed
to complete the building.
He and his company were discharged soon after the sur-
render of Lee, and he came home and applied himself, under
limited means, to his school prospects with assiduity, and so
far completed the seminary building as to open school in it in
the fall of 1865.
The post office at Farmersburg was named Ascension, and
this name he gave to his seminary. Ascension Seminary be-
came a worthy normal school in western Indiana, and was the
inspiration for the State Normal school at Terre Haute.
Before describing this honored school, a brief description
of its founder, Professor William T. Crawford, may be appro-
priate. He was born in Jay county, Indiana, in 1837 ; his
parents, Samuel and Gracy Crawford, of Scotch-Irish stock,
residing in Indiana about two years. He was reared in Colum-
biana county, Ohio, however, within six miles of Lisbon, the
seat of government of the county. He was the sixth of a
family of ten children, six of whom were teachers. He was a
man of striking personality, stood five feet eleven inches in
his stockings. His limbs were slender but well shaped and
muscular. His eyes were gray, his hair a tawny-black, and
he had a clear complexion. An aquiline nose and a fine face
completes his physical description. He wore a mustache and
shaved his whiskers, dressed in Prince Albert coat and plug
hat and looked the cultured gentleman.
In action he was dynamic, and his resolution of purpose
made him the personification of energy. He inspired his
pupils ; and every teacher who emanated from Ascension sem-
inary possessed his characteristics, imitated his methods and
manners, and, like himself, succeeded.
It is noted above that his hair was black. However, he
came of an ancestry which grew gray early in life, and this
inheritance, together with a spell of typhoid fever in the army,
made his hair white, while his mustache remained black, at
the time he founded Ascension seminary. His picture repre-
sents him at 70 years of age, taken several years after he had
retired from school work.
222 Indiana Magazine of History
Ascension seminary continued at Farmersburg until 1872,
when, because of inadequate equipment, it was by arrange-
ment with the school trustees of Sullivan moved to Sullivan,
occupying the second and third stories of the recently com-
pleted Central school building, where it continued to 1878,
when Professor Crawford retired and the seminary became
merged with the high school of Sullivan. The public schools
of Sullivan being united under one roof with the seminary,
Professor Crawford conducted both.
With Professor Crawford there were associated, as assist-
ant teachers, at Farmersburg, Charles W. Finney, an army
comrade; John T. Hays, a graduate of Mount Union college,
Ohio, and A. P. Allen, a graduate of Depauw (Asbury) uni-
versity. At Sullivan were Professor Crawford, John T. Hays,
A. P. Allen, W. H. Cain and Amanda DeBaun, with several
grade teachers and assistants.
In connection with the regular school work there was a
music department, under direction of Professor and Mrs.
Beazle; and also a literary society where expression was
taught in declamation, composition and debate, with a pro-
fessor as critic. For expression development the school was
divided into three grand divisions, each of which was sub-
divided into three classes which came on duty every three
weeks successively.
To economize the time for study and recitation, the literary
society met every Friday night of the school year. The school
year had three school terms of three months each. The cur-
riculum of the school embraced everything now covered in
the eighth grade of the public school and went thence beyond
the present high school course of the public school system,
taking the range of two years of the present college course of
study. It embraced philosophy, physiology and hygiene, gram-
mar, English, history, ancient and modern, logic and mental
philosophy. In mathematics it embraced integral calculus,
algebra to the nth degree, geometry and trigonometry.
The school taught Latin, Greek and German beside the
English language. There was no observatory; and the stu-
dents studied the stars in pairs. Professor Crawford taught
German and mathematics ; Professors Hays and Allen taught
Latin and English, and Professor Cain taught Greek. They
Chaney: Early Normal Schools 223
all taught elocution. Oratory was also a specialty of the
school. Professor Crawford was himself an orator.
A feature of the school was mental arithmetic, which con-
sisted in solving a problem by oral analysis without the aid
of the blackboard in stating and solving the same.
There were seven graduating classes which passed from
Ascension seminary. There were two thousand three hundred
and seventy-eight teachers who sprang from this institution,
and there were many who entered the various professions and
avocations who did not complete the courses of study and
therefore did not graduate from the school. Judges, states-
men and diplomats were of this school and good citizenship
abounded among them. It may well be said to be and to have
been an inspirational school of the normal type; and, in its
day, served the state and nation.
The training received at Ascension seminary was practical
and useful in every calling. Physicians, ministers, lawyers,
as well as those who followed gainful avocations, who received
their training in this worthy institution attest its merit. It
was, however, essentally a teachers' school ; and its teachers
were everywhere and by everybody desired.
Captain William T. Crawford reared a family of six chil-
dren, four girls and two boys. He lived out his days at Sulli-
van, Indiana, in comfort, if not in plenty, and died in 1912,
and throughout his career was a true patriot, a good citizen
and a great "Normal Educator."
Captain Crawford for many years was prominent in Grand
Army circles — attended and addressed Grand Army reunions
and campfires in Indiana, Illinois and Ohio. For several years
his comrades depended upon him to "get their pensions."
He belonged to the Presbyterian church, was Sunday
school superintendent, and a deacon in the church. He was a
republican in politics, yet he never held public office. He
belonged also to the Masonic fraternity.
He was generally known and greeted as Professor Craw-
ford throughout his life; and his name and fame were con-
spicuous as the founder of Ascension seminary, whence came
the teachers whose services commanded the attention of the
people of western Indiana and eastern Illinois for fifty years.
Indiana Primary Laws
By J. F. Connell, Wabash College
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
The writer is deeply indebted to Mr. Charles Kettleboro, Director
of the Indiana Legislative Reference Bureau, Mr. Frederic M. Guild,
Instructor in Political Science at Indiana university, Albert J. Beveridge
of Indianapolis, Governor Warren T. McCray of Indiana, Judge James
E. Piety of Terre Haute, Mr. Martin M. Hugg of Indianapolis, the
Legislative Reference Bureaus of Wisconsin, California and Iowa,
James P. Goodrich of Winchester and Charles Evans Hughes for infor-
mation and material contained in letters and published articles; to the
county clerks of the counties mentioned in the tables used in this paper
for the information supplied at my request, and to Dr. Lawrence Henry
Gipson, of Wabash college, for his assistance and kindly criticism in
the preparation of this paper.
There has been much adverse criticism directed toward
the direct primary system in the past few years. Undoubtedly
the primary has been used for a sufficiently long period of
years in a large majority of the states 1 and under widely
enough varied local political conditions to allow practical and
theoretical students of politics to make an estimate of its
actual worth. The direct primary was brought forward by
progressives in politics and is supported by that class of
political thinkers at the present time. Politicians of the old
school especially were opposed to its adoption, have supported
it only in a lukewarm manner, and now generally demand its
repeal and a return to the old convention system.
It is necessary briefly to bring out the objections to most
of the primary laws of the several states. The expense to the
candidates and to the state is an important feature and it
does not seem that any corrupt practice act yet enacted has
been able to eliminate this most serious objection. Again,
one of the most complicated problems with which students of
the primary are confronted is the means by which members
1 According to a bulletin, issued in November, 1914, by the Indiana Legis-
lative Reference Bureau, in 1914, forty states had some kind of a primary
election law. Thirty states included mandatory and state-wide features. About
sixty million people, or about 80 per cent of the population, choose their candi-
dates for office through some sort of primary election.
224
Connell: Indiana Primary Law 225
of one party can be prevented from entering the primary of
another party and naming the candidate — too often the
weakest man. The nonpartisan primary was offered by for-
mer Governor Hiram Johnson of California as a remedy for
that evil. Such a law was twice enacted by the legislature
of that state and twice rejected by a referendum vote of the
people, or, as the Fresno Republican says :
by such few of them as voted. On the face of it, it would seem that the
people of California reject the theory but demand the practice of non-
partisan primaries. However, the inconsistency may not be so great,
since only a few of them voted at the referendum elections, while a much
larger number vofeed at the actual primaries and insist on voting on a
non-partisan basis.-'
We find the same objections raised in Wisconsin in the
governor's message of 1919. 3 It says in part:
No party organization can be maintained under it (the Wisconsin
law) — in fact it has again been demonstrated within this state in the
past year that the adherents of one party may make an effort to nomi-
nate the candidate for another party in the hope of giving their party a
better opportunity for success.
Governor Emanuel Phillip believes that the convention is
the proper agency to name party candidates and platforms,
and that the provisions of the Wisconsin law providing that
the candidates shall frame the platform is wrong in principle
and dangerous in practice. 4
In recent governors' messages much attention is focused
upon the direct primaries and the comment is usually un-
flattering. Governor Preus of Minnesota declares it "absurd
and politically dishonest" ; Governor Hart of Washington be-
lieves
that time and experience have demonstrated that the direct primary is
not the rose-strewn pathway that leads to the political Utopia dreamed
by its sponsors
2 Editorial by Mr. Chester H. Rowell, former chairman Republican State
Committee, September 4, 1918.
'Message of Governor Emanuel L. Phillip to the Wisconsin Legislature,
1919, p. 21.
4 Message of Governor Emanuel I* Phillip to the Wisconsin Legislature,
1917, p. 22.
226 Indiana Magazine of History
and charges "demoralization of responsible party organiza-
tion, and unfair advantages to minority parties and groups" ;
Governor Robertson of Oklahoma declares
it defeats the very purpose of its original design by reason of the per-
nicious practices that have grown up and are seemingly incurable.^
Governor Warren T. McCray of Indiana in his message to
the legislature of 1921 said of the primary :
The present law is cumbersome and entails a necessary expense
which no man who seeks to serve his state or country in public office
should be forced to bear. I believe that the direct primary should be
retained for the selection of candidates for city, township and county
officers and also for the selection of candidates for precinct committee-
men and delegates to the state conventions.e
He also recommended that candidates for United States
senator and governor, who are now chosen by the primary,
providing that one candidate receives a majority of the votes
cast, and for congressmen, state officials, and delegates to the
national convention, be selected by a party nominating con-
vention. 7
It is significant to note that former State Senator Martin
M. Hugg of Indianapolis, a co-author of the Indiana primary
law of 1907, says :
I was a firm believer in primary reforms. It is ideal. But in
practice, in my opinion, it is a failure. As election commissioner of
this (Marion) county for three or four elections after the enactment
of the law of 1907 I had the very best opportunity to see its operations.
I then changed my opinion and now believe that the convention system
with delegates elected under proper legal provisions is the better. The
convention requires a majority to nominate. At a primary a plurality
does the work. Geographical conditions are also to be considered. By
this (the convention method) opportunity is given to nominate candi-
dates representative of the different elements of the party. In the end
tickets so nominated are better balanced than those selected at the
primary.s
5 The American Political Science Review, May, 1921, p. 250.
« Message of Governor Warren T. McCray to the Indiana Legislature,
January 10, 1921.
7 Several weeks later both houses of the Indiana Legislature rejected a
bill which incorporated these reforms by a very decisive vote, and it is believed
that the people of Indiana support the action of their legislators rather than
that of the governor and his associates.
8 Letter from Martin M. Hugg to the writer, May 24, 1921.
Connell: Indiana Primary Law 227
It is not to be believed that the rank and file of the voters
of either of the major parties look with favor upon a return
to the old convention system. In this connection it may be
pointed out that the primary laws of Wisconsin have long
been storm centers in legislative battles. The pro-primary
view there is expressed by the Capital Times, which says :
With the return of the old guard leaders to power a comprehensive
and nationwide attempt to smash the principle of the primary election
is to be made this winter (1920-1921). Reactionary forces throughout
the country have always hated the primary election law. They have
magnified its imperfections as an excuse to return to something infinitely
worse and more suited to the manipulation of the forces of reaction.9
The defenders of the primary system do not ordinarily
claim that it is free from imperfections, but do maintain that
the members of the party should have the privilege of nom-
inating their party's candidates directly and without unrea-
sonable dictation from party leaders who can not be held
legally or morally responsible for that dictation. The views
of the newer progressive elements in both political parties
are probably well expressed by Mrs. Esther Griffin White,
chairman of the Wayne County (Indiana) Women's Repub-
lican committee, who says :
Faulty as the primary law may be as at present constituted, it is a
far step ahead of the convention system. Nothing less than banditry is
played on the floor of conventions. The primary is a potent educational
factor, for example, this community saw and heard every candidate for
governor and president during the last campaign. If the primary was
a big expense to the state it was money well spent. There is nothing
the matter with the primary law; it is all right. The fault is in its
administration.!*)
In former Senator Albert J. Beveridge of Indiana the pri-
mary has one of its most able defenders. In an address at
South Bend, Indiana, Mr. Beveridge declared that the sound-
ness of the principle of primary elections can not be denied
and that it has met with the approval of the public. He
charges that the movement to abolish it and to return to the
* Editorial, Madison, Wisconsin Capital Times, November 16, 1920.
10 Mrs. Esther Griffith White of Richmond, Indiana, in the Indianapolis Star,
January 28, 1921.
228 Indiana Magazine of History
old convention system is the work of practical politicians of
both parties seeking personal advantages. 11
It is significant to note that few writers defend the pri-
mary laws of their respective states in their entirety. Almost
all admit imperfections and are seeking reforms for their cor-
rection. Roughly, we may divide students of the question into
two classes, those who declare the principle of primary elec-
tions inherently wrong and who demand a return to the con-
vention system of nomination, and those who maintain that
the primary system is sound in principle and that our efforts
should be directed toward eliminating the faults and weak-
nesses. We are not able to judge which view is preponderant,
but the fact that there is general dissatisfaction with the
present primary laws seems to indicate that some sort of re-
form is necessary and advisable.
The practice of nominating candidates of political parties
by representative conventions has long been criticised. The
first abandonment of the plan seems to have been in 1860 in
Crawford county, Pennsylvania, where the local political
leaders agreed to the selection of candidates by popular vote.
The plan met with considerable favor and was tried locally
in several states, particularly in Indiana. 12
The first Indiana primary law was enacted by the legis-
lature of 1901 and was designed for the use of local units
only. 13 It provided that counties containing cities of more
than fifty thousand inhabitants might nominate county, town-
ship, and city officers by direct primary, providing that the
party desiring to nominate its candidates in this way had
cast ten per cent or more of the total vote at the preceding
general election. The use of this method was thus made
optional and the decision rested with the precinct committee-
men. The management of the machinery of the primary was
left with the party organization and the expense was borne by
the party. 14
"As reported by the Indianapolis Star, January 17, 1921.
13 C. A. Beard, American Government and Politics, 692.
13 Indiana Senate Journal, 1901, Chapter 341. Senate Bill 91, March 11,
1901.
14 Party officers formed the board of primary election commissioners. It
was also provided that two parties could not nominate their candidates at the
same time and at the same place. Corrupt practice clauses, providing penalties
for irregularities, were included, but as these penalties were usually lighter
Connell: Indiana Primary Law 229
The next law enacted in Indiana was in 1905 and was
designed for Vigo county only. 15 It made mandatory the
selection of candidates for all county, township, and city
offices and precinct committeemen, and delegates to state and
congressional conventions in counties containing cities of over
36,500 inhabitants and less than 43,000 inhabitants by a
primary election. The expenses of the primary were paid by
the county and a fee was required to be paid by the candidate
for nomination. 10 In the main the general election laws were
applied, especially with regard to irregular practices. 17
The first general mandatory law was passed in 1907 and
provided for the nomination of all county, township, and city
officers, for precinct committeemen and delegates to the con-
gressional and state conventions, by a primary election in
counties containing cities of over 36,000 inhabitants. The
law was optional with counties containing smaller cities. The
provisions were in general the same as those enacted for Vigo
county the previous session. 18 This is the first primary law
in Indiana which had a very general scope and was the result
of a public demand for reform in the nomination of candi-
dates. 19
than those for similar abuses in general elections, and as the law specifically
provided that lack of regular form of ballots, poll books, tally sheets, or other
materials used was not sufficient cause for rejection of the vote, it is difficult
to see how these clauses had a very far-reaching effect. The law also pro-
vided that counties containing cities of less than 50,000 inhabitants might use
the direct primary system, provided the party organization so desired. In
this case the secretary of state was to be notified.
,B Indiana House Journal, 1905, Chapter 73, House Bill 340, March 3, 1905.
18 A candidate was required to file notice of his candidacy not less than
fifteen days nor more than twenty days before the date of the primary election.
The fee was twenty-five dollars for candidates for offices paying more than
five hundred dollars a year, and ten dollars for those paying less than that
amount.
17 In a letter of April 26, 1921, to the writer, former Judge James E.
Piety, of Terre Haute, Indiana, says: "The good people of Vigo county favored
the passage of a primary law, thinking that it might bring about the nomination
and election of better officers. We tried it and it did not prove a success. The
general primary laws of the state have proved a failure in Vigo county. Our
city and county officers are not as high class as they were before the primary
laws were enacted."
M The board of primary election commissioners was composed of the clerk
of the circuit court, or of the city, according to whether it was a county or city
election, and a representative appointed by him. The primary was held at the
same place and time by each party participating. Candidates were not required
to pay a fee under the provisions of this law.
59 The Governor's message of that year, Indiana Senate Journal, 1907, p.
91, recommends simpler and more comprehensive primary laws for the nomina-
230 Indiana Magazine of History
In 1911 a general corrupt practices act was passed which
applies to general and primary elections alike. 20 The penalties
for tampering with the machinery of elections were made
much more severe and the placing of primary elections on the
same basis as general elections may be believed to have had a
very satisfactory effect on public opinion regarding the im-
portance of the primary.
No changes were then made in the primary laws until
1915, when three very important modifications were made. 21
The law was made state-wide and mandatory for all parties
casting over ten per cent of the total vote in the preceding
general election. A preferential vote for president, United
States senator, and governor was provided, and in case any
candidate for any of these offices received a majority of the
votes cast, the state convention was required to declare him
the nominee of the party, or, as in the case of a candidate for
president, that the delegates of the state vote for him as long
as his name was before the convention. 22 A first and second
choice vote was also provided. 23 This law again provided for
a small fee for candidates filing. 21
tion of all candidates for city, county, and township offices and delegates to
conventions. A bill was introduced by Senator Charles O. Roemler, of India-
napolis, which was as sweeping in its scope as possible. All conventions, even
state, were abolished, and the state officers were to be nominated by the
primary method. The state central committee was to draft the party platform.
On second reading Senator Martin M. Hugg, of Indianapolis, offered a substitute
bill which was substantially the same as the bill finally enacted. The mandatory
feature applied to only five counties, Marion, Vanderburg, Allen, St. Joseph and
Vigo. After several hours debate a Republican caucus was held and Senator
Hugg was appointed chairman of a committee to sponsor the bill, which was
approved by the caucus. Letter from Senator Hugg, May 24, 1921.
-° Indiana Senate Journal, 1911. Chapter 121. Senate Bill 43, March 3,
1911.
a Indiana House Journal, 1915, Chapter 105, House Bill 74, March 9, 1915.
12 This was usually interpreted to mean as long as he had a reasonable
chance for nomination.
i3 The following procedure was provided for the counting of first and sec-
ond choice votes: A candidate was nominated if he received a majority of
the first choice votes cast. If no candidate was thus nominated the one having
the least number of first choice votes was dropped and the second choice votes
of his supporters were added to the first choice votes of the candidate for whom
cast. If no candidate then had a majority the porcess was repeated until a
majority was obtained for some candidate.
'* For offices paying less than a hundred dollars a year a fee of one dollar
was required, and for those paying more than that amount 1 per cent, of the
yearly salary was provided.
Comiell: Indiana Primary Law 231
An amendment to this law was enacted in 1917 which
abolished the second choice vote. 25 That feature of the 1915
law was not popular with the people or with the party leaders
and its repeal was generally demanded. It is difficult to say
what influence the second choice vote had in the one election in
which it was used, but it is believed that this was not great. 26
Only one important change was made in the primary law
by the 1921 session of the legislature. Independent candi-
dates, so-called "soreheads," are prohibited from filing as can-
didates for election after a primary has been held. The courts
have not yet handed down a decision on this law and it is Itot
definitely known whether this excludes all independent candi-
dates or only those who were candidates in the primary.
We have seen that the primary laws in Indiana have been
far from static and a study of their operation is made par-
ticularly hard for this reason. However, the law has not been
changed materially in the past five years and we are able to
discover some very striking facts. Mr. Charles Kettleboro,
director of the Indiana legislative reference bureau, has made
a very interesting study of the operation of the 1916, 1918,
and 1920 primaries.-' 7 For these three years there were 1,049
offices to be filled, and candidates for 623, or 59%, had no
opposition. In the Democratic party in 1916, 40% were un-
opposed, in 1918 60%, and in 1920 65%. In the Republican
party in 1916, 46% were unopposed, in 1918 62%, and in 1920
56%. As Mr. Kettleboro points out, we may safely accept as
the basis of our study that where a candidate has no opposi-
tion he is either brought out by the machine or is favored by
it. If this were not the case the party leaders would bring
some one out in opposition to him. Thus we see from the
above figures that the majority of the ticket in most cases is
probably not named by the people in the operation of the
primary, but by the party leaders. I do not mean to say that
this opportunity is abused by them, or that incompetent or
vicious candidates are always thrust upon the people by these
i6 Indiana Senate Journal, 1917, Chapter 117, Senate Bill 433, March S,
1917.
29 Mr. Charles Kettleboro, director of the Indiana legislative reference bureau,
believes that the second choice vote was not given a fair trial, and that Its
repeal at that time was unfortunate.
"National Municipal Review, March, 1921, p. 166.
232 Indiana Magazine of History
leaders, but we must recognize that in very many cases the
people do not name the ticket.- s
In this state the precinct committeemen are the basis of
the organization of political parties. They elect the county
chairmen, who in turn elect the district chairmen. The thir-
teen district chairmen Qpmpose the state central committee
and elect the state chairman. It is obvious that a control of
the precinct committeemen will eventually lead to a control of
the entire political machinery of the state. We have the fol-
lowing figures for Marion county which show the lack of oppo-
sition for these important party offices:'- 9
Republican
Democratic
No. candi-
2 or
No candi-
2 or
Year
Precincts dates
1
more
dates
1
more
1916
158
83
75
131
27
1918
163 4
104
55
15
141
7
1920
177 22
82
95
94
83
The writer had hoped to be able to present figures from
all of the counties in the state and discover how far this same
condition prevailed in local politics. Due to errors in the
records, incomplete records, and the failure to get informa-
tion from the clerks of the circuit courts, only the following
incomplete table could be compiled, yet we can discover from
it the same general tendencies in most of the counties. 30
-<* This fact is also borne out by a little incident that was called to my
attention. The authenticity of it cannot be vouched for, yet I will present it for
what it is worth, as it comes from a reliable source. Thirty minutes before
the balloting began in the Republican state convention, in May, 1920, a. news-
paper reporter walked thru the assembled delegates in Tomlinson Hall, In-
dianapolis and asked many of them who was going to be nominated for a
certain state office. Invariably the reply was: "I don't know; the 'dope'
hasn't come down yet." We may well believe from this that to some degree
at least the people did not nominate the state ticket, thru their properly elected
delegates, but that the work was really done by some one higher up, who
handed down the "dope."
29 Mr. Kettleboro, in the National Municipal Review, March, 1921.
30 There are undoubtedly errors in this table, as all of the information
with the exception of Fountain, Monroe and Montgomery counties was obtained
by letter from the clerks of the circuit courts. The information from Monroe
county was obtained from Dr. Frederic H. Guild, Instructor in Political Science
in Indiana university, and that for Fountain and Montgomery counties was
obtained by the writer personally. It must be remembered that we know
nothing of the local political conditions, which always affect the contests for
nomination. The insufficiency of these figures is realized, and yet it is hoped
that they may indicate the general tendency.
Connell: Indiaiia Primary Law 233
Table showing the number of contests for county, and
other local offices, precinct committeemen, and delegates to
the state convention for 1916, 1918 and 1920:
Per cent
Number of candidates uncon-
County^ 1 Year 1 2 34567 tested
1916 1 12 6 2
Benton 1918 3 21 8 1
1920 5 4
1916 55 3
Fountain 1918 2 63 11 1
1920 65 4 2
1916 19 7
Franklin 1918 15 2
1920 5 2
191632 ___ __ __ __ __ __ __
Hamilton 1918 8122101 53
1920 13 510100 65
191632 ___ __ __ __ __ __ __
Huntington 1918 38 1 3
1920 29 7 2
1
57
1
67
1
1
45
94
1
80
1
90
3
5
2
10
1
2
1
90
76
94
2
96
98
1916 1 98 3 2
Jefferson 1918 19 163 4 1
1920 4 102 1 1
191632 __ __ __ __ __ __
Monroe 191832 __ __ __ __ __ __
1920 65 13 6 2 1 74
1916 59 2 2
Montgomery 1918 57 1
1920 56 14 3
1916 13 2
Newton 1918 6 5 3
1920 5 2 1
1
92
1
96
76
3
1
1
9
2
1
35
2
1
45
234 Indiana Magazine of History
Per cent
Number of candidates uncon-
County3i Year 1 2 34567 tested
191632 __ __ __ __ __ __
Orange 1918 26 32 12 3 2 1 33
1920 35 1 1
1916 0122121
Owen 1918 0340201
1920 0304300
1916 16 711000 64
Parke 1918 19 600000 76
i 1920 13 511000 65
191632 __ __ __ __ __ __
Porter 191832 __ __ __ __ __ __
1920 27 161100 63
1916 20 16 56
Pulaski 1918 17 300000 85
1920 16 110000 89
1916 1233200 9
Scott 1918 1541020 7
1920 0214200
1916 11 252200 44
Starke 1918 9 20 98460 16
1920 1216110 17
191632 __ __ __ __ __ __
Union 191832 __ __ __ __ __ __
1920 25 410000 83
Washington
1916 12 501000 66
White 1918 30 131200 81
1920 1 17 100
Total per cent uncontested 70.9
31 The following information was received from three counties :
Number of Number of
County Candidates Offices
Jennings 109 35
Kosiusko 311 58
Martin 408 200
* No record for these years.
1916
3
2
2
1918
1
4
1920
6
1
1
Connell: Indiana Primary Law 235
As was seen, the per cent of local offices uncontested was
70.9, and that of state offices 59. In nine of these local pri-
maries 90% of the candidates were unopposed, in seventeen
75% were unopposed, in twenty-seven over 50% were un-
opposed, and in only nine were there contests for all offices.
These figures seem to indicate that there is the same tendency
in local offices as in the state offices. In maiay instances, as
was suggested, the leaders of the party name the ticket. 33
Thus we have practically the Hughes plan in operation in
Indiana without proper legal machinery for 'its use. 34
The following table shows the per cent of unopposed can-
didates in these counties and the expense of the primary
there.
Per cent candidates
County 35 unopposed Expense
1916 57 $1828.35
Benton 1918 67 1410.00
1916 94 1889.32
Fountain 1918 80 1784.00
1916 5 2130.58
Franklin 1918 10 1542.00
191636 __
Hamilton 1918 53 3286.00
191636 __
Huntington 1918 90 2411.00
1916 94 2282.75
Jefferson 1918 96 2514.00
1916 __ 2937.00
Montgomery 1918 __ 2824.00
1916 9 1048.41
Newton 1918 35 1093.00
191636 __
Orange 1918 33 2457.00
1916 1787.59
Owen 1918 1888.00
64
3080.48
76
3455.00
56
1309.23
85
948.00
9
1134.76
7
952.00
44
1939.73
16
1617.00
2261.60
2473.00
66
3436.13
81
3331.00
236 Indiana Magazine of History
1916
Parke 1918
1916
Pulaski 1918
1916
Scott , 1918
1916
Starke 1918
1916
Washington 1918
1916
White 1918
It is unfortunate that the Indiana law provides that the
primary election records for local offices need only be kept for
six months. Not only is this likely to lead to irregularities,
but it is almost impossible as a result to collect such informa-
tion for Indiana as we have from Iowa. There should be a
change in our law requiring that these records be kept perma-
nently.
Thus we find that we are spending a total of $606,490.93
in these counties for which the records are complete for the
years 1916 and 1918 for the nomination of candidates of
whom about seventy per cent for local offices are unopposed,
and fifty-six per cent for state offices. Of course, there is the
provision in the state laws that where there is no opposition
there is no primary held, but there is usually some opposition
and the total expense of the primary must be borne for the
nomination of these few candidates where there is opposition.
In the majority of these instances it appears to be not a ques-
33 The clerk of the Fountain Circuit Court said that the last day for filing
for one primary there were no Democratic candidates filed. A group of party
leaders assembled in a law office across the street from the court house and
made a ticket and filed it. This was done thru no desire to dictate the ticket,
but from a desire to see that the party had a ticket in the field.
M We are not able to say how far this situation holds true in other states,
but we present the following table by Mr. Frank Edward Horack, as printed
In the Iowa Journal of History and Politics, of January, 1921, which shows
the same general tendencies In Iowa :
Connell: Indiana Primary Law 237
tion of the fitness of the candidates for the office and the
public would be served equally well by either candidate. In-
deed, many times it is a struggle between two local leaders for
control of the party organization and the candidacy for these
local offices is merely expresesive of that struggle. Yet we
spend thousands of dollars in these contests and for ratifying
the choice of unopposed candidates. We may well ask our-
selves how important these elections are to good government
in the community and to the proper conduct of public business.
Another serious defect in our primary law referred to at
the beginning of this article is the inability of one party to
keep the members of another party from coming into the pri-
mary and helping to nominate its candidates. 35 One of the
most flagrant examples of this was in the recent city primary
of Indianapolis, where Samuel Lewis Shank was nominated as
the Republican candidate for mayor. Political experts of the
city estimate that fully twenty thousand Democrats voted in
the Republican primary and that almost all of these votes went
to Mr. Shank, as it was rather generally admitted that he
would be the weakest candidate and the least desirable to the
Republican organization. 36 No satisfactory plan has as yet
been devised in Indiana whereby we may insure that such
abuses of primary legislation will not occur.
In considering this question of primary reform we have
one very decided handicap always with us which we must
recognize. Former Governor James P. Goodrich of Indiana
stated it as follows :
It is very difficult to frame any sort of legislation that can control
the election that will be automatic in its application and will make up
for the appalling neglect of the average citizen to give any time to
politics. 3 ?
The percentage of qualified voters who cast their ballots in
the 1916, 1918 and 1920 primaries well illustrates this lack of
interest. In the Democratic party in 1916, 50% voted, in 1918
47%, and in 1920 32%. In the Republican party in 1916 62%
voted, in 1918 46%, and in 1920 67%.
85 No expense records are available as yet for 1920.
18 No records.
238
Indiana Magazine of History
State Offices, 1908-1920.
Number of Per cent
candidates 12 3 4 5 6 7 unopposed
Number of
offices 59 23 10 7 1 1 1 53
Congressional Offices, 1908-1920.
Number of Per cent
candidates 1 2 3 4 unopposed
Number of
offices 10 S7 45 8 2 __ __ 69
County Offices, 1908-1920.
Number of Per cent
candidates 12 3 4 5 6 unopposed
Number of
offices 335 552 113 48 4 4 2 74
85 In Mote vs. Cassidy, the supreme court of Indiana, on January 5, 1916,
ruled that "the primary election laws are not designed for nonpartisan nomi-
nations. Their sole object is to regulate nominations by political parties. No
well disposed person would seek to intrude into an organization whose prin-
ciples he disapproves."
38 In the seventh ward Shank received 372 more votes than did Mr. Hard-
ing in the last presidential election. There were also two other candidates
for mayor, and the presidential election of last fall was a Republican land-
slide, so these figures are very significant. The figures from several of the
other wards are also indicative of the fact that Democrats must have voted in
this Republican primary.
^Letter of June 3, 1921, to the writer.
Crawford County
(Continued)
By H. H. Pleasant, English, Indiana
Big Spring or Marengo
On April 15th, 1839, David Stewart deposited in the re-
corder's office at Fredonia the plat of Big Springs. This plat
contained what is now called old town. 1
Henry Hollowell squatted on the site of Marengo, or Big
Springs, in 1811. Later Stewart bought him out and built
his home there. Soon Malachi Monk moved into the county
and with the assistance of the other men built the old block
house about 1812. There were many Indians prowling around
then, but one finds no record of any conflict between the whites
and the red men. The block house, which was two stories
high, was built of logs. The upper story projected out beyond
the lower story so that the settlers could fire down on the
Indians and give them a reception that they would remember
awhile. The old building was torn down about the time of the
Civil war. 2 One may see the foundations of it near the home
of J. E. Ross, on the Marengo and Milltown pike, about one
mile east of Marengo. David Stewart bought the farm from
the government in April, 1833. Mr. Stewart, who was a
minister, was in much demand then. He assisted the two
Kinkaid brothers to establish the first Christian church in
the county. This church was formally organized in October,
1819, in the little log house of the Mr. Kinkaid over on Dog
creek near the present town of English. At first there were
thirteen members. 3
The town of Big Springs never grew very rapidly. The
town was located fourteen miles from Leavenworth on the
Leavenworth and Paoli road. The first post office was at
Proctorsville, about one mile east of the town, where the home
1 Deed Book 2, page 455.
3 Information furnished by Attorney James H. Weathers, of Marengo.
a Information furnished by Elder Cummins, of English.
240 Indiana. Magazine of History
of J. W. Birds was at the date of this writing-. It remained
there until 1851, when a committee composed of Dr. Mattingly,
Hugh Taylor, Robert Walts, D. S. Tucker and M. T. Stewart
was appointed to arrange for moving it. A new name being
necessary, Dr. Mattingly suggested the name of Marengo.
The post office was moved from Proctorsville into Big Springs
about 1851. 4
William Henry Harrison of Corydon visited David M.
Stewart once and cut his name on the body of a sugar tree
which stood in the yard before Stewart's cabin. Many years
later an academy was built near the site of the cabin. The
sugar tree still stood there till about 1880, when it fell down."
Marengo became a noted place during the Civil war. The
settlers were Union through and through. They allowed no
one to wear a butternut badge into the town. One day a man
named David Miller came into the town armed -with two
revolvers and a long-barrel rifle. He had on the butternut
badge which the loyal people of the town hated so much. He
came for trouble and found what he was after. As he walked
down the street of the little town several men saw the badge.
He went into Stewart's gun shop and was standing there when
Ben Goodman and W. J. Stewart walked into the shop. Good-
man had been wounded in the battle of Stone's river and was
at home now on a furlough. Stewart jerked the badge off of
Miller's breast and Ben Goodman hit him over the head with
a pair of knucks before had had a chance to shoot or even draw
his gun. Before the fight was over Miller was almost killed.
He managed with the help of some of the citizens to get home
some way. When Hines came through Marengo Miller hoped
to get revenge. He went to Hines and wanted to give him
information which would have been very injurious to the
Union, but Captain Hines looked on him with suspicion. One
of the rebels stepped up to him and took his gun and drew
back to knock his brains out but Hines interfered and pre-
vented the man from hitting him. Then the rebel looked at
him for a few minutes and said, "You say that you are for the
South. Why in the h — don't you go south and fight for her
4 Biographical souvenir of Crawford county, page 57.
e Information by J. H. Weathers, of New Albany.
Pleasant: Crawford County 241
then?" The men threw down his gun and rode away leav-
ing Miller standing there. 6
At the time of the Civil war the town of Marengo was a
village of log cabins situated on Brandy branch and on Whis-
key Run creek.
Alton
On the banks of the beautiful Ohio river just a few rods
below where Little Blue river runs into the Ohio lies the
town of Alton. The town was platted by James Gaither and
recorded in the recorder's office at Fredonia July 5, 1838. For
a long time this town was called Nebraska, the name of Alton
has been used since 1850. The town never grew very large.
Probably there never was over three hundred people in the
town at its greatest size. During the Civil war the little
town made a good record and furnished so many men that
the draft never was needed there. 7
English
The first man who bought land in the vicinity of English
was Moses Smith, who bought the east half of the northwest
quarter of section 24, township 2 south, range 1 west. Here
there were three forks of Little Blue: namely, Camp fork.
Dog creek, and Brownstown fork. Later other settlers came
and a town was built. W. W. Cummins made the first plat
of the town in 1839. It was recorded at Fredonia on Feb-
ruary 4, 1840, by the name of Hartford. After the town
was incorporated in 1886 the name was changed to English
in honor of William H. English who was elected to congress
from that district in 1850, and was Hancock's running mate
in 1880. 9
At the time of the Civil war Hartford was a struggling
village of a few log cabins and one or two little stores. Her
war record will be told in the subsequent work on the county
history.
5 Information furnished by James H. Weathers.
5 Terrells' Reports of the Civil War; recorders' office book on the town
plats.
9 New Albany Daihj Tribune, Nov. 16, 1852.
242 Indiana- Magazine of History
MlLLTOWN
Milltown which for a long time was called Leavenworth's
Mill was platted about 1837 by Seth M. Leavenworth. In
that year Manual Schoonover secured a license to sell foreign
goods in the town of Milltown. 10
The plat of the town as submitted in the text was ex-
tended by other citizens. The town grew rapidly and by the
Civil war was one of the important towns of the county. A
plat of the town is given here. On the old plat made by
Leavenworth there are two still houses shown. 11
Magnolia
Magnolia was located about four miles northwest of
Leavenworth on the Hartford road. Addison Williams bought
the southwest quarter of section 14, township 3 south, range
1 east, on February 19,1820. He tried to plat a town called
New Haven but the town never grew. So he filed the plat
of Magnolia with the county recorder on the fourth day of
July, 1838. Magnolia soon had a still house, a store, and a
blacksmith shop. The buhrstones of the old mill may still
be seen in the outer part of the town. By the time of the
Civil war the town had grown to have a population of about
100 people.
Early Roads
The people needed good roads in the pioneer days of
Crawford county. The towns of Fredonia and Leavenworth
were the points at which almost all the freight for Crawford
county was landed. There was a large river traffic on the
Ohio in those early days. 1
The oldest road in Crawford county was the "Governor's
Old Trail" or "trace". Governor Harrison and the settlers
used this road when they traveled from Corydon to Vincennes.
The Old Trail or Trace called the Old Wall at times was not
much of a road then. It must have been cleared of trees at
the least. This road entered Crawford county near Sharp-
10 Commissioners' records for 1837.
11 Deed Book 2, page 351.
1 Indiana State Laws, 1835, page 352.
Pleasant: Crawford County 243
town, passed near the old poor farm which was located about
one mile north of Martin Scott's farm, thence to the Leaven-
worth and Paoli road near Pilot Knob, thence to Mount
Sterling, passed near English and from there to Vincennes.
Parts of this old road are still in use while many changes
have been made in other parts of the road during the last
seventy-five years. Map 4 shows the location of all these
roads drawn as well as the author can from the data at
hand. 2
That part of the Old Wall which lay between the Salem
and Leavenworth and Paoli roads was declared a state road in
1836 by the state law. Later it was changed so that it in-
cluded that part between the Paoli road and the Jasper road. 3
The General Assembly provided for the Leavenworth and
Jasper road in 1833. James Glenn and Benjamin Roberson
of Crawford county were appointed commissioners to view
out and locate the road. This road was built up the river
hill just below the Big Spring branch in the town of Leaven-
worth. One who has not seen the hill here cannot form any
idea of the work required to build such a road. After about
eighty years the trace of the old road remains. After the
Civil war changes were made in the road and this portion
up the big hill is not used any longer. It ran for about one
mile up the river hill at Leavenworth before it reached the
top of the plateau. This road can be easily traced today. 4
In certain places the road ran through dense forests. The
law required that the road be cleared from trees and under-
brush and made thirty feet wide. This cleared strip of land
may yet be seen in certain parts of the forest near Leaven-
worth. The men met at Leavenworth on the first Monday
in March, 1833, and located the road. The board doing county
business ordered the road opened. The same law provided
that Thomas Fleming of Crawford county should act in con-
junction with George Arnold of Harrison county and Joseph
Enlow of Dubois county in locating a road from Milltown
to Jasper. These men met at Milltown on the first Monday
3 Information furnished by M. C. Froman, County Commissioner of Craw-
ford county for many years.
3 Indiana State Laws, 1836. 352.
4 Indiana State Laws, 1831-2-3, 73.
244 Indiana Magazine of History
\
of March, 1833, and located the Milltown and Jasper road
as shown on the map for the roads. The board doing county
business ordered the road opened and paid for out of the
three per cent, funds a large portion of which was due Craw-
ford county.
The law further provided that Joseph Denbo and James
Sloan of Crawford county should be appointed to help William
Harris of Martin county locate a road from Leavenworth to
Mount Pleasant in Martin county. As far as the information
can be obtained this road followed the Leavenworth and
Jasper road across the county.
Another very important road which was opened in 1832
ran from New Albany through Corydon, Leavenworth, Fre-
donia, and Perry county to Princeton. The road entered
Crawford county at the Cole's big bridge over Big Blue river.
John L. Smith of Leavenworth, who was appointed com-
missioner of the road, did not want this road to run through
the town of Fredonia. He was to locate the road from
Leavenworth to Hallie Goad's farm about ten miles west of
Leavenworth. The General Assembly provided by a subse-
quent act that Smith must run the road through Fredonia
which was one of the points mentioned in the original law.
A part of the act reads as follows :
And whereas much dissatisfaction prevails among the citizens in
consequence of an expressed determination of the commissioner to change
the road so that it will not run through the town of Fredonia. On
that account be it further enacted that John L. Smith of Leavenworth
shall not be permitted to make any change so as to prevent its passing
through the town of Fredonia but shall be governed by the original law
which makes Fredonia one of the points through which the road was
to pass.
At that time there was a struggle going on between the
two towns of Fredonia and Leavenworth. Each wanted the
county seat. The above quotation shows how Leavenworth
was prevented from running the road about two miles north
of Fredonia. Out of justice to Smith one ought to say that
the town of Fredonia was out of the way about two .miles.
The map of the roads will show this. 5
'■Indiana State Laics, 1831, 135; Indiana State Laws, 1832, 27.
Pleasant: Crawford County 245
One may trace out the Salem road on the map. The Gen-
eral Assembly enacted a law on January 8, 1835, which pro-
vided for the road. Zebulum Leavenworth represented Craw-
ford county in locating and marking- out the road which ran
through Milltown. During the Civil war Captain Hines led
his band of Confederates down this road to Leavenworth. 7
The Leavenworth and Paoli road ran north from Leaven-
worth to Cole's farm, thence to Red House's farm, thence
to Archibald's schoolhouse and on to Marengo, and thence
to Valeene and Paoli. This road has been relocated in many
parts. Part of it can be seen running north where the Leaven-
worth and Marengo pike crosses the Southern railroad just
south of Marengo.
The Fredonia and Rome road was opened about 1832.
This road was to be twenty feet wide. It ran from Fredonia
southwest to Perry county, passing out of the county about
two miles north of the mouth of Little Blue river and the
town of Alton. When Hines invaded the county in 1863 he
entered Crawford county over the Rome and Fredonia road. 8
Many more roads were opened up by the commissioners
in these early days, one of which ran from Fredonia to Mount
Sterling. Zebulum Leavenworth and Seth Leavenworth were
the overseers on this road. Cornelius Hall and William Riley
were to assist Seth Leavenworth to open up a road from the
Governor's Old Trail to the Three Forks of Little Blue river.
Part of this road became the Leavenworth and Jasper road
and part of the northwest portion became the Leavenworth
and the Hartford road. Hartford was situated at the Forks
of Little Blue river and much later became the town of Eng-
lish. 8
Another historic road ran from Leavenworth to the west-
ern boundary of Crawford county. Here it formed a part
of the road running from Rome to Paoli. It passed Robert
Yates' farm and entered Hartford, from thence to Paoli.
Robert Yates helped locate this road in Crawford county. 10
About 1832 the board doing county business divided the
county into districts so that the road supervisors could do
'• Indiana State Laws, 1835, 200.
8 Indian-a State Laws, 1834, 320.
s Indiana State Laws, 1831-4.
10 Commissioners' records, March, 1832.
246 Indiana Magazine of History
their work more efficiently. Ohio township had four districts,
Union township had two, Patoka township four, Sterling
township four, Whiskey Run township six, and Jennings
township six. 10
The Leavenworth clay turnpike was authorized by the
General Assembly in 1829. Julius Woodford, John L. Smtih,
and Zebulum Leavenworth were appointed commissioners to
locate, survey, and construct the road from Leavenworth
twenty miles in the direction of Indianapolis. The pike which
was to be any width not exceeding forty feet must be well
built and the streams over which the road ran must be well
bridged. The course of the road was to be laid off in sections
and the construction let out to the lowest bidder, who had to
furnish a bond for the faithful performance of his duty. It
was required that the road be completed in five years, after
which toll gates might be built and fees charged. The fees
for riding were : six and one-fourth cents for persons, eighteen
and three-fourths cents for carts, twelve and one-half cents
for empty carts, fifty cents for loaded wagons, six and one-
fourth cents for twenty head of sheep, hogs or cattle. 11 The
money with which to build this road might be raised by selling
stock to the citizens of the county. There are many more pre-
visions of this law, but they are not interesting to the reader.
The Leavenworth cousins were trying hard to build up the
town of Leavenworth, but this road was not completed.
Most of the roads were entitled to use the three per cent,
funds in their construction. Julius Woodford was appointed
to receive the money derived from this fund and pay out the
same at the bidding of the county commissioners. At that
time there were $200 of the funds. 12
Occupations
When the white men first came over the hills into Craw-
ford county the land was a howling wilderness. Probably
not one acre of land was free from trees in the whole county.
The first settlers chose the uplands for their homes because
the lowlands lacked good drainage and were not healthful.
" Laws, 1829, 92.
v - Indiana Laws, 1831-2-3.
Pleasant: Crawford County 247
Sometimes the settlers bought the land from the national gov-
ernment before they settled on the land but the great ma-
jority settled the land first and later bought it from the gov-
ernment. The price paid the government was $1.25 per acre.
The first hard piece of work for the pioneer was to build a
cabin. The logs were plentiful out of which almost all were
built. The ground was cleared from trees as fast as the
pioneer could manage it. A little garden was planted and
a field of corn was cultivated. The early pioneer took his
grist many miles to mill where the corn was ground into a
coarse meal. A few of the squatters pounded up their corn
and made meal out of it in that way. The potato patch was
the most important after the corn field. As soon as the man
was able he set out a small orchard on the farm.
The early pioneer did not need many things. The woods
were full of game and the rivers full of fish. Hence they used
wild meat and fish for food. Probably salt was the most diffi-
cult of all these foodstuffs to get. There were a few salt
springs in the county over in the northwest part, but that
region was not settled for a long time. After 1825 the stores
at Fredonia and Leavenworth furnished the settlers salt. By
that time there was a large river trade and much salt was
landed at these ports. Before that time the pioneer went to
the salt licks a few of which were Royce's and Rock's in
Washington county, French Lick in Orange county and Jack-
son's Lick in Monroe county. Here he boiled the water down
and made him a sack of salt and then rode home on horse-
back. A few rode to Jeffersonville to buy a sack of salt and
came home the next day. Salt was very high in these days.
Seth Leavenworth in 1827 tried to get the tax taken off of
salt, but the General Assembly refused to pass the bill. 1
The settlers made their own sugar and sirup from the
maple trees of which there was a great number in the forests.
As late as 1860 the pioneers made large amounts. In 1858,
8,300 pounds were made the value of which was $584. The
other farm products of 1850 in Crawford county were : Wheat,
19,950 bushels ; corn, 195,690 bushels ; butter, 34,445 pounds ;
1 Indiana House Journal, 1827, 243.
248 Indiana Magazine of History
hay, 981 tons; flax, 32,517 bushels; silk, $61; tobacco, 12,555
pounds ; rye, 262 bushels ; oats, 33,659 ; wool, 14,054 pounds. 2
The products in 1860 were: Wheat, 76,525 bushels; corn,
192,365 bushels; rye, 4,472; oats, 17,462; potatoes, 19,345
bushels; 2,721 barrels of pork, value, $28,483; apples, value,
$4,434; hay, 1,500 tons; wool, 10,914 pounds; wine, 707 gal-
lons. Just what amount was grown in the early days is im-
possible to say now on account of the absence of any data
on that subject. 3
The following table will give the population of the county :
Year People
1818 2586
1830 3234
1840 5280
1850 6540
1860 8226
1870 - 9851
1880 12355
1890 13441
1900 13476
1910 120574
The potatoes which the people grew were much different
from the ones grown nowadays. The leading varieties were
pink, peach blow, white peach blow, Prince Albert, early
Goodrich, Shaker russet, Mishanocs and the coal boat. In the
virgin soil the potatoes grew to be very large. When they
were cooked and prepared for eating one could hardly swal-
low them, they were so strong. They were not comparable
with the early Ohio, rural Newyorker, or the Irish cobbler,
which are grown at the present time in the northwest.
The farmer did his plowing with a jumping shovel, which
had one long share. Nothing was more aggravating than
such a plow. If the share caught behind a strong root the
plow would either jerk a man severely or jump out of the
ground and hit him in the ribs with the handles. Neither
-Documentary Journals of Indiana, 1850, 343.
3 Documentary Journal, 1860, 170-174.
♦For 1818 see Western Sun, March 12, 1831; rest of the years see Year
Book for 1918, 751.
Pleasant: Crawford Comity 249
of these was very pleasant to the man who was plowing.
The grain was cut with a sickle or a cradle. Much later in
the county a reaper was used.
By 1850 the settlers had cleared away much of the timber
and probably half of the land was under cultivation. The
land was very suitable for fruit growing. Many farmers had
large orchards in which many varieties of apples grew. The
leading ones were summer queen, pearmain, maiden blush,
rambo, russet, fall pippin, belle flower, Hall's seedling, horse
apple, Rhode Island greening, jannet, Smith's cider, Carolina
red, winesap, limbertwig, and the New York pippin. Many
farmers had a great variety of these apples. The reports
of the state fairs held in Indiana showed that men often re-
ceived prizes for the best exhibit of twenty-five different kinds
of apples, and fifteen different kinds of pears.
Certain years the farmers did not plant much corn. They
would climb the beech and the oak trees in the early spring
and see if the trees would have a crop of the mast or beech-
nuts and acorns. At that time of the year there was a little
flower on the trees if they were to grow fruit that year. In
case of the fruit being grown on the trees then there was
no need for much corn. The mast would fatten the hogs well
and the meat was thought to be better.
By 1818 the Indians had gone but the woods were full of
wild animals of all kinds, the most dangerous of which were
the panther, the bear, the wolf and the wild cat. Of course
these animals did not attack man often but they were a great
bother in carrying away the young pigs and other stock of
the farmer.
Peter Peckinpaugh who owned a large farm in the south-
ern part of Ohio township kept several wolf hounds in these
early days. One night about 9 o'clock he heard the hogs
making a noise down at the pen where he had a few young
pigs. He let the dogs out of the kennel and ran down to
the pen with a handspike in his hands of which he always
kept one near the house. Before he arrived the dogs had
caught some animal and were engaged in a terrible fight.
It seemed that two of the big dogs had caught the varmit
by the neck and the other one had it by the hips in which
condition they were just circling around on the ground.
250 Indiana Magazine of History
Watching his chance he hit down between them and broke
its back. The dogs soon killed the animal then. When day
came they found that the animal was a large panther that
measured about eight feet in length.
The county commissioners, in compliance with the state
law, offered a bounty of one dollar for each wolf scalp the
farmers would bring in. John Stone, James Land, Nathan
Ruth, Dan Farley, Enos Campbell, and Edmund Ardach were
allowed $1 each for wolf scalps in November, 1827. 6
Aside from these dangerous animals the woods were full
of rabbits, squirrels, and many other smaller animals. Hence
the country was a hunter's paradise which enabled him to live
on wild meat most all the time.
Big Blue river, Little Blue river, Turkey Fork, Slick Run
and the other streams were full of fish such as the blue cat,
the yellow, the pike, sunfish, bass, and various other kinds.
Men spent much time in fishing every spring and summer.
The main wealth of the county was in its timber, of which
there was a great amount and for which there was a ready
market. Many men were engaged in coopering the rough
barrels which were filled with apples and lime while the tight
barrels were filled with molasses or apple brandy. The amount
of brandy made in the county was very large. Most of it
was shipped south to New Orleans where there was a ready
market for that product. The timber was sawn and shipped
out in almost all forms. At one time acres of ground at
Leavenworth and Fredonia were covered with the lumber.
When the rise in the river came then the big steamboats
would load on the freight and steam away with the lumber.
The large boats were the Bostonia, Belle Key, Shotwell, Mem-
phis, and the Eclipse. The Eclipse and the Shotwell were
floating palaces and can not be described well. Many large
staves (pipe for wine barrels) were made and sold in the
south out of which the men made tobacco hogsheads or sugar
hogsheads.
Another great export was lime. Many kilns were made and
burned and the product loaded on the boats and shipped soutft
« Commissioners' records for November 5, 1827.
Pleasant: Craivford County 251
or to New Albany and Jefferson ville, where there was a ready
market for the product. 7
At Leavenworth and other towns many large barges were
built for carrying freight. The barges were loaded with
apples, lime, hay, corn, and many other products. The lime
was generally put on a flat boat so that the barrels were
protected from the rain in foul weather. When the barges
were loaded one good boat could tow several barges.
In 1830 Daniel Lyons began the business of making skiffs
for sale. He made a good grade of skiffs which were sold to
men on the Ohio river. Before long these skiffs were known
from Pittsburgh to the Gulf of Mexico. As far as known
no one ever complained about the skiffs. When he died the
work of the skiff factory was carried on by his sons, S. P.
Lyons and W. A. Lyons. These men used the same good ma-
terial and judgment in the selection and shaping the boats
that their father had used and if any thing the boys put out
a better grade of boats than their father had. About 1885
Norton Whitcomb bought out S. P. Lyons' share of the factory
and is now one of the managers. At present the old shop has
about three men employed in the factory and still turn out
the high grade of boats whose reputation has been so high and
so well deserved. 8
The flat boat trade was very important during the early
days of the county's history. The boats were about the size
of barges and were covered to protect the crew from the winds
and the cargo from the rain and the snow. On the top of the
boat and at each end was a steering oar by which the boat was
guided. Guiding the boat and rowing it to the shore was
very hard work. There were about five men on the boat
besides the cook. When the boat was loaded and ready to
start the men guided it out into the river and let it drift
gently down. Stops were made at most towns and the produce
on the boat was sold and other cargoes taken on the boat too.
By the time the boat arrived at New Orleans the cargo was
sold and the boat was sold or the owner had some steamboat
7 Information furnished by E. P. Leavenworth, of Leavenworth, whose
father founded the town.
8 Information furnished by Norton Whitcomb, of Leavenworth, one of the
owners of the skiff shop.
252 Indiana. Magazine of History
to tow it back. Yet he could hire a new one built cheaper
than paying- for the towing of the old one back, it was gen-
erally left.
Life on the flat boat was very pleasant in beautiful weather,
but woe betide the crew of the boat when it was caught out
on the swift Ohio or on the broad Mississippi when a storm
arose. Two men were put at each oar and the boat was rowed
ashore by the big steering oars. Then the boat was tied
up till fair weather came. The writer has heard old boat-
men tell that they were so tired and their arms were so sore
that they could not comb their hair after rowing the boat
ashore in such a storm. Sometimes it took a day or more
to get to shore if the wind set wrong. During the early his-
tory of the county the flat boat trade was very large. The
boats carried away very much produce and gave an outlet for
the products of the county the chief of which were lime,
whiskey, corn, smoked meat, and various products from the
forests.
Meat packing was one of the chief industries of the county.
The hogs which ran out to the commons generally took care
of themselves. Often they would stand on their hind feet
and eat the bark off of the slippery elms as high as they
could reach. For that reason they were called "elm peelers."
When the mast was ripe the hogs grew fat in the fall and were
ready for butchering. They were driven to the banks of the
Ohio river and there men were hired to help butcher the hogs
and smoke the meat. When the meat was ready for shipment
it was placed on the flat boat or on the steamboat and shipped
south to New Orleans, where there was a ready market for
all the county could ship there.
The farmer's stock ran out to the commons till about 1887.
After that date the stock was kept up in the farmer's own pas-
ture. If the stock was caught out the road supervisor was
empowered to empound such stock till the owner paid the
fine and the damage if there was any.
When the stock was running out men had much trouble
to keep their stock distinguished from their neighbor's. Many
resorted to the ear mark. John Sheckels of Ohio township
claimed that his ear mark for cattle was a slit in the left ear
Pleasant: Crawford County 253
and an under cut in the right ear. The above statement of
Mr. Sheckels was recorded at Fredonia in October, 1837. 9
The still house was another leading industrial establish-
ment. Apples grew in the county by thousands of bushels
and were made into apple brandy which was shipped away
very easily. Many old traces of the still houses can still be
seen in the county.
One ugly feature of the whole flat boat trade was the
danger of robbers. Of a night in many places watches were
kept on the boat to keep off the robbers who did not hesitate
to kill if it was necessary to get the cargo. The following
article was taken from the New Albany Tribune and may be
given here:
"We are indebted to Captain Vansickle for the account
that three men were murdered on the Ohio river near Troy
(Perry county), Indiana, while working on a flat boat. The
boat which had been sunk in five feet water had been de-
serted for many hours. It was a large boat about 95 feet long
and loaded with flour, whiskey, and groceries. The boat was
named Eliza No. 2. The boat which presented a ghastly
sight was marked with blood from one end to the other. The
bodies of two of the dead men were found in the boat and the
third body was found in the water. The one in the water
had weights fastened to it. The men evidently were killed
with a hatchett for one was found near which was covered
with blood. Their skulls had been crushed in by the severe
strokes of the hatchet, and there were various wounds of
many kinds found on their bodies. From the appearance many
believe that the crew might have mutinied part killing the
rest and then robbing the boat of what they could get away
with." 10
The leading imports were salt, ammunition, and guns.
Most of the men made their own clothes and shoes. Coffee
and foreign merchandise of various kinds were on hands at
the store for sale.
Corn and wheat were ground into meal and flour by the old
time mill. The best known of these mills were Leggett's,
• Information from the old ear mark book in the county recorder's office
at English, Indiana.
"New Albany Daily Tribune, October 30, 1852.
254 Indiana Magazine of History
near where Alton now stands and Leavenworth's mills at
Leavenworth and at Milltown, Indiana. Mention is made of
these old mills in the county records as early as 1827.
These mills were run by water power or by horse power.
A dam was built across the stream and the water was used
to furnish the power. The first mill driven by steam was
located at Leavenworth about 1830. The two Leavenworth
cousins did the managing of the mill there. Much later Carnes,
Lake and Benham built mills all of which did excellent work. 11
These mills did grinding on certain days of each week.
On these days the pioneers came with their grist of corn.
The first come was the first served. While the men were
waiting for their grist they generally indulged in wrestling
or other amusements. When the writer's father was a little
boy he went with some men to one of these old mills. The
weather was veiy inclement and the men were in the shelter
waiting their turn telling ghost stories. They could not see
where the meal was coming out from where they were. Sud-
denly they heard two hounds which belonged to one of the
men barking every now and then. Soon the men went out
to see what was the matter and found the two dogs up in
the box where the meal came out. They ate the meal about
as fast as it came out and then were barking for more. After
that one of the men stayed by the meal when the wolf hounds
were present with the owners.
While the men were waiting for their grists they told
ghost stories and commented on the wonderful feat of prowess
each one had committed once upon a time. The men who
did not get their grinding till after dark and had to ride
home through the dark while their fancies were active thought
that they saw ghosts of all sorts. These old settlers were
very superstitious and believed in spirits of all sorts. They
saw signs in the heavens and wonders in the earth beneath.
They would not begin a job of work on Friday. If they saw
the moon through brush that was a bad sign. The potatoes
must be planted when the sign was right. Yet in the good old
days the men had their joys and were happy, I presume, as
they are in our modern times.
11 T,eavenworth, Genealogy Book.
Transportation of Pottawattomies
THE DEPORTATION OF MENOMINEE AND HIS TRIBE
OF THE POTTAWATTOMIE INDIANS
By Benjamin F. Stuart, Burnetts Creek, Ind.
The deportation of Chief Menominee and his tribe of
Pottawattomie Indians from their reservation at Twin Lakes
in Marshall county, in September, 1838, covers one of the
darkest pages in the history of our state and has no parallel
in the annals of American history. The farther in time we
get away from this event the plainer will this appear and
the more interest will be attached to the route which is con-
secrated by the blood of that helpless people at the hands
of a civilized and christian state. Much of this route in this
state is a public highway, which I name "The Pottawattomie
Trail."
The Pottawattomie Indians originally occupied the terri-
tory north of the Wabash river to Chicago and Michigan.
Their conversion to the Christian religion through the Cath-
olic faith dated back to 1680. When they did become con-
verted they were nearly as firm and devout as were the prim-
itive Christians. When the priests would leave them, they
would teach each other and tried hard to preserve the religious
influence they had previously enjoyed. Until Bishop Brute
was appointed for Vincennes in 1834, they were only visited
by priests from that place and Detroit. At this time they
numbered four thousand souls.
One of the first cares of the bishop was to visit this mis-
sion which was the only one in northern Indiana, and make
provision for their spiritual welfare. He caused to be erected
a two-story hewn-log chapel on the north side of the lake.
Near this spot stands a monument, erected to their memory
through the efforts of Daniel McDonald.
Rev. M. Desseils of Michigan was put in charge of this
mission and the results were wonderful. The impulse given
by the bishop was such that their reverence for the black
256 Indiana Magazine of History
gowns which their fathers had transmitted to them, that
they vowed if the great spirit would send them another person
to minister to their spiritual welfare, they would listen to his
instructions and they came by hundreds to demand them
and ask for baptism.
Rev. Desseils baptized a quarter of those who had pre-
viously been heathens and soon after that he died. The work
to which he had been exposed brought on a spell of sickness
that left him almost at the point of death, but feeling that
his last moments were fast approaching, he aroused himself
and met his faithful children at the altar and while attending
them with his dying hands, the last duties enjoined on him
by his Master, expired on its very steps. Those who had
watched him with much anxiety, and unwilling to believe that
their master was dead, and hoping he was only sleeping, re-
mained in prayer by his corpse for four days when another
clergyman arrived to perform the funeral rites over his body.
Rev. Desseils' successor was Benjamin Petit, a young
Frenchman, who had left his native land and the profession
of law to devote his life as a priest. He did not know their
language, but the ardor of his zeal helped him soon to learn it.
Wondering at his kindness and pleasant manner, they said he
was not a black gown from a foreign land, but a redskin like
themselves.
Previous to this time, President Jackson, after being im-
portuned to extinguish the title to the lands held by the In-
dians in northern Indiana, appointed as commissioners, Gov-
ernor Jonathan Jennings, John W. Davis and Mark Crume.
A large number of prominent Indians were present, among
them being Wa-She-Anas, Wa-Ban-She, Aub-Bee-Naubee and
others, and also Captain Bouri. This conference was held at
Chippewa, on the banks of the Tippecanoe, north of Roches-
ter, on October twenty-sixth, 1832, the twentieth treaty.
Governor Jennings, as usual, had imbibed too freely and
his conduct so disgusted the Indians that it came near dis-
rupting the whole conference. After a stormy session of
several days, the treaty was concluded and by its terms all
the land held by them in northern Indiana was ceded to the
government, except certain allotments around Twin Lakes
and north of them. This treaty included one of their largest
Stuart: Deportation of Pottawattomie Indians 257
villages and a Catholic mission on the banks of the Tippe-
canoe.
The President did not ratify this treaty until 1836. Mean-
while the trappers, squatters, land sharks and all rushed in,
which was in direct violation of the policy of the government,
as the President had called the attention of Congress to in-
formation in similar cases.
At this conference the government had forbidden any in-
toxicating liquor being brought on the grounds. When "Jack
Douglas" brought some fine wine and brandies, it, of course,
was confiscated and put in the council chamber of one of the
commissioners for safe keeping and ready to use as the occa-
sion might require. This proved to be one of the essentials
in making this treaty. The terms of this treaty were ob-
tained through persuasion, liquor, bribery, threats and intim-
idation, and perhaps that is why its ratification was held up
for four years. Were a set of men to appeal to our federal
court today to confirm their title to a piece of real estate ob-
tained by such methods as did these commissioners employ,
the court would dismiss the case, give the appellants a severe
reprimand and order their arrest before they got out of the
city.
The terms of this treaty were not what was desired by the
land sharks, and their next move was to have Colonel Abel
Pepper, the Indian agent, who was stationed at Logansport,
buy these allotments, but after several attempts he failed.
The next move was to have the state legislature memo-
rialize the federal government to extinguish the title to these
lands. Consequently President Jackson appointed John T.
Douglas (perhaps the "Jack Douglas" that took part in the
conference of 1832), as commissioner, and the Indians were
represented by Chee-Chan-Chosee-As-Kum, Wee-Saw-Muk-
Koxie, Quin-Quit-To-On. Historians disagree as to the time
and place of this treaty. Thomas B. Helms, of Logansport,
a very reliable historian, says it was made in Washington,
D. C, February 11, 1837, and was ratified within one week
from its conclusion, all of which appears very plausible and
is also confirmed by Menomine in his speech.
This treaty was a ratification of all former treaties and it
was further stipulated that they would move at the end of
258 Indiana Magazine of History
two years to lands provided for them by the government,
along the Osage river in Kansas, the expense of the removal
and one year's subsistence was to be met by the government.
By the terms of the treaty of 1832, Menomine and his tribe,
which numbered about 1,500 Indians, were allotted about
twenty sections of land around Twin Lakes and extended to
within a mile of Plymouth. Their principal village covered
nearly two sections north of the lakes and consisted of one
hundred wigwams or huts. They raised corn and vegetables
as a part means of subsistence. They were peaceable and
friendly to the whites who would often attend their church.
Father Benjamin Petit had charge of the mission, as has
been previously stated, and they would come for miles, form
large congregations, and were very devout in their mode of
worship. Some of them had received an English education
and were in a fair way to be assimilated into a loyal citizen-
ship. But this was not to be and as soon as this supposed
treaty was made known, they were harassed by land sharks
or their agents, squatters and trappers.
Colonel Abel Pepper was also nagging at them to move,
and at a council at Pretty Lake, he threatened to remove them
by force. When all had had their say, Menomine arose, his
white head towering above all others, with the dignity of
Daniel Webster and just as defiant, said in substance:
The President does not know the truth. He, like me, has been
deceived. He does not know that your treaty is a lie and that I never
have signed it. He does not know that you made my chiefs drunk, got
their consent, and pretended to get mine. He does not know that I have
refused to sell my lands and still refuse. He would not by force drive
me from my home, the graves of my tribe and children, who have gone
to the Great Spirit, nor to allow you to tell me that your braves will
take me, tied like a dog, if he knew the truth. My brother, the President
is just, but he listens to his young chiefs, who have lied. When he
knows the truth, he will leave me to my own. I have not sold my lands.
I will not sell them; I have not signed any treaty, and I shall not sign
any. I am not going to leave my land. I do not want to hear anything
more about it.
And amid the applause of his chiefs, he sat down.
This speech, delivered in the peculiar style of the Indian
orator presented one of those very rare occasions of which
Stuart: Deportation of Pott&ivattomie Indians 259
history gives few instances, and would have made a profound
impression on any one except those who could see nothing
but those broad acres of fine land.
Andrew Jackson was President when this supposed treaty
was made. He stated that it was the policy of the govern-
ment to deal fairly with the Indians, pay them for their lands,
obtain their consent for possession and removal, and whenever
possible teach them the arts of civilization, that in time they
would assimilate and become loyal citizens. He had previously
called on congress for an investigation of cases that had come
to his knowledge of where the whites had infringed on the
lands of the redmen, and vice versa.
That it was the duty of the federal government to ex-
tinguish the title to lands held by the Indians, and when it
did that, the matter rested with the state, and the Indians
could leave or stay, but were amenable to the laws of the
state ; and any further interference on the part of the federal
government would be an infringement on the rights of the
state and was dangerous.
Now to charge my country and your country, a Christian
nation, with being guilty of making this attack on Christianity
and civilization is wrong, not sustained by facts and is an
unjust accusation. As to Colonel Abel Pepper, he was a man
in form, a fiend, a pliable tool in the hands of Gov. David R.
Wallace, father of Gen. Lew Wallace, and those who coveted
these lands.
During the summer of 1838, preparations were made to
remove the Indians by force. The Indians were aware of this
and had resolved to fight, when, through the counsel of Father
Petit, and on his promise to accompany them to their new
home, they promised him if the worst did come, they would
submit peacefully. This averted a general massacre.
The Catholic church had labored with these people for over
one hundred and fifty years, ofttimes at the cost of the lives
of her priests. She had seen her missions swept aside one
by one until only this one remained. True to her trust, she
stood by these people and used her influence to stay the hand
of execution, but all in vain, all the time counseling them to
avoid shedding blood.
260 Indmna Magazine of History
The work of destruction began in August, 1838, when a
body of men entered their village, took possession of their
crops, and lands, which was resisted by the Indians driving
them out and tearing down their shanties. The crisis came
when the cabin of Mr. Waters was torn down by the Indians,
and then he and others in return burned some of their huts.
A courier was sent to notify their agent, Colonel Pepper, at
Logansport, who was sent on to Indianapolis to notify the
Governor. Gov. Wallace authorized Gen. John Tipton to raise
an army and proceed to Twin Lakes and remove them. This
removal had been planned to take place later in the fall. This
army was made up of troops from Lafayette, Logansport,
South Bend and Laporte.
Col. Pepper invited all the tribe to a council to be held
at the village on August 29. Not knowing that they were
being decoyed, many of them assembled and at the time Mr.
Pepper was pretending to hold a council, Gen. Tipton ap-
peared with his army, which were secreted, surrounded the
village and made all, between three and four hundred, pris-
oners. He then proceeded to the church where they were
engaged in worship and made his presence known by firing
guns and surrounding the church and made all within pris-
oners. This is the first and only time a religious meeting was
broken up and the worshipers made prisoners like a lot of
law violators by the order of the governor of our state, whose
sworn duty it was to protect them. They pled for mercy and
to be let alone, but all to no effect as General Tipton was a
military man and knew to obey orders. When evening came
and they did not return home others were sent out in search
of them and they too were made prisoners. All of these were
held under guard while other troops were scouring the reser-
vation for others and destroying their homes. They also
rounded up about four hundred ponies that were to be used
in their journey.
Many tragic scenes were enacted in this round-up. Some
fought like demons till they were overpowered and roped;
some went in hiding, others sought shelter in Michigan. In
one case where they had surrounded the hut and called on
the Indian to surrender, he sprang for his tomahawk and
rifle and when he saw the cross, which the priest wore,
Stuart: Deportation of Pottaivattomie Indians 261
he threw down his weapons, crossed his arms and held them
out to be tied. This work was kept up until they had gath-
ered near fifteen hundred and had placed 859 names on roll.
Father Petit was permitted to assemble them for a final serv-
ice. He says :
At the moment of my departure I assembled all my children to
speak to them for the last time. I wept and they sobbed aloud. It
was a sorrowful sight and over this, our dying mission, we prayed for
the success of those missions that they would establish in their new home
to which they were being driven.
On the Sunday before their departure, they were visited
by many whites who came to bid them farewell. No doubt
there were some in that assemblage whose consciences were
not at rest. On the last day they were permitted, under
guard, to visit the graves of their departed friends, and held
an impressive service, heart-rending scenes that were inde-
scribable were witnessed. General Tipton went prepared
with sixty wagons and hired teams of horses and oxen. In
the meantime these were being loaded with their goods, such
as would be needed, the old, sick, of which there were over
one hundred, the women and children.
On September 4, 1838, they were lined up, some afoot,
some on ponies, followed by the wagons, and all heavily
guarded with a lot of guards at the rear with bayonets, which
were often used to keep the weak ones in the procession.
Before starting the torch was applied to their village, so that
they might see their homes destroyed and they would not
want to return. When all was in readiness, this grewsome
procession, nearly three miles long, like a funeral procession,
which in reality it was, started on its final journey. It was
a very sickly season. The sun was hot and the road was
dry and dusty. They drove down the Michigan road to Chip-
pewa, on the Tippecanoe, where they camped the night of
the fourth. Here more was added to their cup of sorrow.
They wished to take their dead with them and when this was
denied, they had to leave them at the roadside or camping
ground, hence every camping ground was a burial ground.
In making preparations for this expedition it was thought
a picnic and many volunteers were turned away, but at the
262 Indiana Magazine of History
end of the first day, twenty of the troops, heartsick, stole
twenty of the Indians' ponies and deserted the command.
September 5 they moved down to Mud creek, which is the
name applied to the upper course of Big Indian creek, where
they camped. There was much suffering for water, as many
of the streams were dry, and food, as but little preparation
had been made for this. September 6 they reached Logans-
port and camped on Honey creek for three days and nights.
The physicians of the city came out and rendered what aid
they could to the sick. While here two adults and several
children died, and were buried just north of the Vandalia
railroad. These people were human beings and the love of
parent for their offspring was strong. Then think what must
have been their grief in taking up their march, and the
anxiety of the father at the close of the day to learn of the
condition of his family.
September 10 they started on their march down Michigan
avenue to Eel river, then down the north side of the Wabash
river, through Georgetown and forded Crooked creek near the
mouth; thence on to the county line, then followed the bank
of the river to a creek. On the west side of this creek was old
Winamac's village and is about eleven miles below Logans-
port. They reached this point at 5 p. m., and camped there.
I name this Menominee's camping ground on September 10,
1838.
September 11, at 10:00 a. m., they took up their march.
Here the road left the river and followed the foot of the bluff
to the Jacob Mullendore farm. From here they followed the
top of the bluff to Little Burnett's creek, then at the foot of
the bluff through Lockport. On the hillside north of the road
is a spring, which was much larger then than it is now. Here
some of the Indians were permitted to drink. This spring I
name the Pottawattomie spring. From here they followed the
foot of the bluff to the line between the Schneip and Kirkpat-
rick farms to the river, thence west to Rattle Snake. They
forded the creek, ascended the Gilliam hill, where there was a
camping ground for tribes that had preceded this one ; thence
on a line through Conner's reserve to Pleasant Run creek,
where they went into camp, after traveling all day in the hot
sun, enveloped in a cloud of dust. Cruelty unspeakable! Out-
Stuart: Deportation of Pottawattomie Indians 263
rage infinite! For such were the scenes witnessed that night
in the grove along the creek whose waters went rippling along
to swell the mighty deep. With their condition growing worse
every day, one cannot help but wonder if their faith in the
God of mercy, whom they had learned to worship, will hold
out. May the great Ruler of nations never again permit In-
diana to be disgraced by such scenes as were witnessed in
Carroll county those two days and nights while passing through
it, should be the prayer of every liberty loving citizen.
September 12 they took up their line of march by follow-
ing the road up the hill, crossed the range line to the creek
and followed it to Pittsburg. The Delphi Oracle of September
15, 1838, edited by Henry B. Milroy, said :
The tribe of Pottawattomie Indians passed down on the west side
of the Wabash river a few days ago on their way to their new home
along the Osage river in Kansas. The procession is very imposing, cov-
ering a distance of nearly three miles, all in charge of Gen. John Tipton
who will place them in charge of Judge Polk at the state line.
From here they followed the Delphi and Battleground road
along the bank of the Wabash to the Case farm, fording the
Tippecanoe river at 11 :00 a. m., at Hog's point and reached
Battleground at noon. They camped near here the night of
the twelfth. It was here that General Tipton distributed
$5,000 worth of goods to allay the discontent and revive their
spirits. This only proved temporary.
September 13 they traveled seventeen miles and reached
Lagrange where they camped. Heat and dust getting worse,
teams worn out, many of the troops sick and unable to pro-
ceed, Dr. Richie and son, attending physicians, nearly out of
medicine, one hundred and sixty sick Indians, large numbers
had to be left to their fate along the road and the children
dying at the rate of three to five per day, the faith that had
carried them thus far was being shaken and the Indian spirit
of freedom or death was showing itself. It was at this time
Colonel Pepper and General Tipton began to come to their
senses. General Tipton sent an urgent message back to Father
Petit to hasten to his aid, and by permission of Bishop Brute,
he started.
264 Indiana Magazine of History
September 14 they reached Williamsport where they
camped and on Sunday, September 16, near Perrysville, Father
Petit came up to them. He says :
I came in sight of my poor christian children marching in a line,
guarded by soldiers, who hastened their steps, a burning hot sun cast
its rays down upon them. After them came the wagons, into which were
crowded the women, children, the sick and dying. Almost all the babies
were dead or dying. I baptized several newly born babes, whose first
step was from exile to heaven.
At Danville on September 18, the command was handed
over to Judge William Polk, who was appointed by the gov-
ernment to receive them. After resting two days they took
up their line of march, leaving six graves under the shadow
of the cross.
Their hardships only increased as they moved along over
the parched prairie, no water and the nights growing cooler.
After near two months' journey, the remnant of the tribe
reached the Osage river with a loss of one-fifth of its orig-
inal number, besides the great number of children. Father
Petit was so worn out, that he could not return at once as
directed by the Bishop, but as soon as he was able he started
on his return and reached St. Louis, where he died. His re-
mains now lie at Notre Dame beside those of Father Des-
seils. Of all the names connected with this crime, there is
one, Father Benjamin Petit, the Christian martyr, which'
stands like a star in the firmament, growing brighter and
will shine on through ages to come.
In conclusion, if the reader, in his imagination, will go
with me where the trail crosses the highway near the Rattle-
snake bridge, not far from the banks of the Wabash, I will
show him a pen picture, part of which was drawn by an eye-
witness. He said :
It was a sad and mournful spectacle to see those children of the
forest as they slowly retired from the homes of their childhood; as they
cast mournful glances backward to the loved scenes that were fading in
the distance, tears fell from the eyes of the warriors, old men trembled,
matrons wept, and the swarthy cheek of the maiden turned pale. Sighs
and half suppressed sobs escaped from the motley group as they passed
along, some on foot, some on ponies and others in wagons, all driven, like
Stuart: Deportation of Pottawattomie Indians 265
cattle to the shambles, to a strange country they knew not where. I
saw several of the warriors casting glances toward the sky as if they
were imploring aid from the spirits of their departed heroes, who were
looking down from the clouds, or from the Great Spirit who would
ultimately redress the wrongs of the red man, whose broken bow had
fallen from his hands and whose sad heart was bleeding within him.
Oh Civilization! what crimes are committed in thy name!
Dear reader, in fancy, I stood there at midnight, the moon
shone in all its splendor with nothing to break the stillness of
the night save the occasional hooting of an owl, when I heard
the hoofs of a horse as he came galloping down the Gilliam
hill. I heard him as he splashed through the creek, and as
he passed by, I saw he carried a messenger, but it was not
Paul Revere. The next day at 10:00 a. m., looking to the east
I saw a cloud of dust, then came galloping down the road a
horse and rider, and as he drew near, I saw that it was not
Phil Sheridan, but Father Petit, hastening on to comfort his
people and to counsel them to humbly submit to the will of
David Wallace, the governor of the Christian state of Indiana.
You need not go to Concord, nor Winchester, nor any
battle field to learn of deeds of heroism, nor to far off Acadia
and behold the burning of Grand Pre to learn of the injustice
meted out to the weak by the strong and greedy, if you study
the history of your state, Indiana, our own Indiana.
The Knownothing Party In Indiana
(Continued) :
By Carl Brand
The Campaign of 1856 In Indiana
The year 1856 marked the advent of the Know Nothings
into national politics, for their first and only presidential
campaign. Circumstances seemed favorable for the success
of a new party. The Democratic administration had given
universal dissatisfaction to the north. A revival of the Whig
party was conceded to be hopeless. The Republican party was
not yet organized on a national basis, but it was already
beginning to overshadow the American movement in the
north. Which one of the two would survive to contest future
elections with the Democracy depended largely on the issue of
the campaign of 1856.
The Grand Council was to meet at Philadelphia February
18, 1856. As this body did not have the power to nominate
candidates, President Bartlett of the Grand Council issued a
call for a national convention to be held at the same place
four days later. Each state delegation was to consist of one
delegate from each congressional district and two from the
state at large. 1 As a matter of fact the same representatives
were to compose both council and convention.
Since the Indiana delegation at Cincinnati had acquiesced
in the move for a reunion with the Grand Council, prepara-
tions were made to send representatives to the Philadelphia
session. The "twelfth section" issue however was not al-
lowed to go unnoticed. If not expunged it would prevent a
union of the anti-slavery forces and make certain the election
of a Democrat. Another view was that it introduced the ques-
tion of slavery where nothing should have been said on the
subject. 2 For either the former or the latter reason most of
1 Richmond Jeffersonian, December 6, 1855.
2 Terre Haute Wabash Courier, January 19, 1856; New Albany Tribune,
February 27, 1856.
266
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 267
the Indiana Americans favored the excision of the twelfth
section.
The First district convention met at Princeton, January
22, 1856. 3 As the Know Nothings of the First district were
the strongest "South" Americans in Indiana, the delegates
were mostly "twelfth section" men, in favor of non-interfer-
ence on slavery. Delegates were in attendance from Vander-
burg, Warrick, Posey, Knox, and Gibson counties. Judge
Samuel Hall of Princeton was chairman; James A. Mason
of the Vincennes Gazette and Addison H. Sanders of the
Evansville Journal, secretaries. A. M. Phelps of Warrick
county was appointed a delegate to the national convention
with James A. Mason as alternate, and was instructed to
vote for Millard Fillmore. A series of resolutions was adopted
which would satisfy the straightest Americans. It called for
a revision of the laws on suffrage; none but Americans in
spirit and in thought should rule America; the Bible should
be kept in the schools ; and the union must be preserved. Any
mention of the slavery issue or the Kansas-Nebraska question
was carefully avoided. These resolutions are noteworthy as
the only case in which an important body in Indiana put
forth a platform that was strictly American, and not tainted
with "abolitionism."
On February 8, the Americans of the Seventh district held
their convention at Greencastle. General G. K. Steele of
Rockville was appointed as delegate with instructions to vote
for Fillmore. 4
There is no record of any other district convention.
William Sheets, president of the order, and Solomon Mere-
dith were delegates, but whether elected by district convention
or appointed by the state council for the s,tate at large is un-
certain.
The Grand Council met at Philadelphia February 18, 1856.
Sheets, Phelps, and Meredith constituted the Indiana delega-
tion. In the absence of President Bartlett, Sheets was called
3 Accounts of the convention are to be found in the Indianapolis Sentinel,
January 11, 1856 ; Indianapolis Journal, January 26, February 18, 1856 ; Prince-
ton Democratic Clarion, January 26, 1856 ; New Albany Tribune, February 6,
1856; Richmond Jeffersonian, January 31, 1856.
4 Terre Haute Wabash Courier, February 16, 1856; New Albany Tribune,
February 20, 1856.
268 Indiana Magazine of History
to the chair and made the opening address, in which he ex-
pressed the hope that sectional issues would be laid aside and
that the true spirit of American principles might reign su-
preme in the convention. 5 But the slavery question would
not down. Sheets made a speech in which he assured the
southern members that the "twelfth section" must be ex-
punged if the party wished to carry the north. In spite of his
efforts to propitiate the pro-slavery members, he gained the
name of "rank abolitionist" for himself. After two days of
exciting debate the "twelfth section" was abolished and a new
plank inserted which declared merely for the enforcement of
all laws constitutionally enacted until their repeal. 7 The
eighth section was altered in such manner as to please the
Louisiana Catholics 8 The new platform was adopted by a
vote of 108 to 77; Sheets and Phelps voting with the majority
and Meredith with the minority. 9 While the north had gained
the repeal of the "twelfth section," the conservatives were
successful in resisting all attempts to commit the order to
any principle of emancipation. The Grand Council finished
its work on February 21, having returned to the policy of
neutrality and non-interference.
On February 22 the national council reorganized as a nom-
inating convention. A resolution was introduced that the na-
tional council had no authority to prescribe a platform of
principles for the nominating convention and that no candi-
dates for president and vice-president who were not in favor
of interdicting slavery north of 36° 30' should be nominated
by the convention. It was tabled by a vote of 141 to 59. 10
A motion to proceed to the nominations was carried, where-
upon most of the anti-slavery delegates, including all from
New England, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Ohio, and others
8 Indianapolis Journal, February 20, 1S56.
"Appendix to Congressional Globe, 34 Congress, 1 Session, 1019; Indian-
apolis Sentinel, March 3, April S, 1856 ; Indianapolis Journal, May 1, 1856.
Although the Indianapolis Sentinel makes many assertions to the contrary,
Sheets was instrumental in securing the repeal of the "twelfth section." Cf.
the references cited in Hie Sentinel to those in the Journal and the Congressional
Globe.
7 See the Indianapolis Journal, February 29, 1856, for the entire platform.
8 Logansport Journal, March 1, 1856.
Indianapolis Sentinel, March 3, 1S56; Rockport Democrat, March 8, 1856.
"' Indianapolis Journal, February 27, 1856.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 269
from Iowa, Illinois, and Pennsylvania, withdrew from the
convention. 11 The Indiana delegates retained their seats and
did not join the bolters. 12 The convention then proceeded
with the nominations. Sheets wished a nomination postponed,
but was overruled. ly Millard Fillmore, of New York, and
Andrew J. Donelson, of Tennesee, were made the candidates
for president ond vice-president, respectively. The vote of the
Indiana delegation stood, two for McLean and one for Fill-
more, the latter vote being cast by Phelps. 14 Because of their
failure to withdraw the Indiana delegates were regarded as
being favorably disposed toward the South American fac-
tion. 15
The seceders met at Merchants' hall with Lieutenant Gov-
ernor Ford, of Ohio, presiding. Indiana was not represented
among the sixty-seven delegates. They issued an address pro-
testing against the nomination of Fillmore and the admission
of the Catholic Louisiana delegates, and demanding the res-
toration of the Missouri Compromise line. Solomon Meredith
was put on the executive committee for Indiana. He was not
in the seceders' convention but had voted against the nomina-
tion of Fillmore. 10 The seceders, who were known as North
Americans, issued a call for a convention to be held at New
York, June 12, 1856.
Neither the platform nor the candidate of the convention
aroused much enthusiasm in Indiana. The Evansville Journal,
Vincennes Gazette, Paoli Constitutionalist, Rising Sun Visitor,
and a few other papers were said to endorse the platform
fully. 17 The Indianapolis Journal had been a strong sympa-
thizer with American views but its attitude toward the plat-
form reflects that held by the anti-slavery wing of the Amer-
11 Indianapolis Journal, March 3, 1856; Princeton Democratic Clarion, March
1, 1856.
"Richmond Jeffersonian, April 10, 1856; New Albany Tribune, March 5,
1856 ; Indianapolis Sentinel, March 3, 1856.
"Indianapolis Journal, May 1, 1856.
14 New Albany Tribune, March 5, 1856; Richmond Jeffersonian, April 10,
1856; Indianapolis Journal, May 1, 1856.
15 Madison Courier, March 5, 1856.
M Indianapolis Journal, February 28; March 3, 1856. Indiana is not listed
in any contemporary account, as represented in the convention, although the
Journal of November 23, 1856, makes the statement that Sheets and Meredith
were both present. Cf. the Journal for February 28, and March 3, 1856.
17 Indianapolis Journal, March 3, 6, 1S56.
270 Indiana Magazine of Hwtm^y
icans, which was rapidly becoming identified with the Repub-
lican movement:
We find more to disapprove in what the platform leaves unsaid,
than in what it says. The whole slavery question, its extension, nation-
alization, the fraud by which it gained entrance into and the violence by
which it strives to keep its hold of, the new territories, are utterly
ignored.*®
Nativism was made the issue ; there was a complete aban-
donment of all the Republicans were working for. 19
The nomination of Fillmore upon such a platform was
thought to be dictated by southern influence:
It is the work of Southern States and twelfth section delegates
generally. It is a nomination by those favorable to the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise and opposed to its restoration. It is a nomination
of those advocating the Southern doctrine of the extension of slavery.
We look upon the whole affair as most disastrous to the fair character
and claims of Millard Fillmore. . . . No one can suppose that a nomi-
nation from such a source can be anything other than sectional. 20
Such was the opinion of a paper favorable to Fillmore
personally. Another American paper, the Aurora Standard,
took somewhat the same stand :
At almost any other time we should have hailed the nomination of
Millard Fillmore with delight. . . . But as he has been nominated upon
a slavery extension platform we must wait until we hear from him
before we promise him our unqualified support. If ... he will come
out firmly in opposition to slavery extension, we shall give him our
hearty support, but if he does not, we shall have to look for some other
candidate. The time has come when this issue must be met, and if pos-
sible, set at rest forever. It cannot be ignored and we will support no
man who is disposed to ignore it. 21
The Richmond Palladium, like other Republican papers
whose affection for Know Nothingism had cooled since 1854,
held that by the nomination the party was harnessed to a
faction and committed to the propagandism of slavery, mak-
,e Indianapolis Journal, February 29, 1856.
w Indianapolis Journal, March 1, 1856.
^Terre Haute Wabash Courier, March 1, 1856.
21 Indianapolis Journal, March 14, 1856.
Brand: Knoiunothings in Indiana 271
ing the north fight for the Fugitive Slave law and sustain the
Kansas-Nebraska bill and the abrogation of the Missouri Com-
promise. 22
The platform and nominee did please one political fac-
tion. A remnant of the old Whigs still existed, faithful to
Whiggery and unidentified with the other movements of the
time although they had long ceased to maintain an organiza-
tion in Indiana. A portion of these now stood for the same
principles as the Americans. They regarded the Philadelphia
platform very favorably because it ignored the Kansas-Ne-
braska question. 23
The main question before the Americans in the early part
of 1856 was whether or not they would co-operate with the
Republicans in the state campaign. Because of their own
weakness and the increased strength of the latter, it was
practically certain that they could not direct a fusion move-
ment to their own ends as in 1854. The efficiency of the
Know Nothing secret machinery was gone. Many of the lodges
had disbanded and many of those who supported Fillmore
were not willing to sacrifice their anti-slavery opinions to
their Americanism. Yet they claimed to muster fifty thousand
votes in the state, a number with which they could do nothing
themselves, but without which the Republicans could not
hope for victory. 24 It was plainly seen that united there was
a chance to carry the state ; if the Americans put their own
ticket in the field, defeat was certain. On the other hand
the party might lose its identiy by fusing with a stronger
movement. Also any union with the Republicans would be
certain to incur the displeasure of the southern wing of the
party.
The first step toward a fusion was taken by a convention of
editors of the People's party at Indianapolis, December 18,
1855. Milton Gregg, of the New Albany Tribune, presided
and many other American editors were present. The con-
vention endorsed the People's platforms of 1854 and 1855 and
recommended the calling of a nominating convention the fol-
lowing May. 25 The American papers took up the call and
82 Richmond Palladium, March 6, 1856.
23 Indianapolis Journal, March 12, 1856.
34 Indianapolis Journal, March 7, 1856.
* Indianapolis Sentinel, December 20, 1855.
272 Indiana Magazine of History
urged a full representation of their party at the convention,
which was to be held May l.' 26
The executive committee of the American state council held
a meeting at Indianapolis, April 2, 1856, at which the ques-
tion of co-operation with the Republicans was debated. The
majority favored fusion, so the following circular was issued:
Indianapolis, April 2, 1856.
To the Members of the American Party of Indiana:
At a meeting of the executive committee of the State Council, held
at Indianapolis, on the 2nd day of April, 1856, after a full expression
of the members upon those questions that have divided and distracted
the American party in other States, the committee unanimously adopted
the following suggestions and earnestly request the true friends of
Americanism to cooperate with them in carrying out the views of the
committee: That as in 1854 we stand uncompromisingly opposed to the
present corrupt national administration, and as a party we stand ready
to cooperate with any party which aims to put an end to its misrule.
And further: we regard the repeal of the Missouri Compromise as an
infraction of the plighted faith of the nation. The same should be
restored, and if efforts to that end fail, Congress should refuse, under all
circumstances, to admit any State into the Union tolerating slavery,
made free by that compromise. Therefore we approve of the call for a
People's convention to be held on the first day of May next, and earnestly
call upon the American party throughout the State to send a full delega-
tion to that convention. Wm. Sheets, Pres't. 2 ?
The order of President Sheets was regarded in some quar-
ters as an attempt to sell out the Americans to the "aboli-
tionist" Republican party, but the general temper of the for-
mer was favorable to a fusion and full delegations were ap-
pointed by the county councils. 28
The platforms of former fusion conventions had invariably
contained a temperance plank. This time the Harrison County
council, desiring to avoid the temperance issue, instructed its
delegates,
not to commit the American party to any state issue on temperance but
to leave it in such a position that the counties may form their ticket to
suit their particular localities.29
28 New Albany Tribune, February 13, 1856.
27 Indianapolis Journal, April 3, 1856; Brookville Indiana Atnerican, April
11, 1856.
28 Indianapolis Sentinel, April 8, 1856.
29 New Albany Ledger, April 30, 1856.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 273
A preliminary meeting of the delegates was held April
30. William Sheets explained the American position: that
he and those who had voted with him to repeal the "twelfth
section," would do all they could to unite the Americans in
the great People's movement of the north. 30
The convention met, May 1, 1856. Solomon Meredith, of
Richmond, and General G. K. Steele, of Rockville, were the
Americans on the nominating committee. They reported a list
of officers, naming Henry S. Lane for president. Milton
Gregg of New Albany and James N. Ritchey of Franklin Were
among the vice-presidents. 31
The harmony that nominally existed between the Repub-
licans and the Americans was broken when David Kilgore, a
former Know Nothing, introduced a resolution that the con-
vention should nominate delegates to attend the Republican
national convention, the following June. On behalf of the
Americans, R. N. Hudson, of the Terre Haute Express, pro-
tested, saying that as the convention was not exclusively Re-
publican, it could not nominate delegates. But loud cries of
"Yes, it is," drowned out his voice and he sat down. Kilgore
replied that he was an older and a better American than Hud-
son, but that Americanism could be postponed while the Kan-
sas question could not, and he hoped that all would unite in
securing a representation in the Philadelphia convention. He
declared however that no nomination would be made which
would "tread upon the toes of the Know Nothings." A Knox
county Know Nothing spoke against Kilgore's resolution, but
it was of no avail. 32 The incident showed the relative weak-
ness of the Americans. The conditions of 1854 were reversed
— the Americans were the tools of Republicans instead of vice
versa. It showed that the Union between the two rested on
a very slight foundation.
There is evidence that an agreement had been reached by
the Republican and American leaders as to the state ticket,
but in the convention the straight Republicans were in the
ascendent and but one friend of Fillmore was given a place,
30 Indianapolis Journal, May 1, 1S56.
31 Indianapolis Journal, May 8, 1856 ; Princeton Democratic Clarion, May 10,
1856.
32 Indianapolis Journal, May 8, 1856; New Albany Ledger, May 7, 1856;
I^ogansport Democratic Pharos, May 14, 1856.
274 Indiana Magazine of History
John W. Dawson, of Allen, the nominee for secretary of
state. 33 The remainder of the ticket consisted of Oliver P.
Morton, of Wayne, governor; Conrad Baker, of Vanderburg,
lieutenant-governor; William R. Noffsinger, of Parke, treas-
urer; E. W. H. Ellis, of Marion, auditor; John L. Smith, of
Boone, superintendent of public instruction; James H.
Cravens, of Ripley, attorney-general ; John A. Stein, of Tippe-
canoe, reporter of supreme court; John A. Beal, of Miami,
clerk of supreme court. 34 James H. Cravens had been vice-
president of the Know Nothing order in the state in 1854-55,
but was now fully identified with the Republican party. The
Americans were thus frozen out. The party, which claimed
to include from one-third to one-half of the Fusion strength
in the entire state and nine-tenths of it in the southern part,
was represented by one candidate among nine. The Amer-
icans had come to the convention to fuse, but the Republicans
now took the stand that their own principles must be kept
supreme.
A plank was inserted in the platform to placate the Amer-
icans. It read as follows :
Resolved, That we are in favor of the Naturalization Laws of Con-
gress with the five years probation, and that the right of suffrage should
accompany and not precede naturalization.35
A set of district electors was appointed, among whom were
James C. Veatch and David Kilgore, of American sympathies.
Among the delegates appointed to attend the Republican
national convention were Jonathan S. Harvey, of Marion;
James N. Ritchey, of Johnson; W. J. Peaslee, of Shelby;
George K. Steele, of Parke; Godlove S. Orth, of Tippecanoe;
and Charles H. Test, of Wayne; all former members of Know
Nothing councils. On the state central committee were
placed J. S. Harvey, James Ritchey and George K. Steele. 36
The Fusion editors of the state took advantage of the nom-
inating convention to hold another meeting. The proceedings
were kept secret, but among the American editors present
33 New Albany Ledger, May 12, 1856.
31 Indianapolis Journal, May 8, 1856.
35 Indianapolis Journal, May 8, 1856.
36 Indianapolis Journal, May 8, 1856.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 275
were R. N. Hudson, of the Terre Haute Express; J. Cox, of
the Paoli Constitutionalist; John W. Dawson, of the Fort
Wayne Times; W. H. Gregory, of the Rising Sun Visitor; and
F. J. Waldo, of the Vevay Reveille.™
Although they had been rather coldly treated in the con-
vention, the Americans as a whole were determined to sup-
port the ticket nominated there. 38 With but three or four
exceptions the American press fell into line and placed the
Fusion ticket in their columns below the names of Fillmore
and Donelson. But the twelfth section "South" Americans
could not stand by a ticket and platform that was so strongly
Republican in color. 39 The Vevay Reveille, an ultra American
paper, repudiated the convention and its platform in toto.*°
It could not support "Black Republican Abolitionism." Sheets
was blamed for the failure of the Americans.
The officiating head of the American party in Indiana is rotten to
the core! He has sold us to our enemies . . . there is not a single
American editor at Indianapolis . . . who was not disgusted at the
course pursued at that convention,
wrote the editor, F. J. Waldo. 41 Only on condition that the
ticket be divided more equally between the Republicans and
Americans would he support a Fusion ticket. Let Judge
Jeremiah Sullivan, of Madison, be put in Morton's place, and
give the latter the candidacy for attorney-general ; give R. N.
Hudson, of Terre Haute; T. A. Goodwin, of Brookville, and
David Laird, of Perry county, places on the ticket, and then
pure Americans could support it. 42 The Rising Sun Visitor
said the Fusion ticket could not hope to receive the support
of the American party. It favored a separate and independent
organization of the American party on its own merits. 43 Like-
wise the Rockford Herald hoped that the American party
would "cut loose from abolitionism and set up for itself," for
Americanism had been entirely repudiated by the conven-
3! Indianapolis Journal, May 8, 1S56.
^Wabash Intelligencer, May 21, 1856; New Albany Tribune, May 14, 1856.
M Princeton Democratic Clarion, May 10, 1856.
40 New Albany Ledger, May 21, 1856.
41 Rockport Democrat, May 26, 1856, quoting the Vevay Reveille; Indian-
apolis Sentinel, May 19, 1856.
"New Albany Ledger, June 13. 1856.
49 Rockport Democrat, May 24, 1856; Madison Courier, May 21, 1856.
276 Indiana Magazine of History
tion. 44 Also the Corydon Argus and the Paoli Constitutional-
ist refused to endorse the convention or put the nominees at
the head of their columns because they would not support an
"abolition" ticket. 45 But these were the exceptional instances.
The Americans and Republicans combined their forces for
the city elections of April and May, 1856, but met with scant
success. The fusion was successful in Crawfordsville and the
Know Nothing strongholds, New Albany and Jeffersonville,
but in the other cities the Old Line Democracy was uniformly
victorious. 46
The American state convention was called for July 16,
1856. Several of the pure American papers, such as the
Vevay Reveille and the Rising Sun Visitor, agitated for a con-
vention at New Albany on July 4 to nominate a separate state
ticket and reorganize the American party. 47 Their object
was to remove the convention from the influence of a People's
convention which, was to be held at Indianapolis, July 15, to
ratify the nomination of Fremont and Dayton. They feared
that the radical anti-slavery Fusionists would dominate the
American convention to the exclusion of American principles.
The New Albany Tribune and others who looked more favor-
ably on the Fusionists opposed the idea of a pure American
convention and proposed one at Indianapolis the same day
that the People's convention met. This faction looked forward
not only to the endorsement of the nominees of the conven-
tion of May 1, but also to a union electoral ticket. In the end
the convention was called to meet at Indianapolis, July 16,
the day after the Fusion convention. 48 It is noteworthy that
the American convention now followed the People's instead of
preceding it. The Know Nothings of 1854 and 1855 pursued
a policy calculated to manipulate the People's movement to
their own ends. The Americans of 1856 waited to see what
the Fusionists did before they themselves acted. The call
was issued by a committee of Americans, mostly from south-
eastern Indiana, appointed for that purpose, and was signed
41 Rockport Democrat, May 24, 1S56.
"'' New Albany Ledger, May 21, 1856.
40 New Albany Ledger, April 9, 16, 1856; Indianapolis Journal, May 8,
1856; Indianapolis Sentinel, May 9, 1856.
4T New Albany Ledger, May 28, 1856.
"•New Albany Ledger, June 21, 1856.
Brand: Knoivnothings in Indiana 277
by several hundred voters. It was addressed to Fillmore men
and to national Whigs, who were invited to <co-operate in the
formation of a Fillmore electoral ticket and transact other
business. 49 The Americans over the state proceeded to the
nomination of delegates. In some cases, as in Harrison county,
delegates were regularly nominated by American mass meet-
ings; 50 in others, as at Terre Haute, "all who were friends of
Fillmore and Donelson" were constituted delegates to the
convention. 51
The People's convention, or Republican, as it was fre-
quently styled, met July 15, 1856. Among the delegates were
Godlove S. Orth, Judge W. J. Peaslee, George K. Steele, J. C.
Moody, and Berry Sulgrove, all formerly active Know Noth-
ings. The convention did little more than make a great dem-
onstration and ratify the nomination of Fremont and Dayton
and the state ticket. 52
The American convention met at Indianapolis the next
day, July 16. The three or four hundred delegates that were
present made but a feeble showing in contrast with the thou-
sands that had attended the convention of the previous day. 53
The delegations, with the exception of those from New Al-
bany, Jeffersonville, Terre Haute, Vevay, and a few other old
Know Nothing strongholds, were not large. 54 Not more than
ten counties from the entire state were represented by del-
egates properly appointed. 55 Only about one-fourth of the
counties were represented at all. The entire Fifth district
was unrepresented, and but one man was present from the
Tenth. The delegates formed a procession and marched to
the state house, where, in the hall of the house of representa-
tives, the convention organized by calling General W. E. R.
Armstrong, of Clark, to the chair, and appointing Squire
Robinson, of Rush, to act as secretary. 56
* 9 New Albany Tribune, July 2, 9, 1856 ; Logansport Democratic Pharos,
July 9, 1856 ; Indianapolis Sentinel, July 2, 1856 ; Wabash Intelligencer , July
9, 1856.
00 New Albany Ledger, July 16, 1856
51 Terre Haute Express, July 9, 1856.
63 Indianapolis Journal, July 16, 1856; Terre Haute Express, July 21, 1856.
ss Madison Courier, July 23, 1856; Terre Haute Express, July 21, 1856;
Indianapolis Journal, July 17, 1856; Brookville Indiana American, July 25,
1856.
54 New Albany Ledger, July 17, 1856; Indianapolis Journal, July 17, 1856.
55 Terre Haute Express, July 21, 1856.
M Indianapolis Journal, July 17, 1856.
278 Indiana Magazine of History
After the organiation a committee, consisting of one mem-
ber from each congressional district which was represented,
was appointed to report on a permanent organization. This
committee consisted of John S. Hopkins, Jonathan Paine, R.
N. Lamb, Thomas Poe, Henry Bradley, C. H. Bailey, A. W.
Peyton, G. W. Blakemore, John H. Young, and Alfred Lyons.
To this committee was also referred a resolution instructing
them to report a state electoral ticket for Fillmore and
Donelson.
A committee on resolutions was appointed, likewise of one
member from each congressional district. The members were :
James Harlan, George P. R. Wilson, F. J. Waldo, William H.
Gregory, C. C. Butler, Richard W. Thompson, M. Bemis, A.
L. Osborne and G. S. Rose. 07
An attempt to prevent the nomination of a separate elec-
toral ticket caused great confusion. John W. Ray, of Jeffer-
sonville, proposed an endorsement of Fremont on grounds
of expediency, but such a proposal received little encourage-
ment.
Richard W. Thompson, of Vigo, was elected permanent
chairman. A platform was reported, and adopted, which
endorsed the nomination of Fillmore; opposed a sectional
struggle for the presidency; and condemned the administra-
tion for countenancing the repeal of the Missouri Compromise
and the agitation of the slavery question. 08
A resolution was offered which endorsed the People's state
ticket, but it was promptly and enthusiastically voted down.
This brought a response from R. N. Hudson, of the Terre
Haute Express, and Mr. French, of the Jeffersonville Repub-
lican, who declared that if the convention did not stand by
the pledge the Americans, in common with the Republicans,
had made to support the People's ticket, they would desert
Fillmore and go for Fremont. Their efforts were not suc-
cessful. Instead of endorsing the People's ticket, the follow-
ing resolution was passed which did not even recommend that
the Americans support the ticket :
Resolved, That this convention having assembled with reference to
the election of President and Vice-President of the United States, deem
"Indianapolis Journal, July 17, 1856; New Albany Tribune, July 23, 1856.
sx Indianapolis Journal, July 18, 1856.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 279
it inexpedient at this time either to make or recommend any reorganiza-
tion with reference to State or Congressional elections, having confidence
that those who cooperate with us will so vote as to promote the welfare
of the State and the Union. 5 ^
The following electoral ticket was reported : First district,
James G. Jones, of Vanderburg; Second district, David H.
Laird, of Perry; Third district, John Baker, of Lawrence;
Fourth district, William E. White, of Dearborn ; Fifth district,
Frederick Jobsonbaugh, of Wayne; Sixth district, Henry
Bradley, of Johnson; Seventh district, William K. Edwards,
of Vigo; Eighth district, C. W. Prather, of Montgomery;
Ninth district, Thomas A. Stanfield, of St. Joseph ; Tenth dis-
trict, John B. Howe, of Lagrange; Eleventh district, William
R. Hale, of Wabash; for the state at large, George G. Dunn,
of Lawrence, and Andrew Osborne, of LaPorte. 60
The following committee was appointed to prepare an
address to the people of Indiana : R. W. Thompson, of Vigo ;
Major A. H. Davidson, of Marion ; W. G. Armstrong, of Clark;
Dr. Joseph G. McPheeters, of Monroe; Jonathan Payne, of
Orange; James G. Wright, of Jefferson; C. C. Butler, of
Marion ; John Van Tress, of Daviess ; Milton Gregg, of Floyd ;
and William H. Gregory, of Ohio ; after which the convention
adjourned. 61
The nomination of a separate electoral ticket, and the
failure to endorse the People's candidates resulted in another
secession from the American ranks. R. N. Hudson, of the
Terre Haute Express, carried out the threat made on the floor
of the convention by hauling down the Fillmore flag and
hoisting that of Fremont and Dayton. 62 He was followed by
Mason, of the Vincennes Gazette, and French, of the Jeffer-
sonville Republican.^ Three American organs were thus
added to the ever increasing list of Republican papers.
The nomination of a separate electoral ticket met with the
approval of the pure Americans, but was opposed by a strong
,,a Terre Haute Express, July 21, 1856; New Albany Ledger, July 22, October
8, 1856.
"* Indianapolis Journal,. July 17. 18, 1856.
"Indianapolis Journal, July 17, 1S56.
■ Terre Haute Express, July 21, 1856.
88 Madison Courier, July .30, 1856; Indianapolis Journal, August S, 1856.
280 Indiana Magazine of History
faction. It was plainly recognized that alone the Americans
could not hope to carry the state, but combined with the Re-
publicans there was a strong probability of success. This
faction did not cease to agitate the withdrawal of the separate
ticket and the formation of a joint ticket of some sort. 61
The Americans prepared for the campaign by a systematic
reorganization of their councils throughout the state. 65 Fill-
more clubs were formed in New Albany, Madison, Rushville,
Washington, Terre Haute, Lafayette, Greencastle, Indian-
apolis, 66 and other centers of American sentiment. 67 It is
noteworthy that there is mention of but one such organization
north of the National road. Colonel R. W. Thompson, of
Terre Haute, was prominent in the attempt to build up and
organize the new third party. 68
The strength of the American party was uncertain, but it
was admitted to be much less than it had been in the winter
of 1854-55, when a million and a half of voters were enrolled
in the Know Nothing councils. It was then freely predicted
and often conceded that they held the next presidential elec-
tion in their hands. 69 The thirteen electoral votes of Indiana
were regarded as certain to be cast for the American candi-
date. 70 The series of secessions had weakened them, but still
they claimed to number between forty and sixty thousand in
the state. 71 This strength was entirely in the southern and
western portion of the state. Fremont was absolutely un-
known in the "Pocket." The opposition in southern Indiana
was practically all American. But even the stanchest Amer-
M Terre Haute Express. July 29, August 1, 1S56, quoting the Salern Ameri-
can Citizen.
^ Indianapolis Journal, July 7, 1856; Richmond Jeffersonian, February 14,
1856.
68 The officers of the Indianapolis Fillmore Club were Zalmon P. Tousey,
president; Charles Stewart, vice-president, and L. O. Milless, secretary. See
the Indianapolis Journal, July 15, 1856.
"New Albany Tribune, August 6, 13, 20, September 10, October 1, 1856;
Indianapolis Journal, July 12, 15, 1856.
68 Lebanon Boone County Pioneer, September 15, 1856; New Albany Ledger,
July 16, 1856.
89 Rushville Republican, October 25, 1854.
70 Appendix to Congressional Globe, 33 Congress, 2 Session, 270.
71 The latter is an estimate in the Richmond Jeffersonian, January 31, 1856.
The Indianapolis Sentinel, May 7, 1856, copies the former figure from the Cin-
cinnati Times, an American paper. The New Albany Tribune, March 7. 1SE6,
placed the number at fifty thousand, of whom one thousand five hundred were
in Floyd county.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 281
icans admitted that north of the National road Fillmore would
receive scarcely a vote. 72 For at least a year the Know Noth-
ings had been annihilated in that part of the state.
Mention has been made of the desertion of the Terre Haute
Express, Vincennes Gazette, and Jeffersonville Republican
following the last American convention. A number of other
papers that had come out originally for Fillmore followed, 73
including the Fort Wayne Times, Greencastle Banner, Rock-
ford Herald, and Worthington Times. 1 * The desertion of
John W. Dawson, the editor of the Fort Wayne Times, was a
severe blow to the Americans. 7 * He had been the only Fill-
more man on the Fusion ticket. There was nothing left to
induce them to support it except a desire to defeat the party
in power. About the same time Godlove S. Orth and William
Sheets, the two ex-presidents of the order in Indiana, and
J. C. Moody, of Floyd, one of its active organizers, became
fully identified with the Republican party. 76 The Fremont
campaign continued to win away hundreds of Americans. 77
There were signs of a rapprochement between the Demo-
cratic party and the Americans. The state platform of the
former contained a condemnation of all secret political organ-
izations, 78 which was aimed at the Americans, although that
description no longer fitted their organization. But as the
campaign progressed the Americans were encouraged in order
to draw off support from the Republicans. The Democratic
papers now kindly opened their columns for American notices
and items. The conservative Americans were cordially in-
vited to join the Democratic ranks where a few months before
only the bitterest invective had been employed against them. 79
American newspapers were said to be supported by Old Line
72 Terre Haute Express, July 23, 1S56, quoting the New Albany Tribune.
13 Indianapolis Journal, August 8, 29, 1856.
'* The following- papers supported Fillmore throughout the campaign ; New
Albany Tribune, Corydon Argus, Evansville Journal, Paoli Constitutionalist,
Washington Telegraph, Rising Sun Visitor, Vevay Reveille, Newburg Tribune,
Terre Haute Union.
70 New Albany Ledger, June 25, 1S56.
76 New Albany Ledger, June 27, July 24, 1856; Appendix to Congressional
Globe, 34 Congress, 1 Session, 115S.
77 Indianapolis Journal, September 29, 1856.
78 Indianapolis Journal, January 9, 1856.
79 indianapolis Sentinel, April 30, July 2, 1S56 ; Indianapolis Journal, October
6, 1856.
282 Indiana Magazine of History
financial aid. 80 The speeches of Richard W. Thompson, who
stumped the state for Fillmore, denouncing the Republicans
as "Abolitionists, disunionists and incendiaries," were so Old
Line in character that they gave rise to the belief that he was
a stipendiary of the Democrats. 81
The advances of the Democracy did not shake the deter-
mination of the "North" Americans to support the People's
state ticket. The fact that Willard, the Democratic candidate
for governor, had denounced the Know Nothings as illiberal
and proscriptive, was not forgotten by the New Albany Tri-
bune, which called upon the Fillmore men to vote for Mor-
ton. 82 The Fillmore club of the same city passed resolutions
to support the state, congressional and county candidates of
the People's party at the October election. 83 The Fusion man-
agers were somewhat careful in their efforts to keep them
loyal. Anti-slavery speakers were kept out of the districts
that were strongly "South" American. 81
The few Old Line Whigs who still remained, unattached
to any other party, occupied a political position almost iden-
tical with that of the American party on the slavery question.
It was not surprising then, that in their national convention
at Baltimore, September 18, 1856, the nominations of Fill-
more and Donelson were endorsed. W. K. Edwards, of Terre
Haute, an elector on the American ticket, was one of the
Indiana delegates to the convention and there voted for Fill-
more. 85 Although on the Fillmore electoral ticket he was
there as an old Whig and nothing else, as he never had been
a Know Nothing.
80 Indianapolis Journal, October 28, 1856 ; Franklin Republican, April 3,
1857.
81 Julian, Recollections, 155. Indianapolis Journal, October 1, 2, 1856.
The belief still exists among old Republicans that "Dick" Thompson was paid
by the Democrats to keep the American ticket in the field, and to him was
due the defeat of the Republicans in Indiana in 1856. No proof was ever
advanced. Soon after the election he received the sum of $40,000 from the gov-
ernment for legal services rendered to the Indians. This probably causd the
story to be so widely believed. See also the New Albany Ledger, September
13, 1858.
"New Albany Ledger, October 8, 1856.
88 Indianapolis Journal, August 16, 1856.
* Julian, Speeches, 134.
™ Indianapolis Journal, September 20, 1856; Terre Haute Express, September
22, 1856.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 283
While the Democrats were well pleased at the prospect of
a divided opposition, the Republicans were making every effort
to discourage the support of a third ticket. With such Amer-
icans as Milton Gregg", of the New Albany Tribune, they
might meet with some success, but most of the Americans
were determined to support Fillmore. The Fillmore club at
Indianapolis passed resolutions not to coalesce with either of
the old parties. 8 " Likewise the club at Terre Haute resolved
that they would "neither desire, seek, claim or court any
alliance with the Democrat or Republican parties . . . that
we are for Millard Fillmore unto the end." 87 Veatch, the
Fusion nominee for congress in the First district, was not
acceptable to all the Fillmore men because of his support of
Fremont. A Fillmore mass meeting at West Franklin, Posey
county, resolved not to support any candidate (i. e., Veatch)
who did not adhere to Fillmore and Donelson. 88 There would
be no supporters of Fremont or a fusion electoral ticket among
these Americans. The matter was finally set at rest by the
American state central committee, which met at Indianapolis,
September 24, and issued the following statement:
That the statement made by some papers that the Americans will
support the Republican electoral ticket is untrue; on the contrary they
have their own ticket composed of Fillmore men and intend to support
it, without union or fusion with any other party.
A. H. Davidson, Chairman.so
The Americans conducted a vigorous campaign in southern
Indiana, but abandoned the northern portion to the Democrats
and Republicans. Fillmore rallies, barbecues, and mass meet-
ings were numerous and well attended in the counties along
the Ohio and the Wabash. 90 R. W. Thompson bore the burden
of the speaking campaign, and American orators from Ken-
tucky assisted. One of the latter, Judge Yeaman, of Owens-
borough, at a barbecue at Enterprise, Spencer county, advo-
M Indianapolis Journal, July 25, 1856.
87 Terre Haute Express, July 30, 1856; New Albany Ledger, August 2,
1S56.
85 New Albany Ledger, August 6, 1856.
89 New Albany Tribune, September 17, 1856; Indianapolis Journal, September
29, 1856.
"New Albany Tribune, August 13, October 1, 15, 1856; New Albany Ledger,
July 16, 1856; Terre Haute Wabash Courier, July 12, 1856.
284 Indiana Magazine of History
cated a period of probation of forty-two years for foreigners
in the United States. 91 The Americans of Indianapolis sent a
delegation to attend a great mass meeting at Cincinnati, but
its small size aroused only the derision of the other parties. 9 -
There was one riot between Democrats and Americans, at
Henryville, Clark county, and two of the latter were killed. 93
Other disorders occurred in New Albany, where the Repub-
licans charged the Americans of using violence to break up
Fremont meetings. 94
The state election was held October 14, 1856. The contest
was very close and not until the last returns were in was it
known who was elected, but Willard received a plurality of
5,842 votes over Morton and carried the entire ticket with
him. 95 . John M. Dawson, the People's candidate for secretary
of state, ran somewhat behind the rest of his ticket, which
was taken to indicate that the Americans had scratched him
in return for his desertion of their cause. 96 The Americans
would be represented in the next state legislature by two
representatives, John W. Wright and John J. Hayden, elected
from Ohio and Switzerland counties, and by two hold-over
senators, P. S. Sage, from the same counties, and David Crane,
of Floyd. 97
The Fusionists secured control of the house, but the senate
was Democratic. In Vigo county each party had brought out
a candidate for representative and the result displayed the
weakness of the Americans in that county, which was sup-
posed to be a hot-bed of Americanism. The vote stood:
Democrat, 1,796; Republican, 1,435; American, 547. 98 The
"South" Americans of Vigo would not fuse on their candidate,
as had been done in most of the other counties.
The Republicans were bitterly disappointed at the result
and sought to lay the responsibility for the defeat upon the
Americans, whom they accused of double-crossing. Governor-
w Rockport Democrat, October 4, 1856.
82 Indianapolis Journal, August 28, 1856.'
M Indianapolis Journal. September 12, 1856.
M Indianapolis Journal, December 27, 1856.
«Por the official vote see the Indianapolis Journal, December 3, 1856.
•" Indianapolis Journal, October 18, 1856.
w Indianapolis Journal, November 8, 1856.
"* Terre Haute Express, October 25, 1856.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 285
elect Willard, in a speech soon after his victory, remarked that
the Know Nothings had voted for him because they did not
wish to add abolitionism to Know Nothingism." This gave
color to the charge that nine out of ten Fillmore men had
deserted Morton. 100 Every county in the state in which there
was a large American element had gone heavily against Mor-
ton. The counties along the Ohio, in the ''pocket" and on the
Wabash had given Willard majorities. 101 It was reported
that Fillmore men had everywhere voted openly for Willard;
that the Americans of Knox and Vigo counties had gone in a
body into the Democratic ranks. In Decatur county a council
of the entire party was said to have been called upon the eve
of the election and there it was decided to cast their vote
solidly for the Old Liners. 102 Such were the charges made by
the Republicans over the entire state against their allies. They
found one grain of consolation however. If the Americans
had gone in a body for Willard, that vote would be drawn off
for their own candidate in the November election, and Fre-
mont, if such were the case, would be certain of carrying
Indiana. 103 Therein may lie the explanation of the charges.
The Republicans made great political capital out of them for
the next month and on them based their hope of success.
The Americans of course were indignant. They claimed
to have kept their promises and to have supported the ticket
in spite of the treatment received at the last Fusion conven-
tion. At any rate, a comparison of the vote with that in the
coming November election would show where the American
vote had gone. 104
89 Indianapolis Journal, October 17, 1856.
100 Brookville Indiana American, October 24, 1856.
101 Indianapolis Journal, October 18, 20 ,21, 1856.
9 Indianapolis Sentinel, March 3, 1856; Rockport Democrat, March 8, 156.
303 Indianapolis Journal, October 28, 1856.
104 r^ne. following- story appeared in the Lafayette Courier and was copied
by the Indianapolis Journal, October 30, 1856. It is interesting, but there is no
other evidence as to its truth.
The terms of a Democratic and Know Nothing coalition were claimed to
have been learned by a Republican, who gained access to an American council.
The Americans had made a proposition to the Republicans, it was said, to vote
the Republicn ticket in October, provided that "Dick" Thompson would be
elected United States senator, but the Republicans refused. The proposition
was then made to the Old Liners and accepted. The Americans then voted
the Democratic ticket in October, but the combination failed to secure control
of the state senate.
286 Indiana Magazine of History
This soreness put an end, at least for the time being, to
the alliance that had begun between the Know Nothings and
the anti-Nebraska men in 1854. With the single exception of
a Republican and American meeting in Vevay, Switzerland
county, not a proposal was to be heard for a fusion electoral
ticket. 105 The Republican cry now was that the day for fusion
had passed, the pandering to the Fillmore element was over. 106
There must be no more affiliation with Fillmoreism. It had
retarded — not helped — the growth of Republicanism in the
southern half of the state. 107 The "treacherous" Know Noth-
ings were supposed to be determined to defeat Fremont if
they had to elect Buchanan to do so. 108
Three of the Fillmore electors followed Orth and Sheets in
their desertion of the American party and announced their
intention of supporting Fremont and Dayton. They were
Andrew Osborne, elector-at-large ; Thomas A. Stanfield, in
the Ninth district, and John B. Howe, in the Tenth. The
American attitude on the slavery question was given as the
reason for their action. 109 Their places were taken by Richard
W. Thompson, George W. Blakemore, and J. McNutt Smith,
respectively. 110
The Americans realized that their candidate could not hope
to carry the election, but they did believe that Fillmore would
carry enough states to prevent either Buchanan or Fremont
from securing a majority in the electoral college. The Demo-
Again the Americans proposed to J. D. Defrees, chairman of the Republican
state central committee, to form a fusion electoral ticket, on which there were
to be three or four Americans. Defrees refused, whereupon the same plan was
laid before the Democrats and accepted.
Such a story might appear plausible at the time, but no such Democratic-
American fusion ticket appeared, and it will be shown that the Americans,
as a whole, did support the People's ticket in October, 1856.
]M Indianapolis Sentinel, October 22, 1S56 ; Madison Courier, October 29,
1856.
100 Indianapolis Journal, October 25, 1S56, from the Terre Haute Express.
1<<7 Indianapolis Journal, October 28. 29, 1S56.
™ Indianapolis Journal, October 30, 1856.
108 Indianapolis Journal, July 31, 1856; Terre Haute Express, August 4,
1856.
1,0 New Albany Ledger, Nov. 1, 1856. The Fillmore electors in the Fourth
and Eighth districts, Colonel William E. White and C. W. Prather, were doubt-
ful in their support of the American candidate. The former was said to favor
Buchanan, the latter, Fremont. But their names remained on the electoral
ticket See the Rockport Democrat. August 2, 1856, and the Terre Haute
Express, August 14, 1856.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 287
crats were expected to carry most of the southern states, the
Republicans the north, and the Americans the border states.
If those circumstances came to pass the election would be
thrown into the house of representatives. It was regarded as
certain that neither Fremont nor Buchanan, as sectional can-
didates, could command the support of the house. Fillmore
then would be the logical compromise candidate whom both
sections could support. 111
An attempt, based upon such calculations, was made to
withdraw the Fillmore ticket in Indiana. On October 29, J.
R. Thompson, a Fillmore man of New York, brought letters
from Mr. Jewett, of the New York state council, and from the
president of the American national council to Colonel R. W.
Thompson of Terre Haute. He called on Major A. H. David-
son, of the Indiana state central committee, and presented the
letters. It was the desire of Fillmore and the New York
Americans to give Indiana to Fremont,_ which would increase
Fillmore's chances of throwing the election into the house of
representatives. Major Davidson said it could be done by the
concurrence of the American state central committee, and
advised Mr. Thompson to see Colonel R. W. Thompson on the
subject. He did so, but the latter declined to withdraw the
ticket on the ground that it was too late to do so and swing
the Fillmore vote to Fremont. 112 Rumors spread that the
ticket had been withdrawn. The state central committee met
November 3, and issued a statement, signed by A. H. David-
son, William G. Armstrong, and Milton Gregg, which denied
the rumors to that effect, or that there had been any fusion
with either of the other parties, and called on the Americans
to stand firm in support of their candidate. 113
A few days previous to the presidential election the Amer-
ican state central committee issued a circular, signed by A. H.
Davidson, William G. Armstrong, Milton Gregg, C. C. Butler,
J. W. Stratton, and G. W. Blakemore, which defined for the
1,1 Brookville Indiana American, August S, 1S56 ; New Albany Tribune,
October 22, 185G.
112 Terre Haute Express, November 4, 1856 ; Indianapolis Journal, November
G, 1856; Madison Courier, November 12, 1S56.
1,3 Indianapolis Sentinel, November 4, 1856.
288 Indiana Magazine of History
voters of Indiana the American position on the slavery ques-
tion. On the repeal of the Missouri Compromise it stated :
The men in Indiana, who support the election of Fillmore and
Donelson, regard the repeal of the Missouri Compromise by the party
now in power, as unwise and deserving the condemnation of the American
people. It was a measure adopted for party purposes, unjust in its
conception, and fraught with imminent danger to the integrity of the
union. It has produced discord, sectional strife, and internal war,
and the extent of evil consequent upon its repeal is impossible now to
determine.
The address proceeded to urge the freemen of Indiana to
vote for Fillmore in preference to Fremont because :
Should Mr. Fillmore be president, the probability for a restoration
of the Compromise, or an equivalent measure, would be far more likely
to take place, because a recommendation from him would have weight,
and receive consideration from members of Congress representing all
portions of the Union.
The position was made still stronger by the following-
declaration :
We are opposed to the extension of the Missouri Compromise line.
We are opposed to any interference with the existing institutions of
our sister State. 1 1*
The position assumed by the central committee in this
statement was almost identical with that of the Republicans.
It represented the attitude of Milton Gregg and others of his
stamp on the committee, but it certainly did not reflect the
opinions of the South Americans of the "Pocket." The pur-
pose of the circular is not stated, but the time of its appear-
ance and its character would suggest that it was intended for
the consumption of the voters of central Indiana and was
designed to stop the secession to the ranks of the Republicans
that was constant there.
As the election drew near it was seen that, while the strug-
gle between Buchanan and Fremont would probably be close,
Fillmore would run a poor third in the state. Practically all
the straw votes taken forecast the result. The election came
114 Indianapolis Journal, December 15, 1856.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiaim
289
on November 4. The Americans of New Albany were charged
with a trick commonly practiced in that day. They printed a
peculiarly spotted ballot in order to detect any American who
did not vote for Fillmore. 115
The votes for Fillmore amounted to 22,386 out of an aggre-
gate vote of 235,434. Following is the official vote by counties
for the leading elector on each ticket. 116 The result of the
October state election is given also, 117 so that by a comparison
of the vote it may be shown whether or not the Americans
supported the People's ticket in 1856.
County Willard
Adams 763
Allen 3,029
Bartholomew 1,855
Benton 223
Blackford 404
Boone 1,495
Brown 773
Carroll 1,311
Cass 1,550
Clark 1,799
Clay 1,057
Clinton 1,332
Crawford 745
Daviess 1,137
Dearborn 2,636
Decatur 1,667
DeKalb 1,191
Delaware 965
Dubois 1,024
Elkhart 1,494
Fayette 1,001
Floyd 1,833
Fountain 1,623
Franklin 2,241
Fulton 849
Gibson 1,218
Grant 1,050
VOTE OF
1856
Morton
Buchanan
Fremont
Fillmore
372
847
413
69
1,711
3,211
1,593
145
1,410
1,844
1,292
142
313
217
315
8
267
404
238
47
1,349
1,493
1,299
81
220
681
148
90
1,270
1,344
1,261
22
1,503
1,539
1,504
40
1,485
1,950
492
1,074
607
1,108
365
296
1,279
1,364
1,261
34
596
735
24
509
912
1,115
26
939
1,867
2,619
1,573
297
1,800
1,639
1,718
61
1,111
1,247
1,097
75
1,587
992
1,736
32
226
1,191
21
236
1,809
1,651
1,971
18
1,211
1,002
1,189
40
1,481
1,767
228
1,262
1,669
1,588
1,606
36
1,479
2,259
1,437
41
798
835
822
9
1,047
1,286
365
766
1,404
1,035
1,395
99
] ? s Indianapolis Journal, December 17, 1856.
uc Indianapolis Journal, November 26, 1856.
115 Indianapolis Journal, December 3, 1856.
290 Indiana Magazine of History
County Willard
Greene 1,232
Hamilton 1,123
Hancock 1,325
Harrison 1,642
Hendricks 1,410
Henry 1,188
Howard 693
Huntington 1,211
Jackson 1,565
Jasper 536
Jay 867
Jefferson 1,994
Jennings 1,126
Johnson 1,660
Knox 1,544
Kosciusko 1,029
Lagrange 633
Lake 292
Laporte 2,222
Lawrence 1,079
Madison 1,578
Marion 3,642
Marshall 1,044
Martin 777
Miami 1,532
Monroe 1,133
Montgomery 2,109
Morgan 1,644
Noble 1,249
Ohio 505
Orange 1,116
Owen 1,223
Parke 1,331
Perry 1,047
Pike 802
Porter 704
Posey 1,750
Pulaski 577
Putnam 1,937
Randolph 1,233
Ripley 1,721
Rush 1,707
Scott 710
Shelby 2,053
Spencer 1,295
Norton
Buchanan
Fremont
Fillmore
1,051
1,129
379
533
1,710
1,185
1,748
38
1,074
1,343
962
24
1,432
1,681
773
623
1,606
1,378
1,680
74
2,489
1,229
2,741
49
1,019
686
1,057
33
1,199
1,181
1,232
58
694
1,700
299
516
652
548
633
63
884
880
883
54
2,476
1,936
2,314
425
1,391
1,159
1,293
172
1,204
1,608
1,095
153
1,109
1,512
557
535
1,566
1,075
1,662
13
1,302
640
1,406
6
893
346
923
3
2,332
2,239
2,533
45
1,061
1,126
480
660
1,321
1,603
1,309
84
3,737
3,738
3,696
205
932
1,039
927
466
769
76
350
1,435
1,513
1,390
38
801
1,191
498
392
2,037
2,088
1,910
142
1,652
1,528
1,573
68
1,257
1,198
1,257
48
465
505
104
379
614
1,207
49
606
1,066
1,239
487
586
1,682
1,283
1,494
192
742
1,066
96
632
608
772
80
574
997
614
847
10
833
1,819
306
625
356
557
341
27
1,766
1,882
1,345
423
1,901
1,253
2,042
59
1,579
1,661
1,425
184
1,827
1,685
1,644
83
557
693
278
264
1,604
2,075
1,510
142
1,083
1,260
235
808
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana
291
County Willard
Starke 177
Steuben 546
St. Joseph 1,460
Sullivan 1,618
Switzerland 1,133
Tippecanoe 2,335
Tipton 687
Union 741
Vanderburg 1,747
Vermillion 837
Vigo 1,901
Wabash 1,168
Warren 790
Warrick 1,409
Washington 1,643
Wayne 1,994
Wells 890
White 762
Whitely 858
Total 117,981
Morton
Buchanan
Fremont
Fillmore
132
155
112
7
1,133
553
1,215
19
1,789
1,509
1,812
6
639
1,650
257
397
1,127
1,121
228
1,040
2,659
2,307
2,778
45
558
738
546
14
773
710
763
19
1,167
1,880
372
840
943
824
866
80
1,811
1,808
1,165
883
1,725
1,096
1,785
108
1,136
767
1,167
76
554
1,506
107
480
1,021
1,778
331
691
3,371
1,958
3,688
100
733
931
726
16
744
746
703
42
783
851
797
■ 57
112,139 118,672
94,376
22,386
The Americans supported the Republican nominees for
congress and the Fusion carried five out of the eleven dis-
tricts. 118
The results of the election disproved the assertion that the
Americans had not supported Morton in October. Buchanan
received but 691 votes more than Willard. Morton received
17,763 votes more than Fremont. The Fillmore vote of 22,386
had evidently been subtracted from the strength of Morton,
not of Willard. In twenty counties of southern Indiana 119
the Willard and Buchanan strength remained practically the
same, 25,761 and 26,528. Morton received 18,536 votes in
the same counties, which was approximately the sum of the
number polled by Fillmore, 13,229, and Fremont, 6,038. A
study of the figures in some counties gives even more interest-
ing results. In Daviess county Fremont polled but 26 votes ;
the 912 of Morton must have come from the 939 received by
us Indianapolis Journal, November 6, 1856.
119 Floyd, Clark, Harrison, Washington, Crawford, Scott, Orange, Ohio,
Switzerland, Vanderburgh, Knox, Daviess, Posey, Gibson, Warrick, Owen, Sul-
livan, Lawrence Monroe and Martin.
292 Indiana Magazine of History
Fillmore. In Ohio county Morton had received 465 votes;
Fillmore received 370, and Fremont 104, while Buchanan and
Willard polled the same number, 505. A study of the figures
in Clark, Floyd, Gibson, Harrison, Spencer, Orange, or any
county where there was an appreciable American element,
leads to but one conclusion, namely, the supporters of Morton
were those of Fremont plus those of Fillmore.
It is a question whether or not the presence of the Amer-
ican ticket in the campaign led to the loss of the state for Fre-
mont. The Louisville Journal, .a South American organ,
claimed that the Fillmore party performed a service by de-
feating a sectional party in the state. Many supporters of
Fillmore in Indiana believed the same thing. 1 - From the
radical wing of the Republicans came the statement that if
they had not shown so much deference to Know Nothingism
and had made a bold fight in southern Indiana instead of
abandoning it to Fillmore, the state would have been saved
for Fremont. 1 - 1 But Buchanan received a majority over both
candidates of 1,910. The question arises also that even if the
American ticket had been withdrawn according to the scheme
referred to above, would the pure Americans of the river
counties and the "Pocket" have voted for the "abolitionist,"
Fremont? It is not probable.
The New Albany Tribune and the moderate Americans
generally laid the responsibility for the loss of the second
great battle of the People upon the ultra fanaticism of the
Indianapolis Journal and other papers that bore the stamp of
sectionalism. 122
The American party as a factor in national politics ended
with this campaign, its first and last. Fillmore received a
large vote, but carried the single state of Maryland with its
eight electoral votes. For some time it remained a factor in
Indiana state politics, but Math ever decreasing importance.
American sentiment lingered in the southern portion of the
state until, in the face of the question of union or disunion, it
disappeared.
12,1 Indianapolis Journal, November 10, 1856.
121 Julian, Speeches, 134.
122 Indianapolis Journal, November 14, 1856.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 293
Decline of the American Party
There remains the task of tracing the fortunes of the
remnant of the American party which still persisted in south-
ern Indiana, nominally at least a factor in local politics. It
was recognized that their importance as a power in politics
was gone, and evidence of the fact was not lacking.
The American Union club, as the Fillmore club of Indian-
apolis was called, announced that it would support Thomas E.
Holbrook for mayor, and John D. Perrine for clerk, at the
city election, which was to be held November 22, 1856. The
former declined to run, but Perrine received 73 votes. 1 In
practically the same territory Fillmore had received 152 votes,
which showed a falling off of over half from his strength. 2
The Americans supported the Republican candidate for mayor,
who was successful. This was the only time the Americans
ever contested a city election in Indianapolis.
The Americans in the state legislature acted and voted
generally with the Republicans, but in some instances with
the Democrats. 3 Although but few in number, their support
was essential to the Republicans. This was especially true in
the Senate, where the Americans and the Anti-Lecompton
Democrats held the balance of power. In the election of
United States senators the Fillmore men in the house cast two
votes for George G. Dunn and Richard W. Thompson. In
the senate the Americans acted with the Republicans by re-
fusing to go into a joint session. The result was the election
of two Democratic senators, Graham N. Fitch and Jesse D.
Bright, although there was no quorum present. 4
The American newspapers began an agitation for a state
convention in order to determine the course they should pur-
sue in regard to state and national policy. 5 In response to the
demand the state central committee issued a call for a con-
1 Indianapolis Journal, November 17, 20, 25, 26, 1856.
2 Indianapolis Journal, November 10, 1856.
3 Indianapolis Sentinel, April 21, 1857; Terre Haute Union, April 25, 1857.
4 Indianapolis Journal, January 7, February 5, 6, 1857.
6 Indianapolis Sentinel, January 28, 1857 ; New Albany Tribune, January
28, 1857.
294 Indiana Magazine of History
vention to be held at Indianapolis February 17, 1857.° In
some instances, as at Terre Haute, delegates were appointed
by American mass meetings, but generally no primary was
necessary. Every member choosing to go was recognized as a -
delegate. 7
A scanty handful of delegates answered the call and ap-
peared in the supreme court room on the day designated. An
organization was there effected and a committee on resolu-
tions appointed, consisting of R. W. Thompson, Milton Gregg,
P. S. Sage, Zalmon Tousey, and Lewis Holmes, after which
the convention adjourned to the hall of the house of repre-
sentatives. 8 There Colonel William E. White, of Aurora, was
appointed president, with William H. Gregory, of the Rising
Sun Visitor, and F. Y. Carlisle, of the Evansville Journal,
secretaries. 9 After addresses by R. W. Thompson and Milton
Gregg, a series of resolutions was reported by the committee.
This platform declared for the preservation of the Union;
opposed all interference with the institutions of the states,
but at the same time opposed the further extension of slavery ;
favored internal improvements and a protective tariff; would
limit suffrage and office-holding to citizens ; and opposed for-
eign influence, religious or political, with the affairs of this
government. 10 After the adoption of this platform the body
adjourned. This convention represented the last effort at
united action by the Americans in Indiana. It accomplished
nothing, but displayed their weakness. It excited little in-
terest and but few mass meetings were held to ratify its'
work. 11
The national council assembled at Louisville, June 2, 1857.
The executive committee of the Indiana state council had met
at Indianapolis in May and appointed a number of delegates,
•Indianapolis Journal, January 31, 1S57 ; Brookville Indiana American,
January 30, 1857.
7 Terre Haute Union, February 3, 1857 ; New Albany Tribune, February 25,
1857.
8 Indianapolis Journal, February 18, 1857; New Albany Ledger, February 25,
1857 ; Wabash Intelligencer, February 25, 1857 ; Brookville Indiana American,
February 27, 1857.
'New Albany Tribune, February 25, 1857; Indianapolis Sentinel, February
18, 1857.
10 Indianapolis Journal, February 18, 1857; Terre Haute Union, February
19, 1857.
"New Albany Tribune, March 31, 1857.
Brand: Know nothings in Indiana 295
perhaps two from each congressional district. 1 '- How many
of those attended is uncertain, as mention is made of R. W.
Thompson only. He, however, played a very prominent part
in the convention as one of the principal speakers and a mem-
ber of the committee on resolutions. 13 The usefulness of the
national council had ended with the defeat of Fillmore, so
the members now decided to adjourn it forever. A new plan
of organization was adopted in which there was no provision
for a grand council. The party in each state and territory
was left to organize as it saw fit. The national officers were
elected for the ensuing year and a national central committee
of thirteen was provided for, with power to reconvene the
council if the need for it arose. 14 On June 3 the council ad-
journed, and as it never met again, its career came to an end,
after a life of but three years.
With the national and state organizations defunct the
American party was, as the New Albany Tribune said, "dead
if not damned." It was regarded as a thing of the past. Some
of its chief organs, as the Vevay Reveille, dropped politics
and concluded to be neutral. 15 The election of 1857, in which
Kentucky and Tennessee were both lost, demonstrated that
their political power was gone. With the exception of a few
city officers in New Albany and Jerrersonville, the Americans
won no successes in the city elections of 1857. Even in the
former place, the center of Know Nothingism in the state,
some of their candidates were defeated. 16
The Americans felt themselves helpless. Fortunately
there would be no important election until the next year,
1858, so there was no motive for immediate action. The best
policy, as they felt, was to remain quiet, watch the movements
of parties and strike at the first favorable opportunity. 17 In
some quarters a union with the Republicans was favorably
considered. Certainly neither party would relinquish its
E Terre Haute Union, May 30, 1857; New Albany Tribune, June 1, 1857.
13 Indianapolis Journal, June 4, 6, 1857; Terre Haute Union, June 4, 7-8,
1857.
14 New Albany Tribune, June 4-5, 1857 ; Terre Haute Union, June 8-9,
1857.
16 Indianapolis Sentinel, June 29, 1857.
"New Albany Tribune, May 8, 1857, June 26, 1858.
17 New Albany Tribune. May 6, 1857.
296 Indiana Magazine of History
cherished principles for the sake of a coalition, but the plat-
form of the old Whig party was put forward by Milton Gregg
as a common ground upon which all might unite. 18 But how-
ever favorable the more liberal Americans might be toward a
union, those of Vigo were not disposed to any fusion, but
believed in sticking to straight American principles. At a
meeting at Terre Haute in May, 1857, resolutions were
adopted not to affiliate with any party, to make no nomina-
tions, to leave each American voter to act as he saw fit; and,
in Vigo, the party would resume action in a national or state
canvass. 19 Likewise the American party in Lafayette refused
to affiliate with the Republicans. 20
Non-attention to the slavery question was made the lead-
ing issue of Americanism. 1 ' 1 They purposed to establish a
pai'ty having a higher mission than to excite hatred between
north and south. Slavery, where it existed, or in the District
of Columbia, or the interstate slave trade, did not concern the'
free states. The policy of the Americans was to take the
question out of congress and out of political contests ; to let it
alone entirely. To uphold those principles the party would
refuse to unite with any sectional party. Such was their
stand as expressed by R. W. Thompson. 22 The Terre Haute
Union, now the chief organ of the straight Americans,
lamented the fact that so many had fallen away from those
principles. The third degree had been adopted to get rid of
the slavery question, and many had bound themselves by the
oath to let it alone. "Some have remained true to the pledge.
Where are the remainder? Echo answers — where?" 23 Upon
the question of the right of congress to legislate upon the
slavery question the Americans disagreed. The New Albany
Tribune opposed the stand of the Vigo Americans and held
that it had constitutional right to do so. 24
The Republicans were divided upon the question of con-
ciliating the Americans. The feeling of the majority was
1S New Albany Tribune, November 16, 1857.
19 Madison Courier, April 22, 1857; Terre Haute Union, May 2, 1857.
20 Terre Haute Union, May 5, 1857.
21 Terre Haute Union, August 19, September 2, October 3, 6, 23, 1857.
22 Indianapolis Sentinel, April 29, 1858.
23 Terre Haute Union, October 3, 1857.
24 New Albany Tribune, April C, 1858.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 297
that they had conceded too much in the past. Accusations
were still made that the Americans had double-crossed them
in the election of 1856 and were still in active alliance with
the Democrats.-'' The Fillmore men were said to show even
less feeling than many Democrats against the Lecompton
swindle. 20 A majority of the Republican papers called for a
straight out Republican convention to nominate candidates
for the state campaign of 1858. Very few proposed another
fusion convention.- 7
The Republican convention was held at Indianapolis,
March 4, 1858. No tenders were made to the Americans to
attend, and while the convention was full of former Know
Nothings, they were present as full-fledged Republicans.-*
Not a single concession on the ticket was made to the
Americans, although a fair ratio would have given them one
or probably two of the nine candidates, and no plank was
incorporated in the platform that hinted of Americanism. 29
Quite unlike the convention of 1854, naturalized Germans took
prominent parts and a German and an Englishman were
placed upon the ticket. It was evidently more profitable to
bid for the foreign than the nativist vote.
Although the Americans had received little or no considera-
tion from the convention, the New Albany Tribune believed
that the principles avowed could be supported by them. Milton
Gregg decided to work for the election of the ticket and called
upon the Americans to do so. But their support should be
given as individuals ; as a party they should not commit them-
selves. 30 The party virtually took this position in the cam-
paign.
A few local elections were held in the spring of 1858. The
Americans won partial victories in New Albany, Terre Haute,
and other towns of southern Indiana, but the trend even there
showed they were still losing strength.' 31
25 Indianapolis Journal, May 5. 1857; Franklin Republican, April 3, 1857.
26 Indianapolis Journal, February 9, 1S58.
-' Madison Courier, April 22, 1857.
28 New Albany Ledger, September 15, 1858; Indianapolis Journal, March
5, 1S58.
28 New Albany Ledger, March 24, 1858.
30 New Albany Tribune, April 6, 1858.
31 New Albany Ledger, April 14, 1858; Indianapolis Journal, May 7-8, 1858;
Indianapolis Sentinel, May 6-7, 1856.
298 Indiana Magazine of History
Know Nothingism had fallen into disrepute in central and
northern Indiana by 1858. The term became one of oppro-
brium and to prove that a candidate was a "Know Nothing
of 1854" would hurt his chances for election. 32
The Know Nothings in 1858 were looked upon with some-
what the same disfavor as were the Harford convention Fed-
eralists in 1830.
The American party of Terre Haute held a meeting March
29, 1858, to determine which of the two state tickets they
should support. 3 "' Under the influence of R. W. Thompson
and William K. Edwards they took a conservative, national
stand and did not commit themselves to the support of either
state ticket. An American state convention to be held at
Indianapolis, July 2, was suggested, but as there was little
enthusiasm in the American cause no notice was taken of the
proposal.
In other parts of the state the desire to defeat the Le-
compton Democrats made the Americans more favorable to-
ward fusion. In Ohio, Switerland, Spencer, and other counties
they united with the Republicans upon their candidates. 34 In
other counties, such as Clay and Lawrence, the opposition put
both Americans and Republicans upon a joint ticket.
Further testimony of the more liberal spirit pervading
Americanism is furnished by the fact that the Seymour Times
recommended the support of the opposition state ticket, even
though there were some citizens of foreign birth or descent
upon it. 35
In the same spirit the New Albany Tribune hoped that
no American would scratch Judge Otto merely because he was
of German blood. 36
The Democrats who had joined the Know Nothing councils
in 1854 had generally gone back to their own party. W. M.
Ray, the Lecompton candidate for congress in the Sixth dis-
trict, had been a Know Nothing. 37
« Indianapolis Journal, April 1, 13, 23, 28, May 1, 5, 8, 1858.
13 New Albany Ledger, March 31, April 7, 1858 ; New Albany Tribune.
April 6, 14, 1858.
"Indianapolis Journal, July 30, September 15, 1858; New Albany Ledger,
July 28, 1858 ; Madison Courier, September 17, 1858.
''•Indianapolis Journal, October 9, 1858.
"New Albany Tribune, October 12, 1858.
37 Indianapolis Journal, August 23, 1858.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 299
The combined efforts of the Republicans, Americans, and
anti-Lecompton Democrats succeeded in electing eight out of
eleven congressmen, but the state ticket was defeated. 38 The
combination elected one American state senator, Benjamin
Robinson, of Ohio and Switzerland, and at least six Americans
to the house, namely, William K. Edwards and John P. Baird,
of Vigo; James E. Blythe, of Vanderburg; R. Boyd, of Law-
rence; William H. Gregory, of Ohio and Switzerland, and
Smith Jones, of Bartholomew. 39 Some local victories were
won by the Americans in Lawrence county and elsewhere, but
as a separate party they usually ran third. 40
A study of the vote in those counties where the Americans
were strong shows that they had voted almost unanimously
for the opposition ticket. 41 The success of the Republicans
and Americans brought out pleas for a closer union from the
New Albany Tribune. Now that the platform of the two
parties was almost the same, there was no necessity for their
remaining apart. The lesson of the election should not be
lost. 42
The Americans and Republicans in the legislature could do
little, as they were in the minority. William H. Gregory,
American-Republican from Ohio county, introduced a bill con-
templating an amendment to the state constitution that would
limit the right of suffrage to those who are citiens of the
United States either by birth or naturalization. Such a bill
38 New Albany Tribune, October 15-16, 1858.
39 Indianapolis Hentinel, October 19, 27, 1858 ; January 7, 1859 ; Madison
Courier, December 27, 185S.
40 The falling off of the American vote is shown by the vote in Spencer
county, where Fillmore had polled 808 votes. In 1858 the vote on county
treasurer stood: Lecompton, 986; Anti-Lecompton, 882; American, 216. For
sheriff: Lecompton, 814; Anti-Lecompton, 770; American, 426; Republican, 86.
From the Rockport Democrat, February 4, I860.
41 For example the vote of the following- counties taken at random from
among those where the Americans were numerous, shows that the vote for
Peele, the Opposition candidate for secretary of state, is the sum of the vote
for Fremont in 1856, plus that for Fillmore.
County Fremont Fillmore Peele
Floyd 228 1262 1534
Harrison 773 623 1340
Switzerland 228 1040 1129
Ohio 104 379 425
See the New Albany Ledger, November 4, 1858.
12 New Albany Tribune, October 15, 20, 1858: Madiosn Courier, November
17, 1858.
300 Indiana Magazine of History
had been introduced in the legislature of 1855, but as in that
case, nothing was done with it. 43
Throughout the year 1859 the Americans were maneuver-
ing for a recognition which the Republicans were unwilling
to concede. While sympathizing with the aims of the latter
party, they stood aloof and watched the progress of events.
The Americans would continue to pursue a policy of masterly
inactivity because the Republicans were too sectional. Yet
harmonious action was necessary because the latter could not
succeed without American aid. If the Republican party would
pursue a more liberal policy and plant itself upon a platform
upon which all the elements of the opposition could stand,
the Americans gave assurance of hearty co-operation. Such
a combination would be necessary to carry Indiana and the
few other doubtful states which were necessary for success. 4 -'
Without a distinct renunciation, of some of the leading objects of
Republicanism, and a stop to the agitation of the slavery question by
the Republicans, there can be no union — no coalition with the elements of
the opposition,
was the stand of the Evansville Journal. The Americans
would insist that all useless agitation should cease and that
extreme views should be repudiated. On the other hand, they
would just as firmly resist the aggressions of the slave power
and they repudiated the heresy that the constitution carried
slavery into the territories. 45
The Americans, in the belief that they held the balance of
power in the state, threatened to put out a separate ticket
unless the Republicans gave them and the old Whigs some
recognition in the state convention. The New Albany Tribune
formulated a series of demands which represented the views
of the Americans. They were as follows :
1. That an 'Opposition' convention be called in which Republicans,
Americans and Whigs shall participate, fully, freely, and fairly.
43 New Albany Tribune, December 14, 1S5S. Mention is made in the In-
dianapolis Sentinel, February 4-5, 1S59, of a convention supposed to have been
held at Indianapolis, February 3, of Americans, Whigs and conservative men.
The Sentinel says that the convention must have been small for its reporter
could not find it. Whether such a convention or meeting was ever held is
uncertain for there is no other mention of it anywhere.
41 New Albany Tribune, January 25, 1859.
«New Albany Tribune, April 21, 1859.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 301
2. That no man entertaining ultra views upon the slavery question shall
be nominated for any office.
3. That the platform adopted shall be national, and not sectional —
conservative and not radical.
4. That the delegates to the National Convention shall be instructed to
vote for Bates, Bell or Corwin for President.-^
The Americans demanded to enter the partnership upon
equal terms or not at all. If the Republicans merely gave
them and the Whigs a cold invitation to participate in a "Re-
publican" convention, there would be no fusion and the suc-
cess of the Democrats was assured.
The first demand of the Tribune was complied with. A
"Mass State Convention" was summoned to meet at Indian-
apolis, February 22, 1860. The term Republican was stu-
diously avoided. The call was signed by Thomas C. Slaughter,
of Harrison, and Godlove 0. Behm, of Tippecanoe, both Know
Nothings of 1854. 47 The Americans responded generally to
the call. In Ohio county the first Fusion convention since
1854 was held to send delegates to the state convention. The
Rising Sun Visitor said :
In this state we are glad to perceive that the Republicans have been
growing more liberal, while the Americans, knowing that there is no
affinity betwen them and the Democrats, are now willing to stand upon
common grounds with the Republicans. 4 s
The Americans hoped to be represented upon the ticket by
one or possibly two candidates. The Terre Haute Union sug-
gested R. W. Thompson as a suitable candidate for governor.
While he might not be acceptable to the radical Republicans,
he would gain many conservative votes. 49 William H. Greg-
ory, of Rising Sun, was to be supported by the Americans
for secretary of state. 50 But as the convention drew near the
Americans began to doubt that they would be given any con-
sideration. The New Albany Tribune complained that Greg-
ory had received no support ; only straight Republicans had a
4,5 New Albany Tribune, December 31, 1859.
"New Albany Tribune, January 13, 1860.
48 Madison Courier, February 16, 1860.
4 »New Albany Tribune, February 28, 1859.
*»Ibid, Jan 24, 1860.
302 Indiana Magazine of History
chance; the Republican leaders were preparing to control the
convention; and the American delegation would be wholly
powerless. 51
The ticket nominated by the convention was but partially
acceptable to the Americans, according to the Tribune. 5 -
Henry S. Lane would receive their cordial support for gov-
ernor, but they had no use for Oliver P. Morton, a Loco-Foco.
Because William H. Gregory, the American choice, had re-
ceived no consideration from the convention, his successful
opponent, W. H. Peele, of Randolph, could not be supported.
Albert Lange, of Vigo, and Jonathan S. Harvey, of Clark,
might expect American votes. But the candidate that saved
the ticket was James G. Jones, of Vanderburg, a "Bloody K.
N." Fillmore elector of 1856, and a firm and consistent Amer-
ican, who was nominated for attorney-general. The Repub-
licans overshot then* mark, however, when they attempted to
convert Americans into Republicans by wholesale. The nom-
inees of an "Opposition" convention were labelled a "Repub-
lican" ticket. 53
The American party, by contesting neither the state nor
national elections, lost its identity and disappeared during the
compaign. Its members were merged into other parties and
the issues of Americanism were swallowed up by the greater
ones of slavery and secession.
Those who still sought to escape the slavery question took
refuge in the Constitutional Union movement which origin-
ated in the first months of I860. 54 The membership of this
party consisted almost entirely of former Americans. The
machinery of the American party in Indiana became that of
the Constitutional Union party.
A. H. Davidson, chairman of the American executive com-
mittee in 1856, called a meeting of the general committee of
the Constitutional Union party to be held at Indianapolis,
April 12, 1860. True, his action was somewhat presumptive,
for the new party was not identical with the old American
31 New Albany Tribune, February 7, 1860.
'-New Albany Tribune, February 28, 1860; Madison Courier, March 14,
1860.
68 New Albany Tribune, February 28, 1860.
"New Albany Tribune, February 2, 1860.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 303
party, according to the New Albany Tribune. 55 A number of
former Americans answered the call. The convention selected
delegates to attend the Baltimore national convention, 50 most
of whom have been mentioned as members of the American
party, namely, R. W. Thompson, of Vigo; J. J. Hayden, of
Ohio; Samuel Hall, of Gibson; John W. Wright, of Switzer-
land; Marcellus Calvert, of Ohio; John A. Bridgeland, of
Wayne ; A. H. Davidson, of Marion ; Samuel S. Early, of Vigo ;
Dr. M. Herndon, of Montgomery ; John P. Early, of Laporte ;
and John W. Dawson, of Allen/' 7 The executive central com-
mittee likewise consisted largely of former Americans, as
follows: Lewis Howes, of Vanderburg; Dennis Gregg, of
Floyd ; J. D. Thomasson, of Lawrence ; J. J. Hayden, of Ohio ;
A. H. Davidson, chairman, H. O'Neal, and W. H. Wright, of
Marion; James L. Bradley, of Johnson; Walter S. Cooper, of
Vigo; Dr. C. W. Prather, of Montgomery; John P. Early, of
Laporte; and J. McNutt Smith, of Allen.
The Rising Sun Visitor and the Seymour Times, two of
the few remaining American papers, refused to support the
Bell-Everett movement on the ground that it would merely
serve to divide the opposition and keep the Democrats in
power. 58
The state convention of the new party was held at Indian-
apolis, August 15, 1860. Among the old Americans present
were: A. H. Davidson and Zalmon Tousey, of Marion; J. J.
Hayden, of Ohio; J. D. Thomasson, of Lawrence; Captain
Meekin and Dennis Gregg, of Floyd; F. Y. Carlisle and J. E.
Blythe, of Vanderburg ; R. W. Thompson and W. K. Edwards,
of Vigo. An electoral ticket and a platform were put out, but
no state ticket was nominated. 59
Most of the American leaders went into the new party, but
not all. David T. Laird became a Democrat and was a candi-
re New Albany Tribune, April 25, 1860. The Tribune was now a Republican
paper.
56 Indianapolis Journal, April 12, 1S60 ; New Albany Tribune, April 18, 1860.
67 But two delegates attended the convention and only R. W. Thompson
played a prominent part there. He was one of the vice-presidents and a member
of the committee on resolutions. See Indianapolis Journal, May 10, 1860.
58 Indianapolis Journal, May 22, 1860; Madison Courier, May 30, 1860.
69 Indianapolis Journal, July 12, August 16, 1860; Indianapolis Sentinel,
August 16, 1860; Rockport Democrat, August 18, 1860.
304 Indiana Magazine of History
date for representative of Spencer county. 60 The Douglas
Democrats, who had combined with the Americans in certain
southern states, made persistent efforts to secure American
support in Indiana, but met with little success. 61 R. W.
Thompson was opposed to any such union on the ground that
it would swallow up Americanism.
The Americans in many portions of the state came out for
Lincoln. 62 The New Albany Tribune advised Fillmore men to
vote for Lincoln because he opposed negro equality or inter-
ference with slavery in the District of Columbia ; opposed the
extension of slave territory; and favored the enforcement of
the fugitive slave law. 03
At the state election, which came in October, the Amer-
icans supported the Opposition ticket almost unanimously, as
the vote of the various counties shows. Taking those counties
where the Americans had polled a large vote in 1856, the
result in 1860 shows that Lane received a vote approximately
equal to that of both Fremont and Fillmore, while Hendricks
received practically the same as Willard. The greater portion
of Lane's vote in southern Indiana must have come from
former Americans. 64
The Constitutional Union party polled but 5,306 votes in
the entire state, practically all of which came from the Amer-
ican districts. This party's strength in 1860 was in each
county about twenty-five per cent of the American strength in
1856. This leads to but one conclusion — the Constitutional
Unionists were practically all former Americans and about
one-fourth of the Fillmore vote went to Bell and Everett.
eo Rockport Democrat, July 21, 1860.
01 Madison Courier, October 3, 10, 1860 ; Indianapolis Journal, August 8-9,
1860.
« 2 Indianapolis Journal, June 6, 1860.
63 New Albany Tribune, June 11, 1860.
M For example compare the following :
County Fremont Fillmore Lane
Clark 492 1074 1578
Dubois 21 236 234
Floyd 228 1262 1676
Harrison 773 623 1691
Lawrence 480 660 1272
Ohio 104 379 464
Posey 306 625 993
Switzerland 228 1040 1081
See the Indianapolis Journal, December 4, 1860, for the official vote of
all counties.
Brand: Knownothings in Indiana 305
In the presidential election in November Lincoln made
tremendous gains over the Fremont vote in southern Indiana.
Three-fourths of the Fillmore men must have voted for him.
The old Know Nothings of 1854 were becoming Republicans
in 1860. The figures for the election show this conclusively.
While the combined vote of Douglas and Breckenridge varied
little from that of Buchanan, the Lincoln and Bell vote equaled
that of Fremont and Fillmore, but the proportions were re-
versed. 65
Most of the Know Nothings of 1854, as we have seen,
sooner or later found their way into the Republican party.
Those with the most pronounced anti-slavery views had fol-
lowed Orth, Colfax, and Cumback, in the first secession, which
came after the introduction of the third degree and the adop-
tion of the "twelfth section" platform in 1855. The long
alliance with the Republicans in the Fusion movements, 1854-
60, made the step easier after the defeat of Fillmore. Those
who still remained too conservative went to the Republicans
by the way of the Constitutional Union party. Among the
last were many of the leaders, including R. W. Thompson,
who became active and prominent as a Republican.
Thus the Know Nothing party passed quietly out of exist-
ence. Its career had been as stormy as it had been brief. But
the Know Nothings were not to blame, for they must be
judged by the standards of the time. They engaged in riots,
but this was the period of Civil war in Kansas and of John
Brown's raid. Politics never were more bitter than in those
years, 1854-60. They hated their opponents and were as
cordially hated in return.
It is difficult to justify their principles. But as it is still
<* The result in the following counties is illustrative :
County Fremont Fillmore Lincoln Bell
Clark 492 1074 1369 316
Dubois 21 236 301 20
Floyd 228 1262 1151 320
Harrison 773 623 1593 17
Lawrence 480 660 1158 208
Ohio 104 379 301 174
Orange 49 606 849 S5
Pike 80 574 894 39
• Posey 306 625 1055 168
Switzerland 228 1040 734 510
See the Indianapolis Journal, December 14, 1860, for the vote in all counties.
306 Indiana Magazine of History
possible to arouse religious prejudice and the fear of "pauper
foreigners," can we wonder that in those trying times our
countrymen became alarmed? There are still believers in
great conspiracies.
The most repellant feature of the organization was its
secret political method. Such methods are certainly incom-
patible with Democratic ideals. They can be justified only in
the case of a downtrodden people struggling for their rights.
The Know Nothing order left but a slight impress upon
our politics or institutions. It served as a demonstration that
any attempt at ecclesiastical control would be successfully
resisted. In the same way it was a protest against immigrants
who refuse to become Americanized — by no means a dead
issue in this day of the "hyphenated" American. The Know
Nothing movement served as a convenient means to bridge
over the gap made by the disappearance of the Whig party
until the time was ripe for the appearance of the Republican
party. The long association with the latter party, and the
fact that most of the northern Know Nothings later joined
it, was a great factor in determining the policy of that party
with respect to the period of naturalization.
In conclusion we may say that the sincerity of the men
who joined the order of the Star-Spangled Banner can not be
questioned. They believed that they were combatting great
dangers which threatened our freedom and they made use of
the means which seemed most likely to insure success.
Historical News
By The Indiana Historical Commission
June 18 at Waverly Beach, Porter county, Indiana, the
Dune-Kankakee historical society was formed, the newest sec-
tional historical association in Indiana. The occasion of the
meeting was a joint session of the historical societies from
Lake, Porter, Laporte, and St. Joseph counties, held in con-
nection with the Dunes summer camp program. At this joint
meeting emphasis was placed upon cooperation among the
counties of northwestern Indiana, particularly those situated
in the Dune-Kankakee region. It is the plan of the society to
include in its organization in addition to the four counties
above named, Marshall, Starke, Jasper and Benton. The
officers elected include: George B. Beitner of South Bend,
president ; Louis J. Bailey of Gary, vice president ; Mrs. J. H.
Willey of Plymouth, secretary. The society will hold at least
one regular meeting a year, following the plan of the South-
western Indiana historical society, by holding their meetings
from time to time in the different counties.
The semi-annual meting of the Southwestern Indiana his-
torical society met June 1 at New Harmony. Approximately
two hundred persons attended the meeting and enjoyed not
only the interesting papers that had been prepared, but more
particularly the historical pilgrimage through the village of
New Harmony. Two papers of special interest were : "His-
torical New Harmony" by Miss Louise Husband; and "Gen-
eral Thomas Posey' by Judge John E. Iglehart, president of
the society. A memorial tribute was paid to the late Judge
Arthur H. Taylor, vice president of the Pike County historical
society.
June 24, 1922, one hundred and forty-four years to the
day from the time when Gen. George Rogers Clark departed
from the falls of the Ohio river with his little army of less
than two hundred men on that historical conquest which led
to the capture of Kaskaskia, Cahokia and Vincennes, a marker
was unveiled, located near the site where General Clark's old
home stood. Following the brilliant success that attended the
308 Indiana Magazine of History
numerous military conquests of General Clark, he settled down
in a log cabin which stood on the banks of the Ohio river
where he spent the later days of his life. The Ann Rogers
Clark chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution,
the Indiana society of the Sons of the Revolution, and the
Indiana historical commission united in placing the marker
that was unveiled near Clark's old home in Clarksville
July 4, the Indiana Historical Commission and the Hoosier
automobile association dedicated a marker, a few miles south-
east of Kokomo on the Pumpkinville pike, on the side of the
road where an automobile made its first successful trial run in
America, July 4, 1894. The car was designed and invented by
Elwood Haynes, Kokomo, and now is one of the permanent
exhibits in the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D. C.
This "horseless" car, for such it was called, was by special con-
sent loaned to the committee in charge of the exercises, and
was brought all the way from Washington to Kokomo where
it was on exhibit for three days.
June 14, a massive boulder marking the site of the last
French fort built in Indiana, was unveiled in Fort Wayne.
The marker was erected and dedicated by the Mary Penrose
W T ayne chapter, D. A. R. The inscription on the bronze tablet
calls attention to the fact that the last fort was erected in
1750; surrendered to the British in 1760; Ensign Richard
Holmes and the British garrison were massacred by the Miami
Indians on this spot in 1763; and that a battle was fought
there October 22, 1790 between Gen. Joseph Hamar and the
Miami Indians led by Little Turtle.
A marker at the grave of Thomas Montgomery, Revolu-
tionary soldier and pioneer settler in Gibson county, whither
he came in 1806, was dedicated on Sunday, June 18, 1922.
The cemetery in which Thomas Montgomery lies, is located
back of Miller Montgomery's (grandson) home. Historical
papers and addresses were read by Zack Emerson of Cynthi-
ana, Mrs. George R. Simpson, a descendant of Thomas Mont-
gomery, and Judge Lucius Embree, vice president of the Gib-
son County historical society.
July 3, a marker was dedicated in Shelbyville, Indiana, on
the site of the first railroad built west of the Allegheny
Historical News 309
mountains. Judge W. J. Peasley, one of the early settlers in
Shelby county, during the early part of the year 1834, built
a road one and one-half miles long just east of Shelby ville,
consisting of wooden ties and rails, on which the cars were
drawn by horse power. The formal opening of the road
occurred July 4, 1834, and a parade which formed at the court-
house marched to the western terminus of the road. A com-
pany of light infantry followed by Revolutionary soldiers,
and a committee of citizens formed the parade. Also twenty-
five little girls dressed in white, trimmed with blue, bearing
the banners of the several states at that time, were in the line
of march.
June 14 and 15, 1922, Rush county held its centennial cele-
bration, commemorating the one hundred year's growth of the
county since its organization in 1822. Under the direction of
Miles S. Cox, chairman of the executive committee, consider-
able preliminary work had been carried on along educational
lines through the schools of the county, clubs, civic and fra-
ternal organizations, acquainting the citizens of the county
with the developments that had occurred during the last cen-
tury. The centennial exercises extended over two days, and
an historical parade, addresses and a pageant were the main
fatures of the celebration. A large collection of historical
relics was brought together in Rushville for this occasion.
Not only were the store windows filled with valuable historical
relics, but a newly constructed garage was turned over to the
committee and in this spacious building relics and exhibits of
rare value were on display. A pageant depicting the growth
of different townships in Rush county concluded the celebra-
tion.
An outgrowth of the Rush county centennial was the or-
ganization of a Rush County historical society, organized
June 14. The officers elected are Miles S. Cox, president;
Mary Sleeth, secretary; and A. L. Gary, treasurer.
Another centennial celebration that deserves special men-
tion was that held in Shelby county, July 4, 1922. An his-
torical parade, in which the different townships of the county
were represented, formed the chief historical feature of the
celebration. The "spirit of 1776", followed by the soldiers
310 Indiana Magazine of History
of various wars, led the parade. The industrial, com-
mercial and agricultural interests of the county were also
represented. Conestoga wagon, floats of George Washing-
ton, "The Bears of Blue River" and other scenes and exhibits
characteristic of Shelby county history were included in the
parade. A special exhibit of relics was on display in the
various store windows about the public square. Historical
addresses were made at the fair grounds by ex-governor
George Kendall of Iowa; a native of Shelby county; ex-
mayor Charles W. Jewett of Indianapolis; Rev. James E.
Montgomery of Washington, D. C., chaplain of the house of
representatives. Spurred on by the historical interests that
had been awakened during the celebration, Dr. Samuel Ken-
nedy, one of Shelbyville's most prominent citizens, announced
he would donate a lot to the Shelby county historical society
if one were organized, to be used for erecting and maintaining
a building thereon, to house Shelby county's historical records
and relics. On Thursday night, August 3, a meeting was
called in Shelbyville at which the Shelby County historical
society was organized. Miss Lucy Elliott represented the his-
torical commission at this meeting. More than thirty charter
members signed up at the first meeting. R. W. Harrison was
elected president; Lottie Chapman, vice president; Mrs. Katha"
rine Kennedy (Mrs. Samuel), secretary; Clarence Crockett,
treasurer. A constitution was adopted, and the society voted
to hold four regular meetings annually.
Jasper County historical society and a number of interested
friends numbering more than fifty, toured the mound region
of the central part of Jasper county on Tuesday, June 20.
Twin mounds were visited near Groom's bridge, and a mound
in the yard of the Pullin farm. Some excavations have been
made in the latter mound and two large sized skeletons were
found in a sitting posture, elbows on knees and hands on
cheeks. John E. Alter, author of Hoosier Hunting Grounds,
was in charge of the party and is making plans for a second
historical trip over the old Indian trail that originally ran
through Jasper county. Historical pilgrimages are serving a
valuable purpose in acquainting the citizens of Indiana with
the interesting history that lies at their very doors.
Historical News 311
It is worthy of note that the man who conceived and gave im-
petus to the rural mail delivery idea was in his boyhood days a resident
of Kosciusko county, Indiana. Rural delivery of mail was first officially
suggested my Postmaster General John Wanamaker in his annual report
for the fiscal year of 1891. The first bill authorizing rural delivery was
introduced in the house of representatives January 5, 1892, by James
O'Donnell, member of congress from Michigan. This bill carried an
appropriation of $6,000,000, but failed of passage. March 3, 1893,
congress appropriated $10,000 for experimental rural delivery. July
16 1894, the sum of $20,000 was appropriated for the same purpose, and
again on June 9, 1896, an additional $10,000 was authorized. The first
experimental rural delivery service was established October 1, 1896,
simultaneously on three routes, from Charleston, Uvilla and Halltown,
W. Va.— John B. Stoll in Indianapolis Star, July 22, 1922.
John B. Stoll in Indianapolis Star, July 22, 1922.
St. Joseph's college at Collegeville, just south of Rensselaer,
an Indian school which was erected more than thirty years
ago, is being moved this summer to Carthagena, Ohio. This
Indian school was founded by Katherine Drexel. Years ago
Miss Drexel furnished the Indian Bureau of Washington,
D. C. the money necessary to purchase 240 acres of land
and to erect a three story building thereon where Indian
boys could be educated. In 1888 the Community of the Most
Precious Blood came into possession of the estate and each
year Indians from Minnesota, Wisconsin, the Dakotas and
Michigan were brought to this college where they were en-
rolled as students.
The Indiana Lincoln Memorial association, organized July
10, 1922, has as its object
the promotion of a movement looking toward the erection and main-
tenance of a fitting memorial to commemorate the youth of Abra-
ham Lincoln, spent upon Indiana soil; the collection, publication, and
preservaton of books, pamphlets, papers, maps, pictures, manuscripts,
letters, journals, the collection of relics and ether material relating
especially to the youth of Lincoln, and in general to his life and public
career.
This organization was the outgrowth of a trip which
twelve loyal Hoosiers, Frank B. Wynn, Kate Milner Rabb,
Mary Lucy Campbell, Martha E. Rihl, John W. Oliver, Lucy
M. Elliott, Edna B. Gearhart, Ruth L. Armstrong, Vivian K.
312 Indiana Magazine of History
Sowers, Kenneth B. Cohee, Eugene C. Foster and Harry Wish-
ard Glossbrenner, took June 24-25, 1922 to Hodgenville, Ken-
tucky. There within the walls of the Lincoln Memorial, on
the spot where the martyred President was born, the "twelve
apostles" pledged themselves not to rest until a fitting memo-
rial has been ereced in Indiana, commemorating the youth of
Lincoln, spent on Indiana soil. The officers elected are : Dr.
Fronk B. Wynn, president; William A. Guthrie, first vice
prsident; Harlow Lindley, second vice president; Kate Milner
Rabb, secretary, and Harry W. Glossbrenner, treasurer.
Dr. Frank B. Wynn
May 28, 1860-July 27, 1922
Dr. Frank Barbour Wynn, President of the Indiana his-
torical commission met his death on July 27, 1922, while
climbing Mt. Siyeh, in Glacier National park, Montana. Few
men in Indiana have served their state better, or rendered
more valuable service to its citizens than Dr. Wynn. He was
born in Franklin county, May 28, 1860, moved with his par-
ents to a farm near Scipio, Jennings county, in early life;
graduated from Depauw university in 1883, received the de-
gree of doctor of medicine from the Ohio medical college,
Cincinnati, 1885; and was granted an A.M.degree from De-
pauw university in 1886. In 1891 he became a member of
the medical staff of the Northern hospital for insane at
Logansport, Indiana. During the years 1892 to 1893 he en-
gaged in special post-graduate work in New York, Berlin and
Vienna. In 1893 he located in Indianapolis, and in 1895 was
made the city sanitarian.
In 1895 he was appointed to the chair of Medical Diagnosis
in the Indiana University school of medicine, which position
he held until the time of his death. He stood at the very top
of his profession, not only in Indiana, but in the national
organization as well. He founded the scientific section of the
American medical association and was chairman of the section
for many years. In 1909 he was awarded the gold medal by
the medical association for the best tuberculosis exhibit. In
Historical News 313
1921 Dr. Wynn was elected vice president of the American
medical association.
But in the midst of his busy professional life Dr. Wynn
always found time to promote civic, religious, and educational
movements. He led in the movement that was organized in
1911, looking toward the centennial celebration of Indiana's
one hundred years of statehood, which occurred in 1916.
Dr. Wynn served as vice president of the Indiana his-
torical commission from the date of its organization in 1915
until 1921, when he was elected president. He wast also
serving as president of the Indiana Nature Study club at
the time of his death. Perhaps the movement that was most
near to Dr. Wynn's heart at the time of his death was the
Indiana Lincoln Memorial association, of which he was the
founder. Only a few weeks before he left on his mountain
climbing trip he had been responsible for the organization
of the Lincoln association, the primary object of which is to
erect a fitting memorial somewhere in Indiana, dedicated to
the youth of Lincoln spent upon Indiana soil. Dr. Wynn was
the first president of this organization.
In his death Indiana suffers an irreparable loss. Student
and scholar, a scientific investigator, a humanitarian, a leader
in all patriotic and historical movements, a devoted student
of Lincoln, and a lover of the great outdoors, his character
will always stand for the best type of Indiana manhood.
WANTED
The editor will give 50 cents
each for copies of the March,
1922 (Vol. XVIII, No. 1), In-
diana Magazine of History.
Logan Esarey, Ed.
Indiana
magazine of history
VOL. XVIII DECEMBER, 1922 No. 4
Tecumseh and Pushmataha
By J. Wesley Whicker, Attica
Tecumseh, the celebrated Shawnee chief, was born in 1768
at the Shawnee village of Piqua in the state of Ohio. His
father was killed in the battle of Point Pleasant in 1774. The
Shawnee town of Piqua was destroyed by the Kentuckians in
1780. After the death of his father Tecumseh was placed
under the care of his elder brother who in turn was killed
in a battle with the whites on the Tennessee frontier in 1788,
and still another of his brothers was killed by his side at
Wayne's Victory in 1794.
His mother was born in the state of Alabama and was a
Creek Indian by birth. The Creek Indians, Choctaws, Chick-
asaws, Seminoles and Cherokees were Muscogeans, while the
Shawnees were Algonquins.
In 1811 in making a speech at Tallassee, Alabama on the
Tallapoosa river, to five thousand Muscogean warriors, he
said:
O, Muscogeans, brethren of my mother, brush from your eyelids
the sleep of slavery. Once more strike for vengeance. Once more strike
for your country. The spirits of the mighty dead complain. Their
tears drop from the weeping skies. Let the white race perish. Burn
their dwellings. Destroy their stock. Slay their wives and children.
The red men own this country. The pale face must never enjoy it.
Tecumseh was more fitted than any Indian chieftain to
form a great confederacy of all the western and southern
tribes to oppose the advance of the white settlers of the
316 Indiana Magazine of History
United States. No one knew this better than the English,
who at that time controlled the posts at Macinac and Detroit,
although they had vacated these posts in 1796. The idea of a
confederation of all the tribes was not original with Te-
cumseh. It was the inspiration of King Philip, Brant, Red
Jacket, Pontiac and Little Turtle.
These chieftains were all Algonquins and it was the de-
sire of the English that the Indian confederacy include both
the great divisions of the Indian tribes and Tecumseh, being
a cross between these two great divisions, was the chieftain
most suited to their purpose. Every speech made by Te-
cumseh, every act of his, from 1807 until his death in 1813,
was inspired by the English officials in Canada and no one
knew this better than William Henry Harrison, then gover-
nor of the territory of Indiana.
On the 27th of July, 1811, Tecumseh arrived at Vincennes.
At the close of his interview with the governor which took
place at this time Tecumseh declared it was not his intention
to make war against the United States; that the northern
tribes were united and he was going to visit the southern In-
dians and would return to the Prophets' Town ; on his return
he would visit the president of the United States and settle
all causes of difficulty between the Indians and him and he
hoped no attempt would be made to make settlement on the
lands which had been sold to the United States at the treaty
at Fort Wayne.
Soon after the close of this conference with Governor
Harrison Tecumseh, attended by from twenty to thirty In-
dian warriors, suddenly took his departure from Vincennes
and proceeded down the Wabash river on his way to the
south for the purpose of disseminating his views among the
Creeks, Chickasaws, Choctaws and Seminoles. His real ob-
ject was to get those tribes of Indians to join with the In-
dian tribes of the northern states and support England in a
war against the United States. He would have accomplished
his purpose had it not been for the fact that the Choctaws had
a chieftain as loyal to the United States as Tecumseh was to
England, in Pushmataha, who was a Choctaw of unknown
ancestry, born on the banks of Noxuba creek in Noxubee
county, Mississippi, in 1764. Before he was twenty years
of age he had distinguished himself in an expedition against
Whicker: Tecumseh and Pushmataha 317
the Osage Indians west of the Mississippi. The boy disap-
peared early in this conflict, which lasted all day and upon
joining the Choctaw warriors was jeered at and accused of
cowardice whereupon Pushmataha replied "Let those laugh
who can show more scalps than I can." Therewith he pro-
duced five scalps which he threw upon the ground, the re-
sult of a single-handed onslaught on the enemies' rear. This
incident gained for him the name Eagle and won for him a
chieftaincy. Later he became Mingo of the Olkahamnali or
six districts of Choctaws and exercised much influence in pro-
moting friendly relations with the whites. He strongly op-
posed Tecumseh's movement and it was largely through him
that the Shawnee chieftain's mission among the Muscogeans
failed.
In the memorial exercises at the grave of Pushmataha
on Decoration Day, May 29, 1921, the meeting of these two
great chieftains was brought out very plainly and published
in the Congressional Record, June 13, 1921. Hon. Charles D.
Carter (himself an Indian), senator from Oklahoma, was
master of ceremonies and delivered the following address :
When the busy closing hours of the Sixty-first congress were
dragging along toward midnight, a page came to me on the floor and
told me that Mr. Adam Byrd, from Mississippi, who was retiring from
congress, was about to leave for home and desired to see me for a few
moments before departing. Mr. Byrd led me to a secluded spot in the
Democratic cloakroom and after a brief explanation enjoined on me two
responsibilities, which he said he felt it my duty to undertake. The
first has no connection with this meeting today, but after finishing that
this fine old fellow said in a most serious way, 'Charley, you are an In-
dian,' and I want to talk to you about another Indian. Old Chief Push-
mataha was by long odds the greatest Indian who ever lived. Our
southland had many brave, heroic pioneers — Dale, Claiborne, Andrew
Jackson, and others — but this primitive, unlettered Indian did as much
during the early part of the nineteenth century toward saving the
white population and the things it stands for as any of these, not
even excepting his bosom friend, Old Hickory himself. Our American
people may not be ungrateful, but they are the most thoughtless, for-
getful people in the world, for they have woefully neglected giving any-
thing like adequate credit for the valuable services Pushmataha ren-
dered the white people then living south of the Ohio river and their
descendants. While he had much to do with making my own state pos-
sible, I doubt if there is one school teacher out of fifty in Mississippi
who knows anything about his history. I doubt if there are ten men
in congress who even know that his body rests out here in congres-
318 Indiana Magazine of History
sional cemetery, and before I came here they did not even do his memory
the honor to put flowers on his grave on Decoration day. I visit his
grave on every Sunday when the weather will permit, and I see that
it is properly decorated at the proper time. Now, I know you are not
going to visit his grave every Sunday as I have, but I do want you
to promise me that you will go out there occasionally and that you will
see that the old chief's grave is given proper attention on Decoration
day. With 'Good bye, and God bless you,' he went out of the cloak-
room, and I never saw him again, for he died shortly afterwards.
I have done my best to keep this pledge, and no Decoration day has
passed since that time without appropriate decorations being placed on
Pushmataha's grave, but had Adam Byrd failed to make that farewell
call on me that night, we might not be here today doing just honor to
the memory of this truly great man. Adam Byrd was right. Push-
mataha was a great chief. He was one of the greatest Indians who
ever lived. He was more than that. He was one of the greatest char-
acters of his generation. The old chief was a skillful hunter, an in-
trepid warrior, a close student of nature, a powerful orator, and a
persuasive debater in the councils of his tribe. He had an acute sense
of justice, not only between man and man but between nations as well.
By patient and sagacious statesmanship and wise, far-seeing counsel,
he successfully steered the Choctaw ship of state through the then
turbulent complications without, to use his own proud boast, never
having found it necessary 'to raise the tomahawk against the Great
White Father at Washington or his children.'
The absorbing ambition of Pushmataha was that his people might
become the equal of the whites in education and civilization and take
their place beside the white man in a business way, in a professional
way, and in the councils of the nation. He was always an advocate
of education and industry among his people and contributed much, not
only of his time, but of his small income to that end. He was dearly
beloved by both the Choctaws and Chickasaws, and after his death one
of the executive and judicial districts of his nation in Indian Terri-
tory was named in his honor. When the forty-sixth star was added
to the constellation of Old Glory the Oklahoma people gave evidence of
their appreciation of the memory of this grand old man by naming one
of the largest and most beautiful counties of the state for him.
But I must not trespass too greatly upon your time. You are to
have the privilege of hearing this great man's life and character dis-
cussed by those much better informed and equipped than myself. I
will pause only long enough to tell you something of what I believe
his own people, the Choctaws, consider one of Pushmataha's greatest
achievements. This has to do with the part he took in saving the white
man's civilization west of the Alleghenies and specifically his reply
to the wonderful address delivered before the Choctaw council by the
great Shawnee orator, Tecumseh. The War of 1812 was impending and
the British authorities were doing all in their power to stir up antagon-
ism between the Indians and the Americans. The astute Shawnee
Whicker: Tecumseh and Pushmataha 319
chief, Tecumseh, was sent on a tour by British agents to organize all
Indians west of the Alleghenies with the purpose to expel the white
American beyond the mountains. One of the first tribes he visited was
the Choctaw. After his mission had been explained to Pushmataha,
the wise old chief advised Tecumseh that he was only one of the three
chiefs of the Choctaw nation; that the Choctaws could only take part
in any war upon the decision of the general council of the tribe; and
that before this was done they would probably desire to consult their
kindred tribe and ally, the Chickasaws. Tecumseh then requested that
both tribes be called together in order that he might lay his plan before
the council. After a consultation with the other two Choctaw chiefs,
Masholatubby and Apuckshinubby, and the principal chief of the Chick-
asaws, a general council of the two tribes was called.
Tecumseh was classed by many of his contemporaries as the most
powerful debater of his generation, and this was saying much, for it
was during the day of Clay, Calhoun and Webster. Realizing the
full power of his oratory, Tecumseh surmised if he could get to speak
to the Choctaw people in general council, they would not be able to
resist his magnetic eloquence. The council was assembled, and Tecumseh,
with his suite of thirty warriors bedecked in panoply of paint and
feathers, filed in before the council fire to deliver his address. We
must bear in mind that the Shawnees spoke an entirely different lan-
guage from the Choctaws and Chickasaws, the Shawnees belonging to
the Algonquin stock and speaking their dialect, while the Choctaws
and Chickasaws are of the Muscogean stock and spoke the Muskogean
dialect. Therefore it was necessary for each speech to be translated
by an interpreter so all might understand.
The great Shawnee chief was thoroughly familiar with past rela-
tions between all Indian tribes and the whites, and he began by recount-
ing all the wrongs perpetrated on the Indians by the palefaces since
the landing of Columbus. He related how the white man had beguiled
the Indians along the Atlantic coast to part with their lands for a few
trifling beads and a little fire water, leaving them beggars, vagabonds,
peons and strangers in their own land, to be scorned and despised by
their palefare neighbors. He told how the Shawnees and other northern
tribes were being stripped of their patrimony. He laid down the prin-
ciple that the Great Spirit had given the western hemisphere to all
red people in common and that no particular tribe had anything more
than the right of possession to any lands, and therefore asserted any
relinquishment of title by one tribe to be null and void, because many
of the owners had not joined in the transfer. These wrongs he de-
clared had been made possible by the ingenuity of the whites in attack-
ing only one tribe at a time, but if all Indians would join and combine
their forces in one attack at one time, the white man could be driven
back over the mountains whence he came; that the golden opportunity
was now at hand to join hands with the British and scourge from their
revered hunting grounds eternally the hated paleface. He closed his
eloquent address with a stirring appeal to the patriotism of the Choc-
320 Indiana Magazine of History
taws and Chickasaws, asking if they would await complete submission
or would they not join hands and fight beside the Shawnees and other
tribes rather than submit?
Evidently Tecumseh's purpose had been fully accomplished. His
magnetic words seemed to arouse every vindictive sentiment within the
souls of the Choctaw and Chickasaw warriors; their savage enthusiasm
had been stirred to white heat when Pushmataha calmly strode before
the council fire and began his wonderful reply to Tecumseh's speech.
What a pity that no accurate account of this wonderful debate between
these two giant primitive orators was at that time preserved. Lince-
cum, Pickett, Randall and other historians have left us brief excerpts.
Cushman undertakes to give Pushmataha's speech in full, but his re-
cital does not even do faint justice to the original and in no measure
conforms to the Choctaw's account of it. For many years it was
handed down from generation to generation by tradition to the Choc-
taws and Chickasaws, but it can be easily understood how that method
might fail to preserve all the virile force and eloquence of this won-
derful address. I will undertake to give it to you in part as nearly as
I remember hearing it told by some of the old Indians many years ago.
Pushmataha began his address as follows:
'Omiske, tushkahoma ho chukma hashche yumma! Anumpa tilo-
fasih ish huklo.
(Attention, my good red warriors! Hear ye my brief remarks.)
The great Shawnee orator has portrayed in vivid picture the wrongs
inflicted on his and other tribes by the ravages of the paleface. The
candor and fervor of his eloquent appeal breathe the conviction of truth
and sincerity, and, as kindred tribes, naturally we sympathize with
the misfortunes of his people. I do not come before you in any dis-
putation either for or against these charges. It is not my purpose to
contradict any of these allegations against the white man, but neither
am I here to indulge in any indiscreet denunciation of him which might
bring down upon my people unnecessary difficulty and embarrassment.
The distinguished Shawnee sums up his eloquent appeal to us with
this direct question:
Will you sit idly by, supinely awaiting complete and abject sub-
mission, or will you die fighting beside your brethren, the Shawnees,
rather than submit to such ignominy?
These are plain words and it is well they have been spoken,
for they bring the issue squarely before us. Mistake not, this
language means war. And war with whom, pray? War with some
band of marauders who have committed these depredations against the
Shawnees? War with some alien host seeking the destruction of the
Choctaws and Chickasaws? Nay, my fellow tribesmen. None of these
are the enemy we will be called on to meet. If we take up arms against
the Americans we must of necessity meet in deadly combat our daily
neighbors and associates in this part of the country near our homes.
If Tecumseh's words be true, and we doubt them not, then the
Shawnees' experience with the whites has not been the same as that
Whicker: Tecumseh and Pushmataha 321
of the Choctaws. These white Americans buy our skins, our corn,
our cotton, our surplus game, our baskets, and other wares, and they
give us in fair exchange their cloth, their guns, their tools, imple-
ments, and other things which the Choctaws need but do not make. It
is true we have befriended them, but who will deny that we have been
abundantly reciprocated? They have given us cotton gins, which sim-
plify the cleaning and sale of our cotton; they have encouraged and
helped us in the production of our crops; they have taken many of
our wives into their homes to teach them useful things, and pay them
for their work while learning; they are teaching our children to
read and write from their books. You all remember well the dreadful
epidemic visited upon us last winter, and during its darkest hours these
neighbors whom we are now urged to attack responded generously to
our needs. They doctored our sick; they clothed our suffering; they
fed our hungry, ad where is the Choctaw or Chickasaw delegation who
has ever gone to St. Stephens with a worthy cause and been sent away
empty handed? So in marked contrast with the experience of the
Shawnees, it will be seen that the whites and Indians in this section
are living on friendly and mutually beneficial terms.
Forget not, O Choctaws and Chickasaws, that we are bound in peace
to the Great White Father at Washington by a sacred treaty and the
Great Spirit will punish those who break their word. The Great White
Father has never violated that treaty and the Choctaws have never yet
been driven to the necessity of taking up the tomahawk against him
or his children. Therefore the question before us tonight is not the
avenging of any wrongs perpetrated against us by the whites, for the
Choctaws and Chickasaws have no such cause, either real or imaginary,
but rather it is a question of carrying on that record of fidelity and
justice for which our forefathers ever proudly stood, and doing that
which is best calculated to promote the welfare of our own people. Yea,
my fellow tribesmen, we are a just people. We do not take up the
warpath without a just cause and honest purpose. Have we that
just cause against our white neighbors, who have taken nothing from
us except by fair bargain and exchange? Is this a just recompense
for their assistance to us in our agricultural and other pursuits? Is
this to be their gracious reward for teaching our children from their
books? Shall this be considered the Choctaws' compensation for feed-
ing our hungry, clothing our needy, and administering to our sick?
Have we, Choctaws and Chickasaws, descended to the low estate
of ruthlessly breaking the faith of a sacred treaty? Shall our forefath-
ers look back from the happy hunting grounds only to see their un-
broken record for justice, gratitude, and fidelity thus rudely repud-
iated and abruptly abandoned by an unworthy offspring?
We Choctaws and Chickasaws are a peaceful people, making our
subsistence by honest toil; but mistake not, my Shawnee brethren,
we are not afraid of war. Neither are we strangers to war, as those
who have undertaken to encroach upon our rights in the past may abund-
antly testify. We are thoroughly familiar with war in all its details
322 Indiana Magazine of History
and we know full well all its horrible consequences. It is unnecessary
for me to remind you, O Choctaws and Chickasaws, veteran braves
of many fierce conflicts in the past, that war is an awful thing. If
we go into this war against the Americans, we must be prepared to
accept its inevitable results. Not only will it foretoken deadly con-
flict with neighbors and death to warriors, but it will mean suffering
for our women, hunger and starvation for our children, grief for our
loved ones, and devastation of our homes. Notwithstanding these dif-
ficulties, if the cause be just, we should not hesitate to defend our
rights to the last man, but before that fatal step is irrevocably taken,
it is well that we fully understand and seriously consider the full portent
and consequences of the act.
Hear me, Choctaws and Chicksaws, for I speak truly for your
welfare. It is not the province of your chiefs to settle these import-
ant questions. As a people, it is your prerogative to have either
peace or war, and as one of your chiefs, it is mine simply to advise. There
fore, let me admonish you that this critical period is no time to cast
aside your wits and let blind impulse sway; be not driven like dumb
brutes by the frenzied harangue of this wonderful Shawnee orator;
let your good judgment rule and ponder seriously before breaking bonds
that have served you well and ere you change conditions which have
brought peace and happiness to your wives, your sisters, and your
children. I would not undertake to dictate the course of one single
Choctaw warrior. Permit me to speak for the moment, not as your
chief but as a Choctaw warrior, weighing this question beside you.
As such I shall exercise my calm, deliberate judgment in behalf of
those most dear to me and dependent on me, and I shall not suffer
my reason to be swept away by this eloquent recital of alleged wrongs
which I know naught of. I deplore this war,. I earnestly hope it may
be averted, but if it be forced upon us I shall take my stand with
those who have stood by my people in the past and will be found
fighting beside our good friends of St. Stephens and surrounding coun-
try. I have finished. I call on all Choctaws and Chickasaws indorsing
my sentiments to cast their tomahawks on this side of the council fire
with me.'
The air resounded with the clash of tomahawks cast on the side of
the Choctaw chief and only a few warriors seemed still undecided.
Tecumseh seeing the purpose of his mission thwarted and thinking
Pushmataha could not understand the Shawnee language, spoke to his
warriors in his native tongue, saying: 'Pushmataha is a coward and
the Choctaw and Chicksaw braves are squaws,' but Pushamataha had
traveled much and knew a smattering of many Indian dialects. He
understood Tecumseh and turning upon the Shawnee with all the fire
of his eloquence, he clinched the argument and settled the decision
of the few wavering Choctaw braves by saying:
'Halt, Tecumseh! Listen to me. You have come here, as you have
often gone elsewhere, with a purpose to involve peaceful people in un-
necessary trouble with their neighbors. Our people have had no undue
Whicker: Tecumseh and Pushmataha 323
friction with the whites. Why? Because we have had no leaders stir-
ring up strife to serve their selfish, personal ambitions. You heard
me say that our people are a peaceful people. They make their way,
not by ravages upon their neighbors but by honest toil. In that re-
gard they have nothing in common with you. I know your history
well. You are a disturber. You have ever been a trouble maker.
When you have found yourself unable to pick a quarrel with the
white man, you have stirred up strife between different tribes of your
own race. Not only that, you are a monarch and unyielding tyrant
within your own domain. Every Shawnee man, woman, and child,
must bow in humble submission to your imperious will. The Choc-
taws and Chicasaws have no monarchs. Their chieftains do not un-
dertake the mastery of their people, but rather are they the people's
servants, elected to serve the will of the majority. The majority
has spoken on this question and it has spoken against your contention.
Their decision has therefore become the law of the Choctaws and Chick-
asaws and Pushamataha will see that the will of the majority so recently
expressed is rigidly carried out to the letter. If, after this decision,
any Choctaw should be so foolish as to follow your imprudent advice
and enlist to fight against the Americans, thereby abandoning his
own people and turning against the decision of his own council, Push-
mataha will see that proper punishment is meted out to him, which is
death. You have made your choice; you have elected to fight with the
British. The Americans have been our friends and we shall stand by
them. We will furnish you safe conduct to the boundaries of this
nation as properly befits the dignity of your office. Farewell, Tecumseh.
You will see Pushmataha no more until we meet on the fateful war-
path.'
Obviously these two noble sons of the forest and their
tribes has reached the point where the trail divides. The
Choctaws and Chickasaws were persuaded to refuse partici-
pation in Tecumseh's conspiracy against the Americans and
the action of these two powerful tribes prevented many other
Indians from siding with the British. The Choctaws and
Chickasaws finally joined, hands with the Americans and
fought from the early battles of the war to the Battle of
New Orleans, and Pushmataha arose to the rank of brigadier
general in the American army.
On his return Tecumseh stopped for a short time with
the Creek Indians. He was disappointed in the turn his mis-
sion had taken at the meeting with the Choctaws and started
home with his bodyguard of warriors. He crossed the Ohio
river near Shawneetown and traveled along the edge of the
grand prairie to a point a little north of Danville, Illinois
324 Indiana Magazine of History
where he turned east. When he crossed the Harrison trail
it was dark and he was in a hurry to get to the Prophet's
Town and he did not notice that an army had passed. He
crossed the Wabash river near Covington and stayed over
night about two miles north of Covington.
He and his party arose early in the morning and went
to the Miami Indian camp near where Tippecanoe county
and Montgomery county corner at the Fountain county line.
He found this camp vacated and no signs of life. He thought
perhaps the Prophet had called in the scattered families
but he had no idea of the great disaster that had befallen his
Indian followers, and he hurried on to the mouth of the Tip-
pecanoe river. It was dark when he reached the site of the
Prophet's Town. He had not met a single soul to give him
any information. As he peered through the darkness there
was no light and no sound, nor any indication of life in the
village that he had left on his southern trip. In the village
he found one lone inhabitant, an old Indian squaw who had
been unable to travel with the rest of the Indians when they
left. She related to him the results of the battle of Tippe-
canoe and told him the Shawnees and those who had survived
the battle had gone to Canada. He stayed over night at the
camp and early the next morning he started on his journey
sad and broken-hearted to join the scattered remnants of the
northern tribes that had gathered about him.
He allied himself immediately with the English in Canada
and by them was made a brigadier-general in the British
service and commander-in-chief of all the Indian allies of
the War of 1812 in the British army.
In the late spring or early summer of 1813 Tecumseh
made a second trip to Alabama, to see the Muscogean Indians.
On this trip he appeared in an entirely different role. His
hope of a confederation of all the Indian tribes north and
south had completely faded away with the signal defeat of
his brother, the Prophet, at the battle of Tippecanoe, and
now he was a brigadier-general in the English army and his
object was to get his mother's tribes, the Muscogean Indians,
to cast their fortunes with himself and the English in the war
that was then a reality.
Whicker: Tecumseh mid Pushmataha 325
Lossing says in The First Century of the United States Affairs
in the extreme south assumed a serious aspect during the summer of
1813. In the spring of that year Tecumseh (who was slain on the
Thames a few months later) went among the southern tribes to
arouse them to wage war upon the white people and the powerful
Creeks yielded to his persuasions.
Charles A. Goodrich says, in his History of the United
States :
The discontentment of the warring spirit of the Creeks 4iad
been much increased and their hostile spirit inflamed through the
influence of the celebrated Tecumseh, who in 1813 had made them a
visit, at which time he passed through the region with a view to per-
suade them to shake off the impressions of civilized life and return to
their former more independent and unshackled mode of living. By
means of the eloquence of this savage Demosthenes the party hostile
to the United States was much increased — a civil war commenced —
and a vexatious border warfare was begun upon the whites.
The Creeks received arms and presents from the British govern-
ment, made with a view to enlisting them against the United States
in the war in which the former were now engaged with the latter.
The commencement of hostilities by the Creeks in two months after
Tecumseh's second visit was an attack upon Fort Mims, on the
30th of August, 1813. About noon, the garrison of the fort was
surprised by about six hundred Indians. At first the American troops
stood upon their defense, and repulsed the savages; but on being har-
angued by their chief, Weatherford, they returned with augmented
fury, drove the besieged into the houses and set them on fire. A shock-
ing massacre ensued. Not one was spared by the savage monsters,
and but a few effected their escape. Only seventeen out of three hun-
dred men, women and children, who had taken refuge in the fort from
adjoining settlements, were left to convey the melancholy tidings to the
surrounding inhabitants.
On the receipt of this disastrous intelligence, two thousand men
from Tennessee, under General Jackson, and five hundred under Gen-
eral Coffee, immediately marched to the country of the Creeks. On
the second of November, General Jackson detached General Coffee, with
nine hundred mounted cavalry and mounted riflemen, from his head-
quarters, the Ten Islands, on the Coosa river, to attack a body of
Creeks at Tallushatches. This attack was made on the morning of the
third, and resulted in the repulse of the Indians, who lost in killed
two hundred, and eighty-four were taken prisoners. The killed and
wounded of the Americans were forty-six.
According to a distinguished historian of Mississippi,
Dr. Frank Riley, it was on the site of the town of Pushmataha,
326 Indiana Magazine of History
Alabama, in 1813, where the Creek Indians had invited the
Choctaws to join them in a council, that this Choctaw chief
appealed to them for two long July days, from early morn
to late evening hours, urging the Creek warriors, with all the
fervor, wisdom, and logic at his command, not to heed the
illconceived advice of the shrewd Tecumseh, but to remain
neutral, and refuse to join in a war upon the American flag.
Chief of a nation that prided itself on never having shed
the white man's blood, having won that title by valorous deeds
amongst his own race, so distinguished himself, battling in
defense of the white man's home that General Jackson com-
missioned him a brigadier general in the United States army
Pushmataha stands out singly and alone the only man of his
race who ever attained so high a rank in our army.
Pushmataha returning home by way of St. Stephens, as-
sembled the Choctaw warriors at the council grounds, near
Meridian, Mississippi, and delivered to them a memorable
oration. After stating to his people that several hundred of
his white friends had been killed at Fort Mims, and many
massacred in the Tombigbee settlements, and after stating
that President Washington, whom he had visited, had ad-
vised the Indians not to engage in war, one tribe with an-
other said:
Who that is a man and a warrior can be idle at home and hear of
his friends being butchered around him? I am a man and a warrior.
I will not advise you to act contrary to the advice of our good father,
but I will go and help my friends.
If any of you think proper to follow me voluntarily, I will lead
you to victory and to glory! I, too, am a man and a warrior, and will
follow the chief!
was shouted back by every one of his sturdy warriors. They
followed their chief to victory at the Holy Ground, Horse
Shoe Bend, and many other historic battlefields, shedding
their blood and laying down their lives for their friends. If
the spirit of this mighty chief could look from the happy
hunting grounds bepond the sun and view the civilization
he saved, it might well declare, "Pushmataha builded better
than he knew."
Tecumseh came back north and entered immediately into
active service with the British army. He had under his
Whicker: Tecumseh and Pushmataha 327
command some two thousand Indian warriors, representing
seventeen allied northern tribes. He led them at French-
town, the Raisin, Fort Meigs, and Fort Stevenson, and cov-
ered Proctor's retreat after Perry's decisive victory on Lake
Erie, until he finally declined to retreat further and compelled
Proctor to make a stand on the river Thames, near the pres-
ent site of Chatham, Ontario, where he, with many of his
warriors, were killed on October 5, 1813. The remaining
northern Indians immediately deserted the British army.
Charles A. Goodrich, in his history, says of Tecumseh:
He was in several respects the most celebrated Indian warrior
which ever raised an arm against the Americans. He had been in
almost every engagement with the whites, since Harmar's defeat, al-
though at death he scarcely exceeded forty years of age. Tecumseh
has received the stamp of greatness from the hand of nature, and had
his lot been cast in a different state of society, he would have shone
one of the most distinguished of men. He was endowed with a power-
ful mind, with the soul of a hero. There was an uncommon dignity
in his countenance and manners. By the former he could easily be
discovered, even after death, among the rest of the slain, for he wore
no insignia of distinction. When girded with a silk sash, and told by
General Proctor that he was made a brigadier in the British service,
for his conduct at Brownstown and Magagua he returned the present
with respectful contempt. Born with no title to command, but his
native greatness, every tribe yielded submission to him at once, and no
one ever disputed his precedence. Subtle and fierce in war, he was
possessed of uncommon eloquence — his speeches might bear a com«
parison with those of the most celebrated orators of Greece and Rome.
His invective was terrible, as may be seen in the reproaches which he
applied to Proctor, a few days before his death, in a speech which was
found among the papers of the British officer. His form was uncom-
monly elegant, his stature about six feet, his limbs perfectly propor-
tioned. He was honorably interred by the victors, by whom he was
held in much respect, as an inveterate, but magnanimous enemy.
The Creek Indians, under their Prophet, Weatherford,
continued in the war with the English.
In January, 1814, General Jackson was reinforced by
eight hundred volunteers, designed to supply the place of the
Tennessee militia, whose term of service having expired nad
returned home. With this force he successfully attacked and
defeated the Creeks, during the month, at Emucfau and
Enotachopco.
Notwithstanding repeated defeats and serious losses, the
328 Indiana Magazine of History
Creeks remained unsubdued. Still determined not to yield,
they commenced fortifying the bend of the Tallapoosa river,
called by them Tohopeka, but by the Americans, Horse-Shoe-
Bend. Their principal defense consisted of a breastwork,
from five to eight feet high, across the peninsula by means
of which nearly one hundred acres of land were rendered
admirably secure. Through this breastwork a double row
of port-holes were so artfully arranged that whoever assailed
it, must be exposed to a double and cross fire from the In-
dians, who lay behind, to the number of one thousand.
Against this fortified refuge of the infatuated Creeks,
General Jackson, having gathered up his forces, proceeded
on the twenty-fourth of March. On the night of the twenty-
sixth, he encamped within six miles of the bend. On the
twenty-seventh, he detached General Coffee, with a competent
number of men, to pass the river, at a ford three miles below
the bend, for the purpose of preventing the Indians effecting
their escape, if inclined, by crossing the river.
With the remainder of his force, General Jackson now
advanced to the front of the breastwork, and at half past ten
planted his artillery on a small eminence, at only a moderate
distance.
Affairs being now arranged, the artillery opened a tre-
mendous fire upon the breastwork, while General Coffee, with
his force below, continued to advance towards an Indian
village, which stood at the extremity of the peninsula. A
well directed fire across the river, which here is but about
one hundred yards wide, drove the Indian inhabitants from
their houses up to the fortifications.
At length, finding all his arrangements complete, and the
favorite moment arrived, General Jackson led on his now
animated troops to the charge. For a short time an obstinate
contest was maintained at the breastwork — muzzle to muzzle
through the port-holes — when the Americans succeeded in
gaining the opposite side of the works. A mournful scene of
slaughter ensued. In a short time the Indians were routed,
and the whole plain was strewed with the dead. Five hun-
dred and fifty-seven were found, and a large number were
drowned in attempting to escape by the river. Three hun-
dred women and children were taken prisoners. The loss of
the Americans was twenty-six killed, and one hundred and
Whicker: Tecumseh and Pushmataha 329
seven wounded. Eighteen friendly Cherokees were killed,
and thirty-six wounded, and five friendly Creeks were killed
and eleven wounded.
This signal defeat of the Creeks put an end to the war.
Shortly after, the remnant of the nation sent in their sub-
mission. Among these was the prophet and leader, Weather-
ford. In bold and impressive language, he said :
I am in your power. Do with me what you please. I have done
the white people all the harm I could. I have fought them and fought
them bravely. There was a time, when I had a choice. I have none now
— even hope is ended. Once, I could animate my warriors; but I cannot
animate the dead. They can no longer hear my voice, their bones are
at Tallushatches, Talladega, Emucfau, and Tohopeka. While there
was a chance of success, I never supplicated peace; but my people are
gone, and I now ask it for my nation and myself.
On the ninth of August, a treaty was made with them by
General Jackson. They agreed to yield a portion of their ter-
ritory as indemnity for the expenses of the war, to allow the
opening of roads through their lands, to admit the whites to
the free navigation of their rivers, and to take no more bribes
from the British.
All the Indian tribes, both north and south, who were
persuaded by the eloquent Shawnee chieftain to follow this
forlorn hope and join the English army to drive the Ameri-
cans from the western frontier, had met with defeat, de-
serted by the English army, were captured and killed within
a year from Tecumseh's return from his second trip south;
and when their Indian allies were all gone and the English
had to do their own fighting, they were ready to negotiate
for terms of peace.
Pushmataha was right. Tecumseh was ever a trouble*
maker and a disturber. He was a renegade from his own
tribe. He never engaged in a successful warfare or battle,
and was at all times a hireling of the British government,
using his influence and his relationship with the various
tribes of Indians to further his personal interests, and the
most that can be said for him is that "He was in several re-
spects the most celebrated Indian warrior which ever raised
an arm against the Americans."
Senator Carter is right. Pushmataha, the Choctaw chief-
tain, was the greatest Indian who ever lived. He died in the
330 Indiana Magazine of History
City of Washington, of the croup, in the sixtieth year of his
age, after returning from a visit to General Lafayette, on
the 24th day of December, 1824. When he was buried in
the National cemetery at Arlington, on ground contiguous
to the place of interment there was an immense concourse of
citizens, a long train of carriages, cavalry, military, bands
of music, the whole procession extending at least a mile in
length; and there were thousands lining the way and filling
the doors and windows along the line of his funeral train,
and Andrew Jackson and General Lafayette stood by with
dncovered heads when his body was lowered into the grave.
In the senate of the United States a tribute was paid to
this Choctaw chieftain by the celebrated John Randolph, who
said:
Sir, in a late visit to the public grave-yard, my attention was ar-
rested by the simple monument of the Choctaw chief, Pushmataha. He
was, I have been told by those who knew him, one of nature's no-
bility; a man who would have adorned any society. He lies quietly
by the side of our statesmen and high magistrates in the region —
for there is one such — where the red man and the white man are on a
level. On the sides of the plain shaft that marks his place of burial,
I read these words: 'Pushamataha, a Choctaw chief, lies here. This
monument to his memory is erected by his brother chiefs, who were
associated with him in a delegation from their nation in the year 1824,
to the Government of the United States. Pushmataha was a warrior
of great distinction. He was wise in council, eloquent in an extra-
ordinary degree; and on all occasions, and under all circumstances,
the white man's friend. He died in Washington, on the 24th day of
December, 1824, of the croup, in the sixtieth year of his age.'
Claiborne said of him, speaking of his funeral nearly
ninety-seven years ago:
The remains of Pushmataha were committed to the earth in the
Congress burying ground amid the roar of artillery and the music of
muffled drums, and his last words were engraved upon his tomb. Thus
closed the career of one who in civilized life would have adorned the
senate and been regarded by posterity as we now regard the heroes
of antiquity; a man of the noblest attributes, who had it in his power
to depopulate our territories, but whose arm was always extended
for the protection of the whites.
Adam Byrd was right. Pushmataha was by long odds
the greatest Indian who ever lived. In every battle and every
Whicker: Tecumseh and Pushmataha 331
war in which he took part he was victorious. He always
held the interests of the Indians and their various tribes
above his personal interests. He used his efforts to keep
them from war, and that they might become intelligent, use-
ful American citizens.
We of Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Ohio, Wisconsin and
Minnesota are as deeply indebted to him for his opposition
to Tecumseh and his confederacy as are the states of Ala-
bama, Mississippi and Oklahoma. His efforts were not local
in their effect, but extended to the entire government, and
we Americans should let honor fall where honor belongs;
and as between Tecumseh, the Shawnee chieftain and briga-
dier-general in the British army, and Pushmataha, the Choc-
taw chieftain and brigadier-general in the American army,
Tecumseh giving his service and his life to the British and
for them, Pushmataha giving his life to the United States
of America, and for it, after the passing of more than a cen-
tury of years since these chieftains lived and warred, we
should extol the virtues of this worthy chieftain in all the
states of our union.
Pioneer Life In Boone County
Written by Jane Gregory Stevenson, 1900, Aged 68
My Grandfather Gregory was born and raised in Scot-
land. He, with two brothers, came to America a few years
before the War of the Revolution. Their names were Moses,
my grandfather, Jeremiah, and Stephen. They settled and
married somewhere in Connecticut. When the war broke
out, he like many others, thought it a great crime to rebel
against the king, but never took up arms on either side.
When the war was over, he with others was banished to
Newfoundland, at St. Johns, and there my father, Peter Greg-
ory was born, August 18th, 1789. After the limit of banish-
ment was over, my grandfather and family returned to the
United States and settled in the state of New York. He
lived to see his mistake and raised his boys to be true, loyal
citizens to the new government. They all voted the Whig
ticket. He lived and held on true to his faith in his Savior to
the day of his death, which occurred in January, 1822. My
Grandmother Gregory died about the same time, only three
days difference in their deaths. I do not know much of her
history.
Our mother's maiden name was Phoebe Carroll. She was
the youngest daughter of William and Phoebe Carroll. Our
grandmother's maiden name was Phoebe Wortman. She was
the daughter of a German doctor. She was born in New
Jersey; from there she came with her parents to the state
of Pennsylvania, where she was married to our grandfather,
William Carroll. He was a Revolutionary soldier, fought
both on land and sea, and part of the time directly under
Washington. He was in the service seven years and was
never wounded.
Our mother was born in Lycoming county, Pennsylvania,
January 8th, 1801, and when quite young removed with her
parents to the state of New York, Allegany county. There
at the age of twenty she was married to our father, Peter
Gregory, aged thirty-two. To this union were born twelve
children, three of whom died in infancy. The other nine
lived to maturity. One daughter, Mary A. Gregory, died
at the age of nineteen and is buried in Eagle Village ceme-
332
Stevenson: Pioneer Life in Boone County 333
tery, the family burial place. Eight children lived to rear
families. Their names are James, Benjamin M., Lorena,
Mary A., Jane, William Lewis, John P., Emily, Martha A.
I was the fifth child, born in the state of New York, Al-
legany county, December 5th, 1831. I came with my parents
to this state (Indiana) in the spring of 1834. We came all
the way in a two-horse wagon; were six weeks on the road.
James, the oldest, was eleven, and Lewis, the youngest, six
months old. We first settled in Marion county, ten miles
north of Indianapolis, which was then a mere village. The
foundation of the first state house was just laid.
About a year later my father bought a farm in the south-
east corner of Boone county, to which they soon moved. The
family was there raised, until like birds in the nest they had
to scatter and flutter away, some to distant lands, some to
the tomb. The same farm is now owned by the heirs of my
brother, B. M. Gregory, who died July 16, 1899.
When my father moved to this farm there were only about
fifteen acres of cleared land and a log cabin made of round
logs, the cracks chinked and daubed with clay mortar. It had
a chimney made of blocks of wood about four feet long, and
at the top finished up with small sticks and daubed well in-
side with clay mortar. About four feet from the fire was a
pole, called the lug pole, to which were attached two or three
chains, with hooks on which to hang cooking vessels. My
mother made great pots of hominy and hung them on these
chains to cook.
The next year my father built another room, with a space
of about ten feet from the former one. It was larger than
the old one and built of hewed logs. It was a story and a
half high, with a ladder to go upstairs in the space between
the two rooms. This entry was enclosed at the west end. On
the east side of the house, which fronted the Michigan road,
was a big porch the whole length of the houses. The roof
was made of clapboards about four feet long, nailed on nicely.
There was a brick chimney and two good-sized windows. The
old house was also covered with clapboards, held down with
weight poles. The weight poles were long, heavy poles laid
across the boards, and a square block about two feet long
laid between, and so on until the top was reached. The old
house had only one small window and a puncheon floor, which
334 Indiana Magazine of History
was a big log split in two or three pieces and hewed off with
an axe or adz; perhaps only an axe as tools were scarce in
those early days. The house stood back from the road per-
haps five or six rods, on a hill sloping toward the road.
At the foot of the hill was a spring from which we used
water for several years. The spring was walled up with big
flat rocks, and we had a milk house built near it so the cool
water passed through it all the time. From the spring ran
a brook which crossed the path to the big road, over which
was built a good plank bridge. The spring was shaded by
beautiful walnut, willow and locust trees. Below the bridge
was a large calamus patch, which was always a delight to the
children.
In those early days the furniture was as rude as the
houses. My father made his own bedsteads. The beds were
held up with ropes made for the purpose. Holes were bored
through the bed rails and the ropes stretched across each
way very tightly. With a straw and feather bed on top it
made a very good bed to rest on. Chairs, if any, were splint
bottom, and some had only stools.
Our home was located about one-fourth of a mile south
of a little village called Eagle Village, with only a few houses
and a postoffice. After a few years people of various trades
moved in, and also a dry goods store. We then could get a
great many things in the furniture line we did not have be-
fore. I remember distinctly a set of chairs my father had
made by a man by the name of Bailey. They were splint bot-
tomed chairs painted green, and the backs curved a little.
We also got better bedsteads. Everything was paid for in
some kind of trade, there being no home market for anything,
and Indianapolis was yet too small to afford much market. I
have taken eggs to our village store and only got three cents
per dozen.
When my parents first came here there were no grain
mills closer than Indianapolis or Broad Ripple, ten miles away.
But it was not long till there were mills much closer, as Eagle
Creek afforded many good locations for mills. About the
year 1839 a Mr. George Dye built a grain and saw mill on
Eagle Creek one mile west of our place and a quarter of a
mile east of where Zionsville now stands. It was built at the
Stevenson: Pioneer Life in Boone County 335
bend of the creek. It was a great blessing to our neighbor-
hood.
Everything at that date was in a rude and primitive condi-
tion. It had only been five years since the Michigan or State
road had been surveyed and cut out, and of course was very
rough and imperfect. I well remember the great log heaps
left by the workmen in many places along the road on either
side, especially where the land was low and marshy. In the
spring the frogs could be heard for miles around those marshy
places, and the forest trees on either side of the road looked
like great walls of nature's own make. But this under the
sway of the white man's axe rapidly passed away and gave
room to the broad fields of waving grain. The road was then
a hundred feet wide. The streams of any size were all bridged
by the government with good wooden bridges, but no fine iron
ones like we see now. In winter time the roads became im-
passible, except on horseback or afoot.
The mail for several years was carried on horseback, but
there being so few people and postage so high, there was
very little writing done. I heard my mother say that when
they first came here they had to pay twenty-five cents post-
age for a letter from their home country, but they gave it
as freely as they would for food, so great was their anxiety
to hear from their native home and loved ones left behind.
Later on in summer when roads were good the mail was car-
ried in the stage coach, drawn by four horses. In winter
when roads were bad it was carried in a big wagon prepared
for the bad roads and was called the mud wagon. The stage
coach was quite a nice affair. It was large and strong, fixed
on a swing so it would rock back and forth by the motion
of the carriage, and was large enough for nine persons to sit
in comfortably, and sometimes there would be one or two
outside by the driver. The baggage was strapped on behind
and sometimes thrown on top. The driver had a very long
horn which he would blow when approaching any stopping
place. The coach was always full of passengers. It used
to be said there was always room for one more. They changed
horses about every twenty miles and always went on a fast
trot.
Public houses were plenty in those days, perhaps only
one or two miles apart along the Michigan road, and were
336 Indiana Magazine of History
called taverns. All had plenty of custom, so great was emi-
gration. About the year 1836 or 1837 a family by the name
of Larimore came to our. village and built a tavern which
was said to be the best and most commodious house between
Indianapolis and Logansport. Mr. Henry Nicholas, of North-
field, was the contracting carpenter. It was a frame building
two stories high, and had a cupola and bell on top.
The bell was a great attraction to children, as it was the
only bell they had ever heard, there being no school houses
or churches with bells as we have nowadays. When the bell
was ringing, I remember the older children told us it said, "pig-
tail done ! pigtail done !" which we verily believed. The same
bell is now on the old home place, owned by the grandson of
my father, Peter Gregory, and Larimore, Frank Gregory.
Schoolhouses were scarce and most of them built of logs,
like the dwelling houses, with a big fireplace in one end which
the pupils sat around. And while their faces would burn
their backs would chill. In many places the schoolhouse
answered for both school and church. They also often held
religious services at private houses.
The roads being so bad, the mode of travel, besides the
coaches, was by horseback, or afoot, especially in winter. It
was no uncommon sight to see two or three men passing along
with their knapsacks on their backs. Nobody thought of call-
ing them tramps as they do now. I remember once a cousin
from Michigan visiting us, who came all the way afoot. It
was in March. He stayed about three weeks and brother
James went home with him the same way.
In the fall when the roads were good, emigration was so
great that covered wagons might be seen almost any time
you might look out. My mother was an expert at making
cheese and she always kept light bread baked and a little sign
out, "Bread and Cheese," by which she sold a great deal to
the passers-by and thus kept herself in pocket change. It
was a common remark, "There lives a Yankee woman, she
knows how to make good cheese." She also sold a great deal
to our village people, especially to the tavern.
As the country was sparsely settled, schools were scarce
and teachers were ignorant and poorly qualified for their
business. I remember they were required to teach Reading,
Spelling, Writing, and Arithmetic as far as the rule of three.
Stevenson: Pioneer Life in Boone County 337
Those qualifications were written in an article of agreement,
with the number of days to be taught and the price per
scholar. Sometimes they would state what kind of pay they
would receive; if married they would take some kind of
produce or dry goods and groceries, etc.
I well remember the first school I attended. It was at
Eagle Village in a log house which had formerly been a
dwelling. The seats were benches, without any backs and
sometimes too high for the children's feet to touch the floor;
no desk in front to lean upon. They bored holes in the walls
in which they put long, strong pins and placed a wide board
on those pins, thus forming a writing desk. In front was a
bench to sit on, and while writing their backs were to the
teacher.
Our teacher was an old gray-headed man by the name of
Boman. He was also a Methodist preacher. He would let
the pupils all study aloud, and when they studied their spell-
ing lessons they could be heard for a long distance. I re*
member very distinctly sitting by a girl by the name of Mary
Beard, much larger than myself. How much I was inter
ested in hearing her repeat the alphabet! She would say,
"big A, little a, big B, little b," and so on to the end of the
alphabet, until she attracted the attention of the teacher,
when he began to mimic her. She looked much ashamed and
then turned to her own lesson. I thought she was doing the
right thing and that she was a very wise girl to know all the
alphabet, and I didn't know any of it. And this was a sample
of the schools and teacher we had for several years.
A few years later an eastern man by the name of William
Farlin came to our neighborhood, who was much in advance
of the former teachers. He first taught about a half a mile
west of where Zionsville now stands, and my older brothers
and sisters went there all one winter and would almost freeze
sometimes. It was near two miles from home. I went there
to summer schools. At one time it rained too hard for us to
go home and we scattered around among the children. I re-
member I and my older sister went home with some little
girls by the name of Rodman, all of whom have long since
passed on. I well remember how glad I was to get to go
home with those little girls and what a jolly time we had
wading the branch that ran close by their house. We had
338 Indiana Magazine of History
to cross Eagle Creek going to and from school, and some-
times it got very high and dangerous to cross. Mr. Farlin
looked after us rainy times, that we crossed the creek safely.
He afterwards moved to Eagle Village and was our teacher
for several years.
Up to this date, 1841, all kinds or any kind of book that
the parents happened to have were used. Webster's Ele-
mentary Spelling Book was used for beginners for both spell-
ing and reading. Mr. Farlin first introduced a series of read-
ing books called Worcester's Readers. We used Webster's
Speller, Kirkham's Grammar, Fowler and Smiley's Arith-
metic, and Olney's Geography. About the year 1848 Mc-
Guffey's series were introduced, and Mitchell's Geography,
Butler's Grammar, and Ray's Arithmetic. Since that time
many changes have been made.
The school government was then so different too. The
teacher was termed the master, and as such he posed, and
generally kept two or three gads standing in the corner. Mr.
Farlin first taught he was the teacher and not the master.
He also taught strict obedience.
I will now tell you of the rise and fall of our village. Our
village which first consisted of only a few log houses and the
postomce soon increased in both population and business,
until it became a thriving little town. We had two taverns,
one Odd Fellow's hall, two churches, a good schoolhouse, three
drygoods stores, one or two shoeshops, two blacksmith shops,
several carpenter shops, one tanyard, one sadlery, and other
works of industry. Two doctors, and last but not least, a
salaratus factory. Salaratus was an alkali used as we now
use soda. It was hard and lumpy and had to be pulverized
and dissolved in water before using.
About the year 1846 a man by the name of James Arm-
strong came to our village and tried to run a salaratus fac-
tory; but he knew better how to whip his wife than to make
salaratus. The citizens got tired of his wife-whipping and
thought to put a stop to it. They collected together one night
and managed to get him out, when he discovered their inten-
tions and became badly frightened and begged piteously. They
said his hair stood straight on his head. His wife finally
came to his rescue. She was Dutch, and talked very broken.
She said, "Ments, if there be any ments among you, go to your
Stevenson: Pioneer Life in Boone Count]/ 339
homps, if you have any homps. Jamps is a gude and kint
husband. He directs me to the Bible in all I does." So of
course they went to their homes and left them to fight it out,
but I don't think there was any more wife beating done while
they lived there.
About the year 1849 a Mr. Gardner came to our village
and succeded Mr. Armstrong in making salaratus. He was
from Buffalo, N. Y. He understood his busines and carried
it on successfully for several years, was a good citizen and
had a nice family.
About the year 1852 our present railroad known as the
Big Four was built from Indianapolis to Lafayette, and later,
on to Chicago, and Zionsville was laid out. As everybody
wanted to go to the new railroad town, the glory of our much
loved village soon departed. The two taverns and churches
were moved to Zionsville, and also many of the dwelling
houses. The ground on which they stood is now in culti-
vated gardens.
Our parents, like all pioneers, had to work very hard and
taught their children to be industrious; but with all their
hardships and privations people enjoyed life then as much as
they do now with all their luxuries. They were always ready
to lend a helping hand when needed and always ready to di-
vide any luxury they might chance to have, with their near
neighbors. They would often go and spend an evening with
some neighbor and always take supper; and in turn, they
would come to our house and spend the evening and take
supper; and thus they passed their long winter evenings. I
have known my parents to go three miles in a sled in the
afternoon and stay till ten o'clock and then return.
Everybody had to wear homemade clothes, and you may be
assured they did not wear out soon either. They would spin
the wool in summer to make clothes for winter, and spin
flax in winter to make clothes for summer. My older sister
could always beat me spinning wool. She could spin sixteen
cuts a day, while I never could spin but twelve cuts; but I
could always keep even with her spinning flax or weaving.
The people had gatherings of different kinds. The men
had log-rollings, wood-dhoppings and corn-huskings. The
women had quiltings, apple-cuttings, and wool-pickings. Of
course the opposite sex were invited and they enjoyed a gala
340 Indiana Magazine of History
day. The ladies of the village always considered it a great
treat to go to Mrs. Gregory's wool-pickings.
It required a great deal of work to get the wool ready for
the weaver. It was shorn from the sheep sometime in May,
then washed and picked by hand, then sent to the carding mill
which was then at Indianapolis, fourteen miles away. After
carding into rolls, the process of spinning commenced. When
that was done, the yarn had to be all washed clean, then
colored some color. For jeans, either blue or brown. The
brown was colored with walnut hulls. For dresses they used
green, red, and blue, and we thought we had very pretty
dresses. Later on a man by the name of Lyons came to our
vicinity and built a carding mill a mile north of the village,
but he did very poor work. He was succeeded by a Mr. Lieb-
hardt, who understood his business and did good work in
carding, spinning, and weaving. The same mill is now owned
by his son, D. E. Liebhardt, who carries on his business very
successfully and keeps pace with the times.
My father always kept a yoke of oxen and a cart. He
sold a great deal of wood to the village people and thus paid
for store goods, shoe making, blacksmithing, etc. The oxen
were so well trained that when he wanted to yoke them, he
would put the yoke on the off ox first, then with the bow in
his hand would motion to the other ox, calling him by name,
and he would obediently walk under the yoke, and that was
all the harness they wore. The tongue of the cart was fas-
tened to the yoke. The cart bed was fastened by a pivot or
hinge in the middle of the bed and when he wanted to unload
the cart, all he had to do was to unhook the cart bed from the
tongue of the cart, when the bed would drop back and the
load would all go out at once.
My father's barn, like the house, was made of logs. It
had two apartments with a space between, about twelve feet.
This space had a good plank floor, made tight. There they
threshed their wheat and oats. This was done in winter,
when cold and dry. My father always threshed his grain
with flails. Flails were two long sticks with the ends tied
together with strong cord or rope. One would stand at each
end and pound away all day. How would men like that way
of threshing wheat now?
It was not much trouble to cook for the hands, as there
Stevenson: Pioneer Life in Boone County 341
were only two of then. Then it all had to be run through a
wind mill. They did not often sow over five acres, as that
made enough for their bread. At a very early day the reap
hook was used, but as far back as I can remember the cradle
was used.
I well remember the first threshing machine I ever saw.
It was in the year 1847. It was built on a wagon, and was
arranged so the motion of the wagon caused the machinery to
work. They drove in a circle and the straw dropped off while
the wheat was caught in a large box below, which had to be
emptied about every round. Then it all had to be run through
a fanning mill. Later on they got the stationary machines,
run by horse power, which both threshed and winnowed it.
We always raised a patch of flax ; about a half acre, some-
times more. It was a great deal of work to take care of. It
had to be all pulled up by the roots. Every child that had
strength enough was mustered in the service. Then the seed
was threshed off and it was spread out in some grassy spot
to rot, which required about four weeks. Then it was taken
up and put in a dry place, ready for the flax break. After it
was well broken it had to be dressed ; that is, the woody part
had to be beaten off. This was done by holding the bundle,
or as much as a man could hold in his hand, across an up-
right board, prepared for the purpose, and beating with a
wooden knife, made of some kind of hard wood, generally
hickory. It had to be beaten till all the woody part was gone,
nothing left but the fibre. Then it was finished by the hackle,
ready for spinning. The hackle was made of smooth teeth
about four inches long and about as large around as an eight-
penny nail. They were set in a board about six inches square
and about two feet long, to make it convenient to hold between
the knees. The flax was drawn through this hackle till it
was all combed out nice and smooth, when it was ready for
the spinning wheel. The fibre that was combed out was
called tow, and was sometimes spun to make towels, bed-
ticks, etc. The tow was also in great demand by the hunters,
as they used it for wadding in their guns. No hunter thought
of starting out without his pocket full of tow.
One may think that people did not have much time for
sport, but the young folks always watched their chances and
occasionally took a day off for some kind of amusement. The
342 Indiana Magazine of History
boys too were on the lookout for a day to hunt or fish. Wild
game was plentiful. Such as deer, turkey, squirrel, coon,
groundhogs and many other kinds. There was no end to the
fish in Eagle Creek. Fishing was their chief amusement. I
remember at one time my two brothers, Benjamin and Lewis,
went fishing late in the afternoon. They had permission to
stay a while after dark, as the fish bite much better then,
which they accordingly did. When they got ready to start
for home, after they had gone a short distance, their light,
which was hickory bark torch, went out, and the night being
very dark and misting rain, they soon lost their way. After
wandering around awhile, they became discouraged and sat
down in despair by a big oak tree, thinking they would have
to stay there all night, when to their joy they saw a light
coming in the distance, which proved to be a man with a lan-
tern, on his way home from the village. They called to him
and he readily went to them and took them home, to the
great joy of our parents who were becoming very anxious
about them. At another time when they went fishing, they
were caught in a windstorm while passing through a dead-
ening and narrowly escaped being killed by falling timber.
We also used to go root-digging, as there was ready sale
for various kinds of roots, which were used for medical pur-
poses. Such as yellow root, snake root, lady slipper, ginseng,
and many other kinds. We dug the roots in the autumn. The
woods would sometimes be full of women and children in pur-
suit of these roots.
I remember on one occasion, myself and two brothers, Ben-
jamin and Lewis, went one afternoon to dig roots. After
hunting and playing around, our dog ran onto a blacksnake.
I wanted to run and leave Mister Snake to his freedom, but
the boys and the dog were determined to kill him, which they
did after quite a combat. As we thought it quite a trophy to
show at home, the boys tied a string around its neck and
started, as we thought, for home. But after wandering
around a while we found that we were lost. The woods then
was a dense forest. Finally off at a distance we saw a clear-
ing to which we went and found a house, gladly dropping our
snake in the forest, to learn our way home. We knew the
family that lived there and they put us on the right road
home, which was two miles away.
Stevenson: Pioneer Life in Boone County 343
At that time orchards were scarce and apples hard to get.
Sometimes a teamster would pass with apples to sell. They
came from some of the southern counties, which were settled
much earlier than our county, Boone. They always had an
apple on a stick at the front end of the wagon for a sign.
Mother bought some occasionally, but father soon set out an
orchard and in a few years we had apples in abundance. Wild
fruit was plentiful, such as blackberries, much larger than
we see now, plums, grapes, and crabapples. Mother always
kept preserves of some kind, nearly always crabapple pre-
serves. She dried blackberries and wild grapes, as that was
all the way they knew for keeping fruit at that time. She
also made a good deal of pumpkin butter and dried pumpkin
for pies. We always made our own sugar and molasses from
the sugar maples. Sugar making was a great treat to us
children, after being housed up with a cold winter.
I have told you something of our hardships, privations,
pleasures and amusements of our early pioneer life. Now
comes a more serious chapter. We worked on as I have told
you through rough and smooth, till the spring of 1847, when
our father died with pneumonia. He was sick only three
days, took his bed Wednesday and died Friday at eleven
o'clock. Sister Martha was then a little past two years old
and three others less than thirteen, so you can see our mother
had a great burden to bear. My brother James, then about
twenty-four years of age, stayed at home and settled up the
business. He got permission of the court to sell some of the
property at private sale, and paid off what debts there were,
and the farm was left undivided till the children were all of
age, and thus our mother was enabled to keep her home and
also keep her family together and have for them a comfort-
able living. We had all learned the value of industry and
economy and thus could help one another.
The second year after my father's death, Brother Benja-
min took charge of the farm, and was more like a father than
a brother. He was always kind and thoughtful. Mother still
kept up her dairy business and thus succeeded in rearing her
children. Her greatest ambition was to raise her children
to be good and useful citizens, and she lived to see her prayers
and efforts rewarded, as they were all well situated and re-
spected, and had good homes of their own before she died.
344 Indiana Magazine of History
She died December 3rd, 1872, at the age of seventy-one. She
joined the Baptist church at the age of seventeen and re-
mained a faithful member until her death. And through her
prayerful life and patience in afflictions she has gained the
reward that awaits the righteous, and passed through the
Pearly Gates beyond the River.
My father was also a member of the Baptist church, in
politics a Whig. When quite a young man he was under con-
viction and joined the Baptist church, and was making prep-
arations to be baptized, when his father (our grandfather),
who was one of those most devout Scotch Methodists and
would often stop by the wayside to pray, wishing to lead his
children in his own faith, and being decidedly opposed to
baptism by immersion, said to him, "Peter, think well before
you take the step." At this remark my father hesitated and
became discouraged and remained out of the church until
about three years before his death. He was very industrious
and would often work on the Sabbath, but never required it
of his children.
One Sunday morning as was his custom, he took his axe
on his shoulder and started for his clearing. His way led
past the garden, and while passing he heard the voice of
prayer, and looking over among the currant bushes, he saw
his young daughter Mary, on her knees in her morning devo-
tions. That smote his conscience, so he went back, laid down
his axe, and kept the Sabbath. The conviction never left him
and some time during that year he united with the Baptist
church. Thus by the prayers of his child was he led back
to the Saviour.
Notwithstanding the hardships of pioneer life, we all man-
aged to get a moderately good education for the times. James,
my oldest brother, commenced teaching when about twenty
years of age, and was a very successful teacher for several
years. Then he studied medicine and made quite a success in
the medical profession. Mary, my oldest sister, taught two
terms of school, when failing health prevented further work,
and she died at the age of nineteen, in the year 1845. Brother
Benjamin taught several schools. Sister Martha also taught
for several years. She taught one school year in Indianapo-
lis.
At the age of seventeen I taught my first school at Eagle
Stevenson: Pioneer Life in Boone County 345
Village. I taught by subscription, received $1.25 per scholar.
I afterward taught a good many schools, some by subscrip-
tion and some for public money. I never received over a dol-
lar a day for teaching a public school, and when by subscrip-
tion $2.50 per scholar for a term of sixty-five days. In early
days the teacher had to make pens for the pupils out of goose
quills. It was quite an accomplishment to be a good pen-
maker and good writer. Sometime before I quit teaching,
the steel pen was used, which was a great relief to teachers.
My teaching was mostly summer work. I would com-
mence about the first of April and close the last of June. I
continued teaching till the fall of 1861, when I was married,
September 26th. To this union were born five children, three
boys and two girls. My girls died at the age of twenty-two
each. God who overrules all has received them, and I must
not murmur or repine over my lot. I know that I have much
for which to be thankful, and leave these few pages for you
to look over and when you think your lot hard, think of the
blessings you enjoy and the many good things you have which
at your age your ancestors never heard of.
I have now nearly reached my three score years and ten.
I have seen our beloved country in its natural state of wild-
ness and beauty as God's handiwork. He has given us a
very beautiful world to live in, but few of us appreciate it as
we should, and like the Children of Israel of old, are disposed
to continualy murmur and find fault and fear we will not
have enough of this world's goods. But in all these long
years we have never passed through one in which we did not
have enough of our needs.
I have lived to see our beloved country bud and blossom
as the rose. The pioneer cabin has passed away and in its
place stand good frame or brick buildings, some almost state-
ly mansions. I have also seen the mud and corduroy roads
of previous years turned into nice, solid, gravel roads, and
the streams all spanned by good iron bridges. By our pres-
ent mode of travel we can go hundreds of miles in a few
hours, when by the old mode described in the beginning of
this sketch it would require as many days, and perhaps more.
Our daily mail is now delivered at our gate. Our ancestors
thought it a great blessing to get mail twice a week.
We are told in God's word, "Trust in the Lord and do good
346 Indiana Magazine of History
and verily thou shalt be fed." I now leave you this little
narrative, hoping God will bless you all, and that we may all
meet around His Great White Throne, and there be crowned
heirs of His Kingdom.
Pioneer Stories of the Calumet
By J. William Lester, Historical Secretary, Lake County Old
Settlers' and Historical Society
After years of neglect, the "ugly duckling" of the Calumet
and Kankakee swamp region has come into its own; Lake
county finally has gained a place in the foremost ranks of pro-
gressive counties of Indiana.
Over a century had elapsed since the first military stations
had been established on the present sites of Vincennes and Ft.
Wayne; the State Historical society, with headquarters at In-
dianapolis, was starting on its career; and the population of
the State had reached the third-of-a-million mark, when the
first permanent white settler, following the old Pottowatomie
trail through the wilderness, selected a spot on the banks of
Deep river for his future home.
During the following year, 1834, Solon Robinson and others
settled at what is now Crown Point; and three years later,
when the county was regularly organized, there were still
but few inhabitants.
Now that the rivers have been dredged, the swamps
drained, and the dunes converted into popular natural parks,
early settlers, and they are numerous throughout the country,
vie with one another in relating their experience of early
days, and their observations of remarkable changes wrought
within their memory. A number of their stories are given
herein.
Mrs. Elinor Phillips
(Recorded July, 1922)
I was born in Green county, York state, ninety years ago
the 28th day of last March. My father was a carpenter and
a jack of all trades, and he came west to work. I was prob-
ably about three years old when we started for Chicago. We
came by boat as there were no railroads. We went from Chi-
cago to Michigan City and were there probably two or three
years. Then in 1835 or '36 we came to Lake county. We
started with ox teams for Illinois, and followed the old Sauk
trail, now called the Lincoln Highway, but the roads were so
347
348 Indiana Magazine of History
bad that the oxen got mired, and we stopped at the prairie
about two miles southwest of Merrillville. Then we built
a log cabin up in the woods.
The first land cost ten shillings an acre. When my father
made his first claim he got 150 acres ; afterwards he got other
claims until we got about 500 acres altogether.
We had plenty of wild berries, and we used salt meat, game
and corn-bread. W T e used to take wheat, fan and clean it,
then cook it the way you do breakfast food now, and it made
a good dish. We had to do the best we could. At first we
had no lights but a twisted rag that we burned in a dish of
oil. I helped my mother dip candles lots of times. We would
heat the tallow and put it into some water then dip the wick
up and down until it got as big as we wanted it.
In them days we had a loom and would spin the wool. We
had to take our wool way down to LaPorte, and they carded
it at the mill, then we brought it back and wove it. I have
sold more yarn than you could shake a stick at.
I have seen piles of Indians. They camped out near our
home — the old log house where Rush is, on the Erie railroad.
They came to the house begging for things to eat. They traded
venison for pork and salt meat, and we gave them iron ket-
tles, potatoes and meal. Sometimes we would get leggings
and other things trimmed in beads. I often saw the women
carrying babies on their back. We used to be afraid of them,
and when they came to the house we got where mother was,
but they never hurt us. We were glad when they went away.
There was lots of game, and when there was snow on the
ground my brothers would go to the prairie this side of Crown
Point to hunt deer. My oldest brother would put a sheet or
something white over his head; the other would go up on a
high hill near the prairie and make a lot of noise, then when
the deer came near enough my oldest brother would shoot
them. They killed lots of deer every winter.
I went to school about three different terms when I was
fifteen or sixteen years old. There was a private school where
the Nicholson farm is. David Fowler owned the land, and
they put three log houses together and made a school house.
We had no church, but I went to Sunday school at Butts' in
their log house.
Lester: Pioneer Stories of the Calumet 349
There were hardly any white people around here — Balls
lived about a mile and a half southwest of Merrillville, and
there were a few scattered settlers. We used to get together
and have husking bees. The old settlers would cut their corn
and set it up, then call on their neighbors to help husk it.
They would serve cider and a cup of tea, and sometimes John-
nie-cake pancakes. I tell you honestly I believe people enjoyed
themselves better in them days than they do now. When the
old settlers were together one was as good as the other and
people took a good deal of comfort with you.
My father could make most anything. He was a builder
and a shoemaker, and I was married in the shoes he made.
My two sons are living here with me. Edwin, the oldest, will
be 73 on October 23d. I help them to keep house, and don't
get away very much, but I like to attend the old settlers' meet-
ings. I used to go to Chicago with father when he drove over
with his oxen to sell grain, but I ain't been there for a long
time — not since the World's Fair.
Alfred Anderson
(Recorded August 12, 1922)
I am the oldest living pioneer of Miller. I was born in
Providence, Rhode Island, on the 8th of November, 1855. I
was two years old when we moved to Hobart; and we came
here to Miller in the fall of 1864. We moved with an ox team
and wagon, and we had all our belongings in one load. We
started about ten o'clock in the forenoon and got here about
sundown. There was only one bridge across the marsh be-
tween Tolleston and Baillytown and we came over at Dock
Siding, which is about three miles east of here.
There wasn't a house in Miller, with the exception of a
boarding house, that the Lake Shore railroad was building,
and a little frame cottage a fellow by the name of Alby was
building. The cottage is still standing today and it is the
only one of the old buildings left. It stands east of the jail
and right back of it. A fellow by the name of Green bought
it and shortly after sold it to Augusta Anderson. John Long
had a shanty and ran a saloon ; Jim Tansy lived in a dugout
in the sand hills, and Quinn lived in a box car. Both Tansy
and Quinn worked on the section. John Carleston went up
350 Indiana Magazine of History
and stayed in the hills. Peter Anderson came in the winter
of the same year that we came.
Father was a contractor, and we moved here to take up
the timber for the Lake Shore railroad, the only road that
ran through here then. There were no coal-burners in them
days. He took out 4,000 cars of four-foot wood. We didn't
expect to stay, but just as father decided to go he noticed
that there was an awful lot of long white moss growing on
the marsh south of the railroad. It was used to wrap around
trees for shipping. They raked it up with potato hooks and
shipped some to a man named Hicks, at Dayton, Ohio, some
to Bloomington, Illinois, and some as far as Florida. He must
have taken up at least 500 car loads. We pressed and crated
it. He got $50 a carload, $3 a crate, $2 a barrel, and 25 cents
a sack for it. A crate would weigh about 175 pounds. When
we got into good patches we could get a carload a day, but
sometimes we could only get a carload in four or five days.
Father was at that thirteen or fourteen years. The moss
grew along the edge of the banks and extended out into the
water. I have seen it grow ten inches long. We found it
as far east as Baillytown. It takes seven years before it grows
back again. You would have to hunt to find any now, but I
believe I could find you some.
We had an awful lot of cattle and I have traveled as far
as Pine Station to Baillytown gathering them up. I got my
first gun when I was thirteen years old; my father bought
me a double-barrel shot gun. I hunted, trapped and fished a
good deal. There was lots of game — wolf, fox, deer, wild tur-
keys and pigeons. I have shot pigeons until we were sick of
t'hem. I saw flights that would last for three hours. And
ducks; there was all kinds of ducks! Wolves were thick.
Their runaway was along the ridge just east of there where
you go under the C. I. & S. tracks. I have seen as many as
twenty in a drove. They were smaller than the timber wolf
but larger than the prairie wolf, and seemed to be a cross
between them. When I was about fifteen years of age I was
corralled by wolves between the Grand Calumet river and the
lake. It was about nine o'clock in the evening. I had my
hunting dog, a mixed bird and shepherd. He would round
up game and bring it to me. I was in a little hollow, stand-
ing among a bunch of jack pines, and had a little squirrel
Lester: Pioneer Stories of the Calumet 351
riffle. The dog tracked the wolves and brought the whole
flock up to me. I was scared, but shot one, and the rest turned
tail and fled. The next day I was out on the south side of
the river, and about a mile north of where Aetna is, when
the dog went down into a hollow and raised a wolf that had
been among the vines. I shot the wolf in the hip and it jumped
into the river and swam across with the dog right after him,
but he didn't get far for the dog got him as he was climbing
the opposite bank. We didn't bother with a gun to hunt rab-
bits, for there would be as many as three rabbits at a time
in a hollow log, and all we had to do was to plug up one end
of the log and take them out.
I was coming home one night with a drove of cattle and
as they were walking along the edge of the slough right east
of Peterson's Crossing I saw about fifty mallards. I had a
small shot gun and sneaked around and killed eight with
one shot.
There were quite a few Indians. They came down from
Michigan and were here every fall for about four years after
we came. They belonged to the same tribe as old lady Howe.
They used to camp in the woods about a half mile north of
Baillytown, at the south edge of the dunes. The first Indians
I saw was one day when father was cutting wood in front
of our log shanty. It was about a block northeast of where
the Lake Shore depot is. He was chopping away when all
at once four Indians came up. They were all blanket Indians.
One of them wanted a chew of tobacco. In them days we had
nothing but navy plug that came in long pieces. Father had
taken a chew off of his plug. He handed it to the buck, and
the fellow pulled out his hunting knife, cut two-thirds of the
plug off, stuck it in his pocket and handed the rest back. That
made the old gent mad, so he says to him : "If you are that
hungry for tobacco take the other piece, but never come here
again." The buck took it and only grunted, as they always
do, and then they left. The next day they came back and
wanted something to eat, so mother gave them some bread,
pork and two crocks of milk. They took it but never said
"Thank you." They came again the day after and wanted
more to eat. Some were in the doorway and some were right
inside, but she took the broom and chased them all out. She
said : "Go to work ! That's the way my husband has to do."
352 Indiana Magazine of History
They never came back to the house, but we saw them often
in the woods. They used to hunt as far as Whiting, and if
they were overtaken at night they would strike camp any-
where. They would build a fire, roll up in their blankets and
lay out in the open. They camped all along the dunes. The
men used rifles and shot guns for hunting, but the young
boys had bows and arrows. I remember between here and
Baillytown the Lake Shore road had a siding about four miles
east of Miller, and the Indian boys there would shoot the
lights out of the cabooses. The Indians disappeared from here
about 1869.
The only bear I ever saw was a small black one. That
was when I was about fifteen. A boy by the name of Andrew
Wall, of Hobart, was visiting us, and we went out to get wild
grapes for wine. We were in the hills about a mile and a
half west of Miller and had climbed up in a big jack pine. We
heard a noise down in the hollow and then we saw him coming
right towards the tree we were in. We got down in a hurry
and hiked for the beach. I don't know how far he followed
us, but we never saw him after that. In 1865 a half-breed,
French and Indian, named Allen Dutcher shot a black bear
right down close to the river, just about a half a mile from
where the Grand Calumet bridge is, and on this side of the
river. I have heard of wildcat, panther and lynx here but
never saw any, and don't believe there were any after we
came.
Our first school was in 1867, when a German by the name
of Osterman came here from the head of Long lake, Porter
county, and built a five-room house, with a saloon on one side
and a school on the other. Mrs. Davis, from Michigan, was
our first teacher. Her husband was captain of a boat on the
lake. Sometimes when we were in school thirty or forty wood-
choppers would come to the saloon and start a fight. We
could hear them bumping against the walls, then the teacher
would tell us all to get out and go home.
There was all kinds of timber aand lots of big trees. I
have seen pines up to 35 inches through. It was cut down
and sold to the farmers or shipped out. John Charleston,
Pete Peterson and a fellow named Bergstrom, were lumber
contractors, and there was a big sawmill about three miles
Lester: Pioneer Stories of the Calumet 353
east of here. It burned down about forty-two years ago.
There was another one at Chesterton called the Blackwell mill.
I started to fish with my father when he got his first seine.
It was a forty-rod seine. A fellow from Hobart had a 106-
rod seine, and I saw him when he got over 6,000 pounds of
white fish in one haul. He got over a hundred sturgeon, and
one weighed 180 pounds. It was the largest fish I ever saw
caught in the lake. The best price we could get for fish was
one cent a pound, and we were glad to get rid of them for that.
Alfred Anderson, son of Magnes Anderson, is a carpenter and
stationary engineer; he now builds cabs for locomotives. He was mar-
ried to Anna F. Norstrom, of Sweden. Their children are: Walter,
Harriet, Arthur, Frances, Cora, and Florence. Mr. Anderson resides
in a picturesque hollow among the dunes west of Lake avenue.
Pottawatomie Trails of Lake County
By Arthur E. Patterson
During the early part of our settlement at Lake Station,
a small band of Pottawatomie Indians paid semi-annual visits
to their burying grounds on the old Stockwell and Buddie
places, only a short distance from where now stands the East
Gary town hall. I soon got to know them, especially Pokagon.
I remember his telling Mrs. Evenson, Mrs. Hurley and myself
of the famous Pottawatomie trail coming from the east and
northeast, passing through Buchanan, Michigan, striking La-
porte county near New Carlisle, then running in a southwest-
erly direction through Laporte, Chesterton, Baillytown and
Crisman to old Lake Station, a division point where there
were workshops and dancing and burial grounds.
From this division, or terminal point, two trails led west-
erly. One crossed the Little Calumet river at Wolf's farm,
passing through Aetna and Miller, until it reached the Grand
Calumet, which it crossed, then ran in a westerly direction,
zigzagging between the lake and the river until it reached Ft.
Dearborn. The other trail proceeded through the town of
Liverpool, where there was a noted dancing ground, crossed
Deep river at this place and ran to Wiggins Point (now Mer-
rillville). Two trails led from Wiggins' Point: one passed
through the sites of Schererville and Dyer and crossed the
state line and the other passed through Crown Point to Cedar
354 Indiana Magazine of History
Lake and entered Will county, Illinois, a short distance north
of the Will and Kankakee county line.
The Indian who visited Lake Station, and from whom the
writer received the information concerning the trails, was
Simon Pokagon, chief of the tribe which long occupied the
region around the southern and eastern shores of Lake Michi-
gan. At the age of fourteen he began the study of English,
which he successfully mastered. Possibly no full blooded In-
dian ever acquired a more thorough knowledge of the English
language. It seems proper at this moment to mention that in
1897 he wrote an article for a New York magazine on The
Future of the Red Man, in which he said :
Oft in the stillness of the night, when all Nature seems asleep about
me, there comes a gentle rapping at the door of my heart. I open it,
and a voice inquires, 'Pokagon, what of your people? What will be
their future?' My answer is, 'Mortal man has not the power to draw
aside the veil of unborn time to tell the future of his race. That gift
belongs to the Divine alone. But it is given to him to closely judge
the future by the present and the past.'
During his visit to Lake Station in 1873 Pokagon spoke
of the practice of the palefaces in plowing over and digging
up the remains of his people and scattering their bones as
they would those of dogs. That practice, he said, had caused
him to decide never to return to the desecrated burial ground
of his ancestors. That promise was kept, and he never was
seen at Lake Station thereafter. He died on January 28, 1899,
at his home in Allegan county, Michigan, at the age of seventy,
and was buried in Graceland cemetery, Chicago.
JOHN BROWN, SOLDIER, RANCHMAN, BANKER
Crown Point, Indiana
(October 14, 1922)
I was born in a log cabin at Southeast Grove, on the 7th
of October, 1840. My father, Alexander F. Brown, was of
Scotch ancestry and was a native of New York state. He
came to Eagle Creek township in 1837, and was killed in a
runaway twelve years later, leaving a family of five children,
of which I was the oldest.
As the country was new, I got very little education; in
fact I attended school but three months a year. My first
Lester: Pioneer Stories of the Calumet 355
teacher was Miss Cynthia Wallace. The school was conducted
in a log building at Southeast Grove. The rough walls, pun-
cheon floor and plain oak benches looked quite different from
the schools of today. There were wide cracks in the floor, and
I often saw bull snakes three to five feet long crawl through
them and up and down the inside of the walls. As the door
sill was on a level with the ground, frogs and toads would
hop into the room. One day I saw a toad under my bench.
I took my quill pen and gave him a little tap and he made a
squeaking noise. The teacher caught me at it, took me up to
the middle of the floor and gave me a trouncing.
There were a great many massassauga rattlers on the
prairies. They were small, generally a foot or two long, but
were very poisonous. I often ran across them but was never
bitten. My mother used to tell about my brother, Barringer,
crawling about in the yard and getting near a rattler. She
was badly frightened but managed to gather him up before
the snake had a chance to strike.
Game was plentiful; there were ducks, geese, sand hill
cranes and deer. The deer kept together in the winter, and
I have seen as many as forty in a herd. I killed a few, but
I generally hunted wild fowl. I used to keep the game and
cattle out of the wheat fields for father, and for that he would
take me to Chicago where he sold his grain. I considered it
a great treat to go there. It took us four days to make the
trip ; two going and two returning. We generally stopped at
the Halfway-House on Ridge road, near Ross. Chicago didn't
seem much larger than Crown Point does now.
In the summer I worked on the neighbor's farms, helped
William and Thomas Fisher to gather broom corn, and drove
oxen. The first man I worked for was my uncle, William
Brown. I drove oxen for him at twenty-five cents a day, the
regular wages for boys at that time. We broke the oxen by
hitching a well-trained team in the front, a fairly well-trained
team in the rear and the unbroken teams in the middle. It
was a lively job but we managed it all right.
On Sundays, before my father's death, the whole family
went regularly to the Presbyterian church at Indian Town,
now Hebron. We would take our luncheon along and eat it
in the wagon. Reverend Blaine, our pastor, went to Cali-
fornia about the time gold was discovered there.
356 Indiana Magazine of History
Among the old settlers that I knew were : Solon Robinson,
John G. Earle, Ely and Dan Sigler, Maria Gibson and Rever-
end Timothy Ball. I often saw Robinson, but wasn't well
acquainted with him. About 1834 he built a log cabin near
the place where the courthouse now stands. His cabin is
supposed to have been the first one built on the site of Crown
Point. The Earles were pioneers of Liverpool and Hobart.
I knew George Earle well, as I did a good deal of business
with him. In 1902 he gave me a gold watch which I am still
carrying. We went through the Knight Templar lodge to-
gether. He was a tall man, had lots of force and acquired
considerable property around Liverpool and Hobart. Ely and
Dan Sigler kept a store at Hebron at a very early date. I
knew Mrs. Maria Gibson and often stopped at her tavern,
which was built on the present site of Gary. She was a fine
lady. The Ball family were early settlers of Cedar lake.
Timothy Ball was a preacher and writer. He wrote a History
of Lake County, The Lake of the Red Cedars and other books.
He preached at a church in Shelby, and I often saw him walk-
ing there from Crown Point, a distance of sixteen or seven-
teen miles.
When the Civil war broke out I enlisted in company I,
Fifth Indiana cavalry, and served under General Stoneman.
I was captured and imprisoned at Andersonville. There were
thirty-six thousand prisoners there at one time and thirteen
thousand seven hundred and nineteen were buried there. It
was seven months before we were liberated by General Stone-
man's command, and I was without a change of clothing dur-
ing that entire time. After three years at the front, during
which time I marched with Sherman to the sea and took part
in several battles, I returned to Crown Point.
Before the war our family had no buggies or carriages.
I worked for low wages and got but little schooling. What
education I now have I got since I grew to manhood. Soon
after my return from the South, I was nominated for county
treasurer. I ran against Honorable B. Woods, for the nomi-
nation, and against J. S. Holton, for the election. I won by
ninety votes over Holton, who was my daughter-in-law's
father. There was little opposition the second term and I was
re-elected without difficulty. When I first took the office I
could hardly write a tax receipt, but after serving two terms
Lester: Pioneer Stories of the Calumet 357
as county treasurer, I served for the same length of time as
auditor.
In 1874 some strangers came in from New Castle, Indiana,
and started The First National bank of Crown Point, which
was the first bank started in Lake county. But they soon got
into financial difficulties and sold out to a number of stock-
holders, including myself, at sixty cents on the dollar. The
first president was Judge David Turner. He held the office
for two or three years. Then I was elected and have been
president ever since. I frequently go to Gary, as I am presi-
dent of the Commercial Securities company which has its
offices there. My son Neil looks after my interests in the bank
here at Crown Point and I spend a great deal of time on my
ranch near Shelby. I have 6,000 acres along the Kankakee
river. It was nearly all under water until about twenty years
ago when it was dredged. I paid a fair price for a part of it,
but some I got for almost nothing. The land is now worth
from a hundred to a hundred and fifty dollars an acre. I use
it mostly for grazing purposes and my son and I have eight
hundred and fifty head of cattle on it now, but I get good crops
of corn, oats and rye. I have tried several kinds of hay but
find that blue grass grows best.
Scattered about on the ranch there are a few sand hills and
wooded elevations known as "islands." A few rods east of
my home is what is called Curve island, and on this island
is the Indian Battle Ground. Until recently there were marks
of a very old fortification. It was circular in form and covered
three or four acres. There were what appeared to be pits,
trenches and embankments. The trenches, when I first saw
them, were about one and a half feet deep. There must have
been many battles fought there for the surface is littered with
flint chips and clam shells, and when I was a boy my boy
friends and I would dig into the sand mounds and find skele-
tons. We unearthed about a half dozen, all of which had been
buried in an erect position. They had their knees drawn up
under their chin and their hands back of their head. There
were numerous arrow heads and stone hatchets in the sand,
but none with the skeletons. Last week while excavating for
the foundation of a cattle shed on the island one of the work-
men turned up a stone hatchet which had been lying about
two feet under the surface. It must have lain there a long
358 Indiana Magazine of History
time. I have talked with some of our oldest pioneers and
none knows anything about the origin of the old fortification.
Note. That Mr. Brown has foresight, is evidenced by an article
he contributed thirty-eight years ago, for a book entitled, Lake County,
1884. Under the caption, The Kankakee River, its Pecularities,
Marsh Lands, and Islands, he wrote: "It is only a question
of time when these lands will all be drained, as the Kankakee
valley has a mean elevation of ninety feet above Lake Michigan and
160 feet above the waters of the Wabash river; and lying as they do
at the very doors of Chicago, the greatest stock and grain market in
the world, it would be strange if they long remain in their present
almost worthless condition." J. W. L.
Pennville
By Ida Helen McCarty
Pennville, an isolated farmer's town ten miles from near-
est railroad, is located on a high bluff on the east bank of the
Salimonia river. It is justly proud of its sturdy Hicksite
Quaker founders, the Samuel Grisell family, and of the heri-
tage left the town by the colony of talented Quakers that
came in to people the new settlement. Pennville is in remem-
brance of William Penn. Since its origin, in 1836, a desire
for learning has characterized the citizens of Pennville. The
early families were from Delaware, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
Virginia and Ohio.
In 1837 the first school was ''kept" by Levi Johnson, in
the log Hicksite church which stood on the knoll, later occupied
by the white Quaker church, and today by the Arnold and
Engler grain elevator. Across the road from this knoll is
the old Hicksite Quaker burying-ground.
One year after the opening of this Quaker school the en-
terprising Methodists founded a church in the new town — a
church destined to do great things for the town and for the
country at large. In a few years men and women from the
settlement were making themselves heard in church and school
affairs, lodge work and even in the administration of business
in the capitol. Isaac Underwood's name stands out prominent-
ly in this last. Many times he held the offices of represen-
tative and senator from this district. The bill making pos-
sible the Belt Line railroad at Indianapolis was introduced by
him.
Pennville's second school was a log town where now
stands the residence of Lee Gibble. Hiram Gregg is best re-
membered of all the teachers of this school. Later he became
a noted nurseryman, and it was he who planted the trees along
the long lane leading up to the Penn township school of today ;
also the evergreens and the fruit orchard of the present school
campus, and the great apple orchard now owned by his son
Warren Gregg, west of the school building. But the third
school, the white frame building that stood in the center of
the town, was the foundation on which rests all later history
of the place.
359
360 Indiana Magazine of History
Living throughout Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, Illinois and
other western states are white-haired men and women, once
urchins in this old frame school. Not one of these but re-
members the home village of Pennville (sometimes called
"Camden" in those days) with a pride and a love bordering
on reverence, and it is a fact that nearly all of these old-time
citizens, when dead, will be brought back home for burial.
Among the old Pedagogues who rang the hand bell here
and (perhaps) wielded the hickory gad are: Nelson Sawyer,
Sherman McDaniel, Josiah V. Jones and his wife Elmira B.
Jones, Joseph Boyd, William Hiatt, Rebecca Boles, Decatur
Barr, Margaret Grisell, Sarah Janny Bailey and Elizabeth
McCoy. The four last named teachers are still living in Penn-
ville. All of them are active citizens, full of hears and full
of honors.
In 1872 a two-story brick building replaced the white frame
school. At that time this was considered a fine structure.
For thirty-nine years it was the glory of the town.
Today, living throughout the United States, are men noted
in every honorable profession who, as boys, used to slide down
the balusters of this school, do their sums on the blackboards
and play baseball and recess games in the great, shady campus.
This school operated from 1872 till 1894 without a com-
missioned high school, although many high school subjects
were taught. Students wishing to obtain higher education in
those days attended business schools at Richmond, Ft. Wayne,
Muncie and Indianapolis. Dozens of them went to Valparaiso
college, Holbrook Normal, Lebanon, Ohio. Occasionally a few
went to the University of Michigan, Indiana university or
Earlham college.
The list of teachers of this famous school is a noble one;
many of them still reside in Pennville ; a great many of them
live in other Indiana towns. What the pupils of this school
did and what they passed on to the younger scholars is the
basis of this article.
For the excellency of the work done here, much credit
must be given the superintendents who labored so long to ob-
tain a commission. Many of them have since won fame and
fortune in various walks of life. They are : Tom Acre, Will
Sibray (now Commissioner of Immigration, Pittsburg, Pa.),
Jimmie Ferris (who became a noted preached of the North In-
McCarty: Pennville 361
diana Methodist conference and later a missionary to Africa) ,
L. C. Chamberlain, John Jan (a prominent insurance man at
Fortville, Indiana), Daniel Boyd and Trueman Boyd (the lat-
ter a physician and the founder of the Twin Falls city hospital,
Twin Falls, Idaho).
The first graduating class of the new commissioned high
school in 1894 consisted of five members : Edward E. Emmons
(now of Portland, Indiana), 0. 0. Emmons Joi Tonopah,
Nevada), Ashley Cash (of Hoodriver, Oregon), Vannie Wal-
ton (of Kenty, Oregon), and Charles Underwood, son of Isaac
Underwood mentioned above.
Charles Underwood completed the course at Butler college
and then took post-graduate work at Yale, holding two degrees
form each university. He was ordained minister of the Church
of Christ and later accepted the chair of Sacred History at
Butler college, which position he held until his death a few
years ago. As the Pied Piper's melody led the children of
Hamelin, so this thirst for knowledge kept drawing the youth
of Pennville to business school, to normal and to university.
The perseverance and the success of Charles Underwood in-
tensified the ambition of his comrades in the "old red brick"
schoolhouse.
The very remarkable statement concerning this little vil-
lage is authentic, coming as it does from the records of In-
diana university: Pennville, Indiana, sends more students to
schools of higher learning than any other town of its size and
population in the states of Indiana or Michigan. Students
from this town have registered in West Point, Yale, Colum-
bia, Boston Theological, State Normal of Virginia, Carnegie
Tech., Swarthmore, Ohio State university, Wooster, Oberlin,
the Western, the Schuster-Martin school of dramatic art, Cin-
cinnati, 0., Oxford for Women, Cincinnati university, Ada uni-
versity, University of Michigan, Earlham, DePauw, Purdue,
Hanover, Taylor university, Indiana university, Chicago uni-
versity, Northwestern, University of Illinois, Monmouth col-
lege, University of Wisconsin, University of Colorado, Uni-
versity of Denver, University of California, Idaho university,
Lincoln Memorial university and the academies of Culver and
Sweetwater, Tennessee.
In 1911 the old red brick was torn down and many loads
of its material found themselves "linked with a new race, a
362 Indiana Magazine of History
new age," as Kipling would say, in the modern Penn town-
ship school on Hiram Griggs hill, in the western part of town.
Here, from the laboratory window, one may gaze eastward
across the town and see the rise of ground where once stood
the first log meeting school nearly 87 years ago. What a
volume of history is folded back in those intervening years.
The present school is not strictly consolidated, there being
four rural schools in Penn township. Eighty children are
transported to Pennville by auto truck. The building is
thoroughly modern in every respect, and the departments of
manual training, home economics and business are well
equipped. The school contains 17 class rooms.
The township library on the first floor of the building con-
tains nearly 1700 volumes, besides reference works, supple-
mentary books and magazines. This is in charge of three
persons appointed by the judge of Jay County circuit court.
A regular librarian who is a member of the Indiana State
library board opens the library to the public every afternoon
of the school week. A large gymnasium and basket-ball hall,
built entirely by students under the direction of former Supt.
0. B. Carmichael, stands a few rods south and west of the
school. This building will seat 400 people.
Everything in Pennville centers about the school. Here
are held all the teacher's meetings, entertainments, theatricals,
debates and spelling bees, musicals, moving pictures, lectures,
speeches, basket dinners and many other occasions intended to
bring patrons, pupils and teachers together. There is an ex-
tensive playground with the school which in vacation is used
for a picnic ground.
There have graduated from Pennville high school, since
1894, 273 students. Of this number, 146 have taught school,
216 attended business schools, normals or universities, 53
graduated from universities, 35 did post-graduate work, 9
are physicians, 5 are nurses, 28 moved away during high school
senior year, graduating elsewhere. Of this number 20 at-
tended colleges; 12 students are at present attending univer-
sities.
The class of 1906 was the banner university class. Pauline
Place, DePauw, spent five years in Japan, taught in the Metho-
dist girls' school at Naga Saki and graduated from the Tbkio
McCarty: Penny Me 363
language school. She toured China in company with her sister
Olive Place, vocal teacher in the Kwassui school. During the
past summer Pauline Place delivered 59 addresses and lec-
tures in as many Indiana cities in the interests of foreign
missionary work. She went to Boston in February, 1922,
where she will study for one year in the M. E. theological
school. She then expects to return to Japan as teacher of
languages. (2) Edgar Grisell, Indiana university, is in the
insurance business at Indianapolis, Indiana. (3) Frank Saw-
yer, Clark college, is professor in that institution. (4) Susan-
nah Gregg, Swarthmore, is a farmer's wife, Pennville. (5)
Walter Lewis, Indiana university, is in the secret service, lo-
cated at Indianapolis. (6) Theodore Davis, Purdue, is a Penn-
ville farmer. (7) Almeda Mason, Marion normal, Earlham,
is a farmer's wife, Pennville. (8) Fay Edmundson, The West-
ern (Oxford, Ohio) University of Illinois, taught domestic
science in Highland Park high school, and at Champaign,
Illinois, was county agent at Kankakee, Illinois, now at Ra-
cine, Wisconsin. (9) Edgar Hiatt, Indiana university, In-
diana medical, practiced in Portland, Ind., with Dr. Schwartz.
Went with the 91st Division to France and Germany as sur-
geon. Is now located in the Provident hospital building in
Pennville.
Pennville boys who have chosen the medical profession
are: W. C. Horn, of Cincinnati medical college (retired);
Trueman Boyd, of Twin Falls, Idaho ; Roy De Weese, of Hart-
ford City, Indiana (these three were not Pennville high school
graduates) ; Walter Place, Indiana university, Indiana medi-
cal, now at Hartford City ; Harvey W. Millery, Indiana univer-
sity, now at Great Lakes naval training school ; Howard Jones,
Indiana university, Indiana medical, now at Salimonia; Lee
Heller, Indiana university, Rush medical, now at Dunkirk ; J.
S. Hickman, University of Wisconsin, Rush medical, was phy-
sician for the Studebaker corporation, South Bend, with Dr.
C. E. Caylor, of the Wells County hospital, now with the United
States army (did not attend Pennville schools, but family re-
sided here) ; Zell Walker, Indiana university, Indiana medical,
now with the Methodist hospital corps of physicians; Harry
Gray, Indiana university, Indiana medical, died in France;
Harold Caylor, Indiana university, Rush medical, Mayo Bros.
364 Indiana Magazine of History
hospital, Rochester, Minn., will locate in Bluffton; Trueman
Caylor, Indiana university, Rush medical; Russel Horn, Uni-
versity of Michigan- Vet., at Fiatt, Ind.
A partial list of Pennville students who are now wide-
awake citizens in various parts of the United States: (1)
Charles Jones, Valparaiso, mayor of Sierra Madre, California.
(2) Prof. Elmer Jones, Valparaiso, Earlham, Monmouth col-
lege, University of Colorado, Columbia university, Leipsig,
was professor of phycology at Virginia State normal for 6
years; professor of philosophy at Indiana university for 6
years ; director of the school of education of Northwestern for
past 7 years; was sent by the United States government (in
the interests of the M. E. Church) to the country of Albania
to devise for that nation a system of higher education. He is
the author of several scientific works and is a contributor to
various research journals, and is now at Northwestern. (3)
Lynn Grissell, Rose Polytechnic, West Point, now major in the
United States army; was stationed in Arizona 2 years; Yel-
lowstone Park, 2 years; in the Philippines, 4 years; at the
Presidio, California, 2 years ; now resides at Burlingame, Cali-
fornia, and teaches military science in the San Francisco high
schools. (4) Glade McClish, graduate of Angola and of Tay-
lor university; is Methodist Episcopal missionary to Honan
district, China, having charge of the Centenary food distribu-
tion station there. (5) Will Leamon (DePauw) was consult-
ing chemist at Wooster, Ohio. Is the originator of the new
method of producing gasoline from fuel oil. He now owns
and operates a factory for this at Newark, Ohio. (6) D wight
"Tom" Leamon is in the United States navy, on board the bat-
tleship Mississippi at San Pedro. He has made four trips to
South America. Plays the clarinet in the band. (7). Thomas
Darrel Foster, Indiana university, has been a successful high
school principal in several western states, at present with
Monmouth, Illinois, high school, as teacher of higher mathe-
matics, and coach of the football team. (8) Minnie Eberly,
Terre Haute, Tri-State normal, Indiana university, Columbia
university ; now high school principal at Eaton, Pennsylvania.
(9) Leslie Johnson, graduate of Tecumseh, Mich., high school,
is now at Chicago art institute. Has become an illustrator of
great ability. (10) Charles Gray, University of Michigan,
Columbia university; now a successful real estate broker in
McCarty: Pennville 365
Chicago. (11) Lloyd Waltz, Indianapolis school of pharmacy;
owns and operates his own drug store in Pennville, being the
town's youngest business man. (12) Tom E. Miller, Irvington
pharmacy college, owns and operates his own drug store in
Bluff ton. (13) Edward Harper, Purdue pharmacy, now man-
ager of the Myers drug stores of Ft. Wayne. He served with
the Expeditionary forces in France and Germany. (14) Ce-
leste Bloxsome Northwestern is a member of the Chicago
Mutual bureau and is reader and entertainer with the Ben-
Hur singers and players. (15) Hattie Listenfelt, Indiana
university, Columbia university, Chicago university, now suc-
cessful high school teacher of English. (16) Mary Mason, An-
gola Normal, Earlham, Purdue, Indiana university, special-
ized in sciences, taught science in the Lincoln Memorial uni-
versity, was government expert in the chemical and bacter-
iological department of the army camp at Ft. Sam Houston,
Texas. Is now chemist in the pathological laboratory of Mar-
ion, Indiana, founded by Dr. Albert Davis — the only labora-
tory of this kind in Grant county. (17) Chester Teeter, In-
diana university, naturalization examiner during the World
war. Now successful lawyer in Ft. Wayne. (18) Whitney
Smith, Indiana university, a successful lawyer of Los An-
geles, Cal. (19) Dan De Witte, United States navy, has been
around the world five times. (20) Chester Davis, Indiana
university, joint representative from Randolph and Jay coun-
ties; one of the framers of the Indiana blue sky law, now
attorney for State fire marshall, Indianapolis. (21) Fay Horn,
Terre Haute normal, Indiana university, teacher at Sweet-
ser ; now teacher of Latin and Shakespeare in Central Normal,
Danville, Ind. (22) Jessie Horn, graduate Presbyterian hospi-
tal, Chicago, post graduate Detroit, Methodist Episcopal hospi-
tal, Indianapolis, Protestant Deaconess, Indianapolis, Hahana-
mon hospital, Chicago; now superintendent Ryburn hospital,
Ottowa, Illinois. (23) Gene Starbuch, The Alfred Holbrook
Normal, Lebanon, 0., Indiana university, taught in Central
Normal; was treasurer of Jay county for many years; now
treasurer of the Haynes Automobile company, Kokomo.
This list omits many successful teachers and merchants,
ranchers in Texas, oil-promoters of Texas, and Oklahoma,
farmers in Idaho and Montana, and lumbermen in Washing-
366 Indiana Magazine of History
ton and Oregon; also investors in Canada, and many promi-
nent men and women of the Gulf states.
The town of Pennville is somewhat over a mile long, north
and south, and three-quarters of a mile wide. The main street
is the state highway (Richmond-Ft. Wayne) being cement
paved through the town. South of Pennville, ten miles, is
Redkey and Dunkirk twelve miles. It is twelve miles east
to the county seat, Portland; eighteen miles north to Bluff-
ton.
There are twelve miles of paved side-walks in the town,
good business houses of block and of brick, electric lights,
telephones, three garages, three gasoline fill-stations, 178
automobiles in and near the town, besides those of the garages
and there are two daily jitneys to Portland and to Bluff ton.
The population is near 850, at present. This has always
been a farmer's town. The farm land in this locality is un-
usually fertile, and there is still a good yield of oil, and a
moderate supply of gas. Out east of town are wonderful
deposits of sand and gravel. All the farmers here raise pure
bred stock; as a proof of their progressiveness hundreds of
farm magazines arrive at the Pennville postoffice weekly.
The Grange is one of the largest and busiest in the state.
Farmers' institutes are held each year, and are well attended,
not only by farmers but by the citizens generally. The Grang-
ers never miss an opportunity of displaying their products
at the Jay county fair, and at those of neighboring counties,
and especially the state fair.
A stranger once asked "Are all the citizens of Pennville
Quakers?" The Methodist church has the largest congrega-
tion now and includes scores of families of Quaker origin.
There is a Church of Christ which prides itself on its beau-
tifully kept lawn and beds of flowers. There is the Friends
church and the old Hicksite meeting-house which is seldom
used.
All the Young People's societies and Women's auxiliaries
are represented in these churches; and the Saturday night
chicken suppers and basement banquets call together hun-
dreds of people, — making Pennville a social center.
There is but one Catholic lady in the town, a college bred
woman who has lived in various cities and she is authority
for the statement: "I never lived in a place where people
McCarty: Pennville 367
worked so well together for the good of a town. The churches
help one another. I meet with such generous treatment from
everyone, no matter what church he or she claims." Mrs. A.
C. Brown's estimate of the church life of the town may have
some bearing on the educational welfare.
This is a lodge town. Besides the Grange, there are six
large lodges, each one having a commodious hall. The so-
cial activities, in connection with these lodges, draw people
within a radius of ten miles. And it is a town of many clubs.
Besides the Latin club of high school, the sewing club and
the Goodtime club, there are the H.O.D.S. and the En Avant
clubs. None of these are federated.
The En Avant has been "doing something" for thirteen
years. It is composed of 32 married ladies and the work done
is literary and musical, with four social functions each year.
The H.O.D.S. (domestic science) was composed originally
of young unmarried ladies; but now at the annual "home-
coming" many states are represented and there are the merry
faces of numerous children. The latest social event of the
H.O.D.S. was the noon wedding of Miss Nila Edmundson,
domestic science teacher, Manual Training school, Indianapo-
lis, to Mr. Howard Ervin, merchant of Hartford City. This
was the culmination of an Indiana university romance.
If a town may be judged by its private libraries, then
this one need not fear the most critical inspection for Penn-
ville citizens have taken much pride in the selection of books
and home magazines. This Quaker habit of gleaning from
the rarest and the finest flowers of literature, may account
for the fact that Pennville youth, brought up in this careful
way, thrived and expanded, a university course following as
second nature.
A visitor to the town once said : "Never anywhere, have
I heard of or seen so many relics and family heir-looms as
are in Pennville." Its a veritable Old curiosity Shop. Here
are pieces of furniture, coverlids, china, pewter, colonial cook-
ing utensils, needle-work, pictures, rare books and documents,
jewelry and souvenirs of many wars keepsakes from dozens
of states. Money could not purchase these.
The drinking water is so cold and delicious that Old Im-
mortal J. N. once told a lady here that he had come straight
from Columbus, Ohio, to Pennville, "just to get a drink of
368 Indiana Magazine of History
good water." There are yet a few of the old springs along
the river bank and in the cellars and hill-sides. Once the
community abounded in them, and there were frequently
found bowers, or "spring-houses" over the springs, and a
gourd dipper inviting the thirsty traveler.
There are many musicians here. The town enjoys an
Epworth League lecture course, and a high school lecture
course each year; also a summer chautauqua, street fair or
fall carnival. There is a first class moving-picture house so
that no one in this town need complain of dreariness.
The first oil well in the state of Indiana was drilled in
Pennville, (often called Camden in those days.) Some of
the weather-bleached timbers are still lying in the field south-
east of town, marking the site. These are ghostly relics of
that great phase in Indiana's history, the oil boom.
Pennville was along the renowned "Quaker Trace" of
early Hoosier history. It was also in the underground rail-
way district of pre-Civil war fame. The old Harris home,
at Balbec, (Penn. township) once sheltered "Eliza" of Uncle
Tom's Cabin renown. In the last 50 years Pennville has come
to be known as the cradle of Methodism.
The vicinity's early history is intimately connected with
that of the Godfrey Indians whose home was then in the
4000 acre reserve in the corner of Blackford and Jay. Those
Indians sold their land and moved up near Fort Wayne. Two
homes in Pennville are built of brick taken from the old Chief
Godfrey's house. These are the last houses in the western
part of town, before one takes the drive around the beauti-
ful, shady, winding river road, one of the seven pikes leading
out of Pennville.
Near the beginning of this same road is one of the curious
wire foot bridges across the Salimonie which always inter-
est visitors of the town. Ascent is made by steps into a tall
tree where there is a platform, from which one reaches the
narrow bridge, (swinging twenty feet above the river) and
then crosses to the other side into a platform in another tree.
It requires a level head to do the trick.
Close by this bridge, is the giant oak tree which marks
the spot where a band of the Godfrey Indians camped by
night, while exploring along the river for a reputed buried
McCarty: Pennville 369
treasure, coming back for this long after the tribe had moved
away. This is the Godfrey oak much prized by the owner.
Following the river road westward, one comes to the old
Reserve now for a great part in farm lands. It is worth a
day's drive to explore this region. Other points of interest
are, first : the Lupton pony farm on the angling pike to Hart-
ford City, west of Pennville. This is the A. G. Lupton sum-
mer home on a farm of 400 acres, where live 350 ponies, Mex-
ican burros, goats and black belted cattle. There are three
tenant houses, an immense barn, hospital, blacksmith shops,
race-track, corrals, etc. Mr. Lupton is a Pennville boy though
his address is Hartford City, where he is a banker, and he
delights in showing visitors through the grounds of his ele-
gant home and in displaying the ponies and droll little bur-
ros.
East of Pennville are the three large, well kept cemeteries.
These cemeteries are the especial care of the citizens. Still
eastward is the 160 acres of pure gravel, the Margrette farm
with its gravel pits (now small lagoons where the young
folks go bathing in summer) and where the shade and the
diversity of the ground make of it a natural park site. Still
on, are the famous Twin Hills, once 200 feet above level ; now
nearly all converted into sand piles. This was once a great
terminal moraine, and was the probable water shed between
the Erie basin and the Ohio river valley. Here in a glacial
formation, last summer, the workmen unearthed dozens of
skeletons and parts of skeletons that may have been pre-
historic men.
In this neighborhood are the spooky little gingseng farm
in Hoover's grove and the great maple sugar camp of Mr.
Walter Hartley one of the few such camps now in Indiana,
and going north brings one to the old Spiritualist church,
grove and burying-ground. This once had a large following
and had state-wide reputation. This locality reminds one of
some of Dicken's weird scenes in Bleak House. South of
Pennville, on the Redkey pike, is the large Dunkard church
in the midst of a prosperous Dunkard community. This
church is a center for camp-meetings, Bible lectures, and
many other interesting functions. The students from this
church attend school at North Manchester and camp in sum-
mer at Winona Lake.
370 Indiana Magazine of History
Pennville has a bird-man. This is the banker, H. H. Coffel,
a home boy. His fine modern residence is enhanced by many
artistic bird-houses and feed-stations. He also maintains a
small bird park. Mr. Coffel lectures to school children all
over the state on bird life, bird conservation, and our native
trees. His lectures are illustrated with original slides. He
has awakened much interest in this important subject among
young people, and also adults; with the result that many
homes in and around Pennville are proudly displaying bird
houses. Mr. Coffel is a member of the executive board of the
National Audubon society.
Mrs. Nellie Place Chandler, president of the women's
Foreign Missionary society, M. E. church (the Richmond
district) was a member of the General Conference at Des
Moines Iowa. She is a musician of much ability and a com-
poser of many Sunday school songs, hymns, cantatas, spe-
cial day programs, choir music and many popular piano se-
lections.
Aunt Mary (Shanks) McCoy is nearing the century mark.
She is one of those rare, highly cultured Quaker dames,
D.A.R.F.F.V. one of those pioneers who came out of Virginia
to the Indiana wilderness in a covered wagon. She was con-
nected with Indiana's old Liber college, and her life has been
a shining example of modesty, truth and the love of learning.
She is well known throughout Indiana. Her famous brother,
General John P. C. Shanks, forms a chapter in Indiana Civil
war history and was once a noted figure in Washington, D.C.,
and in Indianapolis. Died at Portland, Indiana.
Ralph Yountz, local baker, was for two and a half years
in Alaska, in the service of the regular army. He is fa-
miliar with many existing conditions of that country, cli-
matic, geographic, social and political. He had many ex-
periences in Bering Sea and on the Pacific ocean.
Pioneer Homesteads
By Julia Le Clerc Knox, Vevay, Ind.
Switzerland county and especially Vevay, is rich in inter-
esting old homesteads. Some of them have been brought up
to date but quite a number have been left almost entirely un-
tampered with. A great similarity of architecture prevails,
one of the most striking characteristics of which is the ex-
ceedingly thick walls, and the strong disregard of any at-
tempt at convenience. Many of these old houses have no in-
side communication between adjoining rooms. One must go
outside to enter the next apartment. The outside stairway
leads to upper stories and then there is almost invariably
the little squeezed-up portico, like a bird's nest, over the front
door, and the built-in cupboards on each side of the open fire-
place with its high, wooden mantel.
One of the most interesting old landmarks and one that
strikes the eye first, approaching Vevay from the water front,
is the old Ferry house. It was in process of building when
the first steamer passed down the Ohio and the people who
came from miles around to see this wonder of steam power,
gathered around the foundation of this building, erected by
John Francis Dufour who laid out Vevay and watched the
workmen, who probably builded better than they knew for the
old house has stood the test of time and high water very
successfully and still proudly holds up its head, as one might
say. During the annual floods of the Ohio, the water often
gets to the top of the mantel in the second story. It is built
of cement and looks like an adobe house. It is quaint and
picturesque from both front and rear. The side facing the
river has the outside stair opening by a trap door on the
upper porch. The lower porch has the old time brick paved
floor. The walls are three feet thick and the doors are heavy
and broad.
Only the two families have lived in this house. Since the
Dufours passed away, the Grahams have owned it, and it owes
its name of the "Ferry" house to the fact that the Grahams
have furnished several dynasties of owners of the ferry boat
which has its landing at the foot of the knoll on which it
stands.
371
372 Indiana Magazine of History
It is so rambling, illogical and detached, one feels he al-
most needs a guide and compass to get through it. The third
story is reached by the conventional narrow, steep cupboard
— like attic stairs. Here in a tiny bedroom containing quaint
old furniture, a man is said to have hanged himself in the
long ago. Why, no one seems to know. Tradition has it that
Robert Dale Owen has embalmed this old house as a haunted
place in his Footsteps on the Boundary of Another World.
Vevay proudly claims to be the birthplace of Edward Eg-
gleston and the house in which he first saw the light is in a
very good state of preservation. It is a two-story brick sit-
uated on the main street of the town. You enter a short but
broad hall. On the right is a square sitting room with the
usual built-in cupboards flanking the old wood mantel. You
step back into a long narrow room evidently originally a
porch, one end of which is partitioned off into a pantry. A
window opening off from the front room very clearly shows
this to be an after thought. The kitchen is reached by a
raise-up-the-latch-and-walk-in door. Here is the corner cup-
board of pioneer times with funny wooden buttons and a back
stair with closed-in stair way and eccentric triangular steps
that threaten life and limb of all but the most wary. Off the
kitchen is an unexpected little room and under the front stair
is a queer little dark closet that piqued our imagination as
children. One might fancy the youthful Edward's earliest
ideas of this. The front stair is easier of ascent than that
of most old houses. When you reach the landing you find
yourself unable to decide which way you want to go — on to-
wards the front or to the back where an interesting vista
through two low-browed rooms ends in a vision of an old
flower garden seen through two old small-paned windows that
open like doors, on hinges. As this way seems most uniquely
promising, you are apt to take it. And one is not disap-
pointed. First, is the tiniest bed room imaginable with a
high chest of drawers and a cubby-hole window suggestive
of all the fascinating mystery of years of attic accumulation.
You pass through an arched opening into a slightly more
grown-up room, an ideal place to be lulled to sleep by the
patter of the rain upon the roof. Here is found the head-
waters, as one might say, of the queer crooked stairs. There
is no protecting rail and one thinks with horror of what
Knox: Pioneer Homesteads 373
might have happened if Mr. Eggleston had been addicted to
sleep-walking in his youth. The Hoosier School Master would
have been an untold tale, and so would Roxy and all the rest.
The front upper room is large and pleasant with the deep
built-in presses flanking the mantel. The deep window seats
show the thick walls. Just at the side of the room is a tiny
closet-like room that reminds one of an infant in comparison.
This is another characteristic of these old houses. The little
squeezed up portico over the front door has been torn away —
wooden trellis and all — and the tangled old garden that fas-
cinated the childish fancy into imagining all sorts of Alice-in-
Wonderland adventures that might take place there has been
combed up into modernity. This house is now owned and
occupied by Mr. and Mrs. James Miller.
On the corner lot next the Eggleston place is the Knox
homestead, about a hundred years old. It is a low-browed
two-story framed, feeble with age. An odd narrow porch,
hemmed in by an iron rail, runs across the front, the width
of the two heavy front doors. Scarcely two rooms in this
house are on exactly the same level. You either step up or
step down perceptibly or imperceptibly. By deep, shaky
steps you go from the little back entry up a stair way that
winds to the right and reaches a hall cut up by steps that
lead into four rooms, all on different levels. One of them a
tiny one with the walls slanting down to the floor and you
can stand erect only in the middle of the room. You step
from the trellised side porch into an old-fashioned garden
where coxcombs, zennias, petunias, etc., used to grow. Here
is an old well, now robbed of windlass and sweep. The house
is now occupied by a young couple, Mr. and Mrs. Carl Cul-
bertson, but in the lifetime of the last owner, it was filled
with old fashioned furniture and china. Heavy gilt framed
mirrors and old portraits hung on the walls. A grandfather's
clock sat in state in the parlor and in fact everything savored
strongly of the last century and made an appropriate setting
for the gentle mistress herself who in cap and modified hoop
skirt, gladly welcomed her guests.
On lower Market street is an old brown frame, jutting out
over the sidewalk. It is known as the "Aunt Lucy Detraz"
home. This old lady lived to be almost one hundred. She
was the daughter of Antoinette Dufour Morerod whose broth-
374 Indiana Magazine of History
ers laid out the town of Vevay. From the little trellised porch
at the side you step into a low-ceiled rambling house, built in
a detached illogical way with three-cornered closets here and
there. It originally came to a sort of climax down stairs here
and down stairs there, until it landed below the bank. A
closed stair leads by a straight and narrow way to the upper
rooms. There is a picturesque two story veranda facing the
river and it was from this place that "Rev. Whittaker" talked
to "Toinette" in Boxy. Mr. and Mrs. J. S. Shadday now oc-
cupy the house. Mrs. S. is the only daughter of Aunt Lucy.
The homestead known as the "Uncle Aime" Morerod place
(Mr. Morerod was Aunt Lucy's brother) is just on the out-
skirts of the city near the hills. It stands back some distance
from the gate and is reached by a winding path. Ascending
the stone steps, sunken with age, you pass through the great
colonial doorway into a broad hall. There are fifteen rooms
not counting halls, entries or closets under the stair. The
chair-boarded walls are very thick. The rooms with old-
fashioned disregard of convenience do not open into each other
but preserve a rigid individuality. You must go out into
the hall and start over again. Conservation of energy counted
for nothing evidently in the days when this house was built.
You descend a flight of steps, walk a few paces and ascend
an equal flight and as there is no especial gain to be had ex-
cept exercise, one feels this should be bridged over.
General John Dumont built this house about a hundred
years ago, and here Julia L. Dumont, the famous pioneer
school-mistress did her grand work. The historic school-
room, now somewhat cut up into other rooms, is on an upper
floor and was reached by an outer stair, which is now torn
away, yet the door still remains at the rear of the building
and testifies to the extreme thickness of the walls. In the
great room on the left of the hall on the grained floor are
the brass window curtain trimmings. The ceilings are ex-
tremely high and the rooms are cool as a cellar in summer
and cold as Siberia in winter. Everything is redolent of the
past. There is flavor of sadness, of inevitableness, suggestive
of human destiny, old age and unfitness to keep up with pres-
ent day demands, a sort of air of "have-done-ness" and de-
spondent waiting for the hand of the present to tear it down.
It is now owned by Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Leep who have
Knox: Pioneer Homesteads 375
spent a great deal of money in attempting to lengthen its
days of usefulness.
Another old Morerod homestead, built by the father of
"Uncle Aime" and "Aunt Lucy" is just a little outside of the
corporation below Vevay and faces the river. It stands back
from the road and is surrounded by a well-kept lawn sprinkled
with cedar trees. The story goes, that when the house was
built Mrs. Morerod journeyed to Cincinnati to get these trees
to set out and the dealer convinced her it would be best to take
tiny cuttings instead of young trees. Imagine the feelings of
her husband when he hitched up a two horse wagon to meet
her at the boat landing and haul home the trees. The six of
them now testify the dealer's judgment was correct. Just
this year an old frame addition to the brick nucleus was torn
away, this was known as the "ball room." Here, lighted by
brass candelabra on the walls, were enacted many lively
scenes of pioneer days. One lady came to take a last look at
the place where her father and mother first met. The ball
room was on the upper floor and was reached by outside
stairs. An old wine cellar below contained two mammoth wine
casks, one with the capacity of seven hundred gallons, the
other of five hundred, and they had to be pulled to pieces to
remove them from the cellar. This was done only a few
months ago. There was a brick pavement in this cellar and
it is said that old Jean Morerod, the builder, took his daughter
there and showed where he had dug up a part of the floor
and buried his money, in case any unexpected Indian raid
should put a period to his existence before he could tell his
family where his money was. There was a square place in the
floor that looked as if the bricks had been removed. This
house is now occupied by Mr. Julia Dupraz and family, de-
scendants of Mrs. Julia L. Dumont.
At the cross roads that lead to Vevay, Madison and Moore-
field stands the old Heady home, built a hundred years ago,
by a Siebenthal who married one of the sisters of the Dufours
who founded Vevay. It is a large brick and has suffered
the improvement of a broad cement front porch which re-
placed the conventional little frame railed one now doing
duty at the side. Again, the broad roomy hall and the thick
walls and old-time idea of convenience being no factor, shown
in the different floor levels. You go up a step or two here
376 Indiana Magazine of History
and down a step or two there. There is a great back porch
screened into summer kitchen, hood and an unexpected little
milk room up a few steps. The stair leading to the upper
story is the conventional one found in old houses with a
broad landing near the top. There is one great room filled
with furniture, breathing of the past, and three smaller ones.
The stairs to the garret are so quaint one wonders if the
garret was meant to hide in, in pioneer days, it is so unex-
pected. You see a cupboard-like door in the wall, led up to
by two or three steps far apart. You open the door and peep
in. There are more steps wide apart, not straight in front
but to the side, leading up up, to a mysteriously fascinating
darkness. Mr. and Mrs. Heady now own and occupy this
interesting old place.
Down the Madison road a short distance is the old Henry
place. Through a clover field you come to a tiny brick house,
sixty years old and small of its age. It is extremely in-
significant in outward appearance; crouching down in an
old-fashioned tangled garden, fragrant with roses, pinks and
honeysuckle, it gives no signs of the treasures it contains.
The garden slopes to the river and a good view of the passing
steamers may be had from it. The house contains more
rooms than one would imagine; parlor, living room and
kitchen stretch in a straight line from the front door and
along the side are three tiny bedrooms in a row with no
communication with each other.
The house was built by the father of the present occu-
pants, two extremely interesting elderly maiden ladies and
their bachelor brother who reminds one of Thoreau. They
all might have stepped out from the pages of Cranford.
Their father, an ink manufacturer came from England
and establishe dan ink manufactory just a step or two from
the house. It still stands, the great mixing pot, furnace and
all the machinery scattered around rather illogically now,
although the old owner was always severely particular about
everything being in its place, as those could testify who found
his manufactory and him as interesting as a wizard in his
workshop whom they watched "inviz." For instance when he
used a pair of scissors, he hung them back on their especial
nail, immediately and nobody dared touch them. Many
Knox: Pioneer Homesteads 377
Switzerland county boys with inventive or mechanical turn
haunted his place and bear testimony today to his influence.
In a sort of sanctum sanctorum, there is an old static
machine and book binding apparatus. Here the sprightly
younger daughter carries on that part of her father's trade
and binds books for the county.
A queer little ladder-like stair leads to a garret with trunks
full of quilts worth going miles to see. There is one sixty
years old with eight thousand pieces. Think of it! In this
day of club and college for women, could such a thing be
done? Such tiny intricate pieces and patterns! And pa-
tience !
There is an old chest from across seas, the oak rim of
which was made from piles taken from the Thames, and it is
said to be four hundred years old. The old manufactory is
wooden and has many gables. It is said the owner might
have made a fortune, but he confided the secret of his ink
mixture to others who cheated him of his patent.
In the houses there are many fine old pieces of furniture
— mahogany pedestal tables, chests of drawers and beautiful
four posted bedsteads. On a chest of drawers stands a wood-
en treasure box that looks like one might imagine the ark of
the covenant looked.
Out of a tall secretary book case three stories high, they
exhumed for us to see an old newspaper published in Ulster
county, New York, in 1800. Wonder of wonders it was edged
with black mourning for G. Washington. It gave one quite
a turn to read the account of his burial as follows :
On Wednesday last, the mortal part of Washington, the Great
Father of his Country and Friend of Man, was consigned to the tomb
with solemn honors and funeral pomp.
Of minor interest of course was the advertisement for
sale of a negro wench. Out of the chest of drawers the dear
old ladies brought two dolls, one eighty years old but still
interesting and much handsomer than one would think dolls
were, so long ago. It had come from England and was dressed
in beautiful hand-embroidered baby clothesi. The other was
sixty years old and the china head was made to represent
the style of hair dressing of that time — side curls and back
378 Indiana Magazine of History
curls topped by a tight chignon. The dress was in keeping,
pantalettes and all.
Then they brought forth their mother's wedding gown, a
flowered silk of a quaint old-time color. It is hand-made
with stitches so regular and small it is hard to believe they
are not machine made. The skirt and sleeves were full and
the bodice whale-boned with a broad cape, all suggestive of
old family daguerrotypes.
Then they showed us an old flint lock musket of 1814, and
struck fire from the hammer. The old thing was so heavy
one wondered if there would be much fight left in a fellow
who had carried it very far, and thought it was just more
proof that "There were giants in those days."
When we stepped into the living room we could almost
imagine we were in Whittier's home. Rag carpet and oblong
rag rugs covered the floor. An old clock seventy-six years
old hangs on the wall, beautiful in line and design. It looks
strangely up to date because clocks now-a-days are being
built on those same lines. An old wooden settee that had
once had rockers and done duty as a cradle, occupied a con-
spicuous place. Wooden chairs and ( a wooden rocker of
picturesque quaintness and a large heavily framed mirror
attract attention as does also a loom for weaving. Old prints
hang on the walls, virgin to wall paper. Altogether one
feels after a visit to this place as if the pages of history had
been turned back sixty years.
A few miles above town is the house built by Judge Elisha
Golay ninety-two years ago. It is now occupied by Rev. L.
E. Smith. It looks small from the outside but astonishes
one at the amount of space inside. There is a brick walk
on each side as old as the house. A honeysuckle hedge bor-
ders the lawn from which a fine view of the hill may be had.
Unaccountable as it may seem, there is a cistern in the cellar.
Of all the old houses this one wears the belt for queer
little closets and three cornered cupboards. In one room a
little door opens high in the wall and shows three drawers,
spoken of by old members of the family as the "secret"
drawers. Here, it is said, the old Judge kept his money be-
fore the day of banks. In the dining room a picture hangs
over a square hole in the wall, strongly suggestive of secret
springs. Above the mantel in this same room is another
Knox: Pioneer Homesteads 379
little door now papered over, and a picture hung above it.
One couldn't help but think of the "House of Seven Gables."
The doors are large and heavy and three-paneled, with
brass knobs and hinges that run across like bars over the
outer doors as against pioneer foes. One of these doors has
a latch like a coffee grinder. The broad, cheerful front hall
has a stairway inviting one to the upper story where three
airy rooms have any number of little closets, some opening
into cubby holes.
A short distance farther up the road, is the house built
by Constant Golay (son of Judge Elisha) and brother-in-law
of "Uncle Aime" Morerod in 1843. The date is marked on
the cellar steps. This house has been modernized by the
present owners, Mr. and Mrs. Waltz, and has been converted
into quite a handsome residence. The conventional small
front portico has been removed and a broad veranda with
massive columns has taken its place. The great deep triangu-
lar-shaped back porch has remained the same. From it a
fine view of the Ohio may be obtained. One of the chief
attractions is the broad central hall, running the length of
the house, and having a beautiful polished floor. The doors
are handsomely panelled with brass knobs, the outer ones
have hinges reaching entirely across like bars, as a protec-
tion against outer force. The walls are nineteen inches thick.
The house now owned by the parents of Will Stevens,
and C. D. Stevens of University of Cincinnati (coming into
some fame as a landscape artist) is more than seventy years
old, but is in excellent repair, and like a well-preserved in-
dividual is all the more interesting on account of its ex-
periences, as it has lost all the crudeness of youth. It is
situated in Vevay on lower Market street on the site of the
first bank. The front door, presided over by a trim little
portico, is reached by a flight of stone steps. Through this
colonial door you enter a broad hall running the length of the
house and opening at the rear on a wide veranda, two stories
in height. From this veranda, with its great Doric columns,
one has a fine view of the Ohio and the distant Kentucky
hills.
It overlooks an artistically planned flower garden, which
by terraces, slopes to the meadows that border the river.
There are phlox, sweet pinks and other old fashioned flowers,
380 Indiana Magazine of History
and a rose bower with rustic seats. Then there is a sundial
built of the material of the first soda fountain in Vevay.
The house is furnished in exquisite keeping. The kitchen
and dining room are in the basement. The latter is especially
attractive with its small-paned windows opening on hinges,
its three cornered cupboard built in the wall, and most charm-
ing of all — above the mantel a picturesque view of the Ohio,
a wall decoration by the artist son of the owner. From the
kitchen you have the novel experience of going up three or
four steps to the cellar which is cool and sweet-smelling.
Another interesting old house is the Schenck house, also
on Market street, with its back to the river. It is a three
story brick with the customary small front porch though the
stone pillars are large and massive. A broad hall runs the
length of the house and opens on a broad veranda at the rear
overlooking the Ohio. This veranda also has heavy stone
pillars and is three stories in height. It can be seen far away
on the river and is an old landmark. Spacious double par-
lors are on each side of the hall. The lofty ceilings give
palatial proportions. Its crowning glory is the beautiful
spiral stair winding "up, up uppy" like the one in the fairy
story but instead of finding "Boo" at the top, there is a queer
old attic with the most interesting old hair-covered trunks
and derelicts of all kinds.
On the way to the attic where the old family "has beens"
repose one reaches the second story as one might naturally
suppose. Here, again is the broad hall the entire length of
the house opening on a sort of Romeo and Juliet balcony in
front and in the back on the broad veranda before-mentioned,
and great airy bedrooms on each side. By a closed stair the
basement is reached. Again the broad hall with the dining
room on one side with its* quaint Delft tiles and on the other
the big kitchen. Some interesting old furniture is found in
this house, now owned and occupied by Mr. and Mrs. Will
Fry. There are at least half a dozen more old homesteads
in and about Vevay fully as interesting.
Historical News
By the Indiana Historical Commission
Almost daily we see evidences of the growing interest
throughout Indiana in state and local history. No one, how-
ever, has characterized this phase of our work better than
Mrs. Mindwell Crampton Wilson, newly elected state regent
of the Daughters of the American Revolution for Indiana. In
speaking of the historical consciousness she says :
For months the state newspapers have contained a steadily in-
creasing amount of material concerning local history. Historical items
and reminiscences seem to jump up at us from every page. While
much of the matter is a repetition, some rescue from the past facts
worth preserving, and the whole is worth-while as answering the re-
proach that we of Indiana care nothing for our antecedents.
This movement— for by this time it has become a very perceptible
movement— may be traced back to our centennial year, 1916 and the
organized effort on the part of the state to promote an historical pro-
gram. The observance of the centennial was of itself of course a great
stimulus in that direction, with the creation of a special historical com-
mission to take the business in hand. The appeals for local pageants
and other demonstrations reached pretty nearly every county in the
state quickening the historical sense as it never had been stirred be-
fore, while the celebrations staged by the state itself on a spectacu-
lar scale helped much to the desired end.
Our part in the World war stimulated our interest in collecting
historical data. The state historical commission insisted that we keep
accurate account of our war activities. After the war we were urged
to organize a county historical society. We took an excursion through
Adams township and found we were rich in history— and the local
society was soon organized. We were fortunate in electing the right
president and the right secretary to carry on the work.
Finally, if we are listing all the evidence of an awakening histori-
cal activity, mention should be made of the growing interest in histori-
cal markers, the latest of which was the Old Town marker, recently
erected near Logansport, and the increasing number of pageants, most
of them of an historical character, which are daily chronicled in the
newspapers.
Carroll County Citizen-Times, October 14, 1922.
One of the signs of the increasing interest in local his-
tory is seen by the growing number of markers that are being
erected on historical sites and spots over the state. Within
the last few months a dozen or more historical markers have
381
382 Indiana Magazine of History
been erected in Indiana, and the unveiling of each was the
occasion of an historical gathering for the citizens of each
respective community, at which time historical papers and
addresses were read.
In Rush county a bronze tablet has been erected to the
memory of the Revolutionary soldiers buried in that county.
It contains 22 names, and has been placed in the corridor
of the county court house in Rushville.
In Cass county on August 6th a marker was placed at
Old Town on the site where the charge across the river against
the Indians occurred on August 7, 1791. The Old Town chap-
ter of the Daughters of the American Revolution was re-
sponsible for this marker.
In Lake county, Ross township, a bronze tablet was un-
veiled on August 28th to the memory of Bartlett Woods, Lake
county pioneer, state senator, and a man of affairs. The
Lake County historical and old settlers' association at their
46th annual meeting, unveiled the marker and were respon-
sible for its erection.
In Elkhart county a marker consisting of a slab embedded
in a granite boulder marking the grave of William Tuffs in
Bonneyville cemetery, was unveiled by the order of Red Men
of Elkhart. William Tuffs was a member of the Boston Tea
Party, and one of the founders of the order of Red Men.
On September 17 at New Marion, Ripley county, a marker
was dedicated marking the spot where the first court was
held in that county. The stone stands alongside the Michi-
gan road, and therefore serves as a marker for both the first
seat - of justice, and this historic highway. Joseph Hassmer,
president of the Ripley County historical society, donated the
stone for the marker.
On September 24 the Tipton County historical society
placed two bronze tablets, one marking a log cabin, and the
other an auditorium in the city park of Tipton. The building
of these two was begun in 1916, as centennial memorials, but
due to the interruption of the war the placing and dedication
of the bronze tablets was delayed until this year.
In Grant county a marker on the site of the Mississinewa
battlefield was dedicated in May, 1922. This marker was
placed by the Marion high school, which, under the direction
of Miss Cora M. Straughan, has been greatly interested in
Historical Neivs 383
repairing the Indian burial ground near Jalapa, and pre-
serving the cemetery as one of the landmarks in Grant county.
In July, 1922, a memorial to Julia V. Strauss, "Country
Contributor," was unveiled in Turkey Run park, Parke county.
This memorial was the gift of the Women's press club of In-
diana.
In Wells county a marker was dedicated early in October,
on the site where the first schoolhouse was built in Jackson
township, that county.
In Decatur county two markers have been erected within
the last two months. A monument unveiled by the Woman's
Relief Corps September 8, 1922, in the court house yard was
erected to the memory of the soldiers from the county who
lost their livesi in the Civil war. On November 11, the Lone
Tree chapter of the D. A. R. dedicated a marker to Col. Thomas
Hendricks, who made the first survey of what is now Decatur
county. In the log cabin which he erected the first court was
held in Decatur county, and the name Greensburg was selected
for the county seat by Mrs. Thomas Hendricks in memory of
her home town in Pennsylvania. Mrs. Mary Stewart Carey,
descendant of Col. Thomas Hendricks, donated the marker.
The historical and patriotic societies of Indianapolis and
Marion county, aided by a special appropriation of the In-
dianapolis City Park board, will mark the site on which the
John McCormick cabin stood, the first cabin built in Indian-
apolis. A huge New Hampshire granite boulder, mounted by
a bronze tablet, showing a log cabin in relief, and with appro-
priate inscription, has been adopted for this marker.
On June 14, 1922, the Mary Penrose Wayne chapter of
the D. A. R. in Fort Wayne dedicated a marker on the site
where the last French fort stood in Ft. Wayne.
County historical societies have recently been organized
in Shelby and Boone counties, and township historical socie-
ties have been organized in Montgomery and Tipton counties.
On August 3, 1922, the Shelby County historical society, an
outgrowth of the centennial celebration, was organized with
the following officers : R. W. Harrison, president; Lottie Tat-
man, vice-president; Mrs. Catherine Kennedy, secretary, and
Clarence Crockett, treasurer. Dr. Samuel Kennedy, of Shelby-
ville, recently donated a valuable lot to be used as the home
of the building for the Shelby County historical society.
384 Indiana Magazine of History
The Boone County historical society organized October 11
elected John Herr, president ; Herschel Richardson, vice-presi-
dent; Ralph W. Stark, secretary, and Mrs. Mamie Clingler,
treasurer. The Boone county organization plans to do things.
Township historical societies have been organized in every
township in the county and a thorough historical survey of
the county is now under way.
Early in August the Ladoga Township historical society
was organized, consisting of Scott and Clark townships in
Montgomery county. This is reported as the first township
organization in the state. The officers elected are W. L. An-
derson, president; Lydia Hostetter, secretary, and Hallie Side-
ner, treasurer.
In Tipton county township historical societies have been
organized in every township in the county. Regular meetings
are held and the archeological and historical survey planned
by the Indiana historical commission is being carried on in a
thorough and vigorous manner.
The annual fall meeting of the Southwestern Indiana his-
torical society was held in Boonville, Friday, September 29,
1922. A paper on the Wabash and Erie Canal, by Judge Ed-
ward Gough of Boonville; Early Recollections of Evansville,
by Mary F. Reilley; Items of Warrick County History, by
Herman Collins, and talks by Judge John E. Iglehart and Sena-
tor Roscoe Kiper were the chief features of the program.
Judge Iglehart, president of the Southwestern Indiana his-
torical society, pronounced this meeting "the most successful
ever held."
Bulletin No. 16 of the Indiana Historical Commission, pub-
lished in October, 1922, contains a complete copy of the pro-
ceedings of the meeting of the Southwestern Indiana historical
society held at Evansville, January 31, 1922.
The Society of Indiana Pioneers has made two historical
pilgrimages during the last few months to points of interest
in Indiana. The first one was to Hamilton county where the
members visited the site of the Conner mill and other points
of local historical interest. The second pilgrimage was to
New Harmony, Posey county, for a day's visit, viewing the
many interesting historical sites in Posey county.
Increasing interest in centennial-historical celebrations has
been noticed in several counties during the past year. In
Historical News 385
Madison county early in September a centennial was held,
featuring the historical development of the county's growth
during the past century. Historical floats and exhibits of
historical relics and a talk on the early history of Madison
county by Frank P. Foster were the chief features of the his-
torical celebration.
On October 12-13, Morgan county celebrated its 100th an-
niversary with a splendid centennial program. Historical
pageants, parades, and an exhibit of old relics were the chief
features emphasized in this celebration. Pictures of the parade
and the crowds that assembled were made, and later shown in
the movie houses in Martinsville. The Morgan County his-
torical society brought the film and will show the pictures
throughout the other towns in Morgan county.
Montgomery county in planning for its one hundredth
anniversary by holding several meetings and historical pro-
grams in Crawfordsville and throughout the county. Clubs
and other organizations are making special exhibits of relics
and pioneer displays, and a thorough centennial awakening is
noted among the citizens of this county. The centennial cele-
bration will be held during the summer of 1923.
Reviews and Notes
Modern European History. By Hutton J. Webster, Pro-
fessor in the University of Nebraska. D. C. Heath & Co.
Pp. 671.
The approach of the time for the adoption of textbooks for
Indiana schools brings our interest more sharply again to the
subject of history. The last decade has brought quite a change
both in the view point of the subject and the subject matter
of the text. The tendency for some time has been to throw the
emphasis more and more on the present and in European his-
tory on those topics which have a direct bearing on American
history. The Medieval period has lost its interest not only in
the high schools but in the colleges. Professor Webster's text
begins with the French Revolution though three brief pre-
liminary chapters lead up to that point. Even in the re-
stricted field there is a decided change in perspective. Mili-
tary and political history cease to monopolize the text. Sci-
ence, commerce, social struggle — not only among submerged
classes but among submerged nations., — art — including litera-
ture, philosophy and law — and international politics receive
almost as much emphasis. Development along these lines is
the central theme of this text. It is provided with suitable
bibliographies, topics for detailed study, illustrations and
maps according to the latest demands of pedagogy.
World History. By Hutton Webster. D. C. Heath & Co.
Pp. 759.
This text is intended for high school classes devoting one
year to history. It is a brief survey of the progress of human-
ity from prehistoric times. Although the viewpoint here is
different, yet there is more attention given to the modern
world — half the book being devoted to the last century. Lack
of space prevents any detailed review here further than to
observe that the book is well organized, well written, artisti-
cally illustrated and abundantly supplies with aids to the
teacher.
386
Reviews and Notes 387
The University of Michigan. By Wilfred Shaw, Secretary
of the Alumni Association and Editor of the Michigan
Alumnus. Harcourt Brace & Co. Pp. 384.
This is a brief survey of the development of the University
of Michigan and not a detailed history. The university was
founded in 1837, though some shadowy antecedents had ex-
isted twenty years earlier. In many respects Michigan was
the pioneer state university of the west, though not the oldest.
Its struggles for existence are not treated in detail, but rather
its achievements. The volume is beautifully illustrated and
was doubtless intended partly as a combination annual for the
old grads, a means of starting their memories working.
Why Wars Come or Forms of Government and Foreign Policies
in Relation to the Causes of Wans. By Rear Admiral A. P.
Niblack, U. S. Navy. The Stratford Co., 1922. Pp. 165.
The substance of this volume is two lectures delivered by
Admiral Niblack, one to the U. S. Naval War college, the
other to the Grotius Society of England. In general his con
elusion is that responsible government and popular control
of the foreign policy would at least avoid some wars. He has
little hope that war is at an end. "The country which is not
prepared to fight for its existence had better make some
other arrangements." "Any one who believes that the world
is not now storing up for itself a lot of future wars is blind
to the lack of disinterestedness which has governed many of
the settlements growing out of the recent World war." Ad-
miral Niblack's home is Vincennes, Ind.
Michigan Bibliography, A Partial Catalog of Books, Maps,
and Manuscripts, Relating to Michigan. Prepared by
Floyd Benjamin Streeter. Vol. I, Mich. Hist. Com.
1921. Pp. 753.
There are listed here 7,072 books and pamphlets. Each
is briefly described, if the title itself is not sufficient, and the
libraries indicated where it may be found. The items are
arranged alphabetically and each has a key number. On
account of the close relation between Indiana and Michigan,
both territorially and historically, I have found it a most
useful book to keep at hand on the table. Volume II, 466
388 Indiana Magazine of History
pages, contains a list of maps, atlases and manuscripts, to-
gether with an index to the whole.
Manchuria, Land of Opportunity, is a small volume of 113
pages tastefully printed and bound and gorgeously illustrated.
It is sent out by the South Manchuria railway to furnish in-
formation to Americans of the transformation of Manchuria
since the Russo-Japanese war. The province contains 365,000
square miles and has a population of 15,000,000. It is being
developed by the Japanese.
The New Frontier, A Study of the American Liberal Spirit;
Its Frontier Origin and Its Application to Modern Prob-
lems. By Guy Emerson. Henry Holt & Co. Pp. 314.
The leading thesis of this book is liberalism. This char-
acteristic was acquired by the Americans in their contact with
a new world and its new problems. Frontier conditions pro-
duced qualities of leadership and fair play which still inhere
in the citizenship of the country. Liberalism is defined as a
middle of the road course, a live and let live attitude. "The
Liberal seeks the solid and eternal middle ground." The
author, however, is not always clear in stating his position.
Most liberals would hardly class the author as one.
Publication of the Nwth Carolina Historical Commission,
Bulletin 28, Proceedings of the 1920 and 1921 Annual
Sessions. Raleigh, 1921. Pp. 128.
Among the articles are Vitality in State History, by J. G.
de R. Hamilton; William Richardson Davie by H. M. Wag-
staff; An Eighteenth Century Circuit Rider (Judge James
Iredell of the U. S. Supreme Bench) by Frank Nash; an Old
Time North Carolina Election by Louise Irby.
The Trend of History Origins of the Twentieth Century Prob-
lems. By William Kay Wallace. Macmillan, 1922.
Pp. 372.
The problems treated are Constitutional Government, the
Politico-Theistic State, Nationalism, Rise of the Middle Class,
the New Nationalism, Imperialism, the Super-State and the
Reviews and Notes 389
Economic Question. The author discards the chronological
treatment of history and seeks in the mass of events the
origin and development of those ideas and policies which now
engage the attention of politicians. The selections made and
the adequacy and accuracy of treatment are the questions
most important in a review of this book, but such a lengthy
discussion would outrun the interests of this magazine. The
field, however, is attractive and the author has written clear-
ly. How convincingly depends largely on the readers' view-
point.
Filson Club Publications No. 32, The Filson Club and Its
Activities, 1884-1922. By Otto A. Rothert, Secretary
of the club, John P. Morton, Louisville, 1922. Pp. 64.
The title of this pamphlet sufficiently indicates its nature.
A list of its 32 publications and a roster of its members
with the literary activities of each is included. Only a few
of its valuable historical papers have been published. The
career and work of the club have been eminently honorable.
Its special field — early Kentucky history — is not exceeded in
interest or importance, by any section of the country. The
tragedy of the club came with the sale of the Durrett Col-
lection to Chicago university. Col. Reuben T. Durrett was
the founder and had always been its president and curator.
As such he had accumulated about 30,000 books and pamph-
lets relating to the history of the Ohio valley. This magnifi-
cent collection was equalled only by the Draper collection of
Madison, Wisconsin. On the death of Colonel Durrett in
1913, the collection went to Chicago. The Filson Club, how-
ever, still continues its valuable work. Otto A. Rothert is
its secretary and R. C. Ballard Thruston has given it a home
in his own private library.
The Register of the Kentucky State Historical Society for
May opens with a portrait and short biography of Henry
Watterson. Other items of interest for Indianians are
correspondence between Governor Shelby and General
Harrison, Discovery of Kentucky, and some new facts
about Abraham Lincoln's parents.
390 Indiana Magazine of History
Publications of the Nebraska Historical Society. Vol. XX.
By Albert Watkins. The Society, Lincoln, 1922. Pp. 400.
Preceded by the Editor's preface and a list of the officers
and directors of the Society and followed by a general index,
is a history, in short stories, of the valleys or plains of the
Missouri and Arkansas rivers (comprehensively the Nebraska
Country) and of the contiguous mountain region, covering
the first six decades of the nineteenth century and compiled
mainly from contemporaneous newspapers named in the
preface.
First are the stories of the traffic of the fur traders of St.
Louis — mainly French — with the Indians, along the Missouri,
the Platte and the Arkansas rivers, by means of rowboats,
saddle horses and pack mules. The progressive advance, from
1819, of steamboats up the Missouri; the movement at the
same time for military protection of the Upper Missouri
traders from Indians and British trespassers; the later con-
struction of military posts along the Oregon Trail, to protect
fur traders of the middle mountain region and the emigrants
to California and Oregon, and afterward along the cut-off
road to Montana ; the cholera scourge at St. Louis and on the
California and Oregon road, and of the smallpox among the
Upper Missouri Indians; management of the public lands,
mismanagement of the Indians and their segregation; politi-
cal organization for the region thus opened for white settlers
and the fierce partisanship incident thereto, especially touch-
ing the slavery question ; character of the pioneer currency ;
origin of the Santa Fe trail, and its traffic; wars between
gentile settlers and undesired Mormons and the retirement
of the saints to Utah and the armed rebellion there ; the con-
tinual hostilities between whites and Indians and among the
Indian tribes; the annexation of Texas, and the part of it
included in Nebraska ; emigration to the Pacific coast and in-
tervening territory ; early mails ; building of the earliest rail-
roads west of the Mississippi, are also a part of this varied,
vivid and often flash-lit history.
Ten full-page illustrations and a good map of the Nebraska
country add to the attractiveness and usefulness of the vol-
Reviews and Notes 391
ume. As a source history of this country from 1808 to 1861
it is one of the best volumes available.
The Wilderness Road, to Kentucky; Its Location and Features.
By Wm. Allen Pusey, A.M., M.D. George H. Doran Com-
pany, 1921.
The author in this book has achieved what he states in his
preface was his aim — "the location of the famous Wilderness
Road to Kentucky, along with its characteristic features."
The location is given in a clear, concise manner, intermingled
with stirring, romantic scenes vividly depicted, which keeps
one's interest always alert.
Mr. Pusey qualified for this work by gleaning his material
from notes made by old pioneers who traversed this road and
by then traveling over the road himself, in order to confirm
these accounts. The printing is of heavy type, which makes
the book easy to read. The binding is of excellent quality.
The book is profusely illustrated, being literally filled with
picturesque scenes along the Wilderness Road. It also con-
tains nine maps. The 131 large pages constitute a wealth
of information concerning the road, arranged in readable
order. Barney G. Crowe
Annual Report of the American Historical Association for
the Year 1918. Vol. I. Washington, 1921. Pp. 487.
In this first volume the secretary of the association sum-
marizes the business transactions of the executive council,
the president's address, and a group of papers relating to
American agricultural history. For instance, among these
documents, he gives first, the Proceedings of American His-
torical Association in 1918; second, Vagaries of Historians;
third, Brief History of the Sheep Industry in the United
States. On this particular subject there are many illustra-
tive maps showing the rate of progress from 1840 to 1915.
There are also a number of valuable tables. Fourth, Dr. John
Mitchell, Naturalist, Cartographer, and Historian. Fifth,
Historical Aspects of the Surplus Food Production of the
United States, 1862-1902. Sixth, Early Days of the Albe-
marle Agricultural Society. Seventh, Minute Book of The
392 Indiana Magazine of History
Albemarle Agricultural Society and the eighth, which is the
final part of this volume, contains a directory of the Ameri-
can Historical association, which is at the same time to all
intents and purposes a directory of the historical profession
in America. Helen M. S noddy
History of the United States. By Charles A. Beard, and
Mary R. Beard. Macmillan Company, 1921.
From time to time marked changes appear in the style
and texture of histories. These changes are chiefly noticed
in advanced histories and only indirectly affect elementary
histories. This book, however, designed for the seventh and
eighth grades, follows out the new civic style of history text.
The authors have interpreted a study of American history
to mean a study in American civics and economics. It is di-
vided into seven parts each of which carries out this idea. The
first deals with colonial development, eliminating the accounts
of discovery and exploration and, beginning with a discussion
of colonization, with causes and effects on each colony, espe-
cially as to economic, social, and political phases. The second
division takes up the Revolution, omitting the military history
and emphasizing the causes and effects. The third period,
"Foundations of Union and national politics," bridging the
period between the "making of the constitution," and the
"Presidency of Jackson," continues in the same manner with
principles, rather than events, receiving the greatest em-
phasis.
"The West and Jacksonian Democracy," however, begins
a new study. This is the tendency toward Union with the
financial measures stressed and slavery assuming more im-
portance. The "Sectional Conflict" which follows is treated
like the "Revolution" with little or no military history. States-
men rather than soldiers are responsible for the Civil war.
The last portion of the book is pure civics, taking up
great movements such as industrial expansion, reconstruc-
tion, and labor and their effects upon politics. Most stress
is laid on contemporary history ending with the election of
President Harding.
On the whole, this history is worthy of commendation.
It carries out its plan of institutional development consist-
Reviews and Notes 393
ently throughout. If civics is to be the history of the future
this book can be considered a worthy text. Its illustrations
are good; its style is excellent, and its discussions accurate.
It does not dwell on chronology nor on military history.
On the other hand it contains little historical narrative
nor does it advance with the mathematical procedure of events
common in such texts. Whether or not it will make a good
text depends upon the light in which history is regarded and
the advancement of historical thinking. H. M. B.
The Land of the Miamis. By Elmore Barce, Fowler, Indi-
ana. The Benton Review Shop, 1922. Pp. 422.
A book of this nature will appeal to those who are in-
terested in a readable, historically accurate account of the
early struggles for supremacy in the Old Northwest, from
the end of the Revolution to the Battle of Tippecanoe.
The author is a historian, writing in an attractive style
and securing his material from a wide variety of sources.
The greater part of the book is based on the letters written
to the war department by Gov. Wm. H. Harrison. Refer-
ences are also made to a bibliography of practically one hun-
dred volumes.
The English contrary to the provisions of the treaty of
1783 refused to give up their posts in the Northwest. They
attempted to maintain possession of the fur trade by incit-
ing the Indians to war against the Americans who were
crowding in from the south and east. Within this territory
was one of the most important tribes of the middle west.
These Miamis could not help but resist when they found them-
selves being crowded farther away from the rich hunting
grounds of southern Indiana and Kentucky. To share their
hunting grounds with the Shawnees coming from the south;
the V/yandots from the east; and the Pottawatomies from
the northwest, earlier, had been enough to try their patience
to the breaking point. But now to see the grazing land of
the buffalo and the home of the beaver completely destroyed
was too great a blow. The pelts of these animals when car-
ried to the northern British posts meant a wealth of comfort
and pleasure for the Indian. The loss of these was undoubt-
394 Indiana Magazine of History
edly due cause for the Shawnee brothers, Tecumseh and the
Prophet to attempt a coalition of the tribes in an effort to
drive the early settlers back across the Ohio. On the other
hand the author is correct in attempting to justify the acts
of the early Kentuckians and others who matched their wits
against the treachery of the red man in an effort to gain
control of the rich unutilized prairie lands beyond the Wabash.
This narrative, interesting as a novel, but yet a sound
piece of historical information, enriched by extracts on the
wild animals, such as the beaver and the buffalo, a clear
topographical description of the country, a close-up view of
the life of the Indian, and the early pioneers who won this
domain, comes to a climax with the breaking of the Indian
power in the northwest and the ascendancy of American con-
trol in an account of the battle of Tippecanoe.
V. 0. PlNKERTON
Northern Ute Music. Bureau of American Ethnology, 1922.
By Frances Dinsmore, 1918, Washington, Gov. Printing
office . Pp. 213.
This book is interesting and useful to students and others
interested in folk lore, music or Indian history. It deals with
the Ute Indians and their customs of living. In the account
are included a history of the Ute Indians, origin of their
name, tribal organization, descriptions of their homes, tem-
per, language, food, industries and general customs.
The author, by careful investigation and research compiled
a very fine collection of facts and interesting data on the Utesi.
Mary E. Creigmile
Lincoln, An Account of His Personal Life, Especially of Its
Springs of Action as Revealed and Deepened by the Ordeal
of War. By Nathaniel Wright Stephenson. Bobbs-
Merrill Co., Indianapolis, 1922. Pp. 474.
The author has evidently made some effort to add some-
thing to our knowledge of Lincoln, although the result is
doubtful. He has neither understanding nor appreciation of
pioneer life and his indulgence in mysticism is entirely un-
called for in treating of so simple a character. Speaking of
Thomas Lincoln: "An incurable vagrant he came at last to
Reviews and Notes 395
the psychological moment when he could no longer impose
himself on his community." "Somehow he obtained a rattle-
trap wagon and two horses." "Vagrants, or little better than
vagrants, were Thomas Lincoln and his family making their
way to Indiana." "It is said he (Lincoln) astounded his
father by refusing to own a gun. He earned terrible whip-
pings by releasing animals caught in traps." "In central
Kentucky, a poor village was Elizabethtown, unkempt, chok-
ingly dusty in the dry weather, with muddy streams instead
of streets during the rains, a stench of pig-sties at the back
of its cabins." "In the rough and nondescript community
of Pigeon Creek, a world of weedy farms, of miserable mud
roads, of log farm houses." "Thomas Lincoln the next year
journeyed back to Kentucky and returned in triumph to Indi-
ana bringing as his wife an old flame of his who had married,
had been widowed, and was of a mind for further adventures."
"Yet she was a kind stepmother to Abraham who became
strongly attached to her." It is generally assumed that a
biographer knows something of the times, of the people, and
manners among which his victim flourished, but perhaps it
is not necessary. No great harm can come from such writing
about Abraham Lincoln, but the libel on Thomas Lincoln and
his wives is vicious.
A History of Minnesota. By William Watts Folwell, Pres-
ident Emeritus of Minnesota University. Vol. I, Minne-
sota Historical Society, Saint Paul, 1921. Pp. 533.
It is a pleasure to turn from the deluge of historical trash
thrown on the market at present to the work of an honest
historian. Dr. Folwell has at his elbow the collections of the
Minnesota Historical society. He was president of Minnesota
university from 1869 to 1884, was a soldier in the Civil war,
and has been actively employed in governmental duties for
near a half century. Besides thus understanding his state
and his people and besides having a personal acquaintance
with the geography of his state, he writes in a pleasing style.
The volume under review covers the territorial period, from
the appearance of Radisson and Groseilliers, about 1660, down
to the constitutional convention in 1857.
396 Indiana Magazine of History
A large part of the story is concerned with the Indians
and their management by the government. The reviewer
was especially interested in this, having waded through a
corresponding chapter of Indiana history. There was so
much peculation in Indiana, engaged in by such prominent
characters, that it seemed wrong to tell the whole truth but
the story told by Dr. Folwell relieves one of all apprehension.
The Indian agents of early Indiana were mere kindergartners
and what is more interesting a number of the same men who
learned the rudiments of the game in Indiana became mas-
ters in Minnesota. Soldiers like Josiah Snelling, Amos Stod-
dard, Zebulon Pike, Stephen Long, Henry Leavenworth, and
others also remind us of the close connection of the two states.
Among the early governors was Col. Willis A. Gorman, a
hero of the Mexican war and a congressman from Indiana
previous to his appointment as governor. The struggle for
cheap lands, the tribulations of the squatters, the building
of railroads and the political strife all remind us in Indiana
that our experiences were not unique — not even the contest
with the British fur traders. It is an attractive story and one
wonders why a sane person who can get such material will
read any other kind. It is to be hoped Dr. Folwell will be
able to continue the work, for it hardly seems probable a
better author can be found.
Problems in American Democracy. By Thomas Ross Wil-
liamson, Smith College. D. C. Heath & Co., 1922. Pp. 567.
This, I presume, is intended as a high school text in civics.
First, as to two or three very minor matters. It seems the au-
thor has exceeded the limit in his acknowledgments. There is
quite a little space wasted in the text telling what has been
done or what is to be done. The "helps" at the end of the
chapters are rather elaborate. These are not serious and are
not offered as serious criticisms. The plan of the text is,
first to present the concrete needs for government, that is, the
problems confronting us, here and now; then the explanation
of the government which must meet these problems. The
problems are classified as economical, social and political.
Rather each problem has three phases, economical, social and
political. The discussions are clear and reasonably impartial.
Reviews and Notes 397
The problems are well stated. It might in most cases have
been better to reserve judgment, leaving conclusions to teacher
and class. Aside from classi room use the book contains a fine,
clear resume of our situation for the average citizen.
Messages and Letters of William Henry Harrison, Volume I,
1800-1811. Edited by Logan Esarey, Indianapolis, Indi-
ana Historical Commission, 1922. Pp. XXXIV, 744.
This volume is the seventh of the Indiana Historical Col-
lections, and the first in a series of Governors' Messages and
Letters to be publshed by the Indiana Historical Commission.
The second volume in the series will appear soon. It will
complete the Harrison papers.
In the volume under review, the editor has brought to-
gether much matter in addition to messages and letters of
Governor Harrison. Speeches, military orders, resolutions of
the territorial assembly, proclamations, and various other
official notices and instructions are included. The volume also
includes many letters from the war department, and several
from President Jefferson. The collection is a valuable one
which will prove helpful to all students of the history of Indi-
ana territory, and indeed to all who are interested in the his-
tory of the west, at that period.
The beginnings of a colony west of the Alleghanies are no
less interesting than the beginnings of a colony along the
Atlantic coast. Problems of government confronting the gov-
ernor of a territory, the agent of the American federal gov-
ernment, were no less important than those that had con-
fronted governors sent from Great Britain to the old thirteen
colonies. The pioneers of early Indiana had to solve prob-
lems very similar to those solved by the early settlers of the
seaboard communities. Often, the questions and tasks that
faced the western colonists were more perplexing and diffi-
cult. The contributions to American ideals and institutions
by those pioneers who established civilization in western areas
where none had existed before were no less valuable than those
of colonists of the older areas to the east of the mountains.
The Ordinance of 1787 provided a scheme of dealing with
colonies that was new to colonial history, and Governor Har-
398 Indiana Magazine of History
rison in carrying out this scheme was applying a political pro-
gram without precedents to guide him except those furnished
by recent experience in the older portion of the Northwest
territory. In addition to the source matter presented in the
Harrison papers throwing light on the Indian history of the
time, on the life and customs of the pioneers, on the public
lands question, and on the slavery issue, we have evidence of
how well the scheme of colonial government operated. The
people rejoiced in the opportunity to pass from the first stage
to the second, and were inspired when they looked forward to
the time when statehood would be conferred.
In his address to the new General Assembly on July 29,
1805, Governor Harrison said :
By a compact which is coeval with the establishment of government
northwest of the Ohio, the right of being admitted, as soon as our popu-
lation will justify, into the great family which composes the American
Union, is firmly secured to us. Let us unite our exertions, fellow citi-
zens, to hasten a consummation which is to restore to us all our political
rights, and to place us in the elevated station of a free, sovereign, and
independent State, equal to our sister States in dignity and rights.
(P. 158.)
How many governors of colonies in the history of the world
to that time had been privileged to utter such inspiring words.
In the reply of the house of representatives we have the fol-
lowing :
We look forward with peculiar satisfaction to the period when our
population will enable us to assume the dignity of a stable government
. . .; and we will readily concur in any measure that will have a
tendency to promote our political emancipation. (P. 160.)
The response of the Legislative Council is even more elo-
quent of the capacity of the western pioneer leaders to ap-
preciate the political significance of the fundamental pro-
vision of the Ordinance of 1787 :
Although we are not as completely independent in our legislative
capacity as we would wish to be, yet we are sensible that we must wait
with patience for that period of time when our population will burst
the trammels of a territorial government, and we shall assume a char-
acter more consonant to republicanism, and which alone will secure to
the inhabitants of the territory a full participation of the rights now en-
Reviews and Notes 399
joyed by the citizens of the United States. That period we hope is not
far distant. (P. 160.)
The publication of this volume is an event in Indiana. The
thanks of all interested in the preservation of the sources of
our history are due to the Historical Commission and to the
editor, who has done his work so well. Our General Assembly-
should have made possible years ago the undertaking of which
the publication of this volume is a beginning. May no future
session of the Indiana legislature fail to give adequate sup-
port to the work of the Indiana Historical Commission.
William 0. Lynch
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