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. I

THE

INDIAN ANTIQUARY,

A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH

ARCILEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY, ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &C., &C.,

EDITED BY

KICHARD CARNAC TEMPLE, C.I.E.,

MAJOR, INDIAN STAFF CORPS.

YOL XXIIL-1894.

BOMBAY:

Printed and Published at tub EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS, Bycuixa.
LONDOHf : KBGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRDBNER & Co.

LONDON: LUZAC & Co.
BOMBAY : EDUCATION SOCIETY'S PRESS.
2^i:W YORK: WESTERMANN & Co.
CHICAGO : S. D. PEET, Esq., Ph.D.

LEIPZIG : OTTO HARRASSOWITZ.

PARIS : E. LEROUX.

BERLIN : A. ASHER & Co.

\ VIENNA : A. HOLDER & Co.

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PReeeRVATioMMAamBR

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CONTENTS.

The Names of ContribntorB are arranged nlphahetically.

PAGE

G. BUHLER, Ph.D., LL.D., CLE. : —
The R00T8 OF THE Dhatupatha not pound

IN LiTKRATURE •.. 141, 250

Note on Professor Jacobi's Age op the

Tkda and on Professor Tilak's Orion ... 238
Bulletin op the Religions of India, by A.
Barth op the Institut de France, trans-
lated FROM the French by James Morison 352
J. BURGESS. LL.D., CLE.:—

Kong-kin-na-pn-lo 28

The late A. C BURNELL, CLE. :—

See Major R. C. Temple.
A. CAMPBELL :—

Traditional Migrration of the Santal Tribes ... 10^

J. M. CAMPBELL, CLE., I.CS. :—
Notes on the Spirit Basis op Belief and

Custom 333, 374

WILLIAM CROOKE, LCS. :—
Folktales op Hindustan :—
No. 9. — How the Bhuiya Boy became a Raja... 78
No. 10. — The Story of Prince Danda and the

Princess ... 81

T. DESIKA.CHARI, B.A., B.L. :—

See T. M. Rangachari.
GEO. FR. D'PENHA :—
Corruptions op Portuguese Names in Sal-

sette and Bassein 73

Folklore in Salsette:—

No. 18. — The Sparrow Girl 1 34

A Cumulative Rhyme on the Tiger 167

J. F. FLEET, LCS., Ph D., CLE. :—
A Tabl.^ of Intercalary and Expunged Months of
the Hindu Caliandar 104

GEO. A. GRIEKSON, Ph.D., CLE., LCS. :—

Prof. Weber on the Kavyamala 28

Indian Epic Poetry 52

Prof. Zacbariffi's Anekarthasamgrahs 84

Progress of Oriental Scholarship, No. 26 109

The Bhasha-bhushana of Jas'want Sinoh, 215,

225, 265, 305, 346
The Hemp Plant in Sanskrit and Hindi Literature 260

Col. Jacob's Vedantasara 263

Prof. W. D wight Whitney 203

BERNARD HOUGHTON, LCS.:—
Folklore op the So aw- Karens, translated
from the Papers of Saya Kyaw Zan, in the

'Sa-Tu-Waw 26

Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Language, a

Rejjoiuder 165

The Burma Census Report, 1892 ; Chapter VIIL,
"Languages" 194

296 -

299

PAOE

E. nULTZSCH, Ph.D. :—
Four Chola Dates

W. IRVINE:—
An Oriental Biographical Dictionary, by T. W.
Beale, edited, revised, and enlarged by H. G.

Keene, CLE

Prop. H. JACOBI ;—
On the Date op the Rio Veda 154

F. KIELHORN, Pe.D., CLE. :—

On the Dates op the Saka Era in Inscrip-
tions 113

Some Dates of the Burmese Common Era 139 -

Srahi 224 -

JOH.\NNES KLATT, Ph.D. :—
The Samachari-satakam op Samaya-
Sundara and Pattavalis op the A.nchala
Gachchha and other Gachchhas (revised

with additions, by Ernst Leumann} 169

E. LEUMANN, Pn.D. :—

See Johannes Klatt.
T. M. RANGACHARI, B.A., and T. DESIKA-
CHARI, B.A., B.L.:—
Some Inedited Coins op the Kings of

VlJAYANAGARA 24

The late E. REHATSEK j—

A Notice op the 'Umdatu't-tawabikh ... 57

LEWIS RICE CLE. :—

Vaddavara 167

Pandit S. M. NATESA SASTRI, B.A., M.F.L.S.:-

Traders* Slang in Southern India 49

Folklore in Southern India: —
No. 38. — The Talisman of Chastity ... 339, 385
TAW-SEIN-KO .—

Some remarks on the'Kalyani Inscriptions, 100,

222, 255
Major R. C TEMPLE, CLE., I.S.C :—

The DeviIi Worship op the Tuluvas, from the
Papers of the late A. C. Bumell, CLE. 1,29,85. 18:i

Counting out Rhymes in Burma

Branginoco

Buddhist Cave» in Mergui

Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Language

Demonolatry among the Kachins

A Burmese Love-song

M, N. VENKETSWAMY :—
Telugu Superstitions

L. A. WADDELL, M.B., M.R.A.S, .—

The Refuge- Formula of the Lamas 7S

Demonolatry in Sikhim Lamaism 177

PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA :—

84
140
168
168
262
262

193, 344, 384

Folklore in Western India :—
No. 20. — Devki Rani

160

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CONTENTS.

MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE.

PAGE

Kong- kin- na-pn-lo, by J. Burgess 28

Prof. Weber on the Kavyamala, by Geo. A. Grierson, 28
Some Remarks on the Kalyani Inscriptions, by

Taw-Sein-Ko 100,222.255

Traditional Migration of the Santal Tribes, by A.

Campbell •« lOS

A Table of Intercalary and Expunged Months of

the Hindu Calendar, by J. F. Fleet 104

Progress of Oriental Scholarship, No. 26, by Geo,

A. Grierson 109

. PAOE

Some Dates of the Bormesfi Common Era, by F.
Kielhom 139

Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Langroage, a Re-
joinder, by Bernard Houghton 165

A Oumulatiye Ehyme on the Tiger, by Geo. Fr.
D'Penha 167

Vfcddayara, by Lewis Rice 157

The Hemp Plant in Sanskrit and Hindi Literature,
by Goo. A. Grierson 260

NOTES AND QUERIES,

Counting out Rhymes in Burma, by R. C, Temple. 84

Branginoco, by R. C, Temple J40

Buddhist Caves in Mergui, by R, C. Temple ... 168
Sanskrit Words in the Burmese Language, b^ R. C.
Temple 168

Telngu Superstitions, by M. N. Venketswamy, 193,

344, 3S4

Srahi, by F. Kielhom 224

Demonolatry among the Kachins, b^ R. C. Temple. 262
A Burmese LoYe-song 262

BOOK-NOTICES.

Indian Epio Poetry, by Geo. A. Grierson 52

Prof. Zacharise*s Anekarthasanigraha, by G. A.

Grierson 84

The Burma Census Report, 1892; Chapter YIIL,

** Languages,** by Bernard Houghton 194

Col. Jacob's Vedantasara, by G. A. G 263

An Oriental Biogvaphical Dictionary, by T. W.

Beale, edited, revised, and enlarged by H. G.

Keeno, CLE., by W. Irvine 299

OPITUARY.

Prof. W. Dwight Whitney, by G. A. G. ... ^

... 268

ILLUSTRATIONS

Devil Worship of the Tuluvas, No. 1, Jumadi and

Panjarli

Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara ...

19
25

Deyil Workship of the Tuluvas, No. 2, Koti and
Ohannayya 38

Devil Workshop of the Tuluvas, No. 3, Todakinar
ai^d Mudader (Kala Bhairava) „ 186

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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA

Is pubUahed quarterly under the authority of the Govornmont of India

aa a Supplement to the Indian Antiquary.

Part CCLXXXII.

(VOT. A'YTrr.)

THE

1894.

INDIAN ANTigUARl

A JOr^^^'^ OF OIUENTAL RESEARCH

ARCH.EOLOOY EPIGRAPHY, ETIIXOLOGY. GEOGRAPHY, iriSTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES
LITERATUfiE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c. ''^'^'^'^^^^'

Edited by
RICHAED CAE^^AC TEMPLE,

MAJOE, vFF COBPS.

CONTENTS.

1 THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUV.AS,

from the Papers of the late * " "- —

Edited by Major R. C. Tkmi i l

2. SOME INEDITED COINS OP THE KT

YIJAYANAGARA, by T. M. RANOACHAjii.
B.A., axuiT. Dbkikachabi, B.A., B.L 24

PAGE

' FOLKLORE OP THE SOAWKARI

lated by B. HouanToi#from tbe Paper* of ^Jaya

Kyaw Zan, inthe 'Sa-Ta-Waw ^

MISCEIiIiAlTEA :—

•1. TCnx,.-K!S-N.\-l-f-r..). hv .T Ri.r^r-.t-^o

Plates :-

isfued latter en
Part CCLXXXI., containing the ind< ,^^^ ^ ^^ ^^^

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Dec. 1894

-mn. 50

THE INDIAN ANTiaUARY,

A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.

VOLUME XXIIL— 1894.

xne nrtst^

u are iruxu ur, jxit^ttiig b jkio* \«

Tantri (Tula Brahman), at the Mangalore tahsilddr^s request, for me. The remainder were
collected bj agents I sent to different places, and several were dictated by a blind pombada,
Ti&med.K&nta, who also gave me information as to where other such compositions conld be
lieard. They are all oral and contain many words not now in nse. The jpomhadas are very
averse to reciting them to strangers. The figures* shew the dress of the priest who dances, and
^who is supposed to personate the Bhflta. They are from actual observation by people in my
aervice. — A. Bumell."

The oontents are really as follows : —

(1) Jumadi-p&rdano

(2) Panjarli ... .*.

(3) Deyibaidi-pardano*

(4) Koti Channayya-pardano*^

(5) Jarantdyana-sandi

123

1 The cover having been partially eaten by rats, I was obliged to have the volume rebound.

a i> e., the illustrations. ' The numbers refer to MS. lea/ numbers.

♦ I follow the MS. strictly throughout.

■ This seems, however, to be part of the preceding story, and the versified version is followed by one in prose.

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THE INDIAN ANTiaUARY,

A JOUENAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.

VOLUME XXIIL— 1894.

THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.

FEOM THE PAPEES OP THE LATE A. C. BURNBLL.

Preface by Major B. C. Temple.

IN 1882 my former friend and correspondent Dr. A. C. Burnell died, and wben his library
was dispersed in 1883, I secured, through the kind offices of Mr. Quaritch, the MSS.
which I now publish. They are bound together in a volume^ of 826 leaves of large quarto
writing-paper of various qualities, written generally on both sides, making up altogether 650 pp.

There are in addition ten colored plates of devil-dancers by native artists, which have
been reproduced for me by Mr. Griggs, and will be found in their appropriate places later on.

The title of the book as published is that given by Burnell on the cover of his MSS.

The contents of the volume are best described generally in the words of a note, in
Bumell^s handwriting and signed by him, found on the fly leaf at the commencement : —

" This contains a collection of the Tt4u incantations, used at the ceremonies of Bhtlta
worship as practised in South Canara, and which are chanted by the pombaias or priests.
The first 5 are from Dr. Mogling's MS. (at Mangalore). The next 5 were written down by a
Tantri (Talu Bruhman), at the Mangalore tahsilddr's request, for me. The remainder were
collected by agents I sent to different places, and several were dictated by a blind pomhada,
named. K&nta, who also gave me information as to where other such compositions could be
heard. They are all oral and contain many words not now in use. The pomhadas are very
averse to reciting them to strangers. The figures* shew the dress of the priest who dances, and
who is supposed to personate the Bhi&ta. They are from actual observation by people in my
•ervice. — A. Burnell."

The contents are really as follows : —

(1) Jumadi-p4rdano

(2) Panjarli ... .<

(3) Deyibaidi-pardano*

(4) Koti Channayya-p&rdano^

(5) JarantAyana-sandi

> The cover haying been partially eaten by rats, I was obliged to have the volume rebound.

3 u e.y the illustrations. ' The numbers refer to MS. lea/ numbers.

* I follow the MS. strictly throughout.

» This seems, however, to be part of the preceding story, and the versified version is followed by one in prose.

»• »*•

* .*•

• a. X~

I. •••

, ,,.

• •.•

• •• •

• •*.

t •■. •

.. 23

...

.•• .

.. 123

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Januaet, 1894.

(6) Kodamanatayana-sandi ••• ... ... ••• ••• ••• ••• 124

(7) Kanapaditaya-bhiitana-saiidi 126

(8) Mu^ditaya-bhutana-saBdi ... ••• ... ... •.. ••• ••• ^29

(9) Ambadadipanjarlli-bhiitana-aandi ., .. ^. 130

(10) Pilichamuncjii-bhutana-saiidi 131

(11) Todakinar ... ... ••• ... ... ••• ••. ... ••• 136

(12) Sarala Jumadi 142

(13) Mudader (Kala-Bhairava) 149

(14) Attaver Daiongnla 159

(16) Koti and Channaya 168

(16) Kalkatjia ... «.c 230

(17) Posa Maharuye • a. ... 232

(18) KanDalaye ... ••• ... ... .•• ••• ••• ••• ••• 235

(19) Jumtldi .,. ••; ••. .•. ••• ... ••• ••• ••• 239

(20) Jarantaya 241

(21) Perar Bolandi* 242

(22) Miy&r Kodamanataya 243

(23) Kantunekri-bhiita ... 245

(24) Magrandaya-pardano v* 247

(25) Kallurti 253

(26) Bobbarye ... ... •• ••• ••• ... ... ... ... 266

(27) Panjurli 272

(28) Vodilutaya 278

(29) A collection of Proverbsy untranslated and in the Malay alam character.,. 282

(30) A prose story entitled Tonna-bhuta in the Kanarese character and

untranslated ... ••• ... ••• ^t ••• ••• ••• 312

In addition to the above I fonnd, loose among the^MSS. leaves and wi-apt up in an English-
Kanarese Form of the Public Works Department/ two documents, which are of great interest
in the present connection.

One of them is a note in Burnell's handwriting, in half margin, of a Bhtlta festival he
witnessed from the 23rd to the 26th March, 1872, at Mangalore, in the house of
* • Dhumappa, bard of the Billava Caste." This note is accompanied by a running commentary
in the other half margin from the hand apparently of some member of the well-known Basel
Mission there. It is endorsed on the outside in blue pencil : — " Not yet made any use of.
— Joh. Hesse."

The other document is a " description '» of the same ceremony ^ as witnessed by
A. C. B. and J. H.".® in Burneirs handwriting, and evidently intended by him for publication.
It may have been actaally published somewhere, for all I know to the contrary. It is enclosed
in a blue official envelope and endorsed: — **Dr. A. Bumell with Monier Williams' best thanks
and kind regards."*

The illustrations relate to the following stories, and were found in the following
leaves of the MSS. : —

(1) Jumadi-pardano , 1

(2) Panjarli 10

• No rendering at all is given of this short tale.

T ** Statement No. 2, shewing the particulars of expenditure under the South Canara District, for the official
year 1880-81." This paper is superscribed in pencil in a German hand *' Bumeira Bhuten." I have had it now-
inserted in a pocket in the new binding.

8 That is, doubtless, " Joh. Hesse.*'

• And again by myself :— " Look this up and see if it can be made into a paper in connection with Bumell's
MSS. of Tulu incantations.— R. C. T. —7-11-84."

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January, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.

(4) Koti and Channaya-pArdano^^

(11) Todakinar

(13) Mudader

(14) Attaver Daiongnlu

(19) Jumadi

(25) Kallurti

(26) Bobbarye

••• •••

23
136
149
159
239
253
266

Having thus described the paper* in detail, I will now state the steps taken to make them
available for those interested in such matters.

Bameirs note at the opening of the volume shewed that the text was probably of great
linguistic value» and that it had taken him years to make a collection such as, most likely, can
never now be made by another hand. The seclusion in which the Tuluvas live, further makes
it probable that they have preserved that devil-worship, on which so much popular Hin-
duism is everywhere based, in greater purity than it is perhaps preserved anywhere else. It,
therefore, seemed to me important to preserve the contents of the MSS. from possible destruc-
tion by publishing them, but here difficulties sprang up.

The number of persons of culture, who know anything of the Tnluvas and their language,
is necessarily very small, and, unfortunately, although all but two stories, viz,, No. 21 of one
page only, and the last at p. 312 S, in the MSS., had been translated for the collector, the text,
though very clear and admirably written, was in the Kanarese character introduced by the
Basel Mission for printing TuId,^^ excepting pp. 123-183 and the proverbs, which were in
a plain, though untidy, Malayftl&iii scripts It, therefore, became obvious that only a
person well acquainted with Tulu would be able to reproduce the text to any practical use. 1,
therefore, applied in 1886 to the late BeT. A. Manner of the Basel Mission for help, asking him
to transliterate any of the stories, which, in his judgment, contained peculiarities of language.
Probably all are worth, or will be in time worth, transliterating, but he seliected only Nos. 1,
11, 16, 24, 25, and 26 for transliteration. In addition to this work, he very kindly made a
number of variants in the trai^lations of Bumell's employes, apparently by way of corrections
of mistakes, and added an original text and translation ^ on the origin of demons/' a long*
note " on Bhtltas," and some long variants of the stories given by Burnell.

The last of Mr. Manner's invaluable contributions was received in 1887, and ever since
then I have been looking out unsuceesafully for a competent editor for the MSS., endowed
with the leisure requisite for publishing them in the manner iihej deserve. At last I have
decided to give them to the public with such explanations^ as Burnell's own notes
and papers, Mr. Manner's contributions, and such, books as are at my command, enable
me to make.

As the South Kanara volume of that most excellent series of books, the Madras District
Manuals, has not yet been issued, it is, I find, exceedingly difficult to obtain, at first hand, any
trustworthy account of the Ti4nvas, although the missions at Mangalore and elsewhere are of
long standing. Their country occupies the central portion of the South Kanara district, and
their language seems to be now spoken by about half a million people.^^ Bishop Caldwell, with
some hesitation, classes Tulu among the cultivated Dravidian languages, on the ground that,
though it was unwritten,, until the Basel Mission began to teach the people after 1834 how to
write it in Kanarese and MalayAlam characters, and to print it in the former, it had been very
carefully cultivated by the reciters of poetry and prose ; and he remarks frequently on its
exceeding interest from the philological point of view. He describes the Tujuvas as the most
conservative of the Dravidian peoples, and asserts, that in spite of the want of a written

w Two illustrationa. " Miirmer, Tulu-English Diet. p. iii.

" Hunter, Gazetteer of India, says, 8. v., by 420,222 in 1331, and, s. v, Soath Kanara, by 180,000 (!).
Dravidian Grammar j p. 35, estimated it at 300,000 in 1875.

Caldwell,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [January, 1894.

literature,. their language shews no signs of disappearing,^^ which facts are of importance in the
present connection, as tending to prove that the rites of the Tuluva Devil-worship are not only
ancient in themselves, but are accurately preserved from ancient times.

One feels tempted to descant at length on the many affinities, as exhibited in the contents
of the MSS. now published, that the Tuluva Bhiita cult presents to demonolatry generally and
to the non-Brahmanic worship of the lower classes throughout the Madras Presidency ; but, I
think, in a work like this it is best to let the book speak for itself, and I, therefore, abstain from
doing more at present than giving a few references to the books throwing special light on the
present subject, which have come to my knowledge.

For the language, there are Brigel's TuJu Orammary 1872, and Manner's Tulu Dictionary.
1886, and, of course, Caldwell's great work, Comparative Grammar of the Dravidtan Languages,
1875.

For the people and their religion, the best account available, so far as I know, is that
in Cald weirs Orammary Appendices IV. to VII. pp. 641 ff. to the end of the book, especially
that portion of them, in which he reproduces a considerable portion of his Shdndrs of Tinnevelly
(pp. 685 ff .) . One of the points in the stories that follow, which will prominently strike the
reader conversant with Hinduism as a whole, is the strong hold that modem Brahminism
has now obtained over the minds of the Tujuva Bhtlta-worshippers, and the acuteness
with which their practices have been bent towards Hinduism pure and simple. Bishop Caldwell's
remarks as to this at pp. 548 ff. are well worth study.

That the Tuluva form of worship, as recorded by Bnmell, is not confined to the Tmjuvas,
€ven in its very terminology, is proved by the statements made by Rice, in his Mysore and
Coorg, 1878, Vol. I. p. 366, Vol. III. p. 261, where we have, in these neighbouring Native
States, such words given as, Jculi, huli-lcola, kutta, kuli-hofa-y PanchabhQta, Panjnruli, Chamundi,
KuUuruti, Guliga, Goraga ; — terms and names, which will soon become familiar to the reader
of these tales.

In Stuart's Manual of the Tinnevelly JDutricfy 1879, pp. 16-20, are to be found some value-
able remarks on the Shftn&rs and their demonolatry, mostly taken from statements by Bishop
Caldwell, to whom indeed most of the information on this subject in the books I have been
able to consult is ultimately traceable.^^

The Billavar, or toddy-drawing clas% is, in the Tulu country, apparently that chiefly given
to Bh{lta-worship, and its close connection with the Shftndrs of other districts is quaintly
shewn in that curious compilation. Gazetteer of Southern India, 1856, p. 546, in describing
•* Canara,*' of which I give an extract : —

•* The Billawars are by profession drawers of toddy from palm-trees, and correspond with
the Tiers of Malabar and Shanars of Tinnevelly. Twenty years ago [t. e., 1835] the females
of a degraded caste of Hollers used to come into Mangalore with no other covering, but some
thick branches of a bush tied to their waist in front and the same behind. They have now [1855]
substituted a cloth for the leaves in front.^^ .The worship of evil spirits is almost universal
among the Hindoo inhabitants, who are not Brahmins or of other superior caste. Places of
worship, which are stones dedicated to them, are to be frequently seen in the fields, and every
village has its temple. There are persons of the Holiz'a [? Holiya] caste, who, on the occasion
of the feasts, pei-form the service and are supposed to be possessed by evil spirits. They have
their hair loose and flowing and carry a sword which they brandish about, jumping, dancing and
trembling in the most frightful manner. Sometimes a rope is tied round their waist and they

i« Dravidtan Grammar, pp. 86, 86.

1* I may as well note that this distingfuished writer's History of Tinnevelly , 1881, is, from its scope, useless for
the present purpose .

16 xhe Holeyas (scaTengers) frequently appear in Burne ' pages.

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^LVXJkSLY, 18W.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS.

are held like infuriated wild animals." It will be seen, therefore, that the examination of
8h&nar ceremonies side by side with those of the Billavars of " Tnlu-land *' becomes important.

The subjoined list of scattered notices of customs identical with or similar to those noted in
the pages that follow may prove useful to the student.^^

WallLoase, Jrchceological Notes! ante, Vol. III. pp. 191 f.

Yule, Marco Polo, ii. 53-61.

Brian Hodgson, /. A. S. B. xviii. 728 ff.

Mouhot^ J. B. a. S. xxxii. 147.

Narasimiyengar, Bhutas of Nagara Malndd, ante, Vol. I. p. 282 f.

Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal^ 232.

Marshall, Phrenologist among the Todas, p. 186 ft.

Before closing these remarks I would draw attention to the remarkable likeness, both
in form and contents, of the Bhfita stories of Southern India to the tales and legends
told of saints and heroes in Northern India, as detailed in my Legends of the Panjdb and
similar collections.

II.

ON BHXTTAS.

By the late Bev. A. Manner.

According to the imagination of the people, in the Kanara District, the Tulu country is
especially fitted for demons^ which, they say, are partly created by Gk)d, like the PaAjurli,
and partly sprung from men, like the Beiderlu. There are several kinds of them, mostly
thought to be flying about in the air. Some are, however, considered to be residing in certain
places, in houses, gardens, &c. While some are family fihiitas, others are village Bhiitas, and
others, again, are only to be found in connection with certain temples.

Very often a stone of any shape, or a small plank, is placed on the ground, or fixed
into a wall, and the name of a Bhtltais given to it. Other representations of Bhiitas are in
the shape of an ox (Mahls&nd&ya), a horse (J&rftnd&ya), a pig (Pafijurli), or a giant
(Beiderlu).

A peculiar small goglet made of bell-metal, into which from time to time water is poured, is
kept before the Bhiitas, and on special occasions kepula flowers (Ixora coccined) and lights are
placed before them. On festival days cakes, boiled rice, and such like offerings are similarly
placed before them to please them and to win their favour, and it is considered also that a
drum, gong, or bell is required for their amusement. In the larger sthdnas, or temples, a sword
is always kept near the Bhiita, to be held by the officiating priest, when he stands possessed by
the Bhiita and trembling with excitement before the people assembled for worship.

The family Bhtttas are worshipped by the families among whom they reside. In every
Stldra^^ house a room, sometimes only a corner, is set apart for the Bhiita, and called the
Bhtlta-kotya.

The village BhtLtaa are said to reside in sftnas or sth&naa, and are worshipped by all
the •Sfldras of the village. These stAdnas are temples, built in solitary places, and are large
and substantial, or small and' dilapidated, buildings, according as the Bhiitas residing in them
are considered to be powerful or otherwise.

The' Beiderlu are the departed spirits of two Billavar^" heroes, named Eoti Beidya

1* Almost every Madras Manual maj be looked ap with profit for this parpose.

17 A man of the serrile caste. Tuju Diet., s, v. Bat see Caldwell, Dravidian Orammar, p. 547*

* Billayar = Shannan = toddy-drawer. Kitte, Compendium of Castes,

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [Jawitabt, 1894.

and Chennaya Beidya. It is also said that a Bai^t^* of the name of Kujumba Kftflje died,
and has since become a demon of the class to which the Beiderlu belong, and is, therefore, now
included among them. The temple set apart for the Beiderla to reside in is called a gamdi.

There is another kind of demon called Brfthmara^ Berma^ or Brfthmar&ksliasa. He is
said to reside in forests, or amidst a group of trees, and sthdnas are built for him in such
places. These are called Berma-sth&nas. The difference between this demon and the other
BhAtas lies in the fact that the officiating priest must be a Brahman, whilst for all the other
Bhiitas, any Billavar is entitled to become an officiating priest, if he is so inclined. This
Berma-demon does not receive nSma, kola, or any such kind of worship ; but the Brahman goes
to the Bernuusth^na occasionally — at the new-moon and such festivals — and oSeva pdja there,
just as he would at the shrine of any other Hindu god. People of other castes bring offerings
of fruits and flowers and cocoanuts and plantains, etc., at the same time.

There are also Bhtltas connected with temples, and the place set apart for them is
called a gudL These are considered to be the attendants of the god of the temple, and
receive no kind of worship. But the officiating priest of the god pours some holy water (iiriha,
%, e», the water in which the god has been washed) and puts some flowers and sandalwood paste
(t. d., the prasdda)^ on the stones representing them. In some places the priest does this daily,
in others it is done once a fortnight or on special occasions only.

The HoleyuS| or Pariahs of South Canara, worship a Bh^ta of their own, who is not
recognised by any other class of the people. He goes by the name of the Kumberlii, and the
place where he is said to reside is called Komberlu-kotya.

The Bhtltas who reside in sthAnas^ and the Beiderlu who resides in the garudi^ receive
homage and worship from all the the ^Adras of the village where the sthdna is. The worship
offered to these demons is of four kinds, vis.^ koja, bandi, ndma and agelu-tambila.

Kola is offered to the Bhiitas in the sthdna of the village, in which they are supposed to
reside. The 8(ldras of the village, and of those adjacent to it, assemble near the sthdnOf and
witness the hoi a ceremony in public, sharing the cost of it by subscriptions, raised among all
the 'Siidra families in the village in which the ceremony is held.

Bandi is a kola, with the addition of dragging about a clumsy kind of car, on which the
pombada, or priest, representing the Bhuta, is seated.

Ndma is a private ceremony in honor of the Bhiitas, held in the house of any one who is
so inclined. It is performed once in ten, fifteen or twenty years by well-to-do Billavars or Bants.
The expenses of the nema amount to about Rs. 600 or Rs. 700, and are borne by the master of
the house in which the nema takes place. The giver of the feast is obliged by custom to feed
all the people of his caste who assemble at his house during the whole time that the ceremony
lasts, which is usually from three to five days. He is also obliged to give presents of uncooked
food and fruits, etc., to all who are prohibited from pai*taking of his food by their caste-customs.
But he is partly, and sometimes fully, compensated by the presents, which are given to him by
his fellow-castemen, and by the offerings brought to the Bhdtas.

During the nemaj the Bhutas, t. &., the things representing them, are brought from the sthdna

to the house of the man giving the feast, and remain there till it is over.

•

The rites and ceremonies, etc., in all the three kinds of worsbipi known as kola, nema, and
bandi, are similar.

!• The Bant, Banti and Banta of these texts appear to mean a man of the Balija or trading caste. * See Eitts,
Compendium of Castes,

so Flowers are nsed in adorning the god, and sandalwood rabbed on a flat stone and formed into a paste is
applied to it. The paste and the flowers are afterwards considered to be sacred and are given to the worshippers,
who reverently put them on their heads. The whole, flowers and paste, are called prasadA.

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Janitaet, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE 1?DLUVAS.

Agelu-tambila is a kind of worship offered only to the Beiderln, and that ftnTi^ft Hy by
the BillavarB only. The ceremonies connected with this worship are as follow :—

On a fixed day all the Billavars of a village go to the garudiy taking with them about seven
sers of rice, various kinds of vegetables, tjM, curry -stuff, and other necessaries for the feast.
The rice is boiled, and a curry prepared of the vegetables so brought, mixed with plenty of ghi,
in the garudi itself. No fish or flesh of any kind may be used. The rice and curry are then
served on three plantain leaves, one for each of the three heroes, Koti Beidya, Chennaya Beidya,
and Kujumba Kanje, and placed before them. Saffron-water, made red by the addition of a
little lime, is sprinkled on the food thus served. Three lighted torches are then stuck in the
rice, one on each leaf. After this, the assembled multitudes pray to the Beiderlu to be pleased
with their offerings and to grant them prosperity. When the prayer is over, the food above
mentioned is distributed among the worshippers, including portions for those who are absent,
which are taken to them by their relatives or friends. In this way every one has a share of the
sacred food, or pramda.

It will be seen, then, that ^o/a, handi and nSma are applicable to all the Bhfltas, including
the Beiderlu, but that the agelu-tamtila is applicable only to the Beiderlu.

There is yet another kind of worship, called tambila^ which is offered every year by the
master of every Stldra household to his family -Bhtttas, who invites as many of his relatives
or castemen as he wishes to receive. Some cocks are brought and sacrificed in honor of the
Bbutas, and are then used in making a curry. Cakes and other dainties are also prepared, and
there is a family feast on the good things collected.

III.

Desoription of a Bhtita incantation, as practised in South Eanara (Madras Presidency),
witnessed by A. C. B. and J. H., on March 2drd, 1872, at Mangalore.

In all parts of the Madras Presidency most of the purer Dravidian .tribes, which it is
generally the fashion to term the "lower castes," invoke as objects of worship beings, which
really have no place in the Hindu Pantheon, and which bear purely Dravidian names. This
worship prevails very extensively in Tinnevelly and South Kanara, and extends
even to Ceylon. How far the beings worshipped are the same is doubtful. Some, e. ^.,
Kutti-K&ttan (Will-o*the-wisp or Corpse-candle), are feared over the greater part of Southern
India.

This primitive religion is now no longer neglected by the self-styled " higher castes,"
which formerly merely tolerated, but now almost respect the barbarous rites ; while some
philanthropic Brahmans labour to persuade the people that their gods are BhtLtas, or attend-
ants on ^iva. These influences are apparent in the classification of the rites, which are
diva-hriyd or dsurakriydy according as offerings are, or are not, made to the Bhiita. As the
aboriginal ** Pdyi'* has been changed into **Bhtlta," so these rites have now a Sanskrit name,
n6ma (t. e., niyama), and they are s&na (i. e., sth&na) or illdchchhida, according as they, are
performed at a temple or in a house, though in both cases it is said that there is no difference
in the performance.

The ceremony at which we were present is of the second kind, and was celebrated by the
head-man of the Billavar (t. e., toddy -drawers) caste, once in about twenty years. The expense,
^Ye hundred to a thousand rupees, falls on him, but he is partly compensated by gifts from the
people who attend. Europeans have so often failed to get a sight of these rites, that, even after
permission had been given us and we had accordingly attended, it seemed questionable whether
we had really seen the ceremony or had been imposed upon, and it was only after questioning
a BhHta priest, now a Christian, that we found out that what we saw was really the ceremony,
and, therefore, we can confidently put forward this account of it.

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8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jantjaet, 18^4.

On reaching, at about 9 p. m., the head-man's house in the native town [of Mangalore], we
found a large ornamented shed erected in front of the house and in the garden, open on all
sides, except the southern, where was erected a kind of altar, consisting of three benches placed
so as to form three steps, and covered with a white cloth. In the middle of this was made a
sort of shrine, or canopy, with a common lamp burning inside. On the three steps or ridges
were garlands, and brass images of the five Bhiltas to be invoked that night, brought from the
temple for that purpose. These were (1) J&rand&ya^ (2) S&ra^jiim&di, (3) E:&iit»netri«juinltdi,
(4) Marlu-jumddi, and (6) Pafijurli. The last mentioned has the form of a hog ; the others are
hideous deformed figures. About six feet in front of the altar was a common wooden tripod
about two feet high, and on it a frame made of plantain stems, which contained a mass of rice,
coloured with turmeric, and in which a three-branched iron lamp was stuck. The space m
front of this was kept clear for persons making offerings and (or the performers. The worship,
pers usually squat all round, forming a sort of ring.

On this occasion about 1,500 persons were present, and some had come from a distance of
more than 30 miles ! We were asked to sit down at the end opposite to the altar.

The performance commenced by the entry into the opfen space of two meu of the BillavMr
caste, of whom one represented J&rand&ya, and the other his dumb servant Jom&di Bai^ti*
They were dressed with a fillet round the he^,d ^.nd bangles on the ankles, such as dancing-
girls wear. They held a highly ornamented sword upright in their left hpjids and a brass bell
in the right, and walked up and down the open space, attended by fan and jimbrella«>bearers«
and under a portable canopy. The one who represented Jiirftudaya quivered hysterically in
every muscle and from time to time rung his bell slowly, and occasionally rested the bell
which was heavy, on his shoulder. It was the belief of the worshippers that he did so,
because he was pQsaessed l^j tl^e demon J&randAya.

After about half an hotjr the pomhada actors appeared. These had their faces thickly painted
with ochre, and were covered with a long fringe of cocoa leaves.^^ The pomhada representing
JArand&ya wore a hiritaf or semi-ciroular ornament, over the head and shoulders, just like that
which we see in the brass idols sold in the bazaars. Both had a swordf with blade like that of
a Malay ftrtV, and a bell. The two parties continued dancing for a while, and then the
BiUavar representing JarandAya resigned the charge of the ceremony to the pom 6ac?a, by taking
in each hand some flowers and betel leaves and throwing them over the other. In this manner*
the demon was transferred from the Billavar to th^ pomba<La actor. He at once com-
menced dancing furiously, howling and ringing his bell, while the incantation of the origin and
deeds of the demon he represented were sung in Tulu to an accompanin^ent of tom-toms and
honls, and similar noisy instruments, all of which, together, produced a most hideous din,

After the incantation was over Jarandaya put on a metal mask, and his servant held in his
hand a similar mask with a pig's snout to it. The dancing then became very violent, and the
performers, who had evidently already indulged in intoxicating liquors to a great extent, became
plainly hysterical. Meanwhile the devotees offered cocoanuts and plaintains, etc., at the tripod.

The incantation of Jftrandftya^ may be literally translated from the Tulu as follows : —
'' On a Tuesday at noon, the hero J&randftya came to the Atrel ferry, riding on a white
horse and holding a white umbrella. He ordered the ferry -man, Kunya, to bring the ferry-
boat. The ferry-man replied that the boat did not belong to him, that he was not to get the
fare, and that the boat had been kept by one Kofe Bftle Bermaijie^^ for crossing the river on
Tuesdays and Sundays.

** ^ No matter, if the boat is kept by him for crossing the river ; I will give you the proper
fare. Bring the boat to this side,' said Jarandaya.

>i With the flowers of the areca palm according to Mr. |ianner.

^ This is practically text No. 5 in the MSS, » That is, ' the Brfthman.'

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January, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 9

** As soon as he had said this, the ferry-man brought the boat.

** * Tender eocoanuts and cocoanut leaves are very dear in Knlur and Malki. Therefore, I
am going to a village where there are tender eocoanuts and milk,* said Jarandaya.

**He got into the boat. The boat moved on. It came to the middle of the river. It
whirled round and round. Jarandaya murdered the ferry-man Kunya.

" He proceeded further and entered the bodies of Kote Bale Bermane, of a weeping child
and a lowing calf. Wondering what this could be, he (Kote Bale Bermane) sent for oneMaiyya
Bermai^e. The latter looked into the pra^a-book.^* He found that a demon of the name of
Jarandaya had arrived in the village from the south. A she-buffalo, together with her calf,
were offered to the demon Jarandaya.

** There was a guard in the demon's gudi, Jarandaya was known by three names, t?t«.,
J&randftya of the 8th&na^ Jarandftya of the kottige (t. e., the cow-shed), and J&randftya of
the Chavadi."

" Vishnu's flag with the figure oi garuda was raised. The feast began. The yard was full
of people. The gv4^ was full of lamps. The demon Jarandaya settled himself in the place."

After the incantation the following dialogue took place between the pombada representing
Jarandaya and the headman : —

Pomhada. *' I ask you people of this village and caste, shall I, with joy, enter into this
Pombada ? "

Head-man and some of the people, ** Yes, with joy !"

Pombada, " Who are present of those who do not belong to this caste ? "

Head-man, " There are some Brahmans here. There is also the judge-sdhib of this place,
and one of the Padres,^^ <fec., <fec. All these have come with joy."

Pombada, " Well, give them presents. Are there none here, who have come from far
places ?"

Head-man. ** There are some from Mulki, &c., people of this caste."

Pombada, ** Give them to eat."

After this, the demon Jarandaya, through the pombada of course, asked for food. Heaps
of rice, eocoanuts, &c., were presented to him. Also twelve fowls were killed and given to the
pombada. He bit them and gave them away to his caste people. After having touched some
of the food, he washed his hands, besmeared them with powdered sandal-wood, and, sitting
down on a stool, took the sword and bell into his hands, which he had put down before taking
the food. Then he rose from the stool and asked : — '* What was your object in celebrating this
festival ?'' The head-man explained that it was performed in accordance with a vow, and asked
his blessing. The jpombada said : — "It is all well. I shall perform everything to your
satisfaction."

Then the pombada who represented Jarandaya, again, commenced to tremble and quake
hysterically, .and, rolling his bloodshot eyes, gave out his oracles. Every one was addressed
according to his rank, and if the miserable medium (as a bystander informed us) offends a rich
Banta by omitting any part of his yard-long titles, he is made to suffer for it.

The performance continued as long as the medium could hold out, and then recommenced
in similar style with the representation of the second Bhuta. It took three days and nights to
finish the series of the five Bhutas. And certainly the performer fairly earned the eight rupees,
which were paid to him for his heavy work !

2* Work on astrology. ^ i. e., Dr. Bumell and the Bov. Joh. Hesse.

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10 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Januabt, 1894.

IV.

Extracts from Burnell's Notes, and the Commentary thereon,^ made after
witnessing the foregoing ceremonies.^

The festival was held on March 23rd, 1872, and the three succeeding nights at Maugalore
in the house of DhAmappa, head of the Billavar caste. B.^

This festival is not an annual one, but occurs only once in fifteen to twenty years in fulfil-
ment of some previous vow. Its proper name is lUdchchhida-ndma^ which means a festival
belonging to one house only, in contradistinction to the annual festival, which is celebrated in
the Bhi^ta-temple, and is, therefore, called S&nada-ndma. Ndma is a Tulu Brahmanism for the
Skr. niyama. The Ill^chchhida-nema lasts for five nights, from Friday to Tuesday. C.

The festival begins at about 7 or 8 p. m., and consists of a pantomimic representation
of the stories told of the Bhiitas, who are then supposed to inspire the actor and enable him to
foretell events. Two castes take part in this, the Billavar and the Pomba^a. The first is the
highest and will not drink spirits ; so that up to a certain time, a double representation is
necessary. B.

The altar used is called tiruvayana, C.

The five images are called together bhanddra (= suhilya) ; and are named (1) J&rand&ya,
(2) 8&ra-jum&di, (3) Kftntanetri-jumftdi, (4) Marlu-jnm&di, and (5) Pafijnrli. Every
article used on the altar is taken from the temple for the purpose. C.

About six feet in front of this is a common wooden tripod about two feet high. On this
is a square frame formed of cocoa leaves (really of some part of the trunk of the plantain. C),
and in it a pyramid of (boiled. C.) rice and turmeric (to colour the rice. 0.), into which a three-
branched iron lamp is stuck, thus : — B.

In front of this are placed the offerings. Fowls and (?) goats (in the ftsurak^yft) are
decapitated and the warm blood drunk by the officiating priest. B.

I am informed by a former Bhuta-priest, now a Christian, that no offerings or sacrifices are
made at the ddvakyiyft, because the deva is not supposed to need any food. At the dsiirakriyd
fruits and chiefly fowls are offered. A Billava priest kills the fowl and then gives it to a
pomhada, who bites it at once and then gives it to his fellow caste- people, who eat it. All this
is confirmed by my munsliit a Brahman. C,

The Billavar Jarandaya resigns charge of the ceremony to the pomhada (by taking in each
hand some flowers and betel leaf and throwing it over the other) who commences dancing
furiously, howling, and ringing his bell. B.

M See ante, p. 2.

•■^ It is not worth while to give the whole of the notes, as the ** description " was clearly made up from them.

w B. moans Bornell : C. means the Commentary.

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January. 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.

Flowers and rice, puvarri or huakici, are thrown on the pombada, as the means of transfer-
ring the Bhtltafrom one person to another. There is a Canarese and Tnla proverb — ** throwing
flowers on a Bhnta,'* which is applied to a man provoked into a fury by some remark. C.

The Bhuta stories are sung, not by the man possessed by the Bhfita, but by some other
person, male or female : frequently by the wife of the pombada representing the Bhiita. C.

There is in Mangalore, and not f^r from the place where the ceremony which I saw was
conducted, a stone called Guttyamma^ before which a ceremony is performed once in
60 years (once in 19 years, and a former Bhuta-priest told me it had taken place thrice in his life
time. C). The stone is said to tremble sympathetically with the medium, as he dances.
This cyclic festival occurred last in 1871.2® Both ceremonies are largely attended, not only by
the members of the two castes given to this worship, but by Bantas also and even Brahmans, who
seem to regard it as an excellent entertainment and a laudable usage. At the festival to-day
(23rd March 1872) several persons had come from Mulki in order to be present. B.

This stone ( Gutty amma), placed between two temples which are situated near one
another, belongs to the Malay alam- speaking Billavars in Mangalore. The festival is
called Kalliy&ta. Oil is poured over the stone, etc.

Note on a printed slip attached to Bnrnell's ^' Description," by Major B. C. Temple.

Attached to the original MS. " description" above printed, are pages 61 and 52 of some
perodical, apparently belonging to the Basel Mission and printed in German type. Unfor-
tunately these pages have been cut in half, so that only the top halves are now in existence.

The fragment of p. 51 seems to contain accounts of the Basel Mission, and the commencement
of an article: — Das Bewegung im Tululand, nach eineni Bericht von Missionar BrigeP^ in
Mangalur vom 17 Februar.

The upper half of page 52 contains, however, the plate given below and a short description
thereof, which is of much interest in the present connection, I give a translation of it.

» Burnell was writing in 1872.

^ Author of a Tulu Grammar, pabliahed in 1872.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[January, 1894.

Figures of Bhtitas from Ti4u-Iand.

Observations, — The images of Bhutas here given on a very small scale are from the
originals in Mission Museum at Basel. The figures are in brass. We have already made a
communication on the Bhuta- worship of the Tulu people in H. B. for December 1809, p. 164.
In explanation of the figures we give the views expressed by Graul (lieise in Osfindieny 1.
184 ff.) : — " In Tulu-land they worship ten Bhiitas proper or demons, and seven spirits of the dead.
On the whole it appears that all this devil-worship leads back to an original period of heroes,
when, long ago, Nimrods ruled the land and perhaps the bold hunter cleared it of dangerous wild
beasts. It is thus that we can clearly explain the circumstance, that on every public temple is
painted a horseman with flowing garments, while, close by, the hog [der Eber (das Scliwehi)'],
the buffalo, the tiger and wild beasts, dangerous to the crops and herds, are sporting in a
significant jumble. The seven spirits of the dead are apparently the spirits of heroes, and it
is very significant that the proud, warlike cock is the chief live offering brought to the
Bhutas." Compare with the undermentioned new tract: ^ Mission Life aviong the Tulus {Ein
Missionslehen unter den Tulus).

I am afraid that the above extract, so carefully presei^ved for upwards of twenty years, is
not so valuable as the picture it professes to explain.

A list of the

Abbage-Darage.

Akkarasupunjide.

Aliseitane.

An nappe.
5 Annarakalkude.

Arasuja.

Babbare.

Bafijanatilye.

Bante.
10 Batandi.

Bawanne.

Beinali.

Beirawe.

Berme.
16 Bheirawe.

Bommartaye,

Chamuki.

Chamundi,

Chandi.
20 Chumadi.

Deiyare.

Dharmadeiwa,

Dharmadi.

Dhumamati.
25 Dh^mre.

Duggalaye.

Durgi.

Dustali.

Gandhari.
30 Gejjemalle.

VI.
principal Bhtitas, furnished by the late Rev. A. Manner.

Gidirawate.

Ginde.

Gulige.

Gulge.
35 Isarakumaret

Ishtadewate.

Jarandaye.

Jathadhari.

Jatfige.

Jogipurse.

Jumadi.

Jumbure.

Kalabeirawe.

Kiilamma.
45 Kalarahu.

Kajaratri.

Knlarkayi.

Kalastri.

Kaleswari.
50 Kaikude.

Kallabhiita.

Kallurataye.

Kalluruti,

Kamberlu.
55 Kaiidela-jumadi.

Kahtabare.

Kanyakumare.

Kariyamalle.

Katanetri.
60 Khadgarawane.

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Januabt, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUYAS.

Kodambadaye.

Kodamantaye.

Ko4(Ja.bu.

Kondalatkare.
65 Korage.

Korati.

Kotichannaye,

Kotipunje.

Eshetrapale.
70 Kudpalu.

Knjambakauje.

Kukkilataye.

Kumaraswami.

Kuppepanjurli.
75 Karatti.

Kurave.

Lekkesiri.

Maddadkataye.

Mah6sware«
80 Mab8swari.

Mahisandaye.

Mallaraye.

Mammayi.

Mandi.
85 Marl^-juiBadi.

Mayaldi.

M^yandal^.

Muddiltaye,

MMe.
90 Mukkainbe.

Miiadataye.

Murtilaye.

Nadu.

Nandig6ne.
95 Naraltaye.

Nellir^taj'e.

Nettergcbaundi,*

NStramnkkiilu

Niche.
100 PadkaaaUye.

Panemade.

Panjurli.

Patbikond&ye.

Pafealabheirawe,
105 Pat^lagnlige.

Pejirenaye.

Pilichandi.

Pdsralataye.

Pofcte.
110 Poyikanataye*

Pudabare.

Piilaiidaye.

Rahagnlige«

Elakt^swari.
115 Bn^racbaDndi.

Ruhdura-panj arli.

Sampigetaye.

Sahkalegulige.

Saral^-jamMi.
120 SArftmaliakaru

Sonne.

Sabyamma.

SikkoUerL

Tannimanige.
125 Hchcbandi.

Udpishn&ye.

Ujiaidi.
Uilaye.
Warmalataye.
130 W6daiaye.
Wokuballare.
Worte.
133 Yenmann^ye.

THE OBIGIN OP THE DElCONS«
By the late Bev. A. Manner.^i

Text.
Adidu NftrAyaija d6ver^ bhul6konu sristi malptinaga, ^re balatta bbagodn tftwarelA datta
bhago4u BrfthmelA kujlondu akulu irverula NMyana d^vere^a kendini d&nend^n^a :—

**Irtda, bbiimi^u i naramanya pakki parane pijinulu yenpatta nala lakshantra pranilen^la
srishti maltud^ indekuleg^ takka aharanuta kordu nina bbAmig^ yenma dikkggu yenma arasuJu
dtya. Akule pudar^; Indre, Agni, YAme, Neireitye, Vanuje, Vftyavye, Kubdre,
ib&nye. Inehitti yenma gana urasnl^^ dikknda adbikaroje kirya, ritre pagel^. api lekka

*» This oonaista of a text and almost Uteral translation of a story related by an old Tnlu Brfthman in 1886.

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14 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [Jakitaby, 1894,

ak&soda Siirja Chandre inpi i radden^ diya; undattande aji tingolu marijala aji tiiigojn
aregala, sitoshna inchittinen^ mata majta."

Undu m&ta jenkalegn sant6sha 4ndu andndu pannaga, Karajana d^eri^ IsvaTyada pan^ini
daneDd^nda.

<<Iiida, fla jannM a Br&hmela nama m^ver^la ittndu bhi^laka paraloka Ir^l^ 16kada adhi-
karonn teivoda. Brahmft, Vislujiii, Mahdbware ; inpi mdji padar^dakaln nama udappodn*
Yenku srishti malpu adyfiga, Brahmaga stiti malpa udyoga, Mahesvaragu laya malpn adyoga."

Inchitti ndydga nama malpoda andudn tannkale alayi nSmaka maltond^ Narayaoagu vasa
malpere Yaikantha, l8waragQ vasa malpere Kail^sa, Bnilimagu Tasa malpere Satya 16ka,
Inchitti jagulenu maltonda, bokka deval6ka srishtisiyeru. Mnppatta muji K6ti dBwatelen^ undu
malt^d^ risilenn, hhhk gandharvereno, apsarastrilenn, yaksharenn mini anda malt^d^ mokaleg^
matavicharoga D6v6iidre.

Inpi arasnnn adbikaraste adu dtdn padnnal^ loka raksbane maltondu nppnnaga, Kailasa
patnodn isvare simbasanodn kujlondn tana saratofiji ganda ganaLl, eftratafiji Bhtltalft Vlra-
bhadr&di pramatberu Ayi mukbya ganakule nadnta nppnnaga are bodedi.

Parvatftddvi santosbodu kan^anyada kendini danendanda : —

'* O Isvara) t bbul6koda nppie janoknla paka jana papisbferu, paka jana panyavanter^
&vere karana dane ? Avenu iru yenk^ viBtaradg panoda.

Andudn kenpaga, Isvare pandini.

Inda, Parvatiyfi, kenla. Yena parsva bbagodu ! sarattonji gandaganal& sftrattofiji Bhtl-
tal& udbhavftd^ puttiya. Aikulu yenang y^pala s^vemaltondu yenanu AAraya maltondu itta ;
Apaga y&nu akulegu mecbcbidn sabayogn b6dad^, sftrattofiji roga|eniji putt&ye, daycgand^da
lokodu p&ka jana dnsbteren^ paka jana panavn dravyase akankSrila inpi papisbterenn bbaiiga
malpere b5dad^ undcnu malpodan^^; ijj^nda i loko^a naramanyere garva becbcbidn badavereg^
dinja npadra malpern. Andndu tvkdu incbene malpodandu. A Samayodu i Bb^italu mata
k^dudu yena yeduru adda bd rudu pandini danendun^a: —

<0 DSverS, i yenknlenu srisbti malta yenki4eg^ &MralA korla^ Yenkulu badavu bajeludu
tadevande knllnva.' Andndu nattonunaga, yan^ akalegu appane kordu pandini: — Indft,
mku}u bh1il6kaga p6du p&pishtereg^ upadra kordu Oka^e kai<L^f nikuju fthftra
gettoj^e, yenan^ nambunftkalegiji upadra kora<Le.'

Andud^ pancjiudu appane kornaga i bbiitolu kendini : —

' D8verS, iru appaae korinava yenkulegu sant6sba an^u, andala 16ka^ papisbter^
adappunakala y6ru inpinavu gurta yenkulegi^ teriynji, avu teriyu lekka matra appane koro^u.

Andudg. bbfttolu nattonnnaga, yAnu appane korini danendunda: —

'Ind&, I6kada p&pishtereg^ y&n^ dumbu d&l& vofji r6ga bdne sa^^ka^aUt nftnft
tarata upadrolen^a ko9<Lu p&QLave apaga niki4u afkchittin& ku}en^ ttxdu pattule;
pattiyar<La niku}egu filxftra tikkui^^u.*

Andudu pandudu, Appane kornaga a bbiktalu knda arike maltudu k^udini danendanda:—

• DeverS, incbitti r6ga sankadoda uppu naramanyeren^ yenkulu pattuda andudu akalegg.
teriyuni yencba ? Uudeku dane gurta ?*

Ahdud^ arike malt^d^ kenden^ : —

* Apaga y&nu pandini danendunda. Indd^ 16ko<lu balmed&ka}ul& jyotiBher^ta yantr»-
g&reruU t4ler^ &ki4en^ yftn^ uijl^u ma^tijid^ dlte ; &ki4e mukh&ntra terid^ nikt4eg^
fth&ra koruvor^ undu niku^eg^ iyavu; nana niku^u heohoha patera<JLe.* And^di^
pandudu, appane koriye.'

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jAUirufcT, 1894.J THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 15

Andala a bhiktala kncja tswara kaitalu batt^d^ areda arike maltf df k^ndini.

** O Dever^, yenkula bbfil6kogu jatt^dij p6were appane koriyarij, anda yenkulu vodeg^
povodn, v61u uppcxju ?" ^

Andud^ kuda natton^ega, Isvare aknlegu uttara korda pandini : —

" Inda, nikule pudarula yan^ praty^ka praty^kidu korpe andndn pandf d^, nikula Bob-
baryOy Ku^ftrAvai^e, Pathikondftye mini iLchittiDukuja tenakTii rAjyodu vasa Sduppule;
nanala Dikule sdrigcg^ paka bhutolenf kadapuduve. MahishastLreren^ nikuledoppa bada
kayi de^oda uppadi^. Bokkala nikuje serigeg^ paka bhutolen^Ia deivolenijla kadapntjlaye ;
undattande MallarAye A^appe Tattige inpi bhutolenula pad^ayi ra jyoddu mudfiyi rajya mutta
yann bSte kacjiapadawe."

And^dij 1 bhiitoleg^. Inchitti appane kornaga, Mahftk&lilft^ VirabhadrelA| durddvi
MftiilA lakkudu kano^ kempu maltonda tsvarada pandini danendniida : —

*' O Jsvara d^verS, f Bhdtalegn aharagn appane kordu kadapndavarn ; yenkulen^ !ru
madatriyaru atta ? Andla iregi} n:iadatnndala, yenkulegij madattijji. Yenkulegulft itte sftdi
tdj&le."

And^dn a devatelu nottanu naga Jsware pandini.

'< Inda, Dhtlm&vati inpi Bhtlta bhumid^ Tu^u d6bo<Lu Mtl<Labedra<L'^ Cbantere filme^^
Sailapari Ballftki4e jftg^^J-yu Stala poyidij kullndu. Unda alt^dud^ paddayi Samndra mu(tal&
nina prast^pa lakkadu t nina bbogaleda k61a balila gettondu nina abara Sindijd^ santosbada
nppalS. Andudn vara kordu akuien^ kadapudiyeru."

AScbane becbcba itti Bbutalen^ta wonjoiiji jagndij appane kordu ka^pu<Jiyeru, A
saogati nana dumba panpundu. •

Translation.

In tbe beginning, wben the god N&rftya^a created tbe eartb, tbvara sat on bis rigbt and
Brahma on bis left side. They botb spoke to Narayana, questioning bim as follows : —

" Lo ! on tbe eartb tbou bast created eigbty-four IdJchs of living creatures, from man down
to birds, reptiles, ants, etc., and tbou bast also given them proper food. For thy (world) earth
tbou gavest eight kings for tbe eight points of the compass. Their names are ; Indre, Agni,
Yftme, Neireitye, Varune, V&yaTye, Eub6re, Ibftnye. Such eight kings tbou bast made
and didst give them tbe rule over the points of the compass. That there may be night and
day, thou puttest in tbe sky two bodies, the sun and tbe moon. Besides this, thou didst make six
months rainy season and six months hot season ! Such thou didst, and for all this we rejoice !"

Wben be had said thus, Narayana said to Jsvara as follows : —

" Lo ! thou and I and Brahma, we three together have to govern earth and heaven ; yea, tbe
twice seven worlds. Brahmft, Vishnu, Mah^svare ; these three names let us have ! I will do
the work of creation, BrahmA that of preservation, and Mab^svare that of destruction."

Thus having resolved to perform snch respective functions, they made Vaiknntha into tbe
abode of Narayana, Keilasa into the residence of Isvara, and Satyal6ka into the abode of
Brahma. Thus tbe world of gods was made, and three karors of gods, Rishis, Gandh^rvas,
Apsarasas, etc., were created, and over all these D6v6ndra was put as their king and ruler.

While thus protecting tbe fourteen worlds, tsvai-a was sitting on his throne at Keilasa in
the midst of his thousand and one male Ganas, and thousand and one Bhi^tas, and other
principal Ganas, including even Yirabbadra.

Then bis wife Parvati joyously addressed her husband as follows : —
" O isvara, why are some of tbe people living on eartb sinners and some meritorious ?
Tell me this in detail."

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16 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Januaet, 1894.

When thus asked, Isvara spoke as follows : —

" Listen, O Parvati. See, on either side of me these thousand and one male Ganas, and
thousand and one Bhtlta-gai^as have come into existence. They are always serviog me and
dependent on me, and I was pleased with them» and for their aid I created one thousand and
one diseases, because it was necessary to punish the wicked and money-loving and proud sinners
on earth ; otherwise the pride of the people on earth would increase and the poor would be
much oppressed. Having seen this, I had to do as I did. At that time all these Bhiitas assembled
and, prostrating before me, addressed me as follows : — * O God, thou hast created us, (therefore)^
give us food I We suffer hunger and thirst and are unable to endure it any longer.*

** When they thos begged I commanded them, saying as follows : — * IiO I Go you on
earth and give the sinners there trouble and obtain your food from their hands !
(But) do not trouble those who believe in me ! '

"Having heard this, these Bhutas asked: — *0 God! We rejoice at what you have
commanded us, but we cannot distinguish those who are sinners on earth ; therefore, please
direct us how to know them.'

** When the Bhfitas so prayed, I commanded, saying : — * Lo ! I shall beforehand charge
the sinners on earth with some disease, with sickness and all kinds of trouble ; you can then
discover and seize such persons, and by doing so you can get food.'

" When so commanded, the Bhutas questioned me, saying : —

* O God ! How shall such men as are afflicted with disease know that we have seized
them ? What is the sign of it ? '

" When so questioned, I commanded and spake to them thus : —

* IiO I In the world I hdve created soothsayers, astrologers and those that prepare
charms. Through them they will learn to know that you do it^ and then they will give
you food. This must be now enough for you. Speak no more.*

" Thus 1 discharged them."

But afterwards the Bhiitas came again to Isvara and questioned him as follows : —
" O God ! Thou hast commanded us to descend to the earth, but where shall we go
(when we get) there ? And where shall we stay ? Please tell us."

When they so begged of Isvara he answered them saying : —

" I will allot you separate names, such as Bobbarye, Ea^lgftrAvai^e, FathikondAye. As
such go you to the Southern countries and kingdoms and settle there. Besides this, I shall
send some BhAtas to join you, and also the Mahisdsuras shall be with you, in the Northern
country. Also in future times I will send some Bhiitas and demons to join you. Besides this,
I shall send Mallarftye, Ai;u;^appe a^d Jattige, Bhiitafi, to stay from the Western part of the
country to the Eastern part.'*

When the Bhdtas were thus dismissed, Mah&kftli, Virabhadra and the mischievous M&ri
rose, and with reddened eyes, addressed Isvara, saying :—

«* God tsvara ! Thou hsst commanded food for the Bhdtas and sent them away. Hast
thou not forgotten us ? Though thou hast forgotten, we have not. Therefore, now shew
us, too, a way I »•

When they thus begged, isvai'a said :—

'* Lo, the Bhtlta Bhtlmavati is on earth in Mudabidri in the Tu}u land, and has
settled in a place belonging to the Beilapari Billalu of the Chantar's Country. From
that place to the Western sea shew your prowess in that region, and amongst your pleasures
receive holas and offerings. Thus take your food and be happy."

After these Bhfitas had been sent away, the remainder also were commanded to their
respective places. This, however, will be told afterwards.

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Janxjabt, 1894.] THE DEYIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 17

BXTBNELL MSS. : — No. I.

THB SONG O^ JXr]iA.DI.»

Original in the Kanarese okaracier from the MS. of Dn Mogling, MangaIore» March,
1872:^ transliteration by Mr. Manner: translation from BumeH's MS. checked by Dr.
Manner. Original text and translation occupies leaves 2^^ to 8 inclusive of Bumell's MSS.

Text.

Jum&di Pft^ldana*

Pnrftl^da Faramdbri ddveregf muppa dinata & jana !

Yel^ dinata chendijda bara !

Muji dinata kdrida ka|ia!

Muppa dinata baj jeida ambo^i : kdrida dftdu !
5 Muppa dinata utchaya ! Muppa dinata todar^ !

Kodi ySri &yanada minadana utohayo tflwodaiidf d^

A^ttra Ddre Beide p6wotjaiipe.

Eikf nM^ yenma k6ri t&nkuye^

Tana jdw^ aruwatterenij mady&nada mArte kalyaw61yodu m&rtye.
10 Kdrida kaftogu p6wodand^df k6rigf vAr^ b^f dtpAye.

MadylUiada unas^ bSga aruwattereg^ xmjpkje ;

Unpldf t^u jdtra tuttiye.

PuUya bannada taretra kaitiye ;

K&rugi} nurlarita mtyana mutju pt^onde
15 Dombugu kalku^e pattonde.

Tana jdwu aruwattere keitij kaffi k6rinf bududu koriye.

K6ri kattub^lf da siidinf keifij pattoncje.

Tana A^ltlra st&nada illa)^ ^ Pural^da kdrida kaito<ju kdri gendfdf batf n^.

Kdrida tammana addye tn(}udu balmana malpAwe. "
20 Andi^d^ Jum&di Bhiitogu kei muggid^ pan^oigi^e-

Kdri patt&wonudu Addiira st&na illu jatte.

S&rak&la Birm&na illada keitadegn batte.

Apaga tari kariyad^ tari mflruwe Birmana Beidye.

Por^l^da Deweregf muppa dinata Ayana dpundu t^were pdy& aAde."
25 " Eiku &ye tflwere pdwere pdwoliyd kattere k6ri ijji.

Kapudu ittinawuperade sari andc.**
''Apaga yenkulu pdpa ikulla." Andf df mdkuluberi pftdo^df pdnaga K&pU^a itti perade
kelet^4^.

Mdkulu anchend Puralugu pdyerg.

Ane kattu at^asa ka^ateru.
30 Kudre katfu kinni gdli kadaterf •

Meilf nalipu Meirepftde kadaterij.

Keipe kAyer^ ka^ter^ ; sipe kukku kadateri}.

Maraltlra Kinni-mugger^ kadater^.

Beilsal sandalige kadater^.
35 Pu mudipi Madum£4e kall^ kadater^.

Gurupurada beilu kadater^ Mandla beilug^ &yeri}.

Amunja beil^ kadater^.

Pural^g^ mutfa mutta Ayern.

^ Mr. Manner notes that JnmAdi is a Bhilta mnch feared and worshipped in every house. This song is recited
by the dancer at a kola^ {. e., a festival in honour of BhCitaa held at the expense either of a tingle family or of a
fthole commnnity.

» As per Bnrnell^s note on leaf 10 of MS. ^ Leaf 1 is the fly-leaf.

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18 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [Jaotabt, 1894.

Par%da b&kimftr^f Maadlyda emi}8an4i.
40 PndLlfda mAji sari alf.

Par&luda gdpnrodu FakkoAgolUye OhikkarAyer^ xmni kfldaderf*

Ddre Baidye pojinaje tana jiwn amwatterenf nirel\( tftdu k6ri Int^iye*

Domba kalkade kerpafu dfyerg, klri^da mii||a alpa ka^ete.

PakkoDgnlUye Ghikkarlyeregf ^iVfiri4i nelaff nntiye.
45 Solme-pude Ptldiye» &paga Aknln battani ** D£rebaidy& nina jatidAknIa ?

Kudduder^ ikledoppa^pAdu knllA anderg,'*

Imbe p&da j&tidaklu, knlladari aod^f kei mnggiye.

Balle app& knlle andijdf mijisArftli} kuiliyeie jftge ba4^i^ koriyerf.

Akaledopand kalliye.
50 Tauuknle sukha dakkonn p&teriyerf.

tti} portanaga dombarat^f g&li b}jind\(,

Apaga nana gali b^jandij dAne ttpim.

K6rilenf wodddga anderf P

Nirmargodn lakki-Kampali Knbala Dire pAye
55 Apaga Eabala Dire kftrigijlA t Adiira D6re Baidya kdrignlA jd^a paii &ndf •

*' Apaga kdrin^ mita daD4e4V P^^ftdf bUf snttnga bn^aka."

Andf d^ piter^du ba^yerf.

A<ltura Dire Qaidynfti k6ri tikk^^f, ka((a dtti bil«4# sntta d!ti nnla^uU kdrin^
mita kattiyer;.

Mfita imbyagi tikk^^
60 Apaga Manelida einf strilf Pur&Ifda mftji slrAIf PakkoDgnlUye-Chikkariye woftogu
kiidadn pander^ :—

''t A<liXra Ddre Baidya keitf kaUa Ml? kaUa nMoik^UuiUlttrfu"

Ealla bftlflil pinaye kaQa nAland^d^ U pinaye,

t jugeda gontnIA Mwada go&tala pimbe : nina bftlf tAwo^n diCwere.

Daihbe kalluda dld^ pirmAna malpodandery.
65 Apaga dambe kall^49 did^ satya bende.

Balg gettonde, badalf irwAra ydnf p6pe and^d^ appane natfiye.

K6rina tana amwattere keit^ turn bay e.

Kdri tambawona^a sarAne Atrela kacjLapugu batte.

Kadapndaye k6ri korla ande.
70 A dambu tikk^di kArin^ koriye.

Tana illadeg^ dandi| pA^^du tmfabawonndn batte.

A marakale kirin^ tollndu ba^edikeijij koriye.

Mola bisaled^ did^ ulai pAyali}.

Apaga a teit^ pdti k6]dL jlwftd^ tana illada kubal^^ kelet^n^^
75 A A<l<Ltlra Dire Baidya illa<Leg^ pftr^mjL^

Dire Beidyag^ duiiiba tikki k6ri<Jl^ A^L^tlra Bftnadaillftttt tammana majpe an^ta
Imalt^a,

1^6da kadapndi marakalag^ korda batta andi}di) pannn^i}.

Ayagn^ rftto Sa^Uca^a A9<1?« Ddbeg^ kanra katti}Qdi| danendijnda,

Awa battuadaU chiiite ijji, Ananda arpada tirgandf tirimei Awu.
80 Nina tageg^ sankuda tdvrere pdpajauA andijdi} tanga^i,

Debeg^ irk^ kana kaft^nd^ :

Mdln kadntu lakkiyal^.

Kandanya keitali} yAn^ tageg; sanka<Ja tAda barpe and\(di} kendali}.

** Apaga natta nadirl^ JAmada portugn pftpe and^di} panpanA ande ?"
85 " And^ pan^^df pddn tage sankada*' tfiyalf.

A<L<Lara sftncxjla k6ri a4]^^ a<L<lye su^iudtt tammanii malp&ya)v^

Apagft batti ftpattf nilt^<l^

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Javitjlbt, 1894] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 19

Translation.

Tliiriy days in honor of the GoddoM Paramdbrl of Puxila I

Seveu days pky with bolls !

Three days fighting with cocks !

Thirty days play with areca nuts, and gambling with ooooannts.
5 Thirty days festival ! Thirty days illuminations of the gmUf

The ceremony of raising Vish^n's flag and the figare of Oam4a !

A4tira Ddre Baidya intended to go.

With this intent he had four to eight cocks fed.

At an anspicions hour he sent for his yonng nephews.
10 Intending to fight the cocks* he had water and grain serred to them.

He gave an early dinner to his little nephews,

And after dinner dressed himself in his full dress.

He tied a red turban on his head.

And put his best*slip))efB on his feet.
15 He held a palm-leaf umbrella in his hand.

He put his best fighting-cocks into his nephews' bands*

A number of spurs for the cocks he held in his own hands.

In his house at A^LHra (JumAdi's) sttoa lie swore : — '' If I win the fight at Purlla,

I will celebrate a feast with cock's fiesh and baked meat."
20 Thus did he vow to JumMi Bhfita.

With the cocks in his hand, he left his house and weol to A^fira (Jnmidi's) itSfUh

And reached the house of SAri^kAla Birmft^a.

Birma^a Baidya was drawing toddy from the cocoannt trees in the garden.

** Thirty days feast in honor of the goddess of PurAku Let ns go and see it !"
25 *' I should indeed be glad to go : but I have no cocks for the fight.

I 'have only hens at Kapi" — replied the other.

*^ Then we will go, you stay away," said the company and turned their backs on him. Just
then the hens at K&pi orowed !

However, they walked on to Purula.

They passed the aivatta tree, to which they tie elephants.
30 They passed the little banyan tree, to which they tie horses.

They passed the rook Meile, on which peacocks were dancing.

They passed the bitter nux vonUca tree, and the sweet mango tree.

They passed the village of Kinni-muger in Maralto.

They passed the sandalika avenue by the side of the paddy fields.
85 They passed the rock Madf niA)a^ where the people dress their heads with flowers.

They passed the Qorupura paddy fields and came to MandlL

They passed the paddy fields of Amufija,

And drew nearer and nearer to Purala.

In the field B&kimAra at PurAla were five thousand men of Mandli,
40 And three thousand men of Pur&la.

At the gate of Par4la, Pakkongoll&ya^ Ohikkarl^ya and others were assembled.

DSre Baidya arrived with his little nephews and secured the cocks in a shady place.

Laid down his umbrella and took the slippers from off his feet.

A little below Chikkariya, PakkongolUya stood on some low ground.
45 Said Solmapa<Ui Pftdiya and others : — *' t)lre Baidya, hast thou come P

People of thy caste are assembledi go and sit in their company."

He went and saluted them and said : — " Are my caste-fellows assembled P"

Then all the three thousand esclaimed :-- " Come and sit among us !" and they made room
for him.

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20 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Janttaet. 1894.

He sat. down among them.
50 They told each other their stories.

By that time the noon heat had gone and a cool wind began to blow.

And now they said to each other : — " The breeze is blowing, why should we longer delay ?

Let us array the cocks for fighting."

Now arrived are Lakkiknmpali Kul>ala D6re from NirmArga.
55 Then they tried if the cock of Kubala Ddre would matoh that of Ad&ra D6re Baidya»
and these said : —

" Let us arm our cocks with spurs and put them to fight.''

And they did accordingly.

AdQra Dere Baidya's cock won the figl^t, and the cock which had belonged to the opposite
party,

Fell to the lot of his party.
60 Then the five thousand men of Mandli and the three thousand of Pnrfila and Pakkon-
gollaya and Chikkaraya complained :—

^ A<3ltlra Ddre Baidya hath a charmed spur and a oh^ndM'thUdad !'*

" I know neither charmed spur nor charmed thread :

(But) what place is most favourable and when lUhu is most auspicious. This I know."

'* We mast see your spur, and yon must put it on the long flat rock iu front of the god
and swear to us."
65 Then he put the spur on the stone and swore*

Taking his spur back be twice asked leave to go boiyief

The cocks he put into his nephew's hands.

Thus they went straight to the Atrela Perry.

The ferry-man begged a cock of him.
70 He gave him the one that came first.

The remainder he put on a stick and brought home.

The ferry-man gave the cock to his wife.

She put it in an earthen pot and went inside.

The dead oook revived, and going to the hotuie-top, began to crow.
75 It flew to the house of A<3ltlra Ddre Baidya.

(A<3ltlra) Ddre Baidya vowed a feast in his house to A^Lttra Jnm&di, bat he gave none.

(For he) gave (the cock) to the ferry-man. So he became sick.

Then his sister Ddbe had a dream about it» and she heard a voice, saying : —

*• Care not for the misfortune that has befallen him, for be will soop be free from it.
80 Go not to see your sick brother."

This was the dream of D€be in the night.

Startled by the dream she suddenly got up,

And asked her husband's leave to visit her sick brother.

" At this dread hour of the night you say that you will go ?"
85 "Yes, I will go and see my sick brother;" and she went away.

Then she prepared a oock in the A<ltira sthftna^ baked bread and made a feast.

Then he was at onoe relieved of his sickness.

BURNELL MSS.— Wo, II.

PAfirJAELI.86

Original in the Eanarese character from the MS. of Dr. Mogling, Mangalore, and signed
*'M.": translation according to Bnmeirs MS, Original text and titinslation occupies leaves
10^* to 14 inclusive in Burneirs MSS.

s^ So in title, but P^arli in the text. ^ Leaf 9 is blank.

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Januabt, 1894.J THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 21

Translation.

It is said that Fafijarli was born on the ghotsy and the story runs thns : —

A sow gave birth to a twin brother and sister.

*' Now we must descend the ^/<^i/* ! What god shall we serve? If we serve the god
SiijLalinga in the South, he will probably accept our services, but his male attendants will not
allow that. If we should offer to serve the god Mah&lingdbvara in the North, he may pro^
bably accept our services, but his male attendants will not let us serve him.

Now there is the god Jimmappa in the East, mightier than all the gods and Bhutaa. He
is remarkably powerful, but his male attendants will intei-fere. There is the god Subr&ya on
the ghats. He will permit us to serve him, but his male attendants will not allow that."

Such were the contending thoughts of Pafiji Gujjare, king of the pigs, blacker than the
berry called hdr^ and of Paflji K£4i, queen of the pigs, whiter than the flower called jamhe.

TSfow they resolved to become the servants of the god SubrAya, giving him offerings,
in case the male attendants should interfere. Intending to descend the ghdts, they consecrated
five or six offerings to the god, bathed their heads and bodies, and, starting from the eastern
gate, came to the western, and humbly asked the blessing of the god, thus : —

^ Up to this day we were brother and sister, and now we descend the ghft^s, and
will become husband and wife 1"

The god said, ** Be it so,'* and they walked down the gJidts.

The wife became pregnant, and when they reached the low country, she was seven months
big with child. The colour of her breasts faded and her head became dirty.

As she was completing the seventh month of her pregnancy, she felt the peculiar desire
occasioned by pregnancy, and to satisfy it, her husband brought her yams (Zfene), plantains and
creepers.

When she was in the tenth [lunar] month of her pregnancy, the time of giving birth was
near, and it became necessary to build a shed and to dig a pit.

*• Go thou and find me out a branch of the Jcarija hard fa tree, and another of the plant called
Hmullu, The pit I shall dig myself,** said the wife.

The husband went and brought the medicines, and in the meanwhile she dug a pit and
built a shed, and sat within it possessed (by a Bhuta). While there, she began to feel the
pangs of child-birth. She ground her teeth with pain, and her hair stood on end. Her groans
were heard in the four worlds, and her sighs resounded in the three worlds. Both in her back
and in her womb she felt rueful throes, and at each pang she brought forth a pig.

Three or six days after giving birth to her young, she descended into the low country with
them. She could not find a good garden any where, and so she entered the pleasure garden
of the god tbvara^ and, having entered it, she laid waste the plantains, the creepers, and the
plant called JcinCf and then returned to her own place in the forest.

When Isvara awoke in the morning and looked at his garden, he found the whole garden
laid waste and spoke to his servants thus :—

** Some vnld beast has entered the garden, and has destroyed everything in it. Go you,
and find it out.**

They searched every part of the forest, every pit, street, lane and house, and at last found
the sow sitting possessed (by a Bhuta) within a shed under a slmullu plant. The people of the
whole town joined together and shot the pig and the sow dead. The young ones the god
tbvara took up in a blanket and carried to his palace.

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22 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jakuabt. 1894.

His wife FtlrTati had no ohildren, and he said to her : —

"Yon have no children, therefore bring np these young ones with great cai*e and attention/*
and he gave them into her care, and she brought them np.

About four or five months afterwards, they began to lay waste the garden. The god
Iftvara saw this and said :«—

*' These evil ones I shall not allow to live, but will shoot them dead. Then P&rvatt wept
bitterly and said to her husband : —

** To this day have I taken care of them, and yon shall not kill them before my very eyes.**

Then the god ttr^ara oarsed them thus :—

'*No more be Fafiji (pigs), but be known to the world henceforth as Pafljarli
(Bhtlta). Descend into the country and get tribnte from the people ;*' and on account of the
curse of isvara they became the Bhuta Panjarli.

BUBNELL MS8.— iro. III.
THE SONG OF DBYIBAIDI.

Original in the Eanarese character from the MS. of Dr. Mogling, Mangalore, and signed
** M. *' : translation according to Burnell's MS. Original text and translation occupies leaves
15 to 22^7 inclusive in Burnell's MSS.

Translation.

In Sankamale, a woman of the Joti Brfthma^ caste, was, as soon as she had attained
to puberty, left in a forest with her eyes bound with a cloth.

A certain man, named 8&yina Baidya, had gone to that forest on that very day to draw
toddy from the hadamba (baini) tree. While he was drawing toddy, the blossom? of the tree fell
on the head of the Brahman woman.

Then she said, " Whoever you may be, if you are a male, I shall call you my brother,
and if a female, my sister."

On hearing these words, he descended from the tree, and then he said that he would ask
one Parm&}e BallA} whether he could take her home. So he asked the opinion of the
Ballal thus : —

** I found a certain woman left in the forest with her eyes fast bound with a cloth. Can I
take her to my house ?"

Then said the Ballal, '' Go and take her to your house, and take good care of her.*'

So he went to the forest, undid the cloth which bound her eyes, and went home in her
company, taking with him the toddy. He lived in the house of his wife at Barke, and the
woman and his wife lived in the house together. The women began to quarrel with each other.

Then he married the Brfthmaqi woman to one ICftntaijpa Baidya^ residing in a
garden in Kurgdl. After the marriage she became pregnant, and brought forth for the first
time a female child. In its seventh year the child learned to speak, and wa& then married
to Paiyya Baidya, a rich man in FaJ^.

While these events were taking place, another BallAJ went to a village named Boi^te MAra,
and as he was travelling along, he was hurt in the foot by a thorn of the white kdsana tree.
Being hurt the BallAl fell to the earth ; when he tumbled down he said (to his companions) : —

<' Why do yon stand looking at me ? Come out of this forest and carry me onward.
ChftTa<[i S(lnkayyft and Btl<U Bommayyft, take me to a house.!'

v^LeaflSisbU^ " ~

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jAjfUABT, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 28

Then thej out the branches of a tree, formed a rough litter with thenit bore him to a house,
and they seated him there. He caught cold and suffered from fever.

** Bring me a man that knows medicine and charms," said the Balli].

Then ATrnnappa Bamiayya asked Birmaig^^a Baidya to treat the Ball^, and the latter
came immediately and gave him medicine, and uttered some charms. When he had done this,
the cold, the fever, and the swelling (in the foot) rapidly increased day by day and became very
large. The Ballal could not taste his food, and could not sleep, and so he asked whether any
other physicians or magicians could be found. He was told that there was one 8&yina
Baidya, who knew medicine and magic.

The Ballal then asked that S&yina Baidya might be sent for, for a bandage. Accordingly
Chava^i Sankayya and Biidi Bommayy& went to him, and asked him to treat the BallAl with
medicine and with charms*

'' I cannot bring medicine from the forest, as I am quite blind. I have a sister BeyL
who cooks food for one K4ntanna Baidya and eats with him. Oo there. She knows everything,"
said Sayina Baidya.

They went to her house and called out her name. She came out, hearing the call, and
enquired who it was that called her and what was their object.

They replied, *• We are only the servants of a Ballal, who has ordered us to ask you to
come and ad minster medicine to him and utter charms."

" I would have come, but I am fully pregnant,*' answered the woman.

On hearing this answer they returned to the Balla}*6 house. The Balla} was eagerly
expecting their return, and they said (to him) : —

" She says that she would have come, but she is preg^nt. She says that she is acquainted
with medicines, but that she cannot walk, because she cannot see her feet, for her womb has
become very heavy ^"

Then the BallAl ordered his litter to be adorned and canded to her house. His servants
accordingly adorned the litter, and bore it to her house and placed it at the gate. They
asked her to come to him, and then she said : —

'< He has sent me a thing that is quite u'seless to me," and having said this, she went to
seven different forests, and brought handfnis of seven kinds of leaves. After fetching these,
she went to three other forests, and brought handfnis of three kinds of roots. Then she went
borne and fetched a cocoanut from upstairs and placed it in the litter as an offering to the
litter ! She also put the medicine into it and walked on beside the litter. As she was approach-
ing the gate of the house, the Balla} was calling out :— " Has Deyi come ? Has Deyi come f"

She walked gently and with great modesty, and the Ballal was told that she was deeply
blushing, he said :— ^

" Let her not be ashamed nor afraid, but let her come with straight-forwardness."

She came and sat down.

•* Protect my single life from the grasp of death. Formerly my (BallAl's) mother gave
birth to a son like the ^od R&ma. This day I am to be bom from thy womb. If you protect
my single life, I shall feed and clothe you for ever," said the Ballfil to her.

On hearing this, the ointment, which Ammanua Baidya had formerly applied, she washed
away from his body, and applied a new medicine herself. She uttered some charms, and struck
his head with the leaves. Then, day by day and minute by minute the disease in the neck
descended to the waist ; what was in the waist came down to' the legs ; what was in the legs
descended to the feet ; what was in the feet fled to the earth ! The Ballal could now taste his
food ; he could now sleep with ease.

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24 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Janfaey, 1894.

**I will go home now,'* said he.

** Give me the food and clothes you had promised me,*' said Deyi.

Then the Ballal said, "Before I give you food and clothing, I must ask the opinion of him
who is esteemed to be the wisest in (my) brotherhood.**

She replied, '* The other day you could not get your friend to protect your life, but now
to fulfil your promise you want to ask his opinion ! *'

But as she was going away, one Abbyft said : —

** She has saved your life ; you must needs give her food and clothes."
When he said this, she was called back : —

*' To you I shall give oil, all kinds of ear-ornaments, a silk gown and a nose-ornament set with
emeralds ; the rest I shall reserve for the child that shall be bom of you," said the BallaL
Then, doing him every kind of honour, she set out from the house.^®

(To he continued^

SOME INEDITED COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJATANAGARA.

BY
T. M. RANGACHAEI, B.A ;

AND
T. DESIKACHARI, B.A., B.L.

It is an admitted fact that the chronology and succession of many of the princes of
the last great Hindu kingdom of the South are still enveloped in obscurity, in spite of the
numerous efforts that have been made in recent times to add to the existing stock of informa-
tion relating to their history ; and the value of coins in clearing up this obscurity will be
gathered from a perusal of Dr. Hultzsch*fl "Coins of the Kings of Vijayanagara," ante,
Vol. XX. p. 301 ff. The list given in that article was an attempt to bring together and present
in one view all the available information relating to the coins of the princes of this kingdom, a»
will be evident from the number of the cabinets that were examined, and the numismatic
publications that were consulted, during its compilation. Subsequently, in a further note on
South Indian Coins (antey Vol. XXI. p. 821 ff.),,8ome Vijayanagara Coins that had not been
referred to in the previous list were described. As, however, the coinage of some of the
Vijayanagara kings embraced a period of many years, and as some of them had apparently a
fancy for issuing coins of various types, the articles above referred to were necessarily not
exhaustive, and served only as landmarks for coin collectors, to enable them to distinguish
between coins that had already been edited from those that have still to be presented before
the numismatic public.

On comparing Dr. Hultzsch's lists with the coins in our cabinet, which had been classified
by us as belonging to this series, we discovered that many copper coins in our possession had
not been referred to by the learned doctor, and we have accordingly ventured to supplement
his lists by the following notice of some of the inedited coins in our cabinet. Only
such, however, of our inedited coins, as to the readings of the legends on which there was no
doubt or uncertainty, have been taken up now, the rest being reserved for examination and
notice at a future time.

First Dynasty.

Diva Rdya,
Fig. 1-

, Obv, — Standing bull, facing the left ; the Sun and Moon above ; the whole encircled by a
^ ring of dots.

^ The story is after this continued as the song of Koti and Channayya.

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Jahuabt, 1894.] INBDITBD COINS OF THE KINGS OF VIJAYANAGARA. 26

Bev. — The chank or conch shell with a sceptre to its left; aboye the sceptre partly

visible the Kanarese letter "8 thS.
The Kanarese letter stands for, or is part of, the full l^^nd Thdra BAya*

Fig. 2—

Qbv. — Standing bnll, facing the left with a dagger in front; the Sun and Mo<ki above ; the

whole surrounded by a lined circle.
Uev.— NAgarf legend—

^ sn

^Wt Uttama

fm BAya

distributed in three uneven lines amidst other emblems that cannot be deciphered.

Fig. 3—

Obv. — The chank and chakram (the conch shell and the discus), the usual symbols of

Vaishnava worship, separated by a dagger; above the dagger the Moon and

below the Sun ; the whole surrounded by a lined circle and ring of dots.
Bev.— N&gart legend, same as No. 2, with, however, the legend distributed around a

dagger, the whole surrounded by a lined circle and ring of dots.
Fig. 4-

Obv. — An elephant passant, to the left ; a dagger in front thereof ; the Sun and Moon

above ; the whole within a lined circle and ring of dots.
Bev.— The N%ari legend Uttama BAya, as in figs. 2 and 8, in three lines, but without

any emblems ; lined circle and ring of dots as in the last.

We have, with some hesitation, assigned Nos. 2, 3 and 4 to D6va Raya. They bear a strong
resemblance to the coins of the First Dynasty, because it is on these latter, almost exclusively,
that the elephant, the bull, the conch, and the discus figure. Of the princes of the First Dynasty
the most famous was D6va Raya, whose reign extended through nearly half a century, and who
had issued coins of very various types, chiefly in copper. Though, no doubt, none of the
inscriptions, that have been brought to light, allude to Uttama (which means ' best,' and is one
of the thousand names of Vishnu) as one of the titles of DSva lUya, still it is not improbable
that this prince had the name of Vishnu put up on his coins, as he is known to have done
that of 'Siva, vig., Nilakantha (blue-necked), on a coin figured as No. 23 in Dr. Hultzsch's list.
Further there is nothing incongruous in the same prince adopting the titles of the presiding
deities of two rival sects. The policy inaugurated by his father's learned minister Madhava,
tn«., that of composing the differences between the adherents of rival religious creeds, and in
effect reviving the old simple Vedic theology, was in all probability pursued by D6va Raya,
and this must account fpr the otherwise inexplicable fact, that the coins of his reign bear
emblems and figures possessing both Saiva and Vaishnava attributes (as for instance the ball
sacred to Siva, and the conch and the discus the emblems of Vaishnava faith).

Second Dynasty.

Krishna Rdya.
Fig. 5—

Obv, — A bull recumbent, facing the left.

JBev.— Nagarl legend in three lines —

^ Brl

ir^oTT (U) Kri8h^a (rA)

('rr) (yft)

The middle line alone appears on the coin in fuD, the rest appearing ouly in part, as if the
coin was too small for the die.

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26 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. LJ^»^^t, 189i.

SaMHva Bdya.
Pig. 6—

Ohv. — Lion passant, to the left.

"Bev* — Nftgari legend in three lines —

{^) ^ (Sri) Sa

^ fix (^) dA Si(va)

{VTbD (BAya)

Achyuta Rdya.
Fig. 7-

Obv. — A doable-headed eagle holding elephants in its beaks and claws.
Bev, — Nagarl legend in three lines —

^ (JT) Brl (pra)

(m) qpsj (!f) (tft) pAchyu (ta)
(^R) (BAya)

This is the copper prototype of the gold pagoda, ^g. 29, Dr. Hulfezsch's first list.
Fig. 8—

Ohv, — Prancing horse, to the left.
Rev. — Nagarf legend in three lines*-

^ W Sri (pra)

(m) qnj (ir) (t&) pAohyu (ta)

(^) (BAya)

Third Dynasty.

VShJcapcUi Bdya.
Kg. 9—

Obv, — The figure of Hannman, or the Monkey-God^ advancing to the right.

Bev.— Nagari legend in three lines —

iiftt Sri V6fi

?ir*Rr kapati

Km B4ya

Onr thanks are due to Dr. E. Hultzsch, Government Epigraphist, Bangalore, at whose
instance the plaster casts, from which the accompanying plate was copied, were prepared by
Mr. B. By. B. Santappa Garn, Corator of the Mysore Government at Bangalore.

FOLKLORE OF THE SGAW-KABENS.

TRANSLATED BY B. HOUGHTON FBOM THE PAPEBS OP SATA KYAW ZAN

IN THE *SA-TU-WAW.

{Continued from Vol XXIL p. 288.)
VIL — Eow the Karens first feasted to the Nats,

" Having cast lots as to what we shall do, let ns act accordingly. If the lot says that
we should eat fbwl first and afterwards pork, we will do so.*' Thns they devised and first
catching a fowl they ate it and afterwards a pig.

Then they looked under the hnt and saw a great many pigs there* They consulted together,
saying : ** See how many pigs there are. Let us ask the man who wipes away charcoal.*'

They did so. He replied i " Mind yon catch first the old sow, who is always grubbing
about. She is the chief of the pigs. For we here must feast together."

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jAirtTABY, 1894.] FOLKLORE OF THE SGAW-KA^RENS. 27

They did exactly as he told them, and descending from the hut they caught the old sow,
and killed and 'cooked it. When the flesh was ready, they stirred it about in their curry.

They said to each other : ** There is very much of it. In order that we may enjoy it
thoroughly, push the liquor-pot close up to the well.**

And so it was done.

Moreover, after they had feasted they performed the ceremony of tamap'o as follows* They
took a fowl and killed it, and, having cooked it, ate a portion. Afterwards they went and
buried the remainder under the ground, because they were afraid that some one else was going
to come and eat it. They called this tamap'o,

VIII. — The writing of the Karens will come hack to them.

Howbeit the Karens lost heavily and were not able to devise anything, so that their misery
and insignificance were very great.

They considered again : ** We are not as other people. Let us devise a means of getting
back our writing. We will go and take it from the Kulas."

They feared that the latter would not easily part with the writing ; and, on searching
amongst themselves they found only seven valiant youths, who would go for it. They des-
patched them accordingly, and they came to where the Knlas were. When the Kulas saw
the Karens coming they feared greatly. The Karens on coming near the Kulas clenched their
fists, and so approached them together.

They said to the Kulas : ** Will you give up our writing, or will you not ?'* And they
looked fiercely at them.

The Kulas replied: "We will give you the writing. Do not be angry with us,
O brethren."

But the hands of the Karens rernained clenched, and they did not think fit to listen to the
Kulas. •

The latter deliberated and said : '* These Karens are tall and straight. We cannot conquer
them."

But others said : '* Only maidens can conquer young men."

So they deliberated and made ready seven maidens, tall and fair to look upon, and these
they placed in front.

They called across to the Karens : ** Karens, if you will only trust our word, these
maidens are yours."

When the Kuliis spoke, the Karens saw the faces of the maidens, and they became glad,
and smilingly unclenched their hands, for the forms of these maidens were very beautiful, and
they were decked with ornaments of great price.

And the Kulas spoke cunningly thus : ** Dear brethren, our father, Gbd, gave one writing
for one race and one for another. It will be hard for you to learn our writing, because God
devised it for us only. Please now learn the writing with us, and afterwards you can return.
Should you return now you will live unhappily, because you will not be able to do or make
anything. Once you have mastered the writing, you can return. If you remain with us until
you know it, these maidens are yours. Enjoy yourselves here."

When the Elarens heard these words their resolution was broken, and marrying the maidens
they became lost amongst the Kulas. The elders left behind looked for their return ; but they
came not, and the elders heard news that they had become lost amongst the Kulas, for the sake
of the maidens.

And the elders sent word to theni : ** Will you not bring us back the writing ? "

The young men replied : ** When the time is come, we will certainly bring back the
writing. But it is not yet time for us to return."

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[JunjABT, 1894.

The elders retnmed, and no longer looked ont for the writing, for it was lost. Howbeit
the KulAs will certainly send back the writing, and once the Karens see it, they will
become happy and their eyes will be lifted np. But the elders, who had despatched the men to
get the writing, looked out^ for their return until they could do so no longer.

MISCELLANEA.

KONG-KIN-NA-PU-LO.
With reference to Dr. Fleet's proposal {ante,
p. 43) to identify N&sik with Hiuen Tsiang's capital
of Mah&r&shtra, may I be permitted to point out
that Hiuen Tbiang and Chinese writers generally
have only eight points of direction, and he shews
a preference for the four principal ones, except in
cases where the direction appeared very close to
the intermediate point ; — hence • west,' with him,
may mean any direction almost between south-
west and north-west ; and so of other indications ?
Whether we should adopt Hwui-lih's direction of
Bharoch as ' north-west' from the capital of Mah&-
r&shtra, or Hiuen Thsang's own statement of * west,'
may be a matter of opinion. Bharoch certainly
lies between north-west and north from N&sik.

From Dr. Fleet's proposal to identify Karntll
with the capital of Kong-kin-na-pu-lo, there may
be grounds for dissent. We cannot twist Chinese
representations of Indian names at will. The
Chinese writers were scholars and had syllabaries
for the transcription of names and vocables. The
first syllable hongt we find used k> represent k6n,
and also kum (in Kumbh&nda) ; kin before n is
used for ka, as in Kin-ni-kia (for Kanaka) ; it
appears for kdn in Kfl&chipura, for gan in Sugan-
dhi, for ghan in Nighantu, and in So-kin-ti-lo for
kan in Skandhila; and »a is always na, nd, na, Tie,
or nya^ The pu-lo in this name is represented by
the same Chinese characters as in K&8chi-pura,^ SiC.
Hence we are almost constrained to transliterate
into Konkan&pura. It was 2,000 li northwards
(not north) from K&uchipura — say 330 miles, and
2,400 to 2,500 li north-west from it (say 400 miles)
was the capital of Mah&r&shtra. If this latter
were at N&sik, or thereabouts, then we might be
tempted to seek for Konkan&pura about Kopal, or
K6kan()r ( P KonkanClr) which is 310 miles as the
crow flies from K&nchi and 335 from N&sik ; by
road about 350 and. 390 miles respectively. Now
KokanOr, as well as Ittigi, must have been a
place of note, and is still remarkable for some
very old temples of about the 7th century A. D.
May we not identify it with Kon-kin-na-pu-lo ?

J. BXJBOBSS.
Edinburgh, June Uih, 1898.

PBOF. WBBER ON THE EATYAHALA
The first part of the Journal of the German Orten-
tal Society for 1893, pp. 120 ff., contains an appre-
ciative article by Prof. Weber on the Kdvyamdld,
published in Bombay at the Nirnaya S&gara Press.

This excellent work is, no doubt, well known to
most of our readers, and any detailed account
of its contents would be unnecessary; but it is
certainly a matter foi congratulation that a col-
lection of Oriental Texts should be edited and
printed by native scholars in Bombay, in a style
which is capable of satisfying the somewhat severe
requirements of European critical scholarship. It
is not claimed that the book represents the most
advanced principles of strictly scientific editing,
an apparatus criticue, and so forth. Now and
then the text, when it depends on a single
and perhaps corrupt manuscript, leaves much to
be desired ; but it is better to have a text which is
incomplete or fragmentary than to have none at
all. The editors have evidently spared no labour
to obtain as intelligible and correct a text as
was possible in the circnmstanees, and to avoid
mistakes in printing; while the influence of
European scholarship is shewn in the introductory
notices furnished regarding the authors of the
works published, their lives and their other
writings, in the indexes of verses, the lists of con-
tents, the tables of errata, and the like. Special
acknowledgment should be made of thenumeious
instances in which complete commentaries are
printed with the texts, and, when these are want-
ing, of the excellent notes on obscure passages
supplied by the editors themselves.

The Kdvyamdld contains edited texts of works
falling under the head of Drama, Kdvya, Alatk"
kdrat and Pr&krit literature. Many works are
published for the first time, including some nine
or ten plays and a large number of epic poems.
The collection of works on Rhetoric is specially
rich and valuable. Amongst the Pr&krit works,
the edition of Pingala's Prdkrita-aiitrdni on
Pr&kf it Prosody, with the commentary of Laksh-
midhara, is deserving of particular attention.

Prof. Weber's notice concludes with two useful
indexes, — one of works, and the other of authors.

1 Kwd-ld akle, lit., to look along the path expectantly. A most expressive idiom to people living in the
jungles. Amongst the Southern Chins the same expression prevails, meaning ** to hope, desire, long for."
1 S. Julien's MHhode, pp. 126, 133, 157, &c

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jEBBxrAET, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 29

THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.

PROM THE PAPEES OP THE LATE A E. BUENELL.

(Continued from page 24.)

BUBKBLL MSS. — No, IV. PAET 1.

THE SOISTG OP KOTI AND CHANNAYYA.

ORIGINAL in the Kanarese character from the MS. of Dr. Mogling, Mangalore, and
signed ** M.** : translation according to Bnmeirs MS. Original, text and translation,
occupies leaves 23 to 63 inclusive in Borneirs MSS. It is really a direct continuation of the
story of Deyibaidi.

Translation.

On leaving the Ballal/s house (Deyi) walked on by the sides of the paddy fields, and
began to feel pangs of obildbirtb, little by little. She stood on the road, clasping a cocoa-
nut tree bearing fruit of a red colour, and dropped tears.

At this time one Buddyanta came up, and, on coming up he said : — "0 my mother !
O Billavar girl ! Is it the overflow of blood in your veins, or is it the pride of wealth (that
makes you stand thus) P "

lieyi replied: — ** If I have done this out of pride, I shall suffer hardship. If oat of
trouble, the children that shall be born of me will relieve me of it."

Meanwhile, the Ballal had sent his wives to see whether Deyi had reached home, or was
still on the road. They came and called her to their house, and when she came, the BallA].
said: —

** There are seven rooms in my h%du (residence). One of them do yon set apart for her,
and let her bring forth her ohildren in that room.'*

By this time Deyi felt pain, and (her attendants) hung up a rope to facilitate the delivery,
praying to the Bhiita, Brahmara of Kemmu)e,

Then, first she brought forth a male child. From one womb she brought forth two
children. On the ninth day after this, she and her children were purified, and it was desired
that the ceremony of giving names to the children should be performed on that day. So
that he might out-live the corner-stone of the temple of the god at E6(dsyara in the South,
the first was named K6ti : and so that he might live as long as there existed the corner-stone
of the temple of the god at Badiringa in the North, the second was named Channayya.

Through Amma^^a BaidyayBirmaQQa Baidya killed the mother of these children by
means of magic. The Ballft} caused her to be buried in a comer of the room, in which
she had stayed, and had her children purified. He gave orders that, as they had no mother,
they should be well taken care of ; and he sent for their use first a cow and then a she-
bnffaloe, one after the other, as each ceased to give milk. He also provided them with carpets
and shawls, one after the other, as each became useless. In this manner he treated them with
much respect.

Then the Ballal sent for Sftyina Baidya : — '' Feed these your children well," said he.

So Sayina Baidya had the children taken to his house, and when he was leaving the
BallS-l's house, the Ballal provided him with everything he wanted, in order to bring up the
children well.

While they were living in Sayina's house, they saw Buddyanta's children playing with
cashew-nuts ; and when they saw this, they went to Sayina Baidya, and asked him to give
tbem some cashew-nuts, and also with implements for the game. He gave them trowsers
and coats, and had a horn blown in their honour !

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [PEBRtrABT, 189*.

The next day they went out to play : —

** O, you children of Buddyanta ! We will also play with you. We will also stake
cashew-nuts/' said they.

So they played, but upon the agreement that there were to be no squares for the play, and
were completely beaten by Buddyanta's children.

Then the younger of them said to his brother : — " Give me my turn now. I shall
proceed with the play.**

So he took his turn and began to play, and he completely defeated Buddyanta's
children, They then demanded that the play should be renewed with the squares.

The victorious party said : — ** You yourselves had ruled that there were to be no squares
for the play. Now we will not agree to that,'* and they walked straight home.

Buddyanta's children went home and informed their father of this, and he came and
took the cashew-nuts by force from the hands of the victorious children.

"We are young and you take the nuts from us by force. Keep them well, and when we
are grown up, we shall get them from you, " said the children.

Buddyanta took the nuts home, and tying them in a cloth, hung them up in the smoke.^

^ We must go to see the Ball&l* In his face sits (the goddess) Lakshml (good
luck), whereas in our faces sit« K&li (bad luck). We must get rid of K&li and try to
gain over Lakshml.**

So spake the children to each other, and one of them advised the other to ask the opinion
of Sayina Baidya. Sayina Baidya went to the Ballal, who was sitting in his hall with great
enjoyment. On his head was a hat of areca-nut shell ornamented with peacock's plumes. His
body was decorated with garlands of jasmine flowers, and of the flowers called kStahu To the
Ballal thus seated, Buddyanta made a lowly obeisance.

The Ballal said : — *• Come, Sayina, take a seat. What is your object in coming here P "

Sayina Baidya replied : — " (The goddess) Kali, who sits in the faces of the children,
whom you have nourished, should be driven away, and the Goddess of Wealth invited to sit
there instead.'*

To this Ballal answered :— " Have the ceremony performed according to the custom
of our caste. Fell plantain trees. Hang up festoons of cocoanut leaves. Set up four posts
of plantain trees. Ceil the inner roof. Carpet the ground. Rain coral on the heads of the
boys. Wave lamps before their faces in a plate filled with rubies. Perform the ceremony
just in the same way as the Ballal king would have done."

On hearing this, Sayina Baidya returned home, and inquired who had been serving his
household as a barber from the time of his ancestors. He was told that it was one tsara
Kambi, the son of a barber, and that he was at that time living on the land of oue Ea^^
Bollari Svamln in a plaqe called Earmi Saie in the City of tjjyft on the Qhats.

He then desired to write him a letter on palm leaves and send for him ; and enquired
who hs^d been writing such letters from the time of his ftncestors. He was told that the writer
was a clerk named N^rftyai^a Baiig6jl. Rang6ji was th^n sent for, and came, and asked
Sayina Baidya why he had been sent for.

Sayina Baidya then sent a servant to a place named TJddanda Bottu, and caused some raw
leaves of a young palm-tree to be brought, and to be ei^posed to the morning sun. In the
evening he caused the leaves to be taken out of the sun, and had them tied up in bundles. He
had tjie middle parts only of the leaves preserved ; their ends he had cut off. The clerk held

i. e., in the chimney.

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Pkbritabt, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUYAS. 81

one of those trimmed leaves in his hand and it bent ; so he caused oil and turmeric to be put on
it. Then he asked Sajina Baidya what he should write on it.

Sayina Baidya dictated thus : — ** O you who have been serving my house as a barber from
the time of my ancestors, know that from Sayina Baidya's hoose Kdll is to be driven out and
Lakshml, is to be invited instead. You must bring with you for that purpose all the instru-
ments connected with your profession. Bring two pairs of i*azors, a pair of scissorf?, a small cup
for holding water, tweezers, and a glass in which the face can be reflected. . Kali is to be driven
out from the pei-sons of the children, whom the Ballal has caused to be brought up. Immediately
on seeing this letter, in whatever dress you may be in at the time, and even though you may
be taking your food, you must start, taking your box with you, and following the man I have
sent you."

He then asked for a man to be the bearer of the letter. Vaijappa Bhand&ri, the son of
his mother's sister, was sent for. Sayina Baidya paid him the expenses of the journey, and of
his family during his absence, and tied the letter in the skirt of his garment. Vanappa
Bhandari then started, and passing out of the yard of Sayina's house went on his way straight
to the Svamin's residence on the ghats.

He stood at the gate and called out : — " IsA of Karmi." The first call Isara heard, but made
no answer. The second he answered, and at the third he came out, enquiring who called him.

" It is I and no one else,*' was the answer, and Yanappa Bhandari undid the skirt of his
garment and gave the letter to the barber.

tsara Kambi then opened the letter, extended the leaf to its full length, and read it.
Immediately on reading it, he rose from his dinner, and in the dress he wore at the time he
set out, taking all his instruments with him ; and, following the man sent to him, he descended
into the low country, and came to Sftyina Baidya*8 house. He was asked to name all the
things required for the ceremony,

*• Five bundles of betel-leaves, five areca-nuts, a cocoanut having three eyes, a sSr of
green rice, and cow's milk, are wanted," replied the barber.

He was supplied with all the things required for his part of the business. All the
friends of Salyina Baidya assembled ; a small bower of plantain trees was formed, festoons of
cocoanut leaves were hung up, the inner part of the roof was ceiled, and the ground was covered
with a carpet.

The children of Sayina Baidya together with the friends, who were assembled, circumam-
bulated the bower, the boys being seated within it. Then the pouring of rice on their heads
began. First the barber poured it, next Sayina Baidya, and last of all, S&yina Baidyati,
mother of KantanQO-a.

Then the barber, holding the left cheek by his hand, began his work on the right cheek
of Kofei. The front part of his head he shaved and made figures of the sun and the moon ; and
on the back of the head he made the figures of Bhima and Arjuna. Thus the tonsure of
K6ti Baidya was finished, and he was lifted by the hand.

Lamps were waved before his brother's face, too, in a plate filled with rubies. Coral
was thrown on Ohannayya's head, and his head, too, was shaved, and figures of the sun and the
moon formed on the front part, and figures of Bhtma and Arjuna on the back. The tonsure of
both was thus over, and they were now to bathe themselves, and wash away the pollution of
being shaved.

For this purpose they got ready the juic3 of several kinds of leaves growing in dry and
wet paddy-fields ; and uddii, and pods of green gram, and several substances for washing
away oil ; also a thousand pots of hot water and a thousand pots of cold water. They warmed
themselves by bathing in the hot water, and cooled themselves by bathing in the cold water.

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [Febbuabt. 1894

They then wont to a room where there was some sandal-wood, and ground a great deal of the
sandal-wood, and fnllj besmeared their bodies down to their waists with it, and then sat down
to take their food. They next gob into a palankin of the color of parrots, and each of
them tied to his waist a dagger like that of Rama.

Thus did they go to the Ballars house. They appi*oached the gate, and entered the enclosure,
and, passing through the yard in front of the house, went into a room set apart for the use
of bards, poets, and such like.

They then went into a room on the western side of the house, and climbed into the upper-
story by means of a rope. On a great chair the Ballal was sitting in great enjoyment. He had
af hat of areca-nut shell, decorated with a crest of peacock's plumes. On his head were
garlands of jasmine flowers and of the flowers called ketaki. Thus seated, the boys made him
a lowly salute.

** Come, my children, sit down," said the Balla).

He brought a bed of flowers and spread it out, and they sat down on it and placed their
daggers on the ground. Then the Ballal asked them why they had come, and they replied : —

" You have nourished us with great love. You have treated us with great respect. From
this time forward, also, do you provide for our livelihood ! "

Then the Ballal said : — ** Buddyanta owns the upper part of a paddy field named
Anilcga; the lower part of that fleld, I shall assign to you.*'

He accordingly marked its boundaries, and when he was giving the field to the boys, he
advised them to make some offering to Buddyanta, whenever they might sow it.

"With the intention of sowing the yanela seed at the proper time, they gathered all the refuse
of the field and set fire to it. And then, after eighteen days of the month Paggu had passed,
they ploughed the field with two pairs of he-buffaloes. Thus did they cultivate the yanSla
crop.

Meanwhile, to choose a day for celebrating a kamba}a^ in his field, Buddyanta was

going to ask the opinion of one Mafti Blra Ballftya. On his way he passed the field of K6ti
and Channayya, and they called out to him : —

** Where are you going to, Buddyanta ? "

** I am going to ask the opinion of a soothsayer for fixing a day for the celebration of
a Jcambala,** replied Buddyanta.

*'When you are asking about yoar kamhala, please ask also about ours,'* said the
young men.

Then KOti asked his brother to go up to the upper-story of their house by a ladder, and
fetch down a cocoanut. Then he took off its outer skin, removed all the fibres from it, and
gave it to Buddyanta. Taking the cocoanut with him, Buddyanta walked away, but when he
got out of their sight, he struck the cocoanut against a rock, broke it to pieces, and put the
pieces into the skirts of his garment. He munched them all the way as he went along. Chan-
nayya saw this, and he said to K6ti : —

" The cocoanut we gave to Buddyanta he has broken to pieces, and he has been eating it
all along the way ; so we have not had the good fortune of eating vegetables mixed with
cocoanut ! "

Buddyanta went to Matli Bira Ballaya, and asked him to name a day for the celebration
of a hamhala. Tuesday was found to bean auspicious day, and, when he heard this, Buddyanta
returned home.

a [This ia an agricultural ceremony, and consists in racing with buffaloes and bullocks in a rice-field for
luck. — Ed.]

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FraBTTABT, 189*0 THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 88

•* Now, Buddyanta, what day has been found to be auspicious for ns and what day for
you P'* asked K6ti.

** This Tuesday has been chosen for me and the next for you,*' replied Buddyanta.
"We must celebrate the kamhafa on the same day as Buddyanta, and we must sow our
field at the same time that he does ;** so the young men resolved within themselves.

They then said to one another that they ought to order some he-bufFaloes and coolies for
the Jcamhala.

"You go to the lower parts, and I will go to the upper parts, to order he-buffaloes and
coolies. He who owns four he-buffaloes should send two to ns, and two should he send to
Buddyanta ; and he who owns two only, may, if he pleases, send them to us, or he may send
them to Buddyanta," said the elder to the younger brother.

Now, at this yery time, Buddyanta also intended to order he-buffaloes and coolies.

*' Where are you going, K6ti ? " asked he.

" I have come to order he-buffaloes and coolies," was the reply.

" For you the next Tuesday has been chosen. This Tuesday has been chosen for me.
Why do you act in this manner ?** asked Buddyanta.

"Acting upon your advice, my brother has put the seed that was in the upper-story into
water," replied K6fci.

When Buddyanta proceeded further, he met Channayya Baidya, and, seeing him, he
asked him where he was going to.

** I am going to order he-buffaloes and coolies, my lord !" said Channayya.

**Then, when do you mean to celebrate your kainba!a .'"' asked Buddyanta.

"It should be celebrated to-morrow. Listening to my brother's advice, the seed that
was in the upper-story I put into water," answered Channayya.

"What do you mean by this, Channayya ? What trick are yon playing ?" said Buddyanta.

The men who were to drive the buffaloes were ordered to appear along with the
animals very early the next morning, and the maid-servants were ordered to appear with
earthen pots in their hands. The next day, the buffaloes and coolies both came to the fields,
and it was only after the fields of Kofi and Channayya had been twice ploughed that the
buffaloes came to Buddyanta's fields ; and by the time that the fields of the latter had been
ploughed once, K6|i and Channayya had entirely finished their kambala. Then they sent four
buffaloes and four coolies to Buddyanta's fields.

Then Buddyanta came from Vali Mafije Eatto, rooted out the huntdlam plant growing in
the water, and severely beat the buffaloes and coolies.

Then the two brothers said : — " Do not you beat the buffaloes and coolies belonging to
others. If you bear hatred against ns, revenge yourself on our own persons ; " and to the
coolies and buffaloes they said: — "Although you have been beaten, we shall consider the
aggression as against ourselves."

They then caused the buffaloes to be washed and boiled rice to be served to them. They
also caused fodder to be served to those who were willing to eat it, and supplied tender
cocoannts to those who would not take fodder. To the coolies they said : — " Gh> home in
great enjoyment."

They then brought some seed in baskets to their fields for sowing them ; while Buddyanta
had his seed carried to his fields in a palankin, and a plantain tree carried on the shoulders of
coolies. The two brothers then planted a plaintain tree in their fields, sowed them and
returned home.

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34 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ffamnian^

Three or six days afterwards, Channajya said to Koti : — " Now them uddy water in
the fields must be let out and pure water let in, and we should see what the seed has come to.
Will you go, my brother ? or shall IP"

" The bluntnesa of Buddyanta and your angry disposition will not well agree," replied
Kdti.

Then he took his harrow with him and set out from his house ; he passed Uddoildtt 'Bo^^,
and went through the field named Anilaje, and walked by the side of a paddy field named
P(imaje RAjjya in Munilaje. On his way he observed that Buddyanta*s field had not even so
much water in it as would be sufficient for a fly. Baddyanta was engaged in scaring birds
from his field. The fields of these brothers presented the appearance of the sea bearing
Rama's name.

Buddyanta was sitting in his house at Vali Mafije with great enjoyment, when K6ti laid
down the harrow on the ground, and exclaimed : — "Salutation to my lord !"

When he saluted him from the eastern side Buddyanta turned his face to the north ; when
from the north he turned his face to the west; when from the west he turned himself round
to the south ; and when he saluted him from the southern side Buddyanta looked down on the
earth.

At last K6ti said : — ** I saluted you full four times and not even once did you return
my salute ! If I had saluted the wild kdsana tree in the jungle, even that would have dropped
its frait and leaves, and its tendrils would have greeted me. You have not returned me even
so much. Let one of my salutations go to (the god) Narayana on high, another to the (goddes$J.
Earth below, a third to your ancestors, and the last to the Bhtlta^ Brahmara of Kemmule."

Saying this, he took up his harrow with him and went to the banks of his field. He made
a wide opening in one of the banks; the water flowed out with a rapidity equal to that of rivers
during the monsoon. Seeing this, Buddyanta called out his servants and they shut up the
opening made by Koti by means of grass.

K6fci then said:— ** Take care, Buddyanta! The suggi crop is the only means of food for
the monsoon for you as well as for us ! If you have enmity against us, avenge yourself on our
persons, and not on the crop that we have cultivated. Let, therefore, the water, which is
flowing out according to custom, flow on in its proper course."

" Who has given you a right, my youthful Billavar, to fell the trees in the forest, and to
dig a channel, and let out the water of your field through that channel ? " said Buddyanta.

" As it was I that came here, matters have come only to this ; but if my brother had come
they would have borne a serious aspect," replied Koti.

** Did your brother descend from heaven, or did he spring out of the earth ? Was he boi* '
in a peacock's plame ? Was he suckled by the wild buffaloe ? Can he make the water in a
small earthern pot flow out in a rapid current ? Will he ride to this place on a noseless horse ?-
Ah ! your brother will surely come, and shall I not get ready a bundle of thorny plants ? Shall
I not strike his face with it ?" said Buddyanta.

At this time Cbannayya came to Uddanda Botfcu and looked around him, and said to him-
self :—** What could possibly have delayed my brother so long ? He is not yet to be seen,"

Meanwhile words rose to a high pitch between Buddyanta and the elder brother, and
Channayya heard them. He went to his house, and, unsheathing his dagger, proceeded to the
place, and when he reached it, he saw his brother and Buddyanta quarrelling with each other.
He remonstrated with Buddyanta and warned him not to interfere, saying: — "Will the water
that is poured on the feet come up to the head ? Or will the water poured on the head come
down to the feet ? Let the water, which is flowing out according to custom, have its pi^oper
course."

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«84.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE tULUVAS. 35

On this Buddyanta said : — ** Who has created a custom for you ? **

Then Channayya held Buddyanta by the head and broke his neck. He held him by
the back, and broke the back-bone. Then he hurled him to the ground, so that he fell with
his face upwards. His throat and his breast with his silver-hilted dagger he stabbed full
three times. Buddyanta vomitted all his food ; his bowels were loosened, and his soul fled
frVR kia bo4y to Kailasa ! The two brothers then took the corpse by the hands and feet,
bore.it to. the chan;nel they had dug, and there they placed it. They then put a harrowful of
earth on its head, and said to the corpse : — **Do you imagine this to be a r^ turban.''*

Next they put a harrowfal of earth on its breast, and said:—** Consider this to be a blanket
of the colour of pigeons.**

A third time they put the same quantity of earth on its middle, and said : — ** Take this to
be a shawl of the best manufacture.'*

And for the last time they put a harrowful of earth on its feet, and said: — '* This last do
you consider to be slippers.*'

They then smoothened the earth, just as they would do the banks of the suggi fields. The
harrow they decorated, and made it look somewhat like Buddyanta, and placed it on his seat,
and said : — " Sit down here and scare away birds ! **

" Now, my elder brother, on our way home, let us go to Buddyanta's house," said
Channayya.

** To Buddyanta*8 widow let us mention a fact, apparently true, though not really so," said
tlie elder brother.

They then proceeded towards Buddyanta*s house, and stood at the gate and called
out to his widow. She came out answering the call, and enquired who it was that had
called her.

** We are the persons that called you,'* answered the two brothers.

She asked them to come in and sit down. They sat down on a swinging cot.

*• You, Sirs, who never visited our house till this, what is your object in coming here ? "
asked the woman.

** Our lord, your husband, is very thirsty, his body is full of sweat, and his throat is dry ;
therefore he has ordered that, w^ith milk in a cup, water in a goblet, and betel-leaves in a metal
plate, you should go there, accompanied by a maid-servant,'* replied the brothers. •* Wherever
you went, there he would sprinkle water mixed with cow-dung, and wherever he went, there
you would do the same."

•* Who has effected this union between yon, who have been so widely separated ?" asked
tke woman.

"All the great men of the upper and lower countries joined and united us together,**
replied the brothers.

" If you have become friends, I shall stUl have .the fortune of enjoying married life,"
•aid the woman.

She further siiid : — " You, my children, who never came here till this, and have so strangely
Tisited our house, take your food here."

• ** Till yesterday we have lived upon your food and salt, and hencef or wards, too, we
are only to depend upon you," replied the brothers.

She then asked them to at least chew betel-leaves, and offered them the leaves in a
metal plate. They took up some leaves in their hands and said : — "We will go."

Meanwhile, accompanied by the maid-servant, who took with her milk in a cup, water in
a goblet, and betel-leaves in a plate, the widow proceeded by the sides of the bank named

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Febbuabt, 1894.

Avjle of the field called Amba)a. Here blood was slowly flowing through a narrow channel
near the field. Then she went to the shed in Vali Manje, and saw a harrow decorated
so as to assume the appearance of Buddyanta, placed on his seat ! She cried out : —
**0h ! the brothers have committed murder ! "

She threw away her nose ornament, and cried out : — *^ Let it ornament the breasts of those
heroes ! '*

She threw away her neck ornament, and cried out: — "Let it adorn the breasts of those
heroes ! "

She oast off her ear-rings, and cried out:— " Let them ornament the breasts of those heroes !"

She dashed her bracelets to pieces, and the brothers rejoiced to see Buddyanta*s wife in
this distracted condition, and returned home. All the water in the country became poisonous
to them and every man became their enemy. They then resolved to leave the country and to
go to foreign lands, and said to each other: — " If we are to go away, our uncle lives in his
house named Mandil Ndma Barke. Let us visit him."

Saying thus, they went on their way. Sv&mi Baidyati, the woman that had nourished
them, saw them from afar and said to Sftyina : — '* The children that have not visited us for
so long are coming ! "

By this time they had reached the gate and went into the house. Seeing this, on a
swinging cot she spread out a bed of flowers, and asked them to sit down. At the same time
Sayina Baidya came and also sat down on the same cot.

** Tou children, who have not come here for such a long time, with what object have you
visited us to-day P What are those stains on your faces P And why does your dagger shine
so brightly P" asked he.

'* Our mother has not been able to wash away those stains, and our dagger, having been
whetted, the polish on it is still bright," replied the brothers.

**Tell me the story as it really is, will you, my children P" said SAyina.

The younger brother said :— ** The tone of Bnddyanta's woi*ds rose to a high pitch, and so
he met his death at the hands of Channayya."

"Now you will be hated by one and all of the people of the country," said Sayina Baidya.

" We will leave our country and go to a foreign one. In our life-time you supplied us
with a handful of food and after our death you would have reduced our bodies to five sirs of
ashes !" said one of the brothers.

** At the age of seven years, land was given to you by Parimft}e Ball&}* Do not go away,
when you possess land and the love of women. Make the throne^ the oause of your
departure. Consider this well," said Sayina Baidya.

Then they asked him to tell them the means, by which they were to carry out his advice.

" 0, my children, listen to me then. The |?anc^/t-betel creeper that has climbed up the
areca-nut tree, and the mandoli-heiel creeper that has climbed up the mango tree ; fetch you some
leaves of both these creepers, tie them in bundles, put them into the skirts of your garments,
and beg of the Ball&l to give you the food and clothing he promised your mother to give you.
Then he will become terribly angry. Do you then take him at his word, put the blame upon
him and go away." Thus did the wife of S&yina advise the two brothers.

They sat down to take their meals. There were five hundred kinds of curries mixed with
curds, and three hundred kinds of .curries mixed with tamarind pickles, and green rice boiled in
milk. They ate food mixed with gh% washed their hands in whey and chewed betel-leaves.

s i. 6., the BaUft).

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FsBBTTABT, 1894.] THE DEVTL WORSHIP OP THE TULUYAS. 87

After their dinner they came out, and ^et out from the honse. They went towards the house of
Parimale. The five hundred men in the service of Parimale, and the three hundred in that of
Eo}ainA}e, asked them who they were, and whispered to each other : — *^ We cannot find out
whether they are merchants or Brahmans, or whether they belong to the class called VakkatSra,
or whether they are Bants.''

At this time the BalM! was looking out of a window of his house, and he said : — " The
children that are coming are those that I brought up."

By this time they approached the gate and came to the spacious yard in front of the house,
and went into the crowded hall. They proceeded to a room set apart for the use of bards,
poets, musicians and the like. It was a room on the western side of the house. By means
of a rope they got into the upper-story which was made of silver, and sat down on two chairs.
Wearing a hat of areca-nut spathe on the head, decorated with peacock's plumes, the Ballal
was nodding on his seat. He was adorned with jasmine and pandanus flowers. To the BalU|
thus seated, they bowed low.

''Come» children, take seats," said he.

** We would first speak about the purpose with which we have come, and afterwards about
the matter of sitting down," said the brothers.

'< You can speak about the object which has brought you here, but sit down," said the
Bami.

They sat down near the door, and he asked them to tell him the object of their visit.

*• We have become tired of living by cultivation. Our purses have become empty. Supply
us with something that will defray all our expenses," said the brothers.

'^ What do you want, my children ? Tell me and I will give it you," said the Ball&l.

** In front of your mansion there is a field named Bftkimftr, in which can be sown five sirt
of rice, and which produces five hundred mudisA Oive us that," asked the brothers.

'' That field meets all the expenses of my household. Leave that, and ask for another,"
said the BallU.

** There is the field Bert&p below your mansion. You sow three sirs of rice in it^ and
when you reap the crop you get three hundred mu^ia" said the brothers.

*' Leave that one and ask me for something else !" said the Ball^.

** In your spacious cow-pen, there are two milch she-buffaloes, give us one of them," asked
the brothers.

" They are for supplying milk to the children of my household. Leave them and ask for
something else," said the Ballal.

**In the yard of your house, there is a jack-tree of a superior quality. On one of its
branches there is fruit with a soft rind ; on another there is fruit with a hard rind ; on a third
there is unripe fruit ; and on a fourth very tender fruit. Give us that," asked the brothers.

" I cannot give you that," said the Ball&l.

" Your grand-mothers have two pleasure-gardens. Favour us with one of them," said the
brothers.

" You, who to-day have asked for a a flower-garden, will to-morrow ask me for one of my
grand-mothers !" said the Ball&{.

'' Ah ! you have conceived the strange idea of marrying us to the very mother that
suckled us !" said the brothers, and, bowing low, rushed out of the houses and proceeded on
their way.

* [A meMoxe of gram, oontaising from 40 to 60 «^«.— £i>.]

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38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [Pkbbuabt, 1894.

While they went on their way* they met the Ballal*s nephew coming from a place called
Ddva9a Ajale belonging to one B6}a Marda4e.

** Why are you walking with such angry looks from the BaUal's house P" asked he.

'^The Ballal had the strange idea of marrying us to the very mother that suckled us, there-
fore we came out of his house," said the brothers.

His nephew asked the Ballal: — ''Why did those heroes go out of your house in anger P"

'' They asked me to give them very unusual gifts and I became terribly angry ; then they
saluted me and went away !" said the Ballal.

'' They shall not be left unpursued, in their own land. We must construct a Ibrt in the
paddy field called Ko}ala and must give them battle/' said the nephew.

Then the Ballal asked him to try and make peace with the brothers, and bring them back
to his house. The nephew then took some precious shawls in both his hands, and said to the
brothers : — ** 0, my heroes, make peace, and I will give you whatever you want."

" Give your shawls to the Pariahs that have long served you ! We will never enter the
hall that we have once left," replied the brothers.

Then the royal elephant was sent out to fight with them.

" If you have come to fight on behalf of justice, on our very breasts we shall let you
tread; but if you have come on behalf of injustice, we shall cut you to pieces," said the brothers
to the elephant, and the elephant returned to its stable.

Next the royal horse was sent.

" Are you come to fight on behalf of justice or of injustice ? If on behalf of justice, we
shall allow you to pass over our very breasts ; if on behaM of injustice, we shall cut off the legs
of your foal,*' said the brothers to the horse. Hearing this, the horse went back to its stable.

A company of player youths and some youths of the class called Gh^va^i MftkVftla were
armed, each with a cudgel, and sent to fight.

" Are you come to fight on the side of justice, or on the side of injustice ? " asked the
brothers. Hearing this, the youths turned back.

The brothers then proceeded on their way, and while they were walking, they resolved
to got back from a plough-wright the implements of husbandry, which they gave him
to be repaired, and which they used for cultivating the field Anilaja; namely, the plough made
of the tree called hedijha^ having a handle made of the tree called tiruvu, some iron nails, and
a yoke made of the tree called horajifi

BUBNELL MSS. — No. IV. PART II.

THE STORY OF KOTI AND CHANNAYYA.

Original in the Kanarese character from the MS. of Dr. Mogling, Mangalore, and signed
" M." : the translation according to Bumell's MS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves
64 to 122 inclusive in Bumell's MSS. It is a direct continuation of Part I. which breaks off in
the middle of a sentence.

Translation.

When K6ti and Channayya called out to the plough-wright^ he came out from his house.

•• Give us the implements we entrusted to you the other day," asked the brothers.

" The plough-tail and the plough-share have been injured by white ants, the plough-shoe
has been injured by rust,'' said the plough- wright.

From this point the story is oontinned in prose.

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Pbbbuabt, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUYAS. 89

** YoQ had better give us our implements ; if not, we will reduce you to Buddyanta's
condition.**

Hearing tliis» he went in, and, stretching his hands to the rafters of his roof, he took down
the broken plough-share, the decayed plough-tail, and the injured plough-shoe, and threw
them away, saying :—

** Let the instruments, which were used to furrow the earth, henceforward furrow your
breasts."

** Ah ! you son of a paltry, courtezan, shall the implements used to furrow the earth furrow
our breasts ?"

Saying this Channayya Baidya held him by the head and broke his neok. He hurled
him to the ground, so that he fell on his back. He looked at his neck and at his breast, and with
his silver-hilted dagger stabbed the plough-wright in the breast. The plough-wright vomited
all his food, and the wound streamed forth blood. The plough-wright fled from his body to
Kailasa, and they said to the corpse : —

** Drink a bellyful of rain water, repair old ploughs, and make new ones.'*
So saying they went on, and, on the way, a washerman said to them : —
'* What are those cries of men and groans of women in that plough -wright's house P'*

They answered him : — '' We kindled a fire, a spark flew from it and burnt a shed ; there-
fore are the inmates of the house crying out."

"Wherever you go, there ruin will never be wanting; and wherever the crab goes,
there dirt will never be wanting," said the washerman.

** Do you compare us to a fish that lives in the water P You whoreson ! You that live by
washing the clothes of others ! " said the brothers ; and holding him by the head broke his
neck. They rolled him on the ground, so that he lay on his back. The centre of his breast
they stabbed three times, and they then said to the corpse :—

" Bring dirty clothes, clean them, and eat your bellyful.** Saying thus, they proceeded
on their way, and came to a small river. They washed their hands, feet, faces and bodies in it.
After washing themselves they sat down by the foot of an aivattlia tree, and, having sat down,
they undid a small bag containing betel-leaves, areca-nut and the like, and chewed pieces of
areca-nut, and jpanchoU betel-leaves. They ate white lime and Siirat tobacco. They tied up the
bag, and went on chewing the betel-leaves.

There was a toll gate on the way, and as they approached it, the toll-man Ddre saw them
coming and asked tiiem who they were. They said that they were travellers.

'* Look ! there is the toll gate : pay me the toll before going away,*' said the toll-man.

*' Toll ! what is it on P Do we carry any packs on our heads P Did you see any loads on
our backs P Is it on any cattle that we have brought with us P Have we brought a whole
family with us P " said the brothers.

To this the toll-man D6re answered : — " The toll on the steel-dagger, five feet long, that
you carry with you, amounts to a cash. Pay that to me and then go away."

The brothers said : — " Never has any man set so low a price on our dagger, and now you
have been bom !"

"Is it wonderful that you should be asked to pay the toll? If the son of a Bant should
pass this way, he would pay toll on the slippers on his feet. Should the Sefti's son Shenaye
pass, he wotdd pay toll on the white umbrella in his hand. If the son of a king should pass
this way, he would pay toll on his palankin," said the toil-man.

" You may proceed, I shall pay the toll to D6re and follow you," said Channayya to his
elder brother.

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40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Febetjaet, 1894.

Koti went onwards^ and the younger brother took a cash from his pocket and said :—

"Here, D6re, receive the toll."

'' Stretch ont your hand to the verandah and pay it me," said D6re.

'' Come down from the verandah and receive it/' said Ghannayya.

'' I will not descend from the verandah/' said the toll-man.

Channajrya stood awhile, gazing at him with fiery eyes. He twisted his red monstache*
He ascended the verandah and cansed D6re to mn ronnd the verandah thrice, held him by the
head and broke his nook. Then Ghannayya held him by the back and broke the back-bone,
He stabbed his breast and neck three times with his silver-hilted dagger. D6re vomited np all
his food, and his sonl fled from his body to Kailasa.

Ghannayya then said to the corpse : — *' Eat your bellyful and thus feed yonr belly. Receive
toll from Banga^ MtUlaya and Cbau1»."

So saying, he placed the cash on the breast of the corpse and went on. The wind was
blowing and the two brothers spread ont a dirty blanket under a banian-tree. They undid the
bag of the colour of parrots and pigeons, containing beteMeaves and so on, and chewed areca-
nut with much enjoyment. Ghannayya swooned from the effects of the areca-nut.

" My throat is dry with thirst," said he.

Said K6ti : — " See here, brother, there is the spot named Darma Katto. If you look towards
it, you can see it, and your call can he heard there. A poor Br&hma^ keeps holy water there."

So spake Kdti, and the pair went to Darma Kat^e.

** Give OS a little water. Brahman, to allay our thirst," said they.

** What is your caste ? And what is your religion ?" asked the Br&hman.

** We wear the thread to mark our religion, and we are Billavars by caste,'' replied the
brothers.

** Gome to the southern side. I have got a tube of bell-metal, and I will pour water along
it into your hands, and thus you may allay your thirst/* said the Br&hman.

'' We will not drink out of the vessel that has been used by people of a hundred and twenty
different castes. We will hold our dagger to our mouths, and you may pour water into our
mouths along it."

Koti then placed the point of the dagger in his mouth and stretched the hilt towards the
Brahman. Thus he assuaged his thirst. Next Ghannayya placed the point of the dagger in his
mouth, with its hilt towards the Brahman, who then poured water upon the dagger. On seeing
the red moustache and the flaming eyes, and the broad face of Ghannayya, the Br&hman's
hand trembled, and he poured out a large quantity all at once. The water ran down on to
Ghannayya's body, and he said : —

" 0, you Br&hman ! Do you give water for the sake of charity, or for the purpose of com-
mitting sin ?"

Saying thus, he suddenly stood up, and made the BrShman run round the verandah.

•* Wait a little, brother! Wait a little ! Do pot murder him. If you disobey me, your
crime will be equal to that of murdering me ; to that of killing a cow in Bai^aras ; nay, even to
that of destroying the BhUta^ Brahmara of Eemnau^e."

Thus did Koji solemnly warn his brother. Hearing this, the latter drew back and said : —
'' The cow that you speak of is in Banaras and the Bhiita, Brahmara^ in the forests of Kemmule ;
but where can I wash away the sin of murdering you ?"

Hearing these words, the Brahman said : — "Do you wait here a little while. I will just go
home and return/'

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PBBBrABT. 1894] • THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUYAS. 41

He ran home so fast that the dust rising from the earth covered all his head. He held a
little grass in his hand, and by its means induced his cow to come home from the garden, where
it was grazing. The cow came home and its pretty calf was put to suck its mother. When it
had sucked once, the Brahman drew a sir of milk. A second time, the calf was put to its mother,
and this time the Brahman drew two airs of milk. He then boiled the milk and reduced it to
one sir. Then, taking with him a stool made of the wood of the tree called hadaltj ornamented
with flowers of silver, and another of gold set with precious stones, he came to the two brothers,
and said : — ** Drink this milk to allay your thirst." They accordingly drank the milk, and
said to each other that they would not murder the Brfthmap, who had given them milk.

" Sit down, both of you, and I will predict future events."

So the BrfthmaQ prophesied.

He said : — " O you heroes, in the village named AdakkanelUjlne, the Eoragars^ living
in their sheds called hoppu, the Mugdrs in those called voni, and the Bftkddrs of the plain,
are all eagerly waiting to meet you. Eemdr BaU&l, of the village named Paflje, keeps
a watchfol guard* Therefore, be very cautious on your way. If you think that what I say is
false, on your way to Nellijlne, you will see white stone-berries and Kdfi Baidya's palankin,
and hear the sound of the war drum. If you think this also to be false, yon will meet a female
areoa-nut seller called K&ntakke. She will verify my statement ; and if this, too, shall
prove false, when you return, you may put me to death."

Hearing this K5ti and Channayya walked on. On the way they met the female areca-nut
seller Kantakke. She cried out : — " children, why are you journeying ? Where did you come
from ? Where do you go to ? Over there, wood, stone and earth-work is being busily carried on.
children, why are you journeying ? "

''She, who has given us suoh good advice, shall not henceforward carry the basket
of areca-nnt on her head," said the brothers to each other, and they gave her their blessing
by lightly touching her hand with their dagger, and said to her : —

** Put out rice to interest in kind and money to interest in coin, and thus live happily. **

They went on their way to Nellijine, and while they were walking on they saw a bunch of
stone-berries. Channayya took one of the berries and threw it up, hd held his dagger directly
under it and passed the' dagger through the berry. The berry as it fell was reduced to powder
as fine as red turmeric. The people saw this wonderful feat, and said : —

"If the younger brother can shew so much dexterity, how much more will the elder be
able to shew ? All our ability and skill would be as nothing in comparison to theirs. If we
obey our master's orders (to fight them), half of us will lose our lives."

Thus spake the B&kddrs of the plain, and the Eoragars, living in their sheds termed
hoppu^ and fled. The Mugdrs, carrying bows, held each a blade of grass in his hand and fell
prostrate before the two brothers, crying for protection.

^ For ever and ever we wUl serve you like orows," said they.

'the brothers heard this, and poured water on the hands of the suppliants, saying : —
** Be yoa our bond-slaves,'* and the brothers blessed them by touching their hands with the
point of their dagger, and gave them some rupees.

"Feast yourself with toddy,'* said the brothers, and then, taking their way, they went
through the plain in Pafije.

On that plain there were some oow-herds grazing thousands of cows. Channayya
proposed to his brother to propound a riddle to the oow-herds.

** A riddle requires little wisdom, but great wit," said Koti. They then said to the cow-
herds : — "Look ! in your herd of cattle, a bull has brought forth a calf and is licking it.'*

To this the others answered : -^ " Look to the West, you heroes ! and see the sea on
fire!"

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42 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. IFebbuaby, 1894.

" The great god* is descending, you boys ! '* said the brothers.

To this the cow-herds answered : — ** It is not that the bnll has brought forth a caM and
is licking it, but that the bull is smelling its dung."

** ! they have solved our riddle, Channayya Baidya," said K6ti,

** We must get every information about the way from these boys," said they to each other.

So they said to the boys : — " Which is the way to the house of that rich man in PaUi
named Faiyya Baidya ? **

" 0, heroes, if you go by the road on the left, you will come to the village £<jUtmbtlr.
If you go by the road on the right, you will come to the village Pafije. And if you go by the
great road in the middle, you will find the house of that rich man in Palli called Paiyya Baidya."

" What are the signs by which we may know his house ? " asked the brothers.

" There is a gate of bamboos, and a spacious cow-pen. The house has an upper-story, and
the well a pump. The manoU creeper has been trained up a double jpmddl. The cocoanut tree
bearing red fruit has a circular basin round it, and in front of the house there is a shed with a
thick roof."

Thus the boys told the brothers all the distinguishing marks. After hearing this, K6ti and
Channayya proceeded on their way. They entered Paiyya's enclosure, crossing the hedge
round it, and called out : — ** Paiyya, Faiyya ! "

The first call, his wife merely heard, but did not answer. When they called out again
she answered the call, and when they called out a third time she came out asking : — *' Who is
it that calls?"

" It ig we and none else. We the travellers. Is Paiyya, the rich man of Palji, present or
not?"

To this the woman answered : — " He is not present. He is gone to draw toddy from the
Icadamha and date trees in the forest called Sai^ in the East."
"At what time does he go out, and when does he return ?"

« He goes out in the morning and returns at noon. If you are Brfthmans wearing the
thread, sit down on the round platform of the cocoanut tree bearing red fruit. If you belong
to the tribe called Vakkatftr, sit down in the shed, built by the poor man. If you belong to our
caste, sit down on the swinging cot within the house," said the woman.

Hearing this, they approached the house and said : — - " We will not enter into a house
in which there are no males."

They spread out their dirty blanket within the shed and sat on it. They chewed betel-nut
with much enjoyment. Then Channayya became thirsty.

"You, who are a member of Paiyya's family, please give us a cup of water," said he.

To this the woman answered : — "I will not go out of my house to a place where there
are no males belonging to my family."

She said this merely in jest, and did not mean it in earnest. She took ofF her dirty dress
and put on a clean one ; and then, taking a copper pot in her hands she went, to the well which
had been walled in, and by the means of the pump drew pure water from the deep well. She
poured the water into a goblet and came into the house. As she was coming in, the younger
brother looked at the elder's face, and the elder looked at the younger's face, and they began
a suppressed laughter. Said the woman : —

"You men, are you laughing at my beauty, or are you laughing at my foolishness ?"
"We did not laugh at your foolishness, but we laughed at your beauty," said they,

6 i. «., the Sun.

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Febeuabt, 1894.] THE DBTIL WOBSHTP OF THE TULUYAS. 43

And then they aaid : — ** Before we can drink the water given by you, you must first tell
ns in what place you were bom» the tribe you belong to, the names of your mother and father
and the Bhtita you worahip.''

'' As for my native place, in its eastern part it is named Setfi BannA)a ; in its western
part it is called TTppi Bannftla ; in its southern part it bears the name of Eiro<Li Bann£4a* In
the northern it is known by the name of Beoohi BaimA|a. My father is Eftnta^ijia Baidya^
my mother Deyi Baidyadi, and my unole Sayina Baidya* As for the Bh{lta, worshipped by
my family, I have merely heard it said that it is the Bhtita^ Brahmara of Kemmx4e. I have
not personally seen it. It is said that after my birth my mother gave birth to two children in
Parimale's house, that these latter are burning city after city even without fire, and that my
hands were joined in marriage to those of a stranger at the age of seven. My name is Einni

''We are the persons tiiat committed depredation in the kingdom of ParimMe!" said
the brothers.

Hearing this she held Ghannayya by her left hand and Kdti by her right, and led them
both into the house and seated them on the swinging cot. Then she held a little grass in her
hand and called home the cow that had gone out to graze. She put the calf to suck, and
drew two sSrs of milk. She boiled it and reduced it to one sir. When Paiyya Baidya, the
rich man of Palli, came home, carrying a pot of toddy, he went into a small room, and heard
the creaking of the swinging cot.

"My old enemies are come," said he to himself, and, seeing the brothers, he precipitately
fled.

Koti saw him running and said : — " 0, my sister Kinni Daru, your husband, our brother-
in-law, is running away. Fetch him hither," said he.

She went out and addressed her husband :— *' my lord! you monkey of the forest !
Stop ! My brothers, your brothers-in-law, have come."

Thus she brought him back to the house. She entered the house through a narrow door,
came to where her brothers were sitting, and seated her husband between them. Then she
went in and brought the milk and gave it to her brothers saying :—

" Drink milk to assuage your thirst, my brothers ; and as they drank, they said to each
other :—

" We will not meditate evil to a house in which we have drunk milk."

Kinni D^ru then went inside the house and made preparations for cooking. Ghannayya
and K6ti bathed themselves, and went to a room where there was sandal-^ood. They
ground up a great deal of it, and besmeared their bodies. They came to the basin of the
sacred tulasi^ and each made a mark with the earth of the basin on his forehead, in order to
earn merit. They then came in and sat down to take their food, and were served with green
boiled rice, ghi^ five hundred kinds of curries mixed with curds, three hundred kinds mixed
with tamarind, and tender bamboo shoots, and pickled berries called hdvade, and ate the food
mixed with gh%. They washed their hands in butter-milk, and, thus finishing their meals, sat
down on the swinging cot and chewed betel-nut.

They asked Paiyya Baidya of Palli : — "Who are the most intimate friends and the most
faithful servants of K6m6r BalU4 of the village of Paflje V*

"I was the dearest friend of the last Ballal, but those of the present one are Ch&muQKJlu
Bernftye and Ohandagi<Ji Baidya,'* said Paiyya.

« Can you introduce us to KemSr Ballal V* asked the brothers.

'* I can," said Paiyya ; and so the three set out together to visit him.

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44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [Febbuabt, 1894.

In a small hut oonseorated to the Bhfita in the village Pera^<Le Permxu^ijle,
Ohandagi(jU was teaching a number of boys to play dexterously on the flute. They went towards
the place. Chandagidl saw them from afar, ordered the sound of the flute to cea8e» and all
men to be silent, and shut the doors.

They stood in front of the hut and called out: — ** Chandagidi, Ghandagidi/* But be
did not answer the call, neither did he come out of the hut. The brothers then broke open
the door by means of their dagger, and entered the hut. They searched the four comers of it
aod found Ghandagidi standing beside a pillar, clasping it closely like a lizard.

Said Ghannayya to K6ti : — " How many kinds of lizards are there, Koji ? "

*• There is the white lizard, and there is the black lizard.*'

«* How many kinds of eagles are there ? " said Ghannayya.

'' There is the red eagle, the black eagle, and the yellow eagle," said K6ti.

Hearing this, Ghandagidi moved away from the side of the pillar.^

** I have heard that you are teaching some boys to play on the flute. Teach my brother
Ghannayya," said K6ti.

" I will teach him. The new comer shall be the pupil, and he who was here before, shall
be the master," said Ghandagidi. Then they played on the flute.

" Ghandagidi ! Who is the master and who is the pupil now ? " asked K6ti.

" heroes ! The new comers are the masters and he who was here before is the pupil.*'

'' Ghandagi4i> introduce us to K6mSr Ballal of the village of Panje," said the brothers.

** I will introduce you," said Ghandagidi, and walked on first, while they followed behind.
Edmdr Ball&l had posted an elephant in the way. But, although the heroes were young,
they did not leave the elephant alone. They caught hold of its trunk, and pulled it violently
backwards and forwards, and the elephant cried out. Then they proceeded further, walked
a little distance and looked back. Chandagidr had concealed himself, like fruit hidden under

** We took him for a faithful gidi, and so brought him with us, but he has proved himself
to be a flesh-eating gidi (vulture) and has fled," said the brothers to each other, and proceeded
towards the house of K8mdr Ballal of Panje.

They crossed the gate, entered the enclosure, and came to the spacious yard in front of
the house ; he saw them at a distance. He seated one J&}a EottA]ri on his seat, and went him-
self into the upper-story. The brothers entered the house and approached the Ball&rs seat.

•* Wait a little before you salute, my brother," said Ghannayya to K6ti.

" Are you the only Balla} in this house ? Is there another Ballal here or not ? " asked
the brothers.

Hearing these words, the Ballal came down from the upper-story. He caused JAla Kottari
to be displaced and seated himself on his proper seat. The brothers then formally saluted
him.

" Gome, heroes ; take seats," said the Ballal. A bed of flowers was spread out, and they
sat on the same bed.

Just at this time, the Ballal secretly received Sayina's letter from the kingdom of Parimale
BalUl. He read the letter, which was as follows : — ** The heroes have committed murder in
the kingdom of Parimale. They have murdered one Buddyanta. Therefore, when they come
to you, you should confine them in a narrow room and put them in heavy chains."

^ [There is a play on the name ** Ghandagidi " here. Qidi means an eagle or hawk. See below in the text — Ed.]

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FiBBBUABT, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 45

Thereupon KemSr BallAl said to the brothers : — '* I have erected a mansion and have
named it Sla^e, and I wish you to e2camine it, and point out to me its several beauties and
defects."

So he conducted them into the mansion. They examined every part of it and said : —

** my lord, there is no creeper without a curve, and there is no thorn without a point."

Then the Ballal said: — **]N"ow let us go to the upper-story, you heroes !"

Accordingly the Ballal went first, and the brothers followed him. When they entered
the room the BallAl came down, and the porter shut the doors. The man that had charge of
the key, locked them in^ and their legs were heavily chained.

The elder brother cried out: — •* God ! God ! my hard fate ! How woeful is my
story ! My death is approaching ! I am now to die, even with my brother, whom I brought with
me, at the age of seven years ! O Brahmara, send xlb relief ! The offering we consecrated to
you shall be the bell-metal handle of our dagger. If you are the Brahmara that relieves men
in their difficulties, relieve us now ! We are heroes that in life deserve a place in the king's
council, and after death to be taken to the heaven of Brahmara. We are they that in no
circumstances fail to fulfil our promises."

At these words Brahmara sent him gigantic strength in his right shoulder, and the
heavy chains broke, and the upper-story gave way ! Did he crush it like an elephant ? Did
he stamp on it like a tiger ? Did he shew the ferocity of the wild hog ? He stamped on it
like an elephant and five hundred stones fell down, and three hundred stones fell down by the
force of his dagger.

In the jdeld called Bftkibalatim&ra in Fafije^ he spread out his dirty blanket, and sat
down on it. He undid the white bag of betel and said : —

" Come, my brother ! Come to me creeping, my brother ! This event will serve to remind
me always of my visit to Panje ! What is there to shew that I have visited Panje ?"

" I shall try whether Brahmara is merciful towards me or not," said Channayya.

No sooner had he uttered these words, than Brahmara sent him remarkable strength in his
right shoulder. The heavy chains broke, he crushed the upper-story like an elephant. He
stamped on it like a royal tiger. He displayed the fury of the wild bog. Five hundred stones
fell down by his stamping, and three hundred stones fell down by the strokes of his dagger.
The roof gave way and fell dowu on his head j but he easily blew it ofE ! The mansion in Paiije
was levelled to the ground.

The brothers then sat dcyrn together in the field Bakibalatim&ra in P^inje, and they caused
ttie Ball&l of Fafije to be brought before them and reproached him thus : —

" you flat-nosed Ballal ! You crooked-eared Ballal ! You opium-eating Ballaj ! You
bhang-smoking Ball^ll ! You swollen-legged BalJ^l ! Yon Ballal that takes three meals a day !
The golden swinging cot of Paiije with its silver chains, we shall swing in E^ambAr, and the
wooden one there with its iron chains shall be swung by us in Paiije. Your upper-story wo
will level with the spade, and the roof will we set on fire. We will have your house destroyed
by the pick-axe. We shall make you creep like a lizard. We shall make you run like a blood-
sucker. Seven feet of land in the village of Panje we shall annex to fidambur.*'

Having thus severely reproached the Ballal, they told him that they would leave the village.
On one side was Pa&je, and on the other was S^ambtir, and between them was a bilft-
stone,^ serving as a boundary-mark. They saw the stone, and it was covered with
writing.

"Look here, brother, see this writing on this stone," said the younger brother.
• [An inscribed stone : a stone vwth an ancient inscription on it. — Ed.]

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46 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Febbuabt, 1894.

" My qualifications are only, that I was bom before you and that I have grown up speedily,
bat writing, wit and wisdom are all your part/' said Koti.

Then the younger brother knelt down. Was it to dig out the stone ? Or was it to read
the writing on it ? He read the writing, and said to his brother thus : — •* my brother ! in
former times, Ildambiir was very powerful, and Panje paid tribute to fidambflr. Now Pwije
has become powerful and £damb£ir pays tribute to Paiije. Seven feet of land of the village of
£(jiambAr have been annexed to Panje. Therefore it is now necessary to change the place
of this stone.''

Having said thus, he dug up the stone, and moTed it seyen feet back, and thus
annexed seven feet of land to fi^ambtir.

The two brothers then proceeded on their way. They saw the coming of the wind, and
sat down under a banyan-tree. Meanwhile, the story about their imprisonment had reached
the BallAl of £<Lambtir, and he had sent one Ohannayya, surnamed the Young, to make
peace with K6m6r Ballal, and release the prisoners. While Channayya of S^Uunbtlr was
going to Panje on his mission, the two brothers were sitting under a banyan-tree to enjoy the
cool wind. He saw them, and from the size of an ordinary man, he shrunk to the size of a
span !

" Don't you weep, and don't you shrink, Channayya, Come here ! Where are you going
to ? Whence did you come ? " asked the brothers.

Channayya replied : >— ** The Ballal of fidambur sent me. He heard that you had been impri-
soned by the Ballal of Panje, and so sent me to get you released by making peace with him."

"Who is the dearest friend and the most faithful servant of Ballal of £]^mb{ir ? " asked
the brothers.

" I am the man, '* replied Channayya.

"Then can you introduce us to him ?**

"I can," said Channayya, and he took them to his own house.

" You must stay here to-day, and I will introduce you tomorrow. To-day you must take
your meals in my house ; tomorrow I shall introduce you at the noon-day levSe, In the mom-
ing I shall go and ask his permission," said Channayya, and went off at once into the Ballal/s
verandah.

" What kept you away so long, Channayya ? " asked the Ballal.

He replied : — ** Heroes that never had visited me up to this time, have this day come to my
house. They are the most beautiful men that yet I have seen. They love friendship, and
such men never have been bom before, and never will be born again. They are able to raise an
empire and also to subvert one."

"Fetch the heroes hither. I shall give them an interview at the noon-day levSe^** said the
Ballaj.

Then Channayya returned home.

" What order has the Ballal given ?" asked the brothers*

Channayya replied : — "He has ordered me to take you to him. I can do it ; but look here,
my heroes ! We shall have to go through the forest of Kenimu}e. If you see anything in that
forest, do not say to any one that you have seen it. If yon hear anything, do not say that you
have heard it. If a pregnant cow goes into that forest, it brings forth a dead calf. If a preg-
nant woman goes there she mis-carries. If a bird able to fly goes there, its wings are torn. If a
creeping ant goes there, it can creep no more. Therefore, O you heroes, you should follow me
as a child follows its mother ; as chickens follow the hen ; and as the thread follows the
needle."

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Pbbeuaet, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 47

When he had finished, they set out, Ghannajya of £damb^r walking first, and the
brothers following him. They walked very fast, when passing through the forest of Kemmnle.
While they were walking throagh it, the brothers asked their guide : —

** What is that in the distance, Channayya of £dambiir ; what is it that in height
•qnals a cocoannt tree and in circnmference an umbrella, and is shaped like an umbrella?
Is it a mosque of the Mupillas ? Or a temple of the Kudumbis ? Or a temple of the Jains P Or
simply a temple ? Or is it a gtujU belonging to the Bhtlta, Brahmara ? "

" O heroes, the time of your death is come ! I shall also have to die with you," cried
Channayya.

*' Channayya, do yon sit down here under this trunkless sdntt-tree^ hidden under its leaves.
We will give some offerings to the Bhiita Brahmara, and on our return, we will take you along
with us," said the two brothers, and proceeded towards the Bhilta's gudi with great speed.

They crossed a bridge of ropes and reached the place and came to the yard in front of the
gwdi and stood there, like Bhima and Yama, with their breasts towards a pillar and their backs
towards the long flat stone in front of the deity. The noon-day worship was finished, the
doors of the gudi were shut, all the lamps were out, and the sound of the bells had ceased.

Then they prayed to the Bhiita thus : — ** We are heroes that in life deserve a place in
the king's council, and after death a place in your council-chamber* If you are the Brahmara
that helps men in their difficulties, the doors of your gudi that are shut, should now open ; the
lamps that have been put out, should become lighted; the bells that have becx>me silent, should
ring ; and the signal gun should be fired, and the horn and the drum should sound."

Before the words had left their lips, Brahmara had granted their prayer. The doors
that had been shut opened, and the lamps that had been put out became lighted, and all their
prayer was fully answered. They then prayed that the Bh{ita should descend from the
seventh story of the gudi and come down to the third, and that he should hold a golden plate
in his hands and receive their offerings. Then Brahmara desoended from the seventh
atory to the third, riding on a white horse. Holding a silver umbrella^ he wore a
garland of white oonoh-shells on his right shoulder, and on his left^ a garland of
black shellfl. He had a disous on his head and his breast was covered with a square
shield. The two brothers then delivered to him the offerings they had consecrated to him.
The Bhuta gave them his prasdda,^

Now when they had finished their worship with flowers, hear, ye people ! a wonderful
miracle was wrought by Brahmara of the forest of Hemmuje. When they had finished
their meals, they were suddenly attacked with fever and cold, and ran to the house of a
Brahman so fast, that their heads were completely covered with the dust rising from the
ground. Now, before leaving the place, they had crossed the yard and had entered the gudi
itself, and had thus polluted it. The Br^hmans asked them what was the matter, and said : —

*• You have polluted the sacred gudi of Brahmara. heroes, was it through the pride of
race, or of money, or of your gigantic strength ? "

<' Iiisten to us, Br&hmaQs. If you think that Brahmara is helping you, move him
by your prayers to shut the doors that have been opened," said the brothers.

The Brahmans then began to pray, and knelt down ; but although their throats became
dry with their praying, and their knees broken, Brahmara did not grant their request. He
did not become their charioteer. The brothers then advised them to place one of their hands
on one of their eyes, and the other on one of their ears, and to stand on one leg. While they
were standing in that posture, the brothers prayed as follows : —

** If you are a Brahmara, willing to help us, you must needs become now our charioteer,
* Some gronad aandal-wood and Bome flowers as a mark of his favour.

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43 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Fbbetjabt, 1894.

and must shut the doors that are now open. The torch that is now burning, you must now
put out, and from the third story, you must now ascend to the seventh,"

All their prayers were granted, and they told the Brahmans to take their hands from
their eyes and ears. When they had done so, they observed, with great surprise, that one of
their ears had become deaf, that one of their eyes had become blind, and that one of their legs
had become lame. Then the two brothers left the yard of the Bhiita's gudi, and, crossing a
bridge of ropes on the way, came to where they had concealed Channayya of £(Jambiir under
the leaves of a tree ; and accompanied by him went on to the verandah of the Ballft|. of
fi^ambflr, who was sitting on his seat with much enjoyment.

"Ah, Channayya of Edambfir, have you brought the heroes along with you ?'* asked Ballal,

*' I have, my lord, " replied Channayya.

The two heroes then formally saluted the Ballal, and the BalMl caused a bed of flowers to
be spread, and asked them to sit down on it. They sat down on the bed and placed their dagger
on the ground.

The Ballal then said to them : — "I know by hearsay that you have been imprisoned in
PaSje. Is it true ? "

•* We have been iniprisoned, my lord !*' answered the heroes. " We know by hearsay
that you are a very weak king, and that your kingdom is but very small."

** O heroes, it now behoves you to remain in my kingdom. Do you want thp field called
BerampolU cultivated by the Brahmans, or that called Quttuber^e cultivated by the Bants,
or that called Nat^il Nftlaja cultivated by the Billavars ? " asked the BaUal.

The brothers replied:—" If you give us the field Nattil Ndlo^ja, cultivated by the Billavars,
our own caste people will become our enemies. If you give us the field Quttuberfce, cultivated
by the Bants, it will be like setting a dog against a dog. If you give us the peld Berpo^i,
cultivated by the Brahmans, you will be only setting the cobra against the serpent. Therefore,
if there is any waste land, or any land overgrown with the pl^,nts tumhe and pehJcif give us
that. If there is any land such as is named by us, favoijr us with that."

*' heroes ! there is the land called Ekkadka Brryanga<La^'^ said the Ball^j.

" Then give us that, and mark out its boundaries," said the brothers.

Accordingly the Ballal marked out its boundaries, and when he bad done 90, they went
and inhabited tht^t desolate land. Their cook was Sv&mi Baid^adi, the woman that had
nourished them.

When eighteen days of the mopth Paggij had passed, they gathered all the rubbish in the
fields and set fire to it. They then ploughed them with four he-buff^loes, and in a comer of
the field, they sowed some seed to prepare plants for transplanting.

" We must transplant tl^em in the proper time, and we must reap the crop with songs," said
the brothers to each other. They thus cultivated the yanela crop, but when, on a day, they
went to feee the state of the crop, they found it all destroyed by wild beasts.

" We had only heard up to this time that the Ballal of Edambiir w^s a veiy poor king, and
that his kingdom was in a very bad condition. Now, we actually see it. In this conntry,
there is no practice of hunting. There are no great festivals, nor the sport of driving
he-bufPaloes in fields. The food that we eat is like an anchor in our hearts, suspended by the
chain of the water that we drink. Our clothes do not become dirty, and our dagger gets
rusty." So spake these brothers to one another.

Meanwhile the BalUl of fidambfir had sent a spy to see what his new guests were saying
about him. The spy came back and spoke to his master thus :— " O my lord, they are finding
fault with you. They are sorry for having remained in your country."

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Pbbbuabt, 1894.] TRADERS' SLANG IN SOUTHERN INDIA.

" What do they say ? " asked the Balla|.

" They say that in your country there is no practice of hunting. They say that you are a
very poor king, and that your kingdom is badly governed ; that the food they eat is like an
anchor in their hearts, and the water they drink like the chain by which it is suspended ; that
their dress has not become dirty, and that their dagger has got rusty."

" Do they speak of me thus ?" asked the Ballal.

*• They further suggest," said the servant, « that all the irdddhas of your ancestors, which
have remained unperformed, should now be performed ; that all the bottomless wells should be
dried up; that all the thick and inaccessible forests should be rendered accessible; and that
all the invober^ble beasts should be conquered."

{To he continued.)

TRADERS' SLANG IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BT PANDIT S. M. J^ATESA SASTEI, B. A., M. P. L. 8.

Tha traders in Southern India^ as everywhere, have a custom of talking, when they meet
together, in a peculiar language, whioh has a oonventional meaning ^rnong themselves,
with the object of keeping chance listeners ignorant of their transactions and tricks. Thus,
whan one trader asks another what the price of a certain piiece of cloth is, he will answer it is
puli, meaning ten rupees, for among all the Tamil traders, from Cape Comorin to Tirupati,
pull means ten rupees, while in the ordinary language it means 'tiger/

With great difficulty I haye been able to gather two groui>8 of such conventions, to
which I now give publicity in the hope that the readers of this Journal will produce more.
But, at the same time, I must inform them that it is no easy thing to arrive at the true
signification of secret trade symbols and words, for once the desire of the enquirer to pry into
their meaning becomes clear to a trader friend, that friend becomes cunning and suspicious, and
then rarely, if ever, gives the true meaning. It is only by constantly comparing information
fron^ diSerent sources that one can hope to meet with success.

The fbfst of my groups prevails in the purely Tamil districts of Tanjore, Trichinopoly,
Madura, and Tianevelly, and stands as follows : —

arumhu (bud) = ^

fu (flower) = ^

pH arumhu (flower bud) = y^j

pinju (tender berry) = \

kd (as pronounced — hdy^ berry) = \

pit led (flower berry) = \

palam (fruit) = |

mati (moon) =: 1

vinai (action) =^ 2

gunam (quality) t= 3
iuruti (iruH) (the VSdas) =: 4
saram (garland) =^ 5
matam (religion) =: 6
tirat (ocean or sea) = 7
girt (mountain) = 8
mani (gem or jewel) = 9
kiH (parrot) = 10

The fractional terms are comparable with the system published by Major Temple, ante,
Vol. XIV. p. 157, as current at Dehli, and elsewhere in Northern India. It will be seen that
all the words relate to flowers and fruit, and so a conversation, which really relates to an
argument over fractional prices, would appear to a bystander to be desultory, polite talk over
garden produce or the season. He would thus be certainly deceived. So far, the group has
been well conceived for a system aiming at the deception of persons not in the secret.

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50 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Febbtjaet, 1894.

The set of numbers from one to ten have not been nearly so well thought out, and might
be gaessed by a sharp Hindu, well up in the philosophy of his religion : because they are derived
from philosophical expressions that have universally fixed numbers attached to them. Thus
the word for 'one' is *moon* (mati); and there is obviously but one moon in the world. So
vinai means two ; and there are only two • actions ' recognised in Hindu philosophy — ndl-vinai
(good action) and ti-vinai (bad action). The symbols for 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 are exceedingly plains
for every Hindu of any knowledge of philosophy knows that the Vedas are 4, the matas 6 {shan
mat a) J the tirais (jsapta sdgara) 7, and the giris (ashta girt) 8. Mani, = jewel or gem, f or •
* nine ' is also to be classed as a plain symbol, for nava ratna^ = the nine gems, is a common
saying. The symbols 5 and 10, saram and halt, garland and parrot, respectively seem to have
been arbitrarily chosen, for such symbols as bhtita (paiicha hhuta) or avatdra (daidvatdra) would
well have suited the numbers 5 and 10.

My second group, which prevails in all the Tamil districts, is a purely arbitrary one, with
no meanings for most of the words employed. It may be compared with Major Templets North
Indian group, ante, Vol. XIV. pi 158. This group is as follows : —

sdvUam = -^ tiruvdndai = 3

sendalai=\ j)dttdndai = 4

tiri vUam = yV kulachchu = 5

harundalai = J kirdti = 6

tahgdn = \ pichcJiu = 7

tirukkdl = f valivdndai = 8 •

idvdndai^l tdydndai=:9

iovdndai = 2 pulivdfjdai = 1#

Of the symbols for fractions in this series, iendalai, harundalai, and tahgdn (|, } and \)
are purely arbitrary, and have no meaning of any kind. ^dvUam is, in fact, a combination of
two different words, id and visam: sd meaning one (see Sdvdndai) and vUdm meaning sixteenth,
the whole meaning one-sixteenth. Triviiam is a poor symbol from a deceiver's point of view,
for the very word means three-sixteenths.

As to round figures, the combination of drtdai with several of the words makes the symbols
puzzling at first. Andai means master, and appears to have been used in the symbols with no
meaning of any kind, and merely with the purpose of puzzling. The symbols in which dndai
appears are : —

vali=.v=.dndai-=i8
tdy=:dndai = 9
puli^vz=.dndai^='\0

sd^-v^ dndai-=\

to {d6)^v=dndai:=:2

tiru (tri)z:iv^dndai=iS

pdttu^dndai=-4!

Thus, in 7 out of the 10 numerals dndai appears : but sometimes the first syllable alone, without
the suflix dndai, is employed to designate the figures, thus : —

id=l

to (do) = 2
tiru (tri) = 3
pdttu=^4i

vali^S
% = 9
puli =10

The va appearing in many of these symbols is only a joining link between the two parts
of the words according to the rules of sandhi in Tamil. When deprived of dndai some of these
symbols become quite plain. Thus, to (do) and tiru (tri) are only simple, ordinary words for two
and three. The other symbols ordinarily used with dndai, are, however, entirely arbitrary.
The conventions for 5, 6, and 7 are equally arbitrary.

The general opinion among traders is that the second group of cryptic words is more
diflScult for the public to guess at than the first.

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FEBkxjAET, 1894.] TRADERS' SLANG IN SOUTHERN INDIA. 51

Private-trade-signs to mark the prices of articles in writing are, of coarse, used all the
world over. The commoner ones in Madras to designate fractions are as follow : —

+ =-.v I - = i

O =A I I

— 4

These four marks were reluctantly given me by a trading friend, who assured me that
the round figures were represented, in writing, by the initial letters of the words for them
contained in my second group. Thus l^V would be written i + . Here the i stands for sd, one,
and the + for one-thirty-second. Those symbols for fractions are generally used to designate
the profit the native firm or trader charges on the cost price.^ Sometimes purely arbitrary
marks are chosen in order to puzzle other traders ; thus ^"^-^ sometimes stands for f ths ; and
sometimes an asterisk stands for }ths.

The trading world of South India has a number of amusing stories of the successful work-
ing of their conventions and of the great use they have been to them. Here is one, which a
trader related to me at Conjeeveram (KanchJpuram),

Ten traders had gone to the town of Arcot from Conjeeveram to sell their goods, and
were returning home with their purses full. In those days the path lay through a jungle for
a certain part of the way, and, while they were passing through this, they were surprised
unawares by three daring ruffians armed with scythes, while the poor traders had not even
a stick between them. For trading and manliness, in the opinion of many Hindus, do not go
hand in hand, amd a trader must always submit to physical force without attempting to resist.
True to this theory, our ten friends, as soon as they saw the three thieves, shuddered at their
weapons,' and, on the first demand, laid their all on the ground.

Had the thieves quietly retired to the woods with the money, this story would have ended
here, and there would have been no occasion for the trading world to boast of the usefulness
of their conventions. But, unfortunately for the thieves, the matter did not end there, for
the ruffians were elated at their easy conquest. They had always met with some show of
resistance in their other adventures ; but in this case they had only to order, and, to their
surprise, found that the traders implicitly obeyed. So they collected the purses together, and,
sitting opposite their trophy, asked our trader-friends to stand in a row. Their good dresses
were the thieves' next-demand. These, too, were given without any objection, excepting a
small bit of cloth for each to^ cover his nakedness ; and this was only kept with the due per-
mission of the ruffians, willingly granted, for they contemptuously pitied these poor specimens
of the human race with no resistance in them. The ten traders now stood as suppliant beggars,
ready to run away as soon as leave might be given. But no leave was given, as the thieves
bad comfortably taken their seats near the booty and the good clothes, and wanted to have a
little more fun.

Said the chief of the three : " Do you fools know how to dance ? "

•* Yes, your honour, " was the reply ; for a denial of any kind, the traders thought, would
only bring down the scythes on their necks.

" Then let us witness your dance before you go away. Give us all a dance," was the order.

The traders had to obey. One among them was very intelligent, and thought within
himself that, as the thieves had won everything without any trouble, they would entertain no
suspicion of any tricks being played at them. So he commenced a trick which, if the other
traders helped, would work successfully. If not welcome to them, he could easily give it up
without any harm to himself or to others ; for none but his own party would understand
what he was driving at. Now there must always be a song before a dance, or rather dancing
mast be accompanied by a song; and so he sang a song to introduce the dance, which was

1 Compare Major Temple's remarks on nafa' and asal dXm in Northern India : ante, Vol. XIV. p. 156 ff.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[Februaet, 1894.

clothed in the language of the traders' convention by way of hint to his companions as to how
they were to act.

The song was —

Ndmanwn pxdi per
Td(anum tint, per
Sdvana tdlanai
Tiruvdna tdlan sutta
ISdvana tdlan m^di.
Td ta% torn tadihgana^'

Which may be freely translated thus : —
We are puli x,^
They are tiru x.
If on a id x,
Tiru X sits down,
Sd X remains.
Td ia% tdm tadihgana.

The hint contained in this song was that they (the traders) were puli (ten) in number, that
the robbers were only tiru (three), that if on each one (id) robber three (tiru) traders fell, one
(stt) of the traders still remained to tie the hands and legs of the surprised robbers. The
thieves, secure in their imagined success, thought that the song was merely meant for keeping
time to the dance, and suspected no trick. The whole body of traders, however, caught the
hint, and separated themselves into groups of three, leaving thp business of tying the thieves'
hands and legs to the starter of the song. When the thieves were all eyes and ears for the
dance, and w.hen td ta% torn was at last significantly pronounced, the traders fell upon the
robbers. There was a very severe struggle, no doubt, but three to one is no proportion at all
in a free fight without weapons, and the thieves ha^ already lajd theirs aside in their elation,
and so in the end the traders managed to tie them up, and render them helpless. Then, taking
possession of their money and other valuables, the ten traders safely returned to Conjeeveram.

What is it that saved them in this delicate position ? T^ijprs' convention, is the only
answer of tlje trending world.

POOK
INDIAN EPIC POETRY.
For many years the study of the two great epics
of India has been like Tri^anku, neither in heaven
nor on earth. The subject was too modem for
students of the Vidas, and too antique for those
who devoted themselves to classical Sanskrit.
Beyond son^e notices by Lassen, and one or two
important essays by Prof. Weber (which have
appeared ii^ an English dress in this Journal),
the student has had little to help him, e:f:oept
that practical and laborious work of Sir M.
Monier- Williams entitled Indian Epic Poetry.
Since then, the oracles have been dumb. Thejre
have been no epoch-making essays on the subject
published in any of the Journals of the varioi^
Oriental Societies for the past twenty years. We
have had entertaining articles from the facile pen
of the late Dr. Rajendra I^la Mitra, on " Beef in
Ancient India/' and Krishna's seaside picnic, and
Dr. Muir (another departed scholar) has also
translated extrajcts f ronj the larger of the two
poems ; but nothing has been added to our infor-
mation regarding the epics, as forming a stage in
the history and development of Indian Litera-
ture, nor are we wiser than our literary fore-
runners of a generation ago as to how much of
these great masses of verse forms th'e' original
poems, and how much forms accretive additions.

« The meaningless word talam may be best translated
by X,
1 Das Rdmdyar^, Qeachichte und Inhalt, nehat Concor^

NOTICE.

Two books which have been lying on my table
for some months go far to wipe away ^his reproach
from Sanskrit scholarship, — Zur Oeschichte und
Kritih des J^ahdbhdrata^ by Adolf Holtzmann,
and Da8 Bdmdyat^a, Oeschichte und Inhalt, by
Hermann Jacobi. I propose to deal with the
latter^ work ^t present.

^o begin with general remarks. The book is
a pleasant one to read, — well printed and wellr
indexed. The language is clear and forcible, and
the author moves about amidst the amazing per-
plexities of his subject with a soreness of tread
that evinces (as we might expect in any work
enjanating from Prof. Jacobi's pen) the most com-
plete familiarity with all his surroundings. Such
a cpnfidence on the part of the author breeds
confidence in the reader, and one rises from a
perusal of the work with an assurance that,
though the last word on the subject of the great
BAma-epic has not been said, a great addition
has been made to the world's knowledge on the
subject.

To give a complete detailed account of its
contents would take up too much space. It must
suffice to glance rapidly at the principal head-
ings, and to dwell at length on one or two
topics which seem to me to be of greater import-
dan* der Qedriickten Becerwionen, yon Hermann Jacobi.
Bonn, Friederich Cohen, 1893. Price, Marks 15. Pp.
vii., 256.

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Febeuary, 1894.]

BOOK-NOTICE.

a nee. I begin, more Hibemico, with the end.
There are a number of useful indexes which ean
only be mentioned, and a valuable concordance of
the Bombay and Bengal recensions of the poem.
This is preceded by an analysis of the poem
according to the former recension, with a special
index of its own, which must, in future, be a
handbook indispensable to every student of the
text. Hitherto our vade-Tnecum has been Sir M.
Monier-Williama' little work, but Prof. Jacobins
index at once places a new instrument in our
hands. Certainly, this analysis is the most prac-
tically useful portion of the book, and would well
deserve separate publication. It is immediately
preceded by the main part of the work, — the text,
if I may use the expression, to which all the rest
forms an appendix.

This text is divided into three parts, dealing,
respectively, with the general question of the
recensions of the poem, the various additions and
interpolations which have increased the bulk of
the original text, and the place of the Edmdyaua
in Indian literature.

Dr. Jacobi commences by describing the three
well-known recensionB of the Bftm&yaQay the
Bombay or Commenta4iorB' (C), the Bengal
(Gk>rre8io'B) (B), and the newly discovered
West-tndian (A). The Bdmdyana, as he points
out, must originally, asid for many generations,
have been sung by bards before it was first
reduced to writing, and this fact fully accounts
for the discrepancies between the different recen-
sions, which are nearly all just those which would
result from slips of memory, e. g., passages
omitted or repeated, or alterations m the order of
the lines. Amongst the three recensions, however,
C bears marks of being the nearest represent-
ative of the text as originally composed,
but all are, necessarily, of a considei'able
antiquity. The author illustrates his arguments
by the episode of the parting of Hanumat and
Sit& in Lank& (which is repeated no less than
three times in different places in C and A, and
twice in B), and by a comparison of the texts
of the various quotations fi-om the Rdmdyana
in the works of later Sanskrit authors.

That the text, as we now find it in all the
recensions, contains many later additions, has
long been admitted, — amongst these, the chief
being the first and last kdndas. The oiiginal poem
certainly commenced with the second and ended
with the sixth. Prof. Jacobi in the second part
of his book endeavours to formidate some test
for distinguishing these added portions. The
tests of metre, peculiaiities of phraseology, and
grammatical irregularities give us little assistance
and only confirm judgmentn already arrived at

regarding the later origin of passages like the
Episode of Visv&mitra, and the R4vaneu of the
7th book. Internal evidence is, however, mone
valuable, and much can be learned from inconsis-
tencies or contradictions in the text itself. By
these tests Prof. Jacobi is able to shew that
passages, such as the episode of the burning of
Lank& by Hanumat, the description of the four
quarters of the world put into Sugriva's mouth
in the fourth book, portion of the discussion as
to whether Yibhishana should be killed as a spy,
and other important passages in the sixth book,
ajid, finally nearly the whole of the first book do
not form portions of the poem as originally com-
posed. By an ingenious process of reajsoning he
is enabled to give what, in his opinion, was the
original introduction of the poem, consisting of
only of some sixteen iUkaa^

The third and most interesting part of the
work deals with the place of the BftmftyaQa in
Indian Iiiterature. The author's theory of the
growth of the poem is clearly put, and, though in
one important point I am unable to agree with him,
his general conclusions demand complete assent.
He first wipes away the theory of a tendentiose
Umarbeitung, a deliberate re-casting of the whole
poem to suit the theories of the Br&hmans. The
growth of the poem was eminently natural. It
was from the first the property of singers, rhap-
sodists, ku6(lava8t who wandered from village to
village and court to court, reciting and singing
the national epic. These men had, like all of
their class, little reverence for the text of their
poem, and lengthened out this touching episode,
added that, inserted didactic passages, or comic
or burlesque scenes, as they found their hearers
appreciate them. This is what occurs down to the
present day with the modem successors of these
JeuHlavaa, who wander through Northern India,
singing the folk- epics which are now popular.
These additions soon became integral parts of
the poem, and were handed down from father to
son and from one bard to another, each genera-
tion making its own contributions and alterations
to suit the tastes of its audience. At length the
Rdmdyana so enlarged was fixed into a corpus,
and what shape it then took may be gathered
from the table of contents in the first canto of
the first book, in which the subjects described in
the first and seventh books are not mentioned.
Then came the later additions of these two
books, and the insertion of the second table of
contents in the third canto which refers to them.
In all this there is no editing or retouching. The
older parts ai*e not manipulated to agree with the
newer ones. There are nothing but additions,
and often these additions ai*e so clumsily made

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[Febeuart, 1894.

that the marks of junction are clearly visible.*
BAma, the national hero, was gradually raised
by later rhapsodists to the dignity of a tribal god,
but he is nowhere consistently identified with
Vishnu, except in the latest added first and
seventh books. In the Gve original ones he is
only so identified in a few isolated passages,
which are plainly later additions.

Who was V&lmlki ?' What part did he take in

the production of the original poemP The

Rdmdyana itself (I. 5, 3) helps us to answer this

question.

IkshvdMndm idam Ushdm vaiiiS6 rdjiidm mahdU

mandm \
mahad utpannam dkkydnarh Rdrndyanam iti
irutamW
Here we are told that the Bdmdyana was a
national poem bom in the family, and celebrat-
ing the prowess, of the Ikshvakuides. The
history of the family hero, B&ma, must have
formed the subject of the legends sung by bards,
suta, at the court of these princes, and they must
have been collected and fused by a prominent
poet, the Br&hman. Valmiki, into one complete
epic, which, if not the first of its kind in India,
was at least the first destined to live to after
ages, and which rightfully claimed to be the
ddikdvyam. This must have occurred in Oudh,
the land of Kosala, which was the kingdom of the
Ikshv&kuides ; and, as we learn from references
in the later added first and last books, must have
spread from thence to the courts of princes
related in some way or other to the main line of
the descendants of Ikshv&ku. Finally, the Rdrnd-
yana became the folk-epic of the eastern, as the
Mahdbhdraia was that of the western half of
Northern India.

Space forbids my describing the arguments
which Prof. Jacobi advances to prove that the
Rdmdyana had become a practically completed
poem, while still the Mahdbhdraia was in a state of
flux ; ho w^ it is an older work than the greater part
of that unwieldy encyclopoedia, as we now have
it ; and how it formed the model both in language
and metre for all subsequent Indian epic poems.
The Mahdbhdrata, originally a national epic of
the Kam-avas, became appropriated by their here-
ditary enemies, the P&ndavas, and was altered to
suit their side of the story. This editing took

* Thas, in several oaseH, when a passage is inserted, its
ooDclasion is made evident by the repetition of the line
immediately preceding the insertion, — as a sort of frame-
work to help the memory of the reciter.

" Prof. Jacobi mentions two placeB as sites of the tradi-
tional hermitage of Vfilmiki, the banks of the TamunA,
near the confluence with the Ganges, and a hill in the dis-
trict of BAndft. It is necessary to point out that these are
quite distinct places. Prof. Jacobi's language leaves the
matter in doubt. The District of Gayu is full of BAma-

place in the land of PaSch^la, which reverenced
the Pandavas, and which adjoined Kosala, the
original home of the Bdmdyana.

The chapters on the alleged Buddhist influence
and Greek influence on the Rdmdyana are of gi-eat
interest. Prof. Jacobi combats the view put
forward by Prof. Weber in his treatise on the
Rdmdyana, that the original of the poem was a
Buddhist legend contained in the Pali Dasaratha
Jdtaka, and, it must be admitted, has proved his
contention ; for knowledge has made giant strides
since Prof. Weber's well-known essay was publish-
ed more than twenty years ago. Attention may
be drawn to the suggestion that by Iiankft^
VAlmlki did not mean Ceylon, but a fabulous
country of which he had no real knowledge.
Nowhere during the period of classical Sanskrit is
Lanka identified with Simhala-dvipa. Cui-iously
enough, in old Hindi poetry Serendib, Lanka, and
Simhala-dvipa are often considered as altogether
different countries. Lank4 in South India means
an island, and the well-known Lank& cigars are
made of tobacco grown, not in Ceylon, but on the
islands of the Godavari delta.*

Prof. Jacobi's researches have, it will be seen,
reduced the original Rdmdyana to a poem of
moderate compass, and one of the incidental
results has been to eliminate from it the names
of foreign nations, the Tavanas, the Pahlavas,
the Sakas, the Tusharas, and the like. So also
all the so-called traces of Greek influence have
disappeared, or ai*e become so faint, that it is
impossible to say that the legends which have
hitherto formed the groundwork of that theory
are not those which ai*e the common property of
all nations.

These investigations lead up to the solution
of the important question of the age of the poem.
It is a noteworthy fact that, though it contains
numerous references to the various kingdoms of
Eastern Hindustan, and though R&ma is repre-
sented as passing over the very place where the
great city subsequently stood, no mention is
made of P&taliputra. The state of society de-
scribed is also a patriarchal one. There is no
mention of the great empire founded by A&oka ;
the kingdoms were small, even Kosala could be
traversed in a two or three days' journey. Each
petty state is occupied with its own palace

legends. It contains the hermitage of ^ishya ^ri^^ga, in
the sub-division of NawAdA. The village of B£rat is said
to be the site of Y&lmSki's hermitage, and a mile from it is
a cave called Sit^ma4ht, in which Slid is said to have
lived during her exile, and to have borne Lava and Ku6a.

4 So also at the other extremity of India, in Kalrofr
Mnfc means an island. [In the Further East it is an
exceedingly common custom to attach classical names to
quite impossible places. — En.]

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intrignes. No high state-craft, no imperial rule
over Northern India, is anywhere alluded to. The
capital of Kosala was called Ay6dhy&, though the
Buddhists, the Jains, the Greeks and Fatailjali
called it Saketa. The seventh book tells us how
Ayodhy& became deserted after the death of R&ma,
and how lUma's son. Lava, fixed his capital at
Sr&vastt. Moreover, in the Buddha's time, Pra-
senajit, thejdng of Kosala, lived in that city. All
these and other facts lead Prof. Jaoobi to con-
sider that V&lmtki lived during the period of the
prosperity of the Ikshv&kuides, and that the old-
est portions of the poem were composed before
the 5th century, and probably, in the 6 th or
8th century before Christ.

It is here that I am compelled to part com-
pany with Professor Jacobi. I do so with much
diffidence, but I am glad to see that I am not alone
in my schism, for M. Barth has lately made the
same objections to his theory, and has anticipat-
ed all my arguments.* I by no means deny that
a Bdmdyana was current in India eight centuries
before our era. I am prepared to go further, and
to admit, with Holtzmann, that much of Indian
Epic poetry is ur-alt, and dates from times pre-
ceding the Aryan migration into the Panj&b, but
it seems to me most improbable that the Bdmd-
yana of the centuries preceding the Buddha in
any way resembled in form the poem that we
know at the present day. Professor Jacobi him-
self maintains that, both before and after its redac-
tion by y&lmiki, the B&ma legend was the property
of wandering bards, whether sUtas or huiilavas.
This is borne put by many independent circum-
stances; and we are all agreed that the foundation
of the poem was, as even so late a work as the
HarivamSa calls them, a number of " ancient bal-
lads " {gdthds).^ A ballad, ancient or not, is, of
necessity, in the language of the people to whom
it is sung. A warlike population would prove a
bad audience to a rhapsodist reciting in an un-
known tongue, be his subject ever so admired, or
his hero ever so revered. It hence follows that,
if the Bdmdyana of Y&lmiki was composed in the
8th century before Christ, the language of Nor-
thern India at that time must have been Sanskrit.
Let us admit this for the sake of argument,
though, personally, I am not one of those who
believe that the vernacular of India in the 8th
<;entury before Christ was the same as the language
of the Bdmdyana. But then what follows P For
centuries afterwards, according to Prof. Jacobi,
the Bdmdyana continued to be handed down by
word of mouth, and must finally have been recit-
ed by bards to people whose language was not

* Bulletin des Religions de L'Inde, pp. 288 and S.

• So© Weber, On the Rdm&yaiya^ p77»

Sanskrit but a Prilkpit, and to kings the language
of whose courts was PAli. Such recitations are
inconceivable. No bard would rehearse a folk-
legend in a language not ** understanded of the
people." For this reason, I believe, that the
proto-epic, the " ancient ballads," which were still
remembered when the HarivarhSa was written,
must at one time have worn a Pr&krit dross, and
that it was nob re-eiited or republished in the
* polished, ' Satkikritay language till the adaptation
of Sanskrit to profane literature, somewhere about
the first century of our era. Whether Valmiki
was the original compiler of the cycle in Pr&kfit
or the translator iato Sanskrit, I do not pretend
to decide ; but I maintain that it is infinitely
more probable that there was such a cycle of Pra-
krit poetry, and such a translation, than that the
Bdmdyana was a folk-epic, popular amid the
courts and people, and yet sung by bards in an
unknown tongue to an audience which did not
speak it. Every analogy, too, points to the same
conclusion, as M. Barth justly maintains. All the
popular literature of India, excepting the sacred
literature of the Brahmanical schools, commenced
with Pi*akrit and ended with Sanskrit. The
inscriptions shew Sanskrit gradually super-
seding the older Prikrib; such also was the
history of lyric poetry, and the fable -literature
and the Prikfit of the dram is teach us the same
lesson.^ Nor need this conversion of a folk-litera-
ture into a literature of the learned surprise us.
Most probably, for centuries after the conversion,
the old vernacular ballads lingered on, gradually
thrown into the shade by the increasing use of
Sanskrit for profane purposes among the educated
surroundings of the courts, and superseded
amongst the masses by other cycles in the peo-
ple's tongue. These cycles were some of them,
no doubt, preserved by the E&jput bards, and
others remained the property of itinerant singers,
and were forgotten in their turn and succeeded
by others, such as the Epic of Alh&, the Adven-
tures of Hir and Rinjhft, the huge Lorik Cycle,
and the like, which at the present day form the
stock in trade of the modern representatives
(mostly low-caste men) of the hu-iilavas.

Prof. Jacobi next deals with the peculiar
Sanskrit found in the epic poetry. He considers
that P4nini did not refer to it in his Grammar,
because he did not choose to do so. Apparently
the position of the epic singers, — the ku-Hlavas —
was so little respected, that their language was not
deemed worthy of note. A simpler explanation,
to my mind, is that in P4nini*s time Epic Sanskrit
did not exist. It is difficult to imagine the pecu-

Y Barth, I. e., p. 290. Prof. Jaoobi, I mast admit, oooa.
bats this.

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[Febeuabt, 1894.

liarities of so important a work as the Bdmdyana
not being noticed by P3»nini, if it existed when he
wrote his Chammar,

Prof. Jacobi looks npon Epic Sanskrit as the
vailgar form of Sanskrit spoken by the imleamed,
in contrast with the Paninean language spoken by
the Hshta or educated. To this I cannot, for
reasons ah'eady given, accede. Prof. Jacobi quotes
the well-known passage in the Sundarakdnda in
which Hanumat discusses in his own mind as to the
language in which he should address SitS.. He
considers whether he should use vdchaiii mdnnshim
samshritdmi or whether, dvijdtir iva, he should
use vdcam smhskritdm (I quote the text given by
Prof. Jacobi, the Bengal recension differs consider-
ably). Hanumat considers that if he speaks the
polished language like a Bi*dhman, Sit4 will take
him for B&vana and will be frightened. He there-
fore determines to address her in the polished Ian-
guage of ordinary men and women. Prof. Jacobi
considers that this polished language of ordinary
men must mean Epic Sanskrit, while the lan-
guage of the Br&hmans means the P&ninean
Sanskrit of the schools. But, surely, the difference
between these two phases of the same language
(they are hardly even differences of dialect) is too
slight to justify a supposition that the use of
one would frighten Sit& and the other not. A
conversation of considerable length would have
to take place between the two before Sit&
could discover that Hanumat was talking not
in Epic, but in Classical, Sanskrit. A far more
probable explanation would be that the polished
language of ordinary men and women was
the Prakrit of the gentle folk, the fairly
educated Kshattriyas and Well-to-do persons
round the court, while the Br&hmanical language
was the Sanskrit of the schools, known to the
twice- bom classes, much as Latin was known in
the middle ages. Prof. Jacobi says that the
Bdmdyana must have been written in its present
language long before the time of the A^oka
inscriptions, because Sanskrit was not then a liv-
ing tongue. I say that, for the very same reason,
it cannot have been composed before that date,
for, if it had, no illiterate, low-caste, ku-Hlava
bards would have carried it down through the
Pr&krit-period of the life of the Indian languages,
in a Sanskrit dress.

But, it may be said •—" the author has, to a cer.
tain extent, accounted for the difference between
Epic and Classical Sanskrit; let his critic find a
better explanation.'* I admit the necessity laid
upon me, and I find the clue in the history of
Indian Epigraphy. Epic Sanskrit shews traces
not of Sanskrit scholars drawing up to themselves,
so to speak, the folk songs in the vernacular, and

translating them into the polished language; but
the rise of the singers of these folk-songs to a
classical level. So, in the inscriptions, we are able
to trace the steady progress of vernacular com-
position, commencing with an almost pure Prakrit
and gradually approximating itself through cen-
turies of attempts, through the various phases of
monumental Pi-&krit, through the gdthd dialect, to
the almost correct Sanskrit of the lat^t epigraphs.
At one stage, at least, of that progress the lan-
guage was stereotyped by some cause or other in
the language of the gdthds. What can be more
natural than to assume a similar history for the
epic poems? These folk-songs more and more
nearly approached Sanskrit in their language, till
they, too, were stereotyped by some great poet,
some master, say Y^lmiki, the Brahmana who had
lived an impure life amongst hunters and their
kin, and since then the form of speech ujaed by
him has been adopted as the model for all subse-
quent works of a similar nature. I admit that all
this is mere hypothesis. All I can say is, that I
know nothing against it, and that it at least fits
in with established facts, as well as, the theory of
Prof. Jacobi.

I must pass over the interesting chapter, in
which the author shews the existence of many of
the most advanced rhetorical ornaments in the
Bdmdyana J with the remark that, while Prof.
Jacobi maintains that their existence proves the
antiquity of these ornaments, it may equally be
taken to prove the modem date of the poem. I
would also willingly linger over his concluding
chapter, in which he analyzes the R&ma Saga,
and discusses in his own luminous style the con-
nexion between the three R&mas (R&ma Chandra,
E4ma Halabhrit, and Parasu R&ma) and Indra-
Par janya, as well as the later identification of R&ma
with Vishnu. But I have already exceeded my
allotted space with what are, perhaps, heterodox
theoi'ies, and this chapter is woi-thy of an article
to itself. I must be content with referring the
reader to the book, and with again recording
my obligation to the author of an essay of great
iaterest, dealing with a work which is not only
intrinsically of high poetical merit, and illumining
many dark corners of antiquity, but which is note-
worthy as being the foundation of the one Indian
religion which, since the Buddha's time, success-
fully taught man's duty to his neighbours. In a
future communication, I hope to be able to describe,
for the benefit of readers of the Indian Antiquary ,
Prof. Holtzmann's interesting essay on the great
companion epic of the Bdmdyana, the Mahdhhd^
rata»

George A. Gbierson.
Howrah, 22nd August 1893.

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PAPERS ON HAND :—

Deril Worship of the Tuluvas, edited from the
papera of the late A. C. Bumell, by R. C. Temple.

South Indian Inscriptions. By F. Kiel bom.

Terawal Image Inscription of t' '" ibhi jear '
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Indo-Danish < By T. M. Ranga Chari and

T. DeniliH (

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LONDON, W. C.

March, 1894.] A NOTICE OP THE 'UMDATU'T-TAWARIZH. 5V

A NOTICE OP THE TJMDATUT.TAWARIKH.

BY THE LATE B. EEHAT8EK. r - -^

THE author of this work, L&lA 86han LAI Stirl, — having been a vakil at the Coiirt of
the MahArAjA Balijit Singh, through twenty-seven years of that monarch's reign, and
through the entire period during which his successors occupied the throne of the Panj&b, till the
deportation of his last son, Mahiraji Dalip Singh, by the British Government in 1849, — took
advantage of his exceptional opportunities to compile a MS. of some 7,000 pages, relating to the
events of the very stirring times in which he lived. A lithographed Persian edition of the
said MS. having been placed at my disposal by the Editor of this Journal, I shall now proceed
to give a notice of the work, which consists of five large volumes. The whole work, in con-
tradistinction to the Zafamdma of Ranjit Singh, noticed ante, in Vols. XVI. and XVII., is
written in prose, excepting only a few verses occasionally interspersed, and a brief monotheistic
address with which it begins. Owing to the minute detail in which the events mentioned in
it are recorded, there is no doubt that the work is one of first rate importance to the
student of Pafij&bl and Anglo-Indian History.

Vol. J., from Gurd Ndnah, 7. St. 1526, = A. D. 1469, to Ahmad Shdh Durrdni,

St. 1828, = A. D. 1771.

After a few reflections on historiography, accounts of three modem vernacular works
are given, the last being in allusion to the 'Umdatu't-tawArlkh and its author. We are
first told that in the reign of AurangzSb, one Lala Subh^ Rui, an inhabitant of Bat&la,
composed an elegant and wonderful book, entitled Khuldsatut'tatddrikh, which contained
Accounts of the great lUjas, beginning with Judishtar and ending with Baj& Pirthtrdj, known
also as Raja Pithaur of the time of Aurangz^b, in A. B. 1116.^ This is followed by the .
* Ibratndma,^ written by Mtr Q^im Lahori, on the wars of the sons of Bah&dur Shkh. Lastly,
we are informed that our author, S6han LAI SAr! the vakil, son of Ganpat BAi, who had spent
much time in the study of Persian and Arabic, as well as in the pursuit of various sciences,
produced an historical work, commencing with the events of A. H. 1017,' which he completed
in V. St. 1870 = A. D. 1823.*

Then follows a brief aooount of the G-urtls. The first, BabA-N&nakjf, was bom at Talvandi
in St. 1526,^ corresponding to A. H. 880, during the reign of the Sult&n Bahlol L6dhi.
He began to manifest signs of divine inspiration and to work miracles at the early age of twelve,
his preaching attracting adherents from every part of the country. He afterwards composed the
Janam Sdkhiy written in the Gurmnkh! character, '* listening to the explanations whereof puts
all hearers into ecstacy ! "• He died during the reign of Sallra Sh&h SAr at the age of seventy
years.^ Although he had an intelligent son, Lakhmi Das by name, he refrained from appoint-
ing him his successor, but selected on his deathbed a faithful disciple, called Lahn&, whom be
sumamed Angad, to be Gurd after him. Angad occupied the position for thirteen years, and
then died. He placed on the ma»nad Amar DAs, a faithful disciple, who died after having
been the spiritual guide of the people for twenty-two years. Amar Das appointed Rum Das
to succeed him, and EUm Das held the position of Gurt^ for seven years. He was succeeded by

1 Began 6th May 1704. [See Elliot, Hist, of Indian where aome very hard words are need towards this well-
Ikinown work in the opening pages of Vol. viii. The date giyen above varies from Elliot's. — En.]
« [Bub see Elliot, op. cit.. Vol. viiL p. 287 ff . — Ed.] » Began 17th April 1608.

♦ [But see post, p. 60 ff. — Ed.] » Zafarndma, tit. 1525 [A. D. 1468].

• [This extraordinary statement may be valuable, if it relates the general educated Sikh beb'ef of the last
feneration. But it is of course entirely wrong. See Trumpp, Adi Qranth, p. ii. ff. : and the title of Sardfir 'A tar
aiigh's Sakhee Book, Benares. 1873. — Ed.]

T Zafarn&ma, St. 1696 [A. D. 1539].

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58 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mabch. 1894.

his son Guni Arjun, who departed this life after an incumbency of twenty-five years. His
son, Har G6bind, followed him, and occupied the position thirty-eight years, and was also
succeeded by his son, Har Rai, who was Gurii for seventeen years. After him Har KishD, his
younger son, was GarA for three years, when " the bird of his soul departed from the cage of
the body,"® After him TSgh Bahadur, the younger son of Guru Har Gobind, directed the
Sect of the Sikhs for fifteen years, until at last '• he fell by order of the Inscrutable One into
captivity *' and was slain at Shahjahanabad in A. H. 1051,® at the behest of the Emperor
*Al^mgir. Thus ended the series of Guriis, the first of whom was Nanak.i<>

After the above sammary account comes a very detailed one of each GurQ separately,
extending to many pages and interlarded with miraculous events. The orthodox series of the
ten Guriis ought to end with Guru G6bind, but in the work of Sohan IA\ the biographies of
many more, not generally reputed to have been such, are also given, as follows: — Guru
Gobind Sii'igh Jiv, Gurii Srichand and GurA Lakhm! DAs Jiv in one chapter, followed by
Gard Ram Raiji, Garu Miharban Jiv, and again a Gurd Gobind.^^

Then follow various chapters on political events, which may be summarised as follows.
Reign oi Bahadur Shah and his death at Labor. The contests between his three sons. Reign
of Mahammad Farrukhsiy&r. Incursion of the Shahz4da Muhammad Mu*izu*d-dfn to
Akbarabad (Agra), his encounter with Maj^ammad Farrukbsiyar, and his defeat and flight in the
direction of Shahjahanabad (Dehli). The revolt of Gurii Banda, and departure of 'Abdu's-samad
Khan. Decline of the power of Farrukhsiyar. Reign of Raf*iu*d-darjat, son of the Shahzuda
Raf*iu*sh-shan. Reign of Rafiu'd-daula, the elder brother of Raf*iu'd-darjat. Reign of
Raushan Akhtar, son of Shahjahan, better known as Mohammad Shah. Arrival of Nadir
Shah, his doings in the Pan jab, and his departure to the East. Arrival of Nadir Shah in
Labor and Muhammad Shah's attempt to collect troops to meet him. Conclusion of treaty
and the departure of Nadir Shah with Muhammad Shah to Shajahanabad after friendly
intercourse. Affairs of the Siibahd«r Nawab Khan Bahadur, and various events occurring at
that time.

Affairs of Mum Singh and Jar& Singh, with an account of the first rise of the Sikhs under
the government of Khan Bahadur, and his death in St, 1801 (A. H. 1156). Affairs of the
Sardar Jassa Singh Ahldwalia, bis subjugation of the Doab and the country across the Satluj,
and his departure Eastwards. The demise of Khan Bahadur, and the usurpation by Tahiya
Khan of the *S{ibabdarship of Labor. His subsequent capture by Shah Nawaz Khan and final
escape in St. 1802 to Shahjahanabad. The despatch by Shah Nawaz Khan of his vaMl Sabir
Shah to Ahmad Shah^^ to invite him to invade India, and the arrival of A^mad Sh&h.
Death of Nadir Sh&h and the murder of his children. The assumption by *Ali Qnli Khan of
the title of Sultan, under the style of *Ali Shah. The succession of Sultan Ibrahim, and the
gradual usurpation of power by Shah Rnkh and Say y id Mnhammad. The first invasion of
the Panjab by A^mad Shah, and the flight of Shah Nawaz Khan in the direction of Multan.
Departure of Ahmad Shah from Labor towards Hindustan, and the war between Ahmad Shah
Hindi and Ahmad Shah Vilayati in Sarhind, ending in the defeat of Ahmad Shah Vilayatt
at the hands of Mir Ma*ainu*l-mulk, better known as Mir ManA. Departure of Ahmad Shah
Hiudi for the Panjab on account of the demise of Muhammad Shah, and the appointment
by him of M!r Mu'ainu*l-mulk to be Subahdar of L&hdr, and Ahmad Shah Hindi's march
in the direction of Dehli.

* The account of the Zafam&ma is different, not only concerning ibis Gtirt, bat also concerning T^h
Bah&dur.

» Began 12th April 1641.

!• [The writer of the notice has become confused here, and his statements must be taken cum grano, — Ed.]

1^ [Is not Jtv, however, the Paiijfib! wordJiH, life? If so, Gurd Gobind Singh comes into his right place in the
text. — Ed.]

IS Ahmad Sh&h DarrAnt, otherwise called Abd&lt, is meant, on whose reign, see ante, Vol. XVI., And post,
p. 72.

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MjLttCH, 1894.] A NOTICE OP THE 'UMDATU'T-TAWAEIKH. . 59

The first hostilities of the Sikhs, under the Sardurs Jassa Singh, Hari Singh and Karof
Singh, daring the sway of Mir Mu'ainu'l-miilk, their prevalence over him and their conqnest
of some portions of the Panjab. Arrival of A^imad Shah for the second time in the Panjab,
and the departure of Kura Mall towards Multun for the purpose of encountering Shkh Nawaz
Khan. Increase of the dominion of the Sikhs, who slay some Musalman nobles, whilst Mir
Mu'ainu'l-mulk " chooses to sit in the corner of retirement." Contest between Kilra Mall and
ShAh Nawaz Khaii, who is slain in Multan. Despatch by Aljmad Shah of Bara Khaii as a vaMl
to M!r Mu*ainu*l-mulk. Arrival of Kiira Mall in Lah6r after conquering Shah Naw&z Khan
at Multan. Invasion by Ahmad Shah of the Panjab for the third time, his siege of Lah6r,
and death of Kura Mall. Entry of Ahmad Shah into Labor, St, 1809, and the oppression of the
people by the Afghans. Allegiance of Mir Mu'ainu'1-mulk to Ahmad Shah after the death of
Kura Mall. Marriage of Ahmad Shah to a daughter of Mir Mu'ainu'l-mulk, and his departure
after levying immense sums of money.

The crossing of the Satluj by the Sardar Jassa Singh and other Sikhs and their
depredations. The despatch by Mir Mu*ainu'l-mnlk of Sidaq Khan with Adina B^g Khan in
that direction. The death by cholera of Mir Mu*ainu4-mulk in Si. 1810 [A. H. 1165], and the
appointment by his widow of the Nawab Bhikhari Khaii to be Subahdar of Lah6r.

The fourth invasion of the Fafij&b by A];unad Shfth in St. 1813 and the preparations of
the Sikhs to meet him. His plunder of Mathur^ and Bindraban, and appointment of his son
Timilr Shah to be Sdbahdar of Lahdr in St. 1814. His subsequent enforced departure into
Afghanistan in St. 1815. The arrival of the southern Sardars at Iiah6r under the command of
Adina B8g. The petition of Najib Khan to Ahmad Shah, which became the occasion of his fifth
invasion of India. The conquests of the Sikhs in the Jalandhar Doab under the Sardftr JassA
Singh, and coinage of money in the Sard&r's name. The arrival of A^mad Sh&h at Lah6r,
and his appointment of Haji Karimdad Khan and Amir Khan to the charge of the town, and his
departure to Hindustan. The troubles excited by the Sikhs and the burning of the outskirts of
Lah6r in St, 1816. Arrival of [the Mardth& Generalissimo]^^ Bhao Rai at Akbarabad, and his
coalition with Stiraj M^ll Jat. The removal of Shah Jahan II. from the throne and installation of
MirzH Jahandar Shah in his stead. The defeat of the Marathas at Paoipat after a war of about
three months' duration and the departure of Ahmad Shah homewards. The depredations of the
Sikhs after the departure of Aljmad Shah and his subsequent return for the sixth time to the
Panjab, to avenge the injuries inflicted upon his officials, and his return to Afghanistan in
St. 1818.

This is followed by a general coalition and rising of the Sikhs, who beleaguer Gund 'Aqil
Das at Jhandiala on account of his allegiance to A^mad Shah. As soon as Ahmad Shah obtains
information of the state of affairs, he quickly crosses the Atak and other rivers with the intention
of surprising them. The Sikhs, however, obtain news of his approach, immediately abandon
the siege, and fly to inaccessible localities in the mountains ; whereon Ahmad Shah marches to
Iiahor, despatching some troops in pursuit of the fugitives, of whom they succeed in exterminat-
ing a great many after overtaking them at Gujarwal,

Samvat 1820. — The Sardar Jassa Singh Ahldwalta causes confusion across the Satluj, and
has a fight with Bhikhan KhAn, Ahmad Shah's Thanadar at M&16r(-k6tla), and with Zain Khan,
Thanadar at Sarhind. Bhikhan Khan applies at Lah6r to Ahmad Shah for aid against the Sikhs.

Samvat 1821. — The Sikhs now cause confusion in the Jalandhar D5ab, devastate for the
second time the country across the Satluj, aud ruin Sarhind after slaying Zain Khan and
Bhikhan Khan.

The Sardar Jahan Khiln, who was ordered to attack the Sikhs, is disgracefully defeated by
them. Ahmad Shah now invades the Panjab for the eighth time, Kabul! Mall accompanying

" See ante, p. 271, Vol. XVI.

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60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mabch, 1894.

him, in the direction of Sarhind. Kabalt Mall attempts to enter IiAh6r, but the Sikhs occupy
it in St. 1822, and he marches to the hills of Jammiih and other parts.

The first volnme terminates with an acconnt of Alimad Shah's last invasion of India, in
consequence of his being informed that the Sikhs had again onsted his officials from their posts
and committed depredations. After having, in his turn, committed others and installed new
governors, he returns to Afgh&nistan, where he dies A. H. 1186.^*

Vol, ILf an account of the Sarddrs Chart Singh and Mahdn Singh, and a detailed
account of Mahdrdjd Banjit Singh, up to St. 1887 = A. D. 1830.

This volume begins with an account of Chapt Sifigh, the grandfather of Ranjit Siiigh,
who appears as a great freebooter and leader of depredators in ravaging the country. His
head-quai*ters were at Gujranw&la in the ziW of Rdmnagar, which he fortified, because of the
habit of the Sikh chiefs of fighting among themselves for predominance, and uniting only to
combat Alimad Shah when he invaded the Panjab, relapsing into domestic hostilities as soon as
the foreigner ceased to assail them. Besides his contests with Sikh chiefs and Musalman
officials» it is recorded of Chart Singh that he was bold enough to enter Lah6r in St, 1822, and
to take away a very large cannon, which, after being dragged about the country, found at last a
resting place at Gujranwala. He died in St, 1827, and was succeeded by his eldest son,
Mahftn Singh, who was as predatory as himself, and happened to be engaged in beleagueriDg
Sayyidnagar, when the news was brought him that a son, Bafijlt Singh, had been bom to him on
Monday, the 2nd of the month Sangarandmanghar,!* St, 1837. After this joyous event, Mahan
Singh continued the extension of his power, took possession of Sayyidnagar, ravaged the hills
of Jammiin, imprisoned certain rebellious Sikhs, sent troops to aid Raja Sansar Chand, took
possession of the fort of Kkhgrk, and again ravaged Jammun. He then fell sick, bnt, neverthe-
less, carried on hostilities against the Bhangi Misal, laid siege to the fort of SodhrA, till at last
he was, on account of disease, compelled to retire with all his artillery and ammunition to
Gajr&nwAl^ where he died on the 6th of Baisakh, St. 1847. His body, attended by all the
Sard&rs of the surrounding country, was cremated according to the Sikh fashion, and his son
was during the same year installed on his throne. Contentions immediately arose between the
two DiwAns, Lakhu Mall and Dal Singh, which, however, soon subsided, and the reign of Ranjit
Singh, on the whole, began auspiciously. He married in St. 1852, but shortly afterwards
Shah ZamSn attacked Labor for the first time. About this time Chait Singh rebelled at Ramna-
gar, but was met by Raiijtt Singh and slain. Ranjit Singh also had a fight with Shah Zaman,
when the latter attacked LAh6r for the second time in St. 1855, and in the following year
Ranjit Singh obtained permanent possession of Ij&h6r. In St. 1857 Khark Singh, the first-
born son of Ranjit Singh, was bom.

In those days Rafijit Singh was constantly moving about in order to extend his power. He
besieged and took Akalgarh, marched to FatehAbad, where he made alliance with Fateh Singh
AhluwaliA. He then crossed the Ravi, conquered the fort Chandtfit, and made his first appear-
ance before Multan in St. 1860 for the purpose of receiving nazardnd. He took possession of
Amritsar in St. 1861, where, after a while, Jaswant Singh Hulkar arrived to crave his aid
against the English, but was informed that it would by no means be expedient to wage war
against them. Ranj!t Singh then marched to the Kangra Hills ; also again to Multan, and
across the Satluj in St. 1863. He conquered Pathank6t and Sialkot in St. 1864, after which he
returned to his capital at Lah6r and received envoys from ShahjahanabAd (Debit). He next
conquered the fort of Shekhuppra, marched to Qasiir, crossed the Satluj, and had a friendly
interview with Metcalfe Sfthib in SI. 1864, = A. H. 1223. Meanwhile Munshi Bishn Singh had

1* A. H. 1184 according to the Tdrikh SulAtni. See ante, Vol. XVI. p. 802.

i<( [sic in the MS. of Mr. Rehatsek. He means that Baujit Singh was born on the Snd M&gh. Sangr&nd is the
PanjAbi form of iankrdnt, and mahghar of m&gh, — Ed.]

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MABCtt, 1894.] A NOTICE OF THE 'UMDATU'T-TAWARIKH. 61

been despatched to ShAhjabftnab^d, whence he brought the information that Elphinstone
Sfthib, ** remarkable for courtesy,'* had told him that the Sahibs of the ** Company Bahadur "
would b^ highly pleased if Ranjit Singh were to visit those parts with a small escort, and
establish harmony between them.

Ranjit Singh next crossed the Biyas, visiting Fir6zpiir, Far!dk6t and other localities for
the purpose of making arrangements to levy nazardna from the Sardars, departing in St, 1864
from Fartdkot to Chhota Ambala to celebrate the Diwali festival on the banks of the Jamnd.
After levying nazardna in Patiala, Nabha, etc., he returned to Labor, where he found Metcalfe
Sahib, and a cordial meeting took place between them. Amritsar was the residence of the English
Envoy, and Ranjit Singh witnessed the disturbance between the AkAli troops and the Envoy's
escort thei-e during the Mu^arram, A. H. 1224 All further discord was, however, avoided and
the Envoy pacified by the " consummate tact of Banjtt Singh,** Metcalfe S&hib departed
afterwards to Hindustan, upon concluding a treaty with the Mah&rdjA^ to be maintained by
Colonel Ij6nl,^* the commandant of the fort of Ludhiun^, which the English had been allowed
to erect. The contents of this treaty were as follows : — (1) Armed Sikh troops are not to
cross the Satluj for waging war. (2) Any forts across that river, which were in possession of
the Sikh government before the arrival of the English, are to remain so, their garrisons being
maintained and dues levied as heretofore. (3) The estates across the Satluj in possession of
Rajas are to be enjoyed by them without let or hindrance. (4) This treaty is to be considered
annulled if any one of these points be transgressed. One copy of this document in English
was to be in possession of Metcalfe Sahib, and another to be in the custody of the Sikh
government. It was written by the hand of Faqir *Az!zu'dd!n in St. 1865, on the 18th
Baisakh ; A. H. 1224 in Rabiu'l-awwal ; the 25th April, A. D. 1809.

The events above alluded to give in very brief outline the contents of this volume ; but they
are there recorded in the most minute detail, and the book would accordingly be of great
value to the student of the earlier part of Ranjit Singh's career and of the history of the Panjiib
at this time. To attempt to note here, even in outline, the various and complicated stories
related would, however, only confuse the reader and be of no practical value. It is to be noticed
that allusions to the English and to the foreign military adventurers in Ranjit Singh's service
are few and far between.

Appendix to Volumes I, and IL

This contains a succinct account of the Sikhs from the days of Gurfi N&nak and his nine
successors, of their condition after the death of 3anda Bairagi, and of the formation of their six
chief Misals, and shews how they finally merged into one body under the Lion of the Panjab.
It really consistB of a great miinber of short biographies, commencing with those of the
Guriis, and giving many details at great length. Some of the events recorded in this appendix
occurred as late as A. D. 1826.

Vol III. Part L, a diary Icept in 8t. 1888 (A. D. 1831).

News arrived that Bnrnes l^&hib, vaqil of the English, had arrived at Bahawalpur, and
the Diwan Ajudhia Parshad was ordered to meet and to entertain him. Letters from Captain
Wade Sfthib also arrived with the information that the Governor-General intended to
pay a visit to the hills, and he was, in fact, at Shahjah&nabM in order to proceed to Simla.
Preparations were, therefore, made to entertain him. Under Ranjit Singh's orders the Sardar
Hart Singh Nalwa, Faqir *Azizu'd-din, Gulab Singh KamSl [Colonel], and the Diwkn
Moti Ram collected 265 soldiers with gold-embroidered uniforms, 4 chobddrs, 5 horses with
costly saddles and other things suitable for presentation, and went to Ludhian4, where they
offered the gifts to Captain Wade, who accepted them, and in turn presented Faqir

M [Sie in the text, bat Ochterlony U meant, as the name invariably Appears as Lony Akhtar whenever it occurs
i^gain. — Kd.1

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62 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [March; 1894.

*Azizu'd-din with pearls, bracelets, jewellery, two shawls, two elephants with golden howdahs,
a tent, carpet-spreaders, and a torch-bearer. When the *' Lord Sahib^^ " arrived at Karndl, he
purchased some ground from the cultivators, and caused a cantonment for white soldiers to be
built. Meanwhile Captain Wade, who is never mentioned in the text except as the ^Kapt&n
Sfthib,'* lived at the court of Ranjit Singh, till the 25th of J6th, St. 1888. On his departure
he was presented bj the Maharaja with many valuable gifts, and among them was a
diamond ring which the Maharaja took off his own finger and threw to the Captain Sahib.
His companion, Murray S&hlb, likewise obtained gifts. Captain Wade had post hoi-se-s
laid to Simla, which he reached in four days from Ludhiana.^® Ranjit Singh entrusted him
with letters both to the Commander-in-Chief and to tlje Governor-General [Ldt Sdhibdh jatuf i
wa mulhi\, and he promised to do his utuK>st towards the maintenance of l>armoiiy between
these high personages and Ranjit Singh. Afterwards Burnes Sahib^^ arrived in an official
capacity at Labor, and met with a honourable reception. Captain Wade also returned and
was entertained with various amusements, and given presents, as well as a " Doctor Sahib"
[ ? Muri-ay], who appears to have accompanied him.

As the long expected interview with the Governor-GeneraPO was now appyoaching, and he
had already reached Amritsar, Ranjit Singh issued orders to provide his own array with all the
necessaries, by which probably new uniforms and accoutrements are meant, so as to make a
good appearance in the reviews. The neighbourhood of Btipay, where the meeting was to- Uke
place, was beautified, and costly tents had to be constructed and erected for the accommoda-
tion of the Governor-Genei-al. At last Rafijit Singh himself started, continuing to march till
he alighted at a distance of three has from Btlpar. There the Jarnel [General] Sahib Bahadur,
brother of the Commander-in-Chief, and other English gentleman, waited upoB Ranjit Sii'igh
to enquire after his health, and a deputation for the same purpose was sent to the Governor-
General, with presents, such as horses, dresses, and the sum of Ks. 11,(00 in a bog of
kimhhdb, Sardfir Fateh Siiigh Ahluwalia and Sardars KihAl Siugh and *Atar Singh Kalian wala
introduced the English gentlemen who visited Ran jit Singh. They took off tkeir hats as soon
as they reached the brink of the carpet, and Raiijit Singh received them with great coui^tesy,
causing five of them to take seats on chairs on one side, while he himself sat on the ©ther
with Raja Hira Singh and Sardar Nihal Singh. The Sahibs on behalf of the Governor- General
presented Ran jit Siugh with the sum of Rs. 15,000, which they deposfted iti front of
him in eleven bags of himlchdb. Then a conversation ensued, Raiijit Singh asking his
guests to cover their heads, but they replied tlmt it was as a mark of civility to keep
the head uncovered. He asked whether all Sahibs were the same in understanding and
knowledge. They replied that all were equal, but that their attainments depended upon
their intellect and discernment, to which opinion he fully assented, saying that not even the
fingers of a hand were equal. He furtlier asked how long it took to drill a regiment, an4
they replied that it took six months. To- his question concerning the occupations of the
Governor-General they replied that he was always engaged in writing. To his remark that
he had marched in six days from his capital to Rupar, the Ssihibs replied, tht, as in long
journeys, if quickly made, a loss of camels, elephaats and horses was incurred, they themselves
travelled only a few koa per diem, except in case* of necessity. RaSjit Singh answered that
his own troops marched twenty Jcos at a time, and that he had from the beginning ef his reigu
always been fond of long stages. To his question whetFier they were personally ab& to hit a
target with a cannon ball, they replied, that this was the business of soldiers and artiirerists.
The conversation turned even upon wine (shardh), which the Maharaja said was very good in

17 The name of the Governor- General is never given. He is nsnally called Ldt^mulkSf •*Lord of the country,"
whilst the Commauder-in-Chiof is given the title of Zdt-jahgt, ** war-lord."

!• Captain Wade ia often mentioned by the author and praised in every way, chiefly because he entertained a.
high opinion of the author's work, although he had not read it, but only manifested a wish to do so.

i» 1. €., Alexander Bumes, called 'B£ma8 Sahib in the text, and later on Jekardar Bfrnas. See cnie^ Vol. XV,
p. 268.

M Lord William Bentinck, whose name is^not>ven once given in the whole work.

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Makch, 1894.] A NOTICE OP THE •UMI>ATU'T-TAWAR1KH. 63

*
Lahdr, and that at the proposed banquet he woald make the Sahibs taste some. He also
informed them that he possessed a well drilled troop of female soldiers^ but thej replied that
they had been shewn a "Zanana Regiment'* able to perform all the military exercises belonging
to the Nawab of Lakhnau.

The Governor-General established himself on the other side of the river with his
elephants, camels, troops, etc., and Ranjit Siiigh paid him a visit, the road being lined with
Earopean soldiers on the one side and with Purbhias on the other. He was received by
the Governor-General himself with due ceremony, and given a seat in the tent in the midst
of a nmmber of his own Sardars, whilst on the other side about fifty SAhibs took up positions.
Captain Wade and Prinsep S&hib acted as interpreters, and after the first compliments and
presents had been exchanged, Ranjit Singh mentioned one by one the name of each of his
Sardars, thus introducing them to the Governor-General, who, mindful of oriental usages, had
provided a number of singing women and musicians in the adjoimng tents to amuse the
company. After a while Ranjit Singh called for his horses, whose feats he exhibited to
the Govetmor-General, and, presenting one of them to him, took his departure.

When the Governor- General paid his return visit, he passed through lines- of troops dressed
in kimihdd and was met by Ranjit Siiigh on the bridge with all kis Sarrdars, whence they all
proceeded together to the grtat tent of the MaharAja, salutes being fired all the while. The
names of all the Sardars present are given, and of about sixty Englishmen, which it will, no
doubt, some day exercise the ingenuity of scholars and historians to decipher. Prinsep Sahib,
who was asked by Ranjtt Singh to state the position and employment of each of the English
gentlemen present/ introduced them in turn. The Governor- General then reviewed the Sikh
troops, and was finally asked to have a look at the women, dressed in uniforms, "^ho had been
assembled in a tent. After this he departed to bis own camp. On the 14th of Kartik, Ranjit
Singh witnessed a Review and manoeuvres of the European troops, on which occasion all the
Sardars, who accompanied him, appeared dressed in coats of mail. Subsequently, the
Governor- General paid a visit to the Sikh camp for a similar purpose, and manifested his
pleaeore at beholding the spectacle. A musical entertainment was also arranged in a
costly and brilliantly illuminated tent, which was attended by the Governor-General and his
suite^ including his wife and several other English ladies. The next evening Ranjit Singh was
present at a similar entertainment in the English camp. After sotUe more banquets and
reviews, Ranjit Singh took his leave and departed on the 18th of Karfcik to Amritsar,
whence he proceeded to Labor. Then various hunting parties, given to various English
gentlemen, but chiefly to the often mentioned Captain Wade, are described, and also Ranjit
bingh's interviews with Burnes. The volume abruptly terminates here.

Vol. til. Part It, a diary kept in Si, 1889 to St. 1892 {A. B. 18^2-1835).

This part commences with orders to various Sardars for the proper celebration of the
H61i festival, and the description of a hunting expedition of Ranjft Singh, who afterwards made
excursions to various parts of the* country, and had interviews with his vassals. Next follows a
description of his wedding with ** Gul Bdgam.'* Many pages deal with the visits of Captain Wade,
of whom RanjJt Singh appears to have been very fond. Letters are also noted frbm Alexander
Burnes, whx) w^rites that, after travelling' through Afghanistan and sojourning in Hirat, he had
reached Mash had. Courteous replies are sent to him, the Maharaja entertaining even at that
time misgivings as to the approach of the Russians ; but as to his own dominions, he appears by
this time to have attained such authority in them, that all transactions with his feudatories are
of an amicable character, fle is, nevertheless, coiiBtantly marching about and paying them visits,
and hunting in various parts of the Panjib and Kashmir. It happened that, about this time, the
Maharaja fell sick, and, becoming very weak, summoned the author of this work one day to his
presence, asking him of what use his science was, and to shew it by curing him. The author
then informed Ranjtt Singh, that ptijA to the planet Saturn would be useful, and was asked to
arrange the matter. He obtained the appropriate incantation from an astrologer of Basolf,

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64 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mabch, 1894.

tIqt

which was carefully recorded. Bhat Sahib Bhai Gobindramji duly performed the pujd in
strict accordance therewith, and the Mahar&ja forthwith recovered his health !

This part of Yolnme III. contains accounts of the celebration of fes tivals, the distribn-
tion of alms, the varions movements and errands of Sardurs, of the French officer AUard and of
Avitabile and Ventura the Italians, which are recorded jnst as they happened to occur. The
presents sent to the King of England , those given to the Governor- General, to Mr. Metcalfe,
to Captain Wade, to Mr. Clark, and to the wife of the Governor-General, are all enumerated in
detail. Also a *' Padre,*'2i whose name is not given, was honourably received by Ranjit Sii^gh,
who, being about to undertake a hunting expedition, invited the Padre to accompany him, or,
if he preferred to stay in Lahdr, to pay visits to various localities worth seeing there. The
Padre, however, preferred the chase and so he, Shahamat *Ali Munshi, and Captain Wade
accompanied by Ranjit Singh, went out together pig-sticking ! News arrived that the Governor-
General was to depart to Europe, and that Metcalfe Sahib would occupy his position in
Calcutta as his Lieutenant. Captain Wade sent a book on military drill to Ranjit Singh in
English, but no one could be found able to translate it, Ventura Sahib asserting that there
was no one in the Panjab capable of doing so. Later on, Ranjit Singh issued a parwdna to
Ventura Sahib, ordering the author of this work, Lala S6han Lai, to translate the book under
his sapervision» but Ventura being undecided and Ranjit Singh not pressing the matter, it fell
into abeyance. The English gentlemen of Firozpftr requested the Maharaja to grant leave to
Ventura to celebrate their new year's festival with them, and so he issued a parudna to that
©ffect, and sent him away with gifts.

Mikshan ^hib (Mskckesop) paid a visit to Ranjft Singh, and was well entertained. Certain
Sahibs having recently arrived from Europe, Ranjit Singh asked Captain Wade for instruc-
tions as to how they should be received, and he wrote in reply that they were only travellers
who had come to see the country, and that the same hospitality should be dispensed to them as
had formerly been shewn to JAkman,^ which was accordingly done. Two gentlemen of this
party, namely, Barpn von Hiigel and Win S&hib (de Vismes), were introduced in audience to
Ranjit Singh by Mikshan Sahib, and were received with honour and questioned by the MaharajS
with the following extraordinary result : —

Q. — Are yoij. servants of the '* Company B^Mdup " or not ?

A. r— We are servants of our ow^ king^

Q, — What is his name ?

A. — He is called Janjiani.^*

Q. — What WOA your position in the service of your king f

A. — We were colonels of cavajry.

Q. r— What was your pay ?

A. — Two thousand rupees.

Q. — You mijLst teach us your military drill.

A. — We intend shortly to return to our country, and some time would be required to
impart the required instruction.

Q. — Why have you brought so many skins of animals ?

A. — r We desire to shew them to our king as specimens of the beasts of this country.

Q, — What relations are subsisting between your king and the "Company Bahadur" ?

A. — Formerly a war was carried on between them, but it is at present three years [nc]
since they have been at peace with each other.

n Probably a Bishop. » Jaguemont the Frenoh botanist. ^ King of Prnssia is meant.

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JIabch, 1894] A NOTICE OP THE 'UMDATU'T-TAWARIKH. 65

-■■■ ' 9 • • • ' ■ '

Q. — The people say that even in the night when joa are asleep, you keep muskets leading
against your breasts ; explain the meaning of this*

A. — We are very fond of hunting, and when during the night some wild beast comes in
£ight| we immediately rise and shoot it.

Q. — What is your opinion of the governor of Kashmir ?

A. — He keeps the country in good order.

Q. — The people say that he is robbing my government.

A. — Then he should be removed.

After this conversation the foreigners took leave, but were afterwards hospitably entertained
on several occasions, and given presents.

On another occasion the same gentlemen met Ranjlt Singh at Shah BiMwal, and he ordered
BAjA Suohdt Singh to cause the cuirass- wearing cavalry to manceuvre, who shewed much
dexterity in shooting with guns at targets, which fact the ^ifthibs promised to bring to the
notice of their king. They asked about the number of the cavalry, and were teld that both the
infanijry and cavalry** amounted to about 6,000 men. To the enquiry of Ranjft Singh, whether
the king of France or the king of England was the more powerful, the Suhibs replied that
the dominions of England were eitending day by day. Then the SAhibs asked what the use
of wearing cuirasses might be. And Baja Such^t Singh explained that a cuirass cannot be
damaged by a sword, giving three or four blows with his own sword then and there on a soldier's
cuirass, which had no effect on his body. The Sahibs, who were much pleased with what they
had seen, were asked whether in their opinion the cavalry or the infantry were the best, when
Baron von Hugel stated that he belonged himself to the cavalry service and highly approved of
that arm, whilst de Yismes said that as he belonged to the infantry he considered it to be the
better, but that in case of need both branches of the service would be useful.

VoL III. Part III., a diary kept in St. 1893 (J. B. 1836).

This part commences with a mention of the alms and charities bestowed during the month
Obait St, 1893, and records interviews between Ranjit Singh and a number of his Sard^
and officers, and his journeys to various parte of the country. An interview between the
Govemor-Ganeral and Ri^jit Singh near the Satlnj is also described. On this occasion they
both paid a visit together to the fort of the Bhaogis, and the English gentlemen admired the
fruit on the trees along the road* which had been gilt and silvered ! The wedding of the
Kanwar Nau IfihAl Singly was also celebrated about that time at At&rt, the Oovemor'General
being present at the festivities, which were on a magnificent scale and were afterwards conti-
nued in Lah5r, to which place Banjit Singh journeyed in company with his Lordship.

Vol IIL Part 17., a diary kept in St. 1894 and St. 1895 (A, B. 1837-38).

In St, 1894 Ranjit Singh paid visite to the camp of the Governor-General, and witnessed
tbhe manoeuvres of the English troops and the practice of the artillery. Afterwards the Governor-
General paid him return visits, was entertained at banquets, and saw the displays which take
place in the oelebratjioii of the H61i fe9tival. The Governor-General was much pleased with
STau Nihil Singh, and congratulated Bi^jtt Si6gh for having chosen him as his successor. His
l^ordship also pron^ised to report to London the hospitable treatment he had met with.

Considering that the names of many English officials — of course, excepting that of the
ia^onymouB, but oft recurring and beloved. Captain of LMhiini (Wade) — are mentioned, it is
surprising that neither the author nor Banjit Singh himself appears to have known the
mimes of the highest functionaries, and when another L^t Sahib is expected to pay a visit to
the Panj&b, Ranjit Singh is made to say :—

^' I shal^ have had the pleasure of meeting three Lai Sahibs ; the first was the Lat Sahib

a* On the spot.

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66 THE IKDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Maech, 1894.

RApafwala, the second the Jangi Laf Sahib, who was present at the wedding of the Kanwarj!,
and the third will be the Lafc Sahib Mulki, who is now going to honour us with his presence."

As the last mentioned Lord Sahib was gradually approaching the Panj&b, dne preparations
were made for his reception, and among other things not- less than 300 elephants were got
ready for his camp. But Captain Wade^^ sent a letter to Ranjit Singh, that the Lat Sahib,
being much distressed by the heat, would first spend two montltf in Simla, and would then be
glad to meet the MaharajS. After this a letter arrived from Hii Gobind Das, reporting that
the Lat Sahib had left all his baggage at M6rath, and had sent back " the sUhzddas " to
Calcutta, and that he was travelling to Simla alone, to which Rafijit Singh sent a reply to the
effect that he desired to know how much of the Lat Sahib's baggage had bee? left behind and how
much had been taken with him, and he further wanted a detailed account oJ how many *' Euro-
pean shdhzddas " had been sent back to Calcutta, and who they were 1 ^ Having invited Mackeson
Sahib to a hunting party, which lasted for some time, Ranjit Singh asked bim many questions
about the Lat Sahib and other matters. The Maharaja was, however, somewhat displeased when
it was reported to him that Mackeson was in the habit of writing down all the occurrences of
the day in the evening daily, and eating his dinner only after he bad done so. The Maharaja
observed that the Sahibs had had a free run all over the country during the last 25 years, and
ought to know all about it. Nevertheless, most cordial relations continued and Mackeson
remained for some time.

There were no internal troubles, and when on a certain occasion the Afghans sallied out
from the fort of *Ali Masjid, they were repulsed by the cavalry of Allard, which thus earned
the praises of Ranjit Singh. News from Kabul arrived that a Russian envoy had proposed to
D68t Mn^iammad Kh&ii to let his son go to Russia for the purpose of strengthening the bonds
of friendship. To this the Amir had replied that he was on good terms with the English w^ho
were his neighbours, whereas Russia was a distant country. On hearing this story, Barnes
Sahib*^ was reported to have expressed his astonishment that European Sardars^^ could talk cue
way at night, and another in the morning. Lord Auckland sent a letter to Bumes Sahib ^o
inform Ddst Muljiammad Kh&n that if he entertained loyal intentions towards th& English*
who were allies of the Sikh government, and if he desired to retain their amity, he ought to
send away the Russian envoys. Some time afterward the MaharajA asked Mackeson Sab ib
concerning this matter, and was informed that Dost Muhammad Khan had given only elusivf>
replies to Burnes. Later on Wade informed RanjJt Singh that letters from Burnes had arriveci
reporting trectcherous intentions on the part of Dost Mul^ammad Kh&n, that the Lat Sahib hac(
recalled him, and that he was now on his way from Kabul to India. Ranjit Singh at once
sent orders to Avitabile Sahib that on the arrival of Bia-mes Sahib in Peshawar, he was to
present him with the sum of 500 rupees and 31 dishes of sweetmeats, by way of welcome.

One day, after having received some English gentlemen, Ranjit Singh fainted on account
of the heat and the warm clothes he was wearing, but Bhai G6bind Ram opened his mouth and
poured into it a medicine composed of rubies, musk, and rosewater, whereon the Maharaja
recovered consciousness and allowed himself to be divested of his clothes I He gave strict
ordera not to reveal to any one what had taken place, ordered the saered Qranth to be read
to him, to which he listened for some time, and performed the ceremony of sttchtta, which
consists of washing the hands, head and feet. Before the day had closed, he was well enough
to ride out and to divert himself with hunting. Not long afterwards information was brought
that Burnes had arrived, and had been hospitably entertained in the camp of Avifcabile. On

^ Wade is said in this work to have allowed only stioh Enropeans as he approved of ta risit the Onnrt of Ranjit
Sin^h, and to have farther issued instrnotions as to how thoy were bo be treated. He i^pears to have been coo-
salted on many occasions and to have thus played an important part in the history of the PanjAb at this period.

M [This quaint statement probably means that the Governor- Oeneral left his family at M^rath and went on ta
Simla alone. — Ed.]

17 Who was at that time in K&bul. * [Meaning apparently the Kossian envoys. — Ed.]

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March, 1894.] A NOTICE OP THE 'UMDATTTT-TAWARIKH. 67

his arriyal at Ldh6r, Burnee and several other officers were received bj Bafijlt Singh, who
questioned Burnes on various subjects as follows : —

Q. — Yon have no doubt exerted yourself in K^bul for the best ?

A. — Although I imparted salutarj advice to Dfist Muhammad KhAn with reference to his
attitude towards the British and the Sikh governments, telling him that they would support
his own if he kept on good terms with them, he disregarded me, saying that his government
depended on predestination, and that he must carry it on according to his fate, and there
was no profit whatever in the amity of the said two powers.

Q. — If, by the vicissitudes of time, and his own ill luck, D6st Muhammad Khan fails to
heed your advice, his reign will soon come to end, and his country be trodden under foot by
cavalry, as will be demonstrated by the said two governments as soon as the rainy season ceases.
It is reported that the Qajarwala^ has abandoned the siege of Hii*At and has departed.

A. — It is not likely that he has done so.

Q. — Are there any troops of the Sh&h of Russia with the QdjarwAUl to aid him in the
contest ?

A. — It is quite certain that there are none, although the Russians agree with him and
encourage him.

Q. — What is the strength of the army of the Qajarwala ?

A. — It amounts to about 60,000 cavalry and infantry,

Q, — What troops has Dost Muhammad Kh^n ?

A. — He has 12,000 cavalry and infantry, but his army is in a bad condition, unfit
for war, and would be unable to offer resistance, if hostilities break' out.

Q. — What sum is contained in the treasury of Ddst Muhammad Kh&n ?

A. — There is not one ddm in the treasury^ and the revenues are spent daily as they come in.

Q. — What is the amount of his artillery ?

A. — He possesses 35 pieces of cannon, and carries four ghuhdras in his suite*

Q. — What kind of man is Harlan ?»•

A. — He is an ungrateful scoundrel, and will be brought to judgment by his own misdeeds.

Q, — How is Peshawar governed, and what is the condition of the people ?

A. — P^hawar has been well governed by Avitabile, and the people are grateful for his
administration. AUard and Court maintain the troops in prime order. They have so
improved the fort of Fatehgarh that there is no other like it in the country, and there is no
change in the loyalty and devotedness of Avitabile.

Q. — It has been reported that Avitabile has committed great defalcations in the revenues
of Pashawar ?

A. — The Sahibs know nothing about such reports.

Q. — What kind of places are Khaibar and *Ali Masjid ?

A. — Khaibar is like a gate with a padlock on it, but the people of Khaibar are greedy of
money, and will do anything for ready cash, so that the real key to the padlock is money, on the
payment of which the gate becomes passable, either way, with ease.

In a subsequent conrersation on the same subject, Burnes again spoke of the weakness of
D6st Muhammad Khan, and of the wise resolution of the British authorities to set up Shfth

>» [The Shfth of Persia. — Ed.J

» [For the doings of Dr. Harlan, see Cmmingham'e Siliht, p. 212 ft. — Ed.]

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68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [Mabch, 18W.

Shtgft^ as his rival, and to take him with them in the impending contest with their army from
Shik&rpiir to Qandahar.

Once certain English officers tried to persuade Ranjft Singh not to tmst the foreigners in
his service, because they would be of no avail in time of need : but he strenuously took their
part, saying that Allard, Ventura, Court, Avitabile and other high officials had loyally served
him during many years, had organised his army, and had so justly carried on -the civil adminis-
tration of his country that the people were grateful for it ; whereas in former times, when
P^hawar had been governed by his own Sardars, there were perpetual contentions with the
landholders ; moreover, under the Europeans' administration not a trace of brigandage remained in
the country formerly so insecure. He said that, for these reasons, he trusted his foreign officers,
and had no doubt they would jeopardise their lives for him if need be. The English gentlemen
rejoined that all this was quite true, but that the Maharaja ought, for all that, to put no trust
in foreigners.

In course of time it appeared that the English intended to begin the proposed wur vrith
D68t Mul^mmad Kh^o by the invasion of Afghanistan, and were concentrating troops to that
effect, some arriving from Bombay, by way of Sind ; but Ranjit Singh, although on cordial
terms with the English and sympathising with theni, kept himself neutral.

Vol III. Part F., a diary from 17th Bhddon, St. 1895, to Ibth Mdr, St. 1896

(1838 and 1839 4. D.)

While Raiijtt Singh was sojourning at B&mbagh the uews arrived that one of his ladies,
Mftt Chandftn by name, had, on the 3rd of Bhad5£i, given birth to a son, afterwards Dalip Singh,
and the MahAr4j4 rejoiced greatly.

Iiord Auoklandy tli^e G-ovemorf Gkneral, arrived at Fir8zp\\r, and several interviews took
place with the usual ceremonies between him and Banjtt Singh. Lopg descriptions of the
etiquette observed, and the persons present, are given, as well as of the reviews of the Sikh and
English troops. Afterwards the Governor-General paid a visit to Amjritsar and to L&h5r.
^he account of this visit is given in the detail usual with this writer.

Banjtt Singh had, on two or three occasions, suffered from weakness and fainting fits, and
on the 10th of Har, he became so seriously indisposed that his hahims, who h&d before relieved
him somehow, despaired of their ability to cure him by their strengfthening and exhilarating
drugs. He spent a restless night, sleeping alternately inside and outside his tent, and when
the morning dawned, his physicians helfl a consultation, during which Bhai G^bind Ram said that
the disease was alternately violent and gentle, but 'Az}zu'd-din replied that it was beyond the
power of the intellect to fathon^ it ! The critical state of Banjtt Singh was brought to the notice
of the Sard&r AJtt S^gl^ who hastened to the presenpe of the Mah^r4j|l without eating his
food, and orders were issued to send troops to guard the twelve gates of Lah6r, and to prevent
any armed men f ron^ entering it. 74® courtiers remained all t^he next night watching at the
bedside of the patient, and after feeling his pulse on the morping of thp 12th, the physicians
declared that it yfas much stronger, ai^d that he would recover his health. Alpas on an exte^isi ve
scale and gifts to the ten^ple of Amrits^r were disbursed by Rwijit Singh, who also performed his
devotioQS, but l^new ful| well that his end was near a^i hand. After a tin^e the intervals of
consciousness because gradually shorter, ^nd the hahwns found at last that pu}sation had ceased,
On thjs Bha! G6bind Bam said tp the dying Mah4raja in a loud voice that RajA SuchSt
Singh was present, and requested him to cast a glance at him, butBf|ifijlt Sing^ merely opened
his eyea itnd closqd them again tor ever ! When Banjtt Singh was dead great lamentations
ensued, and on the 16th of HAr the Kafiwaigl Khairk £|ingh had his porpse bathed in Ganges
water, dressed in perfumed saffron coloured ga^'pients, and adorned with bracelets, fmklets and
a diamond ring. All the preparajiions having been dply made, the corpse was burned on
^ funeral pyre constructed of sandal -wood saturated witl^ piL The concpurse of people yra^
great, h^t no disturbances occurred.

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M^CH, 1894.] A NOTICE OP THE 'UMDATXTT-TAWARIKH. 69

Vol. IV., a diary from 17th Edr, St. 1896, to Kdrtik, St. 1902 (1839 to 1845 A. D.)^^

Khark Siugh announced his accession to the throne by sending letters to Raja Gnlab
Siogh, to Sardar ^A|ar Singh, to the governor of Kashmir, etc., and, among English officials, to
the Lai Sahib (Governor-General), to Colonel Wade, to Clark Sahib and to Lawrence S&hib^
informing them of his intention to follow the example of his father, and of his anxiety to
remain on friendly terms with the British government.

A somewhat confused account is given of a conspiracy, which seems originally to have
had for its object the deposition of the wcusir Chait Singh, but ended in his murder, the
perpetrator of which is not named in this work. Khafk Singh is represented as retiring and
Sanwar Shdr Singh as performing various supreme functions, such as corresponding with and
receiving English officials, transacting bosiness with the Sard&rs, etc. He even desired to meet
the Governor-General when he crossed the Satin j, bat his Lordship sent word that being in bad
health, and unable to bear the roar of artillery, which the salvoes of the interview would entail,
he desired to reserve the pleasure of meeting him till his arrival in Lahdr. The Kanwar
was, however, consoled in his disappointment by receiving visits from various English officers.
Meanwhile, the Maharajft Khark Singh fell a prey to fever and died, the beginning, progress
and treatment of his malady with medicines and incantations by holy men being narrated
at great length, Kanwar Shdr Singh was then called to Lah6r, and took his share in the
lamentations and funeral ceremonies. He also condoled with B&ni Ohand Kaur, the relict of
Khark Singh, paying her visits of ceremony, but trying, nevertheless, to get her out of the way
by advising her to visit the Ganges and other places, but she demurred and remained in Lah6r ;
and so far from effacing herself, assumed the reigns of government as soon as Shdr Singh
departed to BataU, the council over which she presided being composed of four members : —
Sardar <Atar Singh SindhanwiLlia, Jam'adir Khushf^al Singh, SanMr Lahna Singh Majithia, and
the " Raja Sahib."«

After ihis event the RAjAjP' demanded leave to retire to Jammun, which the Rani relnct-
antly granted. As he departed, he despatched letters to Sh^r Singh, informing him of what had
taken place, and to the Generals and Colonels of the army, inviting them to pay allegiance to
Sh^r Singh, as soon as he might arrive in Lfihdr, ShSr Singh obtained possession of the town
at once, but the garrison of the citadel offered resistance and surrendered only after a siege of
three days. After this proclamations were issued to the population, advising the inhabitants
to be in dread of no further hostilities, and to resume their usual occupations.

Shfir Singh now began to reign openly, and narratives are given of his interviews with his
own officials, as well as of those with English gentlemen, and of the celebrations of various
festiyalS| H611, Dasahrft, eto. An account is given how certain Sikh officers meditated treachery
by alleging that they had put their sovereign under obligations in placing him on the throne
and that instead of fulfilling the obligations he had kept the Rani, who was their real mistress,
in durance vile. They, therefore, asserted that she ought to be liberated and the MahSrfija
removed. The matter was, however, settled by Shdr Singh's party, who suborned four of
the Rani's maids to poison her in a draught of rosewater and musk. The poison soon took
effect and she expired despite the efforts of the hakims to save her life.. The four girls were
punished by having their hands cut off, and died in a short time. The Hint was the mother of
the Kanwar Nau Nihal Singh, and so the Mah&r^jA, ShSr Singh, paid him a visit of condolence,
and assured to him the secure possession of his jdgtra and other property. The Sard&r Ajit
Singh Sindhdiiw&llft returned to Lahdr, andShSr Singh went on to transact all kinds of business
with his own subjects, and had many friendly interviews with British officials till the 19th of
Sha'b&n 1259, when the Sard&r Ajtt Sindhauwalift made his appearance with a number of

n There is a g^ap of four monthA in this yolume. *> Name not given. [ Dhyfln Singh. — £d.]

^ DhyAo Singh, the wagtr daring the previous goyemiment, is always thus designated in the text.

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70 THE INDIAN ANTIQtrART. [Masch, 1894.

retainers fully armed in the garden of Shah Balawal,^* where the Maharaja was sitting in public
assembly. The Maharaja complimented the Sardar on his fine equipments, and desired to
examine his gun. But, in handing to him, the Sardar turned the muzzle of it suddenly towards
him, and shot him dead. A general confusion ensued, and many who had attended the darhdr
took to their heels ; but the Sardar, not satisfied with having murdered the Maharaja, went to
the garden of T6j Singh, where he found the Maharaja's little son Fartftb Singh and killed him
with a sword.

The Raja SAhib (Dhyan Singh) had taken refuge in the citadel, where also many of the
scum of the people had collected, and the tradesmen of the city were bo frightened that they
conveyed their goods in all haste to their domiciles and closed their shops. The Khftlsa
troops soon arrived, entering by the Dehli gate, Ventura Sahib with his regiment also putting
in an appearance. The Sikh soldiers plundered the town, and took the citadel, climbing into
it with scaling ladders, and plundering all the apartments of the palace, so that in a few days
afterwards the hdzdr was full of goods for sale. Great lamentation afterwards ensued among
the inhabitants of Lahfir when Hirflr Singh arrived with the corpse of his father, Dhyan Singhr
who had been slain in the citadel, and placed it upon the funeral pyre. Ajit Singh, who had
witnessed the prowess of his enemies in the citadel, was so dismayed that he betook himself to
the northern wall, intending to let himself down by a rope, but it broke, and his fall attracted
the attention of the sentry. Several men at once ran up, slew him, and, after dragging about
his corpse, threw it into the moat.^^

After tranquillity had been restored, heralds were sent round Lah6r to proclaim a general
amnesty, and to announce to the. people that Dalip Singh l^&d been raised to the throne, with
Hira Singh as his wazh. The same information was also despatched abroad. The whole Court
now considered it proper that Dalip Singh's formal installation should take place on a pro-
pitious day and hour, according to the indication of the stars, and so astrologers were
consulted, and they fixed on the 22nd of Magh as the proper day. On that day he was accord-
ingly dressed in new garments, made to perform the required ceremonies, and seated on the
throne. Bhai Bam Singh with Bhai Gobind RSm marked his forehead with the qushqas, after
which the officials of high dignity, and after them the daftaris, munshU and valnls, and lastly
the cavalry and infantry officers according to their various grades presented nazardnas. After
the ceremony various shows took place.

On the 10th of Chait, St. 1901, while Hlra Singh was holding a darhdr, the officers of the
infantry sent him a message, that, if he desired to retain his position undisturbed, he must
comply with the following demands : — He must set at liberty Jawfthir Singh^^ whom he had
imprisoned. He must remove the surveillance he had established over the house of Misr
Bikram. He must raise the siege of Gaurianw&la.

Hir& Singh, who was astonished at these demands, held a consultation with Paij^qLit Jallftand
his other councillors, and the conclusion arrived at was that, as the times had changed and
perils were at hand, it would be necessary to comply with the requirements of the disloyal
faction. It also transpired that the officers of infantry had offered their allegiance to Bdj&
Suohdt Siiagh, and had invited him to come to Lah6r, and that the Maharani ChandSn seconded
their views. R^ja Such^t Singh soon arrived in the vicinity of L&h6r, whilst Hira Singh, on his
part, endeavoured to satisfy the infantry offibers by complying with all their demands. Surprised
at the quick arrival of his uncle, Suchet Singh, and aware of his aspirations, Hira Singh induced
the KhalsA troops to surround his camp, and to slay the RajA with his whole escort.

A long, but confused, account is given of the dissensions and contests which ensued

M At Sh&hdara near Lfihor.

» This erent is narrated differently in the Zafarndma which see, ante, Vol. XVII., with the remark of the
Editor thereon in footnote 81.

M Brother of the Mah&rfinS Chandftn.

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Mab€H, 1894.] A NOTICE OP THE 'UMDATTTT-TAWARIKH. 71

among the Sikh faofcions until Jaw&hir Singh, the maternal uncle of Dalip Singh, succeeded in
usurping the supreme power. The Pandit Jalla, as the counsellor of Hlra Singh, had, of
course, incurred the displeasure of the R&ni Chaudan, Dalip Singh's mother, and she intrigued
with the troops to insist on his removal ; but instead of yielding to this demand, Hlra Singh
fled with him from Lah6r, but, being overtaken by the troops, they were both slain. After
the death of fiiril Singh, Jawahir Singh was proclaimed wazir with much ceremony, and
received naaardnas. Prince Fdahdrft Singh, another son of the Maharaja Ranjit Singh, no.w
aspired to supreme power, and took possession of the fort of Atak, but Jawahir Singh had him
slain there.' In consequence of this event a deputation of Sikh oflBcers waited upon the
Maharani, categorically demanding her presence with Jaw&hir Singh near the troops. The
people of the town were much frightened by this bold demand, but the Maharani obeyed the
summons, and when Jawahir Singh had arrived with her in front of the Sikh lines he trembled
for fear, and was confused. Great excitement was manifested by the troops at the mere sight of
Jawahir Singh, which made the Maharani address the oflBcers, saying that her brother was guilty
of the prince's death, but that he ought to be pardoned, as he had thrown himself upon their
mercy. She appealed to the sacred writings and promised large bribes, but without avail.
They ordered Dalip Singh's elephant-driver to make the animal kneel down, upon which Dalip
Singh was removed from the howdah and Jawahir Singh forthwith shot dead with a carbine.
To the maledictions which the Maharani then heaped upon the Khalsa troops, they merely
replied that now she had some idea of the distress felt by the mother of P^sh6r& Singh. The
spot being unsuitable for cremation, she desired to convey the corpse of her brother to Labor, so
that the sati of his wives could take place, but the troops demurred, saying that they might easily
be brought from the citadel. At last, however, the Maharani took the corpse to the Bagh
Badami, while she went to the citadel, where she caused the satis to be dressed and adorned
with jewellery. She started back with the procession of the mourning women, but was not
allowed to go farther than the Ghariali Gate, while the satis continued their walk and reached
the funeral pyre. So she was obliged to mount to the octagonal tiOwer of the Gate and witness
the proceedings thence. The Khalsa troops insalted the satis , telling them that other widows
were weeping because their husbands had been slaughtered like sheep, and violently tore off all
the ornaments from their bodies, before they allowed them to immolate themselves.

After this the Mahar^i assembled such of the troops as still sided with her, and declared
that she would henceforth herself assume the reins of government, and carry on the adminis-
tration with the aid of Diw&n DinAn&th. Nevertheless, she seated BAjft L&l Sifigh on the
throne in a darbdr she had assembled, and enjoined all present to obey him.

This volume ends with the remark that the original account of the war of the Sikhs
with the Sahibs of high dignity (t. e., the English) from the beginning of Kartik St, 19 02 to the
11th of Phagun St. 1902, had been lent by the author to Sir Herbert BdwardoB BahAdur,
and had never been returned.

This unfortunate incident has prevented the preservation of a probably uniquely valuable
account of those memorable events.

Vol. F., a diary from 2nd Phdgun St. 1902 to 7th Chait 1907 (1845 to 1849 A. D.)

On Friday the 11th of Phagun, about evening, the Lat Sahibs arrived with the Maharaja
Dalip Siiigh Bahadur and sent him into the citadel of Lah6r. Then Lawrence Sahib arrived
with a European regiment, encamped at the Badshahi Masjid, and placed watchmen at three
gates of the citadel. On the 14th Raja Lai Siiigh and Sardar T^j Singh arrived with their
regiments and amicable intercourse between them took place. These events are recorded in
the minutest detail in the text.

L&l Singh was removed from the position of Diw&n by the British Government and impri-
soned, and an assurance was given to the Maharani that her government would be supported. She

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72 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARF. [Mabch, 18^4

was given a conncil of four high oflBcials to assist her. These were TIj Siiigh, ShSr Singh, the
Diwan Dinfinath and Khalifa NAru'd-dln. Arrangements were afterwards made, at the request
of the Maharani and her council, for the retention of the English troops in Lahdr, for 7 yeare
9 months and 15 days, hj which time the Maharaj^ Dalip Singh would attain his majority.
Later on the Governor-General arrived in Lah6r»and had several interviews with Dalip Singh
and his mother the Maharani. He admonished the councillors and high officials to maintain
order and peace in the country, and then he took his departure.

On the 3rd of Bhad6n, St. 1901, four Sihibs paid a visit to BftjA T6j Singh in his TuzveU,
and informed him that at the third watch all the Sardars were to present themselves in the
citadel of Lah6r, and that the Mahar&ja Baltp Singh was to go to the Shala fiagh for
diversion and hunting. All the Sardars accordingly assembled, and after some consultation
with them the Rant was sent to ShSkhupura with their approbation. From that place,
afterwards she was conveyed to Flr6zpur with a strong escort, because she had again begun
to plot against the government.

In St, 1905 the Lat Skhib paid a short visit to Lah6r. The names of English officers,
John and George Lawrence, Nicholson, Edwardes, and others, who quelled sundry disturbances
and maintained order in the country, are often mentioned, and their doings are narrated in
great detail. In St, 1906 the Amritsar District was disarmed. At Atari Edwardes §ahib
and John Lawrence Sahib made their appearance about midnight, and, taking M&l Lachml,
also called Sarkar Lachmt, from her bed, imprisoned her, and shortly afterwards the same fate
overtook her sons at Adinanagar. Their names were Chhatr Siugh, Sh6r Singh, Gulab Singh,
Autar Singh, T6j Singh, Bishn Singh, and Nahar Singh Atarfwala. Mahtib Singh with his
brother Surt Singh Majtthia and others were also taken into custody in various localities, but
no statements are made as to the transgressions for which they had been thus dealt with.

On the 15th of Magh, the L^t Sahib arrived in Labor and the city was illuminated.
On the 24th he paid a visit to the citadel, where he saw the Dlwftu MUlrdj, Sher Singh and
other prisoners, each of whom he questioned about his affairs, and about the wars of former
times. He had an interview also with DaUp Singh. He made arrangements for the removal
of the prisoners and for the departure of Dalfp Singh, with the Diwan Ajudhia Parshad and
Zaharu'd-dinand Mian Kiman, to Farrukhabad. On the 4th of P6h, the L&t Sahib, Lawrence
Sahib and Edwardes Sahib departed towards Multan, after the removal of the prisoners.
On the 9th of the same month Dalip Singh departed with Diwan Ajudhia ParshAd,
Zaharu'd-din, and KtmS^n, the servant of Jaw&hir Singh, from the T6shakhana of Misr B6]iRam
towards Flrdzpftr. On the 11th of M&gh, six Sikh soldiers killed sC European lady near the
cantonments of MSwa Singh, and were executed. The Lat S&hib Jangi (Commander-in-chief)
came to Lah6r to pay a visit to the Mahar&ja GuUb Singh, and left on Monday the 14th of
Chait. On the 24th the wedding of Edwardes S&hib took place in the house of John
Lawrence Sahib, after which he departed with his bride to Amritsar, St» 1907. The death
of LftUt S6han lAL Stlrl, author of this work took place in the month of Pdh, St. 1910.

Here the ^UmdatuH-tawdr^kh terminates abruptly. Readers of the Indian Antiquary will
find notices of four other vernacular books bearing on the same events in previous volumes,
namely : —

(1) The Last Tears of Shah Shuja^ Vol. XV.

(2) Reign of Abmad Shah Durrani, Vol. XVI.

(3) The ?afarnama of Ranjit Singh, Vols. XVI. and XVIL

(4) The Qul&bnama, Vol XIX.

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March, 1894.] THE REFUGE-rORMULA OP THE LAMAS. 73

♦the * REFUGE-FORMULA' OF THE LAMAS.
Br L. A. WADDELL, M.B., M.E.A.S.

Tlie •Befuge-lbrmiila* ofthelAmas^ which I here translate, well illustrates the very
depraved form of Buddhism professed by them ; for here we find that the original Triple Refuge-
formula (Skr. Triiarana; Paji Saramgamana) in the Triratana,*, e., the Buddha, the Word, and
the Assembly — has been extended, so as to include within its pale the vast host of deifcies,
demons and deified saints of Tibet, as well as many of the Indian Mahayana and Togach^rya
saints. The version here translated is that used by the Karmapa and Nyingmapa sects of
L&mas in Sikhim, but it is practically the same as that in general use in Tibet, except among the
reformed Lamas — the Gelukpas — , who address a less extensive circle of saints and demons.
It is extracted from the manual of worship entitled the ^Kyab^-Agro,^ commonly pronounced
Kyam-46, which literally means 'the going for protection or refuge.' The text is as
follows : —

« We — all beings — through the intercession of the Lama,^ go for refuge to the Buddha !

** We go for refuge to the Buddha's Doctrine (Dharma) !

" We go for refuge to The Assembly of the Lamas (Sangha) I '

** We go for refuge to the Host of the Gods, and their retinue of Tutelaries (Yidam) and
Fairies (wKhah-Agro» Skr. KhSehara or * sky-goers *), — the defenders of the religion, who
people the sky I

** We go for refuge to the victorious Lamas, who have descended from heaven, the holders
of wisdom and the TaHtr(is,

" We go for ref ugd to the Buddhas of the ten directions 1

'* We go for refuge to the all-good Father-Mother, the Dharmakftya Samantabhadra^
Yab-Tum SpruWkn Kun-tu 6zang-po (the primordial Buddha-God of the Northern
Buddhists) !

''We go for refuge to the incarnate mild and angry loving one, the 8ainbh6gakltya
SaiitikhT6da-pra8arakA (Longs-skii zhi-khrorab-^byam) !

" We go for refuge to the NirmAa^akAya MahAvajradhAra incarnation of 'Sakya-Muni
(Sprnl-sku-rdo-w/e ^chhaag-chhen) !

*• We go for refuge to the diamond- souled Guide, Vajrasattva («T6n-pa-rdo-rje-sem«-pa) !

"We go for refuge to the Jina^ the victorious S&kya-lium (rGyal-wa or Sha-kya
thub-pa) I

« We go for refuge to the most pleasing Vajra incarnation (Sprul-^ku-cZgah-rab-rdo-rje) !

" We go for refuge to the fierce holder of the thunderbolt, Vajrap&ijd (Pbyag-na-rdo-
rje-grtum-po) J

«* We go for refuge to the converted dazzling Goddess-Mother, H&richl-ddvl (Ynm-Agyur
Iiha-mo-A6d zer-chan-ma) !

*• We go for refuge to the learned teacher Aohftrya Hafijutoi («Lob-c?p6n-Ajam-<?pal-
^shes-tsnyen) !

" We go for refuge to the great Fa9dita Sri Sinha (Pan-chheti'Shn-Sihgha) !

" We go for refuge to the Jina Lakshini(P) Sud& (rgyal-wa-^rYang-na su-da)!

" We go for refuge to the great Pai^cjita Bhlmala Mitra.

" We go for refuge to the incarnate lotus-bom Dharmakftya Fadma Sambhava (^Prul-^ku
Padma Abyung-^na^) !

1 The Tibetan words are transliterated according to the system of Csoma De Koros.
« It is a Lamaist axiom that no layman can address the Buddhas, except throngh the medium of a Lfima.
• The Grelnkpa text begins :— bDag-sogs nam-mkah dang mnyam«-pahi senu-chan thams-chad 6Ia-ma la «kyab<
fiu mchhio. Sang«-rgya«-kyi «kayb« sn mchhiD. Chhoa-kyi akyab« su wchhis. dGe'?idun-gyi »kyab» su mchhio.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [March, 1S&4.

" We go for refuge to (liis wife) the Fairy of the ocean of foreknowledge (mKhah-Ztgro
ye-she* mtsho-rgjal) !

" We go for refuge to the religious king, Dharmarftja 71^-Song-de-t0an^ (Chho*-
rgyal-khri-srong-Zdo-^tsau) !

**We go for refuge to the noble Apocalypse-finder Myang-ban (Myang-ban-ting-^dsin
6zang-po) !

** We go for refuge to the Teacher's disciple, the victorious Sthavira Dang-ma ({/nas-
/n-tan-Zdang-ma-lhun-rgyal) 1

" W^e go for refuge to the reverend sister, the powerful lioness Lady, Sinh^bvar^
(/che-6tsun-scng-ge-Jbang-phyug) !

'• W^e go for refuge to the incarnate Jina Zhang-ton («Prul-»ku rgyal-wa-zhang-?*ton) !

" We go for refuge to the GUrtl clever above thousands (mKhas-pa nyid-^bum) !

**We go for refuge to the religious lord, Dharmanatha Gtlrtl Jo-ber (Chhos-Z/dag
gu-ru jo-Aber) !

•* We go for refuge to the illusive lion Oy&ba (Khrnl-zhig-seng-ge-rgyab-ba) !

" We go for refuge to the great devotee, the cleaier of the misty moon (Grub-chhen-
zla-wa-mun-sel) !

" We go for refuge to the Sage KumArdja (Rig-Zidsin ku-ma-ra-dsa) !

*• We go for refuge to the Prince of the scentless rays, Bhlm&la Bhabkara^ (rGyal-sras-dri-
med-Aod-zer) !

** We go for refuge to the incarnate noble * Banner of Victory' (^Prul-skn c?pal-^byor-
rgyal-7utshan) 1

** We go for refuge to the omniscient and renow^ned Chandraklrtti (Kun-»ikhyen-zla-wa-
grag5-pa) !

'* We go for refuge to the three incarnate kind brothers (Drin-chhen ^prul-sku wchhed-
^sum) !

'* We go for refuge to the Bodhisattva, the noble occean (Byaiig-sems cZpal-Abyor rgya-
wztsho) !

•• We go for refuge to the incarnate sage, the holder of the religious vajra (Spnil-«ku-
rig5 /idsin chhos-rdor) !

** We go for refuge to the entirely accomplished and renowned speaker (yong^-Msin-ngag-
cZbang grag«-pa) !

**We go for refuge to the great teacher, Mah&gurtL Dharmarftja (6La-chhen-chh6«-kyi-
rgyal-po) !

•* We go for refuge to the revelation-finder, Thig-po-ling (^Ter-?)ton zhig-po ^ling-pa) !
" We go for refuge to the religious king of accomplished knowledge® (Chhos-rgyal-yon-
ten-phun-tshog«) !

« We go for refuge to the banner of obtained wisdom (mKha^-grub Slo-gro^ rgyal- mtshan) !
" We go for refuge to the peerless useful vajra (tshung* — med-(/zham-phan-rdo-rje) !
** We go for refuge to the radical (Skr. mula) LAma Ab6ka (wnyan-med-rtsa-wahi-ila-ma^) !
" We go for refuge to the Lama of the Muld Tantra of the three times (rtsa-i)rgyud-du«-
^sum 51a-ma) !

* The kinjf of Tibet who patronized the founding of Lamatsm.

6 The Tibetan term /lod-zer may also bo Sanakritized as Pingfila, Rasmi Pfida, or Gou.

6 The fir;*t Bhotiya king of Sikkim, circ. 1650 A. D.

7 This may be a reference to the great Emperor Ai6ka, or his Confessor Upagupta, the Fourth Patriarch of
the Early Buddhist Church in India ; or it may be only the title of a Kuna. Several of the foregoing titles, which
I have translated, may also bo proper names.

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MA.BCH, 1894.] THE REFUGE-FORMULA OF THE LAMAS. 75

** We go for refage to the Sage, the accomplished soul (Sem«-d[pah phun-tshog5 rig»7idsin) !
"We go for refuge to the religion- loving king, the holder of the doctrines® (Chhos-
rgjal byam-pa 6stan-Adsin) !

*' We go for refuge to the reverend abbott, the Sky Vcgra (wiKhas-fttsun nam-97tkhah-
rdo-rje) !

•* We go for refage to noble the jewelled-souled Pal-zang (Sems-(Zj[?ah-rin-chhen dpal-

6zang) !

** We go for refuge to the assembly of mild and angry tutelary deities (Yi-dam) !
** AVe go for refuge to the holy doctrine of the great end, MaMnta (rdsog^-pa chhen-po) !
" We go for refuge to the male and female saints of the country !

** We go for refuge to the Fairies, the (demoniacal) Defenders of Religion and the Guardians
(wiKhah-^gro chho^-^kyong 6srung«-ma) !

" O ! Lama ! Bless us, as you have been blessed. Bless us with the blessings of the
Tantras!:—

" We beg you to bless us with Om, which is the (secret of the) Body I We beg you to
purify our sins and pollutions of the body. We beg you to increase our happiness without
any sickness of the body. We beg you to give us the real undying gift of bodily life !

•* We beg you to bless us with Ah, which is the (secret of ) Speech I We beg you to
purify the sins and pollution of our speech. We beg you to give us the power of speech.
We beg you to confer on us the gift of perfect and victorious speech !

** We beg you to bless us with Hum (pronounced 'hung'), which is the (secret of the)
Heart (or thought or mind) ! We beg you to purify the pollution and sins of our minds. We
beg you to give us good understanding. We beg you to give us the real gift of a pure heart.
We beg you to empower us with the four powers (of the heart) !

" We pray yoa to give us the gifts of the true Body, Speech, and Mind.*

Om I Ah I Huih I

*' ! Give us such blessing as will clear away the sins and pollution of bad deeds !

** We beg you to soften the evils of bad causes !

** We beg you to bless us with the prosperity of our body (t. e. health) !

** Bless us with mental guidance !

** Bless us with Buddhahood soon !

** Bless us by cutting us off from (worldly) illusions !

" Bless US by putting us in the right path !

** Bless us 3y causing ns to understand all things (religious) !

" Bless us to be useful to each other with kindliness !

"Bless us with the ability of doing good and delivering the animal beings (from misery) !

" Bless us to know ourselves thoroughly !

" Bless us to be mild from the depths of our heart !

•* Bless us to be brave as yourself !

" Bless us with the Tdntras, as you yourself are blessed !

**Now ! we, the innumerable animal beings, conceiving that (through the efficacy of the
above dhardnis and prayers) we have become pure in thought, like the Buddha himself, and that
-we are working for the welfare of the other animal beings, — and therefore having now acquired

8 The sixth Bhotiya king of Sikkim, circ. 1770-90 A. D.

• These refer to the mystic y^'ga, or union of * the three secrets.'

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76 THE IinvIAN AimQUART. [Mabch, 1894.

the qualities of the host of the Goda, and the roots of the TantraSy the Zhi-wa, rGyas-pa^
dbAng and Phrim-las, — pray that all the other animal beings be possessed of happiness,
and be freed from misery ! Let ns — all animals — be freed from Inst, anger, and attachment
to worldly affairs, and let ns perfectly understand the tme natiire of the Religion 1

** Now L ! Father-Mother (Yab-yum) the Dharmakaya Samantabhadra (Chh5«-^ti
kun-5zaog) ! incarnate mild and angry loring one, Sambh6gakA7a Saniikhr6da-pra8araka
(Long8-«kn-zhi-khro-rab-Abyams) ! O incarnate sages of the sknll-rosliry, NirmftijiLa Kaya
Kapala (sprtd-^kn-rigfi-Adsin-thod-Aphreng-d^tsal) ! And Mtdatftntra Lftxna (Tsa-rgyud-
oLa-ma) ! I now beg you all to depart !

" ! Ghosts of heroes (<JPa-Ao) 1 Witches (DdJch) I Demoniacal defenders of the Faith
(Chho^-skyong*) 1 Holy Guardians of the Commandments (Dam-chan-bkah-i-5srungma) !
And all you that we invited to this place ! I beg you all now to depart ! !

" ! Most powerful king of the angry deities (Kbro-wo-hi rgyal-po «tab-po-chhe) I O !
Powerful tbvara and host of the country's guardian Gods (mthu-«tob« dbang-phyug yulr
^khor-srung) ! And all you others that we invited to this place, with all your retinues, I beg
you all now to depart ! f !

May Glory Come I TasJii-Sliol t

Virtue! Ge-ol

Sarhamahgalam !*'

CORRUPTIONS OF PORTUGUESE NAMES IN SALSETTE AND BASSEIN.

BY GEO; FB. D'PENHA.

In an article^ entitled " Corruptions of Portuguese Names in Salsette and Bassein," Mr.
C. B. G. Crawford gives a very interesting list of names, compiled from the Criminal Returns
of Magistrates exercising jurisdiction in the Salsette and Bassein TalukAs of the ThanA District.
The fact that the names are taken from Criminal Returns is sufficient evidence that the list is
not exhaustive. The following names, which have come within my hearing, in Salsette, will
not, therefore, I trust, be deemed uninteresting.

I give them, irrespective of their appearance or not in Mr. Crawford's list. As in
Mr. Crawford's list the Portuguese name comes first, in Italics, and the corruptions |fter it.
The list also includes local names.

^leixo — lias. A16S, AWsia, A168u.

Andre — Andrei, Andria, AndrA.

A maro — Amur. ^

Anjelo — Anjai, Anjia, Anju.

Anjelina — Anjelin, Anjuti.

JfiJia — Anni, Annia, Annii, AnnAli.

Antlonia — Antlia, Antlon, Ant6nia, Antdk.

Antonio — AntiA, Antoni, Antonio, Antft.

Appolinario — Apl6n, Ipu.

Athogtiias — Togi.

Angustinho — Agiistihh, GAstiA, Giistin.

Avellino — Aulii, AveliA, Av61in.

Baptista — Bautis.

Barhoaa — Barboz.

Bernardo — Baman, Bernad.

BertoUo — Bartfll, Batfi.

Boaventura — Intdr, IntAria, Vintflr, Vinturia.

Borges — Bfirjt.

BotelU — BiitAl.

Caetano <-— ElaitAn, Kait^.

Cardoz — Kard6s.

Carlos — Karlii.

Carolina — Karolin, KalA.

Gatharina — Katrin, Katu, Eat^li.

Cecilia — Sisil, Sijil.

Celestino — Sfil^stin.

Clara — Kalar, Kalarin, Klarin.

Clement — Kalm^nt.

Colago — K61as.

Constancio — Kfistans.

1 See ante, Vol. XIX. p. 442.

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Mjlbch, 1894.]

CORRUPTIONS or PORTUGUESE NAMES.

CorneliiM — K5rn€l.

Jodo — Jambftt, Jamtii, J&nin, Jao.

Correia — Kftr^, Kiir^L

Joaquim — J6ki.

CouHnho — K6nfci6h, K6tm,

Jose — Jhijut, Jhijutia, Zuj6, Zujia, Zfijin,

Custodio — Kist6a.

Ziiz6.

D'Ahreo — Abr^u, Dabr^u,

Lopes — L6b.

JD' Albuquerque — Albukdr, AlbAkfirk,

Louren^o — Ldrfeus, L6rsia.

D* Almeida — Alm6d, Dalmad.

Luis — Luja, Lujut, Liisha, Liisfl, Lfisft.

IfAndrades — Andr^d.

Luwa — Luja, Luzii.

B'Athaide — TaWd.

Magdalena — Madlian, Madlil, MadA.

DaCt*;i^a— Kftnh.

Manoel — Mana, Mania, Man A, ManAli, Manfilii,

Daniel — DanSl, DanAH, Dinft.

Manftt, Manv^l.

BaSilva — Sil.

Maria — Man, Man, Maril, Marfili.

DeBrito — Brit.

Mariano — Marian,

BeCarvalho — Karwal.

Martha — Martu.

DeConceigao — Kdnsaou, KdnsSsaon.

Martinho — Martin.

DeMdlo — Darnel.

Matheus or Mathias — Mat^s, Matia, Matis,

DeMenezes — Min6z»

Matuli.

DeMonte — MSot.

Matilda — Matil, MatWi.

JDePenha — Pen, PShh, PSiilia.

Mendez — Mendis,

DeStf — Das&.

Minguel — Mangii, Mingel, Miiiglii, Minglihli,

DeSouza — S6a.

Miiiglii, MingAt, Mingutia.

Bias — Dis.

Monica — Makd, Mankia, Mankin, Mankut.

Bioginko — D^ginh.

Murzello — Miirj^l, Miirzfil.

JDw^o — Degia, DSgfl, DSgfit, Deg{xti4.

Nathalia — Mtai, Natii, NMl, Nfitiilinh.

Bominga — Dilmii.

Netto — mt.

Bomingos — Dftmft, DiimbriA, DAmbrii, Dfimia,

Nicolau — NikWo, NiklA, Nikfll, NiWit, Nikfltil.

Doming, Dfimingi^, DAmiilia, Diimut.

Nunes — Niln,

BosEemedios — RamSd.

Pascoal — PAkAlia, PAkiA, PAk61, P&k6ti,

ByorUsius — DSunis.

Pak5tia, PakA, Pakut, PaskiA, Paskdl,

Eli^ — filli&, Elliz, filsfif.

PaskAliS, Pa8k61in, PAskii.

Eulalia — EuM.

Paulo — P&ul, Paulia, PaulA.

Bmehius — flbj^b.

Pedrinho — PSdrinh.

J'aZcoo — Falkaoii.

Pedro — PSdria, PSdrd, Pit4.

Feleciano -^ FSUA, FSliz, FSUifi, FSlsiAn, FSW,

Pereira — Pir^l, Pirdr.

Fernandes — Faman.

Quiteria — Kitlr.

Filipe — Filip, FilipU.

EefteZZo — RabSl.

Fonsecca — Fanch^k, F6686k.

Ritha — Ritinh, Bitfl, RitAli.

Francisco — Farao^iA, Fransis, Farfii, FarsA.

Rodrigues — RMrig, Rfidrik.

Gaftr/el — Gabrei, Gabraiin, Gabria, Gabrfi,

Romania — RAmAn, RikmA.

Gabat, Gabiitia.

Eosa — Roja, R5jin, RdjMi, Rdjflt, Rfizfl.

Oaspar — Gaspar, GhwpClri.

Bosario — RAzAr.

Oomef — G6m.

Salvador — SAia. 'SAlAt, 'SAlilii.

Oonaalves — Ghonsal.

Santiago — SantiA.

Henriques — Erik, Hlnrik.

Sebastido — BastiAo, BastA, BastAli.

Hilario — liar.

5ifii5o — 'SimAon.

Ignacio — tnas, tn&siA, InSsinh, tnnsxi.

Sylvester — SiliA, 'SiW, 'Siliit.

Izahella — ZabSl, Zablii, Zabfl.

Thereza — T^r^z, T6r^ziuh, T6rA.

Jacintho — JasA, Zasin, Zaiiifc.

TA(mi(w — T6mA8, Tdmen, T6miAn, T6m4ii.

Jeronimo — JSremin, JSr5nin, Ziiran.

Vicente — is6nt, Vfaant, Vis^ntinh.

Joana — Janu, Z&na, Zand.

Xavier — 'SavSr.

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78 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Makch, 1894.

FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN.

BY WILLIAM CBOOKE, C. 8.

No, 9. — How the Bhuiyd Boy became a Rdjd}

Once upon a time there was a Bhiiiy& boy, who was left an orphan when he was rcrj
young. The villagers used to give him food, and, at last, when he grew up, he was sent to graze
the cattle in the jungle. At night he used to sleep on a platform,* which he put up under a
banyan tree.

The Lord Paramdsar pitied his case, and sent a fidry^ from his heayenlj court to bring
the boy the finest food. But he was afraid to look at her, and, whenever she came, he used to
shut his eyes in terror.

After a few days he told an old man of his tribe about the fairy's yisits. The old man
said : — *' This food is sent by Paramesar. If yon don't eat it, he will be displeased. But if
you wish to stop the yisits of the fairy, when she next comes, cut off a piece of the cloth which
covers her breast."

So, when the fairy came next night and asked the Bhuiya to cat, he pulled out the curved
knife, with which he used to peel bamboos,^ and cut off a piece of her sheet* Then she
ceased to visit him.

One day the village people said to their barber : — " It is time that boy's head was shaved.*'
So the barber went to where the boy was staying in the jungle. Now the barber is the , f-uft iest
of men. As they say — *'a barber among men, a crow among birds."* When the ban^tr was
shaving the lad's head, he saw the fragment of the fairy's robe, and thought to himself : ^*buch
cloth is not found even in Rajas' palaces."

" Where did you get this ?" he asked.

" My maternal uncle gave it to me,*" he answered.

The barber went to the B&j^, and told him what a lorely piece of cloth the cowboy had.
The Bdja sent for him, and said : —

*' You must get me a bale' of this cloth." '* I will get it if you give me three hundred
rupees," said the boy : and the R&ja gave him the money. Out of this the boy bought a horse for
two hundred rupees, and spent the rest on clothes. Then he rode off in search of the cloth.

By and by he came near a city, and halted at a tank to bathe and water his horse. Some
sepoys of the BAJft of that city saw him, and said : —

'' This must be some great Raja, Our Raja has a daughter for whom he cannot find a
fitting match. If he were to marry her to this Raji, his burden of care would be removed."

So they told their Raja, and he sent for the Bhuiya.

«* Who are you ? " he asked.

" I am a Raja's son."

•' If another Raja offered you bis daughter to wife, would yon accept her ?"

" How can I marry without asking my brothers and parents ? "

1 A folktale told by Khirpatt!, Bhoiyli of Harwariyft Barfip, P&ndo Cbatin, Mirsapur District : recorded by Pan4it
Bftmghartb Chaab^.

3 MachAn. ' fari, 4 BdnM, a knife ibaped ■omething like a aiokle.

A Admin min nauA :
Panchhinm^h katcwd.

The cunning of the barber is proTerbial : see Tawney, Kathm SaHt B^i^ara, 1. 288.
> The close connection between maternal uncle and nephew is possibly a relic of the matriarobate. 7 2%d».

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Mabch, 1894.] FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN; No. 9. 79

•* If you refuse to marry her, I will kiU you.**

*' In that case I mast consent."

So they were married, and all the ceremonies were finished in a single day.

*' I have some argent bosiness," said the Bhaiya, '* bat I will come back by and by and take
my wife home."

So the Bhaiyft rode off, and by and by reached the palace of Balwantl B&nl' which was in
the depths of the JhftrUiaQ<l^ forest. This had seven gates, one within the other. The first
was guarded by a demon, *<> whose upper lips stretched to heaven and the lower, to Putala. The
Bhaiya saw him and thought to himself :— •

« This monster's month will engalph me and my horse. I had better make friends with
him."

Sp he went ap to him, and said :—

*' I salate yoa, maternal^ ancle ! **

The demon said : —

" I have had no food for twelve years^ and when prey comes, it is hard that it should turn
oat to be my sister's son. However, sit down, and tell me what yoa want."

The Bhaiya answered : —

*' I am come to enquire about the health of Balwantt Rant."

*' Do not ask about her," replied the demon. ^ She sleeps for twelve years and remains
awake for twelve years. Just now she is asleep, and all her warders are dying of hanger.
When she wakes, she will give as all food,"

*' How can I manage to see her, Uncle P " asked the Bhaiya.

** This is very diflficalt," he answered. * * She has seven guards. The first is I myself, whom
you see. Next is a tiger gaard : then a leopard guard, then a bear guard. Next come gaards
of demons and witches. Yoa cannot see the Bani unless yoa escape from all of these.''

'' Happen what may, I must see her, and you must tell me how to evade the gaards."

Said the demon : — ,

'* Take a he-goat for the tiger and the leopard : some hSr fruit for the bear : ^^ some
parched rice for the demon and witches. They are very hungry, and if yoa feed them they
may let you in. Bat beware on your return, as they will all attack you."

The Bbuiya took these things with him, and as he passed in none of the gaards noticed
him. Then he came into a chamber where Balwantl Rani lay asleep on a coach of gold.
Under her bed was a betel box.** The Bhuiya took a packet of betel, chewed it, and with the
red spittle he made a mark on the cloth whioh covered her breast. Then he went back.
All the gaards rashed at him, bat he threw rice before the demons and witches, a he-goat before
the tigers and leopards, a handful of b4r fruit before the bears, and so he escaped to where his
uncle the demon was on watch. Then he mounted his horse, and, saluting the demon, rode
away. In the morning Balwant! Rani woke, and washed her hands and face. But when she
saw the mark on the robe she was wrath. First she went to the demon watch, and beat him
soundly, and all the gaards she beat with her magic wand. Then she set oat in search of the
man who had dared to mark her robe. She moanted on her flying couch,*' and after many

• The powerfnl qneen.

• The jungle of brambles. Sanskrit Jhdtakhanda, Locally it is said to be at Vaidyanfith in the Shfth&bAd

District.

M Deo. '^ This is the froit of the ZiMyjphut jujubat of which be^ are rery fond.

M Pdnddn. *• Ufdn khatolnd.

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80 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [March, 1894.

days reached the tank where the Bhniya had met the sepoys of the Raja. There he was
bathing and watering his horse. Balwanti Rani said to the Bhnija : —

** Why did you mn away after marking my robe ? Now I mnst live with yon all yonr life."
So the Bhuiyft married the B&nl then and there. That night, while all the world slept,
Balwanti Ran! bnilt a palace mnch grander than that of the Rajft. Next morning the Bhniy4
saw the palace and told her to stay there while he went to yisit his father-in-law, the Ruja. He
received him kindly, and that night he stayed with his wife, the Raja's daughter.

When they were alone together the girl said to him : —

" If my father asks to you to accept a present take nothing bat the basket in which cow-
dung is collected for the palace. It has magic powers, and all my father's proBperity
depends on it."

Next day the Raja offered many valuable presents to his son-in-law, but he said : ** I will
have nothing bnt the cowdnng basket." The Raja was mnch grieved. •

** Take anything bnt this worthless basket,'* he said ; •* otherwise my subjects will make a
jest of me."

Bnt the Bhniyd would have nothing except the basket, and at last the Raja had to give it
to him, and he took it and his wife to the palace which Balwanii Ran! had built. Then they all
came back to the Bhuiya*s native village, and that night his two wives built a palace even more
splendid than the last.

Three days after the old barber arrived. When he shaved the Bhuiya's head, he recognized
him, and then he went and pared the nails of the two Ranis. After this he went back to his
Raja, and said : " The Bhuiyft, to whom you gave the money to buy the cloth, has come back
rolling in wealth, and he has two beautiful women, who are fit only for Tour Majesty."

The Raja asked his advice how to get hold of them.

" Send for him," said the barber, " and demand yonr cloth. He cannot produce it, and he
will have to give the women instead."

The R4ja sent for him and asked : —

** Where is the cloth you promised to bring ? "

The Bhuiya answered :—

" Wait till to-morrow."

When he went home, Balwanti RAn! saw him in distress and asked the reason. He told
her how he was in the RAja's power.

" Don't fret," said she, " I am the fairy whose breast cloth you cut. I will bring you four
bales of the cloth to-morrow."

Next day the BhuiyA gave the cloth to the Rajd.

The barber then gave him counsel.

' Jf .,*^^ P^""'^* *"" ^""'"^ ^'''' ^'''''' ^*'^^** ""^ "^^ mangoes. They are out of season, and
he will fail to do so, and will be obliged to give up the women."

Again the BhuiyS was perplexed and a^ain Balwant! R^nf relieved him of his difficulty
for by her magical power she planted a garden that night, and in the morning the trees wer^
laden with npe mangoes. These the Bhuiyd gave to the RAjl

"All our plans have failed," said the barber. -Now you must call him and tell him to
bring you news of your parents in the world of the dead."

The RAja gave the order and the Bhuiyfi wa^ much distressed. Balwanti RM saw him in
grief, and when she heard the story said : —

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Mabch, 1394.] FOLKTALES OF HINDUSTAN; No. 10. 81

*' Go to the Bajn and say that, in order that you may be able to go to the land of the dead
you mast have a house filled with fuel. In this you must be burnt and your spirit can go to
Yamaraj."i*

This was done, and meanwhile Balwanti lUn! had made an underground passage from this
place to her own house, and when the fuel was lit the Bhuiyu escaped to his home, where he
lived six months, starving himself, and living in the dark, and letting his hair and beard grow.
When six months passed, he came out and said to the Rtja, " Yamaraj is a bad place. Look at
my condition after being there six months, and only think what your parents mast be, who have
been there twelve years !"

So the Baj& determined to go and visit his parents himself, and he had a house filled with
fuel and lighted. But he was burnt to death, and the Bhuiy& took possession of all the
BfijA had, and ruled his kingdom for many years with justice and wisdom.

Notes.

The Bhuiyfts are a Dravidian tribe residing along the Yindh ja-Kaimflr ranges and in
Chutia Nigpur. There is a good account of them in Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal^
p. 139 ff. This story was told by one of the most primitive members of the tribe, who, when
I met him, was engaged in making catechu in the heart of the jungle. The story is curious, but
obviously bears traces of Hindu influence. Thus, the pari or fairy comes from Param^svara,
here equivalent to Indra, at whose heavenly court (Indrdsan) the fairies assemble. The
robbery of a portion of her robe is one of " Robbery from fairy land " cycle, and the cloth is
thus equivalent to the Oldenburg Cup or the Luck of Edenhall (Hartland, Science of Fairy
Talesy 149, sqq.)

The prejudice against taking fairy food, or food brought from the other world, is common
in folklore. We have it in the pommegranate of Proserpine, and in numerous other instances.
(Hartland, loc cit, 43, sqq).

The Bhuiya's search for the fairy robe is onjthe same lines as the Argonautic Expedition,
which the comparative mythologists take to mean the search for the lost sunlight, that has
been absorbed by the darkness. (Cox, Introduction to Mythology and Folklore, 260, sqq).

The palace of Balwanti Rani is guarded like the garden of the Hesperides : or as the water
of life is watched by lions in the Arabian Nights Story of Prince Ahmad and the Fairy Parib^nu.

The ^\Aui has her flying couch, which appears constantly in the Katha Sarit Sdgara (I. 259,
278, 386, etc.), and is also found in the flying horse of the Arabian Nights (Lady Burton's
Edition, II. 496, etc.) ; and her magic wand is like Aaron's rod, and is found in various forms all
through Indian folklore (Temple, Wideawake Stories^ 418). The magic rubbish-basket is a new
form of the inexhaustible pot (Temple, loc cit, 423 : Tawney, Katha Sarit Sdgara, II. 2), which
in European folklore becomes a purse, hat, &c. (Jacob's Folklore Congress Reports, 1891, p. 93).

The story then diverges into the Cycle of " Hero Tasks " (Tawney, loc dt, I. 195, 861 ;
11. 632).

No. 10. — The Story of Prince Danda and the Princsss.^

There was once a king, who had an only son, and on the day that the prince was
born the king's mare also had a foaL So the king shut up the mare and foal in a room,
and supplied them with food and water through a pipe from outside, and once a day a groom
used to come in and tend them both.

The king called his son Dand& and arranged his betrothal (mangnf), but unfortunately he
did so while the prince was still a child. When the prince grew up, he became acquainted with
the son of the waztn but they were not great friends. The prince was very fond of amusing
himself with the pellet bow {guUl\ and became an excellent shot. In his garden was a well, and

^* The kingdom of Y&ma, king of death.

1 A folktale told by Maht&b6, an old Muhammadan woman of Mirzf.pAr : recorded by £• David, a Native
Christian

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82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [March, 1891.

there he used to go and hide behind the trees, and when the women came to draw water he used
to break their water jars with his pellet bow, and langh when their clothes where drenched.
The women complained to his mother, and she ordered that they should be supplied
with iron jars from the royal treasury. These he tried to break but failed. The wazir's son
came to him and said : " Why are you so low-sprited ? " He said : •* I used to amuse myself with
breaking the women's water jars, and now, since they have got iron vessels, my pleasure is gone."
The wazir*3 son said : "Don't be downhearted. I will make you pellets of flin* (chaqmdq), and
with these you can break the iron jars." So he made flint pellets for the prince.

One day a very pretty girl came to draw water. The prince broke her water jar, and
her clothes were soaked. She called out, •* Rogue I Look at your nose." He put his hand to
bis face and said : " Why, my nose is all right." " Well, if it is," said she, ''the king of Bussia
is coming to betroth his son to your promised bride." When he heard this, the prince went
at once to his mother and asked her : " Have I been betrothed '^? She said : " Who told you, and
why are you asking ? " "I won't tell you, " said he ; "only tell me if I am betrothed or not." She
said : " Tes." "Are there any signs of betrothal ? " he enquired. She produced a ring and a
handkerchief and gave them to him. " Where am I betrothed ? " he asked. •* To the daughter
of the king of Persia (jP^r«),'* she said. ''Is there anything else you have to tell me ? " he
asked. Then she told him of the mare and of the foal which was bom when he was born.
Dandi went to the stable, brought out the yonng horse, mounted it, and started for the land of
Persia. He had to pass through a jungle, and on the road a faq%r named Angantk, saw him and
motioned to him to stop. He pulled in his horse with diflBculty, and Anganfi said : ** Where are
you going, my son ? " Danda replied : "The king of Russia has bespoken my betrothed bride
for his son. May God [Rahb) bring about our marriage ! " The faq\r answered : " I am ready
to help you. I will escort you to the king of Persia."

So they both started — the prince on horseback, and the faqir on foot ; but no matter how
hard the prince pressed his horse, Anganu was always in front of him : and on the day his bride
was to be betrothed to the son of the king of Russia they reached the palace of the king of
Persia and halted in a grove close by.

The wife of the gardener, seeing them, asked who they were. " I am the betrothed of the
princess of this land, " said Dandfi. The gardener's wife went to her and said : "He to whom
you were first betrothed has come." Hearing this the princess desired to see Danda : and
going secretly with the gardener's wife looked at him, and began to weep because the king of
Russia wanted her for his son. She went to her mother and said : ** I have seen the prince to
whom I was originally betrothed, and I desire to marry him." Her mother was much distressed,
and sending for the king told him the whole story. He was greatly grieved and said : •* If
I refuse the match, the king of Russia will kill me and carry off my daughter by force."

The king of Russia heard what was going on. So he sent and had a picture of the prince
painted, and hanging it up in the place where the marriage was fixed to take place, issued an
order : " If this youth come to the marriage house, cut his throat and fling his corpse away."
When the time of the marriage came, Danda said to Anganu: ** I wish to see the wedding."
Anganil warned him, bnt Danda persisted. At last Anganii said : " Well, you may be present.
Bat stand aside and look on, and do not go into the midst of the company." Danda came, but
there was a great crowd, and where he stood he could see nothing. So he forced his way in the
middle of the guests. When the servants compared him with the picture, they dragged him
out and pitched him into a well.

When much time passed and Danda did not return, AnganA was sure that he had forced
his way in and had been killed. Just then the gardener's wife came and told Anganii that the
servants of the king of Russia had killed Danda. Anganu said : " Come and shew me the well
into which they have thrown him." She shewed him the place. Angantl took up a stone, and,
breathing spells over it^ threw it into the well, on whioh Dand& revived, and came oat
of the well, for he was not quite dead, and some life remained in him.

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Mabch, 1894] FOLKTALES OP HINDUSTAN; No. 10. 83

Anganu then sent the gardener's wife to the princess to say : *' Your first husband has sent
for you." She went to her mother and said : " I want to go into the garden this evening with
some of my companions." When she came there Anganu instructed Danda : " When you meet
the princess tell her to play hide and seek (chtpnS kd khil) with her companions." When
she hid from them she came to Dand4, who took her to Anganu. Anganu had borrowed a magio
elephant from one of the Jinn and directed Danda to mount it with the princess, and then to
touch its right ear, when it would take them to the mountain where they were to remain for
three days. •* But, take care,** said he "not to dismount till the third day.*' But Danda said :
*' The companions of the princess, who are locked up in the garden will die of hunger. I will
release them before I take away the princess." So he took the key from her and let out the
girls. When they saw him they caught him and said : '* Shew us the princess. If you refuse
we will take you to the king.**

When Anganil saw that Danda was caught he went there, and, untying a necklace made of
cloves of gold from his neck, he flung the beads before them, and as the girls ran to seek them
Danda escaped, mounted the elephant, touched its right ear and carried the princess off to the
mountain*

When the girls saw that the princess was being carried off they raised a cry, and the king of
Russia heard them. So he sent his army to arrest Dand& and the princess. But AnganO took
up some potsherds and threw them into the air. When one of these fell on a man, his head was
broken : and demons (deo) rising out of the ground began to devour the corpses of the Russian
troops. They began calling out : '' We are dead men ;" and again they said : *' AnganH Miyftfi is
dead.*' When Danda heard that Anganu was dead, he said to the princess: " I must go and see if
this is true or not." So he touched the left ear of the elephant, which immediately descended
to the ground. When he dismounted the troops of the king of Russia fell on Danda and killed
him. When Anganu saw he was dead, he put his corpse on the elephant and carried him off to
the mountain, and said to the princess : *' I warned him not to dismoont for three days. Why
did you let him go ?" Then he prayed to Khud& : " Revive this youth for half an hour, so
that I may give him something to eat." Khuda heard his prayers, and brought Danda to life
for half an hour. Anganu fed Danda and the princess with his own hand. Meanwhile two
Jaqira came up and asked for alms. The princess said to Danda : " You have gone through
much trouble for my sake : and now you must die. I will die too, and we will be buried in one
grave. If you allow me, I will give all the jewels I am wearing to these faqirs.** Danda said :
•* Give them, if you please." So she gave them to the faqirs, and they seeing the purity of her
heart prayed: "O Khuda ! measure their life to the space of a hundred years ! " E^udil heard
their prayers and measured their lives to one hundred years each. So Danda, the princess and
Anganil came to the palace of Danda, and there was great delight at Danda *s return, and the
pair lived in great love and happiness for a hundred years, and their eldest son, who was wise
and beautiful, ascended the throne of his father.

Notes.

We have the flying elephant in many of these stories. Thus SvStarasmi is turned into an

elephant and can fly through the air (Tawney, Katha Sarit Sdgara^ I. 328), and later on in the

same book (II. 540) we read of two air-going elephants, Kanchanagiri and Kanchanasekhara.

It is the flying horse of the Arabimi Nights, which Sir R. Burton (Lady Burton, Arabian Nights^

II. 138) thinks may have originated with the Hindu tale of a wooden Garuda built by a youth

for the purpose of a vehicle. This is Chaucer's —

** Wondrous steed of brass

On which the Tartar king did ride."

For various other miraculous vehicles in Indian folklore see Temple, Wideawake Stories t

425 sq. For scrambling for gifts among servants see an instance in Arabian Nights, V. 357.^

3 [It is to be noted that this tale opens precisely as do the Adventures of R&j& Ras&H; see my Legends of the
Faniah, Vol. I. p. 1 ff. — Ed.]

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET.

[Mabch, 1894.

NOTES AND QUERIES.
COUNTING-OUT EHTMES IN BUEMA

8i-b6ng
V4ng Sng,
VS-gdhmM!
WuS'SSn !
Ke-h&ng; py4!
Made-of lines
Three houeeB,
Intended for-us!
Off-you-go.
Save-yourself; run!

Pdn ni !
Pan nyet !
t^an-nyet hi !
Hmwe, yti I
Laik pe-db {6ng) !
Palm juice !
Palm sugar!

Palm sugar lumps !
Bend-over, take !
Now follow !

These are used in a game played by boys aU
over Burma with some variations.

In Mandalay squares (or ** houses ") are marked
off by lines, made in the dust or on the ground, in
three separate places at some distance apart.
The boys are then arranged in a row at some
distance from the nearest square and counted out
by the first rhyme until two are left, when the
last boy is counted out by the second rhyme.
They all then make for the "houses," the last boy
trying to catch one of the others before he gets
into a ** house."

In Rangoon the boys stand in a circle and are
counted out indifferently by either rhyme, and
the last boy has merely to try and catch one of
the others.

R. C. Temple.

BOOK-NOTICES.

Prof. ZACHARI-fi'S ANEKARTHASAMGEAHA.i
Prof. ZachariflB has been a well-known autho-
rity on Indian Lexicography, since the publica-
tion of his Beitriige tur indischen Lexicographie
in 1883, and I am glad to welcome the important
work, whose title heads this article, from his
competent pen.

Prof. Biihler's life of HSmachandra has been
before the public for some years, and it is hence
unnecessary for me to do more than to remind
my readers that the AnUkdrthasamgraha, or
Dictionary of Homonyms, is one of his most
important works. It is the chief of its class,
occupying much the same position in reference to
it, that the Amardkdsha occupies among the
ihdrthak6$ha8, or Dictionaries of Synonyms. Put
more popularly, an anikdrthakdsha is a dictio-
nary of words of more than one meaning, while
an ikdrthakoaha is a dictionary, in which different
words of the same meaning, synonyms, are
grouped together. The work of H^machandra
has been published more than once, but Prof.
Zachariffi's is the first really scientific edition, with
a properly edited commentary. It is remarkably
free from misprints. The commentary is the more
valuable because its author, Mahdndrastlri was
a pupil of Hemachandra, and composed it soon
after his teacher*s death in the last quarter of
the 12th century.

Dr. ZacharisB has not been able to print Mah^n-
dra's commentary in its entirety, except for the

' Souroeg of Sankrit Lexicography. Edited by order of
the Imperial Academy of Sciences of Vienna. Volume I.
The ArUkArthasarhgraha of Hemachandra. With extracta

first Mnda of the text, but the pith has been
preserved, and only those portions omitted
which furnish information readily obtainable
elsewhei*e. A special feature is the large number
(some 7,000) of examples taken from classical
authors illustrating the meanings of words given
in the text. These examples have been retained
by the editor, except such as have been quoted in
Bohtlingk*s dictionaries. The way in which they
have been treated by the editor illustrates the
care and thoroughness with which he has carried
out his work. A large number of the examples
have been traced to their sources and identified.
This must have been a work of immense labour.

The work has been excellently printed in
Bombay by the Education Society's Press, and
the learned world owes a debt not only to the
editor for a most useful work, but to the libe-
rality of the Imperial Academy of Vienna, and of
the Secretary of State for India, which made its
publication possible.

P. 8, — Since the above was written, I have
received a pamphlet by the same author, entitled
* Epilegomena zu der Ausgabe dee An^Mrthasarh-
graha' It consists pi-incipally of critical notes
on the text, and on the examples given by Mah^n-
dra in his commentary : and also contains a useful
index of the authors quoted by him. I com-
mend it waimly to students of the original work.

G. A. G.

from the Commentary of Mahendra. Edited by Th.
Zachariad. Vienna. Alfred Holder. Bombay: Ednca-
tion Society's Press. 1893. pp. xviii. and 132 and 20(S.

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i Aui ..i^jvAAv. (VOL. XXni.) Apbil, 1894.

THE

i Aim A A/ A HT*#/1# i A r\\i

INDIAN ANTIQUARt

A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH

ARCHAEOLOGY, EPIGRAPHY. ETHNOLOGY. GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY. FOLKLORE, LAVOFAnrc
LITERATURE. NUMISMATICS, PEILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &c., &c.

Edited bif

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MAJOR IVHTAV fsTATL^ mtf V<i

. PAGE

f L THTJ DFVTL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS,

of the Uto A. C. BX7BNBLL,

. C. Templb &j

PAGB

3. Traditional MrGnA-noN of the ?aktal Triuef.

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July. August. Paris: 1893.
The Vedantasara, By Col. G. A. Jacob. ^ -

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Joseph Jacobs, B. A. London. David Nnti.
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Nos. 11 and 12, March anrl \uv\\ IsOt r:.\.

cutta: 1894.

PAPSB8 OSr HAND :—

Devil Worship of the Tuluvas, eaited irortj the
papers of the late A. 0. Burnell, by R. C. Temple.

South Indian J' ns. By F. Kielhoru.

Veniwal Iniag* lion of the Valabhi year

927. By F. Kielhoru.

Sitabaldi Inscription of the time of Vikramaditya
VL, of the Saka year 1008. By F. Kielhom.

X'.'ilVl'M': lU. vJUULULill iUVili*. X'

Sastri : —
No. 38. -The T'
No. 39.— The iJ

No. 40.— The L u-iu-law.

No. 41.— The 'i „ and Tr4chinoi)oly

K-jlTUOS.

F..lU,,r.. ir, S:.]^ette. By ■...
iie Sparrow G
1' '^ikhim Lama.

ms. By T. M.Raui^'^
iri.

h^latt ^rcvi.-5
mann).
>u the DaLos of the Saka Era in IniicriptiunA .
By F. Ki'^lhom.

of India. By
1 .. il.-veda. Bv O.
s and the Camels
M P..i..t5,ek.

Dhatupatha
^jj G. Buhler.
atem India. By Put I

Rani.

Basis of Belief ar

.cter. By E. l\
. Age of th'
By G. Bii';

Apbil, 1894.] THE DEYIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 85

THE DEVIL WORSHIP OB^ THE TULUyAS.

FBOM THE PAPBE8 OF THE LATE A. C. BUBNELL.

{Continued from p. 40.)

BUBNSLL MSB. — No. IV. PART II. — (con tinued)>
THB STORY OF KOTI AND CHANNAYYA -^ (cmtinued).

ON hearing this, the Ballal caused letters to be written to those who lived in remote
coantries ; and to the people of the town, he caused a proclamation to be made by the
beat of a bell-metal drum, that there should assemble in the town every male who had a tuft of
hair on bis head ; everyone of the tribe called Kolk&rs with a stick in his hand ; every hunter
having a pistol ; the bowmen of the tribe called Mugdrs ; two hundred men of ficjambiit' and
three hundred of Ko<La P&<LL Accordingly all the people assembled. The two brothers living
in Ekkadka Erryanga^a were then sent for. When they came into the Ballal's verandah, the
Ballal ordered them to accompany him to a hunt.

** We have got a sufficient number of men, but we have no hunting dogs ; and a chase
without dogs is quite useless," said the two brothers.

So it was necessary to write a letter to one Kai^da Ba}ep, living in a spot called Karmi
Sftle in the town of Ijjya on the gh&ts. On enquiry the BallAl found that their writer was a
clerk named NftrAyaij^a Rangoji, and he sent a man to call the clerk, who was thus obliged to
come to the BallAl. Another man was sent to Buddyanta's land to bring some leaves of a young
palm-tree. The Ballal caused the leaves to be exposed to the morning sun, and to be taken
out of the sunshine in the evening, and by that time, the clerk Narayana Rangoji had come
to the Ballal's verandah. He asked the Ballal why he had been sent for.

** You are now to write a letter," said the Balla|.

The clerk sat on a three-legged stool, and the bundle of palm-leaves the Ballal caused to
be placed before him. The clerk took a leaf from the bundle, and cut ofE both its ends and
preserved only the middle part. He caused oil and turmeric to be applied to it, and asked
BslUl what he should write.

The latter dictated thus : — ** To him who lives in the town of Ijjya on the ghdfs. Where-
as the Balldl of fidambfir intends to go hunting in all the great forests, you are required to
bring with you about twenty or twenty-four dogs, including twelve of those always kept bound
and twelve of those always kept loose. Without the least delay, you should start as soon as
you see this letter, in whatever dress you may be at the time, and even if in the middle of your
dinner."

After the letter was written, the Ballal enquired of the people of his household who was to
be the bearer of the letter, and was told that there was one Bagga. He was paid all the
expenses of his journey and of his family daring his absence. The letter was tied to the skirts
of his garment, ^nd he was advised not to stop at any place, either on account of a storm or on
account of the noon-day heat. On hearing the order he set out from the Ballal's verandah, and,
passing the low countries, he came to the spot Karmi Sale in the town of Ijjya on the ghats.
He approached the house of Mallo, and standing at the gate called out ; — " Mallo ! Mallo ! "

Hearing the call, the latter came out and said : — " Who is it that calls me ?"

" It is I and no one else. I, the messenger sent by the BalUl of ifcdambfir," said Bagga.
and gave the letter which had been tied to the skirts of his garment to Mallo.

Mallo opened the letter, extended the leaf to its full length, and read it, and it was to the
following effect, namely, that, as soon as he saw the letter, he should start in the dress he was in
at the time and from the middle of his dinner, taking with him about twenty or twenty-four
dogs. After reading the letter, he went in and called out to a dog named K4u by its name,

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86 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Apeil, 1894.

and cansed rice of a very black sort to be served to it. In the same manner he called out to
another dog named Tai^^u, and cansed broken rice and bran to be served to it. Next, he
called out to a dog named BoUu, and cansed green rice to be served to it. The last time he
called out to the dog named Kdju, and caused rice of a coarse kind to be served to it. Then
holding all the dogs in a leash, he set out from his Ihouse, following the man sent to him. He
descended from the glials into the lower country, and came to the BallArs house. He caused
his dogs to be tied to a pillar, and bowed low before the BallAl. The Ballal asked him to sit
down, and then sent a man to the two heroes, asking them to come home to his verandah.
They sent word thab they would bathe, and thus wash away the oil they had rubbed on their
bodies, and, taking a little rice water, would come to his verandah. After a little while, they
arrived at the Ballal' s house.

" Now must we go a-hunting," said the BallAl.

The people of the whole town went to the chase, and the Ballal's son-in-law, Bukku BallA),
rode on a white horse. After meditating for some time what forest they should enter, they at
last surrounded the forest called Sanka in the east. They threw stones on the bushes and
held the dogs in the slips. They entered the forest, but although they hunted a long time,
they were not able to find either deer or wild hog. They then resolved to enter the forest
over-grown with the plants called shnnlla. They surrounded it, as they had done the first,
threw stones on the bushes, and held the dogs in the slips. The deer, the hare and the wild
hog did not come out of the bushes. Thus the chase proved qnit^ useless. Now they resolved
to hunt from the place called AnekalUtvu to Tuppe Eall&YU, and surrounded the latter place.
All the most prominent places were occupied by the best hunters. They threw stones on the
bushes, and in a pit as deep as the height of a man they found the king of pigs^ a little
smaller than an elephant and bigger than a horse. It suddenly sprang out of the pit and
grunted aloud, and went straight to where K6ti Baidya was standing. Its grunt, when
• its hair was standing on end, was like the roar of thunder. Its tusks, when it ground them,
shone bright as lightning. K5ti was now in a strait. He could not fly from the beast without
bringing a stain upon his heroism, and he could not fight with it without lisking his life. In
this strait he prayed to the Bhtlta Brahmara of Kemmi4e, craving his help. He set an
arrow to his bow and discharged it with such great force that it entered the body of the pig
through the mouth and came out from it through the anus. The cries of the beast were heard
in the three worlds and its groans resounded through the four worlds. Channayya Baidya
heard the cries, and came running to Kdti, to see whether his brother had killed the beast, or
whether the beast had killed his brother. Kdti asked him why he came running so fast.

•* I thought the pig had overpowered you and so came here," said the younger brother.

" Is it possible that the pig could defeat me ? No, it was I that killed the pig/* said
K6ti.

"Where is that pig P" said Channayya.

** 0, my dear young brother ! look ; here it is," said K&ti. Then the younger brother
threw off all the leaves which were on the body of the pig, and having efiamined it, placed
his hand on his nose^ and said to Koti : — ** My elder brother, we must revive this dead pig
80 that by its means we may revenge ourselves on the Ball&l of Paflje."

"Is it possible that the dead pig should come to life again ?" said Kdti.

" If the dead pig cannot revive, do you think that we can ever avenge ourselves on him
of Panje ?" asked the younger brother. " If there is a Bhtlta named Brahmara of Kemmute,
he will certainly help us. He will certainly become our charioteer."

Saying this, he took some water in a pure goblet and by means of a brush of the sacred
grass, sprinkled the water on the body of the dead pig from the head to the tail. The pig

1 As a mark of great surprise.

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Ap»il, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 87

reviTed in all its freshness and vigonr, and at once stood up. It then took its way to
Pafije, the two brothers following it. When it came to the rioe-fleld oalled B&kiBalisemAra
in FaftjOy the elder brother discharged a long arrow at it. The groans of the pig were
heard by the thousand people of Panje. At one call, they assembled near the pig. One
thousand men of Panje» three hundred of Kolapadi, and one thousand of Kokke Y<^^. They
resolved not to give up the pig that lay within their boundaries and to carry home the
whole of the pig, even at the cost of their lives. Then the thousand men of Panje brought a
white creeper, which is the strongest of all the creepers, and, twining it round one of the tusks
of the pig, they dragged it along with songs.

At this moment Ghannayya Baidya said to Koti : — '^ The pig lies within the boundaries
of £damb&r, and £2dambiir belongs to you : why then do you make delay ? Will you fight with
the thousand men of Panje P Or will you give up the pig ?"

After hearing these words, did he tarry long P He at once held the pig by its tusk, and
Ghannayya drew out the arrow from its body and punished the thousand men of Panje. K6ti
dragged away the pig, Channayys slew the thousand men of Paf^je and they lay dead on
the field, as lies the suggt crop. Those who fled to the East he pursued up to the sea of pure
water. He severely reproached those who fled to the West, and completely overpowered them.
He pursued those who fled to the North as far as the Ganges ! And those who fled Southward,
he drove into the sea. Then the brothers, dragging the pig along with them, went on. On one
side was the village of Panje and on another was that of E^amb^r, and between them was a big
rook named Mafljol^. They placed the pig on the rock, and sent a man to the Ball&l of Panje
to ask him to come to them for the purpose of cutting the pig to pieces and distributing it to
*. the people. The messenger went to the BallAl and begged of him to come.

The Ballul said to the messenger : — "Let the heroes, who killed the pig, cut it to pieces
and distribute the pieces to the people."

The two brothers accordingly cut the pig to pieces and distributed them to the people,
saying : — " This day, we have given you the flesh of a pig : tomorrow, we shall give you the
flesh of a lion. Therefore, those who are assembled here to-day must assemble again tomorrow.
Tomorrow, too, we intend to distribute flesh."

They then told the people that they would return to their own country. They resolved to
rub oil on their bodies and bathe, in order to wash away the sin of having killed a pig.

" What substances are required to wash away the oil ?" asked the elder of bis younger
brother.

" We want black gram, pods of green gram, the juice of some plants growing in the wet
and dry fields, and some acid substances," replied the younger brother.

" Who is the man best fitted to rub the oil on our bodies P" asked E6ti.

*' There is one Mufti Bird% the son of a man of that profession, who, by mbbing half a
sir of oil on the body, can squeeze one $ir of oil out of it," said Ghannayya.

Mutti "Sirda was sent for, and was asked to name the different kinds of oil that he required.
He said : — **0, heroes ! g^ingely-seed, oil, cocoanut-oil and castor oil are required."

All preparations were made for their bathing. One hundred pots of hot water and one
hundred pots of cold water were made ready by order of the brothers. Then Mut|LSlrda
began to rub the oil on their heads and bodies. He rubbed ghi and oil on their heads. He
poured the oil called kir into their ears. He rubbed the oil called bindu on their joints, and
on their nails he rubbed boiled oil.

Meanwhile the Ballal of £24&mb&r received a letter from SAyina, the contents of which
were as follows: — ''Send me the head and some flesh of the pig; and when you send
zme the head and the flesh, send me any carry that you may have made of its flesh ; and when

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88 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Apeil, 1894,

you send me that, send me some of its eye-brows ; and when yon send me the eye-brows, send
me the heroes that killed the pig, prepared for battle ; and when yon have sent me the heroes,
do you put off the dress of a male, and put on the disguise of a female, supply the want of
breasts by cocoanut shells, put on a bodice, dress yourself in a woman's garment, put plenty
of bracelets on your hands, apply collyrium to your eyes, and tie your hair in a knot. I shall
come to the verandah of the Ballal of ficJambAr to speak about your marriage." When he read
the letter, the BallAl became greatly dispirited, and sent the letter to the two brothers. They
opened the letter and read it, and found it to be very discourteous*

"We wiU oome to the battle," said they to the messenger and they burnt both ends
of the palm-leaf and tied it to the neck of the man that had brought it ; and, having done this,
they caused him to be driven out of the honse. They then sent word to the Ballal that, if he
had no courage, he might remain in an under-ground cellar, till they should come to his assist-
ance, and that they would come after they had washed away the oil which they had rubbed on
their bodies, and had taken a little rice-water. They bathed and washed away the oil. They took
a little rice-water, and they made preparations for going out to battle with all the weapons of
war. They each put a necklace on his body ; they ornamented their waists with girdles ; they
put golden necklaces on their bodies ; they tied turbans of the color of parrots and pigeons
on their heads ; they mounted a palankin ; they armed themselves with their dagger, equal to
that of Rama*s. Thus did they completely arm themselves and set out for the BalluFs
verandah. The Ballal saw them coming, and came and sat on his seat, and they bowed low
before him.

When they had saluted him, the BallM said : — *' heroes ! I am now assored that if I
rely on you for help, I shall lose the whole of my kingdom. Therefore, O heroes, shew me all
your skill and bravery, that I may ascertain whether you are men who can save my kingdom ,
or who will only rain it,"

" In the upper-story of your mansion there is a mura of sessamum seed. Please order
that to be given to us," said the brothers.

'* heroes, is that a thing that you will fail to get from me ? " said the Ballal. He
ordered the mudi to be opened. The elder brother, Kfiti, then shewed the dexterity of his
hand ; when he had shewed it, the seed flew up in the air in powder as fine as red turmeric.

Then the Ballal said :— ** I have thus seen your skill, and now I want to see the skill of your
brother, Chaunayya."

" O my lord," said Channaya, " your swinging cot has four iron chains. Please order one
of them to be given to me."

" Can iron be out by a weapon of iron ? " said the Ballal.

" If iron cannot be cut by iron, will one man be able to slay another P" said Channayya.

**If this be so, will the chain be refused to you?" said the Ballal, and he ordered one of
the chains to be given to Channayya.

When the latter shewed his skill, all the four chains fell in pieces.

"You are heroes that will be able to protect my kingdom," said the Ballal.

Then the five hundred men of fidambfir, and the three hundred of Kolapadi, together with
the Ballaj's son-in-law, Bukku Ballft}, who rode on a white horse and held a white umbrella,
went forth to the battle field. The battle was to be fought in two fields, one in 'which seven
sera of rice, and the other in which seventy sire of rice, could be sown, and Channayya was to
command the field of seven sirs. The Ballaj's son-in-law, Rukka Ballal, stood at a place which
was separated from the battle field by three rice fields, in each of which thirty sirs of rice could
be sown.

Before going out to the battle, Channayya said to K6ti :— " When, my brother, shall we
again see each other's faces ? "

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Apeil, 1894.] THE DEYIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 89

They talked a great deal to each other, and clapped their hands on their shoulders with joy.
Then they advanced with their faces towards the battle field. Channayya went to the field of
seven sSrs, and K6ti to the field of seventy sirs, Channayya began the battle in the field of
seven sers. He slew a great number of the enemy, who fell down dead, like bundles of the
suggi crop, and completely rented the enemy, and thus ended the battle in that quarter. Then
lie came to the field of seventy sSrsy where the battle lasted seven nights and eight days, during
which they tasted neither food nor drink*

** Come back, my l)rother, I will proceed with the battle, " said Channayya.

K6ti answered : — ** my brother ! listen to me ; you will not be able to stand the attack of
the enemy. Wheel- fireworks are showered on our heads; quoits are hurled at our necks ; our
breasts receive sword cuts ; and from behind are discharged showers of arrows. I know that
it is your habit to do everything with the greatest circumspection — fight with the greatest
caution."

While Channayya was bravely fighting, K6ti sat down to chew betel, when Chandagi^i
shot an arrow at him from behind. The arrow struck him in the lower part of the leg.

He cried out: — **0 my brother, the cur of PaSje has bitten me from behind. If it had
been a dog of high bi*eed it would have met me in front. Therefore I will not look at the
arrow with my eyes, and will not touch it with my hands."

So saying he kicked the arrow back with his leg. The arrow struck Chandagicjli in the
breast and he fled from his body to Kail&sa^ and he was then borne to the BalluTs verandah.
The BallAl sent a man to bring some medicine from a physician named Barmn, living in the
Tillage of Safije Mafije.

K6ti cut the whole of the enemy to pieces, and brought the battle to an end. Having
thus terminated the war, he left the field of seventy sSrs, and on his way home he saw a man
in the field Bftkibalatim^lra in Paflje put in chains by the BallA} of that place on
account of arrears of rent of one mu^i due by him to the ancestors of the Ball&).

The man gazed eagerly at K6ti and cried out, *• O ! If my chains had been broken, I
would have wrested the dagger from the hands of K6ti.*'

"You are to die by this means. Meet your death at his (K6ti*s) hands," said the Ballal.

Then the man advanced straight on Kdti, stood before him and said : — *'WhoisK6ti?
who is Kdti ? Will you give me the dagger yourself or shall I take it from your hands by
force P'

K6ti replied : — "If you had come to the field of seven «^r«, your fate would have been quite
difEerent ; but it is a pity that you came to the field of seventy sSrs, You need not wrest the
dagger from me. I will give it to you of my own free will."

Then giving the dagger, K^ said : — ** This, my only dagger, belongs to Brahmara of
Eemmu^e. If you take this with you, you can pass only one field, and when you have passed
that, you will not live to pass a second. And if in any way you should succeed in passing
two fields, be assured you will not live to pass a third."

With these words he gave the dagger to his antagonist. K6ti then went to the foot of a
banyan-tree, where there was a gentle breeze, and spreading out his dirty blanket sat down on
it. While his antagonist was passing the third field, the Ballars son-in-law, Rukku BaMl,
saw K6ti sitting down. The potter^ was walking with the dagger in his hands. Bukku BallA].
secured his horse in a shady place, and cut off the head of the potter named Pad&mpu.
Then, taking the dagger from his hands, he returned home. On the way he asked K6ti, who
was sitting down to enjoy the cool breeze, to come along with him to the Ballal's verandah.

' I cannot walk, my lord ! Pour some water into my mouth, and let me go to heaven," said

K^l

* I. e., the antagonist.

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90 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [Apbil, 1894.

Then Bnkka Balll^) went to the verandah and informed the Ballal that K6ti was nnable to
walk. The Ballul sent him his palankin and K6ti was borne to the verandah in the palankin.

** great dero ! Yon are he that saved the whole of my kingdom," said the Ballal.

"That is well/' said K6ti ; " but, my lord, ponr some water into my month that I may go
to heaven. I will leave thiB body and go to KailAsa.'*

A tender cocoannt of the red kind the BalUl ordered to be brought.

" Kofci, yon were a hero that was able to save my kingdom, and now the time of its
downfall approaches," said the BallAl.

Kdti said : — '* my lord ! We shall continue to assist you as much as we did in our life-
time in the day of battle. Only plant our dagger in the battle-field and we shall fight, on
your behall^ as spirits, in the same manner as we did as men. In life we never gave up
your cause ; therefore, after death, be assured, we shall not fail to assist you."

" O K6ti Baidya, up to this time I could have counted on must elephants in fi^amhOr ;
but this day one must elephant is going away, O K6ti," said the Ballal, weeping bitterly, as he
])oured water into Koti's mouth that he might go to heaven. Then £6(1 left his body and
went to Kail&sa.

A mango and a jack -tree, growing on each side of a river, the Ballal ordered to be cut
He prepared a funeral pile in a comer of the burial ground, and caused the body to be burnt
with all the proper ceremonies.

When Kofi advanced towards the throne of Brahma, Brahma said : — ''Do not enter into the
gudi. Do not come into the yard. In your life-time, you and your brother were always toge-
ther ; why, then, have you come alone ? Unless you come together, you cannot enter the yard.'*

Hearing these words, K6ti came back to the world. The younger brother came to the
side of a deep well and looked down into it, and saw his face reflected in the water.

" My brother fell in the battle ; what then is the use of my living ? " said Channayya to
himself.

So saying, he struck his leg against a rock and thus committed suicide. The news reached
the Ballal that Channayya had committed suicide in the house of the physician Barmu of the
village Sanje MaSje.

On hearing the ne^rs, the BalMl cried out : — " God i God ! my unlucky fortune ! I
had congratulated myself that, although I lost one must elephant, I had yet another. Now I.
have lost both. The time of the downfall of my kingdom has approached."

He caused a mango and a jack-tree, growing one on each side of a river, to be cut. He
rausod a funeral pile to be raised in a comer of the burial ground, and had the body burnt.
Then the two brothers went in the form of spirits to the throne of BrahmA^ who said :—

** Do not approach the gicdt. Do not come into the yard. You must purify yourselves
before you come to me." •

Hearing the order, they came, in the shape of aerial beings, to the Ballftl's mansion, and
threw the handle of their dagger on the ground, and asked the Ballal to purify them. On the
ninth day of their death, the Ballal caused the ashes of their dead bodies to be collected, and
on the tenth, he had the ceremony of sdlya performed. He planted three posts on the burial
i<round, and covered them with cloths of different colors. Thus he caused all the funeral rites
to be performed, in as grand a manner as would have been done for a royal Ballal. Having thus
purified theuiselves, they again approached Brahma's throne, but he forbade them to advance^
saying : —

** Do not touch my gudi. Do not come into the yard, Yoa must bathe in the holy Gauge*
before vou come hew,"

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April, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TtJLUVAS. 91

They told Brahmil that they wonld bathe in the Granges. Thej drank the waters of
sixteen holy places in order to wash away their sins, and the waters of twenty -fonr others to
earn merit. Having thns washed away all their sins, they came for the third time to the
throne of Brahmi, Then they came into the yard and they entered the gudi. They stood on
the right hand of BrahmA, and became members of Brahmft's council, and were ever
afterwards in the world as much honored as Brahmft himself*

BXJBNELL MSS. ^ No. 5.
THE ACTS OP JIBANTAYA.

Original in the Malayalam character recorded by a Tantri (Tnln Brahman) for Dr. Bnrnell :
translation according to Bnmeirs MSS* Original, text and translation, occupies leaf 123 and
part of 124 in Borneirs MSS.

Translation.

On a Tuesday at noon, the hero Jftrftntftya came to the Atr§l ferry, riding on a white horse
and holding a white umbrella^ and ordered the ferry-man Kanya to bring the ferry-boat.

The ferry-man replied : — **The boat does not belong to me, I am not to get my fare, and
the boat has been kept by one Bermane Kofie B&le for crossing the river on Tuesdays and
Sundays."

** It is no matter that the boat is kept by him for crossing the river, I will give you tht^
proper fare. Bring the boat to this side," said JArant^ya.

As soon as he said this, the ferry-man brought the boat.

'* Tender cocoanuts and cocoanut leaves are very dear in KtUtLr and MulkL So I am going
to a village where there are tender cocoanuts and milk," said Jarantaya.

He got into the boat and the boat moved on. It came to the middle of the river. It
whirled round and round. JArantdya murdered the ferry-man Kanya, and proceeding further,
he entered the bodies of Kote Bale Bermane, a weeping child and a lowing calf.

Wondering at what had happened, Kote Bale Bermane sent for Bermana Maiyya, who looked
into his praina-book, and found that a Bhtlta^ named J&rftntftja^ had arrived in the village
firom the south. A she-buffaloe and its calf were offered to the BhAta JarAntaya.

A guard was placed over the Bhiita's gudl^ and JArantaya was known by three names :
Jarantaya of the Sthana, Jar^ntAya of the Ko{{ige, and Jarantaya of the th/lvadi. A flag in
honor of Vishnn, with the figure of Oaruda on it, was raised, and a feast began. The
yaini became fall of people, and the gi^i fall of lamps. Thus the Bhiita JarAntaya became
established in that place.

BUBNELL MSS. — No. 6.
THE ACTS OF KOPAMAIITATAYA.

Original in the Malayalam character recorded by a Tantr! (Tulu Brahman) for Dr. Bnrnell :
translation according to Burneirs MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 124
and 125 inclusive in Burneirs MSS.

Translation.

I>ugga9i^a K&ver of BkkAr and TimmftntikAri of Tibdra were noted for their skill in
cock-fighting and their knowledge of bullocks.

In the month of B^se, following that of Paggu, they passed the village called Ekkarparara,
taking with them two hundred and thirty spurs, four or eight cocks, and about thirty or
fifty men.

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92 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Apbil, 1804.

They came to the temple of the god Irvail, and gave some offerings to the god. On the
next day they came to the low countries, and took their meals. They ascended the yhuia^ and
bought a fine cock. They also bought a bullock, which took their fancy, and proceeded on
their way, taking with them the bullock and the cock. They then erected a post under a
white asvattha tree, and tied the cock and the bullock to it. After this they went into the
liouse of one Blru of Na4470(jLi| as she had invited them to dinnen In the village Na44yodi
they took their dinner, and untying their bag of betel they chewed betel-nut.

The bullock was possessed by the Lord of Charity, Dharmada-arasu, and the cock
was possessed by the Bhtita of Perifija.

'* 0, what is this P What can have happened in the place where we have tied the bullock
and the cock ? What is the cause of those cries and groans ? "

Saying this, Dugganna Kaver of Ekkar and Timmantikari of Tib^ra came to where they
had left the bullock and the cock.

*• A Bhuta, equal to God himself, has now come to this village," said they to each other.

They went to the village called Berke of TftngacJLL They brought with them the bullock
and the cock, and built two gudis for the use of the Lord Ko<Lamai^at&ya. Another gudi wan
built in the south for the Bhiita of PeriSja, and the cock and the bullock were offered there.

Kodamanataya required that both a gudi and a palace should be built for him. A pikota^
worked by three hundred men fell in pieces. In the east is the village Perinja, and in the
west is the hill Derinja, and the fruit of all the trees lying between the two places fell down.
So a gudi and a palace were built for Kodamanataya.

The Bhuta required that the ceremony of raising the flag in honor of Vishnu should be
performed, and he then became known in that village as a Bhiita, and established himself in
that place*

BIJBNELL MSS. — No. 7.

THE ACTS OP KANAPADITAYA.

Original in the Malay&Iam character recorded by a Tantri (Tulu Brahman) for Dr. Bumell :
translation according to Bumell's MSS. Original^ text and translation, occupies leaves 120 to
129 inclusive in BurnelFs MSS.

Translation.

The Bhiita descended into the Tulu country from the ghdfs. His groans were heard in the
four worlds, and his cries in the three worlds.

He saw the Ball&ki4a of Ei^ekallu, and the BalUkuta of Sftntikallu. He became
known as a Bhfita able to give life and also to send distress to mankind.

He came to the Berke of Pafljipft^Li, and sdw four children, all bom of one mother.

There was a Bhatfa, who was the master of the village K&marai, and the Bhiita
became known as his family god.

In the summer, a younger and an elder brother quarrelled with one another.

" I will go. You be the elder brother and I will be the younger, and let ns both go to the
house of the master of Mangalore," said the Bhdta to the Bhatta.

Riding on white horses, and having white umbrellas held over them, they passed the
Berke of Panjipa^jli, and ascended the hill called A<l<IAndu. They came to a place named
S&rablme in the village Mog6rnA<l. They came to Paiyyayyi of Pftijiemogdr, and passed the
pleasure garden in Ba^fwAL They passed a banyan tree on the bank of a river at AindA^patta

' Irrifi^tiag apparatus.

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Apeil. 18^.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 93

in the village AmbsijUUjLL Thej passed the spot cailed FilipaAjer^ and Ulavuttu in Tumbd.
Tbej passed the temple of the god Varddbvar and the gudi chdvadi and Majabbldu. They
passed the tank called Gujjerkedn, and arrived at Man galore.

The Karta^ of Mangalore saw them and asked the Bhatta:-^

*• Where did you come from ? Where are you going to P"

** In the Berke of PanjipA^i* '^we four children wore bom of one mother. We quarrelled
with one another. Therefore I am going to a country, where my eyes cannot see and my ears
cannot hear," said the Bhatta to the Kartu of Mangalore.

" Do not go to a country, where your eyes cannot see and your ears cannot hear. I will
give you « palace m the village TJJavto,'* said the Kartu.

The Bhatta accepted the palace in Ulavur. He repaired it and dwelt in it. At the hour
of midnight he wept bitterly, shedding heavy tears, and said : — " Oh ! there is no woman in the
palace built by me. There is no she-buffaloe and calf in the cow-peo."

*• Why sure you weeping thus? I will bring a woman to your palace," said KanapaditAya.

He went to the Berke of Panjipadi. He saw the two persons, Kartus of PaUi and
Kunyarapa^U, and cast them into the river Ndtrftvatl, and, crossing the river at the Uber
(UppinangacjLi) ferry and the Nandftvar ferry, he came to the Safija ferry, crossed it, and
proceeded to the math in Tumbe belonging to the sv&mi of Pdjavar* He went on to the
8andi ferry to perform the sandhydvandana ceremony. While he was doing this, he saw a girl
of mature age floating up and down the river with the ebb and flow of the tide.

'* This girl is not bom of men. She must have been sent here by God himself" said he
to himself.

He sent a messenger to the palace in Ulaviir, and the Bhatta oame to the Sanja ferry.

*• So you have come, my niece !** said the Bhatta.

He toolc his niece by tbe hand, and led her to his palace in Ulaviir, wherein there was no
wcnnan ; and when that year had passed and the next one bad come, the girl was married to
the Kartu of Eumba^e. After going to her uncle's palace she was proceeding to Kumbale,
whither the Bhiita Kanapadit&ya followed her.

At Kumba)e he entered a weeping child, and he killed a calf. The Kartu of Kumbale
wondered wbat all this might mean, and he asked a soothsayer.

* '' A Bhiita has followed your bride, and yoa fihould offer sacrifice and food to him," said
i^e soothsayer.

** Mention all the articles that are required for the offering and sacrifice and for the food,"
said the Kartu.

••Balls made of eleven sirs of rice, sixteen torches, a thousand sirs of fried rice, a thousand
sers of beaten rice, one hundred and twenty tender cocoanuts, twelve bunches of plantains,
twelve cakes of palm-sugar, twelve hudtes^ of ghi are required," said the soothsayer.

Slichhe, the Ppmba^a^ came to act the part of the Bhi(ita, and stood prepared to become
possessed. He put on the dress appropriate to the Bhuta, and required, by signs, the articles
of food to be brought. One thousand sSrs of fried rice were brought. Thrice he threw up
three balls of rice ! He devoured the sacrifice and the food, and shewed his belly, pointing to
it, to the Kartu of Kumbale. He ^us shewed him that he was not satisfied !

*' I have offered you so much sacrifice and food, yet your belly is not satisfied. Return
to the country from whence you came," said the Kartu.

• I. «., tiger-OBge. • J. «., master. « Half a sir.

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94 THB INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Apbil, 18W.

" I will go bftck to the country from whence I came/' said the Pombada.

The BhAta came to N&Iapirikolaiftra, and demanded that a gudi should be built for him in
KanapCUjLi, and a gudi was accordingly built for him in Kanapiidi. He also required that a hidu
should be built for him in Piryodi. He became known at the chief Bhiita of NiUapirikolasara,
and established himself in that place.

BUBNEIiL M88. — No. 8.
THE ACTS OF MUljrpiPADITAYA.

Original in the Malayalam character, recorded by a Tantr! (Tola Brihman) for Dr. Bamell :
translation according to Barneirs MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies parts of leaves
129 and 130 of Bumdl's MSS.

Tranalation,

He wa» known in KsHA as KAlabhairava.

A man named Vaidyan&tha descended into the Tnlu country from the ^ghdts, and^ the
Bhikta followed him. He came to the sdna gudi built by one Kotek&r in Konji^iBaiA. Taking
with him balb of vibhdtt' and the root of the plant SiAjvpana, he went to the Kotebe(to Mnft
in Siydra. He went to the Siydra guttu.

In the time of one Bamamii^^ara the ceremonies of raising the flag and of the car-f estiyal
were celebrated in his honor in the KoUabettu S&na.

He becam:& known as the umbrella (protector) of the Tillage of Yerdtlir, and be established
himself in that plaee.

BXTBlfEIiL M8Sr — No. 9.

THB A0T8 OF AMApApi FAftJABLLI.

Original in the MalayAlam character, recorded by a T&ntn CTulu Brahman) lor Dr. Bamell :
translation according to BumelFs MSS.r Original, text and translatioo^ occupies leaves 130
and 131 of Bumell's MSS.

Translation.

Eoohftlva BalU4 of NandArbett^ hearing that a feast was being celebrated for FsfijurU
in the bidu in Bftrardil, ezpresse d his intention of going to witness the grandeur of the feast.
He immediately took his meals and left tbe bidu in Nand^r Betfu. He passed the ban yan tree
in Mangame and the Jcdstma tree in Eollabettn. He crossed a stream at XJmmanottu &i^d the
Bai^fw&lpdtft]^ and another stream at A44anda. He approached a plaee called Sftratlme in
Mogdrn&49 ^T^^ came to the bidu in Barardil.

The Bhdta had already entered the actor, and looked on the face of Kochalva and said : —
** You are welcome here ! I will go to you."

*' To a Bhuta, that desires to come to me, I will not say nay. If* you will cast aside your
present form, and come ta me, I will have a woollen coueh prepared for you, and cause a silken
flag to be raised. I will offer to you a pig made of bell*metal,'' said Kochalva.

The man possessed by the Bh&ta gave him a tender cocoanu t and some flowers of the
areca-nut as his prasdda.

Eoch&}va, followed by PafijorU of the Amba<Lft<B blcjLu passed the Mdu in Bdrardil and
approached S&rastme in MogSmu^. They crossed together the stream at Aijdanda, and passed
the Bantwalplfah, and came to Nand^rbettu b^du,

T Ashes OMd by ^ya Mcetios for smearing their bodies.

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April, 1894.] THE DinriL WOBSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. ^

The Bhiita saw the Balla| falling, for the BallSl fell down in a swoon. Orders were given
for all the people to assemble at once, and all his caste men assembled. The prasna-hook wa»
referred to, and they found that the cause of the misfortune was Panjurji, who had loUowedi
Kochalva Ballai. They asked the Bhuta to tell them what he wanted, and he said that he-
wanted a dagger in his sdna. The dagger ns€d by the Ball&} of AiyyandA|. (was thrown at
random and) fell in MangilamAr. He caused a gudi to be built for Panjurli in Maiigiibmir» and
caused the ceremony of raising the flag to be performed.

The Bhiita demanded a car, and became known as one of the Pll^ Bhtltas of
Amba<jU^U, serving Brakmft. Thvs was he established in the sdna in Mangil»m4r.

BUBKELL MSSv — No. ID.
THE ACTS OF PILICHAMUJerpi.

Original in the Malay&jam character, recorded by a Tantrl (Tula Brahman) for Dr. Buraell:
translation according to BurnelKs MSS. Original, text and translation, occupies kavea
131 to 13b^ inclusive of Bornell's MSS.

Translation.

A man named Matfiju Fafija obtained a piece of land called Tumbejalajanana^ and enlti-
vated one crop on it. Depredations committed by thieves became very great, till not even a
single tender cocoanut remained on the cocoannt trees. The paddy stored in the yards did not
remain, and there was no paddy in the rice-fields. Manju Panja told his eldest daughter that
he would introduce a Bhiita that would be able to put all the thieves to death, and that he
would go to the kingdom of BU(4£

He took his food, and tied a turban on his head, and pot on his btst dress. He paseed
Tumbejalajanana and came to the kingdom of B41oU.

Baloii saw him and said to him : -^ ^' On what business have yon come here, Manju
Panja?"

** I have obtained a piece of land called Tumbejalajananair %ut the ravages of thieves have
become too great for me, and I, therefore, ask you to give m^ a Bhuta that ean put the thieves
to death," sadd Mi^jn Panja.

" What Bhiita shall I give you ?" said B&loli.

*' There is the Bhtlta FiliohAmuQ^i worshipped by yon. Give him to me," said Manju
Panja, and he gave three hundred pagodas to BMoH.

When he saw the money, BaloH entirely forgot his Bhdta. He ordered a paftcholi
betel-leaf to be brought, and the exact figure of the Bhtlta to be drawn on it, and he
gave it to Manju Panja and said : — " Take this Bhiita to Tumbejalajanana and worship it
with all your heart."

Manju Panja returned to Tumbejalajanana, taking the Bhiita with him, and worshipped it
with all his heart. The Bhiita killed the eldest daughter of Manju Panja, Manju Panja
himself and a woman named Gange at the end of six months, one year and two years.

•* We can no longer worship this BhAta in a house where there are children and relatives,"
said the inmates of the house, and taking the Bhiita to the foot of a tree producing stone-
berries, worshipped it there. The Bhdta required that the sdna in Tumbejalajanana should be
furnished with a dagger, and established himself in that place.

When he was about to leave it, he lighted a bell-metal lamp and shouted out aloud. He
ascended the hill at A<L<Utnda, passed IrandA^pafta in MijAr, and stopped at the village

* Leaf 134 is blank and leaf 185 is missing.

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96 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [Apeil, 1894.

Kumpa4&viuntLra« He left it and passed BoUibet^u^ azkl came to Perftr, peopled by one
hojidred men. He saw the Bhtlta BalA94i ai^d BrahjnA of JiAnbetfu.

He demanded that his sdna should be famished with a dagger. The hundred men of
Ferft8abeti;a assembled on the hill of Mftribett^ ai^d «treca^nuts were heaped up. A sdna was
built in that place, and the Bhiita beoame kiiown as the umbrella (protector) of the hundred
men.

He left the land of the hundred men, ascended the hill in A(}danda, and came io
BoHimftrguttu. The people wondered what the oau«e of this unforseen misfortune might bo,
and referred to the j?roina-book.

The Bhiita required that a palace should be built for him, and the dagger used by three
hundred men (was thrown at random and) fell in the village MukkO(^va}aku<jla. The Bhuta
caused his sthdna to be built in that place, and finally settled himself there.

BUBJTBIiL MS9. — No. XL
THE STOBY OP TOpAKINABA.

Original in the Kanarese character : transliteration by Mr. Manner : translation from
BurnelTs MSS., checked by ]A^» Manner. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 136 to
142 inclusive of Burnell's >ISS.

Text.
To^akin&ra Pa4<Lana.

Kir^ kftftohi wofiji, ICdl^ kAftohi wonji, kafiohika^ai&ga daaramane wonji ; aulu udyamedi
Pharmada-Arasu^ Ar^ puttuni Kekkei udda malligedi^ nadapei ssimpiged^. YSlu warsa
iiirend^, gadda battijn^u. Kali kaledu siri wadyere y6renderu darpaada rasulu. Gatfada mitt^
ayere nadudu Btjanakarodu kelesi mage BiiiA<UkAre ullenderu chakri dAkulu. Eiku Udda-
botfugu mini kadapucjiyer^ gujjari tareda kiru woli tarpudiyeru ; muiJAyi dombugu pu^ayer^ ;
pa4dHyi antara dombugu deppajeru; ka^e kadi tundu malpay^ru ; kelesi pudarugu w61e bare-
payeru ; un^i nuppudu tutti kunfcu^u gaji geg^ barodu andudi^ bareyeru. Wole wonji mani
keiku kordu ayagu sambala kori yen^. Aye Kanehikadangads aramane bp^ij^^ kelesi mags
illadegu w61e kondu koriye ; aye wole tiiyi galigegu lakkiye bulu pSdi bokkajotfi dette, muga sfidi
kannadi eit^ pa^iye ; gundu katteri, parepgi balij inata pA^d§ mani beriye batte, Kanchikadaii-
guda aramanegu batte Dharma-arasunu tuye, kei muggiye ; battinawu yedde &nda and^du panderu.
!Ninakula jalmada b^le ben]a anderu. Chava4ida nadutu nalu kar^da mukkalige itt^ndu einn
dipayeru dattu balattu jagana joti pottayer^, worla ari woiiji tArayi iretij dip&yeni. gellanda
ghante n6payeru, bori sankala uripayeru, tan^ arewasi eitAyeru mukkalige^u kulleyeri^ muttucju
desa paduncjin, arati ^ndu. Kelesi mutta bottepannedu bele malte, tareddu pattina>yu kar§ mutta
soreyi tingara bele malte. Kelesi mutti doshogu dane malpodu ander^ chakridakulu eiku
arosnlu yennedu fiudda nirudu jalaka awadu anderu. Tanu katt^yi kere undu, aulu n&lij kjsita
kopparige dipayer^, sArakodya chandi niru kopparigegu meipayer^. Paduradd^ katta kanakudu
beiidru keipayeru ; sara kandelu bendr^ arasu tareku meipajeru, sara kandelu chandi nirui
raeipayeru. Shiri mudi gatyere wolta patte awu anderij chakridakulu. EAwura kariya patte^
Bolura bolya patte, s6pu kambati, fremadure patte mnnkuda suyilugu munniidu gawu^ pari
pafte, kann^ nirud^ naneti patte ugura ditetij dengidi patte awodu anderu arasulu ; awenu chakri-
dakulu kondattudu eitu chandi dettuudu. Yejfik^ eijaw6du enderu ; eik^ y^l^ petfige kunta
kondatteru. Yel§ pettige hangar^ koncjatteru, kuppicjitti parimalu kondatter^, Dharma-arasu
manitu kuUuder^ kura]ugu padaka yerund^ padnku dabu dindu kebik^ muttuda chankuli
y^rundu birelugu suryamuttu mudreda ungila yerund^, ekkil^gu chakra sara paiundu, keik^
dande ditundn, taredd^ kani mntta bangfiru^du siiigarand^. Arasa^u Tnju rajyada gatt&
japp6du t\4^ dAkuJen^ t&wa^ii ander^ Wolu joppuni andud§ chakridakuleda k^nderg,
jotter^ joppunaga BaiagAd^d^ Sdixiapfttha ddwer^ balli inder?. 6hirari<l^ Cl^kkAiya de wer^

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Apbil, T?S94.] the DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TtLUVAS. 97

balli luderu ; apaga yernte Setteg&re nalu sawira yeru kon^ada Ga]^<lape94ftra bardina malledd^
japperu; einu tuda Dharma-arasulu Channamai&gale ChaluwarAyo inpi yeruta mitti|
"kuUudern, wolagayerg, mAyoda kulluderu. Subrllya ddwero stalogu battund^. Peirn^
jappanaga Subr&ya ddwer^ tuyer^. Deiwa deWeru nage Berme tanad(J^ malle danti jAgii^u
.yer^ jappuni anderu. Chakridaya/jla pandini : ocjldlana^ii kote gorawadu, sapalodu dari gopayerij ;
^oded^ katti barchi dipayeru ; arasa mata poltndu batteru. Snbrilya dewere stalogu battud^
•d^>vasthaiiogu poggiyeru. Mftji suttu ball batteru, einu dinata ayana tflyeru. Altu yeruta
mitt^ KumArad£lre Matsyatlrtka kadatern, kdtelA Kdpd^i Gatf|;ala Kadat^du, Wiftlag^
botteru. Paftehalinga d6weren^ tuyeru Wittla B&kimftr^^ nalg sawira yei'unu taflewonderu';
pullore lakkiyeru^ Wittla Bakimar Kadaitf d^ BossawagucJilA Ea<Lambi d^wast^nali, Saldtura
dewasLtanala ka^ateru. Madungara g6|idanlu portu kartundij, Yeru palaya poyyer§. Alt§
pullyakelogu lakkudu Dharmada-uggel^ dalpa pAlya poyyer^. Eannandtiru Poyyedftr^ ein^
ken^eru, Alckftji M&mtlji kalofiu nama hiriyer^ ane katt^dij ajuderuge, kudure kattgd^
fiaiik^derige nama kalodu yeru kattadij sankoda aududij. Poyyedaru yeru konijlariyere .pidadiyeru.
Tana'bii3u"kadatt^du. pa^ik&li^da ane pattiyerg. Dharmada Uggelij dalpado padpagii Tmtteru ;
nalu sawire yerunir tuyeru ; tana kann^gu wofijila samad^ t6juji. 1 Dharmada-arasu wolagati
Obannamangale Chatuwarftye inpi ycrunu tuyer§, ^a yerunu detteru-, krayogu dettudu kondu-
bottud^ toda kukkudu kaUiyeru. Ntrudu jattudu. japogu kulliyeru. Poyyedartt altu bannaga
yeru ijji, mayatundu. Yeru p6ndundndu anyeru. Jataka-graha shddhane tiinaga, awu B)itlta
kulludi yeru, Bhutada maya Atmndu andud^ toji battundu. A gbajige^ Poyyedare doppa
ISambe beide, ftya yejje<l^ BhUta j&gadarike batt^9<L? ; ftj® kaj6 andud^ lette. Poyye^
•daren^ lette ; yeukula "wAsdye yenunu kon^atter^ yeru Iregu tikkuji ; yenkulu yeru ®-^

Translation.

There was a Ijower K&fiohiand an Upper Kftfiohi, and a palace called K&lidhikadaiigay
'in which King Dharmik was bom. Be w.as bom on a heap of malUge flowers, {tiled up as high
•as a man*s neck, and on a heap of sampige flowers, piled up as.higii as a man's middle. Seven
.years passed, and then a beard appeared on his face !

*• Who can «have me ?" asked king Dharma.

*< On the €>ther side of Ejanagar^^^ on the gkdp there is a bao^r called Binna4ikar%" said
3iis servants.

King Dhwrma sent a tuan to Uddft fiet^tu., and made him bring sonre B'mall palih leaves,
•and put some in the morning sun, and some in the evening sun. He then made him cut both
•the ends of the leaves, and ordered a man to write a letter to the barber : —

" You must start immediately withont attending to your meal or dress."

Thus was the letter written. It was giv«n to a messenger, to whom King Dharma paid a
iee. The messenger left the palace of Elanchikadanga, went to the barber, and gave him the
letter. The barber started immediately. He opened his bag of razors, in which were a looking-
glass and round scissors, and also a European razor. Ho kept these all in his bag, and followed
the messenger. He came to the palace of Kanchikadauga, where ho saw King Dharmu, who
saluted him.

" It is well tliat you have come here. You had better attend to your duty, according to
the custom of your caste," said King Dharma.

A European chair with four legs was placed in the middle of the floor. Tvfo jagana lamps
were placed on the left and right of it. One ser of rice and a oocoannt were put on a plantain
leaf. And then the ringing of a bell was heard, and a conch-shell w^s blown, and swishes
were waved over the king,* who sat on the chair in half-dress. Pearls were cast, and lamps

• [Part of tho transliterated text has been los't and it ends abruptly here. — Ed.1
" [For Bljanagar apparently, — Ed.]

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.»8 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [Afbil, 18W.

were waved before his face. Then the barber came up to King Dharma and shaved his faee,
and then shaved him from head to foot.

** What ia the remedy for the sin of touching a barber ?" aaked the servants.

King Dharma replied : — •* It is necessary to rub the body with oil and to wash it in water.

I have constructed a tank for the purpose."

He noade his servants bring a large pan 'and a thousand pots of cold water were-poured into
the pan. Then be made them warm the water with twelve bundlea of fire-wood, and pour the
thousand pots of warm water over his head, and afterwards a thousand pots of cold water.

*^ Whence are the silken cloths to be brought to wipe the Water from your head ? " asked
the servants.

** A black silken cloth manufactured nt K&vilr, a white silken one made at B6ltlr, a silken
cloth called sopu kambati, a silken* cloth made at trawadtlra^ a silken cloth of which one piece
'would stretch to three hundred guvt$da8,^^ a silken one which can be soaked with a tear, and a
silken cloth which can be hidden between the nail and the finger, are required^'' said the king.

All the silken clothe were brought and the king dried his head with tliem. Then he
ordered his servants to dress him. Cloths kept in seven boxes were brought to him, and also
jewels kept in seven boxes, and scents kept in bottles* King Dharma sat on & European ehair
and made his servants decorate him : — an ornament round his neck ; a golden belt about his
waist ; pearl ear-rings in his ears ; a ring with a pearl in it as bnght as the sun,, and a ring with
a seal on his fingers ; a second necklace round bis neck ; and a lai'ge golden rimg on his arm.
Thus was he adorned with jewels from head to foot*

Then King Dharma said that he wanted to descend to the Ti4a oountrj and see
the Tula people^ and he asked his servants '.-7-^ Which is the way down the ghdfs ?'*

He started to go down, but on his way he was opposed by 86manfttha at Bongadi and by
(the god) ChikkarAya at Shirari.

Tt happened that a dealer in cattle, a Settigftre, with a herd of four thousand oxen was
ctescending from the forest of Gai^^^pei^^ftra. King Dharma mounted an ox named Channs-^
mangala Chaluvar&ya, belonging to the Thettegara. This he did by magic and the herd
descended by the way of the temple at Subrllmanya.

The god Subr&ya saw this and asked his attendants : — " Who are the people eeming
down here, where there are no diwaSy nor gods, nor ndgas, nor BramhA (Bhiitas) superior to
myself ?*'

He made his servants build a fort of shields round his temple, and place crossed swords
upon it. King Dharma broke them into pieces, came up to Subraya*s temple, and entered it.
He circumambulated the. god thrice, witnessed for five days a feast of the god, and then he
mounted his ox and passed by the river Kumara and the Matsyatirtha. He passed by
Inglika Fort and the Kdp&Qli Oh&t and arrived at Ittal,^^ where he saw the god Fafichalinga.

That day the herd of four thousand oxen halted in a paddy field called Bftkimftra in Ittal,
but next morning King Dharma and the herd left the place, and passed on by a place called
BassavagucjU. He then passed by the temples at Kadambi and S&ldttlra^ and it was getting
dark when he recKjhed a banyan tree at the village Mudungara. Here he remained that night,
and started early in the morning with the herd, and stopped near a well, called, after him,
Dharma's Well.

The news became known to the Poyyed&r of Knnnandtir. *

I have heard that in the reign of AkkAjl Sl&mtiji, our ancestors had elephants and

horses ; and now I shall be glad to possess an ox," said the Poyyedar.

—
« One gO,vuda = 12 milea. » [Or WittaL — Ed.]

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Apbil, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. &9

He started for the well, and, passing by his btduy he ascended the hill Pa(jLikAIa^ and came
to the plateau of Dharma's well, where he saw and examined the four thousand oxen. But he
could not find one fit for him. Then he saw and examined the ox Channamangi4e Chalu-
TarAya, upon which King Dharma was sitting, and bought it. He took it to a mango tree,
where the ox was tied up, and then the Poyyedar went down to a water-course and sat there
to perform the ceremony of japam. On his return the ox that he tied up was missing, and he
cried aloud that he had lost his ox. He then referred to his jatakam,^^ and found that it was
the ox on which the Bhtita Dharma Anisu^^ had sat, and had concealed it.

Nambe, an attendant, who had followed the Poyyedar, beoame possessed by the Bhtita^
AAd came trembling and cried^loud " hdjoJ*

He said to the PoyyedAr:— ^'You have bought the ox on which I sat, and now you
cannot find it ; but I shall cause it to be found. For this kindness, I want a niatham in this
country."

Thus spake the Bhdta through Nambe and then the ox, which had disappeared, appeared
again before the Poyyedar.

The PoyyedAr made his serrants build a matham in Upper Kannandtlv, and a feast
was performed in honour of the BhAta. And as the servant Nambe had become possessed of
the Bbuta on the banks of a water-course the Poyyeddr named the JKiUta^ TcxjLakinftra.

Ban^s from three neighbouring villages came to see the t^oyyed^'s festival, and while they
were on the road a man became possessed by the Bhuta and called the Poyyedir and said :— r

'* This is not a wiatham fit for me. People from three villages are collected here, and I want
two separate math^ms : one for your use, and one for the use of the people of the three villages.
Whom can you induce to build them P Who will consent ? '*

The PoyyedAr and the people of the three villages thought for a while about building a
second matham. There was a fit place in a plain called IJ)kiifija^ and there a matham was built
and a festival performed in the presence of the Poyyedar and of the people of the three villages.^*

Some years afterwards Tojakinftra^* ordered his attendants to be ready to make a march, as
he wanted tp bathe in the Weatem Ocean, and was accompanied by one UUatti of Ammantlr.

She said to Todakinara : — '* If you are going to take a bath in the Ocean, I shall follow yoil.''

When he heard this he ordered his servants to bring a palankin for Ullatti and seated her
in it, while he mounted his ox Channamangale Chaluvarftya. That same night he and she,
with all the servants — PilichavaQ^Li, Jum&di, Durugalaya^ Vwkadi, Mitta Mugeraya, and
others — started from the temple, and arrived at Ullal, where they bathed in the Ocean.

After bathing they all went to IJliya^ where there is a white chapal tree, and beneath this
Ullatti* s palankin was put down, and here it was that she asked To<;^kin4ra for a matham, as
that place is a cool one.

To<j[akinftra ordered the eight tenants of the land — oil-makers, Kdnkanis, Kative
Christians, and others — to build a matham there, and they built one. A festival was
performed in honor of both Ullatti and To<[akin&ra at this matham.

Todakin4ra used to call her * sister/ but the year after the festival he said to her : — " If we
live together in one matham, the people may scofE, so you had better have this one to yourself,*
and I will make the eight tenants, of the land build a separate one for me in the West."

He ordered them to build him another matham, and they willingly built one in the West.

Ever since, their festivals are performed in both places even to this day !

" Horoaoftpe. " [J. e., King Dharma. — Eo.]

16 «* Three Tillages " ia the name of a place between the Verkadi temple and Ittal M&gne.

>« [This part does not appear in Mr. Manny's version. — Ed.]

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100

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[Apbil, 1894.

MISCELLANEA.

SOME BEMABKS ON THE EALYAKI
INSCRIPTIONS.

(1) B&maflflad^Ba.

The Kingdom of B&maftAad^sa '^comprised
originally only the region between the Sittang
river and the Salween;"* but in the 15th century
A.D. it included the provinces of Kueima-
mandala (Bassein), Haihsavatlmandala (Pegu),
and Muttimamandala (Martaban): that is to say,
it extended from the Arakan Yoma on the west
to the Salween river on the. east, and from
£(!^dut, now called My&naung, on the north to
Maulmain on the south.

The country stretching to the south as far as
Teuasserim, in the Mergui district, had frequent-
ly been, in tk% previous century, the bone of con-
tention between the Muns, or TalaiAgs, and the
Siamese, and was retained, or taken possession of,
by either nation, according as either happened to
be the victor. The following extract from Bow-
ring's Kinfdom and People of Siam, Vol. I. p. 43
shews that Martaban, Maulmain, Taroy, sjid
Tenasserim were subject to Siamese rule in the
middle of the 14th century A. D. : —

** Christian era, 1350. Ein^'Uthong assumes
the name Phra Eamathibodi; appoints his son
Phra Bamesu^n, King of L5phaburi. At that
time, the following kingdoms were subject to the
King of Siam :^1) Malaka; (2) Xava ; (3) Tanaosi
fTenasserim] ; (4) Nakhonsithamarat [Ligor]^
(6) Thavai;« (6) Motama [Martaban]; (7) Mo-
laml&ng [Maulmain]. "

But the historical records of both couBjferies,
however, appear to be silent as to whether this
ti*act of country was under Siamese or Talking
rule in the 15th century.

The appellation BAmafltVii, or B^lmanya,
apparently points to an Indian origin, as 4o
those of BUmapura (Maulmain), of fUmm&vati or
B&mavat! (near Rangoon), and of B&mrt, and
seems to have been originated by colonists from
India.

The ootintry of Arramana, mentioned in the
Sinhalese Ghronidea* may be held to refer to

B&ma&^iaddsa, rather than to Siain or Cambodia .

■ »

1 Forohhammer'fl Notes on the Early HUtory and Qeo-
graphi/ of British Burma, J. The Shioe Dagon Pagoda,
page 9.

s Tavoy. ^ BAmanagara.

« Now Baagoon.

• Rdsd is the cormpted form of r&j6, in Talaiog and
Burmese.

« MyOo ii the Burmese equivalent for nagara. [I am

but as the political ascendancy of these three
countries often passed from one to the other prior
to the 14th century, the appellation appears to
have been loosely applied. The above identifica.
tion is supported by the following exti-act from
Forbes' Legendary History of Burma and Arakan*
p. 20 :—

" In A. D. 746 Ponenareekaraza, who was on
the throne, rebuilt the ancient town of Rama-
nago," afterwards called Dagone.* The Talaing
history says that this town was originally built
by Arammanaraza,* and called after him Aram-
manamyo,* but in time the name became cor-
rupted to Bamanagomyo. '*^

According to tradition, That6n was the ori-
ginal seat of the Talaing race in Indo-Ohina, and
was built in the 17th century B. 0. This high
antiquity claimed for the foundation of the city
is, however, vitiated by the fact that no mention
is made of it in the KaJy&nt Inscriptions, which
i^late that Sonath^ra and UttarathSra landed at
GolaiBtat tikanagara ( Ayetl^^mtk) in the ^rd century

b/o.

M«ttima (Martaban) and Haihslivati (P^u)
wero founded, I think, in the 6th century A. D. 1
but the former was of not much importance til;
1167 A. D., when it was made the seat of a pro-
vincial government by Narapatistbd (Narapati-
j&yasAra). Kusima (Baasein) is mentioned in the
Talaing histories as forming part of the kingdom
of Pegu in the 7th century A. D.

(2) B&mlidhipati.

The latter half of the 15 th century A. D. is
a brilliant epoch in the history. of Burmese
literature. The profound peace, that was due to
sheer exhaustion induced by foreign wars and
internal dissensions, was eminently favourable to
the cultivation of high literary culture. The fre-
quent intercourse with Ceylon, and the liberality
with which monastic institutions were supported
by Burmese Kings in the previous centuries, had
made their capital the seat of learning and a
stronghold of Buddhism. The long subjection of
Bama^nadSsa to Burmese rule from the 11th to
the 13th centuries had caused all political, reli

inolined to thlDk that Arramana came from BAmafifia and
not vice vend. Cf, Anoiam anil A«ioa=Siam : Ancomorin
csCk)morin=Comar=Al-Qum&r=Khmer=Cambodia, etc.
This An or A]r=(P} Arabic article al in snch names. Snoh
oasnal prefixes must always be looked out for in place-
names, when fonnd corrupted in foreign languages.
Cf. D&V& for Ava, or correctly for ' of Ava,* in Kicolo
Conti'fl Travels I Haklnyt Society's Ed. p. 11.— En.]

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Apbil, 1894.]

MISCELLANEA.

101

gious, and intellectaal life to centre at the Bur-
mese capital (at that time Pagkn), as is always the
case in the East, and had accustomed Talaing
priests, like DhammavilMa, from the maritime
provinces to repair to it for the completion of
their education. Until DhammachSti came to
the throne in 1469 A. D., the mental energies of
the lower country appear to have been spent in
squabbles and profitless religious controversies.
Hence there were no great writers or renowned
teachers in the Talaing Kingdom, at whose feet
scholars could receive their instruction.

The literature cultivated at that period
was not only that of F&li and Sanskrit, but
also that of the Burmese. The exquisite,
highly refined, and inimitable poetry of Sila-
vamsa and KatthasAjra, the great epic poets
of Burma, who flourished in the latter half
of the 15th century, and whose works are men-
tioned at page 66 of Forchhammer*s Jardine
Prize Essay, does not appear to corroborate that
writer's statement made at page 28 of the same
work : — " A critical study of the Burmese literature
evolves the fact that the Burmese idiom reached
the stage of a translatory language at the close of
the 15th century, and that of an independent lite-
rary tongue not much more than a century ago."
This learned scholar was apparently misled by the
statement of Native writers, who, in their biogra-
phical notices of their literary countrymen, gene-
rally accord the first places to the two great poets
named above. But the wealth of imagery and
allusion, the pure diction, and the terse, logical,
and masterly style of composition, evinced by the
works referred to, afford strong and unassail-
able internal evidence as to the Burmese idiom
having passed beyond the " stage of a translatory
l&Qguage at the close of the 15th century."
Besides, the Tet'nw^gyaung Inscription at
Fag^n, dated 804 B. E. (1442 A. D.), that is to
say, eleven years before the birth of Silavamsa,
affords corroborative evidence of the high literary
culture of the Burmese vernacular, in that a por-
tion of it is written in faultless Burmese metre,
which has served as the model of later writers.
The list, mentioned in it, of works belonging
to the Buddhist Canon, of commentaries and
scholia^ of medical, astrological, grammatical, and
poetical works translated from Safiskrit,
shews also the keen literary activity of the Bur-
mans of that period. The divergence between
the actual fact and the statements of local writers
may be reconciled by ascribing the cause to the
unreliable historical memory of the Burmese

^ A son and two daughters. The son, Byinnyi TarA,
succeeded his uncle and adoptive father, Byinnyiyan-
k*aik, in 1446 A. P. The elder daughter waa married to

people, the direct outcome of the ruthless and
vandalic wars, lo which their country was
spasmodically subjected.

In common with other Talaing priests of the
period, B4mA.dhipati, whose priestly name was
Dhammadhara, accompanied by his fellow-pupil,
DhammaflAya, who was subsequently known as
Dhammap&la, proceeded to Ava in his sixteenth
year (1422 A. D.) and received his instruction
under Ariyadhajathdra, a learned priest of
Sagamg.

A few years previous to this, consequent on the
death of the great Talaing monarch, TAz&darit
(BAj&dhirAj&), the kingdom of Pegu had been
convxdsed by civil wars. The succession of Byin-
njk Dhammar&j&, the eldest son of the deceased
king, was disputed by his younger brothers,
Byinnyaykn and Byinnykkaing, who sought the
assistance of Plhilbti (Sihastira), King of Ava.
It was during the second expedition of this Bur-
mese King that Byinnyaykn gave his sister, Shin
S6bQ, in marriage to him, as a pledge of his good
faith. Shin S6bfl, who was a widow and
mother of three children,^ accompanied her
husband to Avk (1425 A. D.), and there made
the acquaintance of Dhammadhara and Dham-
maodna, whose intelligence and nationality
induced her to become their supporter. After the
death of ]>thk)>4, Shin Sdb& was not satisfied with
her life in the palace. The intrigues, political
convulsions, and rapid changes of kings, brought
about through the instrumentality of her rival,
S6bumd, appear to have bewildered her and made
her feel that her position was precarious in the
extreme. She, therefore, longed to be once more
in her native land, and secured the assistance of
the two Talaing priests, Dhammadhara and Dham-
maMl^a, in the prosecution of her object. Amidst
much danger and under great difficulties, the
party left Avk in a country boat and arrived safely
at Pegu in 1429 A. D., where ByinnyiiyfLn had
become king under the title of Byinnyiiyknk'aik.
Twenty-six years later, in the absence of male
heirs of Y&z&darit, Shin B6bfl became sovereign
of Pegu by popular choice under the title of
Byinny^ T*6.

Dhammadhara and Dhamma&&na were well
provided for, in token of the Queen's appreciation
and gratitude for the services rendered by them
during her flight to Pegu. Subsequently the for-
mer, who was a native of Martaban, of obscure
parentage, and was then known as the Xdk-
pyingyaung-p6ngyl, but who had unfrocked

Byinnyd^D, Governor of Bassein, and the younger to
Dhammaoh^tt.

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THE DTDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[Apbil, 1894-

himself at her request, was appointed to be
the Heir Apparent, while the latter was pnt in
prisom for harbouring evil designs against his
sovereign.

In her choiee of a successor, and in excluding
her own blood relations from the succession. Shin
Sdhti was guided by her knowledge of human
nature, and actuated by a noble desire to secure
to the Kingdom of Bitnannadosa firm and wise
administration under an able and competent
ruler ; and Dhammadhara was eminently qualified
for the task.

The only opposition against which the Heir
Apparent had to contend was that of Byinnfken,
'Governor of Bassein, a son-in-law of Shin S6b(i.
He headed a rebellion, but was shortly after slain
in battle.

Shin SbhH entrusted Dhammadhara with the
affairs of the government, while she retired to
Dag6n (Bangoon) to pass her remaining days in
doing religious works and in peaceful contem-
plation. The site of her residence is still known
to this day as 3hin 86bt:kfny6o. She died in 1469
A. D., at the age of 76, and was succeeded by
Dhanimadhftra,who hi^l married her younger
daughter. The Talaing olerfy and nobility
oon^srred the title of Dhammax^hdti on the new
King because of his wide and varied learning and
of his thorough knowledge of the Buddhist scrip-
tures. He Bubyequently assumed the titles of
B&m&dhipati, S'inbyflyin (Sdtagajapati) and
6iripavaramahft4bamn|arAj&dhirAjd.. He was,
however, best known among the people of Burma
as Dhammachett.

DhammachStt held friendly intercourse with
the rulers of Oeylon, Northern India, Siam, and
Cambodia. He sent two religious missions :
one to Buddha Gayli in 1472 A. D^^ to report on
the sacred Buddhistic bnildings commemorative
of the life of its founder ; and the other to Ceylon,
in 1475 A. D.» to establisl^ beyoQd doubt the
apostolical succession of the priests of R&mafl-
nadSsa, by deputing twenty- two thSras and ag
many younger priests to receive their upasampcidd
ordination at the hands of the Afah&vihftra sect
founded by Ma^iindamah&thSra in the 3rd century
B. C. The result of the first mission was the
construction at Pegu of relig^us ecbfloes in
imitation of those at B^ddha Oayli, and fc^at
of the second was tbe consecration of the
Kaly&ni-simll by the priests, who had retun^ed
from Ceylon.

* Phayre's History of BurnMf p. 85. As a matter of
fact, Dhammaoh( ti was 56 years old ^hen he became
Regent, axi4 63 when he became King. Poring the

Dhanunacheti fuUy josfcified the choice of hie
mother-in-law, and "though brought up from
early youth in the seclusion of a Buddhist monas-
tery until he was more than 40 years of age,"*
proved to be a wise, abU, and beneficent ruler.
He was a man of great energy and capacity, and
throughout his long reign of ^rty years, conso-
lidated his power and extended the boundaries of
his Kiiigdom eastward without any bloodshed.
Moreover, he tried his best to secure the welfare
and prosperity of his people and to recoup the
strength and resources of the country, which had
well-nigh been exhausted during the wars with
Burma and the rebellions headed by Talaing
princes. He was a good judge and legislator. A
compilation of his decisions is extant, and the
Dhammachdtl-dhammasattham was compiled
under his direction. He died in 1492 A. D.»
at the ripe age of 86. The funeral honours of
a chakravartin or universal monarch paid to him
after his death, and the building of a pagoda over
his bones, bear testimony to the great esteem,
love, and admiration with which he was regarded
by his subjects.

The dynasty, to which DhammacbStt maybe said
to belong, is that founded by W&gartl, a Talaing
adventurer from Siam, who, during the dismem-
berment of the Burmese Empire, consequent on a
Chinese invasion near the dose of the Idth century
A. D., seized the government of Martaban, and
defeated the Burmese forces sent against him.
This dynasty gradually increased in importance
till its highest pitch of power was reached
under T&s&darit (1885-1423 A. D.). Previous to
W&gard's rebellion, the maritime provinces had
been under Burmese rule since the conquest of
Thaton'by Andrat*az6 in the 11 th century A.D.

(8) Dhamm486karAj&.

It is necessary, I think, to explain the attitude
of native Burmese scholars towards the great
Buddhist reformer, Asoka.

The following is the list, according to the Ma-
hdvamsa, of the countries to which missionaries
were sent ^t the conclusion of the Third Buddhist
Council : —

Name of eountry. Name of missionary sent,

(1) Kasmira-Gandh&ra.. Majjhantikathera.

(2) Mahisamandala Mah&devath^ra.

(3) Yanav&si ...„ Eakkhitathera.

(4) Apartotaka Tona-Dhammarakkita-

th6ra.

interval of seven years, he mled BftmaiiDad^ in the
name of Shin Sdbiki who had retired to Dagon (Bangooa)*

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Apbil, 1894.1

MISCELLANEA.

103

(5) Mab&ra^^ha^ MaIiMhaminarakkhita»

thdra.

(6) Yona ^... MahiVrakkkitathera.

(7) Himavanta Majjhimatb^ra.

(8) Bavamiabhtlini ... Sd^athera aad tJttara-

thSra.

(9) Lafik&dtpa* Mahamahindathera.

The following extract from The Cave Temples
of India by Fergusaon and Burgess, p. 17, will be
of nJue here, aa i&dioating the identification of
the countries named in the above list :

" After a great Council of the Buddhist Priest-
hood, held in the 17th year of his (Asdka's) reign,
246 B. C., missionaries were sent out to propa-
gate the religion in the ten following countries,
whose position we are able, even now, to ascertain
with Fery tolerable precision from their existing
denominations : —

(1) Kasmira;

(2) Gandh&ra (or Kandah&r) ;
(3j Mahtsamandala (or Mais(^) ;

(4) Yanarisi (in Kanara) ;

(5) Apar&mtaka — * the Western Country, ' or

the Konkan,^the missionary being
Yavana-Dharmarakshita ; — the prefix
Yavana appai^ently indicatire of his
being a Greek, or foreigner at least ;

(6) Mahirat^ha (or the Dakhan) ;

(7) The Yavana country (perhaps Baktria) ;

(8) Him&yanta (or NSpftl) ;

(9) Suvarnabhd^mi (or Burma) ; and
(10) Ceylon.

** His own son, MahSndra, and daughter, San-
ghamitrft, were sent with the mission to Ceylon,
taking with them a graft of the Bddhi tree at
Buddha QajK, under which Buddha was supposed
to have attained the supreme knowledge."

The native writers of Burma, however,
both lay and clerical, aver with great serious-
nesB that the Aparlintaka refBrred to is
Burma Proper, which comprises the upper
valley of the Irrawaddy, that Y6na is the Sh&n
country about Chiengmai (2iimm^), that the
scenes of the Milinda Paiihii were laid in that
State, and that, with the exception of Himft-
vanta, which, they say, comprises five coun-
tries subject to China, of Suvannabh<lmi and
Lank&dipa, the remaining countries mentioned are
situated in India. Such flagrantly erroneous
identification of classical names has arisen from
the national arrogance of the Burmans, who,
after their conquest of the Talaing kingdoms on

the sea-board, proceeded to invant new stories
and new classical names, so that they might
not be outdone by the Talaings, who, according
to their own history and traditions, received the
Buddhist religion direct from missionaries from
India . The right bank of the Irrawaddy river
near Pag^n w£i8 accordingly re-named Bund..
paranta,and was identified with the Apar&n-
taka mentioned in the above list. This is but
one of the many instances of the * lying gabble,'
as Cunningham aptly terms it, of the native his-
torians, and indicates the extreme care and judi-
cious discrimination that is required in utilizing
their writings in thew compilation of a history of
their country.

A similar idiosjmcrasy on the part of Cambodian
writers was noticed by Mouhot, who says in bis
Travels in the Central Parts of Indo-China (Vol.
II. pp. 8 and 9) : <' All traditions being lost, the
natives invent new ones, according to the measure
of their capacity.**

Taw Sbin-Ko.

TEA.DITIONAL MIGRATION OF THE SANTAL
TRIBES.

I am greatly interested in the paper by Dr.
Waddell on ** The Traditional Migratiofts of the
Sant&l Tribe" which appeared ante, Vol. XXII.
p. 294 ff.

I have, during the past few years, been trying to
trace the Sant&ls, by means of their traditions,
from the north-east of India along the valley of
the Ganges to Chuti& N4gpur, and I am delighted
to find that Dr. WaddeU has turned his atten-
tion with the same object in the same direction.

The Kolarian tribes, of which the Sant&ls are
one, would seem to be splinters broken from a
larger mass, who, at different periods, have sought
refuge in the hilly fastnesses of Chut<i& N&gpur.
The time elapsing between each successive in-
road of fugitives must have been sufiSciently pro-
tracted to admit of the feeling of kinship being
obliterated, otherwise they would have re-united
into a compact people.

Efforts have been made to identify the coun-
tries, rivers, forts, etc., mentioned in the tradi-
tions of the Sant&ls with those of similar names
in Chuti& Nligpur. Localities have in many in-
stances been found bearing traditional names, and
the inference has been drawn that it was here that
the traditions of the Sant&ls took their rise, and
that their institutions were formed. But only a
slight knowledge of these traditions is necessary
to shew that they belong to a much more remote

* It is one of the objects of the Ealyflat Inscriptions to record that the forms of the Bnddhift Beligion prevai^'
tag in Borma and Ceylon were ultimately blended.

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104

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[April, 189^.

period than the location of the SantAls in GhntiA
N&gpur, and to countries separated from it by
many hondreds of miles.

The theory which seems to me capable of proof
is that tlie SantArls, or rather the people of whom
they are a portion, occupied the country on both
sides of the Oanges, but more especially that in:
the north. Starting from the north-east they
gradually worked their way up the valley of the
Ganges, till we find them in the neighbourhood of
Benares with their head-quartei*s near Mirz&pur.
Here the main body, which had ' kept the
northern bank of the river, crossed and, heading
southwards, came to the Vindhyft hills. This
obstruction deflected them to the left, and they
at length found themselves on the table-land of
Chuti& NAgpur. Examining this theory, we find
their supposed route strewed with relics and
reminiscences of their occupation. The traditions,
in which an account of these migrations is pre-
served, are not the exclusive property of the
Sant&ls, but are also claimed more or less folly
by the other Kolarian tribes.

Like many other emigrants, the Sant&Is carried
with them to their new homes cherished memories
of the lajvlfrom which they had been driven, and,
as in America, Canada, Australia and elsewhere
we come across such familiar names as London,
York, Perth, Melbourne, etc., so also the Sant&ls
transplanted many names from the banks of the
Ganges to the country of their adoption, Chuti4
N&gpur. We know the Romans were at Chester
and Lancaster, and in like manner we can say
that the Santftls fived in Chh&t, Champ&, Bel&w4
and Elairft, although none are to be found there
at the present day.

Dr. Waddell's identification of Chhaf , Champft
and Khair&garh is, I consider, coiTect, but I
think he itf at fault when he seeks to identify
Hihihri Pipihri with a pre- Aryan settlement on
the south bank of the Ganges near Chun&r called
Pipri, and the Ahiri country. Hihihri Pipihri
would require too much twisting to fit into Ahiri
and Pipri.

Dr. Waddell's attempt to identify " their dei-
fied mountain Marang Bum, or the Great Hi1| "
with Parasn&th is evidently a mistake. The
Sant&ls have not, and never had, a sacred or
deified mountain. The Marang Bum of their
traditions is the Great Spirit, or the chief object
of worship. Bum in old Sant&li having always this
meaning. It is equivalent to Bonga in modem
Sant&li. Bum, as meaning an object of worship,
is retained to this day in many of the formulas
of worship, and with objects connected therewith.
Yery often we find the two terms joined together.

the more recent being required to explain the
older, as Marang Bum Bonga. Burn in modem
Sant&li means a mountain, and Marang Buru
has been erroneously translated by all previous
writers as the Great Mountain.

As another instance of the same kind I may
mention that of the Damuda River, which by the
by is not the name by which the Santdls know
it, as Dr. Waddell in his note ante, Vol. XXII.
page 295, seems to suggest. In old Santdli the
word for * river ' was nai. In their traditions they
speak of the Gang-nai, the Sang-nai, the Cham-
nai, etc. In modem Sant&li the word for 'river'
is gada, but the old name still adheres to the
Damuda, with this exception that it has now
become a proper name, the Damuda being called
the Nai, and sometimes the Nai-gada. I am
also extremely doubtful as to the accuracy of
Dr. Waddell's etymology of Damuda.

Among the names found in the Sant&l tradi-
tions, which are easy of identification, I may men-
tion the follomng rivers, viz., Gkmg-nai, the
Granges, Jom-nai, the Jumnft, Sang-nai,. the Son,
and Cham-nai, an affluent of the Manauii&, which
flows for a considerable distance through the
centre of the Khamari& Division.

Antarbeda is given in the Suvrodaya as one of
the provinces in the ancient Madhy4de6a.

Bel&w& is mentioned by Montgomery Martin
in his work on the History of Eastern India,
but I am unable at present to locate it more
accurately.

KMpargana in Sh&h&b&d is the Kaira of the
Sant&l traditions.

Ambdr is the old town near Jaipur.

Chitrab&t& is the Sant&l Chitrahatup.

Many more instances, in which identification is
possible, might be given, but I refrain from tres-
passing further on your space.

A. Campbell.
Free Church of Scotland Santal
Mission, Ma'nbhum.

A TABLE OP INTERCALARY AND EXPUNGED
MONTHS OF THE HINDU CALENDAR.

The accompanying Table, on pages 105 to 108,.
of Intercalary and Expunged Months of the
Hindu Calendar, for the expired Baka years
1 to 2105, is a reproduction of a Table, No. S, by
the late Prof. Keru Lakshraan Chhatre, published
in Vol. I. No. 12 (for March, 1851), pages 348-53,
of a Mar&thi monthly magazine called Jndnapra-
sdraha. The Table is likely to be of use in verify-
ing ancient Hindu dates.

J. F. Plbbt,

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Apeil, 1894.]

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108

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April, 1894.]

MISCELLANEA.

109

PBOGBESS OF ORIENTAL SCHOLARSHIP,
No. 26.

In the Journal Asiaiique for 189*2 M. Senart
continues his invaluable notes on Indian Epigra-
phy, with an account of the new version of the
Sahasr&m inBoription discoverdd by Mr. Lewis
Rice in Mysore. This is a subject familiar to the
readers of the Indian Antiqitary, and I need not
deal further with it here.

M. li^n Feer gives two articles* on L*Enfer
Indien, commencing with an account of the
hells of Buddhism, and concluding with one of
those of Brahmanism. The articles are learned
and complete, and should be read in conjunction
with Dr. WaddelFs account of the Buddhist
Wheel of Life in /. A, 8. B. for 1892. and with
B&bd Sarat Chandra D&s's aHicles on Buddhist
Hells in the journal of the recently started
Buddhist Text Society. The Hell-nightmares of.
both these religions are compared by M. Feer
with considerable acumen, and he shews that,
though the Buddhists borrowed their system
of infernal regions from the BrAhmans, they
modified it, multiplied it, and added new
Hells with all the luxuriance of Oriental fancy.
From them again the Br&hmans borrowed some
of their inventions, altering them to suit their
own theories in doing so. The last article
concludes with a useful alphabetical list (with
references) of all the Narakas, the names of
which the author has come across in his reading.
There are ninety of them.

With these exceptions, the Journal Asiatique
for 1892-93, so far as its numbers have come into
my hands, is devoted to articles dealing with
Arabic and Egyptian antiquities. , A new series
of volumes commenced in January 1893.

II.

Kaviratna Abhin&sa Chandra's editions of
Hindtl medical works receive deserved praise
from M. Barth, in the Bevue Critique for March
7th, 1892. The Kaviratna has not only published
texts of the Charaka and Buiruta Samhitda with
commentaries, but is also issuing from the press
a useful translation of the former. The Biblio-
theca Indiea trauslation of the SuSruta has been
delayed by the unfortunate death of its trans-
lator. Dr. Uday Chand Dutt, and hence the
translation of the Charaka is doubly welcome. It
may be added that a similar work was also
commenced in 1870 by Dr. MahSndra L&l Sircar,
but it never got beyond the first fasciculus.

In the number for March the 31st, M. Y.
Henry gives a bnght review of Prof. Lefmann's
lifi of Frans Bopp. The learned Heidelberg
professor, who is one of the few scholars who can
claim a thorough working acquaintance with
the whole of the MahdhUdratQ, from cover to
cover, and who is best known to the outside
world by his well illustrated History of Ancient
India, was excellently fitted for the task.
As M. Henry truly remarks, the history of
Bopp*s life is more than a simple biogi'aphy.
It is the history of a new-bom science, which,
under his auspices, and along the path which
he traced for it, has since progressed with
grand strides. Bopp's name is so familiar to us,
that to many it seems difficult to believe that he
died so long ago as the year 1832, at the com-
paratively eai'ly age of foi*ty-one. All his best
wolVk was done in the last ten years of his life,
during which there appeared fi*om his hand
several Sanskrit texts, his Glossary, his Sanskrit
Grammar, which is still one of the best in
existence, and finally his immortal Comparative
Grammar of the Indo-European Languages, Dr.
Lef mann's biography is described as at once able
and sympathetic.

The most important article in the Bevue Crt-
tique, on Indian subjects, which has appeared in
1892, is M. Bai-th's review of Sylvain Levi's
History of the Indian Theatre. This brilliant
Sanskiitist has woHhily taken up the mantle
dropped by Wilson more than sixty years pre-
viously. It says much for the soundness of that
great scholar's work that it sufficed students for
so long. His Hitidu Theatre has ever since
occupied a place of honoui* on the library shelves
of every student of Indian literature. But even
in this case knowledge has progressed, and the
desire to know more has increased ; so that Prof.
Levi's work will be found most acceptable by
every student. M. Barth*8 thoughtful and
learned review will command instant attention.
It is more than a review, for it proposes explana-
tions of doubtful points, as when, for instance,
he suggests that the meaning of the difficult term
bhdrati vritti is the style of the bharata, or actor,
when he acts and speaks under his own name, as
in the prologue, and, now and then, elsewhere in
the drama, when he recites the bharcUa kdvyas.
An idea of the comprehensive nature of M.
Levi's work may be gathered from a very brief
statement of its contents. The first part deals
with the theoiT' of the di*ama according to the best
Sanskrit historical writers, and the author does
not fail to point out how their teaching has been

> In Vol. XX. and in Vol I. of the new series.

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THD INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[April, 1894.

minutely followed in all the plays, wLich have come
down to us. This is followed by a history of Indian
dramatic literature, in which M. Levi has analysed
in detail the pnncipal dramatic works, and
given more or less complete descriptions of other
less important ones. The origins of the Hindil
theatre ai'o next discussed at length. They are
traced down from the Vedic hymns to the master-
pieces of Kalidasa and BhavabhQti. The line of
descent is admittedly incomplete, for there is a
gap, regarding which we know nothing, between
tlie rudimentary indications, which we observe in
early Indian Literature, and the sudden appear-
ance of a complete dramatic theory and of com-
plete dramas of high literary merit.

The history of Sanskrit drama, is, in fact,
that of classical Sanskpt itself. It springs
suddenly into existence, like Minerva, arnjcd
at all pointa. The influence of Greek art
has been credited with its invention, but this
proposition is strenuously denied by M. Levi,
while his reviewer gives a more cautious
verdict of " not proven." Most probably M. Levi
is right when he maintains that the true rudi-
mentary attempts of the Indian drama were
couched in the vernacular of the time, and that
it was not till the vernacular authoi-s had
acquired a certain skill, that the dramatic form
was adopted by Sanskrit writers. I have more
than once maintained myself, that Sanskrit, both
as a language, and as a literature, owes more
to the vernaculars of the centuries preceding
our era, than most European scholars are at
present willing to allow. It is the same at the
present day. Nothing good and original is done in
the vernacular, that is not taken up and imitated in
Sanskrit by the pandits. Just as the Prftkrit
Saptasatihd of H&la may be claimed as the origin
of erotic poetry in Sanskrit (compare, for
instance, the Satahas attributed to Bhartrihari*) ;
so in modem times, the incompamble SaVsai of
Bih&ri Lai, — seven centuides of Hindi stanzas
possessing a grace and a mastery of language
which KAlid^sa would have envied, — did not
fulfil its fate, till it had been translated into or
imitated in very neat Sanskrit verses, each with
its appropriate commentary, by Paramananda, in
his 5nn(jdra-8aptasatikd. So it has been with
others. No great Hindi author has been let alone
by the pandits of the 16th and 17th centuries.
Even Tul'si Das, the apostle of teaching in a
language ** understanded of the people," w«s not
Siicred to them, and I have heard (though I Lave

« I may note in paasinjr that Bhartrihari'a satakas
were the tirst SHmskpt book translated iuto a European
anguage. They were trauf^latvd into Dutch c. 1G40, by

never seen it) of an elaborate Sanskrit commentary
to Malik Muhammad's vernacular Padumdvati.
Xa hiputam sydd gokshiram iva-dritan dhriiam,
Sanskrit used to illustrate the writings of a
Muhammadan saint ! It is sufficient to make the
ashes of the old Sutrakaras turn in their bed at
the bottom of the Ganges.

M. Barth very properly draws attention to
the improbability of the Sanskrit drama ever
being a rolk-drama, — a popular exposition of
a well-known subject which was attended for
the sake of its literai-y graces. I do not believe
that there ever was even a pandit in India, who
could have understood, say, the more difficult
passages of Bhavabhuti at first hearing, with-
out previous study. What then are we to say
of the less lettered dilettanti Rajputs, and the
herd of the common folk, who crowded
these performances? Not one word could thvy
hnve understood, any more than a fashionable
audience at home now understiinds a West-
minster play, or its prologue. The pandits went
to these repre^sentations because the language
was chamathira, and the rest went there because
the pandits said it was chamathdra. Nowhere is
custom a greater force than in India. The old
lady at home who loved her Bible, but felt most
comfort from that blessed word "Mesopotamia/'
is a type of the Indian masses. Custom made
the literary class, who had the ear of those who
paid for the representation, write the dramas in
Sanskrit and in Pi*dkrit. Custom made the
spectator accept this bai* to all intelligent appre-
ciation of the piece, and their acceptance was
aided by the pleasure derived from the acting,
from the music, from the dresses, and so forth ;
just as the British multitude flocks to an Italian
opera, not one word of which ninety per cent, of
the audience can understand. India is unchang-
ing, like the rest of the East, and what occui-s
now is not very different from what occun-ed
fifteen hundred years ago. In Mithil4, the
pandits still write prakaranaSt which are repre-
sented on State occasion. These ai-e composed
according to the strict rules of Sanskrit rhetoric.
I have seen them in the actual process of forma-
tion. A pandit first wi'ites his play throughout
in Sanskrit. Then he rubs up his memory of
of Pr&krit Grammar, and transliterates such por-
tions as arc necessary into Prakrit. I have even
had the honour to watch a well-known jpawdif
performing this process. Mr. Cowell would be
interested to know that his edition of Vararuchi

a BrAhman named Fadman/lbha. See Constable's Edition
of Bcrnicr's TravtlSy p. 334, footnote.

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Apeil, 1894.}

MISCELLANEA.

Ill

was found very useful.' Then a few Maitbili
songs, in the vernacular of the present day, are
added, and the whole is complete. I remember
seeing one called somebody or other's harana. It
was acted with eclat, but I do not believe that
(beyond a few who had studied the libretto
beforehand) the audience understood one word
of what was said or sung by the actors. I sat
. next the rdjd, at whose expense the whole thing
was done. In one of the more florid songs in the
vernacular (his own itto^/icr-tongue) which I had
vainly followed, 1 asked him .if he could under-
stand it. " Of course, not a word,*' said he. Yet
he was himself a veiy fair Sanskrit scholar. If
he could not understand what was being said,
what could be expected of the crowd of musdhibsy
who sat beliind us, or of the peons and other
hangers on, who crowded in in the rear ? Yet all
were pleased, and followed the tumdsha with
interest. They knew the story, and would have
followed it equally well, if it had been dumb show,
I do not beheve that in BhavabhQti's, or even
Kalid&sa's, time things were much different. As
studies for the closet, their works were admired
as chamatkdra, and hence had a reputation which
ensured a large audience (which could not, or
could only partly, understand them) at their
representations.

ni.

In the Bevue de VHistoire det Beligions for
May- June, 1892, M. Barth contributes another
important review : — this time of the first volume
of Frofl Max MiiUer's translation of the
Hymns of the ]^ig Veda, published in the Series
of the Sacred Boohs of the East. The book con-
tains the hymns to the Maruts, Rudi-a, V&yu and
V&ta, and a great portion of it is a revised edition
of his well-known translation of the Hymns to the
Maruts f published in 1869. Most of the article is
devoted to ciiticism of the translation of isolated
passages, but M. Barth also, while paying a just
tribute to the learning and brilliant style of the
Oxford Professor, gives expression to the regret,
which more than one of us have felt, that advan-
tage was not taken, in republishing the Hymns
to the Maruts, to omit much surplusage, and to
bring the commentary up to date.

The number of September-October, 1892, of the
same Bevue, contains the translation of a com-

' Mr. Cowell*8 Vararucki was the one book whioh I
could not keep during my service in Tirhflt. No
paniit who saw it could resist the temptation of bor-
rowing and forgetting to return it. I had to purchase
copy after copy, till I resolved never to lend it to any
one. Since then it has been safe, but I earned the title
of puUaka-piidcha I

mentary on the first two vei*ses of the Dhamma*
p&da, containing the legends of Chakkhup&la and
of Maddhakundali, by MM. de la Vallee-Poua-
sin and Godefroy de Blonay. The first legend
teaches how misfortune follows an evil act, as the
cart-wheel follows the yoked ox, and the second
that faith* in the Buddha, without works, is
sufficient for salvation.

M. Darmesteter's French translation of the
Zend Avesta, with notes, histoncal and philo-
logical, has been frequently reviewed since its
appearance. The erudition and competence of
the ti-anslator were certain to make this an
epoch-founding work ; but it has been more than
this : for, as Prof. Max Miiller observes, it has
thrown a bomb-shell into the ranks of Zend
scholars. Prof. Darmesteter advances a theory
that the Cklthas, the oldest portion of the Zend
scriptures, do not date further back than the first
century after Christ. This is a bold statement
to make regarding a book, which scholars had
hitherto i*egarded as being more than two
thousand years older than this ; and the proposition
has provoked, and will provoke, most lively dis-
cussion. Prof. Darmesteter has spared no pains
to ensure the utmost possible correctness in his
tiunslation. Instead of following the not always
very trustworthy guide of doubtful etymologies,
he has visited India, and gone himself as
near the fountain head as possible. With
the assistance of learned P&rsis, he has inti
mately studied the ritual of the religion, and has
obtained access to manuscripts hitherto unpub-
lished, which have thrown much light on disputed
passages.

Another work which has been issued under the
auspices of the Mus^e Guimet, but which can
hardly be said to have excited much controversy ;
for all the reviews, which I have seen, have beeh
unanimous in diffeiing from the author, has been
the first volume of M. Paul Begnaud's Le
Iiigv6da et les Origines de la Mythologie Indo*
Europeenne, I confess that I am compelled to
side with the majority. I willingly admit the
labour which the author has expended and the
zeal and industry which he exhibits, but he goes
too far when he claims to be a legitimate follower
of Bergaigne. Bergaigne was a reasonable man.
He sometimes, b'ke every one, made a slip, but

♦ In the January 1892 number of the same Revue,
M. Paul Ilegnaud discusses the meaning of the Vedic
word 5>a<id/id, and compares it with the later Sanskrit
use of the word. Curiously enough he makes no
allusion to the sharp distinction between hhakli and
iraddM, which is insisted upon in the B^ndilya Sutras^ —
a modem work it is true, but undoubtedly containing
much ancient tradition.

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112

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[April, 1894.

he never delivered himself over body and aonl to
a theory, and then endeavoured to make facts
snit it. This is what M. Regnand, with all his
learning and all his ingenuity, has done. He has
discovered what he calls a "system" for tfce
interpretation of the Vddas. This system, briefly
put, consists in this, that the hymns of Big V4da
everywhere, without exception, refer to only one
thing — the pouring of an inflammable spirituous
liquid, called soma, on the fire. There is no
question of a god Agni, or of any God. The
hymns describe merely the literal union of the
liquid and the fire. To prove this theory he has
to distort the meaning of an inconceivable num-
ber of perfectly simple hymns, and to invent new
meanings for words, — meanings which were
never imagined before.* It is useless for me to
give a detailed criticism of this work, I can
only express my regret that so well-known and
esteemed an author should find himself in so
false a position.

M. Ii. de Millou^, the Conservator of the Mus^
Guimet, has reprinted from the Annalea of that
institution his study on the Myth of Yfi^hablia,
the first Jain Tirthamk&ra. The pamphlet is
accompanied by two good photo-lithographs of
Vjishabha and (P) Mahftvira. The author's
object is to shew the original identity of the
Paur&nik Vrishabha with the Jain saint, in
which he clearly succeeds, and to trace the origin
of the Myth to the Vedic legends about Agni, in
which I doubt if he has been so successful. The
essay shews a considerable range of reading, and
much ingenuity ; but, judging from the misprints
and the various different systems of translitera-
tion employed, the book gives one the impression
that the author has taken his authorities entirely
from translations, without going to the original
Sanskrit texts. He might, moreover, have been
more careful in the authorities which he quotes.
Some of the theories referred to (e. jr., that
embodied in Mr. Thomas's article on the early
faith of Asoka) have long been exploded.

IV.

When, in I885,»M. Barth at once delighted
and surprised the world of Oriental learning with
the first instalment of his account of the Sanslqrit
Inscriptions of Cambodia, it became generaly
known that the remainder of the Sansk^^it
inscriptions collected in that kingdom and in the

neighbouring kingdom of Champl^ by the inde*
f atigable zeal of M. Aymonier, had been entrusted
partly to M. A. Bergaigne, . and partly to
M. Senart for decipherment. The second volume*
that by M. A. Bergaigne, has now appeared
and arouses many melancholy associations.
The preface was probably the last thing which
the author wrote on the subject, before he 9et
out in 1888 on that trip to Switzerland, in the
course of which he met his tragic fate. Oriental
scholarship has not ceased to lament the sudden
death of one of her most gifted children, and this
publication has bidden us *infandum renovate
dolorem.* Bergaigne left the work incomplete
and the painful task of preparing it for the press
devolved upon his intimate friend, K. Barth.
This he has done with a reverent hand, and with
rare seU-abnegation ; but, while we can admire
Bergaigne's learning and ingenuity, I may also
be permitted to pay a tribute to the modesty of
his editor, as regards the very important part,
which he has taken in making these inscriptions
ready for publication. One word must be said
for the magnificent Atlas of photogravures which,
accompanies the volume. Nothing equal to it in
the way of producing facsimiles of epigraphs has
ever been attempted either in India or in Eng-
land. The inscriptions themselves are of Yerf
great interest, epigraphically as well as histori-
cally, as they furnish a long series of dates,
from the beginning of the 6th century of the
&aka Era.

The result of M. Barth's labours in another
field, must also be mentioned. One of his perio-
dical notices of the Progress of Indian literatiire
entitled ''Bulletin des Religions de VInde" has
lately appeared in the Bevue de VHiatoire des
Beligione, a periodical which I have mentioned
more than once in this paper, and which we also
owe to the Mus^e Guimet. The Bulletin, as
heretofore, contains a complete and succinct
review of everything important dealing or in any
way connected vrith the Beligfions of India, which
has been published during the past five years.
It is written in the luminous style, for which its
author is well-known, and replete with the learn-
ing and acuteness of deduction which distinguish
him.*

G. A. Gbibbson.

* For instance (pp. 125 and ff.), p&rvata, adri andytri mean **the cnrrent of the libations/' and never mea^
'* mountain."

' [A translation of ibis most important work will shortly appear in this JournaU — Ed.]

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NCV : ]C94

MkT, 18^4.] ON THE DATJBS OF THE SAKA ERA IN mgSQ^g^^.'f<^;l^:^li8

ON THE DA^ES OP THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS,
BY PEOFESSOE F. KIELHOEN, C. I. B.; GOTTINGBN.

THE number of dates of the Saka era which I liave collected from the texts of inseriptions,
or from accounts of inscriptions published by other scholars, especially by Dr. Fleet,
amounts to about 370. Of these, about 100 dates contain no details for calculation or yerifica-
iion« and in rather more than thirty others the wording of some of the details is doubtfuL Of the
rest, the calculation of about 140 dates has yielded results which theoretically satisfy the require-
ments of the cases, while that of about seventy has proved unsatisfactory ; and in the case
of about twenty dates my examination has shewn, either, how a particular term of the original
date ought to be understood, or in what manner the wording of the date should be amended.
In the following I give a list of what may be called regular dates.^ These will be followed by
a list of irregular dates, and by 'such remarks as have suggested themselves to me regarding
the practice of dating followed in connection with the ^ka era. For obvious reasons, I shall
include in my lists the dates which have been already treated of by Dr. Fleet,^ and feel sure
that he will approve of my doing so.

I. — BBGULAB DATES.

A. — DATES IN LUNAB MONTHS.

1. — Dates in Expired Years.

(a). •— Dates in Bright Fortnights.

L — S. 654. — Ante, Vol. XXL p. 48. Date in a stone inscription from Java :—

(L. 1). — S&kSndr^tigatd srnt-lndriya-rasairs=anglkrit6 vatsarfi

v&r-6ndau dhavala-tray6da£i-tithau B]iadr6ttard iCarttik^.
B. 664 expired : Monday, 6th October, A. D. 732 ; the 13th tithi of the bright half ended
18 h, 17 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-bhadrapadft up to 15 h. 6 m. after mean sunrise.

2. — S. 679. — Jour. Bo. As. 8oc. Vol. XVI. p. 106 ; ante. Vol. XVIII. p. 56. Antr61i-
Chhar51i copper-plate inscription of a Rashtrak{ita king Kakka of Gujarat : —

(L. 29). — Yishuva^saxiikrftntau • • •

(L. 86). — ^kanripa-k&l-&t]ta-samvatsara-&ta-shatkd Skdnasity^adhik^ Afivayuja-8uddb4-
(ddh^h)kat6(t6j=pi sam 600 70 9 tithi 7.

In S. 679 expired the Visliuva(Talft)-Baihkr&nti took place 18 h. 53 m. after mean
sunrise of the 23rd September, A. D. 757, during the 6th tithi; and the 7th titki of the bright
half of Aivina ended 22 h. 1 m. after mean sunrise of the 24th September, A. D. 757.

3. — S, 766. — Notulen Bataviaasch Qenootschajp, Vol. XXVI. p. 21. Date in a stone
inscription from Java t —

Svasti 'Sakavarsh-adta 765 Chaitra-mnsa tithi panchadasi ohandragraha^a S6mav&ra . .

8; 765 expired : A lunar eclipse, visible in Java, 18 b. &0 m. after 6 a. m. (local time)
of Monday, 19th March, A. D. 843.

4. — S. 782. — Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. IX. p. 219, and Vol. XII. p. 829 ; ante. Vol. III.
p. 320, and Vol. XVIII. p. 94. Date of the Kalyan AmbamAth temple inscription of the
Mahdmandalehara MAmv&nirajad^va, as read by Dr. Bhan Daji and Dr. Fl§et: —

(L. 1). — Saka-samvat 782 Jy6shtha-8nddha 9 Su(6u)kr6.

1 Those dates in which a tithi is joined with the week-day on which it oommenoed I shall give, nnder a
separate heading, in the list of jrregrilar dateVk bnt by doing so I do not wish to intimate that those dates are
incorrect. Under irregular dates will also be given several regular dates from (apparently) spurious documents.

2 The regular dates which have been already examined by Dr. Fleet are Nob. 2, 4, 6, 13, 25, 27, 28, 32, 35, 55,
59, 60. 62, 64, 65, 69, 74, 86, 98, 102, 106. 108-112.

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1U THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [May, 1894/

S. 782 expired : Friday, 3rd May, A. D. 860 ; the 9th tithi of the bright half ended 7 h.

43 m. after mean sunrise.

5. — S, 782 Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 48. Date in an inscription from Java : —

Sakavarshatita 782, Karttikamflsa, tithi trayddaai sukla-paksha, . . Vyi-vftra (». e.

Briliaspati-vftra), . . . Afeviipi-nakshatra, . . . Vya11pAta-y6ga, . . . Taithila-karana.

5. 782 expired : Thursday, 31st October, A. D. 860 ; the 13th tithi of the bright half and
the harana TaitUa ended 10 h. 29 m., and the nakshatra was Abvini np to 11 h. 10 m., and
the ydga Vyatip&ta up to 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.

6. — S. 836. — Ayite, Vol. XII. p. 194, and Vol. XVIII. p. 90. Haddala copper-plate inscrip-
tion of the Ch&pa Mahdsdmantddkipati Dharanivaraha, the feudatory of a king Mahipaladeva : —

(Plate ii. 1. 12). — prApt-6dagayana-mahuparvvani . . .

(L. 21). — Saka-samyat 836 Pausha-sndi 4 uttarftyai^d.

In S. 836 expired the Uttarayajjia-saiiikranti took place 4 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise of
the 23rd December, A. D. 914, during the 4th tithi of the bright half which ended 15 h. after
mean sunrise of the same day.

7. — B. 861. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 211, No. 48. Kalaa inscription of the Kashtrakata
G6vinda IV. : —

&aka-yarsha 851neya Vikrita-samvatsarada Maghada punnameyeAdityavftramsAbldsha-
(8ha)-nakshatrado(?)l(?) 86magraha9aiii samanise tula-pu[rusham=:i(?)]14u tatsamayadol.

&. 861 expired : A lunar eclipse, visible in India, 12 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of
Sunday, 17th January, A, D. 930, when the ndkshatra was Alildshft up to 19 h. 42 m. after*
mean sunrise. By the mean-sign system the year Vikrita lasted from the 27th December,
A. D. 928, to the 23rd December, A. D. 929, and was therefore current at the commencement of
^. 851 expired, but not on the day of the date. [By the southern luni-solar system Vikrita
would be 'S. 862 expired.]

8. — 8. 866. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 251. Sahgli copper-plate inscription of the Rashtrakuta
Gfivinda IV. :—

(L. 44). — ^akanripa-kHl-dtlta-samyatsara-sat^hv^ashtasu pamchapaihchasad-adhikeshY=
amkatdspi samvatsar^^am 855 pravarttamana-Vijaya-saihvatsar-dihtarggata*8ravana-paurDDa-
mAsy^ yard Q-ur6]^ Ptlrw&-Bhadrapad&-nakshattr6.

In 8. 866 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vijaya, Srayana was
intercalary, and the full-moon tithi of the second 'Srayana ended on Thursday, 8th August,
A. D. 933, 8 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise. On the same day the moon entered Ftirva-bhadrapadA^
by the Brahma-siddhanta, 9 h. 51 m. after mean sunrise, and later by other systems. [By the
mean-sign system Vijaya had ended on the 10th December, A. D. 932, before the commence-
ment of S. 855 expired.]

9. — 8. 873. — Ante, Vol. XIL p. 257. Soratftr stone inscription of the Rashtrakuta
Krishna III. : —

(L. 4). — Sa(8a)kanripa-k&l-Akr&nta-saihyatsara-sa(sa)taihga[l*J 873 Virddhi^-samvatsarada
Marggasira-m&sada . punciameyum«Adityavaramuih B6hi^i(ul)-nakBhatramuih b6(s6)magra-
hai^ad-andu.

8. 873 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vir6dhakrit : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, 10 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise of Sujiday, 16th November, A. D. 951,
when the ndkdhatra was B6hi]^l up to 12 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise. [By the mean-sign
system Virodhakrit had ended on the 26th September, A. D. 950, before the commencement
pf S. 873 expired.]

• Clearly only an error of the writer or engraver for VirtdhaktiU

Digitized by

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Mjly, 1894.} ON THE DATES OP THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 115

• 10, --i' S. 894. — AfUe^ Vol. XII. p. 266. Kard4 copper-plate inscription of the R&shtrakufa
Kakkala (Karka II.) : —

(L. 47). — 'Sakannpa-k&l-atita*8ain(8Rih)vat8ara-^at&livea8lita8u cbatarnna(mna)vaty-adhi-
kS8bv=ankatali sam(sam)vat 894 Angipft(raW-sam(8am)vatsar-antarggata(t-)A8vayuja-paurnna-
masjayam Vu(bu)dha»dind 86inagralia9a-maliaparvvani«

S. 894 expired, which by theaonthern luni-solar system was Aiigiraa : A lunar eolipse,
visible in India, on Wednesday, 25th September, A. D. 972, 16 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.
[By the mean- sign system Aiigiras had ended on the 29th Jane, A. D. 971, before the com-
mencement of 'S. 894 expired.]

11. — S. 989. — As, Bes. Vol. I. p. 363. Thau^ copper-plate inscription of the 'Silahara
ArikSsarin: —

' On the fifteenth of the bright moon of Cdrticot in the middle of the year Pifigala^ when
nine hundred and forty years, save one, are reckoned as past from the time of King Saca, or, in
figures, the year 939, of the bright moon of Cdrtica 1 5 ..... • the moon being then fall
and eclipsed ' . . .

8. 939 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pii^gala : A lunar eclipse,
visible in India, on the 6th November, A. D. 1017, 19 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise.

12. — S. 940. — Antef Vol. VIII. p. 18. Miraj copper-plate inscription of the Western
Chalukya Jayasimha III. : —

Sakanripa-kai-iitita-samvateara-satSsha navasu 8hafcchatvariihsad-adhik^shv«aihkatal> sathvat
946 Rakt&kshi-saih vatsar-amtarggata- Vais^kha-panrnnamasy am=Adityavftr6.

B. 946 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bakt&ksha : Sunday,
26th April, A. D. 1024 ; the full-moon tUhi ended 15 h. 31 m. after mean sunrise.

13. — S. 950. — il»^e, Vol. IV. p. 278, and Vol. XVIII. p. 379. Talgund stone inscription
of the Western Chalukya Jayasimha III. : —

(L. 8). — 'Saka-varsha 950neya Vibhava-samvatsarada Pushya-suddha 5 S6mavftradc
uttarftya^a-saihkr&ntdy-andu.

In B. 950 expired, which by the southern limi-solar system was Vibhava, the
Uttarftya^a-saihkrftnti took place 16 h. after mean sunrise of Monday, 23rd December, A. D.
1028, during the 5th ttthi of the bright half which commenced h. 47 m. before mean sunrise
of the same day and ended 1 h. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 24th December, A. D. 1028.

14. — S. 980. — Jour. Boy. As. Soc.y O. S., Vol. IV. p. 281, and Cave-Temples of Western
Indiat p. 104. Copper-plate inscription of the ISilahara Marasimha: —

(L. 44). — Sa(&i)kanripa-ka!4tita-saihvatsara-8atSshu | ast(Bi)ty-adhika-nava-^t6shv=
amkoshu i pravarttatayiti Vi|anibi-samvatsar6 | Pausha-masasya suddha-pakshd | saptamyAm
Brihaspativftrd I udagay ana-par waQi i.

In 8. 980 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vilamba^ the
XJttar&yaQa-samkr&nti took place 10 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 24th December,
A. D. 1058, dniing the 7th Hthi of the bright half which ended 17 h. after mean sunrise of the
same day.

16. — 8. 990. -— Ante, Vol. X. p. 127. Bij&pnr atone inscription of the Western Chalukya
SomSsvara II. : —

(L. 10). — Sa(8a)ka-var8ham 996neya Anariida-samvatsarada Pusya(shya)-su(8u)dhdha-
(ddha) 5 Bri(bri)haspativdTad-amdinaUttarftyaaa-saihkrftihti-parvva-niniittam«

In S. 990 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Ananda, the ITttarfti-
ya9a-saihkranti took place I2.h. 3 m. after mean, sunrise of the 24tb December, A. D. 1074,

Digitized by

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116. THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [May. 1894..

before the commenoement of the 5th tithi ; aud the 5th tithi of the bright half ended on Tliurft*
day, 25th December, A. D. 1074, 15 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise.

16. — S. 999. — Aiite, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 17. Halgdr inscription of the Western
Chalnkya Vikramaditja VI. and Jayasimha IV. : — •

Sa(8a)kanripa-kal-atita-samvatsara-sa(sa)taihgalu OOSneja Piihgala-samvatsarada Ashada-
(dha)-sn(sa)ddha 2 Adityav&ra saihkr&nti-pavitr&rdha^ad-amdn.

In S. 999 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Fingala, the
Dakshii^yana-saiiikr&nti took place 15 h. 2 m., and the second tithi of the bright half ended
3 h, 37 m, after mean sunrise of Sunday, 25th June, A. D. 1077.

17. — S. 1037. — Inscr. at iSravana Beljola, No. 47, p. 26. Date of "the death of M6gha-
chandra-traividyadSva : —

Sa(sa)ka-varsham 1037neya Manmatha-samvatsarada Marggasira-sn(sa)ddha 14 B^a*
vftraiix . . .

&. 1037 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Manmatha: Thursday,
2ud December, A. D. 1115 ; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 14 h. 53 m. after mean

Sunrise.

18. — S. 1039. — Inscr. at Sravana Belgola^ No. 59, p. 57. A grant by the Dandandyaka
Gauga-RAja, confirmed by the Dandandyaka £]chi-Baja : —

Sa(sa)ka-yarsham 1039neya Hdma^ambi-samvatsarada Ph^lgnna-suddha 5 S6mavArad-

andn.

&. 1039 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Hdmalamba : Monday,
28th January, A. D. 1118 ; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 20 b. 11 m. after mean
sunrise.

19. — S. 1045. — Ante^ Vol. XIV. p. 18. Date in an Old-Kanarese inscription at TSrdAl :—
(L. 49). — Sa(sa)ka-va[r*]sha 1045neya &ubhakri(kri)t^samyatsarada Vai&lkhada

punnami Bra(bri)ha8pativAradaIi«.

B. 1046 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was &6bhakrit (Bdbhana) :
Thursday, 12th April, A. D. 1123 ; the fnll-moon tithi ended 13 h. 23 m. after mean suurise.

20. — S. 1046. — Liscr, at Sravana B^lgola^ No. 43, p. 18. Date of the death of Subha-
cbandra : —

BaQ-&mbh6dhi-nabha8-sas4nka-tulitd jatB "Sak-abdg tat6

varahS &6bhak|it(d)-ahYay8 vynpanat6 mase punas SrSva^S I
pakshe krishna-vipaksha-yarttini Sitd yar^ dasamyam tithan.

8. 1045 expired, which by the southern luni-solar ssrstem was &6bhakrit (Sdbhana) :
Friday, 3rd August^ A. D. 1123 ; the lOth tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 12 m. after
mean sunrise.

21. — S. 1070. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 18. Hulgiir inscription of the Western
Chalukya Taila III. : —

"Sakanripa-kal-atita-^atamgal 1076neya BhAva-samyatsarada As&(sha)(Ja(dha)-8n(sa)ddha
5 Brihaspativ&rad-amdn.

&. 1076 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was BhAva : Thursday,

17th June, A. D. 1154 ; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 23 h. after mean sunrise.

22. — S, 1078. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 24. Stone inscription of the Silahara
Mallikarjuna, now in the Hall of the Bombay As. Soc. : —

* This is dearly an error for Byhhahrit.

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Mat, 1894] ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 117

Sakanripa-k&l>fttita-san)Yat8ara*sat£8ha daia[sti*] ashtasapiaty-adhikSshu Saka-sainTat 1078
Dhftta-samvatBar^ Yaisakha-saddha-akBhaCya^l-tritlyAyftih yng&di-parvYaQi Bhauma-dind
Mrigabira-Dakshatr6.

8. 1078 expired, wbich by the southern luni-solar system was BhAfri : Tuesday,

24th April, A. D. 1156 ; the third tithi of the bright half ended 18 h. 58 m., and the naJcBkatra
^as Mrigatdrsha up to 13 h. 47 m. after mean sunrise.

23. — &• 1081. — Inscr. at Sravana Belgola^ No. 138, p. 108. A grant by the Hoysala
Narasimha I. : *—

fSkasity-attara-sahasra-^Saka-varsh^shu gat^shn Pram&di(tlii)-6amyat8ara8ya Pushya-masa-
Buddha-Sokravftra-chaturddasyam uttarftyai^a-sankr&ntau.

In &• 1081 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Fram&thin, the
Uttar&ya^a-saiiikr&nti took place 13 h. 31 m. after mean 8um*ise of Friday, 25th December,
A. D. 1159, during the 14th tithi of the bright half which ended 16 h. 48 m. after mean
sunrise of the same day.

24. — &• 1086. -* Inscr. at Sramna Belgola^ No. 39, p. 8. Date of the death of D6yakirti :-^

8aka-varsha sasirada embhatt-aidaneya It

varshS khyata-Subhftnu-n&mani sitS pakshS tad.Asha<}hak6
masS tan-navami-tithan Budha-yntS vM dinS^-6daye |

8. 1086 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was SubhAnu : Wednesday,
12th June, A. D. 1163 ; the 9th tithi of the brighthalf ended 18 h. after mean sunrise.

25. — S. 1096. — Ante^ Vol. XVIII. p. 127. Hulgilr stone inscription of the Kalachuri
SdmSg^ara : —

(li. 35). — Saka-yarshada 1096neya Jaya-samvatsarada Mftrgaiirada pnnnami Aditya-
Yftra s6magraha9ad-anda.

B. 1006 expired, which by the southern luxii-solar system was Jaya : A lunar eclipse
visible in India, on Sunday, 10th November, A. D. 1174, 16 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise.

26. — &. 1114. — Ante, Vol. II. p. 301. Gkidag stone inscription of the Hoysala Viraballala : —
(L. 43). — 8akanripa-kal-At!ta-samva1sara-Bat8shu chaturddaS-adhik8shy=^kadasasu amkato=

pi 1114 yarttamana-Paridh&vi-saihvat8ar4mtarggata-Marggaii(8i}rsha-paurni]Am&syft Band-
(nai)boharav&rd s6magraha]^d.

&. 1114 expired, which by the southern luni*solar system was ParidhAvin : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, on Saturday, 21st November, A. D. 1192, h. 56 m. after mean sunrise.

27. — B. 1121. — Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 155. Gadag stone inscription of the Hoysala
Virabamia : —

(L. 31). — ^akanTipa-kal-Atita-samvatsara-satamgalu 1121neya Siddh&rtthi-samvatsarada
pratham-Ash&<Ut(QUia)-sukla-paksh-&8htami-Brihaspativ&ra-Bya(vya)tlpftta-punya^ - A

Bya(vya)tlpfttarnimittaih.

In S. 1121 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Siddh&rthin, Ashfiijttia
was intercalary by the Arya-siddhanta ; and the 8th tithi of the bright half of the first
Ashadha ended 23 h. 32 m. after mean sunrise of Thursday, 3rd June, A. D. 1199, when the ydga
was VyatlpAta for about 14 h. after mean sunrise.

28. — S. 1146. — Ante^ Vol. XIX. p. 157. K61fir stone inscription of the DSvagiri-Y^dava
SiDghana II. : —

(L. 9). — 'Saka-varusada'^ 1145 de(da)neya Svabh&nu-saumvachchharada^ dvitlya-BhAdra-
pada-sudhdha^ 5 Su(bu)krav&rad-amdu.

' Bead varshada, ^ Bead saihvatsarada, ^ B^otkdjuddhch

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118 THE INDIAN ANTIQTJART. [May, 1894.

In &. 1146 expired, which bj the southern luni-solar system was Subhftnu, BMdra-
pada was intercalary ; and the 5th tithi o£ the bright half of the second Bh&drapada ended
7 b. 14 m. after mean snnrise of Friday, 1st September, A. D. 1223.

29. — &• 1156. — Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 87. Bijfipnr inscription of the
Devagiri-Yadava Singhana II. : —

'Saka 11 56 (in figures, 1. 5), the Jaya sauivatsara ; VacjL^av&ra, the daj of the fall-moon
of the bright fortoight of Vaisukha.'

&. 1166 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya : Saturday, 15th
April, A.D. 1234 ; the fall-moon tithi ended 12 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.

30. — S. 1166. — Cave-Temples of West, India, p. 99. Image inscription at tUdrk : —
(L. 1). — Svasti sri Sak6 1156 Jaya-6avachhar8 [Phalgn^a-sudba-tritiu Budhd].

(L. 3). — Phalguna tritiyam Vu(bu)dhd.

S. 1166 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya : Wednesday, 2l8t
February, A. D. 1235 ; the third tithi of the bright half ended 21 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise.

81. — S. 1168. — From Dr. Fleet's impression (Graham's Kolhapoor^ p. 426, No. 13).
Kolhapur stone inscription of the DSvagiri-Y&dava Singha9a II. : —

(L. 1). — Svasti sri Saka 1158 varshe Burmmukha-saihvatsarS Magha-suddha-purnna-
masvam tithau 86ma«dind I

(L. 14). — . . . 86m6spavi[ddh6 P] . . .

8. 1168 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Durmukha : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, 21 h. 14 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 12th January, A. D. 1237.

• 32. — S. 1171. — Ante, Vol. VIL p. 304, and Vol. XIX. p. 441. Chikka-Bagfwa^i copper-
plate inscription of the Dfivagiri-yfidava Kfishna : —

(L. 19), — flkasaptaty-uttara-&it-Adh6(dhi)ka-sahasra-samkhy68hu 'Sak-avd6(l>^^)shv=

atitfishu pravarttamiinl 8auih(sau)inya-samvat6ar^ tad-amta[r*]gat-A6hadha-panrnnama6yAm
Banaibcharavard FtirvABhft<Ui[&«]-naksbatr6 Vaidhritl-y6g6 itthainbhHta-pum(pu)nyakal8.

8. 1171 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumya : Saturday,
26th June, A. D. 1249 ; the full-moon tithi ended 11 h. 33 m., and the nahshatra was PtlrvA-
sh&4h& up to 6 h. 34 m., and the yoga Vaidhfiti up to 13 h. 26 m. after mean sunrise.

33. — 8. 1171. — Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 69, Ben(Jig6ri copper-plate inscription of the DSvagiri-
Yadavft Krishna : —

(L. 22); — Svasti sri-'Saka-samyatsarasya SatAdhika-saha6r-aikjldhika-saptaty&s»cheanaihtar^
Batimy6=bd^ Sravan^ m&si sita-pakshe dvadasjam Guruvftrd.

S. 1171 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumya : Thursday,
22nd July, A. D. 1249; the 12tb tithi of the bright half ended 23 h. 5 m. after moan. sunrise.

34. — S. 1187. — From Dr. Fleet's impression. K61hfipnr pillar inscription of the
Devagiri-Yadava Mah&dfeva : —

(L. 8). — 'Saka-varshS 1187 Yarttam&na-Kr6dhana-saihvatsar6 Mugha-masa-pflrnnimayAm
8ukra-dind.

8. 1187 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was B>6dhana : Friday,
22nd January, A. D. 1266 ; the full-moon tithi ended 14 h. 12 m, after mean sunrise.

35. — 8. 1193. — Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 317, and Vol. XIX. p. 442. Paithan copperplate
inscription of the D^vagiri-Y^dava RAmachandra:—

(L, G2). — Sa(sa)k6 cha SkAdasasu trinavaty-adhikashv=at}t&hu 1193 varttamana-
Prajftpati-sarhvatsar-amtargata-Magha-suddha-dvridailynm Vu(bu)dhd.

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Mat, 1894.] ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA. BRA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 119

S* 1193 expired, which by the. southern luni-solar system was Fraj&pati : Wednesday,
13th January, A. D. 1272 ; the 12th Hthi of the bright half ended 14 h. 48 m. after mean
sannse.

36. *- S. 1194. — From Dr. Fleet's impression (Graham's Kolhapoor^ p. 437, No. 15)
Kolliapur stone inscription of the D6vagiri-Tadava Bamachandi-a : —

(L. 23). — 'Saka-varsh^hu 1194 ySd-aihka-Rndra-pramit^sha vyatifcfishu varttaman-
Amgira]^-[saih]Yatsara-Magha-piirnQimayam sdmagralu^^-parva^i.

&. 1194 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Aiigiras : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, 13 h. 27 m. after mean sunrise of the 3rd February, A. D. 1273.

37. — &. 1200. — Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 137, p. 105. Date of a private inscription :—

Svasti sri-vijayabhyndaya-Salivahana4aka-var8ham 1200neya Bahudhftnya-samvatsarada
Chaitra-snddha 1 Sukravftra.

8. 1200 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bahudh&nya : Friday,

25th March, A. D. 1278 ; the tirst tithi of the bright half end^d 20 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.
[This was the day of the Mesha-samkr^nti which took place, by the Sibja-siddhanta 16 h.
44 m., and by the Arya-siddhanta 14 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise.]

38. — S. 1227. — From Dr. Fleet's impression. Vfilapur stone inscription of the DSvagiri-
Yadava R^achandra : —

(L. 1). — Svasti Sri Siku 1227 | VibvAva8U-8amvachchha(t8a)r6 I MArga-su(8u)dha(ddha)
5 S6md.

S. 1227 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vibv^lvasu : Monday,
22nd November, A. D. 1305 ; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 3 h. 16 m. after mean
sunrise.

39. — S. 1301. — Jour» Bo. As. Soc. Vol, XII. p. 356. Dambal copper-plate inscription of
Harihara II. of Vijayanagara : —

Bak-abdS Sulivfthasya saha8r6na tribhi)> sata^ili I
Sk-adhikaisacha ganit^ Siddh&rthd<=bd& subhS din8 u
Jy^Oy^^l^^^V'^^ Bhaumd ni&ftnath-6parftgd . • .

8. 1301 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Siddh&rthin : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, on Tuesday, 31st May, A. D. 1379, 20 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise.

40. — S. 1801. — Paliy Shr. and Old-Kan. Inser. No. 126; ante, Vol. XII. p. 214, No. 87.
Harihar stone inscription of Harihara II. of Vijayanagara : —

'Saii-kha-sikhi-chamdra-samitA SAkft Sidhdh&(ddhft)rththi(rtthi)-saminita ch=abdS [|*]
Karttika-mAsasya sita-dvadasyam Bh&skard vAi^ [u»].

5. 1301 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Siddhftrthin : Sunday,
23rd October, A. D. 1379 ; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 9 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise.

41.— S. 1332. — Pdli, Shr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 127 ; ante. Vol. XII. p. 214, No. 88.
Harihar stone inscription of DSvaraya I. of Vijayanagara : —

'S&kS n6tr-Agni-vahn-imdu-samkhy6 Vikru(kpi)ti-namakS [|*]
varushe Nabhasya-dvAdasyam suklnyAm S6mav&rakd [II*]

6. 1332 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikrita : Monday,
11th August, A. D. 1410; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 21 b. 36 m. after mean
sunrise.

42. — S. 1353. — Ante, Vol. II. p. 353. Date on the colossal Jain statue at Karkala, in
the South Kanara District : —

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120 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mat, 1894.

(L. 5). — Svasti sri-Bakabh^pati-tri-sara-vahn-indan Vir6dhy&dikrld^-yarshS Phalgnna-
Saumyavftra-dhayala-sri-dy&dasi-tithaa . . .

(L. 14). — 'Saka-varsha 1353 . . .

&• 1353 expired, which by the Bonthem Itmi-Bolar system was Virddhalqrit : Wednes-
day, 13th February, A. D. 1432 ; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. after mean
sunrise.

43. — S. 1436. — As. Res, Vol. XX. pp. 22 and 37. Xrish^ftpura stone inscription of
Krishnaraya of Vijayanagara : —

"Sulivahana-saka 1436 . . . BhATa-samvatsaray Phalgnna-^uddha 3, Sakravftra.

&. 1436 expired, which by the southern lnxii«solar system was Bh&va: Friday,
16th Febrnary, A. D. 1515 ; the third tithi of the bright half ended 22 h. after mean sunrise.

44. — S. 1460. — Ep, Ind. Vol. I. p. 401. Kfishnapnra stone inscription of Krishnaraya
of Vijayanagara : —

(L. 41). — "Sake sftrdai^8schatarbhilir^»dasabhirsapi Satai^ sammitg SarvadArii^ys
abdh^io Chaitr-akhya-m&se sita-Madana-tithau JlYav&rd^ryamarkshd i

8. 1460 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sarvadhftrin :
Thursday, 2nd April, A. D. 1628 ; the 13th (Madana) tithi of the bright half ended 16 h. 13 ra.,
and the nakshatra was Uttara-phalgunl (the Aryamarksha) up to 12 h. 29 m. after mean
sunrise.

45. — 8. 1461. — Ep. Ind, Vol. I. p. 399. Krishnapura stone inscription of Krishnaraya of
Vijayanagara : —

(L. 1). — Svasti Br!-jay&bhyudaya-Saliynhana^ka-varushamga|u 1451neya Vir6dhi-
samyatsarada Vais&kha4ada(ddba) 15 BudalfL (t. e. BukravftradaUfL) . . •

(L. 22). — Virddhi-Samyatsarada Vais^ha du 15 Budalltl s6magrA(gra)ha9a-pQnya-

kaladal^ . . .

&. 1461 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vir6dliin : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, on Friday, 23rd April, A. D. 1529, 14 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise.

4G. — S. 1460. — Ante, Vol. IV. p. 332, and Vol. XII. p. 214, No. 96. Harihar stone
inscription of Achy n tar Ay a of Vijayanagara : —

(L. 15). — 'Saliyahana-nirntta-saka-yan*sa(rsha)-kram-agat8 I

yyoma-tarkka-chatus-chamdra-samkhyaya cha 8amanyit6 ||
Vi|aihbi-namakd yarshS mas^ K&rttika-nAmani I
paurnamasyAm 8it8 pakshS v&rd Satdsutasya cha U
S6m6parftga-samay6 . . .

8. 1460 expired, which hy the southern luni-solar system was Vilamba : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, on Wednesday, 6th November, A. D. 1538, 15 h. 19 m. after mean
sunrise.

47. — S. 1476. — Pdli, SJcr. and Old-Kan. Inscu No. 133; Mysore Inscr. No. 17, p. 25.
Harihar inscription of Sada6iyadSya of Vidyanagar! (Vijayanagara) : —

* Saliyahana-Saka 1476 (in figures, 1. 4) ; Monday, the fourteenth day of the bright fort-
night of Vaisakha.*

8. 1476 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Ananda : Monday,
16th April, A. D. 1554 ; the 14th tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise.

* Bead Virodhakrid-, » Bead sdrdhais»cha!turbhir. w Bead °dh^rii}y*abd^ .

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Mat, 1894.] ON THE DATES OP THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 121

48. — S. 1606. — Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 28;^ ante, Vol. XII. p. 213, No, 74.
DSvanlialli copper-plate inscription of Raiigar^ya of Vijayanagara. : —

(L. 114). — Kliyat-4ing-aihbara-b^-€indu-ganit^ Saka-vatsarS i
vatsard T&ra9*abhiklij6 masi Karttika-namani 11
PaksbS TalaksbS pnnyftyam panrnim&yam mahatithaa I
86m6parftga-8amaye . • •

8. 1606 expired, which by the southern luni-Bolar system was T&raoa : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, on the 7th November, A. D. 1584, 23 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise.

49. — 8. 1643. — Pdli, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 29 ; Mysore Inscr. No. 136, p. 248.
Simogga copper-plate inscription of Ramadeva of Vijayanagara : —

* Saka 1543 ( in words ; 1. 18 of the first side ; vSda, 3 ; amhudhi, 4 ; iara, 5 ; and kahoni^ 1),
the Durmati saihvaisara ; Saturday, the third day of the bright fortnight of VaiSakha.'

8. 1643 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Durmati : Saturday,
14th April, A. D. 1621 ; the third titJU of the bright half ended 19 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.

50. — 8. 1666. — Inscr. at Sramna Belgo\a, No. 84, p. 66 (and No. 140, p. 111). Stone
inscription of Ghama Raja Vadeyar of Maisfir : —

Sri-Saliyahana-saka-yamsha 1556neya Bhftva-samvatsarada Ashada(dha)-sa 13 Sthirav&ra*
firahmay6ga-dala.

8. 1666 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bh&va : Saturday,
28th Jane, A. D. 1634 ; the 13th titU of the bright half ended 22 h., and the yoga was Brahman
from 1 h. 13 m. after mean sanrise.

51. — 8. 1644. — Mysore Inscr. No. 168, p. 316. Tonnur copper-plate inscription of
Krishoar^ ja of MaisQr : —

' The ^Mivahana ^ka year reckoned as vida^ arnava, ritu, kshiii (1644) having passed, the
year 8ubha]qrit being current, in the month M&rgasira, full moon, Tuesday, Brahma
yoga, Ardrft naTcshatra, BAlava harana^ • • • . the moon being eclipsed in the constellation
under which Ram^uja was bom* • . .

8. 1644 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Subhakfit : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, 16 h. 33 m. after mean sanrise of Tuesday, 11th December, A. Dl
1722, when the nakshatra was Ardr& from 5 h. 55 m., the y6ga Brahman from 10 h. 23 m.,
and the harana BAlava from 16 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise.

52. — 8. 1660. — Coorg Inscr. No, 13, p. 20, Abbimatha copper-plate inscription ; date
of a grant of the Coorg Raja Dodda Virappa Vadeyar : —

"S&liv&haDa-saka-varusha 1650ne KUaka-samvatsarada Kdrttika-Saddha 2 BudhavAra-
daUa.

8. 1660 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Kilaka : Wednesday,
23rd October, A. D. 1728; the second tithi of the bright half ended 17 h. 12 m. after mean
sanrise.

53. — 8. 1688. — Pali, Skr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 37. Date in copper-plates from
Maisur:— ^

'S41iv^hana-Saka 1683 (in figures ; 1. 1 of the first side)^ the Vishu saiiwatsara; Monday
the first day of the bright fortnight of Chaitra.'

8. 1683 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vishu: Monday,

6th April, N. S., A. D. 1761 ; the first tithi of the bright half ended 6 h. after mean sanrise.
[The MSsha-samkranti took place on the 9th April, A. D. 1761.]

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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARr. [Mat, 1894.

54. — S. 1718. — Coorg Inscr. No. 13, p. 20 (and No. 14, p. 22). Abbimatha (and
MaliAd^vapura) copper-plate inscription of tbe Coorg R&ja Vira BajSndra Vadeyar : —

Srasti sri-vijayabhyudaja-Saliyahana-saka-Yarasba 1718ne varttamanakd sallaya Nala-
samvAtsarada Chaitra-sa 1 Bhftrgayftra-dalln*

S. 1718 expired, whicb by tbe southern luni-solar system was Nala : Friday, 8th April,
N. S., A. D. 1796 ; the first Hthi of the bright half ended 21 h. 10 m. after mean sunrise. [The
Mesha-samkranti took place on the 9th April, A. D. 1796.]

(b). — Dates in Dark Fortnights.
[L] — Ptlr9im&nta Dates.^^

55.1 — S. 726. — Ante, Vol. XI. p. 126, and Vol. XVIL p. 141. Eanareee country copper-
plate inscription of the RashtrakAta Govinda III. : —

(L. 1). — ^akanripa-ka!-fttita-8aihvatsaramgal'=elniirsl(i)rpatt-&raneyA Subhftnu embha-
(mba) varshadd yais&(Sa)klia-masa-krishna-pakBha-paficham8(mi)-Bpha6patl(ti)yftraih.

5. 726 expired: Thursday, 4th April, A. D. 804; the 5th tithi of the dark half of the
purnimdnta Yaisakha ended 7 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise. By the mean-sign system the
4th April, A. D. 804, fell in the year Subhanu which lasted from the 1 7th June, A. D. 803, to the
12th June, A. D. 804. [The 5th tithi of the dark half of the amdnta Vaisakha ended 20 h. 41 m.
after mean sunrise of Friday, 8rd May, A. D. 804 ; and by the southern luni-solar system &. 726
expired would be Tarana.]

56. — S. 976. — Fdli, Skr., and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 158. Balag&mve stone inscription of
the Western Chalukya SdmSsvara I, : —

*Baka 976 (in figures, 1. 15), the Jaya smhvatsara; Sunday, the day of the new-moon of the

dark fortnight of Yaisakha/

6. 876 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya : Sunday, 4 0th April,
A. D. 1054; the 15th tithi of the dark half of the j^tSrntmanf a Yaisakha ended 19 h. 37 m. after
mean sunrise. [The 15th tithi of the dark half of the amdnta Yaisakha ended 6 h. 12 m. after
mean sunrise of Tuesday, 10th May, A. D. 1054. Compare below, No. 150.]

57. — 8. 1813. — Jour. Bo. As^ See. Yol. lY. p. 115. Copper-plate inscription of Harihara IL
of Yijayanagara : —

SakS traydda6adhika-trilat6ttara-sahasr6 gatS vartamana-PrajUpati-samyatsarS Yais&kha
mas8 krishna-pakshS am&T^sy&y&m Saumya-dind 0tlry6par&ga-puDyakal6.

&. 1813 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Praj&pati: A solar
eclipse, visible in India, 5 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise of Wednesday, 5th April, A.D. 1891,
which was the i5th of the dark half of the pHrnimdnta Yaisakha.

[2.] — AmAnta Dates.

58. — S. 689. — Inscr. Sanscrites du Cambodge, p. 74 ; ante, Yol. XXI. p. 48. Stone
inscription at Yat Prey Vier^* : —

Yki& k£lg ISakanam nayartanu-vishayairsMmfidhaTS 8h6das-^8
Jivabseh&pd»ja-8tlryy6 maitram^indur • • .

8. 689 expired : The 16th day of the lunar M&dhava (Yaisakha) was the 15th April,
A. D. 667, when the first tithi of the dark half of the amdnta Yaisakha ended 4 h. 28 m., and

11 The dates gWon under this heading will be specially considered below.

It For the full wording of this date and an exact calculation of all its details see now M. A. Barth in Inter.
Sa^iacrites de Campd ct du Camhodgey p. 592. I give the date here, merely, because it is the earliest available &aka
date in a dark fortnight which shows the amdnta scheme of the lunar month and admits of Terification. For on
eyen earlier amenta date from Cambodia (of &aka 548}, soo ante. Vol. XXX. p. 47.

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May, 1894.] ON THE DATES OP THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. .123

when the moon was in AnnrftdM (the Maitra nahsliatra) up to about 22 h. 20 m. after mean
sunrise. On the same day the sun was in the sign Aja (Mfisha), which it had entered on the
20th March, and Jupiter was in Ohftpa (Dhanuti), having entered that sign on the 20th
January, A. D. ^Q7,

69. — S. 788. — Antey Vol. XII. p. 219, and Vol. XVII. p. 142. Siriir stone inscription
of the RashtraWta Amdghavarsha CSarva) : —

(L. 15). — 'Sakanripa-kal-atita-samvatsarangal 61-n<!lr=eDbhatt-entaneya Vyayam emba
samvatsaram pravarttise 8rimad-Am6ghavarsha-Nripafcunga-nam-afikitan& vijaya-rajya-
pravardhamana-samvatsaraiigaj avyatt-eradum uttar-ottaram r&jy-&bhivriddhi salutt-ire ....
Jj^htha-masadsamdseyum Adityav&ram age stLryyagrahai^ad-andu.

8. 788 expired : A solar eclipse, visible in India, 9 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise of
Sunday, 16th June, A. D. 866. This day fell in the year Vyaya by both systems ; for by the
mean-sign system Vyaya lasted from the 23rd September, A. D. 865, to the 19 th September,
A. D. 866 ; and by the southern luni-solar system Vyaya was S. 788 expired.

60. — S. 810. — ArUe, Vol. XIII. p. 69, and Vol. XVIII. p. 90. Bagumrfi copper-plate
inscription of the mshtrakikta Mahasdmantddhipati Krishnaraja II. of Gujarftt : —

(Plate ii. 6, 1. 11). — Sakanripa-kal-atlta-saihvatsara-BatSshv=ashtasu das-dttar^shu Chaitr6=
mavasya[yam] 8Cl^yagralla^a-parvani.

& 810 expired : A solar eclipse^ visible in India, 2 h. 40 m. after mean sunrise of the
15th April, A. D. 888.

61. — S. 867. — Ante, Vol. L p. 209. SaWtgi stone inscription of the reign of the
Rashtrakiita Krishna III. : —

(L. 3). — 8aka-kalad»gat-ftyda(bd&)nftm sasaptadhikashashtishu

8at6shysashtasu t^vatsu samAn&msaukatdapi cha

Tarttamd,n& PlayafLg-&ydd(bdd) ...
(L. 45). — Piirvvokt^ varttaman-ft vdd(bd6) m&s6 Bh&drapad6=mchit6

pitri-parwapi tasy^va Ktgayftrd^a samyutft

stiryyagraha^a-kalS tn madhyagS cha divakarfi.

8. 867 expired : A solar eclipse, yisible in India^^ 6 h. 18 m. after mean sunrise of
Tuesday, 9th September, A. D. 945. The year PlayaAga, by the mean-sign system, did not
commence till the 17th October, A. D. 945, and it is therefore clear that the donation, to which
the date in line 45 refers, was made some time before the date, referred to in line 3, when the
inscription was put up. [By the southern luni-solar system Playanga would be S. 869 expired.]

62. — S. 867. — Ante, VoL VII. p. 16, and Vol. XIX. p. 102. Date of the accession of
the Eastern Chalukya Amma II., from a copper-plate inscription of his : —

(L. 31). — Giri-rasa-yasu-samkhy-abdfi &aka-samay6 Marggaiitrsha-mis&-smin [|*]
krishna-tray6da8a-dind Bhrigny&rd Maitra-nakshatr6 II
Dhanushi ray an ghata-lagn6 dy4dasa-yarsha(rsh6) tu janmanal^ ....

8. 867 expired : Friday, 5th December, A. D. 945 ; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended
10 h. 8 m., and the nahshatra was AnurAdh& (the Maitra nakshatra) up to 7 h. 53* m. after
mean sunrise; and the suji was in the sign DhannliL which it had entered on the 23rd
November, A. D. 945.

63. — S. 893. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 256. Adaragunchi stone inscription of the Rashtra-
k{ita Kotfiga (Khotika) : —

(L. 7). — Sa(8a)kanripa-kal-atlta-saifavadichha(tsa)ra-sa(fia)tangal=entu niira tombhatta-
mii raneya Prajftpati-aa [m*] vachchha(tsa)ram saluttam-ire tad(d- ) va(-Ta)r6h-abhy a (bhya)-
ntarad-ABhya(sya)yujad»aniaYase AdityavAra stlryyagrahaQia.

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124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY. [Mat, 1894.

S. 803 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Praj&pati: A solar
eclipse, visible in India, 2 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 22nd October, A. D. 971.
[By the mean-sij^a system Prajapati had ended on the 3rd July, A. D. 970, before the com-
mencement of S. 893 expired.]

G4. — S. 904. — Inscr. at Srava^a Belgola, No. 57, p. 55 ; atite. Vol. XX. p. 35. Date
of the death of the Rashtrakixta Indraraja : —

Vanadhi-nabh6 -nid hi-pramita-Baiiikhy6(khya-)'Sak-avanipala-kHlamaai
neneyisc Chitrabh&nu parivarttiae Ghaitra-sitStar-ashtami- I
dina-ynta-S6mayftradol . . • •

5. 904 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Chitrabh&nu : Monday,
20th March, A. D. 982 ; the 8th Hthi of the dark half ended 22 h. 58 m. after mean sunrise.
[By the mean-sign system Chitrabhdnn had ended on the 18th May, A. D. 981, before the
commeD cement of S. 904 expired.— The M6sha-8amkrdnti took place on the 23rd March,
A. D. 982.]

65. — S. 972. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 202, and Vol. XVIII. p. 91. Surat copper-plate
inscription of the Chaulukya Trilochanap&la of Latad^a : —

(Plate iii, 1. 3). — Sak^ nava-sa(8a)tairsynkte dvisaptaty-adhik^ tathft [l*]
Vikritd yatsar6 Paushd masS pakshd cha tama(ma)66 11
Amav^yS-tithau stlrya-parwa^yeAng&rayftrak^ [I*]

6. 972 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikrita : A solar eclipse,
visible in India, 10 h. 11 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 15th January, A. D. 1051.

66. — S. 991. — Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 227. Vaghli stone inscription of the reign of the
T^dava S^unachandra II. : —

(L. 9). — RApa-Namd-amka-tulyfi tu 991 'Saka-kalasya bhApatau [l*]
Saumya-samvatsar-Ashadha-ravigrahaiaia-parvvani ii

&. 991 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumya: A solar
eclipse, visible in India, h. 81 m. after mean sunrise of the 21st July, A. D. 10G9.

67. — S. 1047. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 50. Nar6adra inscription of the Western
Ch&lukya Vikramfiditya VI. : — ^

Baka-varsham 1047neya Vi8Vft(6vA)vasu-sari)vatsarada [BhA]drapada-ba 13 Sukrav&ra
mahatithi-yugAdiy-amdu.

S. 1047 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vifevftvasu : Friday,
28th August, A. D. 1125 ; the 13th tiihi of the dark half ended 16 h. 9 m. after mean sunrise.

68. — S. 1060. — Inscr. at Sravafia Bilgola, No. 54, p. 47. Date of the death of
Mallishena : —

SakS siinya-fiar-ftmbar-fivani-mitfi samvatsar^ Kilakd

masg Phalgunikfi tritiya'divas6 var6 *sit8 Bhftskard I
Sv&tau ...... madhyahne ....

S. 1050 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Kilaka: Sunday,
10th March, A. D. 1129 ; the third tithi of the dark half ended 21 h, 16 m., and the nakshatra
was Sv&ti up to 15 h. 46 m. after mean sunrise,

69. — S. 1096. — Ante, Vol. XVIII, p. 127. Hulgiir stone inscription of the Kalachuri
SomSsvara : —

(L. 40). — 'Saka-varshada 1096neya Jaya^samvatsarada M4rga6ira-bahulad«ama(ma)vasy6
Manga)av&ra stLryagraha^ad«anda«

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Mat, 1894.] ON THE DATES OP THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 125

8. 1006 expired, i^hich by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya : A solar eclipse,
visible in India^ 6 h, after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 26th November, A. D. 1174.

70. — S. 1112. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 209, No. 25. A K61h&pur inscription of the SiWhftra
Bhojall.: —

(L. 2). — Sakanripa-kalad«»irabbya varshAshu dv&da86ttara-8atadhika.8ahasr68hn nivritte-
sha varttamana-S&dh&rai^a-samyatsar-antarggatarPnshya-bahala-dYada^jAih Bhaumayftrd
bhan6r=uttarftya^a»flaThkraTnapa-parwa^l

In 8. 1112 expired, which by the soutiiem luni-solar system was SAdhHra^a, the
lTttarftya^a•saIhkrftnti took place 14 h. 2 m. after mean sunrise of Tuesday, 25th December,
A. D. 1190, during the 12th tithi of the dark half which ended 19 h. 7 m. after mean sunrise
of the same day. [For another, irregular date in the same inscription see below, No. 191.]

71. — S. 1113. — From Dr. Fleet's impression. Gadag stone inscription of the DSvagiri-
Y&dava Bhillama : —

(L. 13). — Sakanripa-kal-&t!ta-samvatsara-8at8shu tray&dasadhik6shv=6kadasasu varttam&na-
Vir6dliakrit-saihyatsar-amtargata-JySshth-amAy&syayftm=Adityay&rd sttryagrahaijid.

8. 1113 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vir6dhakrit : A solar

eclipse, visible in India, 10 h. 29 m. after mean sunrise of Sunday, 23rd June, A. D. 1191.

72. — 8. 1113. — Pdli, SJcr, BAid Old-Kan, Inscr, No. 109. Chaudadampur inscription of
the Great Chieftain Yira-Yikramaditya of the lineage of Chandragupta, and his Ndyaka
Khandeya-Kara-KftmSyan&yaka : —

< Saka 1113 (in figures, 1. 72), the Virddhilqnt samvatsara ; the day of the new-moon of
M&rgaslrsha ; at the time of an eclipse of the sun.'

8. 1113 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vir6dhakrit : A solar
eclipse, visible in India, 5 h. 59 m. after mean sunrise of the 18ili December, A. D. 1191.

73. — 8. 1137. — Pdli, 8hr. and Old-Kan, Insor. No. 201. Bajagamye stone inscription
of the Dfiyagiri-Tadaya Singhana II. : —

•'Saka 1137 (in figures, 1. 23), the Yuva saikvatsarc^ Thursday, the day of the new-moon
of Bhadrapada.'

8. 1187 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Yuvan : Thtirsday,
24th September, A. D. 1215 ; the 15th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 36 m. after mean
sunrise.

74. — 8. 1189. — Anie, Vol. XVIII. p. 128. Hulgftr stone inscription of the DAyagiri-
Tadaya MahadSya : —

(L. 15). — 'Saka-yarshada 1189neya Prabhava-samvatsarada Jy^shtha-ba 30 Budhav&ra
stlryagrahaaad-andu.

In 8. 1180 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Frabhava^ Jyaishtha
was intercalary ; and there was a solar eclipse, visible in India^ 8 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise
of Wednesday, 25th May, A. D. 1267, which was the 15th of the dark half of the first
Jyaishtha.

75. — 8. 1236. — Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 41, p. 11. Date of the death of 'Subha-
chandra : —

PanchatrimSat-saifayuta-satadyay-adliika-sahasra-nuta-yarsh6shu I
vrittSshu Saka-nripasya tu k&16 yistir^ina-yilasad-arnnayau^mau ||
Pramftdi-yatsar6 mas6 SrayanS tanum atyajat I
Vakrd krishBia-chaturddasyam 'Subhachandr6 mahayati^i II

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12(> THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [May, 1894.

S. 1235 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Fram&din : Tuesday,
21 st August, A. D. 1313; the 14th iilht of the dark half ended 15 h. 36 m. after mean

sunrise.

70. — S. 1295. — AntCf Vol. XXI. p. 48. Date in an inscription from Java : —

'Sakavarshatita 1295, AsujimAsa, tithi trayodasi krishnapaksha .... Su-vara (i. e,
Sukra-vftra).

S. 1295 expired : Friday, 14th October, A. D. 1373 ; the 13th tithi of the dark half ended
20 h. 49 m. after mean sunrise.

77. — S. 1307. — Hultzsch, South-Inch Inscr. Vol. I. p. 157. Inscription on a lamp-pillar
at Vijayanagai*a : —

(L. 36). — 'Saka^varshS 1307 pravarttamanS Kr6dhaiia-yatsare Phalguna-mas6 krishna-
pakslie dvitiyayam tithau Sukravdf d.

S. 1307 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Kr6dhana : Friday,

16th February, A. D. 1386 ; the second tithi of the dark half commenced Oh. 17 m. before
mean sunrise of this Friday and ended h. 43 m. after mean sunrise of the following day,

78. — S. 1331. — Inscr. at 'Sravana Behjola, No. 106, p. 80. Date of a private inscrip-
tion : —

Saka-vamsha 1331neya Vir6dhi-samvatsarada Chaitra-ba 5 Q-u (?*. e. Guruvftra).

S. 1331 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vir6dhin : Thursday,
4th April, A, D. 1409 ; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 23 h. 22 m. after mean sunrise.

79. — S. 1565. — Inscr. at Sravaiia Behjola, No. 142, p. 112. Date of the death of
Chaimkirti : —

'Sri-Sakavarnsha 1565ueya
Srimach-Charn-sukirti-pandita-yatil]iS6bhftnu-samvatsar6

mas6 Pushya-chaturddasi-tithi-vare krishn^ supakshS mahan |
madhyahne vara-Mtlla-bhS cha(?)karane Bhftrggavyavard Dhri(dhru)v6

y6g6 svargga-puram jagama matiman(mrims=)traividya-chakr6svarah ||

S. 1565 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Subhftnu : Friday,
20th December (the day of the UttarAyana-saihkranti), A. D. 1643 ; the 14th tithi of the dark
half and the harana 'Bakuni ended 19 h. 54 m., and the nakshatra was MtUa up to 11 h. 10 m.,
and the yoja Dhruva up to 5 h. 16 m. after mean sunrise.

80. — S. 1731. — Inscr, at Sravana Behjola, No. 72, p. 61. Date of the death of Adita-
kirtidSva : —

'Sidivahana-sakabdah l731neya Sukla-nama-samvatsarada BhAdrapada-ba 4 Budhayftra-
dalli.

S. 1731 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Sukla : Wednesday,

27th September, N. S., A. D. 1809 ; the 4th tithi of the dark half ended 19 h. 36 m. after mean
sunrise.

81. — S, 1739, — Ooorg Imcr. No. 17, p. 25. Merkara copper-plate inscription of the
Coorg Raja Linga Rajendra Vadeyar : —

'Salivahana-saka-varsha 1739ney t&vara-samvatsarada JSshtha-bahula bidigeyu Bh&nu*
vftrakkd Kali-dina 1796 392 ne . . .

S. 1789 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was t&vara : Sunday, 1st June,
N. S., A. D. 1817, which was the day of the Kaliyuga 1796 392; the second tithi of the dark
half ended 11 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise.

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Mat, 1894.] ON THE BATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 127

[The same inscription also has the date : Vikrama-samvatsarada Chaitra-auddha dvadasiyu
Bh&nuvftrada varige varusha 2 tingala 9 dina 25 Kali-dina 1797 421ue, corresponding, for
'S. 1742 expired = Vikrama, to Sunday, 26th March, N. S.» A. D. 1820, which was the day of
the Kaliyuga 1797 421.]

82. — S. 1748. — Inscr. at Sravana Belgoh, No. 98, p. 74. Date from the reign of
Krishnaraja Vadeyar of MaisClr : —

'Salivahana-saka-varusha 1748neya sanda varttamanakke saluva Vyaya-nama-samvatsarada
Phrdguna-ba 5 BMnuvftradalu.

S. 1748 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vyaya: Sunday, 18 th
March, N. S., A. D. 1827; the 5th tithi of the dark half ended 3 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise,

2. — Dates in Current Years.
(a). — Dates in Bright Fortnights.

83. — S. 1032. — Jour, Bo. As. Soc, Vol. XEII. p. 3. Talalen copper-plate inscription of
the Sildhara GandaradityadSva : —

Sakanripa-kal4tita-dvatrim8ad-uttara-sahasre Vir6dhi-samvatsareMagha-saddha-dasamyam
Mamgalav&rd.

S. 1032 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vii6dhin : Tuesday,
1st February, A. D. 1110; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 58 m. after mean
sunrise.

[The same inscription contains the date: tat-samvatsar-oparitana-Vikyita-samvatsara-
Vaisakha-paurnamasyam sdmagrahaQa-parvai^Li, corresponding, for S. 1033 current, which by
the southern luni-solar system was Vikyita, to the 5th May, A. D. Ill6, when there was
a lunar eclipse, visible in India, 21 h. 57 m. after mean sunrise.]

84. — S. 1051. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 212, No. 57. An Ingl^svar inscription of the Western
Chalukya Sdm^svara III. : —

'Sakha(ka)-varMsha lOSlneya KUaka-samvatsarada Karttika-paurnnamaseyol s6magra-
hai^a^nimittaih.

S. 1051 current^ which by the southern luni-solar system was Kilaka : A lunar eclipse,
visible in India, 20 h. after mean sunrise of the 8th November, A. D. 1128.

85. — S. 1065. — Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 317. Miraj stone inscription of the Silahara
Vijayadityadeva : —

(L. 19). — ['SakaJ-varsha 1065neya Duihdubhi-samvatsarada Bhadrapada-sn(su)dhdha-
(ddha) ^{altered to 6) Sukravftrad-amdu.

S. 1085 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Dundubhi : Friday,
28th August, A. D. 1142; the 6th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 33 m. after mean sunrise.

86. — S. 1065. — From Dr. Fleet's impression. K61hapur stone inscription of the
Silahara Vijayadityadeva : —

(L. 16). — 'Saka-varsh^shu pamchashashty-uttara-8ahasra-pramitSshv=atit8shu pravartta-
mana-Dumdubhi-samvatsara-Magha-masa-paurnnamasyam S6mav&rd sdmagraha^a-parvva"
nimittam.

S. 1066 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Dundubhi: A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, 17 h. 23 m. after mean sumise of Monday, 1st February, A. D. 114.S.

87. — S. 1068. — Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 50, p. 33. Date of the death of PrabhA-
chandra-siddhantadeva : —

Sa(8a)ka-varsham 1068neya Krddhan-samvatsarada A8vlja-sn(su)ddha-da8aml

B^^avftrad-andu Dhanur-llagnada purvvahnad [a].

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128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mat, 1894.

8. 1068 ourrent) which by the southern luni-solar system was Kr6dhana : Thursday,
27th September, A. D. 1145 ; the 10th Hthi of the bright half ended 16 h. 26 m. after mean
sunrise.

88. — S. 1073. — From Dr. Fleet's impression. B&mant stone inscription of the Silahara
Vijay&dityadSva : —

(L. 12). — 'Saka-varshfishu trisaptaty-nttara-sahasra-pramitSshvsatftfishu aihkat6=pi 1073
prayarttam4na-Prani6da-samyatsara-Bhadrapa4a-panrDnani^si43akr^ 86nmgrahai3La-

parvva-nimittam .

8. 1073 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Pram6da : A lunar
eclipse, visible in India, 20 h. 6 m. after mean snnrise of Friday, 6th September, A. D. 1150.

89. — 8. 1090. — Liscr. at Sravana Belgohi No. 42, p. 14. Date of the death of Naya-
kirtid^va : —

S&k6 randhra-nava-dyn-chandramasi Durmmukhy-Akhya-samyatsar8

YaisakhS dhavald chatnrddasa-dinS Tar6 cha Stlryfttmigd I
pArvvahnS prahar^ gat6 'rddha-sahit^ . • .

&. 1000 current^ which by the southern luni-solar system was Durmukha: Saturday,

24th April, A. D. 1176 ; the 14th Hthi of the bright half ended 15 h. after mean snnrise.

90. — S. 1127. — Jour, Bo. As. 8oc. Vol. X. p. 236. Kalholi Jain temple inscription of
the Rafta chiefs Kdrtavirya IV. and Mallikarjuna : —

* In the Saka year 1127, the Bakt&kshi samvatsara, on Saturday, the second lunar day of
the bright fortnight of the month Panshya, at the time of the sun's oommenoement of
his progress to the north.'

In S. 1127 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Baktftksha^ the
second tithi of the bright half of Pansha ended 4 h. 32 m., and the ITttarftya9a-saihkrftnti
took place 4 h. 59 m. after mean snnrise of Saturday, 25th December, A. D. 1204.

91. — S. 1131. — Ante, Vol. XIX. p. 247. Bh6j copper-plate inscription of the Rat^
chief Kfirtavlrya IV.: —

(L. 97). — 'Bakanripa-k&la8y=aikatri(tri)m6ad-uttara-8at-adhika-sahasratamasya Vibha-
ya-samvatsarasya Karttika-masasya kLkla>dy&dasyam Budhay&ra-samanyitayAtb.

8. 1131 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vibhaya : Wednesday,
22nd October, A. D. 1208 ; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 12 h. 45 m. after mean
sunrise.

92. — 8. 1107. — Pdli, Shr. and Old-Kan. Inscr. No. 236 ; Mysore Inscr. No. 120, p. 219.
Hal^bid memorial tablet: —

« 'Saka 1197 (in figures, 1. 8), the Bh&ya sadivatsara ; Wednesday, the twelfth day of the
bright fortnight of BhAdrapada.'

8.1107 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bh&ya : Wednesday,
15th August, A. D. 1274; the 12th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 11 m. after mean
snnrise.

93.-8. 1109. — From Dr. Fleet's impression. SidnMe inscription of the DSyagiri-
Yadaya Edmachandra : —

(L. 13). — Saka-yarshSshn 1199 ramdhr-amka-Rudra-pramit^shu gatSshu yarttamana-
Dhfttri-samyatsar-am(a)Dtargata-Brayana-piirnnimayuib S6ma-dind yajft6paylta-parya^i.

8. 1100 current^ which by the southern luni-solar system was Dhfttpi : Monday, 27th
July, A. D. 1276 ; the fnll-moon tithi ended 4 h, 58 m. after mean sunrise.

94. — 8. 1205. — Inscr* at Sravana Belgola, No. 129, p. 97. Date of a priyate inscription : —
Sa(8a)ka-yarshaih 1205neya Ohitrabhftnu-samyatsara Srayaiaa-su 10 B^ridandu.

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Mat. 1894.] ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 129

8. 1205 otirrenty which by the southern luni-solar system was Chitral^hanu : Thurs-
day, 16th July, A. D. 1282 ; the 10th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 16 m. after mean sun-
rise.

95. — S. 1205. — Inscr. at Sravatja Belgola, No. Ill, p. 86. Date of a private inscription : —

'Saka-varsha 1295 Paridhftvi-samTatsara-Vaisakha-suddha 3 BudhavAra.

S. 1205 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Paridhftvin : Wednesday,
7th April, A. D. 1372 ; the third tithi of the bright half ended 11 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise.

96. — S. 1355. — Inscr. at Sravana Belgola, No. 108, p. 85. The tomb of the Jaina
'Srutamnni was set up : —

Ishu-sara-sikhi-vidhu-mita-saka-ParidhAvi-sarad-dvitlyag-Ashftdhfi |
sita-navami-Vidhudin-6dayajushi sa-Vit(ftkhd pratishthit~8yam(=iha II

In 8. 1355 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Paridhftvin, Ashd4ha
was intercalary ;^' and the 9th tithi of the bright half of the second AshA<Uia ended 4 h.
11m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 7th July, A. D. 1432, when the nakshatra was Vibftkhft
up to 17 h. 4 m. after mean sunrise.

97. — 8. 1455. — Ante^ Vol. V. p. 19. Bad&ml inscription of the time of Achyutaraya of
Vijayans^ara : —

(L. 4). — Svasti sri-jayabhyudaya-S^livahana-saka-varsha 1455neya Naihdana-saixiyat
sarada Je(jy^)shtha-8U 5 G-uruvftradalu.

8. 1455 current^ which by the southern luni-solar system was Nandana: Thursday,
9th May, A. D. 1532 ; the 5th tithi of the bright half ended 20 h. 24 m. after mean sunrise.

(b). — Dates in Dark Fortnights,
p..] — Ptlnjdm&nta Dates: None*
[2.] — AmAnta Dates.

98. — 8. 94>S.— Ante, Vol. XVII. p. 120 (and Vol. XVI. p. 43). Kalas-Budrfikh copper-
plate inscription of the Y4dava Bhillama IIL : -—

(L. 14). — Sakanripa-kal-fttfta-samvatsfUPa-satSshu navasv=ash{achatvari[iu*]8ad-adhik[8*]-
8hy=amkatd=pi II 948 II Kr6dhana-samvatsara-Karttika-samjat-ddityagraha];)Ld.

8. 048 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Kr6dhana: A solar
eclipse, visible in India, 2 h. 36 m. after mean sunrise of the 23rd November, A. D. 1025.

99. — 8. 1042. — Inscr. at Sravana Belgola^ No. 49, p. 28. Date of the death of
Demiyyaka: — .

Sa(8a)ka-yarusha 1042neya Vikftri-samvatsarada Philguna-bahula 11 Brihav&rad-andu.

8. 1042 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Vikarin : Thursday,
26th February, A. D. 1120; the 11th tithi of the dark half ended 21 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise.

100. — 8. 1104. — Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 19. Date in an Old-Kanarese stone inscription at
Tdrd^l : —

(L. 59). — Sa(8a)ka.varshaih 1104neya Plava-saravatsarada Asvayuja-bahula 3 Adiv^
radalu.

S, 1104 current, which by the southern luni-solar system was Plava: Sunday,
27th September, A. D. 1181; the third tithi of the dark half ended 16 h. 5 m. aft^r mean
sunrise.

18 See antOy Vol. XIX. p. 356, No. 157-

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130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mat, 1894.

101. — S. 1110. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 97. Toragal inscription of the MaMmandaleivara
Barma : —

(L. 33). — Sa(8a)ka-var8ham lllOneya PlaTamga-samvatsarada Pa8ya(8liya)-baliula 10
Vac^ijUivftraysuttarftyaQa-saiiikramaijLa-Yyatipritadatu.

In S. 1110 current, whicli by the southern luni-solar system was Plavangai the
Uttarayai^a-saiiikr&nti took place 19 h. 25 m. after mean sunrise of Friday, 25th December,
A. D. 1187, during the 10th tithi of the dark half, which ended 15 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise of
Saturday, 26th December, A. D. 1187.

102. — S. use. — Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol. XII. p. 7; ante, Vol. XIX. p. 440. KhSdrapur
stone inscription of the DSvagiri-Yadava Singhana II. : —

(L. 8), — Sri-Saka-varshS 1136 Srlmukha-samvatsarS Chaitr6 8tirya-parba(rTa)]^
S6ma-dind.

&. 1136 ourrent, which by the southern luni-solar system was Brlmulkha : A solar
eclipse, visible in India, 10 h. 52 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 22nd April, A. D. 1213.
[The same date in a Hajebid inscription of the Hoysa{a Viraballala, Pdliy Skr. and Old-Kan.
Inscr. No. 234.]

103. — S. 1151. — Arch. Survey of West. India, Vol. III. p. 113; Jour. Bo. As. Soc. Vol.
X. p. 282. Date in an Old-Kanarese stone inscription of the Batta chief Lakshmid^va at

Saundatti : —

(L. 64). — Saka-varsham 1151neya Sarvyadhftri-samvatsarada Ashadhad=ama(ma)vase
S6mayftrad=amdina sarwagrftsi-stlryyagrahaijLad-uttamartithiyol.

8. 1161 current, which by the southern luni*8olar system was Sarvadh&rin : A total
solar eclipse, visible in India, 6 h. 3 m. after mean sunrise of Monday, 3rd July, A. D. 1228.

104. — S. 1172. — Ante^ Vol. XXI. p. 201. K&nchipura fikamranatha stone inscription of
Ganapati :—

(L. 13). — Sakabd^ tu dvisaptaty-adhika-Siva-Sata-khyata-samkhyana-mane

8aumy-abd6 Brdshtha-mas6 bahula-Hari-din^ Bhaumav&rd samSshni |

S. 1172 ourrent, which by the southern luni-solar system was Saumya : Tuesday, 8th
June, A. D. 1249 ; the 11th (Hari) tithi of the dark half ended 13 h. 23 m. after mean sunrise.

105. — S. 1175. — Mysore Inscr. No. 171, p. 322. Bangalore Museum copper-plate
inscription of the Hoysala S6m63vara : —

* The Saka year 1175, the year Paridh&vin, the month Phalguna, new-moon day, during
an eclipse of the sun.'

S. 1175 ourrent, which by the southern luni-solar system was Faridhftvin : A solar
eclipse, visible in India, 10 h. 50 m, after mean sunrise of the 1st March, A. D. 1253.

3. — Dates in Expired or Current Years.^^

[1.] — A PtlrQim&nta Date.

106. — S. 534.— ^nfe, Vol. VI. p. 73; Vol. XVI. p. 109; Vol. XVII. p. 141 ; and
Vol. XX. p. 3. Haidarabad copper-plate inscription of the Western Chalukya PulikSsin II. : —

(L. 11). — atmanalji pravarddham&na-rajyabhisheka-samvatsar^ tritfy^ Sakanripati-samvat-
sara-sat^shu chatustrimi-adhik6shu panchasv=atit^shuBhadrapad-AmAva8yayaifa sturyyagrahaijia-
nimittam.

'4 The question as to which of the possible equivalents of the original date should be regarded to be its true
equivalent will be considered below.

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Mat, 1894.] ON THE DATES OF THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 131

B. 584 current: A partial solar eolipse, not visible in India, 21 li. 17 m. after mean
sunrise of the 13tli August, A. D. 611, which was the 15th of the dark half of the purnimdnta
Bhudrapada.

S. 634 expired: A total solar eclipse, not visible in India, 14 h. 15 m. after mean sun-
rise of the 3nd August, A. D. 612, which also was the 15th of the dark half of the purnimdnta
Bhadrapada.

[2.] — Amftnta Dates.

107. — * S. 716. — From Dr. Fleet's impression. Paithan copper-plate inscription of the
Rashtrakdfca Govinda III. : —

(L. 60). — Sakanripa-kal-&tita-samvatsara-sa(sa)t63hu saptamu(su) je(sh6)daS-6ttar6shu
Vai4akha-va(ba)hul-amavasyam=Adityagrahai;ia-parvvani.

8. 716 current : A circular solar eclipse, not visible in India, 17 h. 16 m. after mean
sunrise of the 14th May, A. D. 793, which was the 15th of the dark half of the aman^a Vaisakha.

8. 716 expired : A total solar eclipse, visible in India, 3 h. 48 m. after mean sunrise of
the 4th May, A. D. 794, which also was the 15th of the dark half of the amdnta Yaisakha.

108. — S. 780. — Antey Vol. VI. p. 68, and Vol. XVI. p. 74. Badhanpnr copper-plate
inscription of the Rashtrakiita G6yinda III. : —

(L. 53). — Sakanripa-kal4tita-saihyatsara-sat8shu saptasu trimsad-nttarSshn Sarvajin*
uamni samvatsarS Sravana-bahula-a(l-a)mAvasyaih stiryagrahaQa-paryani.

8. 7S0 current : A total solar eclipse, not visible in ludia, 10 h. 85 m. after mean sunrise
of the 7th August, A. D. 807, which was the 15th of the dark half of the amdnta Bravana.

8. 7S0 expired : A total solar eclipse, visible in India, 1 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of
the 27th July, A. D. 808, which also was the 15th of the dark half of the amdnta Sravaua.

By the southern luni^solar system Sarvajit was S. 730 current ; and by the mean-sign
system Sarvajit lasted from the 31st May, A. D. 807, to the 26th May, A. D. 808 , and
accordingly was current on the 7th August, A. D. 807, and at the commencement of S. 730
expired, but not on the 27th July, A. D. 808.

109. — S. 789. — Ante, Vol. XII. p. 185, and Vol. XVIII. p. 56. Bagumrft copper-plate
inscription of the B&shtrakuta Mahdadmantddhipati Dharavarsha Dhruvaraja III. of Gujarat : —

(L. 64). — Sakanripa-kal-Atlta-samvatsarasat^shn saptasv=^ku(k6)nanavaty-adhike8hv-
aiikata^ samvat 789 JySshth-am^yasyay&m AdityagrahaQa-parwani.

8. 789 current : A total solar eclipse, visible in India, 9 h. 5 m. after mean sunrise of
the 16th June, A. D. 866, which was the 15th of the dark half of the amdnta Jyaishtha.

8. 789 expired : A total solar eclipse, visible in India, 1 h. 56 m. after mean sunrise
of the 6th June, A. D. 867, which also was the 15th of the dark half of the amdiita Jyaishtha. ,

B. — DATES IN SOLAB MONTHS.
All in Expired Years.

110. — 8. 944. — Ante, Vol. XIV. p. 53, and Vol. XIX. p. 129. Korumelli copper-plate
inscription of the Eastern Ghalukya R^jar^ ja II. ; date of his accession : —

(L. 65). — Y5 rakshitum vasumatlm Saka-vatsar€shu

vSd-amburasi-nidhi-varttishu Siiiihag6=rkkd [l *]
krishna-dvitiya-divavas^^-dttarabhadrikftyftiii
vftrd Gur6r=waniji lagna-var6=bhishiktab II

IB Bead -divas-,

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mat, 1894.

In 8. 844 expired the Siihha^saihkrftnti took place (and the solar Bhadrapada
commenced) 20 h* 46 m. after mean sunrise of the 26th Jnly, A. D. 1022 ; and the day of the
date is Thursday, 16th Augnst, A. D. 1022, when the second tithi of the dark half (of the
amunta Bhadrapada) ended 10 h. 55 m., and the nahshatra was Uttara-bhadrapadft up to

16 h. 25 m. after mean snnrise.

111. — S. 000. — Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 163. Vizagapatam copper-plate inscription of
Anantavarman ChodagangadSva ; date of his accession : —

(L. 30). -— Srik-avd8(bd6) Nanda-randhra-grahagana-ganitS Kombha-saihsthd dindbd
8ukl6 pakshfi tri(tri)tiya-yaji Bavija-dind itdvati-bh6 nriyugmS
lagm^(gn8) . . .

In &. 000 expired the Kumbha-saihkr&nti took place (and the solar PhAlguna
commenced) 19 h. 12 m. after mean sunrise of the 22nd January, A. D. 1078 ; and the day of
the date is Saturday, 17th February, A. D. 1078, when the third tithi of the bright half (of the
lunar Phalguna) ended 21 h. 23 m., and the nahshatra was Bdvati up to 19 h. 3 m. after mean
sunrise.

112. — S. 1003. — Ante, Vol. XVIII. p. 164. Vizagapatam copper-plate inscription of
Anantavarman Chodagangadeva : —

(L. 40). — Haranayana-viyad-gagana-chandra-ganitfi Sak-&vd6(bdS) Mdshamftsa-krishn-
aslifcamyam=»Adityavftr6.

In S. 1003 expired the Mdsha-saihkrAnti took place (and the solar VaisAkha commenced)

17 h. 20 m. after mean sunrise of the 23rd March, A. D. 1081 ; and the day of the date is
Sunday, 4th April, A. D. 1081, when the 8th tithi of the dark half (of the amdnta Chaitra)
ended 12 h, 37 m. after mean sunrise.

113. — S. 1347. — Hultzsch, Southrlnd. Iiiscr. Vol. I. p. 84. Inscription inside the front
Gopura of the Virinchipuram temple : —

* On the day of {the nahshatra) Anusham (t. e. Anur&dlift), which corresponds to Wednes-
day, the sixth lunar day, the 3rd (solar day) of the month of FangUQi {i, e. Phalguni) of the
Vibvftvasu year, which was current after the Saka year 1347 (had passed),*

In S. 1347 expired, which by the southern luni -solar system was VifcvAvasu, the month
PangU|;^ (t. e, the solar Chaitra) commenced 15 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise of the 24th
February, A. D. 1426; and the day of the date is Wednesday, 27th February, A. D. 1426, when
the 6th tithi of the dark half (of the amdnta Phalguna) ended 20 h. 30 m., and the nakshatra
was Anurftdhft for about 23 h. after mean sunrise.

114. — S. 1871. — Hultzsch, South-Ind. Inscr, Vol. I. p. 111. Inscription on the east wall
of the Somanathesvara temple at Pa^avedu : —

* On the day of (the nakshatra) ITttir&<Ukm (t. e. ITttarft8hft<Ui&), which corresponds to
the yoga Ayushmat and to Saturday, the thirtee nth lunar day of the former half of the
month of Siihha of the Bukla year, which was current after the Saka year 1371 (had passed).*

In S. 1371 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Bukla^ the Siihha-
saihkr&nti took place (and the solar Bhddrapada commenced) 8 h. 80 m. after mean sunrise of
the 30th July, A. D. 1449 ; and the day of the date is Saturday, 2nd August, A. D. 1449, when
the 13th tithi of the bright half (of the lunar SrAvana) ended 8 h. 43 m., and when the nakshatra
was UttarftshftcJhA for 10 h. 30 m., and the yoffa Ayushmat for 4 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise

115. — S. 1471. — Hultzsch, South-Ind. Imcr. Vol. I. p. 85. Inscription on a stone, built,
into the floor of the court-yard of the Virinchipuram temple : —

* On Thursday, the day of (the nakshatra) Punarvasu, which corresponds to the seventh
lunar day of the former half of the month of Mdsha of the Saumya year, which was current
after the Salivuha-Saka year 1471 (had passed):

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Mat, 1894.] ON THE DATES OP THE SAKA ERA IN INSCRIPTIONS. 133

In 8. 1471 expired, which by the southern Inni-solar system was Saumya^ the Mdsha-
saihkrftnti took place (and the solar Vaisakha commenced) 19 h. 41 m. after mean sunrise of
the 27th March, A. D. 1549 ; and the day of the date is Thursday, 4th April, A. D. 1540, when
the 7th tithi of the bright half (of the lanar Vaisakha) ended 14 h, 44 m., and the ndksliatra was
Punarvasu np to 17 lu 44 m. after mean sunrise.

116. — S. 1488. — Hultssch, Soutk-Ind. Inscr, Vol. I. p. 70. Inscription on a stoue at
Arappakkam : —

* On Wednesday, the twelfth lunar day of the latter half of the month of Kumbha of the
Akshaya sathvatsara, which was current after the &aka year 1488 (had passed).'

In B. 1488 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Akshaya (or Kshaja),
the Kumbha-saiiikrftnti took place (and the solar Phalguna commenced) 7 h. 58 m. after
mean sunrise of the 27th January, A» D. 1567; and the day of the date is Wednesday,
5th February, A. D. 1567, when the 12th tUhi of the dark half (of the amdnta M&gha) ended
20 h. 54 m. after mean sunrise.

117. — 8. 1680. — Arch. Survey of South, India, Vol. IV. p. 77. EdmSlvaram copper-plate
inscription : —

* In the year Plavafiga, current after 1589 of the Salivihana-Saka had elapsed, ....
on Thursday, the third lunar day of the light fortnight of the month of Vaiy&bi, and in the
asterism of Ptlba (Pushya), Ka^<La yoga and KarabavA (P) harana.'

In 8. 1689 expired, which by the southern lunl-solar system was Plavanga, the month
Vaiy&bi (i, e. the solar Jyaishtha) commenced 6 h. 42 m. after mean sunrise of the 20th April,
A. D. 1667 ; and the day of the date is Thursday, 16th May, A. D. 1667, when the third tilhl of
the bright half (of the lunar Jyaishtha) and the karana G-ara ended 1 h. 51 m., and when the
nakshatra was Pushya^' after 21 h. 40 m., and the yoga G-ai^^a tip to 9 h. 10 m. after mean
sunrise.

118. ^8. 1686. — Aroh, Survey of South. India, Vol. IV. p. 85. A S^tupati copper-plate
inscription in the Bamdlvaram temple : -—

*In the year Jaya, current after 1636 of the SAlivahana-Saka had elapsed, on . . . Monday
the tenth lunar day, and the first day of the month of 8ittirai, in the asterism of SravaQa
and in the 8ubha yoga and the ^ubha Jcarana,*

In 8. 1686 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Jaya, the month
Bittirai (i, e. the solar Vaifiakha) commenced on Monday, 29th March, A. D. 1714, by the Siirya-
siddh^nta 12 h. 21 m., and by the Arya-siddhauta 9 h. 35 m. after mean sunrise. By the
Arya-siddhftnta, therefore, this Monday was the first day of bittirai ; and on the same day
the 10th tithi of the dark half (of the amdnta Ghaitra) ended 21 h., and the nalcshatra was
8raya]3La up to 9 h. 12 m., and the ySga 8ubha/rom 9 h. 12 m. after mean snnrise.^^

119. — 8. 1637. — Areh. Survey of South, India, Vol. IV. p. 88, Another S^tupati copper-
plate inscription in the R^^varam temple : —

* In the year Manmatha, current after the 1637th year of the Salivahana-Saka era had
elapsed, on » . • Monday the third lunar day, and the 2nd day of the month of M&bi, and in
the asterism of Uttiram' (t. e. Uttara-phalguni).

In 8. 1637 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Manmatha, the
month Mfttd (»• e. the solar Phalguna) commenced 21 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise of Saturday,
28th January, A. D. 1716. The second day of Masi, therefore, was Monday, 30th Janaary,
A. D. 1716 ; and on this day the third tithi of the dark half (of the amdnta Magha) ended 13th.

45 m., and the nakshatra was Uttara-phalguni up to 16 h. 25 ra, after mean sunrise.

I ■ I ... I ■ ■ ■

1^ The nakshatra preceding Pushya i» Pananriwa. ^^ There ia no karana named Bubha.

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134 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mat. 18^

120. — S. 1666. — Arch. Survey of South, India, Vol. IV. p. 91. Another Sdtnpati copper-
plate inscription : —

* At the auspicions time of the lunar eclipse that occurred on the 10th lunar** day of the
month of K&ttikai of the year Pirsmfttlshto which ia current after 1655 of the &&livAhana-
Baka had elapsed, on Saturday, when the time of full moon, the asterism of B6hi9l .... are
in conjunction.'

In S. 1666 expired, which hy the southern luni-solar system was Pramftdin, the month
KArttigai (t. e, the solar Margasira) commenced 5 h. 38 m. after mean sunnse of the first
November, A. D. 1733. The lOth day of Karttigai, therefore, was Saturday, 10th November,
A. D. 1733 ; and on this day (the full-moon day of the lunar K&rttika) there was a lunar
eclipse, visible in India, at 11 h. 42 m., and the nakshatra was B6hi];4 from about 13 h. 47 m^
after mean sunrise.

121. — S. 1668. — Arch. Survey of South. Indi<h Vol. IV. p. 97. Another SStupati copper-
plate inscription : —

' On . . . the Tai new-moon day of the dark fortnight of the month of Poshya, • . • of the
year Nala current after 1658 of the S&liv&hana era, in the Sravaij^a asterism, in the good yoga
named Birummiyay6ga (P) and in the good harana of Karulakara^a (P).'

In &. 1668 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was Nala^ the month
Tai (i. e. the solar Magha) commenced 20 h. 47 nu after mean sunrise of the 29th December,
A. D. 1736; and the day of the date is the 19th January, A. D. 1737, when the new-moon tithi
of the amdnta Pausha and the harana Chatushpada ended 18 h. 38 m^ and when the nakshatra
was BravaQa up to 22 h. 20 m., and the yoga Siddhi^^ up to 3 h. 17 m. after mean sunrise.

122. — 6. 1706. — Arch. Survey of South. India, Vol. IV. p. 105. Another Sfitupati
copper-plate inscription : —

* In the year • . . &6bhakrit, current after 1705 of the 13Allv&hana-6aka and 4884 of the
Kali era had elapsed, • . • on Friday, the thirteenth lunar day of the light half of the month of
Mithuna, in the asterism of Anusha (i. e. AnurAdM), in the auspicious yoga named Siddhi
and in the auspicious TaittulA harana^

In 8. 1706 = Kali 4884 expired, which by the southern luni-solar system was
&6bhakrit (^dbhana), the Mithuna-saihkr&nti took place (and the solar Ashft^ha commenced)
16 h. 45 m. after mean sunrise of the 11th June, N. S., A. D. 1783; and the day of the date is
Friday, 13th June, A. D. 1783, when the 13th tithi of the bright half (of the lunar Jyaishtha)
and the "karana Taitila ended 4 h. 36 m., and when the nak$hatra was AnurAdhA up to 22 h.
20 m., and the y6ga Siddha {not Siddhi) up to 6 h« 43 m. after mean sunrise.

(To he continu^^

FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE.

BT GEO. PB. DTENHA.
Ko. 18, — The Sparrow Girl.

There once lived in a town a cock-sparrow and a hen-sparrow, with their chicks.
After living in the town for a long period, they went with their chicks and took up their
abode in a jungle, where they lived happily for some time. One day it happened that a fire
broke out in the jungle, which caused great dismay to them. Said the cock-sparrow to the
hen-sparrow :—

" Come, my dear, let us fly from this jungle, or else the fire will come to where we are
living and bum us to death."

IS This word is wrong and should have been omitted. ** The y^ga Siddhi 19 followed by Vyfttip&ta.

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Mat, 1894.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTE ; No. 18. 135

Of course, the hen-sparrow was of one mind with her mate, but said she : — ** Fly, we
must ; but what will become of our chicks ? They will perish in the fire ! "

The oock-sparrow, however, who did not care about his chicks, said : — ^* Oh, come ;
don't bother yourself about the chicks ! Let us fly away. We can't save ourselves and them
at the same time. Let them perish* If we wait much longer in order to save them, we
too, shall perish with them."

But the hen-sparrow could not entertain such an idea, and they thus kept quarrelling and
fighting, pecking at each other, till at last the oock-sparrow flew away, leaving the hen-
sparrow and the chicks to save themselves or perish in the fire, which was rapidly approaching
the tree on which they had made their dwelling. The hen-sparrow was now at a loss to know
what to do to save herself and her little ones from the fire. She looked about for water, but
no water could be seen anywhere about the place. At length she flew up to the tallest tree in
the jungle, and from there she spied a little pond at a distance. She managed to fetch some
water in the hollow of her wings several times, enough to make the nest damp, and going at a
short distance waited to see the consequences of the fire. In the meanwhile the fire raged
furiously and had reached the abode of the sparrows, which it soon passed, leaving everything
behind it a mass of live coals and ashes ; but, fortunately for the young ones, the tree and
their nest was not touched by the fire, and the hen-sparrow had the satisfaction to know
that she did well in watering the nest, and the happiness to find her chicks alive.

They now lived in peace for a long time. One day the hen-sparrow went into the town to
search for food, and in her absence the cock-sparrow returned for the first time since he had
abandoned them to the mercy of the flames. He asked the chicks where their mother was, and
they told him she had gone in search of food. The cock-sparrow then told them to look for
her and call her back, which they did.

When the hen-sparrow returned, she fed the chicks, and ate the remainder of the food
herself, leaving nothing for the cock-sparrow, who grumbled and growled at his mate, andftsked
her what it all meant. The hen-sparrow said that she did not wish to have anything to do with
him, and that she was right in feeding her chicks and eating some herself without thinking
of him. Upon this the cock-sparrow said that the chicks belonged to him, and that ho
wished to take them away with him, but the hen-sparrow contended that they belonged to her,
and she said she had the better right to them, because she had saved them from fire; and so the
two sparrows kept quarrelling till they came to pecking at each other, and they did so
for a long while. At length they made up their mind to go before the king of the neigh-
bouring country, and ask him to decide their dispute. When they came before the king, it was
decided by him that the chicks belonged to the &ther, the cock-sparrow, and so the
mother, the hen-sparrow, was obliged to give up her chicks, and live by herself.

Now, it happened that next door to the king's palace lived &pardhan, in a niche of whose
house the hen-sparrow took up her abode. There she had plenty to eat, for she had only to
get into the pardharCs granary. She passed in this way several months, till one day the pardhan
saw her in the granary and killed her, and it so happened, that the pardhan* 8 wife, who was
childless, became from that moment pregnant, or, rather the hen-sparrow, which died, was
conceived in the pardhan*s wife's womb.i

1 The following folk- story which la told locally as a fact ( ! ), will not be nninteresting in this connection :—
<' There lived two brothers with their wives. One of the brothers had a child, a girl, who was tenderly loved by her
parents, and more so by her aunt, who had no children. When the girl |wa8 about seyen or eight years old, she
became seriously ill, and, when she saw her aunt weeping near her bed, she said to her :— *Don*t cry, aunt ; when I am
dead 1 will be conceived in your womb.' When she had thus spoken, she expired, and it is said that the aunt from
that time became pregnant, and at the end of nine months a girl was bom to her." This story is a good instanco
of the inability of the folk in India to connect cause and effect. CKven that the girl spoke as is said, and giren
that her aunt gave birth to a girl-child at a time shewing that pregnancy commenced just after the girl's death,
there is still, of course, no proof whaterer that the girl who died was the same person as the girl that was after-
wards bonu

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136 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mat, 18W..

In due time the pardhan's wife was delivered of a daughter. This girl grew up beautiful,
and was the pride of her parents, who spared neither pains nor purse to bring her up well.
When she was about nine or ten years old, she asked her father to buy her a horse with which
she could play and amuse herself, and sometimes take a ride. The father readily bought a very
good horse for her. Now, it happened that the king had a mare, which was covered by the
horse of the imrdharCs daughter, which resulted in the mare's bringing forth, in due time, a
colt. The pardhan's daughter ordered her servants to bring the king's mare, with the colt, into
her own stables, and when the king's servants remonstrated with her, she gave up the mare,
and said the oolt belonged to her, as the issue of her horse. This led to a serious quarrel
with the pardhan's daughter and the king's servants, who said that the colt belonged to the
king, as it was a issue of the king's mare, but the girl would not give it up, and at last they
agreed to ask the king to render them justice. When the king, who had till then been ignorant
of the affair, heard the case, he naturally decided in favoxir of his servants, which, of course,
meant in his own favour. Upon this the pardharCs daughter quietly remarked : —

" Sire, your decision is not just ! Do you remember how you decided in the case of the
two sparrows about their chicks ? You said the young ones belonged to the father, the cock-
sparrow, and deprived the mother, the hen-sparrow, who had, with much trouble and anxiety,
saved them from a fire, of her young ones. You must act up to that decision in this case too,
and I contend that the colt belongs to my horse, its father."

The king was dumb- founded by this remark, and at last gave up the oolt to the pardharCs
daughter, saying: — " Go away, you stupid girl, and take the colt; and if you can bring me the
nulk of a buUock I shall certainly consider you very clever !•*

The pardhan*$ daughter listened to this quietly, and went away without saying a word.
On the following day she collected a basketful of rags in the sti-eets, and began to wash them
in a tank, from which the king's servants got their water for drinking and cooking purposes.
When the servants saw her, they asked her what she was doing, and she answered :—-

^ Last night my father was confined of a baby, and I am washing the clothes used by
him at the time !"

The servants burst out laughing, and asked the girl to go away, as she was spoiling their
drinking-water by washing rags ; but the girl refused to go away, and kept washing the rags,
upon which the servants, after repeating their request, two or three times, began to beat her.
The girl immediately ran to the king and complained to him of his servants' conduct, and that
they had beaten her. The king summoned the servants, and asked what the row was about.
The servants said : —

** Sire, as we were passing by the tank we saw this girl washing rags in it, and thus
spoiling our drinking-water. We remonstrated with her, but she would not listen, and hence
the quarrel."

Upon this the king cried out to the girl : — ** Is this true that I hear P "

The pardhan's daughter replied : — ** Sire, these people are telling lies, when tbey say they
caught me washing rags. I was not washing rags ; but my father has given birth to a baby,
and I was washing the clothes that were used at the time of his confinement."

•* What a girl :" thundered out the king, **Are yon mad? How can a man give birth
to a child?*'

"Ha ha ha," laughed the girl, and asked the king:— <* If a man cannot give birth to a
hild, how can I get milk from a bullock ? '*

The king at once perceived that, in trying to make a fool of the pardhan's daughter, ho
himself had been befooled, and, as a second attempt to try the skill of the girl, he said :—

** Get away, you mad girl ; if you can put together the roofing of a house before it is
built, I will admit that you aro a very clever girl,'»

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Mat, 1894.] FOLKLORE IN SALSETTB ; No. 18. 137

The girl, pretending not to hear what the king said, went away without uttering a single
syllable.

A few da3r8 elapsed after this incidence, and the girl, carrying a basketful of gram and a
measure called pdtlij came near the king's palace, and cried out : — ** Gram for sale ; good gram
for horses. Who will buy my gram ? **

The king's grooms heard the call of the supposed gram-seller, and ran and told the king
that there was a girl crying out gram for sale, and as their stock was over, they would, if the
king ordered, buy from the girl. The king ordered the servants to fetch the girl with tlio
gram in his presence, and, on her being brought, he told her to measure the gram she had,
upon which she cooly asked the king to apply the shig^ to the pftill.

** Gro on, measure the gram," said the king, " none of your nonsense,"

But the pardhan* 8 daughter pertly replied : — "Go on, apply the sjiiy, and then I will fill
my measure.'*

This roused the king's ire, and he thundered out: — "None of your impertinence.
What do you mean by asking me to apply the shig, before you have filled the measure ? "

The girl, however, remained composed, and quietly said : — ** Sire, why do you get into
temper? If you cannot apply the shig before I have filled the pdili, how could yon get it into
your head to ask me to put together the roofing of a house before it is constructed ? Is it not
the same as applying the shig to the pdili before it is filled P"

The king now clearly saw the trick, and admitted to himself that he was, for the second
time, outwitted by the girl. However, he determined to try her for the third time. He
therefore, dismissed the girl from his presence, saying : —

** Oh, I'll marry you, and make you eat ndchhi^ for twelve years."

The girl, however, quietly remarked :—" Oh, I'll marry you, and present you with your
own child without your knowledge ! " So saying she went to her house.

As soon as the girl was gone the king went to his father, the ex-king, whom he had
succeeded during his life-time, as he was very old and unable to hold the reins of government
any longer, and asked him to contract an alliance for him with the pardhan'tt daughter. The old
king did not like the idea of his son, a king, marrying the daughter of a common pardhan^
and tried his best to make his son dissuade from his intention. The young king, however, was
determined to marry her, and he said so to his father. The old king, at length yielded, and
sent for the pardhan. The poor pardhauy who feared that some new quarrel had been created
by his daughter, lost no time in presenting himself before the old king, and, bowing down very
low, asked what was His Majesty's pleasure, and. what his orders. The old king, having asked
the pardhan to take a seat, proposed a marriage between his son, the king, and the pardhan*»
daughter. The pardhan was quite astonished at the proposition, and asked the king why he
took such pleasure in annoying a poor man like him with such a joke. The old king assured
him that it was no joke, and that he was earnest about the marriage, no matter what the
pardhan*8 social or pecuniary position might be. The pardhan, however, could not be convinced,
and left the palace without even giving an answer, either in the affirmative or negative. When
the pardhan had gone home, his daughter asked him why the king had sent for him, and he told
her it was on occount of some business about which she must not concern herself ; but she was
not satisfied with such an evasive answer, and begged and urged him to tell her why he was
sent for by the king. At last the pardhan said : —

" The old king sent for me and asked me to give you in marriage to his son, the king."

• When measuring gram, wheat, rice and other grains, the measure, p0.ilt or tipri (one-eighth part of a pdili)^ or
any other measure is, in the first place, filled up, and then the grain, protruding above the edges of the measure,
is, so to say, cut off with the finger or with a sort of rule, levelling the grain with the edges of the measure, and
this is called applying the shig.

• NCkchhi is a sort of grain used as food by very poor people. It is supposed to be the staple food of prisoners

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133 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Mat, 1894.

*• And you have agreed to it, I suppose ! " asked the girl eagerly,

" No,** replied the father. " In truth, I gave him no answer at all, either in the
affirmative or negative."

" Oh, how silly it was of you," said the girl. "Should the king happen to send for you
again and touch upon the subject, tell him you are willing to give me in marriage to his son."

The pardhan was quite surprised to hear his daughter talk in that way, and did not under-
stand what to make of it. However, he promised to give an answer in the affirmative, if the
king should send for him and moot the subject.

The following day, being worned by the young king to be told the result of his interview
with the pardhcni, the old king sent for the pardhan. When the pardhan came the old king
asked him if he had considered over their conversation of the previous day, and what answer
he was prepared to give, and added, by the way, his hope that the answer would be in the
affirmative. The /jartfAan, though with some hesitation, gave a reply satisfactory to the old
king, who fixed a day for the celebration of the marriage.

In the meanwhile the young king ordered the construction, in the neighbourhood of the
old palace, of a new one, seven storeys high, and in the seventh storey he stoi*ed ndchni enough
to last for twelve years. This new palace was intended for the imprisonment of the pardhan^ s
daughter, with the view of making her eat ndchni for twelve years, as he had already told her.
Such was the impatience of the young king to see the palace (or rather the prison) ready, that
he engaged thousands of workmen, and a work that would ordinanly have taken years to finish
he got completed in a few days.

Preparations, on a grand scale, were, also, made on both sides. Nothing was spared to
lend to the occasion a grandeur befitting a royal wedding. Time flitted by rapidly and the day
appointed for the marriage came. At last the auspicious occasion was solemnized with great
pomp, and the feasting extended over several days.

A few days more passed, and the pardhan* s daughter, now the queen, was duly transplanted
to the new palace which had been expressly built for her. In the whole of the palace could
be seen nothing save, perhaps, one bedstead and a chair, and plenty of ndchni^ which would serve
her as food for twelve long years, during which she was to be imprisoned, all alone. The
pardhan's daughter was not, however, to be outdone. She had taken the precaution of carry-
ing with her a few rats, which were at once set to make a subterraneous passage. In a few
days' time a passage was made, which, by a strange coincidence, happened to lead into another
palace in a neighbouring village. In this second palace there were no human beings, but in it
were stored the best sorts of provisions, confectionery, s^/watmeats, and, in fact, everything one
could desire. Here she took up her abode, which would be for twelve years, for she knew too
well that her husband would not open her prison gates, much less see her, during that period.
She did not also forget her rats, whom she fed every time she took her meals, and these rats
were her only companions in her solitude*

She thus lived happily for several years. One day her husband happened to take a ride
through this village, and chanced to see her at one of the windows of the palace. The king
did not recognise her, and how could he ? What reason had he to believe that he saw his wife ?
Had he not imprisoned her safely in the new palace, where no one saw her, and from which
she had no means to escape ? And he was greatly enamoured of her beauty. The pardhan's
daughter, however, recognised him at the first glance, but feigned ignorance ; yet for all that
she thought this the best opportunity to accomplish her object, and so accepted his advances.
The king soon began to love her very passionately, and visited her every day. At the end of
six or seven months she became pregnant, and in due time gave birth to a son, in every
respect the type of his father. Some time after this occurrence, the king gave her to under-
stand that he was, for some i-ea Jon or other, obliged to discontinue his visits to her. She,

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Milt, 1894.] MISCELLANEA. 18&

therefore, asked bin to give her something which woald serve her as a souvenir of their love.
The king had not the heart to refuse her request, and so he piilled off from his finger a ring,
which he presented to her, little suspecting that some day this very ring would be produced
as an evidence against himself.

A few years more rolled away, and the twelve years during which the pardharCs daughter
was to be imprisoned with the view of making her eat ndchhi for that period, were also over.
The pardhan's daughter, while there were yet two or three days remaining, set her rats to again
open a passage to her prison, and the rats, like grateful creatures, at once set to work and
finished it in a shorter time than was expected, and on the last day of the twelfth year
our heroine, followed by her son, passed through the subterraneous passage, and again
installed herself in her place of confinement, so that, should any one open the palace gates, they
would see her there, and imagine that she had remained there, ever since she had been brought
in by her husband twelve years ago. The king, too, did not forget her, and he had deter-
mined to open the palace gates on that very day. He had for this purpose invited several of
the neighbouring kings and princes and other men of note, for he had counted upon seeing —
either the ndchni more or less all consumed, or the pardhan*g daughter a corpse through
starvation, a fact less probable.

At the appointed time hundreds of kings and princes and nobles and other great men, who
were fully acquainted with the object of the invitation, came to see the result. When all had
assembled together the king went in person, and, in the presence of all, himself unlocked the
doors of the palace, when, wonder of wonders, contrary to all expectations of the king,
what did they see P — the nftohnl untouched, and the pardhan's daughter carrying a child
of three or four years, which she brought and seated on the lap of the king, saying : —

" Here is yonr son, whom I told you, twelve years ago, I would present to you."

All the guests were thunderstruck at this sight, and so, too, the king, her husband, who at
last asked for an explanation. The pardhan's daughter said not a word, but produced the
king's ring, which she had asked from him at the palace in the neighbouring village, and asked
if he could deny that it was his ring. The king admitted it to be his ring, but was at his
wit's end to understand how she managed to leave the palace, which he had taken the precaution,
not only of locking securely, but of having guarded by several men both by day and night.
The pardkan*8 daughter then related how she had taken with her a few rats, who made a sub-
terraneous passage, which, happily for her, led to the palace in which, after several years, the
king saw her, and to which he made visits, the result of which was she became pregnant,
and in due time gave T)irth to the son, whom she now presented to the king, his father. She
also mentioned the day on which she asked the king for something as a souvenir of their love,
upon which she received the ring she had just produced. She concluded by telling them
how, again, she got the rats, whom she had fed for twelve years with the same food as she ate,
of which there was an abundance in the palace, to open up the same passage, by which she was
enabled to bring herself and their son to the abode where they now saw her. All the guests
were surprised at the courage and the ingenuity of the pardkan's daughter, and the king, too,
her husband, admitted her to be a very clever person, and confessed himself outwitted by her.
She was then conducted in great splendour to their old palace, in which they had been married,
and there they lived happily to a ripe old age, surrounded by many children and grandchildren.

MICELLANEA.

SOME DATES OF THE BUEMESE COMMON ERA.

Mr. Taw Sein Ko's account of the PoouSdaung
inscription of S*inby£iyin, ante, Vol. XXII.
pp. 2-5, contains the following six dates of the

Burmese common era, which should admit of
verification : —

1. — • Sunday, the 8th of the waxing moon of
Pya«6 (t. e. P&usha), 1136, Sakkardj ' j

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THE INDIAI^ ANTIQUARY.

[Mat, 1894.

2. — * Monday, the 8th of the wanmg moon of
the same month ' ;

3. _' Wednesday, the 9th of the waxing moon
of Tabodw^ (i. f. M&gha), 1186, Sakkai-fij, and
2318, Anno Buddhae * ;

4. — • An eclipse of the moon on the evening
of Wednesday, the 1st of the waning moon of
Tabodwe * ; also desci-ibed as * the first day of the
waning moon of M&gha, 1136, Sakkar&j, and 2318,
Anno Buddhae, when Asurinda had seized the
bright moon and released her fiom danger ' ;

5. — * Wednesday, the fnll moon day of
Tabaung ' (i. e. Phftlguna), 1136, Sakkarftj ;

- 6. — * Saturday; the full-moon day of Vaisdkhft,
1137, Sakkar&j, and 2319, Anno Buddhae'; also
described as ' Saturday, the full- moon day of the
same month' (of Kasdn, i. ^. Vais&kha, 1137,
Sakkai-dj).

The common era of Burma, according to Sir
A. Cunningham, was introduced from India ^ in
A. B. 638 ; and there can, therefore, be no doubt
that the eclipse spoken of in connection with the
fourth of the above dates is the lunar eclipse
which took place, at Ava, about 9 p. m. on Wed-
nesday, the loth February A. D. 177o,» by the
Indian* calendar the 15th of the bright half of
the month M&gha, but here described as the first
of the waning moon of M&gha* And counting
backwards and forwards from that day, the other
dates, as indicated by the week-day^, must
con'espond —

No. 1 to Sunday, the 8th January A. D. 1775,
by the Indian calendar the 7th of the bright
half of Pausha, but here called the 8th ;

No. 2 to Monday, the 23rd January A. D. 1775,
by the Indian calendar the 6th of the dark half
of Pausha, but here called the 8th ;

No. 3 to Wednesday, the 8th February A. D.
1775, by the Indian calendar the 8th of the
bright half of M&gha, but here called the 9th ;

No. 5 to Wednesday, the 15th March A. D«
1775, by the Indian calendar the l3th of the
bright half of Ph&lguna, but here called the full-
moon day ; and

No. 6 to Saturday, the 13th May A. D. 1775,
by the Indian calendar the. 13th of the bright
half of Yais&kha, but here also called the full-
moon day.

The explanation of these discrepancies is per-
haps to be found in the statement of Sir
A. Cunningham that the Burmese luni-solar year
has twelve lunar months of 29 and 30 days
alternately. For if we assign 30 days to Pausha,
29 to M&gha, 30 to Ph&lguna, and 29 to Chaitra,
and take the month Pausha of Sakkai-&j 1136 to
have commenced on the 1st January A. D. 177«,
Sunday the 8th January will be the Sth of Pausha,
Monday the 23i-d January the 23rd (= 15 + Sth)
of Pausha. Wednesday the 8th Fel)ruary the 9th
of Magha, Wednesday the 15th February the
16th (= 15 -I- Ist) of M&gha, Wednesday the 15th
March the 15th of Phalguna, and Saturday the
13th May the 15th of Yai&ukha; and it would
thus seem as if the first fifteen days of each
month, in Burma, were called days of the waxing
moon, and the following days of the month days
of the waning moon, quite irr«ei>ectiTely of the
actual course of the moon and of the tithi
that ends on each day.

I hope that this matter will be inquired into
by somebody residing in Burma, with the help of
a Burmese calendar. What we want is, e. g. for
the year now current, Sakkarftj 1255, the first day
of each Itmar month and a full and exact scheme
of one of the months, with the proper European .
equivalent for each day. It would also be desir.
able to obtain the scheme of a year which contains
an intercalated month.' This information it
would not be difficult to procure.

F. KlELBOSN«

Qottingen,

NOTES AND QUERIES,

BEANGINOCO.

This extraordinary word is used by the old
Portuguese travellers for the name of a prominent
King of Pegu who reigned 1551-1581 A. D.

His real name or rather title, as known to local
history, is usually given in the modem form of
Bayin Naung (royal or divine king). This
title would be spelt B'urafi Naui^, which does
not, however, account for all of Branginooo.

J [But (?) from further Eaat. — Ed.]

s From May 1778 to June 1776 this was the only lunar

But Scott, Burma, as it was^ &o., p. 15, gives
a clue, when he calls him ** Buyin-Oyee
Noung Zaw,"- meaning thereby Baylnjl'
Naungsd (great royal king-chief). This woold
be spelt B'urafLkrl Naufichau, which is quite
enough to account for Branginoco, allowing for
the difference in pronunciation, which is known to
exist between that and the present period.

R. C. Tbmple.

eclipse which took place on a Wednesday.
1 Sometimes still pronounced Bayingl

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)UBLX?'

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It CAVE TEMPLES Of IMDlA.-i-.

'»N, DX'.L . iM.e:.. K.ll.S., V.i'.li.A..-

, \rith .Map, 99 }»lrttea

loyal 4to.

itil'i i-vim*' 14*, J i.'i.Tui Ik. 1,.- , i ^ I -»■ .

and Litbographio Plates aud
on the A2JTiquiTi£3 of

I i il Ui'U V.

A' Co . '

tlioir

lui Antiquary
EFIORAPHIA INDICA
ondRecoi'l "i ilic Aivli.jological Sui'>w .»f TikIui.

;. hultzscj

Annual Subscv

:».,

iiiciudiug j^-jsiagc.

WORKS BY MAJOR R. C. TEMPLE.

TRR LOT?DS PRAYER IN THE SOUTH
'^i LAJS^GUAGE. By E. H. Man
!'LE. Out of ^rint.

Panl, Trench, Tiiibner Sl Oo

iD8 OF THE PAN JAB. In

i. fn.iii AiT'ii^r r-sn Vol 7

it's Pkess.

1 1 ! I < L U i V -

.IPLES of

;, &c., by
, pp. 112 withal

1 Jaogaytapeta Buddhist

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Jr5E, 1894.] THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA.

THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA NOT FOUND IN LITERATURE,

BY G. BUHLEE.
N his ** Review of Recent Studies in Hindu Grammar," which fills pp. 171-197 of fourteenth

volume of the American Journal of Philology, the continuation of an article on Hindu and
European Grammar in the fifth volume of the same periodical, the late Professor Whitney re*
opens the discussion of a question, which used to sorely vex the soul of the Sanskritists of the last
generation, hut has since been dropped in Europe, because the progress of Indo- Aryan research
has shewn very clearly what the solution of the problem is. Professor Whitney^ engrossed with
bis Vedic studies, does not seem to have noticed the labours of the Prakritists. He informs us
on p. 182 that there are in the Dh&tupat;ha a '^thousand or twelve hundred false roots,"
and declares that the fact of their '* voices being not less carefully defined by the Dhatupatha
than those of the eight or nine hundred genuine ones casts a shade of unreality over the whole
subject of voice-conjugation." On the next page he condoles with Geheimrath von Bohtlingk,
who, in his second edition of Piinini, has given ''the whole Dhatupajha in length and breadth,
finding nothing else to put into its place," though he ought to have known better. Next he
severely blames Dr. Liebich, who ''talks of probable interpolations and intimates that he
deems them posterior to the great trio of PAnini, Katyayana and Patau jali, acknowledging that
his (i. e., Professor Whitney's) criticisms may be more or less applicable to their successors,"
Turning finally to the Sanskritists of the modern school in general, he throws down the gauntlet
to them and winds up with the following peroration : — " This free and easy way of disposing
of the subject is quite characteristic of the whole guild of partisans of native grammar. It
appears impossible to bring any one of them to stand up and face fairly the question of the
Dhatupatha. There are not far from nine hundred real and authenticable roots in Sanskrit,
We could believe that the uncritical interpolations of later grammarians might add to this
number a dozen, or a score, or fifty, or (to take the extreme) even a hundred or two ; but it is
the wildest of nonsense (only strong expressions suit the case) to hold that they could swell the
number to over two thousand. Such increase is thus far wholly unexplained, perhaps for ever
tinexplainable, and certainly most unpardonable ; and until it is in some way accounted for, the
admirers of the Hindu science of grammar ought to talk in very humble tones. If these roots
are not the ones recognized by the wondrous three, when and under what circumstances and
by whose influence were the additional twelve hundred foisted in, to the abandonment and loss
of the old genuine list ? The difficulty of explaining this seems not less great than that of
supposing the whole two thousand as old as Panini himself ; both are hard enough ; and in
either event the taint of falsity attaches to the Hindu system as we know it and are expected
to use it."

Professor Whitney's grievances are therefore : (1) against '* the guild of the admirers
of Hindu grammar" that they will not — to use with Professor Whitney the language of the
prize-ring — come up to the scratch and fully discuss his objections to the Dhatupatha, though
they do answer his strictures on other and less important points: (2) against the Hindu gram-
marians that their Dh&tupatha contains a very large number of verbs, which are not traceable in
the accessible Sanskrit literature and which therefore must be "sham" and "false," i.e., if I
understand Professor Whitney rightly, inventions either of Panini or of his successors.

If I venture to offer some remarks on the points, raised by the illustrious Praeceptor
Columbiae, my object is to suggest a definite line of enquiry, which, I think, may lead to
tangible results, valuable alike for Sansky it and comparative philology, and to add some practical
proposals. In doing so, I must premise that I do not belong to any guild of partizans of the
Vyakarana (if such a one exists). Eighteen years of personal intercourse with the Hindus have
taught me at least something about their many excellent qualities and their weaknesses, which
are all clearly discernible in their system of grammar. It shews their great acumen and their
pedantry, their laboriousness and their practical sense as well as their feebleness in the struggle
after an ideal, which is much too high for their strength. I am even ready to believe with the

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142 THE IKDIAN AKTIQUART. [JtTjfB, 1894.

great Mim&ihsftka Bha|ta» that the Hindn grammarians occasionally resemble "horsemen who
forget the existence of their steeds."^ But, strong language on the part of a European or
American authority, howerer great, is insufficient to persuade me that the Hindu grammarians
have inTonted forms or roots. Snch an assertion I could beliere only on tlie eridence of
stronger proof than the fact that one, or a dozen, or eren a score, of scholars cannot find the
forms taught. Until that has been furnished, I prefer to adhere to my own opinions, which in
the main coincide with those of Professors Westergaard and Benfey. I must also express my
doubts regarding the desirability of the use of strong language, in this case and in all other
scientific discussions, both for personal reasons and out of regard for our special branch of
learning.

Professor Whitney's Urst oomplaint seems to me well-fbundedL 1 likewise regret that
the specialists in Hindu grammar and particularly the able pupils, whom Professor Kielhoru
has trained, hitherto have not turned to the DhAtupatha, and have not availed themselves of the
plentiful materials which are ready at hand in order to carry on and to supplement the work,
begun in so masterly a manner by Professor Westergaard. Since the times of the great Dane
the critical treatment of PAnini's SdtrapAtha has been begun, and perfectly trustworthy critical
editions of the VArttikas and of their great Commentary, as well as of the KAtantra, have been
published. The Paribhashas, which are the key to the whole system of Hindu grammar, have
been so excellently translated and so carefully illustrated by Professor Eielhom, that even a
beginner may understand their application. The KAsikA together with its huge Vritti, the
Padamafijar! of Haradattamisra, Kaiyata's Pradipa, a number of Nagojfs and Bhaffojl's grara-
taotical treatises, Bhartrihari's VAkyapadlya, SAyana-MAdhava's DhAtuvritti, SAkatlyana'g
gmmmar and the Sarasvata have at least been printed, bo it in their entirety or in part. And
for those, who desire to critically examine these works, there are good old MSS. in the public
libraries of India, which the liberality of the Indian Governments makes accessible to all
Sanskrit students. Finally, the Gi-ammars of Chandra, Jinendra-PujyapAda, Buddhisagara,
Malayagiri and Hemachandra have been recovered in M8S., mostly together with their Angas,
as well as Jinendrabuddhi's KasikavrittinyAsapanjikA, and an apograph of SAyaua s DhAtuvritti
is Ijiug in the library of Elphinstone College, Bombay, which has been transcribed from a MS.
(at Narguijd), dated within a hundred years of the author's time.*

With these materials, which mostly were not accessible to Professor Westergaard, or only
so in indifferent modem MSS., it is possible to settle the following points :—

(1) Which portions of our DhatupAtha were certainly known to PAnini and the other two

Mnnis.

(2) Whether any additions have been made by the later authorities of PAnini's school,
Yamana, JayAditya, Jinendrabuddhi and so forth, and what has been added by each.

(3) What our DhAtupAtha, or the list of verbs in the DhAtuvritti, owes to the homonymous
treatises of Sarvavarman, Chandragomin and the other authors of independent 'SabdAnusasanas.

Though Professor Westergaard 's and Geheimrath von Bohtlingk's works contain a good
deal that helps, the task is nevertheless one of considerable magnitude, and it requires a
thorough acquaintance with the Hindu system of grammar, as well as with the Hindu ways of
thought, which difEer considerably from those of Europeans. Such an enquiry will solve
nearly all the doubts regarding tho history of the Dhatupafha and make unnecessary all specula-
tions whether the Munis had a different list, or if their successors "foisted in " new roots or
meanings. From the end of the sixth century of our ei-a it is possible to determine with full

I TantravMtika, p. 201, 11. 3-4 (Benares edition) : — ^5f^n^»Tr^ TT^ ^^^^^^5 I anCT^Cf: fT^t ^WFi'^-
^^tj: ^rHT: II The eennon, in which KumArila expands this text, is hi^ly edifying, and the best YaiyAkaranas
livinpr l^ave admitted to me that the ohargos made there are not unfair.

« See my Rough List, No. 120. This MS., or its original, will be need for the oontinuatioo of the editioa of the

Dhd-tuvHiti in the Benarei Pai}]it.

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Juke, 1894.] THE ROOTS OF THE DHATHPATHA. 143

exactness the meaning of every explanation, given in the Dhatapafha. Bhatti's version of the
Eiimiiya^a, which has been composed between Guptasaihvat 252 and 330 and probably dates
from the reign of Dharasena III. of Valabht abont G. S. 810, illustrates most of them, and
Halayudha's Kavirahasya,* written during the reign of one of the Kfish^arajas of the Rashtra-
kuta line, between A. D. 775 and A. D. 973, shows the meaning and conjugation of every root.
If further help is wanted, there are considei-able fragments of Bbima's or Bhauma's R^va^ar-
junija, which Kshemendra,* saec. XI, quotes as an instance of a metrakdvya or kdvyaidstra.

As far as my own, of a necessity desultory and incomplete, studies in Hindu grammar
permit me to judge, the result of the whole enquiry will be, that the DhfitupAtha of the
•• wondrous three ** did not differ materially from that commented by S&yana. And it is not
doubtful to me that verifications for a certain number of verbs and inflexions will be found iu
the Bhashya, and other grammatical works. It seems to me impossible to contemptuously leave
aside such sentences as H\(ft nf^f^ ^1%^ VArttika 3 on P. III. 1, 78 (Kielhorn, 3f. Bh.
II. 61), or ^w ^If^r f«f%* ibidem Varttika 2, nft^ m^ ^PR^^t?^ (M. Bh. II. 56), or such
specific forms as -^icj^^ I -^^rfl^^l I ibidem, and «T^l*t^ {M. Bh. III. 346;.« The fact that a
preposition is prefixed to the last three forms indicates that Patanjali had in his mind a parti-
cular passage or phrase, in which they occurred. The four sentences are quotations, as
unsuspicious as the famous ^dj ^flT^ff^^f SfTJprr:, qig* 'T^'rar H^^ : and so forth. 1 must add
that, if I were as much racked by doubts regarding the history of the Dh^tupa}ha, as Professor
Whitney appears to have been, I should not lose a moment, before I began to search, or had
searched by others every work, bearing on the question. Together with his staff of able pupils
Professor Whitney no doubt could have effected all that is necessary and laid his fellow-students
under new obligations by bringing out a work, giving a clear and comprehensive view of the
state of the list of roots before and after beginning of our era.

Turning to Professor Whitney's grievaaoe against the Hindu grammarians, his asser«
tion that they have inserted "false," •* sham," or " fictitious" forms in the list of verbs, which, as
is acknowledged at all hands, has an intimate connection with their SabdunuSasana, is supported
in his present paper by the sole argument that he cannot find the verbs, their inflexions and
meanings in the literature accessible to him. In his earlier article (Am. Joum. Phil. Vol. V.) he
refers to Professor Edgren's paper on the Verbal Roots of the Sanskrit Language (Journ. Am.
Or Soc. Vol. XI. p. 1-65). He greatly approves of his pupil's results and appears to wish
them to be taken together with his own argument. Professor Edgren's views coincide with
those of sundry authorities in comparative philologyi while they disagree from those of the most
competent Sanskritists of the last generation.

Briefly stated. Professor Edgran's line of argnunent is as follows : — (1) The Dhatupafha
contains a great many more roots that cannot be founds than such as are traceable in Sanskrit
literature, and the same remark holds good with respect to the inflexions and meanings of the
roots. And in spite of a "vast" progress in the exploration of Vedic and Sanskfit works, the
proportion of the former had remained in 1882 virtually the same as in 1841, when Professor
Westergaard expressed the conviction that every form in the Dhjitupatha is genuine and would
be found some time or other in inaccessible or unexplored works. Professor Edgren's second
proposition is certainly not in accordance with the facts, as will be shewn below.

(2) The roots, preserved in the grammars and their Angas alone, are barren and mostly
have no offspring, *— are not connected with derivative nouns, such as the genuine roots have

5 See Professor Bh&ij<}Arkar*8 Report, iaS3-4, p. 8 f. The poem is a B^rakdvya in the guise of a Praiasti,
addressed directly to the poet's patron, king Krishna.

4 Ka^mir Beport, p. 62f. and Professor Peterson, Fint Report^ p. 8 f.

^ Professor Whitney omits f^ in para. 731 of his Orammar. Professor Westergaard mentions that J^ occurs iu
the Bhftshya.

6 i^'M is according to the KWika the perfect of ^3J, and stands for R^» For a dental, followed hy ya, a
gtittnral is substituted also in nikyaih instead of nityam, A^oka, Eock Edict XIV. (Kfilsi), and there areothe r
instances of the same change in the Indian Vernaculars.

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144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Juke, 1894.

produced in great numbers. Only 150 among them teem to have " a possible connection in
sense with surrounding or similar nominal forms." This proposition, too, requires considerable
modification.

(3) Most of the roots, not found in Sanskrit literature, are 7wt represented in the cognate
languages. Professor Fick's Worterbuch shews only 80 roots, solely known through the
Dhatupatha, to have belonged to the common stock of the Indo-European speech, and it would
seem that in some cases the evidence adduced is too weak. On the other hand, among the
verified roots, 450 have representatives in Greek, or in the Iranian, the Italic, the Teutonic, the
Sclavonic and the Celtic languages*

(4) On a closer examination the unverified roots shew various peculiarities, which point
to an artificial or fictitious origin. First, the majority of them naturally arranges itself into
smaller or larger groups of forms of similar sound and identical in meaning, "the analogy of
form being such as to exclude the principle of growth and decay." The first instance given is
the group hev, Jchev, gev, glev, pev^ plev, mev, mletf, iev, mehf jpeh, mep, lep with the meaning
*to honour, to serve,' and with absolutely identical inflexion. To Professor Edgren (p. 15)
" it seems, as if, in coining these counterfeits, the guiding principle had been at first to model
them in form and sense on some genuine radical, rightly or wrongly interpreted," and he
suggests that the above group "leans on the real root sev as its point d'appui,** To me it
would seem that, in the case quoted. Professor Edgren has made his list unnecessarily long. Sev
and iev difPer only in pronunciation, and so do pev and peh, as well as mev and meh. To a
Hindu the syllables si and it, ge and Se are absolutely the same thing, and our Dictionaries are
full of words, which shew sometimes the one and sometimes the other. Again ha and va
likewise are often exchanged. In Northern India (excepting KaSmir), and in the East, va has
been lost completely and, as the inscriptions prove, since ancient times. The ten remaining
forms, it would seem to me, are clearly variants of two originals, ^ahlev and plev^ and are due to
the same principles of change, which are regularly operative in the PrAkrits and not rarely active
in Sonskfit, as well as in other Indo-Enropean languages. The pedigree^ stands thus : —

peo mlev

I
I

mep l9p

The form gev has been preserved, I think, in the noun gevayd ' the low ones ' (Asoka, Pillar Edici^
III.)* which is best explained as equivalent to gevakdh * servitors, slaves.'^ The same remarks
apply to most of Professor Edgren's other groups, which usually consist of one or two old forms,
with numerous dialectic varieties or such varieties as might be expected in the same dialect,
according to the laws of Indo-Aryan phonetics. Some shew, too, an intimate connection with
words of common occurrence in Sanskf it or in the PrAkrit languages. ThnSt in the second gana,
Sr^ VTF^ is evidently the parent of the modern Gujarat! fTTT^ and so forth, and of the Sanskrit
^^RL fPT) IT'^R. Again, in his fifth gana 9f^ frc^FT^ bears the same relation to the common
Sanskrit verb iri as QFi^ to ^T^, "Wl to ^T^ and so forth. And Hirfll is probably the parent of

^ Examples of the assumed changes are to be found in Professor B. MWer*! BimpVfied PaU Qrammar^ and
Professor Pisohel's edition of Hemaohandra*8 Prakrit Qrammarf as well ai in Sanskrit, where, e. g., the same words
sometimes shew * and y, like ^S or tS, J^^ or 5^1 R»R** or PiftV, ^hfC or ^l^» JfW and 5r[r],

rnrr^ and ?f ^^> ^ry? and ^TJ^", and where roots are found ending in ik, or equivalents thereof, while the
corresponding ones in the cognate languages shew the media.

^ I withdraw my former proposal to derive gevayA from glep daifiye, beoause the PA|i usually preserfes a la
preceded by gutturals, ^d because I find in P&U many cases, where dk^ is repxeseAied by aya.

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June, 18d4.] THE ROOTS OP THE DHATUPATHA. 145

• elephant/ literally * the roarer, the trnmpeter*' The important fact that a very large
proportion of the roots of the Dhatap&tha is Prakritic in form, has apparently not been fully
realised by Pi'ofessor Edgren, thongh Professors Weber, Benfey and many other Sanskritists
hav.e repeatedly called attention to it, both years ago and quite lately.

The second point, which, according to Professor Edgren, makes the introuvahle roots appear
artificial, is the fact that so many of them are stated to have the same meaning. To take only
the worst case, there are, according to Professor Eidgren, 336 verbs, to which the explanation
inft" is appended, and only 65 can be verified in literary works. The facfc, no doubt, look s
carious. But it becomes easily intelligible, if one consults the Hinda'Sastras as to the meaning
of «rft or ipFT. The Naiyayikas and Yaisesbikas say,^ 7^ M^f^Mli^M^^^^H^I^r^^'f SRHTT
«ppPT.t and give as the definition of iPT^ I ^^^TTrf^^rS^TJrPw^ ^fit ^A^^ll ' They futher
add, TtHsf 7ff%>^l ^nH" \^ ¥i^^i!^9^KhA Pi^^^l^Hfift ll It is evident that the author, or
authors, of the Dh4tupA{ha hold the same opinion, and that they mean to say that the roots,
markijed ^IT^, denote some kind of motion. It is a matter of course that definitions like HR^
Mlif^ I ^r^rif and f^f^RTT^are likewise intended merely as general indications of the category
to which the verbs belong, not as accurate statements of their meanings.

The third point, which rouses Professor Bdgren's suspicions, is that the same verbs are
used according to the DhAtupatha a?T^ I MJTTf^ I imt ff^rniR I ^J^ «Tra% or c^FH^ ^rf^ and
a^^rfil^i ^fPl. Nevertheless, the Sanskrit dictionaries shew that many verbs actually are used
with widely divergent meanings, and he might have found without difficulty in English and in
other languages a good many instances, exactly analogous to those which have appeared to him
so extraordinary in Sanskrit.

The problems, which the DhfttupAfha offers, ought to be approached in a very different
spirit and can be solved only by a different method. Taking as correct Professor Whitney's
statement (^Am. Joum. Phil. Vol. V. p. 5 of the reprint) that in all eleven hundred roots are
awaiting verification, and likewise Professor Edgren*s assertion that 150 among them are con-
nected with nouns occurring in Sariskpt literature, and that 80 have representatives in the
cognate languages, the genuineness of 870 forms has still to be proved, and the number of
unverified inflexions and meanings is in all probability at least equally great.

The first question to be put is, of course, if all that can be done has been done in order to
account for them, or if there are still materials unused and unexplored. The next considera-
tion is, whether the author or authors of the DhatupAfha may be supposed to have drawn on
other materials than those accessible in the present day and if there are circumstances which
could explain the apparent barrenness of so many roots as well as the absence of representatives
in the cognate languages.

Professor Edgren is certainly right in maintaining that a great many Sa&skrit works, and
particularly the more ancient ones, have been explored lexicographically since Professor
Westergaard's times. But he is as certainly in error, when he says the number of verified
roots, meanings and inflexions has remained virtually the same. A comparison of the
articles on roots in the Petersburg Dictionaries and in Professor Whitney's Supplement
with the Radices proves that incontestably. Without counting those roots, which occur
in Sanskrit literature, but are not found in the DhAtupAtha, Professor Whitney has 120 verified
roots, for which Pi-ofessor Westergaard was only able to quote Pacini, the Bhatfciklivya and the
Nirukta, and the smaller Petersburg Dictionary has about a score more. Each SamhitA of the
Vedas, the Kathaka, the MaitrAyaniya, the Taittiriya and that of the Baunaka Atharvavedfs
has furnished its contribution. The same remark applies to the Bruhmanas, the Upanishads
and the YedAngas, among the Sutras especially to the huge Ealpa of the Apastambiyas. And
it must be noted that, with the exception of the Rik and Atharva SamhitAs, which have been

* I take the following definitions from MahAmahopAdhyfya Bh. Jhalklkar'a excellent Ny&ycikosha (second
edition, 1893, Bo. Sansk. Ser. No. XLIX.).

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146 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. . [Juhe. 1894.

indexed, the exploration of the printed works is not complete, and that the interpretation eyen
o£ these two Samhitas, is not yet settled* The ^ichas and the Mantras of the AtharvAogirasas
are still a field yatra yuddhath kachdkaehi between the strict philological school and the linguists,
and will probably remain so for some time. It is not donbtfnl that, with an alteration of the
method of interpretation, the views regarding the meanings of a certain number of roots and
words, and regarding the derivation of the latter will considerably change.^^

It is, of course, well known to all Sanskritists that there are other Vedic works, accessible
in MSS., which have been explored only veiy superficially, or have not been used at all.
Among these may be named the Eapbhthala Saihhit4 of the Yajurveda, and the Paippalada
version of the Atharvaveda, which Professor Whitney was to have taken in hand, and there are,
besides the last Prasnas of the Apastambiya firauta Siktras, a number of exceedingly bulky
Kalpas, that of the Manavas, the Baudhayaniyas, the BhAradvAjas, the Hairanyakesas and the
Vaikhanasas.il Smaller in compass are the Gfihyasiitras of the Varahas,!* of Laugnkshi,!^ of
Jaimini.i* and the recently recovered DharmasAtra of HArlta," one of the earliest compositions
of its class. Among these the Baudhayaniya Sutras may be expected to furnish much that is
valuable, both because they are very ancient and because the Dharmasiitra already has
furnished something, and the. same may be said of the Hartta DharmasOitra. Among the
Yedic works, certainly existing in India, but not as yet easily accessible, the Satyuyanaka, the
Paingyamahabruhmana, the bannkasutra of the ^igveda, the Bhfigusutra of the Black Yajur-
veda and the Gautamasiitra of the Samaveda may be mentioned as instances.

Though the Yedic literature may be justly expected to furnish most for the elucidation of
the enigmas of the DhAtupatha, yet the two great Epics yield, too^ a good many contributions.
A careful study of the largest Parvans of the MahAbharata permits mo to say that something
may be gleaned there in spite of Geheimrath von Bohtlingk's harvesting for his two dictionaries.
Professor Holtzmann's grammatical extracts (Qrammatisehes aus dent Mahdbhdratd) are
incomplete and not always trustworthy. Spellings like dvita raoan^ Mpya^ the explanation of
the ablative kshuttah as a perfect passive participle and of hruyasta as a medial form, and the
translation oipita mahya^ daydhah by "der Vater wurde mir gebtssen" and similar mistakes
are certainly unfortunate. The incompleteness of Professor Holtzmann's excerpts became
very evident when Dr. Wintemitz, while writing his review for the OeuterreickUche Monats-
thrift fur den Orient^ carefully went over one single Parvao* Among the PurAnae, the
language of which so closely resembles that of the Epics, it is unfortunately that huge
forgery of the eleventh or twelfth century A. D., the BhAgavata, which has been
explored most thoroughly. The older ones, with the exception of the V ishnupurana, have received
very little attention. Among other works, the authors of which probably, or certainly, have
not written according to Panini and the Dhatupatha, I may point to the Saihhitus of the ancient
Bhagavatasi® and Saivas, those belonging to the ancient Jyotisha, the Gajas Astra, the Vastuvidya,
the NAtya and Samgita ^Astras, and the medical SamhitAs. Among these, only the last have
engaged the attention of the European lexicographers, especially of Professor von Roth* The
remainder has hardly been looked at, though MSS. of them, e. ^., of the large Vasishtha

1^ I may state that I stand on the side of those who consider the Vedas to be Indian books, and interpret th«m
as such. The older school has rendered most important services chiefly by its snccessfol war against the
omnipotence of the Hindn tradition. Bat it is just this soocess that has caused its chief weaknesses

1' A bad copy of the Vaikkincaa Srauta S^ra is in the State Library at Munich, good copies are in the Saras va-
tibUAn^&ra of the Mah&r&ja of Mysore. Copies of the QHhya and Dharmasiiiras are in the Vienna Unirersity
Library.

13 Beoovered by the late Bao Saheb V. N. Mandlik from Khandenh.

I' Or, of the Kdihakae, " In the Saras vatibh&n4&gftra of Mysore.

1* See Prefatory Notes to Pandit Vaman Shaetri Islampiirkar's edition of Par&iara, VoL I. p. 16 f. (Bo. S. Ser.
No. xlvii).

" See Dr. E. G. Bh&n4arkar, Report for 1883-4, p. 8.

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June, 1894.] THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA. U7

Sarahita, the Yriddha Garga, the Palakapja,^^ Bharata's Natja^^ and Samgita SAstras and tlxe
Vastusiistra are lying in the public libraries of ludia. The number of the existing published
and unpoblished compositions of the learned Kavis and of the Pandits on all kinds of ^astras,
on paper, stone and copper, which have been explored either insufficiently or not at all, is
simply legion. And it is not doubtful that they might help to verify a good many roots,
meanings or forms.

In order to prove that these expectations are not quite unfounded, I give here a list of some
aorists, which Professor Whitney's Snpplentent does not take into account<, from the Dasakumu-
racharita, together with a few taken from other sources. They are : —

Wf^ (qf?r+) I>. iv;i» qftlPr 1>. v; WUrtlr? (sic) D. ii; Wrrtt^ I>. ii, iii, vii (8 times);
BTTrt^H- D. iii. viii ; 3?«m%^D. iii ; 3r«rRrf^ D. vii ;«> sr^rtK D. viii ; IT^P^tTii: D. iii ; S^irrfSWT
«nT + ) D. vi ; %?Hfq?; Srikauthachar., 9, 21 ; ^f^^ Haravijaya, 3, 30 ; 9T>rrf%1^ D. iv ; MJJii?!;
D. vi; ^Jitf% l>.%i; B?^*r^ Srlk. Char., 5. 46 ; M^? D. viii; 3t4^ D. ii; H^rrf^? D. vii;
9T0c^ D. iii, vi, viii; %?chfh| D. ii; MF^€^ D. vi; lTt?rf^»l D. vi ; MPyrf^ D. iii; STfSyq?!;
Haravijaya. 5, 102; M7^? t). ii ; M^^T Srik. Char., 5, 14; ST^rfls' D. ii, iii, iv, v; ^T^^ D.
v; ^f^€T?l I>. viii ; Mf^^ D. viii.

Every one of these forms will necessitate at least the addition of a +t or the removal of a
square bracket, in Professor Whitney's Dhatupatha. The occurrence of 4<|l|fi|«|^ makes also
desirable a small alteration of the wording of paiti. 998/. of the second edition of the Grammar j
which paragraph Professor Whitney would probably have seen reason to modify still more,
had he been able to further extend his researches in classical Sanskrit. I may add, that the
remarks in para. 925, a and 6, of the Qrammar are absolutely erroneous. Both the Paras-
maipada and the Atmanepada of the Precative are very common in classical Sanskrit> of course
not in the texts consulted by Professor Whitney, but in their proper sphere, those portions of
the Kavyas, which are called technically Aiishah* Thus, there are ten precatives in the first
canto of the ^rikauthacharita, twenty -two (all Par.) in the Suryasataka (saec, V\)^ foxirteei^ in the
Chandisataka (saec. vii), and their number is very large in the Praiastis. The little hymn,
incorporated in the JvAlamukhi Prasasti, Epigraphia IndicQf Vol, I. p. 129 f., ofEers sixteen
readable forms : (1) qfimT, (2) ^v^in (half a dozen times), (3) ?5rf^T^fe, (4) ijrWhr, (5) ^4|<g|g ,
(occurs also grik. Char.," 1 24), (6) f^wM^. (7) ^WPj^'fe, (8) S jtfiHl ^ i ft g, (9) *ftw{f^.
(10) 3?ftr^>H" [5Tf?r^7y], (11) wr^H-. (12) ^#b-, (13) Wfw^. (U) ^m^, (15) ^^fte,
(16) f%fr^^, and others which I have not been able to make out owing to the unsatisfactory
state of the squeeze.^i From the Haravijaya, 5, 117, I add STT-t^te.

These facts, to which others will be added in the Appendix to this paper, will suffice to
substantiate the assertion, that the partially explored and the unexplored classioal
literature can furnish facts, confirming the statements of the Hindu grammarians. In
the course of my reading, I have noted hundreds of words from Vedic, Epic and Classical works,
which all prove that a very great number of the forms, postulated by the grammarians, may
be verified from one source or the other, and the same may be said of many verbal roots.^^

17 An edition of the Pdlakdpya Oajai^raf*irom which Knmfirila (p. 202, Benares edition) extracts the ourioua
word ^^TP-^; ' a blow delivered with both tusks/ will be published shortly, in aooordanoe with my repeated
requests in the Anand&irama Series.

>* lt3 pnlioation in the KS.vyam6ila was begun by the late Pandit Durgapras&d at my urgent request.

»» The figures refer to the Vchchhvdsaa, The form ^TWIl^ has been duly noted in the Qrammar, para. 998 f.
(second edition).

*o Against Punini ii, 4, 54-55.

21 For this reason and through the uncontrollable vagaries of the P. D. of the Calcutta Government Press
my edition of the hymn is not what it ought to be. I hope that one of these days a MS. of the hymn will turn up,
and a better edition will become possible.

3> In order to shew that I do not talk at random, I giro a few passages for roots, which Professor Whitney
either omits or declares to be doubtless artificial : — ^^^^ H. V. v. 66, 151 ; ^^ * to shine,' ^r. Char. 21, 36 ;
Hft^ H. V. 19, 41 ; '^pj; 6r. Char. 12, 36 ; 14, 12 ; 17, 65 J ^HL ^r. Char. 12, 6 ; 16, 56 j r?[ « to taste,' 6i6, 11, 11 ;
#T. 'to redden,' fir. Char. 10, 17 ; 1^^^ *to devour,' Sil. 18, 77.

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148 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [June, 1?9I..

I would also undertake to prove that the majority of the words and meanings, marked with an
asterisk in B. W., does actually occur somewhere in the ocean of the existing Sanskrit literature.
To me, who believe that the Hindus are not swindlers, but have carefully preserved a trust-
worthy ti-adition in all matters, where they are not biassed by religious dogmas, such facts
appear of small importance. What seems to me really interesting, is the likewise not
small amount of facts that has escaped their attention, or has been left aside by them
for other reasons.

Bat, even after the whole existing Saiiskfit literature has been fully explored, only half
the task of the root-hunter has been accomplished. Ue has then to extend his researches to
the ancient and modern Pi-akfits, many of which possess an extensive literature, as well as to
the Mixed Language of the first centuries before and after the beginning of our era. The
compositions in the oldest types of the Prakfits, which are found in Asoka's Edicts, in the
Yinayapitaka, the Pancha Niknyas (e. g,^ in the verses of JAtakas), and other canonical Buddhist
books, certainly existed in the third century B. C. This much is evident from the Maurya
inscriptions on the rocks and pillars and from those on the Btilpas of Sanchi and Bharahut.
Their language has preserved numerous forms older than those of the classical Sanskrit of
Panini, and some older than those of the Vedic dialects. Their frequent nominatives plural
from masculine a-stems in dse and from neuter a-stems in d (Professor Oldenberg's discoveries)
are Vedic. The not uncommon occurrence of the subjunctive (Professor Pischel's discovery)
is another remnant of the language of the Rishis, and such are the imperatives like ^ir^in^
{dvrajatu)f the plural instrumentals of the a-stems in ehhi (Oldenberg), the very common first
persons plural in mase, the infinitives in tave, tdye, tuye^ ase and other forms, which may be
gathered from the Pftli grammars* or from detached articles and notes of Professors Fausb611»
Jacobi, Kern, Kuhn, Leumann, Oldenberg, Rhys Davids, Trenckner, Weber and Zachariae,
as well as of Br. Morris and M. Senart in Knhn's Zeitschrifty Bezzenberger's Bettrdge, the
London Acadeiny, the Journal of, the Pali Text Society, the editions of the A^ka Inscriptions,
the Mahavastu and in other works. Among the formst which are older even than the Vedic
language, I will only mention the present participles of the Atmanepada in mana^ mina, mina,
which the Aioka Inscriptions offer, and which agree with the Greek, Latin and Bactrian
endings, and the Aorist addasa *1 saw,' which goes back, not to Sanskrit adarsam, but to
^adrisam, thus corresponding exactly with thpoKov^ and which without a doubt is the older form,
A careful investigation of the oldest documents reveals the existence of very many similar cases.

Now it might be expected, that such a language should have preserved verbal roots, which
were dropped by the classical writers. And Professor Kern has shewn long ago in his Bijdrage
tot de Verklaring van eenige Warden in Fali-Oeschrxften Voorkomende^ as well as recently in his
Review of Jdtahas, Vol. V. {Museum of 1893, p. lOOff.) that this is the case. He has proved
the existence of %V^ inft,« Pali %??^ ;«* ^Hh% WW% ifT^T, Pali f^Hifl^ ; IfH f^,^ Pali in^%
^r^ilA, Pali%^^ (Class iv), WWrfiJ i?pr%, Pali wftfiT; ll^rft fiNr^fW,** Pali and Mixed
Language ^^t Q^» U^^ and Q«^. In lately going over the J&takas for a different
purpose I have noted representatives of some more verbs, for whieh the explored
Sanskrit literature offers no passages^ and even of some which Professor Whitney in his
Supplement expressly stigmatises as ** without a doubt artificial."

Professor Whitney gives the verb in his Supplement, remarking that the forms ^f^B^Jf
and ^qfi^^H, quoted in B. W., are * doubtless artificial.* B. W., which had not progressed so

s* Thii yerb hu also been giyen by Professor Whitney in the Ai^ienia to his Supplemtni^ on the anthority of
B. V^., wbicb got it from a Bnddbist work in the Mixed Dialect.

<« Tbe FA(i sp^ shews that the original form was af^, compare the Epic af^ ' petit'

« This verb oconrs, too, in the SupT^lement, on aoconnt of the Vedic present participle m^. The PAli
verses offer the forms ^^ = 'W*^ I «5^^^r^ = ^^m^^, ^fhn!I^= ^K^^ (Vedic absolntive or
gemnd).

«• Compare Saiakrit PlJ^H^ and so forth, and Professor Whitney's Vedic §»t.

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June, 1894.] THE ROOTS OP THE DHATUPATHA. 149

far, when Professor Whitney wrote, states under f^w that no examples of the simple verb are
found and refers to 7«rf^7, adduced by Professor Westergaard from the Bhattikavya, and to
4f*«^'f. It also gives the derivatives ftr^, ftrypr, Kl^l^«h and Rj^, as well as others, with
ha instead of gha.

Accord in«^ to the phonetic laws of Pali, the representative of fii^ i ^ ought to be f%tif%
and the JAtaka verses offer inflected forms and participles of its Parasmaipada and Atmanepada.
In the Jatakas, Vol. III. p. 308, 1. 10 ff., we read the following story: —

q^ry %ft ?r^R T^^f^JHtf^ *m?w M fit il w*ii

T fnPt T *njTf% MTU W^fft^ffW I
8w%^5'n»^n^^RlRr5iRfHi firii w^w

" The future Buddha who resided near a lotus-lake, one day went down to the

bank and stood there inhaling the fragrance of a well flowered water-lily. Thereupon ek.
daughter of the gods, who lived in the hollow of a tree, intending to frighten him, recited the
firet vei^se (of this story) : * When thou inhalest the fragrance of a lotus-flower that has not
been given to thee, that is an attempt at theft ; friend, thou art a thief of perf ume.'

** Then the future Buddha answered her with the second verse : * I neither take away,
nor do I pluck the lotus. I smell it from afar. On what grounds then doest thou call me a
thief of perfume ?*

*' But at that moment a man dug in that lake for lotus-sprouts and plucked off the flowers.
When the future Buddha saw him, he said (to the Dryad) : * Thou callest a thief me, who smell
(the flowers) from afar, why doest thou not apply (the same name) to this man ?' "

Here we have the active present indicative of ftf^ and of OTI%^ and the present parti-
ciples of the Parasmaipada and the Atmanepada, which latter is an ursha form, as the Hindus
would say. Childer's Pali Dictionary does not give the verb, but notes its derivative f%^rf^R»r
'mucus from the nose,' which in Sanskrit appears occasionally in the same form, but is usually
and more correctly spelt Rr y i PlflM . In B. W. it has been identified already with the synonym-
ous «l7||^«hr) found in Apastamba's Dharmasiitra i, 16, 14, with the variants ftrarpHFTr I
Rryfl^l«ftr and flic^rf^^. The identification is unobjectionable, as the changes in the second
form may be explained by the phonetic laws of the Prakrits, where ri frequently becomes
i and kha is softened to gha. It suggests the probability that the Sanskrit verb f%^f% is
likewise a Prakritic or secondary form of an older ^7(%, which had fallen into disuse when
the Dhatupatha was composed. In support of this view it is possible to adduce (1) the
noun of action f%:^^E^ " throwing out mucus, blowing the nose," which likewise has been
preserved in Apastamba's Dharmasiitra ii, 5, 9, (2) the lingual na in the derivatives like
TO^pr, which points to the former existence of a ndmin in the radical syllable, and (3) the
Gujarat! g^ 'to smell.' The radical vowel of the latter verb can only be derived from an
older rt, not from i. For in the Prakrits a, i, «, e are the regular representatives of Sanskrit
ri. Accented Sanskrit i can become u only by assimilation, i, e., if the following syllable has
the same vowel as in gg for ftnj and so forth. These facts teach two valuable lessons. First,
they prove that among the Sanskrit roots there are such as have been shaped according to

" Dr. Morris has poiDted out that the same story and the same verses occur in the Samyutta Nikfya IX. 14.

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150 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [June. 1894.

phonetic laws, regularly operative in the Prakfits and sporadically active in the production even
of Yedic forms and stems. Nearly one-half of the roots of the DhHtupa{ha, I should say, owe
their forms to these laws. The difference between Sanskfit and Prakrit is only one of degree.
A definite boundary line does not exist between them, and the further one goes back, the
smaller does the difference become. Secondly, it appears that, even in the tertiary Prakrits,
forms are reflected which are older than those commonly current in classical Sanskrit. No
SanskritiBt can afford to leave the modern Vernaculara out of the raq^ of his studies,
if he wishes really to understand the ancient language.

(2) J'nrfil'* I. P., ^H^ ^^t^ 'TPi%5''¥^.

This verb is omitted in the Supplement, B. W. marks it with an asterisk, referring at the
same time to the well known ^"44^. In the Jntakas, Vol. III. p. 368, 1. 1, where an angry
dispatant says to the future Buddha: f?f ^f *|i"5^^'^ PT^ f^ ^ft<K^?3r ^^flr •*You speak
to me very roughly, as if you were shaving me with a blunt razor," its present participle
Parasmaipada actually occurs. This verb, too, is Prakritic. It is clearly a corruption of
* J*^,** which bears to ^l[rt% the same relation as iT^in^ toiytsTfRt* l^lfit, to RL'TTf^ and so
forth. And fin(% actually has all the meanings attributed to jv^^ in the DhAtupatha. The
lingual nda of the latter is due to the influence of the original ndmin of the root, which very
commonly affects not only following dental nasals, but also dental teymes and mediae^ compare
c. g., Sanskrit fr?r = f^ or pffj (Shahbazgarht) = f^ or ^i?r(Pali); Sanskrit %^= crat-(es) ;
Prakrit TTf 'a fort' = Teutonic gard^ Sanskrit ^n^TT = Shahbazgarht ST^l* or sr^W= Sanskrit
qr^ (according to Professor Kern).

(3) ^r^ I. P., »nift^i^i4im^4i i ^^M .

The passive past participle of the causative of this verb , wliich is omitted in the SvppU*
ment and marked with an asterisk in B. W., has in Pali the representative ^rf^. According
to the Kandagalaka Jutaka (Vol. II. p. 163, verse 118) the future Buddha, who had been bom
as a wood-pecker, once broke his beak and split his head in striking a Khadira tree. Sorely
hurt, he exclaimed :

"Ho, I say, what is then this thorny tree with pointed leaves, *• where by one blow my head
has been broken P " The Commentary explains 7^«t ^fftff by ffW P»«i" and in a parallel
passage, verse 119 Ml^^ appears instead. To the Sanskrit ^ttRt belong the nouns tm
\\H^ and ^JT^, their literal meaning being *• a strip (of cloth or baik)."30 The form is again
Prakritic and corresponds to an older • jrH, derived, as Professor Meringer suggests to me,
from ^ or «j, compare f^ and f^, f;^^ and\rRRi% and so forth.

(4) H^% L A., qftnr^ qftfrt.

I have found the absolntive of this verb, which {he Supplement omits and B. W.
marks with an asterisk, in the following passage, J&takas, Vol. I. p. 239, 1. 10 : WT ^

^PT^ft ^rfe «rf^^?^^ a^Hrt WTf^ TOT 'mrftwr vrf^^^ q* Ttrs^nnt q^^ Prfifr ««rr

9fhf^ II The person referred to is quarrelsome Mittavindaka whose story is told in a number
of Jfttakas. In punishment of his greed he had in the end to carry a revolving wheel on his
head ; he is the wheel-carrier in Panchatantra V. Kath& 5. The verb H^f^ is given in
Childer's Pali Dictionary and the nominal derivatives H'TT and so forth are common both in
Safiskrit and in Pali. The lingual nda of the root induces me to believe that it is, like the

« See also a Bunilar opinion of Professor Fortnnatov in Per Person, Zur Lehre von der Wurxelerweiterung
und WuTKelvariaUon, p. 87 (11).

n The Commentator explains ^T^ ^J ^^m^ and takes it as equiralent to (%5TqW. He is probably right,
as in PAli an accented % is frequently lengthened.

M In the Mah^^htH there is ft^T?? an Adesa for ^^^, and i(^^.

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JuKB, 1894.] THE ROOTS OP THE DHATTJPATHA. 161

preceding three verbs, a Prakritio forniy but I caiiaot suggest what the older form may
have been.

(5) ^?% VI. P. q^H^F^.

The perfect past participle of this verb, for which in B. R. W, passages are quoted,
according to the Bodices, from the Bhattikuvja occurs in a prose passage and in a verse,
Jatakas, Vol. II. p. 225, 1. 22 ft and p. 226, verse 163, which latter runs as follows :—

*' That hunchback, to whom I clave, considering him a bull among men, lies here doubled up
(by pains) like a lute with broken strings." It may be noted that the identical form ^8^^
is used in the Bhattikavja. Professor Edgren correctly enumerates ^ among the roots,
" possibly connected with surrounding nouns." ^3f% is, of course, as the (3reek Kvfrr»6£ shews,
a Prakritic corruption of an older form ^^^^n^, and aa Professor Gurtius suggests {Orundisuge
I. p. 133, II. p. 127) finally goes back to an Indo-European root Jcur-huL^^

(6) 8?ifft I. P. ip^rftj.

Professor Whitney's Supplement gives 9T«tH% tuid ST'nt ^ ^^ sense of 'to hurt^' for
which meaning B. W. adduces various passages from Yedic texts. In the Yyagghajataka
(Vol. II, p. 358) it is narrated, how a foolish Dryad frightened the lions and tigers from the
neighbourhood of her home. Consequently, the woodcutters, who saw that there was no longer
any danger, began to cut down the trees. Perceiving her mistake, the Dryad tried to coax the
carnivorous animals back to their old haunts with the following verse : -—

** Return hither, ye tigers, walk back into the great forest, lest the tigerless wood be cut down,
lest the tigers lose their forest."

Some MSS. offer for ^mk^J in Pali the regular second person plural of the optative, the
variant ^^^. Professor Fausboll has correctly chosen the lectio docHor.^

(7) I^ * to move.'

This root, which is duly noted in B. W., occurs only in the Nirukta V. 26, and Professor
Kern {Bijdrageny p. 55) has pointed out that the Pali fft^rfH or fO^f^ and various Sanskrit
nouns belong to it. I will add its causative Ij^ = ♦ij^ilftr, which occurs in a verse, Jatakas,
Vol. IV. p. 478, 301 : —

tf?tf^ «mft mA TO ^ ^qPrf^ 'w ^* «?5^ srot m Rr ii |o\ ii

" As a man, if he rows a boat in the water, drives it to the further shore, even so diseases
and old age constantly drive mortals into the power of Yama."*^ The Commentary explains

(8) 9f^rt% I. p. ^i^'i^r lET^.

B. W. adduces one passage from Buna's Harshacharita, in which this verb, given by
Prof essor Westergaard on the authority of Chandragomin, occurs in the sense 'to rustle.'
Professor Whitney remarks thereon in the Supplement, " If it is not a bad reading, it is

81 CoD^are also Benfey, WwnteUemikon, U. 289, 322.

« The root is worthy of the attention of Professor Edgren, who is astonished that the Dhatnp&tlia often marka

roots Tim fi^l^l^. Another case of the same kind will be disonssed below nnder No. 12.
^ In this Terse the verb has been ohosen in order to bring oat the Anuprftsa.

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152 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [June, 1894.

probably an artificial formation." In the J&takas, Vol. V. p. 304, verses 50 and 52, I have
found it nsed with the meaning * to trumpet ' and * to whistle ' : —

In the second verse the past participle is found in the compound ^lNK^|^f^^(%Wi which the
Commentary explains by •^fHpTgftnf.'* The verb ^^gff^, very probably the etymon of ^^l
'elephant,' literally *the trumpeter,' is, of course, merely a variant of amf^ the short vowel
plus the nasal doing duty for the long one, as is the case in numerous, other Sanskrit roots.
Sometimes, as many as three forms occur, e. g,, lend, JcM (kdl), Jcufid 'to bum.* The first form
is vouched for, as Professor Meringer points out to me, by the Gothic hauri 'a coal, coal-fire,*
the second occurs in Vedic works and in Pali (c. g,, Jufeakas, Vol. I. p. 405, verse 97) and the
third rests on the authority of the grammarians, who adduce various inflected forms, e. ^., in
the Mah&bhashya, Vol. III. p. 837 (Kielhorn) the future jn^lW* Various modem Vernaculars,
like the Gujarfitf , allow in the case of almost every verb, with a short u or t followed by a double
consonant, the substitution of a nasalised short or of a long vowel, followed by one consonant,

(9) ir»SR|% X. P. H^.

This verb, regarding which hitherto nothing has been known, is clearly the parent of
the noun Tp>^ 'the destroyer,' preserved in the compound ^H4|«-v|«|), ItttvuttaJca, p. 64,
verse, 5*: —

As Professor Windisch states in the note, loc, cit, the MS, A explains ^rt^KMHlft"
^<4^^^| and mentions the v. I. ^PT^^f^t* I« niy opinion «F\|«n% is a denominative from ^F^Sf,
which frjequ^ntly means "a trace, something infinitesimally small." Everybody, who has
attended an Indian SabhA, or had intercoui*se with the Pandits, will remember the familiar
phrase 9^]?^ f^ttVMW)/^ 'TTI^.

(10) im^ 1T?^, I. A. g^fftr^.

Prof. Westergaard gives the meanings * curvum esse, scelestum esse, curvare.* According
to B. W., *?Tml% means also * verletzt, beschadigt.' Hemachandra, Anekarthasamgraha, III. 249
(Zachariae), says : irf^t^T ti|^|^V|^l :l WFF^ ^ and Mahendra (op. cit. p. 110) adduces f%«^ft an
unidentified fragment of a verse 'n'^^ ^f^ttT^ •T^'iF^'l- ^^ the ShAhbazgarhi version of Asoka's
Rock-Edict XIII. the noun afqi^tr occurs twice instead of gfnjFf *hurt,' which the Girnarand K&lst
versions offer. In the Jatakas, Vol. V. p. 306, 11. 14 and 21, we have twice the compound JI'STnTuffr,
which is explained by, and certainly means ^Jt79(%lTr> *a female disgracing her family.' The
noun ?Ff^1^ifi apparently the representative of «fRU5I *curvans, scelestum faciens,' tiha being
put, as in other cases, in place of ntha in order to save the quantity of the syllable. Though we
have also in this case no proof, that the verb was inflected in the manner prescribed by the
Dhatupatha, and though the task of verification has not been done completely, yet the former
existence of a verb q?^ or fn(^ * to disgrace, to hurt,' which in the Atmanepada would mean * to
be disgraced, or hurt^* cannot be denied.

(11) ;Tn^ I. P., ^rp^hmr^'OThfhj.

The verb ^V^ is given in the Supplement with the meaning * to seek aid, ' which corre-
sponds to ^TT^r. and W. B. states that only the participles are found in literature. It is used in
the sense of Ptf ^ Sl^Rf , agreeing with Professor Westergaard's *aegrotum esse,' in the Jatakas,

*♦ The true black Koil, which is really reared by the crows, utters three whistling notes in snccosEion, among
which the second is the highest and as the stress-accent. They may be rendered by pihihu.
^ Compare P aUchatantra, I. 441-2 (Kosegarten) and Indische SprHche, 2^78-9.

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June, 1894.] THE ROOTS OP THE DHATUPATHA. 153

Vol. V. p 90, verse 274, where a queen, who nurses her sick husband in the forest^ begs her
Kfe from a Yaksha for the following reason : —

** When, searching the forest like a gleaner, I bring honey and flesh, the leavings of carni-
vorous beasts, that is his food ; his (body), I ween, fades to-day."

The Commentary says, ^m y i ^ l ft I «rW 'OC^ Wflt «IH*nrRW ^W W^ qi'^^nrriyt f^

Professor Meringer points out to me that m^ 7791% ib reflected by the Oreek ycd^^f,
v^p6£ 'slow lazy,' vmBptvm «to be slow or lazy.'

(12) «T^qt I. P., ip^qr^ itA <miTT^ f^^ i i^^w'^H tirt^ ^.

This verb, which Professor Whitney omits and B. W. marks with an asterisk, may either
remain unchanged in Pali or become 1*t|^, just as, e, g,j f9^B^f% (WMlfil) becomes ?9't3|#, ^T^
becomes ^^ and T^pv becomes in Aioka's Edicts iTvnv, «. e., ^r^^. In the latter form the
verb is found in the Gandatinduha Jdtaka. Panchala, the negligent king of E^mpilya, the
Jiltaka narrates, allowed his kingdom to be misgoverned by bad servants, who oppressed and
plundered the inhabitants. Onoe» in consequence of the exhortations of a Dryad, he went out
incognito, together with his domestic priest, in order to see for himself how matters stood.
Some miles from his capital he came upon an old man^ who during the day had lain hidden in
the jungles, and returned home in the evening after the royal officials had left the village*
In accordance with the custom still in use, the man had scattered thorns before the door of
his house in order to protect the entrance. In the darkness a thorn entered his foot and,
while he plucked it out, he cursed the king as the cause of his mishap. The king and the
Purohita heard his words, and the latter answered the accusation with the following Gatha,
Jatakas, Vol. V. p. 102, verse 317 :

ftir ifRT mr^^iw ^ ^ h»^c^ ^"<i*l iifinx^ii

" Old art thou and weak of sight, thou doest not distinguish objecta well. What is {the fault)
of Brabmadatta in this, that a thorn has hurt thee P"

The Commentary explains 'T'^^ by f^ffji*!!. The meaning 'to hurt' has apparently
been developed from the meaning «nf^, given in the Dh&tup&tha, because the thorn or any
other object entering the foot or any part of the body hurts it. We have here another case,
where a •* go-root" is used f^^STRVTSt, V^^^ *s the Dhfttup&tha asserts of many other verbs. The
use of the Parasmaipada 'H^r^ for the Atmanepada H^^r required by the Dhatup&fha, is
accounted for by the circumstance that the latter occurs in Pa|i less frequently than the
former.

In conclusion I will give a case, where an inflexion, taught in the Dhatupatha, but not as
yet found in a Sanskrit work, has been preserved in Pali. ^;^, it is stated there^ makes CM^t
^^r% and C^^l^ T^^i which latter two inflexions have been verified.

In the Jdtakas, Vol. V. p. 84, verse 248, a SuparQa grants to the N&ga Pan^araka his life,
with the following words :—

** Well, from death I free thee now, oh snake with double tongue! For, (there are) three
(Jtinds of) sons, a pupil, an adopted child and the offspring of one's own body — there is bo

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154 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jtoe, 1894.

other. Rejoice, thou hast become a Bon (of mine) belonging to one {of these clones) ?" ^ Here
■we have ^W^» in Sanskf it CW^*

When a cursory inspection of five-sevenths of a single section yields such results, it is
perhaps not too much to say that a search for roots, in other ancient portions of the Pali canon
of the Buddhists is at least desirable, and that probably it will not be bootless.

(To be continued.)

ON THE DATE OF THE RIG VEDA.

BY PEOFESSOE H. JACOBL

{Translated from the Oerman by Dr. J. M orison,)

In the Big Veda VII. 103, 9 it is said of the frogs :

Bevdhitim jugupur dtddasdsya ritum ndrd nd prd minanty itffl safhvatsare' prdvrishy
d'gatdydm taptd' gharmd' ainuvatS visargdm ||

Kaegi and Geldner translate : " Sie halten ein des Jahres heilige Ordnung, rergessen nie
die rechte Zeit, die Manner, sobald im Jahr die Regenzeit gekommen die heisse Sonnenglnt
ein Ende findet.** " They observe the sacred order of the year, they never forget the proper
time, those men, as soon as in the year the raintime has come, the hot glow of the sun finds its

end," Similarly Grassmann.

Here I take objection to the rendering of dvddaid with "year." Dvftdabi is supposed to have
this meaning, because it can also mean ^* with twelve parts," and in fact has this meaning in the
technical expression dvddaiu strStra in the Batapatha Brdhmana and the Taittirtya Brdhmana.
But I should be inclined to doubt if dvddaid can have this meaning, standing alone without
mention of the thing which has the twelve parts, for the ordinal will then always be understood
in its proper sense. And so I take dvddasdsya in our passage, understanding mdsah ; I
translate accordingly : ** they observe the sacred order, never forget the proper time of the
twelfth (month) these men." We have hence for the Rlg*Veda a year beginning with the
rainy season, the most obvious and in general most regular division of time, from which the
later Hindus called the year varsha or abda (rain-giving). The objection may be made, that if
the year began with the rainy season, the beginning of the latter must fall in the first and not
the last month of the year. But since the beginning of the rainy season, considering the
variations of the lunar year, could not be determined with certainty, the simplest way was to
count that month, whose former half was in the dry season, in with the old year and reckon
the first markedly rainy month with the new year, also its beginning. Those sensible creatures
{narah) the frogs are therefore justly praised for never forgetting the right month, the
twelfth, and with it the proper division of the seasons.

Since the Panjab was the home of the earliest Vedic civilization we must keep its climatic
conditions clearly before our eyes. Now in the northern part of the Panjab, where alone a
wind of the specific character of the monsoon blows, the first rains come at the end of June,
or say about the summer-solstice. It is an obvious hypothesis that these marked out, so to say
scientifically, the beginning of the varshd year. That this really was the case is probable from
another passage of the Rig-Veda. In the Suryasvkta, X. 85, 13, we read : s(irya'ya vahatiih
prtVgat savita ydm ava'sfjat I aghft'su banyan tS gftvd' rjuny6'fci p^ry uhyate II The Atk, Ved.
XIV. 1, 13, has the following variant: magha'su hanyant£ gA'val^ pbalgunishu vydhyatS, " in
Magha the kine are killed, in Phalgum the marriage or procession — is held." It is clear,
I think, without further argument, that when the marriage of the sun, or its procession into

** J'^ Btande, according to the oommentary, for J^t as a final AnuavAra, can be optionally omitted or
elided in Pa|i. The dinnaka putta is the dattaka putra of the Smritis. The meaning of the last line is, as ths
commentary points out, that the N&ga has beoome the Suparna's antevisi.

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JiTNE, 1894.] ON THE DATE OF THE RIG VEDA. 155

its new hooae, is spoken of, this poiat of time can be referred only to the beginning of a new
revolution of the soo.^ And, since the Vedic year, as we have seen, began about the summer
solstice, this latter must be assumed in accordance with the passage above to have been in
Phalguni at that time.

The full moon in Bhadrapada^ belongs to the summer solstice in Phalguni ; the first rainy
month was therefore Bhadrapada or Praushthapada, since the summer solstice coincided, as we
have seen, with the beginning of the rainy season. A trace of this has been preserved in
later times in the directions in the Grihyamtras as to the beginning of the study of the Veda,
the upakirana. It is fixed in the Sdhkh. 0, S, 4, 5, for the beginning of the rainy season,
oshadhirUiui prddurbhdvS. The rainy season, in which all out-of-door employment is at an end,
is the natural time for study, and the Baddhiets, too, hold, during this period, their vassa,
though this, indeed, is devoted more to preaching than study. Fdrdskara 0. S. 2, 10, transfers
the updkarana to the day of the full moon in 'Sravana, the first rainy month in Madhyadesa,
2000 B. C, while the monsoon began as early as Asha^ha' in the east of India, and a part of the
Deccan at that period.

Accordingly, when in the Qobhila 0. S. 3, 3, the updharana is fixed for the day of the
full moon in Praush{hapada, though at the same time the opening of the schools on the day of
the full moon in Sravana is well known, the former must be a date hallowed by immemorial
usage, which was not abandoned, even when it had long ceased to agree with the beginning of
the rainy season. The same date is mentioned in Rdmdyana IIL 28, 54 : ^

mdsi Praushthapada brahma brdhmandndm vivakshaidm I
ay am adhydyasamayah sdmagdndm upasthitah ||

It was current, as can be proved, among the followers of the SdmavSda ; but must have
been still more generally spread. For it was probably founding on this ancient custom that
the Jainas fixed the beginning of their pajjusand, which corresponds to the Buddhist vassa, on
Bhadrapada su. di. 5.*

The opening of the schools, therefore, in Praushthapada, appears to go back to the earliest
times of the Big-Veda, for even then it is likely there was an official scholastic year, in which
the sacred science was communicated orally, and for this as in later times the rainy period
was probably chosen. In the hymn to the frogs the phrase idktdsyeva vadati Ukahamdnah
would contain a comparison, appropriate not only to the subject, but to the time of year.

As in the case we have just been disotisBing, an antiquated usage has been preserved
down to times when the position of the heavenly bodies, and hence the division of the
months among the seasons of the year, have undergone alteration, we shall expect to
find similar traces of change in the more modern Vedic works. In these, as is well known,
Krittika is always the first in order of the nak$hatras. Here and there, however, we find
indications, which are not in agreement with this arrangement, but which do agree with the
position of the colours assumed by us. So, for example, the remark of the KausMtaJci Br. V. 1,
" that the uitare phalgu form the beginning (niukham), while the pdrve phalgu form the tail
{pucchham) of the year,*^ and the note of the Taitt. Brdhm* I. I, 2, 8 in which in the same way
•* the purve phdiguni is called the last night, _;a^^anya rdtrih, the uttare phdlguni on the other

1 So also Weber, Ind. SkiMxen, p. 76, note. But in the Vedischen Ncwhrichten von den NakshcUra, II. 365 ff.,
he has departed from this opinion. The most of the facts about the nakshatrcu are borrowed from the above
classical dissertation, which I need not, therefore, quote in every single instance.

* A glance at the table of Nakshatras at the end of this article will shew this. The position of the colures I
have assumed for the period of the ^ig'Veda is made clear to the eye by this table. It has only to be noted that the
fall moon is exactly 180^ further advanced than the sun at the same time.

* The difference in fixing the rainy season in works which belong to the same epoch is a valuable criterioo for
determining the country of their authorship, which has not as yet been employed as it should have been.

* Kfilakficharya puts it on the previous day.

< This same Brdhmana XIX. 3 places the winter solstice in the new moon of M&gha, and puts, accordingly, the
summer solstice in Magh&, which corresponds to the K^ittikft order.

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16« THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jitnb, 1894.

band is called the first night of the year.^ Accordingly we can say, with more exactitude^
that in the oldest period, from which we have here a tradition not a contemporary testimony,
the colure went through Uttara Ph^lgunl.

Hitherto we have treated only of the varshd year. Bat it is probable that even then, as in
India and Europe in the Middle Ages, yarions dates for the beginning of the year were
current. Thus the counterpart of the varshd year, which began with the summer solstice^
would be a himd year, beginning exactly six months earlier with the winter solstice, and its
first month would accordingly be Pb&lguna. This can be proved by Taitt. S. 7, 4, 8> 1, 2 :
mtikhaih ▼& etdt saihyatsardsya ydt phalgunlptepainftarf^, and Panchaviihia Br. 5, 9. 9,
mukham y& dtat saihTatsarasya yat ph&lgaxialbL*^

For this same period we may readily assume a iarad year, since even in the Big- VSda the
year is often called simply iarad (along with kimd), and in historical times the year beginning
with EArttika is the commonest in Northern India. Such a iarad year must begin with the
autumnal equinox, or with the full moon closest to it. Now at the time in which the summer
solstice was in Uttara Phalgunt, and the winter solstice was in Purva Bhadrapad^, the autumnal
equinox was in MOla, and the vernal equinox was in Mfigaliras. In this computation MiUa was
accordingly the first nahshatra^ and its very nameMttZa, t. e., " root, beginning," seems to indicate
this, just as its older name vichritaut " the dividers," seems to point to the beginning as the
break in the series. The preceding naJcskatra, which was therefore the last at that time is
JySshthd. The meaning of this name, ** the oldest," corresponds with the position we have
assumed for it, and its older name Jy^h^haghnf,* Taitt, Brahm. 1, 5, 2, 8, seems to indicate the
star, An tares, as that which " kills," that is, closes the ** old" year.®

Our conjecture is still more clearly supported by the name of the first month of the iarad
year, Agrahayana, ''belonging to the b^inning of the year," which is the name of Margasirag
whose full moon occurs in Mfigasiras. As at that time Mrigasiras denoted the vernal equinox,
it follows that the autumnal full moon must occur in conjunction with the same sign and that
the first month must be Margasiras.

The three years we have discussed yield the f ollovring initial months for the three divisions*
Chdturmdiydni ritumuhhdni :—

Himft year.

&aiad xMt. VanhA year.

I. Phfilgnna (12)
II.ABh&4ha.(4)
III. Kiirttika (8)

II. Chaitra (1)
III. SrAvana (5)
I. Margalira (9)

III. Vaififikha (2)

L Praoshthapada (6)
II. Pansha (10)

This difference is reflected in the contradictory Vedic statements about the Chdturmdsya
ceremony,^^ inasmuch as all the above three lists are recorded as existing side by side. For at
the first glance we see that these periods of four months cannot be derived from the actual
seasons, since it is sheerly impossible that within a single period, even if we extend it to a
thousand years or more, one season can have begun in three successive months, as in fact is
prescribed for each sacrifice which occurs at intervals of four months. The contradiction,
however^ disappears if we assume that the division of the year current at the epoch of the
Big-VSda, the three kinds of year which have been proved to exist before, were in later times

• Weber, H. 339. » Weber, II. 8».

> The spelling of AtK Y. 6. 110, 2, Jyaish^haghnt seems to rest on a wrong tradition or intentional similarit -
with tbe month Jyaishtluu

• VkUL 8f 4, 4, 10, 2, nses for JyfisbthA the name Bdhi^l, which nsnally denotes Aldebftran ; this name is
explained by the fact that both stars, Aldebaran and Antares, hare a red light, as even Ptolemy noticed. And I
believe that the well^-known story that Sdma, the moon, dwelt only with her, is to be explained from the exietenoe
of two B^hints, the brighest stars among the naJuhatrtu, which moreover marked the termination of both halves
of the oircnit of tfre moqUf ^ Weber> W ff*

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ON THE DATE OF THE RIG VEDA.

157

retained for liturgical parposesj as in other cases practices which have died ost in daily life
still survive in worship. Under this supposition the apparent confusion gives place to the most
perfect order.

These combinations point in my opinion, without a possibility of error, to a position of the
colures, such as we have given for the oldest period, that of the Biy-Veda. The later
Vedic period introduced a correction, consisting in the transference of the opening point of
the year from MrigaSiras to KrittikA ; and it is precisely this circumstance that gives a material
significance to the determination, for it must have been approximately correct for the time of
the correction. Now the vernal equinox was in KrittikA and the summer solstice wag iri
Magha about 2500 B. C, as may be seen from the following tables of Nakshatras, based oil
Whitney's Surya-siddhdntc^ p. 211. To allow for an error of observation on the part of these
early astronomers, we may leave this date not exactly determined five centuries one way or the
other. The statement of the JyStisha, as to the position of the colnres, is much later ; it
corresponds to the fourteenth or fifteenth century B. C, and shews a repeated fixing of the
colures. That, however, is less important for us now ; the chief point is that the Vedic text^',
properly so' called, contain a determination of the colures, which was evidently correct for them,
and was only corrected in the Jyoiisluij a determination that leads us to at leaist the beginnings
of the three thousand years B. C. Considerably older than this^ even, is the position of the colures',
which we may infer for the Big-V^dd^ a position which, as our table shews, corresponded to
reality about 4500 B. C. We can hardly venture, it is true, to place the Big-VSda so far back^
but only the beginnings of the civilization, a mature, perhaps even lata, product of whioh we
possess in the hymns of the Big-Veda,

This period of oivilizalion extended acoordingly from about 4fr00 to 2500 B. C,
and we shall perhaps not be far wrong, if we put the oofleotioii of hymBd whioh has
come down to us in the second half of this period.

Hitherto we have spoken only of one result of the precession of the equinox, namely the
alteration of the colures. Another result is that, along with the gradual alteration of the
celestial equator its north (and south) pole continued to move in a circle of 23| semidiameter
in a period of about 26,000 years, round the fixed poles of the ecliptic. In this way one stai*
after another draws nearer the north pole and becomes the north or pole star. We shall
distinguish these two names, which are now synonymous, by carlling the bright star which at
any time stands nearest the pole, the north star ; the star whose distance from the pole is so
slight, that for all practical purposes it may be called fixed (dhruva) we shall call the pole star.
The following table" contains the north stars from 5000 B. 0. till 2000 A. D. ; for each staif
there is gi?en the magnitude, minimum distance from the north pole, and the date of this
minimum distance.

Draconis

3'0

magnitude

4^ 38'

polar

dist.

4700 B, C.

0** 6'

2780 „

»»

3-3

4P 44/

l»

»»

1290 „

Ursae minoris

2'0

C^ 28'

»»

•»

1060 „

» r»

2'0

0° 28'

>»

■ r»

2100 A, D,

The given polar distances shew that only two stars, a Draconis and a Ursae minoris
'(our pole star) deserve the name of pole star, since the rest at their minimum distance from
the pole — spun round it in a circle of a diameter of at least 9 degrees — and hence could be
Jaasily recognized as movable by any observer, especially since the height of the pole was not
great. All this harmonizes with the facts that the ancients did not commonly use the name
pole star, and that navigators did not steer by one fixed st^r, but that the Greeks sailed by the

"My colleague, Dr. Kastner, Professor of Astronomy, has had the kindness to make the calculations for me
md has ta^en into account the proper motion of ?aqh star.

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158 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [June, 1S94.

Great Bear, and the Phoenicians by the Little Bear ;^^ farther tliat the Indian astronomers do
not name a pole star, and lastly that European writers in the Middle Ages, though they do
mention the north star, do not term it the polar star, since at that time our pole star was still
distant some 5 degrees from the pole.

Now when, in the Indian ritual of marriage, the pole star (called expressly ** the immovable"
dhruva) finds a place, the usage, though first mentioned in the Orihya Sutras only, must date
back to a very ancient period, when there was a real pole star. After what has been said above,
it can only be a Dracouis. More than five centuries ago, this star stood nearer the pole than j
our pole star does now. It was therefore long enough a pole star, in the narrower sense of the
word, to be recognized as such by the Hindus, and become closely bound up with their views
and customs. In addition its position was such as must lead to its recognition as a steadfast
pole, round which the other stars revolved, and was therefore easy to find. It is placed equally
distant from the angles of a somewhat irregular four-sided figure formed by « and k Draconis,
/B Ursae Minoris (called according to the PeL Diet, Uttanapada) and f Ursae Majoris (near
which star stands Alcor-Arundhad, which is likewise shewn to the bride). ^

Since therefore we must look upon a Draconis as the dhruva of the Vedic period, it follows
from the table above, that thid took place some centuries before and after 2800 B. C.
This date coincides nearly exactly with that which we obtained above from the position of the
colures in the Brdhmana period, perhaps for its beginning. Thu^ both results, obtained in
difEerent ways, harmonize, and mutually confirm their correctness in the completest manner.

Many may be inclined to shake their heads at these concInsit)ns, inasmuch as they stand
in too decided opposition to the generally accepted views. But on what is the common view
founded ? Chiefly we think on the splitting up of the Vedic period into several successive
divisions of literature, and a somewhat subjective guess at their duration. M. Muller assumes
for the three last of his four strata of Vedic literature, in order to avoid a too extravagant
estimate,^^ a minimum of 200 years. But it is easy io see that this estimate is far below the
minimum of the possible period, during which in India a department of literature could take
its rise, reach perfection, become obsolete and die out, to give place finally to a thoroughly new
departure. For a Brahmana, for example, could only bo widely spread by being learned by
heart by a gradually extending circle of Brahmans, and with the size of the country this would
certainly demand a long time. Every man, who learned such a work, became, so to say, a copy
of it, and to carry out the figure, a written copy, to which no new work could be added. But
several of such works must successively take the place of their predecessors, before the entire
class of works in question became obsolete. I maintain that a minimum of a thousand,
yeara must rather be taken for such a process, which in the conditions that prevailed
in ancient India was of necessity a very slow one, especially when we take into con-i
sideration that in histoncal times the literature of the classical period remained for more than
a thousand years nearly unaltered.

But I shall not continue these general arguments in order not to overstep the space
allotted to me too greatly.

Concluding Note.

The previous investigation had been finished and communicated orally to othew, when I
got information of the work of Prof. B&l Qangadhar Tilak, which leads to the same
results. These investigations were put on paper in their present form before I saw his
summary of the principal facts and arguments in the Orion. Nevertheless, I have determined
to publish my arguments, as, in spite of our agreement in the main result, our methods are
diCPerent.

IS AratuB {Phaen, 87-89) and^Eratostliexisa {Catasteriemi) do mention, it is true, a star below the square of the
Little Bear (probably a not a) as the poles, round which the Tault of heayen revol?ed. In the rest of the
ancient literature it does not seem to be notioed.

w MM. Rig-VSda, Vol. IV. p. vU. T. M.

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JlTKE, 1894.]

ON THE DATE OP THE RIG VEDA.

159

Longitudes of the principal stars of the Nakshatras at various times.

No.

Name.

560
A. D.

*
B.C.

1000
B.C.

2000
B.C.

3000
B.C.

4000
B.C.

Name of Star.

Aivini

13^93

6°70

353°83

S41°04

328°31

315°64

ff Arietis

Sharacti ••• •••

26-90

19-67

6-80

351-01

341-28

327-61

a Muscae

Krittik4

39-97

32-74

19-87

7-08

354-35

341-68

1? Tauri

E61iint

49-75

42-52

29-65

16-86

4-13

350-46

Aldebaran

Mrigaiiras

63-67

56-4i

43-57

30-78

18-06

5-38

X Orionis

ArcLira ••• ••• •••

68-71

61-48

48-61

35-82

22-09

9-42

Beteigeuze

Ponarvasu

93-23

86-00

73-13

60-34

47-61

34-94

PoUux

Pushya .•• ••« •••

108-70

101-47

88-60

75-81

63-08

50-41

d Canci-i

AslesU

112-33

106-10

92-23

79-44

66-71

54-04

e Hydrae

Ma^h.& ••• ••• ••«

129-81

122-58

109-71

96-92

84-19

71-52

Regulufl

P. Phalguni... ...

141-25

134-02

12M5

•108-36

95-63

82-96

h Leonis

U. Phalguni

161-61

144-38

131-61

118-72-

1C5-99

93-32

P Leonis

Hasta

173-45

166-22

153-35

140-56

127-83

115-16

d Corvi

Chitri

183-81

176-58

163-71

160-92

137-19

125-52

Spica

Sv&ti

184-20

176-97

164-10

161-31

133-58

1-26-91

Arcturus

Visakbi

211-00

203-77

190-90

178-11

165-38

152-71

I Librae

Anur&dh^

222-57

215-34

202-47

189-68

176-95

164-28

d Scorpionis

JySshfcM

229-73

222-50

209-63

196-84

183-11

171-44

An tares

MQla

244-55

237-32

224-45

211-66

198-93

186-26

X Scorpionis

P.A8Mdh&... ...

254-53

247-30

234-43

221-64

208-91

196-24

d Sagittai-ii

U. A8li&dh&

262-35

255-12

242-25

229-46

216-73

203-06

a Sagittaiii

Abhijit • ...

265-25

258-02

245-15

232-36

219-63

206-96

Yega

oravana ••• •••

281-68

274-45

261-58

248-79

236-06

223-39

Atair

&rayi8btli& ... ...

296-31

289-08

276-21

263-42

250-69

238-02

^ Delphini

Satabhisbaj

321-56

314-32

301-45

288-66

275-93

263-26

X Aquarii

P. BbadrapadA ...

338-45

326-22

313-35

300-56

287-83

275-16

a Pegasi

U. Bhadrapad& ...

849-13

341-90

329-03

316-24

303-51

290-84

a Andromedao

JtvcYati ••• ••• •..

359-83

352-60

339-73

326-93

314-21

301-54

C Piscium

Supplementary Tables.
I. XL

Pegreea. Tears.
1° = 78

Degrees. Years.
7° = 547

Years. Degrees.
100 = 1°28

Years. Degrees.

600 = 7°68

2 = 156

8 = 625

200 = 2-56

700 == 8-96

8 = 234

9 = 703

300 =3-84

800 = 10-24

4 = 312

10 = 781

400 = 5-12

900 =11-62

5 = 390

11 = 859

500 = 6-40

1000 =12-80

6 = 469

12 = 937

ifote.^'Thia table is based on that given by Professor Whitney in the S<lrya Siddhdntot for A. D. 600. The
precession has been calculated according to Bessel. The Supplementary Tables serve to determine
approximatively (1) the longitude for the intervals between the dates mentioned in the large table, and
(2) the periods for longitudes not mentioned.

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160 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [Jxtke, IS^4.

FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA.

BY PUTLIBAI D. H. WADIA.

No. 20. — JDevhi Bani.

Once npon a time tHere lived a fanner, who was rich in all earthly poBseseions, bat had
the misfortTine to lose his wife and to find his only daughter motherless at a very tender age.
After tha death of her mother, the whole bnrden of the household duties devolved npon
the little girl, and among other things she had to cook the daily food for her father and
herself. In the art of cookery, however, the poor little girl was very deficient, and bad, there*
fore, now and then to seek the advice of a neighbour, a woman who, though sweet of tongue
and fair of form, was cunning and false hearted. She would often come into the house under
pretence of directing the girl in her household duties, though in reality she made every
endeavour to involve her more and more in ^difficulties, and pcunted her before her father as a
girl hopelessly inefficient in every respect.

In doing this, the crafty woman had a double object. She wanted ta nrrn the poor girl in
the estimation of her father, and to impress upon the old man the advisability of marrying a
aeoond wife, and that wife her own worthy self. Unfortunately for the pocwr motherless child,
the plan succeeded, and the farmer married his fair neighbour one fine day. The little girl in
her innocence welcomed her with every manifestation of delight, and she was duly installed
mistress of the house.

Things went on smoothly for some days, but by degrees the false woman threw off her
mask and revealed herself in her true colours. She treated her step-daughter very cruelly, and
subjected her to all sorts of indignities. Somehow or other, the poor thing was always in
trouble. Continual dropping will wear away a stone, and the complaints of her alleged
misdoings were so frequent, that her father grew sick and tired of it all, and came to look
upon his poor little daughter as a being utterly unworthy of his regard. She had, however, no
one to whom she could tell her wrongs, and had, therefore, to bear her lot in silence.

The lapse of a year or two saw the birth of another daughter to the farmer, but this event
only served to fill the cup of the poor child's misery to the brim, for the cruel stop-mother,
who had up to this time barely tolerated her 8tep«daughter as a dependant in the honso, now
wished to get rid of her altogether. So one day she found out a pretext for sending her to the
woods in the hope that some wild animal might devour her. She deputed to the poor creature
the task of taking out an old cow of her dead mother^s to graze : **Take her out with you," she
said, ** for I cannot trust her with anyone else, she is your mother's cow, and " — she added
sarcastically — ** she perhaps might put up with your ill-nature and your stupid ways, and rid
me for a time at least of your troublesome company.'*

These words brought tears to the unfortunate girl's eyes, but she meekly went to the stables,
and throwing a halter round the coyi's head* took her away with her to the fields.

A crust of dry bread was all that the hard-hearted woman had given her for her noon-day
meal. She ate it, and took a cooling draught from a spring hard by, and wandered about in
childish freedom through the fields with her charge.

Day after day was the girl thus sent out with the gow, a bit of dry bread for her food and
little or no clothing to protect her from the sun and the rain. But the child was patient by
nature, and complained not, nor had she any friend to whom she could turn for sympathy.
The old cow, however, evinoed great love for her and shed many a tear in pity for her sad lot.
At last, one day, llvara najraculously endowed the dumb cref^turewiththe power of speech,
and she said to the girl : *• My dear child, how your good mother must be weeping in heaven to
see yon so miserable ! She was kind to me as well as to all around her, and Isvara has for her
sake given me the power to help you ; so, do as I bid you. Place your dry crust of bread into
pay mouth, and see what follows." The girl did so, i^d rather regretfully watched the cow

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JUHB, 1894.J FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDIA; No. 20. 161

gulp down the bread, for she was very hungry. But a moment after, the cow opened her
large mouth again, when lo ! it was filled with the daintiest and most wholesome food ! The
delighted child ate heartily of it, and being greatly refreshed, lay down beside the cow as she
would have done by the side of her own mother.

Things went on like this for many months, and the child throve so well on the wholesome
food thus strangely provided for her, that her shrewd step-mother noticed the change, and
suspected some interference with her plans. So one day, she sent her own little girl after her
half-sister to watch her movements, and the little spy came upon her just as she was removing
the eatables from the cow*s mouth and spreading them before her on some leaves on the ground
prior to partaking of them.

Our heroine, suspecting nothing wrong in this unexpected visit of her younger sister, gave
her a kind welcome, and invited her to a share of the tempting things spread on the ground.
The crafty child readily sat down to the meal, and, when she had eaten her fill, rose to go.
Before she left, however, the elder sister made her promise not to .tell their mother what sho
had seen and done in the jungle that day. But the ungrateful little thing could not hold hev
tongue. She related to her mother all about the miraculous powers of the cow, at which the
wicked woman flew into a terrible rage, and vowed to destroy the cow before she was a day
older ! Accordingly, when the farmer came home that evening, she complained of a severe
headache, and said that a physician, who had visited her, had prescribed as a remedy the fresh
hot blood of a cow to be applied to it. The farmer, thereupon, ran out to get a good cow,
but she called him back, and suggested that they could not do better than use the tough old
cbw that had once belonged to his first wife, and had now grown utterly useless. It was all
the same to the henpecked husband, and the poor cow's doom This sealed. The very next
morning the butcher was asked to come round with his big sharp knife.

Now, the cow was as wise as any old woman, and when she saw her protSgi^s little sister
trip into the fields, she knew what she was sent for, and felt sure that her end was near and
inevitable. So she said to her little companion^ as soon as the intruder's back was turned :
«* My child, it is all very well for you so long as I live, but something tells me that my end is
approaching, and when I am gone, who will love you and tend you as I do ?"

** Then, I, too^ shall die," replied the child, weeping and throwing her arms round the old
beast's neck, for certainly she was the only friend she had upon earth.

" No, no, it will not come to that," said the cow soothingly, '* if you remember and follow
jny instructions. If ever I die or am killed, and my carcass thrown to the crows, do you
take care, child, to collect some at least of my flesh, and bury it into the ground in some
unfrequented comer of your father's laud. Oo not touch this spot for thirty-one days, but after
that period is past, if you find yourself in any trouble, come and dig at the spot again, call
on me by name, and I shall help you."

The next morning brought the butcher with his knife to the &rmer's door, and before the
girl could take the good motherly oow to the meadows, she was dragged out and slaughtered,
and a pailful of her fresh warm blood was promptly carried to the mistress of the house, who
had remained in bed nursing her headache. She immediately issued orders to the butcher to
cut up the carcass of the dead beast into ever so many small fragments, and to scatter them to
the four winds, so that no one may make the least attempt to put them together and bring
her to life again ! The butcher did as he was desired, but our little heroine, overwhelmed with
grief and despair, stole quietly out of the house, possessed herself of a piece or two of the flesh
and hurriedly buried it, as she had been instructed.

The poor cow had not been dead and gone many days, when the cruel stepmother again
began to invent plans, by which to dispose of her husband's first-bom. Among other things
she would send her with a large basket into the jungle, and bid her bring it home with her in
the evening filled with sticks for fuel.

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162 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [June, 1894.

One day, while going about on her errand, she placed her empty basket on a large stone,
and went into a thicket in search of dry sticks, when a gust of wind suddenly swept the basket
away. The poor thing beat her breast for fear lest she might lose it and incur her step-mother's
displeasure, and ran eagerly in pursuit of it. But the wind was too strong for her, and it
carried the basket further ai\d further away, till at last she found herself in quite a strange
place, and saw it roll up to the feet of a pious Brfthmai^ engaged in his devotions. As the
Ibasket touched his feet, he took it up to the great dismay of our little heroine, who cried piteously
and begged him to give it back to her.

Now the Brfthmai^ was no other than Ibvara himself, who had come upon earth in this
guise for some purpose of his own. He smiled graciously on the poor child, and said as he
flung the basket back to her : ** Here, Ddvkl B&nl, take back thy basket. The sun and the
moon shall adorn thy brow, and Padam^ deck thy feet. Thou shalt cast thy radiance wherever
thou goest, shed pearls for tears, and throw out rubies with thy laughter ! "

The young creature hardly comprehended the meaning of these strange words. To recover
her basket was all that she desired, and away she flew home with it. But when she went
into the presence of her step-mother, what an ejaculation of surprise she was greeted with ! What
could have worked that transformation in her poor despised step daughter ! Her beauty sparkled
like lightning and almost blinded the eye of the beholder ! What could have brought about
Buch a change in her ! Surely the poor girl herself could not tell. But by threats and coaxing
administered by turns, her step-mother got out of her the whole story of her adventure in the
jungle, and persuaded her to take her half-sister with her to the woods the next morning, and
get the same wonderful change worked in her, for be it mentioned the half-sister was as
plain as plain could be, greatly to the detriment of her mother's pride. So the next morning
our heroine started forth with her basket, accompanied by the younger girl, and duly placed
it on the same stone. Presently a high wind arose and carried away the basket, and the younger
girl ran after it till it reached the same Brahman impersonation of Isvara. He caught hold
of it as before, but when the girl cried and begged it back, he called her Mutkuli B&ni, and
tossed the basket back towards her with a curse ! The words had a terrible effect upon the
girl, for there and then she was transformed into a disgustingly ugly creature, with a horrible
squint in her eye, and a frightful hump on her back !

Her elder sister, when she saw this, wept both for pity at her sister's misfortune, and for
fear of her mother's resentment, and went up to the Brahman to entreat him to restore her to
her original shape, but to her great dismay he had disappeared ! So the two wended their
way homewards, and what was the disappointment and chagrin of the mother to see her much-
loved daughter many degrees uglier than she had been ! She rushed upon our little heroine,
and would have killed her on the spot, had she not run away and hid herself for the night.

The next morning she rose betimes, and went to the place where she had buried some of
the cow's flesh, for the prescribed period of thirty-one days had now passed. Upon i-emoving
the earth that she had piled upon the flesh, she, to her great surprise, discovered a flight of
steps leading downwards, and when she came to the end of them, she found herself dragged
into the passage by some unseen hand. Lower down and still lower she went* till at last she
saw around her a large palaoe very richly and handsomely furnished, the presiding divinity of
which was a middle aged motherly lady, who introduced herself to her as her old friend the
cow. This good creature rejoiced greatly to see our young heroine there, and welcoming her
cordially, invited her to stay with her for the rest of her life, which she was only too glad
to do.

After some days the fame of the marvellous beauty of the cow's protegi reached the ears
of the Bftjft of those subterranean regions, a handsome young man, and he sent messengers
to ask the cow to give him her adopted daughter in marriage.

I The lotus.

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June, 1894.] FOLKLORE IN WESTERN INDLi; No. 20. 163

The cow, for so we must still oontmue to call her, consented readily, for what man, short of
a Raja, cotild be fit mate for one so beautiful, but she stipulated that she must obtain the consent
of the girl's father before she could give her in marriage to him. So the RAjA sent his men to
invite the farmer into his presence that he might obtain his consent. The farmer's wife,
however, felt so highly flattered at her husband being thus bidden into a Raja's presence, that
she too went underground with the messengers, accompanied by her own daughter.

The farmer was duly presented before the Raja as the beautiful lady's father, and he humbly
and most thankfully gave his consent to her marriage. Meanwhile his crafty wife remained
with the cow, and, not knowing her in her transformed state, thanked her for befriending her
step-daughter, and said that she had been very much grieved at the poor child's unaccountable
absence from home, adding that she had always loved her, and had only chastised her occasion-
ally for her own good. The cow, however, knew how much of this to believe, but she shook her
head and said nothing, and even allowed her to do all the kind oflBces, which it is a mother's
privilege to perform when her daughter is to be married.

And here the wicked woman saw her opportunity and seized it. On the day appointed for
the wedding she herself elected to bathe and dress the bride, and, under pretence of applying?
some perfume to her head, she thrust a long sharp magic needle, that she had concealed about
her person, deep into her head. The poor girl was speedily transformed into a bright little
bird, and flew away into the air before any one could know what had happened, and her
scheming step-mother at once installed her own daughter in her place, and quickly dressing her
in the bridal clothes threw a ehhadar round her as is the custom, and carried her in her
own arms to the side of the bridegroom! The ceremony was then soon performed over
them, and the princely bridegroom, without suspecting whom he had married, joyously bore his
bride home.

In due course, however, the fraud was discovered, and poor Mutkull Rfini soon found
herself consigned to a dungeon, dark and dismal. But the Raj&'s disappointment at the loss of
his charmer was so great that he nearly wept his eyes out, and caused every search to be
made for her, but in vain. He also threatened the farmer, as well as the cow, with death if
they failed to reveal what had become of her, but they protested their entire ignorance of
her whereabouts, and the RAja had therefore to give her up for lost, and to bear his grief as
best he could.

Some days after this it happened that a beggar came to the door of his palace and asked
for alms, and his servants threw him a copper, as usual, for even a RajA cannot give more than
a copper to each beggar, since thousands come to his door every day. That day, however, tlie
beggar would not go away with what he had got, but said : ** What anomalies are to be met
with in this world ! Within a stone's throw of this place lives a Dh6bl, and at his door I have
just got a handful of pearls — real rare pearls — for alms ; while here in a king's palace I have
been given only a copper coin ! Why, judging from what an humble subject of his has given
me, I should at least get a cart-load of pearls, if not more, at the Raja's door ! This must
indeed be a strange country where a subject is ncher or more generous than his sovereign ! ''

These words of the beggar fell upon the Raja's ears, and both startled him and wounded
his pride. What must be the meaning of them ! " Surely, that man's gains must be ill-gotten,
since he gave away so lavishly," thought the RAjA, and he forthwith sent his men and had the
Dhobi brought before him. And what a strange and romantic tale did this humble individual
unfold to his sovereign ! He said that he had long been doing the washing of the Royal house-
hold, and that it was not by robbing or killmg any one that he had come by his wealth, but
that it had pleased Isvara to bestow his bounty upon him in a miraculous way. On being asked
to explain himself, he proceeded in these words : —

** Of late, a little bird has taken to xjoming and perching on one of my hanging lines, each
night exactly at the stroke of twelve, and every time it comes it puts this strange question to

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164 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jitne, 1894.

me : * Ar6, Dh6bi, to whom belongs this Rftj ! ' and with an involuntary imptLlse, for which
I cannot account, my lips utter this reply, whether I be asleep or awake : * To DSvki Rani ! '
At this the bird laughs a sweet ringing laugh like that of a young lady, and with it throws
iOrth from its mouth the rarest rubies that ever were seen."

The Raja listened with wrapt attention and surprise, while the Dhfibl continued : —
" As soon as it has done laughing, I again hear its voice asking me another question. ' Ar6,
Dhob?, who occupies the gotdi now ?' To which I am again compelled to reply instinctively :
*MDtkuli lUni.' At this the little bird sobs and weeps and sheds numberless large
bright pearls for tears. After this short dialogue it flies away and I sleep on, taking care to
rise before day break and collect the jewels and pearls, for I believe that I have an exclusive
right to them."

"Nobody dare dispute your right to them, Dh6bi," said the R&jft re-assuringly after
this frank avowal of the honest fellow, " but what I want is the little bird itself. So let me
watch with you to-night, and see if I can contrive to get possession of the sweet prattler."

" ! that can easily be done, MahftrAj, by placing some bird-lime on the line, and throwing
a handkerckief over the bird just as it has done speaking," suggested the Dh6bi readily.

That same night the Raja went to the Dhdbi's yard with a couple of his attendants, and
laid himself down, covered from head to foot, in a sort of bower shaded over by a jessamine
creeper, just underneath the very spot where the line on which the bird was wont to perch, was
stretched. The Dhobi had already smeared it with bird-lime, so that there was nothing for
the Raja to do, but to lie in wait till the bird's arrival.

Exactly at the hour mentioned by the Dh6bi the bird came and perched itself on its
favourite line just over the R&ja's head, and at once began to ask the usual questions : " ArS,
Dhobi, to whom belongs this Raj ! " And the Dhdbi, who had all the time been snoring regard-
less of the Raja's presence, replied as before : ** To D6vki Ram." And, sure as the Dh6bi had
said, she laughed a light silvery laugh that went straight to the heart of the young Raja, and
brought him out of the recess in spite of himself ! But the bird heeded him not, and went
on: **Ar6, Dh6bt, who is the present occupant of the gadif** The answer as before
was : " Mutkuli RAnt ! " And the bird began to sob and weep in a manner that very nearly
broke the heart of her listener, and would have flown away, had it not found its tiny feet stuck
to the line, and its body covered over with a large cloth thrown over it from behind !

In a twinkling it was a prisoner in the hands of the king, who pressed it to his heart, and
walked away with it to his palace, leaving the Dh6bi to rise at his usual hour and collect the
rubies and pearls that had dropped from the mouth of his nocturnal guest.

Never was the prince happier than on that morning, as he sat stroking the bird's head, for
he felt an unaccountable regard and affection for it. All of a sudden, however, he discovered
what looked like a needle stuck into the bird's head, and on pulling it out, what was his joy to
find his feathered friend transformed into his own long lost bride !

Between her smiles and her tears — showers of rubies and pearls — Dfivkt Rani related
to her lover the trick that had been played upon her by her step-mother. The Raja was so
angry at this that he forthwith ordered MutkulS Rftni and her mother to be summoned
before him, and having had their noses and ears cut off, banished them his kingdom.

He then took D6vki Rani into the presence of her kind friend and guardian, the cow,
and with her consent, soon celebrated his nuptials with the beautiful lady with due pomp and
eclat, and lived happily with her ever afterwards.

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Junk, 1894.]

MISCELLANEA.

165

MISCELLANEA.

SANSKEIT WOEDS IN THE BURMESE
LANGUAGE. A EEJOINDEE.

The first of the objections of Mr. Taw Sein-Ko
to what was said mider the above head ante.
Vol. XXII. p. 162, is a reiterated assertion that
the words in dispute are in common use. He
wisely, however, only quotes in support of this
a small number of them, and, even of these,
there are but one or two, on which I do not
still join issue with him. Surely, Mr. Taw
Sein-Ko does not mean to assert that the ordi-
narj Burman uses chafikranx when he says
he is going for a walk, or drap when he hints
that his neighbour's ideas as to his position in
society are not warranted by the facts of the
case. In the first word (adhvan) taken seriatim
Mr. Taw Sein-Ko practically gives his case away,
for the only case he is able to adduce of this word
in conversation is in a purely theological connec-
tion, and that too in one, which, unless the
Burmese think a great deal more about their
prospects after this life than strikes the ordinary
non-Buddhist observer, is hardly likely to be of
every-day occurrence. Moreover, there are plenty
of more common equivalents for the meaning
mentioned for adhvan.

There is, of course, a certain vagueness in the
expression ** common use," and words that may by
one person be considered to fall under this head
may by another be considered to be of but
rare occurrence, the confusion arising from the
exact meaning to be applied to " common." To
take an example at random from the English
language the word " eleemosynary " is one under-
stood by persons possessing a good education and
in certain circles (those connected with the
administration of charities, as well as those taking
an interest in the social problems of the day) : it
may even be said to be in ' common use.' At the
same time it cannot be said to be so as regards
the mass of the people generally, and as a matter
of fact it would not be understood by the majority
of those to whom the word ' educated ' can fairly
be applied. My contention is that the Sanskrit
words under discussion occupy very much the
same position, i, e., they are understood and are,
perhaps, in common use in a few small educated

1 As regards m6r in MrangS mdr, I rather doubt
whether it ia really an equivalent for Miru, The r is
probably added ; <^. the spelling m^gh = the sky, where
the gh is added on a false analogy to the Pali m^gha.
[Mr. Honghton will find it difSonlt to persuade scholars
of the truth of the last assertion : e. ^., Bur. Eftjagrd =
Skr. Eftjagriha. — Ed]

3 [Does not this argument cut both ways? If the

circles, but that the great majority are truly
" caviare to the general."

AlS regards the word amraik, Mr. Taw Sein-Ko
has not given a tittle of evidence in support of
his assertion that amrita became amr6k in
Northern India, nor has he in any way attempted
to controvert my argument, based on philological
grounds, as to its late introduction. Had he done
so, it might have been worth while to discuss
seriously the original sound in the Burmese
language of that vowel, which is now sounded as
6 when final and ai when penultimate. There are
excellent grounds for supposing that neither of
these two sounds represent the former pro-
nimciation, but it is scarcely necessary to enter
on the matter here.^

Coming to th« next word (abhiBhdka), Mr.
Taw Sein-Ko 's disparagement of my argument as
being " based on the mere morphology of words,"
is not very clear, nor does he appear to have, in
any way, controverted it. My position in refer-*
ence to this, as well as to other words, is that the
Burmese language has changed its pronunciation
since it was reduced to writing, and that foreign
words, transliterated according to the first pro-
nunciation, were introduced before those trans-
literated according to the later one, and no
amount of assertions as to the use of particular
words avails, in any way, to controvert this argu-
ment. The only adequate reply to it possible
would be the production of an old, extensive, and
fairly, popular literature, the approximate dates
of the different works being known, proving the
contrary, and there seems little possibility of
such a literature ever being unearthed.'

Merely observing that the two examples quoted
of the 'common use' of ehakrflt by Mr. Taw
Sein-Ko shew evidently, as has been suggested
above, that his ideas and mine as to what words
can be legitimately so described are widely dif "
ferent, I would pause to inquire his objection to
my expression ** the old speakers of P&li." Per-
haps " those who spoke P&li in former times "
might be better turned, but is not this purely
verbal quibbling P*

The authorities as to the supposed Sanslqrit word
chaukram seem to be divided. Perhaps some

literature which wiU disprove Mr. Houghton's argu-
ment is wanting, the proof of it must also be wanting. —
Ed.]

» [But did Mr. Taw Sein-Ko mean any verbal quib-
bling? Was he not poking fun at Mr. Houghton for
supposing that there were " old speakers of Pfiji," or
"those who spoke P&li in former times," in such a
connection as the present ? — En.]

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166

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[June, 1894.

of the readers of the Antiquary, who have made
a speciality of the study of Sanskrit, may be able
to enlighten us on the subject. Mr. Taw Sein-Ko
has completely misstated my argument concerning
the relative antiquity of Sanskrit and Pali deriva-
tives. It is briefly that where one is found to be
in common use and the other is relatively
rarely used, the former must be inferred to have
been the first introduced into the languapje.* This
argument is not, of course, a conclusive one, but
its validity is in no wise impaired by the two or
three isolated words quoted in this connection
by him.

The allusion to Arakan is not very happy, as
' although it is not now a seat of learning * it is
notoi-ious that the Arakanese have, from their
isolation, preserved better the older pronuncia-
tion of the language than the Burmese proper.
The matter is, however, the more beside the point,
as I went out of way to shew from cognate
languages a legitimate example of the change of
final I in n.

I cannot admit, except to a very limited degree,
the argument from the employment of Sanskrit
derivatives in certain Burmese translations of
Indian works on religion, etc. It is notorious, in
English and other languages, that learned people
have a weakness for the most recondite words
available, preferring Greek to Latin, and Latin to
Anglo-Saxon, and there is no reason to sup-
pose that the Bui'mese literati were or are exempt
from this weakness.

The question as to whether the Sanskfit deri-
vative parissad was first brought into common use
by political rather than religious influences is one
which it is impossible to decide without further
evidence, and no useful purpose can, therefore, be
served by a further discussion now of this word.

As regards the remarks under the word
Bishi I must disclaim any intention to impute
** pride or conceit** to Buddhist monks in par-
ticular, they being in my estimation a very
estimable and well-conducted body of men
according to their lights. At the same time they
are only human, and the maxim, homo sum,
nihil humanum ah me puto, applies to them as
well as to other people. I admit that the use of
the word ** monk" in this connection in my
former article was somewhat loose ("holy per-
son" would have been better), but the argument
is not affected thereby.

* [Then if Skr. deriv. drap is a synonym of the Pfili
deriv. g^n (anfe, Vol. XXII. p. 162), it is a good in-
stance to quote because their relative " common use " is
a point capable of being tested. — Ed.]

The existence of Sanskrit and P4li derivatives
together is, of course, susceptible of the explana-
tion given by Mr. Taw Sein-Ko, but it would seem
much more probable that they are formed on the
analogy of the linked words so common in the
Burmese, Chinese and cognate languages, some-
times to express a new shade of meaning and
sometimes merely to help out the "accentual
rhythm" of the sentence. Anyway their existence
does not help out the argument one way or the
other.

As regards samuddarft, there are plenty of
books in which the vernacular pinle is used for
" sea," and not this word. Further, I do not think
that even Mr. Taw Sein-Ko will assert that it is in
common use in conversation rather than pinU.
In granting that samuddard is occasionally used in
its literal sense instead of pinlh in books, there i^
no comparison as to the relative use of the two
words in Burmese. Now, the latter people did
not push their way down to the sea until com-
paratively recent times, long after the introduc-
tion of Buddhism (I speak subject to correction,
not having a book of reference by me), so that, if
the Sahskfit word in question had really been
introduced at an early epoch, it is difficult to
understand why it should not be the cuiTent
word now for "sea" or "ocean." From the
direction of the Burmese immigration, it is
evident, indeed, that the word pinlh can only
be a (comparatively) recently coined one, and, in
the absence of direct testimony to the contrary, it
must be presumed, under the circumstances, that
there was no word previous to it to express the
same idea.

As regards sattv^ I still affirm the probability
of my previous argument, and fail to see what the
occuiTence of this word, in a by-no-means parti-
cularly ancient' inscription, has to do with the
case.

In assuming that Mr. Taw Sein-Ko was the
first to entitle Sakra the " Recording Angel of
Buddhism," it appears that I was in error, but two
blacks do not make a white, and the fact remains
that the said "Recording Angel," if Jie can be
called such, is simply the old Hindu god Indra
metamorphosed .*

The reply of Mr. Taw Sein-Ko is interesting on
two grounds, the first being the theories put
forward by him on the source of Burmese Bud-
dhism. The possible truth of these theories I

fi [That depends upon what is called "ancient:" in
Burma the date quoted, 1223 A. D., is important. — Ed.1

^ [But did not this occur before Buddhism came into
Burma at all — whether from the North or the South ?
— Ed.]

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June, 1894.]

CORRESPONDENCE.

167

have no intention of controverting, but it cer-
tainly seems to me that the linguistic evidence on
which they rest is of the flimsiest description, and
points, so far as it goes, directly the other way.
It is quite possible that further research may
modify, if not altogether change, the complexion
of that evidence as at present known to us, or,
again, that the theories mentioned may represent
what actually happened, and yet the prior use of
the Sanskrit books have left no trustworthy
traces in the language. It is a common-place fact
that in analytical reasoning we must be very
careful of our facts and of the inferences legi-
timately deducible from them before we can safely
found any genei'al hypothesis on them, and in no
department is this caution more necessary than
in the science of language. Bearing this in mind,
it certainly seems to me that the linguistic argu-
ments in favour of a prior use of Sanskrit are
neither sufl&ciently numerous nor trustworthy at
present to support any inferences whatever in
that direction ; but this, of courae, does not refer
to other evidence, such as that relating to the
form of pagodas, etc.

The second point of interest in Mr. Taw
Sein-Ko's paper is the somewhat startling light
it throws on the proceedings of the Text-Book
Committee. The facts related under the heading
of parissad might well have been inserted
elsewhere under the heading of " Folk Etymo-
logy," but, joking apart, it is certainly prepos-
terous that the future spelling of Burmese
should be laid down by a majoiity of 8a yds,
whose ideas in philology were of the kind men-
tioned. There are grave grounds for doubt as to
whether the scientific study of the Burmese lan-
guage had reached that point when an authorita-
tive statement on the spelling of doubtful words
might advantageously have been made, or, at any
rate, care might have been taken to form the com-
mittee of a majority of persons with some train-
ing in philology. Perhaps even now, if Mr. Taw
Sein-Ko, or other member of the committee, will
favour the public with further disclosures as
to 1?he arguments used by the native sayda in
cases where their opinion over-ruled the more

intelligent part of the committee, it may not be
too late by means of a free discussion to get the

spelling altered.^

Bernard Houghton.

A CUMULATIVE EHYME ON THE TIGER.
Text.

Talid malidr wS,g6 m&nz& p&ni& d6val& g^,
Pdnie piuni w&go m&nz& sant6s(^ zh&il4 g(^,
Santosd hodnt w&go m&nz& dhOliS baisald ge,
pholiS baistini w&go ml^nz& gazr&An l&gal& go,
Gazr&tam gazr&tam wftg6 m&nz& p&n^min dSkhilft

P&nemtn dekhClnt w&go m&uz& p&radi& s&ngil& ge,
P&radi& s&ngiini w&go m&nz& bandiikhS n^miU gS.
BandakhS ndmOnt w&gd manz& golid rnkviXk g^,
Goli^ m&i-^t w&gd m&nz& dhami6 pddil& gd,
DhamiS p&riint w&go m&nz& rasie b&ndil& g^,
Rasi^ b&ndOnt w&go m&nz& &ri^ gh&tal& gS,
Arid gh&lQni w&go m&nz& kh&ndie dchlil& g6,
Kh&ndie iichlQnt w&go m&nz& darb&r&ntu nSl& ge.

Translation.
To the tank my tiger for water descended ;
Drinking water, my tiger felt happy;
Feeling happy, my tiger in the cave sat ;
Sitting in the cave, my tiger began to play,
Playing, playing, my tiger the water- woman saw ;
The water- woman seeing my tiger, the hunter was

informed ;
The hunter being informed, my tiger with the

gun was aimed at ;
Aimed at with the gun, my tiger with a bullet was

kiUed;
Killed with the bullet, my tiger on the ground

was thrown ;
Thrown on the ground, my tiger with a rope was

bound;
Bound with a rope, my tiger on a pole was slung ;
Slung on a pole, my tiger on the shoulders was

lifted;
Lifted on the shoulders, my tiger to the darhdr

was carried.

This is a popular song among the East Indians
in Salsette, and is sung on festive occasions, in-
cluding marriages and christenings.

Bombay. Geo. Fr. DTenha.

CORRESPONDENCE.

vaddavaea.
In connection with the discussion {ante. Vol.
XXII. pp. Ill and 251) as to what day of the
week is indicated by the term VaddavAra, and

' [It may help the present controversy for me to
state here that by far — by very far — the two oldest
inscriptions yet un'iarthed at Pagan are : (1) in North
Indian 7th or 8th Century characters ; this is filled with
Sanskrit words and expressions mixed with those in

the meaning of vaMa, I would draw attention to
the following interesting passage from Kama^a
literature, which has been brought to my notice
by B. Sriniv&s Ayyang&r, L/ne of my assistants.

another language not yet determined : (2) in Qupta
characters and dated in the second Gupta Century, =
400-500 A. D. ; this is in Sanskrit. I hope in due
course to have the publishing of both inscriptions in this
Journal. — Ed.]

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168

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

fJimi, 1894.

It occurs in Banna's poem called Sdhasa-Bhimd'
Vijaya, or Gadd-yuddha, T?ritten at the end of
the tenth century, the hero of which is the
Ch&lukya prince SatyAsraya. The quotation forms
the 26th.padya of the 3rd d4vdsa,

Kalasajan intum kolisida I

khalane gada'iii Dharmma-nandanarii krtlra-
dinaii)- II

gala pc8ai:am ma^eyisi Maifa- 1

galav&raih Vaddav^ram embante ralaifa ||
' Having so caused Kalasaja to be slain, is not
the son of Dharma base P Even as disguising the
name of evil (or unlucky) days in calling them
MamgalavAra and Vaddav&ra.'

The reference is doubtless to a common saying
that Tuesday, which is amamgala or inauspicious,
is called Mamgalav&i*a, and that Yudlnshtihira, who
was (in this instance) adiuirma or unjust, is called
Dharma-rftja. But as far as the meaning of Yad-
dav&ra is concerned, the passage demands that it

should be a name of auspicious import applied to
a day which is really inauspicious. Now these
conditions are exactly fulfilled in the case of
Saturday (not Friday), provided we can inter-
pret vadda as a word of good omen. On the
analogy, therefore, of haddi (interest on money)
from vriddhi, we may derive vadila from vriddha,
which signifies 'old, full-grown, large, augmented,'
&c. This is sufficient for our purpose, for growth
and increase are recognized signs of prosperity
and good fortune. The idea of maturity is also
not inappropriate as applied to the last day of the
week. We seem, therefore, justified in conclud-
ing that Yaddav^ra means Saturday.

The terms vadja thus explained will equally,
apply to a great merchant, to the principal taxes
or to a famous village, — the various connections
in which it appears in inscriptions.

Lb WIS Bice.
Bangalore, 10th January 1894.

NOTES AND
BUDDHIST CAVES IN MEEGUI.

Refen-ing to my ** Notes on Ramannadesa,"
ante, Tol. XXII. p. 327 ff., I have lately been
sent, through the kindness of Mr. H. G. Batten,
Deputy Commissioner of Mergui, three ancient
images of the Buddha found in that District. One
is of wood, very much eaten away ; one of iron
or bell metal, so eaten away as just to prove by its
appearance that it was an image of the Buddha ;
and one of some such mixture as the "tute-
nague," ' or white copper, of the old travellers.
This last is still in good preservation, and had
been either cast or stamped. All three bear a
strong family likeness in general shape to those
found by myself in the Caves about Maulmain.

These three images were found in the extreme
south of Burma on the banks of the L^ny4 River
and in a Cave, and so are valuable to prove the
spread of the cult of the Buddha in Caves.

The * finder was Maung Maung, a Township
Officer of the Mergui District, who writes of the
find thus :—

"In the Pratan Caves on the left tributary of
the L^nyk River I found these remains. Tradi-
tion asserts the existence in this neighbourhood of
the site of an ancient City, called Kosambi,' which
was destroyed about the middle of the 14th Cen-
tuiy A. D. by the Great Thai (Sh&n) Race, who
invaded the country from the north-east. I found
vestiges of cultivation, but no remains beyond
those now sent."
R. C. Temple.

* See Yule, Hohson-Jobson, 8. v, Tootnague.
» [There are "Kosambia" all over Burma. They
merely refer to the habit of giving classical names to old

QUERIES.

SANSKEIT WORDS IN THE BUEMESE
LANGUAGE.

Bdjagriha — Ydz(^6.

The Burmese word for the famous Buddhist
site is written BAJagr6 and pronounced YA^iijd.
The Sanskrit name of the place is, of course,
BAjagriha and the true P&Ii name is BAjagaba.
The Burmese gr6 cannot be got out of gaha,
though it is the natural representative of griha.

Here then seems to be a clear instance of a
famous name in constant use, connected with reli-
gion in Burmese, the Sanskfit form of which is
preferred to the P&li, pointing almost certainly to a
Sanskrit usage anterior to P&li usage in Burmese.

Bigandet, Life and Legend of Oaudama, Or.
Ser. Ed., Vol. II., p. 181, practically admits the
Sansknt form when he writes : — ** BadBagio or
Badzag^ra, was the capital of Magatha or
South Behar." Compare with the above state-
ment the following from FausboU's Jd^a^a, Vol.1,
p. 143,Lakkhanaj&taka:— " AtitS Magadharat^he
BAjagahanagard eko Magadhar&jd raj jam
k&resi," which Bhys Davids, Buddhist BiHh
Stories, p. 195, paraphrases : — *' Long ago, in the
city BAjagaha, in the land of Magadha, there
ruled 8 certain king of Magadha."

This instance seems dead against Mr. Houghton's
argument, ante, p. 165, and J, B, A. 8., 1894,
p. 411 f ., that Mdr does not, in Burmese, represent
Mcru and that m6gh does not represent mSgha,
for there we have grd representing griha.

E. C. Templb.

sitofl in order to give a home to classical stories in their
own land, which is so strong in the Barmese. — B. 0. T.]

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£1

July, 1894.] THE SAMAOHARI-SATAKAiL

THE SAMAOHARtSATAKAM OF SAMAYASUNDARA AND PATTAVALIS
OF THE ANCHALA-GACHCHHA AND OTHER GACHCHHAS.

BY JOHANNES KLATT?.
{Revised with Additions^ by Ernst Leiimann.)^

1, The Sftm&oharl-batakam.

THB 8&mftoh&ri-batakam was composed in Sam vat dvi-mnni-shat-pralejarocliis 1672
(A. D. 1616) in the city of Me^ata by Samayasundara-ga^i. The author was a pupil of
Sakalachandra of the Rihada-gotra, whose preceptor was Jinachandra-sAri, from Sam vat
1612 to 1670 B^ri of the Bflhat-kharatara-gachchha. The work was begun in Siddha-puri
( Miilatra^para) in Sindha-desa and was finished three years later in Me^atll (Sukhakara) under
Jinasioha-s4ri, from Sam vat 1670 to 1674 suri of the same gachchha. It contains 5 prakasas
and 100 chapters (252 leaves). The date of the MS. is " vidhu-vasu-rasa-sasin " 1681 (A. D.
1625) and it was written in the reign of raula-Kalyai^adasa by Thaharii, son of Srimalla.
The text begins with the sloka :

Sri-Vtram cha gnrum natva smritva gachchha-paramparum I
Prasnottara-sata-grantham vakshye sastranusAratalj U 1.
This verse proves that the work has also the title of Prabnottara-feata.
A number of the chapters have special names^ viz. : — 11, dvidalagrahanadhikara.
12, samgarapha-pramukhanam dvidalatvadhikara. 13, sravakaafim panakakar9,-nishedha,
15, sravakanam ekadasa-pratima-vahana-nishedhadhikara. 21, jata-mj itaka-sfitaka-pi^da-nishedha-.
dhikara. 22, tassa dhammassa kevali-pannattassa nishedhadhikara. 36, samayika-vaisai2iAdhikara.r
38, 45-agaraa-sthapana. 39, jina-pratimA-pujadhikara. 40, jina-pratimA-sthapanadhikara.
41, jina-pratima-pfija-phala. 44, deva-sthiter api punyatvAdhikara. 45, yogopadhina-vahana-
dhikara. 48, pfirvacharya-grantha-sammati. 49, srivakanam mnkha-vastrika, 50, dvitiya-

1 Chiefly derived from the newly acquired Berlin MSS. which I examined in the Autumn of 1893. I have also
arranged alphabetically the list of quotations from the BGLm6.chM^aXaka (see ;post, p. 170, 1. 4 from tottom to
p. 174), which Klatt had prepared in the order of the leaves (16, 26, etc.)

« I cannot publish this paper of my friend, Johannes Klatt, without noting that it is, with the * Note* attached
to it, and pablished pogty p. 183, the last contribution that can come from his pen. Besides these he has left behind
bim the Jaina-Onomasticony a huge composition, for which, I am sorry to say, I have as yet not been able to do
more than to arrange the parts and have them bound into eight stately volumes. Klatt himself was never able to
dlo more towards the publication of this great work than to prepare finally for press a sample of work, which
(prefaced by our common master, Prof. Weber) appeared under the title :—* Specimen of a literary -bibliographical
«raina-OnomasticoD, by Dr. Johannes Klatt, Leipzig, 1892, printed by O. Harrassowiti.'

In thus taking leave of the eminent Indianistio Chronicler and Bibliographist, we are the more sensible of the
irreparable loss caused by his disappearance from Literature, as a year or two more of work would have allowed
him to complete what has been slowly growing into shape in his study during the past ten years. Meanwhile
it is some satisfaction to point to the other results of Klatt's Librarianship and scholarship, and to be able to state
that, short as his career was, his unwearied zeal has resulted in work of capital importance to the Indian Depart-
(oent of the £oyal Library at Berlin, to Indian Bibliography, and particularly to Jain Studies.

The chronology of his life, presented by way of one of the Pattdvcdis so happily brought to light by his
researches, is as follows : — Johannes Klatt : bom 1852 A. D. as the son of the postmaster of Filehne (in the Prussian
province of Poaen) ; dikskd (matriculation) at the Berlin University 1868 ; after four years' study there, he took his
Doctor's degree by presenting (see Boehtlingk's hidUche Sprdchey 2nd ed., Part III. Preface) a paper on * Chfli^akya's
Sentences ' to the University of Halle ; 1873 * Volunteer * at the Berlin Boyal Library (still earning hia living for a
couple of years as official stenographist in the Prussian House of Commons), 1880 * Gustos,' 1888-92 (nominally also
13©3) 'Librarian.'

He contributed papers to the following periodicals : Journal of the German Oriental Society, Vienna Oriental
Journal, Indian Antiquaryf T^ransactions of the Boyal Academy of Berlin, Ceniralhlatt fur Bihliotheksvesen. For
the €ierman Oriental Society he also wrote, in its Yearly Reports for 1880 and 1881, the article * Vorderindien '
(Uppor India), and for the same Society he compiled, with Prof . Ernst Kuhn, the 'Oriental Bibliography' from
18^ to 1886 (one volume per annum). The eminent services of Klatt to the Boyal Library at Berlin can only be
fully appreciated by one who has for some time worked in its rich stores of Indian prints and manuscripts. For the
acknowledgment of Klatt's contributions to Prof. Weber's Second Catalogue the reader is referred to the Preface
of ita Third Part, p. viii.

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170 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jttly, 1894.

vandana-pradana. 51, kulani. 52, mangala. 54, fiyingataka. 55, pr&saka-vicliara.
56, sachitt&churna-vichara. 59, daivasika-ritrika-pratikramanam kijat-k&lam yavach chhndhjati
vich&rah. 60, paSchamy^> parvatva. 62, Jinavallabha-siiri-sain&chari (40 v.). 63, Jinadatta-
8Uri-8amachdr! (30 v.). 64, Jiaapatti-s<iri-«dmuchArt (69 v.). 65, vjavastha-patra, 69, pada-
sthana-vyavasthA-vidhi. 70, anuyoga-dana-visarjana-vidhi. 71, bhavana-devaU-kAyotsarga,
73, locha-karapana-vidhi. 79, asvadhy&ya-vichara. 80, chaitra-piirmmaHieva-vandana-vidlii.
81, guru-stupa-pratishtha-vidhi. 82, sravakan^m devatavasara-sthapana-piija-vidhi. 83, kalpa-
trepotturana-vidhi. 84, pratikramaoAnakrama. 85, panshadha-karan^nnkrama. 86, dfksha-
dana-vidhi. 87, vAchana-vidhi. 88, utkshepa-vidbi. 89, nikshepa-vidhi. 90, nitya-kartavyata,
100, saBti-vidhi.

One of the most interesting chapters (f. 356-3 75) is that detailing the dispute between
Jinaohandra-stlri (SamNrat 1612-70, Kharatara) and DharmasAgara (Tapd) in Sam vat 1617,
karttika audi 7 sukra-v&re, in Anahilla-pattana, where the preceptors of the 84 gachchhas assem-
bled, as to whether AbhayBddva^ the author of commentaries on the 9 angas, belonged to the
Kharatara-gachchha. The chapter names the following gachchhas and preceptors : sasha-bhatta-
raka-Karmasundara-sAri 1. Siddhantiya-vada-gachchhathl sri-Thirachanditi-siiri 5 (!). sr!-
Kalyanaratna-suri 6. Siddhantiya-vada-gachchha srl-Mahisagara-siiri 8 (!). Pimpaliya-gachchhe
Vimalachandra-sfiri 9, Tranga^iya-punamiya-gachchho sri-Udayaratna-sAri 10. Dhandheriya-
pumnamiya-gachchhe sri-Samyamasagara-siiri 11. KatabapnrS-tapa-gachchhe Vidyaprabha-
silri 12. Bokadiya-gachchhe DevAnanda-suri 13. Siddhantiya-gachchhe punyasa-Pramoda-
hansa 14. Palhanapurd-gachchhe ^kha Tapa-gachchhe va Ranganidh&na 15. Anchala-gachchhe
Bhavaratna 17 (!). Chhapariya-pumnamiya-gachchhe pam® Udayiiratna-raja 18. Sadhu-
punamiya-gachchhe v&° Naga 19. Maladhara-gachchhe pam° Gunatilaka 20. OsavaU-gachchhe
pam^ Ratnaharsha 21. Dhavaliparva-Anchaliyl^-gachchlie pnnyasa-Rauga 22. Chitravala-tapa-
gachchhe va® Kshama 23. Chintamaniya-pa(Ja v&® Gunaraanikya 24. Agamiya upadhyaya-
Suraatisekhara 25, Vega^a-kharatara pam° Padmamanikya 26. Vrihat-kharatara va° Mnniratna 27i
Chitruvala-jangfvAdai pam*^ Eij4 28. Korantavala-tapa-gachchhe chela-Haras& 29.
Vichamvandanikashi Ralnya 30. Agamiya Mokala 31. Kharatara upadhy&ya-Jayalabha 32.
Sashi-osavala-gachchhe pam° Slha 1. Anchala-gachchhe srl-Lakshminidhana 2. Vrihach-chhali-
ya-tapA-gachchhe firt-Saubh&gyaratna-sfiri 3, Va^a-gachohhe npMhyaya-iSit-Vinayaknsala 4.
Koran<jUivala-gachchhe pam® Padmasekhara 5. Piirnim^-pakshe path® Ratnadhira-gani 6.
Bhartiyaohchha-gachchhe pam® sri-Ratnasagara 7. Maladhara-gachchhe Kshamasnndara 8.
Anohaliyft Pdrnachandra 9,

The names of 17 patt&valls are also quoted, viz.: — 1. Srl-Tapa-gachchhlya-firi-
Hemahansa-siiri-lq-ita-KalpAntarvachya. 2. Bhavaha4&-krita-Guru-parva-prabhavaka-grantha.
3. Tapa-laghu-s^kh^ Laghu-s&khu-pattuvali. 4. Tapa-krita-Achdra-pradtpa (by Ratnalekhara*
siiri). 5. Samdeha-dolavali Kharatara-grantha. 6. Kum&ragiri*sthita-Tapa-samagri-s4dhu-
pattavalf. 7. sri-Jinavallabha-siiri-kfita-Sardha-sataka-karmagrantha. 8. gri-Chitrav&la-gach-
chhiya-srt-Dhanesvara-kfita-vritti-paranipar&-6adhaka (composed Sam vat 1171). 9. ElalyAna*
karatna*sAri*ohirantana-tippanaka-dvaya. 10. Chhaparisha-pnmnamiya-pattAvali. 11. SAdha*
punamiy&.pattavalt. 12. Garu-parvAvali-grantha. 18. Prabhavaka-charitra (sloka 15). 14. srf-
Abhayad6va-s<iri-charitra (55 th! 95 sima). 15. PalUvala-gachchhiya-bha°-Amad6va-siiri-Pra-
bhftvaka-charitra. 16. PimpaliyA^Udayaratna prarambhena Jlvanusfisana. 17. Tap4-sr!-Soma-
siiri-rajye kritopad^sasattari^grantha (composed Samvat 1412 by Somadharma-gani).

In the remaining chapters of the compilation the following works, authors and
dates (presented here in Qblphabetioal order) are quoted :—

20a, Ajita-silri, 90a, Ajitad6va-sAri, of the Ghandra-gaohchha, composed Yoga-vidhi-pra*
karana, s. 1273^ tri-saptaty-adhika^dvadasa-iata-yarshe.

30a, Abhaya(d6va)-sAri'g of the Rndrapalllya-gachchha Vijayanta-vijaya-kivya (122
flok^), composed Samvat 1278, ashfa-saptaty-adhika-dvadasa-aata-yarsh^.

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JutT, 1894.] THE SAMACHARI-SATAKAM. 171

236, Ambada-mani*s Aradhjatvena-stati, under the name of Shat-kalySnaka*

92a, ^ishabhad^va-Sishya's AshtApada-prati8h{bA.

67 Oj Ananda-sflri's vritti on Prayacbana-sAroddh^-gftth&i^ham*

2426, Ar^dhanft-pat^kft.

3a, AyaSyaka-laghn- vritti and p(irvachArya-yinimiita-Sr!-ATasyalca-chilrnI.

356, Upadesa-taramgiDi.

726, Upasaka-pratim^-prakarana.

91a, UmAsvftti-vAcbaka's Pratishtha-kalpa, 1976, U.'s Puja-prakarana .

22«, B^alpadhyayana-nimkta, composed Saibvat 1325, tattva-gnnendn-varshe by sn-
Vinayendn (t. c, Vinayacbandra), This notice is exact as may be seen from the Poena MS. of
the gloss (Kielhorn'a Report, 1880-81, p. 76, No. 371). It is a short commentary (of 418
Grantbas only) on the so-called Kalpasiitra, viz^, on the Paryushan&-kalpa (published by
Jacobi) ; its full title (at the end of the Poena MS.) is Paryushandkalpddhyayanasya hatichid-
durgapada-nirukta.

58a, Kalakacharya-kath4 atijiroA, 369 slokas.

586, EAlabtchArya-kathily Anahilla-pattane PimpaltyA-kbaratara-bh^ndAgarantarvartini, tat-
prati-prftnte cba punar idam api likhitam asti, yathft sri-Kbaratara-gachchhe sri-Jinacbandra-
6iiri-pat{e srf-AbbayadSva-sdri-hetau sadha-Jayasihbena ^ri-Kalpa-pustikA likhapit&«

526, 62a , 886, Tap^-gachchh4dhirA ja-bhattaraka-srt-Hiravijaya-sAri-prasadikrita-Prasnot-
tarasamuchchaya, tacb-cbhisbya-pandita-Ktrtivijaya-gani-samuchchita, pam^ Visbnarshi-gani-
krita-pratbama-prasna, pam® Gunavijaya-gani-krita-navama-prasna, paih° Jagam^a-gani-krita-
trayodaia-prasna.

246, Avachfiri on the Kalpa-s&tra, by Kulaman^ana-silri of the Tapd-gachcbha, and
59a, K.'s Vichar&mrita-samgraba.

25a, Gunacbandra-gani's Vira-charitra (226, Hira-charitra, prak.), pancba-vinfiaty-adbika-
dvadasa-sabasra 12025-pramana, composed Saihyat 1139, ekona-cbatvarinsad-adbikaikadasa-sata-
varsbe. 256, Guaacbandra, pupil of Sumati-yuchaka, pupil of Prasannacbandra-siiri, pupil of
Abhayaddya-sfiri nayAnga-yritti-kira. (Peterson, III, Bep, p. 17, App. p. 805-6, has Guruchan-
dra, which is a mistake).

9 1 6, Gautama-pf ichobha-tikA*

14a, Gbandra-sAri's yritti on Sha^-Ayafyaka. 167a6, Cb.^s Yoga-yidhi. ISo, iri-^icban-
dra-si^ri's yfitti on Prati kramana»giitra (chapter s^mayik^hikara).

696, Charcbart-grantha.

70a, Chaitya-yandanaka-yptti ; see also Dbarmakirti.

23a, Sulasi-charitra (sarga 6 with the name Samyaktya-parfkshana), 700 ilokas, by
Jayatilaka^siiri of the Agamika-gacbehba.

72a, Jina-kalpa-yyayacbchbeda.

56-6a, '' Jinagutto Nayakara-purassaraifa kMna Nistbiam.''

67a6, Jinadatta-siiri's Utsi^tra-padodgbattana-kulaka*

696, Jinadatta-siiri's Prabodbodaya-grantba.

696, Jinapatti-sAri's Prabodbodaya-grantha.

206, Jinapatti-sftri (died Samyat 1277) of the Ehar.-gachchha, Dyftdala-kulaka-yritti
(y. 1-12 communicated). 636, J/s Samdchari.

926, Jinaprabha-siiri's Yoga-yidhi, composed Samyat 1273, tri-saptaty-adhika-dyddasa*
lata-yarsbe.

99a, Jinaprabba-sfiri's (Samyat 1349-69) SiddhAnta-staya.

15a, Jinayallabha-B&ri's Paushadha-yidbi-prakara^a.

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172 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [July, 1894.

796, Vallabbajiiia(=s Jinavallabha)-8iiri'8 Panshadha-yidhi-prakarana.

85a, Jinavallabha-siiri's bribad-vritti on Saibgba-patiaka. 1666, J/s Srftddba-knlaka.

04a, 8i<i-Jesalaniera-bbandagdre eam^ 1215 likbita-pustik^.

105a, acbarja-Valabbya's ( ! ) Jyotilji-karandaka-sutra. 1046, -vyitti.

53a, sri-KulikacbArjair acb!r^ty&t jad uktam Tbuo^-vfittau Bii-HemacIiarya-gara-eri-
DS vendrachandra-siiribhil;^ ,'

716, Tarunaprabba-silri's b&lavabodba on Sba^-^vasyaka.

72a, 8ri-Tilakaobarja*8 S&machirl-grantha. 1876, sri-Til/s Avasyaka-vrittL

356, grantban sri-Tilakas cbakara yividbans Cbandraprabbacburyavat.

406, Deva-B^irPs Sadbu-dina-charya. 60a, -vfitti ; see also s. v. Stbananga.

46, Devagupta-suri's cbirantana-vritti on Nava-pada, composed Sam vat 1070, saptaty-
adb ika-sabasra-rarsbe.

D6vacbandra-B<iri, see s. v. Tban&-vritti and Stbftn&nga.

31a6, D6vabhadracbarya*s Parsvanatba-cbaritra, 11167 slokas, composed Samvat 1168,
vasa-rasa-rudra-varsbe, first copy written by Amalacbandra-gani. Succession list : Cbandra-kule
Vardbam^na, etc., up to Prasannacbandra-siiri, pupil ef Abbayadlva-siiri. P.'s pupil Sumaty-
upadbyaya, autbor of Samvega-ranga-sala (Peterson, III. Eep, App, p. 64, 1. 4 fr. b., has mala
instead of aala), Vira-cbarita, KatbA-ratna-kosa. D^vabbadra, Samvat 1168.

476, Devendra-siiri and Vijayacbandra-suri, pupils of Jagacbcbandra-eiiri, Tapa, Samvat
1285 in Vija-pura.

7a, Devendra-suri (of tbe TapA-gacbcbba), vritti on Sr4vaka-dinakritya-sutra, and Visesha-
visbaya, and 96, vribad- vritti on Dbarmaratna-prakaraua.

306, D6vendra-silri (of tbe Rudrapalliya-gacbcbba), vritti on Prasnottara-ratna-mala,
composed Samvat 1429, ekona-triosad-adbika-cbaturdasa-sata-varsbe.
1196, D^vendra-stava.
2366, Dbanapala-pan<jita-raja-paramarbata'8 Sravaka-vidbi*

346, Dbanesvara-s{iri of tbe Cbitravala-gacbcbba, composed a vf itti on Siirdha-sata, Samvat
1171, eka-saptaty-adbikaikadaia-sata- varsbe.

7a, Dbarmakirti-mabopadbyaya, papil of DSvSndra-siiri, composed Cbaitya-vandanaka-
bhasbya- vritti under the name of Samgbacbara.

786, Dbarmakirty-apadbyaya's (Tapu) vfitti on Samgbacbara.

316, Dbarmagbosba-suri, Abbayad8va-siiri-samtaniya, erected Samvat 1293 a statue of
nantinatba.

35a, vadi-Dbannadeva-suri of tbe Cbitravala-gacbcbba.

58a, Dbarmaprabba-suri's Kalakacharya-katba, 56 gatb&s, composed Samvat 138^,
ankusbtayaksba-varsbe.

96, Dbarmabindu-vritti.

126, Dbarmavidhi-prakarana- vritti (chapter Kftmad6vadbikara).

646, Nami-sadbu, pupil of Salibbadra-siiri, composed a vritti on Sr&vaka-dbarma-
prajBapti Samvat 1122, dv^-vinsaty-adbik^ikadasa-sata-varsbe, and a vritti on Sba^-avasyaka^
Samvat 1112.

866, Naracbandriya-dvitiya-prakarana.

206, Panchasaka-cbQrni- vritti. 906, Panchasaka-cbfirni ; see also Ya^od^va.

39a6, A complete Pattavall of tbe Tapa-gachchba.

« Plur. ! A Prflkrit passage from the TMn^-vritti la quoted by DharmaaAgara in his oommentvy on Kupa-
k$hakauL III. 59; see oUo below 8, v» SthAnfinga.

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July, 1804.] THE SAMACHARI-SITAKAM. 173

266-27a, Padmaprabha-suri^s Munisavrata-svami-charitra, composed Samvat 1294, vSda-
graha-ravi, chatur-navaty-adliika.dTAdasa-8ata-varshe. Chundra-kule Vardhamana-suri, pupil
Jinesvara-suri and bandhu Buddhisagara-suri, JiDesyara's 3 pupils Jinachandra, Abhayadeva (9
vritti) and Jinabbadra ; chakre sri-Jinacbandi-a-suri-gnrubbir dhuryah Prasannabhidhas, tena
gmnthachatusbtayi-spbufca-matihsFt-D^vabhadra-prabhor D^vananda-munisvaro, Deva-prabhu,
Vibudhaprablia-siiri Chhatrapalliyl, bis pupil Padmaprabba-siiri Samvat 12.94.

90a, Paramananda, pupil of Abbayadeva-suri, composed Yoga-vidhi, Samvat 1240, cbat-
varinsad-adbika-dvadasa-sata-vai'sbe likbita.

173a, Paryusbana-cbiirni. ( 915, PAdaliptacbarya's Pratisbfcba-kalpa.

1746, ParyusbauA-parvan. I 208^, Parsvanatha-Iagbu-stavana.

167a&, Puri^iabbadra, pupil of Jinapati-suri (+ Samvat 1277), composed sri-Kritapunya-
charitra.

22a, Pritbvicbandra-suri's tippanaka on Paryusbana-kalpa. P., pupil of D^vasena-gani,
pupil of Yasobbadra-sfiri, pupil of Dbarmagbosba-sAri wbo converted the king of Sakambbari,
pupil of Slabbadra-suri of the Chandra-kula-

123a, r27a, Pratimotthapaka-matam triiisad-adbika-paSchadasa-sata 1530varsbe pradur
bbiitam.

81^, D^vendra-siiri's Praty&kbyana-bbasbj^.

68a, Vritti on Pratyakbyana-bhasbya, composed Samvat 1183, try-asity-adbikaikadasa-sata-
varsbe.

1655, Nagapnrlya-gacbcbha- 206, Bribad-gacbcbbiya-Samacbari ; see also Samacburi.

b7b, Bbavadi^va-suri's Kalakacbarya-katba, 100 gatbas.
1086, 1106, 1366, Manomati-sisbya.
206, Manad6va-sfiri'8 Kulaka (v. 6-15 communicated).
65a, VinayacbandropadhyAya-Municbandra, pupil of SarvajSad6va-s(iri of the Bribad-
gacbcbba, composed a vritti on Upadesa-pada, Samvat 1174, abdhi-muni-rudra-varsbe.

526, 1716, Munisundara-sQri, pupil of Somasundarft-suri (TapA), composed Sbad-Avaiyaka,
balavabodba, Smddba-pratikramana-siitra.

976, M6rusundaropAdbyAya'sSadbika-sataprnsnottara-grantba, composed under Jinachan-
dra-siiri (Samvat 1514-30), successor of Jinabbadra-siiri (Samvat 1475-1514). 162a, M.'s
Shad-avasyaka-balAvabodba. 1716, M.'s Varttika-prasnottara-sataka.

5a, Yasod6va-suri*s cburni on Panchasaka.

157a, Yasodeva-suri's Vandanaka-cbxirni.

17a, 4a, Ya6odevopadbyaya in tbe succession (samtAna) of KekudacbArya of tbe Ukesa-
gacbcbba, composed a vritti on Nava-pada, Samvat 1165, pancba-sbasbty-adhikaikadasa-sata-
varshe

94a, Yoga-niryukti-bbasbya.

35a, Ratnaprabba-suri of tbe Ukesa-vansa,

62a, Ratnasekbara-siiri's (Tapa-gacbcbba) vritti (Vidbi-kaumudi) on Sraddha-pratikra-
mana. 79a, R.'s Sraddba-vidbi-viniscbaya.

95a, Lalita-vistarA -vritti.
95a, Laukika-tippanaka.

56, Vardhamana-siiri, pupil of tbe liavanga-vritti-kai'a Abbayadeva-stlri, composed Katba-
kosa (chapter pancha anu-vrata-phala-varnanadbikara), Samvat 1141, and 26a6, Adinatha-
cbaritra, ekMasa-sabasra HOOO-pramita, Samvat 1160, shasbty-adbikaikadasa-sata-varshe, under
Jayasinha-narendra.

Pratyakby a na-bbAsbya.
83a, Prasama-sutra-vritti.
71a, Prasaba-siiri.

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174 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [July, 1894.

216a, 234^, Yard bam una- siiri of the RudrapaUija-gaclicliha, in the saihtuna of Abhaya-

d6va (9 vritti), composed Acbara-diiiakara.
216^, Vardbamina-sfcnti-traja.
19b, Vasuhinda (ekonavinsati-lambba),
152a, Viehara-sam-grantha,
1566, VicbArAmrita-grantha.
1576, VicbarAmrita-saifagraba.

70a, Vidhi-yichara-Bnra'kiilaka.
152a, Vivaba-cbulika.
47a, VibAra-nisbedba'siltra.
1826-1836, Vjavastha-pattra, 33 v.
2086, Sakra-stava.

7a, Sba^-Avaajaka-vritti and Dinakritv a- vritti,
276-28a6, Saihgbatilakacbarya's (Radrapalli^a-kbaratara) vritti (Tattva-kanmudt) on
Samyaktva-saptatika, composed Sam vat 1427, adri-nayanambbodhi-ksbapakrit (Peterson, I. Rep,
p. 53, gives, by mistake, 1422, dvi instead of adri), sapta-viusaty-adbika-cbaturdasa-sata-varBhe
in Sarasvata-pattana, dipotsave, at the request of Devendra-mnni ; Somakalasa-vAcbaka was bis
sahAya, and YasabkalasopndbyAya wrote the first copy. The snccession list is: Cbandra-gachcbhe
Vardbamana (Dharanendra-vandya-cbaranah), Jin^svara, Abhayadfiva (9 vritti), Jinavallabha,
Jinasekbara ganadbara, Padmachandra-sfiri, Vijayacbandra-sAri, a second Abbayad^va-sAri,
founder of the Rudrapalliya-gachcbba, B^vabbadra-suri, Prabhananda-s(iri, tat-patte srimat
Sricbandra-siiri and Vimalacbandra, tacb-cbhishya Gunasekbara-sfiri, whose pupil was
Samgbatilaka, Saihvat 1427. In a Rndrapalliya-kbaratara-krita-prabandba is the succession:
CbAndra-kule Abhayad^va (9 vritti), Jinavallabha, BhavadSva- siiri, Devabhadra, Prabbananda,
author of Vitaraga-stavana, the first copy written by Harsbachandra-gani.
226, Sarhgha-pattaka-bribad-vrittan Cbaitrakutiya-prasasti.
244a, Dfivendra-siiri's bribad- vritti on SamghAcbara.
906, Va^a-gachcbbiya-iirna-SAmacbAr! ; see also Bribadg.
67a, SiddhasSna-siiri's vritti on Pravachana-sAroddhAra.

35a, Somadbarma-gani-, pupil of CbAritraratna-gani-TOahopadbyaya, pupil of Somad^vasun-
dara-siiri (38a, Somasundai-a-sishya) of the TapA-gachchba, composed Upadesa-saptatika, Saihvat
1412, dvAdasAdbika-chatnrdasa-sata-varshe.

66a6, Somasnndara'siiri, pupil of D6vasundara-gani (TapA), bAlAvabodha on Yoga-6Astra.
59a, Dfiva-sftri's vritti on StbAnanga, corrected (sodbita) by N6micbandra-BUri.

95a, Jayachandra-suri's (TapA)
Hetugarbba-grantba.

23a, Hema-nyAya-siitra.

35a, HemarAjaandGnnacbandra
(digambara).

59a, DSvacbandra-suri's vritti on StbAnanga.

16, Haribhadra-siiri's AvaSyaka-vribad-vntti.

26, H.'s Sr A vaka-dharma-prajiiapti -vritti.

716, H.'s Dasama-srAvaka-vidhi-panchAsaka.

2416, H.*8 Pancbaka-vastuka-vritti.

79a, 896, Hemahansa-gani, his succession list: TapA-gachchhe Somasundara-suri (+
Sam vat 1499), Jayacbandra-suri, Ratnasekbara-suri, Udayananda-suri, whose pupil Hemahansa-
gani composed a bAlAvabodha on Shad-Avafiyaka srAddba-varAbhyartbanaya.

35a, Hemabansa-siiri (of the TapA-gachchha), KalpAntarvAcbya (?), (chapter gachchha-
prabh A vak Adhik Ara) .

2. Fattftvall of the Afichala-gachchha.

The PattAvall of the ADchala-gacbchha* is printed in "Srimad-Vidhipaksba-gachchhtya
srAvakanAm daivasAdika panche pratikramana sAtra," Bombay, Nir^iayasAgara Press, Saihvat
1945, 1889, pp. 478-519.

The names of the siiris agree, up to the 35th (or 38tb) ITddyotana-Btlri with those given in
the TapA- and Kharatara-Paftavalis. Also in the Aiichala-PattAvali Uddyotana's date is 1464 after

* See W. Miles, on the Jainas of Gnjerat, in TranMctiouB of the Royal Asiatic Soc. of Great Britain and Ireland^
Tol. 3 (London, 1835) pp. 865-7. Bhf.n4arkar, Report, 1888-84, pp. 14-5, 319-23. Merutunga'B Prabandha-chint^mani
(ed. Bombay, 1888), preface, pp. 10-13.

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July, 1994.] THE SAMACHARISATAKAM, 175

MaWvlra, or Vikrama-samvat 994 (see ante, XL 253/i, n. 36), in which year SarvaddTa-sflri,
one of [Jddjotana*8 84 pupils, was installed as the 36th suri of the A. The latter's saccessor was
the 37th Padmaddva-stlri, likewise one of Uddyotana's 84 pupils and the first peculiar to the A.
After his conversion of the Samkhja-darsaniuas, he received a second name, SAihkhya-stUi.
The new gachehha obtained the name of SankholT^ara-gaclichha from Sankhesvara-grAma,^
a place consecrated to Saukhesvaia-PursvanuthaK.

38. Udayaprabha-suii.

39, Prabhananda-suri. Under him arose the name NftQaka-gachohhaiV called so either
because the sravakas of Niinaka-grama^ celebrated his visit, or because much money (nanaka)
was expended.

46. Jayasiiiha-sQrL

47. Aryarakshita-sAri.

40. Dharmachandra>sCiri.

41. Suvinayachandra-sdri.

42. Gunasamudrarsuri.

43. Vijayaprabha-s&ri.

44. Narachandra-siiri.

45. Virachandra-siiri,

Bhandarkar, Be^wrty 1883-4, p. 321, has the following succession : — Uddyotana, SarvadlTSy
Padmad6va, Udayaprabha, Prabhananda, Dharmachandra, Sumanachandra, Gunachandra,
Vijayaprabha, Karachandra, Virachandra, Munitilaka, Jayasinha, Aryarakshita.

M^rutunga, preface, p. 10, has :— Uddyotana, Sarvad^va (note : Dhanapalat Vi^ 1029)
Padmad^va, Udayaprabha, Narachandra, ^rtguna-sun, Vijayaprabha, Narachandra, Virachan-
dra, Aryarakshita.

AtmarAmjt's list, communicated to me in a letter from Dr. Hoemle, makes the following
statement: — ** In the time of Sarvad^va-suri there arose eight sAkhAs — Sarvad^va, Padmad£va»
Udayaprabha, PrabhAnanda, Dbarmachaudra, irt-Vinayachandra, Gunasamudra, Vijayaprabha,
Jayasinha, Narachandra, Vijayachandra, Aryarakshita."

47, Arjarakshita-sAri, bom Samvat 1136 in DantrAml-grama (Mfirut. p. 11: Dantftnl-),
m&la-naman Godu (M^rnt. Godaii), son of the vyavahArin Drona of the Pragvatajnati, dfksha
Samvat 1146 (Mer. 1141, ^atapadi-samuddhara 1142), obtained from the guru the name
VijayachandropadhyAya,® siiri Samvat 1202 under the name Aryaraksbita-siiri, -{- Samvat 1236
at the age of 100 (M^r. and Sat. 1226 and 91). Under him the gachehha, having a vision of
Chakresvart devi, received Samvat 1169 the name Vidhipaksha-gachchha (see 6hdn4. Eep^
1883-4, p. 130, 442, v. 1). A. gave the dikshA to 2100sadhus and 1130 sadhvfe, the kcharya.
padam to 12 sadhus, the upadhyaya-padam to 20, the pan^ita-padam to 70, the mahattarA-
padam to 103 sadhvls (Samayasri and others), the pi-avartint-padam® to 82 sAdhvts, the total
number of sadhus and sadhvls being 351 7.

48. Jayasinha-silri, son of koti-dravya-dhanin Dahada-^t^& ^^^ Nedhf, bom Samvat 1179
Kunkana-dese SoparS-pura-patane, dlksha 1193 (Mer. and Sat. 1197), suri 1202, &charya 1236,
-{- 1258, 79 years old. Bhand. 1883-4, p. 323, gives, in reference to him, the date Samvat 1249,
and V. 2 of the praiasti at the end of the Upad^-ohintAmani {id, p. 442) reads :

maulim dhunoti sma vilokya yasya nil^saogatam vismita-chitta-vrittilj |

srl-SiddharAjah (Samvat 1150-99) sva-samaja-madhye so 'bhuttatahsri-Jayasinha-surih || 2

49. Dharmaghosba-siiri, son of Chandra vyavaharin in Mahava-pura-nagara (Maru-d^&e)
and of Rajalade, bora Samvat 1208, dikshii 1216, acharya 1234, composed ^atapadi (ashtadasa-
prasDottara-rupA) Samvat 1263 (see Peterson, I. Rep. p. 63, App. p. 12) ; -f 1268 at the age of 59.

50. Mahendrasinha-s^ri, son of Sreshthin DevaprasAda (M6r. sApa D^vaprasAda) in Sara-
nagara and of Khfradev! (Sat. Sthirad^vf), bora Samvat 1228 (M^r. 1220), dikshA 1237, achArya

• Place of pilnrrimage, near Badhanpur (Bombay PresideiKsy), see J. F. Baness, Index Qeogr, Indieus, alph. ind.
« See Weber, Vert. II. p. 926, 11. 8-9. ^ NAna Blra in Godewar, see Miles, loe cit, p. 865.

• Tkis explains the last error in l.tm&r&mjt*s list {Vijayachandra instead of Virachandra), So it might be that
also BhAndArkar's ' Manitilaka' is simply a juvenile name of i6. Jayasinha.

• See Weber, Verz. II. p. 837, 1, and p. 938 on y. 59.

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176 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jclt, 1894.

1263, gachcbha-nayaka 1209, 4- 1309, at the age of 82. He composed, Samvat 1294, a eomnien-
tary on his preceptor's Satapadi (see t7/.), and the Tirtha-mala-stavana in 111 prakfit Terses,
which is printed in Vidhipaksha Pratikr, Bombay, 1889, pp. 229-77-

61. Sinhaprabha-sAri, son of sreshfhin Arisiiihain Vija-pnra and of Pritimati, bom Saihvat
1283, diksha 1291, &charya and gachchha-nayaka 1309 (M^r. 1308); + 1313, 30 years old.

52. Ajitasinha-suri, son of Jinadeva-setba and Jinadeyi in Doda-grama (M8r. and bat.
Koka-grSma), bom Saihvat 1283, diksha 1291, Acharya 1314 in Anahila-pnra, gachchha-nayaka
1316 in Jalora, converted the king Samarasinha of Snvarna-nagari (inscr. Samvat 1342 and 44,
Kielhoro, ante. Vol. XVI. pp. 345-56; Vol. XX. p. 137; Jaiua inscr., /. A. S. B. Vol. 55,
Part I. p. 47) and gave the acharja-padam to 15 pupils; -|- 1339, 56 years old.

63. D6vendrasinha-sAri, son of Santii-setha of the Srimali-jiiati in Palapa-pnra, mother
Samtoshasri (Sat. sa° Toshasri) ; bom Samvat 1299, diksh& 1306 in Thiradra-grama, acharya
1323 in Timira-pnra, gachchha-nayaka 1339, + 1371 in Anahila-pura, 72 years old.

54. Dharmaprabha-suri, son of Limba-setha in Bhinnamala and of Vijalade, bom Samvat
1331, diksha 1341 in Jalora, Acharya 1359, gachchha-nayaka 1371 in Anahila-pnra. The
BhUYanatunga-Btlri-bftkhft arose at his time. He had intercourse with raula Khengara in Junu-
gadh, (Kb. IV. reigned Samvat 1336-90 in J., see Arch. Surv. W. Ind. II. pp. 164-5), and with
patasaha Marijiiriyata. He received the other name Prajnatilaka-suri and died Samvat 1393 in
Asoti-grama, at the age of C3. He composed a Kalikacharya-katha in the year ankashta-yaksha
1389, see Jayasoma's Vichara-ratna-samgraha (Jacobins MS. f. 57a) and Samayasundara's
SamachArlsat. (my own MS. f. 68a, 1. 1, see above p. 172, s. v. Dharmaprabha). The tale ha«
been edited from the India OflSce MS. by Lenmann, Journal Oemi, Or. Soc. XXXVII. 506-9.
Meanwhile a second MS. has reached Europe: No. 1737 of the Berlin Collection, it omits the
last four Aryas which were also unknown to Samayasundara.

* 66. Sinhatilaka-s(iri, son of A^adhara setha in Aica-pura Mam-d6se (M^r. and 'Sat,
AdityavAtaka), and of Chnmpalade ; bom Samvat 1345, diksha 1352, Acharya 1371 in Ananda-
pura, gachchha-nAyaka 1393 in PAtana, -|- 1395 in Stambhatirtha, at tho age of 50,

56. Mah6ndraprabha-suri (Sat. ^prabhu), son of Asa setha (M6r. parikha Abba) in Vada-
grAma, and of Jivanadc, bom Samvat 1363, diksha 1375 (Mer. 1369, Sat. 1365) in Vija-pui-a,
acharya 1393 (M6r. 1389) in Anahilla-pura, gachchha-nayaka 1398 in Khambhata-bandara
(Stambhatirtha). Under him the sakhacharya Abhayasiuha-suri erected Samvat 1432 an image
of Parsvanatha (see Bhandarkar, Rep. 1883-4, p. 323). M. died Samvat 1444 (Mdr. and i:^t.
1443), at the age of 81.

57. Merutuhga-silri, son of vorA Vairasinha in Nanf-grAma, and of Nahunad^, born Saihvat
1403, dikshA 1418, Achurya 1426 in SAla, gachchha-nAyaka 1446 in the same place, 4- 1471, at
the ago of 68. He composed in Lolada-grama, in defepce of a snake, tlie JirikApalli-Parsva-
natha-stavana (printed in Vidhip. Pratikr. pp. 348-53, 14 v. Sansk.) Imitating Kalid^sa and
Magha, he composed some kAvyas, viz. : (1) Nabhi-vaiisa-sambhava-kAvya, (2) Yadu-vansa-sam-
bhava-kavya, (3) Nemidilta-kavya ; besides he wrote navina-vyAkarana, Suri-mantra-kalpa (see
Peterson, III. 2?^p. pp. 364-5) and other works. He, moreover, composed Meghaduta-kavya,
see lb, p. 248, Satapadi-samuddhara composed in the 63rd year (of his age = Samvat 1466, or of
the century = Samvat 1453), a commentary on Sri-kankAlaya-rasAdhyaya (see Weber, ^erz. I.

p. 297, n. 964). Prabandha-chintAmani, Upadesa-^ta and KAtantra-vyakhyana have been

composed by the older Merutunga of the Nag6ndra-gachchha.

In M.'s time lived Jayasekhara-suri sakhAchArya, who composed (in Sekada-grAma) Upa-
desa-chintAmani in 12000 slokas (date of the work Samvat 1436, see BhAnd. Rep. 1883-4, p. 130
442-3), Prabodha-chintamani (see Kielhorn, J?ep.p. 95), Sambodha-sattari (see Peterson, I. Rep.
p. 125, n. 275), AtmAvabodha-kulaka and other works (altogether twelve in number) along with

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JtTLY, 1894.] THE SAMACHARI-SATAZAM. 177

some smaller compositions, such as the Brihad-atich^ra, printed in Vidhip. Pratikr. pp. 88-228,
and the Ajita-santi-stavana, 17 v. sansk., ib. pp. 357-66.

M.'s pupil, the 6Akhacharya MAnikyasundara-suri, composed Gu^avarma-charitra, see
Bendall, Journ, p. 64, Sattara-bh$di-pujii-kath&, Prithvicbanda-charitra (see Weber, Verg, II,
p. 175), Chatuh-parvl-kathA, Ho also wrote Suka-raja-katha (see Rep. 1880-1, p. 27), Malayasun-
dari-katha (Peterson, I. Bep. p. 123, n. 262), Samvibhaga-vrafca-katha (Mitra, Not. VIII. pp. 237-8).

58. Jayakfrti-siiri, son of Bhupala setha in Timira-pura, and of Bhramarude, bom Samvat
1433, diksha 1444, silri-pada 1467 in Khambayata-bandara, gachchha-nayaka 1473 in Pataaa, +
1500 at the age of 67.

His pupil SHaratna-siiri composed Samvat 1491 a commentary on M^rutufiga's Meghaduta-
kavya (see Peterson, III. Rep. pp. 249-50. Also ante, Vol. XIX. p. 366).

59. Jayakesari-suri, son of Devasinha setha in ^ri-thama-nagara (Panchala-d^se), and of
Lakhauade, bom Samvat 1461, mula-naman DhanarAja, dtkshu 1475, ^harya 1494, gachchha-
nAyaka 1501 in GhampAner, + 1542 at the age of 81.

60. SiddhantasAgara-suri, son of Sont(gotra)-Javada in PAtana, and of Puralade, mula-
naman Sonapala, bom Samvat 1506 in SAla, dikshA 1512, acharyal541» gachchha-nayaka 1542, +
1560 at the age of 54.

6). Bhavasagara-sAri, son of vora Sangi in NarasAnt-grama (MAravAda-d^le), and of
SingAradd, mula-nAman Bhavada* bom Samvat 1510, dikshA 1520 in Khambayata-bandara by
Jayak6sari-8uri, AchArya and gachchhefe 1560 in Mandala-grama, + 1583 at the age of 73.

Under him Vinayahansa composed Samvat 1572 a vritti on Dasavaikalika, see Mitra, Not.
VIII. pp. 168-9.

62. GnnanidhAna-suri, son of SrtmAli-jnAti-muguta-mant NagarAja setha in PAtana, and of
LtlAde, midla-n&roan Sonapula, bom Samvat 1548, dikshA 1552 by Siddhuntasagara-silri, sibi
and gachchhe^a 1584 in Stambhatlrtha, -f- ^^02 at the age of 54*

63. Dharmamurti-suri, son of sA-HafisarAja vanik in Trambavalt, and of HAnsalade, mula
naman Dharmadasa, bom Samvat 1585, diksha 1599, AchArya and gachchha-nAyaka 1602 in
AmadavAda, -|- 1670 in Patana at the age of 85. He is called tyAgi. Under him a MS. of the
Uttaradhyayana-dipikA was written Samvat 1643-4, see Weber, Verz. H. p. 718, and a MS.
of the Vyavahara-sutra, Samvat 1665, ib. p. 638. He composed the Vriddha-chaitya-vandana
(which is printed in SrAvaka-pratikramanadi-sutra, Bombay, 1886, pp. 48-55) and the Pradyumna-
charita, see Kunte, Rep. 1881, p. 44, n. 205.

64. KalyanasAgara-suri, son of Kothari-N&niga in Lolada-grama, and of Namilade, mula-
naman Kodana, bom Samvat 1633, diksha 1642 in Dhavala-pura, acharya 1649 in AmadAvAda,
gachchhesa 1670 in PAtana, converted the king of Kachchh, -{- 1718 in Bhuja-nagara, at the
age of 85.

Under him Jataka-paddhati-vfitti was composed Samvat 1673 (Jacobi's Collection of MSS.),
and a commentary on Abhidh Ana-chin tamani, Samvat 1686 (see Weber, Verz. II. p. 257).
Inscriptions Samvat 1675 and 1683 (Epigr. hid. II. 39).

His pupil Vinayasagara composed Bhoja-vyakarana (see Weber, Verz, II. pp. 203-4,
cf. p. 1206).

65. AmarasAgara-suri, son of 6rimali-jnati Sodhari-Yodha in Udaya-pura (MevAda-dSse),
and of Sona, mula-nAman Amarachandra, born Samvat 1694, dtksha 1705, AchArya 1715 in
KhambAyata, gachchhesa 1718 in Bhuja-nagara (Kachchha-d6se), + 1762 in Dholaka, at the
age of 68.

During his spiritual reign a MS. of Upad6sa-chintamani was written Samvat 1739, see BhAn-
darkar, Rep. 1883-4, p. 443.

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178 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [July, 1894.

C6. VidyasAgara-suri, son of sa** Karmafiinha in Kliliasara-bandara (Kachcliha-dese), and of
Kanialade, miila-nanian Vidyadhara, born Sariivat l7-i7 aso vadi 3, dikslia 1756 phalgnna sndi 2,
acliarya 1762 smvana sukla 10 in Dbolaka, bbaffamka 1702 karttika vadi 4 budha-vare in
Matam-grama, + 1797 karttika sudi 5, at tbe age of 50.

A VidyasAgara-suri-stavana (6 v.), composed by Nityalabha, is printed in Vidbip. Pratikr.
Bombay, I88l), p. 451.

V.'s pupil Jfifinasagara-gani composed Gnnavarma-cbaritra (see Mitra, Not, VIII. pp. 145-G)
and Chotrisa atisayano cbhanda, printed in Jaina-kavya-prakasa, I. Bombay, 1883, pp. 74-^.

For Satyasagara-gani see No. 69.

67. UdayasAgara-suri, son of sa° Kalyanaji in Nava-nagara, and of Jayavanti-bai, mula-
naman Udayachanda, bom Sam vat 1763, diksha 1777, acbarya 171)7, gacbcbbesa in tbe same
year, margasira sudi 13, + 1826 asvina sukla 2 in Surata-bandara, at tbe age of 63.

He composed Snatri-pancbAsikA (see Peterson, III. Reji. App. pp. 236-9) ; in the date, v. 6,
read varsbe 'bdbi-khabindu-mite = 1804, instead of abdbi-kbAgnindu = 1304.

For KsbamasAgara-gani see No. 69.

68. Klrtisagara-suri, son of Osa-vansa-jnatlya-saha-Malasinba in D^sala-pura (Kachcbba-
dese), and of Asa-bai, miila-naman Kumaraji, born Sam vat 1796, became 1804 sisbya of Udaya-
sagara-suri, diksha 1809 in Manda^i-bandara, AehArya-pada 1823 in Surata, at which occasion
sa° Khnsalacliand and BhilkbanadAs spent 6,000 rupees, on the preparation of a mahotsava,
gacbcbbesa 1826 in Anjara, -\- 1843 bhadrava sudi 6 in Surata-bandara, at the age of 48.

69. Punyasngara-suri, son of gama-sri-Vadoda-rana-PoravAda-jfiatiya-sa® RAmasi in Gnja-
rhta, and of Mitbi-bai, miila-naman Panachanda, bom Samvat 1817, became 1824 pupil of
Kirtisagara-suri, diksha 1833 in Bhuja-pnra, acbarya and gacbcbbesa 1843 in Surata, tbe mahot-
sava being prepared by sa° Lalachand. He died 1870 karttika sudi 13 in Patana, at the age of 53.
Inscr. Samvat 1861 (Epujr. Ind. II. 39).

Tejasagara wrote, in Surati-bandira, the MS. or. fol. 2013 of tbe Berlin collection Samvat
1844 varsbe Sake 1709 pinvartamane asb\«]ha siiJi 5 bndlie. This TejasAgara was a pupil of
KsIjaraAsAgara-gani (who was a pupil of Satyasagara-gani) who was a pupil of (No. Ob) Amara-
sAgara-silri.

70. RAjcndrasagara-suri, bom in Surat, + Samvat 1892 in Mandavi. Inscr, Samvat 1886
(oj). ciL 39, n. 21).

71. ^fuktisagara-suri, son of Osavala-jnatira-sa*^ Khimacbanda in Ujjayani, and of Um^da-
bai, mula-naman Motichanda, born Samvat 1857, diksba 1867 vaisakba sudi 3, acbarya- and
gacbehhcsa-padp^ 1892 vaisakha sadi 12 in Patana, the mahotsava being arranged by tbe setba-
natbu-Gokalaji. In the jina-cbaitya, established in Nalina-pura by setha Narasinha-natha
(Laghujriatiya Nagadi-gotriya), M. made Samvat 1897 maha sadi 5 the pratishtha of Chandra-
pmbhu, and Samvat 1905 maha sudi 5 he consecrated the Mahavira-cbaitya, established by
sa° Jivaraja-Ratnasinha; + Samvat 1914 at the age of 57. Inscr. Samvat 1905 (Epujr.
Ind. II. 39).

72. RatnasAgara-suri, son of sa° Ladanapachana in MotbAra-grAma (Kachchha-d6se), and
of Jbuma-bai, born Samvat 1892, diksha 1905, acbarya and gacbcbbesa 1914. Under him the
Laghu-Osa-vaiisiya-setha Narasiiiha-natha became an Ancbala-gachchba-sravaka. R. died Samvat
1928 sravana audi 2 in Suthari-grama, at the ago of 36. Inscr. Samvat 1918 (see D. P. Khakhar,
Rqwrf, province of Kachh, p. 75) : Samvat 1921 {Epigr. Ind. II. 39).

73. Vivekasagara-suri, the present suri. Inscr. Samvat 1940, i6., his portrait in the
beginning of Vidhipaksha Pratikr., Bombay, Samvat 1945, 1889.

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JtTLY, 1894.] THE SAMACHARI-SATAKA.M. 179

8. Patt&vali of the Goyarak8lia-&&khft.

In the Poena MS. Collection of 1884-86, No. 609, f. 2*. (Pattavali of the Aiichala-gachchha)
the Gist (6L) suri Bhavasai^rara (Samvat 15G0-83) is followed by Sumatis&gapai-sari, with the
remark: atah sri-Goyaraksha-sthapanA (see Miles, Trarts. III. p. 366: Gowraca). To Sumati-
sagara (63.) succeed : 64. Gujasagara, 65. Ponjaratna, 06, Ganaratna, 67. Kshamaratna,
6B, Lalitik^agara, 69. Mauikjasagara (his pupil Juanasagara Samvat 1737), 70. Pritisagara,
71. LakshmisAgara, 72. Dhanasdgara, 73. Ilarshasagara, 74. Nyayasagara, 75. Gulabasagara.

4. PattAvall of the Tapft-gaohohha.

The Gurvftvall of Dharmasftgara-gapi (Samvat 1629) is printed in Weber, F^r^. II.
p. 997-1015. This is the original edition of Dh. All the Poena MSS. contain the revised
edition, made Samvat 1648 by the order of Hiravijaya-suri. Preceding works are the Gurvavali
of Mnnisundara-suri, composed Samvat 1466, and the last chapter, called sri;guru-parva-krama-
varnanndhikara, of Gunaratna-suri's Kriya-ratna-samachchaya was composed likewise Samvat
1466 (Jacobi's MS. f. 916-93^, 66 verses).

Later works are : —

The PattAvall contained in SargalV. of Devavimala's Hiravijaya-charitra, see Journ, Ocrm,
Or. Soc. Vol. 47, p. 315.

The PattAvall-saroddh&ra (Deccan C. p. 147, n. 409), composed by Bavivardhana-ga^ i
under Vijayaprabha-suri between Samvat 1739 and 1749, gives many new informations and
continues the list up to Vijayapi*abha-suri (last date Samvat 1739).

The GurvAvall (surtoam parivadi) of Jayavijaya-ga^i, pupil of Vimalaharsha-gani, com-
posed Samvat 1680 (Deccan C. p. 39, n. 392 and p. 147, n. 402, erroneously: DharmasAgara )
does not yield any further information. The same author J. composed Samvat 1677 a com-
mentary (called Kalpadipika) on the Kalpa-sutra (Gott. Orie^it. MS. 213i<5). The Gurvavali (27
aryas with sausk. commentary) begins :

panamia Vira-jinindam guna-nilayam panaya-vasava-narindarh I

tassd 'ham sisaoam thunemi bhattii parivadim II 1.

6. Pattftvall of the Vijayananda-stlri-gaohchha.

The V. is a sub-division of the Tapa-gachchha (see Miles, Traihs.li, As.Soc. III. 360 : founded
about Samvat 1656, but according to Atniaramji Samvat 1699). Vijayasena (+ Samvat 1671) is
succeeded, not by Vijayadeva, but by Vijayatilaka-suri,^® under whom 3 gachchhas arose, the
Poraviida-gachchha, the Osavala-gachchha and Samvat 1671 the Sagara-matam. The following
Suris belong to the PoravAcjla-gachehha.

61 (62). Vijayananda-suri^i (Ananda-suri), Rosalotara-vasi Porava^a-jiiatiya Srivanta
pita, Sanagarad^vi mata, sri-Hiravijaya-siirina grihita-dikshah, sam 1717 divarii gatah.

62 (63). Vijayaraja-suri^2 (the other MS. Virajavijaya-suri), Kadt-vasi Srimali-jfiatiya sa
Shimoyila pita, Gamalade mata, Samvat 1742 nirvana.

. 63 (64). Vijayamana-suri, Poravuda-jfiatiya sa Yaghaji pita, Viramado mata, Samvat
1707 janma, 1717 diksha, 1736 acharya Sirohyaiii, sa Dharmadasenotsavah kritah, 1742 patta,
Ghanajiva-pratibodhaka, 1770 phalguna vadi 4 divam gatah,

** Vijayatilaka composed the Adindtha-stavana (see Kunte, Rep. 1881, pp. 42, 4C, n. 185, 216). At the bejfinninf?
of the commentary of BhAnuchaudra on the Kodambari (ed. Bomb. 1890) SArachandra is named as pupil of Vijuya-
tilftka, and BhAnuchandra as pupil of Sftrachandra.

11 Vijayananda's pupil Vijaya-gnni composed Bahd^rtha-chandrikoddMra (Mitra, Not. VIII. pp. l?6-7). In the
English text the mistake KaBsavijaya-pani for Vijaya-gnni is repeated in Aufrecht's Catalotjue Catalogorum.

" Under Vijayarftja (and Vijayamfna as designated succo-sor) Dharma-Fn)!igraha wan Qompoaed SanwAt 1738,
(BhAnd. Rep. 1883-4, pp. 114, 453, v. 2-G). Vijayar.gaVspupil Dfnavijaya composed Sa6d«-6/n^*/iaria (Ohi^nd. 1SS2-3,
p. 226).

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180 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [July, 1894.

64 (66). Vijaya-ridhi-siiri.

65 (66), Vijayasaubhagya-sAri and (67) VijayapratApa-suri.

66 (68). Vijayodaya-suri.

69. Vijayalakshmi-fiuri, author of PaScha-jSana-stutayas (5 v. guj.)* printed in Jaina-
kavya-prakasa I, p. 44-5,

70. D6vachandra-suri. Inscr, Samvat 1860 sri-Vijaya-Ananda-suri-gachchhe sri-Vijaya-
DSvachandra-Buri-rajye (Biihler, Ejpigr. Ind. I. 377).

71. Mahendra-suri,

72. Surendra-suri, Samvat 1908.

In MerntuDga's Prab.-chint., ed. Bonibay, 1888, preface, p. 3, 1. 7, Gnnaratna-suri is mentioned
as the present suri of the Ananda-suri-gachchha. The Poona MS. Coll. of 1869-70, No. 47
(Decc. C. p. 8), contains the preceding names.

6. Fatt&vaU of the Vija7a-6ftkh&.

In the Poona MS. Coll. of 1875-6, No. 743 (DeCc. C. p. 116), Vijayaratna-stlri comes in as
61. pattadhara after 60. Vijayad^va-suri, nnder whom also Vijayasinha-suri and Vijayaprabha-
Bibi (+ Samvat 1749) are named. Under Vijayaratna-sfiri, Kesaravimala composed Samvat 1754
Suktamaktavall, printed in Prakarana-ratnakara II. pp. lJO-24, Nyaya-sagara Samvat 1766 and
Samyaktvavich&ra, printed o;p, cit, pp. 737-89.

62. Vijayakshima-suri (sic) (in Jaina-tattvadarsa, Bombay, 1884, p. 594 : Vijayakshama).
Under him (here Yijayakshema) Mohanavijaya composed Samvat 1783 in Raja-nagara
(Ahmedabad) Chanda rajAno ras (print Bombay, 1888).

63. VijayadayA-siiri, Under him Uttamavijaya composed Samvat 1799 in Siirat Samyama-
srent-stavana, printed in Prak.-ratnfik. II. pp. 699-719,

64. Vijayadharma-s^ri, -f- Samvat 1841 k4rttika vadi, see Samaraditya-kevali-ras, Bombay,
1882, p, 462, V. 8, Under him Labdhivijaya composed Samvat 1810 Haribala^machchhino ras
(print Bombay, 1889), and Padmavijaya, Samvat 1814, Siddha-dandikiVstavana^ printed in
Jaina-kavya-prakasa, I. Bombay, 1883, pp. 363-5. The MS. ends here, but in Jaina-tattvadarsa,
p. 594, Vijayadharma is succeeded by 65. (here 67.) (Vijaya-)Jinendra-suri, installed as suH
Samvat 1841. Under him Padmavijaya composed Samvat 1842 Samaraditya-kevali-ras, Bombay,
1882, and Samvat 1858 Jay ananda-ke vali-ras, t6. 1886, Yaiovijay a Samvat 1849 Vtra-jina-vichara-
stavana, printed in Prak.-ratnak. III. pp. 569-696. Inscr. Samvat 1845 (see Arch. Surv. West,
Ind, No. XI. Burgess Lists, p. 127).

66. (68). (Vijaya-)Devendra-suri. Under him Viravijaya composed Samvat 1896 in Raja-
nagara Dhammila-knmara-ras, Bombay, lb86, and Dipavijaya Rohini-tapa^-stavana, printed in
Jaina-kAvya-prakiisa, I. 1883, pp. 133-7.

67. (69), Vijaya dharanendra-suri, at the time of the edition of Prakarana-ratnSkara, Samvat
1933-37, and of Jaina-tattvadarsa, Samvat 1940.

68. (70). Vijayaraja-suri, the present pattadhara (see Hoemle, ante, XIX. p, 234). Also
named Raj6ndra-suri, he composed Samvat 1940 a balavabodha on Kalpa-sutra, Bombay, 1888,
Rasika-stavanavali, Ahmedabad, 1886, and Tattva-viveka, ib, 1889.

7. PatlAvall of the Vimalagaohchha.

In the Poona MS. Coll. of 1871-72, No. 388 (Decc. C. p. 38), the 55. patta-dhara, Hema-
vimala-suri, is succeeded not by Anandavimala-siiri (Samvat 1570-96), but by Saubhagyaharsha-
siiri, Samvat 1583 suri-pada. His successors are Soma vimala-suri, fiemavimala-suri, Vimalasoma-
suri, Visalasoma-suri, Udayavimala-suri* Gajasoma-siiri.

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Jttlt, 1894.] THE SAMACHARI-SATAKAM. 181

AtmarAmjt (in Dr. Hoernle*a letter) says : — " With the suri sri Hemavimala (TapA No. 55)
arose the Vimala ^khu. In the time of Vijayad6va-suri (Tapa No. 60, Samvat 1C66-1713) the
Suri Jnanaviinala lived in the Vimala-gachchha."

From colophons we draw the following information: Under Somavimala-suri a MS. of
Ogha-nirynkti was written Samvat 1598 (see Weber, Verz, II. p. 81 7). The same suri composctl
Dasa-dnshtAnta-gita (Deec. C. p. 34, n. 290), and Srenika-raja-rasa (Bhau Daji Menu p. 91).
His pupil Pramoda-stla composed Vaitala-panchnsika (Peterson, I. Rep, p. 130, n. 337). Under
Ileraasoraa-suri ( = Hemavimala), the successor of tlie Tapa-gachchha-nayaka Somavimala-
suri, a MS. of Sraddha-pratikramana-sutra-vritti was written Samvat 1646 (Peterson, III. Rtp,
App.p.227).

8. Fatt&vail of the FAr&vachandra-gachcliha.

In the Poena MS. Coll. of 1871-72, No. 392 (Decc. C. p. 39) a leaf contains the succession
list of thesurisof the N&gapurlya-Tapft- (afterwards F&r6vaoliandra-stlri-)gacliehha. The list
agrees np to the 43. patta-dhara Munichandra-suri (Tapa No. 40) with that of the Tapa-gachchha.
As 44. not AjitadiSva-suri succeeds, l?utvadi-Deva-suri(born Samvat 1143, suri 1174, + 1226), the
other pupil of Munichandra-suri, who is also named in the Tapa-patfc. (see Weber, Verz, II.
pp. 207-8).

45. Padmaprabha-silri Bhuvana-dlpaka-grantha-karta (a jyotih-sastra, printed Bombay,
J885; 1887, here the author does not name his teacher).

46. Prasannachandra-suri, under whom the NagorA(Nagapurija)-tapah arose.

47. Jayasekhara-sOri.

48. Gunachandra-siiri. In the colophon of Chandrakirti*8 Surasvata-dtpika : Gunasamudra-
Buri (Weber, Verz, II. p. 207, b. 3 fr. b).

49. Jayasekhara-suri, Bam° 1301 varshe gotra 12 pratibodhaka. He was honoured (archita)
by the king Hammira (Bhandarkar, Rep, 1882-3, p. 43, 227, v. 1). An Ajifca-santi-stotra, Jaina-
kumara-sambhava, Tribhuvana-dipaka, Sambodha-saptatika are attributed to a Jajasekhara(P).

50. Vajrasena-siiri, sam° 1342 Acharya, 1000 griha-pratibodhya (?), Lo^ha-gotra, Honoured
(sad-vasah-phuramapa-dana-mahital^)by 'Alau'ddin Khilji (A. D. 1295-1316), {op. cit, p. 43,
227, V. 1).

51. Hematilaka-sAri.

52. Ratnasekhara-siiri, sam® 1399 varshe Piroja-saha-pasa pra° Dhiliim. Honoured by
Peroja-sahi (Firoz Shah who reigned in Dehli A. D. 1351-88). ib, p. 43, 227, v. 2. Jayasekhara,
Vaji'asena and Hematilaka are named in Batnasekhara's Laghu-kshetra-saraasa (Weljer, Verz.
II. p. 859), Brihad-gachchhiya-Vajrasena and Hematilaka in Ratnasekhara's Guna-sthana-praka-
rana (Aufrecht, Bodl, p. 397a). In both places Ratnasekhara calls Vajraseua and Hematilaka
his teachers, Sripila-katha is also a work of Ratnasekhara's whose pupil Hemachandra wrote
the MS. Samvat 1428 (Weber, Verz, II. pp. 1022-3). R. composed also a Chhandah-kosa
(Peterson, III. Rep, App, p. 404, n. 591).

53. Hemachandra-suri,

54. Purnachandra-suri, samvat 1424 varshe Higada-gotre.

55. Hemahahsa-guri, samvat 1453 varshe Khancjeravala-jnatlya, (Hoernle : Hemachandra.)

56. tat-sishya Lakshminivasa-suri.

57. Pu^yaratna-panuyasa.

58. Sadhuratna-pannyasa.

59. Fftsaohandra^stlri, Hamtra-pnra-vasi-Porava^a (Jacobi's MS. of Sthanaiiga-dipika f.
237a, Pragvatiya)-jnati Vimala s4 pita, Vimalade mjita, sam 1565 varshe kriyoddhari-yuga-
pradhftna-biruda, + 1612. According to the Tapu-gurv, he founded Samvat 1572 the matam.

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182 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [July, 1894.

called after him (see ante. Vol. XL p. 2565, n. 55; Weber, Verz. II. p. 1014, U. 1-3;
BhanriArkar, Eep. 1883-4, pp. 155, 456, I. 4 fr. !>.), but Samvat 1565 in Sirolii (Miles, Trans. R.
As. Si'C, III. p. 367). He composed

Samvat 1597 a varttika on Chatnlj-sarana (Peterson, III, Bep. A pp. pp. 214-5),
a balavabodba on Acb^rauga, ed. Calc. Samvat 19c 6,
a balavabodba on Sutrakritanga, ed. Bombay, Samvat 1936,
a commentary on Stban&iiga, MS. Samvat 1575, Bik. p. 702,
a varttika in bbashA on AupapAtika (Weber, Verz. II. pp. 53 >, 542),
a bbasba-coramentary on Tandnla-veyaliya (Peterson, II. Rep. App. p. 15, n. 292),
a balavabodba on Ratnasekhara's Ksbetrasam&sa (Brit. Mus. MS. 2118a and Add. 26374 ;
Berlin MS. or. fol. 1748).

(P.-gani) a bbasbi-commentary on Chaitya-vandana (Peterson, I. Rep. p. 124, n. 264),

Sthapan^-dvipancb^sikft,

Sai-a-dipika-prabandba (Bhau Daji Mem. p. 31),

Uasta-kanda (op. cit. p. 35),

Kesi'Pradesi-prabandha (op. cit, p. 46).

His pnpil Brabma-mnni composed (apparently between Saihvat 1600 and 1620) in Anabila-
pura, a commentary on Jambudvipa-prajnapti ; correct accordingly the date given in Bhuud.
Brp. 1883-4, p. 143, 448-9. A good MS. also in Berlin: MS. or. fol. 1779 (dated Samvat 1624).
The commentary, together with the original text, measures 17,280 granthas.

CO. Samarachandra-snri, abala-brahmach&ri Srimali-jnutl P^fana-nagara-vasi, sam 1626
varshe sri-Shambha (Stambhatirtha)-madhye svargah.

61. RAyachandra-siiri, sam 1626 vaisakha vadi 1 dine ravi-y&re sa^ Somaji pada (-stbapana)
bri-Stambhatirthe dosi-Javada (pita), mata Kamalade.

Rajachandra composed a varttika in bhashA on Aupaputika, ed. Calc. Samvat 1936, 1880,
V. 1, different from that of his predecessor Pursvachandra. Vachaka-Megbaraja, papil of
rishi-Sravana, composed under R. a taba on Rajaprasniya (ed. Calc), and Samvat 1659 a dipika
on Sthanauga, Jacobi*s MS. (his predecessor is here named Ajichandra, synonym of Samara-
chandra). Muni-Premaohandra, pnpil of HirAnandachandra, pupil of R., composed a taba on
Jratadharmakatha, ed. Calc. Samvat 1933, 1876, pp. 1476-7.

62. Vimalachandra-suri, Sanghavi (-gotro) Ahamadavada-vasi.

63. Jayachandra-siiri, UsavAla-jimti Riut-g(r)ama-va8t. J. in the succession of P,8a-
chandra-siiri (Brihat-tapa-gachchha) and preceptor of Pramodachandra, colophon of Uparaita-
bhava prapaiicha, Poena MS,

64. Padmachandra-suri, sri-Srimali-jii&tl AhamadavAda-vasl.

65. Mnnichandra-sAri, Sont-gotra Jodha-pura-vAst, sam 1744 Sri-Btara(bha)tirthe acbArya-
padarii, sam 1750 svarga^^.

66. Nemichandra-siiri, Nabara (Nahata)-gotri SArapura-vasi Usavala-jiiAti.

67. Kanakachandra-8ib*i, Mahanota-gotre.

68. Sivachandra-suri, Srimalf-jnatiya Mandala-grama-vasJ.

69. Bhanuchandra-suri, Osavala-jnattya Bhandasalt-gotre.

70. Vivekachandra-suri, Osavala-jnatiya Singhavi (above Sa'^)-gotre.
Hoernle : Labdhichandra, Harshacbandra, Hemachandra.

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July, 1894.] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS. 183

9. Note on an inscribed Statue of F&rbyanfttha.

There is a statue of F&rtovanfttha, which came to my knowledge through Dr. M. Buchner,
in the Ethnographical Maseam in Munich. It is of bronze and is 189 millimeters in heiglit.
It belongs to a large collection brought from India by the French traveller N. Laraare-
Picquot (born about 1785, see Nouv. Biographie Oetierale, t. 29, 1859, col. 65-7). The statue is,
on the back, inscribed as follows :—

Text.

Sa° 1503 varshe magha vadi 4 sukre u° goshtika Ahlii bha° (bharya) SiibgArade suta Su-
d(?)akena bha° (bhftrya) Suh(?)avade sa° (sahitena) atma-sreyase sri-Parsvanatha-biihbaih kAri° pra®
(karitam pratishthapitam) Ja(i)rapal%a-sri-Salibhadra-8uri-patte &ri-Udayachandra-suribhi(h) 1 1
Bubham bhavatn 1 1

Translation.

In Samyat 1503 magha vadi 4 sukre (= A. D, 1447, 6fch January, Friday, as Jacobi and
Kielhorn have calculated) Sud(?)aka, son of u® g08ht(h)ika Ahla and his wife Singarade,
together with his (Si^daka's) wife Suh(P)avade, has erected to their salvation the statue of
Parsvanntha. Consecrated by bri-XXdayaohandra-stlr], successor of tol-^Hibhadra-stlri, of
the Jlrftpalll(-gaohehha). May there be prosperity !

Similar Jaina inscriptions are published in ^rc^. Survey of West, India, No. XI. ; J. Burgess,
Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Pres, Bombay, 1885, p, 18G. The names of
the two suris mentioned in this inscription are not known from any other sources.

The JirAnlft (= Jirftpalli) is called the 12th of ^e 84 sakhAs of the Brihad-gaohohha,
founded by Sarvad6va-suri (S. 994), see Poena MS. of Brihad-gachchha-gurvAvalt, Coll. of 1873-4,
No. 245, f. 15 = Decc. C. p. 66. In the MS. Gachchha-nimanukramani, Poena Coll. of 1873-4,
No. 145 = Decc. C. p. 61, theJJJrfiulA-gachchha is the 3rd among the 84 gachchhas. Tod, A^ui,
of Rdj, I. p. 121 has Jeerunwal. Miles, Trans, B. As. Soc. III. p. 370, has JerawAli (No. 2).
Wilson, Works, I. p. 345, has Jolura. /. B. B. R, A, S, X. p. 114, has Jiranwal, No. 32.

Jirapalli-tirtha (J4ra°) founded Samvat 1109, see Bh&ndarkar, Rep. 1883-4, p. 322, 1.3 fr. b.
Jirikapalli-Parsvan&thastotra, 14 v. sansk., by Merutunga-suri (S. 1446-71), printed in
Vidhipaksha-Pratikr., Bombay, 1889, pp. 348-53, Jirapalli-Parsva-stavana, 15 v. sansk., by
Jinaprabha-sih*i (Samvat 1363), printed in Prakarana-ratnakara, II. p. 268-9, beg. JirikA-pura-
patim. Jirapalli-mandana-Parsvanathastava, Peterson, I. Rep, p. 128, n, 316. Jh*Apalli-stha-
Parsva-stuti by sri-Karna, Peterson, III. Rep, App. p. 213, n. 34. Other stavanas Bhaadarkar,
Rep. 1883-4, p. 1806, n.* 136, p. 187a, n. 94, p. 2436, n. 5.

THE DEVIL WORSHIP OF THE TULUVAS.

FROM THE PAPERS OF THE LATE A. C. BURNELL.

{Cimtinued from page 99.)

BUBNELL MSB. — No. 12.

SABALA JUMADI.

Original, in the Kanarese character, occupies, text and translation, leaves 143 to 148
inclusive of the Burnell MSS. Translation according to the Burnell MSS.

TranBlation,

There is a village called Sara-Beliytir,^ in which there was a shed. In tbis shed Sarala
Jumftdi washed his feet in water from a pot made of bell-metal ; he washed his face in water

1 A village of a thousand people, i. e., houses.

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184 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [July, 1894,

from a silver pot ; he chewed betel from nnts placed at the door, A feast is performed to him
at the shed, which was bailt at the cost of a thousand people !

Sarala Jumadi left Sara-Bel ijur and came to Brahma*s abode, and passed it by. Soon after-
wards he came to the abode of a god at Kariya^ and passing on he visited the Bhtlta Sittlsvarl,
residing in a gudi at Kandel. He then passed by a temple, built by Brahmans, and by the
plain at Adda^ and went on to Mugdrn&c^ where he visited six Bhutas and two gods. He
passed by the bidu at Bardala^ and the banian tree at MantamOy and the rock at Adda, and
came to the cMvadi at Yirandabettu. He took possession of a matham at AlaDgar, and passed
on by the tirtha of Yill Bhavo, near the matham there. Ho came to the sand-bank at Pani-
mugdr, and visited a god at Panumbtlr in the west. He also visited a god at Nandar in the
east, and three Brahma Bhutas at Urimanel. Ho crossed over the sand-bank at Panimuger,
and passed by a basti (temple) built by a Setti, and a temple built by a Brahman, and by the
Kafichikar Keri, He passed along the cobbler's street, and came to the garden called
Nandana Yai^a^ where he spread disease among the houses of Kujumba Dftre and Tankara
Baidya. They caused a man to refer to the ^^raina-book, and in it was found the
words : —

** It is the Bhtlta Jum&di who has spread disease."

Also it was found : — ** If a festival be performed to him in this village, the disease will be
cured.*'

The people of three quarters in the village gathered together, and under the jack-tree,
where the cock-fights are held, they offered a sacrifice to Jumadi in a shed.

'* It is sufficient for me^ is this feast ; but I want a sdnain also,*' said Jumadi.

The people of the three quarters had a committee and built a sdnam for Jumadi at Nan*
dana Vana. A flag was raised, a car was made, and a feast was performed at Nandana Yana.

Sarala Jumadi left that sdnam and came to Sara-Pulinkadimftra, where there are a
thousand houses. He passed by Kalla-Botti-Kayeri^ by the stream Ummana-Botti-Tara, and
by the old fort at Ambad&di, and came to a banian tree at Man tame. He had with him his
servant Ba^t^S ^^^ went on to the bidu at Nandar-Bettu, where lives Kochajva BallAl.
Jumadi spread disease in that house. Then the Ballal made a reference to the ^raimi-book,
from which it was known that Jumadi had arrived and had made the people sick.

"If the disease is to be healed, food must be given to Jumadi, and a ^uja with flowers must
be performed," said the j^roina-reader.

The Ballal promised all to the Bhuta, and soon afterwards the disease was cured. After
this Kochajva Ballal regularly performed the feast of Jumadi.

In the next year Jum/idi said to Kochalva :•— " It is not proper for yon to perform the feast
alone. It will be better for you and the people of Ambadacji Magne to build me a sdnam
together."

Kochajva Ballal and the people of Ambadadi Magne built a sdnam together on a rock at a
place called Lftker, where a feast is performed once a jear.

In the year following JumAdi said :— " This place is not fit for a sdnam, therefore I want
another one."

So the people of Ambadadi Magne and the BaU&l built a sdnam at another place called
Mangalimdxay and a feast was performed there.

In the year after that Jumadi left that village and came to Kodigrftma Magne, and going to
a place called Parari-guttu, he made the people sick. Thej referred to the praswcbook, and it
was found that it was Jumadi, who had made them all sick.

They at once asked of the ^roiwa-reader :^** What is to be done now ? "

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JiJLY, 1894.] THE DEYIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 185

Said the praina-reEder : — " A adnam in yonr village is wanted : this is his desire ! "

Upon this an appropriate gathering was held by the householders.

" Sickness is spread in our hoases, because Jamadi wants a sdnam. So is it found in the
|?rai»a-book," said they to the villagers.

Then the villagers folded their hands and besonght the Bh^ta, and said to the house-
holders : — " This sickness is now in your houses, tomorrow it will be spread over the whole
t^illage. Therefore you of Parari-guttu and we of Kodigrama M&gne must build a sdnam
together."

On the hill at Parari a sdnam was built, and a festival was performed there.

In the next year Jnmadi left Kodigrama MAgne and passed by Jumbd. There is a place
called Kolla-Botti-Sftnam, where there was a woman named Ddvi Baidyatl, a toddy-drawer
by caste. Jnmadi made the people of her house sick. She referred to the proi »a-book, and it
was found in it that the evil was due to Jumadi. She cried out to the villagers, and they all
eame to her house and saluted the Bhuta. The sickness in her house was healed, and accord-
ingly the villagers promised the Bhuta a sdnam on her land. Thus was that sickness cured !
A sdnam was built on DSvt*s land by DSvi herself with the assistance of the villagers, and a
feast was made.

Jnmadi left that sdnam. There is a temple to the god Varad6liwara at Parangi-Petta,
pe passed by that temple. There is a place called Soman&th Katte. He passed by that, too^
and came to Adyan-guttu, where there was a Ba^t named Dugga Ba^cjiari. Jnmadi made
all his household sick. The Bant referred to the praina-book, and it was known that the evil
was the deed of Jnmadi. The Bant called the villagers together, and then spake Dugga Bandari
to the villagers : — " My household became sick, and when I referred to the praina-hook. I
came to know that it was Jumadi's doing. He wants a sdnam,. What is to be done for this P
I cannot do anything without your permission.'*

" The sickness came to-day to your house ; tomorrow it will come to ours. Therefore let us
build a sd'nam together," said the villagers.

All of them together built a sdnam at a place called Sara-Bari on the banks of a water-
oourse, where a feast was performed. Jnmadi left that sdnam in the following year and came
to the btdii at Kanntlr, where he spread disease. The people there are Ballakulu by caste, and,
they referred to the prama-hooky and from it they came to know that it was Jumftdi's doing ; and.
moreover, it was found that if the sickness was to be cured Jnmadi wanted a swing to swing
on at the hidu. Then the Ballal of the place promised the Bhiita that he would get him a
swing at his house when the disease was cured. The sickness ceased, and a swing was hung up-
The BallAl began to make pdja there with only flowers.

Jumddi left the bidu and reached Jappu, near Mangalore, where there is a ferry called
Kand-Kariya^ but which was then called Nuppamftra-guttn. The ferry was managed by
^wo brothers named Kooharal and SyAmparal. When Jum&di arrived, he went to their house
and made all the people sick. They referred to the prai/k»-book, and it was known that Jnmadi
had done the evil, for which the remedy was to build a sdnam for him.

They called the villagers and said:— "Our household is sick and it is known from the
praina-hook that it is Jum4di who has made them sick, because he wants a sdnam. Therefore
we inform you.'*

** Whether the sickness, which is in your house, will come to us or not, we cannot say ;
therefore let us build a sdnam together," said the villagers.

All of them together built a sdfiam for Jumadi at the place called Kan^-Kariya, and gave a
feast to hinu

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186 THE INDIAN ANTIQtrABT. [JuW, 18W,

In the next yew he left that place and came to Att&var, where he entered a idnam at
IPergadd-bettu, and then went into the treasury, and made the people there skk. Thej
referred to the praina-hook, and came to know that it was due to JamAdi*

Hien the head of the house asked r— '* What is to be done P "

*' If you want to let your people get better, you should boild a separate $dnam of your
own,** said the praitia-reader.

Then the treasurer sent for his neighbours, and when they had all come he said to them :— >

*' In my house the people are all sick, and it is known to be Jum&di's work, because he
wants a sdnam. What are you going to propose ? "

'^ We cannot say whether the sickness which is spread abroad in your house will come to
n% or not. Therefore let ns build a sdnam together," said the villagers.

They all prayed the Bhvlta to heal the sickness, in return for which they built a sdnam.
Then the sickness was cured, and they all built a sdnam together, where a feast was performedr
And a feast is performed there once a year to this day !

BnBir£I.L H88. — Ko. 18.

HUDADEB (EAIiA.BHAIBAVA).

Original in the Kanarese character. Original, text and translation, occupies leares 149 to
158 inclusire in Bumell's MSS. Translation according to the Bumell MSS.

Translatioii.

There were four Bair&gls, who said to each other :—

** We have seen the ocean in the East, and now we want to see the ocean in the West."^

So they put on ashes, took a bag and went a-begging. Their fletmily Bhtita web K61a*
fihairava.

They went to Hug6mA<jly and passed by the Bardala-bl<lu. They passed by the rock at
Addala, and the chdvadi at Yirauda-bettu, where they saw the sun set, and where there is a tank
Called Dlndu-klrd. There they stopped that night. They bnilt up three stones for a fire-place,
and cooked, and took a meal there. Early in the morning they rose and bathed in the tank, and
put on ashes.

The Bhtlta E&la-BhairaTa^ who had followed them, booame a reddish oow, and they
met her grazing. When the four Bairagis saw her, they said they would milk her, and so they
took a rope and tied her up. Then they brought a vessel, and milked the cow. Wkile they
were milking her, they saw water coming from one of her teats, from a second came milk, from
a third blood, and from the last nothing.

They referred to the Sdstras, in which they found, that the Bhiita Elk-Bhairaya had
followed them, and that the cow was the BhAta. They thought awhile, and brought one of the
three stones, of which they had made a fire-place and established it as a plaee of prayer. And
they prayed to the Bhiita :—

*' You had better make the acquaintance of the neighbouring villagers and get your fbod^
and living from them.^

They also told the Bhfita to remain in the stone ; and then they left the place, and passing
by Dindu-kir6 went to Fang^Or. They passed by a hasH (temple) built by the S^tis> and by a
temple bnilt by Brahmans, and they passed by the Kanchigar-keri, and the cobbler's street.*

* A street ocoapied by workera in bell-metaL

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JttLt, 1894.] fftfi DEriL WORSflIP OF THE TULUVAS. 187

Sankar^ Baidya'd hOasd was at Ifazldana Vana, where they pat up. A dream came
to the Bairagts, while they slept that night, in which the Bhiita KMa-Bhairava said t — '' I want
a sdnam here.'^

They got up next day, brought one of the three stones from the fire-place in which they
had cooked, and established that BhAta in the stone and prayed to htm : —

" Yott had better make the acquaintance of the villagers here and get your food, and
ofEerings from then."

They left that place and passed by N'andana Vana, and came to a place called PtHifikedi''
mftr, where there was an old fort, which they passed by. There was a lAd^i at a place called
Kandere-betta in the village of Axnbad&cjLiy which they passed through, and then they came
to Kudigrftma Mftgne. They passed by the temple at Ferivedi, by the village of Tumbai,
and came to the village of Tnjer. They passed by Kiro(jLibannakutd Barke^ where there was
a nameless tree, under which they put up. That night they had a dream that the Bhuta wanted
a sdnam and that a feast was to be performed. They arose next day and prayed to him :—
" Take your food and have a feast in your honour here."

They established there a stone, which was one of the three stones from their fire-place.
Then they left the KirodibannakutS Barke and passed by the Varaddbvara Temple, and by
the water-course at Arkula^ and then by Addyara Mftgne. They passed by a stream at
Maikal, and then by Sarakula Janana Bidu, where there was a hambla? and they visited the hut
of a Bhtlta oalled Maftjagabbe Ddva in the comer of the field. A Bhtlta called Giravu
met them at Ganada-bettu, and they saw him. Then they passed by Kanttlr Kari Bettu,
and came to a tank called Kattald Puvddi Ee^u, which is at Baz&I, where they took a bath,
washed away their ashes, and left as soon as they had bathed. They saw sone girls at BajAl
[(?) Bazal], and they stood awhile at the ferry of Bajal. Then they sat down in the boat which
came first, and crossed the Bajal ferry. They went to Pariyftla M&gne, and leaving it passed
by a stone which was used for putting flowers on. They passed by Bolma Yerandale Patta^
and by Mulara-gaflu, and by the hamhld at Malara. Then they ascended the hill of
Eallada^ and passed by Mair Mendyar, visiting the Bhtlta of the Badamakula at Badtlr*

At thafe time the sun was setting, and so they lodged at a Kotakar's house, where one
Sankaru Baidyadi had put some rice in a pot and was washing it. When the four Bairagis
came she stopped washing the rice, ran to the house, and gave them a handful of rice in a flat
basket. When they saw it, they said :—

'•We are not beggars; we are travellers going to Malabar in the South. Tou had better
give us five konde of rice* out of what you are washing."

She gave it them and they put it into a vessel, boiled it and ate it up. They also made their
beds there. In the morning they rose and called Sankaru Baidyadi, and told her to come near
to them. She did so, and they asked her how many sons she had. She replied : —

'' I have only one, named Siddamarda Baidya."

On which they said : — «* We go to Malabar and shall return, and in the interval your son
should not be married. On our return, we will teach him the details of our kdstram, and give
him a mantra about a Bhuta. Until then he should not be married."

Having said thus, they went away in the morning. When they came to "Sankaru she was
poor, but no sooner had they gone than she became rich. Then the people of her village agreed
together and also those of her caste, and having collected together they called Sankaru Bai-
dyadi, and they said to her : —

" We wish to have your son married : what do you say to it ? '*

» A large paddy field. « Four hond46 = one »^r.

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188 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [July, 1894.

Then she replied : — " Four Bairagis have gone to Malabar in the South, and before they
return the marriage cannot be performed."

** You accept the advice of boys begging in four houses, but not that of your own caste,'^
said they. " The advice of the beggars cannot be accepted."

So the people of the caste married him by force. In the year after the marriage the
Bairagis, who had gone to Malabar, returned, and they reached her house, 'Bankaru's daughter-in-
law, the wife of Siddamarda, was washing rice. They came up to her and stood in the yard,
and said to her : —

** You were not here last year, but you are here now. What family do you belong to ?
Whose wife are you ?"

" I am Sankaru Baidyati's daughter-in-law and the wife of Siddamarda Baidya," said she.

They became angry, and just then the sun set. They descended the steps of the yard, and
went to Mangar (Bober) Ferry at UU&l.

They stood awhile by the ferry. In the meanwhile the wife of Siddamarda, having
washed the rice, went inside, and informed her mother-in-law that four beggars had come.

*• They inquired who I was, and I answered that I was the daughter-in«law of Sankaru
Baidyati and the wife of Siddamarda Baidya. When they heard this, they went away and
descended the steps of the yard."

Then S^ankaru Baidyati came to understand that the mendicants were the Bairagis who had
come the year before.

" They advised me not to marry my son when they came last year, but my caste people have
him married by force. And now they have come again, and, having heard of this, they have
gone away." Thus thought she.

It was evening, and the Bairdgts sat awhile at the Bangar ferry, because there was no boat
in which to cross the river. Then by their enchantments the waters separated and left them a
way for passing over. Thus they crossed the river. Then came iSankaru running and crossed
the river, in which the water was as high as a man's neck, and went to the Bair^gts, bowed down
to their feet and their hands, touched their chins and heads and prayed to them :—

" Do not heed the faults which I have committed. Every mistake is mine !"

The Bairagis, who had set their faces to the North, did not turn them to the South, but at
they could not bear her persistence, they tore ofE B,japd8ara^ of Vign^svara, and, taking it in the
left hand, gave it to her behind their backs. She took it home and put it on her son's neck*
As the saram (rosary) had been presented with blessings, his mother gave him the name of
XJpaddsl-Marda Baidya^ and she made the people build a sdnam called the EotSk^'s SAnamf
and appointed her son to do the pdja there and made him perform it.

In the following year she called all the villagers together and said : —

" Pour Bairagis were travelling to Malabar in the South, and passed by here. When they
first came to me, I was poor, as is known to the whole village. They came to me while I was
washing rice. I thought over the matter to myself awhile, and as they had come in the
evening, 1 offered them as much rice as I could give, according to my ability. But they did not
take it, and said : — * We are not Bairagis who beg in four houses, but we are going to Malabar
in the South,' and moreover they said : -— • It is better that you give us five kondSe of rioe
out of that which you have been washing/ I gave it them, and that day they put up in my
house. They rose early in the morning next day and said to me : -^

" * How many sons have you P *

' = japmM, a rosary neokliMJQ.

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July, 1894] THE DEVIL WORSHIP OP THE TULUVAS. 189

" * Only one, named Siddamarda Baidya/ I replied.

« They said : —

" * Yonr son should not be married until we return from the Southern parts. As soon as
we return we will teach him the details of our idstram^ and after that he may be married.'

** They went on to Malabar, and after their departure I became somewhat rich. The
matter was inquired into by my caste people, the Kot^kars, and they gathered together in my
house, and made me marry my son by force. In the following year the same Bairdgis came
back to my house, and when they arrived, the wife of Siddamarda Baidya was washing rice on
the brink of the well. While she was still washing it, they came up to her and said ; —

" * When we came here last year you were not here, and now you are here.'

** They also asked her whose wife she was. She replied that she was the daughter-in-law of
Saukaru Baidyati and the wife of Siddamarda. Having heard this the Bairagis went away
angry. They started to cross the ferry at Jappil, and I went after them running, and took hold
of their feet and hands, asking pardon for every mistake I might have made. They did not
turn their faces to the South, having set them to the North. Ajapdsara of the god Vigndb-
vara was torn oS one of their necks and given me behind their backs and also the Bhflta
Mudatftya.^ They told me to take them, give them to my son, and set him to worship
according to my own ideas. 1 did as I was told and put the saratn round my son's neck and
gave him the name of UpadSsi Marda Baidya,

** Acting under their orders, I had to build a gunda^ for the god (Yign^svara) and a sdnam
for the Bhiita (Mudataya), and I now wish to hold a feast in honour of the Bhiita. I cannot
do this without you villagers. In your presence and according to your ideas the festival
must be held.**

Thus said she to the villagers, and having heard her they all held a feast together. From
that day to this the feast is held in honour of the Bhftta Mudatilya at KotAra near S6mdbvara.

A feast was held at KotAra, and the Bhtlta went to visit the god at SomSsvara, circum-
ambulated the god at noon, and then he became a oook and crowed on the top of the temple.

Then the god said : — " This Bhiita, eating flesh and drinking liquor, does not leave me
room to turn round/'

The Bhftta replied to the god : — "I live by taking flesh and liquor, and I live without
them too."

He descended from the temple of Soman&tha [S^mSsvara], and passed by nine tanks. There
were two places on the way, called Earmarka^ and XJnghermathy and he passed by them,
too. He passed by Posa Anga4jli, and came to a palace at Ull^. Here he saw one Chanta, who
had two riding elephants to ride, and he made the elephants sick. They neither drank water
nor ate the grass given them. Then Chanta referred to the praina-book, and found that
the evil had been caused by Mndatheye [Mudader]. Then Chanta asked his servants who
was the proper man to exorcise the Bhi^ta.

^* There is one Siddamarda Baidya at ITllftl. He should be sent for," said the servants.

Chanta sent for him, and the messenger said ; — " Siddamarda, your Bhuta has made
Chanta's elephants sick, and we have found from the j^raina-hook that you can exorcise him.**

The Baidya came with the messenger, and Chanta said to him : — ** Your Bhilta has made
my elephants sick, and you must pray to the Bhuta.*'

Then the Baidya took a pot of- water to the elephants* stable, and Chanta said : — ** If the
elephants get better I will hold a feast in honour of your Bhuta at the elephants* stable."

• = Mudader. ' A small temple.

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190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jult. 1894.

Then the Baidja took the water in his hand and sprinkled it on the elephants and prayed
to his Bhuta to stop the elephants' sickness at once. Then the elephants, whigh were lying
down, stood up immediately, drank the water poured out for them, and ate up the food that was
prepared for them. Then Chanta held a feast at the elephants' stable.

One Saka K6chal of XJlll4-gutta came to this feast, and said to Chanta after it :— ** It
is not proper at all to hold a feast to a toddy-drawer*s Bhuta with all the musical instruments.
One horn and a drum are enough ! I will not take even a flower and any eandal from a toddy-
drawer*s Bhuta. It is not proper at all to make music with all the instruments."

He returned home and when he reached UUal-guttu, Mudad^y^ made his sister-in-law sick
with small-pox ! Then he referred to the praina-hook, in which it was found that the evil had
been caused by Mudad6yd.

'* To atone for the mistake I have made, I offer a single horn to that Bh{ita to be placed in
his sdnamj' said Kochal.

The sickness departed and the horn was offered.

After this the Bhuta crossed by the ferry at IJllal, and also by the ferry at MajStgar, and
went to the Temi^e of Mangala D6vl, and visited her. Then he went to Paaddbwar,
where he found the god Mahftlingdtrvara walking round the temple at noon. He became a
cock and crowed on the top of the temple.

Then the god said : — " This Bhuta, eating flesh and drinking liquor, does not let me take a
turn round my temple in peace."

Mudadey^ replied : — *'I can live both with, and without, flesh and liquor."

There was a Brahnuu^a called Kdbaya BhaftA at that temple and he became possessed by
Mudadey6.

Some Bhatfcas said to him : — ** If you are a powerful Bhiita get back a piece of land for
US at FaohanaijLi Niru Barke, where our home is, and then we will build a sdtmm there and
hold a feast in your honour."

Then the man possessed by the Bhdta was released and the piece of land was obtained back
by them. A feast, even to this day, is accordingly held in his honour.

The Bhiita went to Attftvar after that, where dwelt Manadiya and Earnika^ who
had twelve milch-buffaloes. He made the buffaloes disappear, as they were out grazing,
with his enchantments. For seven whole days the buffaloes were not to be found, though
they were searched for everywhere. Then the people referred to the praina-hook and it was
known to be MudadSyS's doing, so they said that they would build a sdnam in the village, if they
found their bufeloes. On the eighth day all the twelve buffaloes were found swimming in a
tank. So a sdnam was built on the banks of the tank.

After the sdnam was built, the Bh{ita killed the whole family of Pergade Bannakulu at
Attuvar, and it was known by the praina-hook that it was Mudad^ye*s doing.

Said Pergade : — «« Though the persons subject to death are dead, I shall build a sdfiam
at Pergade-bettu if you will protect those that are still alive." They were protected and a
sdnam was built there. A feast even to this day is performed there.

BUBNELL MSS. — No. 14.
ATTAVAB DAIYONQULU.

Original in the Kanarese character. Original, text and translation, occupies leaves 159 to
167 inclusive in Bumeirs MSS. Translation according to the Bumell MSS.

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Translation.

• There is an ocean of water, an ocean of milk, an ocean of dirty water, an ocean of blood, and
an ocean full of lotus. There is a palace built in the midst of seven oceans.

In the palace in !N&galdka^ a son was born as beautiful as a ndgahaymiAS, In D^valdka
another son was also born as beautiful as a daughter of the gods. They were produced, one
by a heap of mallihx flowers piled up as high as a man's neck, and the other by a heap of
sampika flowers piled up as high as a man's middle.

About seven, or seven and a half, years passed over them that were so produced, and
beards gi*ew on their beautiful faces !

** Who is the barber that should shave us and make smooth our faces ?*' asked they.

*' In the town of Ejanagar [(P) Bijanagar], on the Ghats, there is such a barber/' said their
attendants.

They sent a man to Udda-bettu, and made him bring short and good palm-leaves,
which were spread in the morning sun and were heaped together in the evening sun. Then
both the top and the bottom were cut off, and a letter was written to the barber. The letter
was given to a servant to take, who was paid for his trouble. The bearer of the letter took it
and left the palace in Nagal6ka, and went to the town of Ejanagar, on the Ghats, and to the
barber's house, and gave the letter to the barber.

The bearer read it^ and found there was written in it : — *' You must start at once without
taking a meal or attending to your dress."

He opened his box of razors, put a looking glass, round scissors, an European razor, and a
water cup in it, and followed the bearer. He saw the boy born at the palace in Nagal6ka, and
saluted him.

Then the boy said : — *• It is well that you have come. You had better do your duty."

An English chair with four legs was placed in the middle of the chdvadi, two jagana joti
lamps were placed at the left and the right of him, and a sir of rice and a cocoanut
were placed before him. A c^nAr-shell was blown, and fly brushes were waved on both sides of
him. The two boys sat there in undress, while pearls were sprinkled over them and a light
adorned with corals was turned towards their faces. So all the ceremony was performed.

Then the barber came, and, placing a cup of water ready, he stood on the left side, and
shaved the right side, and then he went to the right side, and shaved the left side, and also cut
off the ends of the moustaches. He made a line for the eyebrows, and put the sign of the
sun and the moon on their hearts, and of Bhlma Bakkasa on their backs. He polished their
toe-nails and cut their finger-nails. In this way did he shave them correctly from head to foot.

Then asked the servants ; — ** What is to be done for putting away the sin of touching a
barber."

** Oil should be rubbed on and washed off again with water," said the boys.

A Jatti^ was sent for and oil was rubbed on them. A large pan, four hands in breadth,
was placed under a white kadika tree near a tank built by one of the boys. A thousand pots
of water were poured in and were warmed with twelve bundles of firewood, and a thousand
pots of warm water were poured on their heads, and then a thousand pots of cold water.
Thus were they rubbed with oil and washed in water.

Then their hair had to be rubbed with cloth made of silk, of the following kinds i—haher,
black silk ; bohevt white silk ; sopu hambati ; ylr madure ; the silk which is so light that it flies
off three hundreds gavuds^ at a breath ; the silk that is soaked by a tear ; and the silk which
may be concealed between the finger and the nail. All these silks were brought out, and their
hair was rabbed with them.

* A person employed to rub on oiL • 1 gavud — 12 miles.

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Then the boys asked to bo dressed. Dresses were brought out of seven boxes. Jewels
were also brought out of seven boxes, and bottles of scents as well. Neck -ornaments round their
necks, waist-jewels round their waists, chahkalis in their ears, a clialckrasarams on their necks,
pearls lustrous as the sun on their fingers, and a signet ring, and large rings round their arms.
Thus they were adorned from head to foot.

Soon after this the boys wished to descend to the Ti4u Country, through the ghals, and
to see the Tulu people.

For the elder boy a white elephant, like one of Airavat's, was brought out, and the
elephant's keeper was sent for. The elephant was washed at the watering place called Ane-
gundi, and was tied up in the elephant's stable. Then it was saddled. The elder boy sat on
the elephant and spoke in the Arya Language. '

A white horse was brought out for the younger boy, and a groom was sent for. Then the
people made the groom wash the horse at the water channel called Kudnreg^indi. The horse
was fastened in the stable, and was saddled. The younger boy mounted the horse, and spoke
in the Gujjara Language.

The elder boy's elephant and all his following started and the younger boy's horse and
his following, too. They asked the way down the ghdfs to the Tulu country.

Said the boys : — " The god ChikkarAya at Shira^i will not let us descend, nor will the
god of Mala, nor will the god Nftrftyana at Bd86L"

By tricks and cunning they descended to the abode of the god Kukke Subbarftya^ who
saw them descending, and said : —

"Whose umbrella and palanquin are coming? Are they Bhiitas, or gods, or Nagas, or
Brahmus ?"

Then he made his servants build a fort of addana shields around his temple, and place
crossed swords on the fort. But the boys destroyed the fort and swords, and came down. The
younger and the elder stood awhile at the abode of the god Snbbaraya, and walked three
times round the temple. Then the elder antinged with the younger for a battle between them
and the god.

For the first day's battle the elder brother went forth and shot an arrow, which broke Subba-
r&yas flagstaff in the front of his temple into three pieces. For the next day's battle the younger
went, and shot an arrow which broke the top of Subbaraya's temple into three pieces. After
this they left the abode of Subbaraya, and passed by the rivers Eumardard and the Matsya
Tlrtha. They passed by the fort at Inglika, and the place named Mugger in the village
Balagai><l. Then, passing by the abode of the god of Kodip&<Ui, they came to the Kapft^i
QhAt. In the meantime they saw the army of Bil 8ult&n and Virappa Naikar, and met
it, and killed the whole army of Virappa Naikar !

Soon after this they went io a place called Baretimftra in Ydntir, where the elder youth
with his elephant and the younger with his horse, and their following, stayed the day. They
spread a blanket under a white aivattha-treet and the elder and the younger sat down on the
blanket. Here the younger lay down, resting his head on the elder's leg, and slept in peace.

The elder said : — <* I will test the virtue of my brother/*

So he made his servants build a ship, with a silken sail and a mast of pearl, and it was
loaded with cargo. He caused his following and his eleptant to embark in the ship, and left
his brother at Baretimara, in the village of Yenur, and started on a voyage. Then he went to the
Eastern Mountain, Tirupati, where he was invited by the god Timmappa on to the mountain.

This god's servant's name was Kftia Bhairaya^ whom the elder brother saw. Passing by
that mountain, he went to the Eastern Ocean, and then reached the Southern Ocean through
the Eastern Ocean, and then the Western Ocean through the Southern. The ship was anchored

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July, 1894] NOTES AND QUERIES. 193

in the Gulf of Kambald, whence the elder brother went to the bCdu at A<jLka Janana. All his
people remained in the ship, and he went on alone.

In this place were IJdda Kottari, Ballaya Pergade and Nattuij^a Maranayagd. They
had a nephew, one Kafijambu Kulyar. Kanjambu Kulyar went early in the morning to the
plain of Sire to fetch some leaves for preparing cakes. The elder brother followed him, and
while Kanjambu Kulyar was cutting the leaves in the plain of Sire, the elder brother became a
white cock and crowed !

Kanjambu Kulyar said : — " This may be useful for a cock for fighting."
He tried to seize the cock, but it was not to be caught. It looked near, while it was far
from the hand. In the plain S5re his fate was unfortunate and his cunning vain, so Kaiijambu
Kulyar fell to the ground, and he who had gone out in the morning had not returned at sunset.
Then a man was sent to search for him, and found him lying on the plain of Sire, whence he
was carried to the b^du of A^ka. When this matter was sought for in the praina-hooky it was
found to be the elder brother's doing ! Then Kanjambu Kulyar's uncles asked what was the
matter with the Bhuta, and the astrologer said that a matham ought to be built. As the elder
brother had came to the hi4u at Adka, he was named A<lka Chakrapa<li Bira Maria.

Soon after that he pushed the ship onward from the bay of Kambal6, and anchored the ship
in the Bay of MafijdbTar, so as to be able to land all his following. Bobbaria was in front of
ManjSsvar. He broke a palm tree and put it on his shoulder, and broke another and was turning
round, when he saw the elder brother and his following, and said : — " Whose people are these ? "

He caused the bay to be inundated, and when the elder brother saw this he said :— •* Do
not do so, Bobbaria."

Then his people landed on the shore, and a matham was built for him in this place.

"At the time of performing a feast in your honour in your sdnam, I shall come one day to
visit you, Bobbaria," said the elder brother, and it was when Bobbaria heard this, that he
decreased the water in the bay. So the elder brother and his people crossed the bay of
Manj^var, and came to the shore. He sat on a verandah at Kanne Sirta.

In the meantime the younger brother, who had been sleeping at Baretimar in Ydnur, arose,
and when he looked for the elder he was not to be found. He became very angry and said : —
"Ah! my brother left me in the forest and went away. I will go and search for him."

He and his people started and passed by Yenur Baretimar, and came to the village of
Kottari, where he was called Bobbaria. He passed by Mugdrnfti^ and crossed the river at
FanyttTy and then he passed by the pafta at Bai^Lfw^kl and by the magnS of Kanntlr and went
to Mangalore. He sat in Alake, where he was called the Brahmft of Alake.

From that place he and all his people started and stayed at the ferry of Hangar, and
afterwards crossed it and passed by Sarlapaffa (Ull&l) and went to the temple of the god
S6man&tha at S6mdbyar and. visited him. He then sat on a rock at XJddu, while the
Bhtlta Mudaddya from Eotars&na was on a visit to Sdmanath, and while the youth was
sitting down, Mudadlya asked him:-^

"Where do you come from ?** Whither are you going ? **

(To be continued^

NOTES AND QUERIES,
A TBLTJGU SUPEBSTITION.
In every garhd of water, which the Telugu
women carry to and fro from wells, is to be seen a
stalk of grass dancing close to the brim. Enquiry
will elicit a smile intimating that the custom is
based on a superstition. Further enquiry will

lead to the information that the stalk is nsed to
prevent the water from spilling over the brim of
the garhd. But the state of the carrier's ehdli (a
portion of the sdrt), and of her hair, will usually
testify to the baselessness of the superstition.
Samaatipur. M. N. Venkbtswamt.

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[July, 1894.

BOOK-NOTICE.

Thb Burma Cknsus Bkp<«t, 1892 j Ohaptkr 7III ,
" LaDguages/'

Perhaps in no part of the Burma Census
Report is that thoroughness and minute attention
to detail, which is so conspicuous a feature of it as
a whole, more clearly displayed than in the Chap-
ter devoted to the Languagea of Burma. De
minimis non est disputandum is certainly not a
maxim, which has commended itself to Mr. Eales
in any part of his work, and the result is that,
while the propoi'tions of the latter are perhaps
somewhat larger than was necessary for it, viewed
merely as a Bejport, its value as a work of refer-
ence, which, after all, is one of the chief uses of a
Census Report, has been much enhanced. To
philologists this is especially advantageous, since
the relative importance of languages and dialects
is by no means measured by the numbers of
those speaking them, and the tongue of a few
obscure hill-men may not infrequently supply the
key to puzzles, which the most careful study of
more civilised and widely extended languages has
failed to elucidate. The absence of written records
of any great antiquity, together with the extraordi-
narily rapid ebb and flow, — evolution and decay,
— which are marked characteristics of the Tibeto-
Burman family, have contributed to render the
exact relationships of its languages and dialects
obscure ; and, although progress is being made in
this branch of philology, it is very far indeed as
yet from approaching finality. Mr. Eales has,
however, taken great pains to bring the subject
up to date, and the present chapter may be taken
as a very fair resume of the facts, so far as they
are known, and should cei'tainly be studied by all
who wish to be ^ up to date ' in the languages of
Burma proper. It would have been well indeed
if Mr. Eales had confined himself solely to facts*
but of this more hereafter.

One of the first points, which is noticeable in
the results now set forth, is the marked inorease
in the numbers of those speaking many of the
non-Burman languages, — an increase which
Mr. Eales has very rightly ascribed to better
enumeration. The Brnman language possesses a
great power of superseding others, and it is cer-
tain that, had the previous censuses been as accu-
rate as is the present one as regards the wilder
parts of the country, the percentages of inoreaset
now shewn, would have been very different
Even now it is more than probable that in some

1 See ante. Vol. XXII. p. 129 ff. " The Kudos of Katha
and their Vocabulary."

2 Mr. Eales has kindly forwarded me some words

cases a large percentage of the people living
in these parts escaped enumeration. At least
this is the only inference that can be drawn from
the very peculiar figures in the present Report for
the Arakan Hill Tracts, where the population is
shewn as almost stationary instead of increasing,
as it must have done in the past ten years, accord-
ing to the normal ratio.

To turn to the groaping of the various lan-
guages and dialects. As regards the six which
have been grouped as dialects of the Burmese^
besides objecting to the inclusion in this group
Kudd,^ I would also object to the inclusion of
BantX in the absence of further evidence* as
regards this tongue. At any rate it should only
be grouped provisionally under Burmese. I may
add here that, from inquiries lately made as to
Yaw, it would appear to be merely a slightly
archaic form of Burmese; and no evidence is
forthcoming to support the assertion of Maung
B& Ta as to its relationship to the Palaung.

Putting aside Mr. Sales' theory of tones for
the present, it is to be observed that he has
classified the languages of Burma under four
main heads:— (I) the Mon- Khmer or Mon-
Annam, — the latter is Capt. Forbes' designation,
and I think, the better one; (2) the Taic-Shan,
(so does de la Couperie, but is not "T^c'^
sufficient?); (3) the Karen; and (4) the TKbeto-
Burman. The three languages under the first
head are declared to have tones, mainly on the
assertion of Maung B4 TO that TSilaing, the prin-
cipal one, possesses these ad j uncts. Capt Forbes,
however, as well a missionary, Mr. Haswell, who
has written a Talaing Grammar and Vocabulary,
deny that tones exist in Talaing, and it is at
least possible, even if any such now exist, that
their introduction may have been due to Burman
influence, and that they are only now in process of
establishing themselves. A good grammar and
vocabulary of Palaung are much wanted for
purposes of comparison, and the need is the more
urgent, as these people ai-e being fast obliterated
by the flowing wave of the Kachins.

Much new information is given for the first
time as regai-ds the Taio family in Burma, mainly
from the pen of Dr. Gushing, with whose theory
as to the connection of the Chinese, Sh^n and
Karen languages I cannot, however, agree. The
inferences to be drawn from a study of the lan-
guages of Burma, so far, support the classification

quoted by Manng Bk TH in support of his assertion, but
these differ very muoh from those in this vocabulary.
They are apparently corrupted.

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BOOK-NOTICE.

195

of the languages of the Far East adopted b j de la
Couperie, who has studied them, however, from
the Chinese point of view.*

The Karens, who are closely allied to the Tibeto-
Burmans, ai*e, as usual, divided into the Sgaw,
Pwo, and Bghai, which are undoubtedly the main
tribes, though other and smaller ones exist in
Karenni. It would, by-the-bye, be better to write
Sgau, Sgaw and Bghai, Bge or Bw^. The latter
is on the analogy of Pwo, which is really written
Pg6. The minute sub-divisions urged by certain
missionanes have been i-ightly discarded.

In the languages classified under the Tibeto-
Burman group, ** Thet*' (as the Burmese pronounce
' Sak'), has been accidentally included under the
Chin-Lushai sub-division, though Sak is rightly
included under that of the Kachin-Nagas.

Besides classifying the various languages of
Burma, which have been returned in the Census
Schedules, Mr. Eales has given many interesting
facte concerning each, a large poHion of this
information being now for the first time made
public. The slight decrease amongst those
returned as speaking Arakanese, is, it appears, due
to the fact that " no return of dialects was en-
forced," though, nevertheless, " enumerators were
not ordered to enter those who returned Arakanese
as their parent-tongue as speaking Burmese, as this
might hurt the susceptibilities of the Arakanese
needlessly." The anti-Burman feeling, which is
thus noted as prevailing amongst the Arakanese,
is undoubtedly still strong in some parts of the
Western province, and is due to the memories of
the conquest of Arakan over a century ago, which
conquest was canied out in a characteristically
Burmese manner.

With regard to the Yaws, a legend of their
descent from a clan (Parawga) of the Palaungs
is mentioned. It is easy, however, to shew that
relationships of tribes of the Tibeto-Burman
stock, founded merely on resemblances of their
names, rest on the flimsiest f oimdation, the names
by which they call themselvea and those by which
they are known to the different neighbouring
tribes varying in the most arbitrary manner.

Under the heading of the Chin-Iiushai group
Mr. Bales has been good enough to print a note
of mine on the language of the Southern Chins (in
which, however, several errors have occurred in
the printing*), whilst a classification of the chief
Kachin tribes has, together with much other

8 See *' The Kudos of Katha and their Vocabulary,"
which waH written in ignorance of what de la Couperie
had already done in this matter.

* The Burman words have been transliterated in the
note as they are spelt and not as they are pronounced.

interesting and important information regarding
them, been furnished by Mr. George, Deputy
Commissioner of Bhamo. Mr. Bales rightly states
that there is no evidence of a special connection
between the Karens and Kachins ; but it seems
probable, nevertheless, that both came from North
Tibet, the Burman nation coming from further
south.

Coming to the Hdns, or Talaings, we have a
most remarkable increase of 32 per cent, since
the last census, instead of the slight increase or
even diminution, which might have been expected
from the present circumstances of this people.
This abnormal percentage is probably correctly
accounted for partly by more careful enumera-
tion, but chiefly by the fact "that, since the
kingdom of Ava has been finaUy conquered by
the British, the fear of being ground down by
their Burman masters has been for ever dis-
pelled." This is a significant commentary on
the treatment the Mons received after the first
Burmese war, when they had performed the part
of " friendlies," and had suffered the usual fate
of these, when the "scuttle" policy happens to
be in the ascendant in British councils. In
spite, however, of their nominal increase in the
present census, it seems pretty clear that their
language is doomed, and that the final supplant-
ing of it by Burmese is only a question of time.
It is interesting to learn that, as stated by
Mr. Blagden of the Straits Civil Service, the M6n
kingdom once extended far south of Burma, its
influence being still traceable in some of the
languages of the Malay peninsular.

A careful classification of the Shto race by
Dr. Cushing in a note on the Selons or Selungs
(from which it appears that this most northern
of the Malay tribes possesses many now Malay
words in its vocabulary), close the Chapter on the
Languages of Burma, which might truly be called
a model one, but for the unfortunate theory
ooncsrning the primitive nature of tones.

As stated above, it would have been better if
Mr. Eales had contented himself with a clear and
detailed summary of the facts regarding the inter-
relationship of the languages of Bui*ma, so far as is
at present known j but he has imfortunately gone
beyond this, and attempted a new theory regarding
primitive language. It is briefly that the sound**
of human speech were originally few and simple,
and thus the differences of shades of meaning had

The particular word noted by Mr. Eales as not being in
accordance with the Government system was unfor-
tunately incorrectly written. This word, which is now
pronounced jfitjpin, should have been transliterated
" sach-pang."

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to be eked out by tones ; that all languages had
tones originally,* those apparently in which, they
now exist being the better preserved ; and that thus
a division of languages into Folytonic and
Monotonio is a useful and real one. It need only
be said concerning this theory (which might, with
advantage, have been broached elsewhere than in
an official publication) that it affords an interest-
ing example — firstly of the danger of a priori
reasoning, and secondly of the tendency, which
has been frequently noted before, of so many
amateurs in the science of language to dogmatise
regarding it in a manner, which could only be
justified on the supposition that it is a mere
sport for children rather than a complicated and
exact science. The modem origin of tones and
its cause, namely, the elision and coalescence of
consonants and vowels formerly possessing a dis-
tinct existence, are now so well known and admit-
ted by all, who have studied the subject, that it is
unnecessary for me here to set forth the grounds
for this belief seriatim; though the names of
Sayce, Edkins and de la Oouperie may be men-
tioned as authoiities/

It may, however, be not out of place to notice
here the different arguments brought forward by
Mr. Eales in support of his theory. The first of
these, namely, the * admission ' by Prof. Max
Miiller 'that languages may have passed from
the radical, through the agglutinative, into the
inflectional stage ' rests on rather a rotten basis,
as this theory of the different ' stages ' of languages
is now qnite discredited. The example of
Chinese, as the earliest language which became
*' stereotyped," is almost equally unfortunate.
Whatever may be the case formerly, it is certain
that the sounds and tones of the Chinese lan-
guage have suffered considerably from evolution
or decay, whichever we like to call it, in historic
times, so that Chinese has no better claim to
be the best preserved example of the primitive
languages than Sanskrit has to be the best .pre-
served of the old Aryan language or dialect, in
spite of the specious arguments which have been
advanced to the contrary. No further example
of ancient tone-using languages is adduced, pro-
bably for the very sufficient reason of there not
being any, and we are at once invited to swallow
the dictimi that the primeval savage possessed
very few soimds, and was, therefore, forced to the
use of tones.

We have no means as yet of knowing the
sounds most favoured by the cave-men (at least

Langruages of China before the Chinese.
• < The theory is stated most clearly and nneqaivocally
hy the latter, though the truth of his assertion, that

the Ainos of Japan are not yet generally accept-
ed as survivals of these), but the cumulative
evidence at present available all supports the
theory that the more savage a language, the
harsher and more numerous its sounds. This is
particularly the case amongst the Mongoloids of
South -Western Asia, and rather upsets the theory
of the primitive use of tones. No authority is given
for the statement that tones are dying out in the
older languages of the Malay Peninsular, and I
should be very sceptical as to the possibility of
adducing any satisfactory proof thereof, in view of
our very recent acquaintance with th^n. There
is, moreover, no proof whatever that such a state
of afEairs prevails in the Talaing or Mon language,
where, as already pointed out, the existence of
tones at any epoch is very doubtful, and where, in
fact, it seems probable that tones, if they do now
exist, are merely a new growth.

The use of synonyms, which is a marked feature,
not only of Chinese and Burmese, but also of
many allied languages, and which prevails to a far
greater extent in the book language than in that
used by the common people, does not, I think,
evince any tendency towards the disuse of tones.
It is rather the clumsy make-shift of the Mongo-
loids, so wanting in ideality themselves, and the
genius of whose language absolutely forbids the
inflection of words, to express thoughts of a more
abstract and delicate nature than those which
alone occur in the savage infancy of races. The
chief use of synonyms is, in fact, to express new
ideas, and that of tones to prevent confusion, owing
to coalescence of word or sound, between old ones.
It is strange that Mr. Eales, who is, as already
noted, well aware of the existence of these
synonyms, should quote with approval the incor-
rect statement of Dr. Cushing with regard to these
languages, that " on a new object being presented
to the mind a new name was wanted and the
possibility of uniting two words to form a new
word never occurred."

I do not wish to deny that tones may possibly
have existed in ancient Egyptian, as well as pos-
sibly in other languages now no longer existing,
but it seems evident that the facts everywhere, so
far as they are known to us, point to tones as
being merely one of the last resources of a decay-
ing language, and to be as imknown as they
would be unnecessary in those still possessing
their primitive vigour and harshness.

Bebnabd Houghton.

he was the first to annunciate it, cannot certainly be
admitted.

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1 rMMoN-,.[,A >TKHIM LAMAISM. by

A. WADDK1.L, M.B.. P.H.O.S.

• TTASHA-BHUSHANA OF ja^n^M
etlited an<l tmnwlat^d by G. A.

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4. SRAIl

jeiate :-

jnyanagara ,

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AirjusT, 1894.] DBMONOLATRT IN SIKHIM LAMAISMkV: rr XO

DEMONOLATRY IN SIKHIM LAMAISM.
Bt L. a. WADDELL, M.B., F. B. G. S.

1. Personal Demons.

LIKE most monnfcaineers, the people of Sikhim and the Tibetans are thoroughgoing
demon-worshippers. In every nook, path, big tree, rock, spring, waterfall and lake
there larks a devil ; for which reason few individuals will venture ont alone after dark. The
sky, the ground, the house, the field, the country, have each their special demons, and sickness
is always attributed to malign demoniacal influence.

The body also of each individual is weighed down by a burden of spirits, named the hgo-
wa-lha, or the ohief personal gods, who are, in a sense, the guardians of his body. These are
not only worshipped by the laity, but the Itlmas also regularly invoke them in their oblations
during the * Ser-khyem * and * Nfe-sal * worship.

These i>er8onal gods, some of whom are of an ancestral nature, are five in number, and
are usually enumerated as follows : —

L The Male-anoestral god (Ph6-lha). This god sits under the armpits. Worship of
him procures long life, and preservation from harm.

2. The Mother god (Mo-lha), or Matemal-nnole god (Zhang-lha). The latter synonym
is said to have arisen out of a custom, by which a child, shortly after birth, its taken to fche
mother's house, which is usually ' the maternal uncle's house.' I doubt, however, this being
the true interpretation, and think that the expression is more likely to mean Uterine god.
Worship of this god secures strength.

3. The Life god (Srog-lha), who resides over the heart. Instead of this god is
frequently enumerated the Nor-lha, who sits in the left armpit, and whose worship brings
wealth.

4. The Birth-plaee god (Ynl-lhs, literally Country god), who resides on the crown of
the head, and whose worship secures dominion and fame.

5. The Enemy god ((2Gra-lha), pronounced vulgarly Dab-lha, who sits on the right
shoulder In this connection it is notable that no one will willingly allow any object to rest on
the right shoulder, for the reason that it injures the Dab-lha, and no friend will familiarly lay
a hand on a friend's right shoulder for the same reason. Dab-lha is especially worshipped
by soldiers as a defender against the enemy. But he is also worshipped by all the laity, once
at least during the year, to enable them to overcome their individual enemies. Usually the
whole viUage in concert celebrates this worship, the men carrying swords and shields, dancing
and leaping about, and concluding with a great shout of victory.^

In addition to the above, are the good and bad spirits who sit on the individual's
shoulders and prompt to good and evil deeds respectively, and leaving their host only on
arrival before the Great Judge of the Dead. These are practically identical with the good and
evil genii of the Romans, the genius albiM et niger of Horace.'

There are also demons, who are worshipped when the individual is happy and in health.
These are called the pleasing spirits. But they may also be worshipped in sickness or other
affliction.

Each class of spirits or gods has a paiiicular season for worship. Thus : —

The Earth gods (Sa-gzhi mi-rig-gi-lha) in the Spring,

The Ancestral gods (sMra zhang chhung-gi-lha) in the Summer.

1 The story of Ids acquiring from the sea the banner of Tiotory is snggeetire of Indra's viotorions banner* also
proonred from the sea : BfihaUSahhitd, translated by Dr. Kern, J. R. A, 8, (new series), Vol. VI. p. 44.
> 2. Epist,

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198 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1894.

The Tkree Upper Gods («Tod sum pauhla) in the Autamn.

The Rojal Ancestor' of the Sikhim King, the divine Mi-njak King («Tong mi-nyag-gi-lha)
in the Winter.

2, Country Gods.

The Country gods, or Yul-lha, are, like the Penates of the Romans, innumerable : but the
two chief are the Mountain-god (Kang ohhen-dsbnga^ Mt. Kanchinjanga), who is of a
mild, inactive disposition, and styled a protector of religion, and his subordinate Yab-&dud, or
Black Father Devil.

This last is of an actively malignant disposition and rides on the south wind. His especial
shrine is in the Tista valley, near Sivdk, where he is worshipped with bloody sacrifices. His
respectful name, as given by HIatsun Chhembo, who composed for both him and Khangchhen-
dsonga special manuals of service, is Ma-mgon Zcham-bras» and for him is prescribed actual
sacrifice of life : e, (jr., a black ox is to be killed, and its entrails, brain, heart, etc., are ordered
to be set upon the skinned hide, while the flesh is to be consumed by the votaries.* For very
poor people the sacrifice of a cock, as with the ancient Greeks to the destructive Nox and his
counterpart Erebus, is considered suflBcient.* The offering of the sacrifice is in the nature of a
bargain, and is indeed actually termed such, vi«., ngo-len ; the demon being asked to accept an
offering of fiesh, etc., and, in return for the gift, not to trouble the donors.

In worshipping Kang-chhcn-dso-nga fresh meat must be used, and, although the flesh of
cows and other cattle is now offered on such occasions, there is a tradition that formerly human
fiesh was offered. The most acceptable flesh was said to have been the fiesh of ' the infidel
destroyers of the religion.' Kangchhendsonga was never the tutor of ^Akya Muni, as has been
alleged. He is only a shi-d&k demon. One of his titles is *'Head Tiger," and each of the
five peaks is believed to be crowned by an animal, the highest peak by a tiger, and the other
peaks by a lion, elephant, horse and a garuda.^

In every village there is a recogniTied zhi-dSh,^ or Fundamental-owner demon, who is
ordinarily either a black devil (6dud), a red devil (tsan), or a N&ga (itLu), or some one or other
of the following forms : —

Thus, if a man's sins are insufficient to procure re-birth even in the hells, he is re-bom as a
thi'duk. So say the Sikhim Lamas. The zhi-ddk may be one or other of the following eight
classes, viz, : —

(1) lhE^ or spirits, all male and of a white colour and fairly good disposition, who must
suffer many indignities in order to procure a higher re-birth.

(2) fcLu, or NagAs, mostly green in colour and fi'equenting lakes or springs.

(3) ^nad-<byan, or disease-givers, red in colour,

(4) 5dud, or black devils, all male and extremely wicked. These are the spirits of those

who opposed in life the true religion. They eat flesh and are not to be appeased
without a pig, the most luscious of all morsels to a hillman's palate. Their wives
are called fcdud-mo.

(5) tsan, or red demons, all male, and usually the spirits of deceased novices. They are

therefore especially associated with Gompas (shrines).

(6) rgyal-po, or victors, white in colour, and the spirits of kings and deceased Lamas

who have failed to reach Nirvana.

' The Sikhim king la descended from the Mi-nyak dynasty of Kham in Eastern Tibet, a dynasty which once
held sway over Western China and is regarded as semi-divine by the Tibetans.

* Most of the peasantry of Sikhim, before sowing a field, sacrifice a cook to the demons.

* A bird like the fabled * roc ' in the eyes of the inhabitants of Sikhim.

* y2hi-&dag, literally fundamental-owner.

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AtraiTST, 1894.] DEMONOLATRT IN SIKHIM LAMAISM. '199

(7) ma-mo, all female and black in colour. This class includes Mak-sor rgyal ma, called
also MahArani, or the Great Queen, the disease-producing form of the Hindu Durg4.

(8) ^zah, or planets, Rahula, etc.

3. Local Gods.

The zhi-dAk demons of the monasteries and temples are always tsSn {isan), or red,
demons, and are usually the spirits of deceased novices or ill-natured Lamas. They are specially
worshipped with bloody sacrifice and red coloured substances :

* Rowan tree and red threid
Gars the witches tyne their speid.'

The Pemiongchi tsSn is named Da-wa sengze (Zla-ba sengze), or the Moon Lion. The
Yangong Gompa ts6n is named Lha ts^n-pa, or the Tsen God, The Darjeeling ts^n is named
Chho-leg nam-gyal, or the Victorious Good Religion. The shrine of this last is on Observa-
tory Hill, and is worshipped under the name of Mahilkala by the professing Hindu hillmen,
with the same bloody rites as the Bh6tiyas and Lepchas use. For the worship of each of the
monastery or temple tsSyis there exist special manuals of ritual.

It is to the zhi'ddh that travellers offer a rag, torn from their clothes and tied to a stick, on
gaining the summit of a hill or pass. While planting this offering on a cairn (Zop-cAe), the
traveller in a meek voice calls the demon by uttering the mystic * ki-M ! k%-k% /,* to which h©
adds *s6-s6! so-so !f"^ by which he means * presentation ' or 'offering.' After saying this he
exclaims in a loud triumphant sti*ain ' Lhd-gyaUS ! Lkd-gyaUS! God has won ! God has won ! '

Exorcising devils in cases of sickness and misfortune is performed by regular devil-
dancers, pd'wo and nySnjorma. Oracular deliverances are most extensively made by profes-
sional Iha^pa, But imminent machinations of most of the devils are only to be foreseen,
discerned, and counteracted by the Lalmas, who especially lay themselves out for this sort of
work, and provide certain remedies for the pacification or coercion of the demons of the air, the
earth, the locality, the house, of death, etc. Indeed, the LAmas are themselves the presoribers
of most of the demon-worship, and derive their chief means of livelihood from their conduct
thereof on account of, and at the expense of, the laity. Each member of each family is annu-
ally prescribed not only a large amount of worship, to be performed by the LA mas, to
counteract the cun*ent year's demoniacal infiuences, but there is also special worship according to
the horoscope taken at birth. In the case of husband and wife, a burden of additional worship
is added, as having accrued to the joint horoscopes on marriage, in consequence of a set of
conflicts introdoced by the conjunction of their respective years and the noxious influences of
these ! The occurrence of actual sickness, notwithstanding the performance of all this costlv
worship, necessitates the further employment of Lamas, and the recourse by the more wealthy
to a devil-dancer, or to a special additional horoscope by the Tsi-pa Lima ! So that one family
alone is prescribed a number of sacerdotal tasks sufficient to engage a couple of LAmas fairly
fully for several months of the year, and to get throngh the reading of the several bulky scrip-
tures presci-ibed on various occasions as a consequence of such ideas as those above mentioned
within a reasonable time, it is the practice to call in several Lamas, who all, together, at the
same time, read each a different book for the benefit of the lay individual concerned !

4. The House Demon.

The House Demon is called the Nang-lha^ or Inside god, and is of the nature of a Sa-dag,
or Barth-owner-demon. As he is of a roving disposition, occupying during the several seasons
quite different parts of the house, his presence is a constant source of anxiety to the householder,
because no objects can be deposited in the place where he has taken up his position for the time

T This exclamation * gsol-gsol * may also mean * worship ' or * entreaty.'

* In Chinese he is said to be named Zug-je. The ' House-god' of the Hindus appears to be a totally diiferent
personage ; BrihaUSanhitd,, liii., translated by Dr. Kem in J. i?. A. 3. New series, VI. page 279.

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200 THE IHDIAN ANTIQUABT. [Atottst, 1894.

being ! Nor can it be even swept or disturbed in any waj without incurring bis deadly wrath !
It is somewhat satisfactory, however, that all the house-gods of the country regulate their
movements in a definite and known order !

In the Ist and 2nd months he occupies the centre of the house, and is then called Khyim-
Iha-gelthung,

In the 3rd and 4th months he stands in the doorway, and is called Sgo-lha-rta-^ag, the door
god of the horse and yak.

In the 5th month he stands under the eaves, and is called yNgas-pa.

In the 6th month he stands at the south-west comer of the (louse*

In the 7th and 8th months he stands under the eaves.

In the 9th and 10th months he stands in the portable fire-tripod or grate.

In the 11th and 12th months he stands at the kitchen fireside, where a place is reserved for
him, and the name given him is Thab-lha or Kitchen God.

His movements thus bear a certain relation to the season, as he is outside in the hottest
weather, and at the fire in the coldest.

Formerly his movements were somewhat different. According to the ancient tradition he
used to circulate much more extensively and frequently, thus :—

In the 1st month he dwelt on the roof for the first half of the month and for latter half on
the floor. To repair the roof at such a time meant the death of the head of the family.

In the 2nd, at the top of the stairway. The stair during this month could not be mended,
otherwise one of the family would die.

In the 3rd, in the granary. No alterations could be made there during this month, \
otherwise all the grain would be bewitched and spoiled.

In the 4th, on the doorway. The doorway could not be mended, otherwise any member
of the family absent on a journey would die.

In the 5th, in the hand com*miU and the water-mill. So these could not be mended,
otherwise all luck would depart.

In the 6th, in any foxes' or rats' holes that might be near the house. These could not be
interfered with, otherwise a child would die.

In the 7th, on the roof. It could not be repaired, otherwise the husband would die.

In the 8th, in the wall foundation. It could not be repaired, otherwise a child would die.

In the 9th, up the chimney. It must not be repaired, otherwise the house would be trans*
ferred to a new owner.

In the 10th, in the beams or standard posts. It must not be repaired, otherwise the house
would collapse.

In the 11th, underneath the fire-place. It must not be repaired, otherwise the house- wife
would die of hiccough or vomitting.

In the 12th, in the stable. It must not be repaired or disturbed, otherwise the cattle
would die or be lost.

Other precautions in regard to the House Demon's presence and penalties for disturbing
him are as follow :—

In the 1st and 2nd months when the god is in the middle of the house, the fire-grate must
not be placed there, but in a comer of the house, and no dead body must be placed there.

When he is at the door, no bride or bridegroom can come or go, nor any corpse be carried
across it. Should there, however, be no other means of exit, by a window or otherwise, and

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there be n^genoj in the matter of the passage of a bride, bridegroom or corpsdj then mnst be
made with wbeaten flour the images of « horse and a yak, on each image nnist be placed
respectively some part of the skin and hair of each of these animals. At such a time tea and
beer are also offered to the spirit, who is invited to sit on the images. After this the door
must be removed from ibs hinges and carried outside, and the bride, bridegroom or corpse taken
out or in. The door may then be again restored to its place.

When he is at the kitchen fire, no part of the fire-place can be removed, or mended, no
corpse can be placed near it, and no marriage can then take place. Should any visitor arrive,
he must be screened off from the fire-place by a blanket, and the Chhos-mge-khri scripture
must be read.

When he is in the verandah, there is but littte trouble. Only the outside of the house must
not be whitewashed, nor repaired, nor disturbed in any way.

Should it be thought that he has been slightly offended, in every case, so as to err on safe
side, it is recommended that the worship called (Sa-6dag-po, Sab-dak) Pang-kong-#nang-5rgyad*
chhab-^tor-^cho, or Water Sacrifice of the Eighfc Injurers should be performed.

5. The Demons of the Earth.

The local earth demons are named Sab-dak, or Sa-dak-pos, or Earth-owners. The most
malignant are the ^Nyan. These infest certain trees and rocks, which are always studiously
shunned and respected, and usually daubed with paint in adoration. The earth demons are
very numerous, but they are all under the authority of Old Mother Khbnma, who rides upon
a ram, and is dressed in golden yellow robes. Her personal attendant is Sa-thel-ngag-po. In
her hand she holds a golden noose, and her face contains eighty wrinkles.

The ceremony of 8a-g6, so frequently referred to in the lamaic prescriptions, is addressed
to her. It signifies ' the closing of the open doors of the earth ' to the earth spirits, and is
very similar to tHe worship of the Lares by the Romans.®

In this rite is prepared a magical emblem, which consists of an elaborate arrangement of
masts and strings and a variety of mystic objects ; most prominent among which is a ram's
skull with horns attached and pointed downwards towards the earth. Inside the skull is put
some gold leaf, silver, turquoise, and portions of every precious object available, as well as
portions of dry eatables, rice, wheat, pulses, etc.

On the forehead is painted in ochre^o the mystic celestial (parhha) sign of Khon, on the
right jaw the sun, and on the left jaw the moon. On the crown it is adorned
with; — (1) namha masts, ». e., masts to which are attached diamond-shaped
and square figures, made by winding coloured threads into geometric patterns ;
(2) tar-zab, or pieces of silk rag ; and (3) tong-tse^ or Chinese pice ('cash '), Parkha

and several wool-knobbed sticks of phang-hhra. of Khon*

Along the base of the skull are ins^iied, on separate slips of wood, the following images,
etc. : —

1. Picture of a man {pho-dong) :

2. Of a woman (mO'dong) with a spindle in her hand :
8. Of a house :

t " The imageB of men and women made of wool were hung in the streets, and so many balls made of wool as
there were serrants in the family, and so many complete images as there were children {Festus apud Idlgyr).
The meaniog of whioh custom was this : — These feasts were dedicated to the Lares, who were esteemed Infernal
gods ; the people desiring hereby that these gods would be contented with these woollen images and spare tie
persons represented by them. These Lares sometimes were clothed in the skins of dogs {Plutarch in proh.) and
were sometimes fashioned in the shape of dogs (Pkivltw), whence that creature was oons^crated to them." — Tooke's
Pantheon, p. 280.

^ The ^mbohc colour of the eaith.

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202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [ATOiTrr, 18W.

4. Of a tree [tam-ihing (hkram'shingy],

5. Figures of the mystic Eight Parkha and the Nine Mewa.

The whole arrangement is fixed to the outside of the house above the door; the object of
the figures of a man, wife and house being to deceive the demons^ shoold they still come in
spite of this offering, and to mislead them into the belief that the foregoing pictures are the
inmates of the house, so that they may wreak their wrath on the bits of wood and so save the
real human occupants ! ^^

When all is ready and fixed, the Lama turns to the south-west and chants: —

" ! ! K / ^ / Through the nine series of earths you are known as Old Mother Rhon-ma,
the mother of all the Sa-dak-po. You are the guardian of the earth's doors. The dainty things
which you especially desire w;e herewith offer, m'ji., a conch- white skull of a ram, on whose
right cheek the sun is shining like burnished gold, and on whose left cheek the moon gleams dimly
like a conch-shell. Whose forehead bears the sign of Khon, and the whole of which is adorned
with every sort of silk, wool and colour and precious substances. To which is also given the
spell of Kbon (here the Lama breathes upon it). All these good things are here offered to you,
so please close the open doors of the earth to the family which here has offered you these
things, and do not let your servant Sa-thel-Dgag-po and the rest of the earth spirits do harm to
this family. By this offering let all the doors of the earth be shut. \ 0\ hi ! M f Do not
let your servants injure us when we build a house or repair this one, nor when we are engaged
in marriage matters, and let everything happen to this family according to their wishes. Do not
be angry with us, but do us the favours we ask.

Om hharal doh ! ^^
Om khamrhil dok f
Ben-neu swdhd ! "

0« The Demons of the Sky.

The local demons of the sky are under the oontrol of 'the grandfather of the three
worlds,' Old Father Khen-pa^ who is an old man with snow-white hair, dressed in white^
riding on tbe white dog of the sky, and carrying in his hand a crystal wand. He is the
owner of the sky.

The ceremony called nam-g6, or Hhe closing of the doors of the sky,' so frequently
prescribed by the Tsi-pa L&mas, is addressed to him. An arrangement of masts, threads, images,
etc., exactly similar to that used in the 8€t^6 ceremony above-noted, is
constructed, the only differences being that a dog's skull is used,^' which is
directed upwards towards the ^ky, and that the sign of the parkha painted
on the forehead is that of Khen in blue. The ceremony is the same as before, Parkha

except in its introduction and in the names of the chief servants : — of Khen.

''0 ! ! we turn towards the Western sun, to the celestial mansion where the sky is of
turquoise, to the grandfather of the three worlds. Old Ehen-pa, the owner of the sky. Pray.
cause your servant, the white Nam-tel, to work for our benefit, and send the great planet
Pemba (Saturn) as a friendly messenger, etc., etc."

7. Prevention of injury by the Eight Classes of Demons.
Om-swa-ti is the ceremony of warding off the injuries of the eight classes of demons*
First of all offerings of blood, milk, curdled milk, tea, beer, and clean water, are prepared

i» [Mfty not this oeremony, however, be merely an instanoe of sympathetic magic ?— Ed.]
i« The meaning of the * doA;' ia ' let all evUa be annihilated ! ' As the first two lines are repeated, the banda
are clapped.

1* The dog was especially associated with the analogous Lares worship of the Bomans.

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AiraxTOT. 1894.1 DEMONOLATRY IN SIKHIM LAMAISM. fiOS

and arranged in a certain order, and the mantras or spells of ' The Vast Sky-like Treasury/ or
(hn-d'hung-hajrO'Spamakham are repeated. Then is chanted the following prayer : —

** I beg you» 0» all guardians and evil spirits (of the under-noted places), to attend to this
invitation, via., ye dwellers in the far extending ocean of the Upper-Ngari Khorsnm (^d*
fnngah-ri-«kor-^om), the Intermediate, the Central-Western, the Pour Divisions of Tibet (bar-
dbuB 9tsang-ru-6zhi), Amdo Kham and Gango of Eastern Tibet and Bhdt^ (nnad-mdo-kham«-
«gang-drog),i^ India (the white plain), China (the black plain), Li-bal,^^ Mongolia (the yellow
plain). Upper «nd Lower Turkistan, and all the kingdoms of this continent (^Jambu-^ling), the
other three great continents and the eight islands. Also ye spirits of all retired nooks, deserts,
rocky places, caves, cemeteries, fire-hearths, fortresses, streams, oceans, ponds, fountainSt
forests, roads, empty and uninhabited places, farms and other important places ! Also aU ye
who always attend the congregation of priests, parties of women, festivals of births, singing
parties and the learners of arts ! Also all ye dwellers in hell, from the highest to the lowest
region !

I beg you, 0, ye guardians of the different kinds of rgyiic^, to attend this invitation.

I beg you, 0, Pho-lha, Mo-lha, Zhang-lha, Srog-lha, and Yul-lha, to attend this invitation.

I beg you, 0, £2Gra-lha of noble and ancient generations, to attend this invitation.

I beg yon, 0, all ye gods of the white party which gives refuge, to attend this invitation.

I beg you, 0, all ye demons of the black party which is averse to the true path, to attend
this invitation.

I beg you, 0, all ye goblins and demons, from the highest order to the lowest, counting
from 6Tsan-dehn to Shin-Adre (life-taking demon), ^Son-Adre (the demon-eater of living animals),
and all ye inferior classes of divinities, to attend this invitation; viz,, Iha (gods), naga, &dud,
^tsan, yamantaka (^shin-rje), mamo, ^zah (planets), rgyal-po (2mu, the*u-rang, sa-5dag, gnyan,
srin-po, and all ye injurers of the regions.

O! I give to you all these offerings of red blood, of sweet tea, of clean water, of
intoxicating drink, and of white butter. I make these offerings to you all. Pray accept them.

Those who prefer beer, please take beer !

Those who prefer tea, please take tea !

Those who prefer blood, please take blood !

Those who prefer water, please take water !

Those who prefer milk, please take milk !

Pray accept these food offerings and do us no further injury !

Pray do not injure the human beings of the upper regions !

Pray do not injure the lower animals of the lower regions !

Pray do not injure the crops of the fields !

Pray do not injure the moisture of the plants !

Pray do not injure the essence of wealth !

Pray do not injure the good qualities of the kingdom !

Pray do not injure wealth and riches !

Pray do not injure good repute and influence !

Pray do not injure the life and soul !

1* I. 0., the Lower D6 (or Amdd), Kham, and ' The Six Bidgee.' Theae are proTinces of Eastern Tibet.
^* Li- jnl, or Khoten.

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204 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT. [Amvn, 18^4.

Pray do not injure the breath and prosperity !

! may we ail be possessed of perfect minds !

O ! may we all be happy and nseful to each oUier !

O ! may we all obtain the highest power of TathAgatas !

! may we all obtain the sphere of piety, and, having obtained it, may all our wishes be
fulfilled and reach the supreme end !

Bajra mil / Now I beg you all to depart to your respeotive dwelHngt.

Let glory come ! Tathi-shak !
Virtue! dge-o!**

8. Xxoroiaing the She, or DisMUie-prodnoiiig, DenoionB.

The demons, who produce disease short of actual death, are called ^She<2 (pronounced She).
They are exorcised by an elaborate ceremony, in which a variety of images and ofFerings are
made. In this ceremony the officiating L&ma, invoking his tutelary demon, assumes spiritually
his dread guise, and orders out the disease-demon, under threat of being himself eaten up by
the awful tatelary demon which now possesses the Lama.

The directions for this exoroism are the following : —

On the five terraces of the magic circle of Rirab make the image of a yellow frog with a
nam-khci^ having its belly and face yellow. On the east of it make a two-headed figure with
the heads of a tiger and a vulture, riding on an ass and holding the eight parkhas* On the
south make a two-headed figure with the heads of a horse and a snake, riding on a red horse
and holding a lamp. On the west make a two-headed figure with the heads of a bird and a
monkey, holding a sword and riding on a goat. On the north make a two-headed youth with
the heads of a rat and a pig, riding on a blue pig and holding a water-bag. On the south-east
make a dragon-headed woman riding on a mdsft (half-breed yak). On the south-west make a
sheep-headed woman riding on a bull. On the north-west make a dog-headed woman riding on
a wolf. On the north-east make a bull-headed woman riding on a bnfEalo. Place thirteen
^phang^® mdah, rgyang-bu, and nam-kha. Place iron on the east, water on the south, Bre on
the west, and gold on the north with a slud^^ in front of them, and a lamp and a piece of a flesh
at each comer* Then bless the whole with the six mantras and the six mudrat.

Then assuming the guise of your own tutelary deity, or yidam^ chant the following :—
'' Salutation to (the Chinese King) Kongrtse-^phrul-rgyal* incarnation of Manjfisri !
Sung ! Hear me, 0, collection of ^Shed demons ! Hear me, O, all yon gSlhed that cause
injury ! Listen to my orders, and come to receive my presents with great reverence !

1 am the representative of the King of the Angry Demons (Khro-rgyal) !

I am a great demon-eater !

I am The All-terrifying and Injuring One! There is none that dare disobey my
commands !

There is nothing which is not composed ol the five elements, and there is nothing to
obstruct the communication of my words to your ear. So then, come to receive this ransom !

0, all ye evil spirits and the ghosts of the dead, listen to me and come to receive this
present. Through the power of the element of iron, 0, eating-demons, ghosts and evil spirits -
come to receive this present with mild hearts. 0, ye ^rShedE of the four directions, eating
demons, ghosts and evil spirits, come and receive it with mild hearts. Ja^hung-hi^id !

Hung 1 The gShee^ of the eastern direction is the woman with the heads of a tiger and
a valture, riding on a red ass. She is surrounded by a thousand attendant ^Shec?. O, ye

M See anU, under nom^d, p. 202. vi Literally ** ransom '' of dough»oake of wheats flour.

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AuausT, 1894.] DEMONOLATRY IN SIKHIM LAMAISM. 205

that receive this ransom, do not injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-
demons, ghosts and evil spirits of the east. I hereby drive away all the ^Sh^, by this burning
thunderbolt through the force of truth. 0, eating-demons, life-cutters, breath-takers, death-
oausers, and all evil spirits, I drive you all away. If ye remain here any longer, I, Yeshe«-
khro-wo-chhen-po, * the Great Angry One of Pore-knowledge,' will break your heads into a
hundred bits and cut up your bodies into a thousand pieces. Therefore, without disobeying
my commands, begone instantly. Om ma ma kham hham chhu ye swahah !

Hung ! The ^Shei of the southern direction has the heads of a torse and a snake, rides
on a red horse, and is surrounded by a thousand attendant gShed. 0, ye tbat receive this
ransom, do not injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts And
evil spirits of the south, I hereby drive away all ye ^She^, by this burning brand through the
force of truth. 0, ye injurers of me and the dispenser of these gifts, ye eating-demons, life-
cutters, breath-takers, death-causers, and all ye evil spirits, I drive you all away. If ye do not
depart instantly, I, the Great Angry One of Fore-knowledge, will smash your heads into a
hundred bits and cut up your bodies into a thousand pieces. Begone immediately and disobey
not my commands. Om ma ma ram ramye hung phat !

Hung ! The gShed of the western direction has the heads of a bird and a monkey, rides
on a grey goat, and is surrounded by a thousand attendant grShei. 0, ye that receive this
ransom, do not approach the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts
and the evil spirits of the west. I hereby drive away all ye ^Shed, by the burning sword
through the force of truth. 0, ye injurers of me and the dispenser of these gifts, ye eatine-
demons, life-cutters, breath-takers, death-causers, and all ye evil spirits, I drive you all away.
If ye stay without, I, the Great Angry One of Fore-knowledge, will smash your heads into a
hundred bits and cut up your bodies into a thousand pieces. Begone immediately and obey
my commands. Om ma ma hara karaye hung phat !

Hung ! The g^h&d of the northern direction has tbe heads of a rat and a pig, rides on a blue
pig, and is surrounded by a thousand attendant ^Sheci. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not
injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts and the eVil spirits
of the north. I hereby drive away all ye ^Shec?, by the golden rod through the force of truth.
O, ye injurers of me and this dispenser of gifts, ye eating-demons, life-cutters, breath-takers,
death-causers, and all ye evil spirits, I drive you all away. If ye remain here, I, the Great
Angry One of Fore-knowledge, will smash your heads into a hundred bits and cut up your
bodies into a thousand pieces. So depai-t instantly and obey my commands. Om ma ma hham
kham chhuye swahah !

Hung ! The ^She(2 of the south-east is the dragon-headed woman riding on a mdso-yak,
surrounded by thousands of ^Shed as attendants. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not
injure the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts of the dead, and all
the evil spirits towards the boundary of the south-east.

Hung! The ^Shed of the south-west is the sheep^headed woman, riding on a bull,
surrounded by thotisands of ^Shed as attendants. O, ye that receive this ransom, do not injure
the dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts and the evil spirits
towards the boundary of the south-west.

Hung ! The g%hed of the north-west is the dog-headed woman, riding on a pig,
surrounded by thousands of attendants. 0, ye that receive this ransom, do not injure the
dispenser of these gifts, and expel all the eating-demons, ghosts and all the evil spirits towards
the boundary of the north-west.

Hung I The ^Sheti of the north-east is the bullrheaded woman, riding on a buffalo,
surrounded by thousands of attendants. 0, ye that receive this ransom, do not injure the
dispenser of these gifts, and expel tbo eating-demons, ghosts and all the evil spiiits towards
the boundary of the north-east.

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206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [ArousT. 1894.

O, ye flesh-eating demons, ghosts of the dead, life-catting demons, breath-taking demons,
death -causing demons, and all kinds of evil spirits, I hereby drive yon all away. If ye do not
go instantly, I, the Great One of Fore-knowledge, will smash yoar beads into a hundred bits
and cat up your bodies into a thousand pieces. Ye had better, therefore, go away instantly
and not disobey my commands. Om ma ma kham hham chhuye swahah !

Now are they all driven away to the extreme boundaries of the four directions ! Om su m
ta ta ye swahah ! (Here the people shout joyously, * God has won ! The demons are defeated' !)

Kye ! Kye ! 0, thou frog of precious gold, made from the thunderbolt of Byam-tngon
(pronounced Cham-gon), The Loving Protector, be pleased to remain in the sovth and there
become the king of all the evil spirits. We pray thee remain also in the vast ocean, where
the rains are deposited and the clouds originate, and there become the emperor and over-lord of
tbe land-owning demons and of the kings (of demons). Overthrow also all the ^Shed of the
bad planets, of the stars, mewa^ time, day, month and year. Overthrow all tho ^ShetZ of bad
luck. I give thee from the depths of my heart the offerings of the five sublime nam-kha-
masts, the rgyang-bu, etc.

Overthrow the inimical ^She3 .' Bkyo !!
Overthrow the inimical gShed !!! Bhyo ! ! ! ! Let glory come ! Ta$hi'$h6k !
Let virtue increase ! Qe-leg-pkel ! *'

9. Demonolatry in Death Ceremonies.

As the rites in connection with a death include a considerable amount of devil worship, I
notice the subject in this place.

On the occurrence of a death the body is not disturbed in any way, until the ^Pho-bo
(pronounced FhOK>) LAma has extracted the soul in the orthodox manner. For it is believed
that any movement of the corpse might eject the soul, which would then wander about in an
irregular manner and get seized by some demon. Immediately on death, therefore, a white
cloth is thrown over the face of the corpse, and the APho-bo, or Soul-extractingy Lftma, is sent
for. On the arrival of this Lama all weeping relatives are excluded from the death chamber, so
as to secure solemn silence, and the doors and windows are closed. The Lama sits down on a
mat near the head of the corpse, and commences to chant the ^Pho-bo service, which contaius
directions to the soul for finding its way to the Western Paradise (Dewa-chtn) of the mythical
Buddha, AmitSbha. After advising the spirit to quit the body and its old associations and
attachment to property, the Lama seizes, with the forefinger and thumb, a few hairs of the crown
of deceased's head, and by plucking, them forcibly is supposed to give vent to the spirit through
their roots. It is generally believed that if the APho-bo is, as he should be, a LAma of excep-
tional virtue, an actual perforation of the skull occurs at this instant through which passes
the liberated spirit. The spirit is then directed how to avoid the dangers which beset the
road to the Western Paradise, and instructed as to the appearance of the demons and other
personages to be met with en route, and is then bidden god-speed. This ceremony lasts about
an hour.

In cases where, through accident or otherwise, the body of deceased is not forthcoming,
the operation for the extraction of the soul is done by the LAma spiritually, while engaged in
deep meditation.

10. Death-horosoope.

Meanwhile the Tsi-pa, or Astrologer-Lftma^ has been requisitioned for a d^th-horoscope,
in order to ascertain the age and birth-year of those persons who may approach and touch
the corpse, the necessary particulars as to the date and mode of burial, and the necessary
worship to be done for the welfare of the surviving relatives. The nature of this horoscope
will best be understood by an actual example, which I here give, of the death-horoscope.

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of a little girl of two years of age, who died at Darjeeling in 1890, Its contents are as
follows : —

** Hail to Lama ManjAsri ! The year of birth of this female was the Bull-year, with which
the Snake and the Sheep are in conflict : therefore those individuals bom in the Snake and the
Sheep-year cannot approach the corpse. The death-demon was hiding in the honse inside
certain coloui^d articles, and he now has gone to a neighbouring house, where there is a family
of five with cattle and dogs.^® The death-demon will return to the house of the deceased within
three months : therefore must be performed before that time the Za-de-kha-gyur Service.

Her Parkha being Dva in relation to her death, it is found that her spirit, on quitting her
body, entered her loin girdle and a sword.^® Her life was taken to the east by Ts&n and King
(Gyalpo) Demons, and her body died in the west : therefore small girls, cousins, sisters and
brothers in the house will be harmed. The deceased's death was due to iron, and the death-
demon came from the south, and has gone to the east.

Her Mewa gives the third indigo blue. Therefore it was the death-demon of the deceased's
paternal grandfather and grandmother that caused her death. Therefore also take a sat^-tsha
(a miniature earthen chaitya), a sheep's head, and earth from a variety of sites, and place them
upon the body of the deceased, and this danger will be averted (from other members of the
family).

The Day of her Death was Friday. Take a leather bag, or earthen pot, in which have been
placed four or five coloured articles, and throw it away to the north-west, because the death-
demon has gone in that direction. From the way in which this death has happened it is very
nnlucky for old men and women. On this account take a horse's skull,^® or a serpent's skull,^
and place it upon the corpse.

Her Death Star is Ore. Her brother and sister, who went near to her, are threatened by
the Death-messenger (Shin-je). Therefore an ass's skull and a goat's skull must be placed on
the corpse.

Her Death Hour was soon after sunset, and in the twelfth month her life was cut. The
death-demon arrived in the earthen cooking-pot and bowl of a man and woman visitor dressed
in red, who came from the south. Thus the deceased's father and mother are threatened, and
especially so if either was bom in the Sheep-year.

Precautions to secure a fortunate re-birth. It is necessary to prepare an image of
Vajrapani and Vajra-sattva, and before these to have prayer^ offered for the fortunate re-birth
of the girl's spirit. If this be cone, then she will be re-bom in the house of a rich man in
the west.

For the benefit of the decea.sed'8 Spirit, it is necessary to get the Lamas to read the service
(smon-lam), praying for re-birth in the Paradise of Deva-chhSn.

For the benefit of the survivors of the family, it is necessary to have read the prayers for
long life, viz,, tshe-wdo and tshe-^zungs.

Directions for removal, of the Corpse. Those who remove the corpse must have been bom
in the Dog or in the Dragon year. The body must be taken outside the house on the morning
of the third day following the death, and it must be carried to the south-west, and be buried
(not burned, or given to birds or dogs)."

18 Therefore that other family should perform the necessary worship !
i> In this case the affected g^ii^dle was cast away and the sword was handed over to the L&ma.
^ A fragment of such a skull, or its image made of dough, is usually all that is used.
^ Bough also will do.

w It has frequently been asserted that no prayer is practised in lamaiam. This is not true. Real prayer is
frequently offered. The word used here is ^sol-wa-^b.

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208 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August. 1894.

11. Ceremonies following on the Death Horosoope.

When the Death Horoscope has heen made out, the hodj is tied up in a sitting posture bj
the auspicious person indicated by the horoscope, and placed in a comer of the room not
occupied by the house-demon* Notice is sent to all relatives and friends within reach, who
collect within two or three days and are entertained with rice, vegetables, etc., and with a
copious supply of murwa beer and tea. This company of visitors remains loitering in and
around the house, doing great execution with hand-prayer-wheels and muttering the sacred
formula, ^ Om'tnani-padme-hung,* until the expulsion of the ihSn, or death-demon, who follows
the removal of the body. In this last ceremony the whole company must join. The expense of
the entertaining the visitors is considerable.

During the whole of the death-feast the deceased is always, at every meal, offered a share
of what is going, including tobacco, etc. The deceased's own bowl is kept filled with beer and
tea, and set down beside the corpse, and a portion of all the other eatables is always offered to
the corpse at meal times. Aftei* each meal is over the deceased's portion is thrown away, as
the spirit is supposed to have extracted all the essence of the food, which then no longer
contains nutriment, and is fit only for destruction. Long after the corpse has been removed,
the deceased's cup is regularly filled with tea or beer even up till the forty-ninth day after
death, as the spirit is free to roam about for a maximum period of forty-nine days subsequent
to death.

12. The Litanies,

The L&mas chant by relays all night and day the De-wa-ckan-hyi'mon-lam, or Service for
sending the soul direct to The Western Paradise of the mythio DhyAni Buddha^
Amit&bha. According to the means of the deceased, two or more Lamas are entertained to
read this service in chorus, as the more frequently it is repeated the better for the deceased.
A special reading also of this service by the assembled monks in the Oompa is also arranged
for by those who can afford the expense.

One or more Lumas also read at the house of the deceased the Tho^-grol (pronounced
Tho-dol), or Guide for the spirit's passage through the valley of horrors intervening
between death and a new re-birth. This passage is somewhat suggestive of Bunyan's
Flhjrirns Progress, but the demons and dangers, which beset the way, are much more numerous
and awful. Full directions are read out for the benefit of the deceased, shewing how to avoid
pitfalls and ogres, and how to find the proper white path, which will lead ^ a fortunate re-
birth. It is, however, rather incongruous that while the L&ma, reading this service, is urging
the spirit to bestir itself for the necessary exertions for a fortunate re-birth, another L&ma by his
side is reading the De-wa-chan Service for sending the spirit direct to the Western Paradise*
a non-Buddhist invention, which is outside the region of re-birth.

Though it is scarcely considered orthodox, many of the L&mas find, by consulting their
astrological books, that the spirit of the deceased has been sent to hell, and the exact com-
partment in hell to which it has gone. When this happens a most expensive service must be
performed by a very large number of Lamas. This commences with rfge-ba, or act of virtue,
on behalf of the deceased, which consists of offerings to The Three Collections, m* .* —

1st. — Offerings to the Gods of sacred food, lamps, etc.

2nd. — Offerings to the Lamas of food and presents,

3rd. — Offerings to the Poor of food, clothes, beer, etc.

This is a good work supposed to tell in favour of the spirit in hell. After this many more
expensive services must be performed, and especially the propitiation of Thnk-je-chhen-po, or
The Great Pitier, for his intercession with the king of hell (an offshoot of his own self) for the
release of this particular spirit. Even the most learned and orthodox Lamas believe that by
such a service may be secured the release of a few of the spirits actually in hell, and in practice

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August, 1894.] DEMONOLATRY IN SIKHIM LAMAISM. 209

€very spirit in hell, for -whom relatives pay sufficiently, may be released by the aid of the
Lamas. Sometimes a full course of the prescribed service is declared insufficient, as the
spirit has only got a short way out of hell (very suggestive of the story of the priest and his
client in Lever*s story), and then additional expense must be incurred to secure its complete
extinction.

13. Funeral Coremonies.

Before removing the corpse from the house, an especial feast of delicacies, including cooked
pork and drink of sorts, are set before the body of the deceased, and a Lama, presenting a
scarf of honour to the corpse, thus addresses it : — " Yon (here the deceased's name is stated)
have now received from your relatives all this good food and drink, partake freely of its
essence, as you will not have any more chances ! For you must understand that you have
died, and your spirit must begone from here, never to come back again to trouble or injure
your relatives. Remember the name of your spiritual Lama-teacher (rtsa-wa-^lama), which
is (name in full), and by his aid take the right path, the white one. Come this way ! "

Then the Lama, with a thigh-bone trumpet in the one hand and a hand-drum in the other,
and taking the end of a long white scarf, the other end of which has been tied to the corpse,
precedes the carrier of the corpse, blowing his trumpet and beating the drum and chanting a
litui^y. Hb frequently looks back to invite the spirit to accompany the body, which, he
assures it, is being led in the right direction. Behind the corpse-bearer follow the rest of
the procession, some bearing refreshments, and last of all come the weeping relatives. The
ceremony of guiding the deceased's spirit is only done for the laity, as the spirits of deceased
Lamas are credited with a knowledge of the proper path, and need no such instruction. The
body ifl usually carried to the top of a hillock for burial or cremation. The scarf used in the
funeral procession may probably represent the Chinese hurin-fan^ or soul-banner, which is
carried before the coffin in China.

14. Expelling the Death-Demon.

The exorcising of the death-demon \b one of the most common of the lamaic ceremonies.
It is entitled Za-de-khd-gyury^ or turning away of the face of the eating devil, t. e., expulsion
of the Eating-demon, or Death-demon. It is always performed after a death and within two
days after the removal of the corpse, in order to expel from the house and locality the demon
who caused the death.

This ceremony, which requires the presence of four or five Lamas, is conducted as follows : —

On a small wooden platform is placed the image of a tiger made of grass and plastered over
with mud. The animal is walking with its mouth wide open. The mouth and teeth are made
of dough, and the body is coloured with yellow and brown stripes, in imitation of the tiger's
markings, and around its neck is tied a string of threads of five colours.

A small image of a man is made of kneaded dough, in which are incorporated filings of an
alloy, known as the Rin-chhen sna-nga rdar, or the Five Pi:ecious Things, viz,, gold, silver,
copper, iron, and tin. Into the belly of this image, which is called the Eating-demon, is
inserted a piece of paper, on which is written the following banishing spell^^ : — « Go, thou
Eating Devil, having thy face turned to the enemy !*25 The image is clad in pieces of silk, and is
placed astride the tiger's back.

Another figure is made of human form, but with the head of a bird. Its face is painted
red and in its belly is inserted paper on which is written : — * Thou Eating Devil, do not remain
in this village, but go to the enemy's country.' This is placed in front of the tiger, and is made
to hold the free end of the rope attached to the tiger's neck, as it were a groom.

M Z.Adre-kha-<K3nir« ^ ^zlog-pa-hi «iag#. ^ za-hdre-kha fgyur dgr& phyog*.

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210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1894,

A second figure of haman shape, but with an ape's head, is placed behind the tiger, as a
driver.

Out of a piece of ' father' tree** is shaped a label : —

This is inscribed with an order to take away the Eating Demon, and planted in the shoulder
of the bird-faced*' figure. A similar label made out of a 'son ' tree*® is inscribed with another
spell,^ and planted in the shoulder of the tiger-riding figure, i, e., of the death-demon himself.
A geometrical figure called nam-jang nak-po, and four arrows of wood with red painted shafts,
called widah khra, are placed on each shoulder of the tiger riding demon and of the bird-faced
figure.

Round these figures are strewn morsels of every kind of eatable, — grains, fmits, spices,
including raw meat and spirits. Also a few small coins of silver and copper.

Weapons are then enchanted for the coming conflict with the Death-Demon — pieces of iron,
copper, small stones preferably white and black in colour, grains, and rampu^ roots, for the use
of the Lamas. And for the lay army of the household and neighbours, a sword, knives, a
reaping hook, a yak's tail, a rope of yak's hair with a hook at end of it.

When all the preparations are completed and the sun has set — for demons can only move
in the darkness — the ceremony begins. The head Lama invokes his tutelary deity to assist
in the expulsion of the death-demon, chanting the following spell, which is locally supposed
to be in Sanskrit : —

* Om ! dudtri mdray& srogla bhyo ! bhyo !

Raja dudtri maraya srogla bhyo ! bhyo !

Nagpo dudtri maraya srogla bhyo 1 bhyo !

Yama dudtri maray& srogla bhyo ! bhyo !'

Immediately on concluding this spell, the Luma with an imprecatory gesture blows his
breath, spiritualized by his tutelary deity, upon the images, while the other Lamas loudly beat a
large drum and cymbals and (a pair of) kang-ling thigh-bone trumpets, whereupon the laymen
present, armed with the aforementioned weapons, loudly shout and wildly beat the air with their
weapons.

When silence is restored the Lama chants the following : —

** Hung ! Hear ye eighty thousand demons I^^ In olden time, in the country of India,
King Chakra^' was taken ill, being attacked by all the host of gods, devils, eating-demons,
and accident-causing^^ demons. But learned and revered ManjOsrt, by performing the following
worship, defeated the devils and cured the king. With the five precious things he made a
shapely image of the eating-demon, and on it planted nam-wklia rgyang-bu, 7J^dah-khra and
phang-khra, and, writing on slips of wood the gyur-yik spells, he stuck them into the demon's
image, and he heaped round it the nine sorts of eatables, as a ransom from the house-holder, the
dispenser of the gifts, and he said:— 'Now devil, the sun has gone. Your time, too, for
going has annved in the black darkness, and the road is good. Begone I Begone to the
country of our enemies and work your wicked will there ! Quickly begone I Jump ! Turn
about !* And thus the devil was turned away and the king was cured. Again in the Indra

^ pho ahing might possibly be intended for ' bamboo.' ^ Za /ulre dgra phyog« su-kha sgyur ro.

2* pu shiDg. 29 ga Mre kha agyur ro. ^ Street oalamas.

•1 6gag». w iHhor lo-tuk-pa = * the noisy wheel.' ^ Sri.

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ATOTT8T, 18^.] DEMONOLATET IN SIKHIM LAMAISM. 211

coantrj, in the sonth of India» tliere was a kinfj^ named Dana^aso, — and so on* (Here are cited
several additional examples of the efficacy of this rite.)

**Hung! OYamantaka! Thon greatest of the gods, Destroyer, King of the dead! Let
the Death-demon be sent off to oar enemy !

*' Ekajati ! Thou chief of the • Ma-mo (female) fiends, let the Death-demon be sent off
to onr enemy !

** one-eyed white devil ! Let the Death-demon be sent off to onr enemy !

" O Hanubhati, flesh-eating demon, chief of all the demons ! Let the Deathniemon be sent
off to our enemy !

" Nanda and Takshaka, chiefs of the Nagas ! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our
angry enemy I

** O Red Father Shu,^ chief of all the Ts^n ! Let the Death-demon be sent off to onr
enemy I

" well-filled one,^ chief of all the Yakshas I^* Let the Death-demon be sent off to
our enemy !

" O Eastern king,'^ chief of all the Oandharvas ! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our
enemy !

*' O Western King, chief of all the powerful N^^ ! Let the Death-demon be sent off to
our enemy I

*' Northern King, chief of all the givers ! Let the Death-demon be sent off to our
enemy !

*' Guardians of the ten directions and your retinue ! Let the Death-demon be sent off to
our enemy I

<* all you Tsen, Ma-mo from the grassy valleys, and all Men-mo ! Let the Death-demon
be sent off to our enemy I

" all male and female Oong-po, who abstract the essence of food, and your retinue !
Let the Death -demon be sent off to our enemy !

** Death-demon, do thou now leave this house, and go and oppress our enemies. We
liave given thee food, fine clothes, and money. Now be off far from here ! Begone to the
country of our enemies ! Begone ! ! ! "

When this is ended the Luma smites his palms together, and all the L&mas beat their
drums, etc., clamourously, and the laymen wield their weapons, shouting : — • Begone !
Begone ! ' Amid all this uproar the platform containing the image and its attendants is lifted
up by a layman, one of the relatives, selected according to the astrologer^s indications. Be
holds it breast high, and at arm's length, and carries it outside, attended by the L&mas and
laity, shouting * Begone ! ' and flourishing their weapons. The platform is carried for about an
eighth of a mile in the direction prescribed by the astrologer, supposed to be that of the enemy
of the people. Finally it is deposited, if possible, at a site where four roads meet.

16. Foflt-fimeral Ceremonies.

While Ihe funeral is going on, to make sure that the demon is not still lurking in some
comer of the room, the Sorcerer -lAma^ remains behind, with a dorje in his right hand and a bell
in his left. With the dorje he makes frantic passes in all directions, muttering spells, and with
the forefinger and thumb of the right hand, without relinquishing the dorje he throws in all

»* Shurf = * active.' ** kang-wa 6»ang-po. •• pnod-fbyin. " rgyal-po. » Ngag-pa.

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212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1894.

directions hot pebbles which have been toasted in the fire, mattering charms, which conclnd^
thus : —

'* Dispel from this family all the magic injnrj of Pandits and Bons ! !

*' Dispel all strife. Dispel all the mischief of iuanspicioas planets, and the conjunction of
the red and black Mewa. Dispel all the evil of the eight Parkhas*

** Turn over to the enemy all the misfortune.

"Turn over to the enemy all plagues, losses, accidents, bad dreams, the 81 bad omens,
unlucky years, months, and days, the 424 diseases, the 360 causes of plagues, the 720 causes of
sudden death, the 80,000 most malignant demons.^'

•* Turn all these over to our enemy ! Bhyo I Bhyo ! Bhyo ! Begone ! '*

To this the Lama adds:— ** Now by these angry spells the demon is expelled ! Oh!
Happiness ! "

Upon which all the people shout triumphantly : —

Lhariyal'O'O ! Lhagyal-o-o ! !

God has won ! !
Dw pam-bo ! ! Du pam-ho ! ! !

The demons are defeated ! ! ! !

The interment * or cremation ' of the corpse does not terminate the rites in connection with
the disposal of the soul and body of the deceased. After the removal of the corpse, and on
the same day a lay figure of the deceased is made, by dressing a stool, or block of wood, in
the clothes of the deceased, and for the face is substituted a piece of printed paper, called
tntshan 5pyang, or ^pyang-pu (pronounced chang-hu).*^ Before this figure are set all sorts of
food and drink, as in the case of the actual corpse.

This is essentially a Bon rite, and is referred to in the histories of Gurii Padma Sambhav^
as being practised by the Bon in his time, and as having incurred the displeasure of the Gurfl,
who was the founder of Lamaism.

The printed inscription on the face usually rnns :—

*' I, the world-departing one (here is inserted the name of the deceased), adore and takq
refuge in my Lama-confessor, and all the deities, both mild and wrathful." May the Greafc
Pitier" forgive my accumulated sins and the impurities of my former lives, and shew me the
right way to another good world ! *'

In the margin, or down the middle, of the paper are inscribed, in symbolic form the six
states of re-birth, viz,, A = god, Su = a sura, Ni = man,« Tri = beast, Pre = preU
Hung = hell.** -^

On the paper are also depicted ''the five excellent sensuous things," t?w., (1) body (
mirror), (2) sound (as cymbals, a conch, and sometimes a lyre), (3) smeU (a vase of flowc
(4) essence or nutriment (holy cake), (5) dress (silk clothes, etc.)

as a
flowers).

^ hgegt.

" Schlagintweit gives a specimen of one form of this paper, bnt he has qnite mistaken its meamn^ T^n fi^
.n the centre s not^the Lord of the Genii of Fire/ bnt is merely intended to represent tj ^i^rome^:cSre"
person who sits o, kneels, sometimes with the legs bonnd, in an attitnde of adoration. See op Zt p 262

*i Of the hnndred supenor deities, 42 are supposed to be mild, and 58 of an angry natnr7 *

,JLltT.t:^:i;^^^^ nmchineommon. Other

the m^£:n:it^rS^^^^^^^^^ ^"^'^^ ^' ^^^^^^'« ^^""^^ ^^-^ ^^'> which symboli^ea

" This ahH, is a mystic interpretation of Avaldkita's mantra, the 6th sylkble of which is made to mean heU.

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August. 1994.] DEMONOLATRT IN SIKHIM LAMAISM. 213

Before the lay-figure the Lamas then go through the Service of the Eight ECighest
Suddhas of Medicine (Sang^-iya* «inan-Ala), and also continue the service of the Western
Paradise.

Next day the LSraas depart, to return once a week for the repetition of this service, until
the forty-nine days of har-do have expired. But it is usual to intermit one day of the first
week, and a day more of each with the succeeding week, so as to get the worship over within
a shorter time ! Thus the Ldmas return after 6, 5, 4, 3, 2 and 1 days respectively, and
thus conclude this service in about three weeks instead of the full term of 49 days, or seven
weeks.

Meanwhile the lay figure of the deceased remains in the house in a sitting posture, and is
given a share of each meal until the death service is concluded by the burning of the face-
paper (chang-bu). This, on the conclusion of the full series of services, is ceremoniously burned
in the flame of a butter-lamp, and the spirit is thus given its final congL According to the
colour and quality of the flame and manner of burning, is determined the fate of the spirit of
deceased. This process usually discovers the necessity for further courses of worship.

The directions for noting and interpreting the signs given by the burning paper are con-
tained in a small pamphlet, which I here translate, entitled, The Mode of Divining the Signs of
the Flames during the Burning of the Ohang Paper,

** Salutation to Chhe-wchhog, Heruka, or Most Supreme Heruka ! The meaning of the
five colours of the flame is as follows : —

If the flames be white and shining, then has the deceased become perfect, and born in the
highest region of Ok-in (t, e., the Supreme).

If the flames be white and bum actively with round tops, then has the deceased become
pious, and born in the Eastern mGon-Jgah, or Paradise of Real Happiness.

If the flames bum in an expanded form, resembling a lotus (padma), then the deceased
has finished the highest deeds and become religious.

If the flames be yellow in colour and burn in the shape of rGyal-mtshan or Banner of
Victory, then has the deceased become nobly religious.

If the flames be red in colour and in form like a lotus, then the deceased has become
religious and bom in iDe-wa-chan, or Paradise of Happiness.

If the flames be yellow in colour and burn actively with great masses of smoke, then the
deceased is bom in the region of the lower animals, for counteracting which a <7Tsug-lag-khang,
or Academy, and an image of the powerful and able Dhyani Buddha («Nang-par-«nang-mdsa<i),
should be made. Then will the deceased be born to high estate in the Middle Country (i. e,,
the Buddhist Holy Land in India).

If the fire bums with masses of dense smoke, then he has gone to hell, for counteracting
which, images of Dorje-mam-Ajom« and Vajrapani should be made. Then will the deceased
be bom as a second daughter of a wealthy parent near our country and, after death in that
existence, in fairy land.

If the fire bums fiercely, with great noise and crackling, then will the deceased be bom
in hell, for preventing which, images of Mi-^khng-pa and Vajra-Sattva and Avalokita should be
made, and the Hell-confession of the Hundred Letters (Yig-rgyana-ragskang-^shag*) should
be repeated. Then will the deceased be born as a son of a wealthy parent towards the east.

If the flames be blue in colour and bum furiously, the deceased is bom in hell, for
preventing which the Yige-drgya-pa-kika-nidri-med-5shag«-rgyiid, Twdo-thar-chhen-tshe-^bar,
5dig-6shag5, 2tung-&8hag«, mani-6kah-^bum, and ^pyan-Abyed must' be repeated. Then will the
deceased either be born as a son of a carpenter towards the east, or again in his, or her, late

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214 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Atjoust, 1894.

mother's womb. But if this is not done, then will the deceased be born as a dog, who will
become mad and harm ererybody, and then in the nO a- Abod compartment of Hell.

If the flames be yellow, without any mixture pf other colours, the deceased will be bom
in the region of the Yidags, for preventing which images of the Dbyani Boddha, Ratna Sam-
bhava, surrounded by Nye-sraf, and also images of Manj^rt and of ^kya Muni snrromnded
by his disciples must be made. Then will the deoeased be bom as a LAma towards the south
and will devote himself to religious purposes.

If the flames be yellow in colour and bum furiously, then ^Torma-ftrgya-tsa must be
made, and charity extensively offered to the poor. Then the deceased will be bom again in
his own family. Failing this the deceased will be bom in the regicm of tiie Yidags.

If the flames be white and burn furiously, the deceased will be bom as a Lha-ma-yin,
and images of MahAm^ya (Yum-chhen-mo) aud Amitayas should be made. Then the deceased
will be bom in the Happy Paradise of Dewa-chan. If only Tshogs-rgya be performed, then the
deceased will be bom as a son of wealthy parents.

If the Are bums furiously red, emitting sparks, the deceased will be bom as a Lha-ma-yiu,
for preventing which dkon-brtsegs must be performed, and the Thos-grol must be read, and then
the deceased will be born as a son of a blacksmith.

If the fire bums furiously without any colour, then the deceased will be bom as a Gamda
towards the north, for preventing which images of D6n-y6d-grub-pa (Dbyani Buddha Am6gha-
siddlii), rNam-^jgrns, ^grolma Ajig^-pa brgjad-skyohs «Man-lha (Dohna, the Defender from the
Eight Dreads),*^ «Jfan-lha (the God of Medicine) must be made, and the worship of MaitrSya
must be repeated. Then the deceased will be bom as a son of a famous chief, or again in his,
or her, own family.

If the fire bums of a bluish-black colour, then ^Zun-^hdu« (». e., the D6-Mang) mtshan-
hrjod, Sang«-rgya«-wtshan-Aum (The Hundred Thousand Holy Names of Buddha). Then will
the deceased be bom as a chief.

By doing these services here prescribed re-birth will be good in every case.

O glorious result ! Sarha-manga-lam 1 All happiness ! "

The ashes of the paper are carefully collected in a plate, and are then mixed with clay to
form one or more miniature chaityas, called sa^tschha. One of these is retained for the
household altar, and the rest are carried to any hill near and there deposited under a projecting
ledge of a rock, where they will not be directly exposed to the disintegrating rain.

After the burning of this paper the lay-figure of the deceased is dismantled, and the clotbes
are presented to the Lamas, who carry them off and sell them to any purchasers available, and
appropriate the proceeds.

After the lapse of one year from a death it is usual to give a feast in honour of the deceased,
and to have repeated the <Man-lha service of the Medical Buddhas. On the eonclusion of this
a widow, or widower, is free to re-marry.

16. Ezoroisxa of Ghosts.

A ghost retums and gives trouble, either on account of its inherent wickedness, or if the
ghost be that of a rich man, it may come to see how his property is being disposed of. lu
either case its presence is noxious. It makes its presence felt in dreams, or by tnaViTig some
individual delirious, or temporarily insane.

A ghost is disposed of by being burned. For this purpose a very large gathering of
Lamas is necessary, not less . than eight, and the service of byin sregs^ or burnt offering, is

*» The Eight Dreads are : — Dread of Fire, Prison, Plunder, Water, Enemy, iflephant. Lion, and Snake.

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ATOTT8T, 1894.] THE BHASHA.BHUSH4NA OP JAS'WANT SINGH. 215

performed. On a platform of mud and stone outside the house is made, with the usual rites, a

magic circle^ or kyil-AkAor, and inside this is

drawn a triangle named hung-hnng, as in the y< ^N.

diagram here annexed. Small sticks are then laid / a y<

along the outline of the triangle, one piled above . » , , *, / / \ \

the other, so as to make a hollow three-sided .7 / \ \

pyramid, and around this are piled up fragments fyf^^ }uut<i I / /

of every available kind of food, stone, tree-twigs^ .. i- •. ^^ ^ >^ /

leaves, poison, bits of dress, money, etc., to the \ /

number of over a hundred sorts. Then oil is \^ ^^

poured over the mass, and the pile set on fire. ^^'

During its combustion additional fragments of the miscellaneous ingredients reserved for the
purpose are thrown in, from time to time, by the LAmas, accompanied by a muttering of spells.
And ultimately is thrown into the flames a piece of paper, on which is written the name of the
deceased person — always a relative — , whose ghost is to be suppressed. When this paper is
consumed the ghost has received its quietus, and never gives trouble again. Any further
trouble is due to another ghost, or to some demon or other.

THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.

EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY G. A. GRIEESON. Ph.D., O.I.E.

Few Sanskrit scholars are aware of the mass of literature directly connected with their
favourite subject, which exists in the Hindi language. The diligent searcher will find numerous
commemtaries on difficult Sanskfit books and many original works published in the vernacular.
There is a true, unbroken current of tradition connecting the literature of classical Sanskrit
with that of Hindi, and the latter may often be used to explain the former.

In the subject of BhetoriOy the treatment and terminc^ogy of Hindi is the same as that of
Sanskrit, and as there is no English work, so far as I am aware, at present conveniently acces-
sible, which deals with that subject,^ I venture to put forward this little treatise with a two-
fold intention : — firstly, to shew Sanskrit scholars that Hindi literature is a mine which may
be advantageously explored by them, and secondly, to provide a convenient handbook of
Indian Bhatorio. A reference to the index, which forms part of this edition, will shew
how wanting even the best and most modem Sanskrit dictionaries are in this branch of
knowledge.

Since the time of EdIiava-dAsa (fl. 1580 A. D.), who first brought Hindi literature into line
with the best Sanskrit models, rhetoric has always been a faTOurite subject with vernacular ,
writers in Northern India. Kesava-dasa's two great works on Composition are the Kavi-priyd and
the Bfmka-priyd, the former of which was written for the famous hetcnra Pravina Bai> celebrated
alike for her learning and for her beauty. He had numerous imitators and followers, amongst whom
may be mentioned Ohintama];4 Tripftfbl (fl. 1675 A. D.), author of the Kdffya-vweha and the
Kdvya-prakdia^ and his brothers BhtlshaQa TripAfhl and Matirftma Tripftthl. The principal
work of the last was the Lalita-laldma^ which was written at the court of BAja Bhava Simha of
Biindi (1658-82 A. D.). Passing over a number of other writers, we find Jas'want Singh, the
author of the Bh&shft-bhtlshaQa, flourishing at the end of the eighteenth century.^ He belonged
to a family of Bagh61 E&jputs, who came to Kannauj from Bewft about the year li90 A. D. They
settled at Kdlapur in that country, and gradually spread over the neighbouring villages, till, about
the end of the seventeenth century, their leader, Dharma-dasa, took up his abode at Tir'w^ some
seven or eight miles south of Kannauj in the present Farrukhab&d district. His grandson, Pratapa
Simha, obtained the title of Bao from the NawAb Vazir of Oudh. Pratapa's son, Sum6ru Simha,
acquired considerable distinction by his connexion with the Nawab Vazir Shuja'u'd-daula,

^ The tranfllatioD of the iSd^itya-darpoiski ie oat of print. ' He died 1815 A. D.

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216 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1894.

■whom he assisted in the battle of Buxar. He obtained from the emperor Shah *Alam, the title
of Raja Bahfidur, and the dignity of mansahJar of 3,000. Snmeru Simha was succeeded by his
brother Damara Simha, wlio was succeeded by his son Aumda(?) Simha. Jas'want Singh was
son of this last, but did not succeed to the title, which was secured by his brother Pitam Singh .^
His name is still well known locally, as the builder of a large stone temple to Annapurnn D^vi,
and of other memorials still existing. He died in the year 1815. He is said to have been learned
both in Sanskrit and Persian. He wrote a Ndyaka-h/ioda, or Classification of Heroes, entitled the
Srih^fdra-liri'mam, and a treatise on Veterinary Surgery called h^dUhotra. The work, however,
on which his reputation rests, is the BhAsha-bhtlshai;ia, which has great authority. It has had
numerous commentators, the best known of whom is Maharaja Banadhira Siihha, Sir'maur, of
iSiug'ra Mau, who wrote the BJnhhana-Kaumiidi; which I have referred to throughout in editing
the text. The Bhd.^hd^bJnhham deserves its reputation. It is a miracle of compactness. Its
author contrives, generally most successfully, to contain the definition of each rhetorical
iijrure, together with an example, within the limits of a single duhd. At the same time, the lan-
guage is usually remarkably simple, and the style pleasing. Now and then, the necessity of
compactness has made him obscure, and the available commentaries have, as is frequent in such
cases, eluded the difficulty. I have therefore consulted the Sdhiiya-darpam throughout, giving
Teferences in every instance to the corresponding verse in the English translation of that work*
I jiave, moreover, as a rule, adopted the renderings of technical terms given in that translation,
and have followed its language as much as possible. I have also consulted other modem works
on Rhetoric, more especially, the Ea^il'a-iuohana of Haghun&tha-bliafts^ (fl. 1745 A. D.), the
Mdrati'bhusham of the celebrated Giridhara-dftsa (fi. 1875 A. D.), and the Padrndhharam of
the equally celebrated Padmftkara-bhatta (fl. 1815 A. I).). It will be seen that I have quoted
these authors frequently, especially when the Bhdshd-bhushana deals with subjects not touched
upon by the Sdhitya-daritdna, •

In preparing the text, I have had in mind the requirements of European Sanskrit scholars,
and when a word admitted of several spellings, I have given the form which nearest approaches
the Sanskrit onginal. I do not anticipate that, with, the aid of the translation, any difficulty
will be found in understanding the text by any person who knows Sanskrit and Prakrit.

The work is divided into five lectures. The first is merely introductory. The second
deals with Heroes and Heroines. Their classification is carried out to a minuteness even greater
than that of the Paianlj^w, or its follower the Sdhiiya-darpana. The'third deals with the various
essentials of a poem, — the flavours, the emotions and the various modes of their expression,
the essential and enhancing excitants, their accessories and ensuants. Then follows the fourth
lecture, the main portion of the work, in which the various rhetorical ornaments of sense, the
simile, metaphor, and so forth are defined and illustrated. The fifth lecture deals with verbal
ornaments, — alliteration and the like.

Where the text was wanting, 1 have, so far as my knowledge extends, supplied omissions,
printing them within square brackets. So also all annotations and remarks, for which I am
responsible, and which do not form part of the text, are enclosed between these signs.

In transliterating, I have followed the system used by the Indian Antiquary^ except that I
represent anundsiha by a dot (an inverted period) after the vowel nasalized; thus nlfrf bhd'ti.

ATHA MAJJtTGALACHABAlirA.NAMA FBATHAMA? FBAEA&A? ll

LECTUEB I.
Introductory Iiiyx>catioiL

Text.

Vijlma-hararia tuma hau sadd Oatiapati hohu sdhdi \

Binait, Icarajoriy haraw d^jai' grantha bandi II 1 II

3 Tbcae names being partially FrAkfit, I spell the tribe name Singh and not Simha.

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AuausT, 1894.] THE BHA5HA.BHU3HANA OP JASIYANT SINGH.

217

Jinha Jrmhyau parapahcha saha
Td ho haw vandana Jcaraw
Karund hari poshata sadd
Aise is vara ho Mai'
Mere mana me' tu basau
Td tS* yaha manu dpu sg'
Rdgi manu mili iydma mi'
Yaha acharaja^ ujjvala bhayau

apani ichchhd pdi I
hatha jOrit Hra ndi 11 2 II
sakala irishii hau prdna I
rahau raini dina dhydna II
ais% hyaw hahijdi I
Ujai' hyaw na lagdi II 4 ||
bhayau na gahirau Idla I
tajyau inaila tihi hdla || 5

3 II

IH mangaldcharana-ndma prathamah prakdiah || 1 ||

Translation.

GanSsa, thou art ever a remover of obstacles ; be thou my help. With folded hands do I
supplicate thee ; complete thou this book.

(The Lord) who by his mere will did create all that seemeth to exist ; Him do I adore,
with folded hands and head humbly bowed before him.

In thy mercy dost thou ever cherish the life-breath of all creation. On such a Lord may
I meditate in my heart night and day.

Why do I say such (words) as * dwell thou in my soul '? For why dost thou not take this
soul, and join it to thyself (for ever) ?

The worldly (or scarlet) mind when absorbed in Krishna (or black colour), doth not become
more worldly (or darker red), but, O wondrous miracle, it at once becometh white, and loseth
all its foulness.

[It is impossible to translate this verse literally, which depends on a series of paronom^isias,
Rdgi means both • devoted to things of the senses * and * scarlet. * Sydma means both * Krishna,'
and ' black.* The verse is an example of the second variety of the ornament called Vishama, or
Incongruity (see below vv. 122, 123.]

End of the First Lecture, entitled the Introductory Invocation,

[LECTURE I. A.]

On the Nature of Words.

[The Bhdshd'hhdsh'im does not deal wifch the nature of words, but the subject is handled
at considerable length in the various commentaries. As the technical terms employed in this
connexion are frequently mot with in Hindi literature, the following extract is given from the
Jihushana-haumudi. It closely .follows Sdhitya-darpana, 10 and ff. Of. also Regnaud,
WiHorique Sanshrite, pp. 15 and ff.]

Text.
[Athd vdrjiyddi sahti hathanam : —

V&chaka lakshaka vyafijaka-i
Vftchya lakshya aru vyangya-^
Yd ie' bhinna nti hot a kahw
Td te hachhu prathamahi hahata lahsham lakshya viveka \\ 5b II

Atha abhidhd sakti lakshanam : —
Nischita Skai a'rtha jaha,
Abhidhft-bakt^ pramdna so

trividha babda pahichdni I
tint artha sukha-ddni \\ 5a
sabda Wu artha jiteka I
lakshana lakshya viveka \\ 5b

nahi bhdsai kachhu aura I
bhanyau su-kavi siramaura II 5c ||

Yathd : —

S sa m uk ut a, kara
Yamund'tira tamdla

me' lakfila ura vana-mdla rasdla I

dhiga mai' dckhyau Na'da-ldla II

5d II

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218

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[August, 1894.

Atha lakshaha sabda lakshanam : —

Mukhya artha mi' bddha ti'
BitL^hi pr8y6ja]is bhida hart

Atha rudhi'lakshand lahshanam: —
Bddha hoi mvkhydrtha mS*
Btl<ttu-lakgha9ft hdta $6

Yathd : —

Phalyau manoratha rdwari
PraphulUa nayana vilSkiyata

Atha praySjana-lahshand laJcshanam : —
Pray6janaYatl lakahaijft
&uddh& aru gauqil dutiya

Atha iuddhd prayojana-laJcshand lakshanam
UpAdana aru lakflhapaW
S&dhyavas&na aamita kiya

Updddna'ldkshand, yathd : —

Para guna hS dkshSpa kari
Vdna chalata saba kou kahai

Lak$hana lakshand, yathd : —

Nija lakshaifa at^ahi dai
Oakgd'tafa-ghdshani sabai

8&r6pA lakshand, yathd : —

Ky6''hu samatd pdi kai
Bd'ke tSrS nayana^ S

8Adhyaya8&n& lakshand, yathd : —
Sama taji samatd-ht kahai'
Aju mohi pydi sudhd

Atha gauni praySjana lakshaiiid lakihanam i

Sddriia guna sambandha jaha'

Sdropd pahiU dutiya
Sdropd lakshand^ yathd: —

Sddriia guna drSpa sS'

Mriga-nayani viifi phani

Sddhyavasdnd lakshaiid, yathd: —
OauM B&dhyavasftna so
Saii mS* dvai khanjana chayala

Atha pyanfand ktkti lakahanam : —

Vftohaka lakshalca mtUa kari
Tdhi Yyafijan& kahata hai'

Atha Tftohaka-mtUa vyaogya artha : -^
AnSkdratM sabda me'
Tdpa harai md kari kripd

Atha lakshaka-mtlla vyai^gya artJut:-^
Mukhya artha ko bddha kari
Terd rupa viloki kai

babda lAkehapika jdni i

hdta dvividha sukha-ddni || 5e II

vidita sdi jaga mdki I
pramita kavisahi pdhi || 5f II

mShi parata pahichdni I

anga ahga muda khdni II 5g ||

dvai vidhi tdsu prakdra I
yuddha'dhira iuhha-dhdra \\ 5h I

8&rdi>ft avadhdri |

iuddhd mS' vidhi ehdri \\ 61 ||

upftd&na thahardta \

nara binu kyo' kari jdta II 5j ||

latBha^ia lakshand tarda \
gangd-ghosha kahanta II 5k II

aurahi aura ardpa |

vara khahjara kS Spa || 61 II

wahai mukhya nirabdhi \

dhani to sama ko dhi II 6in ||

gaUQLl tdhi hakhdni |
sddhyavasdna nidMni \\ 6zi ||

8Ar6pA sukha-daina I

dasyd su visu utarai na \\ 6o ||

jaha* Tcivttla upamdna I

td dpara dhanu idna \\ 6p ||

artha chamatkrita anya I

j6 kavitd mS' ganya || 6q ||

chamatkdra sarasdi |
vana-mdli va/na lydi II 6r ||

artha vyahgya kari dni I
ohhavi nija ko' dhika mdni || 60

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ATOirsT, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 219

Translation.

[The sense of a word, or the connexion of a word with the object (artha) which it
connotes, is called vydpdra^ fanotion, or saktif power. It thus appears that the word artha
may itself frequently be translated by ** meaning."

There are three meanings (artha) of a word : —

1. The expressed meaning (vdchya artha or muhhya artha): that conyeyed to the
understanding by the word's proper power {ahkidhd iakti).

2. The indicated or me^taphorioal meaning (lakshya artha) : that conveyed to the under-
standing by the word's metaphorical power (lakshand idkti).

3. The suggested meaning (vyahgya artha) : that conveyed to the understanding by the
word's suggested power (yyahjand iakti),']

[There are thus : —

A. Three functions or powers : «—

(1) the proper, abhidhd ;

(2) the metaphorical, lakshand;

(3) the suggested, vyanjand.

B. Three meanings : —

(1) the expressed, vao^a;

(2) the metaphorical, lakshya ;

(3) the suggested, vyahgya.

0. Three uses of a word : —

(1) a word employed with its proper power, vdckdka or vdchika;

(2) a word employed with its metaphorical power, lakshaka or Idkshantka;

(3) a word employed with its suggested power, vyanjaka.']

On the proper power of a word.
[Sdhitya-darpanay 11].

[The proper power (abhidhd iakti) of a word [is that which conveys to the understanding
the meaning which belongs to the word by the convention which primarily made it a word at
ally and] is that in which only the one simple original meaning appears^ and no other, as for
example : —

' I saw Krishna, the darling of Nanda, by the tamdla tree on the banks of the Yamuna^
with diadem on head» stafE in hand, and a woodland garland upon his chest.'

Here all the words are used each in its proper original sense.]

On a word employed with its metaphorical power.

[Sdhitya-darpafta, 13 and fE.]

[When there is incompatibility of the expressed meaning of a word [with the rest of the
sentence], the word becomes employed with its metaphorical power (lakshand iakti), and it
classified under two heads, according us [the metaphorical power is conveyed by] (1) conven-
tional aooeptation or by (2) a motive.

(1) According to the best authorities the metaphorical power depends on conventional
acceptation (rddhi), when the expressed meaning is incompatible [with the rest of the sentence^
and the metaphorical meaning] is familiarly accepted by general convention. As for
example : —

* I recognise thy wishes as bearing fruit. Thine eyes rejoice {lit,, blossom), and every limb
is a mine of joy/ [Here wishes are said to bear fruit, and eyes to blossom. But these words

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220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [August, 1894.

of bearing fruit and blossoming, are in their proper sense incompatible with the meaning of the
rest of the passa<2^e ; for trees, and not wishes or eyes, bear fruit and blossom. The words are
therefore not used in their expressed meaning, but with a metaphorical sense familiarly
accepted by general convention.]

(2) The metaphorical power depending on a motive (pray 6j ana) is of two kinds,
according as it is (a) simple (iuddhS) or (b) qualified (gauni),

(a) The simple metaphorical power depending on a motive {iuddhd prayojanavati
lakshand iahtt) is of four kinds, viz,, as it depends upon (a) comprehension (updddna),
{fi) exclusion (lalcshana)^ (y) apposition (sdropa), or (d) introsnsception {sddhyavasdna.)

(a) It depends upon comprehension (updddna) when there is a hinting of some other
quality [in addition to the proper power of the word. That is to say when the proper power is
not abandoned, but there is a co-existence in the same word, both of the metaphorical and of the
proper power : as for instance], when people say *the arrows are coming,' where we all know
that arrows (being inanimate) cannot alone have logical connection with the action of coming,
and so, with a view to the establishing of this logical connexion in the expression, the use of
the word arrows bints, in addition to its proper power, that there are men employed in propelling
them. [Thus the word ' arrows,' in the sense of * men propelling arrows,' takes a figurative
acceptation, without absolutely abandoning its proper sense. Moreover, the word is used in this
figui*ative sense in virtue of the motive of the author of the phrase in which it occurs, to canse
the hearer to understand that there are not merely a few men shooting at random, but a troop
of archers shooting in concert.]

(/3) It depends upon exclusion (lahshana-lahshand, or jahatsvdrthd lahhand) when
there is absolute abandonment of the proper power, as, for instance, when we use the expression
*a herd station on the Ganges,' for *a herd station on the banks of the Granges.' [Here the
proper power of the words *on the Ganges' is incompatible with that of *hut,* for a hut cannot
be imagined as situated on a river. It is, therefore, replaced by the figurative power of ' on the
banks of the Ganges,' and the proper power of the words *on the Ganges' disappears completely
before this figurative power. "The figurative use, moreover, results from the motive of the author
of the phrase, to cause the hearer to think of the extreme coolness and purity pertaining to the
Ganges itself, which would not have been suggested by the exposition of the same matter in the
shape of the expression * a herd station on the bank of the Granges.']

(y) It depends upon apposition (sdropa), when one word (in its figurative power) is put in
apposition, with the same signification, to another word (in its proper power) ; as for example, —
* These — thy curved eyes — have the brilliancy of a dagger.' [Here the word * these ' denotes
the glances of the curved eyes, which are also denoted by the words * curved eyes,' by means of
a figurative meaning with comprehension (updddna), and the two are in apposition.]

(i) It depends on introsnsception (sddhyavasdnd) when the identity [of one word in its
metaphorical power, and of another word in its proper power] is asserted, but when the word in
its proper power [with which the other word in its figurative power is identified] is not given
[in apposition], as for example, — ' To-day thou gavest me nectar to drink ; O Lady, who is equal
to thee,' in which the word in its proper power [with which the figurative word * nectar ' is
identified], viz,, * the embraces of the lady, ' is omitted. [It will be seen that the use of a word
in its introsuscepted metaphorical power is the same as the use of a word in its comprehensive
metaphorical power or in its exclusive metaphorical power : and that it is only another way of
considering these metaphorical powers of a word, in contrast with its appositional metaphorical
power,]

[The instances above quoted have been examples of simple (iuddhd) metaphorical power
lending upon motive, that is to say, the connexion between the expressed meaning and the
itaphorical meaning has not been that of resemblance (addrisya), i, e., has not been founded

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AXTOTJST, 1894.1 THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 221

on a qnality which is common to the different objects expressed by the two meaning^ of the
same word. In other words, when the connexion depends npon the resemblance of two objects,
it is meant the two objects agree in certain points, and that the points of disagreement are
pnt to one side for the moment. When it does not depend npon the resemblance, the points of
agreement are also not considered. Thns, when, as above, the word * arrows ' is nsed for
* archers,* there is no suggestion of resemblance between arrows and archers ; so also there is no
resemblance between *the Ganges,' and *the banks of the Ganges,' between *eyes ' and 'glances
of eyes,' or between * nectar ' and * the embraces of a lady.'

(b) On the other hand when the connexion [between the expressed meaning of a word and
its metaphorical meaning] is founded on resemblance, the metaphorical power depending
upon motive is called qualified (gaunt), and is of two sorts, according as it depends on
(y) apposition (sdrvpd) or on (d) introsusoeption (sddhyavasdnd).

(y) It depends on apposition (sdropd gautti lakshand) when there is apposition with similarity
of attributes. [That is to say, when one word (in its metaphorical meaning) is put in apposition
to another word (in its expressed meaning) with the same signification, the connexion depending
on points of similarity.] As for example, * the locks — the snakes — of the deer-eyed lady, have
bitten me, and (the effects of J their poison has not disappeared.' [Here the lady's hair is put
in apposition to snakes, owing to the resemblance of the one to the other.]

(d) It dtepends on (a) introsusoeption (sddhyavasdnd gaunt lahshand) when only the thing
with which oomparison is made [t. e., only the word in its metaphorical meaning with no word
in its proper sense in apposition], is mentioned, as for example : —

Two khcmjana birds (i. e., eyes) were hovering in the moon (t. e., the lady's face), and over
them is a strung bow (i. e., her brow). [Here the words in their expressed meaning (the eyes,
the face, and the brow) are not mentioned, and hence there is no apposition.]

On the suggested power of a word.
[Sdhitya-darpanOf 23 and ff.]

[ [When a word's proper power (abhidhd iahtt)^ and its metaphorical power, repose after
having done their duty, that power by which a further meaning is caused to be thought of is
called the suggested power (vyahjand sdktt),']

That power of a word which gives an unexpected meaning \i, e., not the expressed or meta-
phorical], and which depends (a) upon the expressed meaning (vdchaha artha), or (6) upon the
meti^horioal meaning {lakshaha artha) of a word, is called its suggested power (vyanjand iaJctt).

(a) It depends upon the expressed meaning when a special meaning is to be understood
(from the context^ or otherwise) in a word whose expressed meaning is ambiguous (or which has
several expressed meanings), as for example,

* Vanara&li conducts me to the forest, and, taking pity on me, soothes the pangs of my
passionate love.'

[The actions of conducting the lady to the forest, and soothing the pangs of her lore, being
characteristic of Vanamall, or the god Krishna, shew that it is only he that is meant, and not
any person wearing a garland of wild flowers, which is one of the expressed meanings of the
word.]

(6) It depends upon the metaphorical meaning of a word, when a meaning is suggested,
the expressed meaning of a word being incompatible (with the rest of the sentence). [That is
to say, — we have seen that the metaphorical power of a word may be conveyed by a motive,
and depends on the incompatibility of the expressed meaning of a word with the rest of the
sentence. The power by which the motive is caused to be thought of, is called the suggested
power :] as for example,

' When I saw thy (charming) form, I cried shame to my own beauty.'

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222

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[August, 1894.

[Here the speaker's beanty is an incorporeal thing, and it is absurd to take the expressed
meaning of the words * cried shame/ These words are therefore taken in their metaphorical
power, the motive (prayojana) being to extol the beauty of the person addressed. The
suggested meaning is that the latter is surpassingly beautiful.] ].

[The following scheme shews the connexion of the various powers of a word, according to
the Bhushana-haumudif in a tabular form.

The Bhushana-haum'udi follows the Sdhitya-darpana in its divisions, except that the latter
subdivides the metaphorical powers depending on convention (riidht)^ exactly as it subdivides
those depending on motive (prayojana). This, the Bhushana-kaumudi, for no valid reason,
abstains from doing.

Expressed,

abhtdhd.

Metaphorical,

Idkshand.

Power

of a word, <

iakti.

By conven-
tion, rudhu
vaii lahshand.

With

apposition,

sdropa.

( .Simple, <
iuddhd.

With a

motive,

praySjana-vati

lakshand.

Qualifi-
ed, gaum.

Suggested,
vyafijand.

Depending on

expressed

meaning,
abhidhd-muld.

Depending on
metaphorical

meaning,

lakshand-
mdld.']

{To he continued.)

With intro-
susception,
sddhyavasdnd.

With

apposition,

sdropd.

With intro-
susception,
sddhyavasdnd.

By compre-
hension,
updddna-
lakshand.

By exclusion,
lakshana-
lakshand.

MISCELLANEA.

SOME BBMAEKS ON THE EALYANI
INSCRIPTIONS.

(Continued from page 108.)
(4) 8uva^^abhtlmL

(a)
«The Golden Elhersonese denotes usually
the Malay Peninsula, but more specially the
Delta of the L^wadt, which forms the province
of Pegu, the BuvarQabhtlmi (P&li form — Suva^-
^abhtlmi) of ancient times. The Golden Be-

gion, which lies beyond in the interior, is Burma,
the oldest province of which, above Av^, is still,
as Yule informs us, formally styled in State
documents 86napar&nta, i. «., Golden Fron-
tier." — McCrindle's Ancient India described by
Ptolemy, p. 198.

(b)
" Why these lands should have been termed the
lands of silver and gold (Argentea Beglo, Aurea
Begio, Chersonesus Aurea) may appear ob-
scure, as they are not now remarkably pro*

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Atjoitst, 1894.]

MISCELLANEA.

228

ductive of those metals. There are, however,
gold washings on a small scale in many of
the rivnlets both of Pegu and of the valley of
the Upper Ir&wadi and of the Kyendwen [Ohind-
win], which may have been more productive in
ancient times. And the Argentea Begio may
probably (as suggested by Col. Hannay) have
been the territory including the Bau Dwen
[Bodwin, really a part of the Sh&n States], or
great silver mine on the Chinese frontier, which
is believed to supply a large part of the currency
of Burma. Indeed Aurea Begio may be only
a translation of the name S6naparlLnta, which is
the classic or sacred appellation of the central
region of Burma, near the jimotion of the Irftwadi
and the Kyendwen, always used to this day in the
enumeration of the king's titles. These regions
may, moreover, have been the channels by which
the precious metals were brought from China, and
the mountains near the sources of the Ir&wadi,
which are said to be very productive of gold ; and
possibly, even at that remote period, the profuse
use of gilding in edifices may have characterized
the people, as it does now.

*' It seems, however, most probable that this
practice was introduced with Buddhism. Yet
even at the period of the first Buddhistic mission
to this region, at the conclusion of the third
great Synod, B. C. 241, it was known in India as
Suvarnabh(lmi, the Golden Land.

" According to Mr. Mason, the ancient capital
of the Talains (of the Toung-thoos [see ante,
Vol. XXI. p. 879f.], according to the tradition of
the latter) was Thadung, or Satung, a city whose
traces still exist between the mouths of the Salwen
and the Sitang. * Suvanna-bumme,' he adds, but
unfortunately stating no authority, is still the
classic P&li name of Satung [meaning thereby F
That6n]." — Yule's Mission to Ava, page 206.

(c)

**Scn6 and Uttaro were deputed to Suvarna-
bhi!uni, or Golden Land. As this country was
on the sea-coast, it may be identified either with
Avk, the Aurea Begio, or with Siam, the Aurea
Chersonesus. Six millions of people are said
to have been converted, of whom twenty- five
thousand men became monks, and fifteen hundred
women became nuns." — Cunningham's BhiUa
Topes, page 118.

id)

" The identity .of the Khrys^ of Ptolemy, of the
SuvarnabhOmi of the Buddhist legends, and of
the city of Thahtun [Thaton] in Pegu, all having
the same signification, appeara nearly certain." —
Phayre's History of Burma, page 26.
{e)

" Suvannabhtoii is the only geographical name

which occurs in the Dipavamsa, the Mahdvamsa,
and the Samaniapdsddikd in connection with the
Buddhist mission to that country. Lassen iden-
tifies Suvaunabhibni with the present Pegu, or
the Delta of the Irrawaddy ; Col. Yule applies the
name to a promontory or place on the coast of the
Gulf of Martaban; and other writers hold that it
means Burma in general or the large islands off
the Straits (Settlements) • In modem Burmese
works Suvannabhilmi is used as the classical
designation of British and Upper Burma. Cap-
tain Forbes, in his Indo-Chinese Languages, has
already forcibly pointed out, and his statement is
corroborated by geological evidences and the
Native records, that the extensive plains south of
the Pegu Y6ma and what are now the Irrawaddy
and Sittang valleys were covered by the sea till
a few centuries after Christ. Even Hiuen Tsiang,
who visited India in the 7th century A. D., places
Prome near a sea harbour. Burmese historians
date the retreating of the ocean from Prome
from a terrible earthquake, which took place in
the fifth century after Christ. The corrosion of
the sea water is still clearly traceable on the
numerous boulders which line the base of the
hills stretching, now far inland, from Shwigyin
to Martaban. Cables and ropes of sea-going
vessels have been dug up near Ayetthenuk, the
ancient TakkaJa, now distant 12 miles from the
sea-shore, and but lately remains of foreign ships
have been found near Tw4nt^ buried eight feet
beneath the surface of the earth." — Porchham-
mer's Notes on the Early History and Geo-
graphy of British Burmah. II. — The First Bud-
dhist Mission to Suvannahhiimi, page 3.

(/)

The following extract from the preface to Col-
quhoun's Across ChrysS is from the pen of the
late Sir Henry Yule :

"Chrysd is a literal version of the Sanskrit
Suvarnabhdmi, or Oolden Land, applied in
ancient India to the Indo-Chinese regions. Of
course, where there is no accurate knowledge, the
application of terms must be vague.

" It would be difficult to define where Ptolemy's
ChrysS (Chrysd Ch6ra aut Chrysd Cherson-
nesus) terminated eastward, though he appears
to give the names a special application to what
we call Burma and Pegu. But Ptolemy, from
the nature of his work, which consisted in draw-
ing such maps as he could, and then tabulating
the positions from those maps, as if he possessed
most accurate data for all, necessarily defined
things far beyond what his real materials justified.
If we look to the author of the Periplus, who has
no call to affect impossible precision, we find

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224

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[August, 1894.

that Chrysl is * the last continental region
towards the East.' North of it indeed, and farther
off, is Thina, i. e., China.

" Chrysd then« in the vagne apprehension of the
ancients, — the only appropriate apprehension,
where knowledge was so indefinite, — was the
region coasted between India and China. It is
most correctly rendered by • Indo-China.' "

(?)

The above extracts shew that the precise iden-
tification of the country known as Suvan^a-
bhtuni to the ancients is one of the vexed ques-
tions of the early geography of the Far East.
All Burmese and Talaing writers, howeTer,
agree in applying the designation to Tliat6n,
which was formerly a sea-port town, and they
assert that the raison d'etre of the name is that
auriferous ore was found in the tract of the
country in which Thaton is situated.

Like the term "R&maxinadSsa, the appellation
SuvannabhJimi appears to have been originally
applied to the basin of the Sittang and the Sal-
ween rivers, which are noted for gold washings
on their upper reaches. ** Gold is certainly found
in most of the affluents of the Shwdgyin (Gold-
washing) river, and has been more than once
worked, but the quantity obtained is so small as
not to repay the labour. This river and the
mountains at its source have been examined by
Mr. Theobald of the Gleological Survey and by a
practical miner, and the reports of both point
generally to the same conclusions. Mr. Theobald
stated that 'the section of the auriferous beds
corresponds very closely with that given by Sir R.
Murchison, in his Siluria, of the Russian gold
deposits From the occurrence of coarse

grains in the Shnaygheen (Shw^gyin) gravels,
I should infer the occurrence of the metal in situ
in some of the rocks towards ihe sources of the
streams falling into the Sittang (Sittaung), espe-
cially the Matuma (Mnttama) From the

marked scarcity of quartz pebbles at the gold
washings, I am inclined to believe that quartz is
not the matrix, or not the sole matrix, certainly of
the Shnaygheen gold."'

Gh>ld-washing in the Sittang valley was a
remunerative industry in ancient times; but as,
in course of time, gold could not be worked in
paying quantities, the energies of the people were
directed to other channels, and evidently to com-
merce. Still the glamour of the name remained,
and its currency was maintained by the fact of
the Sittang valley containing seaport towns,
namely, GdlamattikftorTakkala, and subsequently
That6n itself, which were great emporia of trade
between India and the Far East till the Middle
Ages.

In the KalyAni Inscriptions, 8uva^^abhtl^li
is identified with BtoiaftliaddBa. This identi-
fication appears to rest on plausible grounds, as
gold- washing is still carried on in most of the
districts comprising the ancient Talaing kingdom
of R6ma82adSsa. Gold is still worked at DSsam-
p& in the Pegu district, on the banks of most of
the streams in the ShwSgyin district, at M^waing
in the Bilin township, and at the head-waters of
the Tenasserim river. At Thatdn, auriferous
sands occur in the ShwSgyaung San close to the
site of the Palace of Manuh&, the Talaing king,
who was conquered and led away captive to Pagim
by An6rat'&z6 in the 1 1th century.'

Taw Sbin-Ko.

NOTES AND
SBAHI.
Ante, Vol. XXII. p. 222, Dr. Fleet has given
another instance of the use of the word srlthe,
which he had previously found in some dates of
Old-Kanarese inscriptions. I may perhaps draw
attention to the fact that apparently the same
word, only spelt sr&hi, is regularly employed in
the dates of the Orissa inscriptions, edited by
B&ha Man Mohan Chakravarti in the Jour. Beng.
As. 8oc. Vol. LXII. Part i. pp. 90ff. Thus we
read in Mr. Chakravarti's inscriptions :—

No. I. 1. 2: . . . vijer&jy^ samasta 8 ahka

irdhi Magusira kri trayodasi Bhtoiiv&r^ ;
No. II. 1. 1: . . . Purushottamadeva mah&-
r&j&nka samasta 2 irdhi MSsa su 12 Griv&rS ;

1 British Burma QoMetteer^ VoL II. page 649.

' [One plausible derivation for Argentea Begio is that
it is merely a translation of Apyvpt) = a Greek ren-
dering of Arkang, the Indian pronunciation of Bak'aing,

QUERIES.

No. III. 1. 1: ... vijayar&jyS samasta 4

anka irdhi Dhanu am&vai Sauriv&rd ;
No. IV. 1. 1 : . . . vii^r&ijfi samasta 41 irdht

Dhanu sukala saptami Raviv&rd ;
No. V. 1. 1 : . . . vij^'yS samasta 85 irdhi

Mdsa kri 4 VndhavftrS;
No. VI. 1. 2: ... mah&r&j&nkara samasta

4 anka Srdhi E:akad& su 10 Vudhav&re.

The editor of these inscriptions considers irdhi
to be a technical word, which has no particular
meaning in the context. I myself am unable to
offer any explanation of it.

F. KlELHOBN.

Oottingen.

the nsoal looal name for the oonntry now known as
Arakan. Argentea Begio was Arakan apparently
beyond all donbt. — Ed.]

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EDITED AND TBANSLATED BT G. A. GEIEESON, Ph. D., C.]

{Continued from page 222.) "^^ ' • T' ^ T{'^ '^^

ATHA NAYAZA-NAYIKADI-BHfiDA-VARiyANA.NAMA.DVITlYA? PBAKASAH.

LECTURE II.
THE CLASSIFICATION OF HEBOES AND HEROINES.

Text.
Chaturvidha-ndyaka-varnana,
Eha nari so' hit a karat sS anuktlla bahhdni |

Baku ndrini so' priti soma td ko' dakshii^a jdni 1 1 6 1 1

MUM hdtai' batha harai kari hai mahd bigdra \

Awai Idja na dhrishta h^ kiyar kSti dhikkdra I I 7 ||

Translation.
The Four-fold Classification of Heroes,
[Sdhitya-darpana^ 70-74.]

(1) Anukula, the Faithful. He is devoted only to one beloved.

(2) Dakshina, the Impartial. He is equally attached to several.

(3) ISathat the Sly. He uses soft words to one for whom he has absolutely no affection.

(4) Dhrishta, the Sauoy. He is not ashamed, however much he may be abused*

Text.

Trividha ndydka-varnana,

Bvakiyd-pati k6' pati kahai para-ndrt upapatti I

Vaibika ndyaka k% sadd ganikd-h% so' ratti 1 1 8 1 1

Translation.

The Three-fold Classification of Heroes.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana, The classes correspond to each class of the three-fold classifica-
tion of heroines, given below (v. 10).]

(1) Pati, The Husband. He is the devoted husband of a faithful wife.

(2) Upapati, The Lover. He has an amour with a woman who is another's, i. e., not
his wife.

(3) VaiHka, The Loose. He continually spends his time amid strumpets.

Text.

Chaturvidha ndyikd-jdli-varnana,

Fadmini ohitrii^i baiikhini aru hastini bakhdni \
Vividha ndyikd-bheda tS* chdri jdti tiya jdni H II

Translation.

The Four Races of Heroines,
\l^ot in Sdhitya-darpana i]

Women are of four races or kinds, vw., the Fadmint^ the Ohitrini, the ^ahJchini, and the
Hasiint.

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226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Skptembee, 1894.

[This classification is not mentioned in the Sdhitya-darpana, It depends not on the
inner but on the outer nature of a woman, and is frequently enlarged on by later writers. The
Tantras are full of this classification, women of a particular external nature being necessary for
certain of the obscener rites. The Bhasha-bhusliana does not give the distinguishing marks of
each class, and those usually given are mpre or less ludicrous, and are manifestly incomplete as
definitions. Mallik Muhammad sums up the classification in a few lines in his Padumdvati,
and the following abstract of what he says (vv. 501 and £F.) may be given for the sake of
completeness.

(1) The Fadmini. The best kind of woman. She has the odour of lotus, thus attracting
bees. She is not very tall or very short, very lean or very stout. She has four things long
(hair, fingers, eyes and neck), four light (teeth, breasts, forehead and navel), four thin (nose,
loins, waist and lips), and four smooth (cheeks, pyge, wrists and thighs). Her face is like
the moon. Her gait that of the swun. Her food is milk, and she is fond of betel and flowers.
She has six teen-sixteenths of all graces.

(2) The Chiirtni. The next best kind. She is clever and amorous, and beautiful as a fairy
(apsaras). Never angry, always smiling. Her husband is happy with her, and she is faithful
to him. Her face is like the moon. Her complexion fair as a waterlily. Her gait that of
a swan. She eats milk and sugar, and of them she eats but little. She is fond of betel and
flowers. She has fourteen-sizteenths of all graces.

(3) The Sanhhini. She eats little but is strong. Her bosom is smooth, her loins are
thin, and her heart is full of pride. When she is very angry, she will go so far as to kill her
beloved, and never looks forward to the consequences of her actions. She is fond of wearing
ornaments herself, but cannot bear to see them on another woman. She walks with a loose
gait and her body is covered with down. She loves to eat fat flesh, and hence her breath is
evil smelling. Her embraces are fiercely passionate.

(4) The Hastim, Her nature is that of an elephant. Her head and feet smooth and her
neck is short. Her bosom is lean and her loins large. Her gait is that of an elephant. She
cares not for her own husband, but is always longing for other women *s men. She is greedy
and wanton, nor cares for purity. She perspires freely drops viscid as honey. She has
neither fear nor modesty in her heart, and must be driven with a goad.]

[Note. — In the Bhashd-hhushana, the word for ' heroine' is correctly spelled ndyikd, in the
Sanskrit fashion. In Hindi the word is often spelled ndyakd, which looks like bad Sanskrit.
The case is, however, not so. It is a good Hindi word. The word ndyikd became firat, quite
regularly, ndikd. The i after a long vowel may be written in Hindi, as ya. Hence an optional
form of ndikd is ndyakd.l

Text.

Trividha ndyikd-varnana,

Svakiyft vydhi ndyikd paraklyA para-vdma \

86 8ftmAny& ndyikd jd ko dhan so' kdma || 10 II

Translation.

The Three-fold Classification of Heroines,

[Sdhitya-darpana, 96-111. The classes correspond to each of the three-fold classification
of Heroes given above (v. 8).]

(1) Svakiyd, One's Own. She is the faithful wife of the Hero.

(2) Parakiyd, Another's. [She is either the wife of another man, or an unmarried girl
under her parents' guardianship. She is subdivided into six species to be subsequently
described (vv. 13-15).]

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(3) Sdmdnyd [or Sftdhftraijift]. Anybody's. (She sells her) love for money (to the first
comer.) [She is, however, capable of disinterested attachment.]

Text.

Mugdhddi tini avasthd kS bhSda»

Binujdnai' ajMta hat jdni yauvana-jfiftta I

Mugdhft ki dvai bhida kavi ihi vidhi varanata jdta 11 11 II

[Jd kau chita rati kS'darai hahiya nav6<Lh& sdi I

Isiku his rati mdna j6 vi&rabdhft taha' hoi || Ua II ]

Madhyft sSjd mi' doH lajjd madana samdna |

Ati ^avbia prau<JLhft wahai jd kau piya mS' dhydna II 12 II

Translation.

The Three-fold Classification of Heroines based on Maturity,

[Sdhitya-darpanay 98-101, where they are considered as sub-divisions of the heroine who is
svakiyd, 'one's own' (v. 10).]

(1) Mugdhdf the Artless, or Youthful. She is of two kinds, either (a) ajfi&tayauyanft
or (&) jiifttayauvanA^ according as she is not or is conscious of the first arrival of the
period of adolescence. [Another sub-division is (c) navodhd, the Bride, who fears the marri-
age couch, of which a further sub-division is the visrabdha-navodhd, the Bride without fear,
who in her heart looks forward to the same. These are mentioned in the BhUshana-kaumudi,
but not in the Bhdshd-bhvishana,']

(2) Madhydy the Adolescent. (She struggles between) an equal amount of modesty and
of passion.

(3) Praudhd [or Fragalbhft], the Mature. She is very skilled in the arts of love, and
all her thoughts are bound up with her beloved.

Text.

Parakiyd-bhSda-lakshana,

Kriyft vachana so' chdturi yahai vidagdh& riti i

Bahuta durdS-hu sakhi I akhai loikBhitik priti II 13 11

GuptA rati g Spit a karat tripti na kulat^ dhi \

Niichaya jdnaii piya-milana inu6iXAkahiyai' tdhi II 14 ||

Vinaiyau thaura saheta kau dge hoi na hoi I

Jdi na sakai sahita me* antLbay&nft^ soi II 15 ||

[Milipiya so* Skdnta hwai nija hita karai uchdri |

Parkiyd mi' so kahai svayamdtLtik& ndri || 15a II

Fara-ndyaka so* priti rasa varanata tl(jLha antL^ha I

Kahai anudhd hydha binu hydhi hoi so udha II 16b II ]

Translation.

The six divisions of She who is Another''s»

(1) Vidagdhd, the Clever. She is either —

(a) Kriyd'Vidagdhdt clever in action, or

(b) Vachana-vidagdhd^ clever in her language.

(2) Lakshitd, the Detected. Though she conceals them carefully, her amours are
detected by her confidential friend.

1 For anu^oydnA {m. c.)

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228 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Septembee, 1894.

(3) Gupta, the Conoealed. She successfully conceals her amour. [She has three sub-
divisions —

(a) Bhuta-gujytdy who conceals what has occurred.

(b) Bhavishyat-guptd, who conceals what is to occur.

(4) Kulatdy the Unohast^. She is not satisfied (with a single amour).

(5) MtuUtd, the Joyfttl. She is certain that her beloved will keep his assignation.

(6) Anuaaydndy the Disappointed. Of throe kinds, either —

(a) The place of assignation exists no longer,

(6) Or she is in doubt whether her beloved will be there or not,

((?) Or she is prevented from going there.

[ (7) SvayamdiUikdt The Direct, is she who meets her beloved in a quiet spot, and tells him
of her love.

(8) When she who is another's is a Married Woman she is called Hdhd, and when not
a Married Woman, anddhd. From the LShokti-rasa-kaumudt of Ruya Siva Dasa.]

Text.

Daia-ndyikd-bhSda-varnana.

Pr68hita-patik& virahim ati risa pati to* hoi I

Puni pkhho pachhitdi mana kalahftntaritft sdi \\ 16 ||

Tati dwai kahw raini basi prdta khai^iJUtft geha \

Jdti milana abhistlrikft kari si'gdra saha dSha II 17 ||

[Buklft aru iL^shx^ ganyau apara divA abhisdra |

Ttni bheda abhisdrikd karyau su-kabi saraddra II 17a II ]

Piya sahSta pdwai nahx' chintd mana mS' dni I

Sochu karat santdpa sd' utkai^thitft bakhdni \\ 18 ||

Binu pdav sahketa piya vipralabdhft tana tdpa I

V&8aka8ajj& tana sajai piya dioana jia thdpa II 19 1|

Jd ki paii ddhina kahi 8Tftdliinapatik& tdhi I

Bhora sunai piya kau gamana pravasyatpatika^ dki || 20 11

[Piya vidiia tS' dwaid sunai badhai sukha vdma I

AgamapatikA tdhi ko* varanata hai guna-dhdma |l 20a II J

Jd kau piya dwai milana apani tiya kau hoi I

Lakshana kavi-jana kahata hai' AgatapatikA sdi \\ 21 II

Translation.

The Ten-fold Classification of Heroines with reference to their Lovers.
[Sdhitya-darpana, 112, where, however, only the first eight classes are mentioned.]

(1) PrSshitapatikdf She whose hosband is abroad. She is pining in his absence.

(2) Kalahdntaritd, the Separated by a quarrel. She has been angry with her lord
(and is separat-ed from him). She is subsequently filled with remorse.

(3) Khanditd, the Sinned against. Her lover approaches her room in the morning after
spending the night with some other (woman).

(4) Abhisdrikd, the Forward. She adorns her whole person, and goes to see her lover.
[According to the poet Sar'dar, she is of three kinds —

(a) Bukldbhisdrikd, who visits her beloved on bright moonlit nights.

> Should be pravat»yat, the £ is omitted (m. c.)

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Septembee, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS*WANT SINGH. 229

(6) Kriglindhhisdnkdy who does so on dark nights.
((;) Bivdbhisdrtkd, who does so by day.
Other authors add —

, (d) Sandhydbhisdrtkdf who does so in the evening twilight.
{e) Niidbhisdrtkd, who does so by night.]

(5) Uikanthitd, She who longs in absence. She is afflicted at the (nnintentional)
absence of her beloved from the place of assignation.

(6) Vipralabdhtt^ the Neglected. She is afflicted because her lover neglects to keep an
assignation.

(7) Vdsahasajjd, She who is ready in her chamber. She adorns herself, and waits the
coming of her beloved.

(8) Svddhinapatthd, She who is sincerely loved. She has an obsequious lover.

(9) PravatsyatpatiJedj She who anticipates separation. She learns at dawn that her
husband is about to go away (on a journey).]

[ (9a) Agamapattkd, She whose husband is on the way home. Her happiness is
increased by the news that her husband is on his way back from a far countiy. From the
Lohckti-rasa'haumudi of RAya Siva DSsa.]

(10) Agatapatikd, She whose husband is returned. He comes back from a journey,
and immediately seeks his wife.'

[Text.

JySshthd'kanishfhd'lakshana^

Jd ho piya ati hita harai sM jyd8hth& vdma I

Jd pai ghafi hiia tdsu JcS' kahat kanish(h& ndma 11 21a ||

Translation.

The Preferred and the Old Love.

The Preferred is she whose beloved's affection is excessive. She whose beloved's affection
is waning is called the Old Love. From the LSUfSkH-rcua-kaumtuii, of Raya &iva Dasa.]

Text.

Oarvitd-anyasaikbhogaduh hhitd-lahahana.

Btlpa-prdma«a&^im^na sS duvidlii garvitft jdni I

Anya-bh6ga-dukhit&^ ganyau anata mU^ina pia mdni II 22 It

Translation.

The Vain and the Disillusionised.

[Not in Sdhiiya-darpana,]

(1) A Vain Heroine is of two kinds, according as she is proud (a) of her own beauty,
or (b) of the love borne her by the Hero.

(2) The anya-bhSga-duhkhitd, or anya-saikbhSga^duhkhitd^ Dis i ll u sionised Heroine, is she
who, ascertaining that her beloved has been with some other flame, is grieved at his unfaith-
fulness.

Text.

DMrddMrd'bhSda.

Gopa kSpa dhlrft karat pragata adhirft kSpa i

Lakihana dhir&dhlra kau kopa pragata aru gSpa II 23 II

' This Terse is omitted in some texts. * DukhitA for MklUiAt m. e.

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230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT. [Sbptsmbkb, 18^.

TranalAtion.

Classification of Heroinei according to Powers of Self-command.

ISdhiiya^darpanay 102-106, where only the Adolescent {madhyd) and Matnre (jpraudha)
beroineB (vv. 11, 12) are bo claasified.]

(1) Dhirdf She who posaeMes aelf-command. She is able to conceal her anger (when
her lover is unfaithful).

(2) Adhirdj She who does not possess self^oommand. She is nnable to conceal her
anger.

(3) BUrddMrd, She who partly possesses^ and partly does not possess self-corn*
mand. She can sometimes conceal her anger, and sometimes cannot.

Text.

Trividha mdna.
Sahajai' kd'si hhSli ti* vinaya-vachana musthydna t

Pd'i paraipiya kS mitai laghn, madhyama, guru mAna ii 24 ii

Iti H&yaka^nAyikAdi-bhdda-TarijLana-nAma dTitlya^ prakAfea^ ii 2 ii

Translation.
The three kinds of Indignation,
[Not in Sdhitya-darpana,']

Indignation (mdna) is of three kinds, yis., laghu or light ; madhyama or moderate ; and
gum or severe. The first is easily dissipated by a smile or dalliance ; the second is reduced
to a smile by homble words ; and the third by the beloyed falling (in abasement) at the
lady's feet.

End of the Second Lecture, entitled the Olassificaiion of Heroes and Heroines.

ATHA BHAVA-HAvADI.VAB:VAJrA-HAMA T^ITtYAQ PBAKABAQ.

UBCTUBE III.

THB BMOTIOHS AND OTHEB OONSTITUSNTS OF FLAVOUB.

Text.
Sdtttnka-bhdva.
Stambha kampa svara-bhaAga ](;aAi vivarDia aftrtl svdda i

Bahuri pulaka aru pralaya gani dfha-u sAttrika bheda ii 26 ii

Translation.

The Eight Involuntary Expressions of Emotion.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 166. These all fall under the head of ensuants (anuhhdva), vide r. 39,

post.l

These are—

(1) Stambha, arrest of motion.

(2) Kampa [or vdpathu], trembling.

(3) Svara-bhangot disturbance of speech.

(4) Vaivarnyay change of oolour.

(5) AirUf tears.

(6) SvSda, perspiration.

(7) Fulaka [or r6mAftoha]| horripilation or thrill.

(8) Pralaya, fjEdnting.

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SsPTKMBBS, 1894] THE BHASHA.BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 231

Text.

Hdva-bhida-earfian a,

Hohi ioTySga^ti'gdra mS* dampati li tana dva I

Chi8h{dj6 bahu hhd'H kS^ ti kaMyai' daia h&va U 26 U

Ptya pydri rati sukha karat* ILlA-hdva so jdni \

Bolt sakai nahi Idja so' Vikfita so hdva hdkhdni M 2T ||

Chitawani bolani chalani mi' rasa hi riti TilAsa I

86hata a'ga a'ga bhdshanani lAlitA so Mva prakdia II 28 |1

Viohohhiti hdhu biri mt bMshana alpa svkdva \

Basa so' bhushana bkdli hat fohirai vibhrama-^tfva II 29 ll

KrSdha harsha abhildsha bhaya kilakiftohita mS' hSi I

Pragala harai dvkha svkha'Samai hu'oa kuttamita sot II 80 ||

Pragafa karai risa piya s6' bdta na bhdvoH kdna \.

Ai ddaru nd karai dhari yi\rY6ks gumdna || 81 II

Piya ki bdtani kai chalai tiya igdrai ja'bhdi \

M6tt&yita s6 jdniyai' kahi mahd kavi-rdi || 82 It

Translation.

The External Indications of Emotion (of Love in Union),

The many kinds of bodily actions on the part of a hero and heroine, on (the occasion oO
IiOTe in Union (vide translation of t. 83), are (of ten kinds), and are called the ten Bzternal
Indications of BmoUon {hdva),

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana. Cf., however, No. 125. The ten kdvas here described all fail
within the last eighteen of the twenty-eight alahkdrat or ornaments of a heroine. According to
No6. 126-128 of the same work, bhdva is the first alteration in a mind preyionsly unaltered.
Whare the alteration is slightly modified — so as to shew by alterations of the eye-brows or
eyes, etc., the desire for mutual enjoyment, — * bhdva is called hdva. When the change is very
great, it is called hSld,']

The ten External Indications of Emotion are the following : —

(1) IMd'JUka, 8iK>rt^ — when the hero and the heroine happily enjoy amorous caresses.
[In the Sdhitya-darpana this is translated ' fun,' and is defined as the sportive mimicking of a
beloved's voice, dress* or manners.]

(2) Vikrita-hdvat BashfolnesB, — not being able to speak (even when one ought to speak)
through bashfulness* [According to F. E. Hall (Dasardpat preface, p. 20) vikrita in the
Sdhitya-darpana is incorrect for vihrita. The Bhdshd-bhUshana has vtkrita. The Basika-priyd
{vide post. No. 13) has vihita,'}

(3) Vildsa-hdva, Flutter of delight, — that peculiarity in the action of the eyes, in
speaking, or in motion, which is caused by love.

(4) Latita-hdva, Voluptuous graoeftilness, — the graceful disposition of the omMnents
upon the limbs.

(5) Vichchhitti-hdvut Simplicity in dress^ — the employment of few ornaments on any
particular occasion.

(6) Fibhrama-hdva, Fluster, — the application of ornaments to the wrong places, through
hurry arising from delight.

(7) KUMnehita-hdvot Hysterical delight^ — the commingling of anger, joy, desire and
alarm.

(8) Kuffamita-hdvaf Affected repulse of endearments^ « where, though enraptured by
caresses, she displays the reverse.

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232 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Sbptembm, 1854.

(9) Moffdyita-hdva, Mute involuntary ezpressionB of affection,— as when a heroine
involnntarily stretches herself or yawns at hearing her loved one talked about.

(10) VivcoJca-hdva^ Aflbctation of indifflsrence, — when, through haaghtiness, respect is
not shewn to the beloved on his arrival, but, on the contrary, anger is displayed, and words
un pleasing to his ears are expressed.

[Some authors add other hdvasy e. g., K6saya-dAsa (Biaikorpriyd^ VI. .15) gives the
following : —

Hdl& 111& lalita mada Tibhrama vihita Til&sa I

Kilakifichita yikshipti am Ifahi vivydka prakdia || d2a ||

MottAyita tunu kuttamita 'b6dhAdhika bahu hdva I

Apani apani buddht bala varnata kavi kavi-rdva || d2b II

The following are those not already mentioned : —

(11) Held-hdva, Wantonness, when the heroine, under the influence of love, forgets her
modesty.

(12) Mada-hdva, Ajrrogance, arising from love. [The Rasika-priyd giyeSy as an example,
a girl who was rUpa-mada mdnamada chhahif drunk with the arrogance of her beauty and
her pride.]

(13) FtAt/a-^ava, Bashfnlness, the suppression of the sentiments of the heart through
modesty. The Sdhitya-darpana (125) calls this vihrita. See note, ant€y No. 2.

(14) VikBhipii^ this is an imaginary Sanskfit form of the presumed Prakjit word
yiohchhitli. The St. Petersburg dictionary derives vichekhitii from V^'*^'^*^'

(15) The Bodha-hdva or bddhaka-h&va^ Indicating, when a hero or heroine makes com-
munications by private signs or by a riddle, as when the gift of a withered lotus signifies the
condition of the giver's heart.

(16) The Ldla-chandnkd (249) adds a tapana-h&va, a mugdha-liAya and a viksh^pa-
Wva.]

Text.

Daaa viraka ki daid varnana*

Naina mtlS mana-hu* mtlyau milihS hau abhil&aha |

CbintA jdti na hinu milS yahia kiyi-hu Idkha \\ 33 \\

Sumirana rasa sadiyfiga kan hart hari Uti usdsa \

JTara^ ra/tah' jn^a-gui^a-kathana mana-ndviga uddsa \\ 34 n

Binu samujhai hachhu baki uthai kahiyat' tdhi pralftpa I

Biha ghaiatty tana mS' hadhati viraha Tyftdhi santdpa || 35 ||

Tiya-s^rati mtirati bhrni hai ja^latft saba gdta I

8^ kahiyai' unmAdAJaha' audhi bud hi hinu niUjdta || 36 II

\Lak8hana kari, nava-hi kahyau bhdshd-bhUshana mdhi \

Marai^ sahita daia kari ganyau apara kavUana chdhi \\ 36a || J

Translation.

The (nine or) ten eonditions of Love in Separation.

[Cf . Sdhitya-darpanay 211 and ff . Sringdra, Love, is of two kinds. Love in Union (saMh^ga
or sa^y^ga) and Iiove in Separation (viraha or vipralambha). The former (S.-d. 225) is when
two lovers, mutually enamoured, are engaged in looking on one another, touching one another,
etc. The latter is of four kinds, according as the Love in Separation consists in (1) Affection
arising before the parties actually meet, through having heard of or seen one another (pteVa-*
rftga), (2) Indignaticm or Lovers' quarrels (m&na), (8) the Separation of the Lovers in different
countries (pravftsa), the Death of one of the Lovers (kamqift). The ten oonditionfl of love in

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Septembkb, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHOSHANAIOP JAS'WANT SINGH. 233

Reparation {Jkdma'daidy or viraha-dasd) are those mentioned below. The Sdhitya-darpana eonfinefi
them, for no very valid reason, to the ease of affection arising before the parties aetoallj meet,
bat the Jihdshd'bhushana, more reasonably, makes them applicable to all kinds of separation.
As will be seen, the Bhdshd-bh&shana omits the tenth condition nsnally given by other anthors,
vit.y Death. In this it is right. The Sdhitya-darpana itself admits (215) that it is not properly
described as a condition of unhappy love as it causes the destruction of flavour {rasa). But it
may be described as having nearly taken place or as being mentally wished for. It may also be
described, if there is to be, at no distant date, a restoration to life.]

(1) Abhildshat laonging, — when, the eyes having met, the souls have also acquired a
longing for a (bodily) meeting.

(2) Chintd, Anxiety, — it departs not, though a hundred thousand efforts are made, till a
meeting is effected.

(3) Smarana or smpiti, Beminisoenoe, — as she remembers the joy of Love in Union,
she heaves continual sighs.

(4) Quna-kaihana, or gima-van^axia, — the Mentioning of the qualities of the beloved
one.

(6) Udviga, Agitation, — which fills her soul with dejection.

(6) Praldpay Delirium, — when she prattles without meaning.

(7) Fyddhi, Sickness, — when the form wastes 4iway, while in the body the fever of I^ve
in separation increases.

(8) Jadatdj Stupefaction, — when the whole form (of the hero or heroine) becomes rigid
like a statue.

(9) TJnmdda^ Derangement, — when night passes without memory or intelligence.

[(10) (From the Bhushaita-kaumudu) Marana or mfiti, Death. Only nine conditionK
are mentioned in the Lhdshd-bhusharjay but other authors add this, as a tenth ; — see above.")

Text.

Rasa aur SI hay i Bhdva varnana.

Rasa, bring&ra so hAsya puni karupft raudrahi jdni \

Vlra bhaya Vu blbhatsa hahi adbhuta Mtnta bahhdni \\ 8T k

Rati hftsl aru b6ka pnni kr6dha uohh&ha Vu bhiti i

KincUk vismaja dfha yaha sthAyi bh&va pratUi || 88 ||

[A (ha kahS Shai rasani Skat nava suhha khdni |

Sthdyi bhdva jo idnta hi ninrddahi so jdni || d8a H J

Translation.

The Flavours and their relative Underlying Einotions.

[Of. Sdhitya-darpana^ 205-209 and ff. An Underlying Emotion or underlying sentiment
{sthdyi bhdva) may be described as the ultimate ground-basis of a poetic work. It is * The per-
manent condition, which, running through the other conditions like the thread of a garland, is
not overpowered by them bat only reinforced. Thus, in the play of Mdlati and Mddhava, the
Underlying Emotion is Love; in the Nataka MSlaka it is Mirth ; in the Bdmdyana, Sorrow ; and
in the MahathdratOj Quietism.' There are eight (some say nine) of these Underlying Emotions ;
and each occasions the existence of a con*esponding Taste or Flavour (rasa), excited in the mind
of the person who reads or hears the poem. A Flavour bears much the same relation to its
Underlying Emotion that an effect does to a cause. It is the psychic condition produced in the
mind of the hearer by the Underlying Emotion aided by the excitants, the ensnante and the
accessories (see below). Basa is frequently rendered by the word ' style,' a translation which
without being accurate is convenient. The following are the eight (or nine) Underlying
Emotions, with their respective Flavours.]

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234

THE INDLO^ ANTIQUARY.

[Sbptembbs, ldd4.

[Each Flavour has a fancied colour attributed to it, and has also a presiding deity. These
are given in the 3rd and 4th columns of the accoinpanjing table.]

Underljing Emotion
(sthdyihhava).

Correspondingr Flavour or
Style {rJ8a).

[Colour.]

[Presiding Deity.]

(1) Ratt\ Love, or De-

sire.

(2) HasOf Mirth ..

{'^) 'Soka, Sorrow

(4) Krodha, Resent

ment.

(5) UUdha, Magnani-

mity.

(6) Bhiti or bhaya,

Fear.

(7) Nindd or jugupsA,

Disgust.

(8) Vismnyaf Surprise.

(9) [Some authors, as

indicated in the
verse in bracketsj
add a 9th bama
or nirvSda, Quiet
ism.]

'Srihgdra-rasa, The

Erotic Flavour.
Hdsya-rasa, The Comic

Flavour. i

Karundrasa, The

Pathetic Flavour.
Kaudra-rasa, The

Furious Flavour.
Vira-rasa, The Heroic

Flavour.
BAaydnaka-rasay The

Terrible Flavour.
BVjhatsarasa, The

Disgustful Flavour.
Adbhuta-rasa, The

Marvellous Flavour.
^dnta-rasa. The

Quietistic Flavour.

\jSydma, Dark-coloured

i^veta, White

KapSta-varva, Dove-
coloured.
Rakta, Red ...

Hema-varna, Gold-

coloured,
Krishna, Black

Nila, Dark blue

Pita, Yellow

]

[Vishnu.

Pramatha, the At-
tendants of Siva.

Yama, the God of
Death.

Rudra.

Mah^ndra.

Ola, Death.

MahakAIa, a form of

Siva.
A Gandharva.

Nar&yana.]

[The nature of most of these Flavours is explained by their names. As explained above, the
Erotic Flavour is of two kinds, Love in Separation (viraha or vipralambha), and Love in Union
{sambhoga or saniyoga). For further sub-divisions, see note to w. 33 and ff. With i*egard to
the Heroic Style, it may be noted that there are four kinds of Heroes : (1) d&na-vlra, the hero
of libei-ality, (2) dharma-Tlra, the hero of duty, (3) dayft-vlraj the hero of benevolence, and
(4) yuddha-Ylra, the hero of war. Examples of these four are (1) Parasu-rama, who gave away
the whole world without affectation, (2) Yudhishthira, (3) JtmutavAhana,^ and (4) Rnma-
chandra. Quietism is the knowledge of the vanity of all things, by reason of their being but
temporary manifestations of the Supreme Spirit.]

Text.

Vibhdva'aniibhdva-vyabhichdnbhdva'Varnana.

J 6 rasa M'dipati karat
So anabh&yayo upajai
Alambana dlambi rasa
NaU'M rasa mi' saikoharai
NiTTdda-i, tonkA^ garva,
Dainya^ asdyft^ mpityu, mada,
Akriti-gdpana, ohapalatA^
Vri<Lft, jaclata, harsha, dl^riti
Utkai^tliA^ nidrA^ svapana^
Vyftdhi, amarsha^ vitarka^ smriti,
Iti Bh&Ya-hAyadi-TaiTjLana-nAma

uddlpana kahi soi \
rasa kan anubhava hoi II 89 ||
jd mS' rahai handu \
tS YihhiohAri'bhdu || 40 ||
chintA, m6ha^ yish&da i
aiasya^ inrama, unmAda ii 41 ii
apaamAra, bhaya^ glAni i
mati, AvAga bakhdni \\ 42 ||
bddha, ogratA bhdi \
S tai'tisa gindi II 43 II
tritiyati prakAbal^ || 3 n

6 He outshone Promitheus, ia aaking a hungry vulture who had stopped eating, not to desiet on his aocoani.

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S«PTBiffBBB. 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHA.NA OP JAS'WANT SINGH. 235

Translation.

Excitants, Ensuantg, and Accessories.

[Tbat which awakens any one of the nine flavours (rasa), as its exciting canse, is called an
Sxoitant (vibh^va). (Sdhitya-darpam^ 61 and ff.)-]

[This is of two kinds, according as it is Essential or Enhancing.] [In the following
translation the order of the original is slightly altered.]

An Essential Excitant (dlambana-vibhava) is one on which the flavour is absolutely
dependent. [That is to say, it is such a material and necessary ingredient of the flavour as the
hero or the heroine, without which the flavour would not be excited.] [^Sdhitya-darpanii, 63.]

The Enhancing Excitants {uddtpana^vibhava) are those which enhance the flavour. [Such
as the gestures, beauty, decorations and the like of one of the principal characters (or Essential
Excitants, dlambana-vibhava), or places, times, the moon, sandal -ointment, the voice of the
cuckoo, the ham of bees, and the like.] [^Sdhitya-darpana, 160, 161.]

. That which is produced, on the perception of a flavour occurring, is called an Ensuant
{anv^hdvci). [^Sdhitya-darpana, 162. ' That which, displaying an external condition occasioned
by its appropriate causes, in ordinary life ranks as an effect {hdrya), is called, in Poetry and
the Drama, an Ensuant.'] [The most important En suants are the eight Involuntary Expressions
of Emotion {sdttvika bhdva)^ already described (v. 25). Other Ensuant^ may be such as fluster,
or pining. Again, B^ma seeing Sitd in the moonlight fell in love with her, and in consequence
made an involuntary motion. Here Sita is the Essential Excitant of the flavour of love, the
moonlight is its Enhancing Excitant, and the involuntary motion is the Ensuant or effect of the
love so excited.]

An Accessory Emotion {vyabhichdri'bhdva) is that wliich goes along with (or co-operates
with) (any one of the Underlying Emotions, sthdyt-bhdva), which form the foundations of the
nine flavours {rasa).

[The word used for * goes along with,' smmharai, gives rise to another name for this kind
of emotion, vt«., sanxch&ri-bh&va^ which is very often met in commentaries.]

[Cf. Sa^t7//a-<ia?;pana, 168 and ff. Take, for example, Love ns the Underlying Emotion,
and Self-disparagement (nirveda), as an Accessory, inasmuch as it tends in the same directit;n
as love, whether obviously or not, while it is quite distinct from it.]

These Accessory Emotions are thirty-thi*ee in number, viz, : —

(1) NirvSda, Self-disparagement.

(2) hyanhd, Apprehension or Anticipation of Evil.

(3) Oarva, Arrogance. [Ansing from valour, beauty, learning, gi-eatness of family or
the like, and leading to acts of disi'espect, coqnettish displays of the pei-scn, immodesty, etc.]

(4) Ghintd, Painful Reflection. [Meditation arising from the non-possession of a beloved
object.]

(5) Moha, Distraction. [Perplexity ai-isiug from fear, gi'ief, impetuosity or painful
recollection.]

(6) Vishdda, Despondency. [Loss of vigour arising from absence of expedients to meet
impending calamity.]

(7) Vainyay Depression. [Arising from misfortune.]

(8) Asuyd, Envy, [Impatience of another's merits, arising from pride.]

(9) Mrityu, Death.

(10) Maday Intoxication. [A combination of confusion and delight produced by wine. J

(11) Alaaya, Indolence. [Aversion from movement, caused by fatigue, pregnancy, etc.]

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236 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [September, 1894.

(12) Srama, Weariness. [Fatigue arising from iDdnlgence, ti*avel, etc.]

(13) Unmdda, Derangement. [A conf oeion of thought, aiieing from love, grief, fear or
the like.]

(14) Akriti-gSpana, Dissembling. [The hiding of appeai-ftuces of joy, etc., caused
by fear, dignified importance, modesty or the like. The Sdhitya-darparta calls this aTahit-
th&.]

(15) Chapalatd, UnBteadinesB. [Instability arising from envy, aversion, desire or ihi>
like.]

(16) Apasmdra, Dementedness. [A disturbance of the mind occasioned by tbe influ-
ence of one of the planets or the like.]

(17) Bhaya, Alarm. [The Sdhitya-darfatta calls this trftsa.]

(18) Gldni, Debility. [Resulting from enjoyment, faiigne, luingcr and the like.]

(19) Vndd, Shame.

(20) Jadatd, Stupefaction. [Incapacity for action, occasioned, for example, by seeirg
or hearing anything extremely agreeable or disagreeable, which produces unwinking evf'F,
silence and the like.]

(21) Harshoy Joy. [Mental complacency on the attainment of a desii-ed object.]

(22) Dhrith Equanimity. [Complete contentment.]

(23) Matty Besolve. [Making up one's mind.]

(24) AvSga, Flurry.

(25) Utkanthdt Longing. [Impatience of the lapse of time, caused by the non-attainment
of a desired object. The Sdhitya-darpana calls this autsukya.]

(26) Nidrd, Drowsiness.

(27) Svapna, Dreaming.

(28) Bodha, Awaking. [The SdhUya-darpaya calls this VibMha.]

(29) Ugratd, Sternness. [The harshness which arises from rude valour, or froni
another's offences.]

(30) Vyddhi, Sickness.

(31) Amarsha^ Impatience of Opposition. [A determination or purpose occasioned hy
censure, abuse, disrespect or the like.]

(32) Vitarha, Debate. [Discussion arising from doubt.]

(33) Sniriti, BecoUection.

[Concluding Bemarks.]

[^Vdhyaui rasdhnakath kdvyaih, * Poetry is a sentence, the soul whei'eof is flavour.' Such is
the definition of poetry given by the Sdhitya-darpana, and the present lecture deals with this
question of flavour and its concomitants. As the arrangement in the Ehdahd-bhushana is not
very regular, a brief resum^ oi the contents will not be amiss. The foundation of all poetical
Flavour (jasd) is Emotion {bhdva), A ])oetical work has one of the so-called Underlying
Emotions (sthdyi-hhdva) as its basis, and this forms the foundation of the Flavour (or Psychic
condition produced in the hearer) which forms its distinguishing feature. One poem may be
distinguished by the Erotic Flavour, and the Emotion on which it is founded will be Love.
Another may be distinguished by tbe Heroic Flavour, and its motive Emotion will be Magna-
nimity. So also for other flavours.

Each flavour must have one or more Excitants (vibhdvas^ dlambana-^ttdd^pana, vv. 39, 40),
and may have one or more Ensuants (anubhdva, v. 39), including Involuntary Expressions
of Emotion, sditvika-blidvot v. 25), and Accessory Emotions (vyabhiehdri-bhdva, vv. 40
and ff.).

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September, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.

237

The Sdhiiya-darpana gives examples of each of these for each flavotir» and the following
table is an abstract of them, which will make the matter clear: —

Plavour.

Examples of Excitants.

Sssential

{dlamhana).

Enhanoing
{uddipana).

Examples of Accefi-
Bory Emotions

{vyabhichdrt bhdva).

Examples of

Ensuants (anti-

hhdoa).

1. Erotic (srih-
gdra).

The heroes and
heroines.

The moon, sandal-
ointment, ham
of bees, etc.

Such as self-dis
paragement, etc
Any of those men-
tioned in 41 ff.,
except death (9),
indolence (11),
sternness (29).

Motions of the eye-
brows, sideglances,
etc.

2. Comic {hdsy a),

The thing laugh
ed at.

The gestures,
form, speech,
etc., of the
thing laughed
at.

Indolence (11), dis-
sembling (14),
drowsiness (25),
etc.

Closing of the eyes,
smiling, laughter,
etc.

3. Pathetic (ka- The object sor-

rund).

rowed for.

E. g.^ when the
dead body of
the loved one
is being burn-
ed.

Self-disparagement
(I), distraction (5),
dementedness (16)
debility (18), sick-
ness (30), and the
like.

Cursing of one's
destiny, falling on
the ground, wail-
ing, changes of
colour, sighs, sobs,
stupefaction, rav-
ing, and the like.

Furious (raii-
dra).

An enemy.

5. Heroic (v'ra).

Persons that are
to be conquered,
etc.

The behaviour of
the enemy and
description of
the combats.

Distraction (5), in
toxication (10)'
flurry (24), im-
patience (31), and
the like.

Eaiitting of the
brows, biting of
the lips, swelling
of the arms, threa-
tening gestures,
reviling, angry
looks, etc.

The behaviour
of the persons
to be conquer
ed, et<;.

Equanimity (22),
resolve (23), debate
(32), recollection
(33), and the like.

The seeking of allies,
etc.

6. Terrible (6/ra-
ydnaka).

That by which
fear is produc
ed.

The fierce ges
tures, etc., of
that which pro
duces fear.

Apprehension (2)^
depression (7),
death (9), demon
tedness (16), de-
bility (18), flurry
(24), and the like.

Ch&nges of colour
and speaking with
a stammering tone,
faintings, perspira-
tion, horripilation,
trembling, looking
in every direction,
etc.

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^SB

THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT.

[Septbmbbb, 1894.

Examples of Excitants.

Examples of Accet-

•cry EmotionB
(vyabhichdrt bhdva).

Examples of

FlaTOur.

Eflsential
{dlamhana).

Enhancing
{uddipana).

Ensnantc (anic<
hhdva).

7. Disgnstfal
(bibhatsa).

Stinking flesh
fibre and fat,
and the like.

Presence of

worms, etc.

Di8traciion(6), death Spitting, averting
of the face, clos-
ing of the ejes.

(9% dementedness
(16), flurry (24),
sickness (30), etc.

etc.

8. Marvellous
{adbhuta).

Any supernatu-
ral thing.

9. Quietistic

Either the emp-
tiness and vani
ty of all things
by reason of
tLeir not being
lasting, or God
(the only entity
in the opinion
of the quietist).

The greatness of
the qualities of
the supematu
ral thing.

Joy (21), flurry (24),
debate (82), and
the like.

Holy hermitages,
sacred places,
places of pil-
grimage, pleas-
ant groves, and
the like.

Self-disparagement
(1), joy (21),
resolve (2.S), recol
lection (83), etc.

Stupefaction, per*
spiration, horripi*
lation, stammer-
ing speech, agita-
tion, wide opening
of the eyes, etc.

Horripilation, etc.

[The translation of the word bhdoa has presented some difficulty. It occurs in tbe
phrases vi-bhdva^ athayi bhdva, vyabhichdrt bhdva, anu^bJuha, and idttviha bhdva, A perfect
translation would render it in each case by the same English word, but this is impossible, for
the Sanskfit word comprehends not only feelings and mental states, but also conditions of the
body. I have followed the translation of the SdAitya-darpana in translating vi-bhuva by
* excitant.' Literally, it means that by which the mental or bodily states {bhdva) of the heroes or
spectators are altered (vibhdvayanti). So also 1 have translated anu-bhdva by 'ensnant.' In tbe
remaining three phrases I have adopted the word 'emotion ' as the nearest equivalent^ It suits
well the meaning of stkdyi bhdva, and vyabhichdrt bhdva being the converse, the same English
word must necessarily be used in each case. Tbe translation of the Sdhitya^darpafa some-
times renders the former by * permanent condition' and sometimes by * permanent mood.'
Sthdyin certainly does mean 'constant,' or 'permanent,' in opposition to vyabhichdrin, 'change^
able,' but the use of the word ' permanent ' seems to me to be awkward, and I have adopts
tbe word * underlying ' which, while not being a literal translation, accords well with tbe
definition. In sdttvika bhdva^ bhdva does not mean ' emotion,' but ' expression of emotion.']
End of the Third Lecture, entitled the Eviotiom and other Constituents of Flavour.

{To be continued^)

• NOTE ON PROFESSOR JACOBI'S AGE OF THE VEDA AND ON
PROFESSOR TILAK'S ORION,
BY G. BtTHLEU, Pn.D,, LL,D., C.I.B,

As peculiar circumstances have made me acquainted with the genesis of the important
chronological publications of Profs. Jaeobi and Bal G. Tilak, who both, and partly with the
help of the same arguments, claim a bigb antiquity for tbe beglBiiing of tbe Indo-Aryan

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Septbmbee, 1894.] JACOBPS AGE OP THE VEDA AND TILAK'S ORION. 2Sd

civilisation, I consider it desirable tbat I should state publiolj what I know of the matter.
The news that there wore statements in Vedic works, calculated to upset the prevailing theories
regarding the age of the Veda, first came to me through Prof. Jacobi. When, at the end
of our summer term of 1892, 1 started on a journey to England, I stopped on July 23rd for a
few hours at Bonn in order to call on the former companion of my travels, who had so mate-
rially lightened the tediousness of my Tour in the Rajputana Desert during the winter of
1873-4 and had so efficiently assisted me in exploring the libraries of J^lmir and Bikantr.
In the course of our conversation Prof. Jacobi mentioned his explanation of Eigveda VII.
103, 9, and called my attention to the significance of the statements in the Brdhmatiaa regarding
the beginning and the end of the year as well as regarding the beginning of the three
seasons. The la4it point interested me greatly, as I had shortly before treated of the
ehdtunndsyas^ or three seasons of four months each, in connexion with the Pillar Edicts of
As6ka, and had again studied Prof. A. Weber's truly •* classical treatise" on the
Nakshatras. We had a long talk on the importance of the indications that the so-called
KrittikA- series was not the oldest arrangement of the Nakshatras, known to the Hindus, and I
congratulated Prof, Jacobi on his discoveries which, he told me, would be made public in
the Festschrift on the occasion of Prof, von Roth's jubilee.

Six weeks later the Coinmittee of the Ninth International Onental Congress sent to me the
MS. of Prof. Tilak's Orwn with the request that I would give my opinion on the advisability of
its being printed in the Transactions, To my surprise I found that his views very closely agreed
with those expressed to me by Prof. Jacobi, and that he quoted some of those yerj passages to
which Prof. Jacobi had called my attention. Though it was impossible for me to agree with
Prof. Tilak about all his details, I nevertheless recommended that his work should be priuted in
its entirety, as I believed that he had made an important disoovery, which had also been made
independently by Prof. Jacobi. Want of funds prevented the Committee from carrying out
my recommendation, and the Transactions of the Congress contain only an abstract of the volume.
Some time after my return to Vienna in October, I received from Prof. Tilak two copies of
the printed abstracts. One of them I sent to Prof, Jacobi towards the eqd of December, and
it was then only that I acquainted him with Prof. Tilak's discoveries and the subn^ission of
his large work to the Oriental Congress. Under the oircumstances the honour of having found
this new method of utilising the ^tronomical facts, mentioned in Vedio literature, belongs to
Profs. Jacobi ^nd Til&'k conjointly, though the latter has published his results earlier, and
though, as I have learned from a private letter of his, he has been gradually working out his
theories for several years. The character of the two publications shows also clearly that the
two gentlemen have worked independently of each other.

With respect to their new theory I can only say that in my opinion they havo m&de good
their main proposltioii, vtz.,that the Kfittikarseriesis not the oldest arrangement of the Nak-
shatras known to the Hindus, but that the latter once had an older one, which placed Mfigasiras
at the vernal equinox* If this proposition has not been proved mathematically, it has at least
been made probable : — so probable that it may be used as the foundation for a future chronology
of the so-called Vedic period of India, ThQ chief argumentp^ contained both in Prof, Jacobi's
paper and in Prof. Tilak's Orion, appear to me the following : —

While the arrangement of the Nakshatras according to the Kf ittik&rseries places the winter
solstice in the month of Magha, the vernal equinoi^ in VMsukba, the summer solstice in &i*avar;a and
the autumnal equinox in Kftrttika, there are a number of passages in Vedic works which contain
eontradictory statements. The welUknown passages from the Taittiriya Sathkitd, as well as from
the Kaushitaki and Pafichaviihia Brdhmanas, to which Prof. Tilak, Crion, p* 67, adds one from
the Qdpatha Brdhmana, and to which others might be added from the ^rauta S^tras^^ declares

1 See «. ^., Avaaia^n^ SrJute 5<Wra, t. 3, 16, q?^^^?5*»Tr^ aTT^^r^t^^r^'^'n^'^^r^l Iir> 3?^ ^ II
'* If one kindles {the sacred fire) on the f ullpioon day of FhAlguna, one plaoes it in the mouth of the year ; {hence
w^A'ehould do it) two days or one day earlier/' The reason is, as Bcdradatta states, that tbe year will swallow
the sacred fire and that it will be lost, in ci^e it is kindled on the first da^ of tbe year.

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240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Septembbb, 1894.

the fullmoon night of Phalguna to be " the moatb of the year/* Moi'eover, another passage of |

the TaittirUja Samhifd asserts that Uttara Phalgunt is the firat night of the year and Purva

Phalgnni is the lat^t, which assertions are repeated in figurative language by the author of

the Kaushitaki Br&limana. From the first set of utterances both Prof. Jacobi and Prof. Tilak

infer, as has been done by others before them, that in the Vedic times a year, beginning

with the full moon of Phalguna, was used, and Prof. Jacobi alone points out that the second

set of statements permits the inference that thei*e was also a second year, beginning exactly six \

months later in Praushthapada or Bhadrapada.' 1

The same scholar shews further that a third reckoning began with the month of ^lArga-
slrsha, which in the Orikya Sutras and in Panini*8 Grammar is called Agi*ahuya^ or Agraha-
yatiika * belonging to the beginning of the year.'' Thus there are for the Vedic times three
veal's, a Phalguna*year, • six months later a Praushfhapada-year, and again three months
later a MArgasirsha-year, Such a variety of beginnings is, according to Prof. Jacobi, not
surprising, as the Hindus used in historical times and still use various initial days for their
reckoning, sometimes two or three in the same pi*ovince. In order to shew the force of this
argument more folly, I may add, that in historical India the year began, or begins, with not
less than seven different months, viz., (1) Chaitra, (2) Yaisakha, (3) Ashadba, (4) Bh^drapada,
(5) Aivina, (6) Karttika and (7) Margasirsha, while a beginning with Phalguna has been proved
for Ceylon by Prof. Kern {Der BuddUismus, Vol. II. p. 263.)* The first three beginnings,
as well as the fifth and sixth, are known from the works of astronomers and from inscriptions.
The fourth is expressly mentioned by Bdrftnt, India, Vol. II. p. 8,* and so is the seventh, which,
in his times, was used in various provinces of Northern and North- Western India. Its occurrence
is also vouched for by the Bhagavadgitd^ X. 35, by MahdbMrata, XIII. 106, 11 ff. (as Prof.
Jacobi pointti out to me), and by the Jmarkdiha, This is just what might be expected in a large
country like India, which was cut up into numerous political and other divisions. But it seems
to me that in the Vedic works there are other indications, such as the contradictory statements
i^garding the number of the seasons, shewing that the reckoning of time oven in the most
early period was by no means uniform and that various opinions i*egarding astronomical matters
prevailed.

The question, wbich now arises, is what the astronomical position of the Nakshatraa was,
according to which the three initial months of these Vedic years were named. Do these years
belong to the period when the colure of the equi noxes passed through Kf ittika and Visakha and
that of the solstices through Maghii and Sravana ? Or do they belong to an earlier time, when
the colure of the solstices went through Uttara Phalg uut and Pdrva Bhadrapada and that of
the equinoxes through Mrigasirasand Miila ? In other words do they belong to the time, when
the series of the Naksbatras, counliiig from that at the vernal equinox, began with Krittika,
or from the period when Mfigasiras occupied that position ?

Both scholars decide for the latter asscmption, but on grounds which partly differ. In
stating these, I venture to arrange those among them, which appear to me particularly valuable,
in my own way, and to somewhat expand them.

An d priori argument for Profs. Jacobi*8 and Tilak's views is, that it gives a rational
explanation, why the ancient Hindus began their years with these three months. If the winter

« The enumeration of the months in the Parisiahia No. 67 of the Aiharvav^da begina, ae Prof. Weber states
{Die vedischen Nachrichieti von dm Xakihatra$, II. p. 8J4, Note *), with ^r&vana» and proves the use of a Varshft-yeat
for the period, when according to the Krittik&-serios the summer solstice fell in Magh&. [The Jaina Jambudtva.
pannaiH likewise jrives S&vana as the first month, see Weber, Indi$ch0 8tudi en, Vol. XVI. p. 415. — Jacobi.]

* Professor Tilak (Orion, p. 79) oombats the idea that the Hindus ever began the year with this month^bui
adduces valuable evidence (also mentioned in Prof. Weber's essay quoted above) for the fact, which is clearly
stated by BdrAnt.

♦ Compare also Kdmji^ira, p. 89, 1. 9 [H. Jacobi.]

< Oae of my Pandits in Surat, I forget which of them, told me that some Brahmans stUl began the year with
BhAdrapada.

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September, 1894.] JACOBrS AGE OP THE VEDA AND TILAK'S ORION. 241

solstice fell in Phillgiina, the Temal equinox in Jjaishtha, the summer solstice in Praushthapada
and the autumnal equinox in Marga8fi*shay it would be a perfectly rational proceeding to begin
counting with any one of them. And it is conceivable that diifei^ent schools of priests or
of astronomers might decide for starting each with a different one of these four montlis, and
might select respectively Him^ Vasanta, Yarsha or ^rad years. With the Krittika-series
the beginnings are not as easily intelligible. For with that, Phalguna and Praushthapada
are the second months of each Ayana, and Margasirsha lies one month behind the autumnal
equinox. A good reason for the selection of the second months as initial points of reckoning
seems difficult to imagine.

Secondly, as both Pix)f. Jacobi and Prof. Tilak point out, with the winter solstice
in Pfirva Bhadrapada the first Nakshatra after the autumnal equinox is Mfila or Mula,
and if one begins to count from this, as must be done with a Margasirsha year, the last will be
Jyeshtha. The etymological meaning of Mula, " root,*' would agree with its being taken as
the first constellation of the 'Sarad-year, and so would that of its older name Vichfitau "the
separators." In like manner the name JySshthA, " the oldest," would be suitable for the
last Nakshatra of the year. With any other arrangement the names remain inexplicable.

Thirdly, several rules connected with sacred matters indicate that in ancient times the
month of Praushthapada or Bhadrapada was that in which the summer solstice fell.

(1) The importance of one set of such rules, those regarding the date of the UpAkarana,
or opening of the annual term of study, has struck both Prof. Jacobi and Prof. Tilak.
The chief time for study was in ancient India the rainy season. For during the Monsoon
out-door life necessarily ceases, and people are forced to seek their occnpation in the narrowest
circle, their houses or their villages. Consequently the Qrihya and Dharma Sdtras state not
rarely that the solemn opening of the annual term happens "on the appearance of the herbs,"
f . e., in the first days of the Monsoon, when after the first heavy fall of rain the new vegetation
springs up as if by magic. The Monsoon bursts all over the Uttarapatha, and in a large portion
of the Dakshinapatha, exactly, or almost exactly, at the summer solstice. It is only on the
Malabar coast and in the Karnatik that the beginning of the rains falls a month earlier and a break
comes just about the summer solstice,' while the eastern coast of the Dekhan, which is under
the influence of the East-Monsoon, shews altogether different meteorological conditions.

Under the circumstances stated the ** appearance of the herbs '* mentioned by the Sdtras,
must fall in a month, corresponding in part with our month of June. Actually the sacred
treatises, referred to, as well as the metrical Smritis name three different months. AJl of
them with one exception^ state that the fall moon of 'Sravana, or its Hasta-da^, is most snitable
for the UpAkarana, and the modem substitute for the latter, the so-called Srfivant, or annual
renewal of the sacred string, is still performed in SrAvana. According to the luni-solar reckoning
the month of Sravana corresponds at present to our July- August, and according to the Times of
India Oaletidar the Rik-^ravaut fell in 1888 on August 20, that of the Yajurvedins on August
21,* between 2500-1500, when the vernal equinox lay at or near KrittikA and the Nakshatra
of Magha stood at the summer solstice, the month of SrAvana, of course, including the day when
the sun turns towards south and the beginning of the rainy season. It is during this period, or
(provided that the Hindus kept the Krittiku-series even after it had become astronomically
incorrect) possibly somewhat later, that the rule, fixing the Upakara^a in Sravaoa, must have been
settled.

In addition to the month of Sravana, five Qrihya and Dharma Sutras, as well as the Manu*
sniriti, name the month of Bhfidrapada or Praush(hapada as an optional term for the Upakarana.

< See Mr. H. F. Blandford's " Rainfall of India," Indian Meteorological Memoin, Vol. III., and especially his
Summary on the summer rainsi p. 117ff.

f See the Table annexed to this paper.

s The latter day was the full moon day of Sfr&Ta^a. The date U an extraordinarily late one, because there was
an intercalation of Chaitra.

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242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Septembbe, 1894.

Optional rules in Vedic works not rarely record ancient usages, wliicb had become obsolete, bat
which the teachers did not like to omit on account of their sanctity. Hence the eonjeeinre that
this may be the case with the second date for the Upnkarana, readily suggests itself.
And a passage from the Rdmdyana^ adduced by Prof. Jacobi, according to which in the poet's
time the SAmavedins actually began their studies in Praushtbapada» conBrms this yiew. If the
Up&karana was once celebrated in Praushthapada, that month must liave included the beginning
of the rains and the summer solstice. The period when this was actually the case, lies
about the year 4000 B. C, when the colure passed through Uttara Phalguni and Pfirva Bhadra-
pada. and the Nakshatra of Mrigasiras occupied the place of Krittika at the yernal equinox.

The third month, in which the Up&karana may take place, is according to the Baudhllyana
and Yaikh^nasa SutraSy Ash^dha, which daring the period from 550 B. C. to 550 A. D. included
the summer solstice. It is possible that this rule was framed, when the Asvint-series of the
Nakshatras had supplanted that beginning with Krittika. But it is also possible that the authors
of the two Sutras, who were natives of Southern India, changed the date, because in their native
country the Monsoon begins in the month preceding Sravana. For the question under consi-
deration the passage of Baudh&yana (Dharma Sutra, I. 12, 16) is of some interest, because it
mentions, besides the new date, the ancient one in Sravana, and thus confirms the interpretation
put on the occnrrence of the optional term in Prausbthapada.

(2) A second rule, which evidently places the month of Praushthapada-Bhadrapada at the
summer solstice and in the beginning of the rains, has been noticed by Prof. Jacobi alone.
He points out that the Jainas, the most ancient heterodox seot of India, begin their Paj jusan or
Paryushanu on the fourth or fifth day of Bhadrapada, and that the Paj jusan marks the old
term of the retreat of the Jaina monks during the rainy season. All Indian ascetics, whether,
orthodox or heterodox, were and still are bound by their rules to put a stop to their wanderings
during the Monsoon, and to devote the four rainy months to the study of their scriptures, to
meditation, prayer and preaching, as the rules of their order may require. The loss of the
ancient Bhtkshu Siltras makes it impossible to determine when the Brahminical ascetics began
their Yarsha. Only the bare fact that they kept it, is mentioned in the Dharma sutras o£
Gautama, III. 13,^ of Baudhayana, II. 11, 20, and of Vaikhanasa, III. 6 (beginning). But we
are better off with respect to the heretical Bauddhas and Jainas.

According to the Vinayapitaka^^ the Bauddha monks began their vassa on the day after the
full moon either of Aahadha or of Sr&vaijia. The second term, which the Buddhists themselves
call the later one, corresponds with the arrangement of the months according to the Krittika-
series, and has no doubt been taken over from Brahmanical rules. The earlier term may be arr
innovation, made by the Bauddhas, because in the fifth century B. C, when their religion web
founded, the Monsoon began no longer in Sravana but in Ash^^ha.^^ The Jainas finally have also
a double beginning of their Yas&vlisa. According to the usual rules now in force the Chatur-
masa of the Jainas, the season in which laymen and monks are forbidden to stir beyond their*
towns and villages, begins with the day after the full moon in Asha^ha. Thus Yardhamana's^
AchdradinaharOi 31, 9, says i —

fkw f^'cW R5iiw^«M %f%cTr II ^ II

• In my note to tl^e tnmslation of this passage (^oerad BooX;< of the Eastf Vol. II. p. 191) I have first stated
that the vasta of the Buddhist, which even in 1879 was still believed to be a peculiar Buddhist institution,
only an imitation of a Brahmanical rule.

>o See the passages in my note on AI6ka*8 Pillar Edict Y., Epigraphia Jndica, Vol. II. p. 263 ; compare also
Prof. Kem*8, Buddhiamw, Vol. II. p. 260.

11 Professor Kern, loc, ctf., proposes a different explanation, based on the assumption that ^shft4ba was chosezi
according to the Ceylonese scheme of seasons. But, as the Northern and the Southern Buddhists agree in permittinlP
the vasti to be begun in Ash^ha, I think it more probable that the custom was an Indian one, started in Behar*
where the Monsoon sets in during the month of June.

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September, 1894.] JACOBI'S AGE OF THE VEDA AND TILAK'S ORION. 243

*' From MArgastrsba until Ashiidha the great sages audertake journeys in each month ; to
stop in one place is not suitable for them,"

Hence the season of rest lasts from Southern Asba4ha badi or Northern iSravana badi to
the middle of Karttika,^* and in the Times of India CaUmlar for 18:i8, the Chauraasa of the
SrAvaks is entered under AshAdha-Sr&vana badi 1, corresponding with July 23.13 Nevertheless,
there is the Pajjusan or Paryushana, which begins, as the Kalpasutra states, one month and
twenty days after the commencement of the Monsoon, on Bhadrapada sudi 5. And the
Pajjusan, now frequently called a festival, is the trae Vai-shuvasa of the Jaina monks. It
expressly receives this name^^ and, like the Vassa of the Bauddhas, it is the season for preach-
ing and devotional practices. It is obvious that here two different beginnings of the monsoon-
retreat or Vassa have been fitted into one system. The later one dates from the time,
when, in accordance with Mrigasiras-series of Nakshatras, Bhadrapada was the month of
the summer solstice and of the rains. The earlier one agrees with the arrangement of
the months according to the Asvini-series. And it is not astonishing that the Jainas
should have preserved a custom, based on this very ancient scheme of the year. Their
traditional chronology places the death c»f their first historical prophet Parsva in the first half
of the eighth century B. C, and, as will be shewn below, it is according to the newest discoveries
highly probable that their sect really sprang up about that time. It is further not im-
probable, that in the eighth century B. C. the rules of the Brahmanical Bhihshu Siitras may
have prescribed the begininng of the Varsha in Bhadrapada, jnst as a number of Qrihya and
Dharma Sutras^ even in later times, place the Upakarana in the same month. If that was
so, the Jaina teachers naturally would copy the practice from their predecessors.

B. A third significant rule, which is mentioned by Prof. Tilak alone, enjoins the
performance of the holiest SrMdha in Bhadrapada.^^ The half of the year, during which the sun
travels towards the south, is the Pitf iyana, the period sacred to the Manes. It is a matter,
of course, that the Manes must be connected with the beginning of this period. And we actually
find that they are named as the tutelary deities of the Magha Nakshatra, which acoording to the
Krittik&'Series stands at the summer solstice. Moreover, several Dharma Sutras contain a
verse, which the Manes are said to address to their living descendants, and which prays that
they may offer Sraddhas ** in the rainy season and under the constellation Magh^.''^^ For
the same reason the performance of a Sraddha is necessary on the full moon day of Sravapa.
If nevertheless we find that the holiest SrAddha falls in Bhadrapada and the whole dark half
of this month is pre-eminently sacred to the Manes, the inference that this is due to the former
position of that month at the beginning of the Pitriyana, appears not unwaiTanted.

These arguments, it seems to me, are the strongest, which the two scholars have brought
forward in order to shew that the Vedic Ph&lguna, Praushthapada and Margaiirsha years began
respectively with the winter and summer solstices and the autumnal equinox. Professor Jacobi

13 From the JColpof dira, para. 123 (^. B. E,, Vol. II. p. 261); it would appear that its anthor likewise knew this
period of the Varsh At Asa. For he says that VardhAmana died in KArttika, the fourth month of the rainy season
which he passed in the office of the royal clerks at PAvA.

i> Professor Jaoobi has been good enough to furnish me for this paper with some passages, which are very
clear on this point. In the Paryuehandkalpa Niryukti, the second gAthA enumerates the several synonyms for
pijjosavan^ (Pajjusan), and the seventh is vM.vdg<h in which Jinaprabha's PaH^ihd remarks, ^rHT f ^ ^^NiTf^rH
^THvf ^crl^r^ .Ml In the beginning of his commentary the same author gives the following explanation on the word

ipTT ^^ifn^ : It Other utterances to the same efFect are found in the Sathdehdviehaushadhi oo the SAmAchdrt
section of the KalpasHtra, and have been printed by Prof. Jacobi in the notes to his edition.

1* Orion, pp. 91, 216. Professor Tilak has not q acted any authorities, probably because the great sanctity of the
MahAlaya 6rAddha is known to every Hindu. If authorities are required they may be found, e, g., in HemAdri's
Parii^ahakAnda, Part III. pp. 195 ff., and in Mamj^ III. 259, as well as in the parallel passages, quoted in the Synopsis
to my Translation.

^ Vatiihtha, XI. 40, and the parallel passage in the note to my Translation.

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244 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Sbptembee, 1894.

mentions in addition two other points. In the beginning of his paper he qnotes R.-Y.i
VII. 103, 9:-

which according to his interpretation means, "They guard the sacred order, these males never
forget the proper time of the twelfth (month).*' The passage thus alleges that the frogs are
annually resuscitated iti tlie twelfth month, of course, the last of the hot season, and it
indicates that the year began with the rains or about the summer solstice. The assertion that
the frogs reappear before the rains does agree with the actualities observable in India. It is
perfectly true that the large species, usually called the bull-fix)g, mnkes the nights hideous with
its cries about a fortnight before the Monsoon commences. I shall never forget my ezpenences
during the hot season of 1863, when I lived in the old Elphinstone College near the Gavalia
Talao in Bombay. During the latter half of May the bull-frogs came out every night and,
sitting round the tank, disturbed my sleep with the noises, which are described in so graphic a
manner in the Frog-hymn of the Rigveda and in the corresponding verses of the Atharvaveda.
But unfortunately the all-important word dvddaid in R. V., VII. 103, 9, is ambiguous and may
mean also " the (year) consisting of twelve (parts)/* I do not see any particular philological
objection to Prof. Jacobi's rendering, but I cannot put any great value on a line which may also
be translated — ** They keep the sacred order of the year, these males never forget the proper
season,*' whereby the allusion to a Varsha-year is lost.^*

Another argument of Prof. Jacobi's, di^awn from 1^. V., X. 85, 13, seems to me equally
precarious. It is possible that the verses connecting the entry of Surya, the celestial prototype
of a bride, into her husband's house with the Nakshatra Arjunyah or Phalgunya^^, may refer
to the sun*s entering on a course, t. e., beginning a new year on the day of its conjunction with
Uttara Phalguni.^^ But other explanations are equally possible.

Among the numerous further arguments, which Prof. Tilak brings forward in hia
chapters IV.-VII., there is, I fear, none which will help to convince our fellow -students of the
soundness of the new theory. His contention that Mrigasu^as was once called Agrahayana,
because it stood at the head of the series of Nakshatras and at the vernal equinox, with which
the Vasanta-year began, would be most important, if it could be established. Unfortunately the
word Agrahayana is not as yet ti^aceable in Sanskrit litei^ture, and the name Agrahayaiii, which
really is given to Mriga^iras, is explained by the fact that one of the old Indian years did begin
in the month of M^rgastrsha or Agrahayana.^* Professor Tilak denies this. But he has not only
to refute the Mahdbhdrala and AmarasiMiha. As stated above, the perfectly clear statement
of Beri^n! is opposed to his view, and it is not to be thonght of, that Beruni and his Hindu
informants could have been in error on the simple question of fact whether in A. D. 1030 a
Margasirsha year was actually used in various provinces of North-Western India. As they
say that this was the case, I cannot but believe them and see a confirmation of their statement
in the hints of the Mahdbhdrata and of the Aniarahosha,

But to return to the main, question. It seems to me that what has been set forth above is
quite sufficient to make it at least probable that some Vedio writings have preserved reminis-
cences of a time when the Nakshatra Praushthapadd or Bhadrapada stood at the winter solstice
and the vernal equinox fell in Mrigasii*as, and that this arrangement has left its traces in the rules
regarding the seasons for certain ceremonies and sacrifices. The period when this an*angement

10 Professor Jaoohi authorises me to state that ho is fnlly aware of the objections, which may be raised against
his first argument. He has placed it first, merely because the verse first suggested to him the idea that the ancient
Hindus might hare had a Varshfi-year, and this observation induced him to examine the other Yedio passages
regarding the beginnings of the Vedio years and the position of the months in which they occur.

" Compare also Prof. Weber, Nachrichien von den veditchen NakghatraSi II. p. 364 ff.

w Regarding the grammatical exphtnation of the word Agrahayana, see VartHka, 4, on PSniui, V. 4. 36, whore
it is enumerdted among tha Nip^aSy formed by the affix ayi without change of meaning.

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Sbptember, 1894.] JACOBI'S AGE OF THE YEDA AOT) TILAK'S ORION. 245

was correct is, according to Prof. Jacobi's table, the year 4420 B. C. And if due allowance
is made for possible and very probable errors of observation, the year 3800 B. C. may be fixed as
the lowest term when a MrigaSiras-series could have been settled. This result does not prove that
any verse or line of the "V edas was composed in those remote times, nor does it necessarily
prove that the astronomical observations, on which it is based, were made by the ancient Indo-
Aryans. For the whole Nakshatra system with the Mpgasiras-series may have been borrowed
from one of the ancient Semitic or Turanian nations, some of which possessed an astronomical
science in very early times. But, what the result proves is that the arrangement of the
Nakshatras with the Krittikfts as the vernal equinox is an Indian invention. If in
India a Mrigabiras-series^^ preceded the Krittikft-series, the latter cannot have been
borrowed from a foreign nation.

As the position of Krittika at the vernal equinox was astronomically correct about 2550
B. C.,*® the observations cannot, even if the necessary allowance is made for errors owing to
impei-fect methods, be assumed to have been made later than about 2000 B. C. At this time
the ancient Hindus must have possessed an astronomical science, probably very elementary,
yet based on scientific principles and on actual observation.

Moreover, the result of Profs. Jacobi*s and Tilak's researches proves, too, that some
of the Hindu rites and saorifioes existed even before the time when the Kpttikft-series
was invented, and were settled long before the year 2000 B. C. This second inference
is supported by Professor Jacobi's remarks regarding the connexion of the Dhruva or pole-star
with the ancient Vedic marriage-ritual, which, though only known to us from the Qrihya Sutras^
yet must date from very remote times. He shews that, during about six centuries between
3100 and 2500 B. C, a real pole-star existed, the observation of which might have led to the
well-known popular custom, according to which the husband on the wedding night points out
the Dhruva to his bride and exhorts her never to forsake her new home, just as the star never
changes its position. Professor Jacobi might have a4ded that in later times, even during
the Vedic period, the motion of the pole-star ha(l been observed by the Hindus. In the
Maitrdyana Brdhmana Upanishad^^ the motion of the pole-star is mentioned as one of the
many instances of mutability to which all terrestrial and celestial beings are subject.

These inferences from the new theory are calculated, not to fix the age of particular
hymns or portions of the Veda, but, ns Prof. Jacobi says at the end of his paper, to upset
the still very popular doctrine, according to which the whole ancient literary development of
India is believed to have begun about 1200 B. C. and to have been completed within a com-
paratively short space of time. Professor Jacobi declares himself strongly against this theory
which has been put forward most clearly and worked oat most fully in Prof. Max Miiller*s
famous History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature. And he contends that the periods of two
hundred years, allotted there to the development of each of the three oldest forms of literary
composition, involve sheer impossibilities. Similar remarks have been made by other scholars
in reviews of Prof. Max MiJller's book and elsewhere. The objections have been supported
both by general considerations and by special arguments drawn from Indian literatore.

At the stage, which the Indo-Aryan research has reached at present, theories which place
the composition of the oldest Vedic hymns about 1200 or even 1500 B. C. and the completion of

i> I merely use the term " Mriga^iras-series " for the sake of convenienoe. The ancient Hindas probably
began to count from MAla, and the more correct expression would be ** MiUa-aeries."

» Professor Tilak gives the year 2350 B. C. My astronomical adfiser. Dr. R. Sohram, sides with Prof. Jacobi.
Dr. Schram nays in a letter on the subject : —

'* The precession amounts at present to 50^, 23 annually or to 1^ in 72 years. But it does not remain constant.
Two thousand years ago it was about 46*, and thus we get the 78 years for a degree, entered in Prof. Jacobi's
Table. It is a matter of course that also this figrure is correct for a certain period only. It is impossible to give
generally correct figures for long periods, because the time, required for the passage through a whole degree, is
variable."

'1 See Sacred Bookt of the East, Vol. XV. p. 289. Professor A. Weber was the first to call attention to the
passage in the Indiache Studiwif Vol. II, p. 396.

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246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Septembib, 1894.

the }^ruti about 600 B. C, are uo longer tenable, nay hardly disputable. The results of the
Yedic studies, elaborated by M. Bergaigne and by Profs. Pischel and G^ldner, shew more
and more clearly tliat even the oldest Sulctas are not the productions of a people, combining the
intellectual qualities ol the ancient Greeks with the moral character of the ancient Teutons, —
as depicted by Tacitus in his romantic Qermania — in short ol a nation resembling the abstract
Aryans or Indo- Europeans, created by the fancy of the older school of comparative philologists
and destroyed by tlie researches of Prof. O. Schrader. The results, at which the Vedists
of the philological school have arrived, make it probable that the Rishis closely resembled
the Hindus of historical India. Thereby the supposition of Prof. Max Miiller, that the
early literary life of India showed **a greater luxuriance " than that of later periods becomes
hard to credit, and the conjecture that the ancient Indians raced through the so-called
Chhandas, Mantra and Brahmana periods at a furiously fast pace loses its chief support.

Moreover, irrespective of the results of the Vedic studies, it cannot be denied that all the
facts, which the more complete exploration of the Brahmanical, Boddhist and Jaina literature
and of the inscriptions has revealed of late years, prove the pre-chronological period of the
Indo-Aryan history to extend very considerably beyond 1200 or 1500 B. C. This remark
holds good with respect to the political history as well as to the history of literature and
religion. It is now evident that the conquest of the South by the Brahmanical Indo-Aryans
took place earlier than was assumed some fifteen years ago, and it is no longer doubtful that
Prof. Lassen's estimate, who places it in the sixth century B. C. or even earlier** and before
the colonisation of Ceylon, is nearer the truth than Dr. Bumell's, who believed that it must be
placed after the beginning of our era. The sober facts, which hitherto have become known
through the inscriptions, are that slices of the eastern and the western Dravida districts
belonged to the Maury a empire, and that the remainder of the South was in the time of Asdka
divided between the independent States of the Cholas, PAndyas, Keralas, Pnlindas and Andhras.
Asoka's eastern Dravi4» possession, Kalinga, was inhabited, at the time of the conquest about
250 B. C, as he tells us in the thirteenth Rock-Edict, by numerous Bmhmans and members of
various sects, directed by ascetics. The Kalingas were, it would seem, exactly in the same
state of civilisation as the inhabitants of India north of Ganges. The state, in which his
western Dravida province Mysore was, is not accurately described. But the two geographical
names, Isila and Suvaiiagiri, which the SiddApur edicts contain, are Aryan, and point to the
conclusion that the country was thoroughly under Aryan influence. The same inference
may be drawn from the name of the neighbouring Vanav Asa, which is mentioned in the Buddhis-
tic traditions of the times of Asoka. Among the independent southern kingdoms, which Ai6ka
mentions, there is only one, that of the Andhras, regarding which something definite is known.
The inscription of the Bhafctiprolu Sti^pa, which come from the Andhra districts and probably
belong either to the times of Asoka or to the reign of his immediate successor, shew clearly that
the country was fully hinduised. They contain more than a score of names of chiefs and
merchants, among which there is not one of Dravidian origin. All the personal names, as well
as that of a town, are Aryan, and among them we find the familiar Brahmanical appellations
Kubiraka, t. e., Kuberaka, Vaghava, ». e., Vyaghrapad, Bharado, i. e., Bharata, Satugh6, ». e., Satru-
ghna, J^t6, i. e., Jayanta, Pigal6, i. e., Piiigala, Pigaha, i. e., Vigroha (Brahman), which clearly
prove an acquaintance with Brahmanical mythology and with the Epic legends. The same
documents speak also of the existence of guilds and goshth^a, or committees of trustees super-
vising religious foundations, such as were known all through Aryan India. Some fifty or
sixty years after Asoka, the widow of the third Andhra king Satakani I., Queen NAyanika,
informs us in the large NAnAghAt inscription, that she was an adherent of the old Kar-
mamArga and caused numerous expensive brauta sacrifices to be ofifered. Further, she invokes
Krishna and Sariikarshana, the sons of the Moon. She thus indicates that the Vaishnava creed
was prevalent in the south, side by side with the sacrificial worship of the Vedic deities. These

«s Indiiche Altherthtmakmide, Vol. II. p. 119.

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Septbmbbe, 18^4.] JAOOBI'S AGE OF THE VEDA AND TILAK*3 ORION. 247

clear and numeroas indications of the prevalence of Aryan and Brahnianical civilisation in
Soathern India daring the third century B. C. and the first half of the second would be
sufficient to warrant the assertion that the conquest of the Dravida country cannot have taken
place later than in the fifth century. But there is further evidence that it happened
even earlier. For, the Brahmanical tmdition asserts that a number of the Vedio schools of the
Tatttiriya Veda, such as those of Baudhayana, Apastaraba, and BhAradvaja, Hiranyakesin
sprang up in the south. And the genuineness of this tradition ia confirmed by internal evi-
dence, furnished by their S'Urcu, and by various other circumstances. The same Brahmanical
tradition, which is supported by that of the later Buddhists, makes the second of the ^ishis
of grammar, KAtyayana, a native of Dra vidian India, and there is much in his notes on the
grammar of Panini, that shows his intimate acquaintance with the south, its geography, its ethno-
graphy, and its political condition. The author of the Vd7'ttika8 wrote certainly not later than
in the third century, and the Vedic S&trakuras, or at least some of them, belong to even earlier
times. The mere fact that Brahmanical learning flourished in the Dravida country centuries
before the beginning of our era, is sufficient to push back the date of the conquest to the seventh
or eighth century B. C. Finally, works belonging to the Buddhist canon like the Jdtahas, refer,
in their prose portions and in the presumably older Gathas, not rarely to the eastern Dra vidian
districts, and narrate ancient legends regarding their rulers, which represent them as ordinary
Rajputs, governing according to the principles of Brahmanical statecraft. Their contents fully
confirm the inferences deducible from the ancient Brahmanical literature regarding the early
occupation of the South. With the conquest of Southern India about 700 or even about 600
B. C, the assumption that the Indo-Aryans inhabited about 1200 or even about 1500 B. C. the
northern corner of India and eastern Afghanistan becomes absolutely impossible. The idea
that the Indo- Aryan nation of the Vedic times, with its many clan-di visions and its perpetual
internal feuds, should have conquered the 123,000 square miles, which form the area of
India (excluding the Panjab, Assam and Burma) and should have founded States, organised
on the same model, all over this vast terntory within the space of five, six or even eight
hundred years, appears simply ludicrous ; especially if it is borne in mind that this territory
was inhabited not merely by forest tribes, bub in part by peoples possessing a civilisation not
much inferior to that of the invaders. More than the double of the longest period named was
required for such achievements.

A scrutiny of the statements of the Jdtakcu and other portions of the Buddhist canon regard-
ing the development of literature yields results which confirm the inferences drawn from the
facts and traditions regarding the conquest of the South. Though I must reserve the details for
another Occasion, I will mention here that the information, contained in the sacred books of the
Buddhists, shows the Bi-ahmanical sciences and literature to have reached about 600 B. C. exactly
the same stage of development, which is known from the historical period. The ancient Bud-
dhists mention repeatedly the atthdrasa vijjdthdndni, the eighteen sections into which Hindu
knowledge is divided even at present, and they give sufficient details, scattered in many Suttai
and in many passages, which leave no doubt that the contents of the several Vidydsthduaa
were then almost, if not quite, identical with those enumerated in Madhusudhana Sarasvati's
Prasthdnahheda. They also prove that the Epic poetry, the real Kdvya and the di-ama, as well
as other branches of secular literature were then cultivated quite as much as in the times of the
Andhras, the Western Kshatrapas and the Guptas. It will, therefore, not do to place the begin-
ning of the Sutra-period in 600 B. C, nor is it possible to assume that the whole litei-ary life of
India began in 1200 or 1500 B. C.

Finally, the facts, which the modern researches regarding the religious history have proved
or at least made highly probable, again agree with the supposition that the Vedic period
lies a long way beyond the near 1500 B. C, but are absolutely irreconcilable with opposite
theory. Before the rise of Buddhism about 500 B. C, certainly one, possibly several, heterox
sects, denying the authority of Vedas, existed, as well as some creeds of the type of the so-called

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248 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Septbmbee, 1894.

BhaktimArga, a mixture of the philosophical tenets of the Upanishads with the exclusiv®
worship of one of the great popular deities. Among these the heterodox Jainas claim to have
had a prophet, whose death their traditional chronology places in the year 776 B. C. The
trustworthiness of the Jaina tradition has been confirmed, of late, in yery many particulars.
And it has been shewn in particular that their second date, that of the death of their last pro-
phet Vardham&na or Mahavira, is approximately correct. As the Jainas asseH that the
Niggantha Vardhamuna, the son of the Naja Rajput, died in 526 B. C. and the Buddhist
canon places the death of the Nigantha teacher, the son of the Nata husbandman, before the
Nirvana of Sakyamuni Gautama, which fell between 484 and 474 B. C, it is evident that the
Jaina date cannot be much out, thoogh a small error is very probable.

As it thus appears that up to 500 B. C. the Jaina chronology is more than a baseless
fabric, there is good reason to suppose that the date for Parava, whose doctrines and pupils
are not rarely mentioned in the Jaina Ahgas, is not absolutely untrustworthy. The period
of 250 years, which, according to the tradition, lies between the twenty -third Ttrtbatikara and
his successor is not a long one and 'prima facie unsuspicious. It may contain a small error,
as traditional dates frequently do. But the great probability of the view, expressed by Prof.
Jacobi and by others before him,^ that Parsva was the real historical founder of Jainism and
that he lived in the second half of the eighth century B. C.» seems to me also indisputable.
If it must be conceded that a heterodox sect, whose teaching is based on a development of the
doctrines of the JnAnam^rga sprang up at that early period, it becomes impossible to reconcile
this admission with the theory that the Brahmana period began about fifty years earlier. Still
more irreconcilable with the theory that the literary activity of the Indo-Aryans began
about 1200 or 1500 B. C. is another point, which, I think, can be proved, vt*., that the ancient
Bhagavata, SAtvata or Panchar&tra sect, devoted to the worship of Narayana and its deified
teacher Krishoa Devakiputra, dates from a period long anterior to the rise of the Jainas in
the eighth century B. C. To give the details here would undaly lengthen this already long
note. And 1 reserve their discussion for my Indian Studies, No. IV. The essentials may,
however, be stated. They are (1 ) that the recovery of the Vaikhanasa Dharma Sutra permits
me to fully prove the correctness of Prof. Kern's (or rather Kalakacharya's and Utpala*s)
identification of the Ajivikas with the Bhdgavatas, and (2) that the sacred books of the
Buddhists contain passages, shewing that the origin of the Bhdgavatas was traditionally believed
to fall in very remote times, and that this tradition is supported by indications contained in
Brahmanical works. It is even possible that ultimately a terminus ^ quo may be found for the
date of its founder, though I am not yet prepared to speak with confidence on this point. '

As thus numerous facts, connected with the political, literary and religious history of
India, force me to declare that the commonly credited estimate of the antiqtiity of the
Indo-Aryan civilisation is very much too low, it is natural that I find Prof. Jacobi's and
Prof. Tilak's views not primd facie incredible, and that I value the indications for the former
existence of a Mrigaiiras-series of the Nakshatras very highly. As the new theory removes
the favourite argument of the Sanskritists of Possibilist tendencies, that the beginning of the
Vedic period must not be pushed back as far as 2000 B.C., because the Krittika-sories may
have been borrowed from the Chaldeeans or from some other nation, it is of great advantage
to those, who like myself feel compelled by other reasons to place the entrance of the Aiyans
into India long before the yeai* 2000 B. C. But I think that the matter should not be allowed
to rest where it stands at present. A renewed examination of all the astronomical and
meteorological statements in Vedic works and their arrangement in handy easily intelligible
tables seem to me very desirable. More than thirty years have passed since Prof. Weber's
most important essays on the Nakshatras were written. Various Vedic, Buddhist and Jain texts,
which then either were unknown or only accessible through extracts, can now be easily

2» Indian Antiquary, Vol. IX. p. 162.

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Sbptbmbib, 1894.] JACOBrS AGE OF THE VEDA AND TILAK'S ORION.

249

consulted. Thanks to the labours of Mr. Dikshit and Drs. Bhan^rkar and Fleet, as well as of
Pi*ofs. Jacobi, Kielhom and Thibaut, Indian astronomy and chronology are no longet* so
difficult to deal with as formerly. And the publications of the Meteorological Department
furnish a considerable amount of important and necessary information, which was formerly
inaccessible. A judicious utilisation of the old and the additional materials will probably
permit a classification of the Vedic rites and sacrifices according to the periods when the Indo-
Aryans used successively the Mrigaiiras-series, the Krittika-series and the Aivinl-series. It
may also be expected, that results will be found, fixing approximately the age of at least some
Vedic works and the localities where they have been composed.
Vienna, March Ibth, l894.

Beginning of the Annual Term of Veda-study.

ASval&yana Gyihyasiitra,
3,5.

S&nkh&yana GrihyasAtra'

4.6.
VasishthaDharma^stra,

i:j, i:

F&raskara GfihyrtSfttra,
2,10.

Y&jSlavalkya - Dharma-

8&8tra, 1. U2.
M&nava Gfihysutra, 1, 4.

M&nava Dharmas&stra,

4,95.
£&thaka Grihyasdtra ...

Vishnu Smfiti, 80, 1.

Baudh&yana Grihya-'N
sQtra, 3, 1, 1. /

BaudhAyaua Dharma- V
8&8tra 1,12, 16. J

Bh4radv&ja GrihyasOti*a,
2, 37.

ApastambaDharmaBAtra,

1. 9, 1.
Hairanyakesa Gfiyhasii

tra, 2, 18.

Vaikh&nasa GrihyasOtra,
2,12.

G^obhilaGrihyasAtra, 8, 3

Kh&dira GfibyasAtra,
3,2.

Gautama DharmaS&stra,
XVI. 1.

On appearance of
herbs.

Ash&Jha
Moon.

Full

Bright half of
Ash&dha, except
on 4th, 9th and
14th.

&r&vana FuU

Moon or Hasta-

day, &rAvana(5)
dravana-day or

Hasta-day.
di-ftvana Full

Moon.
I^rdvana Full

Moon; or Hasta-

day.
6r&vana (5)

Hs8ta*day.
6rava]^-day

the rains.
Sr&vana

Moon.
6ravana-da'

the rains. ^
Sr&yana

Moon.

drilvana
Moon.

Full

FuU

FuD

During &r&vana-
paksha or &r&-
vana Full Moon

Sr&vaDa Full

Moon.

Durinff &r&vana-
paksha, ^rftvaka
Full Moon.

I^r&vana Full

Moon or on
Hasta-day (5).

6r&vava Full

Moon or Hasta<
day (5).

Beginning, i. 6.,
Fall Moon of
&r&yana.

Praush^hapada
Full Moon.

Praushthapada
Full Moon.

BhAdrap
Full Moon.

I^ushthapada
Full Moon.

Praxishthapada
Full Moon.

Praushthapada
Full Moon.

^ Kindly oommanioated to me by Prof. Knauer.

* Kindly oommnnioated to me by M. A. Bartb. The commentary says that the meaning is "on the l^raT ana-
day either of &rAvana or of Bhfidrapada, which two months constitate the YarshA. season."

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250 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [September, 1894.

• THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA NOT B^OUND IN LITERATURE.

BY G. BUHLER.

{Cofiduded from page 154.)

In the preceding discnsaion, the uaefulness of the Mah&r48htri and of the modern
Oujarfttl has already been demonstrated in the cases of the verbs «[^9 or f^sf and ^?.
I will now add a few remarks regarding two suspected roots, ^71% or ^i(i{ Hj^ and Wt<V^^
TwT^, which the Mahilrashtr! and the Vernaculars prove to have belonged to the original stock
of Indo- Aryan speech. Professor Whitney mentions both in the Supplement, But he appends
to the former the note " the occurrence or two are doubtless artificials^* and remarks concerning the
second " the single occurrence in a commentary is doubtless artificial^ B. R. W, quotes under ,jw
only the passive past participle ^^f^% and hence Prof. Whitney naturally inferred that this is the
only form which can be verified. The verb ^t(%> or ^7^ (as is the more usual spelling) is,
however, not at all rare in the compositions of the Northern and Western poets and Pandits,
dated after A. D. 700, and in the Jaina Prabandhas,^ In the Srtkanthacharita, 16, 9 (between
A. D, 1125 and 1160), occurs the present jrfit, ibidem^ 8, 2, the perfect ^%, in the Baijnatli
Praiasti, 1, 2 (A. D. 804), the present participle STT^i and in Jonaruja*s commentary on
^rika^thacharita, 16, 2, the derivative ^T^^ 1^ is, of course, possible to declare such evidence
insufficient in order to establish the authenticity of the root, because Rama, Mankha, Kulhana,
Haripala and Jonaraja were learned poets and commentators and might have written according
to the Dhatupatha.' But the Maharashtri and the majority of the Indian Vernaculars possess
representatives of the Sanskyit verb, which certainly have not been taken from the Dictionary
of Sanskrit roots, J1T» derived probably from •jjf^, is found in the list of the Prakrit
Dhatv&desas, Hemachandra, IV, 101. The same author adduces passages with the future ,rttg
and with the absolutive of the causative Jf^, and the passive past participle Jj (in compounds
^j ) or is known from Hala'a very ancient Kosha and from other works. Finally, in his
excellent note on Hemachandra, IV. 101, Prof. Pischel, who is one of the few Sanskritists aware
of the importance of the Vernaculars for the study of Sanskrit, has adduced the corresponding
Sindhi, Gujarat!, Marath! and Beng&ll verbs with radical letters JT, which together with the
inverted form jn* are used universally for * to submerge ' by the people of " the five Indies/'

The evidence for ificT^flr T^if^ is not equally strong. Hemachandra gives in the
commentary on Unadiganasfttra, 19, the nouns Wt^^\ and JViJ^H ; , which he derives from his
Dhatu 5tT^ and declares together with similar forms to be ^Tl%4I^MlVi^^H| arg^f^jft^^:.^
la Maratht it is regularly represented by ^fh^ * to dip, to smear,' and in Gujarat! by iffo^

1 From the UttamacharitrakathdnaJcaf published by Prof. A. Weber, B. W. quotes^^ffW* read JTf ^^.

* The verb oocnrs likewise more than once in Harip&la's ancient commentary on the Qaujavadha. Rao
Bahadur S. P. Pandit prints everywhere 5<|» but remarks on verse 101, that his copy, a transcript of the ancient
Jesalmir palmleaf MS., has throughout ^^' The ancient Jaina MSS. frequently express J by W* appendiujc
the vowel u to the side of the consonant instead of putting it below. The same practice is also found in old
Brahminical MSS., and in the commentary on E&tyfiy ana's ^rauta SAtra, V. 5, 31, 5^f ? ought to be read for

8 Those who make such a contention have to reckon with the rule of the Alaihh'iraiOifra which forbids for
ordinary K&vyas the use of uncommon, little understood words and terms, e. g., Ydmana, Kdvy^rnkdrOj II. 1, 8.
compare also Tdnakiharanat I. 89.

* ^^ is used, as the Dictionaries indicate, exclusively in Hind! and Panjabt, but occurs also in Western India
and in the Marfithft country (especially in derivatives) side by side with ??• Cases of metathesis aro common
in the Vernaculars and occur in the older Prakrits. Hemachandra's De^tkosha offers a good many examples, and the
P6U ^^f^ ' shoe' for ^^fTi^ is a well known instance from the most ancient Prfikrit dialect known. From the
Vernaculars I can adduce a case, which sorely troubles the schoolmasters of KAthUwAd. The Gujarfitt word for

"fire" is^<^r> literally *' the deity." In the Peninsula everybody says ^<T«rr instead, and the children in the
vernacular schools invariably pronounce this form, though their books shew the correct one.

* I take these words and their explanation from Prof. Kirste's MS. -edition of the Unddigm^cisi'fra, which will
be published as Vol. II. of the Vienna Series of Sources of Indian Lexicography.

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September, 1894] THE ROOTS OP THE DHATUPATHA. 251

These two forms are sufl&cient to vindiciato its genuineness. Bnt, as j^t^^jifi f is evidently a
denominative from •^tw, a variant of the Prakrit participle ^tr or ^hfi* it is necessary to
account for its occurrence in the Sanskrit Dhatnputha. The most probable solution of the
problem is perhaps that it was excerpted from some old long lost Kavya. It is at present
quite possible to prove that Kavyas, the productions of learned poets, existed even in the
fourth and fifth centuries B. C. Now, the Alamkara^Astra permits the poets, to use in their
compositions ** expressions very commonly occurring in popular speech,** This maxim is expressly
stated, e. g.y by Vamana, KHvyalamkara, V. 1, 13, whei-e it is said : —

Though Yamana wrote only in the eighth century A. D., the maxim is no doubt an old one,
like the famous permission to turn mdsha into niasha in order to save the metre. ^ For even the
learned Kavis naturally tried to keep iu contact with the popular predilections, as it was their
aim to amuse their rich patrons, who belonged to the landed aristocracy and the merchant
class. If this was so, the occurrence even of real Prakrit root forms in the Dhatopatha is, of
course, easily intelligible. Others will perhaps hold that, as there is no definite boundary line
between the pre-classical Indo-Aryan speech of the Sanskrit type and the ancient Prakrits,
^IfT and *iff?^ and its denominative may have been used in one or the other of the several
early Aryan communities. However that may be, it is certain that ^ t^^fj t is not a fiction of
the grammarians. I may add that various analogies permit us to hazard at least a guess as
to the original Indo-Aryan form of the root ^f. Thus Prof. Pischel has shewn in his
admii-able paper ** Die DeiUabdas bei Vi'ivikrama' (Bezzenberger, Beitrdge, Vol. III. p. 254 ff.)
that the series of verbs, Sanskrit ?|f^, Pali f?M, Maharashtri ^fj, Sanskrit and Prakrit ^r^
goes back to an Indo-Aryan verb «ftq>^ * to play, to amuse oneself.' In like manner ^ or
3^* 55, 3Y' 3^ *^^ 3T ^^' ^^ seem to point to an Indo-Aryan *jr|, *^^ or * w.

A thorough exploration of the Prakrits and especially of their DhAtvade^ will shew that
many queer looking, apparently isolated, verbs of the Sanskrit Dhatupatha are by no means
(id<a\a or dfuvrjva Kaprfva but Strong, healthy beings, full of life and parents of a numerous
offspring. A long paper on ** Pali, Prakrit and Sansknt Etymology*' by Dr. Morris in the
Transactiotis of IXth Int. Congr. of Or., Vol. I. p. 466 ff., contains a good deal bearing on this
matter, and deserves careful attention.*

The fundamental maxim, which gives their importanoa to these researches^ is that
every root or verb of the Dh&tup&tha, whioh has a representative in one of the PrAkyits, —
PftU, MahArtohtrS, M&gadhi, Sauraseni, the Apabhrambas — , or in one of the modern
Indian Vernaculars must be considered as genuine and as an integral part of the Indo-
Aryan speech. Tliose, who consider such verbs to be **sham," ** fictitious'' or ** artificial"
have to prove their contention and to shew, that, and how, the author or authors of the
Dhatupatha coined them. This rule, of course, holds good not only for the Indian languages,
but mutatis mutandis for all linguistic research. If the grammatical tradition regarding the
existence of a certain word is confirmed by the actualities in any dialect of a language, the
presumption is that the tradition is genuine.

As I do not claim to possess prophetic gifts, I do not care to predict how many
hnndi-eds of roots will exactly be verified, wlien the search has been completed. Bnt it
is not doubtful that the majority of those verbs, which Prof. Whitney considers suspi-
cious or fictitious, will turn up, and in addition a considerable number of such as have
not been noted by the Hindu grammarians. On the other hand, it would be wonderful,
if the whole contents of the DhAtup&tha could ever be "belegt." For, it has been pointed
out repeatedly and must be apparent to the merest tiro in Indian paleaography that a

* In accordance with the well-known maxim — ^^^^t^^flTPl^ II

f Au example illustrating thid rule occur? w.itT where vl']*x has become, metri cans}, W/kJ.

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252 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [Septbmbbe. 1894.

certain proportion of the roots is the result of misreadings. Thig is, of course, highly
probable in all oases where the Dhatapatha gives pairs like ^9 and ^^ or ffv and i|tf .
The characters for jha and u are almost exactly alike in the N&garl alphabet of the nintli,
tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries, just as those for ya and pa in the later MSS. More
important is another point, which likewise has been frequently noticed, vtt., the fact that only
a small portion of the Yedic literature, known to Piinini and his predecessors, has been pre*
served, and that of the ancient laukika iSdstra^ the K&yya, Pnrli^a, Itih&sa and the technical
treatises only very small remnants have come down to our times. The assertion that the old
literature has suftored terrible losses, is admitted by all Sanskritists. It is only a pity that
their extent has not been ascertained, at least approximately, by the preparation of a list of works
and authors mentioned in the ^bdAnususana, the Brahmanas, the Upanishads and the YedAn-
gas. Such a list, especially if supplemented by an enumeration of the numerous references
to the spoken language, which Panini*R Sabdanutasana contains, would probably bar for the
future the inference that a root or form must be fictitious, because it is not found in the accessible
literature. This inference is based on a conclusio a minori ad majus^ which with a list, shewt
ing what existed formerly and what we have now, would at once become apparent. The loss
Sakh&s of the Vedas and the lost works of the lauhiha iSdstra amount to hundreds. If on an
average a third or a fourth of them contained each, as is perhaps not improbable according to
the results of the exploration of recently recovered Samhitis and Siitras, one or two of the
as yet untraceable roots, that would be sufficient to account for all the lost stems*

Three other oonsiderations^ it seems to me, help to explain some of the modt remarkable
peculiarities, observable in the materials incorporated in the DMtup&fha, pw., the fact that a
eortain proportion of the roots really is and will remain isolated, neither derivatives nor cognate
forms being traceable in the Indo- Aryan or in the Indo-European languages, and the indisput-
able fact that many roots may readily be arranged in groups, similar in sound and identical
in meaning and inflexion. Both these peculiarities, as stated above, have been used by
Prof. Edgren in order to prove that the verbs, shewing them, must be fictitious. And it has
been pointed out, that the number of the isolated and barren verbs is not so great as
Prof. Edgren supposes, the inflected forms or representatives of a certain proportion being
found in the Prakrits and in the unexplored Sanskrit literature. Nevertheless, a certain
number of instances will remain, which requires accounting for. With respect to the second
fact, it has been pointed out that many of the curious variants are clearly dialectic and derived
from lost or preserved parent-stems in accordance with phonetic laws valid in the Prakrits
and in Sanskrit.^

The chief considerations, which in my opinion do account for these peculiarities are (1) the
great length of the period, during which the materials of the DhAtupAtha were collected,
(2) the enormous extent of the territory fi*om which the Hindu grammarians drew their
inguistio facts, and (3) the great diversity of the several sections of the Indo- Aryans inhabiting
this territory.

It is admitted at all hands that P^nini's SabdAnu^asana is the last link in a long chain of
grammatical treatises, which were gradually enlarged and made more and more intricate, nntil
the Hindu system of grammar became a science, which can be mastered only by a diligent study
continued for years. According to the unanimous tradition of the Hindus, the YyAkarana is a
Vedunga, i. e., a science subservient to the study of the Veda, and it is highly probable that
the older Hindu grammars exclusively or chiefly explained the Vedic forms, just like the oldest
Koshas, the Nighantus, include very little that is not derived from Vedic texts. In Plinini*s
grammar the Vedic language is oi minor importance. Its chief aim is to teach the correct

» A perasal of Prof. P«r Person's JTurzelerweiterung und Wurxelvariation would perhaps oonvinee Prof. Edgren
that many Indo-£aropean roots mmy be arranged in gancu^ similar to those in wbicb he has arranged so many
verbs of the DhAtup&^ha.

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Sbptembeb, 1894.] THE ROOTS OF THE DHATUPATHA. 253

forms of the lauhiki hhdshd for the use of students of Saiiskrit. The road, that leads from the
Yedanga to the independent ^abdanasasana, is a long one, and lias not been traversed in one
or a few decades. Centuries "vvero required in orde^ to effect the change. For in India pro-
cesses of development are particularly slow, except when extraneous impulses come into play.
To the conclusion that the prehistoric period of the Vyakarana was a long one, point also Pdnini's
appeals to the authority of numerous predecessors. He not only mentions ten individual
earlier teachers, but b,\so the schools of the North and the East, and his grammar shews indeed
very clear traces that it has been compiled from various sources. Now, if Paoini's Sutras are
the final redaction of a number of older grammatical works, the same must be the case with his
Dh^tupafha. For the arrangement of all Indian Sabdanusasanas presupposes the existence of a
Dhatup&tha, and there is no reason to assume that the older grammars were deficient in this
respect. It may be even suggested that the occasional discrepancies between the teaching of
the Dhatupatha and rules of the 'Sabdanueasana, the existence of which has been alleged, as
well as the inequality in the explanatory notes, appended to the roots, are due to an incomplete
unification of the various materials which Panini used. Similar instances of what looks like, or
really is, carelessness in redaction® are not wanting in other SAtras. In the Introduction to my
Translation of Apastamba's Dharmasiitra^® I have pointed out that, though Apastamba
condemns in that work the raising of Kshetraja sons and the practice of adoption, he yet
describes in the Srauta Sfitra the manner in which a "son of two fathers" shall offer the
funeral cakes, and that Hiranyakesin has not thought it necessary to make the language of the
several parts of hia Kalpa agree exactly.

But, if Panini's Dhatupatha must be considered as a compilation from various works,
dating ivoin different centuries and composed in various parts of India, it is only to be expected
that it should contain many verbs which had already in his time become obsolete and isolated,
many variants or dialectic forms. This supposition becomes particularly credible, if the extent
of the territory is taken into consideration, from which the ancient grammarians drew their
linguistic facts. It extends from the Khyber Pass and the frontier of Sindh in the West, about
71° E. L., to beyond Patni in the East, in 86° E. L., and from the Himalaya to the Vindhya
range, where the NarmadA, the mekhald hhuvah^ divides the Uttarapatha from the Dak-
shinApatha, or roughly reckoning from the twenty-second to the thirty-first degree N. L.
The Aryan population of this large tract was divided into a very great number of tribes, clans,
castes and sects, as well as of schools of Vaidiks, Pandits and poets, and owed allegiance
to the rulers of perhaps a dozen or more different kingdoms. In historic India tribal, sectarian,
political and other divisions have always strongly influenced the development of the languages,
and have caused and perpetuated dialectic differences. It seems difficult to assume that mattei^
stood differently in prehistoric times, when there was not, as later, one single work which was
generally considered as the standard authority of speech by all educated Aryans. The diversity
of the words and forms in literary works and in the speech of the educated classes probably
was very great and the task of the earlier grammarians, who had to make their selection from
them very difficult.

This difficulty was, it might be expected, not lessened by their method of working. Even
in the present day Indian Pandits rarely use any of the scientific apparatus, of which European
scholars avail themselves. Indexes, dictionaries and ** Collectanea," such as are at the service
of the Europeans, are unknown to them. They chiefly trust to memory, and work in a happy-
go-lucky sort of way. Even when writing commentaries, they frequently leave their quotations
unverified or entrust the verification to incompetent pupils. The enormous quantity of the

* I say advisedly ' looks like or really is carelessness,' because it is nlways possible that the Siitrakiras
intentionally left contradictory roles unaltered in order to indicate an option. Very clear cases of careless-
nets in the working up of different materials, do, however, actually occur, e, g., in the grammatical and lexi-
cographical works of Hemachandra.

*• Sacred Books of tht East, Vol. II. p. xxiii, p. 130, note 7.

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254 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Septembee, 1894.

materials and the deficiencies in the system of working them np, explain why none of the Vedas
or other old books have been excerpted completely, while the diversity of the materials and the
length of the period, during which the collections were made, fully account for the occurrence
of dialectic, and of isolated or obsolete, forms in the list of roots. In my opinion it is only
wonderful that they are not more numerous.

I now come to the real object of my paper, the practical suggestions for the oontinna-
tion of the search for roots and forms and for an organisation of this search. On the one

hand it is necessary that all the unpublished Dhatupathas together with their commentaries
should be edited critically with good indexes, and that the same should he done with the
Sanskrit Koshas, which furnish the tradition regarding the derivatives. On the other hand,
all accessible Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit books and MSS., as well as the Vernacular classics
ought to be read and excerpted by competent scholars, with a view to the preparation of a
Dictionary of Indo-Aryan Roots. This Dictionary ought to contain, not only the roots, included
in the Dhatapatha, together with their meanings and inflections, verified and unverified, as well
with the corresponding forms of the Prakrits and Vernaculars, but also those verbs, which the
grammarians have omitted, whether they are found in Vedic, Sanskrit, Prakrit or Vernacular
literature or speech. If the materials ai'e arranged methodically and intelligibly, and if a good
index is added, such a book would be of very considerable use to all linguists, who study any
of the Indo-European languages. And if the excerpts are made with the necessary care, a portion
of them can be made useful for the Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit dictionaries of the future.

The magnitude of the undertaking would preclude the possibility of its being carried out
by one or even by a small number of students. The co-operation of a great many would
be required, not only of Europeans and Americans, but also of the Hindus of the
modern school, who alone can furnish the materials for the very important Verna-
culars. Moreover, a careful consideration of the general plan would be necessary, as
well as the settlement of definite rules and instructions for the collaborators. Perhaps
one of the next International Oriental Congresses will be a suitable occasion for the dis-
cussion of such a scheme, and of its details as well as of the great question of ways and
means. I believe, that if the idea finds the necessary support, the appointment of a per-
manent international Committee will be advisable, which should supervise the preparation of
the work and the indispensable preliminary labours. A small beginning has already been
made with the latter by the Imperial Austrian Academy's Series of Sources .0/ Sarishrit
Lexicography, of which the first volume has appeared and the second, containing Hemachan-
dra*s Uij&diganas6tra with the author's commentary, is ready for the press, while the third, the
Mankhakosha with its commentary, has been undertaken by Prof. Zachariae. It is a
matter of congratulation that the Council of the Soci^t^ Asiatique- has expressed its willingness
to co-operate and has commissioned M. Finot to edit the Ajayakosha on the same principles,
which Prof. Zachariae has followed in preparing the Anekarthasaihgraha. I have hopes
that the Austrian Academy will sanction the issue of some more volumes, including also some
Dhatupathas, e. g,, those belonging to Hemachandra*s grammar and to the K&tantra. If
Prof. Lanman, the German Oriental Society, the Asiatic Society of Bengal and other corporations
or individuals publishing editions of Sanskrit texts would each agree to undertake a few^ volumes,
the necessary auxiliary editions might be prepared without too great a delay and without
too heavy a strain on the resources of one single body.

At the same time it would be quite feasible to begin with the excerpts from the literary
works, the results of which could be published preliminarily in the Journals of the various
Oriental Societies and in the Transactions of the Academies. The form of publication ought to be
such that they could easily be used by the editor or editors of the Dictionary, and the original
excerpts, done according to uniform principles, might be deposited for future reference in the
libraries of the learned bodies, publishing the results. With a well considered plan, which
might follow partly the lines of that^ adopted for the new Thesauri^ Totius Laiinitatis, the

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" Dictionary of Indo -Aryan Roots" might be completed within the lifetime of those among as
who at present are the madhyamavriddha Sanskritists.

If the idea is ever realised and a standard book is produced, a great part of the credit will
belong to Prof. Whitney. In his Supplement y which, in spite of my different views
regarding the character of tJie linguistic facts handed down by the ancient Hindiis and regard-
ing various details, I value very highly and in his justly popular Sanshrit Qrammar^ the
statistical method has been first applied to Sanskrit, and these two works mark a decided
advance in the study of the ancient Brahmanical language.

Vienna, ZUt Jan. 1894.

MISCELLANEA.

SOME REMAEKS ON THE KALYANI
INSCEIPTIONS.

{Continued from page 224.)

(5) G^lamattikanagaram.

"Any structure built of loam, earth (P&li
mattikdt Skr. mrittikd), brick, or stone is called
[in Talaing and Burmese] taik. The Talaing
Talkkulft (Takknla) and the Burmese Kul£Ltaik
is the correct rendering of G^lamattik£L. In old
Talaing manuscripts the P&li name is written
Golamattikft, and in modem manuscripts Gul&-
mattika and Kul&mattik&. The Talaing equiva-
lents are Taikg61& and, by a natural assimilation
of ^ to ^, TaikkoU, which changed in course of
time to Taikkuia.*'*

The ruins of Taikkul& are etill extant
between Ayetl>hmk and Kln3rw& in the Bilin
township of the Shwdgyin distiiet.

•* Though the seashore is now about 12 miles
to the west, this place was still an important
seaport in the 16th and 17th centuries; it is
marked on the map of Prof. Lassen as Tak-
kala, but erroneously placed a few miles north of
Tavoy. Cables, ropes, and other vestiges of sea-
going vessels are still frequently dug up about
TaikkolA.'*'

The subject of the identification of the Tak^a
of Ptolemy and the Kalah of Arabian Geogra-
phers is discussed by Forchhammer at pages
12-16, and at pages 198 and 199 of McOrindle's
Ancient India Described by Ptolemy.

If the evidence afforded by the Kaly&nt Inscrip-
tions can be relied on, the settlement in Suvanna-
bhAmi was apparently colonized from Bengal by
the G61as, = Gaudos, during one of the struggles
for supremacy between Buddhism and Brah-
manism, and possibly Jainism also.

(6) The Stone at G^lamattikanagaram.

Ante, Vol. XXI. p. 17, it is stated that when
Sdna and Uttara conquered the rakkhasas at
Gdlamattikanagara, images of rakkhasas were put

1 Forohhammer's Kotee on the Early History and
Geography of British Burma^ IL —The First Buddhist

on children as protective charms. These charms
are stated in the text to have been inscribed
bhuje vdpann^ vd, and I have translated this " on
armlets, wristlets and leaves.'* I was misled by
the Burmese version, and the allusion is evidently
to the bhUrjapatra, the palm-leaf MS. (the bhdj'
pair of modem India) of modem and mediseval
times, whatever it may have been originally.

It is further stated that the image of the
Hakkhasi was engraved on a stone placed
" on the top of a bill to the North-East of the
town." ** Tam rUpath yav* ajjatand dissati, this
image is to be seen to this day" says the inscrip-
tion in 1476 A. D.

A Btone answering this description is re-
ported still to exist. Forchhammer says.
Notes on the Early History and Geography of
British Burma, II, page 10: — "Of the town
nothing remains now except traces of brick walls
and the stone image alluded to in the text taken
from the Kaly&ni Inscriptions. It is now lying
half buried underground, near a small tank to the
south of the Kum&rach^tt, and consists of a huge,
phantastically-shaped boulder, similar in appear-
ance to that strange freak of nature, the supposed
lost species of megatherium preserved in the
public garden at Prome/*

(7) The Pestilence in It4maliiiad£sa.
After the appearance of Sdna and Uttara there
is reference {ante. Vol. XXII. p. 17) to an
ahiv&tar6ga, which afflicted B&mafl&addsa.
This word is rendered by ** pestilence" in translat-
ing the Mahdvagga, I. 60. See Severed Books of
the East, Yol. XIII. p. 204.

The pestilence referred to might well have been
the result of the drying up of the deltaic lands of'
R&mafiuad^, such as has been witnessed in our
own time in Lower Bengal.

(8) The Seven Kings.
After the pestilence mentioned in the last note
BdjnaAfiaddsa ** was conquered by the armies

Mission to Suvai^i^ahhUmif page 9.
a Op. cit. p. 7.

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[Septbmbbb, 1894.

of the seven Kings" {sattardjasSndydhhi'
bMtaitd).^

The seven kings alluded to here appear to refer
to the autochthonous tribes inhabiting the vallej
of the Sittang and Salween riYei*s before the
advent of the Talaings, such as the Taungbds,
Karens, and YabSns, remnants of whom are still
foiind scattered in what was once the Talaing
Kingdom; or to the Cambodian Princes whose
power was paramount in Indo- China between thee
6th and 7th centuries A. D.

Forchhammer, however, says. Notes on the
Early Hist, of British Burma, II. p. 10 :— "The
TaungthOs, still numerous about Ajetth^m^ and
Thaton, claim the region between the mouths of
the Sittang and the Salween rivers as their
original home, from which they were driven,
according to their traditions, by the Talaings.
The TaungthAs were divided into seven clans.
I have little doubt that by the Battarfijasdn&ya
of the Kaly&^l Inscriptions, the seven clan
ohiefB of the Taungthtis are meant, who haras-
sed the Talaings by their constant inroads. This
must have happened in the 8th or 10th century
after Christ, prior to the conquest of Thaton by
the Burmese King Anawratha. After the rise of
W&gaxti, king of Martaban, at the close of the
13th century, the main body of Taungthtis, being
conquered by the Talaings, left the country.
Three clans (I owe this information to Dr. Gush-
ing) went towards the north and the other four
clans towards the north-east (Sh&n and Laos
States). They appear to have been the cultivators
of the soil from time immemorial, for In the
Talaing law-books the word Khdttiya (Kehd-
tra), which, in the DhammathhtSy is erroneously
often treated as a synonym of Khattiya (Ksha-
triya) of the Hindu Dharmaidstras, and ' taken
in the sense of tillers of the soil,' is always
translated by ' Taungthus *."

For the Taungbfts see my remarks, ante, Vol.
XXI. p. 379 ff.

(8) Eras and Reckoning.

The years of Sakkardj (Petkayit, the
•Vulgar Era* of the Burmese) throughout
the inscriptions are expressed by means of
mnemonic words,* the latter being written in the
reverse order.

The following list contains the words most
commonly used in this connexion : —

Cipher — hha; sunha (void), nahha (the sky).

• Ante, Vol. XXII. p. 17.

4 See BumeU's Elements of South-Indian Palceogra-
phy, pages 58 and 59.

One — r^pa (form).

Two — cW (or dv^ ; chamma (there being two
kinds of skins) ; yama (a couple).

Three — sikhi (there being three kinds of fires,
namely, of lobha or rdga, dosa, and ni6ha).

"Fonr—hSda (the number of Vidas being four).

Five— p4»a (there being five kinds of intoxi-
cants).

Six— rewa (there being six different kinds of

tastes).

Seven — muni (there being seven kinds of
sages).

Eight — ndga (there being eight kinds ofndyas).

Nine — ruddha (there being nine kinds of samd-
pattis : five r<kpajjhdna, and four arUpajjhdna).^

Two eras, both of exotic origin, are in use
among the Burmese:— the era of Heligion,
or Anno Buddhsd, reckoned by the Burmans
from 644 B. C, and the Vulgar era, or Sak-
karAj.

The Burmans would derive Sakkarfrj from Sakka
or &akra, the Recording Angel of Buddhism,
and rdjd, a king ; because, according to them, the
era was inaugurated by the king of the divas.
In ancient books and inscriptions, however, the
word is found written BakarAj, which is more
consonant with its true etymology from ^akar&ja.
It is in fact a form of the Baka era of India,
and is found in use in most of the Indo-Chinese
countnes and in Java, being reckoned properly
firom Monday, 14th March 78, A. D. (Ju«
lian era).

The earliest era used in Burma seems to have
been the Era of ]£leligion, reckoned as above ;
but, according to the Burmese, this era was
abolished by Samundari, King of Prome or
Brikshdtra, in Anno Buddhsd 624, and a new
era was established in its own second year,
thus wiping out 622 years of the Era of
Heligion. Hence the era established by King
Samundart had the name of the D6d6ra8a Era
applied to it.

It will be thus seen that the D^d^rasa Era
of King Samundari reckons ftom 78 A. D.,
that is, from the Baka Era of India. The

correspondence of the beginning of this era in
India and Burma, and of its very appellation, and
the existence of architectural remains in Prome
which resemble those of Upper India, are con-
vincing proofs, to my mind, that there was fre-
quent intercourse between India and Prome in

* [Compare Natesa Saatri's elang mnemonic nume-
rals now need in South India, ante, p. 49 f . — Ed.]

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MISCELLANEA.

257

the first century after Christ, when the latter was
a seaport, and that Indian influence was predo-
minant in the Lrawaddy Valley.

But the Burmese and Indo-Chinese gene-
rally reckon, and have for centuries reckoned,
the SakkarAj from 688 A. D., adding, as they
say, 622+660 to the Anno Buddhsd to arrive at
it. That is, to convert a year Anno BuddhsB into
a year Sakkar&j, the numbers 622 and 560 must be
added to the former. How the number 622 was
arrived at, we have already seen, and the next
puzzle is to find out why 560 has also to be
added.

Besides the name SakkarAj, or ]>etkayit,
the name Elhachhapaficha ie applied to the
Era which commences with 688 A. D., and
the Burmese records ai*e, so far as I know, silent
an to the reasons for its introduction. For the
matter of that they are silent as to the causes
that led to the adoption of the Saka era of 78
A. D.

But there is evidence to shew that the new
SakkarAj, or Era of 688 A. D., ie of Chinese
origin. Forbes, Languages of Further India,
p. 26 f., talks of the " singular fact that all the
nations of Ultra-India, although deriving their
religion, theii* civilization and their litei*ature
from India, have not adopted any of the Indian
Eras, but have borrowed from China." He then
goes on to quote from Gamier :

'* Les relations ^tablies par les Thang avec les
contr^es du midi avaient propag^ sans aucun doute
les connaisances astronomiques et Ie calendner
Chinois, et c'est Ik peut-^ti*e V origine de T^re qui est
aujourd^hui la seule employee a Siam (Cambodge),
au Laos, et en Birmanie, et qui commence a Tan
633. Cassini a demonti'e en effet que Ie point de
depart de cette ^re etait purement astronomique.
Le 21 Mars 688 la nouvelle lune coincida avec
Tentr^e du soleil dans le premier signe du zodi-
aque et produisit une eclipse importante."

As to the travels of the Ei'a from China to
Buima, they can be accounted for thus. The
Annamese, who became subject to China as
long ago as the year 221 B. C. under the Emperor
Hwaugti, passed it on to their neighbours, the
Cambodians, whose empire extended in the
early centuries of the Christian ei-a, prior to their
conquest by the Siamese (1351-1374 A. D.), as far
as the shores of the Gulf of Martaban. Traces
of their influence and civilization are still to be
found in the painting, sculptm*e and architecture
of Buima.

« [But see ante. Vol. XXII. p. 368 ff., as to the travels of Dtpankara in Lower Burma in
A.D. — Ed.]

To convert the present Sakkar&j into years
A. D., it is simply necessary to add 638 ; thus
1255 + 638 = 1893. The year 1893 A. D. = the
year 1255 B E. (Burmese Era). According to
the Burmans the number 1255 is arrived at
thus: —

1256 years Sakkar&j.
560 years Dodomsa.
622 years A. B.

2437 the present year A. B.
Subtract 1893 (years A. D.) from 2437 (years A. B.),
and 544 B. 0. is anived at as the commencement
of the En\ of Religion.

It will, however, be perceived that there
is nothing Indian about the Sakkarfij of the
modern Burmese, except its name and the
traditions connected with it.

(10) Anuruddha or An6rat'IUi6.

Anuruddha and its Burmanized forms, An6.
rat'& and An6rat'&86, are the names of the
hero-king who reigned at Pag^n about the
beginning of the eleventh century A. D.

His conquest of That6n in 1057 A. D., is
thus described by Phayre, History of Burma,
page 37 :— " The king now desired to possess the
Buddhist Scriptures, the Tripitaka, Hs knew that
those precious volumes existed at Thahtun
(Thaton). He sent an ambassador of high rank
to Manuh&, the king of that city, to ask for a
copy of the holy books. The king answered
haughtily that he would give nothing. Anoa-
rahtA (Anbrat'&), with a sudden fierceness, alto-
gether opposed to -the spirit of the religion which
he had embraced, determined to punish what he
meeded an afPront. He collected a large army
and went down the Ir&wadt. The king of Thah-
tun had no means of meeting the invader in the
field, but the city wns well defended by a wall.
After a long siege the citizens were reduced by
famine and the city was surrendered. King
Manuh&, his wives and children, were carried
away captive to Pug&n. The city was utterly
destroyed. Nobles and artificers, holy relics and
sacred books, golden images and treasures of all
kinds were carried off; and from that time the
country of Pegu became for more than two
centuries subject to Burma. As a fit sequence
to such a war the unhappy Manuh&, his whole
family, and the high-bom captives were thrust
down to the lowest depth of woe by being made
pagoda slaves."

During the three centuries* that preceded the
accession of An5rat*&, Buddhism was expeUed

the tenth centary

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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[Seftembcb, 1894.

from India, and its votaries found a refuge in the
neiglibom-ing countries, namely, Tibet, China, the
Malay Archipelago, Indo- China, and Ceylon.
To this fact may, perhaps, be attributed the
religious and architectural activity manifested
at Pagan at the beginning of the eleventh century,
and the preparedness of the Burmans to assimi-
late the civilization of the Takings ti-ansplanted
through Andrat'a's conquest.

However, it has hitherto been the fkshion^
to represent An6rat'& as the leader of a
barbarian horde, who swept down upon Thaton,
and from thence canded away captive its king,
Manuha, together with "five elephant-loads of
Buddhist Scnptures and five hundred Buddhist
pnests; " and that it was dunng his reign that
the Burmans received their religion, letters, and
other elements of civilization from the Talaings.
Such statements do not appear to be war-
ranted by the evidence afforded by the
following considerations relating to this
period : —

[a) The tract of country extending from
Toungoo to Mandalay was colonised under feudal
tenure in order to prevent the recurrence of the
constant raids from the neighbouring Sh&n hills ;
and, with a view to attract population, the irriga-
tion-works, which have been a source of wealth
and prosperity to later generations, were con-
structed. A similar cordon of towns and villages
was also formed on the Northern frontier to
safeguard against aggi*e8sions from the Sh&n
Kingdom of Pong. Coupled with these facts was
that of the subjection of the Talaings to Burmese
rule for over two centunes. These circumstances
appear to indicate that the Burmans of that
period were possessed of the elements of civiliza-
tion and were acquainted with statesmanship, the
methods of good government, and the arts of
settled life.

(b) A debased form of Buddhism, which
was probably introduced from Northern
India, existed at Pag^n. Its teachers, called
Arts, were not strict observera of their vow of
celibacy ; and it is expressly recorded in Native
histories that they had written records of their
doctrines, the basis of which was that sin could
be expiated by the recitation of certain hymns.

^ Compare Forchhammer's Jardine Prize Essay, p. 4 : —
** We shall in vain explore the reputed sites of ancient
Burmese capitals for any architectural remains, antedat-
ing the rise of Anawrahta, which can be traced to Bar-
mans. The conquest of Anawrahta inaugurated the
career of the Hranmas or Barmans as a historical nation.
^* Nor did they, prior to this event, possess an alpha-
bet, much less a literature. Their most ancient inscrip-

The sacred language of Buddhism at the
time of its introduction was Saiiskrit, and
not P&U- This is abundantly clear from the
terra-cotta tablets bearing Sanskrit legends found
at Tagaung, Pagan, and Prome, from the prefer-
ence shewn for the Sanskritic form of certain
words, as noticed by FausboU and Trenckner, in
the Buddhistic books of Burma, and from the
existence in the Burmese language of words
importing terms in religion, mythology, science,
and social life, which ai-e derived directly from
Sanskrit.'

(c) It is expressly recorded in the Mahdyd-
saw in that An6rat*& and Mauuh& had inscriptions
erected at the pagodas built by them, and that
the Buddhist scriptures, which were in the Mun
or Talaing character, were, by Anorat'&'s com-
mand, transcribed in the Burmese character at
Pag^n. Inscriptions of the 11th and 12th
centuries have been found at Pag^n, whose
palfleographical development is clearly trace-
able to the Indo-P&U alphabet of Kanishka
{vide Cunningham's Coi*pu8 Inscrtptionum Indi-
caruin, Plate XXVII.), and not to the South-
Indian alphabet of the Eastern Ch&lukya dynasty
of Kalinga {vide Bui*nell's Elements of Souths
Indian PaUeography, Plate IV.) fi*om which the
Talaing alphabet was undoubtedly derived.

{d) The Shwezfgon and several other pagodas
weie built by An6rat'&, who enshrined in them
the relics obtained by demolishing certain reli-
gious edifices in Arakan, Prome, and Hanl>awadi.
The sudden outburst of architectural energy,
which followed Andrat*&*s conquest of Thaton, and
which covered the Upper Valley of the Ir&wad
with pagodas and other religious buildings, could
not have been possible unless the Burmans of that
period had reached a certain stage in the scale of
civilization.

It is to be hoped that further researches, both
historical and antiquarian, will bring to light the
social, intellectual, moral, and religious condition
of the Burmans on the eve of their conquest of
Thaton in the 11th century. For the present,
however, the available mateiials are either scanty
or unreliable.

According to the Kaly&nt Inscriptions, the
period extending from the establishment of

tions are not older than six centuries and display the art
of writing in its infancy." [This last statement is at
any rate wrong. Vide ante^ p. 167. footnote 7 : Cunning-
ham's Mahabodhif p. 75. — Ed.]

^ See the discussion on Sanskrit words in the Burmese
Language ending with Mr. Houghton's " Rejoinder,"
ante, p. 165fiP. Pace Mr. Houghton, I still hold to my
original opinion.

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259

Buddhism to the reign of Manuh&, — a period
extending over thii'teeu centuries, — " the power
of B&mannad^sa declined, because civil dissen-
sions arose and the extensive country was broken
up into separate principalities, because the people
suffered from famine and pestilence, and because,
to the detriment of the propagation of the excel-
lent religion, the country was conquered by the
armies of the seven kings."

This very rapid rhum^, amounting practically
to silence, is thus explained by Forchhammer, Jar-
dine Prize Essay , page 25 f . : — ** From the 6th to
the 11 th centuries the political history of the
Talaings is a blank. ^ During this peiiod the
ancient kingdom of Khmer or Camboja attained
to its fullest power ; it extended from the Qulf
of Mai'taban to Tonquin. The kings, who ruled
over Khmer from the year 548 A. D. to the 11th
century, favoured Brahmanism to the almost
total exclusion and suppression of Buddhism.
The splendid ruins of Khmer date from this
period; the temples are dedicated to Siva and
Vishnu ; the iuKCriptions are written in Sanskrit-
Camboj?, is the * great kingdom of Zabej ' of
Arabian geographers, which, in the eighth and
ninth centuries, extended also over the groups of
islands south and west of Malacca, including
Borneo, Java, and Sumatra; Kala (Gk>}anagara),
north of Thaton, was then an important sea
harbour, and according to Abuzaid and Kazwint>
an Indian town, subject at that time (9th
century) to the king of Camboja. The country
of the Talaings was then, no doubt, also a depend-
ency of the same kingdom, and the silence of
their records during that period is fully explained
thereby. They mention, however, the struggle
for ascendancy between Brahmanism and Bud-
dhism; the latter prevailed, chiefly because the
maritime provinces of Burma became a place of
refuge to a great number of Buddhist fugitives
from Lidia."

In this connexion it may be noted that, in
order to comprehend accurately the history of
Burma, the history of Indo-China should be
studied as a whole.

(11) Sirisangliab6dhi-Parakkamab£Lh\irltj£L.

These inscriptions are so full of dates relating
to the doings of the Talaing emissaries to the Coui-t
of the Sinhalese kings that they should go far
towards establishing the still doubtful chronology
of the line.

» [Chiefly, I think, for the same reason that the history
of the same centuries was blank for so long in India, —
vu., the very numerona Talaing inscriptions have not
yet been deciphered and read. — Ed.]

!• [Mr. Bell, Arch, Survey of Ceyloti, Report on the

Parakkamab4hu is placed usually in 1153-1186
A. D. See App. XI. p. Ixvi. to Tumour's
Mahdwanso: and Tennent's Ceylon, VoL 1.
p. 407.^0

(12) Narapatijayastlra or Narapatlslbti.

King Narapatijayasdra, or Nai'apatisii^fl, was
the seventh king of Pagkn after An6rat*& and
reigned for thirty-seven years, from 1174 to 1211
A. D. He built the Grodbpalin and Chiil&mani
Pagodas at Pag&n, besides many other religious
edifices in vaiious parts of his kingdom. His
reign is also memorable in the annals of Burma
because of the communications with Ceylon.
His own preceptor, Uttar&jtvamah&thei*a, visited
that island, where one of the preceptor's disciples,
Chapata, a native of Bassein, received upasam-
padd ordination and remained for ten years.
Chapata returned to Pagan, accompanied by
four other mahdth&ras, namely, —

(1) SXvali, of T&malitthi, i, e., TamlOk ;

(2) T&malinda, son of the king of Kamboja

which may perhaps, in this instance,

be identified with one of the Shan

States ;
(8) Ananda, a native of Kinchipura, which

is probably the well known KASchl-

pura, or Conjeveram ;
(4) R&hula, of Lank&dipa, i, e., Oeylon.

The advent of these priests, and their subse-
quent disagreements among themselves, heralded
the existence of religious schisms in Burma.

The apostolical succession of Uttardjivamah&,
th^i-a, mentioned ante. Vol. XXII. p. 17, is
interesting, as it bears testimony to the early
intercourse between Thaton and Magadha and to
the fact that the Talaing priests of those days were
renowned for their piety and learning.

It may be noted by the way that Kappungana-
gai'a is locally identified with Kabaing, a small
village a few miles to the south-west of Rangoon,
and that Sudhammanagara is a classical name of
Thaton.

The reign of NarapatisfbQ is also memorable in
Burmese history, for the high culture of the
Burmese poetry of the period, and four, in Burma,
immortal verses are attributed to AnantasOriya
on the eve of his execution in this reign : — vide
Mahdydi^voindogyi, Vol. I. page 357.

Taw SeinKo.

Kegalla District, 1892, p. vii. wishes to pnt forward
the date of Parakkamabfthu (Par&krama B&hn} to 1164
A. D. He suggests various other alterations in dates*
and tells me that the KalySnt Inscriptions have sup-
ported his views. — Ed.]

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260

THE nroiAN ANTIQUARY.

[Sbptsicbbb, 1894.

THE HEMP PLANT IN 8ANSKEIT AND HINDI
LITEBATUBE.

A search through all the Sanskfit and Hindi
hooks accessihle to me, has resulted in the follow-
ing notes on the references to the hemp plant
occurring in the literatures of those languages.

The hemp plant is met with in Safislqrit and
Hindi literature under various names. The
principal are — (1) Bhai&ga. (2) Indrteana.
(3) VijayA or Jayft. The earliest mention of the
word gafijfi.) which I have noted, is dated about
the year 1300 A. D.

Whenever the word vijayd is used, it is doubt-
ful whether the hemp plant is meant or the yellow
myrobolan, as the word means both. The name
hhanga occurs in the AtharvavMa,BSiy, B. C. 1400.
The hemp plant is there mentioned simply as a
sacred grass. P&nini who flourished, say, B.C. 300,
mentions the pollen of the hemp flower (hhangd).
In the commencement of the sixth century A. D.
we find the first mention of vijayd which I have
noted. It is a sacred gi-ass, and probably means,
in this instance, the hemp plant. The first
mention of hhanga as a medicine, which I have
noted, is in the work of Sulinita. before the eighth
century A. D., where it is called an antiphleg-
matic. During the next four centuries bhongd
(feminine) frequently occurs, in native Sanskfit
dictionaries, in the sense of hemp plant. In the
tenth century the intoxicating nature of bhang
seems to have been known : and the name IndrA-
Sana, IndiVs food, fii^st appears, so far as I
know, in literature. Its intoxicating power was
ceitainly known in the beginning of the fourteenth
century. In a play widtten in the beginning of
the sixteenth century it is mentioned as being
consumed hyjdgU (Saiva mendicants). It is there
named '* Indra's food." In later medical works
it is frequently mentioned under various names.
Below will be found a more detailed account of
the passages, in which I have noted the use of
the Indian hemp. I may add that I have not
traced in literature any difference between the
uses of the word grawjc! and of the word hhanga,
though modem kavirdjas tell me that they are
distinct plants.

In the Atharvavfida (ctV. 1400 B. C.) the
bhang plant is mentioned (11, 6, 15) once: — *• We
tell of the five kingdoms of herbs headed by Soma ;
may it, and huSa grass, and bhaiiga and barley,
and the herb saha, release us from anxiety."
Here reference is evidently made to the offering
of these herbs in oblations.

The grammarian PA^ini (ctV. B. C. 300) men-
tions (5, 2, 29) bhahgdkata, the pollen of the hemp

I Cir. A. D. 500.

> Tenth or eleventh century.

flower, as one of his examples. The fact that
the pollen of this special flower was quoted is
worth noting.

VarAhamihira (A. D. 604), in his Brihat.
aariihitd (XLYIII. 39), mentions vijayd tis used
with other grasses, in the rites of the Pushya
bathing festival. Vijayd in this passage certainly
means some plant or other. The word may mean
either the Indian hemp plant, or be a synonym
of haritaki (^the yellow myrobolan) Dr. Hoernle
informs me that in the oldest medical works the
word is explained by commentators in the latter
sense. It is doubtful, however, what meaning
we are to adopt, and the word may mean the
hemp-plant hhanga. In the passage from the
Atharvavdda already quoted, amongst the five
plants specially honoui*ed as oblations, hhanga is
closely connected with the herb $aha. So also,
in the Brihatsaihhitd, vijayd is mentioned as one
of a long list of plants to be used in the offer-
ing, and the very next plant mentioned is aahd,
which is apparently the same as saJia. This
would enconrge the theory that the vijayd of the
Brihatsamhitd was more probably the same as
the hhanga of the Atharvavdda,

In Susruta who flourished before the eighth
century (Ut. XI. 3), hhanga is recommended
together with a number of other drugs as an
autiphlegmatic. Vijayd is mentioned in the
same work as a remedy for catarrh accompanied
by diarrhoea (Ut. XXIV. 20) and {Ut. 39, p. 415,
20) as an ingredient in a pi*escription for fever
arising from an excess of bile and phlegm. In
these two passages, however, vijayd is probably
an equivalent of harUahi, the yellow myrobolan,
and does not mean hemp.

In the various kdehas or dictionaries, hhahgd
is frequently mentioned as meaning the hemp
plant. Thus,-— (l)i4warfl*o«fca,*:a,9,20; (2) Trikdn-
cla^^«fea," 3, 364 ; (3) Hdmachandra's -4n^ifcdr<Aa-
koaha,^ 2, 37; (4) H^machandra*s ^6^u2^anac^in-
tdmani, 1179. The Sdrasundari (date not known
to me), a commentary on the Amarakdsha
mentioned above, by Mathxu'e^a, and quoted in
the ^ahdahalpadrti^na, mentions that the seed
of the bhangd plant is the size of that of millet
fkaldyaj,

Chakrap&nidatta is said to have flourished
under Nayap&la, a prince who reigned in the
eleventh century A. D. In his ^abdachandrikd,
a medical vocabulRry, he gives the following
Sanskrit names for bhang:— (1) Vijayd (victori-
ous), (2) Trailokyavijayd (victorious in the three
worlds, (3) Bhangd, (4) Indrd^ana (Indra's food),

' Twelfth century.

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MISCELLANEA.

261

(5) Jaijd (victorious). These names seem to shew
that its use as au intoxicant was then known.

The Edjanighantu of Naraharl Pai^dita (A. D.
1300) adds the following names to those given by
Chaki-apdnidatta in the Sabdachandrikd above
mentioned: — (6) Virapattra (hero-leaved or the
leaf of heroes), (7) Qaiijd, (8) Chapald (the light-
hearted), (9) Ajayd (the unconquered), (10)
Anandd (the joyful), (11) f/ari»/i iti ^ (the re joic-
er). He adds that the plant possesses the follow-
ing qualities : — (1) kattUva (acridity); (2) kashd-
yatva (astringency) ; (3) ushnatva (heat); (4)
tiktaiva (pungency) ; (6) vdtakaphdpahatva (re-
moving wind and phlegm) ; (6) samgrdhitva
(astringency) ; (7) vdkpradatva (speech-giving) ;
(8) balyatva (strength-giving) ; j^9) medhdkdritva
(inspiring of mental power) ; (10) Mshthadipa-
nntva (the property of a most excellent excitant).

The Sdi-hgadharasamhitdt a medical work by
Blir£igadhara, the date of whicli is unknown,
but which must have been compiled duiing the
Muhammadan period of Indian History (say A. D.
1500), specially mentions (1, 4, 19),* bhanga as an
excitant {vyavdyin). In the same passage it
mentions opium.

The Dlitirtasam&gama, or ** Rogues' Con-
gress,'* is the name of an amusing, if coarsely
written, farce of about the year 1500 A. D., the
author of which was one Jyotirisa. In the second
act two Saiva mendicants come before an unjust
judge, and demand a decision on a quarrel which
they have about a nymph of the bdzdr. The
judge demands payment of a deposit before he
will give any opinion. One of the litigants says : —
" Hero is my ganja bag ; let it be accepted as a
deposit.'' The judge {taking it povipously, and
then smelling it greedily) says: — ** Let me try
yfha,titia like (takes a pinch). Ah! I have just
now got by the merest chance some gaiija which
is soporific and corrects derangements of the
humours, which produces a healthy appetite,
shai'pens the wits, and acts as an aphrodisiac.'*
The word used for gailja in the above is Indrd-
4ana (Indra's food).

The Bhdvaprakdid, another medical work
written by Bhavaddvamisra (cir. A. D. 1(5U0)'
has as follows : -

Bhahgd garijd mdtuldni

mddini vijayd jayd I
Bhangd kaphahari tiktd

grdhini pdchani laghuh I
likshno'shnd pittald mdha-

mada-vdj-vahnivardhini \\

* I qaote the MS. in the Library of the Asiatic Society
ol Bengal.

• According to Dutt " not before 1535 A. D."

'* Bhanga is also called ^anjd, mdtuldni, mddini
(the intoxicating), vijayd (the victorious) and
jayd (the victorious). It is antiphlegmatic, pun-
gent, astringent, digestive, easy of digestion,
acid, bile-affecting; and increases infatuation,
intoxication, the power of the voice, and the
digestive faculty."

The Rdjavallabha, a Materia Medica by Nkrk'
yanad&sa-kavirdja, the date of which I do not
know, but which is quoted in the Sabdakalpa-
druma, and is believed to be ancient (? 17th cen-
tury), has the following ; —

JSakrd-'ianam tu tikshnC-'shnam

mdha-krit kuMha-ndsanam I
Bala-m6dhd-^gni'krit d^shma-

ddshaJidri rasdyavam \\
Jdtd mandarn-manthandj jala-nidhau

piymha-rupd purd \
Trdildkye vijaya-prade Hi vijayd

iri-dtvardja priydW
LCkdndfh hita-kdmyayd kshiti-taU

prdptd naruih kdmadd 1 1
Sarvd-^'tahka-vindia-harsha-janani
yaih sevlld sarva^d 11
"Indra's food (i. c, gahja) is acid, produces
infatuation^ and destroys leprosy. It creates vital
energy, the menttjl powers and internal heat,
corrects irregularities of the phlegmatic humour,
and la an elixir vitce. It was origimtUy produced,
like nectar, from the ocean by the churning
with Mount Mandara,* and inasmuch as it gives
victory in tlie three worlds, it, the delight of the
king of the gods, is called vijayd, the victorious.
This desire-fulfilling drug was obtained by men
on the earth, through desire for the welfare of
all people. To those who regularly use it, it
begets joy and destroys every anxiety."
' The Basapradipa* a work the date of which
is unknown to me, and which is quoted in tht;
iS:ibdakalpadruma,, mentions jayd as a remedy
for indigestion : —

Kshdratrayam sMagandhav^

panchakolam idam inblham \
Sarvnii tulydjayd bhrishti
tadardhd sigrujd jatd 1 1
*' Natron saltpetre and borax, mercury and
sulphur, and the prosperous five spices (long
pepper, its root, piper chaha, another i)epper, and
dry ginger). To these add an equal amount of
parched jayd and half of that amount of horse-
radish {moringa) and jatd'^"^ It is not certain
whether jayd here means bhang or haritaki (yel-
low myrobolan) . The word has both significa-

^ Nectar was produced in this fashion.
T The name of several plants ; I do not know which id
meant here.

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262

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[Septbmbbb, 1894.

tions. The latter, perhaps, snita the formula
best.

In the Basaratna-samaohchayay a work writ-
ten in the south of India, jayd is classified as a
semi-poison, —

Ldngali vUhamushtU cha

haravtrd jayd taihd I
Tilakah JcanakS *rka4 cha

vargd hy upavUhdtmakah ||

" Ldngali,^ Vanguiera «ptno«a, the root of the
Frag^rant Oleander, jayd, Symplocos racetnoBa^
kanaka^ and dk (a kind of Euphorbia) ^ are semi-
poisonous."

Bhang is frequently mentioned bj vernacular
poets. The oldest instance with wbioh I am
acquainted is the well-known hymn by Vidy&pati
Th&kur (1400 A. D,) iu which he calls Siva
" Digambara bhahga** in reference to his habit of
consuming that drug, According to an old
Hindt poem, on which I cannot now lay my bands,
diva himself brought down the bhang phuit from
the Him&layas and gave it to mankind. JSgU
are well-known consumers of bhang and gdnja and
they are worshippers of Siva.

In folk*8ong8y gonjd or bhang (with or without

opium) is the invariable drink of heroea before
performing any great feat. At the village of
Baurt in Gay& there is a huge hollow stone, which
is said to be the bowl in which the famous hero
Lorik mixed his ganjd, Lorik was a very valiant
general and is the hero of numerous folk-songs.
The epic poem of Alh& and ROdal, of uncertain
date, but undoubtedly based on very old materials
(the heroes lived in the twelfth century A. D)^
contains numerous references to gonjd as a drink
of warriors. For instance, the commencement
of the canto dealing with Alb&*s marriage de-
scribes the pestle and mortar with which the
gahjd was prepared, the amount of intoxicating
drink prepared from it (it is called sabEi) and the
amount of opium (an absurdly exaggerated
quantity) given to each warrior in his court.

That the consumption of bhohg is not considered
disreputable among B4jputs may be gathered
from the fact that A jab^a, who was court poet to
the welL-known Mahftrfija Bishwau&th Singh of
Rtw&, wrote a poem praising bhang and comparing
siddhi (a preparation of the drug) to the *' success "
which attends the worshiji<^r of ** Hnri " Here
there is an elaborate series of juns. The word
siddhi means literally " success," and hari means
not only the god Hari, but also bhovg^^

NOTES AND QUERIES,

DEMONOLATBY AMONG THE KACHINS.

The following characteristic and instructive
note is taken from the diary of a native township
officer of the Bhamo District, kindly foi-warded
to me by Mr. Thirkell White, O.I.E., Commis-
sioner of the Noi-them Division, Upper Burma.

Maung P'6 T*un, MyOgbflgyf (village headman)
states : — " One day, east of Manyi, in the valley of
the NanhA Ohaung (River), near the source of
the river and situated in the jungle, there is a
place known ^as the N^g^-yok (Snake-image).
There is a painted dragon there curled round a
rock, the head being formed out of a slab thereof.
It is not known whether the dragon-image got
there of itself or how, and there is no inscription
of any sort. I visited it fi«7e days ago (October
1893) when at Ky4 Saing, whence the image is
situated about half aday*s journey to the eastwards,
and off the main road. Thei'e is a narrow path
leading to it, and the Kaohins go near it to fish.
The rock stands out from the bed of the l^anhd

* The names of several plants, — J%i$8KBa repenst
^emionitis cordifolia, Uuhia munjista, HeCysarum lagor
fodioidM.

^ Said by a havir6.ja to meaD dhai^ir^.

Chaung. I cannot say that the dragon is man's
handy- work. I should doubt it, as no one could
paint a dragon in such a position.

Also on the road back to Manylt from KyA
Saing there is a pagoda called Kaingbony&n.
This has a curious rock at its base, and the
Kachins say that in Tabauug-l&byi and l&zan^ it
bears two kinds of flowers, green and red !"

B. C. Temple.

A BURMESE LOVE-SONG.

The following is a love-song popular in Burma
and much admired for its depth of meaning,
which, however» is quite lost in any rendering that
might be made of it. It details the love of Me
K'in for her absent Maung Fe, whom she suspects
of enjoying himself with another damsel, after the
fashion of Burmese youth.

P'o-ma-B^ng ch^Cng-^lwd *lii'pd l6o !
Chdng^ Ido nga k*eto Af'tt© *^^ •

1^ [The above very valuable notes formed p'urt of Dr .
Qrierson's evidence before the Hemp-drags CommisiioQj
1893.4. — Ed.]

1 [ J. e,, full and new moon of PhAlgruna- — Ed-]

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BOOE-NOTIOE-

263

J?'dn kapit pya-d» U hmd

Shu'bS-cU ma mw^.
h Pd-ya-^io yadet nd nge ;

Ta yet wh ch*d% 6*4, Maung^

H6 ta-my^o Vd-ni hmd

Yd yi ngi pyb-bSo I

fid-ni'db p'h tvo^o l^o*
10 S'wS ta-m4o I^^'iw /

Hdn-myS hmd shn n6

Pyhn-MO&o ^'wi«o h'O'hd

Naung hun *m^ aahh-byin

MA KHn-^i 84k *nin^ !
15 S'lo cMh ISo ma py^hd-'nairig

W^ i>do yh aing !

ShwS myetQ-y{ aing-ia-aing ngh.

NaingQ 'ta-naing Un^-bd-ya-^So !

Lost am I as if I had lost my blanket 1
That is ray condition now !
On my bed of sandal- wood

P^o

tinQ'*nain'b*iio !
pydn-jin !
hmd

Lying I cannot sleep.
5 Miserable and wretched am I ;
"Worried every day, Maung P^ !
In that new land

Happy art thou in thy wandering !
Thou hast taken to thyself a new match,
10 O my dear Lord !

Miserable I cannot remain in the land of

Han.«
Come back ; I call thee ! Thou shouldst come

back!
Thinking only of thy absence on her bed of

jasmine,
Me K'in ceases not to weep !
15 As a whirlpool ceases not to run
Her tears fall !
So great (is my sorrow) that my tears run into

a lake.
(On thy return only) I feel I could restrain

my weeping.

BOOK-NOTICE.

COL. JA.COB'S VEDANTASAEA.*
Colonel Jacob*s name is a sufficient guarantee
for the scholarly performance of the task which he
has imposed upon himself. The work consists of
the carefully edited text of Sad&nanda's VSddnta-
9dra, with Nfisimha-sarasvati*s commentary
printed at the foot of each page (pp. 1-72), followed
by B4matirtha's workmanlike (though here and
there prolix) commentary (pp. 73-165). Then we
have Col. Jacob's notes (pp. 167-199), and the book
ends with four Appendixes, vitt., (1) Index to
Quotations, (2) Index to Important Words and
Phrases, (3) List of Works cited in Text and
Commentaries, (4) Addenda and Oomgenda
(pp. 203-215).

Dr. Ballantyne*s translation of the text of the
Viddntasdra has long been out of print. The

text itself was printed in Bdhtlingk's Sahakrit
Chresiomathy published in 1877, and incorrect
editions of the commentaries have appeared at
various times in India, but this is the first
attempt to publish a critical edition of the text
and commentaries combined.

A special feature of the volume is the care with
which citations from older works are indicated
and their sources identified. The two Indexes
are also woHhy of notice and furnish a most con-
venient and much wanted aid to students of
Indian Philosophy. The author's notes are
of great value, more particularly to Sanskfit
scholars beginning the study of the V^d&nta
system. Indeed a better introduction than this
complete, well-edited, clearly printed handbook
cannot well be conceived. Q. A. G.

OBITUARY.

PBOF. W. D WIGHT WHITNEY.
Another of the links which connect the Sanskrit
scholarship of the present day with a former gene-
ration has snapped. Forty years ago, Prof.
Whitney was one of the assistants who worked
with Bohtlingk and Roth in the preparation of
the great St. Petersburg Dictionanfy and to-day
his views on Sanskrit Grammar are known as being
more advanced than those of the younger scholars

^ Han}7awad! — here Eangoon.

> The Vcd&nfcas&ra of Saddnanda with the commen-
taries of Nrisiinho-Barasyatt and K&mattrtha, edited with

of the ninth decade of the century. He has
been Hibernim' Hibernia ipsis.

The sad intelligence of his death reached us
almost simultaneously with a printed copy of his
latest essay, on the Yeda in P&nini. He died
sword in hand, as all true scholars would die,
fighting with unabated vigour in the battle of the
modems against the ancients. This is not a
fitting occasion for me to discuss the arguments

notes and indices by Col. G. A. Jaoob, Bombay Staff
Corps, Fellow of the Bombay University. Bombay,
Nirnaya-8^r Press, 8vo. Price He, 1-8.

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264

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[Septembkb, 18P4

in bis latest work. I mast confess to Wlongiug
to the opposite camp, but tbat fact need not pre-
vent a bumble opjwnent from casting one more
wreath on the tomb of one of the gi-eatest Sanskrit
scholara whom the Westeni world has known.

William Dwight Whitney was bom at Nor-
thampton, Massachusetts, on the 9th of February
1827. He studied at Williams College, where he
took his degree in 18^5. He then spent three
years as a clerk in a bank, which uncongenial
occupation he gave up in 1849 to serve as assist-
ant in the United States Geological Survey. In
the autumn of the same year he went to
Yale, where he continued the study of Sauskpt
which ho had commenced in 1848. In 18oU, he
visited Germany, where he spent some years
in Berlin and Tiibingen at the feet of Profs.
Weber and Roth. It was at the latter place
that he laid the foundations of that reputation
for industry and accuracy which ever subsequent-
ly distinguished him. He returned to America
in 1853, and in 1854 became Professor of
Sanskrit at Yale, a post which he held during the
remainder of his life. Shoi-tly after his appoint-
ment he published the first volume (containing
the text) of his well known edition of the Atharva
Veda, the second volume of which, compnsing
translation and notes, he had nearly completed at
the time of his death forty yeai*s after the publica-
tion of the first. The appearance of this fii*et
volume fixed the course of Sanskrit scholarship in
America. Under Whitney's tuition, and encour-
aged by the example of his unflagging industry,
a school of Vedic students rapidly sprung up
round his chair, from which have issued many
valuable works, bearing the double impress of
German solidity and care for minutiae, coupled
with American originality and grasp of general
principles. Whitney himself directed his re-
searches to the Atharva Veda and in due coui-se
scholars hailed with admii*ation and gratitude his
Atharva Veda PrdtUdHya (1362), and, in 1881,
his Index Verborum of the Atharva Veda, In
the interval, he had also issued an edition of the
Taittiriya PrdtiHkhya in 1871.

In 1879 Prof. Whitney broke new ground
by the publication of his Satiskrit Grammar, in
which he definitely t.ook his stand, not on the
grammar as handed down by Panini and his
successors, but on the grammar as revealed by
Sanskrit Literature itself. Few works have pro-
voked so much controversy as this revolutionary
challenge of the Yale Professor. Sanskrit scholars
soon became divided into three camps : the extreme
PAnineans, according to whom, whatever the old
grammarian said was true, and whatever he had

not said was "not" grammatical *• knowledge ; *'
the exti-eme Whitneyites who denied that gram-
matical salvation could be found in the Gospel of
PAriini, and that the actual mage of Sanskrit
literature was the only possible guide ; and the
Moderates, who while not binding themselves u>
everything that P&nini laid down, believed that
he knew more about the Sanskrit of his time than
the most learned Euroj^eans of the nineteenth
century, and that till every Sahskfit text in exist-
ence had bi*en published and analysed, it would
be impossible to ascertain what the actual nsag**
of the liteiniry language was. Whitney's Grammar
was thus only a grammar of the Sahskfit Litera-
ture to which Whitney had access, and nothing
bears stronger testimony alike to the depth and
to the wide extent of his learning, than the
admiiable practical completeness of this woi'k as
a whole.

Besides the above greater works Whitney had
time to write several minor essays. These were
aubsequently collected and i>ubli8hed in hi*
Lfttiguage and the Stvdy of Lanytiage (1867)^
and Oriental and Linguistic Studies (1873-74).
Like everything else that he did, these shew the
same impress of perspicuity and mastery of
details. He followed his own line, and not
seldom was engaged in controversy, which though
sometimes conducted with aciimony^ was alwajB
noteworthy for fairness and a love of truth.

In subjects outside the range of Oriental
scholarship, he is best known as the author of
Essentials of English Grammarf and as Editor-
in-chief of the Century Dictionary of the English
Language,

For the past eight or nine years Prof. Whitney-
had been suffering from a serious disorder of the
heart. His disease did not interrupt his life
work, and he laboured to the end, which came at
New Haven on the 7th of June, 1891.

During his busy life he received many honours.
He was Honoi'ary Member of all the great
Oriental Societies, and was a member or corre-
spondent of the Academies of Berlin, St. Peters-
burg, and Rome ( the Lincci), and of the Institut
of Franca. Ho was also a Foreign Knight of the
Prussian Order ** pour le mtrite*' for Science and
Arts, filling the vacancy caused by the death of
Thomas Carlyle. Many Universities conferred
honorary degrees on him, and these only eervetl
ns illustrations of the universal rcspt ct and affec-
tion in which this scholar, as simple-minded as
he was distinguished, was held by the memberb
of the great brotherhood of Oriental scholarship.

G A. G.

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\ TTTlP^ BHASHA-BHU8HANA OF JAS^WANT
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Ua CHOLA DATES, by B. Hultcbch, Ph.D. 296

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Ei»ucAiiuN i::-

7
OcTOBKB, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 265

THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.

EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY G. A. GEIEESON, Ph.D., C.I.B.

{Continued from p. 238.)

ATHA ABTHAliAlHrKABA-NAMA CSATUETHAQ PBAKASAQ 11

LECTURE IV.
Ornaments of Sense.

[Rhetorical ornaments are divided into two classes, arthdlahkdra, or Ornaments of Sense,
and iabddlahMrat or Verbal Ornaments.

Some ornaments partake of the nature of both classes, and are arranged under one or the
other according to the predilection of the author who treats of the subject. For instance, the
Sdhitya-darpana (v. 641) treats vahroktiy or Crooked Speech, as a Verbal Ornament, but the
Bhdshd'bhushana (v. 189) treats it as an Ornament of Sense.

Verbal Ornaments are those, such as Alliteration or Rhyme, which depend on the
external form of words. Ornaments of Sense, such as the Simile, the Metaphor, or the
Poetical Fancy, are those which essentially depend on the meaning of words, and not necessarily
on their external form. The principal of these are founded on similitude, tad hence the-
Bhdshd'bhushana^ like other works on rhetoric, commences this lecture by describing the Upamd
or Simile, which is the foundation of all such ornaments.]

Text.
UpamAlank&ra.

Upamiya *ru upamdna jahar vdchaka dharma so chdri I

Ptirana upam&y hina taha* lupt6pam& vichdri \\ 44 ii

Ihi vidhi saha samatd milai' upamft soijdni |

SaH sau ujjvala Hya-vadana pallava sS mridu pdni || 46 II

Vdchaha dharma Wu varananiya hai chaubhau upamdna I

Blca binUf dvai binuy Hni binu luptdpamft pramana 1 1 46 1 1

Bijuri 8% pahkaja-muhhi kanaka-laid tiya lehhi |

Vanitd rasa-irihgdra hi hdrana-iniirati pSkhi \\ 47 ||

Translation.
The Simile.
[Cf . Sdhitya-darpana^ 647 and ff. * A resemblance between two things, expressed by a
single sentence, and unaccompanied by a contrast or difference, is termed a simile.']
A simile (upamd) consists of four component parts', viz. : —

(1) The Subject compared, upamiya [or, varrianvya'].

(2) The Object with which Comparison is made, upamdna.

(3) The Word implying Comparison [aupamyavdchlny or] vdchaha (such as « as,* * like *).

(4) The Common Attribute [sdmdnya dharma, or] dharma.

A Simile is Complete (pdrndpamd) when it has all its component parts. It is to be con.
sidered as Incomplete (luptopamd) when (one or more) are wanting.

[Some copies omit the above verse. It is possibly not original as its contents are repeated
lower down.]

In this way when yon find all (four component parts) together, know it to be a (Complete)
Simile, as for example : —

* The lady's face is bright as the moon, her hands are tender as a young branch.'

[Here the subjects compared are, respectively, the lady's face, and her hands ; the objects
with which they are compared are, respectively, the moon, and a young branch ; the word

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266 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT. [Octobrb, 1894.

implying comparison is in each case 'as* {aau, si) ; and the common attributes are, respectively,
brightness and tenderness.]

When one, two, or three of the four (vvt., the word implying comparison, the common
attribute, the subject compared, and the object with which it is compared) is or are wanting,
it is an instance of the Incomplete Simile, as for example ;

(a) * The lotus-faced lady is [slender] as a flash of lightning.'
[Here the Common Attribute, slenderness, is wanting.]

(b) * Behold, the lady is [fair] [as] a golden jasmine.'

[Here the Common Attribute, and the Word implying Comparison are both wanting.]

[Here the Common Attribute, the Word implying Comparison, and the Object with which
the lady is compared, are all three wanting.]

[A work called the Luptopamdvildsa by Kavi Hirachand Kanhjt (date unknown to me)
gives the following poem, containing examples of the fifteen possible kinds of a simile :—

(1) Purndpamd, The Complete Simile.

Oaja hi gati si gati manda lasS, * Thy gait appears dignified as the gait of an elephant.'

(2) Vdchaha-luptSpamd, Incomplete. Wanting the word implying comparison.

Tuga jahyha ju kSra he hhambha nayS, *Thy two thighs are fresh (or plump) [as]
plantain stems.'

(3) Dharma-lupto^t Wanting the common attribute.

Kati sohata siikhana ki haft iC, *Thy waist appears [slender] like that of a lioness.'

(4) Upamdna-tuptS^, Wanting the object with which comparison is made.

Ihha-idvaha si hucha uchcha bhayS, * Thy bosom is round like [tlie frontal bones of J a young
elephant.'

(5) Upamiya-luptff^f Wanting the subject compared.

Vtdku purana so paramoda harS, * [Thy face] causes joy like the full moon.'

(6) Vdchaka-dharma-luptd^, Wanting both the word implying comparison, and the common
attribute.

Sruti sipa samtpa sumukta chayi^ * Pearls adorn thine ear [delicate] [as] a pearl-oyster-shell.'

(7) Vdchaha-upamdnaAupto^ Wanting both the word implying comparison, and the
object with which comparison is made.

Musukydni praphullita dnana mi'^ ' On thy face, which blossomed [like] [a flower], hath
appeared a smile.'

(8) ydchaka-upamiya-lupi^y Wanting the word implying comparison, and the subject
compared.

Sita kunda ki pd'ti subhd'ti layS, 'Thou hast displayed the beauty of [thy teeth] [like] »
row of white jasmine blossoms.*

(9) Dharma-upamdna-lupto'^f Wanting the common attribute, and the object with which
comparison is made.

Tiyay to sama-tula na pritama hi, ' Lady, thou art not [fair] (merely) like [other ladies] to
thy beloved.*

(10) Dharma-upamSya-'luptd^ t Wanting the common attribute, and the subject eompared.
Bat dsava-pdna samdna mayi, * Lady, [the touch of thy lip] produced intoxication [like]

drinking wine.'

(11) Upamdna-upamSya-lupto^f Wanting both the object compared, and tha^t to which it
is compared.

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OcTOBBB, 1894] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 267

Pika « madhuri na duri chhavi U\ * [Thy voice] is gentle as [the sweet notes of] the
CQckoo, (thongh, unlike the cuckoo) thoa art not devoid of beauty.*

(12) Vdchaka-dharma'upamuna'lupto^, Wanting the word implying comparison, the
common attribute, and the object with which comparison is made.

Tila he ju hapola su chitta Jehayit * A mole upon thy cheek [black] [like] [love's bowstring]
ravishes (hhayS = kshaya) the soul.'

(13) Vdchaha-dharma-upamSyi-lupto^, Wanting the word implying comparison, the
common attribute, and the subject compared.

Kadali'dala, '[A back] [broad] [as] a plantain leaf.'

(14) Vdchaha-^amdna-upatnSya-luptS^ Wanting the word implying comparison, the
object with which comparison is made, and the subject compared.

Aya ehadhi dasi ki, Uta, * On one hand, [thy hair] [like] [snakes] hath monnted (on thy
head) to bite me.'

(15) Dharmaupamdna'upamiya'lupto^, 'Wanting the common attribute, the object
with which comparison is made, and the subject compared.

hai ita hira aamdnajayS, 'On the other hand [thy nose] is [curved] Hke a parrot's [beak].'

[The Sdhitya-datpana gives also another classification of the Simile ad Direct {irautt)
and Indirect (drtht). The first is a simile in which the comparison is suggested by sach words
as iva,jifni, jau\ lau\ and the like, all answering to the English word *as.* A simile is indirect
when such words as tdld 'equal to/ sarisa 'like' are employed.]

[A Simile differs from a Metaphor {rupaka) (vv. 65-58), in that, in the latter, the
resemblance is suggested, not expressed. Thus, — ' He sprang on them like a lion ' is a Simile,
but • the lion (t. e., the hero) spi-ang upon them ' is a Metaphor, the resemblance being suggested
and not distinctly expressed. In a metaphor, too, the resemblance is suggested as an embellish-
ment (or i^e reverse), while in the simile* the two things compared are said to be equal.

A Simile differs from the Foetioal Fancy (utprSkshd) (w. 70, 71), because, in the latter,
the subject of the figure is fancied as acting in the character of the object, and not merely as
resembling it. Thus — * He sprang upon them as though he were a lion ' is a Poetical Fancy.

It differs from the figure of Contrast (vyatirSka) (v. 92), in that, in the latter, the difference
is also expressed. Thus an example of Contrast is — 'He sprang on them like a lion, but without
its cruelty.'

It differs from the Beoiprooal Comparison {upamdndpamiya (v. 49), in that, in the latter,
more than one sentence is employed. Thus — 'His lion-like bravery shines like his virtue, and
his virtue like his lion-like bravery,' is an example of the Reciprocal Simile.

It differs from the Comparison Absolute (ananvaya) (v. 48), because in the latter there is
only one thing which is compared to itself. Thus — ' The king sprang like himself upon the
foe,' is a Comparison Absolute.

It differs from the ornament of the Converse (prat^pa) (vv. 50-54), because in the latter the
object with which comparison is made is itself made the subject of comparison. Thus — * The
lion springs upon its prey, as this hero sprang upon his foe,' is an example of the Converse.]

[The Ldla-chandrikd describes a kind of simile, which may be called the * Implied Simile,'
4k8lidp6pamA. The following is an example : —

Para na taraiy ntda na parai karat na kdla-vipdka I

Chhina chhdkai uchhdkai na phiri kharau vishama chkavi-chhdka \\ 47a ||

' (Unlike that caused by wine), the violent intoxication caused by beauty is not quenched by
fear. It does not allow sleep, nor does it disappear with the lapse of time. If you feel its
effects for but an instant, never will you be sober again.*

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268 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Octobkb, 1894.

This is an instance of the figure of Contrast (v. 92). The Ldla-chandrikd says that if the
words * is not like * are taken as the vdchaka or word implying comparison, it is also an
instance of Implied Simile. Of this the word 'like* is implied. But the whole vdchaka is not
lupfa (or wanting) for the word * not* is given. The fall simile would be, —

* The intoxication of love is not (fear-dispelling, etc.) [like] that of wine.'

The same work (341) describes the dtHshai^dpainA^ in which the subject compared is exhi-
bited as not equal to the object with which comparison is made. An example is the following : —

Nahi' Hart law hiyard dharau nahi' Hara lau' ardhanga |

tJkata-hi hart rdkhiyi ahga ahga prati ahga II 47b II

* Like Vishnu bear not thy "beloved upon thy heart : Like 'Siva incorporate not thyself
with her (for thou art not equal to them) ; but clasp her close to thee, body to body, limb to
limb.']

[Text.

MA.1 Ap fttn A.1 ftiilrAy ft..

Jaha' Shahi upamiya ki baranS bahu upamdna \

Tdhi kahahi* mdlopamd havi su-jdna tnatimdna II 47o II

Yathdy —

Mriga si, manamatha-vdna si pinat mtna si svachchha I

Kanjana sS, khxmjanana si manarahjana to achchha \\ 47d ||

Translation.

The Gtoland of Similes.

ISdhitya-darpana, 665.]

It is the Garland of Similes when we hare several comparisons of the same object, as for
example : —

* Thine eyes (achchha = aksht) are like deers, like Cupid's arrows, full-orbed, bright-glancing
like fish, like lotuses, (mobile) like i;^an;ana-birds, and delight the soul.' ]

(Not in Bhdshd'hhushana, Taken from Giridhara-dasa, Bhdrati-bhushana, 30, 31.]

[Text,
Baban6pam&lankAra.

Kathita praihama upamiya jaha, hota jdta upamdna I

Tdhi hahahi' rasandpamd ji jaga su'-kavi pradhdna || 47e II

Yathd,^

Sati si nati, nati si vinati^ vinati «C rati chdra \

Rati si gati, gati si hhagatiy to mi* pavana-kumdra \\ 47f II

Translation.

The Girdle of Similes.

ISdhitya-darpam, 664,]

If a subject of comparison is turned further and further into what it is compared to, it ia
termed the Girdle of Similes, as for example : —

* O Hanumat, in thee the faith is (strong) like thy going ; thy going is (strong) as th j
delight (in me) ; thy delight is pleasing as thy obeisance ; thy obeisance as thy humility, and
thy humility as that of a virtuous woman.']

[Not in Bhdshd'bhdshana. Taken from Bhdrati-bhUshana, 32, 33.]

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OcTOBEB, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.

269

Text.

AnanvayftlankAra.

UpamS-hi upamdna jaba kahata B,nB,nYa,YQ, tdhi \

Tire muJcha kijora hau terau-hi muJeha dhi || 48 II

Translation.

The Comparison Absolute.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 666.]

When the subject compared, and the object with which comparison is made, are the same,
it is called the Comparison Absolute. Thus — * The only fellow of thy face is thy face itself.'

[Here the Heroine's face is compared to itself, as the only possible object of comparison,
and not to a lotus or the like. According to the Sdhitya-darpana (666), the comparison must
be expressed by a single sentence.]

Text.

npamftn6pamdy&laiik&ra.^

Upamd IdgS parasapara sd upamdnupamSi I

Khaftjana hai' tua naina si tua driga khahjana sii \\ 49 II

Translation.
The Beciprocal Comparison.

[Sdhitya-darpanay 667, where it is called upaviiyopamd,']

When the simile is reciprocal, the figure is called Reciprocal Comparison. Thus — ' Thine
eyes are like the hhanjana-hxTdi, and the hkanjana is like thine eyes.*

Text.
Fratip&lankftra.

So pratlpa upami^a hau hijejaha upamdnu I

Loyana si ambuja bani mukha so chandra bakhdnu || 60 ||

TTpame ko' upamdna ti* ddarajabai na h6i \

Qarva karai mukha kau kahd chandahi mke joi \\ 61 ||

Ana-ddara upamiya ti' jaba pdwi upamdna I

Tichchhana naina katdksha ti* manda kdma ki bdna \[ 62 II

TJpami ko upamdna jaba samatd Idyaka ndhi \

Ati uttama driga m'na si kahai kauna vidhi jdhi \\ 68 1 1

Vyartha hM upamdna jaba varnaniya lakhi sdra I

Driga dgi mriga kachhu na, yi pancha pratipa prakdra II 64 ||

Translation.

The Converse.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 742, 743.]

The figure of Converse has five varieties, viz. : —

(1) When the thing with which a comparison is usually made is itself turned into a
subject of comparison. Thus — * The lotus is lovely like thine eyes,' or * The moon is like thy
face.' [Here it would be more usual to say: * Thine eyes are like the lotus,' and 'Thy face
is like the moon.']

^ Called also upam^v^joamd.

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270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [October, 1894.

(2) When honour does not accrue to the subject compared from the object with which it
is usually compared. Thas — * Why art thou proud of thy face ? See how fair the moon is
(in comparison with it).*

(3) When the object with which comparison is usually made obtains dishonour from the
subject compared. Thus — * By the piercing glances of her eyes, Capid's arrows seem but blunt.'

(4) When the object with which comparison is usually made is declared to be not fully
equal to the subject compared. Thus — ' Who would compare to the (silvery darting) fish, her
perfect eyes (floating in tears).*

(5) When the object with which comparison is usually made is declared to be useless beside
the merits of the subject compared. Thus — * The eyes of the deer are naught before her eyes. '

Text.

Btipakftlank&ra.

Hai rtlpaka dwaya bhd'ti kau mili tadrtlpa abhdda I

Adhika nytina sama duhuna hi tini tlni ye bheda II 66 II

Muhha Sas^i yd sasi te' adhilca udita jySti dina rati |

Sdgara te' upajau na yaka hamald apara suhdti || 66 ||

Naina kamala yaha aina hai aura kamala hi hi hdma I

Ga'wana karata nihiJaffati hanaka-latd yaha vdma \\ 67 ||

Ati iSbhita vidnima-adhara nahi samudra-utpanna I

Tua muhha-pahkaja bxmala ati sarasa suvdsaprasanna || 68 II

Translation.

The Metaphor.

[Sdhitya-darpamf 669 and ff.]

The metaphor is of two kinds according as it depends on (alleged) Besemblance {tadrupa)
or (alleged) Identity (abheda), and each of these kinds has three varieties according as (the
Resemblance or Ideutity of the thing compared) is Excessive (adhiha), Incomplete (nyuna), or
Complete (sama).

(1) An example of a metaphor depending on Excessive Besemblance is * Her face, — a
moon, but more perfect than this moon (we see in heaven), for its radiance is ever in the skies
both day and night.* [Here the face is said to resemble the moon and is not identified with it,
and moreover it exceeds or surpasses the moon in the very point on which the resemblance is
founded, — viz., its full-orbed splendour.]

(2) An example of a metaphor depending on Incomplete Besemblance is, ' She is not
sprung from the sea, but she is another fair Lakshmt.* [Here the resemblance to Lakshmi
is incomplete.]

(3) An example of a metaphor depending on Complete Besemblance is, ' There are
eyes which are lotuses in this house, what need is there of (thy searching for) other lotuses
(elsewhere) * ? [Here a friend of the heroine invites the hero, as he is searching for lotas
flowers, into the heroine*8 house. The resemblance between her eyes and the flower is
represented as complete.]

(4) An example of a metaphor depending on Excessive Identity is, *The lady — a
golden creeper, — appeareth beautiful when walking.' [Here the lady is identified with a
golden creeper, with the additional advantage of being able to walk.]

(5) An example of a metaphor depending on Deficient Identity is, * Her coral-lips are
glowing, though not sprung from the ocean.* [Here her lips are identified with coral, but with
this deficiency that they are not ocean -born.]

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October, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 27]

* (6) An example of a metaphor depending on Complete Identity is, ' Thy lotus-face is
very spotless, full of nectar, fragrance and joy.'

[The difference between a Metaphor and a Simile (v. 44) has been explained under the
head of the latter, but it is not always easy to distinguish between the two. The Bhiishana'
haumudi dealing with the third example given above, says that the difference between a
metaphor of complete resemblance (tadrilpaka-samokti) and a simile with the word signifying
resemblance and the common attribute omitted (vdchaka-dharma-luj^topama) is this,— that in
the metaphor the thing compared is embellished by the comparison with the thing to which it
is compared, whereas in the simile the two are considered as equal. In the ornament of the
Converse {frat'pa) (above, vv. 50-54) the thing compared may also be embellished by the
comparison, but in it, the word signifying comparison (vdchaha) is always mentioned.]

[The Sdhitya^darpana (669 and ff.) defines a metaphor as *the superimposition of a fancied
character upon an object unconcealed or uncovered by negation* (rupaham rnpitdropdd vishayi
nirapahnave). It classifies its varieties on principles entirely different from that given above,
A metaphor is either Consequential (paramparita). Entire (sdhga, or according to other
authorities, sdvayava), or Deflcient (nirahga). These are again subdivided, but the further
classification need not be given here. Examples of the three main classes are as follows: —

Consequential, — * May the four cloud-dark arms of Hari, rough by the contact with the
string of his horny bow, preserve you, — arms that are the pillars to the Dome of the triple
world.* Here the ascribing of the nature of a pillar to the arms of Hari, is the cofisequence of
the attinbution of the character of a dome to the triple world.

Entire, — That dark cloud, Krishna, disappeared, having thus rained the nectar of his
words (upon the deities), — the corn withered by the drought of Ravana.' Here the nature of
a cloud being attributed to Krishna, his words are represented as nectar-rain, the deities as
corn, and RAvana's tyranny as drought.

Deficient, — • When a servant commits an offence, the master^s kicking him is but proper,
and it is not for the kick received from thee that I grieve, fair lady ; but that thy tender foot is
pricked by the points of those thorns — the hard shoots of my hairs that stand erect (at the
thrilling touch), this is my sore distress.*

In the Entire ^letaphor the principal object is metaphorically figured or represented
together with those subordinate (ahgino yadi sdiigasya rupaijam suhgam iva tat). When all the
constituent or subordinate metaphors are expressed in an entire metaphor, it is called samasta-
vastuvishaya, or /tavishaya. When any of them are understood, it is called Shade's avivar tin.
An Entire Metaphor is sometimes founded on 2^ 'paronomasia (v. 99), and is then called ilSsha-
garbhita. If the principal object is alone figured, it is Deficient Metaphor.]

Text.

PariQ&m&lank&ra.

Karai' kriyd upamdna hwai varnawya pariQ&ma I
Lochana-Jcanja visdla ti' dekhati deklw vdma \\ 59 ||

Translation.

Commutation.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 679.]

When the subject compared (yarnantya or upameya) acts after becoming (or being identified
with) the object to which it is compared, it is the ornament of Commutation [in which the
object superimposed is commuted into the nature of the subject of superimposition], as for
example : —

•See the lady, she looks with those large lotuses, her eyes.' [Here the lotus is actually
represented as seeing. The eye is identified with the lotus, and, in that character, performs the

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272 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Octobeb, 1894.

action of seeing. This figure hence differs from the Metaphor (vv, 56-58), in which the
saperimposition is simply an embellishment of the principal sabject, and in which the object
superimposed does not do the action of the subject of superimposition.]

Text.
Ull^kMIank&ra.

S6 ulldkha j'u Ska haw bahu samujhai hahu riii I

Arthina sura-taru^ tiya mad^na^ art haw hdla pratiti || 60 II

Bahu vidhi varani eka haw bahu guna saw ulldkha I

Kirti arjuna, teja ravi, sura-guru vach^na-visSkha II 61 II

Translation.

Bepresentation.

ISdhitya-darjpuna, 682.]

[The figure of Bepresentation is of two forms according as it is SubjeotiTe or Objective.]
In the first form, a number of peroeivers understand the same thing in different ways, as for
example : —

* To those who ask for alms, of a certainty, he is a Tree of Plenty, to women he is the God
of Love, and to his enemies he is Death.' [Here the hero is given a variety of characters
according to the subjective feelings of the perceivers.]

In the second form, the same thing is described under a variety of characters, based on
differences in its own qualities, as for example ; —

* In heroism he is Arjuna, in brilliance he is the sun, and in discretion of language he is
Brihaspati.' [Here the differences, it will be noted, are objective, not subjective, and do not
depend on the feelings of the observer.]

Text.

Smarai^a-bhrama-saiiiddhAlankara.

Sumirana bhrama samddha yaha lakshana ndma prahdsa I

Sudhi dwata wd vadana hi dSkhi sudhd-nivdsa \\ 62 II

Vadana sudhd-nidhi jdni yaha tua sa'ga phirata chakSra I

Vadana kidhaw yaha sUa-kara kidhaW kamala bhaya bhora II 63 II

Translation.
Beminisoenoe, Mistake, and Doubt.

The distinguishing attributes of these three figures are apparent from their names (and
hence no description is necessary).

[The Sdkitya-darpana defines these three as follows : —

(668) A recollection of an object, arising from the perception of something like to it, is
called Beminisoenoe {smarana, or according to others smiriti).

(681) The Mistaker (bhrftntimAn) is the thinking, from resemblance, of an object to be
what it is not, — suggested by a poetical conceit (pratihhd),

(680) When an object under description (pratibhd-uUhita) is poetically suspected to be
something else, it is called Doubt (sambaya or samdSha).]

An example of Beminisoenoe is the following : —

* When I see the Moon» the abode of nectar, I am reminded of her face.'

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273

An example of Mistake is the following : —

* The mountain partridges wander about with thee, imagining thy face to be the moon
(with which they are enamoured).' [This figure must be distioguished from Bhrtoti, Error,
V. 194a, q. v.]

An example of Doubt : —

* Is this (my lady's) countenance, or is it the cool moon, or is it a lotus bom at dawn' ?

Text.
Apahnutyalafikftra.

Dharama durai* dropa te'
JJra para ndhi' uroja yaha
Vastu durdwav yuhti sau*
Tivra chanda na raini ravt
Paryastahi gum Ska hi
Hoi sudhd'dhara ndhv yaha
Bhrftnti apahnuti vachana saw
Tdpa harata haijvara nahi*
Chhdka-apahnuti yuJcH hari
Karata adhara-kshata piya naht'
Kaitava-'pahnuti Ska kaw
Twhchhana t'.ya katdksha-miau

tiuddha-apahnutijant |
kanakoAatd-phala mdni || 64 ||
hdtu-apalmuti kSi I
hadavdnala-hi jot || 66 ||
aura bikhai dropa I
vadana-sudhd'dkara Spa II 66
hhramajaba parakaujdi I
nd', sakhiy madana satdi \\ 67
para saw hdta durdi I
sakhi Hta-ritu-hdi II 68 ||
misu kari varanata dna I
barakhata Matimatha vdna II 60

Translation.

Concealinent.

[Sdhitya-darpam, 683, 684.]

[There are six kinds of this figure, according as it is (1) Simple (iuddha)^ or depends on
(2) a Cause (Mtu), or on (3) a Transposition (jparyastdpahnuti)^ or on (4) a Mistake (bhrdnti),
or on (5) an Artful Exouse (chhSka), or on (6) a Deception (jkaiiava).']

[The Sdhitya-darpana (/. c.) gives a less elaborate classification. It merely says : * The
denial of the real (nature of a thing), and the ascription of an alien (or imaginary, character
constitute the figure of) Ck>noealment, If, having given expression to some secret objeot
one should construe his words differently, either by a paronomasia or otherwise, it, too, is
Concealment.']

When by the superimposition (of a fancied quality), the real nature (of the thing compared)
disappears, it is called Simple Concealment (iuddhdpahnutt), as for example : —

* These are not the swelling orbs upon (thy lady's) bosom ; know them to be the (fair round)
fruit of a golden creeper.'

When the thing compared is concealed by an ingenious turn of expression (shewing the
reason), it is termed Concealment dependent on a Cause (hStv apahnuti), as for example : —

* This cannot be a fierce moon (shining) by night, but must be the sun (burning) amid
subaqueous fire.' [Here the heroine explains that in her fevered condition, even the moon-
beams seem burning hot. The fierceness of the moon is the cause of the comparison.]

When the qualities of one thing are superimposed by transfer on another thing, it is an
instance of Concealment by Transposition (paryastdpahnutt), as for example : —

' This (light upon the way) is not (the sheen of) the moon ; it is the (reflection of the)
brightness of thy moon face.' [Here brightness, the quality of the moon, is transferred to the
face of the lady.]

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274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [Octobee, 1894-

When by means of words, another's mistake is corrected, it is called Concealment
dependent on a Mistake (bhramdpahnuti), as for example : —

* It is true, O friend, that I am hot and shivering ; but it is not fever. No, it is the
torment of love.*

When a person conceals a thing from another with artfulness, it is an instance of Conceal-
ment dependent upon an Artful Excuse (chhSkapahnuti% as for example : —

* It is true, my friend, that there are wounds on my lower lip, but they are not caused by
(the kisses of) my beloved ; they are (chapped) by the winter wind/

When one thing is mentioned as pretending to be another thing, it is an instance of
Concealment dependent on Deception (haitavdpahnnti), as for example: —

* Under the pretence that they are but the piercing glances of my Lady, Love showers his
arrows upon me.'

Text.

Utpr6kshft1afikAra.

ntprdk8li& sambhdvmui vastu, hdtu, phala Jehhi |

Naina inano' aravinda hai sarasa visdla vikehhl || 70 II

Mano' ckali d'gana kathiiia id tS' ruti pdi I

Tua pada sanuitd kau* kamala jala seoata ika bhdi \\ 71 U

Translation.
The Poetical Fancy.
[Sdhitya-darpana, 686 and ff.]

When, after considering a Thing, a Cause, or a Purpose, one imagines it (in the character
of another), the figure UtprSkshd or Poetical Fancy is used.

(1) An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a Thing is : —

' Her eyes are specially large and luscious, as though they were lotuses.*

(2) An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a Cause is : —

* Her feet are rosy, as though from walking on a rough court yard.'

• (3) An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a Purpose is : —

* The Lotus ever worships the Water (-God), with but one object, (as though) to achieve
(a beauty) equal to that of thy feet.'

[The subject of the Poetical Fancy, or UiprSkshd has been developed at great length by
writers on rhetoric ; both by the author of the Sdhitya-darpana, and by authors wh*o wrote subse-
quently to Jas'want Singh, such as Padmukara and others. A brief account of the various
subdivisions may be given, as the numerous technical terms are fi*equently met with in various
works.]

[According to the Sdhitya-darpanat a Poetical Fancy is the imagining (sambhdvand, or
according to others, tarka) of an object under the character of another. As being Expressed
(vdchyd) or Understood or Implied {praUyamdnd)? it is first held to be two-fold. It is
expressed when the particles tva, *as,' and the like are employed, and understood when they are
not employed. Since in each of these a Genus (jdti), a Quality (gum), an Action (kriyd), or

« [The Expressed Poetical Fancy is also called vyanjikd (in Hindi vyanjaka) and the Implied vyangy&, gamyd^
or lupM (the Hindi uses the masculine forms}. Thus, Giridhara-dasa's Ehdrati-hhitshaina, 87 : —
UtprSksM vyanjaka manahw manu jayiu Sidika dhi I

JahA' nahi- y6,i&niyS gamydtpr^ksM tdhi II

* A Poetical Fancy is * Expressed* (vyafijaka), when the words manahw, manu, janu, &q„ aXi meaning *aa
though,' are used. When these words are not used it is 'Implied ' (samya).]

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OcTOBBB, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS*WANT SINGH. 275

a SubstaDoe {dravya), may be fancied, the figare becomes eight-fold. In each of these eight
sorts, again, the fancy being (1) Positive, or (2) Negative (bhdvdbhdvdbhimdnatah), and the
.Occasion (nimitta) of the fancy being in the shape of (3) a Quality, or (4) an Action» they
become thirty-two fold.

Of these, the Expressed (ydcAyd) sorts are, with the exception of that of substance (dravya)
each three-fold, as pertaining to (I) a Nature (svaruiya)^ (2) a Purpose or Effect (phala)^ and
a Cause QiStu).

Of these, the sorts pertaining to a Nature (svarupa) are again two-fold, according as the
Occasion (nimitta) of the Fancy is Mentioned (ukta) or Not Mentioned (anukta).

The divisions of the Understood or Implied (pratiyamdnd) poetical fancy, may each
pertain to a Purpose or Effect (pkala) or to a Cause (hetu).

These, again, are two-fold, according as the Subject (jyrastula) of the Fancy is Mentioned
(ulda) or Not Mentioned.]

[It will be seen that the Bhdshd'hhushana gives a different analysis of the figure : and this
latter analysis has been much developed by later authora. All authors agree, in following the
Sdhitya-darpana by defining the figure as the imagining (sambhdvaiid or tarha) of one thing
(the subject) under the character of another. In its simplest form the following may be taken
as an example. It is the first one given above, slightly developed : —

Her eyes, large and luscious^ captivate the heart as though they were lotuses.

Here the subject of the figure, the eyes, is imagined under the character of the object of
the fignre, that is to say, lotuses.

The same idea expressed under the form of a Simile (upamd) would be : —

Her eyes are large and Itiscious like lotuses.

This is merely an expression of the resemblance of two things, the eyes and the lotuses,
expressed in a single sentence. The resemblance is expressed, not suggested as in the Metaphor.
Moreover in the Simile, the two objects are said only to resemble the other, while in the
Poetical Fancy one is imagined or fancied to act in the character of the other.

The same idea expressed under the form of a Metaphor would be : —

Her lotus-eyes are large and luscious.

Here the fancied character of the lotus is superimposed upon the object — the eyes.
This differs from the Simile because the resemblance is suggested as an embellishment, and is
not expressed by any word such as * like,' etc. It also differs from the Poetical Fancy because
the subject, i, e., the eye, is not imagined as acting in the character of a lotus, but is imagined to
he a lotus.

In a Simile, words expressing resemblance, such as, iva, tulya, jaise, lau% all meaning
'like,* are either expressed, or understood.

In the Poetical Fancy, words such mdn6\ jdn6\ 'methinks,' 'as though,' 'niichaya-
pragatata, *of a certainty appears as though,' are expressed or understood.]

[All authors subsequent to the Bhdshd-bhushann agree that the Poetical Fancy is of three
kinds according as it depends on a Thing (yastu^^^ a Cause (hetu) or an Effect or Purpose
{phala). That is to say, the subject of the Poetical Fancy is imagined to be another Thing,
or it may be imagined to be in such a condition as to be Caused by some other fancied
circumstance, or it may be imagined to be in such a condition as to have some other fancied
circumstance for its Effect.

In the Poetical Fancy depending on a Thing (vasttUprSkshd), the thing may be either
simply a concrete noun substantive, or it may be a qaality (adjectival), or it may be an action
or condition (verbal).

B The svarUpa (nature) of the 8Ahitya-darpai}a.

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276 THE INDIAIT ANTIQUARY. [Octobbb. 1894.

An example of the thing being a concrete nonn substantive is : —
Her eyeg, large and lusciousy captivate the heart a$ though they are lotusei.
Here the Ud7*8 ejes are the subject of the Poetical Fancy , and are imagined to be acting
in the character of a concrete thing, — a nonn substantive, — lotases.

An example of the thing being a qnalitj is the foUowiog : —
His virtues, occasioning as they did other virtues, were, as it were, generative.
Here the hero's virtues are the subject of the Poetical Fancy, and thej are imagined to
possess the adjectival quality of generativeness.

An example of the thing being an action : —

In my dreams the night passed happily, as though I were sleeping in my beloved^ s arms.

Here the subject .of the Poetical Fancy is the manner of passing the night, and it is
magined to be acting in the character of the verbal action of sleeping in the arms of the
beloved.

This Poetical Fancy depending on a thing (vastHtprShshd) is further divided into two
classes, according as the ground or oooasion {dspada or vishaya) for the fancy is or is not
mentioned. In the first case the Poetical Fancy is called uhtdspadavastutprihshd, or uhtavishayd
vastutprikshd. In the latter case it is called anuhtdspadavastutprShshd, or anuJctavishayd
vastutprSkshd,

An example of the ground for the Poetical Fancy being mentioned ig the verse already
given :—

Her eyes, large and luscious, captivate the heart as though they were lottues.

Here the ground for imagining the eyes to be acting in the character of lotuses is that they
are large and luscious and captivate the heart. This is mentioned.

Again :—

The spots shine beauteous on the moon, as though they were bees upon a lotus in the shy.

Here the spots on the moon are imagined to be acting in the character of bees on a lotus,
and the ground for the imagination, vig., tbat, being spots on a -white surface, they are never-
theless still charming, is stated.

Again : —

The ornament of Krishna's ear, being shaped Idee a makara, is beautiful as though it were
the standard of the Ood of Love projecting from the gateway of the castle of Krishna* s heart.

Here the ornament is imagined to be acting in the character of the standard of the God of
Love. And the ground for the imagination, its being shaped like a mahara (the standard of
the God of Love is also a makara), is stated.

An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a thing, in which the occasion is not
expressed, is the following : —

The face of the deer-^eyed one gladdens the heart as if it were another full moon.

The grounds for fancying the lady's face to possess the characteristics of a full moon («t«.,
its peculiar fairness, roundness, etc.), are not mentioned.

Again : —

Aloes and incense caused as it were a thicJc night.

Here the occasion of the Poetical Fancy, the smoke arising from the incense, is not
mentioned.

As the Sdhitya-darpaiUi remarks, in a Poetical Fancy depending upon a Cause or upon an
Efitoot, the occasion must always, as a matter of course, be mentioned. For if the occasion, for
instance, in the example immediately following, viM^ ' holding deep silence,' be not mentioned,
the sentence would be unconnected, or absurd.

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October, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHTJSHANA OP JAS'WANT SINGH. 277

The following is an example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a oause (hStHtprSkskd) : —

I saw an anhlet fallen on the ground, holding deep silence^ as if from the sorrow of separation
from the lotus-foot.

This Fancy in its simplest form is this : —

It was silent, as though it were in sorrow.

Here sorrow is fancied as the cause of the silence, and the suggestion {tarha) of this fact
forms the Poetical Fancy.

Again : —

The lover gave his darling his heart, as though he were at a wedding ceremony.

A wedding ceremony is a cause of giving presents to the Bride, and here it is fancied as
the cause for the Bridegroom presenting his heart to the Bride, The suggestion (tarha) of this
fact forms the Poetical Fancy.

Again : —

The women of the house made as much of the Bridegroom, as if he were about to start on a
long journey.

Here the starting on a long journey is imagined as the cause for the affection shewn to the
Bridegroom.

Again (the example of the Bhdshd-hhushana) : —

Her feet are rosy, as though from walking on a rough courtyard.

Here rosy, instead of brown, feet ai-e an embellishment, but the colour is represented
poetically as being caused by her having walked on rough ground.

A Poetical Fancy depending on a oause is of two kinds, according as the occasion of the
Fancy is an Actual, Natural thing which exists (siddhavishayd hStCttprihshd or siddhdspada-
hetiitprikshd) or an Imaginary thing which does not exist^ but is only imagined and invented
for the nonce (asiddhavishayd hitutprekshd, or asiddhdspadahitxitprehshd). We shall take the
latter first.

Examples of a Poetical Fancy depending on a cause with an imaginary occasion are : —

Krishna is glorious with the moon-lihe spots on his peacock diadem, as though, out of enmity
with i^iva, he had crowned his head with a hundred moons.

Here the suggestion (tarka) of the moon in the moon-like spots forms the occasion of the
Poetical Fancy. The Fancy consists in imagining that the cause of Krishna wearing such a
diadem is his enmity to Siva. But the moon-like spots are only imaginary moons. Hence
the occasion is imaginary. The Ldla Ohandrikd (3) states that in this passage it is the enmity
which is the imaginary occasion, but in this the author is, I consider, wrong. For the enmity
is the cause of the occasion of the Poetical Fancy not the occasion itself. It is the hStu, not the
dspada.

Again : —

Thy face hath become the enemy of this lotus, as if it were the moon.

Here the emulation with the lotus is imagined to be the cause of the face becoming the
moon. The face being the the enemy of the lotus is the occasion (dsj^ada) of the Poetical Fancy
and it is of course imaginary.

On the other hand, a Poetical Fancy depending on a cause, with a natural or actual
occasion is exemplified in the following : —

She raised the ujreath with both her hands, but was too much overcome by emotion to place it
round Rdma's neck. Her hands and arms became languid in the glory of his moon-like face, as
though because they were two lotuses, each with flower and stem, shrinking at the moonlight.

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278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [October, 1894.

Here the Poetical Fancy consists in the suggestion that Sjta's arms became languid because
they took the character of two lotuses. That is to say, the occasion of the Poetical Fancy is
that her arms were languid. It was a natural, actual, circumstance, and not an imaginary one.

Again :—

Her brows are arched , as though she were in anger at the unfaithfulness of her lover.

Here the occasion of the Poetical Fancy is the beautiful curve of the Heroine's eyebrows.
This is a natui*al and not an imaginary fact. The Fancy suggests that the cause of this
characteristic is the anger of the lady.

A Poetical Fancy depending on an Effect or Purpose (phalotprSleshd) is also divided,
like that depending on a cause, into two classes, as the Occasion is Actual or Natural
(siddhavishayd phalotprelcshd or siddhds'padaphaUi'pre'kshu) or Imaginary (asiddhavishayd
phalotprehshd or asiddhdspadapJialotinehshd) ,

An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on Effect in its simplest form is the one given
in the Bhdshd-bhushana : —

*2'he lotus ever worships the water-god, as though to obtain a beauty equal to that of thy feet,*

Here the suggestion is that the abiding of the lotus in the water is an act of worahip for
the purpose of obtaining more perfect beauty.

The following is an example of the Oecasion (ftspada) being Actual (siddha) : —
The Creator made her bosom exuberant^ as though to cause her hips to sway by its weight.

Here the graceful swaying of the hips is suggested as possessing the character of being the
effect of the weight of the bosom. The occasion (dspada) of the Poetical Fancy is the actual
fact of the weight of the bosom. Hence the Poetical Fancy is siddhdspada.

Again : —

He abandoned his home and friends and ran to Edma, as though he were a miser running to
loot a treasure.

Here the mnner is imagined in the character of a miser, and the running of the miser is
the effect of the desire for wealth, just as the running of the other was the effect of his love to
Kama. The occasion of the Poetical Fancy is the running to Buma and was an actual, not an
imaginary, circumstance.

An example of a Poetical Fancy depending on a Purpose, with an Imaginary Occasion

is the following : —

Such was her beauty that her ornaments could not enhance it. They were but as though the
Creator, to presei-ve her pure fairness from defilement, had laid them there as mats on which to wipe
the feet of 'prurient gazes that approached her.

Here the suggestion is that the ornaments were placed upon her body for the purpose of
protecting her from defilement, and not to enhance her beauty. The occasion (dspada) of
the Poetical Fancy is the imaginary supposition that the ornaments do not enhance her beauty.
There is also the imaginary circumstance suggested that eyes have feet, and that their gaze can
be wiped on anything. Hence the occasion, indeed the whole basis of the Fancy, is imaginary,
and the utprekshd is asiddhdspada.l

Text.
A titey 6ktya1 an If Ara.

Atibay6ktirtlpakaya^^- hevala-hi* upamdna \

Kandka-latd para chandramd dharai' dhanuhha dvai vdna || 72 ||

8&palinava gum Sha hau aurahi' para ihahardi |

fSudhd bharyau yaha va'dana tua chanda hahai baurdi || 73 ||

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October, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.

279

Atitiay6kti bhddaka wahai
Aurai ha'sibau dehhibau
Saihbandhftti&ay 6kti jaha'
Yd pur a he viandira hahai*
Atiiayokti duji wahai
To kara dgui' halpa-taru
Ati&ay6kti akramajadat
To sara Idgata sdthahv

Chapalfttyukti ^0 hetu saw
Kahhana-hx hhai mu'dart

Atyautati&ay6kti $6

Fdna na jjuhu'chai' ahga 16'

jo ati bhida dihhdta* {

aurai yd Jci hdta II 74 II

d6ta ayogahi yoga \

iasi 16' unchau loga II 75 II

yoga ayoga bakhdtia I

hyo' pdwai' sanamdna \ 76 II

Mr an a kdraja sang a I

dhanukhahi aru ari ahga II 77

Jiota s^ghra jo kdju I

jAya ga'wana suni dju \\ 78 ||

purvdpara kranut ndhi' \

ari pahilai' girijdhi' \\ 79 ||

Translation.
Hyperbole.

[The Sdhityadarpana (693) defines a Hyperbole (atiiayokti) as a Poetical Fancy {utprSkshd)
in which the introsusceptiou (adhyavasdya) is complete {siddha). That is to say, the intro-
susception is incomplete in the Poetical Fancy, where the subjective notion is expressed with
uncertainty. Whilst in the Hyperbole, it being conceived with certainty, the introsusception is
complete.]

[A Hyperbole is of seven kinds accordingly as it (1) depends on a Metaphor (rUpakatiiayokti),
or (2) on a Concealment (sdpahnavdtisayokti), or (3) on a Distinction {bhSdakdtiiayoktt)^ or
(4) on a Belationship (sambaHdhdtisayokti)^ or (5) on Cause and Effect ooourring simultane-
ously {akramdtisayokti), or (6) on Effect immediately following the Cause (cJiapaldtiiayokti),
or (7) on the Sequence to a Causation being inverted (atyantdtiiayokti).']

(1) A Metaphor becomes Hyperbole when the object with which comparison is made
(xipamdna) is alone mentioned, as for example : —

* I saw a moon upon a golden creeper, which bore two bows and two arrows,'

[Here the subjects with which comparison is made, the face, the body of the lady, the
eyebrows, and her arrow-glances are not mentioned. Only the objects with which the com-
parison is made are mentioned.]

(2) When the qualities of one thing are (transferred to, and) established upon another
it is called Hyperbole dependent on Concealment (sdpahnavdtiSayokti, or according to
another reading apalmavarupakdtiiayokti), as for example : —

* It is thy face which is filled with nectar. If any say that (thy face) is the moon he is mad.'
[Nectar properly speaking is contained in the moon.]

(3) A Hyperbole is said to depend upon a Distinction, when it insists on an extreme
difference (between two objects). [This figure is properly called bhSdakdtUayokti, but some
writers owing to a misreading of the first four syllables, which are frequently used as a
contraction for the whole name, incon-ectly call it bhSda-hdnti.'] An example is :—

* Her smile is altogether different (from that of others, that is to say, very excellent), so
are her glances, and so her language.*

(4) Hyperbole depending on a Belationship is of two kinds : —

(a) In the first kind there is (an implication of) connexion where there is no connexion, as
in the following example : —

' People call the temple of this city as high as the moon.'

^Y.hsahai ihividhi vamatajdta.

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280 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Octobbe, 1894.

[Here there is no real connexion between the height of the temple and of the moon, but
nevertheless there is an implication of such connexion.]

(b) In the second kind there is a denial of connexion when there is connexion, as for
example* : —

* In the presence (of thy generous) hand, how can the halpa-taru obtain hononr* ?

[Here the connexion of the Tcalpa-tarUf with the tree of plenty, and the hand of a generous
giver is eminently proper, but it is denied in this special case.]

(5) When Cause and EfiTeot are represented as occurring simultaneously, it is an
instance of ahramdtisayohti or Hyperbole not in Sequence, as for example : —

* Thine arrows reach thy bow and thine enemies* bodies at the same instant.'

[Here the placing the arrow in the bow is the cause of it reaching the body of the enemy,
and the two, the cause and its result, are hyperbolically represented as occurring simultane-
ously.]

(6) When the Efibot is represented as following the Cause very quickly, it is called
the Hyperbole of Immediate Sequenoe (chapaldtisayoktt), as for example :—

* Immediately on hearing of the depai-ture of her beloved to-day, her ring became her
bracelet (i. e., she became so thin with grief that her ring was able to go round her wrist).'

(7) A Hyperbole may depend on the Sequenoe to a Causation being inverted and is
then called Exaggerated Hyperbole (atyantdtuayOlcti), as for example : —

* His enemies fall, before his arrows reach their bodies.'

Text.

Tulyay6git&lank&ra.

Tulyay6gitft tmi e Idkshana hrama tS'jdni I

tJha sabda me' lata dhita bahu mS' ehai bdni II 80 II

Bahuta 8U samatd guvana hari thi vidhi hota prdhdra I

Guna'nidhi mkai deta tu' tiya haw art Jean' hdra II 81 ||

Navala vadhu hi vadana^duti aru sahuchita aravitida I

Tu-hr sn-nidhi, dharma-nidhi, tu-M' indra, aru chanda II 82 II

Translation.

Equal Pairing.

[The Sdldfya-darpana (695) defines this figure as follows : — * When objects in hand or
othei*8 are associated with one and the same attribute {dharma ==■ quality, guna, as well as action,
kriyd) it is Equal Pairing.' The Blidshd^bhUhana^ a description is not in accordance with this.]

The following are the three (varieties of) Equal Pairing (tvlyayogitd). Learn their
peculiarities in order — (1) when in the same word both an auspicious and an inauspicious
(meaning are suggested) ; (2) when one attribute (is associated) in several (words) ; and
(3) when many (attributes) are detailed in equal co-existence. Such are the three varieties.
Examples are : —

(1) * O thou abode of virtue, thou givest necklaces to thy Lady, and discomfiture to thine
enemies.' [Here the same word hdra is used in two senses, one auspicious, t. e., * a necklace,*
and one inauspicious, i. e., * discomfiture.']

(2) ' Faded (at nightfall) are the charms of the bride's countenance, and the lotus.'
[Here the same attribute, fading, is attributed both to the biide's countenance, and to the lotus
(with which it may be compared).]

6 [Some authors, e, g. Bh^iratUhMshaiiat 96, call this aaafhhandhdtiiay6kti,'\

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October, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OP JAS'WANT SINGH. 281

(3) * Thou alone art the abode of Good Fortune, thou alone art the abode of virtue, thou
alone art (mighty as) Indra, thou alone art glorious as the moon.' [Here a number of different
attributes are mentioned one by one as equally co-existent in one person.]

[The Bharati-bhushana of Giridhara-dasa (104 and ff.) supplies the connexion between the
Bhdshd'bhushana and the Sdhitya-darpana. It defines what the Bhdshd-dhushana calls the second
kind of Equal Pairing (that in which one attribute is associated in several words), as follows :—

Kriyd aura gnna Icarijahd' dharma ihatd hoi I

Yarnyana k6 hai ibara ho tulya-yogitd $6% || 82a ||

Troituta-tulyaydgitd-uddhardrta : —

Aruna-udaya avaloki hai aakuchahi huvalaya chdra I

Indu-udaya lahhi svairini vadana vanaja chahw 6ra II 82b M

Aprastuta-tulyaydgitd-uddharana : —

Lahhi tSri suhumdratd e ri, ydjaga mdhv I

KavMla guldba haihora sS hd h6 bhdshata ndhi' \\ 82o It

When (o) objects in hand (varnyana, or prastuta), or (b) others, are associated with one
and the same attribute which may be either an action or a quality, it ia Equal Pairing ; examples
•re: —

(a) * When they see the rising of the dawn, the night-lily and the thief lament. So also
when they see the rising of the moon, in all directions, do the countenances of the free woman
and the blue lotus.' (Here the description of the rising of the sun and of the moon is in
question, and the lily and the thief, the free woman and the Blue lotus, which are respectively
connected therewith, are associated with the same action of lamenting.)

(b) * Fair maid, who in this world that has perceived the softness of thy (body), does not
speak of the hardness of the lotus and of the rose.' (This is a translation of the corresponding
verse in the Sdhitya-darpana. Here the description of the softness of the lady's body is the
subject in hand, and the lotus and the rose which are unconnected with it, are associated with
the same quality of hardness.)

It thus appears that the definition of the Sdhitya-darpana corresponds to the second kind
of Equal Pairing defined in the Bhashd-bhushana.]

Text.

DlpakAlankftra.

S6 dlpaka nija gumni sau* varani itara eha hhdva I

Oaja mada saw nripa tSja sau* iSbhd lahata handva \\ 83 II

Translation.

The Illuminator.

[Cf . Sdhitya-darpana, 696 : — * When a thing-connected-with-the-subject (prastuta) and
another unconnected-with-it (aprastuta) (are associated with one and the same attribute) ; or
when the same case is connected with several verbs (cf. hdraha-dipaha, v. 150 below) ; it is
called the Illuminator.' Compare the definition of Equal Pairing above, with which the
definition of the Illuminator is closely connected.]

When a thing in h»,nd (varani =varny a) and something else are each described as possessing
the same attribute, each on account of its own peculiar qualities, it is called the Illuminator ;
for example : —

' The elephant and the king each takes enhanced glory, the one from his being in rut, and
the other from his valour.'

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282 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [October, 18&4.

[Here two things the subject in hand (the king), and something else .(the elephant)
are described each as possessing the same attribute of glory, though in each case from a
<lifferent cause, the cause in each case being the peculiar nature of the kiug and the elephant
respectively.]

Text.

Dlpakftvrittyalank&ra.*

Dlpaka ftvpti tint vidhi dvnti pada Jci hoi I

Puni hwai dvriti artka lei df'iji kahiyai' soi II 84 II

Tada am artha duhuva hi dvriti tiji Ukhi \

Ghana harasai hai, n sakht^ nisi harasai hai dekhi || 85 II

Fhulai vriksha kadamba kS ketaka hikase dhi \

Matta bhai hai mora aru chdtaka matta sardhi || 86 ||

Translation.
The Illuminator with Bepetition.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpanaJ]

The Illuminator with Bepetition is of three kinds — (a) In the first there is repetition
of a word (paddvrittt) (but not of its meaning), (b) In the second there is a repetition of
meaning (arthdvritti) (but not of the same word), (c) And in the third there is repetition both
of the word and of its meaning {paddrthdvritti). Examples are : —

(a) * O friend, the clouds rain ; see, it is a night of the rainy season.' Here the word

* rain ' is repeated, but each time in a different sense.

(h) * The nauclea tree is in blossom, and the kStaka tree is flowering.' Here the words

* is in blossom * and *is flowering ' are different, but their meaning is the same.

(c) Excited is the peacock, and excited is the chdtaka-hird worthy to be praised.' Here
the word * excited ' is repeated, each time in the same meaning.

[It will be observed that all the above are examples of the Illuminator (v. 83, above).]

Text.

Prativasttlpamftlaiikftra.

FratiYastupamft samajhiyav doil vdkj/a samdn^ \

Abhd sura pratdpa ti' iobhd sura ka vdna || 87 tl

Translation.

The Typioal Comparison.

It is Typical Comparison when the same idea is implied by two different expressions.
As for example : —

arrow,

* The sun gaineth its brilliancy from its fierce heat, as the hero gaineth his glory with his

[Here the actions of 'gaining brilliancy' and 'gaining glory,' though the same, are
expressed by a difference of words to avoid repetition. Cf. Sdhitya-datpana, 697, where the
definition is * Typical Comparison is when, in sentences or descriptions, of which the corre-
spondence IS implied, the same common attribute is differently expres.sed.' As its name in the
vernacular implies, the figure is closely connected with the upamd or simile (vv. 44 and ff.,
above).]

• Or Avrittidipcika,

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Text.

D|ri8h(&nt&lankAra.

Alankdra drishtftnta s6 lahshana ndma pramdna I

Kdntimdfia sasi-hi banyau to-hi hiraiimdna 1 1 88 U-

Translation.
Exemplification.

The natare of the figure oi Exemplification can be gathered from its name. An example
of the figure is : —

* The moon alone was created a thing of perfect beauty, as thou alone of perfect fame.'

[The Sdhitya-darpanaj 698, defines the figure as the reflective representation (pratthimbana)
of a similar {sadharma) attribute, (not of the same attribute, in which case the figure would
be Typical Comparison, v. 87 above).

Giiidhara-dasa's definition in the Bharati-hhushana (119) is fuller than that of the Bhdshd-
hhiUhana : —

Varnya avarnya duhuna h6 bhinna dharma darasdi I

Jahd* bimba pratibimba so' so drishtdnta hahdi II 88a II

When different attributes are shewn as belonging respectively to the subject under dis-
cussion and to something not under discussion, — they bearing the mutual relationship of type
and antitype, it is Exemplification.]

Text.

Kidartonftlank&ra.

Kahtyai' trividhi nidarban& vakya artha sama doi I

Ska hlS^ punt aura gnna aura vastu me' hoi i| 89 ||

Kahtyai' kdraja dShhi hachhu hhalau hurau phala hhdu

Ddtd saumya so ahka hinu purana chanda bandu \\ 90 1 1

Dikho, sahaja~hi dharata yaha hhafijana-lild naina i

Tejaswi saw nibala hala mahddeua aru maina II 91 ||

Translation.

Illustration.

[Cf. Sdhitya-darpana, 699. When a possible, or, as is sometimes the case, even an impossible
connection of things (yastusambandha) implies a relation of type and antitype (bimbdnuhimbatva)^
it is Illustration.]

Illustration (nidariand) is of three kinds, viz,, (a) when the meaning of the two sentences
is the same ; {b) when the quality of one thing exists in another ; and (c) when from a consi-
deration of the effect (of a similar action), the good or bad results of an action may be foretold.
Examples of the three kinds are : —

(a) 'This gentle giver is without spot ; in the same manner that the full moon is without
spot.*

[The Bhushana-haumudt remarks that this must not be taken as an instance of Exemplifi*
cation (v, 88) ; for in the latter there is no superimposition, merely comparison ; while hero
the quality of the spotlessness of the moon is superimposed upon the person compared, — the
giver. In fact Exemplification bears much the same relation to this kind of Illustration, that a
Simile does to a Metaphor.]

(b) 'Behold, her eye naturally contains the sportive play of the (fluttering) Jchanjana bird/

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284 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Octobee, 1894.

[Here the quality of the flattering motion of the khanjana is used as an illustration of
sportive play of her eyes, and is mentioned as existing in them. This form of the figure must
be distinguished from Hyperbole dependent on Ck>ncealment (Sdpahnavdtiiayokti, v. 30), in
which all the qualities of one thing are taken away from it and established in another, while
here there is no denial of the fact that the khanjana still possesses a fluttering motion, though
the heroine's eye also possesses it.]

(c) ' When a weak person uses force against a mighty one, (it is an instance) of the story
of MahadSva and the God of Loye.'

[The fatal result of the attack of the feeble God of Love upon the mighty MahM&va ia
well known.]

Text.

Vyatirdk&lafLkara.

Viyatirdka upamdna ti' upamSyddika dekhi I

Mukha hai amhuja so, sakhi, mithi hdta viiSkhi II 02 II

Translation.

Oontrsst.

When a subject compared with another excels it, it is an instance of Contrast (vyatirika),
as for example : —

* This face of hers, O friend, is a lotus, but has this superior excellence, thai sweet words
issue from it.'

ISdhitya^darpana, 700, where it is said that the subject compared may either excel or fall
short of the other. With this figure may be compared the ornament of the Converse (jpratipa),
vv. 50 and ff.]

Text.

8ah6ktyala^Ara.

S6 8ah6kti saha satha-M' varanai rasa sarasdi I

Kirati arikula eahga-hi' jala^idki pahwchijdi II 98 M

Translation.

Oonneoted Description.

This figure occurs when all of several facts are elegantly described as occurring simulta-
neously, as for example : —

* Thy fame, together with the hordes of thy foes, have reached the ocean at the same time
(the one in triumphant progress, the other in headlong flight).

[The Bdhitya-darpana (701) insists that this figure must be founded on a Hyperbole
(attiaySkti, w. 29 and ff.) j but this is not admitted by others. The Bhashd-bhUshana considers
that it is sufficient that the coincidence should be elegantly expressed rasa sarasdi^ rasa kJ
sarasita kari kai^ Comm. So BTidrati-hhushana, 132, jahd mana-ranjana varanxyS,]

Text.

Vin6kti.

Hat vinokti dwai hhd'ti ki prastuta kachhu btnu kshtna \

Aru iobhd adhiki lahai prastuia kachhu ika hina || 94 ||

Driga khanjana-sS kanja'sS ah j ana binu iobhai' na \

Bald, saba guna sa-rasa tanu^ rahcha rukhdi hai' na || 05 ||

f T. L hali saba guna sara$4ta <«a.

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Translation.
The SpoQoli of Absence.
[Not in Sdhitya-darpana.']

The figure of the Speech of Absence is of two kinds : — (a) in one, the sahject of descrip-
tion loses by the absence of something ; (b) in the other, owing to the same canse, it gains
•nhanced beantj, bat is still wanting in something (necessary). Examples are: -~

(a) Thine eyes are (glancing) as the hhanjana bird» and (full orbed) as the lotns, but
withont collyrinm they have no lustre.

(h) Fair damsel, thy body is luscious and filled with every charm. (Then displayest) no
harshness [which is necessary to bring thy lover to thy feet].

Text.

Sain&86ktya|a]ELkaraa

Samdsdhti prastuta phurai prastuta varnana md'jha I

Kumudiai'kd pntphulUa bhai dekhi hald-nidhi sd'jha || 96 ||

Translation.

The Modal Metaphor.^

[Sdkitya'darpana, 703. The Modal Metaphor is when the behaviour (or character) of
another is ascribed (yyavahdraaamdropa) to the subject of description {prastuta), from a
Sameness of (1) Action, (2) Sex (or Ghendar), or (3) Attribute.!

The Modal Metaphor ia when, in the account of a thing which is not the subject of
description (aprastuta), the subject of description is itself manifested, as for example ; —

* The lily also expanded (or became full of joy) when it Baw* the approach of the moon at,
eventide.' [Here the subject of description is the heroine, and not the lily. The real
meaning (which has been manifested by the Modal Metaphor) is, * The heroine became full of
joy, when she saw the approach of her beloved at eventide.']

[This is an example of what the Sdhitya-darpana would call a Modal Metaphor dependent
on Community of Attribute. As, however^ the word praphulita is equally applicable to a lily
or to a woman, the example is not a good one, as there is nothing to point out that it is really
the heroine and not the lily that was referred to. Had the word been 'smiled,' there would
have been no doubt that the heroine was intended, and it would have been a true Modal
Metaphor.

The BMshana-haumudt insists that the second prastuta must be translated as if it were
* aprasluta.' Such a violent assumption is certainly necessary for the translation given
above. Perhaps a more literal translation might be : ^ When in the account of (one) subject of
description, (another) subject of description is manifested.' The word • aprasttUa ' will not
scan. The text is probably corrupt. The Bharati-hhiUham (137), says : —

Frastuta mS' jaha-hi* phurai aprastuta vrittdnta I

Samdsohti hhhhana kahav td ho kavi-hula-kdnta \\ 06a U

Taihd :—

Sajani, rajant pdi iaii mharata rasa-hhara'pira |

Alihgata prdchi mudita kara pasdri kai sdra U 06b U

' O friend, the moon, when she findeth the night rejoices, full of nectar (or love), and
intoxicated with affection, when she appeareth in the east, stretcheth forth her rays (or arms)
and embraceth the sun.]

' Literally, Speech of Brevitj.

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286 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Octobbe, 1894.

Text.

Parikarftlankftrs,

Hai parikara diaya UyS jahd* viiSshana hSi II

San-vadani yaha ndyikd idpa harati haijdi \{ 97 ||

Tranalation.

The InainTiator.

[Sdhttya-darpana, 704.]

Where there are significant epitheta it is an instance of this figure.

This heroine reduceth the fever (of love). Rightly is she (called) the moon-face (the
moon being a reducer of fever).

Text.

Parikarftnkur&lai&kftra.

Bdhhiprdya visSshya jaba parikara aiUcura ndma \

SUdhS'hil piya lei hahai' nShu na mdnata vdma 11 98 ||

Translation.
The Passing Insinuation.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpanaJ]

But when special significance is given (not to the qualifying epithet), but to the object
qualified itself, it is an instance of this figure, as, for example : —

* The lady (vdma) does not heed a single word of what her lover says, even though he
stand erect before her.' Here the use of the word vdma is significant^ as it not only means * lady,'
but also * crooked,' in contradislinction to the erectness of her lover.

[Text.

Pnnaraktivad&bhllsftlank&ra.

Not in Bhdshd'bhushana, 1 have only met it in Ldla-chandnkd, 678, which defines the
figure as follows : —

Dilchai artJia punaruJcH san punaruktivad&bhftsa ll 98a ||

Tathd:—

Mana-mohana saw moha hari tu Qhana-iydtna sa'hdri I

Kuhj-vihdri saw vihari Giridhdri ura dhdri || 98b ||

Translation.

Apparent Tautology.

Where there are a number of names each referring to the same person, but each having
special significance, it is Apparent Tautology, as for example : —

* Shew love to Man6-M6hana (the Heart-en trancer). Bring peace to Ghana-syama (or
envelope him in thy cloud-dark hair). Sport thou with Kufija-vih&rin (he who sporteth in the
bower), and clasp to thy (mountain-like) bosom Giridbarin (the Upholder of the Mountain).
Here all these names of Krishna have special significance. The figure is a further develop-
ment of the Passing Insinuation (98),]

Text.

&16sh&laDk&ra.

816sha alankriti artha hahu ika Sahda tS' hdta |

S6i na purana nSha binu aiso vadana tidota || 99 tl

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Translation.

Paronomasia or Ooalesoence.

[Sdhitya'darpana, 705.]

When several meanings come from the same word, it is an inntance of this figure, as, for
example : —

' Her face would not so shine, if there were not full love (or a full supply of oil),' [the word
nSha meaning both ' love ' and ' oil '].

Tea:t.

Aprastutaprabaiiis&lafik&ra.

Alahkara dwai bhd'ti kau aprastuta parasansa t

Iha varnana prastiUa bind dCtjai* prastnta ansa U 100 U

Dhant yaha charchdjiidna Jc% sahala samai sukha ditu I

Visha rdkhata hai kanfka iiva dpa dharyau ihi hStu \\ 101 II

Translation.
Indireot Description.

[^The Sdhitya-darpana (706) thus defines this figure, which can hardly be said to be
defined at all by the Bhdska-hhushana, 'When (1) a particular (viiSsha) from a general
{sdmdnya)^ or (2) a general from a particular, or (3) a cause {nimitta) from an effect (kdrya),
or (4) an effect from a cause (^hStu)^ or a thing similar from what resembles it {samdt «amai/i),
ia understood, each of the former being in question (jprastuta) and the latter not so, it is
Indirect Description.* This definition must be borne in mind as understood in the following.]

The figure of Indirect Desoription (aprastutapraiamsd) is of two kinds, according as
{a) description takes place without (mention of) the subject in question, and (h) descnption
takes place with only a partial reference to the subject in question. Examples are : —

(a) * Blessed is this pursuit of knowledge, which continually gives happiness.' [Here
the subject in question is divine knowledge. It is not mentioned, but it is inferred that the
particular knowledge which is in question can only be divine knowledge, from the effect
described, viz., that it gives happiness at all times.]

(h) Siva bears the (kxildhala) poison in his throat, and therefore (to allay the burning)
he placed the water (of the Ganges) on his head,' [Here the Ganges, which is the subject in
question, is only hinted at by the word ' water.' It is understood that it is that particular river
which is in question, from the effect; for no other river could allay the burning of the haldkala
poison.]

[This last example is not an instance of Kdvya-Unga or Poetical Reason (v. 153). In that
figure, the reason given is a completive corroboration of a fact intimated, which is not the case
here ]

[Giridhara-dasa thus defines this figure in the Bhdrati-hhdsham : —

Aprastuta varnana btshai' prastuta van}y6 jdi 1

Aprastuta-parasansa telii kahahi' kavina kS rdi II 101a H

It is Indirect Description when, by the description of a thing which is not in hand, the
subject in hand becomes described.

So also Raghu-n&tha in the Rasika-mohana (106) : —

Aprastuti k% h6H jalia' prastuii s6^ asphurti |

AprastuH'prasaiikia kahata nlahkdra kari surti It 101b \\

Again Padmakara-bhajfca in the FadmdhJiarana (107) says : —

Aprastuta virit4nta tnaha* jaha' prastuta kS jndna I

Aprasiuia-parasansa s6 pahcha prakdra pramdm \\ 101c H

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Ika sdriipya-nibajidhand viya sdmdnya'nibandha I

Bahuri viseshya-nibandhand kahi havi rachata prabandha 11 lOld II

Chauthi hitv-fitbandhand hdja-iiibandhand dna {

Yd vidhi pancha prakdra sau* tdhi kahata matimdna II lOle II

Indirect deRcription occars when in the description of a thing not in question, the thing in
question is inferred. It is of five kinds, viz, : —

(1) When it onginates in a resemblance (between the thing described and the thing
inferred).

(2) Wnen it originates in a general statement (from which a particular is inferred).

(3) When it originates in a particular statement (from which a general is inferred).

(4) When it originates in a cause (from which an efEect is inferred).

(5) When it originates in an effect (from which a cause is inferred).

This agrees with the Sdhiiya-darpana, and gives the clue to the oonBezioo between the
definition given in that work, and that of the Bhdshd-bhushana,']

Text.

Prastttttokur&l aAkftrA.

Frastuta ai^ktira hat kiyav prastuta mS' proitdi I

Kahd' gayau alt kS'wari chhd'di sukotnalatdi U 102 H

Translation.

The Passing Allusion.
[Not in Sdhitya-darpana.']

it is the figure of Passing Allusion, when allusion {pra$tdimpraMdwi) (hinting a
connexion with) the subject in the mind of the speaker (is made to some passing circumstance)
"aa for example : —

^O Bee, why bast thou deserted the delicacy (of other flowers) and gone to the kStoard?
Here under the passing allusion to the bee, it is hinted that some person^ who has attached
himself to the pleasures of this world (the kS'ward flower), and abandoned the sweet flowers
of the name of Rama.

Another interpretation of this verse is as follows : — A heroine has been detected by her
friend returning from the embraces of her lover. The friend thus addresses her, alluding to
the scratches, marks of the love-conflict, on her face : —

*My dear (ah*), what (thorny) M*ward flower hast thou been visiting, that thou hast loss
the tender smoothness (of thy face) * ? Here the lover is figuratively alluded to as a ki'ward
flower.

Text.

Pary&y6ktyala]Uc&ra.

ParyAy6kti prakdra dvai kachhu rachani sau* hdta I

Mx8U kari kdraja addhiyai* j6 hai chitta sohdta II 108 ||

Chatura toahatjehi' tua garS hinu guna ddri mala I

Tuma dou baifhau ihd jdti anhdwana tdla || 104 ||

Translation.

Periphrasis.

[Sdhitya-darpana^ 708. * Periphrasis is when the fact to be intimated (gamy a) is expressed
by a iuTfi of speech.']

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Periphrasis is of two kinds : (a) In the firat a statement is made by some ingenious tnrn
of speech. (5) In the other the object which is desired bj the agent's heart is accomplished
bj some pretext. Thus, for example : —

(a) * Clever is he, who threw a necklace round thy neck — a necklace without a binding-
string.' According to the Bhiishana-Jcaumudit a friend has detected the heroine returning
from an assignation, and the necklace without a binding-string represents periphrastically the
arms of the lover. The passage is also capable of interpretation like the passage from the
Raghuvailiia quoted in the Sdhitya-darpana, Thus : — * A skilled (conqueror) is he, who placed
on thy neck a necklace without a binding-thread (composed of the tears trickling down thy
bosom in drops large like pearls, welling forth at the defeat of thy husband, his foe).

(6) * You two are seated here (for a flirtation).* * No friend, we are on our way to bathe
in the lake/ Here the hero and heroine have accomplished their desire for an assignation,
under pretext of having accidentally met on their way to the bathing ghdL

Text,

VydjastutyalaAkAra.

Vy^astuti nindd misahi jabai badd%j6hi \

Stoarga chadhdyS patita lai ganga hd hahaw idhi II 106 ||

Trauslation.

Artful Praise.

ISdhitya-darpana, 707.]

When under pretence of blame, praise is expressed, "-~ it is to be considered as an instance
of Artful Praise, as for example : —

• O Ganges, what (good) can I say of thee. Thou hast raised sinners to heaven.' [Here
under pretence of blaming the Ganges for defiling heaven with sinners, the poet really praises it
for its salvation-giving properties.]

[The Sdhitya-darpana includes under this figure its converse, — the giving blame under
pretence of praise. So also BhdratUbhdshana, 154,* which further includes the expression of
praise, under pretence of praising somebody else. E. g.. Praising the All-purifying God, under
pretence of praising the pure man in whose heart He abides, i. c, the exact, converse of the

succeeding.]

Text.

VyfljanindAlaAk&ra.

VyAja-ninda ntndd misahi nindd aurai hoi I

Sadd hshina kinhau na hyo' clumda manda hai aoi II 106 ||

Translation.

Artful Blame.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana,']

It is the figure of Artful Blame (vydjanindd) when, under pretext of blaming one person,
another person is also blamed ; as for example :—

• Why did not (the Creator) make the moon ever and always emaciated ? It was an evil
action of His (not to have done so).'

[Here a heroine, distraught of the absence of her beloved, blames the moon for not being
always as emaciated as herself, under cover of blaming the Creator. Cf . the note to the pre-
ceding figure.]

• So also Rasikii'mohanaf 110, and Padm6hharai}af 126.

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Text.

AkBh6pAla]&k&ra.

Tint bhd'U &ksh6pa hai ika nishSdha-ahhasu I

Fahilaht hdhiyai' dpu kachhu bahuri phirtyai' tdsu 1 1 107 1 1

Dv^ai nithidhajo vidhirvachana Idkshana tino' pihhi I

Hai nahi* ddtita agini tS' tiya-tana tdpa viiSkhi II 108 |l

Stta-hirana dai darSa tur alhavd tiya-mukka dhi I

Jdi dai mS janma d6 chalai dSia tumajdhi \\ 109 It

Translation.
The Hint.

[The definition of the Sdkitya-darpana (714, 715) differs, though the third example of the
Bhdshd'bhushana is nearly the same as one given in the former work. It (the definition) is as
follows : — * When something, really intended to be said, is apparently suppressed or denied
(nishSdhdbhdeS), for the purpose of conveying a particular meaning, it is termed Hint, and is
two-fold as pertaining to what is about to be said or what has been said. Another figure (also
termed Hint) is held, likewise (t. e., for the purpose of conveying a particulap meaning) to be
an apparent permission {vidhydbhdsd) of something really unwished for.' The first of these
two definitions corresponds to the first definition of the Bhdshd'bhushana^ and the second defini-
tion of that work is really included in it. The second definition of the Sdhitya-darpana corre-
sponds to the third of the BJidshd-bhUshanaJ]

The Hint is of three kinds : — (a) In the first there is an apparent suppression (or denial
for the purpose of conveying a particular meaning), (b) In the second, the speaker himself at
first commences a statement, and then turns it aside* (c) In the third, a refusal (of permission)
is concealed under words signifying permission. Examples are : —

(a) ' In the lady's body there is a fever more fierce than fire, — but no, she has not its
brilliancy.'

[Here the pangs of separation felt by the friend of the speaker are hinted at in general, but
the particular fact that she is pale and about to die is suppressed.]

{b) * O Cool-rayed (Moon) reveal thyself, — or, stay, is it my lady's face (which I see).'

[Here the hero commences to compare his lady's face to the moon, but stops and addresses
her directly, after giving a hint of what was in his mind.J

[Here the permission to go is really a prohibition. Moreover the lady hints that if her
beloved docs go she will of a certainty die, and will have to be reborn elsewhere.]

Text.

Vir6dh&bh&8&Iafik&ra.

Bhdsaijahai virSdha $6 wahai virddliAbh&sa I

Uta rata Tiau, utarata nahi* mana ti' prdna^ivdsa II HO It

Translation.
Apparent . Contradiction.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana ; cf. however 718, virodha, contradiction.] When an incongruity
is (at first sight) apparent (but there is really no incongruity), it is called Apparent Contradic-
tion ; as for example : —

* 'Tis there (uta, i, 6., with some other lady) that thou art devoted {rata). She, the abode
of thy life, departeth {utarata) not from thy heart.'

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OcTOBBB, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OP JAS'WANT SINGH. 291

[Here the speaker is a jealous heroine. The apparent contradiction dwells in the use of
the two expressions uta^rata (devoted there), and utarnta naht' (does not depart). It will^ be
seen that this particular example is also an instance of the ornament of Yamuka or Pan (v. 203}.
In a Pun, however, the incongruity is not a necessary part. ]

Text.
VibMvanftla&k&ra.

Hohi' chha hhd'ti TibhAvanft kdrana hina-ki kdja \

Binu ydvaka dinai charana arum lakhai hat dju \\ HI It

HStu uptlrana iS* jabai kdraja pdrana h4i \

Kuauma-vdna kara gahi madana sabajagajityaujSiW 112 II

Pratibddhaka-hu hota hai kdraja purana mdni I

NiH-dina iruti-sathgati tail naina rdga ki khdni \\ 113 H

Jabai akdrana vastu tS* kdraja prakafa-hi hota I

Kokila ki vdni abai holata snnyau kapota II 114 W

Kdhu kdrana tS' jabai kdraja hota viruddha I

Karata mdhi saHldpa-hi* sakhi, sUa-kara Snddha II 115 11

Punt kachhu kdraja ti' jabai upajai kdrana rupa I

Naina-mina tS' dikhi yaha saritd bahata anUpa 11 116 U

Translation.
Peculiar Causation.

{^Sdhitya-darpanay 716. *When an effect is said to arise without a cause (A^^tt), it is
Peculiar Causation {v%bkdvan(t\, and is two-fold, according as the occasion (nimitta)\& or is not
mentioned.' It will be noticed that the BhdsM-bhikhana (and indeed all other later authors
whom I have consulted) gives a much wider definition.]

Peculiar Causation is of six kinds, viz, : —

(1) When an effect (is said to arise) without a cause, as for example : —

* Without applying red-lac dye, a rosy hue appears upon her feet.' Here the rosy hue
of the feet, which is an enhancement of beauty, is shewn as existing without its usual cause.

(2) When a full effect (is said to arise) from a cause which is incomplete, as for
example : —

'Behold, although the God of Love has merely grasped his dart of flowers, he has
conquered the whole world.'

(3) When, in spite of an obstacle, the effect is nevertheless complete, as for example : —

* Although they are ever near (t. e., long, extending to) her ears (or, by a paronamasia^ in
the neigjibourhood. of religious books), still her eyes are full (lit., mines) of anger.'

(4) When an effect appears to anse from a thing which cannot be the cause, as for
example : —

* Lo, I heard a dove utter just now the call of a cuckoo.' [In this example, a friend of
the hero is inviting the heroine to come to the place of assignation, and suggests this
apparent miracle as a pretext.]

(5) When a contrary effect is said to arise from a cause, as for example : —

* O friend, this pure cooling moon only gives me fever.' [The heroine is lamenting the
absence of her beloved.]

[The Ldla-chandrikdy 436, mentions a figure called Vir6dlia which is closely connected with
the fifth variety of Peculiar Causation. Cf. Sdhitya-darpana, 718.

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The example given ie :—

Mdryau manvhdrani hhari gdryau Mart mtfhdhi' I

Wd hau ati ana1thdha{au musahdJiafa bina ndhi' }\ 115a n

* Even her beatiDgs of me are fall of captivatingg of the son). Even her abuse is very
sweet. Eren her extreme anger is not without a smile.']

(6) When originating from some effect, the appearance of a cause is produced, t. e.y
when the sequence of cause and effect is inverted, as for example : —

' See those (clear) darting fishes, her eyes. From tiiem flows a river/ [Here from the
eyes metaphorically considered as fishes, taken as an effect, the torrent of tears, farther
metaphorically considered as the cause (or esseutiat of existence) ot these fishes, rts., a river^
is represented as being produced by them.]

Text.

Vik60h6ktyalaAkAra.

VibdBli6kti^'^ hitu saw kdraja upqjai ndki' I

Neha gha{ata hai nuhi' tail idma-dipa ghat a mdhi' \\ 117 II

Translation. \

Feculiar Allegation.

[SdhUya-dofyana, 717.]

When, in spite of the existence of a cause, there is an absence of effect, it is Peculiar
Allegation, as for example : —

* Although the lamp of desire (is burning) in her body, still the oil (or her lave) diminishes
not.' [Here there is a paronomasia on the word nSka, which means both * oil ' and * love.*]

[This figure is two-fold according as the occasion (<guna or nimitta) for the absence of the
effect is mentioned (uhta) or is not mentioned (afiukta). An example of uktagvna viUsMkti is
Bihdri^safsat, 533 : —

Tyau' tyau' pydsS-i raJiata jyaw jyaw piyaia aghdi }

Saguna salaunS rdpa haw ju na chahha trishd bnjhdi II 117a H

' The more my eyes drink to satiety, the more thirsty they become. Their thirst for his
lovely (or salt) form is not extinguished.' Here the cause for the absence of the quenching
of the thirst, i?u,, the beauty (or, by a paronomasia^ the saltness) of her beloved's form ia
mentioned.]

Text.

Asariibliavftlafikftra.

Kahata aaaihbhava Mtajaha binu saMJidvana hdju I

Qiri'vara dharihai gdpasuta kSjanai ihi dju \\ 118 II

Translation.

Tbe Unlikely.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana,'] ^

They call the figure The XTnlikely, when an effect occui'S contrary to the usual course of
events, as for example : —

' Who imagines to-day, that (Kpslina) the cowherd's son would hold up (the mountain of)
G6vardhana ' ?

[So also Bhdrati'bhushana, 178, Padmdbharana, 145, Basika-mohana^ 123,]

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293

Text.
AsaifagatyalankAra.
Ttni asaihgati Mja am kdrana nydre thdma

Aura thaunihi kijiyai'
Aura hdja drambhiyav
Kokila mada mdti bhai
Teri art ki ahgand
Moha mitdyau ndhi' 'prabhu

aura thaura hau hdma II 119 II
aurai hariyav daura I
jhutnata d'bahi maura || 120 II
tilaka lagdyau pdni I
moha lagdyau dni || 121 II

Translation.
Disoonneotion.

[Sdhifya-darpana, 719, where the definition corresponds only with the first of the three
given by the Bhdshd-bhushamJ]

Disconnection is of three kinds : — (a) When an effect and a cause are (represented as)
locally separated ; (d) When an action occurs in a place other than the nsual one ; and
(c) When a commencement is made towards one effect, but another is proceeded to. Examples
are : —

(a) * It is the flower clasters on the mangos which destil intoxicating juice, but it is the
cuckoo (not the mango) which is drunk.*

(Jb) * The wives of thy foes are wearing their forehead ornaments on their hands,' (which
also, by a paro7wma3%a, means * have placed sesamum (tiUi) and water (ka) in their hands in
token of submission.)

(c) * God, thou hast not wiped away my illusion, but has brought and enveloped me in
more.* [Here God is represented as having commenced to wipe away illusion, and then to
have ultimately added more instead. Or, according to another explanation, it is not God, but
a lover who is addressed. He has just returned from a far country, and is about to start
again on his journeys without seeing his beloved. A companion of the latter addresses him : —
* My Lord, thou hast come to relieve her woes, and (art departing) without doing so.*J

[So also, Bhdrati-bhushana, 180, Padmdbharana, 146, Basika-mohana, 124.]

Text.

Visham&lankara.

Vishama alahkrlti tmi vldhi
Kdrana kau ra-ga aura kachhu
Aura hhalau udyama kiyi
Ati komala tana tiya kau
Khadga-latd ati iydma tS'
Sakhi Idyau ghanasdra pai

anamilitahi kau sahga I

kdraja aurai rahga \\ 122 II

Mta hurau phala di \

kahd' kdma ki Idi \\ 123 ||

upajx ktrati sSta \

adhika tdpa tana d4ta [\ 124 ||

Translation.
Incongruity.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 720.]

The figure of Incongruity is of three kinds : — (a) In the first there is association of
incongruous things ; (6) In the second, the qualities (or appearances) of a cause and its
effect are opposed to each other ; and (c) In the third a good endeavour brings an evil
result. Examples are:—

(a) * Very tender is the form of the lady. How can (it support) the burning flame of

love (with which it is filled).* [Here there is an association of the two incongruous things, a

woman's tender frame, and the fire of love.]

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294 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Octobeb. 1894.

(b) ' From the black tree of thy 8word» has sprung the white (flower of thy) glory.'

(c) * friend, I applied (cooling) camphor, bnt it only increased the fever of her body.*
[The Banka-mohana^ 127 and ff., further deyelopes the figure at great length.]

Text.

SamftlafikAra.

Alahkdra sama tini vidhx yathSySgya hau sanga I

Kdraja mS' saba pdiyai' hdrana-hi kS ahga || 126 II

3rama binu hdraja siddhajaba udyama karata-hi hdi \

Hdra vdsa tiya ura haryau apanS Idydka j6x || 126 II

Nicha sanga acharaju nahi' Lachchhx jalajd dhi \

Yaia-hi-hau uddima kiyau nVcai* pdyau tihi \\ 127 ||

Translation.

The Equal.

[Sdhttya-darpanaf 721. 'The Equal is the commendation of an object fitly united with
another.' The Bhashd-bhtishana definition is more developed.]

[The Equal is the converse of the figure of Inoongrnity (vv. 122 and'ff.), that is to say],
it is of three kinds : — (a) In the first there is association of congruous things ; (b) In the second,
there is to be found a complete concordance between cause and effect ; and (c) In the third
without any labour a complete result follows, immediately on making an endeavour. Examples
are : —

(a) * The lady made her bosom the abode of her necklace, considering it worthy of
herself.' [Here there is a complete correspondence between the beauty of the necklace, and
the beauty of the lady.]

(b) • It is not wonderful that Lakshml should associate with the lowly, for she is bom of
water.' [Here water is represented as naturally seeking a lower level, and hence there is a
complete concordance between the cause, — the birth of Lakshmi in the water, and the effect,
— her naturally seeking the lowly.]

(e) * He made an effort for fame alone, and gained it easily.'

[So also Bhdrati'bhushana, 191, Padmdbharana^ 153, Easika-mohana, 134.]

Text.
Viohitrftlafik&ra.

Ichchhd phala vipartta k% Jcijav yatna viohitra I

Ka'vata uchchatd lahana kaW j6 hoi purusha pavitra II 128 II

Translation.

The Strange.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 722.]

This figure occurs when an effort is made for the purpose of effecting a contrary result, as
for example : —

* The pure minded man, for the purpose of being elevated, bows down.*

Text.

Adhik&lank&ra.

Adhikdi ddUya k% jaha adhdra sau* hoi I

J6 adhdra ddhiya tS' adhika, adhika i d6% II 129 H

Sdta dvtpa nava khanda mS' ktrati ndhi' samdta I

Sdta dvipa nava khanda jaha' tua gum varane jdta II 130 ||

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Translation.
The Exceeding.

[Sdhttya-darpana, 723.]

The figure of the Exceeding is of two kinds : — (a) In one, the contained is represented as
Taster than the container. (6) In the other, the container is represented as vaster than the
contained. Examples are : —

(a) ' Thy fame cannot be contained within the limits of the seven continents and the nine
regions.'

(b) * In the seven continents and the nine regions, thy virtues are the theme of praise,*

Text.

Alpftlankftra.

Alpa alpa ddhSya ti* sukshma hoi ddhdra I

A-guri k% mu*dar% huH pahuchani harata vihdra II 181 ||

Translation.

The Less.

[Not in Sdhitya'darpa'na.'\

The Less is when the thing containing is represented as smaller than the thing contained,
as for example : —

* It was a finger ring, and now she wears it on her wrist.' [This is a report of Uddhava
to Krishna regarding the sad condition of the herd maidens of G6knla. They are so wasted
away in grief that their finger rings are actually used as wristlets.]

[Padmakara-bhatta in the Padmdbharam (160), gives a second variety of this figure,
corresponding to the second variety of the Exceeding (v. 129 above).

Alpa alpa ddhdra tS' jaha' ddhSya bahhdna I

Ati sdchhama jo mana tahd' td-hu tS' laghu mdna || 131a ||

(A second variety of the figure of) the Less is when the contained is represented as smaller
than the container, as for example : —

* Very little is her heart, but still less is the indignation (contained therein).']

[Text.
Adhftra-mftUUank&ra.

Not in Bhdshd'hhushana. I have only met it in Ldla-chandrthd, 536, where it is defined
as follows : —

Ilea hau {ha ddhdra hrama mdla adhdra su chdhi || 181b ||

Yathd, sdrathd: —

To tana avadhi anupa rupa lagyau sahajagata Jcau I

Mo driga IdgS rupa drigani lagi ati chatapaH II 181o ||

Translation.
The Serial Container.

When there is a succession of objects each contained in the preceding, it is the figure of
the Serial Container {jidMra-mdld), as for example : —

' Thy form is absolutely matchless. In thee is contained all the beauty of the world. In
that beauty are immersed my eyes, and in my eyes is excessive agitation.' This is really a
variety of the Serial Bluminator (v. 140).]

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296 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Octobbb, 1894.

Text.

Any6nyftlankftra.

Any6iiyAIankAra hai anyonyahi updkdra I

iSaii tS' ntii niki lagai nisi-hi tS' sasi-sdra It 132 II

Translation.

The Beciprocal.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 724.]

The Beoiprooal (anyonya) is when (two things) matnallj benefit each other, as for
example : —

*The moon lends lustre to the night, and the night gives gloiy to the moon.*

(To he continued,)

FOUR CHOLA DATES.

BY E. HULTZSCH, P«.D,

Of the nnmerons inscriptions of Ch6la kings, which are scattered all over the Tamil
country, none, as far as we know at present, contains a date in the Saka or any other era ; and
even the approximate time of the reigns of Parantaka I. and bis successors would have remained
unsettled unless the names of some of these kings did occur in dated inscriptions of their
Gai^ga and Chftlukya contemporaries. These contemporaneous references^ which I have fully
discussed on previous occasions,^ are briefly the following : —

I. — According to the Uday^ndiram plates of the Ganga*6Ana king Bdjasiihha alias
Hastimalla,^ — this feudatory of the Chdla king Madirai-konda K6-Parak6sarivarman alias
Parftntaka I. was the grandson of F^thuyabas, who was a contemporary of Am6ghavarsha,
t. e. the Rashfrakfita king Sarva-Am^ghavarsha I. who ruled from A. D. 814-15 to 876-78.3

II. — According to the Atakiir inscription, the Gh6)a king BdjAditya^ eldest son of Paran-
taka I., was slain by the Oanga king Btttug^a^ who was a feudatory of the Rushtrakiita king
Knahijia III., before A. D. 949-50.*

III. — Ktindavd^ the daughter of the Ch6la king BdjarAja^ great-grandson of Parantaka I.,
was married to the Eastern Chalukja king Yuual&ditya (A. D. 1015 to 1022).

IV. — Bdjdndra-0h6].a I,, son of Rajaraja, fought with the Western Chalukya king
Jayasiihha III. (about A. D. 1018 to about 1042) ; and his daughter Ammangaddvl was
married to the Eastern Chalukya king BAjaPftja I, (A. D. 1022 to 1063).

V. — The Cholaking Bdjdndraddva fought with the Western Chalukya king Ahavamalla
II. (about A. D. 1042 to about 1068) ; and his daughter Madhiirftntaki was married to the
Chalnkya-Ch61a king BAjdndra-Ch6la II. alias Knl6ttufLga-Ch6la I. who succeeded to the
Chqla throne, and the year of whose accession (A, D. 1063) as well as that of his two immediate
successors, Vikrama-0h6la (A. D. 1112) and Knl6ttunga*Ch6}a II. (A. D. 1127), is known
from copper-plate inscriptions.** The dates Nos. 2, 3 and 4, which will be published below with
Prof. Kielhorn's and Mr. Dikshit's calculations, prove the approximate correctness of the

" ante. Vol. XVIII. p. 240 ; South-Indian JnscriptionM, Vol. I. pp. S2, 51 f. and IIB, and Vol. II. p. 232 ;
Annual Report for 1891-92, p. 2 ff.

* In Mr. Foulkea's edition of this inscription, the meaning of verse 21 is obscured by two misreadings. The
original plates, which are in my hands, read :— JT^ETT^^RyH^ Tf »rt ffffT^ irr'Trf^5l^ty«TTOrvr4 ^: [l*]

* Ep. Ind, Vol. III. p. 54, Table. * Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 168 f.

* South-Indian InscriptionSf Vol. I. p. 82, and ante, Vol. XX. p. 283.

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OcfTOBBR, 1894.] POTTR CHOLA DATES. 297

years of aocession as recorded in the grants^ Nos. 2 and 8 fix the date of the accession of
Kulottuhga I. within narrower limits^ and No. 4 yields the very day of Vikrama-Ch6!a*8
accession. Before publishing these three dates, I shall discuss afresh the only date admitting
of calculation, which has hitherto been found in Ch6la inscriptions previous to Kul6ttunga I.

A. — BAJABAJA.

ITou 1. — Inscription in the Bilvanftthdbvara temple at Tiruvallain in the

North Arcot District.

This inscription mentions a lunar eclipse which occurred on the day of the autumnal
equinox in the 7th year of the great Rajaraja. Dr. Fleet^ has pointed out that, within the
period to which R&jaraja's reign must be allotted, the only two years in which a lunar eclipse
took place at or near the autumnal equinox, were A* D. 991 and 1010* In the first of these
two years the eclipse occurred on the day after the equinox, while that of the second year
was invisible in India. If the first eclipse is meant in the inscription, the year of RajarAja's
accession would be A. D. 984 or 986, and in the second case A. D. 1003 or 1004. If the second
alternative is accepted, the conquest of Vlngf, which according to RAjaraja's inscriptions was
effected between the 12th and 14th years of his reign,^ must be placed between A. D. 1015 and
1017, L e, within the reign of his own son-in-law Vimaladitya. Secondly, as RAjaraja's reign
probably terminated in the course of his 29th year, the reign of his son and successor RajSndra*
Ch6la I. would have commenced about A. D. 1033, and the latter*s expedition against
Jajasiihha III,, with whom he fought in the 8th or 9th year of his reign,* would fall between
1040 and 1041, while Jayasimha III. refers to wars with Rajlndra-Ch61a in inscriptions of
A. D. 1019 and 1024.® Consequently, we are forced to accept the date of the first lunar
eclipse, and the year A. D. 984-86 as that of the accession of the great R&jar&ja. With this
starting-point, the expedition against VdAgl fell between A. D. 996 and 998, i. €, within the
break of thirty years in the succession of the Eastern ChAlukya kings; the accession of
Bdjdndra-Ch6].a I. in about A. D. 1014; and the war between Rftj6ndra-Gh61a I. and
Jayaaiihha III. which is referred to in the inscriptions of the former, in A. D. 1021 or 1022.
An earlier encounter between the two is recorded in an inscription of Jayasimha III. which is
dated in A. D. 1019, t. e, the 6th year of Rajendra-Ch6ja's reign. The Satyu^raya whom
Rajanija boasts of having conquered in the 2l8t year of his reign ^® (A. D. 1005), must be
identified with the Western Chalukya king Saty&braya^ who ruled from A. D. 997-98 to about
1008.

B. — KUL6TTin!raA-CH6X.A I.

ITo. 2« — Inscription in the Nafaraja temple at Chidambaram in the

South Aroot District.

1. II Svasti srt H Tiribuvanachchakkaravattigal &r!-Kul6ttunga-

2. 'S61ad^var tiru-ttaiigaiyar Rajarajan KundavaiyeAlvar
5 n^-nilattai mulud=an<Ja Jaya-

6. dararku n&rpattn-nAl^Andil ^^Mina=nigal niyarru Velli pe-

7. rra Ur6sani-nai=Idabam p6dal.

** In the forty-fourth year (of the reign) of Jayadhara^^^ ^ho ruled all the four quarters, —
at the time (o/ the rising of the sign) Rishabha on the day of {the nakshatra) Rohini, which
coiresponded to a Friday in the month during which (the sign) M!na was shining, — Kundavai

« antBi Vol. XIX. p. 71. ^ See my Annual Report for 1891-92, p. 4. • See ibid.

» South-Indian IntcripHont, Vol. I. p. 93, notes 2 and 8, and p. 112 f. '• See note 7, above.

11 Read Mtf^m,

13 This was a hiruda of Knl6ttnnga-Ch6Ia I.; see South- Indian Inscriptions, VoL 11. p. 230, note U. The actual
name of the king is mentioned in connection with the donor, the princess Kondayai.

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298 THE INDIAN^ ANTIQUARY- [Qctobbb, 189^.

Alvar, (the daughttr of) Rajaraja*^ (and) the royal younger sister of the emperor of the three
worlds «rt-Kul6ttiuaga^li6lad^va^ [gftve, etc.y*

Ko. 3. — Insoriptibn in the' ApatsahAyifffivara temple at Altt&ga<a in the Tanjore Distriot.
1. II Svasti fol II Pa[ga]l siilndai* - . .

30 kdye^^Ar^jakSsaripatmarK&na Tribhuyamaehchakra-

va[r]tti 8ri-Kiil6t-

31. ta{nga]-'S6]ad6varkn ykn^ 45Avada TulA-nayarra pik[r]wa^pak8hatta Viyala-
kkilamaiyam saptamiyum per[ra]

32. Uttira . . [ti].na!."

<' la the ^5th year (of the reign) of king BajakdearfTarman, alias the emperor of the three

worlds m-Kul6ttanga-0h6].addya, on the day of (the ndkshatra)

. , , ^ ^ ^ . ^ • ^ i^ which, eorresponded to Thursday, the seventk ttlhC of the first
fortnight of the month of Tulft/'

Professor Kielhom lias &Yonred me witb the following calculation of the dates Nos. 2
and 3.

'* Eul6ttufiga I. having ascended the throne in A. I>. 1063,1 hare madb the necessary
calcalations for the years A. D. IIOS-IIKV, and harve found that the onTy year which yields
satisfactory results for both the dates (Nos. 2 and 3), is A. D. IIOT.

•• No. 2 is Friday, the 1st March, A. D. 1107; = Chaitra iudi 5. On this day the sun was
in Uina^ which it had entered on the 22nd February, A. D. 1107; and the moon was in R6hi9l,
according to the* Brahma-Siddhdnta from & h. 32 m., and according to Garga from 9 h. 61 m.
after mean sunrise.

*' No. 3 is Thursday, the 24th October, A. I>. lI(V7r when the 7th tithi of the bright
fortnight of Karttika commenced h. 55 m,^ after mean sunrise, and when at sunrise the moon
was in ITttar&8h&<jUi&. The sua was in TulA^ which it had entered on the 22th September,
A. D. 1107."

Mr. Dikshit adds to the above r —

•* The two dates of Kul6ttunga I. appear to have been regulated hj solar reckoning, and
the day of his accession falls evidently between the 2nd March and 24th October (both
inclusive) of A. D. lOeS.**

C. — VIKBAMA-CHOX'A.

No. 4. -4 Inseription in the- Ty&garftja temple at Tiruvftrtur in the Tanjore Distnet.

1. Svasti Irt [il*] Pii-mfilai mi^aindu^*

IS On a preyioua oooasion I identified this Ri\jar&ja with the Chola king RPjarftja {Scmih- Indian InseripHotit,
Vol. I. p. 97) and consequently Kimdavai's elder brotdier KnlSttuiiga- Choja with the €h6|a king KAj^dra-Chola I.
(ibid. p. 168). As, however, Jayadhara Lb now known to have been a snmame of KnlottnDga-Chdla I., it is evident
that the present Kundavai was the younger sister of the latter, and hence the daughter of the Eastern Chfilokya-
king Hfijar&ja I. We hare thus to distingruish between three princesses of similar names .*«— I. Kundavai the
daughter of Pkrftntaka II., elder sister of the ChAla king B&jar^a, and <^een 9f Yallavaraiyar Vandyad^var {South-
Indian Inscriptions, Vol. II. p. 68); 2. KAndavft, the daughter of the Chola king BAjarAja, younger sister of
Kujdndra-Chola I., and queen of the Eastern Ch&lukya king Vimaiaditya {ante. Vol. XIV. p. 53); and 3. Kundavai
the daughter of the Eastern ChAlukya king RAjarAja I. and younger sister of Kulottunga-Cb6|a I.

U The historical introduction of this inscription resembles that of the TalijAvib insotiptioaofKuldttunga-
ChoIa I., which was published in South-Indian Inscriptions^ VoL II. p. 282 ff.

>» Bead Ir&ja.

»« It is not clear if the actual reading is UttirattAdi-n/il or Uttird4atti*nil (for Uttir&dattin ndl},

IT The nakshatrct was either Uttara-BhadrapadA or UttarAshAdhA.

^« The historical introduction of this inscription resembles that of the TanjAvib inscription of Vikr«m».Gh61ft
which will be published aa No. 68 of South-Indian Inscriptions, VoL 11.

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OCTOBBB, 1894.]

BOOKNOTIOB.

299

3 k6»Ppara[k]6sariYannmarBdDa Tribhava[na]cha-

krava[rttiga]| sri-Vikrama-Ch6}a[dft]varkku [y]«[n]du ainja[vadu] Mi[thQ]na-iiayarru
purvva-pakshatta saptamijum Na[ji]rra-kkijamaiyum Attamnms&na n&l mnnnOrra-

nai;[pa]di[n]al.

** In the fifth year (of the reign) of king Parakdsariyarmaiii alias the emperor of the three

worlds JK-Vikrama-Ch6}ad6ya^ on the three-hnndred-and*

fortieth day» which was (the day of the nahshalra) Hasta and Sondaj, the seyenth tithi of the
first fortnight of the month of Mithuna."

To Mr. Dikshit I am obliged for the following calculation of the date No. 4.

" Assuming that Vikrama-Ch61a began to reign in A. D. 1112, his 5th year would be about
A. D. 1116. Having made calculations for 1115, 1116 and 1117, I find that A. D. 1116 is the
only year which corresponds with the details of the giveu date. In that year, AshAdha toukla 7
ended on Siindayy the 18th June, at about 2 1 hours after sunrise. This was the 25th day of
the solar month Mithuna. On this day, at sunrise, the nakshatra was Uttara-Phalgunt, which
ended at 7 hours 48 minutes after sunrise, when the nahshaira Hasta commenced. As this was
the 340th day of the 5th year of Vikrama-Ch6Ia's reign, the 1st day of the 5th year falls on
the l4th July, A. D. 1115, which was the 18th day of the solar month Karkataka. Accordingly,
the 1st day of his 1st year, u e. the day of his accession to the throne, was SriivaQa iuhla 6,
Friday I the day of the nakshatra Chiti*a, which corresponds to the 18th day of the solar month
of Karkataka, and to the 14th July, A. D. 1111, and which was, by the rules of astrology, an
auspicious day for the accession of a king."

BOOK-NOTICE.

An Oeibntal Biographical Diction abt by T. W.
Bealb, edited, revised, and enlarged by H. G.
Kbbnb, C. I. E. (W. H. AUen & Co., 1894).

Our welcome to a second edition of this work
must not be considered the less sincere, because we
cannot join in the praise that has been given to
it for its chronological exactitude. The labourers
in this field are so few, that we should be sorry to
discourage any one, on the ground that his work is
imperfect. Least of all do we desire to cast any
reproach upon Mr. Keene, to whom all students
of Indian History are indebted for a series of
charming works. Would that his zeal and
enthusiasm had found more imitators ! But
Mr. Keene, as editor of a work of reference,
provokes a curious sense of the incongruous. As
fittingly might we yoke Pegasus to the plough.

We have used his Calcutta Edition ever since
it appeared, and we have found it of much help.
The most valuable notices are, no doubt, those of
Indian saints, poets, and learned men of all ages,
and those referring to Indian notables of the
present centuiT^. Of the latter Mr. Beale had
personal knowledge, and thus recorded many
facts, which it is impossible to find elsewhere.
At the same time, it was quite obvious, even on
cursory perusal, that much of the matter needed
reconsideration and revision. We therefore began
to look through the new edition in the confident
expectation that Mr. Keene, during an interval

of about twelve years, had carried out a close
and serious revision of his text. We much regret
to find, however, that there are still as many
doubtful, and even eiToneous, statements as there
were before, and that the little labour required to
diminish the number of imperfectly told biogra-
phies has not been bestowed upon the book.

We are glad to observe that at least one reviewer
holds the opinion, which we have entertained ever
since we first knew the book, that its usefulness is
greatly reduced by the non-qaotation of authori-
ties. If these had been added to each notice, as
is generally done in such works, the value of the
book to students would have been quadrupled.
With regard to the remarks which follow, we must
begin by pointing out that they are restricted
entirely to one class of entries. The work covera
an immense expanse both in space and time, no
less than the whole Muhammadan world during
the thii-teen centuries that have passed since the
Flight. As to much of this vast subject we
claim no right to speak. We confine ourselves
to the Indian notices, and among them to those
belonging to the comparatively brief periods
between the years 1100 A. H. and 1200 A. H.
For this portion of the Dictionary we have
noted, without having resort to any elaborate
research, the statements, which, from our own
reading, we know to be doubtf id or incorrct.

Mr. Keene has not, we dare say, much respect

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800

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[OCTOBSB, 1894^

for the historioai school, to which we maj be as-
sumed to belong: — those who have been styled,
with some truth, but with more than necessary
disparagement, •* lespetitB merciers de V hUtoire**
At any rate, we offer these pedlar's wares, such
as they are, in the hope that nnfal Mr. Keene's
next edition appears, they may aid those who
have bought and are using his book. To whateyer
school he may belong, no real historian can deem
minute attention to detail out of place in a
biographical dictionary; and we trust that
Mr. Keene will not despise the assistance we wish
to give him, so far as in us lies, in his self-
imposed task. ** Le honhomme " says truly
enough, as he will remember, ^on a souvent hesoin
d*vn plus petit que soi"

We come first to 'Abd-Ui^-Samad Khin (p. 14).
and as space is precious, we content ourselyes,
for the most part, with stating results, although
we could adduce chapter and verse for each
assertion. Here the first edition was nearer the
facts than the second; but the man was never
Bah4dur Jang, nor have we ever seen such a title
as 'All Jang. As Mr. Keene rightly notes, we find
everywhere else Daler Jang, and not 'All Jang.
His original name was 'Abd-ur.Ra^m (son of
•Abd-ul-Karim), and it is very doubtful whether
he was bom in Agra ; every one else says he was
bom in Samarkand. And he certainly never bore
the title of ^m^&m-ud-Daula. The second
edition tells us he died in 1789, ^ during the
** invasion of Nddir Sh4h." The first edition was
better; it gives 1737, "a year before the inva-
*' sion of N&dir Sh&h." The exact date is 10th
Rabl' II. 1150 A. H. (6th August, 1737 N. S.), hU
age being then between 70 and 80 lunar years.
A worse mistake, however, is confounding him
with ^6n Dauran on pages 214 and 286. Every*
body knows that the Mu^affar Sh4n on p. 286
was a bi-other of ^am^dm-ud-Daula, ^4n
Paur&n (ghwdja 'A^im), and not of *Abd-u?-
^amad Khin. In the confusion the said "Khia
Dauran (son of Khw&ja Kdsim), who appears on
p. 148 of the first, seems to have dropped out
altogether from the second edition. That gh6n
Daur&n, however, did die in 1739; he died on the
19th Z6'l Ka'dh, 1151 (27tb February, 1739), of
wounds received at Eamdl in a fight with ^4dir
Shab 's troops four days before his death.

Then on p. 15 and P' 45 there seem some
doubtful statements about the Jodhpur Rajas.
Ajit Singh was murdered in Shawwil, 1136 (June-
July, 1724) and Abhai Singh, bis eldest son,
succeeded, as is correctly stated on p. 45, The
statement on p. 15 is wrong. Bakht Singh did
not succeed his father, but received from his
bi-other, Abhai Singh, the fief of N4gor, to the

north of Jodhpur. Abl^ai Singh ^v^ until 1749
A. D., when his son. Rim Singh, followed.
Bhakht Singh then defeated this nephew and took
possession; in 1752 he was himself poisoned.
His (Ba kh t Singh's) son, Bijai Singh, succeeded.
Thus it was not Abhai Singh who was poisoned,
nor was Bijai Singh that prince's son. For these
facts see, for one place. Colonel Jarrett's trans-
lation of the Ain-i-Akhari, II., 271, note 7» which
is taken from Prinsep's Useful TableSf and they
in turn were founded on the genealogies in
Tod's Bajasthai^

On p. 49 we are told that 'Alam-gir*s nin^
children were all by one mother. It is not
necessary to go farther than to a popular manual
in a popular series, Mr. Stanley Lane Poole's
Aurangtibt to discover the contrary. The nine
children were by four different wives.

Again under Ar4rd (p. 77) we are told that he
slew J&n Ni$£r jKhin. brother-in-law of the Wazir.
The event took place in Ram^in, 1144 (February-
March, 1732), but the murderer was Bhagwant»
Klchar, and not his father, Arir^ (or Ud&rd).
' Azimullah Khin. the officer sent against the rebel,
was, no doubt, a relation, — a cousin, of the Wazir ;
but he was the son, not of J4n Nis&r Khiin. but of
Zahfr-ud-Daula, Ra'dyat Kh&n {oh. 1137), son of
Mir Bah4-ud-din. The murdered man, Mhd.
Ibr4h(m, Jin Nis&r Khdn, was the son of Abul
Mukiram, J4n Nis6r Kh4n (ob, 1131 A. H',. And,
being a stylist himself, what does Mr. Keene think
of Mr. Beale's English — <' the akin of his body
was fiayed off P '* •* Fob ! a fioo for the phrase."

Page 71, column 2, last line but one. Amfr
Khin. Sindhi, died, not before, but after Mhd.
Sh&h's accession. The date is 28th Z61 Ka*dh,
1132 (3Uth September, 1720), in the 2nd year of
M^d. Shah. His age was 77 lunar years.

Page 71, col. 2, line 46. Amir Kbiin, Grovemor
of K4bul. This man's biography might as well be
completed by giving the date of his death. Say-
yad Mir, entitled Amir K^4n, son ol Mir Mhd.
Kbdn, Kh w4fi, resigning his government, died at
Sh4hjah4n4b&d on the 27th Rabi« II., 1081 (13th
September, 1670). He was the brother of the
She^hMSr,^. v., who was killed in 10G9, A. H.,
fighting on Aurangzeb's side in the battle with
D&r& Shukoh near Ajmer.

Most authorities tell us that MJ^d. E[ar(m*(p. 89,
line 27) was the eldest, and not the second, son of
•Aajim-ush-Shin. Then, on p. 102, we have doubts
expressed as to whether Raja Chait Singh of
Benares was the brother, or son, of Balwant Singh ;
while on p. 113, and again on p. 275, the fact is
quite correctly stated, namely, that he was the
son of Balwant Singh.
Page 115. Chatr Sil should be, by the Hindi

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October, 1894.]

BOOK-NOWCE.

801

spelling, Ohhatra. or Chkatar, Sdl. The father's
name was Champat, not ('hait, Rde. Chhatar S&l's
earlier career is ignored : while the agreement with
the Marathas took place in lUl or 1142 A. H.
(1728-29-80), not in IU« (17.^^). Chhatar Sal
died, not in 1733, but either on the 15th Jam&di
II., 1144 (14th December, 1731 N. S ), or P68 badi
3, St. 1788 (16th December, 1731 N. S.)- He had
not two only, but some thirteen, sons, most of
whom survived him.

The date of Danishmand Sh^ (A'li*s) death
(p. 117) was 30th Rabl' I., 1122 (2^th May, 1710),
and not 1120(1708). His non-completed ffi^^or^
went up to the 10th Zii'l Ka*dh, 1120 (20th
January, 1709), that is, nearly to the end of
Bahadur Sh&h's second year. The author laid part
of it before that emperor, then encamped in the
Dhirterritory.on the 1st Zul Ka'dh, 1121 (1st
January, 1710). There is an unnecessary repeti-
tion of D&nishmand Khin A'li's life on p. 291,
where there is also a separate entry of a Ni'4mat
'AH Kh4n, who is evidently the same person,
under his previous title.

Donde Khdn (p. 123) was most decidedly not
the son of *Ali Muhammad Sh&n, Bohela. The
exact date of his death is the 5th Muharram, 1 185
(19th April. 1771).

On p. 143 it is said that the date of *Imild-ul-
Mulk*s death is not known. We give Mr. Keene
a choice of several authorities : — (1) Ghnlam
Hasain Sh^n, author of the ^ikr-us-Suir, who was
with Chait Singh near K&lpi at the time, says the
ex-Wazirdiedinl2l3A. H. (14th June, 1798 — 4th
June, 179i>) ; (2) Mufti Wali-ul-lah, in the Tdrihh-u
Farrukbdbddy gives the 10th Babi* II., 1216 (1st
September, 1800) ; (3) in the " Historical Sketch
. . . . " (Elinbargh, 183-3), p. 84, note, we ai-e
told that the Nawdb died at KdlpI in 1800.
•Abd-ul-Kddir Kh&n. Jaisi, informs us that when he
was sent up-country on a mission in 1211 A H.
(1797), he heard that 'Imdd-ul-Mulk had gone
towards L4hor to visit Zamdn Shdh, Abddli. But
the same yeai* the Naw4b returned to Kalpi ; and
*Abd-ul-Kadir Kh6n heard some of his adven-
tures from his own lips, how he landed at Maskat,
instead of Jadda, and travelled by land to Mak-
ka, and how he returned to India by the port of
Bhdj in Elachh. 'Imid-ul-Mulk was bom at
Narwai', 44 miles south of Gwaliyar, on the 1st
Shawwal, 1148 (13th February, 1736) ; see the work
of Mhd. Bakhsh (Ashob), India Office Libmry,
MS. No. 250, Vol. I. fol. III. b.

Page 145. Girdhar Singh was not a E&jput,
but a N&gar Brahman, and he was killed on the
7th Jamddi I., 1141 (8th December, 1728).

Page 149, Hafiz-ul-lah. The year 1767 (1181
A. H.) was not the 2l8t of Mhd. Sh4h, who died in
X748 (1161 A. H.) That monai-ch*s 2l8t year

began Ist RabI* II., 1151 (18th July, 1738) and
endod30thRabi*I., 1152 (6th July, 1739). The
year 1767 (1181) would be the 7th or 8th year
of Shih «Alam II.

Page 149, col. 2, Haidar ghdn, Mir. The
correct diite of Husain 'AH ]Ch&n's death is 6th
Zi'il Hajj, 1132 (*8th October, 1720, N. S.)

Page 151. 9afdar Jang died 17th gtS'l Hajj,
1167 (5th October, 1754, N. S.) The year 1753
is not correct.

Page 159, Hazin. This man died on the 18th
Jamadil., 1180 (22nd October, 1767), and thus
1779 A. D. must be wrong. The year 1779 A.D.
corresponds chiefly to 1193 AH., but includes a
few days of both 1192 and 1194 A. H.

Page 160. Himmat Bahadur. This biography is
very imperfect, for it entirely ignores the man's
earlier history before he went, in 1764 or 1765.
into Bundelkhand.

Page 161, Hoshdir ghin. The last sentence
appears disconnected with what goes before ;
this is due to a misprint. For that time read ihi
time, and dele the full stop after " time."

Page 175, 'Ibrat (Mir Ziy£-ud-din). This bio-
gpraphy appeara twice on the same page.

Page 176, IkhU? Khdn is very imperfectly
dealt with. He was a Ball! Khatri, originally
named Debi Das, and was bom at SZaUnaur in
the Biiri Dddb, about 56 miles N.-E of L4hor;
he died on the 2nd Jam&di II, 1140 (14th January,
1728). His first appointment was given him in
the 25tb year of 'Alamgfr, 1092-1093 A. H. (1681-2
A. D.) It might also have been added that his
history of Farrukhsiyar's reign does not appear to
have come down to us, unless it is identical with
that of Mhd.IbLsdn, Ma*nl Kh4n (Ij^d), SamdnawC,
of which fragments are extant. The reference
to Kishn Chand is misleading, the only connection
between the two men being that T^i«^n Ohand
adopted the nom de guerre of Ikfaldf, the Sincere.

Page 179. *In4yat-ul-lah Kh^n died on the
2l8t Ribl- L, 1133 (26th November, 1725), aged
75 years.

Page 186. *Izzat-ud-Daula, died in Rabi'
II., 1162 (March-April, 1749).

Page 187, col. 1. For Jabila eyerj body else
has ChhabUah. He was hardly a chief, but
an imperial officer without any position apart
from his office. He died in 2^*1 Hajj, 1131
(October- November, 1719), on some day before
the 25th of that month (7th November, 1719).

Page 188, Ja'far E3ian. He died early in
Zd'lTfa'dh, 1139 (19th June- 18th July, 1727), aged
79 lunar years. His full titles were Mu'taman-ul-
Mulk, 'Ald-ud-Daula, J. K., Bahddur, Na^iri,
NILsir Jang. It is rather misleading to talk of
his dynasty (if dynaaty there were), seeing that
the fourth peraon in the list, 'Alfwirdi Shjim,

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Mah4bat Jang, was a usurper, who overthrew
and killed Ja'far Kh^n*8 grandson.

Page 190. Jahindir Sh&k was surely not
gurnamed Mu'izz-ud-din, seeing that this was
his first name, given him bj his gi*andfather at
his birth. His mistress should scarcely be
styled L&l Kuniodr (The Virgin Ruby); the
name was JAl Kuhwar, or ICuar, an ordinary form
for a woman's name. Jah^ndar Sb&h's death
took place on 16th Mu^arram, 1 125 ( Uth February,
1713).

Page 200, Jaswant Singh. It is hardly correct
to say that Jodhpur was restored to Ajit Singh
by Fan-ukhsiyar, unless you preface this by
mentioning that Ajit Singh firat took it by force
in 1708, after the death of 'Alamgir, and that
Bahadur Sh&h, after an abortive attempt to recover
the countiy, left Ajit Singh in undisturbed
possession.

Page 206. Kalb Husain Eli£n (taihallus
Nddir), died at Fathgarh. N.-W. P., circa 1878,
at a great age. The father Kalb 'AH Khdn, a
notable man in his time, might have had a place
in the book.

Page 211, Khair-ud-din Muhammad. This
entry is exceedingly imperfect. He was the
author of many other works besides his Jaunpur
Ndma, not one of his best by any means. Some
of the others are the Owdliydr Noma, the
Tuhfah'i'Tdza (a history of the Benares Rajas),
and the *Ihrat Ndma, He is also the author of
a Tazkira, or Biography of Poets, the name of
which we forget. He was bom c, 1756 and died
at Jaunpur after 1827. His English patrons at
vanous times were David Anderson, Henry
Vansittart (the younger) and Abraham Welland,
Judge and Magistrate of Jaunpur.

Page 214, Khdn Daurin. One man who bore
this title is entirely omitted, namely, Khwaja
Husain Kh4n, who received this title from
Jahfind^r Shah on the 25th Safar, 1124 (2nd April,
1712). Another Kh^n Daurdn was Niz6m-ul-
Midk, iL§af Jdh, who held the title for a short
time in the reign of Bahddur Shah (1118-1124).
As already pointed out, Khfin DauHin IV. is
erroneously identified with 'Abd-u^-Samad Khan»
Daler Jang, a man who never held this title.

Page 214. ghdn Jahin ('Ali Mui-^d) died on
the 13th Zd'l Hajj, 1124 (10th December, 1712).

Page 226. Law. The native version, Mushir
Las, is justified by the fact that the French them-
selves (strange though it may seem) pronounce
the name L^s. The date of M. Law's death is
not very hard to discover. Turning to the
Nouvelle Biographic OeaeraU (Paris, 1859,
Firmin-Didot) we find in Vol. 29, p. 945, that
Jacques Fran9ois Law de Lauriston, Count of
Tancarville, was bom on the 20th January, 1724,

and died about 1785. He became Colonel in 1765,
Major-General and Commander- in- Chief in
Fiench India, 1766, Brigadier of Infantry (16th
April, 1767), Mar^chal de Camp, 1st March, 1780,
— For Odya read Qaya,

Page 227. Lutf-ul-lah ^lulik. This is more
than usually imperfect. Lutf-ul-lah, the second
son of 'Abd-ur-Razz£k, An^ri, was bom in 1080
A. H. a669.70) and di^ in 1165 A. H. (1751-2), see
the TdnJil^iMuzaffari, a woik which Mr. Keene
well knows, under the reign of Ahmad Sh&h. His
first title of Kh4n, added to his own name, was
conferred by Bahadur Shih in Safar, 1119 (May,
1707). In that reign he rose rapidly, held several
Court offices, and became a 8ih hatdri (3,000),
2,000 horse. After the struggle between Bahiidur
Shah's sons, although a partisan of Jahan Shih,
he succeeded in buying pardon and office from
the victor, Jah£nd4r Sh&h. He was equally
lucky in maintaining his position on the transfer
of power, a few months afterwards, to Farrukh-
siyar. But the Sayyad brothers procured his
disgrace in ^d'l Hajj, 1126 (December, 1714) and
he retired to his home at P4nSpat. On the fall
of the Sayyads, he returned to Court, and in 1133
(1720-21) Muhammad Sh4h made him Shams-
ud-Daula, L. K., Bahidur, ^dik, Neknam,
Mutahawwir Japg. This position he held until
his death. Khushid Chand (in the Nddir-uz-
Zamdm) accuses him of doing nothing in return
for his jdgirs, never having maintained an ass,
much less a horse, or a trooper to ride on a horse.

Page 242, Mansi Ram. Here we have a very
bad enor, for it is a matter of common knowledge
that Chait Singh was the son of Balwant Singh,
and was, therefore, the grandson, and not the son,
of Mans^ Ram. The latter died, according to the
Tuhfa-i'Tdza **in the beginning of 1152 A. H.''
That year began on the 9 th April, 1789, and
therefore 1739 would be more correct than 1740.

Page 253. Mirza Na^lr. The statement on
this page that (Mhd. Amin) Burh&n-ul-Mnlk,
Sa'adat Khdn, was once governor of Agra fort
conflicts with that on p. 337 under Sa*adat
Kh4n. The latter statement, namely, that he was
faujd4r of Bayina, is that commonly received,
and is correct. He was then for a short time
governor of Agra subah : (not of the /or<).

Page 259. Mhd. Akbar was the fourth, but
not the youngest, son of Aurangzeb. Kdm Bakhsh
was the youngest son. Akbar died at Mashhad
in Khurii^dn on the 17th Zu'l Hajj, 1117 (Slst
March, 1706). He was bom on the 12 Zd'l Hajj,
1067 ^9tb October, 1657).

Page 260, Muhimmad Amin Kh4n. This man's
father, Bah&-ud-din, was not the brother of Niz£m-
ul-Mulk, but his uncle. Thus Mhd. Amin Kh£n
*^as Nizdm-ul-Mulk's cousin, not his nephew.

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Page 269. Mukamniad Khan was first of all
governor of Allahabad, and after his removal
from that province, was sent to Malwa. There
are his own letters in existence to pix>ve this,
besides confirmation fi-om contemporary histoi-j.
The error began with the Sair-uUMutdkhann,
which for those years is not a first-hand authority.
Muhammad Khdn's appointment to AlLih&bad
was dated the 25th Safar, 1133 (25th December,
1720) ; the sanad for Malwa is duted 17th Rabi* I.,
1 143 (29th September, 1 730) His troops crossed the
Jamna into Bnndelkhand on the 12th JamadI II.,
1139 (3rd February, 1727). His investment inside
Jaitgafh began in March, and ended in May, 1729
He died on the 2nd Zu'l Ka'dh, 1 1-56 ( 17th Decem-
ber, 1743), aged over 80 years. The succession to
the pi*incipality of Farruli^h4b&d is incompletely
stated. After Muzaffar Jang came Imdid Husain
Khan, Na^ Jang, oh. 1st February, 1813. Khidim
Husain Kh&n, Shaukat Jang, ob, 9th July, 1823.
Tajammul Husain Kh4n, Zafar Jang, ob. 9th
November, 1846. Then should follow the name
of Tafa??ul Husain Khan, the exiled Nawdb, who
died at Mecca on the 20th March, 1832.

Page 271. Mhil. ^dlih appears in three separate
notices on this one page, once in tlie first, and
twice in the second, column. The title of his
history is correctly *Aml'i'8dlih, as in the first of
these notices. His tomb is at L4hor.

Page 272, Mhd. Shah. Roshan A^htar wa^
hardly his "surname," for that was the name
given to him at birth. His enthronement took
place on the 15th Zd'l Ka'dh, 1131 (28th September,
1719, N.S.).

Page 278. Mulla Firoz. Qans is a misprint
for Qau8. There is no mention here of the
George-ndma, or of the Mulla Fii*oz Library at
Bombay. On p. 278 there is another notice of
the same man under F, where the Oeorge-ndma
is referred to.

Page 285. Muzaffar Jang of Farruthabid was
never named MuzafEar Husain Kh&n. His name
was Dalei* Him mat Khan. He certainly never
ceded his territory to the English in 1802, for he
died in October, 1796. Tafazzul Husain Khdn,
who was his great-grandson and not his gi-andson,
did not succeed him ; Imdad Husain Khdn, Ni§ir
Jang, Khddim Husain Khdn, Shaukat Jang, and
Tajammul Husain Khdn, Zafar Jang, came
between.

Page 286, Muzaffar Khan. This man's brother
Kh^n Dauran, was not *Abd-u§-Samad Khdn
(Khwdja 'Abd-ur-Rahim), bat Sam?am-ud-
Daula, Khan Dauran, Bahadur, Man^ur Jang,
(Khwdja *A§im).

Page 294, Nd§ir. The exact date of death was
Ist February, 1813, which is by General Cunning-

ham's tables the day of a solar eclipse. Nd^ir
Jang is omitted from the list of Farru]^habdd
Nawdbsonp. 211.

Page 300, Neko Siar. This biography is very
scanty and has not a single date. Nekusiyar, the
third son of Prince Akbar, was bom in Sha*ban,
1090 (September.Qctober, 1679). In 1092 (1681 >
with his mother and two sisters, he was sent by hiH
grand-father, *Alamgir, a prisoner to Agra. On
the 25th Jam^di II., 1131 (14th May, 1719), the
mutinous soldiery i*aised him to the throne in the
fort at Agra, and coin was issued in his name .
The garrison suiTendered to Bafi'-ud-Daula's
Mir Bali^hshi, Husain *Ali ^dn, Barha, on the
27th Hamfin, 1131 (12th August, 171.9). Nekusiyar
was sent to prison at Dihli , where he died on th«*
6th Bajab, 1135 (Uth March, 1723), aged a little*
under 45 lunar years. His mother, Salima B4ni»
Begam,is mentioned on p. 3t9.

Page 302, Nizam-ul-Mulk. In his father's
name insert the word Firuz between KJidn and
Jang, the whole reading as 6hdzi-ud-din Khdn.
Firuz Jang. Nizdm-ul-Mulk was born on the
Uth Rabi* II.. 1082 (11th August, 1671), h'm
maternal grandfather being Sa'd-uMah Kh&n.
Sh&hjahan*s Wazir. His successive titles were
Kamr-ud-din Kh4n (1096), Chin Kilich Khdn,
Bahddur (1101). Khdn Daurdn, Bahddur (1119).
Qhazi-ud-dln Khdn, Bahddur, Path Jang (1124),
Nizdm-ul-Mulk (1125), and finally A§af Jdh added
to the last of these.

Page 313, Qadir. This is a repetition; see last
entry on p. 312.

Page 315, col. 2, line 13, Qasim Ali. It was
Major Hector Monro, and not Major Camac, who
commanded at the battle of Buxar (Baksar) ; see
Mai*shman, 2nd Ed., p. 305; M. Elphinstone^ti
Rise of the British Power, p. 414, or any other
Hisloi^y of the period, '^asim *Ali died in Babl'
II. of the year named (1191 A. H.)

Page 330, Ranoji Sindhia. This leader died
on the 8th Jam^di II., 1158 (19th July, 1744)
at Shdhjahdnpur in Mdlwa.

Page 335. Rukn-ud-Daula, I'tikdd Khdu
(Mhd. Murad), died on the 12th Ram?dn, 1139
(2nd May, 1727), aged 72 lunar years.

Page 337. Sa*adat Khdn died on the 10th Zu'l
Hajj, 1151 (20th March, 1739), while Nddir Shdli
was m Dihli. Nddir Shdh entered the palace at
Dihli on the 6th Zii'lHajj. 1161(16th March,1739.
and left Dihli on the 7 th Safar.l 152 (15th May, 1739.
Therefore Zdl Hajj, 1152 A. H. must be wrong:
and even if it were right, that date corresponds to
7th March, 1740.N.S., and not to 9thMarch, 1739.
The wife^of Safdar Jang was not " his (i.e. Sa^adat
Shan's) only child " ; he had a number of other

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804

THE INBL&K ANTIQUARY.

[OCTOBKE, 18W*

daughters. In the list of the Nawfibs of Andh it
■hould be noted that Sa'adat 'All* Kh£n was not
the Bon of A?af-ud-Danla, bat his younger
brother, and therefore the son of Shuja-ud-
Daula.

Page S38, col. 1, line 4. The anthor of the
Gulistdn-i-Bahmat was Mustaj4b Kh^, not
Mdstara Kh4n (.Elliot, VIH. 301).

Page 352, Sarboland Khfin. His appointment
as governor of Kdbul is not mentioned.

Page 361, col 2, line 9. The Hijra year 1185
is wrong, it ought to be 1202 A. H., which began
12th October, 1787, and ended 30th September,
1788. We know (see Jonathan Scott, II. Part
IV. p. 293) that the 10th August, 1788 is right,
and we have worked out the corresponding Hijra
date as the 9th Zu'l Ka'dh, 1202 A. H.

Page 386, Sirdj-ud-din ' Ali ' gh6n (Irzu). As
he was only born in 1101 A. H., he could hardly
have been " an officer of rank " in Farrukhsiyar's
reign (1124- 1131). His period was later.

Page 407, Udaipurl Begam. She is generally
styled BdeUdaipuri, or Udaipurf Mahal. She died
at Gwttiyar in Rabf* I., 1119 (June, 1707), a few
days after the death of A'^am Shih, which took
place on the 18th of that month (18th June,
1707). One authority gives her title as Bddsh&h
Begam, and it may be inferred from one passage
that she was once a dancing woman. Catron
Rays she was a Georgian from Diri Shukoh's
harem, and remained a Christian. The question
of her origin remains a puzzle.

Page 427, Zamfr. It might be noted that this
gentleman was the father of Ghuldm Husain Kh&n,
author of the Sair-ul-Mutdkharin.

Page 428, Zinat-un-nissa Degam. The year of
this lady's death is put as 1122 (1710), which is,
no doubt, justified by the date on her tomb— see
Beale's Miftdh, p. 297; As^r-tu-Manddid, p. 44;
Francklin*s Shah Aulam, p. 206; Thorn's War
in Ifidia, p. 164. She really died eleven years
later in 1133 A. H. (22nd Rajab = 18th May,
1721): but it would take too much space to set
out here the evidence for this later date.

We do not feel sure of having pointed out
every error within the period covered by our
remarks, nor have we attempted to supply more
than n few of the omissions. We conclude with
, a list of such mispiints as we have noticed.

Page 9, col. 1, 1. 16. For Sawdna read Samdna,
Id. col. 2, 1. 24, for Aurannib read Aurangzib*
Id. 1. 34, for or read of. Page 35, col. 2, 1. 19,
.for Ardish read Ardish, that is, ArdUh-i-MahfiL
Page 37. col. 1, 1. 43, for 18X0 read I8i0. Not
many weeks ago we saw Don Pascual at the British
Museum, old certainly, but still hearty, a^d a

wonderful man indeed, if he was already an
author 84 years ago. Page 45, col. 2, 1. 12, why
here and clsewhei'e, Bathauri instead of Bmthaur
or Bdthor ?

Page 118, col 2, I. 8, most authorities have
Jajhdr instead of Chhajjar. Page 130, col. 2, List
line but one, for *A%iz-ud-d(n read A^zsrud-dtru
Page 139, col. 2, 1. 43, for Bdugbars read Bdngars^,
Page 151, col. 2, 1. 38, for Lahhalua read Tathallusi
Page 1.59, col 1, fourth line from end, for i^J^J.
read isj!^^^ • Page 1 60, col. 2, 1. 22, for Bakhigani
read Ba^l^htgari. Id, fifth line from end, for
Rekka read pakkaf Page 161, col. 2, 1. 47,
for '* at that time '* read '* at the time,*' and
dele the comma after time. Page 164, col. 1,
1. 17, for Alahwirdi read 'Aliwirdi, Page 181,
coL 2, 1. 4 5, for political read poetical. Page 186,
col. 1, 1. 10 and 1. 12, for Amir read AwUn^
Page 189, col. 2, L 2, for 1225 read 1125.
Page 200, coL L 19, insert throne between the and
Baja.

Page 214, col. 2, 1. 49, for Algham read 4fgidns.

Page 219, col. 1, 1. 36, for Bdhibfii read BhdkhcL

Page 223, under Kisbn Chand cancel reference to

IkhU? Kh4n. Page 253, col. 1, 1. 45, for I%»af read

'I»»at. Page 254, col. 1, 11. 2 and 5, for Kamal

read Karnul. Id, L 8, for Kaldl read KardtDal^

Page 270, col. 1, 11. 28 and 29, for Jalain read

Jdlaun^ and for Mirat at Urue read Mirdt-ul-

*Aru8. Page 272, col. 1, 1. 42, for pageante we

^xiggest puppets, as easier to elevate or cast down.

Page 280, col. 1, 1. 19, for 1103 read 1193. Page

294, col. 2, 1. 45, for Singh reid Sindh. Page 310,

col. 1, 11. 36 and 46, for Jau^ipz^r read Jodhpur, and

for Dauroji read Damaji. Page 332, col. 2, 1. 2, for

Ao»at, following the transliteration of the rest of

the book, read Ausat. Page 345, ool. 1, 1. 54, for

186a read 1766. Page 349, col. 1, 1. 16, for Bukn

read Bafi*. Page 355, col. 2, 1. 30, for was read i«,

the gentleman being still alive. Id. 1. 32, insert

'US' between A^dr and Sanddid. Page 862, col.

2, 1. 8, for and read at. Page 364, col. 1, 1. 4, for

^^^ we suggest ^^\JS ^ and at the end of the

fifth line ^jji I instead of -jjy . Page 364, col. 1 ^

1. 25, for Muhdru read Muhdm^ and the man's

name should be Sadik Husain KJidn and not

^ddik Hasan Khdn. He was a poor scholar from a

village near Kanauj. Page 516, ool. 1, 1. 23, for

Lohari read Lohdru. Page 393, col. 2, 1. 26, for

buried read burned. Page 430, col. 2, 1. 42, for

JaJ! read J>*4^1.

We find that it has taken ns at the outside ten
days to put together these remarks. In the period
of over ten years between Mr, Keene's first and
second editions what might not have been done ?

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UoVEMBBE. 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHTJSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 305

THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.

►EDITED AND TBANSLATED BY a. A. GRIEBSON, Ph.D., CLE. \

(^Continued from p. 296.)

IiECTURE IV. (continued).

OBNAMENTS OP SENSE {coiiitnued:).

Text.

Vibdsh&lankftra.

Tint prakdra vi^dsha hai anddhdra ddheya \

Thoro hachhu drambha jaba adhiica siddhi Tea diija \\ 188 ||

Vasiu eha Jco hjiyai' varttana ihaura aneica I

Nabha upara hanchana laid Tcusuraa svachchha hai iha II 134 ||

Kalpa-vriJcsha dihhyau sahi id 1:6 dikhata naina \

Antara hdhira diii vidiii wahai iiya suhha-daina \{ 135 ||

Translation.

The Extraordinary.

iSdhityondarpam, 725.]

The Extraordinary is of three kinds: — (a) When something that depends on another is
represented as existing without it. (6) When one in commencing with a thing of small
importance, gives it great importance in the conclusion, (c) When one action is spoken of
as occurring in many places simultaneously. Examples are : —

* In the upper sky (I see) a golden creeper with one charming flower.' [Here the lady's face
is the charming flower. The creeper is represented as existing in the sky, as an dJcd^ia-husuma
in fact, instead of on its natural support, a tree.]

*I see thee with mine eyes, — but in reality I saw a Tree of Plenty.' [Here a commence-
ment is made with the commonplace statement that the hero saw the lady, — but the subject is
raised to importance in the conclusion by unexpectedly comparing her to a Tree of Plenty.]

* Within and without, in the four cardinal points, and in the intermediate points, that
lady is a giver of happiness.'

Text.

Vy&gbAtAlankara.

So vyftghAta jo a^ra ti* Jdjai' Mraja aura I

Bahuri virodhi ti' jahai kdja Idiyai' ihaura II 186 11

Suhka pdwatajd so' jagata id so' mdrata mdra I

Niichai jdnatl hdla tau Jcarati hahd parahdra II 187 ||

Translation.

Frustration.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 726, 727.]

It is Frustration when, (a) by means (which are employed in bringing a thing to a
particular state), a person brings it to an opposite one; and (b) when from an argument to the
contrary effect, a course of action is justified. Examples are : —

(a) * By those (arts of love), from which the world gains happiness, doth the God of
Love kill (mortals).'

(&) * The damsel certainly knows (that with a glance of the eye Siva destroyed Love),
■why now does she ' use a similar glance (on me, to bring Love to life)' ? [The above is the
explanation of the Bhushana-haumudul

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306 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Novembkr, 1894.

Text.

EftranamftlAIankAra.

Kahiyai' gnmpha parawpard kAraQa>m&lft hota \

Nitihi dhaiiay dhana tijdtja puni^ id tS' yaia uddyota \\ 138 ||

Translation.

The Garland of Causes.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 728.]

When something mentioned first is spoken of as the cause of what follows, and this again
of what comes next, and so on, like a necklace, it is the Garland of Causes, as for example : —

* From virtue cometh wealth, from wealth generosity, and from generosity illustrious
glory.'

Text.

£kftvalyalankara.

Grahafa mukta pada nti jaha dkAvali taha' mdni I

Drifja iruti para, sruii bdhu para, hdhu jdnu 16' jdni W 139 M

Translation.

The Keeklace,

[Sdliitya-darpana, 730.]

When there is a succession of objects (each qualifying) the last mentioned, it is the
Kecklaee, as for example : —

* Know that his eyes (are long reaching) to his oars. His ears (are long reaching) to his
arms. His arms (are long reaching) to his knees.'

T«xt.
Mftlftdlpak&lankftra*

jDipaha ikdvali milai mftlft-dlpaka ndma f

Kdma-dhdma tiya-hiya hhayau tiya-hiya lean tu dhima II 140 II

Translation.

The Serial Illuminator*

[SdhUya-darpana, 729.]

When the Illuminator (v. 83), and the Necklace (v. 139) are united, it becomes the Serial
Illuminator^ as for example : —

* The Lady's heart is the abode of love, and thou art the abode of the lady's heart.' [Here
both the lady's heart and the hero are given the same attribute of being an abode, each on a
different account. The reason in each case being the peculiar qualities of each. It is there an
example of the Illuminator : and there is a succession of objects each qualifying the one
preceding it ; therefor© it is also an example of the Necklace.]

Text.
Saraiank&ra.

iJka ilea ti' sarasa jaliO* alankdra yaha 8&ra f

Madhu 80' madhuri hat sudhd havitd madhura apdra II 141 11

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KovEMBEE, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 307

Translatioii.

The Climax.
[Sdhitya-darpana, 731.]

A succession of objects gradually rising in excellence is termed the Climax, as for
example : —

* Nectar is sweeter than honey, and poetry is surpassingly sweeter (than nectar).'

[Other writers add (6) a climax of inferiority, and (c) a climax of mixed inferiority and
excellence, thus Padmakara-bhatta gives the following examples of these two varieties in the
Fadmdbharana, 182, 183:—

(6) Baku dyudka he ghdia ie* dusaka vajra JcS pdta I

Td kS pdta-hu ti' dusaha khala-muhha nikasi bdta II

Pdshdna-hu te' hathina yS tirS uraja su jdiia II

(h) * More unbearable than the wounds of many weapons is the fall of the thunderbolt.
More unbearable even than the fall of the thunderbolt, are the words which issue from the
mouth of the wicked.'

Text.

Yath^ankhy&lankftra.i

Yathftsankhya varnana hikhai vastu anukrama sanga \

Kari ari miita vipatti hau ganjana ranjana bhanga II 142 ||

Translation.

B^lative Order.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 732.]

Belative Order is when objects are referred to in the order in which they occur, as for
example : —

* Cause thou of our enemies, our friends and our misfortunes, respectively the crushing,
the rejoicing and the breaking.'

[Textr

Kramftlankftra*
Krama ti' kdraja Mjiyi kram& ndtna tehi aajji {\

Translation,
Belative Sequence.

Not in Sdhitya-darpana or this Bhdshd-bh^hana. The above definition is taken from the
Bhdshd'bhusham of 'Sri-dhara Ojha.

It is Belative Sequence when acts (are described) as occurring in order, as for example : —

Bihdri-sat'sai, 107 :—

T6hi kau chhuta mdna gau dikhata-hi Vraja-rdja \

Eahi ghari ^ka law mdna d mdna kiye k% Idja || 142a ||

• When thine eyes fell upon Kyishna, thy wrath against him at once vanished ; but for a
while thou appearest like one full of wrath, through shame at having been wrathf al.'

On this the Ldla'chandrikd says, — * Kramdlanhdra spashta Jiai I Mdna kiyS ki Idja si mdna •
rakkhd m'

1 Called hramikd by Bagha-n&tha in Hasiha-mdhana, 15l«

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308 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [November, 18W.

The Hart'prahdia says that this is an instance of chapaldtiiayokti (v. 78).
The An'toar-chandrikd „ „ utprikshd (v. 70).

Another example is (t^. 359) : —

Pati ritu avaguna guna badhatu mdna mdha Icau sita I

Jdta kathina hwai ati mrida-u ramani mana navantta II 142b II

* Through the fanlts of her beloved, and throngh the qualities of the season, increase res-
pectively her indignation, and the cold of the month of MAgha. Even though they both are
(naturally) very soft, the heart of the Lady and butter become hard under their respective
influences.* The Ldla-chandriM says this is an example of IcramCy and explains as follows : —

Fati auguna ritu kS gunani hadhata mdna uhi' sUa \

Hota mdna ti* mana kathina hima te' hat navantta 11 l42o II

* From the faults of her beloved, and the qnalities of the season, increase respectively her
indignation and the cold. From her indignation becomes her heart hard, and from the frost
becomes butter hard,']

Text.

ParT&y&lafLk&ra.

Lvat pary&ya anika kau krama sS diaya ika I

Thiri krama te' jaha' Ska kau dsraya dharai anSka II 143 II

Hut% taralatd charana m^ bha% mandatd d% \

Amhuja taji ttya-vadana duti chandahi raht bandi \\ 144 ||

Translation.

Tbe Sequenoe.

[Sdhitya-darparia, 733.]

(a) When many objects are described as being in the same place in succession, or
(h) When the same object is described as being in several places in succession, it is termed
The Sequence. Examples are r —

(a) * There used to be light activity in this foot, now it is possessed by gentle slowness.'

(b) ^ Glory b^B abandoned the lady's face, and has gone first to the lotus and then to the

moon.'

Text.

ParivrittyalajikAra.

Parlvrittl Ujai adhxka th6r64kachhu dii \

Art indird'katdksha yaha eka sara ddri Ui \\ 146 ||

Translation.

The Betnrn.

[Sdhitya-darpanay 734.]

The Betum (partvrittt) is the giving in exchange of something very small for what is
greater, as for example : —

•This (hero) takes the favourable glances (which) Lakshmi (means) for his enemies, and
gives in exchange, a single ^rrow.'

[Text.

Vinimaya.
Not in Bhdshd'bhhhana or Sdhttya-darpana.
Thus defined in An'war-chandrikd^ 430 : —

Jaha' di kai kaohhu Ujiyai I yaha vinimaya chita hvjiyat || 145a n

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NovRMBBB, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OP JAS'WANT SINGH. 809

Translation.

The Barter.

It is the figure of Barter where something is given and taken.

In the figure of ParivrUti (Return) (145), the essential element is that there is disparity
between what is given (which is little) and what is taken (which is great). This is not an
•essential in this figure.

Example, Bikdn-sat^sai, 240 : —

Sahita saniha sakScha suhha 8v4da Jeampa musiJedni \

Prdna pdni kari dpanS pdna diyS mS pdni \\ I46b 1 1

Witlf love, with bashfulness, with thrilling sweats, with quivering, with a smile, my beloved
pat into my hand a betel roll, and took my soul into her hand instead.]

Text.
ParisankhyftlankArs.

Pari8a&khy& eka thala baraji duje thcda thahardi |

NSha-hdni hiya mi* nahi* hkai dipa mS' jdi \\ 146 u

Translation.

Special Mention.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 735.]

It is the ornament of Special Mention, when it is denied (that an object) is in one place,
and affirmed that it is in another, as for example : —

' The minishing of love Cor oil) is not in my heart, but is in the lamp.'

[Here the figure, being founded on aparanomasia is particularly striking, the word niha
(snSAa) meaning both love and oil. The definition of the Sdhitya-darpana is a more accni-at^
one than that given above, and may be quoted. * When, with or without a query, something is
affirmed for the denial, expressed or understood, of something else similar to it, it is Special
Mention.' All Hindi authorities, however, which I have seen, closely follow the Bhdahd^
bhughana.]

[Text and Translation.

TTttarftlaiakara.

The Beply.

Not in Bhdshd-hhdshana,

SdMlya-darpana, 736. The Reply occurs when a question is inferred from an answer ; or,
the question being given, there are a number of answers unlocked for.

Bihdri'sat'saiy 130, is an instance of the first kind.

Ajyaw na dytl sahaja ra'ga viraha-dvbare gdta I

Aba-ki Mha chaldiyata, lala7mf chalana hi bdta \\ 146a If

(Here the Question is put by the Hero, who wishes to go to a far country. " May I go ? **
It is surmised from the answer of the Heroine, viz.')

* The natural colour has not yet returned to thy form wasted by the woes of (our last)
separation. Now, darling, why dost thou mention the subject of departure* ?

The second variety is thus defined in the An'war-chandrilcd^ 164: —

prati'Uttara jaha' hoi \ uttara ditjo sdi \\ I40b t|

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810 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [Novembbb, 1894.

When there is a question and an answer, it is the second (variety of the figure of the)
Reply ; as for example, Biharx-saVsai, 12 : —

Bdla hahd ldl% Ihat ISyana hoy ana md'ha I

Ldla tihdre drigani hi fart drigani mi* chhd'ha II 146o II

He (she is angry at his unfaithfulness) : — *My girl, what is this redness in the pupils of
thine eyes ' ?

Shb (his eyes are red after a night of unfaithfvXness) : — * Darling, the red reflection of thy
(weary) eyes has fallen into mine.'

As the Sdhitya-darpana requires, this is an unlooked for reply ! ]

Text.
VikalpAlankAra.

ffai Vikalpa yaha hai waha-i ihi vidhi hau hiriianta I

Karihai dukha hau anta aba yama hai pyarau hanta || 147 ||

Translatioii.

The AlternatiTo.

[Sdhitya-darpamy 738.]

It is the figure of The Alternative when a statement is made in the form of 'either this
or that,* as for example : —

* Either death or (the arrival of) my dearly beloved will put an end to my woes.'

[The Sdhitya-darpana makes the ingenuity of the opposition between the two terms ax^
essential of the figure.]

Text.

SamnohohayftlafikAra.

D6i samuohohaya^ hhdva lahu kahu eha upajai saiga |

IJha hdja chdhai haryau hwai anSka eha aitga || 148 ||

Tua art bhdjata giraia hai phiri hhdjata satardi |

Yauvana vidyd madana dhana mada upajdwata di || 149 |t

Translatioiit

The OoDJuxiotioii.

[Sdhitya-darpa^, 739.]

The figure of Tho Conjunction is of two kinds : — (a) When several conditions are simul-
taneously produced. (6) When several (causes) desire (or are each sufficient) to produce an
effect, and in each case the effect is of the same nature. Examples are : —

(a) ^ Thine enemy flees, falls, again flees in blind terror.'

(h) * Budding youth, Knowledge, the (Jod of Love, Wealth, each comes and produces the
intoxication of love in her.'

[Here each is sufficient to produce the effect.]

Text.
E&rakadipakftlajikAra.

E&raka-dlpaka ika mi^ hrama tS' hhiva aniha I

Jdti chitai dwati ha'sati pUchhata hdta vivSha II 150 i)

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NoVBMBEB, 1894.] THE BHABHA-BHUSHANA OP JAS*WANT SINGH. 811

Translation.

The Case-Illuminator.

[Cf. Sdhttya'darpana, 6966. See above v. 83. The Sdhitya-darpana defines one kind of
lUaminator as occurring when the same case (hdraha) is connected with more than one verb.
This corresponds to the present figui'e,]

The Case- Illuminator occurs when several conditions occur in order in the same (subject),
as for example : —

' She glances and moves forward, she approaches, she smiles, she considers and asks
questions.'

[The example in the Sdhitya-darpana is * she rises up fitfully and lies down and comes to
thy dwelling house, goes out and laughs and sighs,* on which the author remarks : * Here the
same heroine is connected with the many actions of rising np, etc.']

Text.

Sam&dhyal afikftra,

S6 samftdhi hdraja sugama aura hetu milt kota I

Utkanthd Hya haw bhai athayau dina-udyota \\ 151 U

Translation,

The Convenience.

[Sdhitya-darpanat 740.]

The Convenience is when what is to be effected becomes easy owing to the actor
having obtained the aid of some other additional agency, as for example : —

* The Lady had a longing (to meet her beloved), (and fortunately her aim was made easy
of accomplishment, for) the sun set.'

[Text.

Praty anikAlank&ra .

Lahhi ajita nija iatru haha* td pahtM kaha' yatra I

Karat pardkrama satya nija pratyanika hat tatra \\ I51a II

Yathd : —

Hdri mora Tripurdri sS' mahd Mpa visidri I

Tad-anuhdri muni'Varana k6 ura bidhata eara mdri II 151b II

Translation.

The Rivali^.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 740-41.]

When some one sees that his enemy cannot be conquered, and, in despite, attacks success-
fully something which has connection with him, it is the figure of the Bivalry, as for
example : —

* When Love could not conquer Siva, full of mighty wrath he attacked the great saints
who resembled him, and pierced their hearts with his arrows.'

(Ifot in Bhdshd'hhdshana, The above is taken from the MdraH-hhushana^ 244-5.)]

Text.

E&vy&rthftpattyalankftra.

KAvyftrthftpati hau* saba-i ihi vidhi varanatajdta I

Mukha jUyau tod chanda Mate kahd kamala ki bdta \\ 162 ||

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812 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [Notekbee, 1^4.

Translatioii.
Tha Keoessary Oonolasion.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 737.]

The following is nn example of the I^eoessary Conclusion (JcavydrtJidpattt) [the egsenco
of which is that, on the supposition of one fact, another can certainly follow* jd %oah% hhayau^ t6
yaha hauna dkhdrya hai ki nahi' hoai] : —

' If her face surpasses the moon in loveliness, what (use is there in) suggesting the lotos
(»s it necessarily follows that it also is surpassed) ' F

[So Padmdbharana, 200 : — * wahaju ktyau, tau yaha hahd? yau hdvydrthdpatti.*

<If he has done that, then what (difficulty) is there in this' ? Smch is the necessarr
conclusion.]

Text.
E&yyalingftlafLkAra.

K&vyaliAga ;aia yukti saw artha-samarthana hoi I

T6 JcojUyau, Madana^jS mS hiya mi' hiva s^t U 15S ||

Translation*

Poetical Season.

ISdhitya-darpanOf 710 J

When by implication (or by an apt use of words), a speaker corroborates (or gives %
reoso 1 or ground for) his meaning (or purpose) it is Poetical Reason, as for example : —

* I have taken that Siva to my heart, who conquered thee, God of Love/

[Here the lady, who is tortured by the pangs of love, informs the God of Love that she has
taken 6iva into her heart, and implies that she has done so in order to frighten the former
therefrom, Siva being the only deity who has ever conquered Love. She does not, however
state in so many words that this is the reason. She only implies that it is such.l * *

[The figure of Poetical Reason must be distinguished from the figures of Transition
(arthftntaranyftsa) (t. 154), and Inference (anunxAna) (v. 15aa). The last figure is not
described in the Bhdshd-bhushana^ but is defined in the Sdhitya-darpana (711) as follows • —

The notion, expressed in a peculiarly striking manner, of a thing established by proof, is
termed Inference, as for example : —

•Wherever falls the sight of women, there fall sharpened arrows; hence, I infer, Cupid
runs before them with his bow furnished with shafts.' '

Regarding these three figures the Sdhitya-darpana (710) points out that, in the province of
poetiy, reason is of three kinds :— Infoi-mative, Completive, and Confirmative. Of these three
sorts, the Informative Reason is the subject of the figure of Inference, the Justicative of the
Transition, and the Completive of the Poetical Reason. In the example above given
of Inference, the poet assumes that Cupid armed runs before fair women, a bold conceit
complete in itself, and then informs the reader of the grounds on which he makes this
inference, that arrows fall wherever fall a woman's glances. In Transition, the reason is given
as a justification for a statement which is otherwise quite complete in itself. Take the examnl
given in v. 154. The speaker says that by Rama's help he has crossed mountains. This is an
intelligible statement complete in itself. The circumstance added that Rama is Almii?hty
only justifies the statement without being needed to be mentioned to complete the sense.

On the other hand, in Poetical Reason, the Beason is Completive. That is, it must be
implied in order to complete the sense of the passage.

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NovEMBEB, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH, 343

Take the example given aboTe : — The Lady states that she has taken Siva into her heart.
She adds that 'Siva has once before conquered love, and implies that the latter fact is the reason
for her action, thongh she does not say so in so many words. The reason, too, for her havinaf
taken 'Siva into her heart is completive, for without that reason her action would be unintelli-
gible. For no one would willingly under ordinary circumstances take so terrible a god to
his heart.

Or, again, take an example given in the SdhUya-darpana : — * The blue lotus, which was like
thine eyes in loveliness, is now sunk under the water : The Moon, my love, which imitated the
fairness of thy face, is mantled over by clouds :-^ Alas, the gods would not suEPer me to derive
a consolation even from thy similitudes.' Here the first two sentences are indispensably wanted
for the completion of the sense, inasmuch as, without them, the sentence constituting the
last line of the verse, would be incomplete in its signification, and therefore absurd.
Moreover, the reason is not stated as a reason, but is only implied, and the inference is left to
be drawn by the reader.

Again, * Siva, afraid of the immense weight, bears not on his head the Ganges, muddy with
the heaps of dust raised by the multitude of thy hoi*ses.' Here the extraordinary amount of
mud in the Ganges is not stated to be the reason for its immense weight, but it is implied that
it is the reason. Moreover it is a completive reason. Without it, the statement that 'Siva did
not bear the Ganges on his head, being afi*aid of its immense weight, would be incomplete in
its signification, and therefore absurd. .

Or take another example, from the Satsai (117) of BihArl Lai. 'Mournfully she gazes
full, very fall, of wrath and grief. The deer-eyed one seeth the mark of her co-wife's hair
upon the pillow, and refuseth to approach the oouch.' Here the reason for her refusing to
approach the couch, is her seeing the mark of her co-wife's hair, is implied, — not stated
directly. Moreover the reason is completive, for without the refusal would lose all its signific-
ance and be absurd.

Padmakara Bhatta (PadmdbJiara^a, 200 and ff.) gives a two^fold definition of this figure.
His first is : —

Artha samarthahi yoga jo "karat samarthana tdsu I

Kdvyalihga id saw hahata jinha lei sumati prahdsu II 163a II

This is the same in substance as that given in the Bhdshd-hhtlsha^a. He farther developeg
the explanation in his alternative definition ; —

HStu paddratha lain kahU' kahu* vdhjdratha pdi I

Karat samarthana artha h6 huvyalinga so di II I53b II

Paddrtha-hStu, yathd: —

Vrithd virasa hdtai' karati liti na Hart ho ndma I

Yaha na dcliaraja hat kachhu rasand tiro ndma \\ I63q ||

Ydkydrtha^hitu, yathd : —

Aha na mohi ^ara vtghana kau karata katina-hu hdju I

Oana-ndyaka Gauri'tanaya hhayau sahdyaka dju || I63d ti

When by taking a reason implied in (1) a word or (2) a sentence, the meaning of a
statement is corroborated (or affirmed), it is poetical reason, as for example: —

(1) * tongue, thou dost use vain and loveless (vi-rasa) words, and dost abstain from
uttering Hari's name. This is not astonishing, (for) thy name is rasa-nd (which also means
•* there is no love").' Here the fact that the tongue is called rasand implies a reason for the
statement that it uses loveless (vi-rasa) words.

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314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Novemmb, 18W.

(2) 'Now I have no fear of any impediment, in whatever task I may engage. tjsnSsa,
the 8on of Gaurt, has become my helper/ Here the sentence forming the second line implies
a reason for what is affirmed in the first line.

This second definition is that given in the Sakitya'darpa^,

The following is the definition of this figare, given by R&ghRnMlxA (RasiktMnShanOf 168):—

Jaha' samarthaniyd artha hj hetm varaniye dni I

Kdvyalxkga saha kavi kahata alanJcdra svkhaddni II 158e II

Qiridhara-ddaa {Bhdrati-hhMshafia, 218) in his definition lays stress on the completive
character of the reason : —

Ukta artha jo pnshia naki hind samarthana hSi |

Tdki samartkiya yukti bo* kdvyalinga ka% s6% U 153f || • ]

[Text.

Anumftna.
Not in Bkiskd-hkiskai^,

Sdhitya-darpana, 711. Cf. 153, ante^ for the difference between this figure, and Poetical
Reason. The figure is thus defined in the An^toar^chandrikd^ 256 : —

BSttt put anitmdni IS' samujki Ujiyai hdia I

Alakkdra anumdna sd' khdkhata mati^auddta II I63g II

Trsntlatioii.

Inference.

The clear'-minded call that inference> in which, being given a cause, a thing is understood
by inference, as for example : —

B%hdru8at''9a\, 141:--

Mrtga-naini driga ki pharaka ura nchhdha tanaplMa I

Bina*h% piya*dgama nmagi palafana lagi dmkiila || 158h It

* When the fawn-eyed lady felt her (Left) eye throb (an omen of good fortune), her heart
rejoiced, her form blossomed forth) and full of rapture, even before the arrival of her beloved,
she began to change her vesture.'

Here from the cause (her left eye throbbing), she inferred the approach of her beloved.]

[Text.

AmitAlafilrAra.
Not in Bhdshd-bh^shana^

This figure is thus defined by Rasa-rfipa E[avi in the Tnlasx-hhUskana i -^

Jahd' sddhakd bhdgawai sddhana kt sama tiddhi I

Amita ndma td saw kahai Jd M amita prasiddhi |( 1681 II

Tathd Bihdn-8&€8a%, 119:—

Gahyau ahdlauholapyan dpai pafhai ba$kha \

JHihi churdi duhuna ki lakhi sakuchau'hi difha H IMJ ||

Translation.

The Interoepted Fruits

When (a Principal) allows his Agent to enjoy the successful result of an object to be
accomplished, it is, as is well known, the figure of the Interoepted Fruity as for example : '

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NovEMBBB, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OP JAS'WANT SINGH. 8l5

' She oalled for hor beloyed, and herself sent a message (bj a confidante), and jet remained
silent (when he came): for she marked the stolen glances of the two (t. e,, her lover and the
messenger), and noted their shyness (which shewed that they had love passages on the way').

The Ldla-chandrihd says this is amitdlahledra : —

Amita sddkanS bhogawai sddhdka siddha pravina I

Tiya-sadhahch piya surata sidhi sakhi addhana tiya lina II 158k ||

When a skilled Principal causes his Agent to enjoy the snccessfnl result of an object to be
accomplished, it is amitm. Here the Agent of the Lady, t. e., her confidante^ took the result of
the object which the lady desired to obtain^ that is to say the caresses of her beloved.

The Hari-prakdia says this is an instance of anumdna (153g).

The AnCwar-ckandriM says, it is vUhama (third kind) (122).]

Text.

' ArthftntaranyftsAlAi&k&ra.

VisSsha ti' sdmdnya dridha taba arthdntaranydsu t

Raghuvara kS vara giri tari badS hartti' na kahd su II 154 II

Translatioii.

Transition.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 709] : —

When a general statement is confirmed by a particalary it is called the figure of Transi-
tion, as for example : —

* By Rama's favour I have crossed mountains. Mighty is he, what can he not do P [J. e,
(by the figure of kakflkti^ emphasis, or change of tone of voice), he can do everything.' ]

[Here the general statement that lUma can do everything, is confirmed by the particular
example of his having aided the speaker to cross the mountain.]

[The Sdhitya-ddrpana definition is much wider. It includes not only the confirmation
of a general statement by a particular but also the confirmation of a particular by a general,
or the justification of an efEect by a cause, or vice versd — either under a correspondence or a
contrast.

Other Hindi writers include the confirmation of a particular by a general. Thus, Giridhara-
diba in the BMrati-bhushana says : —

Jaha' vMsha sdmdnya tS' h6i eamarthita hhdsa I

Kai sdmdnya vUisha ti' ad arthdntaranydsa II 154a tl

It is Transition when a particular is specially confirmed by a general, or a general by a
particular.]

[Kdku or hdkukti (in Hindi sometimes, incorrectly, kdkokbt)^ i. a., emphasis or change of
voice, is hardly a rhetorical figure, and is not defined as such in any treatise on Alankdra

which I have read. It is mentioned in the Sdhitya-darpana, — -— — ~, as one of the Causes of

2o text

Suggestion, and not as an Ornament. The definition is, 'an emotional alteration of the sound

in the throat is called Emphasis {hdku).^]

Text*
VikasvarftlaxLk&ra.

Vihasvara hota vUisha jaba phiri admdnya viaiaha I

Hart giri dhdryau aatpumahm bhdra auhai jyaw aSaha H 155 ll

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316 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Novembeb, 1894.

Translation.

Expansion.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana,'}

When a particular is confirmed by a general and that again by a particular, it is
Expansion, as for example : —

' Did Krishna lift up mount (Govardhana) ? Yes, for he is a holy person (and a holy
person) can bear all burdens, as, for instance, the serpent of eternity.*

[The particular statement that Krishna raised Govardhana is confii-med by the general
fitatement that he is a holy person, and that a holy person can lift anything, and this general
statement is in its turn confirmed by the particular instance of S6sha who supports the Universe.]

According to Giridhara-d4sa (Bharatt-hhushana, 254) this figure is two-fold, according as
the final particular is an object of simile (upamdna) or not. Thus in * Thou, O saint, hast
destroyed the darkness of my heart, for this is the custom of good men, (able) like the sun
(to destroy darkness).* Here the final particular, the sun, is an object of a simile. On the
other hand, * Duryddhana will not listen to remonstrances, for there is no medicine to heal
the wicked, just as spnnkling a lemon with sugar will not make it sweet/ Here the final
particular, a lemon, is not an object of a simile.]

[Text.

AynktAyukt&lankftra.

Not in Bhdiha'hMshana.

I have only come across this figure in Ldla^handrUed, 64 6, where it is defined as follows : —
Sorathd | Aiubha iuhha hwaijdi so wahai ayuktAynkta || 166a ||

Yathd:—

Dohd I Tanahajhutha nisawddali havna hdtaparijdi \

Tiya-muhha rati-drambha hi **nah%*' jhUfhiyi mi(hdi \\ 166b ||

Translation.
The Exceptional Besult.

When the inauspicious becomes inauspicious, it is the figure of the Exceptional Besult, as
for example :—

*A falsehood, even if it be a little one, is without flavour. Under what circumstances does
this want of flavour disappear ? The **no'* from the lips of a girl at the first caress is sweet
though false.']

Text.

Praudh6kti.«

Praudha-vlcti varnana hikhai' adhikdi adhikdra \

Keia nila S rainx ghana eaghana timira hi tdra \\ 166 ||

Translation.

Bold Assertion,

[Not in Sdhttya-darpam.']

When in a description there is an excess of the peculiar quality of the object described
(from some imaginary cause), it is Bold Assertion, as for instance : —

* Thy (dark) locks are (all the more) black fi»om the clouds of night, and are all the more
dense from the (dense) strings (tdra'doif) of darkness (which surround thee).'

' 166, v. 1. Praudhdkti utkaraha binu hStu varriana kdma I

Kiia amdvasa raini ghana aaghana timira $aJba idma M 156 u

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T^ovEMBER, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 81 !

[Padmakara-bhatta (Padrndbharatta, 212) thus defines this figure : —

Jo na hdrana utkarsJia kau Jciyo sS kalpita hitu I

Fadumdkara kavi kahata tV»» jpraudhohati hai cheiu {\ 16 Ba II
Yathd : —

lia B^.sa M chavda saw amala dthaw ydma I

Surasari tata ke harapha tS* dhavala suyaia tua Rama It 156b tl

When a thing which is not the canse of excess is stated as an imaginary reason for it, it is
the figure of Bold Assertion, as for example : —

* By the (light of) the moon on Siva's head, is (thy glory) without spot for the whole
eight watches of the day ; from the (reflection of the snow) on the banks of the Ganges, is
thy glory ever fair and white, O. R&ma/

So also Raghunatha {Rasika-mohana, 167) : —

Jaha' varnata uikarsha kS hStu, hSttc koti dni \

Tahd'f su'kavi, praudhokti yaha jaga niS' kahata bakhdni || 166o II

And Giridhara-dasa {BJid^ati-hJidsham^ 257) : —

Kdraja-gata utkarsha kau jo na hStUy tehi hSia I

Kara varaniya praudhokti kavi mdna tdsu kahi dSta \\ 156d || ]

Text.

SaihbhftyanftlankAra.

" Jau* yd' ho, tau yo',^* kahai saihhhdvand vichdra I

Vaktd hotau iSsha jaw, tau lahatau cjuna pdra \\ 167 It

Translation.

The Supposition^

[Not in Sdhttya-darpana,]

When * if ' (introducing a protasis) is followed by * then' (introdncing an apodosis), it is
to be considered an instance of the Supposition, as for example : —

* If the serpent of eternity had been able to speak, then he might have been able to
describe fully thy virtues. [No one else could do so.']

Text.

MithyftdhyavasityalankAra.

Mithyddhyavasiti kahata kachhu mithyd-kalpana rUi \

Kara maipdrada jaw rahai karai* navodha priti \\ 168 II

Translation.

The False Supposition.

[Not in Sdhitya'darpanaJ]

It is False Supposition (when the impossibility of a thing is illustrated) by making it
depend upon an impossible contingency, as for example : —

* When a man can retain quicksilver in his hand, he may expect a newly-wedded bride
to shew him affection.'

Text.

Lalit&lankftra.

Lalita kahyau kachhu chdhiyai* tdhi kau pratihimhu I

Setu bd'dki karihai kahd aba to utare ambu II 169 II

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818 THE INDIAN ANTIQUART. [Notembie. 18W.

Translation.

The Oraoeful.

[Not in Sdhityadarpam,]

When it is necessary to make a statement, and it is not made directly, but is made by
means of reflecting imagery, it is the ornament of the Oraoeful. [It diCEers from the Passing
Allusion (PrastiUdhkura, v. 102), in that in the latter the reason for the statement is not also
mentioned figuratively, while in the Graceful it is (Kdvya'Sudhdkwra).'] As for example : —

• Why wilt thou build a causeway ? Now the sea has become fordable ?

[This is addressed to a heroine who is going out to see her beloved by night. Her
confidante under the above imagery means to say * Why are you putting on white clothes, so
as to be invisible in the moon-light, for, lo, the moon has set.' It will be observed that the
reason is also figuratively stated.]

This figure is thus defined by Padm&kara-bhatta (Padmdbharana^ 217) : —

Kahahi-yoga praituta^vishaya jo kachhu hahai nahijH \

Kahai tdsu pratihimba kachhu lalita kahijatu tdhi H 159a II

' When a thing in connexion with the matter in hand, which should be said, is not said»
but instead something in the way of its reflective image is said, it is the Graceful.'

So Raghunatha (Basika'tnohana, 170) :^

Prastuta kS vdkydrtha kS varnana kau pratiSimha \

Jahd' varaniye lalita taha* lakhi lijau hinu limha II 159b II

' When a statement is made of the reflective image of a statement of the literal meaning of
the matter in hand, it is to be recognized as the Graceful, without fault (limba^dSsha^ comm.)'

So again Giridhara-dasa (Ehdratt-bhttshanot 263) :—

Frastuta-gata-vrittdnta j6 varnan'ya taji tauna I

Jprasiuta'pratibiniba-vata kahiya lalita mati-bkauna II 159c II

Text.

Praharshai^ankAra.

Tint praharshana yatna binu vdnchhita phala jaba hSi I

Vdnchhita-hd tS adhika phala irama binu lahiyai* M II 180 II

Sddhata jd kS yatua kau' vastu chadhai kara tSi I

Jd kau chita chdhata hutau di diiti xoSi || 161 II

Dipaka kau udyama kiyau tau 16' udayau bhdnu I

Nidhi-anjana ki aushadhi sddhata lahyau niddna II 162 II

Translation.

The Suooessful.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpam.'l

The ornament of the Suooessful is of three kinds, viz, : —

(1) When a desired result is achieved without effort.

(2) When, without effort, something over and above a desired result is achieved.

(3) When a thing comes of itself into the hand of a man who is making preparations for
making an effort for obtaining it.

Examples of these three in order are : —

(1) ^ She, for whom your soul longeth, came herself to you as (her own) messenger.'

(2) 'He attempted to (light) the lamp, and just then the sun rose.'

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NovEMBBE, 1894] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 819

(3) ' He vras searching for the drag from which is made the ointment which when applied
to the eyes shews all the riches of the world (literally the riches*ointment), and lo, he found
(riches themselves), the first cause (of his search).'

Text.

Vish&d&lankAra.

86 vishdda cMta-chdha ti' ulafau kachhu hvaijdi |

Nivi parasata^ iruti pari charandyvdhtHihuni di II 163 II

Translation.

The Disappointment.

[Not in Sdhitya'darpana*']

It is the figure of Disappointment^ when something the reverse of what is one's desired
object occurs, as for example : —

* Just as I laid mj hand upon her girdle, the sound of a cock's crow fell upon my ear.''

Text,
Viparltyalankftra*

Not in Bhdshd-bhushana. I have only met it in Ldla-chandriku, 409, where it is defined as

follows :—

Sidhana hddhaha aiddha lean sd viparlti gandi ||183a II

Yathd : —

Bowata sapanS iy4fna'ghana htlt-milt harata viySga |

TahO'hi fart kita-hd gtA nt'da-u ni'dana yoga || 108b II

Translation.

The Peryerse Agent.

When an Agent becomes a hindrance towards the accomplishment of his task it is the
figure of the Perverse Agent, as for example : —

' Sleeping, in my dreams, Ghana-syama used to join me and take away my woe. Since
then sleep also has departed and gone I know not where, — and it also must I blame.'

Text.

UUAs&laj^k&ra.

Gvna avaguna jaha iha kau aura chahai ulldsa I

Nhdi santa pdvana karat' ganga dharai' ihi dia II 164 1 1

Translaticm.

Sympathetio result.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana,}

When one person desires the good or bad qualities of another, it is the figure of 8ympa«
thetio Besulty as for example : —

' The Ganges has but one hope, — that the pious may bathe in her and communicate to
her their purity.*

[This figure is more usually explained, as occurring, when the good or bad qualities of
one person, cause bad or good qualities to arise in another, as for instance the budding beauty
of a new bride, causing her co-wives to become txgly, through despair — Aura kS gum t4* ddaha.

Compare Ldla<handrilfdy 25 : —

iha kS guna tS' hoi jaha' aurahi dosha uldsa I

dulahi ke guna ti' hadhyau sautina dosha prakdia II 164a ||

< DalUanoe aft«r aunriae ia prohibited.

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320- THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Notembee, 18P4.

Padmakara-bhatta (^Padmdhharana, 224), says : —

Jo guna dosha te' aura he thapat anata guna dosha \

Tdhi kahata ullasa kavi pat hiye santosha \\ 164b II

* When one person gains a good quality or a bad quality from the good or bad quality of
another, it is called by poets uUdsa,^ He then gives examples of: —

(1) Good qualities begetting good qualities (guna ii' guna), (Example — the beauty of
Krishna enlarging the eyes of those who behold him, owing to their being unable to cease
staring.)

(2) Bad qualities begetting bad qualities (dosJia te' dosha). (Example — disfiguring marks
of dalliance with another woman, on the hero, begetting anger in the heroine.)

(3) Good qualities from bad ones (dosha ii' guna). (Example ^ a crowd thrusts aside a
beggar into the dust, and thereby saves his life.)

(4) Bad qualities from good ones (guna te' dosha). (Example — a good man proving (by
the fact of his goodness) the folly of those who do not reverence him.)

So also Giridhara-dasa (Bhdrat'i-hhushana): —

J aha" eka JcS guna dosha ii* hdi aura hau iauna I

TJlldsdlarikdra tehi . varanahi' kavi mati-bhanna II 164o II

Kahu* guna te* gti^Of dosha t^ dosha, guna-hw te' dosha I

D6sha-hu* te' guna hota imi varanata havt mati-hosha H 164(1 II

He then gives four similar examples.

So also Raghunatha (Rasika-mShana, 175): —

So uldsa guna saw su-guna hota, dosha saw dosha |

Guna saw dushana, dosha tS' guna, vidhi chdri, satosha II 164e 11]

Text.

AvajfiL&lank&ra.

Hota avajhd aura Jcau na lag at' guna am dSsha I

ParUn audhd-kara hirana haw phulai na paukaja-l-dsha II 166 II

Translation.

IndifTerenoe.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana.']

It is the ornament of Indifference when one is not affected by another's good or bad
qualities (aa might have been expected), as for example : —

* The lotus-flower does not expand, when it touches the rays of the moon.'
[Giridhara-drisa {Bhdrati-bhiishana, 279) makes this plainer : —

Ouna tS' guna nahi hoi, aru nah> dosha te' dosha \

Kahahi* avajnd doi vidhi imi kavi kavitd-kosha II 166a l|

• There are two kinds of Indifference, when good qualities do not beget good qualities in
another, and when bad qualities do not beget bad qualities/ He then gives examples of each,
viz. :—

(1) Rapture not being begot by beautiful poetry.

(2) The ashes on 'Siva appearing to him as pleasant as sandal paste, and the hdldhala
poison like nectar.]

Text.

Annjftftlafikftra.

Hota anujnd dosha kaW jo lijai* guna mdni I

Hohi vipatiyd me' sadd hiye chadhata Hart dni II 166 II

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NoTBMBiB, 18^.] THE BHASHA.BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 821

Translation.

Aooeptanoo.
[Not in Sdhttya-darpana,']

When any disadvantage is desired as an adyantage. it is the ornament of Aooeptanee, as
for example : —

* May misfortune come (to me), that the Lord ever may dwell in my heart.'

[Here misfortune is a disadvantage, but as it is considered to be a necessary concomitant
of CK)d dwelling in the heart, it is looked upon as a blessing.

So Giridhara-dlba (Bhdrati-bhmhana, 282) :—

Jaha' ahhildakd dSsha hi tdhi mS* gum pdi \

Tahd' anujttd dbharana kahahv sahala havi-rdi \\ 166a fl

So PadmAkara-bhat(a {Padmdbkarana, 232) :-*^

DSsha chahai mana mdni guna so ant^hd fhahardi | 166b

And Baghunatha (Basika^mdhana^ 176) : —

Ichchhd hijata ddsha hi jahd harauguna pdi I 166c I

It will be observed that all these authorities insist that the disadvantage must be desired.]

Text.

IidMOaikkftra.

Ouna mS' ddsha Vu dSsha mi* guna-halpana sd Wa I

^uha yaha madhuri vdni saw handhana lahyau viiSsha II 167 \\

Tranelation.

The Unezpeoted Basnlt,
[Not in Sdhitya-darpana.^

It is the figure of UnexpQcted Beenlt when what is usually considered an advantage is
represented as a disadvantage, and vice versa ; as for example : —

* This parrot owing to its sweet voice has specially been imprisoned (in a ci^)/

[So all writers,]

Text.

MndrAlankftra.

Mudrd prastuta pada bikhai' aurai' artha prahdSa \

Alijdi hi na pitoa tahd jahd' rasUi vdsa U 168 11

Translation.

Indirect Designation,

[Not in Sdhitya-darpam,']

It is the figure of Indirect Designation, when a second meaning is made apparent in a
word in hand ; as for example : —

* bee, why goest thou not to drink there where there is odour full of nectar' ?

[Here the second meaning is * O Hero, why goest thou not to drink the odorous nectar of
the heroine's lips'? The Hero is indirectly designated by the name " bee."

So Padmukara-bhatta {Padmdbharanay 235) : —

Frahrita artha para pada jahd' sAchya artha hi td'hi I

Sdchana harai so hota hai mudrd'^'bharaifa tahd*hi II 168a ||

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822 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Notembbe, 1894.

' The indication of a (metaphorical) meaning to be indicated by another word nsed in its

literal sense is Indirect Designation.' So Baghunatha {Rasika-mohana, 178) : — ** Suchyd Wtha

kau suchibo,**

Text.

Batn&valyalaiUcftra.

Eatndvali prastuta artha krama te' aura-hu ndmu I

Easika ehatura-mukha lakshmi'pati Bakala jndna hau dMma \\ 169 ||

Translatioii.

The String of Jewels.

[Not in Sdhityc^darpana.^

When a series of names of other people or things all meaning the subject in hand is given
in order, it is an instance of this figure ; as for example : —

• O Devoted Gallant, Chief of the skilful (or Brahma), Lord of Wealth (or Vishnu)
Abode of all knowledge (or Biva).'

Here the Heroine addresses the Hero, and gives him these names in order.
So Padmakara (Padmdbhcbrana, 237) :—

Ratndvali hrama saw kahaha prdkrita paddrtha-^rinda I

Ravi, iasi, kuja, budha, guru gunani lai Vidhi rachyau narinda II 169a 1 1

The String of Jewels is the mentioning in order a number of words in the meaning of the
subject in hand (indicating a person mentioned, and not, as in the last figure, not mentioned
but inferred) ; as for example : —

' God created this king after selecting the qualities of the Sun, the Moon, Mars, Mercury
and Jupiter.'

Text.

TftdipUQAlftokAra*

Tadgu'na taji guna dpanau sangati kau giX^a Ui I

B$$ar% m&ti adhara nUU padma-rdga chhavi dSi || 170 II

Translation.

The Borrower.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 746.]

The Borrower is when an object is represented as quitting its own qualitj, and assuming
that of another in proximity to it ; as for example : —

' Her lower lip, when it tbuches the pearl of her nose ring, gives it the beauty of a ruby.'

Text.

FturvarflpAlafLkftra.

Purva-rupa hat aanga guna taji pJilri apanau letu I

Dujai jaba guna nd mifai kiye mitana ke hitu \\ 171 ||

JSesha iydma hat Siva gale yasa te' ujjvala hdta I

Dij)a mifdyS'hii kiyau rasand-mani uddyota II 172 11

Translation.

The Beversion.

[Not in SdhUya-darpana,]

It is the figure of Beversion (a) when an object abandons its adventitious qualities and
reverts to its original form, and (6) when a thing does not abandon its own qualities, even
though efforts be made to cause them to disappear. Examples are : —

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IfoTBMBBB, 1894.] THE BHA8HA.BHUSHA.NA OP JAS^WANT SINGH. 323

* O S^sha, by contact with Siva's neck thou hadst become black, but now, by thy glory,
thoa art returned to thy original pure white colour.'

' Although she put out the light, still there was the gleam of her jewelled girdle.'

Text.
Atadgui^L&Iank&ra.
Sot atadguna saiga te' guna jaha Idgata ndhi' \

Piya anurdgx nd* hhayau vasi rdgi mana mdhi' II 173 ||

Translation.

The Non-borrower,

[Sdhityd'darpana, 747.]

lb is the Non-borrower when a thing does not acquire the qualities of what it is connected
with (although such a borrowing might be expected) ; as for example : —

' My beloved though dwelling in my heart which glows with ardent affection, doth not
glow himself.'

Text.

Anagu]^ft.lank&ra.
AnugU9a sangati te' jahai pHrva gunana sarasdt I

MuJcta-mdla hiya hdsya tS* adhika iveta hwaijdi II 174 ||

Translation.

The Enhancer.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana.']

When a thing's original qualities are enhanced by connexion with another, it is the figure
called the Enhancer ; as for example : —

' The pearl necklace on her heart becomes still whiter when she smiles (from the reflection
of her pearly teeth).'

Text,

MlUt&laiakftfa.

Mllita 80 sddriiya tS' bhida jahai na lakhdi I

Jtruna-varna tiya'Charana mi' ydvaka lakhyau na jdi || 175 ||

Translation.

The Lost*

[Sdhitya-darpana, 744.]

The liOSt is when the difference (between one thing and a similar thing) is not apparent,
(and one is lost or merged in the other), through a likeness of properties ; as for example : —

* The red dye is not visible on the rosy feet of the lady (being lost in their lustre).*

Text.
Sam&ny&lafik&ra,
S&mftnya^'o sddrihja tc' jdni parai na vlsesha \

Pharaka nahi iruti-kamala aru tiya-lochana animeaha \\ 176 li

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324 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [November, 1894.

Translatioii.

The Sameness.

[Sdhtfya'darpana^ 745.]

The Sameness is ^hen something in question (is spoken of as) having become indistin-
guishable from something else, through a likeness of properties ; as for example : —

* The intent eye of the lady and the lotus behind her ear were indistinguishable (/arq nahi)*
[Here owing to the resemblance between the lotus and the eye of the lady intently gazing on
her beloved, they could not be distinguished.]

Text.

UnmllitAlank&ra«

UnmUita sddrisya tS' bhSda phurai taba mdni I

Kirati dgi* tuhina-giri chhuai' parata pahichdni \\ 177 ||

Translation.

The Discovered.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpa^.']

When owing to a likeness of properties, the difference (between one thing and another
similar thing, in which it is merged, is not noticed, as in the figure of the Lost, v. 175, but) is
subseqaently made plain, it is The Discovered ; as for example : —

^ In (the brightness of) thy fame the snowy Himalaya (was not visible, and) its existence
could not be known till it was actually touched (and its coldness felt).'

Text.

ViMshakAla^ikAra.

Yaha vi&dshaka viUaha punt phuraijo samatd md'jha I

Tiya-mukha aru pankaja Idkhai iaH cUtriana tS sd'jha || 178 II

Translationf

7he Distingnisher.

[Not in Sdhitya-datpanaJ]

It is The Distinguisher when, after noticing (an apparent) sameness, the distinguishing
quality (of one) is subsequently made manifest ; as for example : —

* (The difference between) the Lady's face and the lotus is made manifest at even when
the moon shews herself (for then the lotus closes, and the lady's face expands at the approach
of her beloved).'

Text.

Gfi<Ui6ttar&lank&ra.

Qtl<Ui6ttara hachhu bhdva te' utiara dtni hSta I

Una vitasa-taru nU* pathika utarana Idyaka sSta II 179 II

Translation.

The Hidden Answer.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana,']

It is the Hidden Answer, when an answer is given with some under-meaning ; as for
example : —

* Amidst that reed thicket there is a spring fit for the halting of a traveller.' [Here the
heroine answers a traveller, and her inner meaning is that the place is suitable for a flirtation.]

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NovEMBEE. 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 325

Text.

OhitrAlankftra.
Chitra praina uttara duhd Ska vachana mi* soi I

Mugdhd tiya lei Mix ruchi geha kona me' hSi II 180 II

Translation.

The Manifold.

[Not in Sdhttya-darpana,']

When the same words express both a question and its answer, it is the ornament of the
Manifold ; as for example : —

Question: — 'In what room {gSha hona mS*) doth the damsel enjoy amorous dalliance' ?

[The same words, differently interpreted, give the answer, viz, : — ]

Answer : — * In the comer of the room {gSha-hona mi') the damsel doth enjoy amorous
dalliance.'

[Padmakara-bhatta in the Padmdhharaiia (249), and Giridhara-d&sa in the Bharaii-bJiushana
(311), mention another variety of this figure in which one answer is a reply to several questions ;
thus Padmdbharana (249) : —

Uttara iha hahu praina kau chitra kahau, K6 sydma ? I

Kaunaju ripu hshatriyana kau ? moiala-dhara ko ? Edma II 180a II

When one answer is a reply to many questions it is also an example of this figure ; as for
example: —

Question : — Who was the Dark One, who was the Enemy of the Kskattriyas^ and who was
the Club-bearer ?

Answer : — RAma. J. c, Bdma-chandra, Paraiu-rama, and Bala-rama respectively.]

Text.

SfikshmftlankAra. ^

Sfichliama para diaya lakhai sainani mi' kachhu hhdi I

Mai' dikhyau, uhi s-^sa-mani kisani liyau chhapdi II 181 II

Translation.

The Subtle.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 748.]

When some meaning is conveyed to another by hints it is termed the Subtle (sukshma) ;
as for example : —

' I saw the Lady, and she concealed her jewel*face under her black hair [thereby
intimating that at nightfall she would meet me.']

Text.

Fihit&lankftra.

Pihita chhapt para-hdta kau jdni dikhAwai' hhdi I

Prdtahi dyS sSja piya ha' si ddwati tiya pdi II 182 ||

Translation.

The Concealed.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana.'l

When by some (hidden) meaning a person shews a circumstance connected with another,
which is concealed by him, it is the ornament of the Concealed ; as for example : —

• Her beloved (did not) approach her couch (till) morning, and smiling the lady shampoos
his feet.'

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326 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Novembee, 1894.

[Here the lady meaus to hint that he has been spending the night with some other charmer,
and that he must be weary, and will be rested bj the shampooing.]

Text.

Vydj6](tyalaiLkAra.
Vyftja-ukti Jcachhu aura vidhi hakai' durai' aMra \

Sahhiy snka hinhyau, harnia yaha dantani jdni andra {\ 183 \\

Translation.

The Dissembler.

[Sdhtfya-darpana, 749.]

When a person conceals (the trne cause of) a fact which is apparent, by explaining it in
Home other way, it is the Dissembler {vydjokti); as for example : —

* My dear, it was a parrot which did this deed, mistaking my teeth for pomegranate

seeds.*

[Here the Heroine dissembles and conceals the true reason of the wounds upon her lips, —
caused by the amorous kisses of her beloved.]

Text.

Gtl4h6ktyalank&ra.
Gtl<jUi& ukti V118U aura ke hijav para upadesa I

Kdlhi, sakhi, haw jdu'gi jpuja^ut deva mahesa {{ 184 ||

Translation.

The Hidden Speech.

[Not in Sdhilya-darpana*^

It is the ornament of Hidden Speech (giidhokti), when under pretence of saying something
else, a person suggests (to a third) a course of conduct ; as for example : —

• Tomorrow, my dear, I shall go to worship (at the temple of) Mahesa.'

[Here the heroine indicates to her lover who is standing by and hears her talking to her
friend, that the next place of assignation will be the temple of !Mah6sa.]

[The Ldla-chandrikd (317) contrasts the gudkokti, with another figure which it calls any6kti,
or Other Speech, and defines them thus : —

GMhokti, aur kS mis aur kaw npadei \ anyohti, aur ki bdt aur par kahai II

Hidden speech is when under pretence of (addressing) one person, instruction is given to
another. It is Other Speech, when a person attributes a characteristic of one thing or person
to another. Bihari-lal in his Sat'sai (317) gives an example of both these figures : —

Baity an molia milanau rahyau yau kahi gahax marora I

Uta dai sakhihi urdhanau ita chitai mo ora || I84a II

The speaker is the hero, — * Wrathf ully said she (as she spoke) in that direction and abused
her friend, ** you have been entangled in love, you have had a meeting with a lover," and then
she looked towards me.'

Here it is Hidden Speech, for under pretence of abusing her friend she abused the hero,
and it is also Other Speech, for the conduct alleged as that of the friend is really meant to bo
attributed to the hero.]

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NovEMBBB, 1894] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OP JAS'WANT SINGH. 827

Text.

Viv^it^ktyalailkftra.

Is lis ha chhapyan leinhyau prakata vivfit6ktl hat aina \

Fujana deva mahSsa kau kaJuiti dek/idS saiyia \\ 186 II

Translation.
The Open Statement.
[Not in Sdhitya'darpamJ]

It is an example of the Open Statement when a thing is intimated bj a paronomasia in a
statement made openly ; as for example : —

' She made a gesture, as she said that she would go to worship Mah^a.'

[Here the word {saina^samjhd) translated 'gesture,' also means * several' (sainya), and the
lady by making a gesture intimated to her lover that 'several' companions would accompany
her. Hence the intimation to the lover is made by a paranomasia on the word saina, which was
said (or rather acted) openly. This figure dilEers from the Subtle (v. 181), in being founded on a
paronomasia.li

Text.

YuktyalanklUra.

Yahai yukti Mnhai' kriyd karma chhapdyau jdi I

Piya chalata a'sud chalS po'chhata naina ja'bhdi \\ 186 It

Translation.
The Artiftoe.

[Not in Sdhitya^dariyaiiaJ]

It is the Artifice when one action is concealed by doings another, as for example : —

'Tears flowed from her eyes as her beloved departed, and she yawned as she wiped her eyes
(to conceal the action).'

Text*
L6k6ktyalankftra.

Ii6ka-ukti kackhu vachana sau* UnhS loka-pravdda \

Naina mu'di shala mdsa lau" sahiyav viraha vishdda \\ 187 II

Translation.
The Idionu

[Not in Sdhitya-darpanaJ]

It L8 the figure of the Idiom (lokokti), when words are employed which are used in common
talk (in an idiomatic or proverbial sense) ; as for example : —

* She most close her eyes for six montlis (in the absence of her beloved), and suffer separa-
tion and sorrow.'

[Here the expression • to close the eyes * is idiomatically used, in the sense it bears in
common talk, to mean * to suffer pain. 'J

Text.

Chhdk6ktyalankAra.

Ldha-ukti kachhu artha sau' $6 ehhdk6kti pramdni I

Jo gdina kan' phSrihai idhi Dhanamjayajdrii II 188 II

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828 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [November, 1894.

Translation.
Ambiguous Speech.

[Not in Sdhttya-darpana.']

"When an idiom is used, as in the last fignre, and at the same time the words can
also be taken more or less in their literal sense^ it is an instance of Ambiguous Speech ; as for
example : —

• Know him to be Arjnna, who will bring back the cows.* [This is an idiomatic proverbial
saying, and means that it requires a great man to do a great action.]

It also means literally that the hero has attacked the foe, and has released cattle, and is
therefoi^e a second Arjuna.

Text.
Vakr6ktyalankftra.
Vakra-ukti hxchhu sUsha saw artha phiri jo hoi I

Easika apuraba hau^ piyd, hurau hahaia nahi' hoi II 189 II

Translation.
Crooked Speech.

[Sdhitya-darpana^ 641.]

When the meaning of (the speech of another) is changed to the hearer by a paronomasia
it is called Crooked Speech (vakroktt) ; as for example : —

*My dear, you are a wonderful lover [meaning a very base lover], and no one (I suppose)
[that is to say every one] speaks badly of you.*

[The example does not fit the definition. That is, however, the fault of the latter, which
is incomplete, and not of the former. According to the Sdhityadarpana, and all other authori-
ties which I have consulted, the definition should run, ' When the meaning of (the speech of
another) is changed (to the hearer) by 9, paronomasia (slSsha), or by a change of voice (kdku), it
is, etc.' The example is evidently an instance of Crooked Speech depending on a change of
voice. The whole meaning of the sentence is reversed by the satyrical or reproachful tone in
which it is uttered.

The SdhityoHjlarpana classes this figure as a Verbal Ornament (sabd^lahhdra), and not as an
Ornament of Sense (arthdlahJcdra) under which head it is classed in the Bhdshd-bMshana and other
modem works.]

[Giridhara-dasa (BhdratUhhiUhanay 3tS2) thus defines this figure: —

Sunata vdkya roshddt vaia rachai artha jaha' aura \

Eahu* ilisha-hu kdku saw vahra-ukti tehi thaura ||

When on hearing a sentence, a meaning different (from its natural one) is given to it
under the influence of anger and the like, either by a paronornasia or by a change of voice, it
is called Vahrdhtt.

So Padmdbharana, 259 ; Basika-mohana, 195.]

Text.
Svabh&T6ktyala]QkAra.
Sye^^h^YdlM yaha jdniyai' vamatta jdti-suhhdi \

Ha'si ha' si dihhati phirijhuhati mukha nmrati itardi II 190 II

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November, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 329

Translation.

Tho Description of Nature.

ISdhitya-darpam, 750.]

The Description of Nature is the narration of actions natural to the actor [the SdhUya-
darpana says the object mast be one that is not easily perceived] ; as for example : —

* She smiles as she looks, and again she bends her body away (in anger), and again she
proudly turns aside her face.'

[This is an account of the characteristic actions of a heroine who is another's (parak^yd),
Giridhara-dasa (Ehdrati-bkushana, 335, explains ^a^i by iUutva-ddu

' Siiuivddi jo jdti hai tadgata jautia svalkdva.']

[This figure is also called jftti or jftti-van;Lana or jati-svabhftva-yar];Lana. From what
some authors say it might be gathered that svahhdvolcti and jdti are different figures, but they
are everywhere defined in identical terms. Thus the Anhcar-chandrlM (499) thus defines
svabhdvohti : —

Jd hojaiso rUpa gwna varanafa wdU rUi I

Td 80 jdti svabhdva havi hhdshata hai hart prtti II 190a II

The same work (579) defines ^a^' in exactly the same words.

Again the Ldla-chandHM (28) defines svdUhdvokti as follows : —

Jd hxujaisau rilpa guna Tcahiye tdh% riti \

Subhdvokti td haw su-havi bhdvata hai hari priti \\ 190b ||

and (2), defines ^'a^t thus, —

jdti sujaisaujdsuhau rupalcahai tihijdsa \\ 190c II

[Prdman.

True Iiove.

Not in Bhdshd'hhushana,

Not in Sdhitya-darpana. Thus defined in the Ldla-chandriJcd (146) : —

Jaha- nahi' Jcapata piriti, taJia* laJchi 'pr^mdlahJcdra || 190d tl

A description of true love is called Prdman.

Example, Bihdrt-sat^ sai, 146: —

BhHata banata na hhava^ tau chita iarasaia ati pydra I

Bharati, uthdiy lagdi ura bhushana vasana hat'Jiydra It 190e II

(The hero has just arrived from a journey.) She cannot find an opportunity of meeting
him (in private), and her soul is all atremble with her great love. So she takes up, presses
to her bosom, and puts down the ornaments, the clothes, the weapons (which he has just
discarded).]

Text,

Bhftvik&lank&ra.

Bhftvika bhuta bhavishya j6 paratichha hoi batdi \

Vrinddvana me* djti waha Uld dihhijdi || 191 ||

Translation.

Vivid description.

When something past or future is represented as if it were present (pratyaJcsha), it is
termed the Vision ; as for example : —

* Those sports (of Krishna) in Vrinddvana are (as it were) seen (by me) to-day,*

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330 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [November, 1894.

[Here a heroine addresses her companion. The sport which she imagines she saw took
place long before. She had been sporting with her beloved, and had imagined herself as
sporting with Krishna in the olden time. According to some authorities the mention of
Krishna is a reference to the future ; she saw, in her mind*s eye, the sport which Krishna would
carry out at some future time.]

Text.

Ud&ttaiank&ra.

Upalahshana Iciri sddhiai' adhihCd so ud&tta I

Sahajd ke vasa hula hai sunai' tanaJcu-si lata \[ 192 II

Translation.

The Exalted.

[Sdhitya'clarpana^ 752. The definition is, however, quite different.]

When, from a petty sample,* greater things are inferred (than would, be expected from the
words taken explicitly), it is the figure of the Exalted ; as for example : —

* All go and become subject to him, on hearing but a few words.* [Here it is implied that
the few words had very great power to produce such an effect and it is left to be inferred how
wonderful would be the result of a long oration. Ex pede Herculem is an example of this figure.]
[The Sdhiti/a-darpaija definition is as follows: — *The description of supermundane
prosperity {lokdtimya'Sampatti)^ or an action of great persons (represented) collaterally to the
subject in hand {prasiutasya-awja), is tenned the exalted. Other modern writers closely agree.
Thus Giridhara-dasa, Bhdrati-hhushana^ 34:0 and ff. : —

hldghaniya jo charita so ahga aura Jco hoi \

Aru alt sai'apati varanlho hai u<Mtta vidhi doi II 192a II

Yathd:-^

Muni-jana dhydvahi' jdsu pada dariana pavahi* rahcha \

Te Iczibjd ke hhavana me* rdjata haiihe maueha II 192b ||

To ghara tai' ddrahi* jani dhdri manina buhdri I

Tina te hhe lurga-naga ghanS lakhahu meru anuhdri \\ 192e ||

It is the Exalted (a) when a praiseworthy action takes place collaterally with something
else, and (b) when excessive prosperity is described ; as for example : —

(fl) * He, whose feet the saints meditate on and see but seldom, is in the hunchbacked
girFs house, glorions, seated on her bed.'

(Z>) * From thy house the maid-servants sweep ont jewels, which have been laid aside.
And so, they have become heaps of previous stones, resembling Mount Mera.'

So also Padmdhharai}U, 267.]

Text.

AtyuktyalankAra.
Alahkara atyukti yaha varanata atiiaya rupa \

Ydchaka terS ddna te* bliae kalpa-tarUy bhtipa \\ 193 ||

Translation.

Exaggeration*

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana.l

Where a description is made in a manner which is excessive, it is Exaggeration ; as for
example : —

*0 king, the very beggars (at thy door) through thy generosity have become trees of
Plenty (granting every wish).'

* Comm. u^palaksharyji kahai' kachhu aihia kxri kai.

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November, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 331

[Other authors insist that the description must be surprising and literally untrue. Thus,
Giridhai^a-dasa (Bkdratt-bhushana, 343) : —

Jaha' uddratd idratd virahddiha M ukti I

Adhhuta mithyd hoi taJia* alahkdra atyuhti || 193a II

It is Exaggeration, when a description of nobility, heroism, unhappy love or the like
contains a statement which is at the same time surprising and untrue.

[Vlpsa — Repetition.

Not in Bhdshd'hhushana.

Not in Sdhitya-darpana. Defined in Ldla-chandrilcd (217), as follows : —

Sorafhd \ Ucahi iabda hahu bdra adhikdi-hita vipasd \\ 193b II

The repetition of one word, for the sake of giving it a superlative force, is called B.epetition ,
thus : —

Bihdn-sat^sai, 217 : —

Ha'8% ha' si hirati navala tiya mada hemada umaddti \

BalaJei balaki bolati vacliana lalahi lalaki lapatdti It 193o II

* The young bride exults in the drunkenness of joyful love, and laughing, laughing, looks
around. Babbling,^ babbling, does she utter words, and staggering, staggering, she falls
upon her beloved's neck.'

Compare the * Red, red rose ' of English idiom.]

Text.

Niruktyalankftra,
So nixukti jaba yoja te* artha Tcalpayid dna \

Uddhava hubjd vaia bha4 nirguna wahai niddna II 194 II

Translation,

Derivative Meaning.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpamJ]

It is the figure of Derivation when by reverting to the etymological meaning of a word,
a secondary meaning can be arrived at ; as for example : —

* O Uddhava, if (Krishna) is indeed enamoured of Kubja, that is the end (to be expected)
of one who is worthless.*

[Here if we take the word nirguna in its original meaning of * devoid of quality,* hence
* the Sapreme Deity,* we can translate the verse] : —

* Uddhava, if (Krishna) is enamoured of Kubja, he is indeed The Supreme Deity.'
[The example of Padmakara-bhatta (Padmdbharana, 273) is better : —

Rahhata na hita hahu Mhu so vana vana Jearata vihdra \

Yahai samujhi vidhi nai kiyo mohana ndma tumhdra || 194a ||

* Thou art faithful to none, but wanderest sporting in the Forest. God knew this when he
created thee, and gave thee thy name of M6hana (the bewilderer).*]

[Bhrftnti — Error.

Not in Bhdshd'bhushana.

Not in Sdhitya-darpana. Bhiishana-tripathl (quoted in Anhcar-chandnkdy 266) thus defines
this figure : —

Bhrama chitta hota di \ Bhushana su bhrdnti gdi \\ 194b ||

Lit., speaking indistinctly like one drunk. I am afraid that there is no doubt that the poet meant to
represent the bride as not only figuratively but also literally drunk, and that he thought all the better of her for
being so.

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832 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [November. 1894.

BhusHaDa sings that it is the figure of Eri*or, when the intellect makes a mistake.

This figure is quite distinct from hhrama (62).

Example, BihaA-saVsai^ 205 : —

Rak% pahari pdfi su visa hhare hhau'ha chita naina \

Lakhi sapane ptya dna-rati jagatahu lagati hiyai na \\ 1940 II

* She grasped the side of the bedstead, her eyebrows, soul, and eyes all full of rage. For
in a dream she saw her beloved in another's arms : — nay, even when she woke she would not
nestle into his heart.']

Text.

Fratishddhftlank&ra.

So pratishddha j?rfl*K7c77ia^o artha nishedhyau jdi I

Mohana hara murali nahi* hat kachhu badi haldi \\ 196 II

Translation*

Negation of Meaning.

[Not in Sdhitya-darpana,']

It is the ornament of Negation of Meaning;, when the ordinary meaning (of a word or
sentence) is negatived ; as for example : —

' This is not a flute which is in Krishna's hand, it is some great calamity (which drives us
frenzied with love).'

[Here the ordinary acceptation of the word muraliy viz., 'flute,' is denied. Another example
from the Padrndhharanoy 278, may be given : —

Racht na madhu misri huti' so punt sudhd tS' ndhi \

Lai adharana tS' madhuratd hhari su adharana mdhi \\ 195a II

' Honey was not made from candy, nor yet from nectar. Its sweetness was taken from thy
lips, and then poured full into thy lips again,']

Text.

VidhyalankAra.

Alankdra vidhi a'ddhajS artha sddhiyai' pheri I

Kokila hat hokila^ jahai ritu mi* harihai tSri \\ 190 ||

Translation.

Corroboration of Meaning.

It is the Corroboration of Meaning when the ordinary meaning (of a word or sentence)
is emphasized ; as for example : —

* The cuckoo will be indeed a cuckoo, when it utters its notes in (the spring) season.*
[Here the ordinary meaning of the word * cuckoo ' is emphasized.]

Text.

Hdtvalankftra.

^^tn'olahleriti doi^ jaha Icdrana Tcdraja sahga I

Kdrana Jcdraja ilea jaha vastu iha-hi ahga || 197 ||

TJdita hhayau iaii mdnini mdna mitdwata mdni |

MM siddhi samriddki yaha tM hripd hdkhdni \\ 198 ||

Iti arthdlahkdra-ndma chaturthah praTcdsah,

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NovEMBBH, 1894] SPIRIT BASIS OP BELIEP AND CUSTOM. 883

Translation.

The Cause.

[Sdhilya-darpam^ 712. Whei'e, however, onlj tke secoud variety mentioned in the Bhdshd-
hhuskana is foand.]

The ornament of the Cause is of two kinds:: — (a) In the first, the cause and its effect are
represented as together, (h) In the second, when the caase of any thing is represented in
identity with the effect ; as for example i —

(a) 'Proud Lady, hear my words. The moon is ansen and straightway dissipateth
prideJ*

{Hera the canse of the disappearance of pride, the moon, and the effect, the disappearance,
are represented as coiiK;idenjt. Or we may translate : — ^ Prond Lady, hear my words, thy pride
(is arisen, and with it) the moon which dissipateth it.' Here the occnri'ence of pride is repre*
sented as eansing the moon which .dissipates it to arise. The pride is the cause, the rising of
and the moon is the £|ffoct.]

(6) •* This, my success, my affluence, I declare to be thy favour.'

[Here the cause, the master's favor, is represented as in identity with its effect, — the
•access, etCj of the servant.]

End i)f tke Fourth Lecture^ entitled Ornaments of Setise II 4 |i
(To be continued,)

VOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OP BELIEF AND CUSTOM.

BT J. M. CAMPBELL, C.I.B., I.O.S.

PAET I.

HBLIGION.

CHAPTEB L

A. — SPIBIT-WOBSHIP.

L Anoestor-worship.

Anoestor-worship, says Mr. Herbert Spencer, is the rudimentary form of religion. The
first idea of a spirit was the soul of the dead, and it seems to have been with the souls of the
dead that the early man peopled the air, the earth, the water, the underground, and many plants
and animals. Among high class Hindus ancestor-worship is one of the most universal
faiths. Every orthodox Brahman daily, after performing his sandhyd (adoration) and divapujd
(worship of household gods) and before taking his meals, offers tarpan (oblations of water) to
his ancestors. Again, among the high and middle class Hindus, whenever any auspicious
ceremony is performed, it is one of the essential parts of the ceremony that the ancestors should
be invited and worahipped along with the gods, and generally a day or two before a wedding, or
some other important ceremony, some BrAhmans and Bi*ahman women are fed in the name
of the ancestors and kuldSvatds, or family deities, in order that no evil may befall the family
during the ceremony. Among the lower classes and ruder tribes of Hindus the family dead
hold the place of the house, or village, god, if not of the chief god. The Dh6r K&thkaris of
Th&na worship the spirits of dead relations, which h^ive become bhttts, capable of entering
the bodies of men.^ The Vaitfs of Thana worship a cocoanut in their houses as a representative
of their anceBtors,^ and the K6nkani Kunbis of Kinara worship an unhusked cocoanut as their
ancestor.' The Kinara Att6 Kunbis worship an unhusked cocoanut on a platform in the

J Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XIII. p. 163. » Qp. eit. Vol. XIH. p. 182. » Qp. cit. Vpl. XV, p. 217.

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S84 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Notembbb, 1894.

cooking-room as au ancefltor. Among them the spirit of the man who dies an accidental death
is supposed to wander. The spirit is kept to the village boandary bj the offering of a cock.^
The UHlvakki V&kkals, an early tribe of Kanarese hasbandmen, worship baltndra, their
ancestral cocoannt, by bathing it with water, nibbing it with sandal paste, offering it flowers,
and waving a lighted lamp before it.^ The Bhtls of Kh4nd6sh worship the spirits of their
ancestors, and believe in sorcery, witchcraft, and omens. Most of them pay a special reverence
to the female spirits called mdtds, or the mothers.^ Among the Bijapar Ambigs, or Kabligers^
on the fifth, or other odd, month after a death, if the dead be a man, a mask, or, if the dead be
a woman, a top-like vessel^ is brought and laid among the house gods and worshipped.^ The
Silryavamsi Lads of BljApur, on the eleventh day after a death, get a silver image of the dead
made, and, with other ancestral images, carry it to a stream-bank and woi*ship it.^ The
Belgium Knnbfs worship copper pots 611ed with water as representatives of their ancestors.*
The RAmosis of Belgaam worship their ancestors.^^ In the Gujarit Panch Mahab the
boasehold deity of the Bh6ts is M81di MatA, a dead woman of the house, who helps them when
they wish to avenge themseWes on a rival.^^ The Gujarat ChArans often wear round the neck a
golden mask of one of their ancestors, and among the Gujarat Bhahgiis the only household god
is the image of a woman who has been possessed.^^ The Central Provinces Gonds people the
foi^osts, hills, valleys and trees with Gonds.*^ They worship Saualk, or the dead who comes into
the office of minisirant, or pujunM The Naikada Gonds worship the family dead on the third
day after a death and on every Saturday and feast day ;i^ and the Halwas, an early class ot
Gonds, also worship the ancestors,'* and the doma, a dead man, and the $ana^ a dead woman.'^
The Sonth&ls sacrifice fowls and sheep to ancestors.'^ In Eastern Bengal the important tribe
of BhiiiyAs worship vircu, or dead ancestors ;** and ancestor- worship also prevails among the
Nag6swars and the Karens.^ Further west the K6chs, or Kocehs, of K^ch Bihar worship their
ancestors and offer them fruit,^ and the K61s bring back the soul of the dead as a household
spirit.^ The Khonds of Ganjam in North Madras, think an ancestor is re-born in a child.^
The Poliars, formerly a slave class ia MalabAr, worship the good dead as EIrikapeni, and the
bud dead as Kuli, and make offerings to both.^ The Panians, a wild tribe near the Wynaad,
call good spirits hulis and bad spirits penis. They lay out rice, cocoanut and liquor on the
ground, and call on the spirits to receive the offerings.^ The Arriyans, or Malai-arasar, of South
Travankor worship ancestors and local spirits who live in peaks, trees and great rocks.^
Sir W. Elliot mentions the case of a woman in Masulipatam, who was believed to have been
murdered by her husband coming and entering into women and demanding her husband. The
woman afterwards became a goddess, and was worshipped.^ The Malabar fishermen, known as
Mukuas, worship the spirits called Paisachis, and respect a class of exorcists called Kunian.^
The Kurubarus, properly shepherds and blanket- weavers, one of the leading Kanarese tribes,
worahip virikdSf the spirits of unmarried ancestors. Red cloth, molasses, and rice are offered
every year to them. If the feast is omitted, the virikds get angry, send sickness and
horrid dreams, kill sheep, and strike people on the back when they walk at night. They are
appeased by a feast.^ The worship of unfriendly spirits, or demons, is most typical among the
South Indian Shanars. The spirit is called Pai, or F^,^ Sir W. Elliot says this demon-worship
has infected all the religious systems of India. The Brahmans abhor it, but in sickness conform

' ^Op, cit. Vol. XV. p. 249. » Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 208. • Op. cit. Vol. XH. p. 93.

' Op, at. Vol. XXIII. p. 117. » Op. cit. Vol. XXnL p. 173. » Op. cit. VoL XXL p. 124.

10 Op. cU. Vol. XXI. p. 134. 11 From HS. notea. » From MS. notes.

15 Uiaiop, Ahoriginai Trihet of the Central Provincss, p. 4. ^ Op. eit. App. I.

i» Op. eit, p. 25. !• Op. eit. p. 21. " Op. cit. App. III.

!• Jour. Ethnc. Soc. Vol. I. p. 106. i» Dalton*a Detcriptivo Eihnolo^ of Bengal,, p. 189.

« Op. cit. pp. 117, 132. « Op. dt. p. 91. « Tylor'a PHmiHve Culture, Vol. XL p. 16^

ts Maopher8on*8 Khonds, p. 56. ** Bnchanan*! Mysore, Vol. IL p. 492.

» Op. cit. p. 496. «• Jour. Bthno. Soe. New Series, Vol. I. p. 109.

«T Op. cit. p. 116. «• Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. II. p. 528.

«• Op, cit. Vol. I. p. 397. •• Jour. Ethne. Soe. Vol. I. p. 115.

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NovEMBBE, 1894.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BBLIBP AND CUSTOM. SSS

to it.'^ In Maisor the Idigas, a Telaga class of palm-tappers worship vrrikds, or the spirits
of unmarried men.** The Telugn Bedaras of North-East Maisor believe that the spirits of
the nnmaiTied dead, or mrihds, come back, and threaten evil if they are not worshipped. Images
are carved, or rather rude shapeless stones are set iip, oiled and kept in a hollow cairn of stones,
and offerings of rice and cloth are made to them.^ The Lali^Gnudiirns, a class of Maisor
husbandmen, pray to the spirits of the good dead who send dreams.'^ The Wakalgarus,
another very large class, believe that the good dead wani in dreams.'* In Maisor the Gollarns,
a Telugo tribe, sacrifice to the spirits of the good dead.^ The Knnsa Vakaligams, a class of
Karuatak hosbaDdmen, think that the spirit of the good becomes a kind of god and warn men
in dreams. Bad men become devils, but have no power over men.'^ The Koramas of Maisof
worship a male deity named Muni, and make him presents of fowls, pigs, goats, and sheep.'*
In Maisor the ammus^ or mothers, are very largely worshipped by the lower classes ; and their
priests, as a rule, belong to the impure tribes. LingAyats, and even Brahmans in danger, some*
times make (blood) offerings to the motiiers.'® The ammas, or mothers, are the great objects of
woi*ship among the lower class Hindus of South India.** Whenever a Brfthman meets with
good fortune he must perform a memorial service to his ancestors.*^

In Central Asia the Kafirs of the Hindu Kush believe that many of their idols were once
men and women.*^ They leave an open space in their line of battle, that there may be room for
the dead heroes to join the conflict and fight on their side.*' The Burmans worship spirits
named ttats^ and make them offerings of water, fruit, oil, lamps, and morsels of food. The chief
Barman spirit is called Tagaung. He was formerly a king.** Numerous early tribes in Burma
scattered among the Baddhist Burmans, such as Karens, Kachins and others, have no worship
but nai or spirit-worship.*' Ancestor and hero-worship is the basis of the Chinese rcb'gion.**
The Chinese make such prayers to their ancestors as a Christian makes to God — gi-ace to
pass safely through life and to prepare for eternal glory. In times of trouble they go and
consult their ancestors.*^ Filial piety, which, after the death of parents, assumes the form of
ancestral worship, must be considered the central doctrine of the system of Confucius^ and is
regarded at present as the national religion of China.*® The worship of ancestors is one of the
chief branches of the religion of the Chinese.** The Japanese kamis, or gods in Shinto temples*
were dead ancestor, chiefly emperors.'® The Tcamis, or guardis^n spirits of Japan, are (dead)

men.'^

The Australians have no religion, except the ghosts of the dead and demons. Caves,
thickets and pools of water are supposed to be haunted by the spirits of the dead." The dead
are worshipped in New Zealand." The Negritos of the Philippine Islands hold the dead in
great reverence. For years they offer tobacco at the tomb, and hang the bow and arrow of the
dead over the grave, and think he goes a-shooting.'* Ajnong the people ol the Hervey Islands,
after a chief died, his head was cut off, and a coeoanitt laid in his grave, and the head was set
in the bow of a ship, and was prayed to in bad weather^" The Polynesians, Fijians, Malays and

SI Op. cie., loc. cit, ** Bacbanan'e Mysore (18W A. D.), Vol. I. p. 895.

M Op. cit. p. 850. « Op. eit. p. 350. » Op. dt p. 350.

M Op. cit, p. 848. «T Op. cit. p. 340. » Op. cit, p. 250i

M Op. cit. pp. 242, 248. *• Caldwell in Balfour's JSiindus.

*i Colebrooke's Miscellaneous Esswys, Vol. I. p. 2bi, It appears tbat, like the Hindn practice, tbe dread of the
jealousy and ill-will of the dead is at the lOot of the Chinese praetice of ennobling the father of a man, who deserves
well of his country, instead of ennobling the man himself.

" Elph. Cabul, Vol. II. p. 377, " Op. cit, Ice. (if.

«* Shway Yoe*s The Burman, Vol. I. pp. 279, 28(K [Nearly all the nd4s are historical personages, who haye
become spirits. — Ed.]

«« Pp. at. p. 276. *• Jour. mhno. 8oc. Vol. II. p. 21. *▼ Gray's CMm, Vol. I. p. 822^

4» Op. cit. p. 79. 4» Tylor's Primiiive Culture, Vol. II. p. 118.

•• Reed's Japan, Vol. II. p^ 141. " Manners and Custcms of the Japantge, p. 837.

»» Wallace's Australasi «, p. 100. •'» Tylor'a Primiiive Culture, Vol. II. p. 174.

•* Earl's Papuans, p. 182. « GiU's Polynesia, p. 104.

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886 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Notembir, ISM.

New GaledonianB worship dead and more remote anoestors as gods.^ The people of the Marian
Group, or Philippine Islands, have an extraordinary veneration for ancestors, not out of love,
but out of fear. They keep their skulls in their houses and call on them in time of need.^^
The people of the Solomon Islands say all spirits were aen.^ In Melanesia one great class of
spirits is the ghosts of men.^

Some tribes in Central South Africa pray to th« defMirted cliief« and relations.*^ In
Africa the spirits of men are the Zulus' deities.*^ In East Africa graves of chiefs strewn with
broken earthenware* and also with huts built over them with a centre post of cactus tree, are
common.** The Bongos ef the White Nile make images in wood of their dead chiefs
and of their wives and children, and adore them.** The only god of the Shillooks
of the White Nile is an ancestor who brought them to their present settlement.**
In Madagascar a divinity is ascribed to ancestors. They are said to have gone
to be gods, and *re injroked in prayers immediately after the Supreme Being.* The god
of the Hottentots is their great chief,** and when they are in trouble they pray at their
ancestors* graves.*^ The worship of ancestors is found both in North and in South America.**
Some tribes eat the ashes of their fathers to whom they pay divine lionours.** The Romans
worshipped their housefathers and their tribe -faihers as Lares and Manes, and in their
honour held the Parentitia YjBativAU^

A main ground for the belief im the return^f anoMitors was tbe likeneM of children to
the dead. The K6nkan Kunbts and even BrAhmans believe that the dead ancestors sometimes
come into children, and so in many cases children are named after their grandfathers or grand-
modbhers. Among Qujarjlt Musalmans, if a child is naughtj or peeorish, its mother or nurse
says : ** Its kind has come on its head.**^} It is the belief of the Khonds that an ancestor comes
back in a child .^^ Among the American Indicin^, when a man dies the medium puts his hands on the
head of one of the mourners, and the spirit of the 4ead enters him« ready to appear in his next
offspring.^* Among the Laplanders of JSorope, an ancestral spirit tells the mother that he has
com^ ijate the child, and directs her to call the child by his name.'^

2« Anceators beoonxe Guardians.
1. Spirits as Guardians,

If the first feeling towards the ghostly dead was fear, the wars between riiral families and
rival tribes must have given rise to the idea that the gallant dead were the guardians of the
living.^* Visions of warriors, as in later times, would appear and turn the scale in a fight.
From faith in the family head, or in the chief of the clan, flowed the great l>ody of guardian

»• Spencer's Princ, of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 808. ^ Careri in ChurchiU, Vol. IV. p. 461.

•• Jour. Anthrop. Jnst Vol. X. p. 308. it jOp. dt Vol. X. pp. 257, 800.

•• Livingstone's TravtiU in South Africa, p. 606. « Tylor's Pr^miUte (Mtwre, Vol. IT. pp. 21^ 113, 116.

w Cameron's Across Africa, Vol. I. p. 40. •» Schweinfurth's Esari of Africa, Vol. I. p. 285.

«* Op. cit. p. 91. « Sibree's Madagascar, p. 249.

«• Hahn's IVuni Ooam, p. 89. w Qp. cit. p. 118.

«• Bancroft, Vol. HI. p. 517 ; Tylor's PHmiHve C^liwre, Vol. II. pp. 113, 114. •• Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 816.

'0 Pliny's Natural History. Xi From MS. notes.

'« Macpherson's Khonds, p. 56. ^« Bancroft, Vol. HI. p. 517.

T* Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 4. [For the spread of belief and in ancestor and spirit worship
among Indian Mnhammadans see that admirable little book, Crooke's Introd. to the Popular Religion and FolJdors
of Northern India, p. 118 ff. : and my Legends of the Panjab, passim, wherever .a saint-legrend cccnrs. — £o.]

T< The idea of guardian spirits is perhaps dne to the earliest belief that the dead fight with the living against
their enemies. Compare the Portngrnese, who, in their Indian fights, often saw crosses in the air, and at different timee
Moorish persons asked who the beaatifol young women and the venerable old men were, who appeared in the front of
the Portngaese sqnadrons. The Portuguese, who saw no snch persons, were thus tanght to believe tbemselves under
the particular care of the Virgin and St. Joseph (Mickle*s Lusiad, Vol. I. p. olxiii.). So the guardian God of the Jews,
when they went into Canaan, went with them to fight for them against their enemies {Deuter. zx. 4).

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NOVBMBEB, 1894.] SPIRIT BASIS OP BELIBP AND CUSTOM. 387

spirits^ — the Vaishnavaor protecting element in many faiths, — the origin of family badges, the
Hindu divak, the American totem, the Australian dobong.

One result of the guardian, or dual type, of religion — Zoroastrianism, Vaishnavism, Bud-
dhism, and Christianity — was to increase the power and the fear of unfriendly spirits ;
the greater the evil to be warded, the higher the value of the guardian. None of the higher faiths
seems so suited to foster magio as Buddhism. Its ascetic morality, its deification of dread,
and its want of a controlling guardian, made practical Buddhism a fight between fiends and
magic. The Jain g^rjis are the only body of priests in Western India, whose chief function is
exorcisim.^* Among the KirAntis, or Kiratis ( calling themselves Khombos and Kirawas) on
the Bhutan and Nfipal borders arc exorcists, who wander dressed as Buddhist priests, dance
and cast out devils.^^ The Lepchas of East Bengal, who are Buddhists, have priests who are
medicine men, exorcists and directors of feasts in honour of evil spirits.^® The Buddhist Bhutifis
of Bhutan believe in a countless host of spirits, and make them offerings of flowers and rags.^
In North Bhutan the Buddhist priests are the doctors of the people. Exorcism is the only
system of treatment.^ BrAhmans have despised this power of exorcism, trusting to Siva, the
ruler of spirits ; and among Ling&yats the wearing of the ling frees from the fear of spirits.

The following examples support the view that the family dead were the first guardians.
The KomarpAiks of Kanara believe that the spirits of their ancestors become guardians of their
houses. They make offerings of fowls and sheep to these guardian spirits on the last day of
Dasar4.®^ The Havig Brahmans of Kanara, on their mari'iage and other auspicious occasions,
worship the eight mdtrikds, or mothers, and thepiirts, or ancestral spirits who are considered as
guardians.^* The AttS Vakkals offer a cock to the guardian spirits, or nas,^^ The guardians of
the Shenva Tirs, or Shindas, of Gujarat is Bhildimata, a woman of the house.®* The Central
Provinces Kols binng back the souls of the dead to be worshipped as house spirits.®^ The
guardian of the Kurs, or Muasfs, of West Bengalis the spirit of a dead chief. ^ The Bnniyas of
the Central Provinces leave a dish of flour on the tomb, and going back search for the print
of a fowl's foot. The print shows that the dead is pleased, and has come as a guardian.^^ The
Bhuiyas, a Turanian or DrAvidian Bengal tribe, worship the sun as a guardian, calling it Vira, or
Mahiblr, the heroic dead.^® The Orissa Khonds had the country full of guardian spirits.^ The
guardian of the Central Provinces Gonds is a dead man.®<> The worship of a dead ancestor
as a guardian is recorded from all parts of the world.®! Among the Hindus the whole
dinner has first to be offered to the guardian. They put morsels of food in five places.®* The
Veddas of Ceylon think the dead are guardians.®' In Burma people are buried alive at the
gates of cities, in order that they may become guardians and hover about the gates and bring
harm on strangers.®* In Burma certain nats (spirits) are considered as the guardians of the
empire.®* The Bghai Karens of Burma have one or more stones as household gods, to which they
offer a cock. They say : " If we do not give them blood, they will eat us." ®* The Chinese
have a female guardian spirit called Kum Fa, a deified woman, who presides over child-birth and
diseases.®^ In Japan, in front of Shinto temples, many fowls are offered to guardian gods.®®
The Melanesians of the Pacific have champion stones in the house associated with some dead
person.®® The ancestral guardian is worshipped in Tasmania, New Zealand and Madagascar. The

76 From MS. notes. ^' Dalton's DeacrifHve Eihnology of Bengal, p. 104.

»« Op. cit. p. 101. [C/. also " Demonolatry in Sikhim Lamaism," an<«, p. 197 ff. — JJn.]

T» Op. eit. p. 97. » Op. eit., Ice, cit

•1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XV. pp. 288, 291. •« Op, cit. Vol. XV. p. 125. »3 Op. cit. Vol. XV. p. 251.

»* Prom MS. notes. •» Tylor'e Primiiire Culture, Vol. II. p. 152.

•« Dalton's Deteriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 232. «' Op. cit. p. 148.

w Op. cit. p. 147. »9 Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. 11. p. 187.

»• Hislop's Aboriginai Trilee of the Central Provincei, App. III. " Tylor's Primitive CxUixire, Vol. II. p. 113.

w Ward's Vieio of the TJindus, Vol. II. p. 34. •» Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 117.

•* Shway Toe's Ths Burman, Vol. I. p. 286. »5 Op. cit. p. 197.

•« Fytche's Burmah, Vol. I. p. 855. ^ Gray's China, Vol. I. p. 164.

•• Reed's Japan, Vol. I. p. 62. w Jour. Anthrop. Jnst. Vol. X. p. 276.

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S38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT. [NoviiCBM, 1894.

belief is sti-ong among the Soath African Zalos.^^ Among all the nations <^ the Zulu country
it is a custom that on starting for a war, or a hunt, the chief sacrifices to the spirit of his imme-
din to ancestor. It is to the humour of this capricions spirit that every degree of success or
failure is dne.^ The Papuans of New Guinea have an idol called Kaiwai. This seems to be
the guardian spint of each person. When a man dies, the guardian is abused, and is set over'
the grave, and left there to rot.' In America the Hyperboreans hold that men who die a
natural death become guardians.' The Dacota Indians take a round stone, paint it red, call
it grandfather, and pray to it as a guardian.^ The Roman Catholics believe in an angel
fiTuardian, who keeps off danger, and warns and stirs to good.^

One of the early phases of the guardian theory was that there were guardian animals.
Guardian animals were of two kinds : animals whose habits suggested that^they held the
spirits of the dead — the cock, the crow, the snake, the monkey, the rat* Another class of animals
seem to owe their position as guardians to the fact that they were man-eaters, whose spirits
staying in their living tomb made the eaters kindly disposed to men, or at least spirit-
scarers. Thus, in North Kanara the important cultivating class of Halvakki Yakkals, an early and
wide-spi*ead tribe, is divided into eight clans, each of which has a separate clan god, or guardian
spirit, and a name-giving article which ihey do not eat. Thus the Eadanballis do not eat the sam^
ha r, or stag, called hadave in Kanarese. The Bargalballis do not eat the deer {b^gd), and the Kunti-
ballis do not eat the woodcock.^ The reason why they do not eat these animals is probably that
they are considered as guardians. The YAyd^ of Kachch worship the monkey god, who is
considered as their ancestor,^ and to please him, in their marriage ceremony, the bridegroom goes
to the bride's house dressed as a monkey, and there leaps about in monkey fashion.^ The
guardian spirit of the Kui*s, or Mu&sis, of West Bengal is GansAm, a Gond chief, who was eaten
by a tiger.® Among the Central Province Gonds, BaghdSv, the tiger-god, is a man, who has
been eaten by a tiger.^^ The Malays hold that the spirits of dead men go into tigers.^^ In the
Hervey Islands one clan held birds sacred, and another the land crab.*' The Africans believed
that men went into snakes and monkeys," and the American Indians thought men went into
the bear, wolf, tortoise and deer.**

Under the head of animal-worship it will be shewn that these animals were all held to be
guardians and spirit-scarers. Similarly several of the spirit-soaring or guardian plants
and trees, as the betel and cocoanuty are used to represent ancestors. Among the depress-
ed Gujarat ShindHs, Bhildl MatA, the family guardian, lives in a cocoanut.** Guardian spirits
need not always be friendly or well-disposed, they may have been neglected, and so be angry,
and have to be appeased by offerings. Again, guardians are not always, and they were not at first,
satisfied with milk, flowers and fruits — lifeless offerings. They were accustomed to other food
in their life : they were used to worry^* enemies, and, therefore, their strength must be kept
up. This seems the reason why Lakshml was till lately in Bombay, and is still in outlying
places, pleased with blood offerings — cocks, goats, and even buffaloes.

(To he continued.)

100 Tylor'a Primitive Culture, Vol. II. pp. 113-115. » Gardiner's Zulu Country ^ p. 3H.

« Earl's Papuans, p. 85. « Bancroft, Vol. III. pp. 516,576. 4 Tyler's Primiiive Culture, Vol. II. p. 161.

6 Golden Manual, p. 139. • Bombay Oaxetteer, Vol. XV. p. 203. » Op, eit. Vol. V. p. 50.

* Op. cit., loc. cit. • Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengnl^ p. 282.

10 Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. III. " Tyler's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 2S3.

« Gill's Polynesia, p. 9. " Tylor's Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 233.

" Oi\ cit., loc. cit. '» From MS. notes.

»6 In Melanesia ancestral spirits are often asked to worry a rival (Jour. Anthrop, Inst. Vol. X. p. 286).
Worrying? spirits are of two kinds : a neglected {guardian and a dead man come back to claim property (Tylor's
Primitive Cvlfure, Vol. II. p. 130). The Khonds believe that sickness is caused by an angrry gaardian (Ma<!pherson*8
Khon-U, p. 75). So among the Romans wheu th<» parentilta, or dead festival, was not kept, Borne was heated with
fnoeral fires, a ghastly crowd thronged the streets and howled (Ovid's Fasti, Vol. II. p. 566).

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November. 1894.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA ; No. 38. S39

FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.

BY PANDIT NATESA SASTRI, B. A, M. F. L. a

No. 38. — The Talisman of Chastity.

In the land of Akha^^bi^^d^ ^^ere reigned a king, named Vlraddva. He had an only
daughter, named Ambikft* She was his only hope, and so he brought her np very tenderly.
Nor was her education neglected on that account, as is usually the case with spoilt children.
She was put to school at a very tender age, and was very carefully educated. Every day she
rose up early from her bed and devoted her whole time to her studies. It was a very hard
routine that she had to undergo, attending upon various teachers and receiving instruction
from them, for they were numerous. Indeed there was a professor employed for each of the
sUty-four departments erf knowledge — chattts shashfhi kalds. So ardent was her desire to
acquire knowledge, — so great was her thirst for it, that she drank deep at the fountain, and
before she attained to mature age she became a great pan^itd. Of all the sixty -four teachera
presiding over her tuition, there was one whom she specially venerated, for he deserved it.
To him she gave the best of her love. He had instructed her the most, and rightly deserved
the extreme veneration in which he was held by his royal student.

When Ambikd had almost completed her education, it was time for her to retire from the
company of her much venerated masters, and shut herself up in the closely guarded rooma
of her palace, as became a royal maiden. She therefore proceeded to the house of each of her
teachers to take leave of them in person. Everywhere she found a ready welcome. The usual
presents were exchanged ; advice was freely given ; and the parting was joyous and pleasant.
Then, after taking leave of her minor teachers, she reached the house of the great master whom
she held in such veneration. When the usual presents were placed before him, he said : —

'' My dear Ambika, it was not for these presents and flimsy nothings that I took so
much care of you. My fee la an embrace from you, not now, — but, on the first day of your
nuptials with yoar lawful husband, whoever he may be. On that busy day, when the festivities
are over, and when you ai-e ready to enter your lord's rooms, you must take leave of him for a
short time and visit me in this house with all your nuptial decorations and allow me to embi-ace
you first. This is the fee I demand for all my trouble on account of your education, and no
other fee will I accept."

Thus spoke the master, and Ambikft nodded assent to his demand, for she was so mad
in her veneration for his learning, that she overlooked his moral character. She perceived his
n^eanness and depravitj, as in reality she had strong ideas on morality and chastity ; but her
childish veneration for the man made her consent, and she promised to visit him on her
wedding day as ordered. Without any ill-will towards him she returned home, and thence
remained shut up according to the custom of the country, expecting her wedding.

A princess, so learned and so beautiful, could not have long to wait for marriage. The
prince of the Pft^^iyas soon sought her hand, and, ais usual, the marriage was celebrated in
the capital of AkbandakuvSri. Great were the preparations. Grand were the ceremonies. The
hnsy day was drawing to a close. The night had set in. The preparations for ushering in the
bride and bridegroom were gone through^; but, as Ambika was just on the point of entering her
lord's room, she made some signs to her mother, as if she wanted to retire for five or ten
minutes for some urgent reason.

The princess thereupon disappeared in the twinkling of an eye, and vanished like lightning
among the cloads. She had already planned a secret way for her escape, and for the faithful
execntion of her promise to her master. All this she had done for herself. No second soul knew
anything about it. With the rapidity of lightning she flew to her master's house and knocked
at his door, and he knowing well, that it was the day of the princess's marriage, was all agog
to test Ambika's faithfulness. At the first knock he came out suddenly and opened the door.

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340 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Novbmbbe, 1894.

and, in reality to his amazement, found the princess standing in all her wedding attire before
him. Now, this man was the noblest of human beings and had all along perceived that Ambik&
had the greatest regard for a promise. His indecent demand was merely a strong
test to examine her. He bowed himself at her feet, and, instead of meeting a tutor come to
ravish her and make her life a burden to her, she heard a voice from the ground :—

'* My noble AmbikA, never hereafter take me for a vile brute. My demand was only made
to test your power of keeping a promise. Return home at once, and repose happily by the
side of your husband. Till now yon were my daughter by the rules of tutorship. From this
night you are my mother."

Thus said the master, and showering his blessings on her, requested her to return in haste
to the palace. Ambikft, overjoyed and extremely pleased at heart at her adventure and her
unsullied reputation, returned as quickly as she had left. But for all that, the time had been
longer than she had expected, and her beating heart and profuse perspiration roused the
suspicions of her husband. And, as usual, with young princes, he suspected her chastity
at once. At their very first meeting there was a quarrel.

" Where did you go for so long ? " asked he.

" Only to the back of the palace," said Ambikd.

" So !" said the husband. " Till I have more confidence in your chastity, I shall not sleep
by your side. Sleep in a distant cot. Never approach me," roared the enraged prince.

''My lord ! I am as chaste as pure milk. I have never known any one till now. If it is
my fate that I should be thus suspected, I shall bear it without any murmur and wait for your
lordship's pleasure to regain your confidence. I agree to your lordship's hard condition,"
replied Ambik^, and calmly waited upon her husband.

The prince was unbendable. His suspicion was very strong, and it was not easily to be
overcome. All Ambiku's explanations were in vain. But she did not utter a syllable about
her promise to her tutor, dwelling only upon her purity of conduct. There was no other place
to go to ; so she had to sleep apart from her husband in the same room. Thus the first night
passed away ; and so the second, and third — a week — a month. Every night the prince and
princess retired to their bed-chamber, and slept on different beds. To the outer world they
seemed very loving and affectionate to each other ; but in their hearts they knew their extreme
misery.

When the first month was over the prince requested his father-in-law to permit him to
return to Pun<JiyadWa with his wife. The lord of Akhandakav^ri readily gave his consent, and
sent off his son-in-law and AmbikA with suitable presents and other things becoming to the
occasion, and himself accompanied the prince and his daughter for three days on their journey
to PUndiyadSsa. Then the father-in-law took his leave, and bent his way b*ck to his kingdom.
The prince and Ambika, after a journey of a few more days, reached his home, and the old
king gave them a suitable welcome, and all the usual festivities were conducted at Madura^
the capital of the PAndiyas. Here, too, no one knew of the difference that existed between the
prince and his newly married wife. Every one took them to be the happiest of newly married
pairs. They slept in the same room, though not on the same cot, regularly for two full months.

During this long interval of three months and more, the prince had been closely watching
Ambika. The more he tested her, the more the force of his suspicions began to decline. Her
patient conduct, her close application to her books, her profound learning and deep experience,
her most correct behaviour towards himself, notwithstanding his unkindness towards her, the
unabated affection she shewed him, and a thousand other little matters came before him to
upbraid him for his brutal conduct towards her, till, one night, he spoke to her thus : ^

** Ambika, will you, now at least, tell me the truth P Tell me plainly that you are not
unchaste. Whatever may have been your previous course of life, I shall gladly excuse you.
Be true now, and utter no lie."

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NavEMBBB, 1891J FOLKLORE IN SOtJTSBRN INDU. 841

Relied Aoibika {^-** My most noble lord> I have not till now known «ny person. It ia
Tery uuktnd o€ you to harboar such sospicions ol aie. I am as chaste as chastity itself.'*

Said the prince :— '^ Toa are chaste because I watch you so carefully. Who knows what
you may be if you arc left to yourself ?**

Said Ambik4 :— ** If this idea had been lingering in your mind, why did you not, my lord,
mention it long ago to me f You may leave ine here and disappear for any period of time
. you like. I shall never think of any being in this world but yourself. I shall ever continue
to be your loyal wife, however hardly you may behave to me."

Said the prince : — ** Whatgnaraut3e is there to me that you will always continue chaste ?
Give m9 8<»nie proof by which I may know, wherever I may be, that you are chaste.*'

^ Agreed,^' said the wife, and took out from her box a garland of lotuses. " This is the
test of mv chastity. This was given to me by my mother as soon as I came to understand. Th6
moment the flowers fade, you must know that my chastity is lost^ and that as long as these
lowers retain their freshness I am chaste. Yon can take it with you, and roam over the whole
world with a calm mind, never harbouring any anxiety as to my conduct ; for when you peix;eive
the colour and freshness of these flowers to fade, yon will know that I have lost my reputation."

The husband took the garland, for had his wife told him an untruth and said that she
was impure, he would easily have forgiven her. But her denial increased his suspicions
and he intended to try his best to test her : to regain her with increased love if she withstood
the trial : to banish her for all her assumed goodness if she was really bad. With these
thoughts in his mind the prince said to her : —

" You seem to be a more and more curious woman every time I examine you. Do you
practise magic to deceive people ? What I These ai*e merely ordinary lotuses, and if they are
fresh now, they will fade tomorrow."

^* Keep them, my lord, for some days before you jndge of them. As for your statement, I
€wear by every thing that I hold sacred that I know of no magic, except the magic of being
chaste and obedient to my husband, and I have confidence that that magic will one day remove
till your doubts and make you love me all the more for your doubts now," said AmbikA.

The husband knew not what to say ; so he took the garland and locked it up in his box.
He kept it with him for some days in Madura, and every morning when he left his bed
he examined it, and to his surprise, which daily increased, he found it unchanged in color
and freshness. He now resolved upon a plan to put his wife under the severest of conditions
for testing her fidelity; and thus spoke to her: —

**My Ambikal you must leave this roof to-morrow. I intend sending you to the east end
of this town to a ruined choultry, with your maid-servants to take care of you. They will
bring you every morning from the palace two measures of rice with other necessaries to live
upon. You must live there, while I go on a pilgrimage to Banaras to wash away my
sins for having married an unchaste wife. With your own money — and I do not know
how you will get it — you must build a ISaiva temple opposite to the choultry, must become
preipiant of a son, through me and unknown to piysel^ before my return to this city.
I shall be absent for two years. Till you perform successfully all these conditions, I shall never
call you my wife, nor imagine you to be chaste."

'' Agreed,*^ said AmbikA. *' I am sure that my chastity will successfully help me in all
these undertakings,^ With the talisman of my chastity in your hands you can go

« Cy. Milton'8 Comiis (420.487) :—

•Ti§ chastity, my brother, chastity ;
6he that has that is clad in complete steel.

• • • • «

No goblin or swart faery of the mine
Hath hortfol power o'er trae yirginity.

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3i2 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Notkmbkb, 1894

wherever joa like. I shall contriye to life in the humble house selected for me bj mj lord as
happily as in this palace. It is the mind that makes the hoose happj."

Thus said Ambika, without in the least fearing her change of dwelling. Her husband admired
her perseverance, bat firmly made np his mind to put her to this most severe test. With his
mind thus made up, he approached his father the next morning, and disclosed to him the secret
about his wife's conduct, which he had till then kept to himself. Ue never told the old man a
word about the talisman, nor his conditions to his wife, but proposed a pilgrimage to Banuras
with the double object of forgetting his past miseries and of searching for a better wife.
The father tried his best to dissuade the son from his project.

*' Kemain at home, and I shall find yon a better wife," said he.

But the son was already resolved. He sent AmbikA thai very morning to the choultry
with four maid-servants to attend upon her, and every morning one of them had to come to
the palace to receive the dole of rice.

Ambika bitively faced her new life, hopeful of suecessfuUy performing all her husband's
conditions ; but for a time she was wholly at a loss as to how to do it. She was now very miser-
able, — an out-cast of womankind, a suspected woman, — living on the charity of the prince.
So the outer world took her to be. She had neither money, nor friends, nor influence and she
feared that she might be closely watched without in the least knowing it.

As for the priuce, the greater the distance he travelled the more his heart turned back t'
his wife, for the talisman, which he daily examined, indicated his wife's chastity. Now tad
then a strong desire came over him to turn back and embrace his loyal and faithful wife ;
but at other times a headstrong stupidity to see how his wife would execute his hard
conditions impelled him on his course. Thus he travelled for a month and reached
Vijayanagara.

The king of Yijayanagara was a bad man. His pride was in having many wives,
and his motto was that no woman in the world was chaste. The FA94iya prinoe reached the
court, and, in a conversation about the chastity of the women of different parts of India, dwelt
at length on the fidelity of his wife, and produced the talisman as a proof of it. The king of
Vijay^nagara called him a great fool for putting so much trust in womankind, and promised to
send one of his ministers to Madura to ruin the woman he extolled so much, and whose
talisman he possessed.

'* Agreed," said the prince ; and a minister was at once despatched to Madura.

Now he was one of the most depraved of human beings, whose sole object of life
was to gain the favour of his mastor by doing his dirty work for him. He attired
himself like a vendor of pearls and precious stones, and with a good quantity of these articles
proceeded to Madura, which he reached soon. He took up his abode in tne eastern quarter,
and in a small house he opened his shop for vending gems and pearls. Crowds began to collect^
and these goods, which were very valuable, were purchased now and then by the few rich
people in the place. The news spread throughout the town that a merchant with a fine stock
had arrived from the north, and that he was exposing good stuff for sale. Few bought, for the
articles were of high value, but the whole town congregated there to see the fine goods.

About a month after the arrival of the merchant, the people, ceased to pour into the shop
to take a look at the goods, and only those who really wanted to purchase went there.
So on a certain day, when there was no one there except D^vl, a maid-servant of Ambika,
who had come out of curiosity, the pretended merchant thus spoke to her : —

** Good woman, may I know who you are ?"

She replied : — **I am a poor woman. Servant to the princess of Akhandakiv^rt, who
is undergoing punishment."

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NoTEMBEB. 1894.J FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; iJo. 33. 848

**Who is this princess? What is her story? Why is she undergoing punishment ? "
the merchant asked, as if he knew nothing about her.

The maid-servant related what little she knew, but all she knew was that AmbikA was
suspected, and that her husband, the prince, was punishing her for unfaithfulness. When he had
heard all she had to say the merchant, as if a new thought had dawned upon his mind, thus
replied : —

** Then it is already established that her character is bad. If you but aid me in seeing her
for a night, I shall in return make over to you, or to her, my whole property. That may
also relieve you from your present miseries. Nothing will be lost thereby. The reputation
of the princess is already tainted."

The maid-servant did not know what reply to make. But the merchant, by his winuiog
convei-sation, soon made her agree to talk upon the subject to the princess ; and with this
mission she went away. At first she did not know what to do. How to open the subject was
the great difficulty she felt, but she was somewhat emboldenei by the thought that
AmbikA was already a suspected character. At last she told her everything,

Ambika listened to what tlie maid -servant had to say very attentively, and, taking her into
her confidence, related to her in detail every part of her miserable life — her pure unsullied
character, the cruelty of her husband, the vow, and so on.

Ambika then continued : — ** My kind D^vi, from to-day you must lend me all your help
to enable me to fulfil my vows, for to-day I make yoo the chief of ray maid-servants. To secure
us funds for the raising of the Saiva temple, the suggestion of the pearl-merchant has provided
us with means. He wants to sleep with a princess. Let him have his wish, and let my
character still remain unimpaired. What if we decorate one of the maixl-Bervants in all my
ornaments and pass her off for me for a night ? I can easily wear her clothes for the night.
By doing thus, the pearl-merchant will be duped, the funds required will be secured, and my
character will remain unsullied. So run yon to the merchant and tell him thai he shall have
his desire fulfilled this very night."

D^vi pitied Ambik& for all that she had related to her, and, resolving within herself to do
her best to assist the poor princess, at once arranged everything with one of her co-servants,
and i*an to the pearl-merchant. He was delighted to hear that matters were settled so easiJyt
and was full of hope that he would the next day carry the news to Vijayanagara as to how pure
a princess AmbikA was ; so he hastened that very night to Ambik^'s quarters. He spent the
night with a maid-servant in the belief that the woman he slept with was the princess, and the
next morning, quite in keeping with bis promise, he made over to DM all the wealth he had
with him, in return for her assistance, and left Madura. He journeyed for a fortnight, and
reaching Vijayanagara, informed his monai*ch that his mission was successfully acccMnplished,
and that the princess was no better than other women. In proof he shewed one or two ornaments
of the princess, which he had carefully brought with him. They were, no doubt, the ornaments
of the princess, which the maid-servant had worn on the night on which she slept
with the emissary. These proofs were quite enough to oonTinoe the FA9<Uyan prince
that his wife was of a bad charaoter. He had all along entertained that kind
of doubt about her, though now and then there were cii-cumstances, which made him waver in
his opinion. The minister's mission and the supposed successful execution of it, made the
husband think that he was all along wrong in having now and then entertained a better and
higher idea of the Akhandakavert princess. He looked at his talisman, and not a petal had
faded. The king of Vijay&nagara oalled it magio, and the trophy, which the minister had
brought with him, in the shape of the ornaments of the princess, in token of his having spent a
night with hor, made the enraged husband think that the talisman was magical, that his wife
wi^s a bad woman, and that there was no use in testing her conduct any longer.

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844 THE INDIAN ANTlQrART. [Notembeb, 1894.

•* Shall I go back and have her killed for her crime P " thought he within himself. But
he did not like to be so very hasty, and aa the princess was hia wife only in name, he did not
much care whfit life she led.

"She is already proclaimed by me to be a bad woman, and deservingly has been plaeed
in a disgraceful comer of the town. If she had established her conduct to be above suspicion,
I would have taken her back to myself; but now she has forfeited all chance of ever returning
^ me as my wife- Why fihould I^ therefore, care any more for her ? Why should I curtail
my pleasures in travelling over several countries to visit B&nAras ?"

Thus thought he within himself, and though the insinuating taonts of the Vijayanagara
monarch and his minister pierced him to his heart, he heard them calmly and started towards
the north. The talismao he still kept with him, though he no more cared to look at it and
examine it every day. Thus was the huaband of the most chaste Ambikn poisoned in his
judgment, and, after leaving VijayAnagara, he bamshed fiiom his mind all thoughts of her.
The various eoun tries he passed through, and their scenery, peoples, -manners and customs
engaged his attention. After a seven months' journey, he r-oaehed Ban4ras, sod took up his
abode in a fashionable quarter, generally occupied by well-to-do people*

He was still new to the place, and was spending his first month in making the acquaint^
ance of several princes and noblemen's sons, who were staying in that sacrad eiiy* like himseJ?,
Almost opposite to his lodging there was ^ojourmxig the prince of Siihhaladvlpa^
keeping a large establishment of servants and courtezans. The Pa^diyan prince contrasted
himself with the Sijhhala prin/ee and thought he to himself; —

** How happy this prince of Siibhala spends his stay here ! What a large establishment he
keeps ! What a pity it is that I did not make as pleaeant arrangements for myself i "

Thus thought he and wished to eultivate his acquaintance^ but the Sitfihala prince
seemed to care for nothing in the world except bis own enjoyments. There was feasting,
dancing and music in his house every day almosti but hs kept it all to himself, and invited
none to it.

Now the P&ndiyan prince was alw&ys unhappy^ His wife's conduct since he had married
Jier, the carious talisman which still prese^*ved its colour notwithstanding tlie months that had,
passed since he first received it from her handat her goodness^ sound learning, and then that
she should so easily have raeeived the Vijayanagara minister to her embrace, would come into
his mind in his loneliness and make him extremely sad^ At other times, he would entirely
forget her, and even i| he thought of her« would never bestow any thought upon her conduct,
or how his reputation would be afi&ected by it« as long as be did not regard her as his wife
Bat little by little he entirely gave up all his ideas about his wife, and his great object was to
cultivate the friendship of the prince of the Siihhaladvtpa« and enjoy« in his company, all
the fest^iviti^s to which that prince was so addicted*

(To he eorUinued,)

NOTES AND QUERIES.

A TELUGU SUPEESTITJON, blow on the top of the head with the palm of

> The Tekigus, as a rule, wear constantly a
ihread round the waist which they C9M molatada.
Jt is renewed from time to time. It however, a
Telugu happens to lose his wife he ceases to wear
it for a period, and it is thi*own away; and if
during this period, be happens to receive a

the hand he is supposed to be afflicted with
hydrocele. Repeated instances to the contrary
have not yet succeeded in convincing the
people of the groundlessness of this time-honored
superstition*

M. N. Vkiiketswamt.

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Dboimbbb, 1894] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 345

THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.
EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY G. A. GBIEESON, Ph.D., CLE.
(Concluded from p, 833.)
ATHA BABDAliAlirEJLBA-NAMA FAJ^CHAMAQ FBAElASA? II

LBCTUBB V.
Verbal Ornaments.

[On the distinction between Ornaments of Sense and Verbal Ornaments, see introdactorj
note to Lecture IV.]

[The only verbal ornaments dealt with in the Bhdshd'bhdshana are those depending on
anu}>rd8a or Alliteration.]

Text.

Chhdk&nuprftsftlankAra.

Avriti varna aniha hi dot dSijaba hoi I

Hai ohhdk&nuprlUia svara gamatd bifva-hu sot \\ 100 n

Ahjuna Idgyau hai adhara pydrS nainani p^ha |

MuhuUi'mdla upati pragafa hafhina hi4 para th^ha \\ 200 II

Translation.
Single Alliteration.

[Sdhitya'darpanoy 634. The name means literally * Alliteration of the skilful.*]
The repetition (dvritti) of several consonants, two of each, even when the vowels are not
the same, is called Single Alliteration ; as for example : —

* Beloved, (what do I see ?). Your lower lip is smeared with collyrium. Red marks of
betel juice are on your eyes, and year pearl necklace appears fitly in disarray over your hard
heart.'

[Here the heroine reproaches the hero, who has been dallying with some other flame.
There are several consonants repeated in pairs. For instance, two m in mukutanmdlaf two f in
upatt pragatOf two th in haihina hiS para thika,']

Text.

Iiftti&nuprfts&lankAra.

So }At^n\ipT&aSk jaha pada hi dvriti hoi \

Bahda ariha he hheda sau* bhida hind-hd soi II 201 II

Piya nihatajd hS, nahv ghdma^ ohddani dhi I

Fiya nihatajd hi nahv, ghdma chd'dani dhi \\ 202 ||

Translation.

Lat&nuprAsa.

ISdhitya-darpana, 638. The definition differs slightly. * A repetition of sound and sense,
when there is a difference in the mere purport is Ldtdnv/prdsa* The figure is so named from
its being liked by the people of the country of Mta.]

A repetition of a phrase, when there is a difference in the purport of the (sum of the) words
(in each case), or even when there is no difference, is called Lft^ftnuprftsa ; as for example i —

* She who has her beloved near her, (to her) heat does not exist {ghdma nahi% (nay, fiery
heat itself) is (cool as) moonbeams. But she who hath not her beloved near her, to her the
very moonbeams are (fiery) heat.'

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846 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Dbcembeb, 1894.

[Here the differeuce in meaning is indicated in the text by commas. The above translation
makes the example of a repetition of the phitise with the purport of the words different in each
case. The same verse, with the punctuation made the same in each case, is an example of
Ldtdnuprdsa when there is no difference in the purport of each phrase. Judging from the
deiiuition given in the Sdhitya-darpana, this ornament is distinguished from the Yamaha
(v. 203), bj the fact that in the Ldtdiittprdsa, the meaning of the separate words in each
repetition is the same, though the purport is different. In the Yamaka, the re}>eated groups of
consonants have altogether different meanings.]

Text.

Yamak&nnprAsAlajULftra.

Yamaka iahda Icau phiri iravana artha judai s6 jdnt f

JSUala [chajidana'] Ichanda tiajAi* adhika agni tS* mdni 11 203 If

TranBlatioa.

The Pun.

[S'ihitya'darpana, 640, That work, however, does not class the Yamaka as an instance of
anujyrdsa. The translation gives * rhyme ' as its English equivalent.]

When one hears the same word (or more accurately, the same collection of vowels and con-
sonants) repeated, with a different meaning in each case, it is called a Pun; as for example : —

' Neither (refreshing) sandal ointment nor the moon is cool to me. Each appears to me
hotter than fire.'

[The complaint of a disconsolate heroine separated from her beloved, the group of letters
repeated is marked in the text with square brackets.]

Text.
Vrittyanupr&s&Iank&ra.

Frati ohshara avritii hahu vptti tCni vidhi mdni t

MadhuravarmjdmS'sahai upanftgarikAjVmt || 204 U

Bujai paruBhA hahata saha jd me' hahuta samdsa I

Binu samdsa bi7iu madhuratd kahai k6inal& tdsa \\ 206 U

Ati kdri bhdri ghatd pydri vdri visa \

Piya paradSsa a'desa yaha dwata nrihi' sa-desa |l 208 ri

Krkila-chdtaka'bhrihga'kula- 'kSki-kaihina'chakora \

iyora sunai' dharakyau hiyau kdma-kataka atijora II 207 n

Ghana baratai ddmini lasai dasa disi nra tarahga |

Vampati Mya huldsa tS' ati sarasdta anahga || 208 11

Translation.

Hultiple Alliteration.

[Sdhitya-darpana, 635. The Bibl. Ind. translation renders the name of this ornament by
the words 'Harmonious Alliteration.' It will appear, however, that such a title is not suited
for the ornament as described, at much greater length, in the Bhdsh/i-bhushaiuu I have adopted
the term Multiple Alliteration, because the fact that the same letter is repeated more than once
distinguishes it* from Ohhekdnuprdsa, or Single Alliteration (v. 199).]

The multiple repetition {dvritti) of (a letter or letters), in several syllables, is called Multiple
Alliteration, and is of three kinds, vix, : —

(a) That in which all the repeated letters are melodious. In this case it is called
tTpan'!\garikA vyitti. [The origin of this name is obscure.]

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December, 1894.] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH. 347

(b) The second kind is that in which there are lengthy compound words, and is called
paru8li& Yiritti, or Harsh repetition. ,

(c) The third is that in which there are no compound words, and no repetition of melo-
dious letters. This is called K6malft vyitti, or Delicate repetition.

Examples are : —

(a) * Very dark and heavy are the clouds, and the dear lady is of tender age. Her beloved
is in a far country, and anxious is she, for no news of him cometh.'

[Here tl^e vowel d is repeated melodiously several times in the syllables fca(ri), hhd(ri),
pyn{r%) and vd(ri), and also the letters deia are melodiously repeated in the words paradesa,
a'disa, and sa'desa. Hence the couplet is an instance of upandgarxkd vrittij]

(b) * The many cuckoos, chdtdkis^ shrikes, harsh peacocks, and partridges, — when I hear
the voices of all tliese, my heart is filled with agitation, and the army of the God of love
violently (assails me.')

[Here there is a repetition of the letter k in several syllables, and the whole of the first
line is one long dvandva compound. It is therefore an example of parusha vntti,"]

(c) * The clouds pour forth rain, and amid them flickers the summei*^ lightning. In all
directions are waveleta of water (on the swollen rivers). High surges up love, full of joy, in
the hearts of the happy pair/

[Here the letters » and t are repeated each in several syllables. There is no repetition of
melodious letters, nor is there any long compound. Hence it is an instance of komald vritti.']

Text.
Grantha-pray6jana.

Alahkdra sdhidrtha ke Jcahe tka sax dtha \

Kare prakata bhdshd bikhai* dekhi samkrita pdtha II 209 ||

h^abddlahJcriti bahuta hai ahshara ke satkyoga |

Annprdsa shit a vidhi kahe jo hut bhdshd yoga \\ 210 II

Tdht nara ke hetu yaha hinhyau grantha navina \

Jo pandita bhdshd nipuna kavitd bikhai* prctvina {\ 211 It

Lakshana tiya aru puricsha ke huva bhdva rasa dhdma \

Alahkdra samyoga te' bhdshd-bhushana ndma || 212 H

Bhdshd'bhushana grantha kau* j6 dckhai mana Idi I

Vivldha artha sdhitya rasa tdhi sakala daraadi \\ 218 II

IH i^abddlahkdra-ndma panchamah prakdiah 11 6 ||
Iti drimanmahardja-Jasavatasiiiiha^-kritam Bh&8h&-bhtl8ha9aiii sftiiiptlrQam.

Translation.
Epilogue.

I have described one hundred and eight ornaments, both verbal and of sense, and have
explained them in the vernacular, after consulting various Sanskrit works.

There are many verbal ornaments, arising from the conjunction of letters, but I have only
described the six kinds of alliteration, which are those suited to (composition in) the vernacular.

I have composed this new work for the man who is a pandit, expert in the vernacular, and
skilled in writing poetry.

I have described the distinguishing characteristics of Heroines and of Heroes, the Indications
of Emotion, the States or Conditions, the Sentiments, and the [Permanent Conditions {sthdyi

^ So in all eopios.

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348

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[Decehbib, 1894.

hhdva) which form the] abode (of the sentimenta). To these I have added (an account of)
the Ornaments, and have named my work the Bhashd-hhushana,

He who carefully peruses this work, the BMsM-bhushanu^ will find explained to him in
all its various meanings the essence of rhetoric

End of the fifth lecture of the Bhashd-hhushana, entitled Verhal Ornaments.

Finis.

Index.

(The numbers refer to verses.)

akrama-atisayokti, al

ajRAta-yauvanA nAyik&

a-tad-guna, al. ... ... *••

ati-ukti, al.

atisaya-ukti, al. ... ... •••

atyanta-atisayokti, al ••

atyukti, al.

adbhuta rasa •• <

adhika, al.

adhika rApaka, al. •

adhir& n&yik& «

ananvaya, al. ... ••• •••

anukOla n&yaka

auukta-ftspada-vastu-utprdkBhA, al. ... 70 (trans.)
anukta-guna( or nimitta)-vi8^8ha-ukti, al. ...117a
anukta-vishaya-vastu-utprdkshA, al. ... 70 (trans.)

... 77
... 11
... 173
... 193
72&ff.
... 79
... 193
... 37
... 129
.. 56
... 23
... 48
... 6

anu-guna, al
anuju^, al.
anupr&sa, al.
anubh&va...
aniim&na, al.
anu8ay&n& nAyik&

anudhd ..• ...

anya-ukti, al

anya-bh6gaduhkhit& n&yikft ...
anya-8ambh6ga-dulikhit& n&yik&
anyokti* al.

anyonya, al

apa8tn&i*a, vyabhich&rl bhAra ...
apahnava-riipaka-atidaya-ukti ...
apahnuti, al. ... ... ...

aprastuta-pralamsH, al

abhil^sha dasa ... ... ...

abhis&rik& n&yik&

abh6da rtlpaka, al

amarsha, vyabhich&rt bhftva ...

amita, al. ...

ayukt&yukta, al

arth&ntara-ny&sa, al

arth&lankara

alpa, al. ... ... ... ...

avaJD&, al

avahitthfi., vyabhich4ri bh&va ...

a^ru bh&va f.

asaibgati, al

asambandha-ati^ayokti, al.
asambhaya, al

... 174

166

199, 201, 204

153 (trans.), 153g

... ... ±o

... ... 15b

...184 (trans.)

. 22 (trans)
.184 (trans.)
... 132
... 42
. 73 (trans.)
... 64
... 100
... 33

>. ... 55

153i

155a

154

,.IV. introd.

131

165

.. 42 (trans.)

>.. ... ^o

, 119

,. 76 (trans.)
U8

a8iddha-&8pada-phala-utpr6k8h&, al.
asiddha-^spada-hetn-utprekshA, al,
aftiddha-vi8haya-phala-utprek3h&, al.
a8iddha-vi8haya-hdtu>utprdk8h&, al.
aaOyft, vyabhichar! bh&va
Akfiti-gopana, vyabhich&rt bh&va

Akshepa, al.

ftkahepa-upamft, al

dgamapatikft n&yikft •

&gatapatik4 n&yik&

^h&ra-mdlft, al

&rtbi upam&

Mambana vibbftva

alasyA, vyabhich&rt bhAva

&yritti-dipaka, al.

Avega, yyabhich&ri bh&va .^
ukta-^spada-vastu-utprSkshA, al.
ukta-guna(or nimitta)-vise8ha-ukti, a
ukta-vi8haya-Yastu-utprek8h&, al.
ukti, al. —

ati-u

atiiaya-u

anya-u. ..« *... ••

Jcaku^u. ... ••• ...

gOdha-n

chh6ka-u. ... ... ...

nir-u. •.. ... •••

pary&ya*u. ... ... ...

praudha*u

16ka-u.

vakra-u.

vin&-u. ... ... ...

7iy{'ita-u

vis^sha-u. ••• ... ...

vy&ja-u. ... ...

sam&sa-u. ... ...

saha-u* ... ... ...

svabh&va-u. ...

ugrat&, vyabhichiri bh&va
utkanth&, vyabhich&ri bh&va ...

ufcs&ha, sth&yi bh&va

utkanthit& n&yik&

utibara, a*. ... ... ... ...

utprek8h&, al. ... •

nd&tta, al.... ... ... ...

* uddipana vibh&va •*•
udvlga da^&

.. 70 (trans.)
.. 70 (trans.)
.. 70 (trans.)
... 70 (trans.)

107

.•• ... 47a

20a

131b
... 44 (trans.)
40

.. 84 (note)

.. 70 (trans.)
l. ...117a
... 70 (trans.)

I*. ... X.70

, 72

..102 (trans.)
..154 (trans.)
187

.. ...- loo

194

103 '

... ... 156

I.. ... lo7

189

>.. ... xoo
117

... «*• loO

• .. ... »fo

... ... X9l/

... ... 4t5

... ... 4o

... ... o%j

••• ... 1o

146a

... ... x«f^

... .•• o9
34

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Dkcembee, 1894] THE BHASHA-BHUSHANA OP JAS'WANT STNGH.

849

nnm^da dasA ••• ••• •••

un-mtlita, al. ••

npan&garikft y^itti

npapati n&yaka ••• ••• •••

upama) al* ••• ••• •••

&k8hepa-iipam&

dOshana-Apamft

m&l&-iipam&

prativa8tu-apam&, al.

rasana-upamft

upam^na... ••• ••• •••

Tipam&na-upam5ya-lupt6pain& ..•

upam&na-lupt6pain&

upam&nopameya, al

upameja ... ••• ••• •••

upanieya-upaina ... •.• ...

upam^ya-lupt6pain&

Tiiimftda, vyabliichilri bh&va •••

ullasa, al

ull^kha, al. •

fi(lh4 ••• ••• ••• •••

^kavali, al.

^kadeiiavivarti rupaka

autfiukya, vyabbicli&ri bh&va ...
aupamyavachin ...

kanishtb^ ...

kampa bb&va

karun& rasa

karun& •

kalah&ntantA n&yik&

kaku-ukti, al. ..•

karakadtpaka, al. •••

k&rana-mal&, al. ... ••• •••

k&vya-artba-&patti, al

kavya-linga, al

kAvy&rthdpatti

kilakiScbita h&va •

kubtamita h4va

kulaVA n&yi'tA

kri8hn&bhi8arik& n&yik&

komalA vritti, al

kaitava-apabnuti, al

krama, al

kramikA al. •••

kriy&-utprek8b&, al

kriy&-vidagdhA n&yik&

krodba, etbAyl bbiva

kbanditA n&yik&

gamy&-utprek8b&
garva, vyabhicb&i-i bb&va

garvitA n&yikA

guTja-utpreksbA, al. ...
giiQakatbana daaA

gnptA nAyikA •..

gtina-varnana dasA

ga4ba-ukti, al •

gildha-uttai'a, al. ••• •••

••• ••• Ov

177

204

... .•• o

... 44 ff., 87

47a

47b

••• ... 4f/C

..« ... o7

47e

... 44 (trans.)
... 44 (trans.)

... 49 (note)
... 44 (trans.)

_ ... ... 4*1

' 164

15b

139

... 55 (trans.)
... ... 43

... 44 (trans.)
21a

... 33 (trans.)
... ... 16

...154(ti*ans.)

150

138

152

... •*. loo

162

17a

205

142a

... 142 (note)
... 70 (trans.)

... ... XO

... ... OO

... 70 (trans.)
41

... 70 (tmns.)

... ••• U'W

••• ... Itp

»•• ... OtI

... ... iOTt

... ... 1/9

gAdh6kti, al ;

gddbottara, al

glAni, vyabbicbAri bbAva
cbapala-atiiayokti, al. ...
cbapalatA, vyabbicbAri bbAva

cbitra, al

cbitrint nAyikA

cbintA dasA

cbintA, vyabbicbAri bb&va
cbbSka-annprAsa, aL ...
cbbSka-apabnnti, al. •••

cbbeka-ukti, ^

cbbekokti, al.

jadatA da^A

jadatA, vyabbicbAri bbAva

j&ti» al •••

jAti-utpr^ksbA, al

jAti-varnana, and

nana

JTigupsA, stbAy! bbAva ...
jnilta.yanvanA nayikA ..
jyesbtbA ... ...

tad*gui;a, al

tadinipa rfipaka, al.

tapana bAva •

tulya-yogitA, al

trAsa, vyabbicbAri bbAva

daksbina nAyaka

dayA vira ...

184

179

... ... 4^

... ... / o

.*• ... 4^

180

... .•• %f

... ... «5o

•.. ... XV7<7

... ... loo

...190 (trans.)

30 (trans.

jAti-svabbAva-var-

190 (trans.

... 38 (trans.)

.•• ... *ja

170

... 32 (trans.)

... 42 (trans.)

3 7ff.(tran8.)

dAna vira

div Abbis&rikA nAyikA . . .
dipaka, al.
dipaka ^kAraka-), al.
dipaka (mAlA-), al*
dipaka-avritti, al.

dOshana-upamA

df isbtAnta, al

dainya, vyabbicbAri bbAva
dravya-utprSkshA, al. ...
dbai*ma

33andff.
37 ff. (tmns.)
17a

... ... OO

150

140

... ... VT»

47b

... 70 (trans.)
44

dbai-ma-upainAna-upameya-lnpt^pamA, 44 (trans )

dbai-ma-upamAna-luptopamA
dhai-ma-upam eya-luptopam A
dbarma-luptopam A
dharma vira ... •••

^bira nAj'ikA

dhii-AdhirA nAyikA
dbriti, vyabbicbAri bbAva

dbr isb t a nAyaka

navodbA nAyikA

nidarsanA, al

nidra, vyabbicbAri bbAva
nindA, stbAyi bbAva
niranga rApaka, al.

nir-ukti, al.

nirv^da, vyabbicbAri bbAva

44 (trans.)
... 44 (trans.)
...44 (trans.)
37 ff. (trans.)
23

OO
... ... <kO

.^ ... 42
..r ... 7
11a

... ... oc

4.-^

... 55 (trans.)

194

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360

THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.

[Decbkbes, 1894.

nirveda, sth&yf bh^ya ...
nisdbbi8&rik& n&jik& ...
nisbedba'&bb&sa, see liksbSpa.
DjAna rOpaka, al.

pati nAyaka

padmint n&yik& ...
paramparita rOpaka, al. ...

parakijA n&jik&

parikara, al. ... <•

parikara-aDkura, al. •••

pariv^itti, al

parin&ma, al.

pai*i-8ankbyA, al. ...

pnrusb& vritti, al.
parjasta-apahnuti, al. ...
pary&ya, al.

pury&ya-ukti, al

pihita, al. .. ...^ #••

punaraktivad&bb&sa, al.

pulaka bb&va

pArD6pam&, al

pClrva-r&ga

piUnra-rCipa, aL

pragalbb& n&yik&
;)rativa8tu-apama, al. •••

pi-atishMba, al ••

pi*atipa, al.

pratiyamftnd ntpr^ksbd, al.

pratyanika, al. .,. ••• .

pralaya bb&va

pi-aldpa da6d ...
pravatsyatpatikit nAyik&

pravAsa

prastuta-ahknra, al.
prabai*8bana, al. ... ...

pieman, al.

prema-garviiA ii4yik& .„
pr6sbitapatik& n&yik& ...
praudba-ukti, al.

praiidb& n&yik&

piiala-utpr^ksb&j al.

bibbatsa rasa

bCdha, vyabbicbari bb&va
bodba or bodbaka bftva...
Miaya, vyabbicb&rt bb&va
bbaya, stb&yi bbAva ...

bbay&naka rasa

bbava ... ;

bbdvika, al.

bbifci, stb&yi bb&va
bbedaka atisayokti

bbedakfinti, al

bbrama, al.

bbrama-apabnuti, al.

bbi-ftnti, al.

bbr&nti-apabnuti, al.
bbrdntim&n, al

38a

...J 7a (trans.)

••• ••• Oo

••• ••. v5

••• ... V

... 55 (trans.)
10

... ••• v4

145

146

205

••• •«. 6Q

••• ••• i.*iO

103

• •• ••• lo^

98a

•.. ••• ^o

... 33 (trans.)

171

... 12 (trans.)
i«. ••• 87

195

... 50 and ff.
... 70 (ti-ans.)

I5la

*•• ... 35

... 33 (trans.)

102, 159 (trans.)

160

190d

loG

32b

... 38 (ti-ans.)

... 26 (trans.)

191

... 74 (trans.)
.«• ... 62
... 67 (trans.)

62 (trans.), 194a

... 62 (trans.)

mati. vyabbicbArf bb&va
mada, vyabbicbftrt bb&ra
mada b&va ... ...

madby& nAyik& ...
m&na (trividba) ... ...

marana dasd

m&na ••• ... •..
m&14-npam& ... ...

malA-dipaka, al. ... ..»

mitbyi-adbyarasiti, al. ...

milita, al •

mugdba b&va

mugdb& nfiyik&

mudit& nayikft

rnudr^, al

mriti dai&

mrityu, vyabbicbAri bb&va

moU&yita b&va

moba, vyabhicb&rt bb&va
yainaka-aniipr&sa, al. ...
yatb&'Samkbya, al.

yukti, al

ynddba vti-a

rati, stb&y! bb&va
ratn&yali, al.

rasan&.upam&

rasa ••• ... •••
rOpaka, al.

adbika

abbSda

ekadoiiavivartin

tadi'Opa

nii*anga

nyOna ... ...

pammparita

glosbagarbbita

sama

samastarastuvisbayft

8a^'isbaya

sfihga ... ...

s&vayava

rdpaka-atisayokti, al.
rupa-gai"vit& n&yik&

raudra rasa

romfiucba bb&va

laksbitA n&yik&

lalita, al. ••« ... "
lalita b&va... ...

lAta-anupi*&sa, al.

lil& blva

Iui>t&-ntpr^k8b&, al.

Iupt6pam&, al

lesa, al.
loka-nkti, al.

lokokti, al.

vakra-ukti, al.

vakrokti, al.

••• .M ... 42
... ••• ... 41
... ... ••• o^a

••. •.. ... J*

... ... ... *4f

... ... ... 36a

33 (trans.)

... ... ... 47c

...140, 131b (trans.)
158

... ... ••• l/D

32 (trans.)

... ... •• XL

... ... ... X*9

168

... .*• ... ooa

... ... ... 41

... ... ... o"^

••• ... ... ^ *.

203

142

... •«• ... loO

37 ff. (trans.)

... ... ... qO

169^

... ... 47e

... ... ... %j

... ••» 55 and ff.
••• ••• ... oo

... *•■ ... t)D

••• ... 55 (trans.)

65 (trans)

... ... ... oo

... 55 (trans.)

... ... ... 55

55 (trans.)

55 (trans )

25 (trans.)

159

201

70 (trans.)

44 and ff. (trans }, 46

167

187

... ••• ... lo«7

189

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Dboembbb, 1894] THE BH^^SHA-BHUSHANA OF JAS'WANT SINGH.

351

.32

29,32a

vachana-yidagdh& n&yik&

varnaniya ••• ••• ...44

v&chaka ••• ••• •#• §•• •••

vastu-utprSkshU, al. ...

y&ch aka-apam&na-ui)am^jra-lapt6pam&. 44

v&chaka-upam&na-lupt6pam& 44

v&chaka-upamejalapt6pam& 44

v&c1iaka-dharma-upam&na-lupt6pam&. 44
y4c1iaka-dhai*ma-upamdya-lupt6pam& ... 44

y&cbaka-dliarma-laptdpam& 44

Tachaka-lupt6pam& 44-

v^cby^ utpreksM, al 70

visakasajj& n&jik&

vikalpa, al. ...

Tikasyara« al

vikpita h&va

vikshipti Mva

Tikshepa h&va

vichitra, al.

vichchliitti h&7a

vitarka, vjabhicMri bh&ya

vidhi, al. ...

viii4-ukii, al

yinimaya, al

yinokti, al

yipartti, al. ... #•• •

yipralabdb& n&yikft

yipralambba

yibodba, yyabhicb&rt bb&ya

yibb&va

yibb^van^, al. ... •..

yibhrama b&ya

yiraba •••

viraba-da.^&

yirodba, al.

yii*6dba-&bb4sa, al.

yil&sa b&va

vivfita^ukti, al

vivfitokti, al

vivvokab&va

visi*abdba-Day6db& nAyik4

visesba, al.

visesba-ukti, al

ukta and anukta gnna yi..
viseabaka, al.
visbaina, al.

visb^da, al.

visbdda, vyabbicbdrt bb&va
vismaya, stbayi bbdva ...
vi-sacua, al.

vihita bdva

vihfita bdva

vira

vipsd

vira rasa

vritti-anupr&sa, al

v^patbu bbdva 25

...43
39 ff.

... 33

...27
37 ft.

... 13

(trans.)

... 44

... 70

(trans.)

(ti-ans.)

(trans.)

... 19

... 147

... 165

27, 32a

... 82a

(trans.)

... 128

(trans.)

... 43

... 196

... 94

...l4oa

... 94

...163a

... 19

(trans.)

(ti'ans.)

(trans.)

... Ill

... 29

(trans.)

33 ff.

...115a

... 110

... 28

... 185

... 31

... Ua

... 133

... 117

...117a

... 178

... 122

... 163

... 41

... 38

... 122

... 32a

(trans.)

...193a

... 37

... 204

(trans.)

yaiyarnya bbdya ... ... ».. 25

yai^ika'ndyaka ... ... ••. 8

yyaujik&(yyaS3aka)-ntpreksli&, al. ... 70 (trans.)

yyatirdka, al. ' ... 92

yyabbicbdH bb&ya 40

yy&gb&ta, al. ... 136

yy&ja-ukti, al .*• 183

yy&ja-ninda, al. ... " 1C6

yy&ja-stuti, al 105

yy&jokti, al. 183

yyddbi daid ... *•• •*• ••• ••• 35

yy&dbi, yyabbicb&rl bb&ya - 43

yridd, vyabbicbari bbAya 42

fianka, vyabliicb&rt bli&ya 41

sankbint n&yik& 9

liatba ndyaka 7

aabddlank&ra IV. introd.

sama, stb&yf bb&ya 38a (trans.)

d&nta rasa 37

Sukl&bbis&rik& n&yik& ... ^ 17a

duddba-apabnuti, al 64

^fingdra rasa 37

^oka, stbdyt bbftya 38

6rama, yyabbicbdr! bb&ya 41

drantt upamA 44 (trans.)

fil^ba, al 99

^l^bagarbbita rupaka 55 (trans )

sam^aya, al 62 (trans.)

samcbdri bb&ya .• ... 40 (ti'ans.)

saibdeba, al 62

sandby&bbis&rik& ndyik& 1 7a (trans . )

satna, al. ... ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ^^^

sama i*6paka, al. ... ... ••• 55

samastayastuvisbaya rOpaka 55 (trans.)

samddbi, al. • 151

sam&sa-ukti, al 90

samucbcbaya, al 148

sainbandba-atisayokti, al ... 75

sambbdvand, al. ... ... ... 157

sambboga... ... ... 33 (trans.)

savisbaya rApaka 55 (trans.)

saba-ukti, al. • 93

sabokti, al. ... 93

s&nga rdpaka, al •• ... ... 55 (trans )

s&ttvika bb&va 25

s&pabnaya-atisayokti, al. 73

sdmdnya, al. ... ... ... ••• ... 176

sdmdnya dliarma 44 (trans.)

samanyd uayika ... ... 10

sdra, al ... ... ... ... 141

s&vayava i-iipaka, al 55 (trans.)

siddba-dspadd-pbala-utpr^ksbft, al. ... 70 (trans.)
siddba-dspada-betu-utpreksbd, al. ... 70 (trans.)
siddba-vishaya-pbala-utprekfibd, al. ... 70 (trans.)
siddba-visbaya-betu-utpreksbft, al. ... 70 (trans.)

sQksbma, al 181

stambba bbdva • ... 25

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352

THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT.

[Dkcbkbbb, 1894.

gtb&ji bhAva t..

emarana, al

smarana dai& •••

smfitiy al....

smf iti, da8&

smf iti, Tyabbicb&rt bhiva

Bvaktyft ii&yik&

ftvapna, yyabbicb&rt bh&va
BvabbAva-ukti, al.
evabb&vokti, al. ... •••
8V'ajaiiidutik& nAjik& ...
8yar(!lpa-utprek8b&, al. ...
Bvara-bhanga bb&va

••• uo

... 62

... 34

62 (trans.)

34 (trans.)

.•. 43

••• 10

... 43

... 190

... I5a

70 (trans.)

... ^o

srAdbtnapatikA nftjikft ...

srdda bbftva

harsba, vjabhich&rt bb&va

hastint n&jik&

b&va ... .•• ...

h&sa, stbAyi bh&va

bftdja rasa

nocHi ai. ... ••• •••

b^tu-apahnuti, aL
b^tu-ntpreksb&y aL
uoia ••« ••• •••

belA-bAra ••• ••• •••

... 20

... 25

... 42

... 9

... 26

... 38

... 37

... 197

... 65

... 70
, 26 (trans.)

... 32a

BULLETIN OP THE RELIGIONS^ OP INDIA,
BY M. A BAETH OF THE INSTITtJT DE FRANCE.
{Translated from the French by Br. James Morison.)

I sball follow in tbis bulletin tbe same order as in the preceding ones : — I sball examine,
in Boccession, tbe works relating to the Veda and Brah m an i sm, wbicb forms, in a manner,
tbe continuation of tbe Veda ; in tbe next place those which bear on Buddhism ; and its
twin, JainiBm ; and finally those which treat of that conglomeration of sects, observances and
creeds which modem India continues to present tons, a conglomeration wbicb has not jet been,
and, in fact, cannot be, defined, and for which I reserve the name of Hinduism. This airange*
ment cannot be considered organic or chronological, except to a certain extent. The second of
these divisions, Buddhism and Jainism may, it is true, be easily detached form the rest, —
provided, however, that we replace them in our thougbts in the surroundings from which they
arose, and which continued, side by side with them, to develop. Tbis is not tbe case with the
other two. Ancient Brahmanism cannot be separated from tbe Veda on one side, and from
modem Brahmanism on the other, and the latter, again, is so intimately connected with all tbe
branches of Hinduism that too sharp a division runs the risk of breaking vital connections.
The discrepancies, no doubt, are numerous and sometimes of such importance as to appear, at
the first sight, decisive ; nevertheless, it is equally difiicult to make a sharp division either from
a logical point of view, or according to chronology. The latter, in fact, for the ancient periods
is often little more than fanciful, and represents the reflection of our own way of lookin^^
at the logic of facts.

This is a difficulty which we meet, in fact, almost everywhere, but perhaps nowhere in
such a high degree as in India. Here, as far as we go back, we find several traditions, equally
rich, full in details, and systematic, but dates of absolute certainty occur only very late»
when the periods of genuine growth have been over for a long time. No nation has ever been
of so systematic a turn of mind and no nation has shewn more indifference to contradictions.
Nothing ever incorporated in their traditions has completely vanished, and even what has tbe
most modem appearance we may look to find again some day or other in tbeir most ancient
monuments. In very few cases only are we likewise able to ascertain which of their ideas are
ancient or modem, and every attempt at an accurate division in some way lays itself open to
objections. This is tbe reason, why we place, at the end of our first section, the ancient Epic
poem and the different idstras, which are connected, or make pretensions to be connected, more
or less legitimately, with the Veda. It is clear, however, from several important points of
view, for instance from that of the theology of these works and frequently even from that of
simple chronological order that these texts cannot be quite separated from, e. ^., the Purdn^is,

1 From the Revue de Vhistoire des Religionif pnblie^ sons la direction de M. Jean lieville [Annalet dn Mns^
Gnimet].

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December. 1894.] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA. 353

which we place in the third or last section. In this case our excuse must be the English
saying, *' the line znnst be drawn somewhere," and also the fact, that this order, with thp
restrictions just made, remains still the best and, in an}*^ case, the most convenient that can be
imagined.

I do not pretend to be any more complete in this Report than I was in the preceding oneau
Indian studies extend now over so vast a dominion, India itself has for some years taken so
active a part in them, that it is impossible to procure, still less to take notice of, everything that
is of any importance. With a few exceptions, where I merely mention the books, I shall only
speak of such works as I have been able to personally examine. Even for these I shall try
to be brief, whenever I am obliged to recur to matters already treated in this Reviev\ to avoid
making too many repetitions,

I. Veda and Brahmanism. Professor Max MiUler has quickly carried to a successful
completion the 2nd Edition of the text of the Hymns of the ^ig Veda with the commentary
of Sayana,^ for which he found in India not only a generous Maecenas, the Maharaja of
Vijanagram, but also additional manuscript materials.

After this renewed inquiry and revision, both carried on, as before, with admirable fullness
and care, the traditional text of the hymns may be considered as established definitively, and
the restoration of the text of the commentary of Sayana has not much to expect from future
discoveries. This edition, however, does not yet render it unnecessary to recur to the old one.
The Indices are not included. But this is an omission of secondary importance, which, no
doubt, will soon be supplied, and we may now consider as completed this great and noble
work, with which the name of Prof. Max Muller will remain connected as long as Oriental
studies are held in esteem, and when certain unpleasant differences, to which it has given rise,
will long be forgotten. Not many scholars will be found in a single century who have beeil
so lucky.

Almost at the same time a native edition of the ^ig Veda and its commentary was publish-
ed at Bombay.' This edition is not, like other publications of the same kind recently made in
India, a mere reprint. It is founded on an independent collation of excellent MSS. It has thus
a value of its own, which Prof. Max Miiller has readily acknowledged, and it does the greatest
honour to the Theosophical Society of Bombay, which has borne the expense and which, in this
instance, has been working to better account than its sisters of Madras and Calcutta. Dr. P,
Peterson, in editing parts of the text and commentary of the Rigveda, had particularly in view
educational wants.* Nevertheless, he has not considered himself relieved of the responsibility
of a serious editor. His texts are his own, as he has taken the trouble to establish them anew on
the foundation of MSS, Their contents are as follows : — (1) a selection of hymns accompanied
by the commentary of S&yana and critical notes ; (2) the preface of Sayana and critical notes ;
(3) Hymns from the Seventh Mandala with extracts from the Pada text with the commentary of
Sayana and critical notes. The latest of these different parts is the translation of the Preface of
Sayana. It is an excellent introduction to the study of the stylo of the commentators, by
means of an elaborate and extensive specimen. The translation itself is a mixture of literal
version and more free paraphrase ; it makes us catch the progress of the living thought and the
manner of composition peculiar to this sort of writings. Considering the aim of the book, I only
regret that Dr. Peterson has not added the exact references to the quotations of Sayana, and that
he has refrained from all comparison with parallel passages from the Preface to the comr

« Four vola., quarto, 1890-92.

8 Rigveda Sathhitaj with |a Commentary by SAyaQftoh&rya, edited by BAjArAm ShAstri Bodas and ShivarAm
ShAstri Gore. 8 vols, octavo, Bombay : 1889-90.

* P. Peterson, Hymns from the Rigveda, edited with SAyana's Commentary, Notes and a Translation, Bombay t
1888. — Handbook to the study of the ^ig Veda, Part I. Introductory, Bombay : 1890--Part II. Tfie Seventh
Jfar^^ala with the Commentary of SAyana, Bombay : 1892. These three volomns form Nos. XXXVI., XLI. an4
XLIII. of the Bpmbay Sanskrit Series,

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854 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Dkcbmbkr. 1894.

mentary of the Taittiriya Samhitd. Likewise, the notes, which bear only on the criticism of the
text, would have been far more useful if they also included historical explanations.

The traditional text of these ancient documents being once established, there still remains the
more arduous task of interpreting them. We have to mention in this respect a longer series
of efiEorts of difiEerent tendency and value, the best of which, we must confess, leave us still far
from our goal. I have already explained myself in one of the preceding numbers of this
Review on the translation of the hymns by Prof. Max Muller resumed in the Sacred Books of
the Easlf and I have done so fully enough to think myself dispensed from recurring to it
here. The translation published at Benares, by Mr. Griffith^ comprehends like that of
Prof, Max Muller the whole of the work. With this exception it has a quite different character.
The object of the latter is to give the English and Anglo-Indian public a true representation
of this ancient poetry, interpreted according to the method and general results of European
criticism. It presents itaelf without any scientific apparatus, which, however, does not imply
that it is not scientific. The author, who was the Principal of the Benares College for a long
time, has a profound knowledge of the Indian languages and customs, and of the Indian mind, and
for many passages one would be wrong not to reckon with the translation, though it lays claim
to so little outward pretension. But it is written in verse, sometimes in very fine verse.
Whatever may be the capability of Mr. Griffith to render the Hindu metres into English,
a capability which is no less splendid here than in his translations of the Mmdyana and
Kumdrasambhava, it is evident that the literal exactness, often the only one that can be
attained, had to be sacrificed more than once.

After these versions, more or less complete or intended to be so one day, and before
passing to the works which belong to general interpretation, there remains for me only to men-
tion some partial translations.

M. V. Henry* has begun to publish the commented translation of forty hymns of the Big
Veda, which the late M. Bergaigne had prepared for his " Chre$tomathie vidigue " completed
and edited, but after his death, through the pious care of his pupil and friend. One finds therein
Bergaigne himself with his incomparable masterly knowledge of the Rig Veda, his most scholarly
conscience always on guard to control and correct himself, and it appears more than ever
regrettable that this keen intellect, at once so audacious and so cautious, has been taken away from
us so prematurely in his full strength, before he could give us his last results. Professor Bollensen^
has given a translation of, and full commentary on, one hymn, I. 88, or rather a new text of this
hymn, based upon conjectures. Professor Bartholomae® and Professor Aufrecht have dis-
cussed single passages. Professer von Bradke^ has declared himself opposed to an attempt
(little justified) of introducing into the vocabulary of the Big Veda a set of new significations.
He did not succeed so well, I think, when taking up again after Prof. Oeldner the hymn X.
102. He exaggerates the comic element and makes a simple parody of it.^® Why should it have
been impossible to worship Indra seriously in a legend full of improper expressions and contain-
ing certain details, which we may be sure excited hearty laughter in the audience ? Professor
Ton Both has tried to reconstruct the ara9l, an apparatus used in the ritual for the produc-
tion of fire,^^ and to shew what difference there is between the modern instrument and the more
simple often mentioned^in the hymns. He has also applied himself to solve with that lucid

• Balph T. H. Griffith, The Hymiis of the l^igvedat translated with popular Ck>iiimeiitar7, 4 vols, in 8?o.
Benares: 1889-92.

• In the M^moiret de la BociiU de lingui»tiqvs de Pari$, Vol. YIII. p. 1, eto#, 1892. The published portion
oomprises the foarteen first hymns of the Chrettomathie.

T Fr. BoUensen. Beitr&ge eur Kritik des Veda/ZeiUchr, der Deutsh, McrgenlSnd. GeselUehaft, XLV. (1891), p. 204.

• Ohr. Bartholomae, Arisches, ibidem, XLIII. (1839) p. 664, and XLVI. (1891) p. 291.— Th. Anfrecht, Zwr
Erkldrung des fiig Veia, ibidem, XLV. (1891) p. 305. _

» P. Ton Bradke, Ueber Vori^edisches im Veda, ibidem, XLV. (1891) p. 684.
!• Ein lusHges Wagenrennen in AlHndierit ibidem, XLIII. (1889) p. 445.
11 R. Both, Indiiche's Feusrxeug, ibid^fm, XLIII. (1889) p. 590.

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Dbckmbbb, 1891] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA. 855

— -^ — f

simplicity which is the mark of every thing he writes two of the riddles of the hymn I. 164,
which consists of nothing but riddles.^' Bat I fear he has stopped half-way. In both of these
verses one body and one soul is spoken of, t. e., objects between which the same relation exists
as between body and soul, and which came to be designated metaphorically as snch.^^ When
taken literally of the soul and the body, the solution would in fact be very easy.

In India, the interpretation of the Veda goes back to Vedic times \ the Brdhmanas are in
great part explanatory of it, and the separation of the words of the sacred text in the pada-
p/itha is a first attempt at grammatical analysis, incorporated directly into the SmiMtds, The
other branches of exegesis, pronunciation, prosody, grammar, metre, lexicography, the calendar,
the assignment of the hymns to their authors and different divinities, are treated in a special
series of works, of uncertain and various dates, frequently of very doubtful authenticity, the
majority of which ai'e called Vedftfigas, "treatises auxiliary to the study of the Veda."
Among them, a collection of the treatises known under the name of iilcshd, is being published in the
Benares Sanskrit Series.^^ In the same collection the same editor has published a new edition of
the Prdtsihhyaoi the White Yajur with the commentary of Uvata and various appendices, among
othera the Pralijndsutra with the commentary of Anantadeva, the Charanavyuha of ^aunaka,
with the commentary of Mahidasa, a Jatdpafala with the commentary of the editor.^^ This
last work, which deals with the eight different ways of reciting the Veda by repeating and
inverting the words, and which, under its different forms, is said to be a part of the Vikrittvalli
of the old grammarian Vyadi, differs here from the two texts formerly published by Dr.
Thibaut,^^ and still more from another text published more recently by Satyavrata Sama*
sramin, in the JJshd}^

Less dry than these fragments of the work of VyAdi, which refer to the strongest complica-
tions of the tradition of the Vedic texts, is the B^rihaddoTatft of Saunaka^ published in the
Bibliotheca Indiea}^ It is a kind of Anukraman\ or index, which gives for every hymn or por-
tion of a hymn of the Rig Veda, the divinity to whom they are addressed, the whole inter-
spersed with short legendary stories in a remarkably unpolished and concise style, which
make this collection less monotonous than those which have come down to us under the name
of the same author. These latter, those at least which have been recovered up to date,^® appear
to be intended to be included in this edition, for the third part (the fourth has appeared, but I
have not yet seen it) contains at the end of the Brihaddevatd the Arshdnxikramaifij or index of
authors, and the beginning of the Ohandonuhramani, or index of metres. At an early date the
Sarvdnuhramani of Kltyayana seems to have taken the place of the greater number of these
treatises, and to sum them up. They are very rare ; one of them seems to have been lost

>s Zwei SprUche Ub^r Leib-und Seele, Zeitschrift der P. Morg, Oes. XLVI. 1882, p. 759. Compare a similar
riddle drawn from a Jaina niryuktit ibidem, p. 612.

13 Another short notice of Prof. Both in reply to certain remarks of Bothlingk (ibidem, XLIII. p. 604) caused by
a comparison made by Prof. Pischel, also, thongrh indirectly, refers to the Rig Veda. Der Bock und das Meaaer,
ihidsmt XLIV. p. 3Z1» B6htlingk*8 answer is found, ibidem, XLV. p. 493, and Prof. Fischers, ibidem^ p. 497.

IS B-kih^athgrcth'if a oulleotion of BikshAs by Y&jaavalkya and others, edited and annotated by Panc^it Yngalaii-
khara Vyftsa. Benares, fasc. I.-III. 1889-91. The NdradiyaHksM has been published in the Ushd, I. fasc. IV. Calcutta,
1890. Mr. £m. Sieg has edited the BhdradcajaHkshd, cum vernone latin^ excerpifi ex commentario adnota'
Uonibus criticis et exegeticis, Beirolini, 1892.

'* K'Uy lyanas Pr&bii&hhya of the White Yajur Veia, with the commentary of Uvata, Benares, 1888. The
Pr^tii^khya and the Chara^vydha had already been published by Prof. Weber in Vols. IV. and III. of the
Indische Studien. .

^^ Das Jat^ipatala, etc., Leipzig, 1870.

i« U8h&, 1. No. 2, Calcutta, 1890. The text is accompanied by the commentary of Gangfidbara. Compare in
the same periodical, No. 1, a t^xt on the same subject by a certain Madhusildana (a modem author, who gives him-
self out as a disciple and son of Krishna Dvaipfiyana), the AsJi^vikftiviviiti where the six last verses correspond
to the end of the second text published by Dr. Thibaut.

17 BfihaddevatA ; an index to the gods of the Rig Veda, by iSaunaka Aoh&rya. Edited by B^endrftla Mitrai
fasc. I.-IV. Calcutta. 1889-92.

>* One of them, the Anuvik^nukrama^t, has been published by Prof. A. A. Macdonell at the ^id of th«
Barv^nukramani of KAty&yana, Oxford, 1886.

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856 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Bkcembbb, 1894.

entirely. The edifcion of Bajendr^a Mitra will be welcomed as the last, bat not the least, of
the manj services which the illastrious Hindu has rendered to the study of the antiquities
of his native land.

The treatises, which we have hitherto been speaking of, are properly manuals. Their aim is,
not to explain the texts, but to catalogue and fix certain facts presented by the texts. Further,
this aim is still more specialized. Each treats of a single Veda, more stnetly of a single idkhi
or recension of a single Veda, and they deal with them from the point of view of a single order
of facts, of one discipline. Qaite different is the Nirukta of Y&ska, Under the guise of a simple
commentary on an elementary dictionary, and though its immediate object is the etymological
explanation of the words, it is really a treatise on general exegesis, where all the resources of
interpretation are employed, and these explanations, though the Rigveda occupies the chief
place, cover the whole of the Veda. Of all the works of this kind which India has left us, it is
the oldest and, at the same time, the most comprehensive. The admirable edition, too, which
Prof, von Roth gave us nearly half a century ago, marks one of the great epochs in the history
of Vedic studies. The new edition, enriched with the commentanes and all sorts of matter
derived from native tradition, which, PoQ^Lit Satyavrata S&mabramln undertook in 1881 in the
Bibliotheoa Imlica is now, I suppose, completed.** The fifth and sixth parts of the last volume
contain the index and further a longer piece, Siruhtdlochana or ** reflexions on the NiruktOy'* which
is continued in the seventh, and i? oompleted, I suppose, in the eighth, and in which the editor
examines in detail all the questions which are oonnected more or less closely with the Nirukla,
Satyavrata Samasramin is a bhaltdchdrya or doctor, and a admavedinov follower of the Bamaveda
by descent and profession. His training is founded, at least in the first instance, on the native
tradition, and among living scholars, he is certainly one of the best specimens that the native
system of education has produced. But at the same time he has a very opeu mind, in no way
inaccessible to influences from without. It is hard to say how far he has a direct knowledge
pf the works of European scholars. He mentions only Wilford, Wilson, Goldstueker, and
Bohtlingk ; for the edition of the Kirukia he has used that of Roth. But we easily see that,
directly or indirectly, he has made himself quite familiar with the chief results of their
works. His position with regard to them is remarkably free and untrammelled. He
criticizes them, adopts their opinions, or more frequently rejects them with complete
independence. There is in him no trace of blind hostility, or of a gloomy and
stern orthodoxy, even in face of those solutions which shock his most cherished
convictions. He has gained a sufficiently clear notion of history and its requirements,
and his evident intention is to use a strictly historical method and in this succeeds,
but in his own way, though not without some misunderstandings (such as might happen
even to European scholars), but with singular skill. His manner of explanation, moreover,
though it is native, and on occasion uses the peculiar forms of Hindu logic, comes very near
our own methods. These *• Considerations " if translated into some generally understood
European language would make a very respectable appearance, and were very likely written in
part at least for Western readers. It would be a great pity if they were to remain unread
here. They contain, in fact, a complete view of all the sacred literature of India, in broad
outlines (though abounding in details) from the point of view of Hindu, or rather Vedic,
orthodoxy, by a native scholar, who is at once conservative and daring ; and this summary,
however strange its conclusions may sometimes appear, is so noteworthy, both for what it
gives up and what it retains, that at the risk of wandering far from the Rigveda, and returning
to it only after a long digression, I think it my duty to give at least a short summary of it here.
To save time, I shall confine myself to stating the views of the author without attempting to
discuss them. I shall pass quickly over theories, which when sti*ipped of their details
are of importance only to Hindus ; and even then the digression will be long enough.

1* Tho Nirukta with Commentaries, Vol. IV. faso. I.— VIII., Calcutta, 188d«1890. The eighth part, the lait
I suppose of the work, has been published, bat has not reached me.

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Dkcembbb, 1894.] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OP INDIA. 857

The author has divided his essay into twelve questions, which taken together with their
answers make as many chapters. 1. What is the Nirukta ? — By Nirukta, properly " explana-
tion of the meaning of words," we must understand here the second part of a book, whose first
part is a dictionary, called Nigkantu. The Nirukta is the commentary to the Nighantu, 2. To
which of these two parts does the appellation Veddhga belong ? — To the Niruhta and to the
Nirukta alone. The Nighaniu is of a still higher authority, and is inferior only to the Man-
tras and equal to the Brdhmanas, from which it differs only in the way it has been handed
down to OS. 3. Who is the author of the book ? — The tiighaniu is contained in its entirety in
the Brdhmamsy so to eay in a state of diffusion. Like them, it cannot be assigned to a definite
author, and if we must name some author, we must go up as far as the prajdpati Kasyapa.
As to the Nirukta, is it the work of Yaska ? 4. Who was this Yaska ? — We have no direct
evidence as to his personality ; he tells us nothing of his name or family. Tradition alone
informs us that he was of the gotra of Yaska, a P&raskara, that is to say, a native of Paraskara
or a descendant of a PAraskara, probably also a descendant of another Y&ska named in the
Satapatha Brdhmana and a follower of the Yajurveda. 6. Was Yaska a rishi, or inspired •
author ? — He was not a rishi in the first degree, like those who *• saw ** (revealed) the Mantras.
Further he was not a rishi in the second degree, like those who published the Brdhmanas, He
was not even a rishi in the third degree, like the authors of the Veddhgas, to whom that title is
also given ; because his book, though rightly regarded as a Veddhga, is not one of the primitive
Veddhgas, such as the Grammar of PAnini ;20 for they are enumerated in it as being si^ in all, the
Nirukta itself included. It is therefore only by an extension of the term that we can give to
Y^ka the title rishi ; properly speaking he was a muni, and dchdrya, a sage or teacher. 6. What
portion of the Niruhta goes back to Yaska ? — The first twelve books ; the two last books are
Pariiishtas, or later additions. At the time of S&yana the fourteenth book had not been finally
incorporated with the work; at the time of Devar&ja, the oldest commentator known, the
uncertainty extended to the thirteenth book ; at Patanjali's time these two books were not
yet in existence. 7. What is the date of YAska ? — Unfortunately there are no historical
works in India, and it is hardly likely that there ever were any. There are many stories in
the Veda, but they are only allusions, examples, comparisons brought in without any
connexion, sometimes simply allegories. No intelligent man will look on the Mahdbhdrata aa
historical, still less the Purdnas and Upapurdnas. It will not do to use, for the ancient period,
the commentators, like Sha^gurusishya, for example, who has no notion of the gross historical
anachronism he commits by confoanding the rishi 'Saunaka of the Rigveda with the Saunaka,
who had to do with the transmission of the Mahdbhdrata and the Harivaihsa,

One work, and one only, the Rdjatarahgin^, can afford any satisfaction to those who are
desirous of learning the truth about ancient India, but unfortunately it deals only with the
kings of Kasmir. As to the other works whose supposed authority has been appealed to so
rashly, such as the Kathdsaritsdgara, and its prototype, the Brihatkathd of Gunadhya, in which
KAtyAyana, though later than PAuini by a thousand years, is yet reckoned as his contem-
porary, they are a mere tissue of imposture. Books like these deserve no better fate than
to be thrown into the fire, now that they have unfortunately escaped the destiny that was
properly theirs, — suppression at the moment of their origin. Under these conditions, all
researches of this kind must be very diflficult and uncertain. We must take indirect and
unconnected pieces of evidence, bring them face to face with one another, join them together,
and proceed, as it were, by feeling our way, at the risk of stumbling at every step. With this
method, and with all these reserves before our mind, the following account seems most

»• The Qrammar of Pdt^iniy newly edited and translated by Geheimrath von Bohtlmgk, Leipzig, 1886-7, is at
present being translated in India : The Ashtddhy^t of P&nini, translated into English by ^rt^ Chandra Vasa
(Book I.)> Allahabad, Indian Press, 1891. The translator gives most of the vMtikat and adds the KiHkA vritti.
Another English translation by Mr. Gooaetilleke (I have only seen the first part) does not seem to have been
continued. On PAi^ini and his system, see Bruno Liebich, Pdnini Ein Beitrag Zur Kenntnissder indischen Literatur
und Qrammatik, Leipzig, 1891.

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358 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [Dec«mbib, 1894

likely. Yaska is clearly anterior to the Mahdbhdrata^ where he is mentioned. He is also
anterior to Patanjali, the author of the Mahdbhushya^ who osed his Niruhta, and who is himself
older than the Mahdbhdrata, This Patanjali, the author of the Mahdhkdshya^ quite distinct
from his namesake, the very much older author of the Yogastitras^ must be placed between the
invasion of Alexander and the foundation of PAtaliputra, and as, according to him, this city was
still in his time situated on the Sona, while in the time of Chandragupta, according to con-
temporary evidence,*^ the Ganges alone flowed past it, his probable date is about 450 B. C. All
the arguments for a later date (and the author discusses nearly every one of them) are to be
rejected. Before Pataiijali there comes oar present Code of Manu, which he quotes without
naming it. This Manusamhttd is a recast of much older sutras, such as those of the Mdnavas,
and would more correctly be called the Bhrigv^anHiiid^ from the name of its real author, a
Bhrign, who must not be confounded with the rUhis who bear the same name. It is anterior to
the preaching of Buddhism and the rise of the doctrine of ahiihid (respect for everything
endowed with life) by not less than two centuries, since it comes before the Rdmdyana^ which is
itself pre-Buddhistic and quotes Manu. Since, further, it ignores the 'Saiva worship, which
we know by the positive testimony of the Edjatarahgini (!) to have flourished from the eighth
century B. C, we cannot go far wrong in putting it in the ninth or tenth century. Now YAska
is older than this Manusathkitd, for he agrees with it, without mentioning or quoting it;
the Manu, the author of a smriti, whom he does know, is quite different and much older. Yaska
is older al^ than Katyayana, the author of vdrUikas^ who may be the same as the author of the
Prdtisdkhya of the White Yajurveda, but who must at all events be kept separate from the more
ancient author of the 'Srautasutra of the same Veda, and whom we may admit to have lived about
1300 B. C. But Yaska is later than Panini, the author of the famous grammar and father of
all grammar (before him there was no vydkarana), who must be placed about a thousand years
earlier, about 2300 B. C.** Between YAska and PAnini there comes again VyAcJi, the anthor
of the Sanigraha and the Vikritavalliy and his teacher Saunaka, the author of the Rdcprdtiidkhya,
quite distinct from the other Saunakas, who are riihis : (all the Prdtiidkhyas are later than
Panini). YAska himself must have been preceded by Panini by three or four centuries, and
perhaps may be placed approximatively about 1900 B. C. Before Panini there lived the heroes
celebrated in the Mahdbhdrata, and the authors of the original sutras of the six schools of
philosophy and of the ritual sulras. Beyond these, thei*e are only the inspired prophets of
the Veda. 8. What is the Nirukta ? — The interpretation of the Veda. 9. What is the
Veda ? — The Veda is the revealed ** science "; it is composed of two parts : mantra and
hrdhmana. As the word veda is met with in all the collections of Mantras, and as these are
anterior to the Brdhmanas, it is clear that this word, like most of its synonyms, originally
meant only the Maiitras, and that it was only at a later time extended to the explanatory
portions. The' author then discusses the synonyms of the word veda : irutt, dmndya, trayi
names which are later, and the second of which, dmndya, has been extended by usage to books
which, strictly speaking, do not form part of the Veda. The third trayi^ properly trayi vidyd,
*• the triple science,'' is applied to the three kinds of Mantras, which are either rich ** verse **
or yajm *' prose," or sdman *» melody, " and it is a mistake to see in this expression the proof
that for ages there were only three Vedas, to which was added, in much later times, a fourth
the Atharvaveda. The two phrases "the four Vedas" and trayividyd denote absolutely the
same thing — the Vedas in their entirety ; the one phrase referring to the arrangement, the
other to the form. For the Veda is in reality one, whether in the form of rich, yajtis or sdman
and oHginally formed one whole. It was the rishi Atharvan, the first originator of the

« Among these our author soems to reckon the Mv,drdrdik8hata ! It is well known that Hegasthenea places the
city at the meeting of the two rivers.

" To justify this thousand years between PAnini and KAty&yana, the author appeals, among other argnments.
to the differences between the language of the two, and discusses in this connexion the phrase devdn^rhpriya, as
M. Sylvain Levi has done more recently {Jour, Asiat, Nov.-Dec, 1891, p. 549), but who arrives, as we see, at quite

different results.

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December, 1894.] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA. 859

sacrifice, who divided this whole according feo the requirements of the sacrifice. He made in
this way a first collection for the use of the hotri priest, the Riksaihhitd ; a second for the use
of the adhvaryu priest, the Yajtcssamhtitd ; a third for the udgdtri, the Sdmasaihhita, and a fourth
collection containing what the superintending priest the brahman, had to know in addition to
the three first, the Atharvanasamhitd, correctly so called by the name of the originator himself.
To each of these collections there corresponds a collection of injunctions and explanations,
which is its Brahmana, Samhita and Brahmana together forming the Rigvcda, the Yajnrveda,
the Samaveda, and the Atharvanaveda. Then comes a discussion of the other synonyms of the
peda : chhaiidas, svddhydya (properly that portion of the scriptures, varying with each individual,
which every orthodox believer must repeat and study), dgaiiia and nigama. The last term denotes,
strictly speaking, a passage quoted for explanation, or as an authority. The Brdhnianas are there-
fore really commentaries on passages taken from the Mantras, which are their niganias ; later
on they, in turn, served as nigamas to still more recent explanations. From the Veda considered
as a whole the essayist goes on to treat of its two parts, mantra and brahmana. He discusses
the word mantra and mentions the difEerent kinds of mantras : invocation, prayer, praise, wish,
etc. The collection of the mantras of each Veda is its Samhitd. It admits three chief modes of
recitation (pdfha): in a continuous text, saihhitdpdiha ; with division of the words padapdtha;
with repetition and interlacing of the words, kram^apdtha ; this last mode is in tarn sub-divided
into eight vikriiis, or varieties, as the repetition and interlacing are more or less complicated.
In the progress of time and as a result of the accidents inseparable from tradition, there have
crept into these safhhitds certain minute variations, which form the difEerent idkhdsj or
•* branches." One idkhd of a Veda is not merely a portion of that Veda or a chapter of it; it is
the whole of that Veda, and whoever has studied one idkhd of the Rigveda, for example, can be at
rest in his mind ; he has studied the whole Rigveda. A dog whose tail has been cut off is not
the less the same dog. A more deeply reaching distinction exists only in the case of the
Tajurveda, where several idkhds make up the White Yajurveda, and the others the Black
Yajnrveda. In this way the number of Sathhitds is in reality five, not four.^ Among these
Samhitds an attempt has been made to establish a certain succession in time ; that of the
Rigveda would be the oldest ; those of the S&man and Yajus would seem to have been
extracted later on, either in whole or in part ; that of the Atharvan would be a-
parisishfa, or supplement to the rest ; in the Riksamhitd itself, the second mandala
would appear to be a secondary addition ; the tenth a still later addition. If a
merchant brings to market various kinds of fruits, to sell them more readily, he will divide
them into as many heaps as there are kinds of fruit. Must we say that this or that heap has
been made earlier or later than any other ? No doubt the fruits themselves were not grown
all at once, but the division took place at one time. In the same way we may grant that such
and such a mantra was " seen *' after such and such another ; but their distribution between
the various samhitds was the work of one and the same arranger. From the first part of the
Veda, the mantras, our author passes to the second the brahmana. This is either a command
and declaration (vidhi) or an explanation and development (arthavdda), terms which he exa-
mines at great length, both with regard to their use and the subdivisions which they include.
The hrdhmanas must not be confused with the anubrdhmanas, which are simply imitations of the
brdhmanas, and have only a certain likeness to them (Jbrdhmanasadrisa) .

The anubrdhmanas are nearly all lost ; the substance of them has passed in the Veddhgas,
the MimAihsdy the Itihdsas, and the Purdnas, But parts of the anubrdhmanas of the Sdmaveda
have been preserved (not to speak of what has been collected from this source in the Nidd-
nasutra) : they are the minor Brdhmanas of this Veda. Sayana, it is true, took them for real

2' The author does not say anything more on this head ; notably he does not explain the mixture of mantra and
brd/imai>a, which marks the i^ikhds of the Black Yajurveda. The state of matters is not absolutely incompatible
with his views, but would hare interfered with the apparent cogency of his demonstration. This and another
which we shall note farther on, is the only point of importance, which he may be said to have passed over inten*
tionally.

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860 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [December, 1894.

brdhmanas. This is becaose SAyana was not professionally a sdmavedxn. He did not receive his
knowledge of this Veda from the mouth of a guru. The commentary then, which he compiled,
as best he could, is not a real sdmavedahhdshya in the eyes of the sdmavedins^ but a mere piece of
of schoolboys* work. The brdhmana portion of the Veda has given rise, no less than the mantra
portion, to erroneous speculations. Thus, with regard to the dranyakas it has been maintained
that they cannot have more than a single book {adhydya\ that they are nothing but partsishtas of
the hrdhffMnaSf that they are later than Panini, that they do not form a part of the Veda, All
this, unfortunately, shews that the knowledge of the Veda is dying out. If the precepts whicH
enjoin the study of the whole text were still held in reverence, and not in words only, it would
be recognised that there is not a single dranyaha which does not po.<ise88 more than one book,
that they are not found solely in the brdhmanas, and that one of them is a part of the Sdma^mh*
hud, PAnini, it is true, teaches that the derivative dranyaha is said of a man, to designate
him as an inhabitant of the forest, which has called forth the remark of Katyuyana that the
same derivative may be used also of a road, an elephant, and of certain chapters (of the Veda).
All that we may fairly draw from this is, that, at the time of Panini, the word was not yet used
to designate writings of this kind. To infer that these works were not yet in existence, would
be the same as to say that in his time there were neither forest-roads, nor wild elephants. And
it is just as hasty to exclude the dranyakas from the Veda by means of a false interpretation of a
passage of Manu.^ There are, no doubt, dranyakas which are questionable or notoriously
spurious, like those of the fifth book of the Axtareya Aranyaka, That only proves that the
hrdhmanas, as well as the mautras, have their khilas, unauthentic supplements, about which in
other respects, however, tradition has never been entirely mistaken. No less daring opinions have
been expressed with regard to the upanishads, which commonly form part of the dranyakas, but
several of which are to be found in the brdhmanas and even in the saihkUds, The Upanishade
would thus be later than Panini, because he does not teach that this word is used to denote
certain parts of the Veda. But KAtyayana and Patanjali have not taught this either, nor have
many other grammarians, some of whom are quite modem. Shall we be compelled to say that
for this reason the Upanishads are very recent works? Doubtless, there are unauthentic
Vpanishadst composed in imitation of the ancient, to give more credit to certain doctrines, as
for example, the Rdmatdpani. There are also some palpable forgeries like the JUa Upanishad^
which cannot deceive any one. But those which form an integral part of the Vedic books are
quite as authentic as those books themselves. Those Panini not only knew, but he knew the
imitations of them, since he teaches the formation of a special and compound upanishatkritya^
to denote these imitations. Besides this, Panini mentions the Bhikshttsutras, which, if they are
not our present Veddntasutras are at any rate their source, and must like the Veddntasutras
have been based on the Upanishads, Lastly, Yaska knew and used the name upanishad^ and
Yaska is older than PAnini, according to these same critics. How do they get out of this ?

10, What is the age of the Veda ? — All tradition teaches that the Veda is apaurusheyoy
that it is not the work of man. It exists from all eternity in the mind of the divinity : the
wise men, who have revealed it to us have seen it, — did not make it. That being the case, it
is useless to look for its origin. But even if we admit, as the most ancient texts lead us to
suppose, that these sages, who must be thought of as living in time, were themselves the real
authors of it, its origin would not be more easily determined on that account. We have seen
above that Panini must have lived about 2300 B. C, or in the first thousand years of the
current yuga. Before him there lived the authors of the Kramapdtha, such as Babhravya ;
before them, the authors of the Padapdtha, such as 'Sakalya ; before them again the authors
of treatises like the Ri'ktantra, Bakatayana and others, and still further removed at the
beginning of the ynga (3102 B. 0.) the editors of the KalpasHtras, Then come, always

M Tho paseage in question is Mann, IV. 123, where we read the well-known prohibition to reciting the rich and
yaju8 verses where the sAman verses are being snng. Onr author sees in this a prohibition to recite the one
immediately after the recitation of the others, and exphiins it by the desire of Mann to spare the priest the painful
effort of altering his voice from the seven accents of the 8<iman8, to the three accents of the other texts.

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Dboembbb, 1894.] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA. 861

going back, the rvshist the authors of the anubrdhmanaBt snch as Easarayinda, and, before
them, those who composed onr actual brdhmanas, snch as AJahfdAsa and many others. With
these, we are fully into another yit^a, perhaps even in another halpa (at least 4,300,000 B. G.)
Bnt before them appeared the authors of the ilokas, anuilokas and gdthds^ which have been
worked up in the brdhmttnas, Befoi'e these latter again, there was a period in which all thal^
doctrine was in a state of scattered tradition, of simple sayings (pravdda^ whence the correspond*
ing designation of iruti^ which has remained). And that age itself was preceded by another, in
which the sacrifice was instituted, and in which Atharvan, once for all, constituted the sathhitdB,
But these, again, were preceded by smaller collections, the mandalas, sdhtas, etc.* which in turn
presupposed the composition of mantras by a long series of rishis. Who would venture, at such
remote periods, to dream of a chronology ? All chronological research sets out from certain
precise data, and here we have none. The very names of the rishis^ which have been handed
down, are often fictitious, as for example the names of divinities ; others, that have the look of
being real names, such as Yasishtha and Bhiigu, are, for us, outside of all time ; others, again y
like VAsishtha and Kasyapa, are family names, which tells us absolutely nothing. In this con-
nexion, the essayist says, I, too, am a Kasyapa, my father was a Kasyapa» and my son and
grandson will also be Kasyapas. And what is true of the mantras is true also of the brdhmanas.
All we can say is that they are later than the mantras, and that some of their parts are earlier,
or later, than some other of their parts. But to wish to assign to a single one of these parts a
definite epoch, is to be misled by a will of the wish. In the Aitareya Brdhmana^ for instance^
mention is made of a Janamejaya, son of Parikshit. Some have wished to identify him with
the king of the Mahdbhdrata, the great-grandson of Arjuna. and have made the deduction that
the brdhmafia is several centuries later than the great war. But, in that case, it would be
nearly of the same age as Panini, which is impossible after what has been said. Similarity of
name does not imply identity of person, or we would need to admit that the mantras of the
Rigveda which mention a Bhoja, are later than Uvatta, who wrote a commentary on the Vedas
under King Bhoja. You cannot roast a fowl and make it lay eggs at the same time. lu the same
way a false conclusion has been drawn from a sutra of Panini,^ and a corresponding vdrttika of
KAtyiiyana, that the Satapathabrdhmana was then quite new, while these texts shew that, in
reality, then, as now, certain brdhmanas were recognized, not as absolutely recent, but as more
recent than other brdhvianas,

11. What are the subjects treated in the Niruhta ? -r- Here the seventh part comes to
an end. This question, as well as the twelfth and last, to the commentators on the Nxrukta and
their date will fill the eighth part, which is published, but has not reached me. In the course
of this analysis I have refrained from pointing out the many cases in which the arguments of
the worthy dchdrya seem unsound ; it is equally useless to insist upon the extreme demand made
on our powers of belief, which he makes on us with respect to a past, which, by his own confes-
sion, has no history. I shall only add a single remj^rk here. The author- does not say a word as
to the part that writing must have played in all this ; and this is the other noteworthy, if
intentional, omission I have found. All that we find on this point is a passing remark that
in the " time of the rishts " writing was not used. According to him we are therefore compelled
to believe, on the one hand, in the purely oral origin and transmission of this long series of .
Vedic works withont any overlapping, each of them fixed in all its parts, before the composi-
tion of the following one, and on the other hand, in the employment of writing in India^ some
two or three thousand years before our era. Some words of explanation would have been
necessary on both heads. To give some idea of the abundance of details presented by the essay
which have had to be sacrificed here, I must add that the portion analysed numbers 176 pages
and that the dchdrya writes tersely.

Returning after this long digression to the exegesis of the Veda, I most notice in the

*• The often disoassed rule IV. 8, 105 ; the author always writes y^jnmfalhydni hrAhnutfiAni in plaoe of the more
correct reading y^navalkdm.

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362 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Dicimbeb. 1894.

first place, the continuation of the Yedic Stodies of Messrs. Pisohel and Geldner.^ In
a very carefnl introduction the authors give a resume of the history of the interpretation
of the Veda, and, while attempting to do justice to everybody, have done their best to
define exactly the points in which they disagree with their predecessors. The general spirit of
their attempt has been criticized by me on the appearance of the first seiies of studies.'^
We recognize here, too, the same knowledge of the texts, the same philological attempt to
go deeply into things and give back to India, a book which, after all, belongs to India; we
recognize also the same daring. As in the first part, each will find something to take and
something to leave, among all those fragments which defy analysis by their very richness and
variety. I shall take objection to two points only, where the authors seem to me to go astray
on topics which they dwell on at length; sport and ^e^aeme in the Veda. The reader is com-
pelled to cherish doubts as to the constant devotion to equine amusements attributed to the
Vedic poets, and still more the ease with which Dr. Geldner detects and explains the language
of the turf of those distant times, when we have difficulty enoagh to understand that of to-day.
As to courtesans, it is certain that neither the Dawn nor the Apsaras are represented as chaste
wives, but to assume from them the existence of a widely developed system of ketaerae is to
judge of a society too much by its nymphs and goddesses.

General and detailed criticisms on these Stcdies have been written by Profs. Oldenberg* and
Colinet,* and Prof. Ludwig has devoted to them a long essay, very learned bat very muddled
and confused.^® With Messrs. Pischel and Geldner we always know at least what they mean
and where they wish to lead us. Another essay of the same author directed chiefly against the
Prolegomena of Prof. Oldenberg deals chiefly with the reconstruction of the text of the
Rigveda.'^ Here again the inherent difficnlties of the subject do not seem to satisfy Prof.
Ludwig, who writes as if with a determination to make his readers do penance.

Want of clearness is not the shortcoming of the work in which M. Hirsel has fallen ou
the remarkable idea of counting and classifying the comparisons and metaphors of the Bigveda,
in order to establish thereby statistics of the occupations and favourite pursuits of the Vedic
peoples. To lend greater probability to the investigation he has compared the coiresponding
results furnished by the Greek poets. Those who know what sort of progress has been made in
the interpretation of the Veda, — how questions like that of the knowledge of the sea by the
Hindus of that period are still under discussion, — can only look on this laborious attempt as
nothing but the whim of a man who has time to lose. We are also in the domain of fancy, but
another kind of fancy, with M. Brunnhofer.^^ M. Brunnhofer, who combines wide knowledge
with a great deal of imagination, starts with a very true conception, namely that diflerences of
race and language have never been, either in the past or now, an unsuperable banier between
nations. But he has let himself be led astray by it, and after several stages, is completely in a
dream-world. In his eyes, the Veda was composed by people who came from Afghanistan.
Persia, Media, Parthia, the shores of the Caspian, from Ararat, the Caucasus, the Black Sea,
from everywhere, perhaps even from India. He discovers in the Veda stanzas in the Zend

•• Biohard Pischel and Karl F. Geldner, VedUche Studien, Erster Band. Stuttgart, 1889, Zweiter Band 1 Beft,
' ibid, 1892.

« Tome XIX. p. 128. » In the OotUng Qeh Anx. 1890, No. 10.

<* Let principet de Veiegdie vedique d^apr^B MM, Pischel et K. Qeldner. In the Mu$Son, ToL IX. (1890) pp. 250
and 372.

^ Alfred Ludwig, Veher Methode hei Interpretation dee ^igveda in the Abhandlungen of the Academy of Prague,
1800.

•1 Ueher die Kritik det J^igvedatertes, ibid. 1889.

^ Hermann Brunnhofer, Iran und Turan.^ Historische, geographieche und ethnologische Vntermichungen Ober
de^i dltesien Schauplats der Tndischen Oeschichte, Leipzig, 1889. — Vom Pontus bis turn InduSf Historische geogra^
phische UTid ethnologische Skizzen, Leipzig, 1890. — Cultuncandel und yalkerverkehr, Leipzig, 1890. This last book,
a collection of varions essays, is of a less special character. The.following I do not know at first band, but doubt if
it is much more valuable : Vom Aral bis zur Qang&. Historisch-geogrt^hische und ethnologische SkisKen tur Urge-
schichte der Menschheit, Leipzig, 1892.

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Dbgbmbsb, 1894.] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA. 868

laogoage, the key of the legend of Cyrus and Qneen Tomyris, and qnite recent recollectionB of
the invasion of Semiramis. An Atreya has even preserved for us a tradition of the taking of
Babylon by Zoroaster in the year 2458 B. C, at which this Atreya was present, and which is
known only through him. We sometimes ask ourselves if the author is talking seriously, as
when he asks the Russian Government to send a scientific expedition to the steppes of Turkestan,
in order to study the phenomena of the mirage, and confirm his view that the Hindus have
hence derived their ideas of the Pitris, and of Mitra and Varuna. In spite of the absolute want
of sound general views M. Bronnhofer has a remarkable sagacity in dealing with points of
detail, some of which are valuable.

The question of the connexion of the Vedic Hindus with the Iranian peoples has always
attracted the attention of Prof. Weber, but without leading him into extravagances like those
just mentioned. He has taken up the subject again in an essay.^^ The essay is not confined
to this question nor to the Big- Veda, as he endeavours to follow, up the traces of the epic
legend in the ritual literature (another series of questions which Prof. Weber was the first to
put), but the problem of the north-west is always present in some form or other. The whole
essay is a model of erudition, and is full, thoroogh and exact, with several daring digressions,
which open up long vistas into the past, but in which the use of hypothesis is never pushed
beyond its proper limits. As regards the epic legends, the more they agree with what the
Veda has preserved or depart from it, the more we must, it seems, accustom ourselves to regard
them, not as mere copies of these more ancient traditions but, with all the later systematisatioii,
as a branch of parallel tradition, having in many cases a value of its own. As to these countries
on the north-west frontier they seem to have been in the earliest times very much the same
as we find them at various historical periods, in the middle ages for example, when the
table-land of Iran was India Minor, and to a certain degree down to our own days. In every
age the Pathans have made inroads on India, either as invaders or by a process of slow and more
or less peaceful infiltration, and in the early periods the Pathans were not Musalmdns.

Other works deal with conceptions peculiar to the Big- Veda, M. Koiilikovski has, iu
this Review^^^ made a study of a certain number of epithets of Agni, and has built up, on a very
slender basis, a whole pile of very hazardous conclusions as to the social and political organiza-
tion of the Vedic tribes. M. Colinet has very carefully gathered together all the ideas
bearing on the upper world.^^ The almost unavoidable defect of an essay like this, is that,
after reading it, we are hardly any further on than before. It was known that this upper world
was the abode of the devas and the light, and it is easy to understand that it was also the abode
of the pitris and of Yama. But it is also the world of Soma, of the Apas, of Aditi, of the rita,
of the asuy and of other beings, which should first of all be carefully determined, and M. Colinet
doubtless does not flatter himself that he has always completely succeeded in this task. This
would be to make clear the most obscure portion of the Veda. M. Ebni has made a study of
Yama, and has endeavoured by comparison with corresponding figures in other mythologies to

>» Alb. Weber, Epiechea im Vedischen Ritual in the Sifzungsherichte of the Academy of Berlin, 23rd Jnly 1891.
In a later essay, Ueher B^ihli BAhltkai i6. 1 7th November 1892, Prof. Weber has examined afresh a special case of
those points of contact between India and Persia. We know that Bfihl! and Bahlika are in classical Sanskrit names
of Bactria and the Bactrians, and it is generally admitted that in this form those names cannot go back farther than-
the first centuries of our era. Professor Weber enumerates the works which are reckoned old, in which these forms
are found, among others the Vdritikcm of Kdty&yana, and the MahlbhAshya, which would thus be subsequent to the
Christian era. But he agrees that Valhika, which is found in the ilt/iari7a8a?h/ii^a and in the B'tapathabrdhmana
is a name of Hindu origin, and has nothing to do with Bactria, and ho cites cases where the two orthographies
hare been oonfnsed. For another special case* that of the Yavanas, the Greeks, see Sylvain Levy, Quid de Qraecis
veterum Indorum manumenta tradiderint, Paris, 1890, and a third essay of Prof. Weber, Die Qriechen tn Indien in
the same Sitsungaherichte^ 17 July 1890.

•* Tome XX. p. 151, Les troit feux mcr^s cle Rig-Veda,

•* Ph. Colinet, La nature du monde sujxlrietir dans le ^ig-Veda in the Mueeothf 1890. 1 have not yet seen another
essay of M. Colinet on Aditi, which was presented to the Oriental Congress in London, 1892, TrcmsactionSf Vol. I.
pp. 396^10. A first sketch appeared in the Mus^on, 1893: i^tudesurle mot Aditi > M. Colinet holds that in the
J^g-Veda^ the word Aditi is always the proper name of a goddess.

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864 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [Dbcembbb, ISU.

reduce this conception to its origin in nature.** Like many others he sees in Tama a solar hero,
and we may accept this view, but I doubt if we can equally accept the further ideas which h«
adds of his own, of the rising sun, the aun in spring-time, the setting sun, the snn at sighti etc#
In a word, the book hardly marks any real advance.

In this respect the work of Prof. Hillebrandt on the Soma is very different.'^ If there
ever was a book to give hope to those who desire to see deeply into the Veda, ^t is this. The
position which the author defends is a new one ; it is of the very highest importance, since there
is scarcely a hymn which it does not touch on more or less, and from which it does not remove
some troublesome problem ; to put it shortly, the correctness of the position is, in my opinion at
least, proved. In the whole Veda, Soma, not only, as was formerly believed, in a few late^
passages but in numberless places, designates the moon, conceived of as the recipient of the
celestial soma, the food of the gods, of which the terrestrial soma, offered in the sacrifice^ is
the symbol here on earth. These three meanings are nearly always present at one and the
same time ; in certain cases it is difficult to say thnt the text passes from one to the other,
80 closely are they interwoven, whether intentionally or simply in consequence of the long
employment of the same formulae. This fundamental proposition of Prof. Hillebrandt*a
book is laid before the reader with such a wealth of proof, is followed up so patiently
in all its consequences and in its smallest details, that it must be received, in onr opinion,
as one of the most enduring conquests of Vedic philology. Henceforth, whenever the
celestial soma and its peculiar attributes are discussed, we shall know where to look for
it. The terrestrial soma is treated as carefully as its celestial homonym. The description
of the plant, the preparation of the sacred liquor, the ut-ensils employed, the use made
of it in the sacridce (no doubt in daily life too), are examined in detail, and determined
as accurately as the texts will permit, which refrain intentionally from definite expressions.
If I had any doubts to give utterance to, it would be in regard to the secondary positions taken
up in the book, where a whole series of other divine figures are more or less identified with the
moon. In the case of VisvarApa, the son of Tvashfri, the sun, who is the moon conceived of as
a demon, I think that Prof. Hillebrandt is successful ; I am doubtful as to Bfishaspati and Apam^
nap&t, who are rather other forms of Agni, though both names do occasionally mean Soma. To
shew too ready an acceptation of syncretism in the Veda, is to bring everything into confusion.
Much less still am I persuaded that Yama, who is also an offspring of the sun, was ever tlie
moon. But it is difficult to make a discovery and not overstep its limits a little. Among the
points where Prof. Hillebrandt goes too far, there is one, however, which I cannot pass over in
silence, recurring as it does over and over again. In his view the Vedic religion, from being
solar, became a lunar religion. This, I think, is far from the case, and it became the one, just as
little as it ever was the other. If the rishis of the Veda had been worshippers of the Sun, the
Moon, the Fire, they would have told U6 so in clearer terms, and Prof. Hillebrandt's discovery
would have been made long ago. This discovery throws a new light, not so mnch on the
religious ideas of the rishis, as on the origins, or some of the origins, of these ideas, as well as
the origins of the practical part of their worship, and of the forms in which they clad their
thoughts. The service which he has done is too great for us to spoil it by pushing it too far,

M I. Ehni, Per vedische Myihus det Yama, vergliehen mit den analogsn Typen der persitehen, grieekitehen, und
germanitchen Mythologies Straasbur^, 1890.

w Alfred Hillebrnndt, Vedische Mythologie, Erster Band. Soma tind verwandto Gotter. Breslait, 18W.

W Professor Hillebrandt ranks me alongr with those who defend this view, and I cannot blame him for doing so,
«ince it is expressed in my Religions of Indian and, up to the present I have nowhere formally withdrawn it. Bat, in
fact, I have long ceased to hold it, and have arrived at opinions which are fnndamentally the same as those of Frof^
Hillebrandt, and that partly for the same reasons — the identity of the amrita and of the soma, and the oonstant
belief of the Hindus which places the food of the gods witbin the moon. If, as I snppose, the seeond English edition
of my book simply repeats on this point the first edition : this second edition is quite unknown to me ; op to this
moment I have not even seen a copy of it. Such a thing could not ^ve happened in the life of the late Mr. Nicholas
TrCibner, who had both learning and delicate taste. If the present managers of the firm think that a book on India
can be reprinted after six years without additions or alterations, the next French edition will undeceive then.

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Dbcembkb, 189 1.] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OF INDIA. 865

and trying to find out, for example, in the midst of Vedic sarroundings, fully developed moon
festivals. For those who composed these songs, Soma and Agni had long ceased to be the moon
or the fire and had become universal principles of life> just as Indra and Varuna had ceased to
be the sky, and had become celestial kings, to be in turn drawn into and lost in the eddies of
mystical speculation. The incoherences of the language of the hymns would have no meaning,
if not this.

Here I could close the list of works on the Rigveda, the least pretentious of which
serve some purpose. But, however, unwillingly I find myself compelled to return to the
works of M. Begnaud and speak of them at some length. M. Regnaud, like manjc others, feels
very keenly the imperfection of the state of Vedic studies, and cherishes the very praiseworthy
desire of finding a remedy. But I must confess that he seems to me to be on a completely
wrong track. In the previous Report (T. XIX. p. 127) I mentioned two of these essays, which
have appeared in this Review, and tried to say in a few words all the good I could say of them,
perhaps a little too much. I also took exception to some things, to which M. Begnaud replied
on p. 318. In those criticisms of mine he imagined he saw the effect of advancing age, and
from a motive of kindliness, for which I tender him my thanks, he expresses his regret that I
have passed the age of fifty. This I regret I feel as keenly, perhaps more even than he, but
I do not think that my years have at all affected my criticism of his work. But if I had any
doubt on this point, M. Regnaud himself would have removed it. On this same page 348 he
has given us again a specimen of his method. He asks how the epithet hotri, the name of a
class of priests, could have been given to Agni. The best means of learning this would surely'
be to investigate the functions of the kotri, to examine, with this end in view, the innumerable
passages in which the word is found, to find out also if Agni has not other similar epithets,
such as neshfrt, potri, adhvaryuy etc. M. Regnaud's method is more expeditious ; he is content
with knowing that the word " rests on two roots originally identical both in sense and form,
meaning — (burn, shine, manifest) make to understand,*® pour out, scatter, etc.," and the thing is
done. Frankly, I do think that even at twenty I should have been too old for a method like
this. I am not able to review in detail, in this place, these Vedic studies, which are besides
already quite familiar to the readers of this Review.*^ They consist uniformly of a •* preface on
method," (as if there were a peculiar method for the Rigveda) followed by translations of-
whole hymns or isolated passages. What this method precisely is would be difficult to say at
a first view in a few words. We see chiefly that M. Regnaud claims to continue the work of
Bergaigne ; that the. Rigveda has been little understood because various bad systems have been
applied to its interpretation ; that this would be altered with a good system ; that the Rigveda
is a primitive book, the most primitive we can imagine, one in which nothing is fixed, but in
which everything, both ideas and language is in process of formation ; that it also may not be
primitive in its entirety, (we must always take care to be in the vanguard, and be on the out-
look against what perhaps will be the opinion current to-morrow), but that it is absolutely
primitive in its materials, (but where we are to draw these materials from is not said). AH
this is, at first sight, a little confused ;*^ evidently the correct method is as yet only
in its beginnings. As to translation, we see that on the other hand this is very simple :
we have only to depart as much as may be from our predecessors, to frame our etymologies
according to linguistic theories which are not approved of, as far as I can see, by the students of.
language, and without any great care for the rudimentary principles of philology. It is not
sound philology, for instance, to translate dahshind, by offering, which is not a ana$ Acydfiryov,
because it is ** certainly allied with the root ddi-das to give, make an offering,** or in verse 7,*^ to
make parihshitos a simple adjective, with the meaning, " containing, enclosing," and further in
the locative case from the mere desire of change, and contrary to all feeling for the usages of

** Bather " cay" ; the meanings which I have pat within brackets do not exist either in classical Saoskrit nor
in the Vedic language.

♦• T. XXI. pp. es, 801 ; XXn. p. 802 ; XXIII. p. S08 ; XXV. p 65 ; XXVI. p. 48.

*i Though very well pnt, M. Begnaud's powers as a dialectician are not in question here.

*« By. 1. 123, 1. T. XXI. p. 70, daUoei not exist. " Ev. I 128, 7, iWd. p. 81.

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866 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [Decembeb, 1894.

the language. Bat this mode of procedure is oomparatitely harmless when M. Regnaud has to
deal with a fully commented text as here, though eyon then it sometimes plays him a bad
trick. Farther on, for instance,^ he takes Hymn III. 1, which has been translated and
annotated in the Vedic Studies by Prof. Oeldner, to whom, we may mention, he deigns to
give a certificate for proficiency in gprammar, such as he has given to Bergaigue. Prof. Oeldner
thinks he sees in this hymn a very clear distinction between the celestial and the terrestrial
Agni, and has naturally drawn a little on his imagination, for things like that are never
clear in the Veda. M. Regnaud, who, from the first, holds fast by his ''system," and will not
hear of a celestial Agni at any price, thinks he sees in it only the terrestrial Agni, the fire on
the altar, and, as a matter of course, composes another romance. Let us admit that his notion is the
better of the two ; all that I wish to do is to shew, by an example, at what price he has gained it,
and what confidence we can have in its author. In the second verse^ gih becomes a masculine,
which it certainly is not here, because of the formula in which it occurs ; vctrdhatdm, a middle
form, is translated like a causative ; the division of the pddas is neglected in the most awkward
way i^ at the same time the question whether the priest who recited the hymn also fed the £re
is got over very summarily ;^7 lastly duvaayatiy which is a third person plural (it has no accent),
is taken as a participle, and, I am very much afraid, a future participle, which would be one
barbarism more* All this in nine words, because M. Regnaud has understood Prof. Geldner's
Qerman quite as little as the Sanskrit original. As methods go this is one, but* not a good one.
I shall only mention the strange interpretation of VIII., 102 (01), 4,^^ where Aurva becomes the
outpoured batter, metaphorically personified. Bhf igu, the flame also personified, and Apnav&nn,
another metaphorical synonym of fire which M. Regnaud refrains for the moment from explain-
ing, but for which he will certainly have an explanation ready when wanted. And they were not
only such in their origin, to be re-discovered now by the clear eyes of M. Regnaud ; they were
so for the rishi too, who could recite without a laugh ; *' I invoke the fire, as Butter poured
forth, as Flame, as Fire (invoke it)."^* Daring as this may seem, M. Regnaud afiEords us plenty
more examples; for, in the meantime, the "system'' has been brought to perfection and
reduced to a formula ; the key of the Veda has been detected and M. Regnaud does not need to
take any farther precautions. This key is, that there are no deities in the Rigveda, there are
only two igneous elements, fire and an inflammable liquid, agni and tomaf whose constant union
is the sole theme of the rishis; all the rest is delusion and rhetoric. Like most wrong-headed
ideas, it has not sprung up of itself, but has its origin in a grain of truth . It has long been noticed
that divine personages are not always taken seriously as such in the Yeda, and that the sacrifice
is at least as much an optu operana as an opus operatum, and that not in the sense in which every
act of witchcraft is, but as a primitive rite, anterior to every thing, and rendering the gods, in
a way, superfluous. A whole school of the Mtmiims^ went, in this respect, quite as far as
M. Regnaud : for them the gods existed only in the iabda (we would say in the letter) of the
Veda. And so in spite of their scrupulous piety in the ritual, they were looked on as atheists.
This, in the rishtB^ has been called syncretism, and has been regarded as the result of advanced
speculation, acting on a religion, which was in process of dissolution, not of formation.
In M. Regnaud 's view, it is quite the other way ; it is neither syncretism, nor mysticism,
nor speculation of any sort, the simple union of the fire and the liquid butter is the primitive
germ, the key of the Veda, and of all Indo-European mythology. To attain this result, we
must first clear the ground a little. If there are no gods, it is clear we cannot speak of bcliev-

** T. XXII. p. 802. ♦» T. XXII. p. 811.

** Still more so in the second half vene, where nearly every word is taken wrongly, tidatha, among the rest,
whose etymology M. Begnand fancies he has proved, without having been able to convince any one else of its tmth.

*T To M, Begnand this presents no difficalty, bnt with the standpoint which he occupies, is there uiy thing
that presents a difficulty ?

" T. XXXIII. p. 318.

*• This tasteful interpretation is only a part of a long proof of how the myth of Aurva took its rise in the
misunderstanding of this verse, where the appearance of such-like misapprehensions is exhibited as a discovery.
Does M. Begnand not know this is at old as the beginning of Vedic studies P Can he have forgotten the god Ka f

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DaoBMBBR, 1894.] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIOifS Of lifDlA. 36^

ing and having confidence in them. We are next told that the word iraddhd,^ by which this
sentiment is expressed in the Veda, has not this meaning, that theological^^ faith is too abstract a
notion, and savours too much of reflection for so early a book, where everything is simple,
material, and tangible ; that iraddhd here means what it has never meant since the existence of
language in India, "gift, ofEering." This M. Begnand tries to prove by the Latin creder^^
** whose primitive meaning is, without doubt, to give, restore, trust;"** by means of tuo
signification *' of the roots ilathy irath and iraiiy variants of irad . • • • . which mean to send,
restore, detach, eto.^^ by ** the constant use of the derivative (or the variant)*** srdddha in
the ritual and technical sense of a libation made to the manes :*'** in a word, by a succession of
translations, which M. Regnaud looks on as " perfectly convincing," but which will be accepted
by no Vedic scholar. If there arc no gods, there must consequently be no prayers. And, in
reality there are none : as he shews us further on,^ not by a " detailed proof," which would bo
too long, but by a method of procedure which "very happily" leads to the "same result a«»
much less cost." Ninety-nine per cent, of the Veda has, it is true, very much the look of
being prayers ; there is nothing, it would seem, that the gods are not asked to grant or to
avert. These ai*e all merely phrases, or passages which have been wrongly understood. The
texts are as clear as day, we must only torture thom to understand them. The whole of thin
article is simply topsy-turvy. How can I prove to M. Regnaud, if he will not see it, that
tarn ma $am srija varchasd means *' (Agni) grant me splendour," and not '* (Agni) make me
flow on with thee," that is to say, *' cause that which I am making flow, to flow," ? that savk
md mgjte varchasd srija sam prajayd sam dyushd^ means " Agni, grant me splendour, offspring,
a long life" and not "Agni, make me flow on by thy splendour, by thy production, by thy
warmth" ? that I. 23t 22, means *' Waters, carry off whatever evil has been done by me
whatever violence I have committed, or what I have sworn falsely " and not " Waters
(which I make flow on), carry off all what in me is difficult of approach (let not that Bow
on which I do not cause to flow) or what I have hemmed in (prevented from flowing
on) or what I have closed in, inasmuch as I have not caused it to flow on.*^ " The root
flip," says M. Regnaud, on this, '' is generally taken to mean 'swear, curse.' It has this mean-
ing, it is true, in the classical literature, but from a wrong interpretation of its Vedic meaning.
Hapi for ichap, seems to be a doublet of kshap, which means 'that which covers, envelops,' or
* darkness, night ;' compare the Greek <rK€was, o-fcciro), o-#c€irafc# etc." M. Regnaud often appeal*
to Bergaigne. Now, if he can shew me, in all Bergaigne's works, a single specimen of sleight
of hand like this, I shall consent, from henceforward, to admit that he is right in the whole
question.

At this point we have come, for this time at least at the end of this long and doleful
journey in the realm of absurdity, and are now in a position to read with advantage the volume
in which M. Regnaud has embodied his most recent researches.^®

•• T. XXV. p. 61.

*i A great deal can be done with words m ical. No body ever took Sraddhd in the Veda for faith in the eenee of
St. Paul or St. Angrnstine. Bat I oannot see that there is anything so subtle in it when reduced to the simple act
of belief or non- belief in the power or the existenoe simply of such and such a god. The most primitive tribe we may
imagine had neighbours who did not believe in their gods (of course if they had some) and the Vedic rishi$ were in
this position, they knew peoples who were anindr&h ** who did not honour Indra. "

•« ** To give," of course, but to give of trust j tkbitum is always the correlatiTC of eredUum.

M Which assumes for iraddM something like the meaning of " the deposition of the gift/* or something similar.

M Again an inaccuracy. BrAddha is surely a derivative and nothing but a derivative. But then it is dear that
the original and the derivative oannot both mean " gift."

w Here, as always, an inaccuracy. Sr&ddha means the whole ceremony, which is very complicated, never a liba-
tion, a single offering. M. Begnaud would have made a point by paying attention to this, for this would have let him
explain irdddha by ** the ceremony which has to do with the offerings." But habit is a second nature.

•• T, XXVI. p. 48.

*7 The bracketted words are added by me, and are taken from the annotations of M. Begnaud.

s* Le Rig-Veda et lea origines de la, mythologie indo-evropeenne. Premiere partie (forming the first volume of the
Bibliothique d'hudet in the Annoiles dit Mw^e Quimet), Paris, 1892.

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368 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT. IDEcmBm, 1894.

Shall I give an analysis of this work, the result of hasty studies, carried on from hand to
mouth, but with a great air of confidence, which we are, nevertheless, tempted sometimes to
look on as a prolonged mystification ? As to matter or method, we do not learn anything which
we did not know before ; thefii'e and a liquid, their union or, rather, mutual transformation, in the
flame of the altar, the liquid becoming fire and the fii-e becoming liquid : the whole horizon of the
authors of the Veda is bounded by this ; they see and seek for nothing beyond. They sit bent
before the fire like alchyraists, intent on their magnum ojjus, but a magnum opus which seems
to have no purpose. At least M. Regnaud himself does not appear to have rightly grasped
this purpose, since, here again, he does not tell us what it is, and the explanation of this
curious state of mind is put off till later, when no doubt he will have pulverized the
gods of Greece, as thoroughly as those of India. For the time being, he is content
with establishing the fact, that the foundation, the only real foundation of the Veda, is the
act of pouring into the fire, to feed it, an inflammable liquid, oil, or spirituous liquor: —
facts which are proved by him •* according to the meaning of the texts and common
sense." Putting aside for a moment the texts, lot us look at this common sense.
What it tells us is, that if the soma helped to feed the fire, it must have been inflanmable, and
must have been an oil or alcohol. But sound sense makes us also see clearly the unlikeness of
this conclusion. The plant which yielded the soma (and provisionally, till wo are enlightened
by a revelation from above, we must believe that it came from a plant) was probably ground
up in water, and the liquid so obtained was itself mingled, not only with milk and other
substances, but also with water, all of which scarcely harmonizes with the notion of an inflam-
mable oil. It was drunk and produced excitement and intoxication, which agrees with this
notion still less. On the other hand, can we, without further consideration, attribute to the
Hindus of that time the knowledge of distillation ? For every other spirituous liquor obtained
by fermentation, wine included, even though very strong and in a perfectly pure state, even
without any addition of water, would have extinguished the fire rather than have quickened it.
£ven the fermentation must have been feeble, for the soma is not described as a liquid which
could be kept ; it seems that it was prepared when wanted. The texts tell, or seem to tell, us all
this, and we have no right to throw their testimony overboard, like M. Regnaud. Further,
we cannot call to mind, in other later texts, a soma more or less different from that
which, being certainly mixed with water and not fermented (it had not to be more than one night'
old), did not put the fire out ; a fire, that, it must be remembered, consisted of a few small
faggots. We may imagine that the Hindus had in time substituted other plants in place of ■
their soma; but how could they have lost the art of distillation, if they ever had it? How could
thoyhave given up the use of an oil to feed their fire ? Things and ideas may change, but
usage is commonly permanent. This conclusion^ then, lands us in serious difficulties, and
common sense bids us, in such a case, re-examine the promises with care ; is the soma really
the food of Agni ? If) indubitably, the texts answer in the affirmative, then and then only, we
must admit it to be true. On this point, there is on the first page of the book, a note which
we cannot read without regret, where M. Regnaud asserts that Prof. Hillebrandt in hia work
on ** the god Soma" has only seen one thing, namely, that the soma was also poured on the fire.
Can he have read Prof. Hillebrandt's book, and not destroyed his own ! The truth is that, if
Prof. Hillebrandt has seen only this, it is because this is the only thing to see. Nowhere, in
no text, are we told clearly that soma is the food of Agni, that the soma is poured into the fire
to nourish it, and make it blaze up. Agni is fed on butter and fat, he devours the wood and
the raw flesh, if he drinks the soma, it is as a god and companion of other gods. The soma'
p^« are the devas, oineAj lodra, who drink it and have drunk it from the first in heaven, and
in the solemn sacrifices, who get their share of it here on earth, part of which was cast into
the fire to make them approach, we know not how or in what quantity. But we must think
to what these symbolical acts are commonly reduced. The officiating priests ditink the
remainder. It is true that in M. Regnaud's eyes these devas are the flames, that Indra is
another name for Agni, that the officiants are probably also the flames, that the heaven has no

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Dbcembeb, 1894] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OP INDIA. 869

existence, and that consequently no one could drink there the soma. But this-is the Veda of
M. Regnand, and we must not hegin by believing in it if we are to criticize it. There remain
then for as only the texts, the unfortunate texts, to which we must at last return. Sad to say
they exist only to be the victims of the theory. All this is purely a jjriori construction, though
M. B>egnaud were to assert the contrary a hundred times. It is not from the texts that he has
learned that prithivi . • . y(kchhd nah sarma sapratkah means, " libation, make flow on our libation
which extends itself," that Indrdvaruna . • asmabhyam iarma y'lchhatam means *'fire alight ikud
fire enveloping, make the libation flow on for us." No, once in possession of his •* key," he applies
it to every **lock" to see if it will fit. And it fits, but at what a price ! This fourth chapter,
not to speak of othei*s, is so marvellous that we ask if it is not meant as a refutation of
the whole system by a reductio ad absardatn. That the Vedic dictionary is far from perfect, no
one will deny. The later literature, from the brdkmanas onwards, the next oldest monnments,
is an uncertain guide, partly because certain words have gone out of use, or because their
meanings have undergone an essential change of meaning ; still moi*e, because the writers
indulge in trifling speculations with some of thein,^* and this again is a point in which every
one is agreed. Our task is not to create a system that questions everything, by starting with what
is obscui-e, but to go on continuously from the known to the unknown, from wliat is certain
to what is doubtful, and above all to be content with moderate gains. Has M. Reguaud taken
this course ? I can only compare his procedure to that of a woodman in a forest which must
be cleared. Everything falls before him, not only technical words, terms which are nncom.
mon, or which have early gone out of use, but the best authenticated, the commonest words,
which have always remained in the language, and have given rise to derivatives, and passed
into the dialects. How can we take seriously oracles like the following, in which prishtha^
which is identified at a stroke of the pen with prishfa, means no longer ** back," but " that
which is turned ; " in which parvan does not mean ** joint," but ** that which flows;'' in which
parvata, adriy giri^ sdnu do not mean ** the rock, the mountain," but " the libation ; " in which
grdvan is not ** the stone," but the libation, inasmuch as it is ** rapid; " in which barhis s no
longer ** the grass," but the libation, inasmuch as it is "strengthening;" in which dyaus is
no longer ••the heaven," pflthivt is no longer " the earth," but the libation, inasmuch as it is
"set on fii*e or not set on fire;" in which antariksha "the atmosphpre," becomes the libation
"enveloped," that is to say, "not lit;" vyoman "space" becomes the libation "which
nourishes;" in which manu^hvantj an adjective which does not exist and for good grammatical
reasons, but which is said to mean " provided with soma," is made in the neuter into
manushvat which is a synonym of another adjective manurhitat and means like this, " so far as
provided with so)na:^' in which pavitra is what serves not to " punfy," but to "light;" in
which pur does not mean "town," bit the libation as ** nourishment ; " in which arani is not a
piece of wood, but the libation as " moving," and in the dual ** the libation which moves, and
which does not move; " in which samoaWara is not the year, but the libation, as " having its
calf with it ? " All these little etymological jokes are brought about by means of Sanskrit of
all periods, and ooe-half of the dictionary is used to destroy the other. We may imagine after
this what will become of phrases, combinations of words and whole hymns when reoouetructed
with the same skill and philological care.

We have an example of this in chapters six and seven, where M. Regnaud examines in
order, at the expense of several hymns, " the metaphorical origin of the myth of the Dawn,"
which is also, to him, merely a form of the ever-recurring libation, and "the alleged myth of tJie
descent of Soma," t. e., its descent from heaven, one of the best ascertained beliefs in the whole
Veda, We find other examples in the last part of the book (which is not so much a book as a
collection of articles printed together) — an appendix which gives an explanatory tmnslation of
the thirteenth book of the Atharvaveda, undertaken as a reply to that of M. Henry, and intended
to shew M. Henry how it should have been done. It is an occasional essay, only included in

** Exactly aa M« Regnaad does in all seriousness. .^

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870 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [Dbceicbw, 18».

this voltinw beoanse written in the same spirit and with the same method, and which the author
would have made more telling against M. Henry, if he had not added a translation of his own to
his oriticisras. I shall have to speak further on of the work of M. Henry. Meanwhile I shall
only say for the benefit of those readers who are not specialists, that they need not take alarm
at all the acoosations of •'wrong meaning" and " opposite meaning" which arc brought against
this translation of M. Henry; this only means that M, Henry translates differently from
M. Begnaud, on which we must congratulate M. Henry. No one knows better than he that his
translation is and could be a simply tentative one, and that it is laid before ns only as such in
A spirit of genuine modesty.

But we do not mean to say that M. Regnaud's work contains nothing of value. Far from
it. M. Regnaud is a worker and investigator. If as a student of language he is combated by
the students of language, if as a philologist by the philologists, no one will deny him an active
and ongioal mind, a vigorous style of argument, and great keenness of observation. A fixed idea
is quite compatible with the latter gift, and often sharpens it. In the negative part of his book,
where he detects the weak places in his opponents' armour, the want of strength in such a^^d such
an argument, the uncertainty of some meaning which has been pix>visionalIy accepted in default
of a better, and still more, in the few parts of his book which are not directly concerned with
his main thesis, we find a good number of just and useful observations. But I was called
on to speak of this thesis, or rather system in this place, and I am compelled to pronounce
completely against it. Under its spell, he has rid himself gitulnally of some useful checks
possessed by Vedic philology, and in the end has thrown overboard all philological principles
whatever. He has thus given himself free elbow room. But such a method avenges itself,
it has led him into a perfect cloud-land, and I fear he will remain there. For if I have spent
such time over his works, I scarcely dare hope to convince him. It was because a protest was
needful, since there may be some simple-minded people on whom these essays will have an
influence, and because, in the second place, it was needful, by shewing what the method of
M. Regnaud is, to put an end to the belief that he carries on the tradition of Bergaigne, with whom
for years he has had nothing in common, and lastly because it seemed necessary, against all hope,
to make a final attempt to deal with his speculations. 1 do not think that, in the future, I shall
have the same patience. M. Regnaud imagines that, since Indianists do not discuss his works,
this is for the purpose of suppressing them by a conspiracy of silence. By no means. It is simply
because there are certain topics which, like the squaring of the circle, do not adroit of discussion.
How is discussion possible, when there is no kind of agreement? M. Regnaud then must
acquiesce j his writings are now addressed only to a circle of kindred spirits. He tells us
of a school which is being formed about him. Frankly speaking, I wish it may be very
small; otherwise we might expect to see some sti*ange things.

Prof. Hillebrandt has finished, in the Bihliotheca Indica, his edition of the text of the ritual
and liturgical hand-book of the Kaushttakins, one of the iukhds or branches of the Rigveda, the
ISrauta sutra of iSdnkhdyanu^ and has begun the commentary of Anartiya.^ M. Sabbathier has
given us a good study on the Agnishfoma^ the simplest form of the soma sacrifices in the form
of a translation with explanations of the fifth chapter of the irauta stltra of Asvaldyana,^^

On the Yajurveda I have few works to mention. The edition of the Taittirlya Samhiift
continued in the Bihliotheca Indica by MahetoohandraNy&yaratna, has advanced since my last
report by two parts only.*'^ After nine years the fifth book is finished, and there are seven books.

•• Alfred Hillebrandt, The SCinlch'fya'na irauta SiUra, together with the Commentiry of Varadattamta Anartiy(t.
Vol. I. Text of the SMra^ Critical Notes^ Itidicee, Calcutta, 1888, seven parts. Vol. 11. The Commentary of Vargulotia-
Muta Amrtiya, Parts i.-iv. Calcutta, 1889-1892.

n p. Sabbathier, Etudes de litu^ie vedique. V Agniehfoma d* apris le Bra/^a-aHtra d* AhfolAyana (Journal
Asiatiquet Jan.-Fob.-Mar. 1890).

M The 8uhhM of the Block Tajnrveda, with the Commentary of MAdhava AchArya, Parts xzxr., xzzri^

Calcutta. 1890-1892. _

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Dbcbmme, 1894.3 BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OP INDIA, 871

From wsriit of sufiicient manascripts Prof. Garbe has not been able to take up again in the saiine
oolleotion, bis edition ^ith commentarj of the "SraiUasutra of that school, that of Apastatnba.
Bat one portion of that immense collection of sutras^ the twenty-fifth book, the YajHapari-
bhiAflh&siXtra, or general rules on the sacrifice, has been published in the Ushd by Satyavrata
SAmabraminy^ and has been translated into English by Prof. M. Mi&ller in tlio Sacred Books of
the Eastfi^ Lastly the Upauishad which forms a pai*t of the brdkmana of the White Yajnrveda, the
.Briltad^ranyaka-upautshad^ has been edited according to the text of the school of the Madhyam^
dinas by Qeheimrath y. Bbhtlingk.^^ It is both a critical recension of the text> and an attempt,
frequently happy, to translate it, untrammelled by the interpi-etation of the commentatorF.
In both respects Prof, Whitney shews still more independence in the learned articles whicli
he has devoted to the publication of Geh. v. Bohtlingk and which are an indispensable supplement
to them.** I have noticed above the edition of the Prdtiidhhya of the White Yajnrveda
published in the Benares Sanskrit Series.^^

For the S^maveda the material is a little more abundant, thanks to the activity of one
man, the dchdrya Satyarrata SAmaliraminy the author of the work I have analyzed above the
Niruktdlockana, In the Ushd (Dawn) founded by him in 1889 and conducted by him alone, he
discusses doctrinal questions relative to the Veda, and edits texts and rare Vedic treatises, among
which those of the Samaveda have taken till now the chief place.** Several of these
treatises have been mentioned above; the Ndradiyasikshd, the Ashtairikntivivnti of Madhu-
sudana, what remains of the VikrUloalli attributed to VyAdi, the Yajhaparibkdskdsutra
of Apastamba. The others are, the Aksharatantra,^ a treatise on the stobhas (the syllables
inserted between the words, or even in the words themselves, when the richas are chanted as
sdmans) attributed to Apisali, a predecessor of Panini, the Sdmapratiiu'khyay^^ which also deals
with the change of richas into sdmam. This treatise, better known under the title of Phulla- or
PuskpasutrOf is here in twelve chapters and, according to a tradition, is attributed to a rishi
Pushpa. The editor does not give his opinion on these attributions, in general he seems to
admit them ; a SdmapadasaMUd,'^^ (i. c, the padapdtha of the richas of the Samaveda, the text
of these richas with the words separated and the phonetic rules in abeyance), made by the
editor to replace ihe padapdtha attributed to Gargya, which is now lost; three of the short
hrdhmanas of the Samaveda.

P. The Mantrabrdhmana,'^ a collection of mantras prescribed for the domestic ritual
of the Samaveda, with a commentary by the editor and a preface in which he sets forth the
genuine tradition of the Samavedins, at least those of the school of the Kauthumas, with
'respect to their brdhmana. Like the other idkhU of the other Vedas, they reckon in
fact, one brdhmaita^ comprising the Tdndya or Panchaviiiisabrdhmanay the Shadviihsahrdhni'
ana, the Mantrahrdhmaiia, and the Chdndogya-upanishad, The other five short brdhmams
ai-e supplements, anubrdhmanasP This tradition is not incompatible with the relatively
recent date of the Mantra brdhmana, which has itself very much the appearance of being a

« Ushd, I. Part viii. Calcutta, 1891.

«♦ Vol. XXX. following the eecond part of the 0rihyat(ilra8 of Prof. Oldenberg. Profepsor M. Mtiller had before
published a German translatioo of this part of the AxtastamhasCitraa in \Ai.e ZevUchrift der Deuiachen Morgenldndischen
QtseUaeliaftt Vol. IX. 1855. — On the DharmasHtra and Qfihyasiitra of this school aee farther on.

w Brihotd&rarfyakopanithad in der Hyhtjath Hna Recension. St. Peteraberg, 1889.

«« W. D. Whitney, On Bohtlingk's Upanishade in the ProceediT%gs of the American Oriental Society, October 1890.
It is a samming np of the following article : — Bohtlingk^s Upanishadi in the American Journal oj{ PhiUdogy,
VoU XL No. 4. These articles embrace also the Chdndogya-upanishad of Geh. v. Bohtlingk, which will be spoken of
further on.

•' According to a report which has reached me from India, but which, I trust, will not prove trae,| the excelloni
Beries witt be stopped.

« VshA, Vaidikapatrikd, Vol. I. Parts i.-xii. Calcutta, 1889-91 ; Vol. II. Parts i.-iii. 1892.

» Usha, I. 2, 1889. w Ushd, I. S, 1890. n f;,^, I. 5, 1890.

^ 'a Ushd^ 1. 3, 1890. Published before for the first time in the Hindu CimmeiUator, 1872,

^* Thi0 question has been treated by the editor in his Nir^kUilQchana,

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872 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DvoKnn, I8M.

•upplemettt, and which in ito present stale, is perhaps not iniioh older than the grihyasutra of
the Silmaveda, that of GobhilaJ^ For even if, generally speaking, a brdhmana is anterior to. its
corresponding stUray it does not follow that the compilation of the one should have been
imished and entirely fixed before the first redactioa of the other. But this is not the point of
view of the editor ; for him, from the moment when his text becomes a hrShmai^a, it changes
its character and its antiqnitj becomes indisputable. Critical as he may be, or at least open to
doubt as to other works, when he has to do with the tradition of recognized ^uvvs^ he raises no
discussions^ especially on what touches bis own Veda.

2*, Tho ArsheyahrHlimcLna^^ one of these anuhrdhmnnas^ with the commentary of Sayana.
It is a kind of anukramaril ^ or index of the rishis, who are aoihors of the sdmans, published
before with extracts from the same commentary by Burnell^ in 1876, and, again, according to
the text of the Jaiminlyas, in 1878.

S^, The VoMabrd/itnana,''^ another anubrdhmana, which ^ves the suceession of the ai cieni
teachers of the Samaveda, with the commentary of Sayana, and notes by the editor. Tkis treatise"
had also been published by Durnell with the same commentary in 1873 ; the Orihyasamgrakoy'*'^ a
pariiishtaf or supplement of the domestic rites of the Samaveda, the Qrihyasutra of Gobhila ^ the
Upagrauthasutraf'^^ another parisiskf a of the Hrautasitra of the Samaveda ; the Seventeen Mahd-
icijwarw,^* the Seven Samhitdg^^ the Recitation o/ the Jirahmayajna,^^ and the Arishiavarga^^ are
also short liturgical collections, lessons which the student of the Samaveda must repeat, either
every day or on cei*tivin occasions, prayers which are only shortly prescribed in the ritmal works,
brdhmana and siitra^ which the editor prints in full, with the traditional mode of reciting them.
Besides the part devoted to editions of texts, there is another part of the Ushdf in which the
editor investigates, either in Sanskrit or BaiigAli, various points of Vedic doctrine, questions of
ritual, custom, morals, or health ; some of which are highly interesting, as burning qnestions and
bearing on tho interests of the day, such as the prohibition of ti-avelling beyond the seas, or
working in the fields, infant marriages, the marriageable age of girls, etc. They are in fact really
fatwds, in which, without breaking at all with the orthodox method of settling evei^'thing by
an appeal to the texts, the dchdrya shews great libei*ality of mind, and gives his vote as much aa
may be for the most enlightened and most just decision.

GQh. y. Bbhtlingk has edited and translated the Chdndopija-Upanishad^^ on the same lines
as in his previous issoe of the Brihadaranyahi-Upanishad, The critical I'estoration of the text
bad to play a greater part here, since this Upanishad is not so well preserved as the other. As
in the previous publication of Geh. v. Bohtlingk wc mnst refer to the remarks of Pi-of* Whitney^
mentioned befoi*e. Lastly, Mr* Oertel has made some additions to our knowledge of the
brdhmana of the Samavedinsof the school of the Jaiminlyas, by publishing afi'esh, from more
abundant manuscript sources, the fragment of the brdhmaifi which Burnell printed in a few
copies in 1878i and which Prof. Whitney has also worked at, and by adding to this fragment
eight other pieces taken from another section of the brdhmana of which only the Kena-
Upanishad was previously known.®*

Fov the AtharYaveda^ on the other hand, the harvest has been very rich, not so much from
the number of publications, as by the exceptional importance of one of them. M. Henry has

^4 Cf. on this the remarke of Prof. Oldeoberg in the Sacred Bcokt of the Eati^ Vol. XXX., p. 4, etc.

▼» lhh6, 1. 1M2, 1891. »« Uthd, II. 2. 1892.

f^ UthA, I. 10, 1891. Published before at the end of the GrihyafHira of Oohhxla, in the BihUothfca Indtea, and
by Prof. Bloomfleld in the Zeitschrift der Deutschen MorgenlandUchen Gestllschafi^ XXXY. 1681, with a Oemsan
tranfUation.

w Uth^ II. 1, 1892. f VthA, II. 2, 18»2. •• Ibid. •^ Vthd, 11. 8. •* Ibid.

^ Otto Bohtlingk, Chdndogyopanishad. Krititchherausgegeben und iiberfeitt. Leipmig, 1889.

•« Hanns Oertel, Exiraets from the Jaifmntya-Brdhmma and UpanUhad- Brdhmana, pairaUelto p<uHipe§ cf iK9
Batopatha-Brdhmana and ChdrK^ogya VpanUhad, In the /ouriioi ofihe American Oriental Society y Vol. XV. 1892.

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Decembbb, 1894] BULLETIN OF THE RELIGIONS OP INDIA. 878

given us a translation of two books of the Samhitd^ the thirteenth and seventh books.^^ I shall
speak of it quite as freely, as if one of the papers were not dedicated to me, jost the one of
the two that pleases me least, the translation of the thirteenth book. The choice was, I think,
an anfortnnate one. Snch hymns do not lend themselves to translation, except for one's own
use, when we are compelled to it ; we do not voluntarily choose them. For it must be confessed
that this whole version is hardly intelligible ; and yet M. Henry has done everything in his power,
he has struggled boldly with the text before him and no one could have performed such a task
better. He has seen of course that the apparent unity of the book is open to doubt, but has let
himself be led away by it. He sees in it the glorification of a body of myths under an uncommon
and peculiar form. Here, however, I think, we have less to do with myths than usages, and
these unhappily are not within our knowledge. Just on this book the ritual treatises of the
Atharvaveday which are very capricious, do not give us much information. I had been struck with
the general likeness of the commencement and the mantras and practices of the '* royal rite,"
the rdjasuya, as it is described in the Yajurveda^ and had begged M. Henry to investigate this
point. If he had followed this track he would perhaps have found himself on firm ground for
the beginning at least, as Prof. Bloomfield has afterwards shewn in the excellent remarks which
he has made on this translation.^^ As a translation* to be read from beginning to end, it is not
soccessful. But as a commentary, as an honest and painstaking exposition of the difficulties of
the text, as a starting point for other attempts, it is, in my opinion, of great value. And this
is how M. Henry seems to have looked on it : it is eminently a work of scientific devotion.
In the seventh book, he is on more {avoui*able ground. Here we are in the midst of the usages
of exorcism, sorcery, incantation on which this Veda is founded ; information about features of
the ritual is abundant, though often concise and obscure, and we know something at least as to
what it is all about. M. Henry's labours, which are carried out with care, are therefore
welcome ; he has added as it were another link to the chain of translations which now includes
the first seven books of the Ath<irvaveda,

Mr. Magotm has edited, with translation and commentary, the Asurtkalpa,^'^ one of these
short treatises subjoined in no regular order to the Atharvaveda under the general heading of
pariiuhtas or appendices. In this, the practices of witchcraft, which are carried out by means
of a plant called dsurt, and which Mr. Magoun has studied carefully, are described. The text,
which fs very corrupt, required many emendations, to which we must add those proposed
afterwards by Geh. v. Bohtlingk,®® Professor Bloomfield has published in a completer form
one of those detached studies, which I was able to refer to in the last Report from the sum-
mary report in the Proceedingi of the American Oriental Society, and he has followed it up by
several others of the same kind,®^ in which he shews, with his complete mastery of the subject,
the importance of the ritual for the interpretation of the Veda, how many problems as to
the arrangement and primitive meaning of the mantras are thereby solved, problems whose
very existence would otherwise not even be guessed at. In several of these studies, which
are usually confined by him to the Atharva^Veda, he has enlarged his scope and examined

w Victor Henry, Let Hymnes Rohitas. Livre XJIL (^e VAtharva-Vedat tra^uti et cammenU, Paris, 1891. Atharva-
Veda^ trciduction et commentaire. Le livre VI J. de I' Atharva-Veda traduit et commente^ Paris, 1892.

w In the fourth series of his Contrihviuyne to the interpretation of the Veda, I do not require to return here
to the translation of the thirteenth book which M. Beg^aud has given ; he has perceiTOd that what is described
must go on partly at least on this earth, but he has a knowledge of the usages which we have not, it is his eternal
union of the fire and the liquid. To gain anything from his version we would need to adopt his system and use
the same language as he does. I do not yet know his most recent publication in which he criticises the views of
Prof. Bloomfield.

•T H. W. Magoun, The Asurtkalpa : a Witchcraft Practice of the Atharva-Veda^ with an Introductiottt Transla^
tion^ and Commentary, Baltimore, 1889.

w In the Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenlandischen Oeeellechc^t, XLIV. (1890), p. 489.

w Tome XIX. p. 14.

•• Maurice Bloomfield, Contributions to the Interpretation of the Veda, in the American Journal of Philology,
Vol. XI. 1890. Third Series in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. XV. 1891. Fourth Series in the
American Journal of Philology, Y oh XII. 1892.

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874 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT. [Dscxmbxb, 1894.

^rtain mjtliB in tbeir iotalitj, sacb as those of Namnchi and Indra, of Yama and bis two
dogs, of Mann, and of Saranyn. I think that for each one of these he has been successful in
making the storjr more definite, in telling it to us better, notably in the case of Namnchi*^ and
Baranju ; where he attempts to guess at their origin, he seems less fortunate. But, as a
whole, these studies are written with such care and with such a perfect knowledge of the data»
that with regard to this alone any future student of these myths will baye always to pay attention
to them.*' Professor Bloomfield is indefatigable. At the head of a company of pupils and col*
leagues he gives us hopes of a complete Vedio Conoordanoe which will contain all the formulae
of the older literature. If this work be carried out thoroughly on the orderly and compre*
bensive plan sketched out by Prof. Bloomfield, it will bean invaluable help in future researches.**
Another announcement which we welcome with pleasure is that of the speedy appearance of
the translation of the Atharvaveda by Prof. Whitney, with commentary, notes and references.*^
It is, further, a proof that the health of Prof. Whitney, which has long been far from good, ii
at last re-established, and that is a second reason for hailing this announcement with joy.

{To be continued.)

NOTES ON THE SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM.

BY J. M. CAMPBELL, CLE., LC.a
{ConHnu6d from p. 838.)
2. Badges or Dtvaks*

A great step towards guardian gods took place when the spirits of the ftunily dead
were oonsidered friendly, not hostile. These friendly dead had, as noticed above, taken their
abode either in the living tombs of man-eating animals, or in fruit or other food-yielding trees.
The ohooBing a badge was not the cause of tree, or animal, worship ; it was the result of the
belief that the spirits of ancestors lived in plants or in animals.^ Mr. McLennan explains
the ten incarnations of Vishnn as the adoption into the national religion of ten clan goda.'
It seems simpler to snppose that these were all worshipped as different objects, which gave
protection against spirits, before they were chosen as a badge bj any clan.

In the Bombay Presidency the practice of choosing guardians, or ddvaks, is universal
among the MarAthas of the Deccan, and to a less extent among the Kunbis, Kdlis, and MSlis of
the K6nkan, and some husbandmen, like the Halvakki V&kk&ls of North Kanara. The asoal
dSvahs are animals, like the elephant, stag, deer, or cock, or trees, as the mango, jambulf vad^
or bor. The ddyak is the ancestor or head of the house, and so families, who have the same
gnardian badge, or divah, cannot intermarry. If the dSvak be an animal, its flesh is not eaten.
If the divah be a fimit tree, the use of the frait is not forbidden, thoagh some families
abstain from eating the fruit of the tree which forms their dSraJc, or badge. Among the Nasik

*i See on this a letter of Prof. M. Miiller in the Academy, 22nd October 1892.

MOn the myths I shall also mention a pamphlet by M. V. Henry, in which he applies the theory of nature or
solar ** riddles " to some ancient legends and in which the references to the Veda are nnmerons : Quelques mythet
nituralistet mieonnus. Let tup-plicet infemaute de V antiquity, Paris, 1892. In the case of Tantalus the anthor
conld have strengthened his position if he had noticed that, in its most ancient form, the punishment of Tantalus
takes place not in hell, but in heaven.

•s A Vedic Concordance, Being a Collection of ihe Hymnt and Sacrificial Formulae of the Literature of the Vedae,
By K anrice Bloomfield. From the Johns Hopkin's University Circulars, Hay 1892. Cf. Proceedinge of the American
Oriental Society, April 1892.

H Announcement a$ to a Second volume of the Roth-Whitney edition of the Atharva-Veda, by Prof. W. D.
Whitney, in the Proceedinge of the American Oriental Society, April 1892. [The great Professor died 7th June,
1894. — Ed.]

1 McLennan (Fort. Rev, Vol. VII. New Series, p. 218) thinks that the worship of animals or plants began in
their being badges or protectors. Lubbock thinks it arose from certain ancestors choosing to be called as a
memorial after some animal. It seems more likely to have its rise in the experience of men being re-bom aa
animals (Tylor's Primitixe CvUure, Vol. 11. p. 237).

» Fort, Rev, Vol. VII. New Series, p. 216.

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Dbcimbbb, 189i.j SPIRIT BASIS OP BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 375

M^lisy rales aboat dSvaks, or gaardian badges, are strictly observed. Among their dSvahs
are such trees, or tree^eaves, as the shami {Mimosa sunia), mango, jambul (Oalyptranthes
jam6olana)y bor {Zizypkus jujtiba)^ and vad (Ficus Jndica).^ Some have wheat-bread for their
divak, and some have a conch-shell, an earthen pot» or an aze, or hurhdd,^ Among
Batnagiri Kanbis the vad (Ficua Indica) is the badge of those who have the surname
of Kadam, and an elephant of those whose sarname is S&vant.^ A mango twig is
tlie Sbolapnr Bornd's dSvaky or gaardian, and the dSvaJc, or gaardian, of the ShdUpor
Tdlt, or oil-maker, is an iron bar, or pahdr, and a mill, or ghdna,^ The dSvah of the
Shdlapnr Agarvals, or scent-makers, is five piles, each of five earthen pots, with a lighted
lamp in the middle.^ The P^tradavarus, or dancing girls, of Dburwar, when a girl is in her
seventh year, worship the musical instruments, which are their guardians.^ In North Kanara
the important cultivating class of HalvAkkt Yakkals, an early and wide-spread tribe, is divided
into eight clans, each of which has a separate badge, which, when it is an animal, they do not
eat. Thus the Kadanballis do not eat the hadavS, or stag, the Bargalballis do not eat the bdrgd, or
deer, the Kuntiballis do not eat the woodcock.* The Dhurv^ Prabhus of Poena, before the thread*
girding ceremony, set ap a guardian, or devak. They take an earthen pot, which they white-wash
and mark with yellow, green and red. In it are laid grains of wheat and rice, a betelnut, a piece
of turmeric root, and a halfpenny. The lid of the pot is closed, and thread is wound round it,
A lighted stone lamp is set before it, and fed with oil.^^ The dSvak of the Poena Bauls consists
of leaves of the mango, ruiy and saundad trees.^^ The dSvak, or guardian, of the Bangars of
Poona is a conch-shell, and the Jet;<i^ of the PardSshi Rajputs is an earthen pot filled with
wheat.^2 Xhe devaks^ or guardians, of the Ahmadnagar Sonars, at their weddings, are their
sdndds, or pincers, and their blowpipe, or phunkani.^^ The divak, or guardian, of the Jain Shimpis
of Ahmadnagar is a pot with a flat lid, white-washed and marked with red and green.^* The
Ghisadis of Ahmadnagar have as a guardian the leaves of the mango, umbar {Ficua glomerata),
rui {Calotropis giganiea), ekud jambul trees.^* The Ahmadnagar Khatrls* family guardians at a
thread -girding and a marriage are white- washed earthen pots.^* The Chambh&rs of Ahmad-
nagar worship an axe as theii* divak, or guardian, and the PAhadls, a small class of Nagar
market gardeners, worship a pair of scales, or tardju^ as their devak,^'^

Several of the early tribes of Bengal shew traces of the worship of clan guardians, or
badges. The H6s and Mundas are divided into clans or kilts, A man is not allowed to marry a
girl of his own clan. The Mundaris adopt the name of an animal as the clan badge, and its flesh
may not be eaten. Among the animals chosen are the eel and tortoise. The badges of the Larkas
and Hos are not generally animals.^® The Manbhiim KharHas neither eat mutton, nor use wool.
Dalton suggests they may be a sheep tribe, and the flesh of the badge, according to Kolarian
rules be forbidden. Several of the Khond clans are named after animals — Muningd or Fish Tribe,
Janinga or Crab Tribe, Pochangia or Owl Tribe, Syalonga or Spotted Deer, and Orang6 or Blue
Bull.i' The Ofaoiis of Chutia Nagpur and the KasiAa of th« North-East frontier are ccdled after

s From MS. nofces. * From MS. notes. ^ From verbal information given by a peon.

« Bombay Gaxeiteery Tol. XX. pp. 98, 143. "^ Op. cit. Vol. XX. p. 49.

« Op. cit. Yol. XXII. p. 191. » Op. oit. Vol. XV. p. 203. See anie, note 6.

i« From MS. notes. " Bombay Qaxetteery Vol. XVIII. p. 360.

la Op. cit. Vol. X Vni. pp. 266, 408. " Op. cit. Vol. XVII. p. 136.

1* Op, cit. Vol. XVII. p. 101. '» Op, oil. Vol. XVII. p 98. " Op. oit. Vol. XVII. p. 111.

" Op. cit. Vol. XVII. pp. 167, 91. '• Dalton's Deaeriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 189.

'» DeicripKw Ethnology of Bmgaly p. 161. Maopherson'a Khondsy p. 84. Other tribal names seem to have an
animal origin. The Kods are perhaps the horse tribe, as Koda Pen is the horse god of the Central Province Gonda
(Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, p. 18). Lamani is a peacock in Naikadu Gondi {op. oit. p. 27).
Konda is a bnllook in some Gond dialects (op. cit, p. 7). Koi is a cook or crow in Kaikadi (op. cit, p. 9), and a crow
in Mnda (op. cit. p. 10). The MarAtM Selars do not eat goat's flesh, and seem to take their name from the Telugu
shei for a goat. It seems probable that Selar has been Sanskritized into Silahara, the dynasty who ruled in the
Konkan from A.D. 850 to 1300. Simihvrly it may be suggested that the well-known dynasty of Chalukyas, whose
chief capital was Kalyftn near Haidar&b&d, are the Chalkls, or goat- herds, of the Deocan, who appear as Ohherkyas
among the Gonds (op. cit. p. 6).

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876 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [December, 1894.

animals, and are forbidden to use the animal after whom thej are called.^ Thus the TirkU, or
Mice, may not eat mice ; Ekhars, or Tortoises, may not eat the tortoise ; Kirpdtas may not eat the
stomach of a pig ; Lakrars may not eat tiger's flesh ; Kujrars may not eat oil from the tree or sit
in its shade ; Gedhiars may not eat the kite; Khakhars may not eat the crow ; Minjars may not
eat the eel ; Kerketars may not eat the bird of that name ; and Barars may not eat from fig
leaves.^^ The Santh&ls have twelve tribes, bat only one is called after an animal.^

The clan guardian seems to appear among the tribes of Central Asia, many of whom trace their
descent from animals.^ The Chinese have clan-names and keep the rale forbidding the people of
the same clan-name marrying.** The Japanese of the old Shinto faith have a ha mi, or gnardian
saint, in each hoase.*^ In Australia the badge or clan-guardian, which is called hoboiig, is wide-
spi'ead. It is accompanied with the two rules — that succession is generally through the mother,
and that people with the same crest may not marry.*^ They have also the rule forbidding the
Icilling, or use, of the clan-guardian.*'^ The Australian tribes are called after animals, as Murui
the kangaroo, Tdhuru the brown-snake, Knraki the opossum. When thoy go to war each carries
his own animal stuffed as a standard.*^ The Australian guardians are both plants and animals.
Many of the animals are birds, and one is a fish. They believe tliat their forefathers were turned
from these animals into men.*^ The Philippine islanders had many ancestral guardians called
anitos, whom they called in time of trouble.^ The Fiji islanders have badges, and follow t^e
rule that the badge may not be eaten. He who worships the eel-god must never eat eel. Some
cannot eat men, because their badge is man.'* In Africa tribes have a badge or guardian, and
keep the rule against marriage between people with the same crest.'* The Banyai of Equatorial
Africa pray to the dead. The Veddahs think the spirits of ancestors guard them, and the
Dakotahs and the New Caledonians call on ancestors to help.''

Many North American tribes have a olan-gaardian, generally an animal, bear, wolf, or
deer. The gxiardian is held to be the olan-anoestor, and marriage between families of the
same gnardian is forbidden. In many cases the child takes its mother's guardian.'^ It was an
American rule that the guardian was not to be killed.'^ Besides the clan-guardian some
of the American tribes had a personal guardian. Each youth sees his guardian in a
dream. It may be an animal or part of one, the skin or the claws, a feather or a
shell; a plant, a stone, a knife, a pipe. This becomes his protector, and is buried with
him.'^ In other tribes the naked child was laid on a bed of ashes, and the marks
which were found next morning became his guardian.'^ The Canadians have also guardians
or medicines. The red-maise is the oldest : the red deer the strongest.'® The Eskimos
have also guardians, but their rules are less strict. If they are unlucky they start a new
guardian, and under certain circumstances they may shoot their guardian.'* The idols of the
South American Indians are guardian spirits of places.*® They will not kill the animal,
from which they believe they are sprung.*^ Among the Amaeulus the ancestral spirits of one
tribe go to fight the ancestral spirits of the other.** The Amazulu ancestors are angry when
their rites are neglected.*' In the Roman camp the eagles and other standards held a fii'st

*• Dftlton's Descrij>iive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 57. '* Op. cit. p. 25 i. «« Op. dt, p. 21*.

M Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. New Series, p. 418. «* Early Hiitory of Man, p. 280.

« Silver's Ja^an, p. 39. ^ Early Hittory of Man, p. 284.

V Fort Reu. Vol. VI. p. 411. » Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. VII. p. 249.

M Fort. Rev. Vol. Vl. p. 410. » Careri in ChwrchiU, Vol. IV. p. 431.

»J FoTt. Rev. Vol. VI. p. 421 ; Tylor'a PrimiHve CuLture, Vol II. p. 232. » Early History of Man, p. 282.

S3 Spencer's Princ. of Sociology, Vol. I. p. 295. •* Early Biutory of Man, p. 284.

w Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 35. Among the animal guardians were {Fort. Raw Vol. VI. New Series, p. 413) wolf,
bear, beaver, turtle, deer, snipe, heron, hawk, crane, duck, turkey, musk-rat, pike, cat fish, sturgeon, carp, buffalo,
elk, reindeer, eagle, hare, rabbit and snake. Many others were plants {op. cit, p. 411) ; sand, water and rook were
also guardians {op. cit. p. 413) ; and so were the sun and the moon {op. cit. pp. 419, 420).

s« Tylor*s Primitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 155. w Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 467.

w Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. New Series, p. 412. » Bancroft, Vol. III. p. 128.

40 Jour. Ethno. 8oc. Vol. II. p. 231. *» Spencer's Princ, of Sociol4>gy, Vol. T. p. 865.

*a Op. cit. Vol. L p. 210. *» Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 211.

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December, 1894.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 377

rank among tutelary deities.^ Mr, McLellan traces clan-gaardians among old tribes in South
Europe.*^ He suggests that the animals in the sky, the serpent, scorpion, dragon, horse, bull,
dog, swan, ram, goat and fish were originally clan-guardians. But the origin of animal
worBhip seems to have preceded the ohoioe of an animal as a clan-gnicurdian. The Celtic
clans of Scotland have their badges, some of which are plants, as the Campbells* bog-myrtle
and the Macdonalds' heather. Some of the Scotch borderers had the moon as an armorinl
bearing, meaning that they ^ere gentlemen of the night, or minions of the moon.*® The clan^
guardian would seem to be the origin of the ensign and the crest.^^r

3. Spirits are Mortals.

It seems probable, from the examples given under the heading of Ancestor- worship, that all
spirits were originally the spirits of men. It is also probable that all spirits were origi-
nally mortal.

According to the Vedas, offerings should be given to ancestors for three generations,*^
and so in Western India the higher class Hindus worship their ancestors for three generations.
But among the lower classes uneasy ghosts are rarely worshipped for more than a generation
or two.

Ghosts are like men, and like men die and pass into powerlessness. The Kunbis of
the Konkan believe that a ghost cannot trouble a man for more than twelve years. In the
Deccan there is a belief that ghosts do not live for more than three or four generations.*®
The Midhls of the North-East frontier think spirits are mortal.^ The Kuikiis of the Central
Provinces worship the dead for a year, after death .^^ In Siberia the ordinary spirit lived in a
pillar for three years ; a sorcerer's spirit was immortal.^' Among the Persians both the paris, or
kindly spirits, and the dSos, or unfriendly spirits, were mortal.^ The Bunnans believe that the
victims, who are buried alive at the foundation of a tower and become guardians, last only for a
time.^ Among the Chinese the common people sacrifice to the father and grand-father ; the
nobles to throe genemtions ; the petty kings to five ; and the emperors to seven ancestors.^*
The Zulus worship no ancestors except the father.^ The figures set up for the dead in
Melanesia are either the lately dead or the great dead. People seldom pray to a soul they have
not known in life. Most ghosts perish after a time.^^ The Greenlanders believe that spirits
are mortal.**® The Greeks and Homans held that the life of the tree-nymph was bound
up in the life of the tree.^® In Europe the Middle Ages (1000-1500 A. D.) Cabalists believed in
mortal sylphs, gnomes and undines.*^ In Scotland the elfin people were believed to die.^^

4. Spirits cause Disease.

In early times the great fear which people entertained of the spirits of the dead was due to
the belief that all diseases are caused by spirits ; and the belief that spirits are the cause of
sickness and misfortune is still entertained by many early tribes in India, as well as in other
countries. Thus the Kolis of Th^na ascribe every sickness and death to the agency of the bhuts,
or evil, spirits, or to witchcraft.^* In the K6nkan, which is locally considered the hot-bed of
evil spirits, among the lowQr classes ninety per cent, of the sickness and diseases is ascribed to
bkuts, or evil spirits. The Mah4d6v Kolis of Ahraadnagar believe that every malady or
disease, which seizes man, woman, child or cattle, is caused either by an evil spirit or by

♦♦ Gibbon's Decline and Fall, Vol. I. p. 169. " j^ort. Rev. Vol. VI. p. 568.

*6 Scott's Border Minstrels, p. 28. *' Fort. Rev. Vol. VI. pp. 41.8-569.

48 Maurice's Indian Antiguiiies, Vol. IT. p. 189. *« From MS. notes.

w Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 21. 5i Hislop's Aboriginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, App. VI.

M Early Hisiory of Man, p. 109. " Scott's Border Minstrels, p. 442.

6* Shway Yoe*8 The Bxmnnn, Vol. II. p. 209. « CareH (1696) in ChurchiU, Vol. IV. p. 861.

« Tylor's Primiiive Culture, Vol. II. p. 116. " Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. X. pp. 288, 285, 294.

M Tylor's PrimiUve Cvltwet Vol. II. p. 22. W Smith's Classical BicHonary.

w Eur, Eat, Vol. L p. 47. " Scott's Demonolairy and Witchcraft, p. 128. m From MS. notes.

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378 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Dbcbmbkr, 1894.

au angry god ;^ and the BijApur Vaddars have a yearly feast to their ancestors to prevent
the dead bringing sickness into the house.^ In the Ddbistdn^ it is stated that in Kalinga in
East India (1649 A. D.) every village had a spirit called by some particular name* each supposed
to be the author of some disease. One was called anambaram. In North Bhutan all diseases
are believed to be special spirits, and the only ti-eatment is by exorcising.** Among the
Garos when a man sickens, the priest asks what god has done it,*^ The Kukis and nearly all
aboriginal tribes hold that disease is caused by evil spirits.*® The Khonds think disease is sent either
by a god, or by an angry ancestor.*^ The Bastar Kdia believe that death is generally caused by
female spirits, probably at the instigation of an enemy.'* The Katals, or Kummbals, of
Malabar, aliigher class slave tribe, believe that the spirits of men after death inflict diseases, and
are appeased by the offerings of distilled liquor, which the votary drinks, after calling on the
spirit to partake of it.'^ The Mogayers, South Kanara fishermen, believe that evil spirits cause
disease, and so in cases of sickness they call in Billavars, and even Musalman exorcists.^'

The old Persians had, as the Pars! sacred books still have, a spirit-explanation for almost all
diseases. Fever was made by the devil. ^ Sickness, fever, cold, and shivering gather at
the Tower of Silenced* The Parsi has also a spirit of blindness, '* of hunger and thirst,'* of
bad swelling,'' and of irregular sickness.'* The Prophet Mul^ammad,'* held that all diseases
were the work of devils, except fever, which was a foretaste of hell-fire.®* •

The Chinese believe that all diseases are caused by the spirits of the unfriendly dead.*^ The
inhabitants of Melanesia believe that all sickness and mischief to the living is the work of the
ghosts of the dead, who are always seeking an opportunity to do evil. So, for fear of tamates,
no one will go about at night, unless he carries a light, which ghosts are afraid of. If a child
is sick, it is thought that it has wandered within reach of some ghost. When a man goes out
of his mind, it is thouglTt that a ghost has possessed him, and wonderful things are thought to
bo done by one in such a condition.^ The Australians believe that diseases are caused by evil
spirits.^^ The Inthlangwains near Natal^ do not know how long the spirit of a dead person
lives. They attribute every untoward occurrence to the infiuenc.e of the spirit, and if sickness
comes, slaughter a beast to please the spirit.*^ Among the Wazaramos of East Africa,
whenever any one is ill he is supposed to be possessed by the evil one.*^ In East Africa all
disease is believed to be caused by spirits or winds. The spirit doctor drives out the spirit
by music and hard exorcism.** The Tanalas of Madagascar believe that death is caused by
spirits, and so at the grave a man shouts : " This is what ye*' get; you must not follow after his
children. This is the one you have got.**^* The Indians of Arizona believe that death is caused
by the devil.**

The next step was that only certain diseases oame to be attributed to spirits.

Thus the Mangel la 8 of ThAna believe that most diseases and misfortunes in life are due to bhutSf
evil spirits, witchcraft, or to the influence of the nine planets.** The palm.tappers of South
Kanara, called Billavars, believe that most women are liable to spirit-possession.*^ The Wasnaluli

«3 Bombay Gazaiteer, Vol. XVII. p. 200. " Op. cit. Vol. XXIII. p. 212.

M Vol. IT. p. IGO. w Dalton's Detcriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 97.

67 Oa^. cii. p. 60. «« Op. cit. p. 43.

c» Macpherson's Khondiy p. 76. t« Jour. R. A. Soc. Vol. XIII. p. 416.

Ti 1800 A. D., Buchanan's Mysore, VoL II. p. 498. ' " Op. dt. Vol. III. p. 63.

'8 Block's Aieiiia, Vol. I. p. 12. " Op. cii. p. GB.

7* Op. df. p. 56 J Yakut, Vol. X. '« Bleek'i Avetfa, VoL L pp. 63-65.

" Op. df. p. 69. w Op. di. p. 12.

79 A. P. 612. w Fori. Rev. Vol. VL p. 426.

«^ Jour. Ethno. Soc. Vol. II. p. 21. " Codringrton in Jour. Anthrop. Jnti. VoL X. p. 284.

83 Wallace's A-ustrjlasi<fj p. 100. «* (Gardiner's Zulu Country, p. 314.

w Thomson's Central Africa, p. 104. «« Burton's Central Africa, VoL II. p. 353.

^^ /. e., spirits of the dead ancestors. ^ Sibree'e Madagatcar, p. 237.

8® Fint Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington.

w From MS. notes. »' Buchanaa'a Mysore, VoL III. p. 58.

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Deckmbbb, 1894.] SPIRIT BASIS OP BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 379

of East Africa beliere that many diseases are caused by evil spirits, orpepo, who get into the
body, and must be driven out.^^

As men advanced in knowledge and power, the assumption that all diseasOB or most diseases,
are oatLsed by spirits was narrowed into the belief that some diseases, or certain diseases, are
caused by spirits. The diseases thus attributed to spirits were sudden sicknesses, seizures,
fainting, mania, rheumatism, small-pox, barrenness, cholera, and other epidemics. In the
Konkan the lower and middle classes, and to some extent even the higher classes, believe all
these diseases to be due to the influence of spirits.

The following examples shew, too, how widely the belief that spirits cause disease is, or
has been, entertained. In North Kanara, thirty miles up the Karwar river, a place named
Kaderi, when Dr. Buchanan visited it (1792), had for many years been troubled by a curious
sickness. The people, who were Brahmans, thought the epidemic was the work of an enraged
Ihut or spirit.®^ The Komarpaiks, a class of North Kanara husbandmen, believe that the spirits
of children, whose mothers die in pregnancy, become bhuts or devils, and enter into people and
cause sickness. The sufferers attempt to be relieved by prayer and sacrifice, and some
villages are supposed to know charms which drive the spirits away.^ In the Deccan, when
a Chitp/lvan woman suffers greatly in child-birth, a pnest is called who reads the passages from
the Veds and Purdns which drive away evil spirits.®^ In Bengal, whenever a woman is seized
with a sudden sickness she is supposed to be witch-ridden.^* The Brinjaris of Mysore in 1792
claimed the right to put witches to death, because all sickness among children was due to
witchcraft.®^ The Coorgs believe that diseases of men and cattle rarely come in the natui-al
order of things, but are due either to magic or to an enemy.®* In Mysore, an acute conical
mound of mud, on a round base, ornamented with wild flowers is set np to keep off cattle-disease.
It is called Katama Raya.®* In Mysore men are possessed and bewitched by spirits,
who lodge in trees and burial-grounds.^^ Among the Kofs of the Central Provinces when
any one falls ill, the ancestors are propitiated.^ The early Brahmans in India weue always
troubled by spirits and demons.* In Mysore and North Tulu, if the worship of Bhi^ta is
neglected, he is supposed to cause sickness and suffering. If a sacrifice is made to Bhiita he
takes the spirit or life of the sacrifice, and gives no more trouble.^ Children get epileptic
fits from 'Siva.* Sneezing is due to spirit-possession. The Parsls say a prayer when they
sneeze.*

The Circassians believe that diseases are caused by spirits.* In Egypt, Mr. Douglas
has seen barren women pass under the belly of an elephant, to drive out the haunting spirit
of barrenness.^ The Jews held that madness was the work of a spirit, and at the time
of Christ spirits were believed to cause madness, fits, and other forms of disease.'

The Burmans believe that witches, called sotis, kill people and give epileptic fits,® and that
some diseases are caused by bones and other things being forced into the body by witches.^®
Epidemics are specially believed to bo due to spirits. In Burma, when cholera appears in a
village, the people climb onto the roofs of the houses and boat them with bamboos and billets of
wood.^^ Sometimes, when a person is sick, a small coffin and a tiny corpse are bnried, and the

»2 News* East Africa, p. 63.

98 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 188. [See also in this Joumaly ** Devil Worship of the Toluvae," pawim.— Ed.]

M Op. cit. p. 185. M Bombay Oazeiieer, Vol. XVIII. p. Il2.

96 Ward's View of the Hindut, Vol. III. p. 210. w Wilk's 8outh of India, Vol. III. p. ^11.

w Rice's Myiore, Vol. III. p. 211. « Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 363. loo Qp. cit., loc. cit.

1 Tjlor's Primitive Ctdture, Vol. IT. p. 33. * Maurice's hidian Aniiquiiies, Vol. IV. p. 632.

5 Buchanan's Mysore, Vol. III. p. 107. 4 Ward's View of the Hindus, Vol. I. p. 234.

6 Ddbist^in, Vol. I. p. 818. « Balfour's Encyc. Vol. V. p. iSl.

' From MS. notes. Compare : — In Gnjardt, when an ascetic of the Dundi& sect dies, women who seek the
blessing of a male child strive to secure it by creeping beneath his litter (Forbes* Rds MUa, Vol. II. p. 382).
8 From MS. notes. » Shway Yoo's The Barman, Vol. II. p. 126.

w Fytche's Burma, Vol. II. p. 80. " Op. di. Vol. n. p. 104.

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380 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Decbmbeb, 1894.

disease disappears.*' The Burmans use the following articles to cure sores or spirit-diseases : —
the hand of a lizard, sulphur, the bulb of a white lily, roast chillies, and cock's dnng.^^
A Burman, also when sulEering from headache, hangs up pictures of peacocks and hares under
the eaves ; headache is con&idered a sun-(or a moon-)&troke, and the peacock belongs to the sun
and the hare to the moon.^^ Spirits are considered one of the chief causes of disease in
Burma,^^ and the Buddhist novice is asked if he is free from madness or other ills caused by
giants, witches, or the evil spirits of forests and hills.** In China epidemics are supposed
to be devil-caused.*^ The Chinese believe that drought is caused by evil spirits,*® and also any
sickness that does not give way to medicine.** The belief that spirits cause disease, is wide-
spread in China.^ Ancestors are supposed to cause sickness if their tombs are neglected ; they
are appeased by the present of paper money and paper clothes.** When a Chinaman has
had an ill-omened dream he fills his mouth with water, slashes the air with a sword, and
holding a red or yellow scroll in his hand says : " O scroll, avert all evil influences."22
In China, spirits are supposed to raise storms, especially the summer squalls known as *' devils'*
winds, "28 and the stye is exorcised by a priest in order that the pigs may not become
diseased.** The spirits of cows are much feared in China, and must be driven away by
exorcists or priests ; otherwise the whole herd may die.** In China, when many people are
drowned the belief is that the spirits of the poor have caused the accident. They have had no
proper funeral and so are angry.**

The West Australians believe that sickness is caused by evil spirits ; doctors go round the
sick man, and shout to keep the devil away. They dcr not believe in natural death, *7 but
believe that fatal sickness is caused by their medicine-men, called Boglias, who can kill even
at a distance from the power of some stones in their stomachs.** In Australasia, illness and
death, especially of the young, is attributed either to sorcery or to evil spirits.** The Mot us
of New Guinea connect a sudden attack of illness with an evil spirit, called Vata. He is
8uppo8ed,to live in the bush ; they neither worship nor propitiate him in any way. When a
person is taken ill they say Vata has killed him ; the patient s life is despaired of, and little or
nothing is done to him. In rare cases some leaves and roots are used as an antidote in
charming diseases.^ Spirits cause epidemics, and bo the Motus after an epidemic drive away
the disease-spirit by beating sticks, shouting, making a noise generally, and throwing burning
sticks into the air.^* The Samoans hold that all disease marks the displeasure of some god.
In cases of sickness the village priest is consulted, gifts are made, and mouthfuls of water are
spnnkled over the sick bed.^*

The Tanalas of Madagascar believe that sudden death ts caused by witchcraft; and other
tribes, especially the Sihanakas, think all death to be duo to witchcraft. When the dead is
in the tomb the Sihanakas say : •* Whoever it is that has bewitched you, break him upon
the rock that the children may see it."33 The people of Madagascar believe that any one who
is sick is possessed by an evil spirit*** In Bast Africa a madman is said to have fiends.**
Barrenness is a spirit disease, and so in South Central Africa a baton of wood covered with
grass is rubbed on a woman to cure her of barrenness.** The people of South Central Africa
think that sickness is due either to spirits or to sorcery.*^ The inhabitants of the country to

18 Shway Yoe'e The Burman, VoL II. p. 188. " Op. cii. Vol. IT. p. 140.

1* Op. dt Vol. II. p. 187. i» Fy tche'B Burma, Vol. II. p. 79.

i« Shway Yoe's The Burmans Vol. I. p. 138. " Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 3i.

W Op. di- Vol. I. p. 148. i» Cubbold*8 China, p. 69.

» Gray's China, Vol. II. p. 17. " Op. df. p. 23. «« Op. dt. p. 13.

«» Op. di. p. 286. 24 Op. di. p. 169. » Op. dt. p. 158.

ae Op. di. p. 35. '^ Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Vol. V. p. 819.

» Op. dt. Vol. Vn. p. 289. » Wallace's Ausiralasia, p. 108.

M Op. dt. p. 483. " Op. dt., loc. dt,

w Pritchard's Pohynedan Remains, p. 147. ** Sibree's Madagascar, p. 291.

w Op. dt. p. 295. ^ Tylor's Primitive Cvltwre, Vol. II. p. 130.

M Pinto's flow; J crossed Africa, Vol. I. p. 837. ^ Cp. dt. Vol. I. p. 130.

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Dbcbmbbb, 1894.] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. 881

the north of the Zambesi, have a ^eat fear of spirits. They think that spirits cause sickness
and wish to take away the living. When one man has killed another, a sacrifice is made to
lay the ghost.'* The South-West Africans believe that if the spirits of the departed are
appeased, there is no other cause of death except witchcraft.'® Sneezing is supposed to
be spirit-caused. Gardiner notes that when Dingam, a Zulu chief, sneezed, his people said : —
**May he grow greater.*'*® The Nubras divide diseases into two classes, wind or spirit
diseases and blood diseases.^^ The Moors of Morocco, when they stumble or fall, stain their
clothes, cut their fingers, break a pot, or hear an ass bray, say : — "God damn the devil." **
The old belief that spirits cause diseases seems to have been modified by the Moors of North
Africa^ who now consider every sickness a judgment.*'

The American Indians almost universally believe that death is caused by witchcraft.**
The Zaparo Indians of South America think illness and death due to sorcery.*'* In the West
Indies, Columbus (1495) found a sorcerer, who pulled diseases off the patient as one pulls
oS a pair of trousers ;*^ and the Californian Indians spend all their time in shaking off evil
spirits.*^

Homer's*® Greeks thought that disease was caused by a demon,*® and this belief was
upheld by Pythagoras.'^ Madness they thought was due to a spirlt.^^ The Romans
called madmen lymphati, ghost-haunted, and a Temple of Fever stood on the Palatine Hill.'>2
The Roman matrons were cured of barrenness by being beaten with thongs by the priest
of the Lnpercalia. The Lupercalia continued to be held in Rome till the middle of the fifth
century.^ The Skandinavians believed tliat Runic letters eased women in labour, kept off
poison, dispelled evil thought*, and cured child -diseases and melancholy.^* In Russia, the
ague is called the Female Neighbour or the Female Friend. Ague is a spirit which will
worry her patient till she goes, and before she goes she appears in terrible dreams.**' Toothache
is cured in Russia by rubbing on the gum the ends of candles, which have been burnt in church .'•
Barrenness is supposed to be a spirit-disease, and so in France, even to-day, women are
said to sit on dolmens to cure sterility .'^ Formerly in England it was held that pestilences
and other diseases and sicknesses were due to wicked spirits. In the E^isteles and Gospelles,
London, imprinted by Richard Bankes, a sermon on "Rogation Day es** runs: — ** In these
Kogation Days, it is to be asked of God and prayed for, that God of His goodness will defend
and 4save the com in the field and that He will vouchsafe to purge the air; for this cause be
certain Gospels read in the wide fields among the corn and grass, that' by the virtue and
operation of God's word the power of the wicked spirits, which keep in the air and infect the
same (whence come pestilence and other kinds of diseases and sicknesses), may be laid down
and the air made pure and clean to the intent the com may remain unharmed and not
infected of the said hurtful spirits.''^® In England a stoppage in the throat was supposed to
be due to witchcraft, or spbits» and the following remedy was resorted to as a cure } — ** Hold
the diseased by the throat, and say — 'Blaze, the martyr and servant of Jeans Christ, commands
thee to pass up or down.* "•• In England convulsions were an iittack of dwarves.®*^ Pestilences
came in human form.*^ Barrenness was a spirit-disease, which waa believed to affect trees, as
well as men and women. So, till 1790, the Devonshire farmers used to go round their apple

«• Livingstone's Travelt in Souih Africa, p. 484. »• Op. dt. p. 440. *• Gardiner's Zulu Covmiry, p. 52.

*» SchweinfurtVs Heart of Africa, Vol. II. p. 826. *J Bohlf's Jforocco, p. 60.

<8 Op. ciU p. 76. ** Firgt R^ort of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, p. 158.

♦« Jour, Anthrop, Inat. Tol. VU. p. 506. *« Tyler's Primitive CuUwre, Vol. II, p. 129.

*T Bancroft, Vol. IIL p. 497. « B. C. 1000.

*• Tylor's Primitive Ovltu/re, Vol. II. p. 187. ^ B. C. BU).

« Tylor^s PHmitive Culture, Vol. II. p. 188. «« Pliny's Natural History, Vol. I. p. 8.

« Gibbon's Decline and FaU, Vol. IV. p. 78. « Mallet's Northern Antiquitiee, p. 118.

w Mrs. Somanoff's Rites and Customs of the Qrceco-Russian Chnrch, p. 226,

«• Op. cit, p. 90. w WalhoJise in Jour. Anthrop, Inst^ Vol. VII. p. 81.

» Brand's Popular AnHquities, Vol. I. pp. 201, 202, w Qp, cit. Vol. I, p. 52,

« Taylor's PrinUtive CvUure, Vol. II. p. 140, •» Op. dt. Vol, I. pp. 295, 295.

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582 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [December, 1894.

trees on Twelfth Day in order that they might bear well.** .In Herefordshire, nnder the name
of Wassailing, the following rites were observed : — At the approach of evening, on the vigil of
the Twelfth Day, the farmers, with their friends and servants, used to meet together, and at
abont six o'clock walk to a field of wheat. In the highest part of the ground twelve small
fires and one large fire were lighted. The attendants, headed by the master of the family,
pledged the company in old cider, which circulated freely. A circle was formed round the
large fire, and a general shouting and hallooing was raised. Sometimes fifty or sixty of
these fires might be seen at once.^ In England, the ^* falling sickness," like barrenness, was
considered to be a spirit-disease. Lupton in his Book of Notable Things (1660), p, 40,
says : — " Three nails, made in the vigil of the Midsummer Eve and driven in so deep
that they cannot be seen, in the place where the party doth fall that hath the falling
sickness, doth drive away the disease quite."** Sir T. Browne (1660) thought fits to be
natural, but heightened by the power of the devil and of witchcraft.** Spirits cause certain
diseases, and so Prospero** tells Ariel to charge his goblins, to grind Caliban's jointa with
dry convulsions, to shorten his sinews with aged cramps, and make him more pinch-spotted
than a cat-a-mountain. In Yorkshire, St. Vitus' dance wa^ believed to be caused by an
evil eye or a witch.*^ The belief in the spirit-theory of disease is still common in rural England.
Fits, the falling sickness, ague, cramp and warts are all believed to be caused by a spirit going
into the patient's body. These diseases are cured, — that is, the spirit who causes the disease
is scared, — by a charm. In the charm, the disease is addressed as a spirit or being : — thus, in
ague the charm runs : " Ague, farewell till we meet in hell;" and cramp is addressed : " Cramp,
be ihou faultless, as our Lady was sinless when she bore Jesus."** In Lancashire, the people
think casting out the ague is the same as casting out the devil, for it is the devil in the sick man
that makes him shiver and shake.** Warts are cured by rubbing them with a g^en elder
stick and burying the stick.^* In certain parts of England, fits and hiccough are still believed
to be possessions, and are cured by charms.^^ Severe bleeding at the nose is in England thought
to be caused by a spirit sucking the blood. In a case recorded in Northumberland a woman's
nose bled so dangerously that the husband went to call a wizard. On his way the wizard
crossed a stream between him and the woman's house, muttered a spell, and said that the bleeding
had stopped. The husband went home, and finding that the bleeding had not stopped, returned
to the wizard, who remembered that there was a second stream. He crossed this stream,
repeated the charm^and the bleeding was stayed.^ Big neck, or goitre, was cured in England
by the touch of a dead hand, especially of that of a suicide,^ and shoes used to be set cross-wise
near a bed to keep off ci-amp.^* In Scotland epilepsy is still supposed to be fiend-possession.
One cure was to put the epileptic in bed with his dead mother, apparently in the belief that the
evil-spirit that caused the disease would leave the sufferer and go into the dead.^* In parts of
England (1870) erysipelas is thought to be a spirit called Ceronsepel, The charm for
erysipelas runs : — " Ceronse|>el coming in at the town end. By the name of the Lord I medisen
thee."^* The people of Moray in Scotland pare the finger and toe nails of a hectic person, tie
them in a rag, and wave the rag thrice round his head sun ways, deas soil, and bury the rag.
So, according to Pliny, did the Druids.^

1. Effect of the belief that Spirits cause disease.

One result of the universal belief that disease is caused by unfriendly spirits is the
anxiety to And out artioles?* that Boare spirits. The early Hindus found that the juice of

62 Brand's f ovular Anti'itUties.XoL I. p. 29. «» Op. cit. Vol. I. p. 30. «♦ Op, fit. Vol. I. p. 836.

w Scctf 8 Demonolatry and Wiichcraft, p. 264. «• Tempetty IV. ; 1.

«7 Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 162. » Dyer's Folk-Lore, pp. 158-164. <• Op. cii. p. 153.
TO Op, cit. p. 165. t» Op. cit. pp. 145-140. »« Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 158.

" Op. cit. p. 158. »* Op. cit. p. 155. " Mitcheirs Highland SupersUHons, p. 24.

'« Henderson's Folk-Lore, p. 150. ^f Dyer's Folk-Lore, p. 150.

"• The names of the principal articles, which were believed to scare spirits, are given nnder the heading
"Articles which scare Spirits."

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December, 1894] SPIRIT BASIS OF BELIEF AND CUSTOM. ' 383

the holy basil, or tulsl, restored consciousness, removed pain in the ear, cured scratches, and
ringworm, and destroyed hrimif or intestinal worms. They also perceived that the smell of the
basil flower was sweet, and that the basil leaf, when eaten, was agreeable to the taste.
They, therefore, held that the sweet basil scared spirits, and so was a Guardian. So they made
garlands and necklaces of sweet basil leaves and stems ; and the necklace was called tulst-pat^j
a name still borne by a gold ornament worn by Hindu women. In the same way it was found
that the darbha, or durva, grass was healing or spirit-scaring, and so pavitris, or purifying
rings of this grass, were worn on the fingers. In the Bombay K6nkan, where rice is the staple
food, it was considered to contain some divine principle. Four deities were supposed to
live in rice : — Brahmd the creator, Ravi the sun, Soma the moon, and the Marudganas
the wind-gods. As rice was the abode of gods, it was thought to be a protection against
unfriendly spirits. They, therefore, worshipped rice, and, to scare spirits, put into their ears
fresh ears of the rice called bugd%t a practice which is preserved in the Hindu female ear-
ornament bugdi or mtigdiJ^

In early times, especially in India, the oow was considered the most usefnl of animals.
Its milk gave strength and vigour, its urine and dung wei-e medicinal, and its head gave a
yellow substance, called gorochan^ which was found a valuable cure for child-diseases. Every-
thing that appertained to the cow was taken to be sacred and spirit-scaring. So the word
pdtala in Sanskrit means "pale-red** or "cow-coloured,** and hence the pdtalt, or cow-coloared
ornament worn by Hindu females. Again it was believed that the saored thread of Brfthmans
kept off spirits, partly because it has several knots called Brahmd grantlih : knots, or knotted
things, 'being a spell against evil spirits. Hence the gdnthaUj or knotted necklace, and the
gdnthoy^ or knotted earring, worn by the low class Hindus.

Palm-leaves, beads, and certain teeth and bones were supposed to possess the power of
dispelling spirits, and so the wearing of ornaments made of palm-leaves, beads and ivory
came into fashion. Thus, the Hindu tanmam and MMgdtht ornaments, which are now made
of gold or pearls, were formerly made of black beads, the word kdUgdthi meaning black
beads or black knots, and tanmani meaning beads of life. Similarly the chief neck ornament
of married Hindu females, called galairi or neck-luck, must, as a rule, be of black beads.
Pdtalis m&de of ivory are still worn by Hindu women, and are considered to be more auspicious
than either gold or pearl ornaments.

With the working of metals came the discovery of the healing value of minerals. The
Hindus considered Xohabhasma^ the ashes of iron, tdmrabhasma, the ashes of copper, and
raupyabkasma, the ashes of silver, to be the elixir of life. Again, as branding the patient with
an iron or copper rod was found an effective cure for certain diseases, which were supposed to
be spirit-caused, the belief spread that metal was a great spirit-scarer. So they exchanged
their ornaments of grass, tree-leaves, bones and beads for ornaments of iron, copper, silver and
gold.

2. Ornaments scare Spirits.

The meanings of many of the ornaments worn by Hindu women support this view of the
general history of personal ornament.

Among Head-ornaments are : — KStaha, the Sanskrit kStaki,^^ the flower of the Pandanus
odoratissimusy a goldep hair ornament worn by Hindu women. Kamal, the Sanskrit kamalaj
a lotus, a hair ornament resembling a lotus. Kuluka^ the Sanskrit kalittha^ Marathi Jculita, a bunch
of the Glycine tomentosa leaves, is worn on the hair: the word also means a golden hair orna-
ment, which is otherwise called muda^ the joy-giver. Chdndant, the Sanskrit chandra, moon,

"9 Molesworth's Marathi DicHonary. The bugdt resembles an ear of rice.
*• Sk. granthi, a knot. *» Pandanus odoratissimus.

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384 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Deckmbeb, 1894.

a full-moon shaped gold ornament worn on the hair. Ckandrahor, the Sanskrit chandra^
moon, and IcSra, a part or portion : a half qnarter-moon head omameni. CMmpydchibdr^ the
Sanskrit champaka, the chdmpd tree,^ and bar a row : a golden hair-ornament resembling a
row of chdmpd jObwers. QvXdbdcKiphul^ the Marafehi guldb, rose, and pkul, a flower : a golden
head ornament like a rose flower. OSnddy the Mara(hl gondd, the Qlohe amaranth : a golden
and silken head-ornament like a bnnch of Olobe amaranth flowers. Ndg^ the Sanskfit ndga^ a
serpent, a gold snake-shaped ornament.

Among Nose-omamentB are : — l^athy apparently the MarSthi ndth^ the jnice of a plant
administered through the nose, a common nose-ornament. YdU^ the Maratht vdlty Bassella
rubra, a pearl nose-ring.

Among Ear-ornAmentfl are : — Bugd%, the Maratht higdt, a kind of rioe, a gold ornament
like a rice ear. Bdli, the Sanskrit bali^ Maratht bal^ strength, a gold and pearl ornament
supposed to protect or strengthen. Gdnihd, the Sanskrit granthi, Mar&tht gdntha, a knot : any
knotted ear-ornament worn by low class Hindus LavangS, the MarAtht l-avftng^ olove, a golden
ear-ornament resembling a clove. KudSn, the Mwrktht kudSn, a root shoot of turmeric, rice,
ginger, or garlic, an ear-ornament worn by females.

Among Neok-omaments are : — Javdchimdl, the Mbtrfithi jova, barley, and mdl, a garland :
a garland of gold beads like barley grains. ChdmpeJcalicMmdl, the Maratht chdmpd, halu a
bud, and mdl, a garland : a golden garland resembling chdmpd flowers. Hdr rimnimdchd^ the
Maratht hdr, a garland, and rdmandina, the name of the god lUma : golden garland, on which
the name of the god Rama is written. Tulsipatti, the Maratht tuhu sweet basil, and patti^ a
necklace : a necklace of tuUt leaves or stalks, a golden necklace. Chtnchpatti, the Marafhi
chinchf tamarind, and patti^ a necklace : a gold necklace. Vajrat^ka, the Sanskrit vajrOf
thunderbolt, and Mar&thi tiha, a bit : an ornament worn round the neck, as powerful a guardian
as a bit of Indra's thunderbolt.

Among Hand-ornaments are : — Bdhgdi, probably the Maratht bdhgdd. a kind of fish :
said to have been adopted by the Hindus from the Muhammadans : — orthodox Hindu ladies
prefer the pdtali or cow-colour, which was supposed to avert evil. Vdld, the Maratht for the
sweet-rooted grass, Jndropogon muricatum, a round golden hand ornament. Fdtali, the
Sanskrit pale red or cow-coloured, a cow-coloured ornament of gold or ivory.

Among Foot-oriiaments are ; — Vdld, the MarAth! name for the Andropogon murtcaiumf
a foot-ornament of silver. PhulSn^ the Maratht word phul, a flower : silver foot-ornaments,
Mdeolyd, the Sanskfit mataya^ Mariitht mdsd, a fish : a silver fish-shaped toe-ornament.

{To be continued,)

NOTES AND QUERIES.

A TELUGU SUPEESTITION.

The Telugus, as a rule, wear dhdtU, but occa-
sionally also pdejdmas, extending from the waist
to the knee, and fastened round the waist by a
cord, called nada, run through a turned in border
or selvedge by means of a small stick, which

they say should be split in two before it is thrown
away wl^en done with, or the wearer of the
pdejdmas will become lean. Repeated failure of
the superstition has had as yet no effect on its
prevalence.

M. N. YfiNKBTSWAMT.

*' Michelia champcLca,

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PAGE
FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA, No. 38.—
The Talisman of Cuastity, by Pandit
Natesa Sastbi, B.A., M.F.L.S. ... ... 385

INDEX .

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Deobmbbb, 1894.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA; No. 35- 885

FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA.
BY PANDir NATESA SASTEI, B. A., M.F.L.S.
No. G8. — The Talisman of Chastity.
(Continued from p, 344.^

MEANWHILE the fair name of Ambika had beea spoiled bj the minister of Vijayanagara.
But she had no idea of how great the mischief was that had been done. All she had
wanted were f ands for the 'Saiva temple, which her lord had ordered her to acquire for herself.
The funds had been acquired in the manner directed. So when the merchant, after giving
away all that he had to D^n, left Madura for the north, and when all this property was safely
and secretly collected and kept in the choultry, Ambika said to D6vt : —

" My dear friend, I mean to entrust the building of the Saiva temple to you, for I must
leave this place soon, if I am to execute the last hard condition of my lord. Meanwhile, you
must daily go to the palace to receive the dole for our maintenance. Everything must go on,
as if I remained here. Not a word, not a syllable, must escape from your lips about my
absence. The building of the Saiva temple, opposite to our choultry, must commence from
to-morrow, and slowly must the work go on. You must keep a regular account of all the
money that you spend upon it, and it must be built strictly from the funds that we have
acquired from the merchant."

D6vi listened eagerly to what all Ambika said, and put her a thousand questions,
and promised to do all that a maid-servant could do in helping Ambika.

Now, as her lord left her for Banftras, the princess had determined to follow him there
in disguise, for successfully accomplishing the last and the most severe of his conditions — that
she should, through him and without his knowledge, — give birth to a son. But she now saw
that unless she had strong help the successful execution of her project would be an extremely
difficult, nay, an impossible, task. So she wrote to her father seci'etly about her hard life,
and why she had to go to Banaras, and saying that for this journey she wanted a good retinue
composed of men and women quite foreign to India, a very confidential man for superintending
her affairs at Madura, and ample funds for her journey and stay at Banaras. Her father had
the greatest regard for his daughter, and so he at once sent men and money, and, as desired by
his daughter, made the whole retinue wait at a day's journey from Madura. The men
and women that composed this retinue were all persons from the Siiijhaladvipa, and the king
made two of his confidential ministers assume the guise of common men of that island, and
ordered them to obey the princess's orders.

One of these men was to superintend the work that Devi was to undertake for the 'Saiva
temple ; and great was Ambika's delight when she saw him near her, disguised as a beggar.
She came to know through him that a retinue of a hundred men and a hundred women, with
another person, disguised like himself, was waiting for her at a day's journey from Madura.
Her joy knew no bounds when she heard of this. She called Devi to her side, recommended
her to the confidential friend in disguise, and made arrangements that the 'Saiva temple should
be built by him with funds supplied by Devi. She then took a box from the hands of the dis-
guised friend, which contained something for her from her father, and went in to her own
room. After a ghafiha she returned, and the persons found a strange prince standing before
them, and no longer the princess Ambika, for the box that the princess received from her father
contained a complete set of a male dress. The confidential fiiend accompanied the disguised
Ambika to the spot where the retinue was waiting, and returned to Madura to attend to his duty.
Thus did AmbikA^ disguised as a prince^ begin her long, troublesome and rapid pilgrimage to
Bandras. She reached the sacred city a day after her lord's arrival there, and took up her
abode opposite to his house, calling herself, in her disguise, the prince of Simhaladvlpa.

The several festivities, the music and the nautch parties were purposely held in the house
of the Simhaladvlpa prince to attract the attention of the Pandiyan prince. Bat the latter
never for a moment had any reason to suspect that these things were wholly done for his sake,

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386 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Dbcbmbbb, 1894.

and he was for several days eagerly waiting for an opportnnitj to get himself introduced to
one whom he considered to be the happiest prince in the world. In abont a conple of months
after his arrival in Banaras, he was allowed to become the friend of the prince of Sidihaladvipay
and little by little the friendship between the two princes grew thicker and thicker, till on
a certain day the Simhaladvipa prince thus questioned his friend : —

" Pandiya, notwithstanding the several festivities, nantches and ronsic that I get np day
after day on your account, I now and then find that you are absent-minded. There must be some
cause for all this. Though we have become bosom friends now, you have not been free with
me. Tell me now, please, what lurks in your mind, and let me try my best to console you."

The prince then related all about his wife, except her banishment to the choultry, and so his
listener came to understand who the pearl merchant had been. The Simhaladvipa prince
laughed freely over the story, and this want of politeness enraged the vexed husband very much.

*' You laugh now, Simhala ! I do not know how you would have liked these things,
if your wife had behaved thus towards you," said the Pundiyan prince, to which the listener
replied : —

** Thank God, O Pandiya, I have no wife. I shall never marry one."

Now that the topic had been once mooted, there were several occasions in the next and suc-
ceeding days on which they had again to revert to it. Though Ambikal disguised as the Simhala
prince, had laughed over the volley of abuse that her husband, without knowing who his listener
was, had showered upon her, there was no sadder soul in the world than herself at the time.

•* Thus, thought she, **has my lord been deceived by the Vijayanagara minister, and
believes me to be a bad woman and disbelieves my talisman, and calls it a magic. It is my
fate to undergo such hardship. Let things only go on as I wish them now, and I shall soon
win over my lord to my side."

One evening, the Simhala prince thus consoled his friend : —

" From all that I can gather from your speech, you seem to envy my happy life in the
midst of so many courtezans, while you look upon your stay opposite to me all alone as a great
hardship. If you have no objection, I can easily send you one of these courtezans for company."

The PAndiyan prince gladly accepted his friend's suggestion, and from that night, the
Simhala prince assumed the disguise of a oourtezan of SuhhAladvlpa during the
nights, and spent them with her lord. The Pancjiyan prince never suspected that the
prince and the courtezan, who visited him every night, were one and the same person. Thns
matters continued till Ambika became certain of her pregnancy, and the moment she was certain
of this, her whole thoughts were fixed on Madura. But before she thought of returning there,
she seoured the best of his ornaments from her lord — of his finger and ear rings, garlands,
and even of the talisman of lotuses which she had given him. Having no more thought of his
bad wife, and never suspecting the courtezan to be a princess or his wife, he gave her all that she
asked, and more. The object of the pilgrimage of the princess to Ban&ras was now successfully
accomplished, and four full months she had spent happily with her lord.

One day, the following letter was shewn to the Pandiyan prince by the Simhala prince : —

" My dearest son I Your presence is urgently needed here. Start at once and come away.
You have spent too long a time at the sacred city."

" Do you see, Pandiya, this letter from my father? I cannot stay long. I must be ofE in
a day or two. Though we may part now, we shall meet soon, I hope. Before I go, I want to
advise you a bit, encouraged to do so by our long friendship. On your return to your country
take care first to dive into the whole secret of your wif e*s conduct, before you think of punishing
her. She may still be chaste, and the minister's story after all a lie. He might have purchased
the ornaments easily from some maid-servants."

The P&ndiyan thanked the Simhala for his good advice. Now that a kipd and good
friend suggested it to him, this idea — that the Vijayanagara minister's version of his wife's

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Dbcembee, 1894.] FOLKLORE IN SOUTHERN INDIA ; No. 38. 387

character might after all be a tale, and that the ornaments might have been got by unfair means,
occurred to him at once. But the original warmth of his true regard to his singular wife,
which he had before he came to Vijayanagara, was gone. He promised to himself secretly ttiat,
on his return, he would sift the matter well before taking any harsh steps, and no sooner had
this idea entered into his head than he also wanted to return to his country.

The Simhala prince, after intimating to his friend that he would be going down to the
south in a few days, resolved within himself that his departure must be sudden, secret and
rapid. All arrangements necessary for this were secretly made, and executed the very next
day. The third morning after the letter was seen by the Pandiyan prince he saw the mansion
opposite to his house vacant, and the inmates all gone. On asking the landlord, he was told
of the abrupt departure of the inmates to their country on the previous night.

" What," thought the Pandiya. ** Is friendship a mere name without any meaning attached
to it, that my friend, the Simhala, should thus quit this place without one word as to the time
of his leaving ? But let me not accuse him. I was advised by him only the other day not to
be so hasty and foolish in believing the Vijayanagara minister's accusation against my wife."

Thus thought he, and made arrangements for going also to his country.

As soon as the princess Ambik& in her male disguise left BanSras, she requested her
confidential friends to hasten the journey as much as possible, and reached Madura in four
months* time. As might be expected, she sent away to her father all the men and women
who had formed her retinue a day's journey from her choultry, and taking only two chosen
and trustworthy friends with her, she reached her poor habitation safely in the middle of the
night. She met her confidential friend and D^'vi. Great were their rejoicings at this happy
meeting, and Ambika was delighted to find that the temple was almost approaching to completion.
The other part of her promise, too, she expected to be fulfilled in a couple of months in the
natural course of circumstances. No one ever doubted that the princess had not remained
in the choultry, for the morning doles had been regularly received, and now D6vt and the
other servants were mightily pleased at all the steps Ambika had taken for successfully retrieving
her character. She requested them all to keep everything to themselves till her lord's return.

Six months after her return to Madura, her lord, the prince of the Pandiya country, returned
to his palace from his pilgrimage to the north. The first news that he heard, when entering his
dominions, wm a scandal about his banished wife. Births and deaths cannot be kept secret for
long time, and it became known throughout the palace first, then thronghout the city, that the
banished princess had given birth to a son. Then the whole P&ndiyan realm came to know of it.
This event took place just four months before the return of the prince, who, after leaving
Banaras, travelled in haste for a few days to join the Simhala prince, but, being unable to catch
him up and obtain news of his movements, had taken his own time for his return journey.

The prince's return was welcome to all in the capital, except to himself, for though
now and then he consoled himself with the thought that the character of a banished princess
should not at all put him out of his usual peace of mind, the scandal, as it appeared to him,
was in the mouth of every one, and made him hang his head. His father the old king
gave the prince a very kind and hearty welcome, but at their first meeting, it so happened
that Devi also was waiting to receive her morning dole. All the anger which the prince
was keeping to himself broke out at once at the sight of that maid-servant : —

" Has your lady a baby with her ? " asked the prince.

*« Yes, my lord," replied she.

" Cannot the father of that child feed you all ? " roared out the prince, his tone of
speech having changed itself by anger to a high pitch.

Coolly the maid-servant replied : — " Your HighneBS, my lord, is its fiather, and, in
keeping with^our Highness's orders, I come daily to the palace gates.''

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388 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [December, 1894.

The prince, who had not the slightest reason to connect himself with its origin, thought
himself doubly insulted by the cutting remarks by the maid-servant. He would have rushed
at her and plunged his dagger in her body, had not half a dozen friends near him held him
back, fearing his attitude. He abused her, and several people had already rushed at her to
push her away, when the old king restored order, and severely reprimanded Dfivt.

Bat she was glad at heart that unwittingly the matters had taken such a course.

** Let me be abused and thrashed," thought she, *• I shall be proud of having brought
this separation between the prince and his chaste wife the sooner to an end."

With this thought, she bowed very respectfully to the prince, and requested him to turn
his mind back to the Simhala prince, and that she was not at all joking, but in earnest, when
she said that he was the father of the beautiful baby. She even went out of her way, and
remarked that in all the fourteen worlds there could not be found a better lady than the
princess of AkhandakavSrt.

The princess face changed colour when the name of the Simhala prince fell into his ears.

** What ? Is it possible ! What connection is there with that company in Banaras and the
baby's birth here ? Let me enquire," thoaght he.

D^vt was not that day permitted to return to the choultry. Immediately, the princess
with her baby and the other maid-servants were sent for. The prince, overcome by extreme
anger, had forgotten all his hard conditions, which he had imposed on his wife before he started
for the sacred city : — the raising of the Saiva temple and the giving birth to a son by his own
self without his knowledge.

Ever obedient to orders issued by her lord or his father, Ambika, with her little baby at
her bosom, arrived at the court like an ordinary woman without any reference to her position.
But what did she, the gem of womankind, care for all the outwai-d formalities ? Her face, which
bore on every line of it, furrows of deep anxiety and misery, indicated for all that her chaste
innate character. Reaching the court she bowed with grace to her father-in-law and then to her
lord. When questioned by the former as to who was the father of the baby, she replied : —

" Respected father-in-law. Your noble son and my husband is its father. Let him kindly
remember the Simhala prince, his friend, at Banaras, and the courtezan that visited him every
night there. This is that courtezan, and the cause of all this is the imposition of two severe
conditions, which your own son will explain to you, sire. If he is doubtful of the courtezan*
let him please examine these ornaments, which he presented to me."

Here she placed before the old king all the jewels that her husband had given her in her
disguise as a courtezan. She then explained her whole story, from the beginning of her wedding
night to that moment. All the people concerned in the afEair were called and examined. The
further the examination went the more the prince began to admire his chaste wife. What
hardships, what renunciations she had undergone to please the whims of his own bad self ?
Even the VijayAnagara minister with his sovereign had to come in to give evidence, and on the
former's saying that the princess he slept with for a night, as a pearl merchant, had a mole in
her right cheek, the last lingering doubt in the minds of the most suspicious of men assembled
there was removed. This on examination was proved to exist on the face of the maid-servant
who had put on the disguise of the princess for a night. The examination was thorough
and extremely minute, and before it was over there was not a single soul in the court, who did
not condemn the prince for his bad treatment of his excellent wife, nor praise Ambika for
all her successful adventures and noble execution of her undei'takings for unsullied fame.

The prince was more than sufficiently pleased. He took back with pleasure his virtuous
wife, and many were the occasions when they recounted their BanAras adventures. Once
thus closely united by so many pleasant recollections and adventures they never became separated
afterwards in their life. Ambika, by her purity of conduct, soundness of learning, and kindness
to every one, became an object of respect to every person, and even to her husband. And they
now lived together happily for a long time.

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INDEX.

a Draconis was the pole star circ. 2800 B. C 158

Abhajadlva, bis sect in dispute * 170

abhisk^ka, as a test Skr . word in Burmese • 165

Ach&rya MaQjuSrt, as a Lamaic god 73

adhvan, as a test Skr. word in Burmese 165

Adiira DSre Baidya, a hero of the Jum&di

Legend 19

Adiira Jum&di, a BhtAa, 20

iigelu4amhilaf a form of Bh^ta worship, 69

7 ; peculiar to the Beiderlu •• 7

Agni, a king of a point of the Compass, 15 : —

notes onM. Koulikovski's works on 363

AUard, his service under Banjit Singh alluded

to 64

alliteration in Indian Ehetoric, 545ff. : —

defined •. 265

Ahmad Sh&h, his invasion of the Fanjab 59

Ajit Singh present at Banjit Singh's death,

<)8 : — murders Sh^ Singh, 69f . :— his death 70
Akk&jt Mftmdji, a celebrated king among

the Tuluvas ; 98f,

Amad&di PaSjarli, the BhAta, his acts 94f.

Am&nta Dates, 122ff. :->of theSakaEra...l29f., 131

Amit&bha, Litanjof 208

Ammanna Baidya, his share in Deyibaidi's

death 29

amraikjOB a test Skr. deriv. in Burmese • 165

ancestors as guardian spirits, 336ff.; were
the fii*st guardian spirits, S37 ; gallant, are
guai'dians of the living, 836 : — as friendly
spirits, 374 : — as hostile spirits, 374 : — wor-
ship of, the rudimentary form of religion,
333 ; the most universal form of Hindu
faith, 333 : — the return of, belief in the,
caused by the likeness of children to the

dead 336

ancestral gods in Sikhim «,... 197f.

Afichala-gachchha, list of the bUHs of the.*.175ff.
Anikarthasarhgraha, Zacharise's version of ... 84
animals, as guardian spirits, two kinds of,
338 : — habits of some, suggest them to be
spirits of the dead, 338 : — worship of, origin
of, 377 : — have speech in folktales, a cow... 160

Annappe, a Bhata 16

Andrat'a = Anuruddha 267

An6rat'Sz6 = Anuruddha 257

Anuruddha, king of Pagki, 257f . ; his con-
quest of Thaton, 257: — was not a barba-
rian 258

Apardntaka, the name discussed ]03

araf\i, notes on Prof, von Roth on the 354

Aris, teachers of Buddhism in old Pagan ... 258

Ariyadhajathera, preceptor of BAm4dhipati .. 101

A rramana, the name discussed 100

**Arya Language," alluded to in a Tuluva

legend 192

ashes are spirit-scarers ^ 383

Ai6ka, claimed as a L&ma, 74 : — Burmese

views of, discussed • 102fP.

daurakriyd =■ Bhtlta worship 10

Asurtkalpaf Mr. Magoun on the, notes on ... 373
Atharvav^dat notes on ancient works on the,

872ff.: — Prof. Bloomfield on the, notes

on ••.••••••••••..••••••••••..•••••••••••• .•M*«.373i*

Att&var Daiyonguln, a Bh&ta, the legend of. 190ff .
Auckland, Lord, his doings with BaS j it Singh. 68

augury among the Elarens 26f.

Avitabile, his service under Bafijit Singh

alluded to 64

badges, family, origin of 374

B&kibalatimAra in Pafije, a field famous in

the Koti-Channayya Legend 45, 87, 89

B&kim&r, a field famous in the Koti-Chan-
nayya Legend 37

B&loli, a 'kingdom ' 95

Balwantt B&ni, heroine of a folktale 79

handi, a form of BhAta worship 6

Bann&Ia, the birthplace of Xinni Dftru 43

B&mas Sihib = Alexander Bumes 62

basket, index of luck, 80 : — magical 80

battle, the great, in the Koti-Channayya

L^end 88ff.

beads are spirit-scarers 383

Beiderlu, Bht^tas in the form of giants,
6 : — of human origin, 5 :— are the spirits

of heroes of the BiUavars^ 5

Berma = Br&hmara 6

Berma-sthftna, a temple sacred to Br&hmara.. 6
hhanddra, the five images used in the worship

of J&r&nd&ya 10

hhanga, a name for hemp in Skr 260

Bhat^a, a hero of the Kanapftdit&ya Legend... 92ff .
Bhima (Bakkasa), an image of, as a charm ... 191

Bhfmala Mitra, Pandita, a Lamaic god 73

Bhimflla Bh&skara, a Lamaic god 74

Bhuiy&s, a note on the 81

bMts are the spirits of dead relations, 333 ; =

bhUtas 333

BhCltas, worship of, in South Canara, If. ; forms
of worship of, 5, 6 : — worship of, spread
among the castes, 7; extent of, 7; spread

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890

INDEX.

of, 4 :^- sacred to the Holeja caste, 6:—
worship described and detailed, 7ff . : — wor-
shippers of, their cosmogonj, 15 f.:—
festivals, 10, 11 ; Bnmell*8 MS. describing
a note on, 2 : — forms of, 5 ; represented
by stones and planks, 5 :— a note on
some images of, 11, 12: — the use of the,
16 : — images of, for a charm, 95: — varions
kinds of, 5 ; among the Tnluras, partlj
created by God, 5 ; of stiperhuman origin,
191 ; partly sprung from men, 5 ; as family
tutelary demons, 5 ; afamily, mentioned, 187 ;
the family, used to distioguish a person,
43 ; village tutelary demons, 5 ; a village,
mentioned, 92 ; allusion to a village, 44 ; con-
nected witii certain temples, 6 : — a list of
133, 12. 13 :— the Five, of AmbadAdi, 95 :—
causes sickness out of revenge, 20 ; spread
disease, 184f . : — power of metamorphosis,
186, 189 : — a Brahmanical substitute for
p^yif a South Indian aboriginal god, 7 : — as
attendants on Siva, a Brahmanical innova-
tion, 7 : — origin of the, a legend, 13ff. : — a
Bpecimen of an incantation, 7ff . : — a mode of
selecting a temple, 95 :— Dr. Manner's note
on the, 5f. : — worship of, works relating

to ....^ 6

BhAta-ganas, the 1001 16

Bhuta-kotya, the place of residence for a

family Bhttta 5

Billavar (toddy-drawers), the caste mainly
given to Bhftta worship, 7: their share

in the BhOta worship, 4 : their festivals 10

Birm&na Baidya, a hero of the JumAdi

Legend, 19 : — kills Deyibaidi by magic ... 29
Biru of Naddyodi, a heix)ine of the Kodamana-

taya Legend 92

blood, hot, of a cow, a folktale remedy 161

Bobbaria, the BhQta, origin of 193

Bobbarye, a BhAta ^ iq

Bollu, name of a dog in the Ko^i-Channayya

Legend 86f.

Bopp, notes on a life of ., ^ 109

boundary-stone, a case of 45£.

Brahm&, his place in BhQta worship, 15ff . :
Brahm& Bhtltas, three mentioned at one

place 184

BrahmA of Alake = Bobbaria I93

BrahmA of M&ribettu, a BhQta 96

Br&hman, prophecy of a, 40f. : — as priest
of the BhOtas, 6 : ^ and Brahmara of

Kemmule 471.

BrAhmanism, notes on current works on 352fl.

BrAhmara, the forest BhQta 6

Brahmara of Kemmule, a BhQta, 29 ; saluta-
tion addressed to him, 34 ; invoked, 86 : —
his charmed dagger, 89: —held in great

awe, 40 :— his appearance, 47 : — tus doings
with Ko^i and Channayya, 47f . ; invoked by
Koti and Channayya, 45f . : — the family

BhQta of Kinni DAm 43

BrAmarAkshasa = BrAhmara 6

Branginoco, the name explained 140

bride, death (BhQta) following the, to injure

those amongst whom she goes 93f.

Brihaddivatdot Saunaka, notes on the •• 355

Bfihad-gachchha, a note on the 183

Buddha OAya, Burmese missions to ^ 102

Buddhas of Medicine in Sikhim ...^ 213

Buddhism, notes on current works on,

352ff. : — in old Pagim 258

Buddhist Convocation, the Third, notes on,

102f. : — structures, origin of, in Burma ... 102
Buddyanta, a hero of the Ro^i-Channayya
Legend, 29; was part-owner of the field
Anilaja, with K6^i and Channayya, 31: —
his quarrd with Koti and Channayya,
30if . : — his murder by Koti and Channayya,
35 : — his children play with Kdti and
Channayya, 29f . ; his children quarrel with

Koti and Channayya 30

Btthler, Dr., on the age of the Big VSda 239ff.

BulAndi, a BhQta \ 96

Burma, Languages of, notes on 194f.

Bumell, history of his Devil Worship of the
Tuluvas, Iff. ; his MSS., contents of. If. ;
his MSS. of the Devil Worship of the

Tuluvas, description of Iff.

Bumes, his dealings with Ranjft Singh,
61f. ; his extraordinary interview with

Ranjlt Singh 67

ByinnyA T*6, a title of Shin S5bQ 101

cashew-nuts used in gambling 30

caves, Buddhist, in Mergui 168

Ceylon, Burmese missions to 102

Chait Singh wazir, his doings 6^

ehakrdt as a test Skr. word in Burmese 165

challenge, symbol of 88

ChAmundu BemAye, a hero of the Ko^i-Chan-

nayya Legend 43f.

Chand Kaur, widow of KhsL^k Singh 69

Chandagidi Baidya, a hero of the K6ti-Chan-
nayya Legend, 43f . ; killed by Ko^i in the

great battle 89

Chandraktrtti, as aLamaic god 74

chankram^ as a test Skr. word in Burmese ... 165
Channamangala ChaluvarAya, name of an ox

in the TodakinAra Legend 98f.

Channayya, the BhQta, Legend of, 29ff. ,* as
Chennayya Beidya, was the hero BhQta,
6 : — his birth, 29 ; named after a god at
Badiriaga, 29 : — murders Buddyanta, 35 ;

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INDEX.

391

murders a plougbright, 39 ; murders DSre

the toll-man, 39f. : — his suicide 90

Channajja the Young = Ghannajja of

£dambar 46

Channajja of £dambAr, a minor hero of the

Koti- Channajja Legend • 46f.

charms, the object of 16

Chart Singh, grandfather of BaSjtt Singh, an

account of ••• 60

chastit J, proofs of, in folktales, 341 ; a test of,

in folktales ^ 340

Ghikkar&ja, a god ... «• 98

Chint&mani Tripft^ht, a writer on Rhetoric ... 215

Chdias, four dates of the, discussed..* 296ft.

cock, dead, revives 20

cock-fighting as a religious ceremonj 19

cow, as a goddess in the subterranean world,

162f. : — is a spirit-scarer 383

coins of the Kings of Yijajanagara, 24ft. ; of

JassA Singh (Sikh), alluded to 69

Collections, the Three, in Sikhim 208f.

Counting-out Rhjme in Burma • 84

cumulative rhjme in Western India, a ..•••«..• 167

Dab-lha, the enemj god in Sikhim 197

DagoU) a name f or Rangoon 102

Dalip Singh, his birth, 68 ; his accession 70

Damuda River, origin of the name 104

Dand&, a folktale hero 81

darbka =■ durva ^..^ 383

Dasahra, description of the 69

dates of the Saka Era, 113ff . ; in current jears,
l*27ff.; in expired jears, 113ff., 131 ft.; in
expired or current jears, 130f . : — in solar
months, 131ft.; in lunar months, 113ft. :-* in
bright fortnights, 113ft., 127ft. :— in dark
fortnights, 122ff., U^i. \ — amdnta, 122ft.,
129f., 131:— p^rnimcJnte, 122, 130£.—
Of the Buimese common era, 139f . —
Four Chola, 296ft. — Mnemonic words to

express 256

daughter, onlj, adventures of, in folktales,

339 : — of a god, her doings on earth 93f.

dead pig revived 86f.

death ceremonies in Sikhim, detailed, 206ft.:

the funeral, 209; post-funeral 211ff.

death-demon in Sikhim, ceremonj of exor-
cising 209fl.

Demonolatrj in Sikhim, 197ff. :— among

the Kachins 262

demons, the eight classes of, in Sikhim,
202ff.:— of theskjin Sikhim described,
202 : — personal, in Sikhim, 197 : — their

colors, in Sikhim 198f.

Dere, the toll-man, murdered bj Channajja
in the Koti- Channajja Legend 39f.

Deva RAja of Vijajanagara, four coins of,

described 24f.

(il9a^rii/a = god-worship 10

divaksy guardians (spirits or gods), 374f . : —

are ancestors 374f.

Dejibaidi, the Legend of the Bhtlta heroine,
22ft. : — a great heroine of Bht\ta Legends,
22ft. ; was a Joti Br&hmaiii, 22 : — deserted
in the forest at Sankamale, 22 : — famed as
a " wise woman," 23 ; cures a Ballal, 23f . : —
is the mother of K6ti and Channajja,
29ff.: — is (or Baidjatt) mother of Kinni
D&ru, 43 : — her daughter married to
Pai jja Baidja, 22 ; — her death bj magic

and buiial » 29

Dhammacheti = Et&m&dhipati 102

DhammadUtudhammasaUhamf the, noted ... 102

Dhammadhara = R&mlUihipati 101

Dhamman&na, a pupil of Dhammadhara 101

Dhammapala = DhammaQ&na 101

Dhamma86kar&j& = Adoka 102

Dhammavil&sa, a Buddhist priest 101

Dharma, a 'king' and BhAta, 97; his birth,

97; goes to see the Tulu people 93ft.

Dharma-arasu, a BhQta 99

Dharmada-arasu, the Lord of Charitj, a

BhOta 92

Dharmakftja Padma Sambhava, a Lamaic

god 73

Dhai*mak4ja Samantabhadra, a Lamaic god... 73
DharmanAtha Gtrt Jo-ber, a Lamaic god ••• 74

Dharmar&ja, a Lamaic god 74

Dharmas&gara, his dispute with Jinachandra-

sari 170

Dhdtupdtha, notes on the roots in the, 14 Iff. :

some remai'ks in defence of the .••...251ff.

dhruva, see pole star 157

DhOmavati, Bh^ta of Mudabidu in the Tulu

Countrj 16

dialects, slang, in South India 49ff.

disguise, in folktales 385f.

diseases, certain, attributed to spirits 378f.

Dtw&n Din&nith, his share in Sikh affairs ... 71
Dost Muhammad of K&bul, beginnings of

trouble with 66

drama, Sanskrit, notes on the historj of 110

drawers, superstition concerning the string

of 384

Dugganna K&ver, a hero of the Kodamana-

taja Legend 91

Dui-ugulaja, a Bh<ita 99

durva grass, the, is a spirit-scarer 383

dvdda4a in B.-F. VII. 103, 9, a test word in
the date of the Uig^Veda 154f.

earth-demons of Sikhim described 20 If.

earth-gods in Sikhim 197

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892

INDEX.

lidambtlr, a place fatnoiu in the Koti-Chan*
nayja Legend, 42, 45; legend of an inscrip-
tion at ^^''

Edgren, Prof.,lii8 views on i}ieDhdtupdtha.n.l4St

Ejanagar = Bijana^ar 97, 191

Ekkadka Err7axiga4a, the property of Koti

and Channayja ...'. «..•• ^

Elphinstone, his dealings with Rafij tt Singh ... 61
emotione, the, a lecture in the BhdahiU
Bhiishana, 230lf. : — accessory, 235: — in

poetry, analysed ^ 236f.

ensuants in Indian Rhetoric described 235f.

epic poetry in India 62ff.

eras, in Burma, origin of the, 256 ; Buddhist,
in Burma, reckoned from 644 B. C, 256 ;
Doddrasa, of Burma = the 6aka Era, 256 ;
KachhapaCcha, = SakkarAj, 256 ; &aka, its
counterparts in Burma, 256 ; the Vulgar, of
Burma = Sakkar&j, 256 : — notes on the

Sakkar&j 256

excitants in Indian Rhetoric described 235

exorcism in Sikhim, 199ff . : — a ceremony of,
in Sikhim, described 204£P.

fairy, doings of a, in a folktale, 78 : — sleeps
for twelve years, 79 j has seven guards, 79:
marries a mortal, 80 :— marriage, no cere-
mony necessary, 80 : — food, 81 : fairy
clothes, 78, 81 ; marking her clothes for

identification 79

festivals of the Sikhs, described ...•• 64, 69

flavours, the, of rhetoric, in India, 233f . : —

= practicaUy style 233

flying couch, ^l : — elephant 83

forbidden glance back in folktales 79

folklore in Hindust&n, 78fF. : — in Salsette,
134ff. :— among the Sgaw-Karens, 26fE. :—
in Western India, 160ff. : — turning on

trade slang terms 51f.

Fortnights, bright, dates of the &aka Era,
in, 113£r., 177ff. :— dark, dates of the
Saka Era^ in 122ff., 129f.

garudi = BhQta temple sacred to the

Beiderlu 6

^eniii«, the, in Sikhim 197

ghosts are mortal, 377: — are noxious in
Sikhim, 214 : — exorcism of , in Sikhim, 214f . ;
are got rid of by being burned in Sikhim... 214

Gii-avu, a Bhftta 187

Giridhara-dlsa, a writer on rhetoric 216

gods, guardian, origin of, 374ff. : — in Sikhim
Lamaism, 197ff. :— the Three Upper, in

Sikhim 198

G61amattikanagaram is Taikkul&, 255; the
stone at 255

Grammarians, Hindu, Whitney's views of the,
143: their statements confirmed by

modem research - 147f.

guardians (spirits or gods), 374£E. : can be
changed, 376f . :— personal, 376 :— of the

clan, is a clan ancestor 376

gudi, a place set apart for the VhtAA guardian

of temple 6

Gujarfttt, its usefulness to Skr. studies 250

Gujjara Language = (?) Gujardti 192

Gul Bdgam, wife of BaBjit Singh 63

GKbrA, a Lamaic god ••• • 74

Gur^Ls of the Sikhs, a summary of an account

of, 67f. :— lives of the Sikh, noted 61

Ourvdvali of the Jayavijaya-gani, a note on
the, 179 : — of the Dharmas&gara-gapi, a

note on the ^ 179

Guttyamma, a site for BhAta worship 11

Gyftba, a Lamaic god 74

Haihs4vatt = Pegu 100

hells, the Brahmanical, 109 : — the Buddhist,
note on the, 109 : — ceremonies for getting

the soul out of , in Sikhim 208f.

Hemp plant in Indian literature, 260f . :-^ its
name in Skr., 260 : — mentioned in the
AtharvatMa, 260 ; by P&nini, 260 ; by VariU
hamihira (504 A. D.), 260; by Susruta (7th
Century A. D.). 260; by Chakrapftnidatta
(11th C5entury A. D.). 260f.; in the Skr.
dictionaries {kdshcui), 260; in folksongs
of the 12th Century A. D., 262 ; by Narahari
Pandita (1300 A. D.), 261 ; by Vidyftpati
Th&kur (1400 A. D.), 262; in the DUrta-
samdgama {1^20 A. D.), 261 ; in the Sdrnga*
dhara (1520 A. D.), 261 ; by N&r&yanadftsa-
kavir&jA (1700 A. D.), 261; in the Basa-
pradipa, 261 ; in the Basaratnasamuch-

ehaya ^ 262

hens, crowing, an omen 19

hero tasks, 81 : — and mare bom together in

folktales 81

heroes and heroines, classification of, a lecture

in the Bhdshd-hkiUhatia 255ff.

heroine sheds pearls for tears and mbies for

laughter, in folktales 102

Hesse, Dr., his notes on Bumell*s MS. de-
scription of a BhOta festival 2

hgo'toa-lha, the chief personal gods among

the Lamas 197

Hihihri Pipihri, identification of «.. 104

Him&vanta, the name discussed 103

Hinduism, notes on current works on 35'2ff.

HtriL Singh, his death 70

Holeya = Holier = Holiya, the Pariah of
South Canara 6

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INDEX.

893

Holt f estiTal, Sikh celebration of, 65 : descrip-
tion of the 69

Holiers (= Holiya), a Bhiita worshipping caste. 4

horoscope of death in Sikhim 206f.

Hugel, Baron von, his doings with Ba&jit

Singh 64

hydrocele, a folk reason for 344

hyperbole analysed 279f.

*Ibratndma, allusion to the , 57

identification by means of personal ornaments

in folktale 386f.

illeckehida^ a form of BhQta worship 7

niechchida-n^a, a Bhiita festival 10

illustration in rhetoric analysed 283f.

impossible task, variant of the 78, 136f, 386f.

incantation to Saturn, details of, 63f . : — Sikh,

described 69

incU-dsiiMky a name for hemp in Skr 260

Indre, a king of a point of the Compass 15

inexhaustible pot 81

Insciiption, Alatigadi of Kulotturtga-Chola I.,
edited, 298 :^ Bilvan&th^vara temple at
Tiruvallam, date of, discussed, 297:— Chi-
dambaram of Kolottunga-Chola I., edited,
297f- :— Sahasram, note on the, 109 :—
Tet'nw^gyaung at Pagan, noted, 101: —
Tiruvarftr of Vikrama-Chola, edited, 298f. :—
note on a Jain, 183 : — Skr. in Burma,
268f. :— Sanskrit, in Cambodia, notes on,

ll2:~legendof an, at £dambtb: ....^ 45f*

IrvaU, agod : 92

Is&nye, a king of a point of the Compass 15

Isara Kaihbi, the barber, a hero of the Koti-

Channayya Legend 30f-

Iskandar B&mas = Alexander Bumes 62

l^vara, as a Lamaic god, 76 : — his place in
Bhdta worship, 15ff . :-— the king and queen
of the pigs destroy the garden of, 21f. ;
protects the children of the king and queen
of the pigs, 21f . : — disguised as a Br&hman,

in a folktale 162

ivory is a spirit-scarer 383

Jacquemont, his doings in the Panj&b 64

Jainism, notes on current works on 352ff.

Jains, Gachchhas of the, Pattdvalis of the...l69ff.

J&kman = Jacquemont 64

Jall&, Pandit, his doings 70

J&rftndftya is a BhCta in the form of a horse,
6 : — his acts, 91 : — three names for him,
9 : ~^ his image, 10 : — incantation of, trans-
lated, 8f . : introduced into an incantation... 8ff.

Jass& Singh, coinage in his name 59

Jaswant Singh Hulkar, his dealings with
Kafijit Singh, 60f . - Author of the Bhdshd-
hMshana, notes on •.•215f.

Jattige, a BhOta 16

Jaw&hir Singh, his doings 70

jayd, a name for hemp in Skr 260

Jh&rkhand Forest, the ....^ 79

Jir&pallt = Jir&ullS 183

Jti-dum-s&khA, the, a note on 183

Jimmappa, a god 21

Jina Lakshmi Sud&, a Lamaic god 73

Jina Zhang-ton, a Lamaic god 74

Jinachandi*a-sQri, his dispute with Dharma-

s&gara ^, 170

judgment, unjust, in folktales 135f.

Jum&di, the legend of the Bhiita 17ff.

Jumddi, a BhQta, 99 : — = Sarala Jum&di ... 184
Jumftdi Banti=Kujumba Kanje, the Beiderlu

attendant ^ 8ff.

Kadg&r&vane, aBhilta 16

K&ju, name of a dog in the Ko^i- Channayya

Legend 86f.

Kalabhairava, a BhQta, Legend of, 186£E. : is a

family BhQta, 186 : servant of a god 192

Kalliyata, a BhQta festival 11

K&lu, name of a dog in the Koti-Channayya

Legend 85f.

ibaw6aZa, anagricultui*al ceremony, described. 31£f.
Kanap&dit&ya, the BhQta, his acts, 92ff. : — - as

a family BhQta 92

ELAuchikadanga, a celebrated building in the

Todakin&ra Legend 97

Kanchinjanga, Mt., as the mountain-god of

Sikhim 198

K4nta, a pombada who gave Bumell his

Tulu^aMSS. ..*. 1

£&ntakkc, a heroine of the KOti- Channayya

Legend 41

K&ntanetii-jum&di, a BhQta introduced into

an incantation, 8ff. ; his image 10

K&ntanna, a hero of the Deyibaidi Legend,

22ff . ; married to Deyibaidi, 22 : father of

Kinni D&ru 43

Kanya, a hero of the Jarant&ya Legend 9

Kapt&n S4hib = Wade 62

Karens, casting lots by the, 26f . : — their

legend as to a lost sciipt 27f.

KdvyamdUa, Prof. Weber on the 28

KImdr BaMl of Pafije, a hero of the Kdti-

Channayya Legend, 43f . : proceedings of

Koti and Channayya at his house 44£E.

Kemmule forest, adventures of K6ti and

Channayya in , 46ff.

KeSava-ddsa, the father of Indian Bhetoric... 215
Elhark Singh, son of Bafijit Singh, his birth,

60: his accession 68

Elhattiya (Kshatriya) mistaken for KhSttiya. . . 256
Khen, sign of, in Sikhim, described 202

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894

IITOEX.

Khen-pa. Old Father 202

KLettiya = Taungthu, 256 : — = Kshetra

not Ksbatrija 256

Khon. tbe sign of 201

Khonma, Old Mother 201

KhuldsatuH-tawdrGch, sl\xiB\on to the 57

king ae snperbnman, faith in the, gave rise to

guardian spirits *. 836f.

Kinni D&ru, sister to Koti and Channayya ... 43

Klatt, Johannes, an account of 169n.

knots and knotted things are spirit- ecarers... 383

Kodamanataja, the Bhiita, his acts 91f

kola, a form of Bhdta worship 6

Kolala, a fort built by Koti and Channayya... 38
Kong-kin-na-pu-lo, identified as KokanAr ... 28
Kosambi, as an imported word in Burma ... 168n.
Kote B&le, a Br&hman, a hero of the J&r&n-

d&ya Legend 8f., 91

Kotesrara, a god 29

Ko^i Beidya, the hero Bhiita, 5, 6 :— Legend of,
29ff . ; named after the god Kotesvara, 29 ; hia
birth, 29 ; his share in the great boar-hunt,
86£E. ; wounded by Chandagidi BallAl, 89 ;
his death, 90 ; goes to KailAsa and returns
to the world, 90 ; promises to fight for the

BaMl as a spirit 90

Koti and Channayya Legend, the, 85ff. : — a
version of the Legend of the Bhfttas, 2VS. :—
taken charge of by Sdyina Baidya, 29 ; their
series of murders, 38£f. ; murder a washer-
man, 39 : story of the great boar-hunt, SbS. :
their interview with Brahmii, 90 : become
spirits, 90, 91 : — their position in the

pantheon 91

Krishna R&ya of Vijayanagara, a coin of,

described 25

Kub6re, a king of a point of the Compass ... 15

Kujumba K&Rje, is a hero BhAta 6

Kum&r^ja, a Lamaic god 74

Kumbcrlu, the tutelary BhQta of the Holeya

caste - 6

Kumberlu-kotya, the residence of Kumberlu. 6
Kunya, the ferryman, a hero of the J&rAn-

d&ya Legend 8f.

Kusima = Bassein 100

Kutti-K&ttan, a foi-m of Will-o'-the-wisp or

Corpse- Candle, worship of, 7 : — is a BhOta . 7
Kyam-clo = Rejuge-formula 73

L&l Singh, seated on the throne by Mai
Chand&n 71

L&ma, sorcerer in Sikhim, 211: — the BefugCi-
formula of the, 73 : — their system of
exorcism, in Sikhim 199ff.

Lamaic Demonolatry, 197ff. : — Pantheon, a
description of the, 73f . : — worship, its
analogy to Roman 191, 201

Languages, notes on the Tonic Theory of... 194fE.

Lank4, the name discussed 54

Lawrence, Sir Henry, his doings with Ranjit

Siiigh 69

L^kpyingyaung-pongyi = R&m^hipati lOlf.

life, restoration to, ceremony of, 87 ; by spells,

82 ; dismemberment prevents 161

life- index varied as luck-index 80

Litanies after death in Sikhim 208

L6nl = Colonel Ochterlony 61

Lon! Akhtar » Colonel Ochterlony 61

Lord of Charity, the, a BhQta 92

love-song, a Burmese 262f

luck, folk-methods of gaining, 30 : — the

ceremony for gaining, described 30f.

Mackeson, his doings with RaSjit Singh, 64 :
his extraordinary interview with RaSjit

Singh 64f.

magic wand, 81 : elephant, 83: needle 163

Mahdhhdrata, Dr. Holtzmann on the 52

Mab^uril DharroarAja, a Lamaic god 74

Mah&k&li, a god 16

Mahftlingesvara, a god .....21, 190

Mab&h Singh, father of RaBjit Singh, an

account of 60

Mab&nta, a doctrine deified 75

Mabdi'xLshtri, its nsefulness to Skr. studies ... 250
Mahis^nd&ya is a Bhikta in the shape of an

ox 5

Mahis&snras, the, as Bhdtas 16

M&i Chand&n gives birth to Dalip Singh 68

M&i Lachhmt, arrest of, by the English • 72

Maiyya Bermane, a hero of the J&r&ndAya

Legend 9

Mallar4ye, a Bhata 16

Mallo, the dog fancier, in the Koti-Channayya

Legend 85f.

Manjagabbe D6va, a BhAta 187

Manjolu, the rock, celebrated in the Koti-
Channayya Legend .»••••. • 87

Maijjn PaSja, a hero of the Pilichamundi

Legend 95f.

man«eater8, as spirits of the dead •- 888

Mahgala-devi, a goddess 190

Manner, Dr., his aid in publishing Bumell's
MSS., 3 :— a note by, on Bhfttas, 5f. ; his

original Bh(H^ tales 3

Marang Bum, identification of 104

M4ri, a god 16

Marichi-devi, a Lamaic goddess 73

masks, use of, in Bhtita incantations 8

Marlu-jum&di, a BhAta introduced into an

incantation, 8 ff. ; his image 10

mandage, of royal brother and sister, alluded
to, 21 : — of a boy, by force 79

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INDEX.

895

Matirfima Trip&tlit, a writer on Rhetoric 215

Matti Btra BaMja, a '^wise man" in the

Xoti-Channayya Legend ^ Slf.

medical works, note on editions of Hindu ... 109

metals are spiidt-scarers 883

metaphor defined, 267{E. : — modal, analysed. 285f.
metamorphosis by a Bh^ta, 189 : — in folktales,

heroine into a bird 163

Metcalfe, his dealings with Ranjit Singh ... 60f.
metempsychosis, popnlar Indian belief in, a
case of, 135n. : — a case of, in folktales ... 135

Mikshan S&hib =s Mackeson 64

Mtr Mu'ainul-mnlk, his fight with the Sikhs. 59

miraculous vehicles ^ 83

Mitta Mugertlya, a BhOta 99

Mogling, Di*., his share in Bumell's Devil

Worship of the Tuluvas 1

Mo-lha is the Mother God in Sikhim ... ... ... 197

months, dates of the &aka Era in solar.
131ff. ; dates of the Saka Era in lunar,
113£E. ; — intercalary and expunged* for the
expired 6aka years 1 to 2105, 104ff. :— Bur-
mese method of reckoning the days of the . 140

Mudader = Kflla Bhairava 186

Mudad^ya, the Bhdta, mentioned 193

Mudadoye ^ Mudader 190

Mudat^ya, the Bhttta, mentioned 189

Mudath^ye = Mudader 189

Mulat&ntra L4ma, a Lamaic god 76

MOli'Hj, as a prisoner 72

Mundip&dit&ya, a form of K&Iabhairava, 94 :

the Bhdta, his acts 94

Murray, his dealings with Ranjtt Singh 62

Mutti dtrda, a hero of the Koti-Channayya

Legend 87f.

Muttima 33= Martaban 100

Myang-ban, a Lamaic god 74

mystic syllables in Sikhim, some, explained... 212

N&gapuriya -tapA-gachohha = P&rlvachandi*a-

sdri-gachchha «. 181

nahshatras, the astronomical position in the
Vedic period discussed, 240ff.: their arrange-
ment with the Kfittik&s as the vernal

equinox is an Indian invention 245

man^gd, ceremony of, described 202

Nam-tel, the servant of Khen-pa 202

N&naka-gachchha, origin of the 175

Nang-lha, the House Demon of Sikhim,

described 199ff.

Narakas, list of all the ninety, noted 1^9

NarapatijayasGra of Pagan 257f.

NarapatisitbA = NarapatijayasOra 259

N&rftyana, as Creator 15

N&r&yana Rahgojt, a hero of the Koti-Chan-
naya Legend 30f., 85

Nau Nih&l Singh, his wedding described 65

Ti&ma, a form of BhC^ta worship, 6 : — =

niyama 7, 10

Neireitye, a king of a point of the Compass... 15
Nirm&nak4ya Mah&vajra-dh&ra, incarnation

of S&kya Muni ( Lamaic) 73

Nirm^nak&ya Kapala, a Lamaic god 76

NiruMa of T&ska, notes on the 356f.

Nor-lha, the left-armpit god, in Sikhim 97.

Nyan, malignant demon of Sikhim 201

offerings, blood, origin of 338

oil, ceremony of bathing in 87f.

om, aht hum, Lamaic sacred words, detail
of « 75

om-swa-H, the ceremony of, in Sikhim, de-
scribed 202ff.

ornaments in Indian Rhetoric, 265ff. : —
which scare spirits 384f.

orphan, career of an, in folktales 78

Padmakara-bhattia, a writer on Rhetoric 206

Paiyya Baidya, a hero of the Deyibaidi
Legond, 22ff.; of the K6ti-Channayya
Legend. 42 : — the husband of Kinni Dftru. 43
palm -leaves, method of preparing for writing,
30f . : — writing on, described, 85 : — mode

of writing on, 97: — ai'e spirit-scarers 383

Palaungs, a Burmese tribe, note on 195

P41i, not the old language of Buddhism in

Burma 25S

Pal-zang, a Lamaic god 75

Pauchalinga, a god • 98

PanchaviMa Brdhmana, a passage in the,

used to test the date of the Big VSda I56f.

Paiijarli = Pafijurli, the Bhi^ta, 20 : — origin

of the Bhftta, 22 : — Legend of the Bhflta...20ff.
Panje, a plain celebrated in the Kd^i-Chan-
nayya Legend, 41ff., 45, 86ff.: Chan-

nayya's quarrel with the people of 87

Paiiji Gujjare, king of the pigs, a Bh{ita 21

Paiiji K&li, queen of the pigs, a Bhdta......... 21

Pafijurli, a BhAta in the form of a pig, 5 : — a
god-created Bhftta, 5 : — introduced into an
incantation, 8ff. ; his image, 10 : — a Legend

of 94f.

Parakkamab&hu of Ceylon, his date now pro-
bably confirmed 259

Parame^ri of Pur&la, a goddess 19

ParameSvara in afolktale 78

parissadf as a test Skr. word in Burmese 166

Parmdle Ball&l, a hero of the Deyibaidi

Legend 22ff.

P&r^van&tha, note on an inscribed statue of... 183
Part&b Singh, son of Sher Singh, murdered. . 70

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396

INDEX.

P&nrati protects the children of the king and

queen of the pigs 22

pattdvalU of the Jains, a list of seventeen,
170: — Anchala-gachchha described,
174ff. : — of the Gojaraksha-^khA, a note
on the, 179: — of the P&r6vachandra-
gachchha described, 181f . : — of the Tap&-
. gachchha described, 179 : — of the VijayA-
, nanda-s(bri-gachchha described, 179f . : — of
the Vijayaa&kh& described, 180 : — of the

Yimala-gachchha described 180f.

Pattdvali'Sdroddhdra, a note on the 179

Pathikond&je, a Bhtlta. 16

pearls for alms 163

Pegu, literature in, in the 15th Oenturj lOOf.

Pemba = Saturn in Sikhim ^ 202

periphrasis analysed ^ 288

P^h6r& Singh, his doings • 71

p^yi = bhiUa := an aboriginal god of South

India 7

Pho-lha, an ancestral god, in Sikhim 197

Pho-o, a particular kind of L&ma in

Sikhim 206

pigs, king of the 86

Pilich&mundi, the Bhdta, the acts of 95

Pilichavandi, a BhQta 99

plants, as guardian spirits 338

poetical fancy, defined 274f.

pole-star, the part played by its position in
testing the age of the Rig V6da, 167fE. :—
in the Vedic period was a Draconis {^circ,

2800 B.C.) 158

pomhada, a priest of the Bhl^ta worshippers,
If. : — as actor in a BhQta incantation, 8 ;
acting as, allusion to, in a legend, 93f . : —

also the name of a caste 10

Portuguese names in India 76f.

possession by a demon, described, 8ff. : — by
Bhtitas, 92f ., 99 : — transferring, 11 ; mode

of transferring 8

Poyyed4r of KunnandOr, a hero of the Toda-

kin&ra Legend 98f.

Pr&krits, their value in testing the roots

mentioned in the Dhdtupdtha 2^1

PrainStiara^iata = BiUndchdrUMakam 169

Prinsep, his connection with Bafijit Singh ... 63

puns in Indian Rhetoric 346

purgatory in Sikhim Lamaism 208

pHrnimdnta dates (^SakaEra) 122,l80r

BAghunfttha-bhatta, a writer on Indian Rhe-
toric 216

B&jA Ras&lO, a version of his story in the
North-West Provinces 83n.

Rftm&dhipati, a description of his reign ... ^.lOOf.

RamaSSa, derivation of 100

RAmaSnad^sa, described, 100:— the pestilence
in the 16th Century A. D., 255 : — the Seven

Kings of ^ 255f.

R&manya =s RamaiiSa 100

Bdmdyana, place of the, in Indian Literature,

53f.:— Dr. Jaoobi on the 63

BaBjtt Singh, his birth, 60 : gets permanent
possession of L&hor, 60 : his interview with
the Governor-General, 62f . : — details of his
keeping of the Holt festival, 63 : his death,
68 : — his superstition, 63f . ; medicines ad-
ministered to 66

Rat>thas4ra, the great Burmese epic poet 101

Ravivardhana-gani, author of the Fattdvali'

Bdrdddhdra W 179

religion, ancestor-worship, the rudimentary

form of 333

Rhetoric in India, has no hand-book, 215 : —

index of terms used in Indian, 348fl. : —

figures of, various, analysed, 278ff. : — oma-

• ments of sense in Indian, 305fE. ; verbal

ornaments in Indian 345ff.

rhyme, Indian, defined 265

lice is a spirit-scarer 383

riddles in folktales 41f

Rig Vtda, Date of the, 154 ff. ; placed in the
second half of the period 4500-2500 B. C,
157: — part played by the ancient views
of the position of the heavenly bodies in
ascertaining the date of the, 155 : — same
views as to the position of the heavenly
bodies found in other Vedic works, 155 : —
a note on Prof. Tilak's view of the age of
the Rig V&da, 1 58 : — age of the, some notes
by i?rof. Biihler, 239ff.:— notes on M.
Brunnhofer's works relating to the, 362f . :
— notes on M. Colinet's works relating
to the, 363 :— notes on M. Hirzel's works
on the, 362 :— Hymns of the, notes on Mar
Muller's 2nd Ed., 353 :— notes on Dr.
Peterson's Ed. of parts of the, 353f . :—
M . Regnaud on, notes on, 365ff . :— remarks
on Regnaud's theory of the, lllf . : — notes
on Prof. Weber on Vedic Ritual, 363 : —
notes on a native Ed. of the, 353 : — notes
on translations of the. 111; notes on
Griffith's translation of the Hymns, 354 ;
notes on M. Henry's translation of the

Hymns of the 354

Rishi, as a test Skr. word in Burmese 166

roots, practical suggestions for continuing the

search for Skr 254

Rukku Ball&l, a hero of the boar-hunt in the
Koti-Channayya Legend, 86f . ; his share in
the gi^at battle, 88fl. :— murders the potter
Pad&mpu ^^

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INDEX.

397

Sab.dak= Sa-dag 201

Sa-dag, the earth-owner demon, of Sikhim... 199

Sa.dak-po = Sa-dag 201

Sad&siva Baja of Yijajanagara, three coins

of , described 26

sa-gOf the ceremonj of, in Sikhim 201

8dhilya=hhanddrd 10

Saka Era, dates of the 113fE.

Sakkar^j Ei'a, notes on the, 256 :— = Sakaraj
= Saka Era of India, 266 : — may be of
Chinese origin, 256 : — sometimes reckoned
from Monday, 14th March 78 A. D.

(Indian), 256 :— dates from 638 A. D 266

Sakra, as a test Skr. word in Burmese 166

S&kya-Muni, as a Lamaic god 73

SdmdchdH-iatahain described, 169f . : — list of

authors and dates quoted in 170f.

Sdmavida, notes on current works on the ...37 If.
Samayasundai'a-gani, author of the Sdmd-

chdri-iataham 169

Sambhogak&ya ^antikhroda-prasaraka, a La-

maic god 73

samvddard, as a test Skr. word in Burmese... 166.

sdna = sthdna = Bhtlta temple 5, 7

S&nada-nema = lUechchida-n^ma 10

Sank, a forest famous in the Koti-Channayya

Legend 4*2

Sahka = Sank, the forest 86

Safikaru Baidyati, a heroine of the K&la-

bhairava Bhata Legend 187ff.

Sahkesvara-gachchha, origin of the 175

Sanskfit, its debt to the vernaculars,
110 : — the old language of Buddhism in
Burma, 258: — translation into Burmese,

101 ; — words in Burmese I65ff., 168

Sant^ls, the migration of the 108f.

S&rakS.la Bii*m4na, a hei*o of the Jum4di

Legend 19

Sdra-jumddi, a BhOta, introduced into an in-
cantation, 8ff. ; his image, 10 : the BhAta,

Legend of 183ff.

Sa-thel-ngag-po, the attendant of Old Mother

Khonma 201

sattvd, as a test Skr. word in Burmese 166

Sayina Baidya, a hero of the Deyibaidi
Legend, 22ff. : — rescues Deyibaidi in the
forest, 22 ; reckons Deyibaidi as his sister,
23 ; takes charge of Koti and Ohannayya,
29 ; gives advice to Koti and Ohannayya,
37 ; uncle to Kinni D&ru, 43 : — his share

in the great boar-hunt 87f.

Sayina Baidyati, mother of K&ntanna in the

K6ti-Channayya Legend 31

Selungs, a note on the language of the 195

Sh&h Shuj&*a, the determination taken to set

up 67f.

Sh&n Languages, notes on 194

Sh&n&rs, BhQta worship of the 4

shaving, a ceremony of, described, 191f.;

ceremony of , a king 97f.

She, the disease-producing demon of Sikhim. 204
Sh^r SiDgh, his usurpation of supreme

power 69

Shin Sbba of Pegu, a note on 10 If

Shins6bi!lmy6, in Rangoon 102

Siddam&rda Baidya, son of ^ankaini Bai-
dyati 187ff.

Sikhs, rise of the, 58 : — their first appearance
as a military power, 59 : — their rising
against Ahmad Sh&h, 59 : — wars of the,
account of, lost by Sir Herbert Edwardes,
71 : — a summary account of their Gurfls,

57f. : — medicine among the Sikhs 69

^Ud'Stone = inscribed stone 46f.

Silavamsa, the great Burmese epic poet 101

silk, names of various kinds of 98

simile defined 265fE.

S'inbyftyin, a title of R&mfidhipati, 102 : —

= S^tagajapati ^ 102

Sinhosvar^, a Lamaic goddess 74

Siripavaramah&dhammarftj&dhir&jft, a title of

RAm&dhipati 102

Sittisvari, a BhClta 14

Sohan L&l SM, author of the 'Umdatu*t-
tawdrikh, 57 : — was a vakil at the Court

of Raujit Singh, 57 :— his death 72

Soma, Prof . HiUebrandt on, notes on 364

SomanAtha, a god, 98; a god 193

son, only, adventures of an, in folktales 81ff.

soul, extiiicting the, in Sikhim 206

spells restore to life .^ 82

spirits, were first the souls of the dead, 333 ;
— = hhutsy 333 ; were all oiiginally spirits
of men, 377: — ai-e mortal, 377 ; were all
originally mortal, 377 : — cause disease,
377fE. : — fear of, due to belief in their
power to cause disease, 377fP. ; have to be
appeased by offerings, 838 : — of the dead,
man-eaters as, 338: — guardian, 336ff.;
were at fii'st dead ancestors, 337 : —
animals as guardian, 338 : — guardian,
plants as, 338 : — unfriendly, fear of, in-
creased by belief in guardian 337

spirit-scarers, 382ff. ; animals, 338 ; plants ... 338

Srdhe = ^rdhi 224

Sri Sinha Pandita, a Lamaic god 73

Srog-lha, the Life-god, in Sikhim 197

Bthdna, a Bhflta temple .'. 5

Sthavira Dang-ma, a Lamaic god 74

step-mother, evil doings of a, in folktales -.160ff.
stone, used to indicate a BhAta, case of, 47 : —

used to represent Bhtitas 5

Subriya, a god 21, 98

subterranean palace in folktales 162f .

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898

INDEX.

Suchet Singh, bis doings on Dalip Singh's
accession, 70 : — reviews the Sikh caralry. 65

Sonaparanta identified as Apar&ntaka 108

SuvannabhOmi, notes on the name, 222if. : -^
in the Kaljr&ni Inscriptions is Rimannaddsa,
2*24 : — is according to the Burmese Tbat6n. 224

Sv&mi Baidyati = probably S&yina Baidyati,
36 : — is cook to Koti and Channayya 48

83rmbol, of challenge, 88 : — secret trade, in
South India 51

sympathetic magic in Sikhim shewn in lay
figure of deceased made after death 212

Taikkulft, the ruins of , described 255

Taittiriya Brdhmanat a passage ol the, used

in testing date of the Rig 7eda 155f.

Taittiriya Samhitd, notes on current works

on the 370f.

Takkula = TaikkulA 255

tambila, the family worship of BhOtas ^. 7

Tandu, name of a dog in the Koti- Channayya

Legend 86f.

<cinM = Tulu BrAhman - 1

Taungthft, a race in Burma 256

teacher, venei'atioQ for the, in women 33d£E.

Tej Singh, R&j&, his doings 72

Thaton, a note on, 100: — conquered by

An6rat*&z5, 257f . : — =Suvannabh6mi 224

Theatre, History of the Indian, noted 109ff.

Thetkayit = Sakkar&i 256

Thig-po-ling, a Lamaic god 74

ThthaJ>a,Kingof Ava, 101: = Sihasara 101

thread, the sacred, is a spirit-scarer 38H

Tilak, Prof., a note on his riew of the age of

the Rig-V^da 158

Timm&ntik&ri of TibSra, a hero of the

KodamaDat&y a Legend 91

Timmappa, a god 192

tiruvayana =^ the altar of Bhtlta temple 10

Todakin&ra, the Bhtita, his acts, 96ff. : — origin

of the name • 99

tonsure, the ceremony of, described 31

trade signs in South India 51

Traders' slang in South India 49ff.

tricks of women, a variant of the tale 136ff.

Tsi-pa, Astrologer- L&ma in Sikhim 206

^uZa«< is a spirit-scarer 383

Tuluvas,description of the, 3f . : — devil-dancers

among the, plates of Iff.

twelve years, sleep for, by fairy, case of, in

folktales 79

Ullatti, as a Bhi^ta, 99 : — of Ammandr, a hero
of the Todakin&i'a Legend 99

*Umdatu*t'Tawdrikh, notice of the, 57ff. :^ —
its value for Fa£tj&b History .^ 57

Upad^si-MardaBaidya = Siddamarda Baidya 188

vaddavdra = Friday 167f.

Yajra, incarnation of, Lamaic 73

yajnq>&ni, as a Lamaic god 73

Yajrasattva, a Lamaic god ^ 73

y&lmiki, discussed, 54ff. : date of .- 55f.

Yaradlsvara, a god 185

Yardesvar, a god 93

Yarune, a king of a point of the Compass ... 15
Y&yavaye, a king of a point of the Compass... 15

VSda, works on the, notes on current 352ff.

Vedduga$, notes on current works on the ...353ff.
Yedic Concordance, note on the prospects of

a, 374 : — rites, some instituted before 2000

B. C....^ , 245

Y^nkapati BAya of Yigayanagara, a coin of,

described 26^

Yentura, his service under Ranjlt Singh,

alluded to 64

Yerkadi, a Bhftta 99

Yignes, his doings with EaQ jit Siikgh ........ 64

Yignosvara, a god 18d

vijayd, a name for hemp in Skr 260

Yirabhadra, a god 16

Yfishabha, de Millou^s theory of the myth

of ^.«^ «.^ 112

Wade, hia dealings with BafijH Singh .^ 61ff.

W&garft, his dynasty 102

water-spilling, a superstition about 19S

Whitney, his views on the Dhdtupdiha,
141 : his views of the Hindu Grammar-
ians, 143: his strictures on European
opponents of his theory of Skr. roots,
I41f. : — a memorial notice of the late

Prof. Dwight 263f.

wife, suspected, in folktales, 340ff . : — sub«
stitution of maid for a, 343 : — fc^y of

praising a, in folktales 342

Win = Yignes ., 64

words, the nature of, a lecture in the Bh&-
ekana-kaumiidi, 217ff. : — modes of ex-
pressing the meaning of, 219: — the udes
of, 219 : — functions and powers, 2'19 : — the
proper power of, 219 ; suggested power of,
explained, 221 ; the metaphorical power of,
2l9f . ; modes of giving, metaphorical power
thi'ough simple motive, 220f . ; modes of giv-
ing metaphorical power to, through quali-
fied motive, 221 ; power of, through motive,
219f. : — conventional acceptation of 219f.

Tab-dnd, Black Father Devil, in Sikhim 198

Yajnaparibhdshdsiitra, notes on works on the.. 371

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INDEX.

899

Yajurv6da, notes on cun*ent works on the... 370ff.
Yama, notes on M. BhnPs works i-elating

to 3d3f.

Tame, a king of a point of the Compass 15

iTaw, a Burmese tribe, note on 195

Y&zadarit of Pegu, 101 :— = R&3&dhii-&j& ... 101
years, current, dates of the Saka Era in,
127fE. : — expired, dates of Saka Bra
in 113ff., 131ff.

Yona, Sh&n country about Ohiengmai (Zim-
ma) 103

Yul-lha, the Birth-place god in Sikhim, 197 :—
the, detailed 198f.

Zend Avesta, notes on translations of the....»% 111

Zhang-lha is the Uterine god in Sikhim 197

zhi'ddk demons of Sikhim, explained 19dL

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