THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOUMAL OP ORIENTAL RESEARCH,
VOLUME XXVIII. 1899.
THE TOPOGRAPHICAL LIST Oi 1 THE BHAGAVATA PTJBAITA.
BY EEV. J, E, ABBOTT, B.A.
IN Volume XIV. of this Journal, page 319, Dr. Burgess calls attention to tlie importance of
scholars preparing geographical lists from the Itihasas, Purdnas, Kashas^ and other
available sources of information , as a means to the better elucidation of the Ancient
Geography of India, Following this suggestion Dr. J. F. Fleet prepared a list of geographical
names found in the Brihat-Saihhitd, and published it in this Journal, Vol. XXII. page 169.
I now give a list of geographical names found in the Bhdgavata Purdna* The references
are to the Bombay Edition.
Aryavarta, a country between the Vindhyaand
the Himalaya mountains, IX. 6, 5 ; IX. 16, 22.
Asikni ; a river s V. 19, 18.
Avanti, a city, X. 45, 31 ; X, 58, 30 ; XI.
23, 6 ; XL 23, 81.
Avartana; a subdivision of Jambudvipa, V,
Abhira, a country and people, I. 10, 35 ;
II. 4, 18.
Ajanabha ; = commentary says Bharatavar-
sha, XL 2, 24.
Alaka, a city on Bhdteshagiri, IV. 6, 23.
Alakananda, a river flowing by Alaka, a name
for the Gangi, IV. 6, 24 ; XL 29, 42.
Ambashtha; a country, X. 83, 23.
Anartta, or Anarta, a country = Dwarakadesa,
com,, I. 10, 35; L 11, 1; IX. 3, 28;
X. 52, 15; X, 53, 6; X. 67, 4; X. 71, 21;
X. 82, 13 ; X. 86, 20.
Anarttapuri, a city, the capital of Anartta, =
Dwaraka, L 14, 25.
Andhas ; a river, V. 19, 18,
Andhaka; a people, L 11, 11; L 14, 25;
II, 4, 20 ; III. 3, 25 ; X. 1, 69 ; X. 45, 15 ;
X. 80, 11 ; X. 80, 16 ; X. 83, 5 ; XL 30, 18.
Andhra, a people, II. 4 18 ; IX. 20, 30 ;
IX, 23, 5,
Anga ; a country, IX, 23, 5.
Animishakshetra, a Ts$lietro, 9 called in com.
Vaisaavakshetra, L 1, 4.
Arbuda ; a country, XL 30, 18.
Arha, a country, L 11, 11 ; L 14, 25.
Arua, a country, X. 86, 20.
Arya, a river, X. 79 f 20.
19, 30.
Avatoda ; a river, V. 19, 18.
Ayodhya; a city, IX. 8, 19.
Badari, a sacred place, III. 4 4 ; Badarikasram f
VII. 11, 6 ; containing Uarayanasrama, IX.
3, 36 ; XL 29, 41 ; Badaryasrama, III. 4,
21 ; III. 14, 32 ; X. 52, 4
Balhika, a people, X. 82, 26.
Barbara, a people, IX. 8^ 5.
Barhishmati, a city in Brahmavarta, IIL 22 ?
29 ; IIL 22, 32.
Bhadr&sva, a continent, L 16, 13,
Bharata, a country, 1. 16, 13 ; Bharatavarsha^
III. 1,20; X. 87,6,
Bhimarathi, a river, V. 19, 18; X. 79, 12.
Bhogavati, a mythical city, L 11, 3L
Bhoja, a country and people, L 11, 11 ; I. 14,
25 ; III. 1, 29 ; IIL 2, 25 ; Bhojarija, IIL 2 S
30 ; X. 85, 33 ; III. 3, 25 ; X. 1, 35 ; X, 1,
69; X, SO, 11; X, 82, 29 ; XL 30 ? 18*
INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1899,
Bliojakata, a city, X. 54, 52 ; X. 61, 19 ; X. 61,
26; 61,40.
Bhrigukachchha, a city on the north bank of
the Narmada, VIII. 18, 21.
Bh&tesagiri, a mountain = Kailas, surrounded
by the river Nanda = Ganga, IV. 6, 22.
Bindnsaras, a wide expanse of water formed
bytheSarasvati, III. 21, 35; III 21, 39;
Bindnsara, III. 25, 5 ; VIL 14, 31 ; X. 78, 19.
Bralimanadi, a river = Sarasvatl, IX. 16, 23.
Bralimatirtiia, a tirfha, X. 78, 19.
Brhmavarta, a country, I. 10, 34; I. 17, 33;
III. 21, 25 ; Brahmavartta, III. 22, 28; said
to be between the Sarasvatl and Drisha-
dvati, IV. IS, 1; V. 4 10; V, 4, 19?
V. B, 28,
Bnhadyana, a forest; near Goknla, X. 5, 26 ;
X. 7. 38.
Chakra, a UrtJia between Brahmatirtha and
where Sarasvati flows to the East, X. 78, 19.
Chakranadi, a river (= Gandaki, Com.), V.
7, 10.
Champapuri, a city, IX, 8, 1.
(Bandrabhaga, a river, V. 19, 18.
Chandrasiikla, a dmpa, a subdivision of Jam-
budvlpa, V. 19, 30,
Chandravasa, a river, IV. 28, 35 ; ChaBdra-
vasH, V. 19, 18*
CharmaEvati, a river, V. 19, 18.
Ohedi, a country, I 10, 19; VII. 1, 13;
IX- 22, 6; IX. 24, 2; X. 52, 17; X. 53, 14;
X. 74, 39; X. 83, 23; XIL 12, 39; Chaidya,
name of a king, X, 52, 17 ; X. 52, 25.
Chitrakuta* a mountain, V* 19, 16.
DadMmandoda, one of the seven seas, V. 1, 33.
DaksMnapatJia, the region of the south, t'-e.,
south of the Narmada, IX. % 41.
Dandaka, a country, X. 79, 20.
Dasa, a fisherman tribe, IX. 22, 20.
Dasarha, a country and people, I. 11, II -
L 14, 25; Dagarha, a people, III. 1, 29;
X. 44 15 ; X. 47, 44 ; X. 78, 39 ; XL 30, is!
Devsgiri, a mountain, V* 19, 16*
Dianvan, a country (said to be little watered)
near Maru, L 10, 35 ; IX. 4, 22 ; X, 86, 20.
Dravida, a country, IV. 28, 30 ; VIII 4 7 .
VIIL24 t lS; IX. 1,2; X. 79, 13; XL 5,' 39*
Brishaavatf, a river, V. 19, 18 ; X. 71, 22.
Drona, a mountain, V. 19, 16.
Dvaipftjaot, a river, X. 79, 20.
DvAravatl, a city in Bvaraka, I. 12, 36 :
DvarvatJ, III. 3, 19 ; X. 59, 36 ; X. 69 5 3 ;
X 76, 8; X 77, 7; X. 79, 29; X. 80, II ;
X. 82, 1 ; X. 84, 70 ; X. 85, 52 j X. 86, 59 ;
X. 89, 22 ; XI. 2, I ; XI, 6, 33 ; XI. 30, 1 ;
Bvarvat!, XL 30, 5; XL 30, 46 ; XII. 12, 60.
Dvaraka, a city, L II, 24; L 11, 25 ; I. 14, 1 ;
I. 14, 6 ; X. 52, 5 ; X. 52, 27 ; X. 54, 60 ;
X. 55, 39 ; X. 56, 4 ; X. 56, 35 ; X. 57, 27 ;
X. 57, 29 ; X. 57, 30 ; X. 58, 28 ; X. 58, 55 ;
X. 65, 22; X. 66, 3-4; X. 66, 23 ; X. 66, 34;,
X. 80, 15 ; X. 85, 23 ; X. 86, 3 ; X. 90, 1 :
XL 6, 4; XL 30, 47; XL 81, 15.
Dyndhnni, a river, i. e., Ganga, III. 23 9 39.
Dyunadi,ariver, ie, } GangA, III. 5, 1 ; X. 75, 8*
Gajasavbaya, a city, i. e. 9 Hastinapura, I. 3, 6 ;
L 8, 45 ; IV. 31, 30; X. 57, 8 ; Gajavhaya,
L 9, 48; L 15, 38; L 17, 44; III. ], 17 ;
IX. 22, 40 ; X, 49, 32 ; X. 68, 16 ; X. 68 ?
41 ; X. 75, 39.
Gandald, a river, X, 79, 11.
Gandhamadana, a mountain, IV. I, 58 ; Brah-
ma descended upon it, V. 1, 8 ; X;. 52, 3.
Ganga, a river, L 3, 43 ; I. 4, 10 ; L 8, 1 ;
I. 13, 32; I. 16, 3; I. 18,3; IV. 2, 35;
IV. 21, 11; VIII. 4, 23; IX. 8, 29; IX. <), 1);
IX 15, 3; IX. 20, 25; IX. 23, 13; X. 08,
42-54 ; X. 75, 19 ; X. 78, 20.
Gangadvara, a country, VI. 2, 39.
Gaya, a city, Jtshetra, X. 79, 11.
Gayasiras, a Jtshetra, VIL 14, 30.
Ghritoda, one of the seven mythical seas
V. 1, 33.
Godavari, a river., V. 19, 18.
Gokamukba, a mountain, V. 19, 16,
Gokarna, a JcsJietra, X. 79, 19.
Gokula, a village on the Jam nil. X 2 7 -
X. 5, 32. ' ' '
Gomati, a river, V. 19, 18 ; X. 79, 11.
Govardhana, a mountain. V. 19, 16* X 11 3fi
X. 13, 29, ' * * '
Haihaya, a people, IX. 8, 5; IX. 15, 14; des~
troyed by Parsharam, IX. 15, 17; name of
their king, IX- 15, 32; X. 73, 20.
Hasthmpiira, L 10, 7 ; I. 13, 1 - founded by
Hasti, IX. 21, 20 ; X. 49, 1 ; X, 68, 15.
Himalaya, a mountain, L 13, 29.
Himavat, a mountain, L 13, 50.
Hftna, a people, II. 4; 18 ; IL 7, 46; IX.
20, 30. ;
JANUARY, 1899.] TOPOGRAPHICAL LIST OE BHAG-AVATA PUEANA.
3
Ikslmmat}, a river in Knrukslietra, V. 10, 1.
Ikshurasoda, a mythical sea, V. 1, S3.
Indrakila, a mountain, V. 19, 16.
Indraprastha, a city, X. 58, 1 ; X. 58, 12 ;
X. 73, 33 ; X. 77, 6; XL SO, 48; XL 31, 25.
Jambudvipa, I. 12, 5 j V. 2, 1 ; V. 19, 29 ;
V. 20, 2 ; Jambu, V. 1, 32,
Kaikaya, a people, X. 71, 29 ; X. 74, 41 ; II.
7, 35 j X. 82, 13*
Kakubha, a mountain, T. 19, 16.
Kalanjara^ a mountain, V. 8, 30.
Kalapagrama, a city, IX. 12, 6 ; IX. 22, 17 ;
X. 87, 7.
Kalindi, a river = Yamuna, III. 4, 36; IV.
8, 43 5 VI. 16, 16 ; VIII. 4, 23 ; IX. 4, 30 ;
IX. 4, 37 ; X. 58, 22.
Kalinga, a country and its people, IX. 23 S 5 ;
Kalinga, X. 61, 29, 37.
Kamagiri, a mountain, V. 19, 16.
Kamakoshni, a city, X. 79, 14.
K&mboja, a country, II. 7, 35 ; X. 75, 12 ;
X, 82, 13.
Kanchi, a city, X. 79, 14.
Kanka, a people, II. 4, 18; IX. 20, 30;
X. 86, 20.
Kanyakubja, a country, VL 1, 21.
Karnataka, a country, V. 6, 7.
Karusha, a country, X. 66, 1; IX. 2, 16;
Karusha, X. 78, 4.
KM, a city, IX. 22, 28 ; X. 57, 32 ; X. 66, 10 ;
X. 66,26 ; X. 82, 25 ; X. 84, 55 XII. 13, 17.
Kausambi, a city, IX. 22, 40.
Kausikt, a river, I. 18, 36 ; V. 19, 18 ; IX. 15,
12 ; X. 79, 9.
Kaverl, a river, V. 19, 18; VII. 13, 12;
X. 79, 14 ; XL 5, 40.
Kekaya, a tribe, X. 2, 3 ; X. 75, 12 ; X. 84, 55 ;
X. 86, 20.
Kerala, a country, X. 79, 19; X 82, 13.
Ketumala, a dvtpa, I. 16, 10,
Khandava, a forest, X- 58, 25 ; X. 71, 45;
Khaudavaprastha, X, 73, 32.
Khasa, a people, a low tribe, II. 4, 18 ; Kasa,
IX. 20, 30.
Khnpurusha, a dmpa t I. 16, 13.
Kirata, a people, II. 4, 18 ; IX. 20, 30.
Kollaka, a mountain, V, 19, 16.
Kofika, a country, V. 6, 7 ; V. 6, 0.
Kosala, a country, IX. 10, 29 ; IX. 11, 22 ;
X, 2, 3 5 X, 58, 32, 34, 35; X. 58, 52;
X, 75 ? 12 ; Ufctara Koshala, V. 19, 8 ; IX.
10, 42 ; Kansalya, X. 82, 13 ; X. 84, 55 ;
Kosala, X. 86, 20 ; XII. 12, 24.
Kraunclia, a dwpa, V. 3, 32,
Krishna, a river, V, 19, 18.
Kritamala, a river, Y. 19, 18 ; VIII, 24, 12 ;
X. 79, 16 ; XI, 5, 39.
Ksharodadhi, V. 20, 2.
Ksliiroda, one of the seven seas, V. 1, 33 :
VIIL 4, 18.
Kundina, a city, X. 53, 7 ; X- 53, 15 ; X. 53, 21 ;
X. 54, 20 ; X. 54, 52,
Kukura, a country and people, L 11, II ; X.
45, 15 ; XI. 30, 18.
Kul&chala, a mountain. Com. says Hern, III.
23, 39 ; in the country of the Pandyas.
Com. says Malaya, VIIL 4, 8.
Kunti, a country, X, 82, 13 ; X 86, 20 ; XL 30, 18.
Kuru, a people and country, L 11, 9 ; II.
7, 35 ; X. 2, 3 ; X- 57, 1 ; X. 71, 29 ; X.
72, 5 ; X. 75, 12 ; X. 82, 13 ; X. 83, 5 ; X.
84, 55 ; X. 86, 20.
Kurujangala, a country, I. 10, 34 j I. 16, 11 ;
IIL 1, 24 ; X, 86, 20,
Kurukshetra, a district, I. 10, 34 ; III. 3, 12 ;
VII. 14, 30 ; IX. 14, 33.
Kusa, a dvlpa, V. 1, 32. -
Kusasthali, a city = Dvaraka, I. 10, 27 ; VII.
14, 31 ; IX. 3, 28; X. 61, 40; X. 75, 29 ;
X. 83, 36 ; XIL 12, 36.
Kusavartta, a tfrtha, III. 20, 4.
Kutaka, a country, V. 6, 7 ; V. 6, 9.
Kiitaka, a mountain, V. 6, 7 ; V. 19, 16.
Lanka = Ceylon, V. 19, 30 ; IX. 10, 16.
Lavanodadhi, a mythical sea, V. 20, 2.
Madhu, a city = Mathura, L 10, 26 ; L 11, 9 ;
L 14, 25; I, 16, 36; VIL 14, 81 j X.
1, 10; X. 45,15; X. 47, 21; X. 86, 20;
XI- 30, 18.
Madhuvana, a forest on th<* bank of the
Yamun<% IV. 8, 42; IV. 8, 62; IX. 4 30;
IX. 11, 14 ; Madharvana, IV. 9, 1.
Madra, a city, X. 82, 13 ; X. 82, 26.
Magadha, a country, IX- 22, 45; X. 2, 2;
X. 52, 14 ; X. 52, 19 ; X. 73, 33 ; X. 83, 28.
Mahanadi, a river, V. 19, 18.
Mahendra, a mountain, V. 19, 16 ; VIL 14, 32 ;
IX. 16, 26 ; X. 79, 12.
Mahishmati, a city, IX. 15, 22 ; a city of the
Haihaya, IX. 15, 26 ; IX, 16, 17 ; X. 79, 21.
1899;
ana, a mountain, V. 19,
Malava, a mountain, I. 8, 32 ; V. 19, 16 ;X.
79;i6;VL3 5 35;mH32;X.90 5 19.
Mandakim, a river, V. 19, 18.
Mandaraharina, a dvtya> V. 19, 30.
Mandara, a mountain, IV. 23, 24 ; TIL 3, 2 ;
TIL 7,2,
llangalaprastha, a mountain, V. 19, 16.
Jlanipftra, a city, IX. 22, 32,
Manutlrtlaa, a tirtlia, X. 79, 21.
Mam, a country = Marwad, I. 10, 35 ; X. 71,
21.
JlarudhanTan, a country, VI. 8, 38.
ilarudvndhft. a river, V. 19, 18.
MatlmTft, a city, I. 15, 39; IX. 11, 14 ; X
1, 27; X. 1,28; X. 5, 19; X. 6, 81; X
47, 68 ; X. 72, 81 ; X. 84, 69 ; XL 30, 18
XII. 12, 34, 35, 60 ; Dakshina Mathurft, X
79, 15 ; llathura, the people of llathurst, X.
1, 27.
Jfatsva, a country, I. 10, 34; II. 7, 35 ; III.
1/24; X. 71, 22; X. 74,41; X. 82, 13;
X. 86, 20.
Mem, a mountain, V. 2, 23 ; IX. I, 25 ;
IX. 4, 50.
Mithila, a city, IX. 13, 13; X. 57, 20; X.
57, 24, 26 ; X. 82, 26 ; X. 86, 14 ; X. 86, 37 ;
Maithila, X. 86, 16.
Jlleehchta, a people, IX. 16, 33; IX. 20, 30 ; as
in the North, IX. 20, 30 ; IX. 23, 16.
Xamrifia, a country, I. 1, 4 ; III. 20, 7 ; X. 79,
30; Naimisha, VII. 14, 31 ; X, 78, 20.
Isanda, a river surrounding BMtesagiri, IV.
6, 24 ; VII. 14, 32 ; VIII. 4, 23,
^andigrama, IX. 10, 86.
Narayanasaras, junction of the Sindhu and the
ocean, VI. 5, 25.
Narfiyannsrama, the same as Gangotri, VII.
14, 32 ; IX. 3, 36 ; X. 87, 4 ; Naranarayanas-
rama, IX. 1, 31.
Narmada, a river, V, 19, 18; VI. 10, 16;
VIII 18, 21.
INila, a- mountain, V. 19, 16.
Nirvindhya, a river, IV, 1, 18 ; V. 19, 18 ;
X. 79, 20.
Xlsaadha, a country, X. 2, 3.
Pampa* a late, VII. 14, 31 ; X. 79, 12.
Paneliajanyas a dv1pa t V. 19, 30.
PancMla, a country, IV. 27, 8, 9, 18 ; IX. 21,
5, origin of the name ; X, 2, 3 ; X, 71, 22 ;
Panchala, I 10, 34 ; X. 86, 20 ; P&nchaiakA,
a people, IX* 22, 3.
D anchapsaras, a tirtlia, X. 79, 18.
Pandya, a country, IV. 28, 29 ; a king, VIII.
4/7.
Pariyatra, a mountain, V. 19, 16.
Paiandraka, belonging to the country Pundra,
II. 7, 34 ; XII. 12, 39 ; Pundra, IX. 23, 5.
Payoslmt, a river, V. It), 18 ; X. 79, 20.
Payasvini, a river, V. 19, 18 ; XI. 5, 39,
Phalguna, a fahetra = Harapnra or Kanyfi-
para, VII 14, 31; called Aimntapura in
Com., Phalugnna, X. 79, 18.
PindSraka, a Isshetra, XL 1, 11.
Plaksha, a My a, V. 1, 32 ; V. 20, 1, 2.
Prabhasa, a sacred place, I. 15, 49; III. 1, 20 ;
III. 3, 25 ; VII. 14, 31 ; X, 45, 36 ; on the
sea-shore, X. 45, 38 ; X. 78, 18 ; X. 79,
9-21; X. 86, 2; XL 6, 35; XL 30, 6 ;
XL 30, 10.
Pragjyotish, a country, XII. 12, 38.
Pratfchi, a river, XL 5, 40.
Pratishthana, a city, IX. 1, 42.
Pravarshana, a mountain, X. 52, 10.
Prayaga, a fahetra, VII. 14, 30 ; X. 79, 10,
Pulahasrania, a leshetra, = Harikshetra, com.
VII. 14, 30 ; X. 79, 10.
Palinda, a people, II. 4, 18.
Pulkasa, a people, II. 4, 18.
Puraiijana, a city, IV. 27, 16.
Pushkara, a dvtpa, V. 1, 32 ; a ttrtha, XII.
12, 60.
Pusbpabhadra, a river, XII. 9, 10.
Pushpavaha, a river, XII. 9, 30.
Eaivataka, a mountain, V. 19, 16 ; X. 67, 3.
Ramahrada, a lake, X. 84, 53.
Ramanaka, a dvfya, V. 19, 30*
Bevsi, a river, V. 19, 18 ; IX. 15, 20 ; X. 79, 21.
Riksha, a mountain, IV, 1, 17 ; V. 19, 16,
Eishabha, a mountain in Dravida, V. 19, 16 ;
* X. 79, 15.
Rishikulya, a river, V. 19, 18.
Rishyamuka, a mountain, V. 19, 16.
Eodhapvati, a river, V, 19, 18,
'Sabara, a low caste tribe, II. 7, 46.
'Sabasti, a city, IX. 6, 21,
Sahya, a mountain, V. 19, 16 ; VII. 13, 12.
Baka, a people, IX. 8, 5 ; IX. 20, 30.
'Saka, a dvipa, V. 1, 82.
Sakraprastha,acity = Indraprastlia, X, 71, 22*
JAITOABY, 1899.] TOPOGRAPHICAL LIST OP THE BHAGAYATA PURANA.
S&lmali, a dtfpa, V. 1, 32.
fealva, a country (Salva, name of person. III.
3, 10), X. 2, 3 ; V X. 52, 17, 19 ; XII. 12, 39 :
Salva, X. 76, 2, 3.
'Sambhalagrama, a city, XII. 2, 18,
'Saniyaprasa, a hermitage on the west bank of
the Sarasvati, I. 7, 2.
Sunmdrasetu = Raines wara, X. 79, 15.
'Sankhoddhara, a Tcshetra, SI. 30, 6.
Saptagodavari, a river, X. 79, 12.
Saptasrotas, region, at the head of the Ganga,
I. 13, 51.
Saptavati, a river, V. 19, 18*
Sarasvata, a country, I. 10, 34.
Sarasvatl, a river, I. 3, 15 ; I. 4, 27 ; I. 7, 2 ;
I. 16, 37 ; II. 9, 44 ; III. 1, 21 ; III. 4, 3, 6 ; !
III. 21, 6, 33, 39 ; II. 22, 27 ; III. 23, 25 ; |
III. 24, 9; III. 33, 13; IV. 14, 36; IV.
16, 24 ; Prachi Saras vatl, IV. 19, 1 ; V. 19,
18 ? VI. 8, 40 ; VIII. 4, 23 ; IX. 4, 22 ; in
Kurnkshetra, IX. 14, S3 ; IX, 16, 23 ; X.
71,22; X. 78,18, 19; X. 89, 1.
Sarayu, a river, V, 19, 18 ; IX 8, 17 ; X. 79,
y, 10.
'Sarkaravartta, a river, V. 19, 18.
'Satadru, a river, V. 19, 18.
Satvata, a people, I. 14, 25 ; II. 4, 20 ; III. 1,
29 ; XI, 30, 18.
Sanbha, a country, X. 76, 1.
Sauvira, a country, I. 10, 35; III. 1, 24;
V. 10, 1 ; X. 71, 21.
Seta, a Jcdietra, VII. 14, 33.
Siddhapada, a kshetra on the Saraswatt, III
33, 31.
Sindhu, a river, V. 10, 1 ; V. 1$, 18 ; VI. :>, 3 ;
Saiiidhava, IX. I, 23 ; X. 69, 33.
fcsimhala, an island, V. 19, 30.
Sona, a river, A 7 ". 19, 18 ; X. 79, 11.
Sonita, a city, X. 62, 4 ; X. 02, 23 ; X. 63, 2.
Srinjaya, a people, II. 7, 35 ; X. 71, 20 : X.
72, 5; X. 74, 41 ;X. 75. 12 ; X. 82, 13;
X. 84, 55.
Sriranga, a city, X. 79, 14.
fcrisaila, a mountain, V. It), 16 ; X, 79, 13.
Sudarsana, a sacred tirthut, X. 78, 19.
Snddkoda, one of the seven seas, Y. 1, 33.
ISuktiman, a mountain, V. 19, 16.
Sumlia, a country, IX. 23, 5.
Sunanda, a river, VIII. 1, 8.
&ura, a country, III. 1, 26.
Suragiri, a mountain, V. 1, 30.
Surasfi, a river, ~V> 19, 18,
Burasena a country, I. 10, 34; I. 15, 30 ;
VI 14, 10, 31 ; X. 1, 27, 69 ;. XL 30, 18.
Suraslitra, a country, III. 1, 26.
Snroda, one of the seven seas, V. 1, 33,
Surparaka, a city, X. 79, 20.
Sushoma, a river, V. 19, 18.
Svarnaprastha, a city, V. 19, 30.
Svassarifca = Ganga river, III. 4, 36.
Svetadvipa, an island, VIII. 4, 18 ; X. 6, 24 ;
X. 87, 10 ; XL 15, 18.
Syamantapanchaka, a province, IX. 16 ? 19;
X. 82, 2 S a T&slietra.
Talajaicgha, a people, IX, 8, 5,
Tainraparni, a river, IV. 28, 35 ; V. 19, 18 ;
X. 79, 16 ; XL 5, 39.
Tapi, a river, V. 19, 18 ; X. 79, 20.
Trigartaka, a country, X. 79, 19.
Trikflta, a mountaiB, V. 19, 16 ; VIIL 2, I.
Trisama, a river, V. 19, 18,
Tritakupa, a holy place on the Saras vati III.,
1, 22 ; Trita, X. 78, 19.
Tungabhadr4, a river, V. 18, 19.
Usinara, a country, VII. 2, 28; VIL 2 5 31;
VII, 2,33; X, 82, 13.
Uttarakuru, country of the Northern Kurngj
and situated in the north of India, 1. 16, 13.
TTttarapatha, Northern India, IX. 2, 16.
Taihayasi, a river, V. 19, 18.
Vaisali, a city, IS. 2, 33 ; Vaisala, IX. 2, 36 .
Vanga, a country, IX. 23, 5.
Varans! = Kasi, a city, VIL 14, 81; X. 86,
40-42 ; XII. 12, 40.
Varidhara, a mountain, V. 19, 16.
Vatodaka, a river, IV. 28, 35.
Yedasmyiti, a river, V. 19, 18.
Vent, a river, V. 19, 18 ; Vena, X. 79, 12,
Veiika, a country, V. 6 5 7,9.
Venkata, a monntain, V. 19> 16 ; Venkatadrl,
X. 79,18.
Vcnya, a river, V. 19, 18.
Vidarbha, a country, IV. 28, 28 ; IX.^20, 34 ;
origin of the name, IX. 23, 39 : X, 2, S ;
X. 52, 21, 41 ; X, 53, 6; X. 53, 16, 36 : X
82, 13; X. 84, 55.
Videha, a country, X. "2, 3 ; X. 86, 14, 17, 2L
Vinasana = Kurnkshetra, X. 71, 21 ; X. 79,
23 ; XL 16, 6.
Viadliya, a mountain range, V. 19, lo; VL.
4,20.
THE INDIAN AKTIQUARY. [JATCABY, 1890,
Yip'.-Vi. r; river, X, 79, IL
Yraja = Gokula, a place, X. 2, 7 ; X, 5, 13,
V:<ili, '.<?., Badariki&ania, IT. 12, 16 ; XL
21', 47; a r>l/X X. 78, 19. j Tadn, a people, X. 1, 60; X, 45, 15; X. 75, 12;
VlsaHaiia, a people, XL SO, 18, X. 79, 23.
>T^ a river, V. 10, 18.
irus:!, a river, T. 19, IS.
VisJsivaiiiu a place, X. 11, 28, 35, 36, 38 ; X.
2i% 20; X, 46, 1? ; X. 47 ? 43; X. 47, 61,
.i.rLiiI, a people. 1. 11, 11 ; I. 14, 25 ; ancestor
of Krislma, IL 4, 20 ; III, 1, 20 ; III. 3, 25 ; IX. 2, 1 ; IX. 4, 42 ; IX. 6, o9 ; IX. 20,
'-^ ^ IV 99. OG QA . \ r 1 11 Y IK TT KR Ifl . TT S.Q 00. V r?o **A. *-*
origin of, IS. 23, 29, 30 ; X, 1, 11 ; X, 45,
15 T X. 54, 9 ; X. 80, 11 ; X, 80, 16 ; XL SO,
IS : XL 31, 16 5 Uttava Vrishni, X. 1, 41.
Yrishaipuri = Yadupuri, X. 54, 56
Yadupnri, as DvarakS, X. 3, 11 ; as Jlatlmrfi,
X. 4$, 30 ; X. 54, 54 ; XI. 30, 47.
Yamasvasri, the Yamuna river, III. 4, 27.
Yamuna, a river, III, 1, 24 ; III. 2, 27 -
IV. 2 3 35 ; IV, 8, 42 ; I V. 21, 1 1 ; VI. 16, 34 !
X. SB, 16 X. 58, 22 j X, 78, 19 ; Yamuna,
the country along tlie Yamunat, L 10, 33.
Yavana, a people, II. 4, 18; IL 7, 34; [V,
72, 23 ; IX. 8, 5 ; IX. 20, 30,
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
BY THE LITE KAEL FEEBEBICK BUBKHABDT.
Translated and edited* with notes and additions*
by Geo. A, Grierson, PA.J5., O.I.S., J,C y .^
(Continued from VoL XXV II. $>. 317.)
1EEEG-ULAEITIES 1BT DEOLEHSIOF OF SUBSTAKTIVBS.
212. 1st Declension (Masculine^ a base)
(1) Dissyllables Bending in j ^ ar and & J- an, lose the vowel of the final syllable
in declension., E. g., j*& sJiahar, a town, <j"j*^ * J *toass j*j paliar, a watcli, a period of
tliree hours, uv A v P^^&s* 80
(2) Words [of more than one syllable], whose last syllable contains a ^ , change
it to -^ a. B. 0., jr*^ ftofcwr, a cock, uJ^ 7wfca?w ; J^ fc^wr, cloth, o*J^ Icayara* * Jjt
7, a sweeper, w&talas*
(3) "Words in final
(a) I -*- < insert a euphonic *,., , or a y, the I ^ ^ being sometimes short-
ened, and sometimes not; e. g.,
a proper name .juf Asd-h-as
asage
<Zy4 the world
ariTer
Moses
cr/t
(Luke, i, 58)
, 1899.] ESSAYS OX" KAS3IIRI GRA1BIAE,
.7 / *
In the genitive of foreign people's names, the 1 d remains unchanged; thus, ^^* ToJ
?#, AX* UA^ YoJiannd-sond, while on the other hand, we have *** *Ji*A Kludii^q-sc .:".. At '
T A i * *" r C- 7 .' /7 - -f .,
*ame tune I find *** AAJ C^r^ jSukartyd-yahfi-soiid, and >*> ^ ^ ? tn<jd-iwn-t>-:-..2.
(6) 7*:-
() after fl, unorganic S k is elidedj but organic 8 7i remains : tii"as,
?os, head ... ... ... eS(9 ,, |^>J
but
-^
wn^/0, sin
gundh-as, see /3)
after I -A. ^ ths J^ remains aad the I -^-a maybe optionally sTa ortcn
^ 7
e. gr., LA 6 ^ pddshdh, king ... erA U aU pddsMh-fts, and ^^^ ^ i ;
(c) 4,5^; this becomes iy ; e, g^
4j"^" nabl, a prophet , % . ... *,. cr"^ nabiy-as
So in proper names
^oj^J YaMdi, a Jew ooe LT^^. YaMdiy-cis
In the genitive, I sometimes find the 45 i unaltered, principally in foreign names 9 such a&
<3**') ZabadfaonA, ^ ur^ $ariti-Bon&; so also the silent cs y (Zi/-i-wiflgs'1ra) in
? 3^ Musa(y}-sond.
- (4) Tlie case terminations are sometimes omitted. I have noted this ouly in tlit
ablative of Persian words in * &/ e. jr.,
g^Ai I &3 fjA JtJiazdnq andarq& out of the treasury (Matth. xii- 35 ; xiii. 52)
213. 2nd Declension (Masculine, i l>ase) e
LX ^ w(/ee _ The nominative of all nouns of this declension really end in a yery^short -n, thns
tfi*. The is s however, hardly heard in pronunciation, andds not usually written.]
(1) Einal
( ) ^ ^. ttw becomes j to ; e. g. 9 jneehuv, a child, oO*^ neoUms (Voc.
-c I % necJiivi') ;
(5) tf S, becomes w y ; e. g., X M, a brother, cT
Tlio "onitivc oWirino is *> ur 3 "^ loif-smsi (Matth. vii. 3).
[n.b ib quH.- according to rule. Sec 197 ae wnccteil.] ' togfcal aitereu s!igta.y t
THE DTDliN ANTIQUARY.
[JANUARY, 1899.
(o) Changes of the Medial Eadical Vowel take place in the oblige cases of the
-.Lu'ukii', and throughout the plural : -ok. : ~
instrumental singular, and
cases of the singular and plural]. Thus:-
uT >olnl, a shepherd; instr. sing. Ji jwA^'/ dat. sing.
Y 1 * * *f>
j. . T-ncfr qinp*. i*> t^^ s watkdT^n^ '. dafc. siugs
:w, a carpet, instr. sing- u^ j
w's; [abl. sing.
jU. ^HmZ.agoatjinstp. sing. J .5^ *??/ da*- sing. ^^ rtVh*.
f ? grain; instr. sing a <J*J pJiutt ; ace. sing. cT*^ phalia ;
' ^ V " " "
^iv potsh, a guest ; *fv pqtsh^ u^^ 1 ?^ patshis*
ry/.te that In the case of M (not o) the change does not take place in the case of mono-
-^niubles. Thus from J^ ZrwZ, a tree, we Lave d*
Zs and fceK, not
or
hit*< In the case of o the change is invariable. The word *&j rut, good, however,
i r . / ^ /
iiiake? ^ rf, in all cases except the nominative singular, Thus &>j r?f, eT 3 j r^t>. The
/
Tif.miuative singular, itself, is often written ej rat, which gives the pronunciation better,
In N aji'iirJ, it is spelled without any medial vowel at all, thus, g r^.]
- ^
j -^- 1 becomes f o ; e. y., 45^ dot a brother? cr^^^^ ; Jj^M&t father,
^yJU ^oJw/ Jjy> dinawol (noun of the agent, of erf* cZf^% to give) ^Tji^
dinawolis; ^ koj, luncheon, u"^ ^
These changes take place 85 only in the accusative and instrumental singular, and in the
inative plural [?>., only before the short *, and before isl. In the other cases of the singular
ai.d of toe plural, the f o is further changed to i -^- a. We tbus get the paradigm of J>*
;//t'i, ti father.
8 " iThe oiigiual has here beea added to "by the translator.]
* ' X ' /
^ Fo also all aonnsin UJ^ wOl; e.g., u**^ '-^ **>* ^5 dak-ashrafiwclis, to ome who owus ten pieces
* J ^j*^ qudrat-w&lia, to the Mighty one. Kp, (Itfatth. i. 19) has ^'O raw 7 (instr, of i*)j ron, -A
, instead of C^ ' J ran*,
16 1 L I ^ere alter the u,rrangeoieat of the origia
, 1899.] ESSAYS ON KASMIEI GRAMMAR.
Singular* Plural.
Norn. <Jj* mol ......... ..... J ^ j
Voc. yt* mdlyd or *Jt* wait 88 ...... jktt* mdlyan
Ace, J^ 3 ???0Z ..... . . . ..... J^ 3 JH0Z*
Instr. J^ wol* .......... .. ... j^^ mdlyau
Dat. tj*""-* molis , e , ... ... ... ... t^t* -mdlen
- 5*
# . $
Gen* &i*JL* mol* send ... ... *.. *** c^^ mdlen-hond
*> &*
[The explanation of the declension of these Bonus 87 in o 2 ( or more correctly <5&* ) is that
the base of the noun really ends in dL Thus, the base of wioZ*, a father, is mdl 9 which we find
in Shina as mdlo, and in the K6his:ini of the Indos as mMla. In Kashmiri, ais one of the most
unstable vowels. Before a u, whether pronounced or not, it becomes a broad 6, and before
an i which is not final, or before a final i which is not fully pronounced, it becomes o. Thus
when is added to form the Nominative singular, mdl becomes inofa. When is is added to
form the Dative, it becomes molis. When * is added to form the Instrumental singular or the
Nominative Plural, it becomes mol*. But when a final fully pronounced i follows, it is not
changed, as in mdli $ut 9 with the father, in which the final * of the Instrumental is fully pro-
nounced before a postposition, as is the usual case. Similarly no change occurs in the oblique
cases of the plural, for the termination which follows commences neither with u nor with *]
[(<0 J _ y becomes 6, but not in the singular, or in the nominative plural. We thus
get the following forms of oj^ Mn, a dog :
Singular. Plural.
Norn.
* /. -
Instr. o^ hum ............ 3&J* Mnyau
* . ^
Dat. cr 3 -^ ^^w * ....... *&*** Jionen
Here the case is very similar. The real base vowel is $ not u. But o is still more unstable
than a, and before every u, whether pronounced or not; and before every i, whether fully
pronounced or not, it becomes u. Hence we have even Tiuni sut, with a dog, while in the
case of the nouns in ofa (aZ- u ), the d was unchanged before a fully pronounced *.]
-
(d) i yu [iu], becomes i; e. g^ j&** mahnyiw, a man, (j>Ao malmwis ;
.* j *
j&i phyur, a drop, ^jtephiris; c^^ fc%ziZ, a flock, u* 1 ^ i&tZfe ; ^^ myund,
leprosy ? ^-i^ mindis* [Here the base is really maJinw* etc.]
*
8 Np. always aj ^ mdlt; e. g., *^I*H ' *)** C5 1 ay w<2li AJbrak&mi, Father Abraham 3 so also *-
+ * <r **
J
from C5^ 6of, brother.
"*
87 Similarly Is declined, ^5^ Mi, brother, and all nouns in J J ..->,_ dZ, including nouns of the agent in
; e. sr. s nom. pi. i5^ ^Sy* 5 Jj^ ^l, a nest, nom. pi. J > ol l "; Jj^a dinawdl, agiverjnom. pi,
THE BTDIAN ANTIQUABY. P^TTABY. 1889.
(e) * *, becomes cr ; * ^* j W *"> ***' *** ***** a
fcririt (Luke, xiv. 5); [>*3 ty*. a sheep, <jy*J <fri ; ctf %^> a P illar *
[The word &&*> tsyun* a pillar, given above, is irregular,
Its principal parts are :
Singular- Plural.
IBS tot
Bat. u***^* tsmis
f .
Abl. *i foiwi >^^ tsenyau
tsenyan
[Here the base is really &n-, and the changes are parallel to those whioh we noticed in
the ease of m&l-.']
214. Brd Declension (Feminine, i base).
(1) Disappearance of terminations. [All the instances here given by the author belong
to the fourth declension, and are there described by the translator. The one exception is
/
the -word 4^ f qcM, which belongs to the third declension, and is quite regular. Thus, instr.
/ / / /
sing. A ^ 1 acMfcjdat. sing. *4^ achhi ; nomu pi. *** I avlilii; instr. pi. ^-^ I achhya^t ;
dat. pi. e?4^ t achlien* The author quotes some passages from Np.j but some of them are
manifest misprints, and the others are incorrect.]
[(2) Changes 88 of the radical yowel take place in the oblique cases of the singular, and
throughout tbe plural: viz.:
{a) f o becomes I JL $ 5 e. g, 9 ^ ^ moj 9 a mother, *^^ m&ji^y & dor, a beard, 8j 1$
$&ri ; f W 6m y work, JSi*^ feami. [See the remarks made above regarding mdl-.
All nouns of this declension originally ended in f, which is not pronounced or written at the
present day, except in a few isolated instances. It has, however, left its trace in the nomina-
tive Singular.]
* Tliese changes kave been partly mentioned by the author on a subsequent page, where they will be omitted in
translation. I have incorporated all the author's remarks. The author states that he is indebted to Dr. Biihler for
most of hjs statements,
Np^ I is sometimes denoted b^ ^L and sometimes by ' , Thus '(Mattsh. six. Sd^'g-SH* (nom.), or
mi So also the sign " ' for I is used throughout with very little system,
, 1899.] ESSAYS OH ItASMlEI GRAMMAS,
The following is an example of the declension of tills Yery common class of non& s
Singular. Plural.
Noxn, ^ w&jf* a mother .., . ... .*. **l* mdji
YOG. cr^U m&j? 1 ............... ->^ u mdjyau
Ace.
Instr.
AbL a* 1 -* wrf/i ....... .. ..... j^^ mdjyau
Gen. Ai* *^U maji-fiond ** ... *, *** <^l* mdjen-liond
^ *
Loc. ^jxlc j^aji ...... , ....... ii^U mo/en
" > A
(6) ?i becomes 6, in the same cases 5 e. g. 9 j^ Mr, a daughter, *X/ Icon*, uy^ fc6^rt B
etc ; jj? Ur, a stick, lori ; 91 [Compare 213 S 2, c],
(c) * nsnally becomes e, 93 Thus ^H^* ^^r, a brick ; 8j* sen.
(d) J a becomes -^- a in monosyllables ; e. jr., V^ j?i, a sheep, A *^ jZ/ ; but in
//
words of more than one syllable, the ^ a remains ; e, g ,j& babqr, the sweet basii^
// //
*j# babari; j& dadar, a cucnmber, *jiS<3 dadqri.~] m
(3) Final Consonants are changed in tke same cases ; viz. :
-* "* L, f
(a) b becomes ff ch ; e. g., ^ tsoi, bread ; **?* ^oeU ; &} *qt, a rag, ** j ^c*^
(&) [^ ^ becomes 4* c7i*. Thus, 4^ JA, a stalk, A^tf MchU."}. d becomes
t / // /'/
5 /; ^ fif-> ^ A f aharand** the collar-bone, *F>* 1 akaranji.
(4) Final vowels take enphonic additions, before the terminations of the cases.
(a) Final f -^- a takes enphonic 45 y ; e. jr., &* ^aw^a, the Ganges,
/ m /
(S) Final 4,5 < , becomes & iy ; e. gr., 15^ bo, Tillage, *^ bastiyi. In the geni-
tive 9 7 the ^ i remains unaltered ; e. g,, ^ t5^H &o*S-iowd; W v 1 -^ AiA^UU^U,
Jshdnasdmdm-Jiond Jiisdb di, give an acconnt of thy stewardship (Luke, xvL 2)
* -*
Np. (Matth. six, 29 j Luke, xviii. 29) also 5^ m6j ; e. g*, %** ^ Jf* 1 * ^ & V& ^ father or motlier ?
*
j, Barents. [Moj is tlie correct form.]
Np. alw^y 8 5 ^
ia [BxceptioEs'are^^ ^f, a lane, and J J-* mtfr, a twig, in wMch the 4 is not changed].
w [Exceptions are ^ pfr, a table, and a few others, in which the I is not changed.]
in pronunciation between these two. Sbftfin ggb is pronpiinced
Np. has sometimes i instead of 4**; e. g.. Luke, xix. 24, J> >' asTira/i, a gold coin.
ST In K P . sometimes also in the dative and locative singular , . *, J* 3
marxt mtijil, according to desire (Luke, xxiii. 24 S S5J.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [JANUARY, 1899.
(5) [After is, g is, 4fr tsh, and j t, in this declension, every y is dropped and every i or e
in the plural becomes . Thus, f- Jfe, a mad woman ; nom. pi. f *?; **** pi-
; dat.pl. c^f -matsan."]
215. 4th Declension (Feminine, i and a base).
/ /
(I) Arabic words in o -- a*, like &*)+*> jam&'at, assembly, multitude,
power, change, In tie same cases the final e> t into g te. [The final ^ a of o
changed to -^ ?.] In the singular, ail case terminations are dropped. Thus:
/ / j / /
Sing.; instr., dat., abl., loc.,g*U* jaind'qts ; genitive, *** {f*^ jcm&'qts hand; &St
- - / if
so also Jjj gj AJ qudrqts-w6l, a mighty one.
/ / / > / / /
Plur; instr.j J^ ^ jamd 'qtsqv ; dat. s loc., abl., v^f *+*> jam&'qtsqn 9 - gen,, e^Ua*.
jamd'qtsqn Tiond. [Note the Terminations ow instead of rtw, and qn instead
~
OAA
of
(2) Knal *a* I ^ becomes, in the same cases (the case terminations being similar! j
] o / j /
omitted in the singular) ^ ots; e. gr., Slj>l ad-rat, midnight, g T j AA( ^ r o^ ? a t mid-night ; m
A
f j ^ 3 I aza cJii rots, to-night ; jgfj ^+i yemiy rots, on this night j e,^Tj &s* tsatejen rotsqn*
for forty nights; t^j ttl^ *ffl rotsqn, for three nights ; ^ ^^JJt 1 **^ ^^j ro/s /m&' ts6rm T
/
j/n&rf,at the fourth watch of the night. So also decline ** I^ A j wahrdt> the rainy season.
[The above is as given by the author; but the rule is really much wider. With certain
exceptions, all nouns of the fourth declension
ending in * t change it to ^ ts
<& th $ tsh
A d j 2
*; n ,, 4,y
and some iu J Z
Before this changed letter every -L a becomes J- <a, and every f -L. & becomes 0. Examples
are ol j r$t, night, gfj rofe; ^ i^i, a hank, 4? r ioisX ; **J grand,, a counting, J
yfaan, an anvil* e^ ySroft ; tf ^^A, the eleventh lunar day, cA^ "kosli ; J tj ^^ a
gf j wSj.
The words in J Z which follow this rule are J ^ wal, a hole ; J U S al, a wife's sister ; J S*
t&l, a net; ^ feal, coBsideration ; J ^ Aai, a house (generally, but sometimes masculine at the
end of a compound, as in J^ U. tsafaMl, a school-house) ; and, optionally, J&fJimndal, a kind
of cup ? and cl^* hartal, a sword.
/ f
Hp. (Mark, xiii 35) lias in one instance' * J r feso. Everywhere else, as above.
, 1899,] ESSAYS ON KASMIBI GRAMMAR. 13
The following are exceptions, and do not change their final consonants ;
ci*j wat a road ; ^ lat, a kick ; o dot, a clod ; c^^j thot, an impediment ; ^S* tsot, the
/
anus; &>$ tsit, a sprain ; ^-H^ Isent, tumbling heed over heels; *** gqi> Si
flood ; C^AAJ pfnf , a trifle ; <*J la, a little (in compounds, as in*" 2 *-
prdnalqf, a spark of life) ; *** j^ t$nt 9 a beak : & #?%, a story ; *
jf
the river Jhelani : (&& k7ton t the elbow ; eP faw, the body ; ^ ^a w the
navel : (>** so?i, a co-wife 5 c*^^ Aa?i, a little ; ^ &a?z 9 a pile.
The words x> //^,S9 the belly; *ij wac/ 5 discount ;^ fAar, the back : ^ Teoth 9 Aucklandla
Costus ; jM* kJidr 9 an ass's load ; j^ wi&', the name of a river ;j^ stir, a cross-beam; ami.
jj&f j ?*57i, stock-in-trade, drop all case terminations, but change a to ^- a, and i tf to <>
U x U , f^T^Tr
in all cases except the nominative singular. Thus, from ^ yad, &i yqd: fromj l 4* khar, j H
/ . / L/ x L
Wo?-, j&3 1 S^ ujlA 8^1? gadi-lianzi yqd andar (loc.), in the belly of the fish.
The word j!f gay, a cow, becomes $ gov in all cases except the nominative singular.
Words like &M bene^ a sister, are thus declined :
Sing. Pliir*
Kom. A ^ befie ..*
Instr. *** befit (Luke, x. 40)
Dat. d ^ &ew* ... .* -- ***
216. Compound Substantives,
The first substantive is usually put in the oblique form ; e. g. 9 & &*f db-a nut, a water-jar :
ii^ JMn-q mol blood price, price of blood ; 45 ^ tr*^ Ishdsir-Q jdf, skull-place, Calvary ;
%^ vine-yard ;>HJ &*jrat~ap?tyur, blood-drop ; J^ *jH^ UwjVa W, fig-tree ;
/ * t " ///
J/ kir fc<iwd 7fiwZ, thorn-bush, etc. So also *>& *^3 mmtnq tiikrq, apiece of land ;
**" "* /
tMiiqV dachas he-goat kid, a kid of the goats ; *j* ** l f gddi ti&ra, a piece of fish ; * A* ' A
/^ / /
8 )* ffi^tsliq ddnd-q Jiooari, five yoke of oxen. (Luke xiv, 19 Compare, &!> &** 1 *
/// // / . _ _ . .
f/7 a litindred barrels of oil : &*** & ** ^^ hat man-q Kanaka, a hundred measures or wheat.
Composition can, however, also be effected by means of the substantival adjective in <) -
vis : e. g. *% &&jHj zaittin-tik JsoJi, the Mount of Olives, ZiV., the olive-mount.
(To be continued*)
ss This word is incorrectly giveis by the author as belonging to the third declension. The others are not meii*
rioued by him.
U THE INDIAN" ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1899.
DETAILED REPORT OF AN ARCH^IOLOQICAL TOUR WITH THE BUNER
FIELD FORCE.*
BY M. A STEIN, PH.D.
I. Personal ITarrative.
Ai the end of November, 189?, Major H. A. DBASE, c.s.i., Political Agent, Swat, Dh-,
.ad Cbitral, had been kind enough to call my attention to the opportunity which the punitive
expedition, then under consideration against the tribes of Bnner, would offer for the examina-
tion of the antiquarian remains of that territory. Buner, as that portion of the ancient Udy ana
which had hitherto been wholly inaccessible, and as the place from which a number of Major
Deane's puzzling inscriptions in unknown characters had been obtained, could reasonably bo
expected to furnish an interesting new field for archaeological exploration. I was hence ea^er
to avail myself of the occasion. '
Thanks largely to Major Deane's recommendation and the kind interest shown in the
Matter bj the Hon'ble Mr. DANE, Chief Secretary to the Punjab Government, and my friend
Jlr. MAYJTABD, the Junior Secretary, my application to be deputed -with the Malakand Field
loree daring its operations in Buner was readily approved of by the Hon'ble S 1B MACKWOBTH
IOKTG, K.C.B.I., Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab. The Local Government agreed to
bear the expenses connected with my deputation. On the 29th December, when returning
troma short archaeological Christmas tour in the Swat Valley, I received at Hoti-Mai-dan
relegraphxc jntmafcoa that the Government of India in the Foreign Department had sanction"
the proposal. In accordance with the instructions conveyed to me I saw on the same day at
^undaCamp Major-General to B ITO o* B iOOD) E . C.B., Commanding the MalZnd Keld
lorce, who very kmdly assured me of his assistance in connection with the proposed archfot
tpoal survey. He also informed me of the early date fixed for the comLnceme^ O f tt
, > wh
of the Umversxty required my presence, and to complete there the arran
^ "* *" * *"** *" * ^Kc Wo'rks Department^
'5S.^SrSSSrr :7 r
a small spur descending from this ranTlhth ., * T &7 Pr inently in front - Ol1
village of ^ lgarU , ^x^ofi?^JJ^^f fl ^^.^^^OBOiothe
excavated hereby General Cunningham fwt T T '^ mt view ' wLi ^ wa.s
for want of time, but was i^M^'J ^ ^ re - V1Sit these tere.tbg remain
^^
'
1899.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOUP, WITH THE BUXER FIELD FORCE. 15
Sangh.au, On the 8th January the force moved from Katlang to S'Jnghtn^ at the entrance
of the defile leading to the Tang Pass which had been selected as the route for the advance Into
Buner, A reconnaissance conducted by General Blood up the defile showed that the pass wes
held by a gathering of tribesmen under numerous standards, Accompanying this reconnais
sance, I came in the narrow ravine through which the path lead$ ? and about a mile and a
half above Sanghau village, upon nnmistakeabie traces of an ancient road* I was able to
examine these before the Sappers had commenced their work of improving the track. In
several places where the present path runs along rocky cliffs high above the stream draining
the gorge, I noticed supporting walls of rongh bnfe solid masonry. They resembled closely in
their construction the walls over which the ancient so-called * s Buddhist" roads on the Malakand
and Shahkoti Passes are carried in parts. Higher np in the defile the traces of this old road
seem to be lost. At- least I did not come across any on, the following day either on the track
chosen for the transport route or during my climb np the hillside to the north.
When returning to the camp it- was too late to examine closely the ruins which were point-
ed out to me as those of 'old Sanghau' on a spur about 1| miles to the east of tLe village;
Seen from below they appeared to consist of groups of solidly built old dwelling-places, such
as are found in great numbers covering the hillsides at various points of the Lower Swat
Valley. About half a mile further in a north-easterly direction old remains are said to exist
near a large spring, the water of which is now brought by a stone-conduit down to Sanghau
village. A great deal of ancient Buddhist sculpture has been extracted at various times from
ruined sites near Sanghau, but it is only of the excavations conducted for General Cunningham
tbat some account can be traced.
The night passed in camp at Sanghau, and thus yet within. British territory, brought some
"sniping " which was attributed by competent judges to 'loyal ' subjects of that neighbourhood .
On the afternoon of the following day the Tange Pass was taken after a prolonged artillery fire
and some fighting. While the Pafehans, Sikhs and Dogras of the XXth Regiment, Punjab
Infantry, climbed in splendid style the high peak commanding the pass on the west, the
Highland Light Infantry, West Kent and XXIst P. I. Regiments carried the naturally strong
position of the enemy in front. I watched the interesting engagement from the spur occupied by
the mountain, batteries in action and climbed np to the narrow rocky ridge which forms the pass,
as soon as it had been taken. From that commanding height, cire. S,8CO feet above the sea }
there opened a wide view over the western portion of Buner bounded in the direction of Uppez 1
Swat by Mounts Ilm and Dosirri.
Tange Pass. At a point where the crest forms a salient angle to the west, and about
300 yards from the saddle by which the mule-track crosses the pass, I noticed the remnant of
what was probably once a small fortification, in the form of a semi-circular platform built of
rough masonry. The outside wall supporting it was traceable for a length of 20 feet. The
tribesmen holding the pass had raised one of their main sangars on this very platform. TLe
leathering of standards I had noticed near this spot in the early part of the day showed that
it had been considered important and held in force also by the most recent defenders of
the pass* The heavy shell and shrapnell fire from the field and mountain batteries must
have made the place uncomfortable in the earlier part of the day.
The absence of other traces of old fortification on the ridge is easily accounted for
by its extreme narrowness r * the steepness of the cliffs on its western face. These cliffs
themselves would form a sufc, ~'-atly strong line of defence against any enemy not armed with
modern guns. On the Tange Pass there was thus neither room nor need for such extensive
fortifications as can still be traced in ruins of evidently ancient date on theJMalakand and
Shahkofe Passes.
Accompanying the troops of the 1st Brigade which I still found on the crest of the pass*
I reached by nightfall Kingargalai f a Buner village belonging to the Salarzai tribe, situated in
THE INDIAN AOTIQUAEY, [JANUARY, 1899.
tiie Yalley some two miles from tlie eastern foot of the pass. This small Yillaoe formed our
quarters tight enongli they were, considering that the village Lad to accommodate three
regiments of Infantry with a brigade staff, etc. for that night and the next two days. The
forcing of the pass had apparently put all thonght of open resistance to an end. This and
the neighbouring villages were found completely deserted, but Jirgas of the Salarzai and other
adjoining tribal sections were soon coming in to treat for tei ms. General Meiklejohn, Com-
manding the 1st Brigade, hence kindly allowed me to start already on the moining of 'the 8iL
.rannary with a small escort for the inspection of the extensive ruins plainly visible to the west
of Kingargalai on the spurs sloping down into the valley,
Bmns near Kingargalai. - The most conspicuous groups of ruins were found situated
on series of rocky ridges which jut oat, with a general direction from north to south, into the
valley leading to the north-west of Zingargalai towards the Nwedart Pass. They form thl
extreme ofishoots of spurs descending from the high peak to the west of the pass, which has
H ready bee* mentioned. The largest of these ridges, which also bears the most prominent of
tl.e rums, hes at a distance of about If miles from
All along the crest of the ridge and also for a short distance down its slopes are
md separate groups of mined buildings. They are erected either where Sma 1 et e l
4<ldB give sufficient space, or on walled-np terraces leaning against the hillside ThI ,
general plan and construction clearly prove them to be the remains of ancient dwe 3 t p la ee
the walls consist of solid masonry resembling closely in its constructor, *>,,* ? '
Avails of the Takht-i Bahi Vibaras and other ancient GandhlHu ns ouT M <
double T ow and are intended to adjust slight inequalities in the i of
territory of the old Gandhara and TJdyana It distn Jf ^ ^^S^iit the
from all structnres of modern origS S shoj ^^^t* & Vei '^ ark
; ,ud plaste, without any attempf at ^^Zl" 7 ^^^"^
thickness, can easily be pulled down with a few strokes of thf ! ' *** [
leave after a few years nothing but shapele Cheaps of lool ? 1 "* Whe "
walls on the other hand are of remarkable fimLss and h a t ^ " d "**' TIl
well, particularly w here an outer coatin^Tf l s tf . , ' ^ f tilno
atmospheric influence, T^^^^ 8 ^^^^^^ Hum
ruined site, of Lower Swat walls of this construct^ fi ffli t r f 1 "' f Und amon tll( -
. la some instances, too, such walls TouM T "" . rt ; ndu * to a he %^ of 30 ft nd
the modern fortifications erected at Malktd and Chafdt ' f Mdati n f
a
T ds near the rl l
of the rooms have been filled Dp to a great ezteS bv ' ," ? ^ ^ Th i
ana roofs. The portions of t ^ Whldl LaS falJe * from *
eze v ,
The portions of the walls stilstlndW ! ^ Whldl LaS falJe * from *le wulJs
PLAN OF RUINED BUILDING
NEAR
KINGARGALAI
SCALE OF FEET
JAHUABY, 1899.] ARCH.33QLOGICAL TOUE WITH THE BUN BE FIELD FORCE. 17
In the case of this building the original level of the central rooms marked A, 7*, C, D
seems to have been raised considerably above the ground, as their interior was found now
to be nearly 12 feet higher than the rock on which the walls aie based. As in the case of
similar structures examined in Swat, it is probable that the lower storey of this central pile was
built solid. The entrance into the upper storey containing dwelling rooms was through an
opening higher np in the wall which could be reached from outside only by means of a ladder*
This arrangement, which is clearly designed with a view to defence, is still actually observed
in the construction of most village watch-towers across the Afgban border*
That special regard was paid to considerations of safety in the case of most, if not all., the
structures bere described is evident from the very positions chosen for them. The rocky spurs
on which they are found have no other recommendation as bnild:ng sites except the facilities
they offer for defence by their steepness and comparative inaccessibility. The crests of the
ridges, which these buildings chiefly occupy, are nowhere ICFS than kbout SCO feet above the level
bottom of the valley. The inconvenience arising from this position in respect of the water-
supply, etc., is so great that only an important consideration like that of safety could compensate
for it. At the same time it deserves to be noted that these buildings are everywhere standing
at such a distance from each oilier that at a time, when firearms were unknown,, none could be
said to be commanded by its neighbour. It leeks as if the condition cf inter- iiilal fend and
rivalry which make each man of sabstance in the average trans-border village "watch hi?
neighbour as a likely foe, had already been realized in a far earlier period.
The position which these buildings occupy and the succession of terraces en which some of
them rise, give them from a distance more the appeaiance of small castles than of ordinary
dwelling places, They resemble in this respect closely the collections of fortified houses which
cover the hill-sides at numerous old sites of the Swat Yalley, like Land-aTee, HotkJiela, Katgala,
etc* As a distinctive feature, however, it must be mentioned that I have not conie across,
either among the ruins near Kingargalai or elsewhere in Buner, the semi-circular buttresses
which are found very commonly among the Swat ruins at the corners of such structures^ in
particular of isolated square towers.
To the west of the spur, which, amongst other ruins, bears that shown in Plan I, there runs
another smaller ridge, which, with its western scrap, faces the side valley of Mowcrcr. Along the
narrow neck of this ridge too there are numerous ruins of the above description. The ground-
plan of one amongst them which represents the simplest type and still shows a well-preserved.
entrance at some height above the ground, has been reproduced on Plate II. On the opposite
side of the Manora Nullah and further up on the hill-sides of the main valley towards the
JFawedand Pass* I could see other groups of ruined buildings. But the instructions given
to me as regards the limits of my explorations on this first day on Buner soil did not allow
me to proceed further in that direction.
Buins near Tango Pass, Moving then back to the east along the main hill-side, I passed
two more spurs rinning down into the valley nearer to Kingargalai. These were also found
to be covered with ruined buildings of the kind already described. Still further to the east
at the point where the main valley of Kingargalai is joined by the one leading to the foot of
the Tange Pass, there is a small low spur which has been used as an old building site* At its
very end and at a level of only about 50 feet above the flat bottom of the valley, I found the
ruin of which c. plan is given on Plate II below. Its peculiar feature is a platform of solid
masonry on which rises a small conical mound of rough stones set in layers. The height of
the mound is about 11 feet, including the base.
It appears probable that we have in this mound the remains of a small StTipa. Unlike
other mounds of this character met subsequently during my tour in Buner, it has escaped
being dug into by treasure-seekers. Adjoining the base to the east there are four rectangular
rooms of which the walls can yet clearly be traced. Their construction is exactly the saute as
IS
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JA^UABY, 1899.
that o the walls in the Buildings already described. On the floor of the two front rooms
there were signs shoeing that stones and earth had recently been displaced. The Pathan
sepoys of my escort, led by an instinct evidently due to experience, at once suspected a hiding
place By removing the topmost stones and then digging down with their bayonets they soon
opened two little wells sunk into the ground. They measured each about 5 feet square and
were lined with old masonry down to the solid rock. They were found filled with gram and
small household property which some neighbouring villagers had evidently deposited there
in anticipation of our invasion. There can be little doubt as to these wells having originally
been constructed for a similar purpose. Small underground store-rooms of this kind have
been found under the ruins of the Takht-i Bahi monastery and elsewhere.
On either side of the short valley running to the foot of the Tange Pass I noticed several
rained buildings perched high up on isolated cliffs and ridges. They appeared to be similar
to those already visited in the valleys towards Nawedand and Hanora. But the shortness of the
remaining daylight made their examination impossible. Considering the number and position
of all these ruined habitations, it seems evident that the site to the west of Kingargalai must
have been a place of some importance in pre-Muhammadan times. This is easily accounted
for by its position on the routes to the Tange and Nawedand Passes, which both represent
important lines of communication. The latter pass in particular, which from all accounts seems
comparatively easy for transports animals, opens a very convenient route to the valley of
Mzclarra in the west, From this again the Yusufzai plain to the south as well as the Shahkof ,
Chirat and ilora Passes leading into Lower Swat can be reached without difficulty. In tin's
connection I may mention that a coin of Ooemo Kadpliises (circ. 1st Century B. c.)> kindly
shown to me by the Chaplain attached to the Highland Light Infantry Regiment, was picked
up during the occupation of Kingargalai in a small cave on the hill-side lising behind the
village.
I was unable to ascertain the local name, if any, given by the present inhabitants to the
rains described* The whole population of the valley had fled on the day of the fight on the
Tange Pass, and was still keeping with such cattle as they had managed to save, on the top of
the high till ranges above the valley. It was evident that the occasion, which had thrown
Bnner temporarily open, was not the best for collecting local traditions regarding ruined sites
from the Pathan inhabitants. Comparatively new-comers to the country themselves and in
part migratory as they are, they were often, when got hold of, found unable to give more
information than that conveyed by the designation " Sapir bandar e" ("Kafir ruins"). This is
bestowed Indiscriminately on all kinds of ancient remains.
Ruins near Manser. On the following day, the 9th January, the troops of the 1st
Brigade still remained at Kingargalai, while the mule track across the pass was being improved
for the transport. I had first hoped to examine the valley further down as far as BampoJtha,
which the column marching across the Pirsai Pass was expected to reach that day. But a
subsequent order fixed the nearer village of Nanser as the limit of my reconnaissance. This
lies about two miles to the east of Kingargalai in a small side valley opening to the south-
west. Just opposite to the entrance of the latter the main road of the valley turns round the
foot of a very steep and rocky spur which trends from the range to the north. Having noticed
high up on this spur walls of ancient look, I climbed up to them and found, at a height of
about 500 feet above the valley, two oblong terraces. One is built of solid old masonry along
the back of the narrow ridge and extends for about 30 feet from north to south with a breadth
of 15 feet,
A short distance above, and connected with it by much decayed parallel walls, is a
larger walled-up terrace of remarkably massive masonry, placed, as it were, a cheval across the
ridge. It measures 45 feet from east to west and 20 from north to south. Its top where
nearest to the rocky base still rises to a height of 12 feet above it. There can be little doubt as
1899.] AECHJSOLOGIOAL T01JE WITH BUXER FIELD Ft)RCE. 19
to this structure having once served the purposes of defence. The position is admirably
adapted for this, being approachable only with difficulty over steep clifis and commanding an
extensive view up and down the valley. Small mounds found on the top of these terraces are
probably the remains of former superstructures, which being built of less solid materials have
decayed long ago. The soil between the rocks on the slopes below is covered with old pottery.
From this point I had noticed villagers, chiefly women and old men, descending from the
opposite heights to the houses of Xanser, evidently bent on removing property they had left
behind on their first flight. As I hoped to receive from them information as to old remains in
the neighbourhood, I descended and approached the village. The sight of my small escort
was, however, sufficient to canse a fresh stampede of the village folk. When at last after a great
deal of parleying some old men were induced to join me ? they could only point to a few ruined
walls on a hill to the south of the village.
One Spmgiro (* grey beard 5 ), however, knew of a ruined 4 gumbos 9 (dome, circular building)
to the west of Kingargalai* As this expression is invariably used by the Pushtu-speaking
population of the border for the designation of Stfipas, I did not hesitate to start back under
Ms guidance in the direction indicated. We had passed the ruins examined on the preceding
day and proceeded up the Mantra Eallah for nearly two miles further before I could ascertain
from my guide that the gumbaz he had previously referred to as quite near was in realitv
beyond the range which forms the watershed towards Bazdarra. To reach the spot and return
to camp the same evening was manifestly impracticable at the late hour of day. I was thus
reluctantly obliged to turn back to Kingargalai, richer only by an experience of the unreli-
ability of putative distances in the Buner hills. I had already before heard of the existence of
old ruins near Bazdarra, and wish that I may before long have an opportunity to visit that site
and other neighbouring localities to the south of the Shahkot and Mora Passes.
Juvur. On the 10th I accompanied the march of the greater portion of General
Meiklejohn's Brigade to Juvur 9 a large village to the north-east of Kingargalai and below
Mount Urn. The route led for the first four miles down the valley to Bampokha, where the
stream which conies from Kingargalai is met by the one flowing from the Pirsai Pass. Before
reaching Bampokha the road winds round the foot of a detached small ridge which is covered
with ruined buildings and terraces resembling those seen near Kingargalai. The short halt
made by the troops at Bampokha was not sufficient to allow of an inspection of these remains. A
short distance beyond Bampokha the route turns off to the north, and Mount Ilm conies promi-
nently into view. This fine peak, 9,200 feet above sea level, with its fir-clad slopes and rocky
summit, dominates the landscape in most parts of Western Buner and forms the boundary of
the latter towards Upper Swat, Subsequent enquiry showed that Mount Ilm as the site of
more than one Tirtha must have enjoyed a great sanctity in Hindu times. To the west of the
mountain is the Karakar Pass, the favourite route of communication between Buner and Swat*
In the valley which leads up to the pass lies the village of Juvur.
Here the population had not entirely fled, though all houses were appropriated for the
accommodation of the troops. I was thus able to collect some information as to old remains in
the vicinity. As the Brigade remained at Juvur I could utilize the following day (llth January)
freely for their inspection. An inscribed stone had been reported to me near the village of
Cliarrai, situated about two miles to the north-east. But on reaching the spot indicated, which
is at the foot of a rocky spur descending from Ilm and about one mile to the north-east of the
village, I found that the supposed inscription on a large isolated rock to the right of the path
consisted only of a series of cap-shaped holes, probably artificial. The spot is known as Laka
Tiga.
Returning thence to Charrai, I ascended the narrow gorge,, through which the stream of
Oharrai flows, to an open well- wooded glen known only by the somewhat general designation
of Tangai (* defile ; small valley'). Tangai, which is separated from the Juvur Valley by a low
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY
, 1899.
of the little
habitations.
near
, which enclose the glen
Their walls and tehees were
alai. This is in al probafe .h*
than those of the rnisa
wbich cove rs this site.
the mountains,
Bock sculptures near Juvur. - Ascending the spur in the centre of the amphitheatre
M on it a tripartite niched been cut out to a depth of 3* inches. It measures 6 feet
9 Lhes la length and 5 feet in height; its foot is about 5 feet above the ground. In the
centre of the niche is, well-carved relies figure of Siva, 4 feet inches l,ghshown,g the
d seated, with his left leg reaching below the seat and the left hand holding the club OB
either side of this central image is a smaller figure about 2 feet 9 inches high representing a
E od seated with crossed legs. The one on the proper left holds in the left hand a lotus on a
.talk, and evidently represents Vishnu. The figure on the proper right, which Las become
more eff aced, seems to sit on an open lotos and is probably intended for Brahman. All three
figures are surmounted by halos.
There can be no doubt as to these sculptures being anterior to theMuhammadan invasion ;
probably they are of a considerably earlier date. This may be concluded with good reason
from the boldness and good proportions still observable in the design of the relievos, notwith-
standing the decay which has overtaken the more exposed portions. To the damage caused
by atmospheric influences has been added some chipping done by mischievous hands apparently
not so very long ago. Treasure-seekers seem also to have recently been at work here as shown
by some small excavations at the foot of the rock. In view of the interest attaching to these
sculptures, I regret that no photograph could be obtained of them. They are approached only
by a narrow ledge some B feet broad, and the rock below them falls off with great steepness.
The carvings are thus visible only for one standing immediately before them or from some con-
siderable distance.
The purely Hindu character of these rock sculptures and of those subsequently examined at
BJiai near PadsAah is a point deserving special notice. It is an additional proof of the fact that
Buddhism, which from the exclusive reference made to it in our written records the accounts
of the Chinese pilgrims may be supposed to have been the predominant creed in the old
Udyana, was there as elsewhere in India closely associated with all popular features of the
Hindu religious system. This conclusion is fully supported by what other evidence is at
present available. Thus the coins struck by the rulers of these regions, from the times of
the later Kushans down to the last 'Hindu Shahiyas,' show an almost unbroken succession of
Hindu, and more particularly Saiva, devices.
Ascending from Tangai to a saddle in the spur to the west, I obtained a good view of the
KaraMr Pass and the valley leading up to it from Juvur, but did not notice any more ruins in
this direction. I then returned to the glen and proceeded to the small rocky hill known as Nil
Derai, which flanks the road from Tangai to Juvur on the east. I found it covered on the
south face with a series of ancient walls supporting terraces and with masses of debris which
evidently belonged to higher structures now completely decayed. These walls stretch up to
the very top of the hill which forms a small pkteau of irregular shape about 85 yards
long from east to west and in the middle about 20 yards broad* All round the top founda-
tions of old walls could be traced, by means of which the available space had been enlarged,
JAHUAEY, 1899.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOUR WITH THE BUNER FIELD FOBOE. 21
and perhaps also fortified. Similar remains are said to exist on the slopes of the higher hill
known as Qkund, which faces Nil Derai on the western side of the defile leading to Tangai*
On the following day, the 1 2th January, General ileiklejohn's column marched from
Juvur to Tnrsak "by the shortest route which lies in the valley drained by the Charrai stream.
As my information did not point to the existence of old remains in this direction, I obtained
permission and the necessary escort to procetd to Tursak independently by a more circuitous
route. This was to enable me to visit the ruins which had been reported to me near Girarai^
and to see the portion of the main valley of Boner between Bampokha and Tursak.
Girarai* Girarai I found to be situated about 5 miles to the south-west of Jnvnr in a
broad open valley which leads to the Girarai and Banjir Passes In the west. About half way
I noticed rnins similar in appearance to those of Kingargalai on a detached spur of the hill
range to the north of the valley. I could not spare time for their inspection. The locality is
known as Baklita,* In Girarai itself, which is a village of some sixty houses, the only ancient
remain I could trace, was a fine ornamented slab built into tie noith wall of the & Sura MasjicL*
Its lotus ornament shows in design and execution cloj-s affinity to the decorative motives of
Gandhara sculptures. Though it was evident that this slab had been obtained from some
ancient structure In the neighbourhood, my enquiries failed to elicit any indication of its
place of origin. The villagers' plea In explanation of their ignorance on this point was that
they had coine to the place only sis years ago when the last redistribution of villages had
taken place among the Salarzai clan* The cnstom here referred to of redistributing at fixed
periods the village sites and lands amongst the various sections of a clan by drawing lots, prevails,
In fact, all through Buner. It might in itself account to a great extent for the scantiness of local
traditions.
There was, however, less difficulty in tracing the ruins about which I bad heard at Jnvur,
They were found to be situated at a place known, as All Khan Hot (' All E7tan'$ huts'), about
1| miles to the west of Girarai. Like the village Itself, they He at the foot of the hill range, which,
divides the valleys of Girarai and Kingargalai. Conspicuous ruins of buildings and terraces,
all constructed of ancient masonry, cover the several small spurs which descend here Into the
valley. The best preserved are on a spur flanking from the west the approach to the gorge
through which the direct route to Eingargalai leads*
At the eastern foot of this spur Is a narrow tongue of high and fairly level ground,
stretching between the bed of the Girarai stream and the entrance of the above-named gorge.
On this strip of ground I came upon several circular mounds which are undoubtedly the ruins
of Stupas. The one in the centre still rises to a height of about 20 feet above the ground-level
It has been dug Into apparently some time ago by treasure-seekers. The excavation they
effected shews the solid, though rough, masonry of which the mound Is built. Around it are
remains of walls indicating, perhaps, an enclosing quadrangular court. The wall facing west
can be traced for a length of 42 feet, that to the north for 40 feet. About 20 yards to the
south-west from this Stupa is another still larger mound thickly overgrown with jungle. It
reaches to a height of about 25 feet and has evidently not been disturbed. The remaining
portion of the level ground to the east Is strewn with small mounds, some of which In all
probability mark the site of votive Stupas of modest dimensions. Regarding a probable identi-
fication of this site, I must refer to the explanations given below In Section II of this Report.
After returning from AH Khan Kote and Girarai, I marched along the well-cultivated
ground at the northern foot of the hills which separate Girarai and Eampckha. About one
mile to the east of Girarai I noticed traces of old walls, much decayed and overgrown by
jungle, on a fiat terrace-like plot o* 1 ground projecting from the hill-side. They seemed
to belong to a large square enclosure with a siupa-Eke mound In the centre. After crossing the
broad valley in -which the stream coming from the western slopes of Mount Ilm flows down
towards Bampokha, I struck the road which leads in the valley of the Barandu River from
TSE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JANUARY, 1895.
Bampukfaa down to Torsak. The dry alluvial plateaus passed along the left Umk ol the river,
tie bold and fairly well-wooded ranges to the right towaids the. Pirsai and Malandn Passes,
and the fine view of snowy mountains far off in the Jndns direction, they all lemmded me
forcibly of scenery I had seen in Kashmir.
3?ursak. Close to the north of the road and at a distance o about 2| miles from Tursak,
1 found a large square mound rising to about 13 feet above the grcnnd. TLe late lu-ur of the
day at which this site was reached peimitted only a rapid examination. It showed that
tie whole mound was artificial, constructed of rough layers of stone, with masses of debris,
apparently from fallen walls, over them. The corners of the mound lie in the direction of the
cardinal points. The north-ehst face, which was more clearly traceable, measured on the top
about 100 feet. At the south corner aie the remains of a small circular mound wliicli evident-
ly was once a Stiipa. To the south of the latter again, and outside the square, liscs another
circular mound about 18 feet high, which seems to have been connected with the quadrangular
terrace by means of a narrow platform. The pobition of tlese mounds is tuch ihat the stiuc-
tares marked by them must have been when intact conspicuous objects far up and down the valley.
The obligation of arriving in camp before nightfall forced me to leave these interesting remains
far too soon. I had hoped that it would become possible to revisit them subsequently from
Tursak* In this, however, I was disappointed. It was dark before I reached the camp pitched
outside Tursak.
On the following morning (33th January) a column composed of half the Brigade inarched
from Tursak to the valley of Padshah, in the north. As this move appeared to offer an oppor-
tunity for approaching localities on Mount Urn from which Major Deane's agents had
previously procured impressions of inscriptions, I decided to accompany it. Before starting
I paid a visit to Tursak village with a view to tracing there the original of the small inscription
which I had published from a cloth impression as BTo. 27 in my paper on Major Deane's
inscriptions. 1 The note which accompanied this impression described it as taken from " an
Inscription, on a stone in the wall of the house of a Mulla, Tursak in Buner. It is said to have
been taken, originally from some old ruins with other stones for building purposes,"
On entering the village I soon realized the peculiar difficulties with which the search for
detached inscriptions in Buner has proved to be attended. Neither of the two guides, with
whom Major Deane's kind forethought had provided me, knew anything as regards this
inscription. I was thus forced to fall back upon enquiries among the few inhabitants who had
not deserted their homesteads. None of them could, or would, give information as to the
particular MuIlS's house the walls of which must be supposed to contain this little epigmphical
relic. Tursak is a very large village, in fact the biggest in Buner, and boasts among its
population of not less than twelve Mullas. It was with difficulty that I got half a dozen of
these Mullas* houses pointed out to me. But the search which I made in succession in these
deserted dwellings proved fruitless, and from the beginning offered little promise.
The walls in the houses examined, like those in most villages or dwellings in Buner, are
built of rubble and are covered in large portions with rough plaster. In seveial of the houses
there was a number o rooms and sheds ranged behind the entrance court-yard, indicative of the
comparative ease of the owners. This meant a considerable addition to the extent of the wall
surface calling for examination. In order to secure a reasonable chance of discovering here a
small stone, the exposed surface of which, as shown by the impression, does not measure more
than 8 by 6 mches, it would have been necessary to scrape the walls of the plaster wherever it
seemed recent and to devote altogether to this search far more time than actual conditions
permitted. The cursory inspection of half a dozen houses and the repeated attempts to elicit
mformahonfrom such inhabitants as the sepoys of my escort managed to get hold of, had
r *= than an hour when I turned at last my back on the lonely alleys of
to start on the march towards Padshah. J
1 See Journal of iheAsiatic Society of Bengal, 1898, Part I., page 4.
JANUABY, 1809, j ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOUR WITH THE BUNER FIELD POECB. 23
Padshah. The route leads fiist to the north ihrorgh an open feitlle valley, which is
watered by the stream conuY.g fit in Charrai. Skirting the foot of the high Jaar till, the
road then turns to the north-east and ascends a low watershed near the tillage of Burjo
Khana. Here an extensive view opened embracing the gieattr j art of the fire bic*d valley of
Padshah and the whole of the high mountain lange to tie noith, between tht ptdks o! Ilm and
Dosirri. The streams \ihich drain this Coition of the lange on the south unite close to the
village of Padshah, which tbus by its very position is marked as a place of importance. It Is
the site of the holiest Mulmn.madan shiiue in Sneer, the Ziaiat of Plr Baba Sahib; It had
on this account been singled out for a visit by Geneial Weiklejohn's column. I tad canght up
the latter near Burjo Khina and rc.de ahead with Its advance guaid of Guides Cavalry to close
Padshah vi!lage ? which was reach td after a march of about 9 miles from Tursak.
The large Jirgas of the Cadazai trite, which soon made their appearance before the
Political Officer, showed that, not withstanding i amours to the cc ntiaiy, leslsiance was not
to be expected at this sacred spot either. The tioops were accordingly ordered to halt at Bhat t
about two miles before Padshah, and to return to the main valley below Tuisak on the day
following. These dispositions made it clear to me that my chance of approaching the localities
on Mount Ilm, which had yielded the inscriptions already referred to, would be limited to the
few remaining hours of the clay. I was, therefore, ^lad to obtain permission to join in the
reconnaissance which Captain Todd, Assistant Field Intelligence Officer, with a mounted escort
was pushing towards the Jowarai Pass to the north-west of Padshah*
At Lagarpur, the first village reached, I was able to obtain accurate Information as to the
position of Miangam, where two of Major Deane's inscriptions, published by me in the Bengal
Asiatic Society's Journal (Part I., 1898, Nos. 29 and 30), had been obtained. It Is described as
a small Tillage occupied by Zlians or Saiyids who have given ifc its name. It is situated on a
shoulder of the great spur which inns down from Ilm Peak in a south-easterly direction. The
designation Ilm-o-Htanz (* Centre of Ilm *) which Is used in the notes of Major Deane's agents
Indifferently with Miangam for the place of origin of these inscriptions, does not seem to be known
as a local term. Ifc describes, however, accurately enough the situation of the place. As all my
Informants agreed in speaking of Miangam as covered with snow at the time, it must evidently
He at a considerable altitude.
Bislranai, A rough ride of about two miles over a very stony road along the stream
which flows from the Jowarai Pass brought us close to the village of BislunaL I had been
particularly anxious to reach the latter, as four of the most characteristic inscriptions of the
Buner type, of which impressions have been, secured by Major Deane, are described as having
been found on stones in the vicinity of this village. They have been published as ISTos. 2-5 in
M, Senart's " Notes d y Ej^igrapMe Indienne^ Fascic, Y. 2
Having reached so near to the desired point s I felt all the more disappointed when
I found that I should have to tuin lack again without being able to explore it. The
escort of Guides Cavalry accompanying Captain Todd was under orders to rejoin their
squadron at Bhai in time to allow the latter to return to Tnrsak the same evening. The
time, which remained after the hurried ride up the valley, would barely allow of the ten minutes
halt on the road which was required by Captain Todd to sketch the main topographical
features of the Pass in front of us. A visit to Bishunai village, which lies a short distance off
the road to the north, could under these circumstances not be thought of, still less a search
for the inscriptions referred to. For the disappointment thus experienced, the fine view which
opened from this point could scarcely afford me compensation. The valley which leads up to
the watershed towards Upper Swat, being flanked by snow-covered spurs from Ilm and Dosirri
and well-wooded in its higher portion, bore quite an alpine character.
* See " Les recentes d^convertes du Major Dearie,' 3 Journal asvati$we, 1894.
24 THE INDIAN AOTIQUABY, [JAKTTARY, 1899.
Betnrning to Padshah as fast as the tired horses could bear us, we passed close to the
Kiirat of Hr Baba Sahib, hidden in a luxuriant grove of Chinars, pines and other trees. A
general order previonsly issued prohibited us, like other unbelievers, from entering tins the most
famous Muhammadan shrine of Buner. But the accounts subsequently given to me by those
who were allowed to pay their respects to the buried saint, showed that tho shrine erected at
liis resting place can lay claim neither to architectural interest nor antiquity,
The Ziarat occupies a spot close to the confluence of the streams which come from the
Jowarai Pass and the south-western slopes of Dosin-i, respectively. The ample water-supply
they secure accounts for the evident fertility of the Padshah Valley, Both above and below the
village stretch broad terraces of well-irrigated rice fields. The well-to-do condition of the
place is indicated by the respectable number of Hindu traders (Khattrls) settled there. Two of
these men had not fled and were induced to accompany me to the camp at Ehai. I wa s
able to obtain from them curious information regarding the condition of the Buner Hindus
and the sacred sites or Tirthas visited by them in the neighbourhood.
Tixtkas on JLm. Prom evidence which I hope to discuss elsewhere, it appears that the
Hindu Barnas, resident in Swat and BunSr, represent the trading castes of the old Hindu popula
iion which had remained in these valleys after the Pafchan invasion. Neither they themselves
nor their Afghan masters know of any tradition indicating a later immigration from India
proper. It is evident that the same reasons which enable these families of Hindu traders at the
present day to maintain themselves and their religion amongst the fanatical tribesmen are
sufficient also to account for their original sarvi vaL In view of this circumstance it may safely
I^SS a f T ,f eS t0 ^*"Pa*^ of the Buner Hindus are nowdf,
mark Iirthas of considerable antiquity. ^*,
s ^
^
-
ctowatoBlaimtheBaranduValWwTl, j- I PS W6re * march next Corning
tie information oollceSt 2S "ot to JT ^ ^f" 8 ^^ the PWsllih ^' ^
direction, I obtained per^n to rell n T^ "T "^ "^ tO be f Und in this
Camp at Turaak, the" neigTbonrLod of whL" ?f ff ^ ** Divisi nal H ^-Q ar ter S
Before, hoover, starting on tne ^ tol to Tu "l T" ^ ab ! e * exami - V***,.
- *
an Ration of cir , 20
the hillside. They are nated Z.T T* * & M W tm ' ace wLicsL J llls out from
now as solid mounds S^'?. 1 ""***** ^ f J ^i and
to the so ,tn of the
JANUAET, 1899.1 ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOUR WITH BURNER FIELD FORGE 25
considerably greater, as the top appeal's now artificially levelled. About one hundred yards
further to the west rises another small Stfipa. Its comical top is comparatively well preserved
smd shows clearly on its west face the consecutive courses of masonry. Tlie base can no
longer be traced distinctly on the hillside. The total height of the mound I estimated at
about 35 feet. Traces of old walls and terraces are still visible near these Stfipas.
After climbing some 300 feet higher by a rough path along the steep cliffs 1 was taken
by my Gtijar guides from Bhai to a large overhanging mass of rock. This forms on the -west
a kind of grotto, which seems to have been artificial!}' enlarged. Inside this and on the inner
face of the rock, I found a much-effaced group of relievos, representing- a seated Hindu deity in
the middle, with a smaller seated figure on either side. The total breadth of the relievo group
is about 5 feet, and the height of the central figure a little over 3 feet. To the right of this
group there are two smaller images carved from the rock, each about one foot in height. As all
these relievos have suffered considerably owing to the friable nature of the stone, I could not
trace with any certainty the deities they are intended to represent. In general style and treat-
ment these relievos seemed to approach closely to the rock sculptures of Charrai described above,
Environs ofTursals,. After visiting these remains I marched back by the previous route
to Tursak, which I reached in the afternoon. Having* obtained a mounted escort in General
Blood's Camp I then started for a rapid examination of the neighbourhood. The position whkli
Tnrsak occupies shows great natural advantages. The main valley of Bnner opens there first to
greater width and is crossed at this point by a series of convenient routes which connect Upper
Swat with ranch-frequented passes leading down to the Eustaro Valley. It is evidently due to
this favourable position that Tursak is now the largest place in Bnner. The same considerations
seemed to indicate that the site was of importance already in earlier times. I was, therefore,
not surprised to find that even a cursory inspection of the neighbourhood acquainted me with
ample evidence of ancient occupation.
In the first place my attention was attracted by a series of strongly-built ancient dwelling
places visible on the crests and slopes of the rocky spurs of Jaffor hill which overlook Tnrsak
on the north-east. They appeared in form and construction to resemble closely the "fortified
bnildings examined near Kingargalai, Juvnr, etc. But as they are situated at a considerably
greater height above the valley than at the last named localities,, I was unable to spare the time
necessary for their examination. Restricting my search to the valley stretching east and south
of Tnrsak, I first visited the village of Anraj)&r, situated on the southern bank of the Barandn
River about two miles below Tnrsak. From there the fertile and well-wooded valley conld be
overlooked as far down as Dagar.
Sttipa of GumbataL Guided by information obtained at this village, I reerossed then
to the left bank of the river and came at the very foot of Jaffar hill, where two projecting spurs
form a kind of rock amphitheatre, upon a large ruined site with a Stfipa and remains of a
monastery. The former accounts for the name Gtambatai, by which the spot is known, Gumbat
(or Qwnbaz) being the ordinary designation among Afghans of any mined building of circular
.shape, whether a Stupa, temple or vaulted tomb. The extent of the ruins and their situation
only a few hundred yards off the main road, which leads from Tursak to Blai and down the
valley, showed clearly the importance of these remains. I accordingly determined after a
rapid survey to utilize the following day for their exploration. I returned by nightfall to
Tursak, which proved to be only about if miles distant to the north-west by the direct road.
General SIR BINDON BLOOD, to whom I made a report regarding these interesting remains,
very kindly agreed to my request and allowed me to employ a small detachment of Sappers on
trial excavations at this site. Accordingly on the following morning (January 15th), when the
Tursak Camp was broken up and the troops moved off to Dagar and Rcga, I proceeded with
a small party from the 5th Company, Bengal Sappers and Miners, which the Officer Com-
manding Royal Engineers pould spare from road-making work, to the Bite of Gumbatai.
2g THE INDIAN AOTIQCJAIIT, [JANUARY, 1999,
The ruins as shown in the site plan on Plate Ko. Ill occupy a broad open glen at tlie
foot of the Jaffar hill, enclosed in a semi-circle by rocky ridges. The remains
DOW visible above ground form two distinct groups. The larger one lies on a small terrace-lite
plain at the very entrance of the glen, raised about 50 feet above the level of the river banks*
TLe second group, about 100 feet higher up, is built on the hillside to the north, where the
steep slope is broken by a small projecting spur,
At the east end of the lower group rises a ruined Stupa which in its present state of
destruction forms a mound of roughly circular shape, about 55 feet in diameter at its present base
and eirc. 30 feet high. The level ground immediately adjoining the Stupa monnd in the west
i* flanked on the north and south sides by two thick walls, 60 feet long, which form a kind of
conrfc (marked A ; see detailed plan, Plate IF). Attached to the west end of each -wall is a small
circular structure containing a ronnd chamber of 14 feet diameter. Little is left above ground
of the walls of these round structures. But from their position and six it can be assumed with
great probability that they were intended like the corresponding round chambers in the ruined
monasteries of Guniar (Lower fc>wat), Takht-i Bahi, etc., to serve as chapels for the reception of
more important images.
The two walls referred to extend on the east only up to a line which would pass through
the centre of the Stupa. There are no traces of any walls or buildings to the east of the Stupa,
i:or of any other structure which could have served to close the Court A on this side. The
opposite or west side of Court A is formed by the enclosing wall of a great quadrangular court
(shown as B in plan), which almost joins it, the distance between this wall and the circular
chapels mentioned being only 15 feet. This court, which is approached by a gate 15 feet broad,
evidently sighted on the Stiipa, is remarkable for its size and the massive construction of its
walls. It forms nearly a square measuring inside 135 feet in width and 136 feet in length.
The walls now traceable above the ground show strangely enough a striking difference in
thickness. TThereas they are only 4 feet thick on the north and west side, they measure fully
16 feet in the south and 15 feet in the east. It is probable that tins difference must be
explained by the thicker walls having been built for the purpose of providing room for small
cells, such as are found around the courtyards of several of the Gandhara monasteries and of
most of the great Kashmir temples. As the walls inside reach nowhere higher than 4 to 5 feet
nbove the present level of the court, and as the latter has clearly been filled up to a considerable
height; by the accumulation of debris, the point could be definitely settled only by excavations.
As evidence probably pointing in this direction it maybe mentioned that whereas the
outside faces of the south and east walls can yet be traced quite clearly rising in many places
to 6 or 7 feet above the outside ground level, this is possible only at a few spots in the case of
the inside faces. The difference is likely to be due to the greater decay to which the construc-
tion of hollow spaces like the supposed cells would have exposed the portions of the walls
lacing ; inside. The construction of the walls throughout was found to resemble closely that
described above m connection with the Kingargalai ruins. But the size of the stones used was
un the whole larger.
east enclosing walls They may have seryed to form a separate small chapol-court or dwelli^.
plaee. A sznular but smaller structure can be traced near the south-west corner of theTon^ -
Aout 60 fTeTr ^^ ^ ^^ ^^ UP ^ ^ ill8ide Sh WS in fr nt a wal 'ed-u P terrace,
""
the position of aiittle
1899.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOUB WITH THE BURNER FIELD FORCE 27
Excavation at Giratbatai After making a general survey of the remains here briefly
described, I turned my attention to the Sfcupa monad. This, notwithstanding the state of titter
dilapidation to which it has been reduced, still reaches to a height of about 30 feet above the
present ground-level. The mass of rough masonry of which the Stupa was constructed lias
evidently been used since a long time as a convenient quarry. On the north face regular
courses of large blocks could still be clearly distinguished ; the other sides of the mounds are
hidden by large masses of debris. Eo clear idea could thus be formed of the original shape o
the upper portion of the Stupa.
The centre of the mound has been dug into from above to a depth of about 10 feet.
Judging from the comparatively thin growth of jaagl on the south face where most of tLe
materials then extracted had been thrown down, the digging could not have been done many
years ago. The treasure-seekers, who were then at work here, had evidently not carried their
labours deep enough to touch the main deposit of relics which from the analogy of other
Stupas may be supposed to be placed on or below the level of the base.
In order to obtain some indications as to the position of the Stupa base and the depth of
the original ground level in the court, I had trial trenches opened by the small party of Sappers,
both at the west entrance of Court A and at the foot of the Stupa mound to the west. At the
latter place the Sappers after working through about 3 feet of debris came upon a solid block
of closely grained stucco which when cleared was seen to mark the corner of a square platform.
The exact spot at which this corner was struck is marked by c on the plan. The block forms a
square of 9 inches, with a height of IS inches. It is ornamented on two sides which were
found to face nearly due west and sonth. That this was the original position of the block was
made evident by a stone base unearthed below it which showed exactly the same bearings.
The little stucco pilaster is ornamented at its foot by a series of mouldings* These project
about 1 inch beyond the flat middle portion of the block which is about 4 inches high. The
top part, about 5 inches high, also projects and shows a kind of egg and dart ornament in bold
relievo and in two rows divided by a narrow band. The stone base below the stucco-block
could be cleared only to a depth of about 10 inches. Its top forms a square of 1| feet, and is
decorated on the sides facing west and south by a bold cornice projecting in several well-carved
mouldings to a total breadth of about 5 inches. Continuing the excavation to the east of this
corner and towards the Stupa for a distance of about 5 feet a masonry wall was laid
bare running Hush with the south face of the stucco-pilaster and its base. Fragments of stucco
were found sticking to the joints of the masonry courses. It may thus be concluded that this
wall was decorated similarly to the above described corner.
From the position occupied by this wall, as shown on the plan, it will be clear that it could
not have formed part of a square basement of the whole Sfcupa. It is more likely to have belong-
ed to some platform raised by the side of the Stupa and possibly on the basement of the latter.
Such a platform might by the analogy of the examples presented in the ruins of Takht-i Bahi,
Jamalgarhi aBd other Gandhara monastaries (see Arch. Survey Reports, V. t pi. vi, xiv) be con-
jectured to have served either for the placing of images or a small votive Stupa. In support
of this conclusion reference may also be made to the comparatively high level at which this
stuccoed wall was unearthed. Near the west entrance of the court the present ground level
seemed lower than at the foot of the mound. Yet a trial trench carried down to a depth of fully
five feet, failed to reach there the original floor of the court. The accumulation of debris must
be supposed to have been even greater immediately round the Stupa, There is thus reason to
assume that the real base of the Stupa is yet buried at some depth below the platform brought
to light. This will also explain why the ornamented stucco-pilaster remained the only piece of
sculptured work unearthed during this brief excavation.
Elal I regret all the more the very limited extent of the excavations made, as the expla-
nations given below, (see Part II.) will show that these ruins may be identified with, great pro-
28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
1899.
bability with a sacred site of considerable fame described by iho OhineHo pilgrims. The 9
detachment had orders to follow at no great distance the rear guard of the column wk* ]
moving down the valley to Dagar. The men wore accordingly obli^oA to atop digging ,, r j ^
the afternoon. I myself left Gumbatai some hours later after completing tlicTni'vev on-]**
ruins, in order to rejoin General Meiklejolm's Camp at Ko#a. 1 first inarched in the *
plain by the left bank of the Barandu River to a point about two miles lower down the
From there the village of Elm, picturesquely situated in tho an# le torment by iho Uaraiul
Padshah rivers, could clearly be seen. From the hillside above l<31ai aomo small inserib I
stones, now in the Lahore Museum, have been picked up by Major Deane's nwni* An ^-^
> JT ,' t i / i T * ' *J t*^^uia. JOLCCOruUlo 1
to the mtormation supplied to him thero were no ruins near. The distinct view of the 1 *li
slopes with which I had to content myself, also failed to show mo any ruined building "
gTouncJ, *
I then crossed to the right river bank and followed a track lomln^ over au arid
plateau to a point about two miles distant from Blai where the river pusses thrush <,
ably narrow gorge of sandstone rocks known as the Surwal Khnmlw. A short '
f vll,y kn
nawow
dolllti
a* P
f V * TI r
of h,gh halls hnzBg here the south or right bank of the Barandu Hive,-.
the
of
,
Thugh the
-
H
site of the Zi?2 aS Ltt ^ ^T" t0 '^ ld ^^ 01UJK>riwni 1Uttrkoi! ^ *e
CWa^^
the difficult defii ttvi f n / I >Htow<l on <!, couKl-mcUon of
easUy accosted tor dmWt MM ^ hlui ^ '> ruutoB to the
at the
a road
north, is
village had been
out
o
the
sin Lower Swat, the siege
early moraillg of tie 16 |'
were Mown Bp and b|Mfl
-e in the vicinity .of
one of hie agents. A 8 this agent (Sh
in findipg the ruins referred tp
cBtabliKhed there. The
^ the lu.no of the
mittodiftto of J !tH t SBnnner's ritog
t. that followed. After asHi.sti.g in the
^ 3P<tt ' Tll ' H Lou a d '^" which
f ^ Mttiont JlunMU -Ttd to
, ^'^y ***** <* tliom through
* 7 Accompanied me, I had no diffieultjr
(To be contintuHl.)
TOMBS.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
Wel1
bout fifteen years ag o
, , . ,
of o rt Wagpur, at which wishes
t1w Wyrsl PP-a were Buppoaed to be granted.
M. N.
, 1890.] NOTES ON THE TAMIL ANTHOLOGY OF ANOIEOT SONGS, 29
3JOTES ON THE TAMIL ANTHOLOGY OF ANCIENT SONGS, ENTITLED
PDBRA-NANNURRU.
BY G. U. POPE, M.A-, D.D., BALLIOI* COLLEGE AKD INDIAH INSTITUTE, OXFORD.
I. EI6-Pdruni-CdraD f and the Poets, Pottiy&r and Piciraa-tkaiyar*
HE renowned king, Kd-Perum-Cdran, 1 whose capital was Urraiy-Ht, 2 after a reign diversified
X by the rebellion of his two sons, renounced his kingdom, went * to the north 9 (the banks of
the Ganges ?), as an ascetic, and died there. His most intimate Jr lends, Pottiyto and Pieirtotliaiyllr f
eventually shared his hermit cell, aad all three after death were commemorated by stones placed side
by side over their urns.
The poet KagQ&ganftr (of whom nothing else is recordeJ) s visiting this spot, sang ssfollows
218) :
* Bed gold, aad coral, pearls, and rare
Gems the mighty mountains bare,
Remote their homes in sea or mine,
If once the precious things combine,
And men in costly shapes entwine,
Henceforth in blended beauty one they shine.
So worthy men with worthy side by side
Remain ; the worthless with the worthless &fde*
The history of these three, who were so diverse in many ways, though inseparable in life and
death, as traced in P. N. MT., is the favourite Tamil illustration of faithful friendship* (See Pope's
Kurral, Oh, 79.) In Naladi also Oh. 21-24, many exqu'site thoughts on friendship are to be found.
When this king was at strife with his sons, a poet called Eyittiyan&r addressed a lyric "to him
213) in which he said :
* O king, whose white umbrella shines respondent, and whose mighty power subdues thy foes !
In this.world crowned with flowers, and begirt with the swelling sea, the two, who owe their birth to
thee, cannot be any of thine ancient enemies ; nor, though ye are now opposed, can they ever really
egard thee as an eaerny to them 1 When, full of glory, you at length leave this world, and rise to the
world of the exalted ones, whose must be the heritage you leave behind ? This thou fcnowest well, so
give ear to me, thou who art of illustrious fame ! If these your sons, mis'ed, array themselves
against you, and you conquer them, to whom will you betjueath the wealth you leave behind ? If they
should overcome you, you but incur disgrace, and your enemies will triumph. Cease thea this strife.
Let not your lofty mind be bewildered, but prepare for them the feast ia which the Immortals shall
rejoicing share.' -(Ktirral^ 86.)
It seems that this sensible expostulation was successful, and peacefwas restored.
The old king himself has left some specimens of his poetical genius. The following is said to
have beeA compose! after he had resigned his kingdom, aad gone * to the north ' (214) ;
* They who have not assured their minds
By the vision 3 undoubting, pure, that aye endures,
Say not, fi shall we do good deeds or shall we not/
"Who hunts an "elephant may gain an elephant ;
Who hunts a quail, may come back with empty hand,
Therefore if men have lofty aspirations,
They must carry them out in successful deeds, and so gain
Enjoyment of the world beyond the reach of sense,
i K& king. Perum = greai Qoran s=s ' Lord of the Cora, or Chola kingdom.*
* O Warrior, near Tyieliimopoly*
8m K. CK 36. K&M is T'a greai word, aad really =
30
THE INDIAN 'ANTIQUARY. [FFJBBTTABY, 1899.
Should this not be theirs, in some future birth they may win release,
And if there be no future birth, yet to found
Their fame on earth like Himalaya's lofty peak,
And to pass away with body unstained by evil,
Is surely asceticism's highest gain. '
Ptofatothaiyteoanrc from the village of Picar, near Madura ; and so was not a subject of the
king to* whom he was so much attached. The name seems to have been given to him jocosely by the
king as dn&ai means 'owl ; ' so the sobriquet was equal to the owl of Picir, which may have been
a sly' hit at his verses. Pottiyar, on the other hand, seems to have lived at his friend <uid patron's
capital The name (if it be not a mere bye-name) signifies < he of the hollow tree, ' and the merry
hearted king made a joke on this also, as we shall see. When K&-Penrai~g6van went to the north,
his two friends went with him, but the king sent Pottiyar home, bidding him remain there till he had
a son born to him, after which a place should be found for him in the retreat. He did not return,
it seems, till after the king's death. All this is necessary to be kept in mind in reading the lyrics.
Pieir&atbMyar, who was a true optimist, was once asked why, though old, he was not grey or
deerepid*; his reply is curious (191) :
My years are many, yet my locks not grey ;
You ask the reason why, 'tis simply this :
I have a worthy wife, and children too ;
My servants move obedient to ray will ;
My king does me no evil, aye protects ;
To crown the whole around me dwell
Good men and true, of chastened souls with knowledge filled,
At another time he was asked, Who is your so much beloved king ? and replied :
(212) The Merry Monarch,
If you ask us * who is your king ' ? Our king is He who
To the labourers gives strong palm wine strained and mellow,
And with the fat of turtle satiates their desire,
And fills their mouths with lampreys' rich roast flesh,
They leave short toil for feast ; the fea&t prolong !
In that good fertile land the minstrels with their kin
Find our king the foe of want and hunger's pangs.
He is the lord of K6p, the mighty Cd^a king.
He loves converse with Potti, whose friendship knows no flaw, 1 *
All the day long he laughs with heart right glad 1
Had the bard of the miadi heard this song ? Assuredly in 137 he echoes its sentiment.
It seems that when the king was in his final retreat Pi 9 iranthaiyar did not join him at once
and the ascetics around said : ' He will not come. Men do not remember their friends and benefactors
when they are no longer able to help them. ' To this the king replied in two short songs, in which
he says (215, 216) :
* Though he belongs to Picir in the PAndiyan's land, he stood by me in the time of wealth, will
he not staad by me in my time of grief ? '
^ * ye of excellence fulfilled, he was ever full of pleasant qualities and ne'er despised me ; he was
Wh t ^ ^ !rieadsllip ' s closest ties - He Qera Alighted in falsehood that withers men's glory.
Wfcen be spoke of me to others he was wont to call me, by virtue of his intimacy, the silly 06ran.
Inmy time of grief he will not fail to come. Forthwith he will be here. Prepare his place by mine;
hollow
'Kurra}, Ch. 81 and Oh. 45.
FSBETTABT, 1899.] NOTES OX THE TAMIL ANTHOLOGY OF AXCIEXT SONGS. SI
Tills is another of his songs In praise of his Hug (67) ;
lordly male-swan ! lordly male-swan !
Like the bright face of the king, who after gaining the victory, and slayiny his ioes 3
Is gracious to his own land, rises the moon, two parts dark s and two parts light,
So shines he in the evening hour, while we are troubled in our wanton idleness,
Thou, having fed upon the grain that grows by the ford of Ktzmari's stream,
Goest northward to Himalaya's mount.
Happy in thy flight ihou mayest linger in the !6ra Land ?
And with thy dear one znayest alight on the upper balcony of stately home of Urraiy&r.
Stay not to ask the warder's leave, unhindered eater the palace ; and when the great
king Kill! asks who thon art,
Say only, ' I come from neath the feet of Antfaal of the great town of Pieir s |
And forthwith he will give thee rich jewels, that shall delight the heart of her the
noble love.
Against Arbitrary Taxation,
The following is one or the very few songs of Picir&ntliaiy&r no^ connected with K6~Peram-
^oran. There was a young prince, called the learned 3?&$.diyan Nambi, who was of the Madura
dynasty, and renowned for his learning ; but, it might seem, rather disposed to be tyrannical in
government. It runs as follows (184) ;
4 If an elephant take mouthfuls of ripe grain cut for it,
The twentieth part of an acre will yield It food for many days ;
But if it enter a hundred fertile fields, with no keeper,
Its foot will trample down much more than its mouth receives.
So if a wise king, who knows the path of right take just his due,
His land will prosper, yielding myriadfold.
But, if the king, not softened by his knowledge, take just what he desires*
Nor heed prescription's rule, feasting with song and dance
Amid his court and kindred, and show no love to his subjects j
Like the field that elephant entered,
His kingdom will perish, and he himself will lose his alL J
Pottiyar was sent back by his king, and bidden come again when his sou had been born. On his
arrival at the spot, when some years had elapsed, he found the place where his memorial was to be
erected, and it seems as if it were the place where he like his beloved king and late companion was to
end his days by voluntary abstinence from food. This is supposed to be his song addressed to his late
master and friend (and sure they were not words of love ! ) (222) :
* You said,
*' Go back, and come when she whose footsteps leave
Your shadow never, she adorned with radiant gems,
Your well-beloved, has borne you son of glorious worth."
Sure you forgot the friendship 'twixt us twain,
But no, I was not so forgotten, much-loved ooe 1
Where is the place designed for me ?
A shade to many wert thon, the world extolled thy fame.
Thou didst remember life to come
And so didst all renounce,
And here a stone is all that's left of thee ;
Yet -those like thee, when soul is severed from the f rame 9
Forget not ancient friendship, when their friends draw
32 . THE INDIAN* ANTIQUARY, [FBBBUARY, 1809
(221) Tlie Dirge,
Perum Cd; an.
He had the praises manifold of minstrels whose wants he relieved j
He was most loving to the dancers who resorted to liis court ;
He swayed his sceptre in accordance with the teaching of the sages ;
He cultivated the friendship of the honoured wise ;
He was gentle to women, brave and strong in the face of the brave ;
He was the refuge of the spotless ^earned ones.
Such an one death did not consider, but carried off his aweet soul,
Therefore, my afflicted kinsfolk, let us
Embracing one another join in reviling death,
- Come, all ye bards, whose words are true !
He hatK become a pillar planted in the wild,
Crowned with immortal praise 1
While the wide world in sorrow mourns*
Such is the lot of " him who was our guardian true !
Tiie Empty Stall. (220)
TJie song 0/P0ttiy&r wTien lie returned from (he north leaving Ms beloved Mng to die.
' The keeper who has lost the huge elephant which he daily supplied
With its ample meal, and tended for many a year,
Is sad as he surveys the vacant pillar where it stood,
And weeps. Even so, did I not grieve when I beheld
The courtyard in the ancient town where Kil]i lived and died ;
Killi, with wealth of chariots, o'er which waved the conqueror's wreath* ?
There is another poet of whom we have three very exquisite lyrics. He would seem to have
been one of the company gathered 'around the genial king, Ko-Permn^poran, and so an intimate friend
of the two merry bards before mentioned. His name wag * Kaniyan of the flowery MIL*
(192)
The Wise Man Equable,
To us all towns are one ; and all men are our kings ;
Evil and good come not to men from other folk
So pain and pain's relief are from within.
Death is no novelty, nor do we joy in life,
As though it were some morsel sweet.
When we are grieved, we bear it, nor complain ;
This precious life of ours is like a raft
Floating adewn tte waters of some mighty stream,
That roars and tumbles' over boulders huge ;
When from the skies with lightnings mixed the pelting storm
Comes down : the raft goes on as fate ordained.
Thus have we seen in visions of the truly wise.
^prosperous hours we marvel not at greatness of the great 5
Still less can we despise the lowlier lot.
(194)
Diversities of Human Destiny,
Look narrowly, and in one hou*e they wail the funeral chant
^J ?t m k T th r marria ^ d *> ^unds out mid festive
go embracing friends just met with festive wreaths
FBBETTABY, 1890,] ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOUR WITH THE FIELD FORCE. 38
And there they weep because they part,
Thus hath the Maker shown his lack of lore.
Ah, evil is the world 1 See that thoti do
Good deeds, bringers of pleasure to the world.
Coinp. Mai. 23.
If the friendships of Orestes and Pylades are worthy of remembrance these friends of 1,000 years
ago should not be forgotten. They stand out of the -shadows of the past like kindly-hearted
Epicureans, loving and beloved ; and their deaths even were not gloomy, bat wise and philosophical,
as they understood wisdom and philosophy^
DETAILED REPORT OF A3S ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOUR WITH THE BUHEE
FIELD FORCE,
BY M. Ju STEIN, C.I.E., PELD,
(Continued from p. 28.)
BtSpa of Smngram. About one mile to the north of Bega where the Yalley leading-
down from the Slalandri Pass In the south-west debouches into tbe Panjpio plain, I had
already on tbe previous evening when on my way from Karapa to Riga, noticed a large mound
suggestive of the remains of a Stupa. This assumption soon proved correct on closer inspection.
The mound rises to a height of about 2o feet above the flat level of the plain. Wherever the
debris covering its sides had been removed by the action of rain or other -causes* it showed the
same courses of rough masonry "which had been noticed in the Stiipas previously described-*
Judging from the dimensions of the present base of the mound which measures circ. 240 feet
from east to west -and 200 feet from north to soufcbj tins Sttlpa must have been by far the
largest of all those examined in Bnner. If a conclusion an be drawn from the state of utter
dilapidation in which it is now, it may also be looked upon as one of the oldest. At about half
its height a -kind of terrace can be traced all around the mound : this probably indicates the
elevation from which the Stupa proper rose above the basement.
The top of the mound now forms a slightly sloped oval measuring circ. 120 feet from east
to west and 75 feet from north to south. I am inclined to explain this peculiar shape by the
assumption that the basement which shows a similarly elongated form was broader to the east
.and west than on the other two sides. The decay of the originally hemispherical mound must
thus have been more rapid on the north and south sides where there was no broad terrace to
retain the loose masonry brought down by the rains 5 etc,, than on the east and west where the
masses of debris accumulated over the original basement. In support of this explanation I may
mention that the slopes of the mound to tha north and south appeared steeper. It is just on these
sides that the courses of masonry composing the mound are traced most clearly on the surface*
For some distance from the foot of the mound to the south, the ground is covered with
low heaps of debris which seem to indicate the site of ruined buildings once attached to the
Stupa. These remains were, however, too indistinct and too much overgrown by jungle to
permit of a plan being taken in the short time available*
Well near Sunigranu At a distance of about 60 yards to the south-east of the Stupa
there is an ancient stone-lined well which has remained on the whole in a remarkably good
state of preservation. The well proper is 8 feet in diameter and is .enclosed by a circular wall,
5 feet thick, of carefully set masonry* Adjoining to the west is a staircase which leads
between -equally well-built walls down to the level of the water. This is now 18 feet below the
ground level, and is reached by 23 steps* The accompanying plan and section (V) shows the
construction of the well. Some of the stairs have crumbled away, and also the side-walls have
suffered in parts notwithstanding the repairs which are indicated in .several places by coarse
masonry of $ later date,.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [EEBBTJABY, 1899.
Apart from these repairs the whole of the walls shows to perfection that peculiar form of
masonry large blocks in level courses and columns of small stones ia the interstices which
has beeu described already above as characteristic of all the ancient structures in this and the
neighbouring regions. There is no special feature to indicate the relative age of the well a s
compared with that of the ruined Stupa. Its escape from the fate of the latter may be due to
continued use and consequent repair. Some Khattris from Eega whom I met near by, were
prepared to ascribe the well to Birmal, i. e. 9 BIrbal, the renowned minister of Akbar. But
this tradition, if it is one at all, cannot refer to anything more than a clearing of the ancient
well which may have become disused and filled up with earth. These informants knew of no
other name for the site but bafiai, which in Pashtu is the ordinary designation for any stone-
lined tank or well with steps leading down to the water.
Snnigram. The village of Sunigram, a small place, lies about half a mile to the north of
this site. It occupies a saddle-like depression between the east foot of the rocky hill range
through which the Karapa defile leads, and a series of small fir-covered hillocks which rise
like islands from the plain and form a continuation of that range to the south-east. There is
nothing ancient to be noticed about the village itself but its name Sunigmm 3 which is
undoubtedly of Indian origin and hence old*
The second part gram, from Sanskrit 0miM a (' village '), does not occur in any other Buner
local name I know, and is but rarely met with in the neighbouring territories of Swat and
Yusafzai (see Jolagram, Pajigram, and Udegram in the Swat Valley ; Na>UffruM> on the Khudu
Xhel border; Asgram and Kabulgram, on the Indus). It is scarcely necessary to point out how
common on the other hand this ending? in its varying vernacular forms of grfiw, yam, gaon,
graon, etc., is throughout the whole of Aryan India, The first part of the name Bimi- is
clearly connected with Sanskrit suvarna, 'gold/ and represents probably a Prakrit derivative
of sauvarnika, 'goldsmith/ Thus in Kashmiri, which may be considered a near relative of the
old Indo-Aryan dialect once spoken beyond the Indus, we have sun (* gold ') and sunar
( c goldsmith ') derived by a regular process of phonetic conversion from Sanskrit suvarya and
siwarnvkxra, respectively (compare also*Hindi suniyar}* Derivatives from Saiuskrit mwrna are
not amongst the words borrowed by Pashtu from Indo-Aryan dialects. It is thus certain that
the local name Sunigram must go back to a period preceding the PathSn occupation.
Pinjkotai. Immediately above the village, and to the west of it, rises the rocky hill
range which has been mentioned in connection with the Karapa defile. Guided by Sliorb&s*
I ascended its steep scarp in a northerly direction to a height of about 400 feet above the bottom
of the valley until I reached the point from where a rocky spur running south-east to north-
west juts out towards the Barandu River, It is about one-third of a mile long and is known
by the name of Pinjffitai (also pronounced PanjJcdtai). The crest of this spur is fairly level
and bears the ruins of a large number of buildings which in construction and character
resemble closely the ancient dwelling places examined near Kingargalai and Juvur,
On the west slope of the spur, and towards its north-west extremity overlooking the
river, are the comparatively well-preserved ruins of what evidently was once a monastery of
great size and importance. They consist, as shown on the attached site-plan VI, m the first
place of a series of large terraces. These are built against the hillside by means of strong
supporting walls and extend for nearly 300 feet from north to south with a total breadth of
over 160 feet. At the south end of these terraces rises a block of vaulted rooms with attached
Courts constructed of solid and carefully set masonry. At the north end of the terraces, and
close to their edge, are the much injured remains of some smaller structures. Among them
*^ of a small circular mound
it can have been nothing but the base of a little Stupa. The circular pit excavated
md SllOWS ^ treas *<^eekers have erenow recognised its true
i
V i 18 "' ettes ^^ s ^ture (0) to the east, which is even
may also mark the position of a small StBpa.
PLAN AND SECTION OF OLD WELL
AT
SUNtGR&M
5 o *-U Bo" - K
! '
SECTION ON LINE A.B.
Lms.
SCALE OF FEET
P JL.
FEBBUARY, 189&.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOUR WITH THE BUXBR HELD FORCE. 35
Vihara of Pinjkotai. The Interest of the main building A lies in the good preserva-
tion o its superstructures which acquaint us with some details of architectural construction
not otherwise traceable in the extant remains of Buner. They are illustrated by the detail
plan FIT.
Three rooms of this building, forming its south and west side, show high pointed vaults of
overlapping stones which spring from a projecting cornice of the longer side walls. The
height from this cornice to the point of the arch is 10 feet 3 inches. The construction of the
vault and cornice is shown by the section given for the line cd in the detail plan. The total
height of the rooms could not be ascertained, as the interior is partly filled up by masses of
debris from the fallen portions of the vaults. The width of the vaults is 12 feet in the two
larger rooms E and F which are 31 and 35 feet long, respectively. In the small room Q the
width covered by the vault is 8 feet and 8 inches and the length 12 feet. These three rooms
communicated with each other and the central court S by means of passages of varying width
surmounted by pointed arches of overlapping stones. Owing to the accumulation of debris
only these arches are now visible above the ground level. The elevation of two of these
passages, X and Z, has been shown in the detail plan*
Besides the passages leading into the central court there were windows to admit light into
the larger rooms. These windows are placed in the centre of the walls and end in "pointed
arches, as shown in the section of line cd. Their width is 2 feet, and their height to the point
of the arch is 5 feet 6 inches. The sill or lower edge and the sides of the windows are bevelled
inwards by means of regularly receding courses, evidently with a view to distributing the light
more evenly over the room.
The central apartment H is the largest in this pile of building, being 35 feet by 16 feet-
It does not appear to have been roofed, and must hence be assumed to have formed a kind of
central courtyard. It has no direct entrance from outside, but was evidently approached by a
passage which leads to the adjoining room I through a dividing wall now for the greater part
broken. This latter apartment, which is also 85 feet long, but only 9 feet 3 inches broad does
not show either any trace of having been roofed. In its south-east corner are the remains of
a staircase leading up to the open quadrangle J which occupies the raised terrace immediately
to the east. As this staircase, as far as can be judged from the present condition of the build-
ing, was its only entrance from outside, we may conclude that the small court J formed a kind
of open ante-room to the whole block.
The quadrangle /is in reality a^ terrace, 55 feet deep and 50 feet broad, built against the
rising slope of the ridge and screened on the east and south by strong walls 7 feet thick.
The nnusnal thickness of these walls sugge&ts that they contained niches which might have been
used "as small cells. But the ruined condition of the walls and the great masses of debris and
earth which cover their foot inside the quadrangle made it impossible to ascertain this point
Judging from the relative position and size of this enclosure, it might be conjectured that is
served, like similar open courts in the mined monasteries of Takht-i Bahi and Jamalgarhi,
described by Sir A. Cunningham (Archaeological Survey Beports, V, pp. SO, 50), as a meeting
place for the fraternity of monks.
To the north of this court, but at a considerably lower level, extends another large platform
(X), 110 feet long, which shows no trace of superstructures. From this a flight of 7 steps leads
down to the artificially levelled ground on which the main block of building stands* Imme-
diately to the north of the latter is a large terrace, 103 feet long by 88 feet broad, supported
on the sides facing the downward slopes of the Mil by basement walls over 30 feet hio-h.
Construction of Pinjkotiai ruins. The massive construction of these walls and the
great estent of the terraces which they support suffice to indicate the importance of the site,
The blocks of stone used in the walls, both of these terraces and of the main building, are on
the whole larger than in any other structure examined in Buner $ they are often over 4 feet long
36 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY. [PEBRHAKY, 1899.
with a thickness of 1 foot. Though the blocks are but roughly hewn, as throughout the
masonry f the ancient buildings in Grandhara and OdySna, yet special care has been taken to
arrange them in even and regular .courses. The interstices of each course are not merely filled
as usual with closely packed columns of small flat pieces, bnt show besides the us of a kind of
thin mortar which must have added considerably to the consistency and strength of these walls
It is evidently due to the exceptional solidity of the construction that the walls of the xaain
block still show a height of 23 feet at the north-west corner where they rise on the massive
foundation of the terrace basement.
An -equally significant feature of the PinjKtai ruins is the comparatively great span of the
overlapping domes which form the roofs of the two large rooms in the main building. The
span of 12 feet covered by these domes is not reached by .any .extant arched structure in
<3andhara -or IJdyana. The domes in nearly all the buildings surveyed by General Cunningham
are limited to about 8 feet (see Archceological Survey Reports, V, p. 52). The wider span
assumed by him in two examples is a matter of conjecture*
It will help us to form a- correct .estimate of the relative importance of the Pinjkotai rains, if
we compare them also in other respects with the remains of such well-known sites as Takht-i Bahi
and Jamalgarfsd. ' This comparison -suggests itself all the mor>o m the general situation of the
ruins near the ridge of a steep rocky spur bears a striking similarity to that of the last-named
great monastery. Referring then to the plans of the latter, an recorded after excavation in
plates vii. and xiv. of General Cunningham's Archaeological Survey Reports, Volume V we note
at once that though the number of separate buildings at present traceable at Pinjlcotai is far
smaller than that brought to light in the course of prolonged explorations -at the above two
sites, yeb the size of the structures still above ground at Pirijkofcai is 'decidedly more imposing.
The same jholds good as regards the extent of the terraces and their substructures which
here as there -were indispensable to provide the requisite level building ground. That the
ample space tjms provided -at Pinjkotai was once occupied by a greater number of buildings
than now visible can be inferred from the low mounds ,of ddbris which stretch in various
directions across the terraces to the north of the main pile of building. It in likdy that these
little mounds, of which, I regret, it TOS impossible ,to make any plan in the vay limited time
available, mark .the position of small detached structures which hero n0 at JamSIgarlu may
have contained the cells of the monks attached to the ortablihmoiit. Other nmall buildings of
this kind situated nearer to the rising slope ,of the ridge are, pcrhap* buried under the masses
of .detritus earned down from the latter.
It remains yet to be noted that the SiCpa 23 referred to above would, m shown by the
dime* of ite extant base, 25 feet square, well bear cornpamon with the corresponding
structures of Takht-x Bahi and Janaalgarhi. Tie chief StCp of the fmrt-munod monastery rose
cm a basement 20, feet square (Archaeological Survey Report*, V, p . 20), and the great Stilpa'
of the second did also not ^easm-e more than 22 feet in diameter (, p. -17). The oblong
t el* T ^? r ad> WMC11 adj inS th S^ of P W on the north
f7L T< B n ; S foond * *o two G^dlfim BonartoricH, laro served for
'- Ut tLe TOUS f thiS encI SUr ai ' * ii ^ >aition and
f n e db - 8g it- origfcia character,
if not tested by excavation, must necessarily remain hazardous.
f ^ m GXamined 03tt tho K3kWi Pw wiihont refer-
SitC - ****** at *ho lt-wl corner of the
tflpa ' "-i^ron.etl^ w hole of the
FEBRUARY, 1899.] ARCHAEOLOGICAL TOUE WITH THE BUSES FIELD FOBCE. 37
cone of Mount Dosirri with Its cap of snow came prominently into view. To the north-west
the fir-clad slopes o Mount Tim could clearly be seen through the gap formed by the valley
which rnns down to ElaL In the west appeared the rugged heights of Jaffar liill near Tursak.
In the east the extensive view across the plains and low alluvial plateaus of the central Barandu
Valley was limited only by the high Duma range which divides Buner from the Indus Yalley.
From the steep cliffs, which form the extremity of the ridge towards the river and overlook the
ruins, the panoramic view was still wider. It comprised the long- stretched ranges which,
run up towards Mount Mahaban in the south-east, aed the still higher peaks of the * Black
Mountains J beyond the Indus.
The prominent position occupied by the PiBJkotai ruins and their relatively great extent
are indications that the convent to which, they belonged must have been once important and
well known. It is necessary to lay stress on the evidence furnished by these points. It will
help to strengthen the arguments set forth below regarding the probable identity of these
remains wit-h the Mahavana monastery of Hiuen Tsiang (see below. Part II).
Takhtaband Stiipa. Already when standing on the height of the spur above the
Pinjkotai ruins a massive mound of masonry further down the valley Lad attracted my
attention. It was the Stupa which Sherbaz's report had led me to expect in that direction.
To this I proceeded accordingly when the survey of the Vihara remains was completed*
From, the foot of the spur the way lay across the level plain which stretches here on both sides
of the river. After going for about If miles in. the direction of E* S, B. and crossing the river
I reached the Stupa.
It rises a short distance from the left river bank, about 60 yards from the e xtreme western
end of a small rocky ridge which, without attaining any great height stretches across the valley
to the east towards Shalbandai. This Stupa, which from the name of the village nearest to it
on the right bank of the river I propose to call that of TakTitaband^ has even in its present
damaged condition better retained its original appearance than any other structure of this type
in Buner. It forms a dome of a shape somewhat resembling that of a bulb and rises to a height
of about 26 feet above its base. It is constructed of horizontal courses of massive but rough
masonry, none of the stones now exposed having received any dressing.
This dome is again raised on a large base about 25 feet high, which originally formed a
quare measuring about 84 feet at the foot, approximately orientated. The accompanying
elevation (Plate VIII) shows the exact dimensions of the Stiipa and its basement. Both have
completely been stripped, evidently long ago, of their outer casing of masonry, No remains of it
can be traced now on or about the mound. It was evidently carried away to be used as build-
ing material. In the same way the inner masonry has also been cut away to some depth
round the foot of the Stupa, the upper portions of which in consequence are now overhanging,
The Stupa has been opened by a broad cutting which reaches to the centre and runs
through its whole height on the east side. This excavation has been carried even further down
into the base to a depth of about 8 feet. There can thus be no doubt that relic deposits have
been reached and abstracted. It must be supposed that this spoliation took place a consider-
able time ago as the debris of the materials excavated can no longer be distinguished.
The cutting here indicated has laid bare a little chamber lined with large and carefully cut
slabs in the centre of the Stupa. It is 7 feet high and forms a square of 7 feet, of which the
astern side is now removed. The floor of this chamber was originally about 12 feet above the
level of the Stupa base. There is every reason to believe that this receptacle was intended for
a relic deposit. Square hollows or wells of exactly similar position have been found in several
of the Stupas excavated in the Punjab and the Kabul Valley, also in the great Stupa of
Manikyaia. 4 As far as I could examine the walls of this chamber from below, they bear no
* Compare Gen. Cunningham; Arcliceologieal Survey Reports, Y, pi, xsii.
38 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FBBBUABY, 1899.
trace of any decoration or inscription, In order to reach them do^ly a ladder or scaffolding
would have been necessary.
The elevation reproduced shows that there mnnt have been a plat form extending round
the foot of the Stupa which had served as a proeesmon-pafclu But, owing- fco tho dilapidated
condition of the base, the original width of this platform can no longer he ascertained. It is
probable that it was approached from tho east, as on thia .side ihorcs are traces of projecting
masonry which may have served as the substructure of a Hliurease.
Neither in the narrow flat gap, which separates the Si npa mound on the east from the
foot o the rocky ridge above referred to, nor on tho open ground on any of the oilier sides was
I able to discover a By remains above ground which might iiulieatt* tho previous existence of
walls or buildings. It must, however, be noted that the ground all around the Htfipa, which is
of a rich, alluvial soil, is under cultivation. This would easily account for the removal of such
remains if they were not of a very massive character. Tho late hour at winch 1 reached this
site and the necessity of returning soon to camp did not allow mo to examine the nlopes of the
ridge closely. It is possible that remains of dwelling places for tho attendant! prioHts could be
traced there. From below none were discernible,
During the day a portion of the Brigade had marched at no #roa<> distance down the
valley to Bajkatta, To this circumstance was probably due iho utierly dewericd condition of
Takhtaband village. I was unable to obtain there any local information regarding the
Stupa.
Barkili. The night was passed in General Meiklojolm'H Camp near Jlarkili, which I
reached after a march of about 3 miles from Tafchtabatid. There i nwsortaun ed that tho greater
portion of the force was to move on the following day into tho Chamla Valley < n nmte for tho
Ambala Pass. This was probably the last (lay I could hope to HJW ml on tin* *oil of Buner
proper. I accordingly resolved to utilize it for an attempt to reucU the nit en near tlio villages
of Nawak'tli, IfMaisap and Z>mgi Khan Banda from which a number of intwriptioim either in
original or impressions bad been obtained by Major Doano'n a^ente. T IICKO villages, all belong-
ing to the Hurizai clan, are situated in the valley which leada from Karajiu in a Kouth-'wcsterly
direction to the Malandri Pass.
Starting in the morning of the 17th January I marched firwt round tlto foot of Iho several
spurs which descend from the high range fco the south and run out into the Panjpao plain
between Barkili and Karapa, On the way from the former place to Kcga I pawned the opening
of the yalley known as Beshpura, evidently an old name of Hindu origin to which Captain I 1 ,
S. Robertson, of the Survey Department, had been kind enough to draw my attention. The
valley is now practically uninhabited. At Karapa, which SB a thriving village of Home gize, 1
picked up Aslam Khan, one of the inhabitants, who had asBintcd my guide KatiJr Bhab on pre-
VIOTB occasions m tracing inscribed stones in this neighbourhood, }Iu firl offered to how me
Buts, on the hillside west of the village. Bat after reaching the Hiuall cave to %hich I was
taken, and examining with some difficulty its narrow TOCCHBCH, I couvhiccd nijfielf that the
supposed rehevo images were only natural markings of the rockB,
Komid near Hawakili. - 1 then inarched m tho broad open valley to tho uonth-webt
a distence of about 4 miles I reached NawaUU, a fa^Bwod village ituatcd at the point
oms aa mlet to the south towmis ***** ^ ^ ^^ to &
Witl1 old onT known an
spur, and on the sides scorn* partly to have been
op walls are clearly marked ' TLe ^^ <*>* b a of
was are ceary marked ' TLe ^^ <**>* b y a ^ of
TA ' rl f g nly ne r tiro feet ^ the ground The western face
PLAN AND SECTION OF STdPA
NEAR
TAKHTABAND
PLAN
SECTION ON LINE A B
SCALE OF FET
1899,] ABGHJSOLOGICAL TOUR WITH BUNER FIELD FORCE. 89
It was here according to Kator Shah's statement that lie picked up, from below the north
face of the monnd, one of the inscribed stones delivered to Major Deane. Of another stone
said to have been found further down the slopes, the agent who accompanied KatcJr Shah on
that occasion Is snpposed to have taken an impression.
I was particularly anxious to ascertain the position of the large inscription in unknown
characters, of which an impression, marked as having been obtained at Kawakili, had reached
me from Major Deane in September 1896. It is now reproduced on No. 82 of Plate X prepared
for my second paper on these inscriptions. But the villagers whom I examined would know
nothing either of this or anj other inscribed stone in the neighbourhood. Aslam Khan wlio f
I have reason to believe^ acted as gnide to at least one of Major Deane's agents in this vicinity,
grew eqnalSy ignorant in view of this attitude. After repeated attempts to elicit iufoimation
by various means, I was reluctantly obliged to abandon the search.
The motives of the villagers in denying all knowledge of inscriptions are not far to seek.
Their combined fanaticism and ignorance must make them anxious to keep from the * unbe-
liever/ in particular when he appears as one of the invaders, infoimation about recoids -which
might be snpposed to lead to the discovery of hidden treasure or similar advantages. Obstacles
of this kind could, among a population as fanatical as the Bnnerwals, be overcome only by the
fear of a more immediate danger. But in the present circumstances, when the evacuation of
the territory by the troops was known to be a matter of a few days only, the threat of more
stringent measures, even if I had been able to give effect to it, would have probably produced
110 result. It was but too clear that, with an escort of eight sepoys and the certainty of the
near retirement of the troops, little impression could be made.
2angi Khan Banda. The advanced hour and the necessity of reaching before nightfall
the distant camp at Barkili obliged me to forego a visit to Zangi Kltan Banda. This place from
which a series of stones inscribed with very peculiar characters had been secured 011 several
occasions by Major Deane's people, 5 was according to local information at a considerably
greater distance towards the Malandri Pass than the available sketch maps had led me to
suppose. Nor could I have reasonably expected to fare there better than at Nawakili,
that even Kator Shah denied having had anything to do with the finds in that locality.
Mullaisap, Marching then back from Eawakili I took occasion to visit Mullaisap (for
Mulla Isuf ?) which lies in a side valley opening to the south-east, about half way between
Nawakili and Karapa. Two impressions had reached me of inscriptions near this village. But
my local enquiries as to the actual position of the stones were here also of no avail. I could,
however,, convince myself that neither here nor at Nawakili nor at Earapa were there any
conspicuous ruins with which these inscriptions could be connected. On the other hand, none
of the sites at which remains of Stupas or monasteries are still extant, have hitherto con-
tributed to our collection of Buner inscriptions. This observation seems to give some founda-
tion to the belief that the originators of the latter must be looked for elsewhere than among
the founders or attendants of the Buddhist shrines still extant in ruins.
I reached Barkili Camp, where only a small detachment of troops had been left, late in the
evening, having marched my escort that day probably not less than 25 miles. On the next
day, the I8th January, the remainder of the troops still in Buner was under orders to retire
over the so-called Buner Pass and to join the 2nd Brigade which had in the meantime occu-
pied the head of the Chamla Valley through the defile of Ambela, In order to utilize the few
hours still available to me on Buner soil I moved in the morning in a north-easterly direction
down to the river. There an insolated hill rising several hundred feet from the plain close to
the villages of Kalpanai and Bajkatta offered a central and very comprehensive view over the
5 See Kos. 47-50 of the inscriptions reproduced in Part I of my ** Notes on new inscriptions discovered by Jfctjor
Deane." According to the information supplied with them these stones were " dug tip from wh&t appears to be-
an old Memorial Stupa completely buried in the ground at Bughdarra, which IB the ravine near Zangz
Banda." For other inscriptions from this locality see Nos. 79*81 of Part II.
40 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBBUAEY, 1899.
whole of Lower Buner. From Matwanal in the east, where the Barandu Eiver enters a narow
defile leading down to the Indus, to Elai in the west, the whole expanse of the valley on both
sides of the winding river lay clearly before me. No ruins or artificial mounds offered them.
selves to view from this commanding position, except the Stfipa of Takhtaband already
described. Nor could the Hindu traders, whom I got hold ofiu Kalpanai village, tell me of
any other ancient sites within reach besides those already visited
Chamla Valley. I accordingly returned by midday to the deserted camp of Barkili and
hence crossed with the rear guard the pass usually designated as that of Bun or, which leads to
the head of the Ghamla Valley. The latter is drained by the river, which receives the
streams from the northern slopes of Mount Mahaban and joins Iho Baraiulu not far from its
own junction with the Indus. Ohamla geographically as well as otlmograpliically forms a
territory distinct from Buner proper. The fir-covered top of the pasn was reached through
very pretty forest scenery, and offered to me once more a striking view across Buner, bounded
in the north only by the snow-capped ranges of the Duma Mountains, Dosirri and Ilm ffl
Beaching in the afternoon the camp which was pitched below the village of Ambela, I
took an opportunity to represent to General JEFFREYS, Commanding the 2nd Brigade, my desire
of approaching Mount Mahaban as closely as the military dispositions permitted. From the
time that the Buner Expedition had been taken into view I had fondly entertained the hope
that it would give me the chance of reaching that mountain which ban never yet been visited
by a European or surveyed. This desire arose from the fact that of the various positions which
have been proposed for the Aornos of the historians of Alexander there in none which in my
opinion has a better claim for serious consideration than Mount Mahfibaiu
Mount Mahaban. I need not review here the munerouH opinion*-* which have been
advanced since General Court took up the question in 183G regarding the aito of that famous
mountain stronghold. They have been fully set forth and dinenBNed by (Jeiierai Cunning-
ham in a separate chapter of his Ancient Geography of India.* Nor IB this'tho place to oxplaiu
the reasons which seem to me to militate against any one of tho miggOBted niton that are at
present accessible for examination, such as <Raja Hodi's Castle' opposite Aitook, tho Karama
hill, the ruined castle of Ranigat.7
The claims of Mount Mahaban were first advanced by the late General Abbott, of Abbottabad,
nearly half a century ago. They were rightly based by him on the done agreement which the
mam orographical features of that mountain, as then known, ite proximity to the Indus its
great height and extent, present with the description of tho Greek hmtorianH.* No fact has since
come to light which could shake the weight of tho argniHlorivcHl from HUB observation.*
Position e BuuSr^ SeU ;- 6Videntl3 l aftGr a 800<1 doal Of llOHitati <>". t'd P<> is,Ugat a* Uio most likely
mTny Lp?itotifioati a * tui ? ian ' to T hose intnitivo PwPti in nuttl. of .uu-i.^t. t,,K 1K rai,hy we owe
tion To anv unbiawfl +' I! 8 f T +t cons alnod lo OWB '*> thi CIIHO that 1> ilid not fool Hati.sllod with thfo loca-
iss^p 1 31o mS * lare aOUght f Mahabal1 as a Possible position for Aoruos ; wto I.IH iHciidcntftl rforwicc,Tl &&,
uJJnX^TreLTH^^" 1 ,? 11111 ^ 110 " 1 miS6S toM nnt MaHa>11 " aHth " -proRcntativoofAor.03
si3^S^ 1 ^
, ot,. Ate
vaBa ""*> ft 1H ol(J r *
n * ^^ ^ ol) J cctiona - ^* *y fron mieh defective
In the absence of a^ Broker ^ gg he sha P e and fc< ^ * w moiuitaiu ami itn HWrorol epttrs.
with the desmption Jv^of tiT=t fi " f ssible to assert the V aoconsibility of tho nmnulaia an contrasted
tie latter t 8 * m 8 ' t0 COm ^ K ite circuit with too varin uros rooordod for
o = fi
tie latter ty the historians of Alexander. 8 * m 8 ' t0 COm ^ K ite circuit with too varying guros rooordod for
FEBRUARY, 1809.] ASCHJBOLOGICAL TOUE WITH THE BUXER FIELD FORCE. 41
But the heights of Mahaban have continued to be as Inaccessible to Europeans as they were
*hen. It has hence been Impossible to obtain that detailed topographical evidence, -without
which it seenis hopeless to expect a definite settlement of this much vexed question.
My interest in Mount ilahaban as the probab!e site of Aornos was considerably increased
by tli e "important informatioB which Major Deaiie had recently obtained through native source*
regarding extensive remains of an ancient fort situated at a point of Mahaban known **>
Skahkut Can these rnins be referred to so early a date as Alexander's invasion, or do they at
least indicate the likely position of an eld fortification: 5 Only an archaeological surrey of the
mountain could give us the answer.
The ready submission of the Chanila clans induced the military authorities to" abstain
from any further advance to the east down the Cham'.a Valley. This made it clear to me that
the hope I had cherished of visiting Mount Maliaban could not be realized on the present
occasion. I! the head of the Chamla Valley bad been occupied lor more than a few clays, tht
despatch of a separate detachment to that distance might yet have possibly been arranged for
in fcfae interest of the topographical survey. For this Mount Malrlban owing to its height and
position represents also a point of considerable importance. But the evacuation of Chamla and
the return of the whole of the force to British territory were already fixed for the following day.
The hopes of Captain Robertson, the Field Survey Officer, were like my own ^doomed^ to
disappointment.
Considering the circumstances I could but feel grateful when General JEFFREYS very kindly
agreed to let me utilize that last day for a rapid excursion down the Chamla Valley. In order
to enable me to extend it as far as possible he was pleased to grant me a mounted escort from
the Xth Regiment Bengal Lancers. I had thus at least the satisfaction of approaching the
north foot of Mahaban closer than I could have hoped otherwise.
Siira. Starting on the morning of the 19th January from the camp below Ambela I
reached after a ride of about four miles the large village of Sura situated on the southern side
of the valley. Some Hindu Khattris of this place whom 1 examined knew of an old site about
half a mile to the south of the village and at the foot of a low spur which descends here from
the Sarpati Range. On proceeding to it I found a spring enclosed In a square basin of ancient
masonry. This is visited as a Tirtha by the Hindus of the neighbourhood. Close to the
west of the spring is a terrace-like mound about 20 feet high, the upper part of which
appeared artificial. The top, which forms a small plateau about 200 feet from west to east
and 100 feet broad, is covered with remnants of old walls built of large but undressed stones.
There are evident traces of a terrace about 15 feet broad which seems to have run round the
mound at a lower level. The sides are covered with broken pottery. 1 was unable to ascertain
from mv Hindu guides any tradition regarding this site, or the special name of the locality.
They too were well acquainted with the sacred Tirthas on Mount Ilm and had more than once
performed the pilgrimage.
Account of Shalikot, I rode on through, the level ground of the valley, which is here
more than a mile broad and well-cultivated, past Sawagai and Timiili Dherei, until I reached
the small village of Katakot. There, I had been told, resided a Malik particularly well-acquainted
with the Mahaban region. I found in him a very intelligent old man, ready to describe what
ue had seen on frequent visits to his Ainazai friends, who are in the habit of grazing their cattle
on the mountain. He knew well the ruins of Shuhkot, He described them as situated on a
rocky spur near the highest point of Mahaban and to the north-east of it. Both the village of
Walk a (once the seat of the Hindustani fanatics and burned after the Ambela Campaign,
1563) and the Indus could be seen from the plateau occupied by the ruins. I was particularly
-*lad to note In the course of my examination that the Malik's description of the ruined fort
closely with the account given by Major Deane's informant. The substantial accuracy
1Q See Ms above quoted paper, J. R. J. $., 1896, p. 673.
42
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBBTJABY, 189ft,
of the "latter account cau hence not be doubted. The ruins appear now to be overgrown by
iense jtratrle. The slopes of the mountain below ShahkoJ were described as steep and rocky
on ail aidu, and particularly so towards the Indus, where the ascent Is by a narrow path,
My informant did not stop at describing to me the mountain of my desire, but also prompt-
ly offered, when alone with me and my surveyor, to conduct me to it in person. Twelve hours'
inarching and climbing might have sufficed to reach it. Under other circumstances the tempt*
ation would have proved too much for me. But the thought of my wort and the promise I
had given of rejoining the troops before they had cleared the paaa, left mo no chance but reluct-
antly to ref ase this offer.
Xuria. I then continued my ride to the large village of Kuria not far off, which had
been indicated to me as the extreme point reached by a previous reconnaissance of the force.
The village lies on an alluvial plateau in the centre of the valley and opposite to a bold
fir-rfothed spur which descends from the high Sarpati Range, the continuation of Mahaban
w the west. From the rising ground to the east of the village an extoiiHive view opened down
the valley towards Amazai territory and up to the snow-covered heights -of Ualmban, com-
paratively so near and yet beyond reach, I had but little time to enjoy it. The advanced hour
and the thought of the long ride yet before us necessitated an early return. The road I fol-
lowed back to Ambela lay more to the north side of the valley, but did not bring into view any
further object of antiquarian interest,
Ambela Pass. When Ambela was reached in afternoon after a ride of about 9 miles
from Kuria we found the large camp already deserted. I followed the route taken by the
troops into the wooded gorge which leads to the Amlela Pass, and overtook the rear guard of
the force close to the saddle of that famous defile, ever memorable in the annals of frontier
wars since the fights of 1863.
Rugged heights to the right and left crown the Kotal, which Fathan tradition calls so
forcibly Qatalgarh 9 the house of slaughter.* 11 On them there were yet clearly visible rough
stone walls among the rocks, marking the sites of the " Eagle'8 Nest/* the * 4 Gra# Picket" and
other positions which were held so heroically and at the cost of BO mncln blood during those
weeks of a desperate struggle. I had thus the satisfaction of casting my farewell look towards
Boner as one of the last who left ifes soil, and from a spot full of historical association*), not less
stirring because they were modern. I derived some consolation from the memories of that
other Buner campaign, from the point of view of antiquarian research I had reason to
regret the short duration of the present expedition. Yet it was evident that its almost too
rapid success had its compensations in another direction.
There was little to remind me of those days of hard fighting ag I passed through the long
winding ravines full of a luxuriant vegetation down to the southern foot of the pasm* Apart
from the long files of ammunition mules and their escorts passed on the way, there wore only a
few buffaloes, captured as a last lucky prize by a rear guard picket on the heights near the pass*
to show that we were leaving an enemy's country. It was dark when I reached SnrkliSbi at tie
mouth of the pass and in British territory, and night before 1 arrived at the camp pitched near
the little town of Bustam. Thus a long day of nearly forty miles' ride and march brought
my tour with the Buner Field Force to a close,
BakMhali. On the following day I rode into Marian, visiting on the way a few old sites
close to Eustam and near Bakhslali. Those near the former place have already been referred
to by General Cunningham in his Arch geological Survey Heports. At the latter place I
enquired particularly after the find-spot of the interesting ancient birch*bark manuscript which
-was discovered here seventeen years ago, and which has since been edited by Dr. lioernle. 1 *
a I cannot refrain here from drawing attention to the series of splendid ballads in which Afghdu popular
poetry commemorates the events that played at this site, My lamented friend the late M Dftwoctttote bw*
feprodncea them, with a masterly translation, in his CJianis yopulaim des Afghani
Sw Indim <Anitguory, "Vol. XVII, pp. 33 sq&
FEBRUARY, 1899.] AROHJ30L0GICAL TOUR WITH THE BUNER FIELD FORCE. 48
I had the chance of discovering the village Chaukidar who had actually been the finder, and was
taken by him to the exact; spot where the manuscript was unearthed. As I think tie site has
not been accurately indicated before, its brief description may he useful.
The spot is at the north- west end of a series of ancieot mounds known as PandJterei. They
stretch in the direction from north- west io south-east and for a length of about half a mile to
clo^e the sonth-west corner of the present village. The mounds rise to about 20 feet above the
present ground level, and are constantly dog into for the sake of building materials. Walls of
tincar ved stone are found in many places at a depth of from 8 to 8 feet from the present surface.
Close to the spot where the find was made a well had been sunk at the time, and the field near
its side dog down by 8 or 4 feet in order to bring it more easily under irrigation. IB the bank
thus formed in the mound to the east of the field, the manuscript had come to light. According
to the account of the discoverer it was only two or thiee feet below the {resent surface, placed
between two stones and embedded in earth. As there are no visible traces of walls near the
spot it may be assumed that the manuscript was originally removed from some other place and
baried here in the ground for protection or some other purpose, It may be added that there
are numerous ancient wells near the Pandherei site. One of them which is close to the north
of the central mound, lias been recently cleared* It is circular and shows courses of solid
ancient masonry, exactly o the same type as seen in the old well near the Snuigram Stiipa.
According to my informants more of these ancient wells in the neighbourhood would he
cleared if experience did not show that they do not draw water or soon run dry. Does this
observation indicate a change in the level of the subsoil water?
Arrived at Mardn, where General Blood's Division broke up, I was engaged during
the next few days in revising my materials and arranging for the preparation of the drawings
attached to this report* I subsequently proceeded on a brief visit to Malakand in order to
communicate personally to Major DEANB the main results of my Buner tour which he had done
so much to facilitate. After another short stay at Mar dan spent in pieparirtg the preliminary
portion of this report I returned to Lahore, where I resumed charge of my office on the 1st
February, 1898.
II. Fotes on the Ancient Topography of Buner.
Having completed my account of the ancient remains surveyed in Buner I stall proceed to
examine briefly the results that may be derived from the materials now collected for the eluci-
dation of the ancient topography of that region. It has appeared to me more appropriate to
discuss these results together and in a separate chapter. For it is only by com paring the whole
of the ancient notices we possess of Buner with the archaeological data now available that we
can arrive at approximately safe conclusions regarding the identification of several ancient sites.
The ancientaamtJ, c~c* **nner I allude to can unfortunately at present not be found in the
form of inscripfe mentioned by J3.1w-4i JL*~? records. Nor can they be gathered from the accounts
which have reached entity of the site j/loits in these regions. In view of what has beensaid
above as to the probable identify o^JLjBsfc-J^^ P os "
sible that the great invader actually parsed throagh a part of Bnner on his way from til? T
i the F&njk3i < a*Dd'Svrat*-B9i4te' references by his historians to localities in this
(Ora, Bazird) Dyrta) are so vague and partly contradictory that guesses as to their identifica-
tion can in the present state of our knowledge scarcely answer any useful purpose. 13
Chinese Notices. We are indebted for those notices exclusively to the narratives of the
Chinese pilgrims who either on their way to Gandhar.t or in pious excursions from the latter*
had occasion to visit the sacred Buddhist sites ia Udyana.
That the present territory of Buner must have been comprised in the ancient Udyana had
been recognized longa^o by Sir Alexander Cunningham and V, de St. Martin when they endea-
is For a convenient summary of such gntsses regarding places connected with Alexander's march towards
Aornos, compare Dr. M'Grindle's Invasion of India % Alexander ike Great, pp. 72 *g^., 335 s&
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRTTAKY, 1899,
T01J red to map out the corresponding portions of the pilgrims' trails." Birt as long as tie
l^ Vallev and the mountain territories bordering on it remained wholly inaccessible to
Europeans and hence to a great extent a terra incognita also from a geographical point of view,
the elucidation of details affecting the ancient topography of any -ono of these region.
manifestly impossible. lyes BOW, when the veil has been partially lilted, the laslc could scarcely
be attempted Tvith any hope of success, were it not for the fortunate circumstance Tvhich sup-
plies us in the site of the ancient capital of Udyana with a fixed and safe Btartmg point for
our enquiry.
Position of Mangali. I refer to the identification of tLo town of Mavgali (Nwi^ie-li)
which Hiuen Tsiang, the latest and most accurate of those pilgrims, mentions as the residence of
the kings of Udjaua. 16 This is undoubtedly the present Mmtjlmr in Upper Swat, which is still
remembered in local tradition as the ancient capital of the country. This identification was
first proposed by V. de St. Martin. It has since been confirmed beyond all doubt by the
examination of the extant remains both at Manglaur and lower down in the Swat Valley. It,
has a special importance owing to the tact that Hiuen Tsiang and also the earlier pilgrim
Sung-Yuii (A. D. 520) take the royal city as their starting point in giving the direction and
distances for the various sacred sites described by them in Udyana. Taking into account the
ascertained position of Mavglaur at the point where the spurs descending to the north from
Mount Dosirri meet the Swat River and turn it to the west (circ. 72 28', long. 34 48' lat), it
is clear that we must look for the ancient sites of Buner among those localities of Udyana
which the pilgrims describe as situated to the south of Mangali.
Hiuen Tsiang's account* The fullest account we receive of these localities is that pre-
served in the Si-yu-hi or " Records of the Western Countries" of Hiuen Tsiaug, who visited
Udyana from TJdabhunda or Und on the Indus towards the close of 680 A, D, 17
"We leave aside for the present the reference made in his nwrativo to Mount "f7i~lo. It is
described as situated 400 K, or approximately 60 miles to the south of Mung-TcioU, and in view
of this great distance cannot have been situated in Buner proper. Wo are then iirst taken
to the MaMvana convent. It lay about 200 li south from the capital by the side of a great
mountain. The legend connected with it represented Buddha to have practised bore in old days
the life of a Bodhisattva under the name of Sarvadarfija. Seeking a rcfugo From hi H enemy
lie had abandoned his kingdom and come to this place. There lie met a poor Brahman who
iisked for alms* Having nothing to give him owing to his own destitute condition, Buddha 1
had asked to be bound as a prisoner and to be delivered to the king, his enemy, in order that'
the Brahman might benefit by the reward given for him,
"To the north-west of the Maltfivana Sanghararna one {Irsrowlfl from ilw itiomiiain atul
after proceeding for SO or 40 Z* arrives at the Mo-su Sanghiiruina," 18 At thin Kilo the mum* oh*
which is explained by the Chinese editor to mean * lentils' aniliniiHt honrrc probiibly INJ rctstnml
into Mo-su-lo (Skr. masura), there was a Stiipa about 100 IVol in hn^'ht, suu'i b\: JLho xido of tlu?
latter a great square stone which bore the impress of Buddha's font. Wlicvu Buddhain old timu
^^ : ^ -;^s-r,f fi^l.t which lit up ihci Mlifiv:ma
"
See Si-yw-ii, trausl. Beal s i. p. 121.
_ Bee Kiwire Aiialyiiqye, p, 314, where the coirect derivation of Wawilaw {Mnrip-liivt.r} from Rkr. Miw<jalaj>nra
isaiao mdicatecL Hmen Tsiang's Komff-lcie-U (to be read NaiigaU, *eu M Julw, M<'ll,wh 7, our tMdffrt* \w HW
aKTiipla_6) represents a shorter form X cigala t al.bioviat.cl I'h^nrai, like- ^lo^iuJnm^ha (i. ^ Ulkahuii-
ya) tor UdaMatfayura, the ancient name of Wailiand-Und on the Indnn.
i0r ?V A \^ eaDe 'i Paper " N ** n fJJ ' /rma ^ Q*M*' the* Journal of fh<> AKiair S Hnd,f,y
/' ?", ? a3 r 1>eane ^ri^theroconnniBsanoo mud, i,,to U r l(.r Rwflt, in Au r M I.f, afirr ilm ^^
rirbtf let payaiiyi ^7 isitto ^ E eigUo^hoodof Mn pg lam.,xUH<.h abotuul, h, and.HD romaiim.
ere ^as able to recognize several of the Stupas mentioned hy Hiuen Tni
See M-yu-li, traasL Beal, I., pp, 123 $q$
FEBSFAUY, 1899,] ABOHJEOLOGIGAL TOUR WITH THE BUHEE FIELD FOECE. 45
SaBgharama, and tlien for the sate of Devas and men lie recited the stories of his former birtLs.
At the foot of this Sttipa is a stone of yellow-white colour which is always damp with an
unctuous moisture. This is where Buddha, when he was in old time practising the life of a
Bodhisattva, having heard the true law, broke one of his bones and wrote [with the marrow]
sacred books."
Going west 60 or 70 li from the Mo-su convent Hiuen Tsiang notes a Stupa built by
King Asoka, Here was localized the well-known legend which records Bow Tathagata 9 when
practising the life of a Bodliisattva as Raja Sibika, had cut his body to pieces to redeem a
dove from the power of a hawk.
Fa-Men's notice. The short distances which Hitzen Tsiang indicates between these three
sacred sites show clearly that they must all have been situated somewhere within Burner terri-
tory. And in full agreement with this conclusion we ind that the two earlier pilgrims. Fa-
Men and Sung-Yun, who do not know the Hahavana Sangharama, but mention the two other
sites of Hiuen Tsiang's account, also place the latter distinctly to the south of the royal city of
Udyana, i. e., in Bauer.
Fa-Men 19 who had arrived in * Wu-chang ' (Udyana) about 403 A JX, and had spent the
summer retreat there, descended thence south and arrived in the country of Su-ho-to, where
Buddhism was flourisMng. There was in it the place where in a former birth u theBodMsattva
cut off a piece of his own flesh and with it ransomed the dove . , . * On the spot the people of
the country reared a tope adorned with layers of gold and silver plates." " The travellers, going
downwards from this towards the east, in five days came to the country of Gandhara." It
cannot be doubted that the Stiipa seen by FaJiien was that connected with the legend of
Sibikaraja, which Hinen Tsiang mentions a snort way to the west of the Mo-su convent* It is
equally evident that the district of Su-Jio-to, in which it lay, must be identified with the present
Buner. Arguing from the position indicated for SuJio-to by its mention to the south of
TJdyana and on the way to Gandhara, General Cunningham had already rightly recognized that
the territory thus designated could not have been the large valley of the Swat River itself, as
others have assumed, but that the name must have been limited to the smaller tract of Boner.*
Sung-Y Tin's account* Evidence equally convincing as that just discussed may be drawn
from Sung-Yun's narrative. Snng-Ynn, who visited the ' U-chang country ' towards the close of
AJX 519 as an imperial envoy, notices to the south of its royal city the place where Buddha
In* a former age " peeled off his skin for the purpose of writing upon it, and broke off a bone of
his body for the purpose of writing with it. Asoka Eija raised a pagoda on this spot for the
purpose of enclosing these sacred relics. It is about ten chang (120 feet) high* On tie spot where
he broke off his bone the marrow ran out and covered the surface of a rock which yet retains
the colour of it, and is unctuous, as though it had only recently been done."* The place is
spoken of by Sung-Tun as situated in the ' Mo-Mu ' country.* Though we are unable to
account for this iame, tfe- description shows clearly that the Stiipa here referred to can be no
ntb^but the OM mentioned by Eia^SiS i* connection with the Mo-su Sangharama.
In view of this identity of the site i* TT^Hte^to compare the different indicatioBS
iven by the two pilgrims as to its tuition. Whereas ^^Tsiang places the Mo-su >
B84 30 or 40 K toj*-*tfwrt of the Havana mo^^t^^^^ti^g^n
about 2QOOo^i^ Sung-Yunvho also starts from the royal ciTjnBWJip*
puts the former site at a distance of (more than 100 It) to the south of it. Apart from the
w See Record. ofSuddUst Kingdoms, translated by J. Legge, 1886, pp. 20 sq*.
20 Compare Ancient Geography, p. 82. m
traaaL Beal, Introduction, p. scyii ; compare also the translation given by A. Eemnsat from
extract in the Pian.Tian,Jfoeti-Kcue-m, p. ou. _ _
sz Mo-M is possibly only another attempt to reproduce in Chinese characters the keal name which as given as
Kb... in Hiuen Tsiang's narrative. It should be noted that the text of Sun^Yun's report seems i* a far less
satisfactory condition, especiaUy in regard to names, than that of Fa-hien or of tae Svyu-^ ; compare Beal .
i to the latter, p. xcvii, note 68.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [FJSBEUABY, 1899,
identity of the bearings the two statements agree also closely enough m respect of the distances,
It must be remembered that the expressions of the texts distinctly indicate approximate mea~
surements Allowance must further be made for the different length of the several routes
which the pilgrims might hare chosen for their journey from Upper Swat into Buner.
The records of the Chinese travellers have shown us that among the sites of antiquarian
interest described by them in or near TJdyana there are three for the identification of which
we have to look within the limits of modern Buner, From a comparison of these accounts we
have seen that the data they furnish regarding these sites are consistent among themselves, and
hence evidently accurate. As information has now become available also as regards the actual
topography of Buner and the most prominent of its ancient remains, an attempt may well be
made to trace the sites of those Stupas and monasteries among the extant ruins of the territory.
(To be continued?)
INDO-CHINESE COINS IN THE BRITISH COLLECTION
OF CENTRAL ASIAN ANTIQUITIES,
BY A. F. EUBOLF EOEENLE, O.I.B., Ri.D, (TUBINGEN).
There are altogether seventy-two of these coins in the Collection : nine large and
sixty -three small on.es. They all come from Khotan and its neighbourhood; and they
formed part of the consignments M. 2 3 M, 3, M. 6, G. 5 ? G. 7, G. 10, and T. 1.
Two coins of this description, one large and one small, were first published by Mr Garder
in the Nwnismatk Chronicle, Vol. XIX (1879J, pp. 275, 276. Those likewise wore procured
from Khotan by Sir T, D. Forsyth. They have been republishod by Dr. Terrien de Lacouperie
in the British Museum Catalogue of Chinese Coins, p* 394. The large one is also republished
In the British Museum Catalogue of Indian (Greek and Scythic) Coins, p. 172. Both coins,
especially the small one, were in too imperfect condition to admit of being fully road, In. the
present collection there are some much better preserved specimens. The best of them arc
shown in the Plates illustrating my Official Report, which will shortly bo published as an Extra-
Number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1899,
All these coins are of copper. They a re not of iron, as was at first erroneously supposed.
Of the large coins, there are three varieties, distinguished by the arrangement of the
obverse legend. Of these varieties there are one ? three and one specimen respectively. Four
specimens cannot be determined. Of the smaller coins there are five varieties, distinguish-
ed by differences in the reverse design, and in the arrangement of the legends. Of these fire
varieties there are 17, 13, 3, 3 and 3 specimens respectively. Twenty* three specimens are too
worn or corroded to admit of being determined.
The following is a detailed list of all the coins, large and small, with their weights and
measles. Their exact find-place has also been noted, when known : in the other cases it must
be understood that the coin came either from Khotan itself or from ^ ME the buried sites
near it ;
(a) Larger?/:; - ;
Find-pla
Ser,
No.
Variety.
-m'graina.
in inches.
Consign-
ment,
1
U*,,^<l*ltpr
246-5
1-0 S.
"--~JML 2.
-
_^=^- 1 I
228-0
1-0
T 1 x "*"'
3
II
200-5
1-0
G. 10.
5
6
7
8
9
II
III
Undeterm.
Do.
Do.
Do.
154-0
234-0
223-0
213-0
211-5
202'
0-875
1-0
1-0
1-0
1*0
1-0
M. 9.
G. 10.
M. 2.
M.S.
G. 10.
Aq Safil.
M. 2.
J.10.
Total weight: 1921-5 Average" weight " "
grs.
FEBRUARY, 1899.] INDO-CHINESE COINS IN THE BRITISH COLLECTION. 47
(b) Small Coins.
Ser.
Variety.
No.
"Weight.
Size.
Consignment. Find- place.
No.
1
I
I
76-0
0-75
M. 2.
2
I
2
66-0
0-75
M. 2.
3
I
3
59-0
0-75
M. 2.
4
I
4
56-5
0-75
M. 2.
5
I
5
53-0
0-75
G. 10.
6
I
6
52-0
0-75
M. 3.
7
1
7
52-0
0-75
G. 10.
8
I
8
50-5
0-75
11. 6.
9
I
9
50-0
0-75
M. 2.
10
I
10
48-5
0-75
G. 5.
11
I
11
48-5
0-75
M. 2.
12
I
12
46-5
0-75
G. 7.
13
I
13
45-0
0-75
M. 2. Aq Satil.
14
I
14
41-5
0-75
G. 5.
15
I
15
39-5
0-625
M. 2.
16
I
16
32-0
0-625
M. 2.
17
I
17
21-0
0-625
M. 2. Aq Safil.
18
11
1
78-5
0-75
M. 2. Do.
19
II
2
62-5
0-75
M. 3.
20
II
3
61-5
0-75
M. 6.
21
II
4
59-5
0-75
T. 1.
22
II
5
57-5
0-75
M. 2. Aq Safil.
23
II
6
53-0
0-75
T. 1.
24
II
7
51-5
0-75
T. 1.
25
II
8
50-0
0-75
M. 2. Aq Safil.
26
II
9
49-0
0-75
G. 7.
27
II
10
48-0
0-75
M. 6.
28
II
11
46-0
0-75
M. 2. Aq Safil.
29
II
12
44-0
0-75
M. 9.
30
II
13
44-0
0-75
G. 10.
31
III
1
61-5
0-75
M. 6.
32
III
2
48-5
0-75
T. 1.
33
III
3
47-0
0-75
G. 10,
34
IV
1
40-0
0-75
M. 2.
3u
IV
2
30-0
0-625
M. 2.
36
IV
3
22-5
0-70
G. 10.
37
IV
4
13-0
0-5
M. 2. (Mutilated.)
38
V
1
63-5
0-88
G. 10.
39
V
2
60-5
0-75
G. 10.
40
V
3
59-0
0-80
G. 10,
41
Uadeterm.
1
60-0
0-75
M. 2.
42
Do.
2
59-0
0-75
M. 9.
43
Do.
3
58-5
0-75
G. 10.
44
Do.
4 '
57-0
0-75
G. 10.
45
Do.
5
55-0
0-75
M. 3.
46
Do.
6
54'5
0-75
M. 2.
47
Do.
7
54-0
0-70
G. 10.
48
Do-
8
50'5
0-75
G. 7.
49
Do.
9
49-5
0-75
M. 3.
50
Do.
10
48-0
0-75
M. 2. Aq Safii.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRUARY, 1899.
ger. Variety,
No.
Weight.
Siae. Consignment,
51
Undeterm.
11
52
Do.
12
53
Do.
13
54
Do.
14
5
Do.
15
56
Do.
16
57
Do.
17
58
Do.
18
59
Do.
19
60
Do.
20
61
Do.
21
62
Do.
22
63
Do.
23
48-5
0-75
G. 10.
47-5
0-75
G. 10.
47-0
0-75
M. 2.
40-5
0-75
M. 2.
40-5
0-625
G. 10.
39-5
0-75
G. 7.
39-5
0-69
M. 2.
35-5
0-69
M. 2.
34'0
0-75
G. 10.
33-5
0-75
M. 2.
26-0
0-583
G. 10.
25-0
0-625
M. 2.
24-0
0-625
M. 9.
Find- place.
Aq SafiL
Do,
Aq SafiL
Total weight : 3015*0 Average weight : 47*857 grs.
The following is a description of the coins :
(a) Large Coins.
Diverse; Two concentric circles, of which the outer one consists of an ornamental band,
In the small area within the inner circle is placed an old form (a) of the
Chinese symbol (J) for ' money. 5 See Woodcut No* 1. Between the area and
the ornamental band runs a Chinese legend, consisting of BIX symbols. This
legend is arranged in three different ways, making three varieties, see below.
No. 1.
Reverse; Two concentric linear circles; in central area, bare horse with stiff, upstanding
maue, trotting to right. Between the circles, an inscription in Kharosfch!
characters.
STo. 1 of the list is nearly identical with that figured in the British Mnaeum Catalogue*
p. 894, but the Chinese legend, partially read by Dr. T, de Lacouperie, is far more legible.
Cb) Small Coins.
Qlverse; Chinese legend of three symbols, in old forms ; the same on all five varieties.
Reverse : In first and second varieties, bare horse, standing or walking to right ; round it
a circular marginal legend in Kharosthi characters, showing in the first variety
the letter ma (of maMrdja), in the second variety, the letter i (of utha-
lirdja) over neck of horse*
The third variety has a Bactrian two-humped camel standing to right, and the same
Kharosthi legend as on the large coins, with ma over head of camel.
The fourth variety has the bare horse, walking to right, within a circular linear area, out-
side which is the Kharosthi legend, with maM opposite the tail of the horse, but very
incomplete.
TO fifth variety has a camel walking to right, led by a man, surrounded by a marginal
egendmKharostln, mth ma over the head of the camel. Unfortunately both figure and
legend m all three specnnens are too badly preserved to admit of being fully deciphered.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARF.
The bracketed letters are more or leas distinguishable ; tho others are perfectly clear.
The whole of the risible letters (eleven) occupy slightly more than one-half of tho circle;
kence the total inscription must have comprised abont 20 letters.
Accordingly the complete legends, probably, stood as follows ;
(1) longer legend : MaJiarctjasa Rnjatirajasa Mahal asa Q-wjramayasa (or Guyramadosa
or Guffradamasa).
(2) shorter legend: Maharaj-uthubiraja-U\tgramad<t*a (or fiuyrailamata or Gugra-
modasaor Qugratidasd), with variants yuthafri urjiit/iufii.
The letters which I read juthabi or yuthaU (ovjiifW*) lire- inixaliiif,'. Tho forms in which
the first letter bha appears on different coins are shown in the jrabjoincd Woodcut, No. 2.
No. 2.
%4-lC "fX fx "XV T-A 4-T.
O< 6 & & ^
Thus- (> is seen- on Var. II, No, 11, (6) on Var, II, No, 12, (c) on Var, I!, No. 4, (</) on Var, I,
No. l s (<?) on Var. I, No. 4 3 and (/) on Var. 11, No. 8. Of thviso (>r.) signifies juthttbi, (ft, <?, cZ)
signify JMfH (e) signifies yzt^Aa, and (/) signifies j^/m, Tho form of iho syllable bi never
varies-. In (a) and (/) the vowel u is formed in an unusual way, but similar to its i)nnaiion in
(rf) of Woodcut No. 3, below. I would venture to offoi* tlio following expla-naiioti, which mnsfe
he underatood to be altogether tentative only, I would Kii^gissl that tho legend might be the
equivalent of the not uncommon title Sanskrit PiiJivi-rdja or PiilU'rtlkrit Pnthawlrdja or Puthum-
raja, *\ e. t * King of the earth.' 1 The complete title on tho coins, ac<?or<lin^ly, wonhl run Sanskrit
itirthdruja-prthvmija, or Pali-Prakrit mahdrdja^uthawrdja or M&iidriit/((.''p'ut/i(tMwfj0* In Prakrit
as is weli-knownj the initial consonant o a coiijinnct word may he elided* an<l the rcnultant
hiatus-vowels may be contracted: in the present case <yw may be changed lo w, and con-
tracted tooor even tow. We thus obtain tho form oE bho titlo wfthftrdj-ttthaMraja or
niahdrdy-uth($bfodja f with the provincialism of hardening /?. This explanation postultttow a some-
what advanced stage of Prakrit phonetic change ; but the existence of sueh a stages in Khotan
at the period of these coins is rendered probable by the change o j to y in tho form
The two first letters gugra of the name appear in the following* forms ;
No, 3,
ff
X
Perhaps the group might also be read gurga. Tho form (a) Is the commonest j it occurs-
in Nos, 2, 3, 4 of the first variety, and can be seen very distinctly in No* 8 ; it is also seen
in the large coin No. 1. The; form (b) occurs in No, 1, (o) in No. 8, and (<?) in No. 11, all
of the first variety. The form (/) occurs in the third variety, and the absence o the conjunct
marks at the foot of the two letters is accounted for by the crowded state of the legend.
The final letters dasa appear- in a curiously conjunct form in the coins Nos, 2 and 4 of the
first variety. They are shown as (g) in the above Woodcut No. 3. The conjunction is proba-
bly merely due to the negligence of the engraver.
1 I was disposed at one time to find some confirmation- of my au^oHlinu m tho Ohiiuwo Vwi-yi-lien, which,
according to Abel Eemusat's Histoire de la Ville de Khotm, p. SO, was tho royal titlo o Khotan, and which I thought
might represent the Sanskrit Vigvarr^ya (for Fif wa-rAjo) or king- of tho world/ tv Hyucmym of /WhvMja. The-
eoutest in Eemnsat seemed to imply that Pi-gi-$<i-Uen was tho titlo of the KhotauoHO kiKH from anoiont tiiuc-H up to
the beginning of the 7th century A.D., when the >Wti*i family (ftMmn, p. 35) Huccood(ul tho Want/ family. But
.rom^hatProf. Sylvain Levi kindly writes me (15th February, 1899) it appear* that Pi-<;i^ri-li<in waH only the
proper name of a particular king of the Wang family which reigned in the Oth and 7th (lonturiuH, A, I).
accordingly, is more likely to be the Chinese transliteration of some Turk! name, uiniliur to
FEBRUARY, 15<>J.~ IXDU-CHIX E>E CniXs JN Tin; BTMTiHt OLl,KYi]"N 4:
(c) The Kharosthi Legend.
The Kharosthi legend occurs in two rliiferciJ. ver-i'jii- ; u iiii:jx-r and ;j -1 r: ;^v <M,f. Ti<c
former "which consisted probably of - Inters ;s i<!3i.u *IL iLe Lucre mil;- tuid n, TL- -Ji.,-!' L-O.L.
of the third (or camel) variety. The >hnrtt-r lt-tro2:U. C'.u^ij.vi^iii*/ } i\'l;;fIy ].* ie-ii*]-., i- :^< i :
on the small coins of the irsr. scv_"'ha nurt j >;ii'?h n^r Lor-tj Turk-lie-, TI - length . tht
two legends can easily be c;\lculntr-u froi/i th* swr- cli>i rihiitrsble to iLu pip^ervea anct i:<st
portions respectively. Wiiai ilir I^T-UI] nn tlie -ni'jll ^--.in^ nf tiif llrth vrmi ty may huve been,
it is, at present, innio&sibl'j to sav.
The shorter legend is arrauacsl hi ihri. - d:i!erc!.t v :i r ',- : iu i'j-- rt*hi- T the iiivl vari.-ry il
eoniraences over the i^ec/: ^/ tlie Iiors^, tuiu in iho*j r i' tLvi- .-i^lj. l:.-l i: !iil it- i.til, \vlif it- in ih^-e
oi the second varlotv, it ir.-ob'-Hiiy '"'::2r..''!jrv.i. 7 - / ^ :*^ r\-' 4 ' , ,' : i> : m ii"::>t T:TM rvt-d oj, li-* 1
roins Xos. 1 and 4 < ;" :!;- tir-r rm 1 X *. 7 ,^ < ", ? -.- ::/. , :-'f ; %
The bc>t rea-lir.^'s ',n coiiiS c i* tht j i;]'-t virirtv r ::- .Lr , ".. . f \. j" .
No. 2, i.iGl'urat/" .: '' ,\ / '\^i,^r'^.
Xo. 3 5 ,. til l,tw x :: - C/'.^, ,"''.
No. 4 5 hial-tray^lt'j X ''" ' ^-!.-^, -^'(.
]\O. 10. "Hltf/tU "'. \ X '* ' , ,"' f7/i' //V/./' ^^.it/.'V/.
The best readings oil coins <if the ;-p( s ninl r finely mo ili j f
No. 4, X X fujntftcbi < ), ' ' /' !
No. 5, X X 7f/jt> ,'\/j*t ,\ (.!'< / T '/v/; /' ^'.
No. 0, X y\ i'ir t ii! i t'(tfa't\':^' "' X " - j
No 7, X X X j titlttibli'itj'* ?V^i//r^' ! - J ^
No. 8 S X X X>/////W.l - >;' v X X
No. 11, X X Xjttf]t'ibi\X X '- \ X >
No., 12, X X XJHilaliX X .-' >: X C -
No. 13, X X X'XXX/'o/a 6V//;,v,/ X X >:
Of the coins of the fourth variety, any thing- of the legend is only visible on NY*, 2,
the following fragment can be rent! :
m&Jtanija X X X X X X X X X
The longer legend Is found on the coins of the third variety. On these the letters are
written in long, narrow shapes, closely crowded together; and calculating from wlnii of the
legend is preserved, it may be seen that the face of the coin affords room for 20 letters.
On the coins of the second variety, the letters are formed large and square, taking op muck
more space, so that tke surface of the coin, to judge from what remains of the legend, cannot
have admitted more than 13 letters. The same is the case with the co-ins of the first variety.
where the letters are formed small and square, but ai*e sei wider apart from one another than
on the coins of the third variety. On the two coins of the latter variety, the legend reads as
follows :
No. 1, X X X X X X X X X X X X Xta i Gugra(tla) f nctX
No. 2, maharajasa ra(jatiy;<(jasa) (mar)X X(s#) GiifjrtftiHttJtrMt.
The same long legend, as already observed, occurs on the large coins, with a slightly
different form of the name, vis., Gu<jranifuj(uw. It reads as follows :
No. 1 5 (ma)harajasa (TO) X X X X X XX XX (Guyramayusa)
Xo. 3, (wuluiru) X X X X X X X V X X X X " (Qityra v >' sx*
FEBRUARY, 1899.] INDO-CHINESE COINS IN THE BRITISH COLLECTION. 51
There are altogether five varieties of royal names, all commencing with Gugra ; vis Gtagra-
niada, Gugradama, Gugramaya, Gugramoda, and Gugratida, Perhaps should be read
for d (Gugramana, etc.) in every case, or in some of them, seeing that the Kharosthl d and n are
hardly distinguishable. Seeing also that sometimes y occurs for j in the title maMnlja (maMrtnja)
it may be^that Gugramaya is only another form of Gugramada. It is also possible that Gugramoda
is really intended for Gugramada, as what looks like the vowel o may be a mere slip of the
engraver. In any case there still remain three names which cannot be identified with one
another: ^ Gngramada, Gugradama and Gugratlda. Accordingly these coins must he ascribed
to three, if not five different kings. As all their names begin with Gugra (perhaps Gvrgd), they
would all seem to have belonged to the same family.
(d) The Chinese Legend.
The Chinese legend, also, occurs in two different versions ; a longer and a shorter one. The
longer, consisting of six symbols, is found on the large coins, while the shorter, consisting only
of three symbols, is seen on the smaller coins.
The longer legend is arranged in four different ways, three of which occur in onr collection.
In the first variety, the legend commences opposite the apex of the central symbol and then
runs roond from right to left, In the second variety it also commences opposite the apex, but
rims in the opposite direction, from the left to the right. In the third variety it commences
on the left of the central symbol and runs round from the left to the right. The British
Museum Catalogue, No. 1799&, presents a fourth variety, in which the legend runs from right
to left, but commences on the right side of the central symbol.
In all four varieties the legend is identical, as shown in the subjoined woodcut :
No. 4.
A portion of this legend was read by Dr. T. de Lacouperie, In the British Museum
Catalogue, p. 94. I read the whole as follows :
tchung (1) Hang (2) sze (3) tchu (4) t'ung (5) trie* (5), /. e. 9 " Weight (one) Liang (and)
four Tchu (of) copper money/'
The symbol which Dr. T. de Laeouperie reads yh * one' does not; occur in any of the coins of
our collection, nor can I find it on the coin figured by him in the Catalogue, NTo, 1799a. The
5th and 6th symbols were too indistinct on his coin to be read by him. They are clear enough
on some of onr coins, and are those shown in the above Woodcut. No. 6 is the well-known
sign for tsien or "money 5 (British Museum Catalogue, p. zviii). Ko. 5 is a sign which I have
not been able to find in Morrison's dictionary, 3 the only one available to me ; nor is it known to
any of the Chinese Literati whom I could consult. I take ifc to be an old form of the symbol
'ol fun 9 'copper J (see ibid., p. Ixiv), made by omitting the long side-strokes of the upper
quadrangle of its right-hand portion. A similar modification occurs in the old form ^ of the
symbol |||J Jsuan (see ibid., p. 191), and in the old form &A of tb ^ symbol j^ Hang (see
did,, p. 3UO).
The shorter legend is also identical on all the small coins, though the symbols are drawn in
rather varying forms. This is not at all an uncommon practice* as an inspection of the British
Museum Catalogue will at once show. The legend, with the varying forms of its symbols
2 A Dictionary of the Chinese Language in three Parts. By B. Morrison, D.D., 1820.
52 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [FEBRUARY, 1899
is shown in the subjoined Woodcut No, 5, which also wliows the relaiivo position of the three
symbols in the legend.
No. K.
* ;
No. I is the usual form. No. V shows a form of the 3rd symbol which [ have noticed on
coins of the 3rd and 4 Ik varieties.
I read the symbols as follows :
Iiili (1) tchti (2) tsien. (8), fe., " six Telm (of) money."
The second and third symbols of this legend are the same as I he fnuvlh and sixth of the
longer one. The first symbol, as shown in Figure 111, is (.hut, given by Dr. T. do Laconperie,
ou page xl of his Introduction to -the EritMt Miwiim (!a/iilt>t/w, for /<// 'six.' The corre-
sponding forms in fig. I, II and IV arc merely ornumondil modifications. A form of l,,J t , much
like that in fig. II and IV, occurs in win No. 453, of iho Hr. Mus. (1;d., p. 4L'.">. Compare also
tliu forms of Ink in coins No. 753, 816, 159-161.
Tie Chinese legends state the weight of tho coins. According io (hem the large coins
should normally weigh one liang and four tehu, while Uio .small e<.ins .should weigh six tohti.
As we shall see presently, these Indo-Chinese coins must be referred to tho ttrst and second
centuries A. D. That is the time of the Han dynasty in China. That dynanty followed the
monetary system of the preceding Tsin dynasty M-hieh luul doubled <!' ancient .standard
According to this doubled standard the lianj weighed about 3)fi grains, and <h<- Mm, about
8-12 grams.3 Accordingly the normal weight of the largo ( ,,,i llK should be approximately
227-48 grains, and of the small coins, 48-72 grains. A reference (o tho preceding list
will show that the actual weights of the coins vary widely from, this normal, ' oven
fully allowing for much wear and tear. This, however, was the usual condition the
currency m China. Dr. T. de Laconperie in his ]< reduction to tho liritith Mwmvm
Catalogue (p. am, 2X i v ) shows how numerous tho variants in weight were, and how
tar they were from being approximate to the current standard." Tho variations of tho actual
irom the normal weight appear to have been particularly great under tin II an dynasty, for the
mtermechate usurper Siu Wang Mang (6-25 A. D.) "bo ff an by annulling U K , do,re.<f fi enacted
by he Han dyna S y as he wanted to return to the n.oney of the Tchon dynasty, where the
mother and the child' . ,., divisionary piece) weighed in proportion to each other, similarly
1 o^ T!? J ^7^ 52S B - C-"* I" -dor to IK w far U, In<lo.(;innc fl e coi/s
confoim to the normal g kt, we must test them by their av,i w , wd^ht. Judged by this
he "vr m M f 7 Ugll ' Ye ^ nearl l ^- -ith what should be their nor.nal W( " K ht. For
SfwT* ! ,?,or larg CdnSiS 213<44 e-ains (normal 227M8), and of the 03 small
leltef ' ^r 1 / 8 ', 7 ^ The a ^^nt in the cane of tho largo coins won]( i probably be
gl eater 3 ,f we had a larger number of them to mulco up the average.
dotorminc,! by the following
. Kliii of the roueUoa it ' i< H< " 11 <( " -" '
MMMooirfMHm; tt e ,in onlv w!ilT i Bftro-Ohwow rain of & Wot,, 4 Wm 3SO WH." Thorc in hero
old B ta uc!ar a s aad both tlikfw an i th6 H BtMl ' llH " 1 ' wLitlh iK p " n " 1 t() *
^^ aiu graina (normal}.
FEBRUARY, 139,? ] INDO-CHINESE COINS IN THE BRITISH COLLECTION. 53
language shows that both those languages must have occupied a recognised position In Khotaii
at the time when the coins passed current. In the case of the bilingual Indo-Greek coins,
Indian was the language of the population of the country, while Greek was the language of the
administration or the ruling power. Khotan, so far as known to us, never had aChinese
population ; hut it fell under the power of China at a very early date. In the sixth year of
the Emperor Ming-ti of the Later Han dynasty, in 73 A, D., KuaDg-te, the king of Khotan.
submitted to the Chinese General Pantchao. Thenceforward the kingdom of Khotan became
a regular dependency of China, which formed that kingdom, together with Kashghar and other
Central Asian principalities, into an administrative unit under the name of the "Western
Countries" and under a Chinese Governor-General, 6 and placed Chinese Governors in
Khotan and the other chief towns. Shortly afterwards, King Kanislika of India (about
73-103 A. D.) is said to have held hostages from the Chinese "tributary Princes to the west of
the Yellow River/' that is, from the princes included in the Chinese c * Governor- Generalship"
of the Western Countries. 1 ' 7 It is true that there had been some political intercourse
Between China and Khotan since the days of the Emperor Wnti (140-87 B. C.) of the Earlier
Han dynasty, but Khotan only lost its independence in 73 A. D., when it was included in the
Chinese " Governor-Generalship" of the Western Countries. The Chinese currency of
Khotan cannot be placed earlier than that year. The native kings continued to reign, under
the Chinese supremacy, and this fact explains, why the coins bear bilingual legends. It is
distinctly a Chinese currency, because the standard of the coins is Chinese, inscribed in
Chinese language and characters, and this fact clearly indicates Chinese supremacy. On the
other hand, the reverse of the coins bears the symbols and names of the native kings, in native
(Indian) characters, a fact which indicates both that native kings still continued to reign,
and that the language and characters, used by the native administration, were Indian.
The first connection of India with Khotan dates back to the time of King Asofat
-^33 B. C.)- Ancient Ehotanese Chronicles, quoted by Chinese writers, relate that the eldest
son of that king, when dwelling in Taksasila in the Panjab* having had his eyes put out, the
tribal chief who had been guilty of the outrage was banished, together with his tribe, across
the Himalayas. There the tribe settled and later on chose a king from among themselves.
Soon afterwards they came into collision with another tribe settled to the east of them, whose
king had been expelled from his own country. In the result, the western or Indian tribe was
conquered, and the eastern king, now uniting both tribes under his rule, established his capital
in the middle of the country, at Khotan. 8 This must have been about 240 B. C. The eastern
tribe would seem to have been the Uighurs, of the Turk! race. They gradually occupied the
whole of Eastern Turkestan before 200 B. C. being pushed forward from the north-east by the
Hinngnu or Huns, another Turk! tribe. The latter, in their westward movement, displaced
two Turk} tribes, the Tnechi (or Yueti) and the Uighur ; the former migrated to the north, the
latter to the south of the Tian Shan mountains, displacing in their turn the Saka tribe which
had formerly dwelt there. The i r uechi were gradually driven across the Hi, and the
5Taxarfces. Prom 163 to 126 B. C., they occupied the country between the latter river and the
Osus, and by 26 B. C. they had extended their settlements beyond the Hindukush into
Afghanistan. Here they formed a great kingdom under the two Kadphises and under Kanerkes
and Hverkes from about 25 B. G. to 180 A. D. Their rule gradually comprised the whole of
North- Western India in addition to Eastern Afghanistan. On their coins they used both the
Greek and Indian-Khar ost hi characters : the former they retained from their Greek predeces-
sors whose official script it had been ; the latter was the script of secular commerce of their
c See Abel Remusat's Histoire de In Ville de Jf/iofewi, p. 8 and passim.
7 See Deal's Buddhist Records of the Western World, Vol. I, pp. 57 and 173 ; also Numismatic Chronicle^
Vol. IX (1889), p. 272.
8 See Abel Bemusat's Histoire de la Ville de Eho-fan, pp. 37, 38, and Seal's Buddhist Records of the Western
World, Vol. II, p. 310.
54 THE INDIAN ANT1QUABY. [FKBRUJJ**, 1899,
Indian subjects, Co-existing with these scripts there wro in use also ihe
characters, favoured by the religious and learned, especially the Buddhists.
Concurrent with the great Yueclii kingdom there was in North- Wotorn India a smaller
one of another Turk! race under the kings MHUUH, A/CH, and their wici'essors, from about
50 B. 0. to 80 A. D. It did not extend boyowl the Panjfth, and the Turkl invader**
who founded it, must have entered India through Kashmir and over the Karalcornni
passes from the direction of Khotan. Hero we have wmi, tho Ifighur ru<*<s which still con-
tinues to form the main stock of the population of the whole of Eastern Turkey tan,& had
gradually established itself in the second century B. C., In emmtunt wurfnro with the
Hiungncs and Sakas. It was no doubt the Uighm\s who, similarly to the Yuechis farther west
pressed forward and extended their rule into India in the Urni century* JJ. 0. Here they
became the neighbours and rivals of the Yueclna, and here also they hcoiimc acquainted with
Greek and Indian culture ; for, like the Yueclii Indian kin^s, the Ui^hur Indian kui"# Maues
A?,es and their successors have both Greek and Intlian-lvharostlu Ie#en< Is on ilieir coins. The
Uighnr kingdom which in the South (in India) had to contend with the Ytujdii, and in the
jSTorth (in Eastern Turkestan) with the Hiungnu, at lawt declined in power. In order to
secure the assistance of the Chinese empire, its northern portion nubmitted fco China and con-
sented to pass nnder its administration. This happened, ,H wo have em, in 73 A. I). *o About
the same time its southern portion was annexed by the Yueehi king Kaninhka, who extended
his rule over Kashmir up to the Earakornm (Tsnng-lmg) range, and look h<slage8 from tie
remainder of the Uighnr kingdom, 11 Underthe.se alt owl condition*, fhe/Ui^hor eoinage in
Khotan was conformed to the Chinese standard, and i< obverse legend, whieh had hitherto
heen Greek, was replaced by a Chinese inscription. The rovetiw h^end,, on ihe other hand,
continued, as hitherto, to be expressed in the official Indian language ami Tntiian-Kbarosthl
characters. This explains the use of the latter amongfifc a Turk! population, midi m that' 'of
Khotan must have been. They were the language and wi-iptof the Ui^biir (ov'miuiit, having
originally been adopted in India, and surviving in Khotan after iliu J ml inn porhVii of the king-
dom had been lost. Similarly the use of the Indian-Uighur typon of the bai^ horne and the
Bactrian camel were continued, These typas are found on the eoiun of Mauew, AKOH, and their
successor* ; and indeed, they rather point to Turkestan m llioir honio-land.
That a species of Indian script was current in Khotan in well known from C hi neso writers
? T e T ^ not i wte80olew? with respect to tholanguago oHhe coiiutiy. lliuen THIW W (about
t I r ^^ " ^ Wpitten dlwaotor8 ^ l &* <l<">f ftnJn their minces
resemble the Indian model; the forms of the letters differ Boinowliul ; ihc. dilTerenceB
howerer, are slight. The spoken language also differ* from that of ofhor rcmniries," "
Anolher^ccount says that - they have chroniolo, and their charades, an wHJ an their laws
and their literature, are imitated from those of the Himlfu S with norno nllght altonrf,ioii. This
aS " mS their bai>toisj ^ d ttodiiliKi thotr inminorH nml llirfr language
t hatrf thCr Pfi0ple '' H T1 "^ *"""*" <^-'l imlicilo tiat
u Eli taB ' rigitially * W1 y tinlottcwci ami niioultun*!, derived the
in well c,xjtoed
of IJ lg har rule o.er Hor^WoBtorn Inclm. Ai the same iimo, it
' See $. Ellas' _
!! ~ ee ^.^emusat's BBrfoir* de te ' iywtw
,I,'I
, an a is turned totheri r OO111B ' H <* on ilu- In.lo-OlunoHO com H , tbo l.owc is
, etoO, bat it is turned fr4 a rw- OOCUrfialMO nllloooi " Hof oilu ' r ki ff (
BMM, but it la tamed to the left wi ;i 8 on x,,! , , 7*! or ls P^noing. So alHo tho niimd i fouad on
PEBBTTAKY, 1893.] INDO-CHINESE COINS I.N THE BRITISH COLLECTION. 55
is not probable that the Chinese statements about the written characters refer to the Indian*
Kharosthi script. They rather indicate a modified form of Indian-BrAhmi. The KharostLi.
as seen on the Indo-Chinese coins, dees not merely ** resemble the Indian model," but Is
Identical with that once current in Korth -Western India and Eastern Afghanistan. Hiueu
Tsiang was a Buddhist monk, and on his travels be resided in Buddhist monasteries, and came
In contact almost exclusively with Baddhist culture. The Iiidian-Brahmi was the home-script
and the peculiar script of Buddhism, and T\as carried by them wherever they went. It went
with them, as we know from the Bower and "Weber Manuscripts to Kuchar* and it is equally
probable that It went with them to Khotan, The introduction of Baddhism into both these
places may be traced back to as early a time as the first or second centuries B. C. In both
places, as the Chinese note s the Indian Brahnii developed *' slight alterations/' 16 known to os in
Kachar as the peculiar Central-Asian Bralirat w Hiuen Tsiaug. in the passage above quoted
seems to distinguish between the spoken and the written language of Khotan, By the latter,
which he calls ** the mode of forming their sentences/' and which lie says " resembles the
Indian model/' I presume he means Sanskrit or Pali, such as was used in Buddhist literature,
and which can have been known only to a very limited class of people, the Religious and
Learned* The t spoken language," which I take to have been that of the general population,
must have been the Uighur Turk!, and this, as Hiuen Tsiang says, differed "from that of other
countries," *'. <?., China and India. This view is confirmed by a remark of Sung-ynn (518 A. D.)
respecting Yarkand. Of this town lie says, "their customs and spoken language are
like those of the people of Khotan, but the written character in nse is that of the
JBrahinaus,'* 17 t. e. 9 the Indian Brahmi. Moreover, Fahian ( 400 A, D. ) reports expressly
with regard to the whole of Eastern Turkestan, that though the people speak dif-
ferent Turk! (JSu) dialects, "the professed disciples of Boddha among them all use
Indian books and the Indian (Sanskrit) language,"" 18 2s one of these Chinese Buddhist pil-
grims appear to have noticed the existence of the Kliarost-hi script } whether in Khotan or in its
Indian home-land. The only script of the Semitic class which Hiuen Tsiang noticed, he does
in connection with the kingdom of Kesh, 19 and this script cannot have been the Kharosihi, though
it may have been allied to it. Possibly in their time, Khar-oath! had practically ceased to exist.
In Khotan, at the time of the Indo-Chinese coins, it was evidently the secular official script of
the native Government, though not qnite exclusively so, as is shown by the Kharosfhi
manuscript found near that town by M. Dutreil de Bhins and containing a portion of the
Baddhist Dhammapada. 20 It does not seem probable that, after the severance of the Indian
connection of the Uiginr kingdom of Khotan, the use of the official Kharosfchi script
survived for any great length of time. Its forms, as seen in the Dutreil de Rhins Manu-
script and on the Indo-Chinese coins, are mnch alike 3 and both are identical with that form of
it which prevailed under the Kushana (Ynechi) kings in India, that is in the first and second
centuries A. D. Though its form remained practically unchanged for a century or two longer
in its home-land, it is very improbable, to judge from the parallel case of the Indian-Brahmij
that this would have been the case in a foreign country like Khotan. It is not probable, there-
fore, that the Indo-Chinese coins can be placed later than the end of the second century A, D.
They show, as already remarked, four, if not five, different regal names. Four or five reigns, at an
average of 20 or 25 years, occupy a period of about 100 years. This brings us to, at least,
the year 17B A. D,, as none of the coins can have been struck before 73 A. D. The initial
date is certain ; the terminal date must be near the end of the second century, The period
73-200 A. D., therefore, is a safe date to give to tlae Indo- Chinese coins of Khotan*
15 With regard to Kucliar, see Hiuen Tsiang's remark, in BeaTs Buddhist Records of the Western TVorZd, Vol. I a
p. 19.
16 See a description of It in my Report, in the Journal, As. Soc. Beng. t Vol. LXVI (1897), p. 2^2, LXII, p. 4,
IT See Beal*s Buddhist Records of the Western World, YoL I, p. Isxxix.
i* Bee ibidem, Vcl. I, p. xxiv. 3S See ilidem, Vol. I, p. 38,
? See Gomptes Rendus de FAcctdemie des Inscriptions, Yol, SXY(1897)j pp. 251 ff.
56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[FEBRUARY, 1899.
Within that period, the Chinese records mention the names of four or five kings;
fl) Kuanq-te in 73 A. D., who first submitted his country to the over-lc i-cltship of the Chinese;
(2) Tang-t'sianin 129*131 A. D.; (3) A7<w ; and (4) * AfrTtw.* son of 7uVm, who wnrceodod his father
in 152 A, D. ; (5) Shanse in 220-226 A. D. 21 None of these names agiwH with any on fcho coins ;
lnt they" rather look like true Chinese names, so that it would seem Unit the kings bore duplicate
names, native Tarkl and Chinese. At that early period, as the Chinese relate, the kings of
TChotan were devoted Buddhists, and as such, it may be surmised that they bore names which
were the Uighur equivalents of Indian Buddhistic terms, Dlm.nna being a ecmimcm prefix of
various Buddhistic names, Cuc/ra might he its Uiglmr equivalent. A long- list of ancient
Khotan rojal names, all beginning with Vijaya, is given by Mai Sarat Clmmlru Das from Tibetan
s..urces.s If this list can be trusted, G-ugra might represent Vijaya,
NOTES AND QUERIES.
BIETH CUSTOMS, SHAVING
MUSALMAN BOYS.
THE hair on hoys is shaved off after the 7th or
:Jrd day sometimes, however, immediately after
birth, according to the peculiar superstition of
riie parents. The richer people give alms of silver
coins, equal in weight to the hair removed from
the child. Nearly all families invite their near
relatives on. the 7th day to a feast, the iicfcual
ceremony varying with different parts of the
Vanjab. During this feast not only the guests,
Imt the family hangers-on and the nurse are fed
yratis, and the servants presented with money. 1
GULAB SINGH in P. N. and Q. 1883.
SPIB.IT-SCA.EIN a IN THE PANJAB -
BEAHMAN EATING PROM THE
HAND OF A BEAD BAJA.
THE following curious custom was "brought to
my notice while Visiting a village near Raipttr.
Amb&l& District. A Brahman, by name Jtfathfl,
a resident of the village, stated that he had eaten
food out of the hand of the K&J& of Brl&sptlr
after his death, and that in consequence he had
fur the space of one year been placed on the gadi
\throne) at Bilaspur. At the end of the year
he had been given presents, including a village
and then turned out of Bilaspur territory, and
forbidden, apparently to return. Now he is an
outcaste among his co-religionists, as he has eaten
food out of a dead man's hand. Is there really
any such custom as the above ? and if so, where
rise does it occur ?
21 See iUdetn, pp. 3, 6, 8, 15, 17.
^See Journal, ,4s. Soc.Ben0.,YoLVl (1883), pp. 107, 198.
1 [These notes may be read with advantage with the
customs described in Herklot's Qanoott-e-ZsZdw^p. 3 ff,
2 [I believe tie s&me or a similar custom obtains am
ong
Tho idea soems to ln that tJi< % spirit of the Ilajil
eiitcrn into tho Bralnna/n who oattf the kMr (rici'
and milk) out of his hand wlum ho i d(Nid> as th
Bralnnau is appansiif.ly ra.refully w.itdiod during
the whole year, a,Tul not allowed to ^o away. 2
in ,P. JV <vml Q. 188o.
IvtlESl, AN nSrCTIAToRY IMTK
THE L&lbogi swoopors hav
rites called Kurst. Ai wueh
versew called ulno jfatwl*
Here are sptjciiu< k iiH :
tlu^y ropeitt
genealogies).
Sat Jug ki
Sonfi kd yhttl ; $itut? k<i 'Mfi(> :
led ghtml : w)u?' led jord ;
M knnj'i ; xtlnJ kd t<}i<t :
/
t3fm& ledMwdr : IM Irunji ! khfilfi Kictrr I
DffoU Vddd Ttf M d'iddr !
The Bite of tho Golden Age.
Golden pitcher : jjjoldt'n pot :
Golden horn 1 : ^oldiiii <lretsK ;
Golden key ; goKUin lock :
Golden door ; jnit in tho key ! op( i n tho tloor!
See the figure of the lloJy ^autt !
Similar verRCR ar<t 'UB<H! for the Bwapar Jupr,
Treta Jug, and Kal Jug, Imt tli words silver,
copper and earthen arc UHCM! for oaoli ago respec-
tively in the place of golden.
E. 0. TEMPLE in JP. AT, and Q. 1888.
tho Hill States about Kftfij#A, and ban K^voti riwo to tt
casto of *out.caHto i? Braiimanw. In tho^ Pioneer, for
March 7, 1884, in an account of tho 1'uuoral oroinonio-
of a B&at of Chambft, it is said that rice and gU wort-
placed in the hands of tho corpao, which a BrAhnaun
consumed on payment of a fc<J. ED/] h
MARCH, 1899.]
SOME MEDIEVAL KINGS OF MITHILA
7
ON SOME MEDIAEVAL KINGS OF MITHILA.
BY G. A. GBIJBBSON, Pn,D., C.I.E.
IN Vol. XIV. of the Indian Antiquary, pp. 182 and ., there appeared an article from mj pen
on Vidyapati and Ms Contemporaries. There were some doubtful points as to the date
of the poet, which were further discussed by Dr. Eggeling, when dealing with MS. No. 2864, in
Part IV. of his Catalogue of the MSS. in the India Office Library. In connexion with his
remarks, I published in the Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal a facsimile of the grant
by which King Siva-simlia of MitMi^ gave the poet the village of Bisapi, which is dated
L. S. 292, i. e., A. B. 1400-01.
I have lately been studying the Puntsha-painJeskd of Vidyapati in an edition published
at Darbhanga in Saka 1810 by Pandit Chandra ( or Chanda) Jim, whom I know to b
one of the most learned men in that part of India. It was printed imder the auspices of the
late Maharaja of Darbhaiiga at theBj Press. IB an Appendix Chandra Jha gives extracts from
the Kfrtti laid and fiom the LfJehandvali of Vidyapati which contain a great deal of important
historical information, written by a contemporary of the facts which he narrates. I believe that
Mr. Bendall has lately discovered a complete copy of the foinaer work in the Kef al Library, and
that it will be eventually examined and described by Pandit Hara-Prasad-S&stii. The follow-
ing notes, taken from Chandra-Jha's Appendix, will show the importance of both tie works
dealt with by him, and encourage others more fortunately situated than myself to investigate
the history of medieval Mithila,
To get dates A. D. add 11O9 to the t. S, dates,
In L. S. 217 = 1328 A. D. ,Hara-sirh.laa-d3va abandoned the kingdom of Tirhnt and went
into the NSpal jungles. The Emperor of Delhi then conferred the kingdom on K&mdfevara
Thakkura, who was the founder of the famous Sngann& family. He lived in a village called
Oinl. His brother Harsana Thakkura lived at 8nganna. He had three sons. I give the
genealogies of the prineipal^descendants of two of them. The whole tree is in my article ia tie
Indian Antiquary already mentioned.
Kamesvar Thakkura
Bhava-simha
Dva-simiia d, L. S. 293
!
Siva-simlaa, married several
wives. A famous one was
Bhogisvara, d. L. S. 251 = I860 A. D.
Gandsvara, d. L. S. 252
"1
Kirtti-siniha
The tings of Bhava Siihha's line all took the additional title of Btlpa-Bftr^ya^a. This is
important. Siva-simha is often called only Rupa-narayana. He was Vidyapati's patron.
Eirdz Sh&li TngHaq (1351-1887) deposed KamSsvara, and gave tte throne to his younger
son, BhSgisvara. The date of the latter's accession is not given. He was a friend of Firoz,
The Ktrtti-latd says :
* Ptasahi bJiania phirojasdha sulatdna samdnala, tasu nandana
Friend calling Piroz Shah Sultm honoured his son Bkogisvara,
Ganesvara had two sons* Kirtti was the younger, but went to DeiM, aad was given tlie
kingdom by the emperor,
58
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, ]>99.
Bhorffivara when he came to the throne divided the kingdom with Iris brother Bliava-
simha. Kirtti^simha died childless, and so did his brother, and the half of the kingdom which
they inherited from Bhogfsvara went over to Bhava-siihha's family, the representative of which
then was Siva-siihha, who was a youth of fifteen years of age, and was ilien veiling as
yuwrrfja during the lifetime of bis father Dfiva-siiUm, and who from that time governed the
whole of Tirimt.
Deva-simha left the family residence of 6'ini, and founded the town of DSva-kulJ. When
his father died, Siva-sirhlia successfully performed his last olwqnicH on iho banks of the
Ganges, and then, after fighting the Musalmfins, became independent king of Tirimt. This was
Sak 1324 L. S. 293. He founded the city oE Siva-simha-pura, -which %VUM also known as
Gaja-ratha-pura, When he had been three years and nine months on the throne after his father's
death, he was conquered by the Musalmans and carried to Delhi. His wife, Lakhima, with
Yidyapati, took refuge in Banauli, which is close to Jaiiaku-piwt in Nopal. When no news or
Siva-simha had been received from Delhi for twelve yearn, Lakhima became sati, and Padma-
simlia, Siva-simha's younger brother, came to the throne, hut only reigned for a year. He was
succeeded by his widow, Vifcv&sa-d6vi 5 who reigned for twelve years, and in wliowe honou-
Vidyapatd wrote the $awa-sarva$va-Siwa,
She was succeeded foy :
(1) Dhira-simha Hfidaya-nar&yaiiK
(2) Bhairava-simha Hari-narnyaua
(3) Raina-bhadra Rupa-nArfiyana
(4) Lakshmi-natha Kainsa-nfir&yaiia, "with whom the dyna.sfy ondcd.
These last four names are taken from the genealogical records kept by Oic MitliilS
PaSjyars, and Vidyapati is not responsible for them.
The KwtMatd was written in honour of the Kirtti-niiiiha ineiiiiourd above. The pause
portion appears to have been written in Sanskrit, but the versos, pfrrlJy in a, vury old form of
the language which is now the modern Maitbilf, and partly in Hanwkrit.
DELAILE1) REPORT OF AN ARCtUEOLOGlCAL TOUR \\MTH TJIK
BUNBR F1BL1) Jj'UUCE.
BY M. A. STEIN, PH. I).
[Continued from j>. 4(>.)
Mahavana Vihara. The task thus set to us might bo looked npmi tw paHially wived
or at least greatly facilitated, if the suggestion thrown out by Geiusnil (Juiinintflmn) of Mount
Mahaban having taken its name from the MaMvanct monastery of Hiucn Tuiaiitf could bo accept-
ed as probable. 23 This, however, is not the case. However tempting iho Htmiliiffily of the two
names is upon which General Cunningham's conjecture was solely based, yet, it is ejwy to Bliow
that this location meets with fatal objections both iu tho bearing and tho dintunco indicated
for the site in Emeu Tsiang's narrative. The latter speaks of tho MahSmuxt SuiigharSma as
aitnated 200 H to the south of Umg-K^K. In reality Mount Mahubai. liciK to the tmtl^aat
of Manglanr, as can easily be ascertained from the relative position nhown ou tho accossiblo
maps for the trigonometrically fixed peaks of Dosim and Mahaban.21 I,, tho same way it
can be shown that the measurement of 2CO K does by no means agreo with the actual distance
by road between the two places.
, * : "S 1ie ^ ! f ianS 'f T ad measm;en aents. - In judging of this point it mnst bo romomboi-cd
that the ^stances between two places as recorded by the Chinofio pilgrims can Imvo been
Se ^ictoolortcal Su^ Hq.ort.n, p. 98; Ancient Geegn V T,y~^ "
rs7mw," publishocl by the Survey oHndia Oflioo, 1884, * milon lo I im-Jj.
HAHCH, 18i<9.] ARCII-aSOLOGICAL TOUE WITH THE BUNER FIELD FORCE.
derived only from approximate estimates of the length of road traversed by them or their
Informants- They must Iience in a mountainous country be invariably much in excess of the
direct distances as measured on a modern surrey map. The examination of numerous cas>ei,
in -which distances between well-known L^alities have tliuF been recorded in road-measure
shows that these measurements exceed the direct distances calculated on the maps by at leatr
and in difficult countr more nearl b one-third* 23
Keeping this in view it will be easy to recognise that Hiuen Tsinng's Mahavana monastery
cannot be looked for so far away a^ .Mount llaivlban . The direct distance between the tngononu. 1 -
tiically fixed peak of Mount iMahabau and the position which the field survey carried into Upper
Swat during the operations of last August ascertained for Manglaur, in exactly 40 miles
measured on the map "as the crow files.' 3 If we make to this distance the above explained
addition of one- fourth, which in view of the natural obstacles of the route the high range
between Swat and Buner and the second hill rancre between the latter and tbe Cbamla
Valley must appear very moderate, we obtain a total distance by rnad ol not less than
50 miles. This minimum estimate of the real road distance, when converted Into Hraen T&iang's
li at the value of one-sixth of a mile for the li\ as deducted by General Cunningham, from a
series of careful computations, 26 privets us three hundred li against the two hundred li actually
recorded in the pilgrim's narrative.
The difficulties in which the suggested identification of Hiueii Tsiang's monastery with
Mount Mahaban would involve us "become still more prominent if we compare this location with
another of Hiuen Tsiang's topographical data bearing- on Udyaua and one more easy to
verify. I mean the statement made at the close of Book ii. of the tf/-^ -&**. There we are
told that the pilgrim proceeding to tbe north from U-tu-1tia-Jtun-c?iff, passed over some moun-
tains, crossed a river, and after travelling 600 ?/ or so arrived at the kingdom of T-cltang-uv
or Udyana. 27 U-to-kia-han-cha is undoubtedly tbe present Und on the Indus, the ancient
capital of Gaiidhara. 23
From the analogy of numerous passages in Hiuen Tsiang's narrative, where tlie distances
to capitals of neighbouring territories are indicated in a similar fashion, it is clear that tbe
distance here given to 4 the kingdom of U-chaag-na * mast be understood as referring to the
capital of this territory, ?', e., Mimg-'kie-li or Manglanr, Referring now to tbe relative position
of Und and Manglaur as fixed by modern surveys, we find that the capital of ancient Udyana lies
almost exactly due north of Und and at a direct distance of 5? miles as measured on the map.
"We do not receive any distinct information as to the route which Hiuen Tsiang actually
followed. But from the correct indication of the direction to the north, and ongenei'al grounds
mn,y safely be assumed that he proceeded by one of the direct routes leading through Buner.
The increased length of Hiuen Tsiang's road measurement, 800 li, against the direct distance
on the map, is in tbe light of the explanations given above easily accounted for by tbe natural
difficulties of tbe track. These could not have been appreciably smaller on tbe journey from
Manglaur to Mahaba-n, which leads practically through tbe same mountain region* How then,
if the proposed identification, of the Mabavana Sangharama with Mount jVfahaban is maintained,
are we to understand the great disproportion in tbe recorded distances, 200 li of one jour-
ney against tbe 600 li of the other, where the direct distances from point to point are 40 and
57 miles respectively ?
Mahavana ; Pinjkotai. It is evident from these considerations that the location of the
.Mahavana monastery on. Mount Mahaban, based solely on a coincidence of names, cannot be
25 See V. de St. Martin, M^ moire Analytigue, p. 259. Compare also Cunning-ham, Ancient Geography of
India, p. 48
25 Compare A ncienf Geography, p. 571.
27 See S-2/tt-K, transl. Beal, i. p. US. By the river here mentioned the Ba/'andtt must be meant. But it should
?je noted that in Stan. Julien's translation the word corresponding to * river * is rendered by * des vallees. '
^ Compare Beinaud, 3It'molre sur I* Inde, p. 153, and niy Notes on the history of the Sahis of Kabtt1,i\ 7-
60 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. fAUncH, 1899.
maintained. There remain tlms for our guidance only the facts of the actual topography of
Buner and that knowledge of its extant ruins which the tour described in this report has fnr-
nished. ' Reviewing then the most prominent of the ancieufc sites surveyed we can scarcel
fail to note the remarkable agreement "which the rains of Prnjkotai (Snnigram), Gitmlat '
(Tnrsak) and Girarai present with the three sacred spots specified in the Chinese accounts both
as regards their character and their relative position.
We start from Manglaar as our fixed point. Eoferring to the latest surrey wo find that
Sunigram lies almost due south of it, exactly in the position indicated for the Mahavana
monastery. The nearest route between the two places lies over the Khalil Pass (west of
Dosirri) and then via Gokand down to Padshah and Blai. It measures on the map about
26 miles, which distance converted according to the value previously indicated corresponds to
about 156 li. If on the basis of the explanations already given, wo add to this distance on the
map one-fourth ia order to obtain the approximate road measurement, wo arrive at the result
of 192 li. This agrees as closely as we can reasonably expect with the 200 K of Hiuen
Tsiang's estimate.
The pilgrim's description of the Mahavara monastery as situated " by the side of a great
mountain" is fully applicable to the Pinjkotai ruins. Even the absence of any reference to a
Stupa in connection with this monastery acquires significance in view of the fact that among
the ruins, as described above, we fail to trace the remains of a Stiipa of any size,
Mo-su : Gumbatai. - The nest stage of Hiuen Tsiang's itinerary to the Mo-su
monastery takes us down the mountain to the north-west of the Mahavana Sanghm-ama for a
dzstence of 00 or 40 W. Here the correspondence is again most striking. It is exactly to the
north-west of the Pmjkotai ruins, and after descending from the steep hill side on which they
are situated, that we reach the GumbaM site near Tursak. Its actual distance by road is
about 6 miles, winch corresponds to 36 K, or the mean of the approximate figures given by the pil-
gnm Here we have no difficulty in recognizing the high Sfcupa mentioned both by Hiuen TsiL
toelS 111 ^ rf U extant mo - d ' ^'^ even in its ruined condition forms a striking
feature of the site It can scarcely surprise us that the rapid survey of the ruins foiled to bring
6fc f ^ Stflpa Wllidl aCC rdi ^ to th **>" **on marked
8acl ' d toxts ^ his marrow.
,
den uder
w 70 to ' west of the Mo-su
had viszted the Stupa reared over the pofc where Boddha according to
withtho -
* pr() P SO tho MotfQoation of the former
The ruinod Si *l> of All Khun Kotelie as
place d f ^^^ Villag - Th di8fcailco frora ^ latter
7 mile The Gumll 7 mai ' Ched by ' *" 8tiraat d by mo afc tll
of Hiuen
'
81tuated almost exactly duo wosfc oj! Tursak -
tW obserTation s contained in the accounts of the
narrative see ae p n Ur al1 f ^ntiBcations. ^Hkn'.
Buddha ransomed the ^ dove to V +1 *; avellers S oin & downwarda from the spot where
l^thai^tairilSn^r"* 8 * e ^ m fiV6 days came to th oofay of Gandhara.
ance here gi Teil by l a . H ien ^ a Caa be c nclude d vith great probability that the road dis-
g by ft Hl en was measured to the spot where Buddha i a former birth had
MARCH, 1899.] AECH^EOLOGIOAL TOUE WITH TBE BUNER HELD FORCE. SI
given Ms eyes in charity for the sake of a man/' and where a great Sfcupa had been erected in
honour of this legendary event. It is to be regretted that the sacred site here meant cannot
yet be identified. Suog-Ynn also mentions it ; but from his somewhat confused account it can
only be gathered that it lay somewhere in the central part of the Ytizufzai plain, 29 A. similar
conclusion can be drawn also from Fa-Hien's own statement, who speaks of having reached
Chu'cha~$M-lo 9 or the place of * the head-offering/ the well-known site of Taxila } after a seven
days' march to the east of Gandhara, i. e n of the spot already specified, 30
On the first look it might appear strange that Fa-Hien in order to go from the Girarai site
to the central part of Gandhira or Yusiifzai should proceed in an easterly direction, and should
take five days to accomplish the journey. A reference to the map and a consideration of the
ordinary routes still followed to the present day will, however, easily explain this.
Leaving the sacred site of the * Dove-ransoming ? Fa-Hien may naturally be supposed to
have taken the most convenient and frequented route. In view of the topographical features
of the country this would have been in his days just as now the route which leads first to the
east down the Barandu Valley and then crosses the range of hills by the Ambela Pass down to
Rustam, an important site already in ancient times. 31 It is practically this route which wa^
followed by the late expedition. On it five daily marches of the customary length would still
be counted for the journey from Girarai to Hard an, which latter place in view of its central
position may here be taken as an approximate substitute for the site of * the eye-offering/ 33
Boute to Shan-ni-lo-shL A second test for the correctness of our proposed identifica-
tions is supplied by a statement of Hiuen Tsiang. He informs us that a going north-west from
the place where Buddha redeemed the dove, 200 // or so, we enter the valley of Sftan-ni-lo-shi
and there reach the convent of Sa-pao-sha-tL' 33 Major DEINE in his very instructive **N"ote on
Udyana and Gandhara" has proposed to identify the SJian-ni-lo-$hi of the Records with Bhe
large Adinzai Valley, which opens to the north of the Swat River near the present Fort Chak-
darra. 3 * The careful examination I was able to make during my two tours in the Swat Talley
of the several topographical and archaeological facts bearing on this question has convinced me
that Major Deane has in this, as in other instances, been guided by the right antiquarian
instinct f I hope to discuss this point in a separate report on the remains of the lower Swat
Valley. Here it may suffice to state that the Sa-pao-sha-ti convent with its high Stfipa mast
in all probability, as already recognized by Major Deane, be looked for among the sevfral
great ruined mounds which are found in the very centre of the valley close to the point where
the present military road turns sharply to the west towards the Katgala Pass,
The general direction of the Adinzai Valley from Girarai is north-west, exactly as stated by
Hiuen Tsiang. The nearest and apparently easiest route between the two places leads over the
Banjir Pass down to the Swat Eiver. Thence the road lies along the left bank of the latter to
Chakdarra, which owing to its natural position must have at all times been the favourite point
for crossing. Measured along this route the total distance on the map from Girarai to the
central point of the Adinzai Valley above indicated amounts to 25 miles. This is almost
exactly the distance which we have found above as the equivalent on tie map of Hitten
Tsiang's 200 li between Manglaur-Mangali and Pinjkotai-Mahavana. It is tbns evident
that given the identical base of conversion, the 200 li of the pilgrim represent here with eqnal
closeness the actual road distance between Girarai and Adinzai.
23 See jSt-yw-Ari, transl. by Beal, p. ciii.
" Si'-yu-M, p. xsxii. Taxila, marked by the mans of the present Shall -ke Blaeri, is placed by aU Chinese
accounts three inarches to the east of the Indus ; see Cunningham, Ancient Geography, p, 104.
31 Ancient Geography, p. 65.
S2 The probable stages would be Karapa or Snnigram ; Ambela ; Knstam ; Bakhshali all places wider eh-her
by their remains or position can lay claim to importance from early times.
- See Sl-yu-lei, transl. Beal, L, p. 125 ; J/2motres de EL T?i., i., p. 137.
34 Compare Journal of the R<>yal Asiatic Society of Great Eriiwn, 1896, p. G57.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH:, 189&.
It is clear that we gain important evidence in favour of our chain of identifications in
Bnner by being able to fink also its western end with an ancient site of certain identity,
The positions we have been led to assign to the MaMvana convent and the Stiipa of the < Dove,
ransoming' can thus each be independently tested by the bearings and distances recorded to
known ontside points. The positions hence mutually support each other.
We have made here the attempt fco interpret the extant notices of ancient Buner by means
of the now available materials. It might be urged against it that these materials are still too
canty to permit of safe conclusions, and that in particular the rapidity with which the survey
of antiquarian remains Lad to be effected on this occasion, was not likely to bring to notice
all important sites deserving consideration, lu order to allay such doubts it may be useful in
conclusion to refer to an earlier record. It shows that however hurried to my regret the exa-
mination of the territory has been, yet no important remains above ground which were within
reach, are likely to have wholly escaped observation .
General Court's notes oa Buner, I refer to the curious information collected regard-
ing Buner and the neighbouring regions by General A. Court, one of the French Officers in Maha-
raja Ranjit Singh's service. It is contained in a paper which was published by him in the Bengal
Asiatic Society's Journal of 1839* s5 I did not see it until after my return from Bunor. It con-
tains, apart from purely geographical notices regarding the mountain territories to the north of
the Peshawar District, a series of conjectures as to the silos connected with Alexander's cam-
paign in these regions, and what is far more useful and interesting, & li&t of the ruins and in
particular Stupas found in them. From the fulness of the latter notes and a statement
of General Court himself it is evident that they were the result of careful and prolonged
enquiries carried on through native agents during the time that ho was in the charge of the Sikh
Forces in Peshawar. General Court had already before that time tent/Hied liis interest in
antiquarian research "by the systematic excavation of the Manikyala Stfipa and the valuable
numismatic materials he collected for Mr. Prinsep and other scholars. We can, therefore, scarcely
be surprised at the thoroughness "with "which he had endeavoured in. thiH nmtanee to collect all
information obtainable from native sources regarding the extant monuments of those territories.
If we compare the entries in his lists of ' ruined cities* and * of cupolas ' 36 as far as they
relate to Swat, with the ancient sites and buildings which have attracted pre-eminently our
attention since that valley has been rendered accessible, "we find almost all important remains
still above ground duly noticed. The temple of Talaslx with its elaborate reliovow, the Stupas of
Adinzai, the ruins of Barikot, the great Stiipa of Shankardar, the mounds around Munglaur,
these and other striking remains find all due mention, though their namcH appear more than
once strangely disguised in the General's spelling.
Having observed this laudable accuracy of the information recorded regarding Wwtit,
1 naturally turned with a good t deal of curiosity to General Court's notices regarding Buner.
Might they not tell of ancient remains of evident importance which 1 had failed to notice ? I wan
soon reassured on this score. I found that of the old sites named by General Court's inform-
ants in Buner proper, all, with one doubtful exception, had actually been visited by me,
Notices of Stupas. -Among the cupolas, 8 * i. e. Stupas, which arc specially singled out
for notice, we find those of Eeniafoor, one of which is near the village of Woomseu'It, and the
other under Mount Jaffer." It requires no great amount of philological acumen to recognize
here m the General's (or his English translator's) 'Fooraewls* our Tunsak, and in his
See Collection of Jkcfs which may U m*ful for the comprehension of Alemnder Ihe ftwrf'* ^>loit$ on tl*
l'4ole Militaire do Saint-Cyr, J. A. 8. A, !*,
* See pp. 307 sq. and 311, loc> rit.
c pok' is evidently intended as a rendering of the term '(Sfow&cw' (dome) whicli is uniformly
region to all ruined Stupas and dome-shaped buildings ; see p, 10.
MARCH, 1899.] ARCH-3S3LOSICAL TOUS WITH THE BUNER FIELD FOEGB. 63
Heniapoor f the name of the village Anrapur, which we have noticed above as situated just
opposite to the Gunabatai Stupa. For the mistake in the first uame the quasi-palographical
explanation (F misread for T) easily suggests itself. In the case of the second the peculiar
Pushtu sound nr is evidently responsible for the deficient spoiling. 38 It is clear that this
notice refers in reality to one Stupa, that of Gnmbatai, which, as we have seen, lies nearTursak
at the foot of Mount Jaffer and opposite Anrapur, Whether the kind oi * diplograpty 9 noticeable
in General Court's description is due to his having recorded two separate accounts without
noticing that they referred to the same structure* or to some other misunderstanding, cannot be
decided now.
The cupola near * $ nicker an >* which is next meotioned 3 car, be no other than the great
ruined Stupa south of Sunigram. By another 8S in the village of Falcttahind" is clearly meant
the Stupa of Takhtaband. The same clerical error or misprint as in F&oraseuk-TnrB&k
accounts for the change of the initial consonant in the local name. The reference to a Stupa in.
4 Gaboolgheram,' i. e., Kabulgram on the Indus, agrees with information supplied to me. But
this locality, which can scarcely be included in Buner, was, of course, beyond the limit of my
explorations.
General Court's list mentions after the cupola near * Sonigheran ' tie two found among
the ruins situated at the foot of Mount Sultker near the village of Riga. The name *Eiga*
stands here evidently for Sega, the home of the * Mad Fakir ' and our camp from the 15th to
the 16th January. But as, notwithstanding repeated enquiries and comparatively close inspec-
tion, I failed to trace any conspicuous remains in the immediate vicinity of that village., I feel
induced to suspect that General Court's informant in reality intended a reference to the ruin;s
of Pinjkofcai above Sunigram. Rega, a large village, is a far better known place than the small
hamlet of Sunigram, and as the direct distance "between the two is scarcely more than 1J miles.
the above-named ruins could equally well be described as situated near Sega. I cannot identify
*' Mount Sukker. " The name may possibly be that of the hill, on a spur of which the
Pinjkofcai Yihara is built. That the high vaulted halls of the latter should be included under
the head of "cupolas" could not surprise us. In the same way we find the ruined monastery
of Clidrkotli, situated in the gorge south of Batkhela, Swat, which I visited in December, 18&7,
without tracing near it any Stupa remains, referred to under that designation in General
Court's list (No. 6, ' Okarkotlia').
If we add that besides the above notices General Court's paper contains also a correct
account of the Hindu Tirthas on Mount lim, it will be acknowledged that his agents had taken
evident care to ascertain and to report all ancient sites in Buner which were likely to attract
attention.
This observation can only help to assure us as to the results of our own survey. We have
seen that the latter, however hurried, has not failed to take us to every one of the sites which
were known to General Court's informants, and this though at the time I was wholly unaware
of this earlier record. We may hence conclude that the ruins described in this report include
most, if not all, of the more important sites of Buner. We are thus justified in looking among
them for the remains of those sacred buildings which in the records of the Chinese pilgrims
receive special mention.
Conclusion. In concluding the account of my tour in Buner it is my pleasant duty to
record my sense of gratitude for the manifold help enjoyed by me. In the first place my sin-
cere thanks are dae to the Punjab Government and its present head, the Hon'ble Sir W*
Maekwortja Young, K.C.S.I., who readily sanctioned the proposal of my deputation and
SB ]? or the same reason the name appears in the maps metamorphosed into *
TEE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 1899.
to meet its cost. By thus rendering my tour possible the Punjab Government have
once more a proof of their desire to further the objects of Indian antiquarian research.
This, I trust, mil be appreciated all the more as the field to be explored lay OB this occasion
beyond the limits of the Province,
The above pages have shown how much assistance 1 derived from the kind interest whicif
Major H. A. Deane, C.S.I, has taken in my tour. Students* of the antiquities of the North-
West Frontier region know the valuable discoveries <lue to Major Deane's zeal for archaeological
exploration and his readiness to facilitate all researches bearing on those territories.
Ifc is an equal pleasure to me to record publicly in y sense of the great obligations I owe l<>
the Military and Political authorities of the Brmer Kiold Force. Major-General Sir Bindon
Blood, K.C.B.J Commanding the Division, not only agreed in the kindest manner to allow me
to accompany the expedition, but also showed on many occasions lite interest in my work and
his desire to facilitate it by all means at his disposal. His staff as well as the Political Officers
attached to the Force, Mr. Bunbury, c. &., and Lieutenant Down of the Punjab Commission,
were ever willing to give ra& all needful assistance.
I feel particularly grateful to Brigadier- General Sir W. Heiklejofcn, K.C.B,, Commanding
the 1st Brigade, and his staff for the free scope tlu-y allowed for my movements. Personally
I doubt whether a civilian on a similar mission could ever have met with a kindlier reception
than that which was accorded to me among the (>$K"< i i's of the ttnnSv Field Force.
M. Fad Ilalii, Draftsman, Public Works Department, who wna <leputod to accompany nnv
rendered valuable services by making accurate surveys smd plans of all the more important sites
and ruins. I must especially commend him for ilu> rewliiiewB with which hu volunteered for
the duty, and the careful and intelligent "way in which ho carried out hit* work, often nude?
somewhat trying conditions. For ought I to omit n, grateful reference* to the excellent
marching of the Afridi escorts furnished to me by tin* XXth Regiment Punjab lu San try which
enabled rue to make full use of the limited time available for my
A POPULAR A10PLA SONG.
BY F. Jb'AWCKTT.
THE Moplas (Mapillas) of Malabar, ardent h ud f uaf !<,! Mnhamraadfuia an they are, nre much
devoted to songs, mostly religious, about the IVophet'w baWlew and also their own for the most
part, But their songs are not confined to de&cp|>timis of sanguinary conflict, and thcoiio which
is given here is not in this style. The songr are wviitcii in this Arabic charsu-.iw, and Iheir
language is a curious polyglot patois of MaLpJnjn, tho local vonmeuliir, Tanu'l, Telugu,
Hindustani, Arabic, and of many another toii^ur-, a word of which IB here and there brought IB
for some special use. The song here given 5,s tartly m it oxistfi, so far m it can Iw tnuiBlateel
into English.* Its author was one Alungal Zandi M6yanktitti VMdite. His griiiidfatlier
was a Hindu, a Velan or medicine-man, corse ^ttd to Islam (became a Mopia) awd called Uw
Mammad VAidifir after his conreraion. Wo |.iM,]Vsfon of tlic family wan niechVJue} hone*
YTiidiar, a term which is synonymous with Tttui,. Th poet died BIX yearn ago, agtd 45. Hi*
MKgsweze Tery popular. Not at all a cnltiMit..J ,,,an, lie was cinmniHtanoecl juntas th*
ordinary poor and ignorant people of his eWs around him j and, let it be said, ' ininattm
educational there is no more backward class u Ihdia ilmi the MoplaH.
He w^s distinctly imaginative, and he l-,ad Moulded the art of poesy, Biicli as It was awwigsi
the uncultivated Mopks, - but whence did h* jvot his ideas P The poem neeius to offer bnt
m instance of how olderstoriea are used, adu,^! and passed on, jast as Boccaccio and Shake-
^^ ^ K''*'*
MARCH, 1899.] A POPULAR MOPLA SOFG. 65
speare, to go no further, handled older material and moulded it into what they have left us.
It seems there was in one village, Kondotti, a man by name Pnthan Maliyakal Nilanmdin iliah,
reputed as a Persian scholar who translated several Persian works into the vernacular.
Through him he was able to have some slight acquaintance with Persian literature. His story
seems to be aa adaptation from The Wasr^-Be-Kazlr (a story of Prince Be-az!r), an eastern
Fairy-Tale," known generally through its English translation (fay U C. W. Bowdler Bell, Lieut.,
5th Royal Irish Lancers, 1871)/*
As the transmission of tales is always a subject of interest, an outline of this one will be
given, as there are doubtless many to whom it is not readily available.
It is the story of Be-Wazir and Badar-i-Munlr. According to a prefatory note fay the
Urdu writer the story he relates is a prose version "of the poetry by the late Mir Hasan, with
the poetical name Hasan,' 1 of Delhi, written about 1802, "in an easy style, in conformity with
the language of the high and low, for newly taught gentlemen." In fact it is a * Text-took
for the High Proficiency Examination In Urdu. 1 ' It is not said at first where the scene is laid,
but it transpires (page 101) that the city of the king is called *< Ceylon, 35 The hero is the king's
son, in the Mopla poem it is the heroine whose father is king ; and the heroine's name is the
same as that of the prince in the story as told by our Mopla poet.
Hah Rukli, a Fairy (Peri) Queen, finds the prince asleep and carries him off. She gives
him a mechanical horse to ride for a period daily. In one of his excursions he sees Badar-i
Muntr, then aged 14 or 15. " Her face was so beautiful the moon would become spotted on seeing
it," " Her glance was destruction and her look a calamity without remedy," rt Her eye-lashes
would overturn a row of lovers." " If an angel saw her jewelled bodice he would rub his hand
with sorrow." Mah Rukh is told by a devil of the prince's amour and puts him down a well.
The heroine is disconsolate and wanders as a jogin. Apropos of her playing the author says :
" Music has wonderful effect, as it makes the liver of hard stones water." Ferozshah, son of
the king of the jinns, meets her, and says : "It is true that love is as grass and beauty as
fire. There is always a connection between love and beauty. And music is like the wind ;
it applies this fire to that grass." As she played, " pieces of his liver fell from his eyes."
He carries her off, and eventually she tells him the canse of her sorrow ; he sends to Mah
Kukh and demons release the hero* Through the instrumentality of Ferozshah they are
married, and then- they go to the prince's father's kingdom.
Such is the story which our Mopla poet in all probability knew more or less correctly, Wo
will now see how he has used it. 2
The story of Hasanul- Jamal and Badaru'l-Mtuilr.
I sing the praise of God before I begin this poem ; I also invoke the blessings of the Pro-
phets whom God in His mercy has from time to time sent to the world of men, and I pray to
the ministers and to the relations of the Prophet. Oh God ! help me to complete this song
without errors. Oh Lord ! give force and fluency to my tongue, so that my song may be
excellent ! Oh God ! May the Prophet's mercy be upon me ! I pray to the Prophet's chief
minister who saved the Prophet by allowing a serpent to swallow the toe of his foot j and who
kept pebbles in his mouth so that his tongue might be free from useless talk. I pray to the
second minister (of the Prophet) who adhered closely to the precepts of the Quran, who put to
death his own son in accordance with the ordinances of the Quran, and whom God Himself
called Farufc; one who separates truth and falsehood. I pray to the third minister, who
arranged the Quran, whom the Prophet acknowledged from Heaven to be his friend, and
whom the Prophet met in all the seven Paradises, I pray to.tbe fourth minister, who killed in
battle the most powerful monarchs, who married the most beloved of the Prophet's daughters,
2 Whence Mir Hasan ** with the poetical name Hasan " received ideas for his tale cannot be puxsxied here, but
it is safe to say it is likely he had read the Arabian Nights. [According to Beale, Oriental Biog. J>fo,;*.t?. Hasan,
Mir; Mir Hasan wrote the story of Badar-i-Munfr and Be-Nazifr in 1785 and died in 1790, It appeared in the
Ufasnxvi-Mir-'Basan. otherwise the Saliru*l'Bay<in,~- ED.]
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH,
and whom the Prophet pronounced to be 'the Gate of the Hall of knowledge.' I pray also to
the other six ministers, and to the two grandsons of the Prophet who arc Princes of the
Watchmen in Heave*. May I obtain the blessing of tlie Prophet 1 * daughter, of all the
Prophets, of all the Shahids, of all the illustrious SlitteLs in Baghdad and Ajmfir, and of all
the true followers of the Prophet, May the everlasting and changeless Oo.l direct towards
me the blessings of all these illustrious mem Oh Gocl ! Who existed before all created things,
whose existence knows no end, I possess none of the educational qualifications proper to a
poet: mayst Thou enlarge mj narrow intellectual vision I
The author of this poem is the celebrated Hizamu'ddln, learned in <( Hamir."
* In the country of Ajmr, in the north-west of India, there lived a great king, Mahftsil,*
"byname. He was very powerful, many kings were tributary to him, and ho had countless
subjects; his^ fortresses and strongholds were innumerable. But mention of all particulars
of the kind would make my story too long, so they are omitted.
Now the king had a faithfnl minister of wide-world fame, called Mds Amir, -who
was in great sorrow because that he was childless. Ont) day an astrologer came before him,
and he addressed him thus: c< Oh astrologer! tell luo my fox-tune, I suffer terribly because
of my childlessness. My wife and I have had BO issue* Death may overtake UH at any time.,
and if: we haye no child, who will inherit our property r Thought of HUH makes my heart
burn. Tell me now whethey we are destined to have a child or not."
The astrologer asked the name of the star (planet?) under which the minister was born
and, having examined his horoscope, said: ** Oh most gracious minister! There is not any
doubt that before long God will bless you with a beautiful BOB; put away your anxiety and
rejoice, for the son to be born to you will become a happy king over many countries. Yea
must call him padaru'l-MTinlr, which means '* the full moon/' Ho will bo victim to many
misfortunes and fall into great dangers, but he will get free from them all, and obtain as his
wives the moat beautiful women."
The minister was much pleased to hear what the astrologer said, and gave him large
presents.
In course of time the minister's wife gave birth to a handsome and intelligent hoy. King
Mahasil came to see the child, and was struck with wonder at its loveliness* *Aw advised by
the astrologer the child was called Badaru'l-Munir, Then the king and him rolinuo departed.
The child grew up the delight of all. When he was throe years old a dang-hirr wan born to the
king. She grew up so beautiful and so lovely, that she was a wonder to all beholders, and she was
called Hasanu'l-Jamai, which means "The most beautiful" t The ttriuwtor'M ncm and the king's
daughter grew up together; they played together, and they wore taught by the winio teachers.
They advanced in years and in knowledge, and at length began to fool lovo for each other. By
day and bynight they were in each other's company. The beauty of the girl when nho was ten
years old cannot be described. Her hair was darker than the black ckm<I and more shining
than the wings of the beetle, and when untied reached the sole of her foot; vlwn tied up it was
of wonderful beauty, Her forehead was arched and narrow ; her eyebrow*, were like the rain-
bow or the half moon ;* her eyes were black as if blackened by oyo-jrnlvo 3 !<* troth were .small,
and white like the seeds of the pomegranate ; her tongue waa like the petals of the red wnter-lilly ;
her lips were of the colour of the red coral : her face was like the loiuH. She wag the first fruit of
the tree of gold. Her neck was more graceful than the doer's; her blasts, round at their
base, were like blossoms of the jasmine. They were like two golden cups, i the knoks on the
head of a caparisoned elephant ; they were of full me, without flaw, of uover-Jtiulhi beauty ;
and yet, only a handful. Her waist was very slender, about her thighs she wan fleshy, and her
egs were like the plantain tree.* Her feet were like gold. She livery grace, every,
J**5^ * *^ iKrhout h, t
* **a* -the wairiBg moon,- a fw'urite simile, is meant, * A fwurite simile*
MARCH, 1899,] A POPULAE MOPLA SOXG. 87
accomplishment, and everyone called her HasantfUamAl. Her morals and disposition were
exact counterparts of her physical beauty. This beloved daughter of king Mahastl had
beautiful jewels in abundance. She wore golden ornaments set with the most precious stones,
She slept iu the fairest of beds. She dressed in the most beautiful silk. She walked like an
elephant, with wavy side to^side motion, her head slightly bent. She looked with quivering eve
which resembled the bee that has seen honey. Any one* man or angel, who saw her smile*wfth
her coral like lips, would be smitten instantly with love;; nay, more, he would lose his wits
and go mad. This fine coloured parrot 6 of a princess loved BadaruM-Mnnir with all her heart :
her feelings towards him never changed. There did not live in that age one who was in any
way comparable to Badarn'l-Munfr. His face would have put the lotus flower to shame ; his
talk would have stopped the course of the river of honey: even the h mis of Paradise would
have been enraptured with the music of his voice, with the sweetness of his words. Not a daj
passed without this beautiful princess and this fairest of youths meeting each other ; day
by day their love increased, til! ft t last the people began to whisper tales of sin. Humours
reached even the ear of the king, who issued stringent orders forbidding the minister's son to
come to the palace- Badaru'l-Mnnlr, fearing the king's displeasure, did not go to the palace.
Day and night, with oofc food or sleep and with aching hearts they thought of each other,
Their dreams were their only means of sympathetic communication; waking, they were
undeceived, and wept bitterly.
The princess called a faithful slave, and told him to bring to her presence unknown, to ary
one, the full moon of her affections. True to his mission the servant conveyed secretly tie
joyful message to the minister's son. He was elated, and arranged to meet her tie same night
Delighted beyond measure by the w^ty in winch the slave had earned out her orders, tte
princess immediately gave him his liberty and a present of four hundred silver coins, Witli
agle eyes the princess looked out for her beloved BadaiVl-JIunir who, like the beetle seeking
the lotus flower, kept his tryst faithfully*
The princess of resplendent beauty thus addressed him abruptly : Jly father lies between
our meeting ; the full moon of our happiness is gone : do you propose any remedy ?"
Badaru'KMunir replied: "Oh my dear one! Oh most beantiful mamkam*l Oh
rising moon ! Tour father's cruel order is a death-blow to as* Oh fairest flower of humanity !
Whatever yon wish to be done I will do it at all risks."
The princess said : "Oh my beloved! Solongas my father is king we -cannot live together
in this country ; if we cannot meet at least once a day the ocean of our love will be tossed with
violent waves, and we shall go mad \ I see no way for our remaining here. I am readv to
quit my father's realm and go elsewhere: I have golden ornaments set with precious stones of
great value : one of my bracelets would suffice to maintain us for a life-time. n
As these words came out of her coral-like lips he blushed with joy, and said: a Oh sweetest
flower ! I am ready to do your wish and bidding at all hazard. I accept entirely what you
&ay.* ' The princess then said to him with bated breath ; I will get ready the fleetest of horses
that will gallop through the forest with the speed of the wind ; I will have everything ready by
midnight *. you must foe here then. By daybreak we will be beyond the dominions of my father."
Having so resolved, they embraced and parted.
Now this conversation took place at the foot of the sfcaii'case of the palace in which the
princess lived. A fisherman by name Abft Sayyid who used to bring fish to the palace was
sleeping near the foot of the staircase. Hearing a voice 8 above his head he awoke and listened
c A Tamil simile of loveliness.
7 A precious stone, , Int., the precious stone which is within the head of the serpent MaMswk, lut
applied generally to any precious stone.
* In the original " human voice."
68 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MABCH, 1899.
attentively and understood what tlie lovers had said. He was astounded, * and, hastily leaving
the palace, went Lome ; at daybreak he went to the minister and &aid as follows ; " Oh *&v
lord, take good care of your beloved son this day ; if you doubt me and let your son go out
to-day the king will sorely have your head, and not only yours Imt the heads of many
innocent persons/' Minister: "What is your reason for saying this?" Fisherman:-
* fr Your slave will explain fully "when the day is done,"
The minister was perplexed, and, calling- his son, said to him : ** Oh my son, go to my
room, open my box, and bring to me my ring/* No sooner had the son entered the room
hut his father shut the door. Badaru'l-MunSr was surprised by what his father had done ;
he was stricken with grief.
Hassannl-Jam&l made all arrangements for departure, taking with her all her -jewels
and beautiful clothes, also a laced coat and silken garments for Badaru'l-Munir, and a beautiful
horse finely caparisoned. Thus she awaited her beloved at midnight, she, unfortnnate lady
not having the slighest suspicion of the misfortune which had overtaken him. The wicked
fisherman appeared in disguise at the spot at the appointed hour. The princess said ; * * Let
us go." In a low voice the fisherman said : " Yes," They mounted tlie horse and were soon
trat of the town with the speed of the wind. Before daybreak they had crossed hills, forests,
plains, and left many miles of country behind them, and during all this time they neither looked
at each other nor exchanged a single word. At last they halted on an open plain, and turning
back to see her lover seated behind her, she was astounded to Pee instead of him _ tlie fisher*
man ! <Oh 1 where is my most beloved Badaru'l-Munlr ? " she cried and fell senseless from the
horse. The fisherman trembled with fear, and, folding his hands, stood at a respectful
distance. Soon she recovered her senses, and began to beat her breast with her hands and
to roll in the dust as she wailed : "Oh God I what misery lias befallen me ! How have I beea
deceived I I have left my home and all its pleasures pursuing a shadow. When ehall I forget
this separation from my beloved? What shall I do to get out of this pit of misfortune B
Oh God I what further dangers are in store for me ? So long as I live I will not return to my
father's palace. What misfortune has overtaken my beloved Badarn'l-Munlr, and prevented
him meeting me as we arranged ? He would never have failed me but that omo great danger
has come over him/' So saying she wept bitterly. Suddenly her feature* changed her
eyes became bloodshot; drawing her sword she leapt like a lioness towards the fisherman.
vS 6 L TT **?f T trdy r * Wi " CUt ff y ur llcad il *** Have yon
killed my beloved faend ? ' Oh princess ! ' said the fisherman, - do not be angry. Protect
met I will tell you the whole truth and nothing else. Last night I went out to fish, but
caught none. As I was going home I saw a big horse and a woman dand by. As I came
near, the 'woman said :- Let us go.' I said *- <Yes/ Then you mounted the horse and
old me al^> to get up Tins is all. I knew nothing beforehand. The sword in your hand
temfiesme Do what you please ; I will not prevent you. It is in onr ower to
^
A f i rS6 "^ t0ld fcll fishmnai1 to m * *fco- So they
travelled for a month, and passed out of the dominions of her father
mi, it people asked who she was, to
saying ? The princess ehang^colonrand^trSaTvtf Iv^ g 7? ~ *J J" 7 f "*
" Senseless fisherman ! Do voa love ronr life ? " Tl J \ g addres sed lm tlms :-
feet, cried for mercy. Then sheo^ned the box in which IheTa^ trembled ' ^' Mliu % &t her
_ * o u oi it a cloth, a coat and a pair of sandals QK^ * i / n /i
Jewels she had broncrl^f QUr, j. i j. i t ^^. one examined carorully all the
M brought. She took up the S anda ls , p l aced them m ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^
MARCH, 1899.] A POPULAB MOPLA SONG.
She was overpowered with grief, and called aloud the name of Badarn'l-MunJr and said'-
" When shall I see yQurfaceagain ? I am unable to suppress mj love and control my feeling ''
and beat her breast with her hands. After some time she threw the clothes and sandah to
the fisherman and told him to put them on. He did so, and, taking leave from the princess,
strutted along the street, seeing many curious things. He saw a large crowd, and went to
mingle in it. There were several foreign merchants, and the king's minister, dressed in
beautiful silken garments, seated on a chair. When they saw the fisherman coming they
were struck with amazement at the costliness of his dress, and questioned each olher *.
to who he was. He answered that he came from Muskan-Teresa, his name was Abii
Sayyid, and he was a celebrated trader in precious stones ; in the course of Ms travel he came
to this place. The king's minister was much pleased, and with much respect offered Mm a
seat. The following conversation then took place between the minister and the fisherman,
The latter said : What is the reason for fchis large crowd ? s; The minister said :* Bv
order of the king. The king of Sham has sent a pearl to our king, saying it is worth
64 lakhs of gold, and challenging any one to find a flaw in it* If found to be flawless.
40 important seaports are to be given to him ; but if any flaw is found in it then
he will give 40 of his chief seaports to whomsoever discovers the flaw. When he
received the letter our king ordered me to write letters to all interested. These merchants
and myself are examining the pearl, and we are in a dilemma, for in our opinion there is no
flaw in it. Just as we came to this opinion you appeared. JSTow t if you will give your
opinion about this pearl, our king will reward you with immense wealth and honours and
horses and titles. Have no doubt about this/* Abu Sayyid said : " I came to the bazaar
to buy provisions ; my wife waits for me; to-morrow I will come and give you my opinion." 1 *
The minister agreed. Abu Sayyid returned to his wife, 9 and related to her his adventure*
She told him to be of good cheer; he should tell the minister that his wife is a better judge oE
pearls than himself, and as she cannot leave her house the pearl should be sent to her, and she
would give a correct opinion on it. So the next day Abu Sayyid brought the minister witli
the pearl to his house. The woman 10 examined the pearl, and said it was nothing but chunam,
ashes and water; if it were broken it would be seen at once that what she said was true,
The minister reported all this to the king, who asked whether Abu Sayyid would give secnrity
for the loss of the pearl if it were broken and his opinion was found to be wrong. Abu
Sayyid offered to give any security that was demanded. Then the pearl was broken in the
presence of witnesses, and it was found to be jnst what the princess had said, The king % s joy
and admiration were boundless j he would give Abu Sayyid anything he chose to ask, But
Abu Sayyid would do nothing without his wife's permission, so promised to return the next dav.
The next day he came, and the king asked him what presents would satisfy him. He said ;
s My wife would accept no presents. AH we want is a house in a suitable locality, and for this
we will pay the price/' The king was astonished, and, to test him, ordered the costliest mansion
to be selected, and double price to be charged. With a single pearl from one of her rings the
princess paid the price of the mansion, thus confounding the king and his minister with surprise,
The fisherman and the princess moved quietly into the mansion. When she saw the grandeur
of the mansion and the splendour of its furniture she was drowned in grief, for they recalled to
her mind the loss of her lover, and she wept bitterly,
Abu Sayyid tried to console her with sweet words. He said : " Oh my benefactress ! why
weep over the inevitable ? Will the sun rise in the west by thinking over it ?" Hearing this
she struck him in the face with her shoes, kicked him, and spat in his face. He besought her
pardon, and promised never more to speak to her in that fashion.
Now the king was so pleased with Abu Sayyid that he gave him his daughter in marriage*
and asked him to divorce his first wife the princess. Abu Sayyid said he would not, for
Ms life as all his happiness was due to her. Then the king said he would hand over to him
* The princess is meant: not Ms wife, ia The princess,
70
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [MARCH,
his kingdom and all his wealth if he would divorce her. This temptation was too strong fop
the poor fisherman, and lie agreed to the king's proposal. Accordingly the king appointed
AWi Sayyid to be his successor, and made him king.
The king who had heard from his minister of the great beanty of the princess, sent an old
woman to tempt her. When the old woman reached her house the princess was lying as in a
trance, lost in dreams of her lost lover. " What is it ? " she said to the old woman. ' I am an
old woman, named Kunsath, oh beautiful parrot ! Prosperity and greatness are yours, for the king
wishes to see you, and has sent me to take you to him. Daughter! if he sees you, all his
wealth is at your feet." Hasanu'l- JamSl said : " What you say is true, but how can 1 come
without my husband's permission? He is in the palace; if becomes back and gives me
permission, I will come." The old woman said: c Daughter ! He has divorced you; he has
married the king's daughter, and is happy there. Listen to me, a danger will befall you." Then
Hasanu'l-Jamal thought perhaps the king and the fisherman bad conspired to ruin her. "Oh
God ! what shall I do !" Thus she mused in deep sorrow, and while so absorbed the old woman
spoke again:" Beloved daughter ! Follow me quickly. Do not hesitate. Yon are helpless
here. Ton are like an elephant 11 in a pit. If you refuse to follow me your mansion and all yon
possess will be lost to you. Ton will be in endless sorrow. Obey me." Thus insulted
Hasanu*l-Jamal rose angrily and kicked the old woman out of the bouse. She went to the
king, trembling from head to foot, and said : " Oh king, 1 have obeyed you and come to
grief. The woman kicked me hard and told me to say to the king * So long- as the sun rises in
the east and sets in the west nobody need think of me. Nobody shall touch mo. Combat
I do not fear/ I escaped with my life." The king was angry and ordered four soldiers to seize
Hasanul-Jamal and bring her before him. The soldiers entered the IIOUKO* Hassanu'l-Jamal
asked : "Who are you to come to my house without permission ? Go away." The soldiers were
startled by her beauty, but approached to seize her. She drew her sword and killed two of
them. The other two fled to the king and told him what had happened. He was angry and
sent his soldiers to besiege her house, bind her hand and foot, and bring her before him* The
soldiers surrounded the house, and called upon her to surrender. She prayed to God,
resolving to die rather than fall into the hands of the king. She fought desperately until late in
thenighfc, 12 killed several of the soldiers, and drove the rest back to the king's palace; to evade
her pursuit they fled into the jungle. After all this she rested tinder a tree. The king of the
Jinns saw her, and carried off to a deep forest, raised a beautiful mansion on the top of a hill
and placed her therein,
We must now return to the story of Badaru'l-Munlr. For three days he shut himself up
without food or rest. Jfews of the affair spread all over the country, aw8 lingo crowds gathered
Unable to hear his pain and shame, Badarul-Murur left the town stealthily, and fled to
unknown Iwda. FOT six mouths he roamed the forests. In the course of his wanderings he
met the Fairy Queen Kamarba, She took him off to the land of the poriB and lmt Mm up in
her beautiful crystal palace; and there he lived for two years and ton months. One day the Peri
Queen and Badaru' 1-Munir went for an aerial drive. They passed over seas and mountains and
visited many countries, until at last, resting under a tree, they fell asleep, Jawt then Suf&yi^
rath, daughter of ShiMh, king of the Jinn* with her forty maids, was roving tho skies in her
beautiful chariot. When she came near the tree she asked her maids what they saw under it, -
was it the moon or a star dropped from the skies ? Whatever it be, lot us alight hero and see
what it is. They came near and found a lovely youth and a beautiful girl sleeping in a warm
embrace a shawl over them. Qxaietly she removed the shawl. The sight <la**ld her eyes and
stupefied her senses. Quickly she took the youth, placed him in her chariot, and with the speed
0! lighting left t ^eeThus she took him to the top of a hill on an island in the fourteenth
MARCH, 1899.] WITCHCBAPT IN ANCIENT INDIA, 71
sea, and there she ordered a palace of gold and precious stones to be constructed for him;
her genii attendants obeyed her in the twinkling of an eye.
When Badarul-Munir awoke he found himself in a strange place and was very uneasy.
His wonder was greater when he saw the woman. But the woman consoled him ; said she
was the daughter of the king of Jinns; the celebrated Mustak, her brother, was a tenible
giant, whom she feared, so Badarul-Mnnlr should remain quiet in the house by day, and she
would visit him at night Thus passed seven years, until one day when he said he could no
longer endure his imprisonment ; so she gaye him a chariot that would in one night carry him
as far as one could travel in forty years ; and she told him he might go where he liked during
the day but he must return at night.
In one of his flights he travelled far and came to the garden of a king whose daughter,
Jamailath, met him, and, falling in love with him, detained him seven days. But the Fairy
Queen eame to the king's palace in disguise and carried him off. The kings daughter was filled
with anxiety, and, unknown to any one, fled from the palace and wandered here and there, until
she came to the palace of Mustak, who had carried ofi Easantfl- Jaia&l. The Jinn, Hizstak,
led her to an apartment of his palace in which he had confined Hassanu4-JamaI, and asked het
why she had wandered so far away from all human habitat ions, and had trespassed into the land
of the Jinns. Then she related her adventures, andsaid she had come in search of her lover. The
genii at once summoned all his maids, and ordered them to find out which of them ha4
concealed a man.
One of the maids told him his own sister, Safayirat, had a man in her custody, and she
visited him every night. So he sent for his sister, and commanded her to produce the man. She
did so. The king's daughter at once recognized Badaru-i-Munir, and was glad indeed to see
him. Mustak asked Badam-1-Munir how he had fallen into the hands of the genii, and
Badaru'l-Munir related all his misfortunes and the story of his wanderings. The Jinns then
bethought him of the story of Hasanu'1-JamiO, and suspecting that she might be the sad cause
for all these, ordered that siie be dressed in the finest robes and adorned with the most precious
jewels. Badaru'i-Munir was dressed and decorated in like manner, as if for his wedding. At
night, when both were fast asleep, the Jinns and the king's daughter placed the cot of Badaru'l-
Munir beside that of Hasanu'l-Jamal, and they concealed themselves behind the door. When
Badarul-Munir and Hasanu'l- Jamal awoke, each wondered who was their bed-companion. At
last they recognized each other, embraced, wept, and related their adventures from the very
beginning. The Jinns and the king's daughter clapped their hands and entered the room*
Then all four entered a car and ascended to the skies* First they dropped the king's
daughter in her father's palace ; then the others went on and reached the palace of the father
of Hasan'ul-Jamal The Jinns caused a golden palace to be created in front of the king's
-palace in the dead of night. The king was surprised, when he awoke, to find a shining palace
in front of his own. All the people flocked to see this wonderful sight, but what was their
wonder when they saw Hasanu'l- Jamil and Badaru'l-Munir the mistress and master of it !
The king and his minister were much pleased to see their children after ten years" absence, and
all the people rejoiced. Their wedding was duly celebrated, and all the Jinns attended the
ceremony. After this the king vacated his throne in favour of Badaru'l-Munir, and went on a
long pilgrimage \ and Badarul-Munir and Basanul-Jamal lived happily as king and queen,
WITCHCRAFT IN ANCIENT INDIA. 1
BY M. WINTEEMTITZ, PH.D.
THERE Is more than one reason why the uncanny and often repulsive practices of 'witch-
craft deserve to be studied. First of all, these practices form an important phase in the
i From the New World for Septeml^er, 1803*
72 THE INDlAST ANTIQUARY. [HAKCH, 1899.
iilstory of. religion, and have their roots in the primitive history of mankind; and whenever we
feel inclined to smile at or to be di&gnsted with some of these customs and beliefs, we ought
to remember what M. Lazarus (one of the pioneers of the scientific study of ethnology) said,,
that, in all our investigations as to the origin of customs, we are standing ** on holy ground
we are standing at the gate of the Primitive History of Mankind at the psychological
source of all that is highest and noblest in man."
A study of these customs, too, allows us an insight into the working- of the linmaii mind
in its early stages of evolution, and is therefore an important contribution to tie study of
psychology. For these customs are merely the outward expression of what we are pleased to
call superstitions, but what are really beliefs ae justifiable on psychological grounds as those
of any creed or science for even in science there is much that is belief to-day, and may b&
superstition to-morrow. It is the aim of etlmo-psycliological research ( Volkerpsychologie)
to find out the reasons of these so-called superstitions, and hence the psychological basis
of the practices and ceremonies which go by the name of witchcraft,
Moreover, in many of these rites we may discover the rudiments of science, the first
gropings of man for an understanding of Nature, and especially (as witchcraft is greatly con-
cerned with the human body) the rudiments of medical science* In studying the very mior-
ance of primitive people with regard to Nature, we are able to discern glimpses of real
knowledge we are, though not yet in the precincts, at any rate at the threshold of Science.
In India, witchcraft practices have always formed an essential element in the religious
life of the people. Witchcraft formed an important factor in the popular religion of ancient
Vedic times, it survives (as it does in Europe) during centuries of advanced civilization, and
it crops up again as a kind of atavism in the magic rituals and formulas of Tantric sects and
Mahfty&na Buddhists, as in the hocus-pocus of modern spiritxtalists in Europe and America.
In ancient India witchcraft practices enter largely into the sacred ritual, and many of the
ceremonies performed by the priests at the great sacrifices arc in no way distinguished from
the practices of magicians. The sacrificial ceremonies are mixed np with numerous rite*
which are intended to secure a special boon for the worshipper or to injure his enemy rites
which have nothing to do with the worship of the gods, but are witchcraft practices pure and
simple Especially in all the rites connected with childbirth, marriage and the funeral service
it is almost impossible to distinguish between witchcraft and religion. To secure the welfare
ot a child or of a bride, solemn sacrifices and prayers to the gods are prescribed side by side
with amulets and talismans and imprecations against the evil demons.
In a highly interesting essay on " Witchcraft and Non-Christian Religious"* Sir Alfred
h " 1 7 *^ to define witchcraft and to prove that it is not * low phase of
n < ^ outsetthere ** Hcal separation between the two,
rate annisi T^' -'""""I! tO ^ ^ fr0m the **Ffc ^ aboriginal and invete-
S^nTi^ii 1 ^" ^ology, and ***J 1". -in the most primeval age of bar-
* ** **** f U * ^ JatteB L " e witel > * Aidin to
through some trifling knowledge which he actually posses^
pretends to possess. He relic, upm/ his own
P leS t0 mflU6nCe Natnre * "Peots all help from supe,
to
fact8 ' aS We filld them ^og primitive
witcLlaft end
thebelief demo U 8 or evil
in the great gods to
* Asiatic Studies,
1899. j WITCHCRAFT IN ANCIENT INDIA. 73
whom the higher farms of worship are directed. We shall see below that even the great gods
of the Hindu pantheon, e* g*, Faraoa and Rudra, are connected with diseases and hence with
medical witchcraft. Besides, witchcraft practices are invariably accompanied bj charms
and imprecations addressed to supernatural beings, and in no way distinguished from the
prayers addressed to the higher gods. The witch, too, relics on worship. As we shall see,
in the ancient Hindu charms the demons who cause diseases or other evils are constantly
invoked, worshipped and propitiated*
It is true, there are traces, even in ancient India, of an antagonism between priest and
witch* At an early period, the Atharva-Vetla. wLc&e essential teaching is sorcery, was looked
upon as of doubtful orthodoxy. For there are naiuralh two aspects of sorcery. Jt is useful
to one's self, and harmful to others. The sufferer would always look upon magic as con-
temptible and abominable. But the sacie law-book of Mann, which mentions sorcery and "magic
by means of roots" among the minor offences causing loss of caste, and. which prescribes fines
and penances for hostile sorcery, tells us that speech (i. e. claims aiad incantations), is tie
weapon of the Brahmana, the priest with that lie may slay his enemies*
I gladly admit that witchcraft is more independent of the "belief in tie supernatural, ihat
it is more materialistic, and that it "pretends to be in some sort an exact science*' but at
the same time, I believe that witchcraft is one of the numerous phases of primitive religious
thought, and inseparable from other low forms of religion.
In studying the witchcraft folk-lore of ancient India, we shall have to abandon the idea
of a strict separation between witchcraft and religion. All we can say is that witchcraft is
more concerned with, the extraordinary phenomena of Hature and tzmisttal events in
human life, and with, the abnormal conditions of the human body, while the higher
worship of the gods is inspired more by the regular course of events in Hatnre and
human life. Moreover, the great gods are supposed to have a claim to certain sacrifices, the
regular performance of which, with the recital of prayers, forms one of the principal duties of
every respectable Hindu ; while the ceremonies which we comprise under the general name of
witchcraft are performed at odd times with some worldly object in view, either to secure
health, prosperity, for one's self (holy and auspicious rites), or to cause injury to
others (hostile sorcery).
Among the auspicious rites, the medical charms and the witchcraft practices intended to
cure diseases or to counteract the evil inSuenee of the demons of disease are most prominent,
and there is much truth in what Sir Alfred Lyall says, that ** the most primitive witchcraft
looks very like medicine in the embryonic state."
In India, as elsewhere, the general doctrine of disease prevails that all abnormal and
morbid states of body and mind are caased by demons, who are conceived either as attacking
the body from without or as temporarily entering the body of man- The consequence is that
primitive medicine consists chiefly in chasing away or exorcising these hostile spirits. This is
done, in the first instance, by charms. The spirit of disease is addressed with coaxing words
and implored to leave the body of the patient, or fierce imprecations are pronounced against
Mm, to frighten him away. But these charms, powerful as they are (in fact* there is nothing
more powerful to the primitive xnind than the human word, the solemn blessing or curse),
are yet not the only resource of the ancient physicians or magicians.
From the earliest times men had become aware of the curative power of certain substances
in Nature, especially of herbs. This knowledge was first gained by experience, and after it
had once been obtained, men began to ascribe similar curative power to plants, as well as to
animal and mineral substances, for various other reasons. Analogy or association of ideas not
only serves to explain many of the practices of primitive medicine or magic (which is the
same), but also accounts in many cases for the belief in the curative power of certain
substances. The principle that similia swiilibus curantur prevails throughout the whole racge
of folk-medicine. Thus dropsy is cured by water, A spear-amulet is used to cure colic, wMcb
74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT. [MARCH, 18 9 ft
is sapposed to be caused by the spear of the god Rndra. The colour* of a substance is of no
small importance in determining its use asa medicine. Thus turmeric is used to cure jaundice,
Bed, the colour of life-blood and health, is the natural colour of many amulets used to secure
long life and health. A black plant is recommended for tie cme of white leprosy. But evei*
the name of a substance was frequently a reason for ascribing to it healing power. One of the
snost powerful medicinal or magic plants is called in Santkrit ajpfwndrga (ucltyrantlics aspera),
and ifc owes its supposed power essentially to its etymological connection ivith the verb 4 * apa-
marj ? " meaning "to wipe away," and in Hindu charms the plant is constantly implored to
wipe away disease, to wipe out the demons and -wizards, to wipe off sins and eyils of all kinds
To wipe a disease away is a very common and a very natural means of getting rid of it*
This seems to be the meaning also* of that ancient incthodf of curing tlJLseae by tlie laying
on of frauds^ which is already mentioned in the Big-V8da, though it is atao possible that it was
intended to press the disease down by means of the hands. For we read in one charm of the
Rig-VMa:
**D0wn bioweth the wind, down burneth the sun* the cloud (or cow) IB milked down*
wards down shall go thy ailment.
" Beneficent is this one hand y more beneficent is this other Land this one contains all
medicines ; the other one is wholesome by its touch."
From another charm,. howeTer, it would seem a If tie laying on of bmulw Lad only been
intended as a means of establishing a connection between the patient and the magician, whose
imprecations eomld have effect only on the person with -whom lie was actually in touch. In the
same way the priest had to touch the person for whom he was offering prayers and sacrifices
to the gods. The following charm of the Kig~Vda seems to suggest stieU an interpretation :
** With these two hands, which have ten "branches (the fimgers), and which cure from
disease, the tongue being at the same time the leader of speec% <3o I touch thee/'
There is a striking similarity "between this ancient Hindu custom and the mottorn practices
of faith-healing in which, after all, prayer Las merely been substituted for the ancient charms.
The two chief resources of medical witchcraft, then, are charms (spells, imprecations) aandt
magic rites, the chief object of which is to bring the body into contact with some supposed
curative substance. These substances are frequently applied in the shape of amulets or
talismans. There is, in India, no trace of a belief in spirits dwelling in the amulets. Their
power is merely based on the power to destroy eyil influences and demons, possessed by the
herb or tree or mineral from which the amulefc is delayed,
The moat aneient collection of charms in India is that found In the AflmirarVfida, and we
possess Yery ancient ritual books which contain detailed accounts of magic rites used in con-
ection with the charms of the Atharw-VMa.' These charms have rery much in comuo* with
of other nations. More eapecially, numerous coincidences hare bora pointed out between
S ^ th Se f the Atha ^VMa. In the medical charms of the Hindu., the,
Jt is onl J * *7 ^ speaking when we say that diseases are
As a matter of fact > the diseases themselves are addressed
FeTer ~ l<th6 * of diseases,- as it is called in
addressed with such word, as ; Thou that
S ^ even *> ^^ *hon shali become
g away d WB ' *?*> into tljl6 de ? ths ! T ^ ^rer that is spotted,
Sediment? Mm ih > P 1 "* <rf unremitting potency, dri
whicL was
Ootmnenforia*,
BloomMd'a tmnalation
WITCHCRAFT IK ANCIEHT INDIA, 55
always considered by tke Hindus as one of the most powerful remedies against fever, leprosy and
other diseases. Tkat a demon of disease is at tke same time worshipped and threatened witk
destruction, is -a very common feature of these charms. This is not at all surprising. A Bed
Indian will ia tke same way worship a rattlesnake and offer it some tobacco before he proceeds*
to kill it. Thus our charm continues; "Having male obeisance to the Fever, I cast Mm
down below,""
The symptoms of malarial fever the ckaiige "between heat and chill, and the inter-
mittenoy roe most vividly expressed in these charms. Thus we Mad,- "When thou, being
cold, and then again deliriously hot, accompanied by cough, didst cause the sufferer to shake,
them, Fever, thy missiles were terrible ; from these surely exempt as 2 . * . Q Fever, along
with thy "broker Swelling 4tlong with, thy sister Cough, along with thy cousin Eruption, go
to yonder foreign folk F' Diseases are frequently thus told to depart and ge to foreigners or
enemies. Headache, cough, eruptions and abdominal swellings are frequently associated witk
malarial fever. Summer, aatumn, aed especially the rainy season, are most favourable to the
spread of this -dangerous disease. H-enoe the Kushfcha plant is addressed with the words ;
41 Destroy the Fever that returns on -each third day, the one that intermits eacli third day, the
one that continues without intermission, and the aaternnal one ; destroy the cold Fever, the
Iiofe, him that ceraes in summer, aad kirn, that arrives in the rainy season !"
The frequency of fever during the rainy season p>bably accounts for the belief that
lightning is the cause of fever as well as of headache an<l comgiu A very symbolical care of
fever consists in making the patient drink gruel made of imsted grain, the dregs of gruel
being afterwards poured from a copper vessel over the head of the patient into fire which mast
fee taken from a forest-fire. A forest-fire is supposed to have originated from, lightning, and
that the cure of a disease is effected by that which caeses it, is one of the most general ideas
stniong primitive people. Both the roasted grain and the copper vessel are symbolical of the
heat of fever. Here we have the rudiments of homoeopathy. A similar homoeopathic remedy
against hot fever -consists in heating an are, quenching the axe in water, and pooling the water
thus keated upon the patient.
Another magic rite is intended &s a remedy agaiast cold fever* By means of a blue and a
red thread blue and red are magic colours both in German and m Hindu sorcery * a frog is
tied to the couch on which the patient reclines, aad a charm is recited in which the Fever ia
Invoked to enter into the frog. The frog represents the cold element, and the cold fever is
expected to pass into the cold frog. It is highly interesting that we meet with a very similar
frog-charm in Bohemia, where people, in order to care chills of feve, catch a green frog, sew
it into a bag, and hang it around the neck of the patient, who is not allowed to know of
the contents of the bag. Then the patient must pronounce the Lord's prayer nine times on
nine successive days before sunrise, and on the ninth day he must go to the river, throw the
bag into the water, and return home without looking backward. This, too, is a kind of
homoeopathy.
The cure of disease by making it enter into some animal, is one of the most general
devices of medical witchcraft both In India and elsewhere. According to Jewish law a
living bird is ** let loose into the open field " with the contagion of leprosy (Lev, xiv. 7, 53).
To cure headache, people in Germany wind a thread round the patient's head, and then
hang the thread as a noose on a tree ; any bird flying through the noose takes the headache
away with it. Jaundice is cured, ia parts of Germany, by making it pass into a lizard. In
ancient India jaundice was cured by seating the patient on a couch beneath which yellow
birds were tied. The yellow disease was supposed to settle on the yellow birds.
The same principle of curing a disease by something similar to its cause or symptoms is
also apparent in the cure of excessive discharges by means of water, although there must have
been many other reasons which pointed to water as a great healing power. To the present
INDIAN ASfTlQCJAJKT, [MUscir, !8Ml
day the Hindus look upon rivers as divine beings or as the .abode of pmi8. And we
credit even the ancient Hindis with a certain knowledge of medicinal springs. Nor is
surprising that fe a tropical elimafee the rain waters were baited aa divine physicians."
Hence we read in a charm of the Atharva-Vda ; *' The waters verily are healing, the waters
ehase away disease, the waters cure all disease : may they prepare a remedy for theo 1 But
spring-water is considered as a particularly effective remedy agiuuut diarrhoea or other excessive
discharges. It is a curious belief that the ants which are also mentioned as instrumental in
the cure of poison bring healing-water from th sea. Thus it IH said : " The ants bring tfc
remedy from the sea: that is the cure fop discharges, and that hath quieted disease."
Dropsy r "water-disease" (WassersucM in German) the disease sent by Vami%
the god of the sea and water is naturally euircd best by tlio use of water. A very simple
cTire'of dropsy consists ia sprinkling water over the putieiii/a head by rooaus Iwenty-oat
(three times seven) tufts oi Darbha or sacred grass (Poa cynosuwidc*), together with reeds
takes from the thatch of a house. The water priaJk]el o the body is jmpposed to cure the
water in the body. It is against dropsy, with which disease of the h*art in frequently asso>-
eiated, that the flowing charm is promoaBced ; "From the Biiualaj* mountains they flow
forth, in the* Indus* forsooth, is their assembling-place: may the waters, indeed, grant me that
cure for heart-ache t The pain that harts me in the eyes, and thai wbiclv luirts in the heels
and the fore-feet, the waters, the most skilled of physicians, shall put all that to rights I Ye
rivers all, whose mistress is the Indus, whose queen is the Indus, grant us the remedy for that;
through this remedy may we derive benefit from you !, "
Varana is not only the god of water, but also the gocl of justice and truth. Hence dropsy
is more particularly considered as a punishment of falsehood ami sin. Varuwa ensnares with his
fetters, i* #., Ma disease, every liar and traitor* Thus WQ read in a charm against treacherous
designs: " With a, hundred snares, Varaiia, surround him,, let tli^ Hat* not go free from thee^
thou that observest men !. The rogue shall sit, his belly hanging looso, like a cask without
hoops, bursting all about I"
Another great god of the ancient Hindu pantheon who is frequently connected wMa disease
and witchcraft is Rudra, the father of the storm-gods. He? is at the same time worshipped as
a divine physician and feared as a causer of disease. He is. the lord of cattle, but liis missile
cause danger to cattle as well as to men. Especially all sharp internal pain, eucli as colic, ia
caused by the arrow of the god Rudra, It may fee that lightning was conceived as a weapon of
Radra, and we hare seen above that diseases were supposed to bo caused by lightning.
As a rule, however, diseases are supposed to be caused by godliugs rather than Iby gods,
More especially, all suck diseases as mania, fits, epilepsy and couvulsicms are ascribed to pos-
session by Rakshas (devils) and PisHchas (goblins). There is a special ela^s of charms, the so-
called u driving-out chaims," wbiqh are considered as most effective remedies against posses-
sion. But the most powerful enemy and destroyer of all devils is Agni, tho Fire. 6 * Slayer of
fiends" is one of the most common epithets of this god. In a delightful story by '* Prank Pop*
Humphrey " (Pseudonym Library), a yonng lady who is frightened by a ghoat is made to say :
** I sprang out of bed and piled the branches of pine npom tho coal's until they roared in a vast
flame up the chimney and lighted every corner of the room like noonday. For I fiave eve*
found that li$U scatters quickly tie phantoms that people the darkness.** This is exactly tho
same sentiment which made the Sonth American Indians carry brands or torches for fear of
evil demons when they yentnred into the dark. And for the very same reason tho ancient
Horse colonists in Iceland used to carry fire round the lands they intended to occupy to expel
the evil spirits. (Tylor, Primitive CwZfcwa, Vol. II. p. 194.) At the great animal sacrifices m
ancient India, the priest had to carry a firebrand round the victim. "Why he carries the fire
;' says an ancient treatise on sacrifices, " is that he encircles the victim by Hieaue of the
unbroken fence, lest the evil spirits should seize upon it ; for Agni is the repellci-
(devils)." No wonder, therefor*, that Agni or Fire, i* invoked in a ckum
MABOH, 1899.] WITCHCRAFT IN AJSTGIENT INDIA. 77
against mania to free from madness him who lias "been robbed of sense by the Raksbas : st
* e Release for me, Agni, this person here, who, bound and well-secured, loudly jabbers ! Then
<%hall he have due regard for thy share of the offering, when he shall be freed from madness !
Agni shall quiet down thy mind, if it has been disturbed ! Cunningly do I prepare a remedy,
that thou sfaalfc be freed from madness. 9 *
Sacrifices to the god of fire, burning of fragrant substances and fumigation are among tin*
principal rites against possession by demons. The following is a very complicated ceremony
against mania : " Pulverized fragrant substances, mixed with gM, are sacrificed, and the
patient is anointed with what remains. The patient is next placed upon a cyoss-roads ? a
wicker- work of darbhn grass, containing a coal-pan, upon his head ; and upon the coal the pre-
viously mentioned fragrant substances are again offered. The patient going into a river
against the current throws the same substances into a sieve, while another person from behind
washes him off. Pouring more of the fragrant substances into an tmburned vessel, moistening
the substances with ghee, placing the vessel in a three-footed wicker basket made of mnnja-
Ljrass (Sacharum munja\ lie ties it to a tree in which there are birds* nests " (B!oomfielc! s
p. 519). Here we have the idea of driving out demons with the help of fire, combined with the
well-known devices of making a disease run away with flowing water, and of transmitting it t>
trees and animals. The ceremony is performed 011 a cross-roads, this being the favourite hauiii
of all demons, and therefore the most fitting place for all kinds of witchcraft practices.
As fire was considered to be the best of demon-scarers, it was naturally supposed to be
most powerful in driving away the demons of disease also ; that is, in curing all kinds of
diseases. Hence the custom of passing a sick child through fire, which was witnessed in Scot*
land only a few years ago. The ancient Teutonic custom of kindling a need-fire for the cure of
cattle diseases was still practiced in Scotland in 1788. A fire was <c kindled from this need-
tire . . . and tlie cattle brought to feel tJte smoke of tliis new and sacred fire, which preserved
them from the murrain." In ancient Rome a sacrifice was offered on the twenty-first of April,
and the fiocks were driven through the burning fire. 4 In ancient India, also, there was an
annual festival when a bull was sacrificed to Radra (the god of cattle) and ike flocks were
placed around the fire so that the sm fae should reach them. At other times also, when cows and
horses were attacked by a disease, the ancient Hindus sacrificed gruel with ghee to Eudra, asicf
the animals were expected to be cured by smelling* the smoke. Professor Max Miiller
suggests that these customs bad "a purely utilitarian foundation/* that purification by
fire is in fact " the forerunner of our modern quarantine, which many medical authorities now
look upon as equally superstitious." But I doubt whether it can be proved that the ancient
Hindus or other ancient nations had any actual knowledge of, or belief in, fumigation
as a means for removing infection. What we know is that they believed that diseases both
of men and cattle were caused by demons or gods, such as Rudra, and that they
also believed that fire was a repeller of all demons. These two ideas seem to account suffi-
ciently for the origin of such customs as those mentioned above. Customs and beliefs must be
founded on reason, but what is perfectly reasonable from the point of view of ancient people,
need not be " utilitarian" according to modern ideas.
Besides the Rakshas and Pis&chas, the devils and goblins, whose special province it is to
cause all kinds of mischief, we find In ancient India also the world- wide belief in incubi and
succubi who pay nocturnal visits to mortal men and women. These are the Apsaras and
Gandharvas of Hindu mythology, who correspond in every respect to the elves and nightmares
of Teutonic belief. They are really godlings of Nature. Rivers and trees are their natural
abodes, which they only leave in order to allure mortals and injure them by unnatural inter-
course. To drive these spirits away the fragrant plant ajasringf, "goat's horn*' (pdina
vinnata), is used, and the following charm pronounced: " With thee do we scatter the Apsaras
* See F. Max Mailer, Physical Religion, pp. 284 f., 288 f ., 389 f.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MARCH, 18<<>
all
and Gandharvas. goat's horn (ajaariiigi), goad (a tlic Rakslms, drive thei"
.-uvay with thy smell! The Apsaras (nymphs) . . . shall go to the river, to (he ford of H
waters, as if blown away ! Thither do ye, Apsanw, pa.ss away, winco yo have been re -
mzed! Where grow the asVattha (fiws religiosa) and the ban van-trees, the -n-oafc frees f
erowus, thither do ye, Apsaras, pass away, since yo liavo been m J .> ff i 1 m>a J Wl lc ,. e .
gold and silver swings are, where cymbals and lutes chime (.otfotlu.T, thither <lo ye () A '
pass away, since ye hare been recognized. The Apsaras, you know, ai-o your wives T^T'
Oundharvas, are their husbands. Speed away, yc immortals, do not go after mortal* !"
According to Teutonic belief, also, fragrant herbs (*. ,,., <> r ;,, m , ,,,,/,V,/mmw, ' Jnn.encu,,
rtortun, and especially thyme) are excellent means for IV^htuniu,. away devii.s n f Ci^ !
as well as nymphs and elves. lu Teutonic charms, also, the " maer / , H,o ,
told to leave the houses of mortals, and to repair to 'tho TO J H ' M l l^, tbi^; I,"
character of these spirits to be the same as that the ancient Hindu Aps-u-s a I C,
L,ke the afcter, the nymphs and elves of Teutonic mythology are L r^ Zlv t,?' mS<
and dancmg, by means of which they allure mortal men audwo.nen * ^ mMle
originated from a desire of infectino? feh e spirit of a tre - t^ h <l ' l ' H 8C< ' m ' 1 1( ' haro
br the same or an allied spirit Amulfes a , 1 illl '-' i ^ ;vlnc ! h mn,>- have lu.en caused
^^^c^^^^^^^ mn T ^ 7;-. I-iHo K o,,e 1T> evil
from ten kinds of holy trees i s considered U^ t" ^""ileico.Ksi.slJng (l f splinter
also against possession^ demon ^^1 ofCoc il? ^7"'^ 'T"" 1 " 7 "''"^ ftutl
witchcraft. A very po^rfoi amulet is deriv d fro n lu V T * T "' P " rjlHH hl (lo Wl
But its great power seems to vest solelv on ll "'" fl ' l> ' '" f ' < " Y ' / "'''"' ^i'"^//.
g to w P ard ofi. The ^^ ^^^ | ^^ '- * ^ r,
Y^a-amulet: "Here is ray VaranaVmulet, a bu 1 a a 'T, L]t "f WK V
close in upon thy enemies, crush them tW ,W J '""'"* : with ifc (!l> th 11
close in upon them : the an/ulet shall TetW , "N" Ul ' Hnittk "' -"'' ",
gods ward off the onslaught oS^^ 7 ^^ '" Jj'. ul ! Wit ' 1 *> ^arana di<l the
Farana-amulet is a uni.erlal cnre it lall at W t ^ * ^l-yod, y,.ll w , golde u
that hate thee 1 This Varana will\ Ld O ff^e s7 6 l ^ T'T '' * tltt>U ^ "'^ ' Uro thoao
protect thee from human danger, tMs tilf tte ^ " f ' ^"'^ W " IIS< ' tll( ' Uds wil1
Farana shall ward off- The gods to odd l ^r ^ m a " Ovih TJ)i divh.o troe, the
If, when asleep, thou shalt beLold^^ ** ^ dweMo "* l ' ^'^ i* thi- uan.
Pilous COIlrse; ominous sneezing and he t '7 ^ a WJ1(U ' w t H '^ run , inaus-
amulet ward off ! The Varana wU ward off he, ? ' ^ ' ' " llli Mh " H ' V '-
danger, death, and over-str'ong weapon^ ^ T" ' ^'^ ftlld Mu,frtu Uls nc-rcery, and
-other, that mj father, that my b /oEJl dm r ^ dla11 Wwl "' .! lhat mr
ourselves have com mitted. . f Th s 7 a l? ^^ LaV ^"-^ed ; tl.e tfa that w"o
s-te asunder my enemies, as Indra theTelo^ 21 7 Tf * h ki ^^ivi Htt t,,o, H hall
tha Varana : ti llgdom and and TtrLth Ii ' ' f lu , nd ^'<'"' old, do I wear
I have quoted this len.thv cl , "^ boBl W U ^ n lc ! "
wked , pon dl - dang ^ i^t^^r; nn 7 tau% iw - --' i "-a*
^ 7 , aswellasupoiil]er eda^^^r J^f fl '7 thoKod,,, ovi! omo,us aucl hostile
Win?T , bytlle Bame dy One and t to J tLC H!m a ^ 1U ^ ft * ^
MARCH, IBM .] WITCHCRAFT IN ANCIENT INDIA. 79
the charms and rites concerned witli the protection of mother and child against the attacks of
evil spirits. Fire, as alidad y men ticmed, is the most powerful weapon against the demons.
Hence it is that tribes of the Malay Peninsula light fires near a mother at childbirth, to scare
away the evil spirits ; and the people -of the Hebrides, to protect the mother and child from
evil spirits, cairy ire round them. The law of the Parsis (" Sad Dar," cb. 16) requires u that,
vi hen a woman becomes pregwant iai a house, it is necessary to make an -endeavour so that there
may be a continual fire in that house, and to maintain a good watch over it, And, 'when thf
L'liild becomes separate from the mother, it is necessary to burn a lamp for three nights and
days if they burn a fire it would be better so tha the demons and fiends may not be abl^
to do any damage aud harm. , , During forty ckys it is not proper that they -should leave
the child alone ; and it is also not proper that the mother -of the infant should pot her foot over
n threshold in the dwelling, or east her eyee* upon a hill," The threshold is 5 like the cross-roads
a favourite hannt of the evil spirits, Hence a biide, also, is forbidden in India -as well as in
ancient Rome to tread upon a threshold. The demons are naturally as opposed to marriage
as they are to childbirth, and at all marriage ceremonies great care has to Tbe taken to protect the
bridal pair, especially the bride, from attacks ol the demons. Hence the burning of lamps at
Chinese weddings, and perhaps the carrying of fire behind the bridal procession in ancient
India. The law of the Parsis has its exact counterpart in Scandinavia, "where, until a child if
baptized, the fire must never be let out,, lest the trolls should be able to steal the infant, and a
live coal must be cast after the mother as she goes to be churched (Tylor, VoLII. p. 195), The
custom of keeping a light burning in the lying-in room is still practiced in Germany, as it was In
ancient Home, In ancient India the rule "was to keep a fire burning near the door of the lying-in
room in which mustard seeds and rice-chaff were sacrificed every morning and evening for ten
clays. Visitors, too, were requested to throw mustard seeds and rice-chaff into the fire, before
entering the room.
Among the rites performed for the welfare of the Dew-born infant is tlie first feeding,
The child is made to taste honey and milk from a golden spoon. Gold was frequently used at
iuspicious rites by the ancient Hindus, and was also worn as an amulet for long life* ** The
gold which is bora from fire, the immortal, they bestowed upon the mortals. He who knows
this deserves it ; of old age dies he who wears it," It seems to me highly probable that the
auspiciousaess of gold is due to its supposed origin from fire. ** The seed of Agni " (Fire) is a
frequent designation of gold. As fire could not be worn as an amulet, gold was used instead.
The first nam>e given to a child its to be kept secret. Only the "parents may koow it.
For according to Hindu notions, demons and wizards have no power over a person unless they
know his name. This custom of concealing the baptismal name Is also found among other
peoples, e. g.> the Abyssinians.
The chapter of children's diseases Is as large in medical witchcraft as in modern medical
science, and in the Hindu charms we find numerous names of demons to whom the various diseases
of children are ascribed* One of these demons is called the ( * Dog-demon/ ? and is said to
represent epilepsy (though the barking dog would remind us ratter of whooping cough). When
a boy was attacked by the dog-demon, he was first covered with, a net, and a gong was beaten
or a bell rung. Then the boy was brought- into a gambling- hall, noi, however, by the door,
but by an opening made in the roof, the hall was sprinkled with water, the dice cast, the boy
laid on Ms back on the dice, aiid a mixture of curds and salt poured over liim, while again a
gong was beaten. The curds and salt were poured on the boy, while a charm was recited which is
only partly intelligible: " Kurkura, Sukfirkura, Kilrkura who binds the "boys. . . . fiue-
haired doggy, let him loose, let him loose, chat I . * * go away, dog + . * let the dog
eat a dog, not a human being, chat 1 . . . ?J To drive evil demons away by means of loua
noises, such, as the beating of a gong, was a device frequently resorted to in ancient Hindu
rites; aud as Mr. Crooke ( c * Folklore of Northern India,'* L 168) tells us, bells and drums are
still used in India as scarers of demons* (< So, the Patari priest in Mirzapur and many classes
80 TOU INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [MAKCH,
of ascetic throughout the country carry bells and rattles made of iron, which tley
they walk to scare demons. * * * This also accounts for the music played at weddings
when the young pair are in special danger from the attacks of evil spirits. At many rites it is
the rule to clap the hands at a special part of the ritual with the same purpose,'' Why the
eerenaony should take place in the gambling-hall is not qmite clear, unless it be that the dice
were considered as demons. In the epic literature we meet witli fcwe of the dice, who are
represented as evil demons. But the casting of dice oecnrs also as a kind of oracle in tit ancient
sacrificial ritual of the Hindus, and this may account for the demoniacal or religions character
of the dice. Interesting is the practice of bringing the child into the hall through an opening
in the roof, that is, not by ike do&r. To enter & house by any other opening but the door seems
to be a means of escaping the demons who are taunting the threshold. Tims, according to a
.German superstition, it is eondneiYe to the health of a child to lift it, out 4>f the window when
it is takea to church to be baptized.
Demons are not only expelled by fire, strong smells ami !<md noises, bat also |>y the tise of
more material weapons. Thus, at an ancient Hindu wedding pointed diips i>f wood or arrow-
heads were shot into the air with the following imprecation against the demons : ** I pierce
the eyes of the Rakshas (devils) who roam about the bride as she approaches the wedding lire ;
may the Lord of the Demons bestow welfare on the bride !" A .staff atao i frt'tineiitly used
for driTing away the evil spirits. It has been shown by Professor II. OMeulwg (IMitfwn &*
Veda, pp. 492 ff.) that tie staff which ascetics and other holy pmwna are ruqnimi to carry
was originally intended as a weapon against the demons. In order to liusure good luck every-
where, an ancient Hindn manual of sorcery advises a man always* to carry au oleander Bluff winch
has been consecrated by sacrifices and sacred hymns. If h wishes that a certain town or
Tillage or house or stable should not be entered by hostile persons, hi* ftlumld draw a circle ivitli
his staff, thinking of the place he wishes to protect, and no such pwBou will be uhlu to enter
the place.
Of course, the ancient Hindus knew that some maladies am! derangements of the Iinna*
body were not caused by any mysterious power; they knew that wounds wore inflicfoil by
weapons, they knew something about the effect, of poison, and had an id< thai, certain <li~
were caused by animals, snch as worms. But in ancient India, w well *H in Omiian popular
snperstoon, the term worms'* includes all kinds of reptiles, and B nako and worms are not
kept very d^nct Moreorer, all kinds of disease, were ascribed to worn* And both wornm
T 7 ml V I1Sldeml a nd <> f Demoniacal bohifp.. Th, i^nwaibnB a^i.si
r :;? different from the *** m * ***** * &** & ** -
* v wrm which isiK tbe eniraik Mul bo tliat ta ^ h ^ k ^^
*" *' " *be worms do wo crush with auHduu^ The worms that
11^1^ Pl r t8> Cattk ' aild the Watr ^ thow tfcft * '^ - iU - 1 ^ our
all that brood of the worms do I smite."
lord of treatT. ^ ""T I" CHIdren * iS S!iid : " B1 * tlie wo f " * ^ **, <> *>
th f" "" ^ u*" ^ ^^^ ^ * G Poatin I JIi, that move.
Ut " t
J is the
Oflltl,e
womBdoIsplitibe heads w ith the Bte o, 1 bum their
8ymbolical f thc ^motion of worn,. In
r ted
n th ' 1&P f iU U1 ther ' aud with tlie bottom of
a ef tfl
and ttm^Lm , d^ T , the t leaye8 f a horse -ddi s h tree and butter is applied,
* MM dne
, d ,
MM dned roots of ooa m are K iyen to tbe child, noon loni
MA-RCH, 1899.] WITCHCRAFT IN AXCIEXT 1XD1A .-1
water is poured. Tlie words of the charm leave no doubt tliaf not on!y intestinal diseases but
also pains of the head and the eyes, etc., are ascribed to worms. Tims, German popular medicine
knows of a "finger-worm" as the causer of whitlow (^anancium), and even spasm in the fctomaeli
is ascribed to a- worm, the so-called (& heart-worm" {HewitTm}, As the Hindu charm mentions
a worm " that gets to the middle of the teeth/' so worms are believed to be the cause of toothache
in almost every part of the world. " If a worm eat the teeth," says one of the prescriptions in
an English Leech Boole, 'Hake holly rind over a year old ad root of carline thistle, boil in hot
water, hold in the mouth as hot as ithou hottest may/ 1 In Madagascar the sufferer from
toothache is said to be " poorly through the worm" (W. G. Black, Fvlk-Medkitie, pp. 32 f.) t
In a French charm against toothache it is said : * s Si c*esf ime goirtte de sang, eJif
tombera ; si c'est un ver, il mourra." In Germany a sufferer from toothache will go to a
pear-tree, walk three times round it, and say : " Pear tree, I complain to thee, three worms
sting ine, the one is gray, the other is blue, the third is red I wish they were all three dead/'
The circnmambulation of the tree here alluded to lias its parallel in the circnmambulation
of the fire and other sacred objects, which forms an essential part in the magic rites and
religions ceremonies of the ancient Hindus.
An important chapter in ancient Hindu witchcraft is that of the so-called " women's
rites/* or the charms and rites connected with sexual love. This chapter may well be treated
as an appendix to medical witchcraft, " Liebeswatmsinn Pleonasmus, Liele ist ja selbst eia
Wahnsinn" says Heine, and to the primitive mind sexual love is indeed only a kind of mania,
or mental derangement. Hence the love charms are only one class of medical charms. As
herbs are used to allay disease, so are various kinds of plants used to arouse love in men or
women. Thns a man who wishes to secure the love of a woman is told to tie to his little finger
an amulet of licorice- wood and recite the charm : '* This plant is born of honey, with honey do
we dig for thee. Of honey thou art begotten, do thou mate us fall of honey ! At the tip of
my tongue may I have honey, at my tongue's root the sweetness of honey ! In my power alone
shalt thou then be, thou shalt come up to my wish ! . , . I am sweeter than honey, fuller
of sweetness than licorice. Mayest thou, without fail, long for me alone, as a bee for a branch
full of honey ! I have surrounded thee with a clinging sugar-cane, to remove aversion, so that
thou shalt not be averse to me !"
Most of the love charms, however, are not so ee sweet," but have more in common with the
fierce imprecations used for hostile sorcery. The following words are addressed to a plant
(andropogon aciculatus^ according to one authority), to arouse the passionate love of a woman :
" Clinging to the ground thou didst grow, plant, that producest bliss for me ; a hundred
branches extend from thee, three and thirty grow down from thee : with this plant of a thou-
sand leaves thy heart do I parch* Thy heart shall parch with love for me, and thy mouth
shall parch with love for me ! Languish, moreover, with love for me, with parched mouth
pass thy days ! Thou that causest affection, Mndlest love, brown, lovely plant, draw us
together; draw together yonder woman and myself, our hearts make the same !"
To secure the love of her husband, and to become victorious over a rival or co-wife, a
woman had to perform the following rite. In the morning of an auspicious day, she goes to a
spot where a Cfajpea hernanclifolia grows, scatters three times seven barley corns around it, and
says, " If thou belongest to Varuna, I redeem thee from Vamna; if thou belongest to Soma,
I redeem thee from Soma." Next morning she digs the plant up, saying the following charm :
" I dig up this plant, the most potent of herbs, by which a rival woman may be overcome, by
which a husband may be entirely won, thou plant with erect leaves, who art auspicious,
victorious, and powerful ! Blow away my rival, make my husband mine alone ! Superior am
I, O superior plant, superior to the highest. H"ow shall my rival be inferior to the lowest !
I do not even mention her name, nor does she care for me. To the very farthest distance let
us banish the rival ! t? Then she cuts the root of the plant in two, and iies the two pieces to
82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAECH, 1899.
her Lands, saying: " I am overpowering, and thon, plant, art overpowering. Having both
grown full of power, let us overpower my rival !" With the parts of the root tied to her
hands, she embraces her husband, pronouncing llic charm : "About thec 1 have placed the
overpo-wering plant, upon tb.ee placed the very overpowering one. May thy mind run after
me as a calf after the cow, as water along its course !"
Not only to secure love, but generally to obtain mastery over a man or a woman, the
ancient Hindus also availed themselves of a device to -which we find interesting parallels among
many other nations. He who wanted to get a person into his power had only to make an
image of the person (either of clay or of metal), place his foot on the breast of the image and
mutter certain charms. Or he might make such, an imago of dough (using flonr of black rice)
rnb it with mustard oil, cut off the limbs, and sacrifice the image in lire. But the heart he
must eat himself, else the person would die. A woman who wishes to arouse the love of a
man performs the following rite : She throws beans upon the head of the person whose love
is desired. Then the points of arrows are kindled and cast in every direction about the effier
of the desired person, its face fronting towards the performer. At the same time she recites
the charm: "This yearning love comes from the Apsaras, the victorious, imbued with
victory. Ye gods, send forth the yearning love ; may yonder man burn after, me !" etc. A
man also, who wishes to secure the affections of a woman, uses for this purpose an effigy of the
desired person. And by means of a bow which has a bowstring of hemp, with an arrow whose
barb is a thorn, whose plume is derived from an owl, whose shaft is made of black wood
he pierces the heart of the effigy, reciting a fierce imprecation.
Similar magic rites are performed by a king in order to get rid of an enemy, when not
only the image of the enemy, but even images of elephants, horses, efm-iageH and soldiers
are made of dough and sacrificed in the fire. In Bengal " a person sometimes takes a bamboo
which has been used to keep down a corpse during cremation, and, making a bow and arrow
with it, repeats incantations over them. He then makes an imago of hit) enemy in clay and
lets fly an arrow into this image. The person whose image is thus pierced i naid to be- inime
diate^- seized with a pain in his breast" (W. Crooko, P^nZar IMi.jiun / Northern ln^,
11. J7.)). In the Pjtt-Rivers collection in the University Mnseum at Oxford, there is an
interesting specimen of a wax image which 1 as been used for witchemft parpommi Singapore
and a clay image which was used with no friendly pnrposo only a few yonrs ago - in KmLcl'
lo injure persons by making i. mages of wax, melting them over a alow fire, <>*- piercing them
with needles, was a common practice both in ancient Home and in Germany. In Kngland too
as Er George Mackenzie wrote in 1678, "Witches do likewise torment Inkin C by Taki
image* of elay or was, and when the witches prick or punce those image*, the e wl out
these images represent do find extreme torment, which doth not proved from
these images have upon the body tormented, but the devil doth by natural
pn tmted ' at tiie
OM , fi n me ' at tie sam vcr ^ tim * -^- "<>
hold to the fire these images of cky or was " (Black, tt/KitaWW*,, pp. 39}.).
totting, and ' * * CMolal al>(mt th
belief ound in Germany , ""* ! T^ * ^^'^ viUl h '" H ,
y "^ ^ "' Ncrtll <^ ^ at the pent d.v
. lovo of a
certain eaam . om lcr otprmts and sacrifice it in the fire, chanting
MARCH, 1899.]
MISCELLANEA.. NOTES AND QUERIES*
33
In all these customs, where persons are believed to be Influenced by some act performed
either with the image of the person, or with some part of his body ? we see the working of the
association of ideas. However unreasonable It may seem to us that a person should feel the
effect of an injury done to his effigy or to his nail-parings, it Is perfectly in accordance with the
reasoning of primitive people. If a savage were told to swallow a pill to be cured of a headache,
he would probably consider It as exactly parallel to wearing an amulet on one part of the body
against an ailment In another part. Even the belief In demons as the cause of disease has
nothing surprising even in our days only we have to think not of those diseases the causes
of which have been cleared up by medical science, but of nervous diseases which are almost
as mysterious to the modern physician as they were to the ancient medicine-man. As the
sphere of knowledge extends, that of superstition becomes more and more limited. But
" superstition" is only a relative term. What we call superstition to-day was actual belief
based on reasoning as much as our own beliefs in the days of our forefathers.
The psychological process by which people arrived at these so-called superstitions is mucli
the same everywhere. Our Investigation has proved that all the features of witchcraft folk-lore
which we find* In other parts of the world recur again In ancient India. This Is one more proof
of what all ethnological and ethno-psychologlcal studies tend to teach, that mankind Is the
same all over the globe and that one law rules the human mind, just as, despite all differences
of colour and skulls, the human body shows the same characteristics, and Is subject to the same
trials and dangers In all parks of the world. I began by saying that we may find the begin-
nings of religion and rudiments of science in the crude notions of primitive people abont man
and* Mature; I conclude by saying that the religious beliefs and superstitions customs of pri-
mitive people are, after all, the foundation on which our own morality, our laws and social
institutions are based. In fact, there is no safer foundation, no grander hope for the future
development of morality and the higher civilization which is to come, than the knowledge and
the consciousness of the unity of mankind the precious lesson taught by anthropology and
ethnology.
MISCELLANEA.
MANUSCBIPTS OF THE MANAVA OB
. StFTRAS.
AH APPEAL*
DR. FaraiwiiOH KWAUEB, Professor in the
University of Kiew, Russia, who has lately pub-
lished an excellent edition of the M&navagrrilry a -
sfctra, has in preparation a critical edition of
the Srautastitra of the same school. He has
copied and collated all MSS. of the text and
commentaries which were accessible to him, but
unfortunately the materials for his task are still
insufficient. More good manuscripts of the
M&nava (Maitrayaniya) Srautasttfra and its
commentaries are wanted. Such manuscripts
are likely to be found in the neighbourhood of
Gujarat, and to the north as far as Benares,
especially in Benares itself, probably also in
Kh&ndes. They are likely to be found
especially among the Mocpia-Brahmaiias. It Is
well known that the ritual works of the
school are among the oldest and most important
works for the study of the ancient Hindu ritual,
as well as for that of the history of the Vedie
schools.
Pandits and English scholars and officials In
India will, therefore, earn the gratitude of all
Sanskrit scholars, if they will take the trouble to
search f or manuscripts of the Mdnavaor Maitrd-
yanfya Sutras (both fefautaaufoa and Grrihya-
sutra, commentaries thereon, and Pmyftgas or
Paddhaiis) and communicate with Professor
Kaauer about anything found. Professor
KJnauer is prepared to buy any original
manuscripts of the above description or to
pay for trustworthy copies. All communica-
tions should be addressed to Professor F. Knauei%
Universitetskij Speask 13, in Kiew, Russia.
THE EDITOR.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
SUPERSTITIONS ABOUT SPITTLE.
I. IF, when rinsing the teeth with charcoal in
the mornings, any one spits OB a road, the Telugus
say, he is sure to be laid up with a sharp attack of
fever for two or three days if the spittle is trodden
upon. So every one is ad vised * if he wants to
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[MARCH, 1899.
-
avoid the ailment, to have the marks of Ms spittle
at once removed by sprinkling water on them.
II. When a person is liberal in giving or
spends money as fast as it conies, or, as the Tolugu
expression 1 runs, if money does not stay in his
hand, he is advised by his relatives to spit on the
palm of his hand when he gets up early in the
morning. They believe that money will stick to
him in the same manner as does the spittle.
M. N. YENKETSWAMI.
PEATEE OF THE DETNKEES OF HEMP-JUICE.
Bijiya? Hdta, gun M ddtd,
Mn raWce putr ko mdtd I
Cha r fhd gydn : utarM dhydn I
SuJckhd yfyfi, miharbdn I
WaMn jhandd ; waMn nishdn !
Jo Jcar& sukkhe M badt.
Us M bdp Mild; us M mdn gadhi,
PhirS suMM M lad$ ladU
Bhang IcaM, so bdward !
Bijiyd Jtah$, so Jmrd !
T&rd ndm Kamldpati,
EaM nain bharptir !
Sddhdn pi, santdn p%, pi Tcanwdr Ganhdt !
J6 M Bijiyd M nindiyd har$, us& Mid&
Mdlkd mdti !
O Mother Bijiya, giver of (all) good qualities,
Cherish thou us as (doth) a mother her son !
With thy attack (cometh) wisdom ; with thy
retreat (cometh) meditation !
Drink the hemp-juice, niy friend !
There is honour ; there is glory !
Who doth evil to the hemp- juice,
May his father become a cat>nd his mother
a she-ass,
To wander laden with the hemp-juice !
Who calleth thee bhang is a fool !
Who calleth thee Bijiyd is a liar !
Thy name is Kamlapati (Nftrayana),
That dwelleth wifch thy eyes filled (with
delight) !
Saints drink thee, sages drink thee, [Kan-
hayya (Krishna) drink thee !
Who speaketh evil of Bijiya, him wii
Mother Kalka (Durgft) destroy.
GHAINA MALL in P. N. and Q. 1883,
1 Chaiiulo dablu nilwadu.
an evidentplay on the name
the intoxicant
aild f or
i s
h lant f
OF 3Sf ARSINOH IN KANGBA.
WHILE the patient to 1u^ curod, or the
keeps nltivoritig and Khakiu^ with the force of the
spirit in him, llic bnitrt KIII^B tlu^ following incan-
tations ? accoinpaiiyitig liiinnolf on the dtipatrd .
B-ofrain,
Murti Narfititylid, N"aranjanhjd Mrd !
JMrflh m>hi> buliydn ; Mrtii ituMtf* holiydn ;
13'irtn mtih'i bolhjd jay sdrtt, ;
Merc Nursiw/hd hv ! Narunj(in,iyd j^J
L
BJuU Garh Miithrtt Meh jtttt.mtn, Gtilcal Ud
BJuU
jdijd !
II.
HI.
kijrf, JMdhdn
tuy
Jlthn Jsuwdridh fat,H'!ydb $ tit Mi bdsd t&rd !
IV.
Amtrfn ainbuttti t MWtYf, jtchuatulhl do Id&d
t&rd !
V.
F dpi Mi, paltlfcHy mttltltjd bdstt t&rd !
VI."
rt Jcitnjdn tft IwyH gul Mch
ttdjdmd !
Bofraliu
^ <) gr<*at Naraujun !
then that. luiHt <'jij>i-ivate(l me : thou
that haB cnptivattttl im* : <) thott that hast
captivated tlui whoh* world : my Nar-
shigh ! my Lord Nurafijtui !
U
friond, born in th* fort of Mutluirfi, thou
didst bcjcouue Iiu^a.rnn,!^ in (Jjokula*
II.
friond, and HUH of VaHudova., tlio child of
Yanudhft.
HI.
Whoro tlu^ niaidH and, virghw arcs, there is
thy home*
IV,
Thy home in hi Ut< HUUI^OOH, young man-
gous, hi %V<J!H and in hmkn.
V.
Thy homo in in tin 1 ^//w/tf, youn^ pfyaU and
VI.
Bod and red in thy (urban fI<>w<T< l d and
cr( i Ht(^d t Rn<t tlw rolx'H on i.Jiy body. 3
SABDAIUT IULIIAIM in l\ N. and Q.
s [Tlio abovo IH fivid(^n1,ly a HOM^ t<t Kriwhiia, u<l as
such is in Home of it v< k rMt k H oonunonly Htnijjf all over 'the
Paujfib at tho Ms LM, which ooinmcworui OB tlio clanco
of KtiHlma with Iho (K*j>K HUH mixing up of tho
Nritinha. and h't'inliqtt (ti'atfnav of Vial^u is very
eurioun, * 'EiyJ
t, 1899.]
ESSAYS ON KAJ3MIEI GRAMMAR,
85
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
BY THE LITE KABL FEEDEBIGK BUEKHABDT.
Translated and edited* with notes and additions,
by Geo. A. Grierson, Ph.D., C.I.E., LC.S.
{Continued from #. 13.)
B. ADJECTIVES.
1, Gender*
217. In the formation of tlie feminine we find the same changes which we have already
noticed in the case of substantives (vide 184 and ff,)- ^^ e following are examples :
(a) Vowel Olianges,
From
To
Masculine.
Feminine.
lokut, little
9 new
Tf healthy ......
wuhur, of so many years (=
the Persian &H* sdla; e* g.,
dti-wuhur, of two
years = Pers. ^*j d dt*-
dla)*
Jsdtsur, brown ..*
aputur, childless ... ..
JcMwur, left (not right),.
coarse, gross ..
3 proud
9 sweet *** ..
satur, flat ...
*<
-J i alute
Compounds of *^*-*j rosi, deprived
of, and *A*-* sostf endowed with,
e. ? . ;
^/^
^^3 zuvarost, lifeless
*/0 *
o^^>>^ rugasost, afflicted with
sickness.
or
ajpufar
rugas&st
In the last syllable.
86
THE IKDIAN ANTIQUARY*
[APRIL, 1899,
From
To
Masculine-
iio,
it ya (or -^ e)
(see below)*
f A 1
I
I
j*j I apo#, untrue, false ...
*
i ood> great *
", hard
nd, broken (of crockery)
of od, half
tsor, much ff
>
zor, deaf ... . f .
adoTj wet ,..
vyofli, fat ...
(*^ jtatyum, last
^3=
upper ..
^ /
(HH^ talyum, lower
nebrywn, outer .
So also all ordinal numeral #
j ^
f*e^ doyum, second
V /2/w/A, bitter
s6v, wealthy
fj
raw
cJrn, round ...
t6(hi beloyed
sweet .,;
I
{2 (obi
tsar
/
JJ
or
nebrim
Hth
om
APBXB, 1899.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIBI GEAMMAE,
87
From
To
Masculine.
Feminine.
ji to, yo
auspicious
j rich ... ...
JJjt ap(twyoT fake ...
true ...
We find a double change in the folio-wing :
Perfect participles In
^ yovwt
fynvt form their feminine as follows :
f/ *
**V-fj wSlySmote
(b) Consonantal
X
s>
See below.
See "below.
d.
5^
See below.
^
- cA-
-9
<jy Mfc, small, young
.ra
4^. C/iA
rf Wb, dry ...
::
M
See below*
See below.
4==*
f
(not * ibwS^)
Changes of both Consonants and Vowels,
Yowel Change,
Consonantal Change.
1 d
ra
u>.
^UT asa, easy
JUO*
-JL. f *
- f
Jz
J
j>
tM AwZ, oblique
< ""j
Jl^? fct^mt^j tender (of meat)
^""^
See 21, 2,
THE INDIAN ANTIQUE BY.
[APRIL, 1899.
Vowel Change.
Consonantal Oliasgc.
*..
/ ft
-.
f -
All genitival adjectives in
^J ^ uk; e.ff. 9
iUL*M*T fawdnuk) heavenly,
of the heaven, 198.
/
^3(4^7 dsnitinffch
5 rf
^
&jj wort/id, second hus-
band of one woman.
JJJ *mtf, a woman who
has married twit'ts
4I> 71
X
* {,
^i^xj ncthatntn, naked ...
^4!] ncf/tanan
wj* turun 9 cold ... ,,
?/s
Jz
^
tA*J jm/mif, soft, tender ...
e*/*tf
d&& shuJiul, cold
rfr^*^ tshitJiaj
Jjj wwZ, red ...
& Wj
<^X fe*M7iwn, black
J>
So future participles actiye in oj ^ aww^ ( 24), Thus
d?j->"** *faaw9in 9 about to
send.
// ji
ifj'jJ^ 14 ** ^i5^flftc*rtii^^
iyo
, ? o re
A d
j*
*** j/<?d, straight
3"^** syftss or ^0
! ^.
Oh
j> /
*<*} *) adalyoTc, incomplete
g f itdttttich
iu, yu
-T" t
Jl
SJ
^^^Mthin
zJwj
:,^
. H -
j
^ j !3 rfvj/wZ, soft (of cot*
ton goods).
.^,
gjlj ^<J<jj
d*
J^This, I am now sa&fied) j g ^ eoneot Bpen . ng ^ ^ fem . nin ^
' 83 Tho plural is (macj
It is a
AFEXL, 1899.]
ESSAYS OK" KASMIBI GRAMMAR.
Vowel Change.
Consonantal Change.
13 *
* a
All nouns in *&i yuk y
such as
4*j$JS> godanyuk, first ...
/ "*
^A- godanic^
*^& nyttk t lean ... ...
* nick
*
.* * **
t^-fsh
***** %w&, like what ? ...
&*r "kitsih
&&% yitsh
g"^ yuts
-H yw, this much *. :
t
cs*^ &ttf } how much ? ...
z* ut*
And so .other pixmominal adjectives of quantity.
*-0
. a
id
3*
"*" .
A^J tJiod) high ... ..
& %.
** ** A
&**GJ ^* mor^mondy beauti-
>jt ^rinaiw
* fnl
*** sand, sign of genitive
**
* /
i g
S ;
jr
*-*^ Z(mgr, lame ... .
^w
o/-* 5rogr, cheap ... *
e-W
Ji
J
cJ^P T&holy wid .*. *
rfi^ Jshaj
cjj A^fj^m Bok'lm-boly Inke-
/ / *
a t
S ft
warm
CUA A^? JocWit-Aol, hun-
/ "*
*a^? &QcJiJii-liai$
<>
gry
."*
*-** iof, warm ...
^^wutt cirri" ti\r\^&
ot/<py SSlvJW ** .*.
r-*"
^^^ t?*o, mad ... ***
r^
0.4 A. cJiJiot^ whit *
^eM^.
<-sJ Zo^ light .*.
**
on
"
&* nan, apparent ,
!
i* "Wade, lgn&*
THE INDIAN ANT1QTTABT*
Vowel Change.
Consonantal Change.
jyl o??, blind
ijj 1 ^^
c>j ron, 10 footless ...
it*J j iPttTI
eP ton, thin ^.
l*!^ /^ll^l
,-n
f*
j
/
J^J"^* heltanwol, able **
*
^^Tj.-iXA ^eJ^nwo/an
j, /
jT /
<Jj? J^ A * nakelanwol) tinablo
ej w>
CJ n
(^^<^ nundbtin, pretty ...
7 -^
e) H ^"^ nundbon
tt^i' my5n^ my ..,
V ^
e)ju# ?^, old
jf* F-"n
*
*
......
ji
5J '
JjV nyiM, bluo *
^"
218. Many adjectives remain uncbaBged in tlio feminine ; tuanongHl those may b
moMeed ;
(1) Loan-words, e. jr., Persian adjectives in jb rfrfr, jtf M/% and^ </an
/ /
(2) Words ending in *J lad, endowed with; <?. ^., aJ^T^ d^htd, from 0^,1 tZW
pain.
/ - , / * /
(3) Words ending in JL. ; e. ?i , JiS^ J w Jrt, old ; 8U> Wtt( f ?i m giigowt ; *J (j . 4%
yonng,
- ^
(4) Others, such as : *** (oc%& 9 hungry; v* ^oft, heavy ; JsJf f/^, turbid; ^ jdn,
good ; ^ yachli, bad ; J KiT fangfi, poop . ^j^ fcawjfflir, Biingy ; J l ^ fcotf i,
vile ; vT fc o5) hnmp-bacted ; ^ 6y tttt , separate ; cs >j4i Mi^i careless ; J U*
Jfli^Z, home-heeping ; jtj^i w 7acZr^, gadding about ; c-i wo|, fat> ^
wondf, blunt; ,M. ^ wm , smoott ;j ^ sundar, beautiftiL
2. Declension*
219. Adjectives are declined, in the masculine, according to the 2ml declension, and i
the feminine according to the^rd^o . the eound^changes already described, taking effect as usual ;
y> P 1 * m. j>J y;e>l on, blind, ,! w . Compounds ending in ^ Jad, endowed
" "" "- "*"
Ilmslie, r otw.
*-
, 1899.] ESSAYS ON KASMIEI GBAMMAR. 91
with (see 218), and loan-words, are the only ones which are declined according to the first
/ 7
declension. Loan-words are more often not declined ; e. g. t j&* I &i^*> e*!^J icairtfnjdyi andar, in a
*
desert place (on the other band, with the same word used as a substantive, w have u^
\**\ aUs vairanis andar, in a desert) ; ^ ** fc*^ 4*0 ^.W 3 * Si " eH^"*"* *** 2/ l * m *
"
mondi {mond, a widow) tfnJy sdrenay kandi Mola ^or bj this poor widow more has been cast in
than by all.
220. As the Locative has merely the Dative forms to which a postposition is attached, anil
ss the postposition is given only once (after the noun) and is not repeated, it may be said that
**
*n adjective agreeing as an attribute with a noun in the Locative is put in the Dative ; e. 0., u** J J
^^j ratis (dat. masc. of oj rut^ good) saminis andar, in the good land. But if we
* in what land does this plant grow ?' and reply * in the good/ we must* of course, say, u* j
r&tis andar*
/
.
ra/), good; Dat. crb ^ f * abl - * 5 J ^S TOC ' a3 -> > r ?** fem- 2P r ^* P 1 -
wZ, clever ; fern. nom. pi. ^ f
nyul, blue ; Dat. sg. ( 213, 2 (e) ) trW nffw; fern. g*j n^',- pi. ** (f*.
- * J *
SMS (aorist 3rd. sg. of e?3 J-^ *&) B (he was) sent ; pi. jj* sn& (they were) sent ;
fern, sg., jj+ *&*; pi. *J^- sozq (cf. 90 and 214, 5).]
is*^l 8w*->mut> sent ; pi. ^^J-T* sv*i-mQti, or (contracted) 0^3^ suz-m^i : Instr.
/.* /-> ^
pi, ^JJUjj** s fa-maty au ; [fern. sg. g'*jj'* sfa~wats ; pi. ^Sjjr- som-matsa {* mqte is treated
//
*B a monosyllable, hence pi. ^f* mat$q> not mtsq)*
f / / /
X fcor (e?X *^ to make), (he was) made ; pi. ^ fer*/ fern. sg. ^ fear,- pi,
(3rd declension) (cf. 90). ^ f / /x ,
*, made; pi. ^ iar-.m?^/ fern. sg. gV ir-?^; pi. *?*-/
6s, (he) was; pi. u-1" ^; fern, sg, ^ ot; pi. **f > (cf, 90).
/ /
, been; pi. ^x>^f ^-m^;fem. sg. 5^1 u*~mat$g
dtla/ti /^*fc fcfta^t* awZar out of the good treasure o the heart.
'"The vowel In tins adjaetire is a rery obscure one, and it is also written rq,t tlirougkout (see 213, 2 (a}
THE INDIAN AJfTIQUABI.
*<*> &
' '
a, on the third day.
ctis multUakis ttlAsha* awdar, in the search of a good pearl-
andar*
i t* &i YarSsalamaehyo %$ry$, O Daughters of Jerusalem (Luke*, xxiii 281
3. Comparison*
22L Theye are BO sp#ial form^ in Kasuairi for the ComparatxTe and SmperlatiTe.
22a Tie Coiopar^tive is expressed by umns of the Positive, or by means of the Persia
Comparative words ^ Khtur, better ; jfiJjA twwgtmr, greater, ete. Tke adjective receives a
6ompa?ative force ty means of the particle <**! Mota, compared with, JBf. fft>
mytfm Moto z$r&mr 9 stronger than I.
This particle is properly a substantive in the ablative, and therefore governs the jiomn with
which comparison is made, in [oblique form of] the genitive in I t. For the same reason the,
possessive pronouns mnst be used instead of the personal ones. [Sometimes tLesnmof the
genitive * omitted, leaving only the oblique ferm.J g
with the condition (of), is also used;
than you. With infinitive ^
e.
()
fr)
*'si /JU ^f iN/i M(W
^ oi(?> tlian tlie catingi thjkn food
ttg first
them
panm{ Mo ^
that, this.
In inte,o ga ti Te
L j &. $
the temple ?
224. The Super" dtive is
the i
tf ^ ^f ^^ < t ,
' ' " **
particle
(= tlie Latin an) i
is great, tlie gold or
word signify-
AFEIL, 1899.] ON THE GTJREZI DIALECT OF SHUTA.
godanyuk ia bod huJcm ckku yuliay, this indeed is the first and great commandment;
/-> /-> / /
*&j &AA. sixia. ^jU & w # cifa sdrenqy-handi Mota loda, who Is a greater than all; f. e., the
. >
greatest ? *i A <&j rwrf AywA, the best (Luke, XT, 22).
/ *
225. The Idea 'much * with a comparative Is expressed by sa* riyiMtf ; e. g.> *&j
*
Jfhota nyddq rut, much better than ; 'how much?' is expressed by y kut s e. jr.,
Itutbihtar, how much better?
226 fl If an adjective in a case other than the ECnanatiYe is put In tie cnupaiatlve degree
/////**<//
this Is done by repeating it ; e. g. 9 ^ *** *** & ^j^ ** ^ fcmaniJtocMA Ifoak to laji
i karak, I will pull down my barns and build greater r
\af U *
This doabliBg is also used for strength eiiing the positive ; e. g. 9 c|CW jw AJ la& lad 1 nislan,
(To "be continued.)
OX THE GUEEZI DIALECT OF SHIXA,
BT 3. WILSON, L 0. S.
Preface by <3r. A. Grierson*
I TRUST that the following account of a very Httla-known language, which has come into my
possession during the progress of the Linguistic Survey of India, will be of interest to the readers
of the Indian Antiquary*
Owing to the great variety of shades of vowel sounds which we meet with in dialects In and
near the Hindu Rush, It has been found necessary to depart somewhat from the system of
transcription used in this publication for representing the Devanagari alphabet In the Roman
character. This has been found unavoidable, but it is hoped that Mr. Wilson's remarks on
pronunciation will prevent any difficulty being experienced,
The valley known in English as G-urais and in Persian as G-uress, Is called by Its Inhabitants
Gorii. It Is about five miles long by half a mile broad, and contains some six villages with a total
population of perhaps 1,500 or 2,000 souls. The people call themselves Bards/ the principal
inhabitants being Luu by tribe.* Their language is a dialect of SMn% and is said to be most closely
connected with those spoken in Chills, Kane, and Dras. Although Gorai Is within thirty miles of the
Kashmir Valley, with which it communicates by the Euzdiangan Pass, 11,800 feet above the sea, the
dialect is quite different from Kaimiri, so different that an inhabitant of Qorai and a Katauri,
each speaking only Ms own mother tongue, would be quite unintelligible to each other.* It Is very
much simpler than Kasoim, having far fewer inflections, and is even simpler than Panjabi or Urdu,
which it resembles in structure and syntax, though the vocabulary and Inflections are almost entirely
different.
The dialect frequently employs the sound of the sibilant In the word ' pleasure,' i. e., the French
;, which is transcribed *h in the system of transliteration adopted for this article. We also meet the
half-pronounced u and i at the end of a word which are so common in Kashmiri, and which are also
1 So spelt by Brew. Mr. Wilson spells the word Dard.
2 This tribe is not mentioned by Brew. I am indebted to Mr. Wilson for the information.
B The relationship between Shina and Katolii is a question wMch lias not yet been definitely settled. Suffice
it to sav that there is a stock of vocables which are common fco the two languages, and which are not met in any
Indian languages, or in any of the other so-called Bard languages. On the other hand, the grammatical structures
of the two languages are widely different.
94 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Apnii,, 1899.
"-
found in some of the languages of Eastern Hindustan. These are represented by email letters above
j a/w, came ; doau, a bullock ; ashfp* 9 horses.
tlie line ; thus
only work which gives any account at all of the dialect of Gur" 7 ?; is Dr. Lwfcnor's Lanyuaq&
s of Dardistan,, Lahore, 1S77, which contains a few dialo^u,^ iu Qtirvfai (|K 41). r J01 les
The o
and Races of Dardistan,, Lahore, 1S77, which contains a few dialo^u,^ iu Qtirvfai (|K 41). r J01 lese
have been reprinted in the same author's Hunzct and Nagyr Maudhook, Caleulta,
The information hitherto available regarding this interesting dialed. Iving so scanty, I have the
greater pleasure in being able to give here the following notes on the (jirummur of the language, for
which I am indebted to the kindness of Mr. J. Wilson, 1. 0, 8. I nun also indebted to the same
gentleman for much of the information contained in the preceding remarks, and for the translation of
the Parable of the Prodigal son, which is annexed. He wishes it to bo undmtowl that the notes are
rough ones, and do not pretend to be either complete or very accurate,
Pronunciation,
A final u is sometimes distinctly pronounced, is sometimes hardly audibly and IB sometimes not
heard at all. So also a final i. Thus, butu> ZW/M, or hit, all (mase. King.;, ilshiyi or <M%S horsea
(masc. pi).
Pronounce:
a as the u in nut
a> as the a in liak.
a as the a in all.
& as the a in father.
e as the e in met, hen*
f as the same sound lengthened ; the e in therv, as pronounced l>y a Scotchman,
e is the ordinary long i, pronounced like the a in tnata.
e is the short sound of the foregoing, pronounced something like the f, in the French
word etaif^
i as the i in pin.
i as the i in pig/ ue*
o is the second o in promote.
o is the short sound of the preceding. It is the first o la promote, and IB ilw o in tik
French word vofoe, as distinguished from vvbre*
o is the o in hat,
o as in German,
u as the u in full
u as the u in rude.
The ligatured letters tsh and qh represent ^ and c rospoctiroly. Whon not ligatured, they
represent the well-known Devamlgari letters. The mark r over a vowed mmili^ it. Other letter.
The compouud is represeilts ft 8ingle
n
Article^
dk/? U -! e arti fV? " l8 1Wt es P rcssed ' but the 1( ieflwtc article a " is generally
am e
by addk -
py aaamg eA;, ifc, or ah to the noun, e, g. 9
ban ehe-als, a tall woman,
a
APKIL, 1899.]
ON THE GDREZI DIALECT OF SHIXA.
Masc.
Tern.
musha
man, pi. mushe. -* c] el
woman, pL cJie-e.
bal
boy, pi* IdL \ v.ulai
girl.
"-iti
{jtzJii? i
fml I
lab /
father. f] , f }
mother*
jpuch
son. \ did
daughter.
ghci
brother. @ss
sisier.
donu
bullock, pi. done. $
Cfw, pL gave*
la I so
calf. * Mitel
hei er.
Itctrailu
ram. - ^sk
steep.
nrand
lamb, m. and f.
situ
in. and L dog.
6s hip
in. and f. horse.
chhattlu
he-goat,
sLe-goat.
chlial
kid, m. and f.
]{JU&]tU
cat, pi. piisU, P^hi
L cat, pi. pusJie.
mvzli
rat, pi. ntuxhe.
cock j pi. Jcokot. ;
tokol
hen, pi. JcWiQe*
&tru
male. i
soch
female.
llru aship
male horse, pL ashipi. j
sock asltip
female horse, pi. mkpe*
^ \
OTHBE NOUNS (GE^DEB. 2*OT ASCERTAINED, UKLESS SPECIALLY STATEB>
70f
water. !
latub
duck.
hill, pi. JiJiant*
gosh
house.
fom
tree, pi. tome.
shim
river.
lat
stone, pi. bati*
hula
large river.
glr
boulder, pi. glre
yob
Binall stream.
suri
sun, f., pi. suri.
zhel
forest.
moon, f .
Mi
L village.
tar
star, pi* fare*
shut
grass-land.
azliu
rain.
%Cm
D<ear
Mn
snow.
Tmkas
hill-partridge.
mos
month.
Mfigol
&ara sing deer.
des
day.
TOS
musk-deer.
rati
night.
lei
ibex.
picJilA 23QU
father's brother.
chMmu
fish.
fhtphi L
father's sister.
%wn%l
pigeon*
dad m.
father's father.
Zrfi
crow.
dadih L
father's mother.
Ikuruhin
hail.
bring
kite.
angei
thunder.
?
Jionz
wot*
goose.
earth.
Mcldsk
lavU
lightning,
house ; building.
SOT
hoarfrost.
dera
household.
lau
dew.
tiki
food.
lack
flock of sheep.
DAYS OF THE WEEK.
Sunday
Monday
AitirSr. I Thursday
Sandarwar. fr:day
Zhuma.
Tuesday
JB5?fir. ! Saturday
Batwar*
Wednesday
Bddht&ar,
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
1899.
Wekak
Zhista
Ha mes
SJiawana
Bliadrete
Ashta
Baisakh.
NAMES OF THE. MONTHS.
Kar tiled
Houns
"Norn.
Ag.
Gen.
Bat.
Har.
Saw an,
Bhadru.
Assu.
Sing.
musilia
Poh
Mag ah
PMtjomah
Magar.
Fob.
Mslgh.
OhGU
Muslia - MANT, masc.
PL
niusJi-8
muska-t
PuoJi SON,
Ag.
Gen..
Dat.
puch-se
pnch-'G
puch-at
mush-Tint.
jpg.
jy^-tftf.
pe-o.
C/if WOMAN, /<?;>!.
Ag.
Gen.
Bat.
Sa&$ SISTBB, fern,
s&zfir.
Ag.
Gen.
Bat. saz-ut mzar-Tmk*
^ NornThere is a curious dearth of words distinguishing between the male mid female of animal*.
This is done by prefixing the word blr (male), or socli (female), e. </. ;-
asMp
male horse.
male dog.
soch
maro.
bitch,
Adjectives,
Adjectives agree with their nouns in gender and number, but do not alter with the CAW of the
noun This rule applies also to genitives in 0, which change It to i in the torn. ing, and iiiasc.
plural and e in the fern, plural. [The rule a* to the formation of the feminine m not complete, a. will
appear from the following examples.]
bar musJia
Ban cJiei ...
inio asTiip,,^
me ashipi ...
great man.
great woman,
ray horse.
my hornet
iny mare.
my mures.
that man's horne.
a vnusho asJiip
- ~ 7 , , . "** "*" *** " * UJUlfcU J]
ay a cheo aslupi ,,, ,, . ,
anu m h~ y 7~ *" **" tneee women's horssen.
amcMixM 10 '" this mall i good .
m nwtte OS J* *his womaa ia good.
cheeslel<% t^ese men are good.
tlxcse women, sire good.
APRIL, 1399,]
ON THE GUREZI DIALECT OF SHIN A.
9?
Sing.
PL
A . .
_ _A_,*. i r-
Masc.
^ ^ s
Fern. Masc, Fern.
sio
good.
*{ ste rfc.
bar
great.
6ari lor bari.
atsafe
bad.
atsaki aisak attaJfi.
Mgu
long.
kfautn
short.
chun
small.
skara,
old.
zhari.
m io
my.
meii m m< *
tJio
thy.
theft m tu *
azo
our.
t&
your.
aso
of that man.
aseiX. M ^*
slo
white.
Jconu
black.
lolu
red.
kuwvm
yellow.
bittu
all.
'buti.
wish tu
good
7 > " yziishtfH' Tfttshi&m
ffltsJifa *W/A*..
iitsltar
much, many.
mutt
other.
b&ng
both.
fom
own.
Huinerals.
1 ek.
12
lai. SO ehlh.
2 du.
18
c?ioi. 40 do bih.
8 eke.
14
chodei. 50 do bill ga deii.
4 char.
15
panzilei. 60 cM lili*
5 funsh.
16
shoin* 70 cho Mh ga deii.
6 sha.
17
satai. 80 char bth*
7 sat.
18
ashtm. 90 char Ith ga deii.
8 ashf.
19
Icunyih. 100 sJiaL
9 nau.
20
lik, 200 du shal.
10 deii.
21
llh ga ek. 300 die shaL
11 altai.
22
lih ga dii, etc. 1000 sas.
SToTE, - After
thirty, the enumeration is by scores, <% g. 9 70 is u three twenties and ter. n
Pronouns.
1st person
Sing.
Plur.
M. and F.
M. and F.
JTom. and
Ace. mo
be.
Agent.
met
asetzh*
Genitive.
mio
aso*
Dative.
mote
asonte.
93
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
2nd person
Agent.
Genitive.
Dative.
Brd person <
Nona,
Agent,
Genitive .
Dative.
Sing.
M. and F.
tu
tho
tJio
into
M.
M.
fsclzh
tst
tsuntr
riur.
M. and F.
ghesi
zlieso
zhesit
anu
a
para
z7io
'km
zhog
this.
that.
yonder,
who (relative).
who ?
what ?
some, any.
Fein. Sing. Plur. M. Ph
Kui
kol
1. mo
2. tu
3. zho
M.
1. asulus
2. asulo
3.
M.
hos
ho
ho
Sing.
Sing.
Verbs.
Auxiliary Verb.
rHHHNX I AM.
F.
asilis
PABX I WAH<
riup.
M, and F.
as Hi 8,
Sing.
1 . as-ini
2. as-e
n
Sing.
2. nish-e
3.
FUTUEE I 8IIALL JJK<
Plur.
as -in.
Negative Verb.
I AH HOT.
Phir.
nlsli-is*
/fit VV
kttjliA\
V
AI.
Ittu*
hunt
nisli.
APRIL, 1899.]
OX THE GUREZI DIALECT OP SHIXA.
Finite Verb.
IMPERATIVE.
The 2nd singular imperative is the root of the verb ; e. g. t loh, go : ftfci l:ha t eat li/eal : vT
I 'lit. drink water. The 2nd person plural is formed by adding a to the root ; e. y., vol j"75, drink
water ; Ma 7/5, get out,
FCTUBE I SHALL ^PEAK*
Piur.
ies<? raz-on*
f^M^tf t'GS-Clt*
zhtse raz-iii.
PAST I iai..
Sing,
1. Z f/tflS
2. tlo tha
Sing.
1. 7/z0se raz-ini
2. f?^5e rfls-o
3. zliuse ra:-&
Piur.
^^z thi-is.
tsc^'i tlii-it.
3. zlitsel tit an zltettijh thl-e.
NOTE. The past tense of a transitive verb may be use I either with the nominative or agent ease
01 the subject, and in either ease agrees with it in person. The forms given tor the pronouns of the
1st and 2nd persons plural, are apparently variants from those given ab^ve.
PAST I CAME.
Piur.
be a!-is.
tso al if.
Sing.
1. 7320 al-US
2. tu al-o
3. zho id
PAST I WEXI.
Sing.
1. mo yas
2. tu go.
3. zho gau
Plur.
fso yc-;t.
zltt ye.
PRESENT TKXSE.
The present tense Is formed by adding the present te.se of the auxiliary verb to the future
Sing.
1. mose thim hos
2. tuse the ho
3. sliiise tlttl ho
Boot.
th2
do, make
eh
come
I oh
go
Jcha
eat
soh
sleep
K'Ji
sit
PRESENT I AM DOING.
Piur.
bese thvH Jt'ts*
is\)$e th'iii: hauL
xhese tLein ha*
List of Verbs.
Meaning. Infinitive. Pres* Part. 3rd Sing, Past. 3rd Sing. Fin,
tliion theiltM than
on eihn al"
bojhoft b'ojhu <7'7ti KzJi
Jchui} "khdhU liliiau kJia m
soil seiliU sutiu sel,
bh% litfhtu 12?.
tlei.
ef.
100
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
, 1899
Boot.
Meaning. Infinitive* Pros, Part, ircl Sin<j. Past, 3rd Sing, F u t
pm drink j^? jntte pi fin nf^
?raZi fall wwWfin ir/ /AS Wttlrtu iralti*
clidk boh get up chv&fwn ckvkbwhu
lei become faihTni vcfhu
sliila be ill slnliTin x/ntit/tM vhilrtl shila.
be hungry urn &i Ion nnsuitltd unytu'l*
yas go on
hun I oh get up
A question is s'gaified by adding da to the verb, c //. -
tu an honda ? ., Art them Iwro ?
tso anehi hant da ? .., ... Are you just IKMHJ ?
The 1st person plural is not used for the 1st pmon w'ugulur, UK in I-nlfi, nor ig the 2nd person
plural used for the 2nd person singular ua in Knghsli,
The present tense of the auxiliary verb has different forms for the nuusriilme and feminine, e. a,
ho, he is \ M f she is.
tlio yosh Ison M ? ..
tlio nom zlwg ho f ...
mio nom Go far ho
met gaa pashas hus
mei done fash as h %$
vn& voi pift hus
iho t-of pie ho
asei Jcrum iliau
asel donu jpasjiau ,,.
gao pashau . . .
don e yashau . .
&$& gaiue pash au ...
Whore i thy
"Whut h thy minus ?
My numu is Uainr,
I have soou the cow,
I have soon the Imllorlvtt
I have drunk water.
Thou luiKi drunk water.
He did the work.
He saw the bullock.
He saw the cow,
He saw the bxilloo]%
lie saw the cows*
the
harega
"kare
Jtye
art at
adat
fin
sad
Icon
konit
Icon o
parada
azha
Adverbs.
now.
at some time, any time.
Icharte
not.
when ?
azltfi
why ?
how?
thus,
so.
chhftt r.hhiit
inna
Swari
here.
8<W
there*
fah
where ?
llisht
whither ?
whence ?
yonder,
above.
Mah
las
dtl&
below,
out Bide,
inmdo.
slowly.
hitlier.
thither.
to-day,
to-morrow,
in the (veinnpr,
the day after to-morrow,
APRIL, 1899.] ON THE GUEEZI DIALECT OF SHIXA.. 101
Postpositions,
o of, sign of genitive,
-t, te y it, at to, sign, of dative.
izh to, at, on, in.
o, lo from,
el near.
m along with,
Conjunctions.
and.
tiiea, again.
si by, s'gn of agent case.
between.
Le.ru re.
behlnJL
aAer.
but.
fit ii because, that.
pat&n
The Parable of the Prodigal Son in the G-urezi Eialect.
JE& mushat dn bal ami. Si duo sh cliunei iwlit razkau, * Sa5 9
A man-to two SODS were. These two from by-ihe-young to-fa-Ler said, * Father .
shabo mo-te Jiissa elk, dek* Barn sesi zliab luttih luge dau.
from-the-goods me-to the-sliare will-come, give.' Then. to-tLein goods all having- divided he -gave*
Barak zhlk dezo pat&, chuno pucli-se Lutu jama-tlte, dur mulk-at safar than;
Then some days aher, the-young son-by all hariug-co Jeoted, a-distant country-to journey was-roade ;
sad fomu aramit lutu zhab kharirh iltau. ZJie stz sJiu zhab butn khanch
then liis-own pleasure-to all goods speat were-done. When by-him that wealth all spent
thaw, ssJiu-wwlk-azk bar drag kun-6ilu Zhu manuzh Jio unial. Zho gau zlio
was-inade, that oountry-in great famine hapjeLed, That man became hungry. He went that
vnulk-o ekel nokar lektu* Zhesi chleuyau i"ome cMeclotij soroi raclik* * Zhuse
oonatry-of to-a-man servant sat. By-him he-w&s-sent his-own field-iuxo to -pigs herding. * What
sorse Makh dileh aKont Jehum thei-asul.' Kara sites "feJidn ne den asiL Barz ssJte&it
pigs eat husks my-own eating I-shal-make. 5 Then they eating not giving were. Then to-him
fikruzh al 9 zhes razhau, * Mio bab-fatch tusJiar nokar-ont tiklh lusMr Jil. Mo nironu
in-thought came, by-him said, fi My fatLer-with many servant-to food much is. I hungry
mifijim-J&s, Mo chokuKX torn bab-tl lozhim, zltesit w.ose rasim, ** Fo &a& 9 me$ JZhudat
am*dying. I standing up own father-to will-go, to-him I will-say, ** O father, by-me God
ge tu muth% gwwi thas. Ma zh&s't laiak nusfais, zltes razin-bil tM jittsh AS. Mo
and tkee before sin has-been-done, I to-uhis fit am-not, they will-say thy soa it-is. Me
tomi riokari-hanau Jcali" * Bwra cJw&u-boi tovnu mal-el alu. Zhese dur pashz
own servanfc-iite consider." ' Then standiDg-tip own father-to he-eiore. Ey-him far having-seen
malus darbak tie losi-de machi ihau. H"o pvjli-$e malit
kis-father running having-made having-givea embrace kissing was-made. And by-son to*father
razliau, * Vo lab, net Khudci ge tit mutlto" guncit Has. Mo zfiesit laiak n*u$Ji~is 9 zhes -
was-said, * O father, by-me God and thee before sin done. I ttvthis fit am-not, they
t Qziu-bil tho jjuch 1M* Amma wtalei torn nokaro-vari razftait 9 * Li*tizho ste cJiilakJiol
will-say thy son it-is/ Bnt by-iatfcer own servants-towards was-said, * OF-all good clothes
"khalia, zhlsit bunyea ; zliese liatizh vcizJa w'ya, zJtese feont paezar bunydya ; lara bes 1chon 9
get-out, to-him put-on ; his hand-on rirg put-on, his feet-to shoes put-on ; tiien we let-eat,
khushi tlto'i ; si-ki zJto vnio }/&ch w< asul t bara sJiinifas lip In'lu asid, laTa hat
pleasure let-make ; for this my son dead was, again he-lives ; lost been was, again to-hand
al. 9 Zhe Khush 6il*.
tas-come.* They happy became*
Che zTiGso bar pud cJiMchh asul. ZJw gozli-el eh nation basJwn kr& parM. Ho
Now his great son in-field was. He house-near coming dancing singing noise heard. And
&s& eknokar-kit hotle Wiosshin than, ' Nu zJtog t<& 1 ' Zhesi shesit raxJtau, * Tlfi *7ia
by-him a servaut-to calling question made, * This what is ? ' By-him to-him said, * Thy brother
102
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY* [Araii,, 1899,
al TU labei IckusU than M, *M tlti *U *Wm* ladu 7<.' Xara sesit
came Thy fatherly pleasure made is, because % brother living got is,' 3 hen to-him anger
Klu. '^o azlio ne itwiiW ZJt&frlcw w*l 3r9 *^&# *r tliau.
'
u. o az
became. *I inside not will-go/ For-this-cause father outs'de cairo, io-liim entreaty made,
Zhesi* jJiawab malit razJiau, ' GJiafo, nose ani bardtont tltcl Hidmat tltos, met
By-him answer to-father said, 'Listen, by-me these years-to thy service nuule, by-rne
karege tklt r**K5n-it badal *t tJi**, amna tU tat wo-te ai8 eJiKal ne da,
at-any-time thy saying-to contrary not done, Imt by-tliec at-any-timo ire-to goat, kid not given,
slhimwefome slmW-set Miuslit thimg amma fare 57 w IU an* fin* yteJt, tU gfab
that I own friends-with pleasure shall-make ; btit when come is this thy son, thy goods
Zan*MrS-s& Myau hu, tho *k&$-far barl Uusld tha UU: Mfiius shnsit razJim, ( 7o
harlots-with eaten is, by-thee for-him great pleasure made is/ By-father to-him said, *
pitch, fu w$ mo-se% Jiano, mi'o butu ssha& tho }$. iasim asul y asunt JfJi'uskf tlion,
son, thou always with-me art, my all goods thine is. Proper it-was, for-us pleasure making,
siki anu tho zlia mu asul, zhnnu bil ; lip lil asul, lara lwt> filu.'
for this thy brother dead was, living became ; lost became was, again to-hand oame.'
NOTES ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF CURRENCY IN THE FAB EAST.
BY E. C, TEMPLK*
CIRCUMSTANCES have obliged me to interrupt for a time the elaborate and detailed remarks
I liave been making for the last year or so on the Currency and Coinage of the Burmese,
but the subject is so difficult to follow in detail that I am rather glad of the opportunity given
me by an enforced cessation of my labours to take a short review of at least tho most
important part of it, and to try and see where my enquiries are taking us. Hence this
article, which I hope will serve to render clear to those, who do mo tho honour to follow my
more elaborate pages, the mass of somewhat confusing tables and facts I have been obliged
to gather together in one view*
In my ** Currency and Coinage among the Burmese" I have endeavoured to collect
together all the available information on the subject from tho vory cominenmnent, and have
consequently found myself involved in a dissertation on tho entire question of all tho primitive
and early forms of currency that exist, or lave existed, in tho world ; because 1 , when one begins
to study any given form of civilization in tho East, one is sure to find all tho details of the
whole scale, thereof co-existent there at any given period. It wan thus that I fotind myself
obliged to consider the rise of currency and coinage step by stop from barter pore and simple
by examples culled from the Far East; to trace the rise of the conception of <ftiidard of weight
as applied to metals used for money, . e., Troy -weight, from rticlo njoaaurofl of capacity, by
examples similarly culled ; to show how and why, not only the conception^ but the vory termin-
ology of Troy weight, currency and coinage are inextricably mixed up in tho Oriental mind ;
to state in detail the great array of articles that have been used in the Far Kast as currency,
which are not bullion, and to explain their use; to point out how tho currency of the cubic
contents of non-bullion money, measured by size, preceded and steadily led to the currency of
the cubic contents of bullion money, measured by weight.
I found it necessary to show directly from data still procurable in the East, that the idea
of currency arose before those of Troy weight and coined money, and lo explain how it arose :
also to show how the terminology devised for conventional cubic measures of articles com-
monly required i?as transferred to the weights of the metals for which they conld bo bartered,
and thus to the currency : and further to show why, to the vast majority of the Oriental world,
substance of this Article was giv^n in a lecture before East India Association on February 24, 1899, and
11^% piiblished in the 4sifl?*tc Quarterly Review for April, 1899, and in the Jowrwafc of tho Association
. i
You lOk A.,, iso. 16,
1889.] DEVELOPMENT OF CURRENCY IN THE FAB EAST. 108
currency means tlie conventional weights of the exchange metals, and coins have no com-
mercial meaning afe all, exoept in their relation to the weights of the pieces of metal of which
they are composed*
For the present purpose I have to insist on this last point. It is quite impossible to
separate the terms for currency and Troy weight in the Far East, and the history
of the development of the one is the same thing as the history of th development
of the other. The most practical and the clearest way to treat the question is as
one of the history of Troy weight,
I must resist the temptation of -examining now the interesting and exceedingly picturesque
details of the points I have thus very briefly referred to, and must pass on quietly to that
part of the subject which it is my immediate object now to discuss the development of
the forms of currency in the Far East existing at the present day, and "bearing an
established relation to coined money or to bullion. It is the most difficult, and in an
academical sense the least interesting, but I hope that it will be conceded that it is by far the
most important part of my genera! subject.
To mak-e myself quite clear in the remarks that follow, I wish to explain that by
Troy weight I mean the conventional standard weights of the exchange metals, i, e., of bullion.
By currency I mean what our forefathers used to call Imaginary or Ideal Money, i. e., money
of account or exchange the means by which the commercial world is able to balance its
books. By money, as differing from currency, I mean what was of old -called Real Money, *,
coins or tokens of credit convertible Into property. With these remarks I will now attack our
present problems, remarking merely farther that the argument has to be so close, and the sub-
ject is so difficult, that they will demand the reader's close attention.
I most begin by stating that all the existing Troy weights and currencies in India
and tli Far East are based on one, and sometimes on both, of two seeds, which are
known to Europeans as the seeds of the Atoms preeatorius and the Adenanthera pavonina.
I must ask that these two names be borne in mind, and I will call them in my arguments the
a&rus and the adenanihera* The aims is a lovely little creeper yielding a small bright red
seed with a black spot on it. The adenantfara is a great deciduous pod-bearing tree, having a
bright red seed. Conventionally tlie adenanthera seed is double of the abrus seed,
Now, as will be presently seen, onr subject literally bristles with every kind of difficulty, and
here, at the very beginning, is the first. The weights represented by the two seeds have every-
where and at all times been mixed up* The terms for the abrus and its conventional repre-
sentatives have been applied to the adenanfJiera 9 and we versd, both by native writers and
European translators and reporters. As a resnlt of the same kind of confusion of mind, whole
systems oi currency have been borrowed from outside by half-civilized and ill-informed rulers
and Governments, and brought arbitrarily into existence, starting on the wrong foot, as it
were. The unlimited muddle thus arising may be easily imagined, and so, too, may the amount
of investigation necessary to unravel the resultant tangle. "With this preliminary information
as to the fundamental basis thereof, let us proceed to inquire into tlie Indian Troy weight
system, because I hope to show that the whole currency of tlie l*ar East is based on it,
or is at least directly connected with it.
Based on the conventional abrus seed, there were in. ancient, or at any rate in old, i. e. 9
in undiluted Hindu, India, two concurrent Troy scales, which, for the present purpose, 1 will
call tlie literary and the popular scales. For the present purpose also, and for the sake of
clearness, I will call the abrus seed of convention in the literary scale by one of its many ancient
names, ra&tikd, and in the popular scale by one of its many modern names, raft
In the Indian Troy scales, then, the lower denominations represented in each case the abrus
seed, but the upper denominations differed greatly; e., in the literary scale there were
320 raktikas to the pala, and in the popular scale were 96 ratis to the tdla. These facts
104
THE INDIAN" ANTJQtJABY. [ APRIL, 1899.
are presented in the old book*, and in innumerable reports of local and genera! scales spread
over many centuries, in a most bewildering' maze of fornm ami details but it may be taken from
one who has studied them for years that they are essentially as above stated.
I have differentiated the concurrent scales by the titles of liteinry and popular, because
the former is that which alone is to he found in the classical books, and the latter is the scale
which the Muhammadan conquerors found to be everywhere in use on their irrnptions
in the eleventh and subsequent centuries of the Christian Era. That tbo two scales were
actually concurrent for many centuries is shown by the antiquity of some of the works in which
the literary scale is quoted, by the fact that the details of the popular scale are traceable
to the old Greek scales, at any rate clearly in part, and by the quotations of both concurrently
for purely mathematical purposes by the author of the Lil Avail iu the twelfth century*
I jnust ask my readers for special attention to wbat 1 have juint stated, #>'*, the existence
in India of two concurrent Troy scales a literary one of 320 rakfJt$$ to the pala, and
a popular one of 96 rails to the i6ld. I do so because it is on this cardinal fact that the com-
ing aiguments are based.
Now, as might be expected, it is the popular scale that the practical Mubammadan con-
querors caught up, shifting and changing the details in substance and hi name to suit their
own preconceived ponderary notions, but Adhering strictly to its main features and essential
points, and spreading- it everywhere, so far ns their influence or authority extended. They
never varied materially from the great fact of the scale, that 06 ratls made a t61&.
So when the Europeans came the Portuguese, the Dutch, the Kng-linb, the French <
that was the scale 5 which, with an endlc-ss variety of intermediate detail it IB true, they found
spread far and wide along the Indian coasts and ports : that was the tscalo they reported, more
or less incorrectly and ignorantly in their various languages, in all itw bewildering nomencla-
ture: that was the scale they eventually and in due course ilMrctttotl "witlt new names and
small changes to an almost infinite extent. To attempt, as I bare done awte, Vol. XXVII.
p. 63 ff. and p. 85 ff, f to dive into the jangle of Indo-European Troy weight is to plunge into
a very thick tangle indeed. However, the resnlt of any aueh attempt will, to my mind, show
that, despite ill-treatment and misreporting, the scale has never altered materially, and is now,
and substantially has always heen, what it was originally 90 rai\s t th& tvl
It is, indeed, this combined Grseco-Indo-Muhammadan scale, which has at last spread itself,
under British guidance, all over modern India, becoming crystallized in one form of it, the
North Indian, in the authorized general scale oE the Imperial Government in other forms o!
it in the authorized scales of the great Governments of Madras and Bombay.
So far, then, we have arrived at one distinct notion, via , that it is tho popular Rcale of
$6 ratls to the told ^vhich has settled itself down on India. What, then, LaH become of the old
literary scale of 320 raktikfa to the pala 'f Is it dead ? Not by any ineum, aw will be presently
seen. In the first place, though South India is now given over to tho popular scale, BO pro-
nounced a stronghold of Hinduism is not likely to have lost all trace of the literary scale, and
indeed it is there that the most interesting struggle between rough and ready Muhammadan
innovation and dreamy Hindu conservatism is observable in the various existing native
nomenclatures of the weight and coinage systems.
Bat there is a far stronger proof than this of the vitality of the literary scale. It does not
require much imagination to suppose that the literary scale was not a literary invention, and
that it, or something very like it, must once have had a concrete existence. The proof of th
correctness of such a supposition lies in the fact, that it is the literary, and not thQ popular
scale, which is found to have spread itself everywhere in the Far East,
I fea** that the mere indication of the proof of this fact will require as close attention from
tee reader as the arguments 1 have already imposed. The subject is, indeed, a* Ml of difficulties
APBIL, 1899.] DEYELOPMENT OP OUEBBNOT IN THE EAR EAST.
105
as a brush Is of bristles. In the first place, in order to make clear the inductive argument
I am bound now to follow, I have to take him over the Far East the wrong "way round, histo-
rically speaking, viz^ into Bnrma, Siain, and Shan-land, then into China, Cambodia* Annam,
Tongking, and Cochin-China generally, and thence, through Malay-land to the Far-Eastern
International Commercial Community of the present day.
Tlie modern popular Burmese Troy weight system, in Its existing forms, does not
suggest anything Indian, and it is only by examination that its unquestionable identity with
the Indian literary scale comes out. To begin with, all the terms are purely Bnrmese 7 and the
scale runs thus :
2 ywe ...
4 ywe!
2 pe ...
2 mil
4 mat (128 ywe)
5 kyat ...
DIAGRAM L
... make 1 ywej! or great ywe
make 1 pe
... make 1 mil
. make 1 mat
... make 1 kyat or tickal
... make 1 bol
640 ywe
320 ywejf
Now, the yicS is the abrus seed , and the yw&jt, or great yw$ t is the adenantliera seed, the
latter, yon observe, being double of the former* But this does not help us, because, it will
have been seen, 128 yw6 make a Tty&ty and the Tcyht represents neither the fold nor the yala.
However, there happens to be the further denomination, now practically obsolete, but
constantly occurring in the older books, called the b6L Five ky&t made a Ml, and therefore
640 ywe ran to a ML Here the sweet confusion of the two standard seeds, already explained,
comes into play, for the Burmese, in taking over the Indian literary scale bodily, as it can
be otherwise shown that they did, confused the actual and the conventional raktikS, and
therefore all their Troy statements must be cut down by half, and thus 320 yw6 make a ML
In other words the lol is the same thing as the pala, as an upper Troy weight. There is
no doubt whatever that this is so, and, moreover, it can be clearly shown that Ml is etymolo-
gically the form that the Indian word pala would properly assume on being adopted into the
Burmese language*
So here we have the link we are seeking to show that the Indian literary scale of
320 raMMs to the yala spread over the Indian borders among the peoples further East possessed
of the Indo-Chinese civilization. I ask this point, too, to be borne in mind, for It Is another
fundamental point in the argument.
I now ask the reader to step over for a moment into Siam and Shan-land. Here we have
as much confusion In terminology and presentment of fact as before, bat, as the outcome of a
very long inquiry, I am able to present a comparative table, on which I may fairly ask him
to rely, of the Burmese and Siamese Troy weight systems, thus:
DIAGRAM II.
Burmese,
4 ywejt ... make 1 pe
2 pe make I mu
2 mft ... ... make! mat
4 mat ... make 1 kyat
5 kyat make 1 ML
320
5 hiing
2 pe
2 fftang
4 salting
4 b&t
make I pe
make I ffiaag
make 1 sailing
make 1 b&t
make I tamitbair
320
Kow, I wish to draw attention kere to the following special points. Firstly, though the
terminology and the subdivisions differ entirely, the fundamental fact remains, that the upper
106
THE INDIAN ANTlQfJABT.
, 1890,
- . ~^
and lower denominations of bath scales sre identical, Secondly, th Siamese scale is r>
eally identical with the Burmese, because the hung is undoubtedly the adenanthera se d **
the ywffi has been seen to be, and both are ecjually connected with the Indian, lite ' 8
scale. Thirdly, 1 have called the Siamese scale the Siamese-Cambodian scale, I hav rl ^
this, because, however little it may be the case now, the old Cambodian scale was ide r &
with the Siamese, a fact which takes the wanderings of the Indian literary scale t
far East, Indeed, the reason why I said that I was taking the wrong way round histori /
is, that, in my belief, the Indian literary scale of 320 raktiMs to the fala came into lad *
China md Malay-land, by way of Cambodia into Siam, and thence into Burma.
I presume it is generally known, that the Siamese form part of the cri-eat Tai "R* ^
,t -T) i / 7 i n - *^ .*/.. i.ixfcE/tjj or* as
the Burmese and through the Burmese we ourselves, call them, the Shans. The Shans fund
mentally affiliated to the Chinese proper, and once a comparatively homogeneous people of scaT
political importance, now consist of a great number of disunited, and in some instances isolated
tribes, spread over a wide region in the Farther East. For the present purpose they a !l
useful, as showing in their notions of currency the influences upon thorn, exercised by the mom
compact nationalities which have dominated them. Their ideas of cnrrency have been several!?
coloured, according to situation, by the Burmese, Siamese, and Cambodians, in a way that it
has been of great interest to me to observe ; and perhaps the most interesting point of all b
that whatever the influence has been, and however mch the terms themselves may vary
denommato used m eacl sphere of influence eaH all be stated in terms of oach
If ^^ ' "^ D W Ca "
eontinuous spread f
I T* f k 7 Ur rea<JerS * Ioolr romnd tLe Mala y Archipelago and Peninsula
must trust rathe, Jtt.^^^^* 6 *^? **?*/ ^8** ^tem, one
various places for various JS t &l Weigllte tli y ow represent in
created by L L7 Z th ^ ^"^'^ ^* ^ tbo difficulties
5 kundar!
820
Dl AGE AM HI.
conventional rdkMfi the
a *" Hmtfu "*
for account
at
of ' e
' tllOTO aroso at ^
deao
APBIL, 1889.] DEVELOPMENT OF CUEEENCT IN THE FAB EAST, 107
able to reduce the conflicting and endlessly varying standards and systems that the traders and
adventurers had to confront. The necessity was met, commercial fashion, effectively and
practically at a very early period in the history of the dealings, for we find the existing inter-
national commercial weight system for the JFar East partially in existence, in the notes of
raders of the fifteenth century, and in fall swing, substantially in the form in which, we now
have it, as early as the days of the first voyage to the East of the Dutch East India Company
in 1595-97. Perhaps it is rather late in the day to do so, but still I think it necessary to point
out even now, that this international system is neither in form nor in nomenclature
Chinese, but entirely Malayan in origin, being, I believe, based on the Malayan nomen-
clature of a commercial system of weights used in the Malayo-Chinese trade of the
Middle Ages, found to be in existence by the Europeans on their arrival, and eventually
modified by them to suit their own requirements.
The international commercial terms are nowadays also used to suit the exigencies of a
popular general scale so different in principle from that hitherto described, as I will presently
explain, that I feel obliged to exhibit a longish table, which will very clearly bring out its
Malayan origin.
DIAGRAM VI.
RISE OF INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL TEEMS.
Old Malay Forms. International Commercial Forms.
KondarJ, knndari ... ... ... Candareen*
Kupong, k&pang ... Cobang, copaag.
H&yam, m&s ... .. Mace, mas.
TOMl, tail ... Tael s tale.
Bftngka! . BaneaL
Katt ... Catty.
Pikul ... Picnl, pecnl.
So far as it deals with matters Malayan, and distinctly in its origin, the international
commercial scale, therefore, constitutes the latest development of the ancient India*
scale of B2O raktikas to the pala.
Now, while I was endeavouring to trace the history of the Troy weight system of modern
India, I had very little to say about the literary scale, and had it not "been for the excursions
Eastwards we have just been making together, it might have been thought that it tad died
So also, in considering the Far Eastern systems, it might be thought that the Indian popular
scale of 96 rafts to the told had failed to commend itself beyond the Indian "borders. But all
uch institutions die hard, and research will show that the literary scale of India has failed to
kill its rival, the popular scale, in more than one most interesting instance,
It is the Indian popular scale that has found its way among the wild tribes on the
Indian and Tibeto-Burman "border the Chins, the Lnshais, the Nagas, the Singphos* the
Kachins and that, too, despite the eclecticism, with which these untrained populations have
borrowed their fiscal terms from their neighbours on both sides the borders. Perhaps one of
the most interesting instances existing of the evolution of ideas is to be found in the cumbrous
and complicated attempts of the most civilized of these border peoples, the Manipuris, to
engraft the ideas embodied in the Indian popular scale on to the terminology of their own
previously acquired monetary scale also by the way originally Indian. That scale had no
reference to weight at all, but related to the counting of cowries when, used as currency.
This point has more than an academic interest, for it Is on the basis of dividing the upper
Troy denomination into 400 parts, as a survival of the method of counting cowries for
currency, that the Indian popular scale has been carried into IsTepal, and from 35Tepal, through
its trade with Tibet, far into all sorts of regions. East and North, in Central Asia. And not only
308
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APRIL, 1899.
. ' ^
that, it is this very relic of savagery, this memorial of early attempts to meet the necessities of
primitive fiscal conditions, that lived on into the highly civilized gold coinage and currency of
the great Emperor Akbar, which was itself hased on the Indian popular scale of 96 ra*& to the
But I have kept to the last the best instance of the gronnd covered by the Indian, popular
scale in about the least likely place, at first sight, for its occurrence Ancient China. The
case is here based on the badly presented and somewhat, I think, undeservedly discredited
researches of my late friend, Terrien de Lacouperie, However, as he has never touched upon
the points I am now urging, it is I, and not he, that should be held responsible for what
follows.
Terrien de Lacouperie shows, in his cloudy pages, that up to the seventh century A. D. at
any rate, and partially up to several centuries later, the old Chinese liacl a popular scale, which,
though it can be compared with the Indian, is, like the Indian, not recognised in the classics.
But because this scale contains terms still in use in a very different sense, I wish to mention
that I am now speaking of Ancient China only. Thus :
Indian Popular Scale
(Mukammadan JPorm).
8 ratS mako 1
4 maalia ... make 1
3 tank ... make 1 t6U
96
IV.
6 cliu
2 hwii
2 ohS
2 lifag
Ancient Chinese Popular Scale*
mako 1 liwa
mako 1 dii
mako 1 K&ng
anako 1 kin
Now, the cAu is the conventional adevumfkera seed,
or
, , "roughly, double the raft
and therefore the old kin must have represented the told* I have already,* and perhaps
erroneously, worked out the old loin to be the Indo-Chinese tickal, which belongs properly to
the Indian literary scale. As a matter of practical fact, the Un was actually between the t6ld
and the tickal; thus, taking common standards, the t6M is 180 grains, the kin is 195 grains, and
the tickal is 225 grains. However this may be, the great fact remains that the Ancient
Chinese, even up to medieval times, had a popular Troy scale closely allied to the
Indian and directly comparable with it. It is easy to perceive that, since the Indian
popular scale is partly due to Greek influence, this consideration opens up a long vista
for speculation, and inquiry. * * *
+!,*
that the
the / rld knows ttafc ""tot I have thus described i not tho case now, and
have for centuries had a decimal scale. This scale seems to have arisen as
t ^TT^^^^ 00 ^^ ^tablished ^ Obina between the ninth
t T- ^ WaS ' UDder the Mo ^ ols in thc thirteenth century, of para-
mount importance and in univprqnl TIQO Q-*A _L jr
the old and popular scale I S T' , entlOTeS f ^ in Z stru ^ Ic ' ** nod,
^
and Peninsula, and has strongly affected
"- i
2 Ante, ToL XXTH. p, 29 f.
APEIL, 18 W] DEFELOPlfEXr OF GUBSENOY IS THE FAB EAST. 109
Burma and Siani. And the result lias been that the comprehension of the esistieg Far Eastern
scales is not quite so easy as it might appear from my former remarks. For I regret to say, that
wherever one goes, one has to face the more or less plain existence of two concurrent scales ;
the local variety of the Indian literary, and the local conception of the Chinese decimal. The
less plain the fact, the more puzzling the phenomena always are, and in any case it causes
confusion where, indeed, very little is to be desired. Its troublesome presence exists, however,
everywhere. In Siam it pleasantly makes the same term half of itself, according to the scale
used : in Malay-land it has had the effect of making traders, skippers and travellers, having
no doubt clear conceptions of their meaning in their own minds, bnt not much vernacular
knowledge, cheerfully adopt the terms of one scale while using the other : in Burma it has played
a kind of practical joke and confused everyone, natives and foreigners. Thus, having carefully
learnt that the equivalent of 16 annas makes a by Hi or rupee, aBd that 2 annas make a mu, one
naturally expects that half a rupee, f. e., 8 annas, would equal 4 mti. But it does not: it
equals o. So also 10 annas equal 6 and not 5 mi'. The little difficulty thus created with
12 anuas, which should properly equal C fH,is got over by calling them 3 mafor quarters, which
is correct. Now, all this is not playing the fool on the part of a whole nation. It merely
means first, that the Burmese populace has adapted its Troy scale to the British-Indian coinage
now current, and next, not beinL;' brilliantly endowed with mathematical skill, that it lias mixed
up the scale borrowed from India with that borrowed from China. In the former 8 wz/?,and in
the latter 10 mil, made a 1:ijtii. Thus, in order to face new conditions, the Burmans went straight
over from the Indian literary to the Indian popular scale 9 while adhering to the terminology
adopted for the former. In like fashion also, in his gold coinage, the late King, llindon ilin,
of Burma, adopted the British-Indian standards, while adhering to the partial decimal system
adapted from China. These were both practical measures easily taken, but they caused myself
at any rate, a vast deal of inquiry.
The last matter connected with our subject to be seriously affected by Chinese influence
was the Far Eastern International commercial scale. This, as I have already said* was in
origin Malay, and in the earliest instances ni ^which it comes to light, it is purely Malay in
form, too. It is, however, almost as early found current in Chinese form ; then the two forms
are found for centuries concurrent, till at last the Chinese form has conquered. "Where the
two forms differ and agree can be seen thus :
V.
INTBBSATIONAL COMMERCIAL SCALE.
Old Malay Form.
5 caudareens ... make I mace
16 mace make 1 tael
20 tael make 1 catty (1600)
100 catties ... make 1 picul
Chinese Decimal Form,
10 candareens,,. make 1 mace
10 mace... .., make 1 taei
16 tael ... , make 1 catty (1800)
100 catties ,., make 1 picul
Thus it was that the old merchants met the Tarying conditions they found around them in
their own rough-and-ready, but most effective, fashion. But the scale shows a further interest
ing fact. They found that the tael was not only the upper Troy weight, but also roughly the
ounce avoirdupois, as they used to call it : so they boldly made 16 tael go to the catty, or pound
avoirdupois, and 100 catties go to the picul, i. e., the hundredweight or quintal. And thus did
they arrive at what they wanted to get at a standard weight system of reference for the Ear
East practically on all fours with their own familiar standards of the West.
I have now performed the main task before me in this article, and to meet criticism that
while my title promises a talk about currency I have written about Troy weight, I must repeat
that emphatically the Par Eastern peoples have never separated either the ideas or
the denominations of Troy weight and money of account, i. e., of currency. They
have gone, indeed, much further, for every such coinage as they have produced has merely been
110
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[APBIL, 1899.
an effort to give practical effect to the conventional denominations of their Troy weight and
currency, and thus have all the three subjects of Troy weight, currency and coinage,
been always quite inextricably mixed up. It is much tho same in India, and the further
one takes the inquiry back, the more do the terms for Troy weight and currency and coinage
become synonymous, and at no time, even up to the present day, have tlioy become completely
separated. So muck is this the case, that in tracing out elsewhere, ante, Vol. XXVIL pp. 63 ft
and 85 f,, the history of the Indian terms for bullion weights, I had to include those for
money. The only difference between the two sets of scales lies in this, that where money is
mentioned, the question of alloy influences the rates at which one denomination is compared
with another. To give a concrete example. In South. India the 31 umber offanam$ to a pagoda
is a conventional proportion in a statement of Troy weights, but the number of fanams to a
pagoda will vary according to the alloy in any particular sort offanam or pagoda in a statement
of current money.
There is only one more point that I will briefly touch upon. At first, among semi-civilized
or early civilized nations, we find that exchange was manipulated merely that profit might be
made by the Courts and the officials out of the peoples they always mingovcrncd. It begins
with, a system of out-going and in-coming measures. The profit wan the difference between
the size of the measures employed for weighing in and weighing out the same goods. It is a
most interesting and instructive study to watch the effects of tlif,s. Where there was
political power the difference was as great as oppression dare go. Where there was no political
power the difference was fair enough, and was what we should now call *' cover," just
sufficient to compensate for risk, maintenance, incidental espouses and cliargos.
Exchange is next seen m the buying of the medium of one place with tho medium of
another, the profit or loss in the transaction arising solely out of tho difference in tho quality of
the metal itself, nearly always silver, and the quantity temporarily present in the two places
with reference to the quantity of purchasable merchandize. This class of exchange involved
the risk and expense of transporting bullion from place to place. Communications, both in
frequency and safety, had to be vastly improved before exchange by moans of documents repre-
senting the medium, such as Bills of Exchange as we now have them, to way nothing of tele-
graphic transfers, could be brought into play.
Well, at first the general scales we have been carefully examining were kept alive so long,
so persistently, and so widely by the Courts and the officials for" their purposes, and the
enormous mass of local variations thereon were created by the merchants and producers for
their purposes: by the former forjprofits out of general, and by the latter for profits oat oflocal,
exchange, as they understood it. Then when the Europeans came in and created tho internal
commercial scale, the trading capital, indeed, was, as now, found in Europe, but the merchant
adventurers, as they were then called, had no control over exchange whatever; and their object
accordingly was to ascertain firstly, the most stable medium of exchange, and secondly, a com-
mon measure for it. The medium was, as all the world knows, silver, and the common measure
the international commercial scale already explained.
CORBESPOKDEFCE.
PBQPEB NAMES IN THE THANA BISTKIOT
TO THE EDITOR Op THE ' INDIAN ANTIQUABY."
SIB, In turning over the pages of Vol. XII.
of : tJns Journal, a volume I had not seen before,
I read on p. 259 ^ith no little interest the follow-
other castes at Wasai (Bassein)
aad afljonmig pia ces> who# y. . fl
converted to Christianity, and some of whom
have even the same surnames as Konkanastha
Brahmans, are named and married "by the P&dre.
There is nothing peculiar about this. But many
of them have names given them from the days on
which they are born. The name Somd, for
instance, is given to one born on a Monday,"
etc., etc.
APRIL, 1899.]
3JOTES AND QUERIES.
Ill
If I understand the above rightly, the inference
to "be drawn is that the Igris, etc., are natives
converted to Christianity, and that they are named
"by the Padre, who gives them names from the
days on which they are born. That the Agris, etc ,
are natives converted to Christianity is true, as
also it is true that they are named by the Padre,
but that he (the Padre) gives them names from
the days on which they are born is not true.
The Padre invariably names them after the Saints
sneh as Andrew, Bernard, etc., etc. The names
after the days* Soma, Mangalyd, Budhya, etc., J
are, what we might call, household names, that
is, those given them either by their parents ur
friends and relations, just as we find Bub, Dicks
Jack, etc., among the English, names. These
converts to Christianity are most of them, if
not all. Illiterate persons, and when asked their
names they naturally mention those Ijy which
they are popularly addressed. It must also he
stated here that all Agris, Kulis, Mfilis, etc , are
not converts to Christianity : many (porhaj/s th*
majority" are Hindis.
Tours truly,
CrEO F.
XOTES AND QUERIES.
SUPERSTITIONS A1IOXC4 IIESTDUS
IN THE CENTEAL PBOVEsCES.
1. When it is * 5 raining eats and dogs," an
uncle should not go out with Ms nepliew for a
wal"k 3 or 011 any business, as it is believed that
lightning will fall upon them, or they will fall
victims to some other similar calamity.
2. When a lamp is put out by a puff of wind,
or accidentally by breath, people ^when they have
no tinder-sticks, fire and the like) very often
go to their neighbours for a fresh light, -wlio, un-
fortunately, disappoint them very often (even
though they be of the closest relationship), saying,
" I dare not do so, my friend, for it will either
decrease my capital or bring ruin upon my
family,"
3. The Hindus never allow anybody to pluck
the leaves of a plant or tree after dusk, and, if
asked the reason, they reply :
** Oh ! dear Sirs, we disturb the trees from sun-
rise to sunset and give them no rest the whole
day. But now is the time for them to take
repose, for we always ask for a satisfactory reason
when we are compelled to serve our masters
day and night ; but they are dumb and conse-
quently can neither speak nor complain."
4 Occasionally it happens to a person while
kneading fiour with great force, that the dough
lifts up the vessel with it. This creates a great
joy in him, for it is the sign of a new visitor
to his house.
5. Whenever a person runs short of salt, he
goes to get a little from one of his caste-people.
But if he takes it in the palm of the hand, a
bitter enmity will exist between him and his
1 The Hindu term for AzadiracMa Indica, and all the
species of Azadiraclita and 3ei ia.
j friend, a^ long as they live in this land ^i t'.ars
I and sorrows.
: 6. A female, when pregnant, should not u'u
near a bier to mourn for a relative, as she does
always otherwise; because the slightest touch
of the deceased would melt and bring the womb
out. Likewise, a man, who lends a helping hand
in lifting the corpse, will lose Ms wife's progeny.
7. T3he whole family invoke God to proven* a
| child's "birth, during Sundays and Tuesdays at
new and full moons. If a child be born on such
occasions } it will grow up with a character of the
worst type.
8. To avoid a dead loss, at the time of har-
vest, the husbandmen, for the abatement of a
strong gale, paint their right buttock with black
pigment and the left any other colour ; and stand
in the direction of the wind. Similarly, the
injuries which crops suffer from excess of rainfall
or hail-storm, are prevented by an individual
who is one of twins going through the &ame
operation.
9. Frequently, robbers of the blackest dye,
who have planned to attack a rich man's house iu
the dead of night, if they catch sight o a
serpent on the way s interpret the sight as an
omen to retrace their steps.
10. Low caste people, in times of drought, im-
plore the deity for an abundant fall of rain by
catching a frog and tying it to a rod covered "with
green leaves and branches of the nim 1 tree, and
take it from door to door singing ;
'* Send sooBj O frog : the jewel of -water !
And ripen the wheat and juairf? in the field. 3 '
M. Mf.
2 A kind of millet used as an article of food, ehiefiy
s, Gczsds, Cham&cs, etc.
112
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY",
1899,
NOTES ON MARATHl MARBIAGES.
AFTEE the ItwikutiU or betrothal both parties
cause some turmeric and about fire sers* weight
of wheat to be ground and boiled together into
balls or cakes for distribution to the women at
the MUd ceremony. This takes place after both
parties Lave given, by separate processions of
drums, etc., an invitation to the marriage to thoir
own tutelary gods and to Ganapati. It consists
merely in applying a day or two before the,
marriage a little niashed turmeric to the body of
the bride when bathing, and then taking the
JidMd or turmeric powder used on her to the
bridegroom, and doing the same to him.
The auspicious day for the marriage is fixed
by the j6sM or astrologer. The hour is very
often that of the evening twilight. On the
appointed day, at a sufficient time before the
particular moment for the marriage, the bride-
groom is made to sit on a wooden dais covered
by a piece of red broad cloth ornamented with
figures, and a border work of unhusked wheat
and rice. A laundress, especially the one work-
ing for the family, is here told to dip an arrow
[? an old Kshatriya custom], or a pointed stick
into common (or scented) oil of sesamxim, and to
let fall a few drops from it upon the ornament
known as the bashing, made for the occasion and
placed on the bridegroom's head. 1
The late B, Y. SHASTEI in P. N. and Q. 1883.
APPKECI&TION OF GOOD RUSTIC AET.
IN some districts there is a quaint custom.
When a carpenter has made a particularly good
Ghaiikat (door or window frame) he takes It to
the house into which it is to be built, and spread-
ing a sheet on the ground, he lays his work down
and seats himself alongside to receive the con-
gratulations of his townsfolk. These take a
practical form and haurfe (shelkmoiiey), pais
(coppers), and cUtti cJidndni (silver), rain on the
sheet. There is a tradition that on one occasion
as much as a hundred rupees testified to the skill
of the carver. This custom is unknown in the
large cities. 2
J. L. KIPLING- in P. N. and Q. 1883.
> s Magazine, November, 1872; and
Orient, July, 1883. - ED.]
[Bee Jownca, Society of Arts, 1883, p. 370. - Er> 1
[See Journal, Society <5f Arts, 1883, p. 738. ED.]
SOME HINDU BUILDING CUSTOMS.
OKTIIQNOX Hindils sacrifice a goat at the
ning of a house, and UaniiH, the elephant-head-
ed god who presides at all boginnings, and whose
quaint liguro finds a plaoe <>vir moat Hindft door*
waytf, is worshipped Jiin Rign heads every &a^.
yd'* (tradesman's) ammnl-l>ook, and is the ubi.
qxiitous swantikit, <r crown fylfot of our heraldry,
Some oarlh from ihr parental homestead is often
interred with the mnv foundation**, or placed in the
pot o the Hatred ///?*/ plant; (acifmnm basilicm)?
J. TJ. Ku'LLN T <i in l\ N. au,d Q. 1883,
BUDDHIST KUNS AT SAMON.
BAIRON is mtualed in Tali nil Lalltpur, about
15 iniloa to the N -W. of tin* miLdivision and
some lOmilow to the \ve.st of the road going from
Lalitptir to Jhftn&i. To the oust of the village
there is a rock on which now ntunds a Jam
wrf.H(?/r, apj[Km i !nUyu1>tut.JOn or 4-00 years old. It
was built on the ruins of a Buddhist Mound,
I infoi* thin from l.he ntunorouH images ofBuddlia
in difYortint ponitions, I wlioultl nu,y that there
are more than a, thousand inia^oH there, all lying
round the ttia&dJr. Bcnue <>f th* larger on.6s are
ke*pt in the wMUHlir eonipouml* In tho cota-
pound there Ls alnoalone }>illar ineasuring about
T/ x 4* f x U'^ on which are iunoribed Home 60 lines
m Sanskrit or HOUIC other language ; the dates
on it arc 740, HiiO, uml JW70 i>r HO in the Tik-
raxua Sumvat, I Uiiak tho pillar therefore to "be
about 000 years old, hut an I gave my notes about
it to a friend at Lucknow I cannot now give fur-
ther detaily. .Near Uio pluoo there in a door of a
hoxise Haiti to ho that of a washerman very nicely
carved in atono. Tho Railway goon as far as
Lalitpftr, and thtnee OHO <*im goio tiu; Sairon on
horseback or by huiloek cart.
TIF>3 OIIIHLA OU 40 1AYS* FAST.
SiCAn, ///?>*, in reported to he performing
cliihld (40 duyn'fiujt) on the, liordevH of the village
Shotfib and Mtoidrftiiwftltt, pulitr niation Daskfti
in tho Sifilkot BlHi.rict* I 1 h< <*cr<aHtiiy consists
in the man burying hhuHclf in a kohs or arched
grave for 40 dayn, with oiily 40 gruiiiH of roasted
barley and a small jar oi' water. L remember
unearthing one o thenc ihn at Valihftukofc. The
trick is performed with the help of an accomplice,
who supplicB food and driuk, under cover of night,
through a secret opening. 4
J. T. OUKIHTJK iu l\ N. and Q. 1883.
* [I HO.W a fwftr porforiuing tho mim fifcHt in a ditch
under tho mud wall of an old Miwalmftn comotoiy, noar
tho Eoyal HorBo Artitlory liAsAr, in tho Ambfllft Canton-
laionts, in 1882. Willm tho ditch with water, or rather
the throat of it, induced liim to depart at once. *
MAT, 1899-] STJPEBSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS IN SALSETTE. 313
SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS IX SALSETTE.
BY GEO. F. D'PKN'HA.
Ancestor-Worship,
A LL SOULS DAY, the 2nd of November, is a day specially set apart by the Catholic Church, for
intercession for the souls in Purgatory, when prayers and Masses are oft'ered lor theii release
from the sufferings. Not many years ago, and I believe even now in certain obscure parts, the ignorant
classes spread a mat on which were laid down tooth-brushes, snuff, liquor, food and aitolam 1 for those
of the family who have died. The notion is that, on All Souls Day, the dead are granted respite
from their sufferings and are allowed to roam whither they will, and. as it is natural that they ^should
visit their own houses, or those of their nearest connections, they are provided with a dinner,
after partaking of which they feel gratified and go in peace.
There is a good story told ia this connection. There lived an old woman by herself. Near her
house was a brab-tree* which was tapped for su,< or tun (toddy) by a Christian blancldr*. On one
All Souls Pay, the old woman asked the bTiandut< for some snr. Ou being questioned why she
wanted it the old woman said that, as it was j(Wk miliSncM d!s (the day or the dead and gone),
she must prepare something for them. The Manddri very kindly gave the old woman some toddy without
charging her anything. The old woman took the toddy and made some p6lg, curry, dtlohih, etc., and.
laying it on a mat, went to Church to attend the Offidnm Defimctorum, which is held in every Church
oii the evening of that day, leaving the door partially open, for the j$lin tnelin to enter. A little
while after, the dlandan who was waiting for an opportunity, quietly entered the old woman's house,
ate well and emptied'the liquor pot, and went away, unseen by any one. When the old woman returned
from Church and saw that the dinner was partaken of, she, in her simplicity, was quite convinced
that the jglin mSK* had come and had their fill. The following day^wheu the UumMrt came, as
usual to draw toddy, he called out to the old woman and said : " Ao, kd git, jelin mSUn dUti&
*<uA nahim, Grandmother, well, had the dead and gone come or not?" To which the old woman
proudly replied : " H6 rf f&t, d&tvh re ailthh, ItMlam pilaih OKI gelim, Yes, my son, they had
come, they had come, they ate and drank and went away." The lltanddri laughed in his sleeve
at the simplicity of the old woman, but kept the true story to himself, relating it to his friends only
after the demise of the old woman.
Some people set down liquor, or anything of which a person was fond in his lifetime, on the
nights of the funeral-day, second day and third day after death, in some place in the house most
frequented by the deceased. I have been an eye-witness to a case of this kind, under the following
circumstances. An old man died, whose funeral I had to attend. The funeral was over late m the
evenin* and being related, I was asked to spend the night at the house, "which I did. My bed was
prepared on a cot which turned out to be one in which the deceased had usually slept. Late m the
Lht having occasion to strike a light, I saw beside me some country liquor in a chaun (a small cup
used for drinking country liquor out of). In another case, an old woman had placed a spmt-glass
with a little brandy, for her grandson, aged about fourteen years, in a place the boy frequented most,
although I know he had a great aversion to all sorts of liquor.
On the night previous to the wedding-day, 6rS, pM, etc., a little of everything prepared for the
wedding, including some liquor, are taken to some distance out of the village, and there left, evidently
for the spirits of ancestors, or of the deceased members of the family, in general.
The dead are believed to intercede with God for the living, and people pray to the
departed in time of need. I have sometimes heard people say : - " firfrf stnttmtm i ft
gtus UtM, I have alwaysbeen asking of (praying to) all the saints and souls." And that the
1 This is a sort of gruel, prepared with new rice with the addition of jaggri and some ingrediemts such ^
ms to sweln and kJa flavour to it. Almost every Bombay East ** famdy makes <#* on All
cardams to swen and
Souls Day.
2 A palm. See Yule, Hobson- Jobson, s.
314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [MAY, 1899.
souls of the dead have helped the living may be gathered from the following : " jUttitjS
dlmah ubim r6liti> in the time of my need the souls stood (helped, or interceded for, me)." A
person, in asking a favour, say to educate a poor orphan, Bays ; "Ki'ikw/, sikwd jtirdld, tidcU
Ufdschath dim tumdld ubam ret, Educate, educate the boy, his lather's soul will stand For yon (will
obtain lor you grace or favours)."
There is a general belief that the Mmlhdrs or potters do not eat the Hah called Mjxt, because
they say the ftdptf is their ddi or gotri, that is, belonging to their sect. How they came to identify
the Tcfipd as belonging to their gdtra I cannot ascertain. 3
Cure of Spirit-caused Diseases-
Diseases are sometimes believed to be caused by spirits. Tin? people ascribe some
sicknesses to the agency of bMts or evil spirits, and exorcists, Hindu or JIusabmux, are resorted to
to rid themselves of the ills. The diseases attributed to evil spirits or bhtita ure fainting, mania,
small-pox, etc. Perhaps, sneezing and yawning, too, are attributed to spirits, for when a child
sneezes, the mother of the child or any one at hand says: " Jitush" 1 cannot ascertain, the
meaning ; o! this word, Can it be a corruption o! Jesus 1 So, some persons, when they yawn, make
the sign o the cross with their right thumb before their mouths, twice or thrice, or us many times as
possible, while the yawning lasts.
I remember once, when cholera was raging in the MahArwfula (where Mahfirs live almost
every village in Salsette has one) attached to the village of Malla, in Bamlrfi, seeing a Christian culti-
vator (aged about 55, an illiterate person), after drinking some liquor, take a big stick in hand and beat
well the sides and roof of a hut, belonging to a Mahar, in which a case of cholera hud occurred, making
plenty of noise. He evidently believed that the epidemic was caused by an evil spirit, and that what he
was doing would frighten away the spirit, and thus free the place from the dreaded sickness,
Water. Water drives ofi the spirit of thirst, it refreshes the fainting, and it restores life to
those in a swoon. When a> child gets into a rage, and keeps crying for a long time, in spite of
all coaxing and soothing words and threats of punishment, it is called ydndlancM rwj (rage caused
by worms). To cure this, water is dashed on the eyes and face of the child. When u person,
in whose house is-a-pregnant woman, goes to a funeral, ou his return he must bathe before entering
the house ; he must also not touch the pregnant woman before he has washed himself. New-born
Infants are washed. The dead are also washed before being clothed for burial. If a person treads or
steps over a ground on which an animal, a dog, or a cat, or a horse, or a snake, etc., has been wallow-
ing, he is affected with an illness called r6n$, the symptoms of which are vomit-ing and looseness with
great griping about the pit o! the stomach. It is supposed that no medicine can cure this malady ;
indeed, the sufferer suffers more by taking any medicine, To cure this, among other tilings, Water ift
waved over the prostrate body of the patient, about seven times, and the patient recovers.
Metals,^ Metals have great power over spirits, iron in particular. In Salsette there is a spirit
known as gird, who plays much mischief with a solitary traveller specially one muter the influence of
liquor, or one who is a coward, in the night, leading him astray ; in many onses carrying the victim
many miles away from the place of attack and lowering him in an empty well, or digging a pit in the
sea and burying the man up to his neck, leaving him to extricate himself the best way ho can from that
position or to die. A gird, however, dare not touch a person who has on him anything made of iron or
steel, particularly a knife or nail, of which the $rd is in great fear. A gfad will never meddle with a
woman, especially a married woman, for he is afraid of her bangles. It is believed that, if any one can
manage to drive a nail in the frfo head, he (the girt) again becomes a man. It is also believed that
ji st , _ ~ ' \ it " / D w "~ ~ w w* t.<j w v* j.&ll>A* j, w JO <UJt|OV^ WVA*V t VJV*} v*-w
a pro .metamorphosed into a man, will do any work, like an obedient servant, so long as he remains
as sucn. iiorse-shoe nails are driven into the threshold to prevent spirits from entering the house.
in cases of poisomng, copper coins are boiled in water, and the water is given the patient to drink, to
mgelmn vomit the poi soa . At the time of making 6,-S, if bubbles appear on the oil while being boiled,
* tTllis sbonld interest tlie enquirers into totemism. ED.]" ~ ~ '
, 1899.] SUPERSTITIONS AM) CUSTOMS IS SALSETTE. 115
a copper coin is thrown Into it, which has the effect of reducing them. When a woman dies in
child-birth, especially if the child be living, a piece of iron or a nail is thrust among the folds of Ler
dress, evidently with the avowed object of preventing her spirit from coining back, for there is a
belief that dead, mothers haunt the house to carry away their children. An instance is given in which
a mother, whose child was living, although she had died several months after confinement, used to enter
her sleeping apartment and try to snatch away the infant from the arms of the nurse, often succeeding
in dragging the child several paces from the bed. Knives are sometimes kept tinder the pillow to
prevent spirits or harassing dreams. In cases of dog-bite, a copper coin with edible chunani is bound
up on the wound as a cure. In cases of jaundice., the left arm is branded with a red-hot piece of
iron, and castor oil applied over it, which helps to purge the wound thus caused of pus for a few days.
At the time of confinement, if a woman labours very much, all locks of doors or drawers are opened
with a key. This is said to facilitate delivery* A Icoitd, a kind of hatchet, is also waved, in cases
of rehS) over the body of the patient. So also a copper tatnlici (lofd or pot), containing live coals, is
waved in cases of rehs and placed with mouth downwards in a copper tJidld (pan, generally used
for making hand bread). Thefts are believed to be detected by means of scissors and a sieve. A pair
of scissors are held with points upwards, on which a sieve is made to balance flat. Then a person
repeats one by one the names of those susjeeted of tie offence: when the name of tie thief is
pronounced, the sieve gives one or two turns, and that establishes the real culprit. When a woman
has had two or three miscarriages, gold beads are ground, with other medicines, and given her to
drink at a subsequent pregnancy, which helps the growth of the foetus and a safe delivery.
Urine. It is supposed that if a person, who is severely beaten, drinks his own urine, he gets
over the effects immediately. A certain root, called llbut, to obtain medicinal value, is buried for six
months or so in a stable, in the ground over which a black cow passes urine* If little children are
made to drink their own urine, they grow fierce. To cure sore-eyes, one must wash them with the first
urine passed after waking in the morning. Making water on a cut is sure to stop bleeding.
Blood. A person's blood becomes corrupted through cares and anxiety and sadness, and the
cure for it is bleeding. To get rid of asthma, one should drink the blood of a gor (? glioryar or big
lizard) and run about violently until quite fatigued. Consumption, in its first stage, is also believed
to be cured by the same treatment. Women are bled in the fifth or seventh month of their pregnancy.
A slight crack in an earthen pot is pined by placing ashes over it and pouring in the blood of a fowl.
Brooms. A broom is also used, among other articles, to cure a person affected with Tens : it is
drawn over the prostrate body from the head leg-wards and struck upon the ground about seven times.
If a broom is made to stand brash upwards, when two persons aie quarrelling, it is supposed to
aggravate matters. Some people think that on a wedding-day a house and the mandaj? (pandal) must
not be touched with "a broom, that Is, they must not be swept till the bridal patty has returned from
Church after the celebration of the marriage. This custom is observed with greater rigour in the
house where there is a bride, for, say they, we sweep away the girl as we do dirt.
Canes. The cane is a good cure for rat-bites. A little paste is formed by rubbing a piece of
cane in a small quantity of water, and the paste applied to the bite.
Circles. After birth, a portion of the navel cord is left, and the end is tied to a black thread
and put round the child's neck. Fevers are supposed to be cured by tying a thread round the arm.
As the bandage grows tighter the lever abates, and as soon as the fever leaves o2 the circle slackens
itself, and the patient is declared cured.
Coins. On the evening previous to the wedding day, the barber is called in to shave. All
male guests, old or young, have a shave, or at least some touch of ihe barber's razor. The payment
for this service is the guests wave a coin or coins, copper or silver, xoiind the head of the bride
or bride-groom, and throw them into a plate set there for the purpose ; the head of the house gives
two sers of rice, a cocoanut, and one ser (one bottle) of country liquor. In cases of dog-bite, a little
chunam is applied to the wound, and a pie or pice placed upon it and tied there.
116 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1899.
Colours. On the morning of the wedding-day, brides and bridegrooms arc bathed. Before
bathing cocoanut milk is applied to the head and the body, and into this milk saffiron powder is
thrown.
Lamp-black is used to anoint the eyes of infants and their mothers to prevent nadar (the Evil
Eye). The forehead and cheeks of little children are also sometimes marked with lamp-black, or the
black from a cooking utensil, to keep off the Evil Eye. The cow, under whose urine the root Abut
must be buried to obtain medicinal properties, must be a black one.
Comb. Among the presents given by the bridegroom to the bride on the wedding-day ,'the
conib (a \rhite one) forms a particular item.
Coral. Coral necklaces are invariably worn by children. It is believed that the changes effected
in the colour of the coral by wear, indicate the enjoyment ol" good health or otherwise by the wearer,
The Cross. If a person observes the mark or trace of a snake or any creeper on the road, he
generally makes a cross on the mark, with a stick or an umbrella or even with the Toot, before he passes
It or steps over it. The sign of the cross is made rapidly, as often, as possible, while a person yawns,
In the case of a child, unable to do it for itself, an elder who is at hand docs it for the child,
Dancing. At weddings, dancing is invariably performed. People often dance on occasions
of feasts and christenings. Dancing is also sometimes performed before a smallpox patient, that is, if
the patient desire It. People suffering from small-pox express peculiar desires, uml it is said they
must be satisfied.
Earth. Every attendant at a funeral throws three handfuk of earth on the corpse or coffin
alter it is lowered in the grave. Earth taken from the grave of an infant in applied au a cure for the
swelling and pain m the breasts of a mother, due to an accumulation of milk. Women in pregnancy
sometimes conceive a desire to eat earth, when WidydcM mdU (edible earth), generally obtainable from
c^ana farmunvalas (dealers in grain and parched rice), is given them. Earth is sometimes used to
c.ean cookmg-vessels. When the transplantation operations of a cultivator are complete, the
labourers pelt the owner and one another with clods of earth from the field. Enrth taken from bee-
nives is a good remedy for headache.
the n i f ng r Wt a alc Cllcst is u " ia to S U * e8B. Among
' " *** * **** a ^ U ihc llS * ht
e ' " *** ** a ^ U ihc llS * ht oro * wedding-day, th .
l^rt* ^l he face ^ ^ bride and bridegroom ; it J B believed to impart a certain
' 6
<
after
intlie Chwcli ' ^ ^^ Party goo. to the
are made to ^ * tl* entrance of the m j,da f
'
one y one to
their heads and the Lldng
. their arrival at the bridegrooms hoJ!
the bride's house on the J?5 ' ^ . ' **** ^^ from the ^^^^ to
young Persons, flo re r :rS^ At the funerals of little children or unmarried
or coffin Mo. ^^^^^^^^^^^ ^ * *" * * >^
of trees instead ^0,^1 I haVC U0t obtainod flowors thrOW k
i n i^^v7r^^^ hM ^ fcmer '- Pci ^ns who have decked their
tne night, or the l7 8 ? f f ^ " ** heat the nooil - da y * * the darkness of
-copied by l e 4;^ they must, they should be
adorn them with garlands of flowts g 3lk6SS pr mises are m ^ to crosses to
MAY, 1899.] SUPERSTITIONS AND CUSTOMS IN SALSETTB. 117
Fruit. Along with the presents of a $rj, a ch6K 9 etc., given by the bridegroom to the bride
on their wedding-day, are also carried some fruits dry dates, almonds, walnuts, etc., five or seven
o! each, some of which are taken by the people at the bride's house, and some returned with the box in
which the presents were brought.
Garlic, To prevent indigestion, when a person complains of feeling puffiness of the stomach*
garlic, black pepper and salt are given to eat, over which a small quantity of country liquor is drank
hot. When cholera is raging, garlic, black pepper and leaves of the tree of the custard apple are tied
to the ends of handkerchiefs, and carried by persons going about, to prevent being attacked by cholera.
Glass. Women wearing glass bangles must not approach near to a person who has been bitten
by a snake, because the poison will work with all the greater force. A gird cannot come close to a person
wearing glass bangles, as he fears their tinkling. On the death of a man the glass bangles on the
hands of his wife are broken. The gold necklace jjot presented to the wife by her husband on
the wedding-day, is Interspersed with black glass beads. It is not good to show little children their
face in the looking-glass.
Grain, When a woman dies in child-birth, particularly so if the child be living, some grain
(f rdla) are strewn on the road to the bury ing-ground. The object is to prevent the spirit of the
woman from coining back home to take away the child. The prevention is effected thus : the spirit,
as she conies, sees the grain which she waits to count, so that by the time she has counted all, it is
near dawn o! day, and the spirit must go back* On the evening previous to the wedding-day, the
barber, who comes to shave, gets a present of two sers of rice, a cacoannt and a bottle of country
liquor, from the head of the house, while the guests wave coins (copper or silver) round the head of
the bride or bridegroom, and give them also to the barber. The payment for the services of a native
midwife at the time of the confinement and for twelve days Iater 5 Is also a certain quantity of rice and
a rupee or two.
Honey. Honey possesses healing properties. Given internally with hot water or tea with or
without the addition of a little brandy, honey cures cough.
Horns. A sdmbar sUng, the horn of a deer 5 Is rubbed in water and applied as a cure lor head-
ache. Horns are used as bleeding cups.
Incense. After bleeding, the arm or leg which has been bled Is fumed with Incense, and then
bandaged. Incense is thrown on a fire over which the godmother, returning with the baptised child,
has to step.
Kiss. Kissing tke liand of a Bishop is practised by all ; some extend this practice to the kissing
of the hand of the priests, while a few even kiss that of laymen. One should not kiss a sleeping child
It is not good to do so, say the old folk. After the ordination ceremony, all present kiss the right
hand of the newly-ordained priest. When a child is hurt, the mother, or any close connection, who
Is by s kisses that part of the body which is hurt, and says : ss Now It will be well."
Knots. The tying of the thread round the arm to cure fever is done by a certain number of
knots. A person, who Is somewhat forgetful, Is told to tie a knot In his handkerchief to remind him
o! any work that he may have been asked to do,
Leather. When fruit-trees do not bear fruit, people tie up an old vfa, sandal, of the left
foot, to prevent the Evil Eye. If a blister be caused by wearing tight boots or shoes, to cure it, burn
a piece of old leather and apply the ashes to the spot with a little oil.
Lifting. - * When the bridegroom is bathed, his maternal uncle lifts him and carries from the
mandap into the house. So also the bride is bathed on Tuesday, that Is, the second day of the wed-
ding, in the <*na*ndai and lifted by the bridegroom, over the threshold.
Liquor. Liquor Is a bringer of joy, and It also benefits health. Among the presents given to the
barber on the evening previous to the wedding is a bottle of country liquor. Liquor Is drunk at all
festivals, christenings, weddings, and even on occasions of death. Persons under the Influence of
118 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1899.
liquor aie most liable to the attacks of a gwti. Health-drinking is indispensable at all feasts. The host
drinks to the health of the guests, while the guests drink to that of the host. At a wedding-dinner
the toasts are drunk generally in the following order the bride and the bridegroom, the parents of
the bride and bridegroom, blood relations of the bride and bridegroom such as brothers and sisters and
maternal uncles and aunts, then other relations and friends. At christenings, the first toast is that
of the new-born, next the sponsors, then the parents of the child, followed by otter relations and
friends* The custom of health-drinking is also practised at meals alter a funeral : _ the first toast
is that of the chief mourner, with the addition of a few consolatory words ; then the toast of all
others present, generally proposed by the chief mourner, when he or she lakes the opportunity of thank-
Ing one and all for the trouble taken by them in attending the funeral. Among the Christian bJiandd^s
on the wedding-day, the bridegroom has to give a pot of liquor to the bride's father. Some persons, at
the time of arranging a bethrotal, exchange liquor, that is, the girl's party offers liquor to the
party of the boy, and then the boy's party offers some to that of the girl Wounds are sometimes
washed with liquor. In cases of indigestion, liquor is given to drink hot with pepper, garlic and &alt
Liquor is sometimes offered to the spirits of the dead. The evils of drinking liquor is graphically
described in the following phrase " Mrf an\ gliar dtlr Urf, liquor and (the) sweeper of house and
door " that is, because of the vice of drunkenness, a house is swept of all its possessions - in other
words, poverty is brought on through drink.
- " tjSr Mi U lakh-mi Mi, light is Lakslmii" that is, the brager of good fortune
A light is kept burning all night, for several months, in the lying-in room. When a person is sufier-
ing from small-pox, an foti is performed, in which a lamp is lit with seven wicks. On the dav of a
chnstemng , the godmother, when she returns from the Church with the baptised child, steps over a
fire m which some incense is thrown. A light is kept burning at the bead of the dead.
SToise and Music. Noise and music are believed to restore to consciousness or li
a swoon or trance. During a recent outbreak of small-pox in Blndrt I observed *
a boy c ked by the Bmll ~ pox ^ &>** - * *****
T Um " PerS nS dn * ing at ih * to P of ih ^ On enquiry I
'
l )r cession - Jt is ^'Serous for
e fmieral mu8ic - s ais
G w- - ,,
songs are sung whe tL I a ^ Trt V> T *" ^^ * ^ f r M r * dna * is
to tL weddmlly nn^M ^ ^ f ^ gU6St8 ^ S * n ^ S
groom to bathe Sb also oni^\ TT "^ ^ ^ g t0 fetch wate for thc bride
cocoanut mi]k ti ied " *!*?** ***** I ** sung
bathing on the morning of theedZ J ^^ * ^ " tllc brido or W^gn before
to go to Church ; songs are sung ^on retm-a nf g K T ""f^ ^ ^ r b ^ * <
done on Christening f nd festival" d^ L LtkL^ W ^7" ^ M ' S ^ S
u-ys. in armkm sometimes shout out viva /"
own
~
* ** M^t. EubbiBg with oil
of iwB, castor oil is a m>li er l i +1, TV ' , aSeS 3 aundice . a fter branding with a red-hot
EpUa to the part burned. Oil is used at time of child-birth. After child-
MAY, 1899.] HISTOET OF THE BAHMLLNI DYNASTY.
birth the mother is rubbed with oil, for several days ; the child is also rubbed with oil, by some for
two or three months, by others for as many as six months. On the seYenth day* after a funeral,
a neighbouring woman or two bring cocoanut milk and rub the hair of the wonaen-mounierB.
Women, once in a week or fortnight, and sometimes men also, oil their hair, by means of cocoanut
milk, before washing with water. The bride and bridegroom are anointed with cocaa&ut milk on the
wedding-day* Corpses are also anointed with cocoanut milk before washing, preparatory to the
funeral. When a person is over-fatigued with hard work, such as that of a cultivator, he receives
great comfort from having his back, loins, neck and joints rubbed with oil, followed by a hot-
water bath.
Precious Stones. The diamond is believed to be poisonous. It is believed that great
merchants always wear a diamond ring, and, should they meet with loss to any large extent, they commit
suicide by sucking the venom from the diamond. Children, particularly girls, are made to wear necklaces
of coral. Wristlets (mangntUas) are also made of coral and tied rouad the wrists. These necklaces
and wristlets are sometimes interpersed with dit-mhwm (Evil-Eye "beads) to keep off the Evil Eye*
When any one casts the Evil Eye, a dit-minmh breaks off. "Whea children are sick, the colour of
the coral worn by them fades and the beads become pale. With the return of health the bright colour,
of the coral also returns. Amber-beads are also strung between coral beads and worn round the neck
and wrists and waist. These amber-beads are also believed to break when the Evil Eye falls on the
wearer.
Salutations* The form of salutation among the Salsette Christians, when they meet, is, among
the illiterate generally and the literate too, a slight shake of the head with tie expression zud^
and the question "kd khabar f 5 How are you ?" Others, with some pretensions to learning or rather
to civilization, who sometimes speak Portuguese (not quite the correct language), say : *' Como esta?
How are you 7" or " Como mi? How do you go ?" or " Como pasto? How do you pass?" or ' 4 Cowo
deixa ? How do you keep " ? Many, also, salute in English, shaking hands, as they say : How
are you T or " How do ye do ?" etc.
(To fie eontinuecL}
HISTOEY OF THE BAHMANI DYFASTT.
(Founded on the Bwrh&n-i lfa,#iY.)
BY MAJOE J. S. KING, M.B.A.S.
Preface.
ALL histories of the Bah main and succeeding Mufcanraadan dynasties of the Daihia
hitherto published, have been based upon Firishtah; but the history of the Bahmanl Kings
which I now Introduce, is based upon the Brahfln-i M^ftgir, fey All Bin Asta-UllMi TaMtaba
a work written several years before Firishtah's appeared. Though the tuvo authors were
contemporaries, and probably met one another In Ahmadnagar, neither makes any xnention of
the other. 1 We may presume that they both had access to the same works of reference in
compiling the Bahmani history ; yet several remarkable discrepancies are observable, especially
in the names and genealogy of some of the kings. "Where the difference occurs, the Babman!
* What the word may mean I do not know, "but it apparently means compliments, for the expression is also
used in that sense 5 for instance, at time of parting, people generally say - m&r *%& = give compliments.
5 Lit.t what news ?
i Hrishtah left Ahmadnagar, and proceeded to Bijfipiir in A. H. 998 (A. D. 1699), Shortly after Ms arrival in
tre latter place he commenced writing his history, under the auspices of Ibrahim < Adil-SBh H., but did not com-
Blete it till about A H 1036 (A. D. 1626-7). He mentions in the preface no less than thirty-five works which he
consulted in the composition of his history, and - according to Briggs - makes quotations from twenty others in
the body of his work 5 yet never mentions the Brfcd-i Ma&.ir 9 unless he alludes to it under some other title.
Professional jealousy probably accounts for this.
120
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[MAT, 1899.
coins of the period which are the most reliable evidence corroborate tLe statement of
our author, and negative that of Firishtah. Further evidence against Pirishtali is to be found
in the Tajkarat-ul-MuMk from which I have given several extracts and in extracts from
Tarikk-i JaMn-lra and Siraj-ul-^ulftb. The latter written in A. IL 821, (British
Lib.-Or. 1964, fol. 5 b. et seq* and foL 34 vide Dr. Kicu's Catalogue, p. 1030.) There may also
be others which I have not yet seen.
The Bwlian-i Ma,dsir is essentially a history of the Figani-Shali! dynasty of Ahmadnagar
and derives its title from Burhan Ni zam-Shah II. (A. H. 999-1003), the reigning sovereign'
under whose auspices the work was written. TLe title is al&o a chronogram recording tie
year when the work was commenced, viz., A. BL 1000 (A. D. 1591), and tlie history is brought
down to the latter part of A. H. 1004 (A, D. 1595-96).
As I have before remarked (ante, Sept, 1898, p. 233), only three copies of this work
are known to exist ; and its extreme rarity doubtless accounts for its not Laving previously
been brought to notice. The style of the $wlidn-i Ma,anr is more ornate tlmn Krishtah's
history ; and in general completeness is inferior to the latter ; but, at the same time, our author
in many instances gives details not given by Firisbtah, and relates the same occurrences in a
different way; so the one work serves as a useful complement to the other. I have not
thought it necessary to point out all the points of difference, as it would make the present work
too elaborate. The reader can easily do that for himself; and with tin's and Briggs* Transla-
tion of UrisUali before him, lie will have all the available raw material for a history
of the Bahmani Dynasty, as far as it can be gathered from Persian historical MSS.
Sultans of the BahmaHl Dynasty,
Names.
Bates of Accession,
A. H.
A. P.
'Ala-ud-Din Hasan ...
748
1347
Muhammad I
759
1358
MnjaMd
775
1373
Assassinated*
D&,M
780
1378
tin
Muhammad 11.
780
1378
JL/O*
Ghiyas-ud-Din
799
1397
Blinded and deposed,
Shams-ud-Diu
799
1397
Deposed,
Firuz
800
1397
Do.
825
14.90
'AlSrud-Din II
838
1435
Huxnayun
862
1457
Rfi^
Ufti
Muhammad II.
OoO
867
1*01
1463
Mafonud
887
1482
Died 24th Zi-ul.Hijjah, 924 (26th December 1518),
when the Dynasty became practically extinct.
MAT, 15S9.J
HISTOEI OF THE BAHMAXI DTXASTT.
1-21
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122 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1899.
Contents,
CHAPTER I.
Reign of Bultdn <Ald~ud-Drn JTafun
Various accounts o his descent.
Enters the service of Muhammad Tughlak Sli3.li in Dihli.
His future greatness foretold by Shkh Ni^am-iiiVDin.
Eebellions in Muhammad Tughlak's dominions.
'A!a-ud-Din Hasan proceeds to Daulatabad.
Rebellion of the Amiran-i Sadah, who seize treasure, and defeat flic Amirs of Gujurfif.
Muhammad Tughlak summons the Amiriln-i Sadah to his camp : on the way there from
Daulatabad they attack and defeat the escort,
Return to Daulat?ibad and proclaim Ismail Mug'li Afghiin as king,
He is defeated by Muhammad Tughlak.
Ala-ud-Din Hasan marches towards Kalburga,
Malik 'Iinad-ud-DJn is sent in pursuit of him.
Muhammad Tughlak proceeds to Gujarat to put clown a rebellion.
'Ala-ud-Din Hasan turns on his pursuers and defeats thorn.
Returns to Daulatabad, and is proclaimed king vice lamiVil Mu^h, who ivsi^Ls.
Date of his ascension, 3rd December, A. D. 1347.
Or according to another authority 3rd August 1347,
He sends a force in pursuit of the amirs of Muhanimad Tughlak, who arc (lefoalod.
Various appointments and titles.
Local governors despatched to their respective districts,
Expedition against Hindus.
Hussain Garsliasb obtains possession of Eandhftr.
Hussain GarsMsb obtains possession of Kotaghir.
^ b - ul ' Mlllk ' OIlllis Wto Mundargi, taken poH^ion ( Hlulm and
Changes the name of Mundai-gt to SaiyidAMd.
Kambar KhSn, on his way to Kotflr, takes posseasion of KalliAul.
Sikandar Khan, from Bidar, takes Malkcd
Jiito assomes tke goysrnorship of EaltargS.
, 1899. J HISTORY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY.
Mutiny among the troops at Sagar, who kill Safdar Khun and take possession of the town.
Khwajah Jalian writes to Muhammad bin * Alam, the leader of the mutineers.
The latter sends an answer by the hands of Xathu 'Almbak, who Is made prisoner % Khvrijah
Jalian.
Khwajah Jaliam reports the matter to the Suit/in, who orders him to cross the BhlmS, and
there await his arrival from Daulatabid.
The Suit fin lias a dream of good omen.
He marches from Danlatabad to Kalburga, where lie Is well received by the inhabitants.
Khwfijah Jahan joins the Sultun at Kalburga.
News of the death of Muhammad Tacrhlak near Tatliah on the 20th ilarch, A. D. 1351.
Tlae Sultm marches against tiie mutineers at Sa^ar : receives the submission of iluhaminad bin
"Alam, whom lie imprisons.
The Suit-in encamps at Sagar, treats the inhabitant 5 kindly, and confers various distinctions
He sends a force to the district of Harlb (& t *) : they take by siege the fort of Karabjur (,?>).
The Suit-In marches irom Sagar towards Kanbidi (Kaladgi f ) and Mndhol : the former town
surrenders, and Kapras, the chief of the district, agrees to pay tribute.
The army maehes towards the country of one, Karayana, and on the way, Talakaryali ($)
is surrendered.
One, Uu c in-ud~Din llukfa, who witt Naniyana, ivas formerly an ally of ilnliamiaad Tnghlak's,
tenders Ms submission.
The Sultan continues his march towards iludlioL
Crosses the river Kistna.
Letter from Xarayana to the Sulhtii.
The latter sends a reply.
Klrilyana takes refuge in the fort of Jamkbandi 9 and sends three of his chiefs to hold Mndhol,
Terdal and Bagalkot.
The Sultan proceeds to attack the fort of Jlndhol,
Isarfiyana's troops make a night attack on the SuMn, and are defeated.
The Sbalizadab joins the Sultan,
The Snltan, thinking the fort of liudliol too strong to be carried by assault, lays siege to It,
and takes it after four months,
The army encamps near lliraj.
The Snltan proceeds to invade the Koakan*
Takes Karepatan without opposition.
Two months afterwards returns to Sagar and assigns the neighbouring districts to some of his
adherents on feudal tenure.
Crosses the Bliima, and after exacting tribute from Sedam and Malkau], goes towards KalburgS.
Eebelllon of Kir KMn and Kalali Mnliamiiiad.
Kfr Khan loses his baggage and most of his followers in a flood.
The Sultan proceeds to Kalifina, then occupied by Kiilah Muhammad, Lays siege to it.
Sikandar Khan " Farzand" arrives in camp.
124 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. iivr,v 1899
Battle, in which Kir K_Mn is defeated and ho himself cuptnvod by Fa-kTip Slia'ban wlio '
. i -i /-vi i . A . , a , i i * ?v AJS benu
He is promoted in rank, and sent against Kir Kh&n to Kulur.
tle, In "which. Kir Klyin is defeated and
to the Sultan with news of the victory.
The SnltSn proceeds to Entur. Sikandar Khan drags Kir KliAn In ohaniK before llio SnIK
who orders Kir Eh&n to be put to death, but spares his life at tho miovucKsion"o Sikand '
Khan.
Miilianimad leaves Kaliana and fortifies Limself In Kulilr (?) Hakes several sallies * '
at last defeated, made prisoner and beheaded,
In this campaign the Sultan obtains two important fortresses Knlifma and Kufwr
He proceeds to Kalburga, where he erects several building's : calls the (own Ahsaaitlbad and
makes it his capital. " }
The first victory in the Sultan's reign said to have been at Bhokar (Bhokardhan ?) He next
took Mahur. Then exacted tribute from Mandil.
The Sultan proceeds to the Konkan, Lays sicgo to Goa, and taken it in five or i x months
Takes DabhoL
Takes Kalhar (?) and Kolhfipur, and then retnrns to
Invades Teli^fi Bpending about a year there. Takes Bhoii^Jr, and afior c
conquest of Telingflnfi, returns to KalburgA, t
Extent of the Bahmani dominions at this period.
1' Da ...... a ,,M, ,.o,, tcD , plllta
The Snltjin ill for three or four months. He dies
Hasan promises to assume the surname "Balmnnl.'
Ha ? an in the employ of a Shefeh at Gang!, near Miraj.
The Sheldi founded a masjid there.
Hasan's mother mentioned as being with him,
He finds a treasure.
Raises an army: is assisted by Gangfl
<
Hasan marches to Mirai with Tn
makes her prisoner. J ' Lnconnt * S Rftnl Dm-luWati, ll, rulor of Miraj,
Reports his victory to the ShpfcK ^l,^ i
Date of this vicjy, A. D. 134^' ^ * "*
Obtains possession of Mirai and +r,
KalburgS. J 4 the nei ^bouriBg districts, and tl.on proceeds toward,
Advice of the SheHu Bv
and expel the prison. A.iiLL ? St ^ ata em ' ? a ?^ Gangfl and las men enter tho town
defeated and killed. * J Parwan Eilo > the cWef of Kalburgfl. The latter
is named Ahsanibad.
, 1899.] HISTORY OP THE BAHMAHI DYXASTY. 125
Hasan mates Kalbnrga Ms capital: assumes the title of Sultan *Al&-ud-Dln Batman Stall*
Exalts tlie Brahman, Grangu Pandit.
Death of the Sultan.
CHAPTER II.
Reign of Sultan Muhammad Skdh I.
He Invades Vijayanagar territory. Gains a victory (place not mentioned)*
Takes Filampattan (P), and returns to Kalbarga.
Marches to Daulatabad to quell a rebellion raised by Bahiam KMs 9 the governor of that
province.
The latter yields, and dies in banishment.
According to the *Aiym-ut-TawarM, Hubammad I. possessed himself of the whole of tlie
Dakhan.
He had two sons, Mujahid Khun and Fath Khan,
Conquers Telingana.
His death*
CHAPTEE III.
Reign of Sultan MwjdMil SMh.
Invades Yljayanagar territory.
The Baya submits and agrees to pay na l-lakd, also to deliver over a fortress (name not men-
tioned) [probably Eaichfir or Adoni],
While encamped on the bank of the river Kistna, he is assassinated by his cousin^ Da,ud Khan.
Mujahid Shah entitled "Balwant, 55 strong-lotted.
Is a disciple of She^h iluiiammad Siraj-nd Din.
Besieges Adoni. Garrison about to surrender, owing to ^vant of water. The She&h withdraws
his assurance of victory, Mtrjahid much incensed against Mm.
Rain having fallen, the garrison of Adoni refuse to surrender 5 cut off the BahmanI ambassador's
head and fire it from a gun.
Muj&hid returns to Kalbnrga, Utters threats against the followers of the Shekh and tlie
Habshis.
Is found beheaded on his throne. Deed attributed to Jinns, The Sheth's followers refuse to
allow the body to be buried in the royal sepulchre.
CHAPTER IT,
Reign of Dtl^ud S"hah*
Unwillingly accepted as king. The widow of the late Snltan bribes a slave to assassinate him.
He is stabbed to death in the masjid.
Muhammad Khan, younger brother of Da,fid kills the assassin, and is proclaimed king.
CHAPTER Y.
Reign of Muhammad SMk IL
His character.
Had no wars during his reign.
Story told about the adulterous woman and the puzzled Kazi.
Death of the Sultan.
THE INDIAN ANTIQTJABY, [MAT, 1899.
CHAPTER VI.
Reign of
Twelve years of age at his accession.
Too partial towards his father's slaves, one o whom turns against him: invites tlio Sultan to his
house, deprives him of sight and deposes him.
CHAPTER VIL
Reign of Shavis-itd-Dwi Dd 9 ful Shdli*
In the seventh year of his age*
The slave [ ? ] retains the real power in his hands.
Firib Khan and Ahmad KMn, grandsons of <Ala-ud-Din Hasan Shilh, obliged to fly to Sagar,
The Kotwal of Sagar promises to assist them, but proves faithless.
The nobles arrange terms of peace, and the two princeB submit.
The mother of Sultan SMms-ud-Din, persuaded by the slaves that Flrfiss and Ahmad had
caused the assassination of the late Sultan, and fearing the game fa to fur her son, plots
against Firdz and Aljmad.
Makhdumah Jah&n, the wife of Firuz, informs her husband o the plot.
The principal amirs join the two princes in a plot to dethrone the Sultan and put Firfiz in his
place.
This plot is successfully carried out.
CHAFIEB VIII.
Btign of Ffofa SMh.
He imprisons the slave [ P ] and other conspirators.
Confers on his brother, Aliunad KMn, the title of KMn-KhAmln.
Confirms Khwajah JaMn in his previous office.
Firuz contemplates the conquest of Vijayanagar.
Devadar (Devaraja P), the ruler of Vijayflnagar, submits and agrees to pay a tribute of thirty-
three laks of tarika a year.
The Sultan agrees, and returns to Kalburga.
Marches against Sagar, The chiefs of that district submit to the SuMn and agree to pay
tribute.
He calls Sagar, " Uusratabad/' and returns towards Kalburgiu
On the way there he encamps on the bank of the Eivor Blilm* and founds a town called
Mruzabad, A.D. 1399.
Saiyid Muhammad Gisu Daraz arrives in Kalburgii from DihlL
He is well received by the Sultan, but they afterwards quarrel.
The Sul|n again goes to war with Vijaylbagar, Takes Bataftr and Mnsakkal and returns to
A year afterwards, he marches against Mahflr.
FaHs to take it; but exacts tribute from the IUya of that place, and returns to EalburgS.
Rise of the slaves Husky^r and Bidelr.
Death of ^vljah Jahto, who is succeeded in office by HftsaySr and Bidar
^'^ 1 <w - taa : " a
MAY, 1899.] HISTOBY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY, 127
During a reign of a little over 25 years he made 23 or 24 expeditions against the Hindus.
Towards the end of Ms reign is again compelled to go to war with Vijayanagar. Marches
towards Pangal. Is opposed on the way by the Vijayanagat troops. After a severe
struggle the latter are defeated.
Besieges Pangal. Is repulsed, and retreats to Utakur, This defeat attributed to the Sultan's
rupture with 8. Muhammad GIsu Daraz.
Returns to Kalburga*
Resigns the government to Bidar and Hushyar*
They are inimical to Khan KMnan (Ahmad Khan) and scheme to exclude him from the succes-
sion, substituting the Sultan's eldest son, Hasan*
They gain over the Sultan to their side, and he consents to have KMn Khanan blinded,
Shir Khan, the Sultan's nephew, informs Khan Khanan of the plot, and the latter prepares for
flight,
He and his eldest son, Zafar Khan, receive the blessing of Saiyid Muhammad Gisu Daraz*
Khalf Hasan afterwards entitled Malik-ut-Tijar offers his services to Khan Khanan,
Khan Khanan accepts his proffered services.
They leave Kalburga and proceed towards Telingana.
Hushyar and Bidar propose pursuing them*
The Sultan unwilling, but is ignored by HiisbySr and Bidar, who start in pursuit with a large
force.
The fugitives overtaken at M'matabad.
Khan Khanan inclined to surrender, but is persuaded by Khalf Hasan to give battle.
Stratagem to increase the apparent numbers of their force by means of bullocks*
Hushyar and Bidar defeated and put to death.
Sultan Ahmad (Khan Khanan) marches back to Kalburga.
Sultan Firiiz is deserted by his troops.
Ahmad is handed the keys of the city.
Meeting between the brothers.
Sultan Firaz abdicates in favour of Ahmad*
Death of SuMn Firuz. Said to have been strangled.
Character of Firuz,
Firuzabad assigned to prince Hasan KMn/who shortly afterwards dies.
Character of Sultan Firuz,
Founds the town of Firuzabad a which is partly destroyed by a flood,
Becomes a disciple of Bab& KamaL Builds a tomb for himself, and another for the saint.
Entrusts the principal afiairs of state to his brother, Ahmad, who plots against the Sultan.
The Habshi slaves and most of the troops side with Ahmad.
Sultan Firuz is assassinated by his own slave,
Ahmad puts to death the eldest son of Firfiz.
Duration of the reign of SuMn Kruz,
128 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. f MAYj
Tafoakah. II,
Hahmant Kings whose capital was JSMar*
Gil APT BB IX,
Eeign of Suit an Ahmad Shah.
His titles.
Els accession generably approved,
Had seven sons, Gives titles to three of them.
Gives Khalf Hasan the title of Malik-ut-Tijar.
Death of Saijid Muhammad Qisii Darte,
The Sultan invites a saint named Shah Ni'mat-UllAli, from Kinnfm, to visit the Dakhan.
Goes to Antfir to meet him.
Sultan Ahmad in the second year of his reign (A, I). Juno 1423) made BMar his capital,
Marries his eldest son, Prince Zafar Khan, to the daughter of Jlh-ftii Mubarak Fftrftkl, the ruler
of Khandesh.
Invades the " mountainous country" (name not mentioned)*
Takes Mannat (?), and returns to Bedar,
Invades TelinganE, and takes Mandal (?) and Warangal.
The E%as of Devknnda (Devarkunda) and Rfijkoncla tender their ulmsfli<m, and acrree to
pay tribute. The Sultan returns to Bidar.
Marches against IKhur, which he besieges, but, failing to tako it, rotunifl lo Bidar to rest,
A year afterwards he again, goes against MaMr, and takes it by assault,
Takes Kallam by assault, and returns to Bidar.
Sends Khalf Hasan Malik-ut-Tijar on an expedition to tho Konkatu
Khalf JIasan takes a number of places in tho Eonkaa. His BUOOOHBOH and hin favour with Uto
fenltan excite the jealousy of the Dakhani nobles,
The Sultan again goes to war with Vijayfmagar. Takes several forte, and return* to Bidar,
Parsing Raya of KherM, GondwanE, applies to the Sultfrn for assistance.
Parsing Riya breaks faith with him, and enters into an alliance with Alp Khan (Saltft*
Hnshang j&hftri) of MalwL w "^" "
The Snltln retreats in order to see whether Alp Kh/m will attack him,
The nobles expostulate with him for his apparent timidity,
The Sultan asks the opinion of the doctors of law.
He returns towards Kherlah, and gives battle to Alp Khftn.
Defeats Alp KMn, and captures his baggage and haram.
Sends back the haram under escort to the MalwE frontier.
Eeturns to Eidar.
Applies to Shtt Nftr-ud-Din Ni^at-Uliah Wall for a spiritual guide
i _ son of tMs saint
MAT, 1899,] HISTORY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 129
Khalf Hasan invades llaha,im (Bombay), which was Gujarat territory.
Saltan Ahmad Bahimani sends his son, Prince Zafar Khan to help Khalf Hasan.
The combined Bahmanl forces drawn upon one side of the Mahim Creek, and the Gujarat
army on the other.
The Dakhaiii nobles stir up dissension between Prince Zafar Khan and Khalf Hasan,
The latter, left IE the lurch, Is defeated by the Gujarat army, and his brother made prisoner*
In revenge for this defeat, the Sultan leads an army against Gujarat.
Encamps near Bahul (?) on the frontier between the Baklian and Gujarat.
The Hindu governor of Bahul (?) applies to Sultan Ahmad of Gujarat for assistance,
The Bahmani and Gujarat! armies drawn up on opposite banks of a river.
Terms of peace arranged. Bahul (?) to remain with Gujarat, Offensive and defensive alliance,
The Sal tan returns to Bidar, Confers various titles.
Death of Shah. Ni*mat-U!!ah. A fair instituted In his honour. Each descendant of this saint
connected by marriage with the Bahmani royal family.
Dispute with the ruler of Mandu (llalwa) about the fortress of Klieria.
Terms of peace arranged. Kherla to be a frontier fortress belonging to Malwa.
Daring the recent wars with Gujarat and Malwa, many parts of Telingana having been wrested
from the Bahmanis by their former possessors, the Sultan now proceeds to reconquer them*
He takes Bamgir and other forte*
Warangal submits, and agrees to pay tribute,
The Sultan makes Ibrahim Sanjar Khan commander of the army in Telingana, and gives Mm
the juglr of Bhonagir.
Returns to Bidar, and makes liiyam Mahraud Nizam-nl-Mulk his prime minister*
Consigns to Khalf Hasan Dabhol and the other seaports,
Builds a palace in Bidar.
Rewards the poet Sfaekh Azari for composing verses in eulogy of the new palace.
Also rewards Mauiana Sharf-ud-Dm Mazandarani for writing verses on the door.
Abdicates in favour of his eldest son, Zafar KMn.
Gives the district of Hahurto his son 7 MahmM Elian, and Ba } ichur and Chiil (?) to his son
Da,iid Khan.
Death of the Sultan.
His character,
How he punished Shir Malik for insulting Saiyid Nasir-ud-Din*
The Sultan's age, and duration of his reign,
The behaviour of a hunted hare suggests to Suit/in Ahmad the idea of making Bidar his capital;
besides, he suffered from dysentery afc Kalburga.
The celebrated Khwajah Jahan, in this reign 5 arrives in the Dakhan from Khurasan *
Sultan Ahmad founded the city of Muhammadabad (Bidar) in the first year of his reign.
Duration of his reign, and year of his death.
130 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [ MAT>
Jahan's arrival in DhaboL
He wishes to go to Bidar, but foreigners were not allowed to go Inland. He bribes tie
governor of Dhabol.
Writes to Bidar for permission to visit it. TIio Sultan unwilling, Ministers willing,
Tie Sultan consents. Khwajah Jah&n arrives in Biclar and makes presents to the Sult*n
including a copy of the Kuran, which he receives with reverence,
The Khwajah grows in favour with the Sultan.
CHAPTER X.
Heig of c Ald~ud~D$& 1L
Ceremony of his ascension described*
His character,
Miyan Mahmud Nizftm-Til-Mulk, prime minister of the late Sultan, is degraded and put to death.
Various appointments made.
Ni'matabad founded as a country residence for the Sultan, who is addicted to pleasure.
Sanjar KMn wages successful war against Telinganu.
Sends his prisoners to court, where they are forcibly converted to Muhamraadanlsiiu
Dilawar Khan sent on an expedition to Sharkah (p).
On his return to court, he is degraded, and a etmnch appointed in lus place.
This eimuch (DastiVuLMulk) causes much distress by hfe tyranny. As the Snltftn does
nothing to ohecl hxm, Prince Hum&yfin TChfm has the onimch uwa8Hinatc(l.
Nasir ajn, Sultjn of Khandesh, invades Eahmani temiory. KhaU HaBan Mulik-ut-Tijt i.
send to repel the myasion. ' ' J
Xfeir ghan retreats to Asjrgadh, and Khalf Hasan lays siege to tho fortress.
Deatli of Nasir Khan, A. D. 1435.
Khalf Hasan retreats to conrt with booty.
The Suite's younger brother, Muhammad (Mal.imud ?), rebels.
* SUPPreSS thC M > and a battlc is fo-fflt. Muhammad KMn
Muh amm ad KMn yields ; i a pardoned, and ft-iven the^, of R Ayac haI (Kaichflr ?)
The Baya of Vija y! l nagar invades Balln]an j territory) ^ ^ M
The Snltan besieges Mudgal, which he takes.
The Sultan returns to Bedar.
waa ll!m ,
MAY, 1899.] HISTOBY OP THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 131
He treacherously leads them into an ambnsli. Khalf Hasan is killed and Ms force nearly
annihilated.
The remnant make their way to ChAkan, which was Khalf Hs?an*s head quarters.
The Dakhani amirs represent this disaster in a false light to the Sultan, who orders the
massacre of the saiyids and foreigners in Chakan.
Eaja Bostam Nizam-uUlnlk, and Sular Hamzah MusMr-iil-Muik, with a mixed force of
ilnsalmans and Hindus, proceed to Chakan.
They invite the saiyids and foreigners to an entertainment,
They massacre 1,200 saiyids and 1 5 OGO other foreigners.
Divine punishment awarded to the two sarddrs for this act of treachery.
Jala! Khan and piis son Sikandar Khan in Balkoiida, fearing to meet the same fate as their
compatriots, refrain from going to court, and their enemies at court incite the Sultan
against them.
Sikandar Khan goes to llaMr and applies to Sultin Mahmud Khiljt of Maiwa for assistance.
Hahmud Khilji invades the Dakhaii, but is obliged to retreat.
Sikandar Kh/ui forced to accompany Mm, but escapes and returns to Bftlkondah.
The Sultan pardons Sikandar Khan and Ms father,
Death of the Sultan, and duration of his reign,
His character.
Publicly reproved by Saiyid AjaiL
Date of the Sultan's death.
Brief summary of the reign of Sultfin Ala.~ud-D5n II.
Had Khwajah Jahan as his prime minister.
The Sultan appoints his son Humslyun SMh as his successor*
Discrepancy in the date of his death,
CHAPTEB XI.
Reign of Humdyun Shall.
The people object to him as Sultan. His brother^ Hasan Khan, is seated on the throne*
Humayun unseats and imprisons him.
Raja Rustam, an adherent of Prince Hasan's, flies to Chakan and Junnar, and Malu Khan to
BSichflr.
Date of the Sultan's accession.
His character.
Makes Mahmud Q&wan after-wards entitled Khwajah Jahan his prime minister,
Sikandar Khan again rebels, and marches on Golkonda*
The Sultan marches against him. Sikandar KMn is defeated and killed.
Jalal Khan (Sikandar Khan. a s father) submits and is pardoned.
The Sultan declares bjiMd against the Hindus of Telingana.
Sends Kliwajah Jahian on ahead to Deyarkonda.
132 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 1899
The people o Devarkonda apply to the Raya of Orissa for assistance.
Tie latter sends an army to assist them*
ghwajah JaMn commits a tactical error of judgment.
He is hemmed in between two forces, and completly defeated.
The Sultan much enraged, and is about to avenge the disaster, when he hears of a revolution
in Bidar.
Object of the revolution, to release Hasan Khiin and Mirzil ITabib-TJllali Ni'mat-Ull&h from
prison, and proclaim the former as king.
Malik Yusuf Turk one of the late Sultan's slaves manages to enter tho fortress of Bidar
and release the prisoners.
The Sultan's brother, Yabya Khan ; also Jalfil Khan Bukhara, are killed ~ probably by mistake
in the darkness.
Prince Hasan Khan and Mirza Habib-Ullah proceed to Bhid, and are joined by some
of the troops.
Rage of the Sultan on hearing the news.
Siraj Khan, governor of Bijapur, receives the fugitives, llis treachery.
Pusillanimity of Hasan KhAn, and courage of MSrzfi Ilablb-Ulluh. Tho latter is killed.
Chronogram giving the date of his death,
Hasan Khan is sent to the Sultan, who has him thrown to tigers.
Tyranny of the Sultan*
Hasan Bahri, a "converted" Brahmin youth, given tho title of Sfirang KJntxu
The inmates of ShMb Khan's haram publicly outraged by order of tho Sultfm.
Death of the SultSn.
Chronogram giving the date of his deatn.
CHAPTER XII.
Reign of W*&m Shdh.
Ministers left to decide which of the late Sultan's SOBS should be life successor. They select
Uigfim Shah,
Ceremony of enthronement.
MalAdumah Jahan appointed Qxieen Regent, and Khwiljah Mahmud Ga Wi ln prime minister.
The country invaded by the B&ya of Oriasa.
Battle fought within 34 miles of Bidar. The RSya is defeated.
Invasion by Sultan MahmM Khilji of IBlwil. Battle fought near Btdar. Tho Bahmanl army
take to flight, and Mahmfid gains an easy victory.
Mahmtid plunders Bidar and lays siege to the citadel.
Ma^dumah JaMn applies to Gujarat fot assistance.
Sultan Mahmud of Gujarat is willing to go, but his ministers try to dissuade him.
He brings them round to his views ; but they advise an invasion of Mftlwi as a counter-move.
He ignores their advice, and marches to Snltftnpor and Nandurbar.
Progress of the siege of Bidar.
HAY, 1899.] HISTORY OF THE BAH1EAITI DTHASTT. 133
Luxurious living of Mahmud Khilji.
Consnlts a Sfaekji about; vegetables*
He raises the siege, and retreats towards Ch&ndor, bat changes his route on hearing of tie
advance of tbe Gujarat army.
Khwajah Jahan sent in pursuit.
Mahmud Khilji asks the chief of Goodwana to guide Ms armj. He offers to lead them by a
difficult route.
Mabmfid Khiljt turns from the DanlatAbad route s and proceeds north-east towards Ankot (?)
and Elichpur.
l>istress of his army on the march through Gondw&na,
He kills the chief of Goadw&na.
Salj&a Nizam Shah writes to Sult&n liahmid of Gujarat, thanking "him for Ms assistance,
MahmM Khiljt ag-ain contemplates the invasion of the Daklian, and the Snltan of Gujarat again
comes to the assistance of the Bahmani Suit An, and compels Mahmad Khiljt to retreat.
Sadden death of Sultan Nizam Shah.
CHAPTEE XIII.
Reign of Sktltdn Muhammad SMk II*
In the tenth year of his age succeeds to the throne,
His character,
Regency dnrlng his minority*
Assassination of Nizam^ul-Mulk at Kherlah.
His death is avenged.
He leaves two adopted sons* who receive the titles respectively of *Adii Khan and Darya KMn
Marriage of the Snltan.
Embassy from the ruler of Malwa.
Bahmant amlmssador sent to If andiL
Letter to the ruler of Malwa regarding certain territory In dispute HaMr, Kherlali, etc.
Speech made by the Sultan.
Mahmud Gawjtn made prime minister, and gets the title of Kh^ajah Jalian,
Expedition against Hublt and Bagalkot*
Khwajah MahmM Gawan, at his own request, is sent on an expedition to the Konkan%
Halts at Kolhapur to collect reinforcements*
Has several engagements in tha Konkan, and returns to Kolhapur for the rains*
Takes R&bankanah (Rayabagh ? ) and Machfil ; then proceeds to Sangameshvar.
Khelnah (Vishalga4b) is surrendered to the Khwajah.
Khwftjah Jaban remains nearly two years in the Konkan, and then returns to court with hi*
booty.
Receives additional titles.
Death of the Queen-Mother, MakhxJumah Jahan,
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
The Sultan assumes the reins of government,
Death o the Bfiya of Qrissa.
Malik JsTi^Am-uI-Mnlk Balm is sent to invade Grissa.
Takes Rajamundri and Kondavir, etc., and returns.
Khwajah MahmM Gawau founds a college in Bidar*
The Sult&a announces his intention of taking Vanigarllu
One of the adopted sons of the late Nigam-ul-MuIk volunteers to undertake the duty,
He takes Yairagacfh by siege, and returns.
Zhwajah Mahmud Gawan reports that Qoa has been taken by Parkatpa (?), l%a of Vijayanagar
and volunteers to go and re-take it. f
The Sultan resolves to go himself.
He lays siege to the fort of Belganw.
Parkatapa tries to make terms through the amirs.
The Sultan angrily refuses.
Parkatapa surrenders the fort of BelgAnw, which the Sulfcuu then given to Khwftjah Jalifin.
The Snltan stops at Bijapur on his way "back.
Great famine of Eijapnr in the same year.
The Raya of Orissa again invades Bahmant territory.
The royal army assembles at Malikpur near AshtUr,
Proceeds towards Rajamnndri.
and Prince
Narsinha Eaya's arrangements for the defence,
The latter takes to flight.
Malik Fath-Ullah Daryft KhSn sent in pursuit,
Surrender of
The , Wtto Hands it o, er again to NJ , am . ul , Mll]k 3^ M(1 rotunis ^
Add Shah, Wall of As> g adh and B^np*, V i sit8 the SuMn and i. f.Hed.
Bebellio, at K 0? ^ r : the S ^ n goes
of their
given to Ni^m-
ir?"^ 7 M reaClGS Mal - ff ^ l%a takos to flight.
The latter tenders his ^bmisson, and sen ds present*.
The SuMn proceed s by forced marc he S to KanchJpnr,
Takes and sacks the town, getting immeilSe booty.
Rot against Khwajah MahmM
The Sultan summons him.
Acconnt 6f the interview.
MAT, HISTORY OF" THE BAH3IAKI DTKASTY. 13$
execution of M&^znud Gawan and A&*ad KL
accusers afterwards put to death*
The Sultan regrets his hasty action: is disturbed "by a
Proceeds <m& jihad to the EJonkan: Is taken ill on the way*
His death.
His character,
Dissension between the DakhanS and TarM amirs*
Age of the Sultan: duration of his reign : date of his death.
Chronogram giving the date of his death*
CHAPIER XIV.
Ee*gn <c/ Sultan Hah mud IL
The Dakhan! amirs plot against the Tarks.
The Dakhanis treacherously massacre the Turks.
Malik Hasan Xizixn-nl-ilulk Bahri is made Malik Xa,!b.
First mention of his repuced son, Ahmad Niztim-ul-ilulk, who afterwards founded the
Shahi Dynasty*
Aliniad is given the districts of Jnnnar and ChakaH as &jagir. Goes to the assistance of the
Sultan.
Expedition into Teling&na ; the Sultan marches to Warangal.
The Habshis plot agaiusu the Malik S"4,ib : the Sultan Believes their stories, and resolves on his
death,
The Malik ]S T a 5 ib flies to Bfdar.
Treacherous conduct of Pasand KMn*
The latter kills the Malik Na,!b, and throws Ms kead outside the fork
Presumption and arrogance of the Habshis,
Rise of Turk! influence as that of the Habshis declines,
Hasan Khan Khurasani gets the title of Khvrfijah JaMn,
The Sult&n's sister, Fatimah, married to Habib-TJIIah, and tke fort of Medak given as a wedding
present,
His other sister married to another son o Shah Muhabb-TJHah,
Rebellion against the Sultan in Bldar.
The Sultan defended by ten Turks : desperate fighting*
The rebels are routed.
Jfew palace built near the Shah Burj.
Rebellion of the notorious Kasim Turk Khawiiss Khan (afterwards entitled Bar!d*i Mam&Iik)
at Kandhar*
Dilawar KMn Habshi sent to suppress the rebellion.
In the battle which ensues, Dilawar KMn is killed by one of his own elephants.
Kasim Barid triumphant, and more than eyer rebellious*
Rebellions in all directions,
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAJBY. [MAT,
The Sultan, unable to subdue Kasim Barid, is obliged to conciliate Mm by giving him a shar&
in the government,
This is much resented bj the other nobles, who rebel.
Ahmad Figam-ml-Mulk comes to the assistance of the Sultan.
The amws promise their support to the Sultan if he will only oust Kasim Barlcl from th
government.
Practical overthrow of tie Bahmani Dynasty, and establishment of the Barkl-Sbalii in its place*
The Sultan wounded ia battle,
The amfos disperse, and Kasim Barld returns with the Sultfin to Bidar, and again assumes the
government-
Letter from Yusuf 'Adil Kh&n, reporting the rebellion of Malik Dinar Da&tur-I MamAlik and
Malik Khiish-Kadam Tnrk ; and offers to aid in suppressing it.
The Sultan and Kasim Barid proceed against the rebels.
*Adil Khan and Fakhr-ul-Mulk join the camp.
Disposition of the forces. Battle.
Malik Dinar taken prisoner and his army dispersed,
*Adil Khan intercedes for Malik Dimir, and procures his pardon*
The Royal troops lay siege to and take the fort of Sagar.
Sultan Mahmfid Gujarat! complains of an act of piracy committed by Bahadur Gilnxiir
Letter on this subject from the king of Gujarat,
Letter from the Sultan to BahSdur Gllani, ordering him to restore the ships and looted proper!/*
Keply of the Sultan to the king of Gujarat.
The Sultan's messenger to Bahadur Gilani is stopped on the way.
The Sultan marches with bis army to MangalvecTM.
Th& fort is taken, and assigned to Fakhr-ul-Mulk.
The army marches to Jamkhandi, which Bahadur Gllani was then besieging.
Mukaddam M,ik [chief of JamkhandJ ?] takes service under the Sultan.
Malik Sultlu Kuli 'Hamattnt Khaw^ss KMn (afterwards the founder of the KntiA-SUU
dynasty) is given the title of Kutb-ul-Mulk. * ""
Several feudal tenures granted. Names of various nobles then serving with t!ie
The army besieges Miraj. The governor, Bimah (?) Nl,fk, stirren(lcrs after Iiis son Las been
The troops of BahAdur GDfal then in the fort of Miraj are offered general., terms.
MlMdin . fte 3^ ^ sends m ambassador to tho SuWn, wha
pardon on certain conditions,
still obstinate : a force is sent against hin>, .ith orders to spare- Ins life.
He 1S s3a m m single combat b
The Sultan visits the fort of Panhal4 : descxiption of the fort.
He ften visits Dabhol.
given to various nobles,
MAT, 1899.] HISTORY OP THE BAE11AM DYNASTY. 137
The Sultan returns to Better, baiting on the way at Miraj, to distribute the booty.
Increase In the power of Eutub-dl-MuIk,
Plot against the Turks.
The Turks anticipate matters by massacring tlie conspirators*
The Turks send Shah Mrihabb-TJIlah to tins Saltun to explain matters.
Re-distributkm ofjagirs : Ynsuf *Adil Khan gets Bijflpur and MaDgalverjiuu
Plot against Barid-i ilamalik*
The Sultfin besieges him In the fort cf Asa f bat is deserted by several -amirs: Barid
triumphant.
Another revolt again st Barid-I Mamalik*
Terms of peace arranged*
Preparations for ajiljid against Vijayanagar : enumeration of the forces,
< A5n- < aHllk gent round by Kolhapar.
Rayachur and lludgal surrendered.
These paryanahs are given to 4 Adi! Khan*
In the absence o the am'rs who sided with the Sultan, Malik Barfd-i Mamalik proceeds to
Bidar ; is admitted to the fortress by treachery j and again usurps the government on tbe
oth June, 1502,
Adil Khan, Eutub-ul llnik ? Dastur-i Mamnlik and others form a coalition to displace him*
The Snltfin is compelled to side against them : a battle ensues, in which Haidar Khan Band's
general is killed. Barfd then tabes to flight. The allies do homage to the Sultan, and
return to their provinces.
A marriage arranged between *Adil Khan's daughter slid the Salon's SOH.
The marriage festivities in Kalbnrga are intermpted by the return of Malik Baiid to court, when
hostilities are resumed. *Adil Khan and *Ain-nl-MiiIk against Malik Baricf, KliadadM
KhwAjah Jahan &n<d Dastfij>i MamMik.
The Sultan sides with Adil Khan,
Malik Ilyas 6 Ain-ul-MtiIk is killed in battle : hostilities then cease*
The Sultan pix>ceeds to MiiBJ and PanbfiU, to secure possession of the late 'Airt-nl-Mulk's
During his absence Barid-i llamalik and Ms adherents take possession of Bidar.
They receive the Sultan with all honour on his return.
Band's titles are further increased^
Hostility between c Adil Khun and Dastfir Dinftr: the latter obtains assistance froto Ahmad
Bahri, and invades Bijdpur territory : fi Adil KMn flies to the Sultan's court,
The Sultan compels them to make peace,
The Snltan, in 1506, quarrels with *Adil Khan,
The Sultan summons to his assistance Kutub-ul-Mulk and k lmallud-ul-!k. As the latter
neglects to obey the summons, the Sultan goes after him to Berar and meets him near
Kalamb. The quarrel is then arranged.
D eath of Fath-UllAh 4 Imad-ul-MuIk and Yusuf *Adil Shall,
188 THB INDIAN" ANTIQUARY. [MAY, 189$.
Tie Sultan settles the succession to Yusuf s title and territory on Ismail, eldest son of tie
latter.
Confusion IB Berar owing to the late FatIi-TJllSli y s elde&t son, 'AM-nd-BiB, being a prisoner in
Bamgir. He makes Ms escape, and succeeds to his father's title and territory.
Death of Khndadad Khwajah Jahan ; his title conferred on his eldest surviving son, Nur KUn
The latter is given Pareinda in exchange for Sandlapur [Sholapur S?] which is given to Kama!
Khan, Ismail 'Adil Khan's general.
The Sultan takes the fortress of Kalburga by force*
Dastur Dinar akes refuge with Barid. These two, with Kutb-nl-Mulk march on Bidar.
Dastibr Dinar's reputed son, Hamad Khan Habshi, is killed in battle.
Peace arranged by *Azamatnl-Mnlk, Isma'il 'Adil Khan's ambassador at the Bahmani Court.
Quarrel between Dastiir Dinar and Barid*
Embassy from Shall Isnu'il Husaini SafawL
Ungracious reception of a Sht'ah. ambassador at a Sunn! court.
Rebellion of Bashir Khudawind Khan, the feudatory of Mfihfir, The Snltfin, in August, 1517,
marches with the army against him,
Bashir applies to <Ala-ud~Din 'Im&d-ul-Mulk for assistance, wlneli Is given.
A battle takes place : Bashir Khudawind Khan's son, Ghftllb Khan, is killed. l^udawind Khan
fights valiantly, but is wotmded, taken prisoner, and put to death.
Mahur given to Mahinud Khan, youngest son of Khudawind Khan. The Sultan returns to
Bidar.
Several of the principal amirs too late to take part in this last expedition ~ BOW come to
court,
The Sultan taking advantage of the large force thus assembled determines on bjiMd.
Arrived at DtwAnl [?] a battle is fought, in which the Sultan is severely wounded; and this
puts a stop to the fighting.
The allies disperse to their respective provinces.
Barid accompanies the Snltfta back to Bidar, and again assumes 'the government.
An amir named ShujS'at KMn having carried off two of the Sultfm's elephants, the other amto
of Bidar, anxious to get rid of Barid, suggest that the latter should be sent after Shujfl'at
Khan..
Barid overtakes Sht^'at KhSn, kills Mm, and returns in triumph with the elephant* etc.
Barfd's power then becomes greater than ever.
Death of the Suit**. Date of his death, age, and duration of his reign.
The amtn in spite of their quarrels among themselves always loyal to their sovereign.
Other historians give a different account of the latter part of the reign of Sultftn Mahmfid II.
Anarchy in the Dathan on the death of the Snltta.
End of the Bahmani Dynasty.
(To be continued.)
MAT, 1899.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
189
NOTES AND
HOPES OF SAKB; ASSES; AHD THE BAKATDES.
THE following inquiry was published in tlie
number of the Journal of the Folk-lore Society
for December, 1898. I venture to hope that its
publication in these pages may bring to light
some Indian evidence*
The occurrence of & single incident in ancient
Egyptian custom, on Greek and Boman monu-
ments, in an Arabian story* and in English folk-
lore, provokes suspicion that some one idea, worth
finding out, may lie behind the scattered facts, j
Such an incident is the "weaving of a futile |
rope ; twisted and untwisted in festival custom !
in Egypt in Greek and Roman art, eaten by j
an ass, made of sand in Arabic story and in 1
English legend.
Further, in more than one ancient monument
the futile rope is associated with those futile J
water-carriers the DaBaides, whose condem-
nation it was to carry water in sieves; and in
Cornwall the spirit who was set to weave ropes
of sand had also to empty a lake by the aid of a
shell with a hole in it.
What do these coincidences mean ?
In the hope of gaining further facts I quote,
but make no attempt to value, the following
rope -makers, ass, and water-carriers.
**In the city of Acanthus, towards Libya
beyond the Nile, about 120 furlongs from
Memphis, there is a perforated pithos* into
which they say 60 of the priests carry
water every day from the Nile. And the
fable of Genus is represented near at hand'
on the occasion of a certain public festival.
One man is twisting a long rope, and many
behind him keep untwisting what he has
plaited." 2
In the painting by Polygnotus at Delphi, Pan*
anias describes among other dwellers in Hades,
" a man seated : an inscription sets forth
that the man is Indolence (0&no). He is
represented plaiting a rope, and beside him
stands a she- ass furtively eating the rope
as fast as he plaits it. They say that this
Indolence was an industrious man who had
a spendthrift wife, and as fast a she earned
money she spent it. Hence people hold that
* Pithos = a vessel of large size, used for stores,
sometimes sunk in the ground as a cellar.
* Diodorus Sieulus. I. 97.
3 Pausamas, X. 29. 2* See J. G. Fraser, Pawanias,
QTJEEIES,
in this picture Polygnotus alluded to the
wife of Indolence. I know, too, that when
the lonians see a man toiling at a fruitless
task they say he is splicing the cord of
Indolence.'" 3
In the mediaeval Arabic story, one of the tasks
imposed by Pharaoh on Haykar the Sage is to
make two ropes of sand; Haykar says;
41 * Do thou prescribe that they bring me a
cord from thy stores, that I twist one
like it/ So when they had done as he bade,
Haykar fared forth arear of the palace and
dug two round borings equal to the thick-
ness of the cord : then 3he collected sand
from the riverbed and placed it therein, so
that when the sun arose and entered into
the cylinder the sand appeared in the
sunlight like unto ropes."*
Of Michael Scott a note to the The Lay of tht
Last Minstrel says:-
11 Michael Scott was, once upon a time, much
embarrassed by a spirit, for whom he was
under the necessity of finding constant
employment." Two tasks were accomplish-
ed in two nights by the spirit. ** At
length the enchanter conquered this inde-
fatigable demon, by employing him in the
hopeless and endless task of making ropes
out of sea-sand. 5 ' 5
A passage in the Denham Tracts speaks of
Michael Scott as famed
"for having beat the devil and his myrmi-
dons by the well- known device of employ-
ing them to spin ropes of sand, denying
them even the aid of chaff to supply some
degree of tenacity . . . . ***
The wild Cornish spirit Tregeagle brings life
into these somewhat tame accounts of futile
Industry. The wandering soul of a tyrannical
magistrate, Tregeagle, was bound to fruitless
labour on coast; or moor ; his toil prevented and
his work destroyed by storm and tide. His cries
sounded above the rear of winter tempests;
his moanings were heard in the soughing of
the wind ; when the sea lay calm his low wailing
crept along the coast. More than one task was
laid upon this tormented soul.
Y. 376 ; E&htfntrgh Review, April, 1897, p. 458 ; Journal
Hellenic Sf udies, XIV. p. 81,
* Supplemental Night*. Burton, Lib. Ed. XII. 24,
The Lay of the Last MinsireL Ed. 1869. Note 15.
* Pen/iaw Tract*. II. 115.
140
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT.
[MAT, 1899.
" On the proposal of a ohrn'chmaa and a
lawyer It was agreed that lie should be set
to empty a dark tarn on desolate moors*
known as Dosmery (or Dozmare) Pool,
using a limpet- shell with a bole in it
Driven thence by a terrific storm, Treg"
eagle, hotly pursued by demons, soxtglxt
sanctuary in the chapel of Roach Bock.
From Hoach he was removed by powerful
spell to the sandy shores of the Padstow
district, there to make trusses of sand and
ropes of sand with which to bind them. " 7
Again we find him tasked
{i to make and carry away a truss of sand
bound with a rope of sand from Gwenvor
(the cove at Whitsand Bay) near the Land's
End." 8
The Cornish pool which Tregeagle had to
empty with a perforated shell is said to be the
scene of a tradition of making bundles and
bands of sand :
" A tradition .... says that on the
shores of this lonely mere (Dosmery pool)
the ghosts of bad men are em* employed
in binding the sand in bundles with * beams 3
(bands) of the same. These ghosts, or
some of them, were driven out (they say
horsewhipped out) by the parson from
Launceston." 9
I place these roughly gathered facts together
in the hope of gaining further instances ; espe-
cially instances of,
(1) Ritual use of ropes, or of perforated
water- vessels,
(2) Futile rope -making in custom or story.
(3) Futile water- carry ing in custom or story.
(4) Asses in connexion with any of the above
acts ; and in connexion with (a) water
in any form, (b) death and the under-
world, j
G, M. GODDEN, F.AZ
STJPEBSTITIONS AMONG HINDUS IN THE
CBNTBAL PEOVINCES.
throbbing of different parts of the eye
portends different things :
Sye-brows. When the right eye-brow of a
person beats very forcibly, it indicates that the
Take* from Hunt, Popular Romances of th& West
gktnd, Srd Ed, pp. 131 if.
* Ckmrfaxey, Cornish leasts an& Folklore, p. 7S.
wife will present her husband with a child
and if the left eye -brow beats, ifc signifies that
the person is to acquire wealth, When both throb
ifc signi&os that overwhelming sorrow is to over*
take a person,
Pupils, If the pupil of the right eye dilates, it
means great loss to a person j and if the left, it
warns one to keep aloof from fears and difficulties.
If both the eye pupils are dilated, it indicates
loss of health.
Corners of tho Eye. ' If the corner of the right
eye throbs, it means that a man 'a foes and friends
love him. If the corner of tlio left eye beats, ifc
meant* the recovery of lost property.
Eye-lashes. The throbbing of the right and
jeft eyo-lanhoB mesmB that the person IB likely to
get into a broil with others,
Eye-lids, The "beating of the right eye-lid
indicates that the pemm in to witnesn a marriage
ceremony soon. And if the loft, that fear will
overtake him and make him ill,
"W&ole Eye* W ben the whole right eye beats,
it means that the patient will recover from long
illncBs. And if tho whole left eye, it "brings a
good name.
A person whofio death takes place on a
Saturday, should never go alono. To avert evil
consequences, a live fowl in taken with such a
corpse to the cemetery and it in there interred
with it, BrdlmiantB, averse to bloody sacrifices,
stibstitiato for a fowl the steel Ibolt of a door,
If a person dien tinder the influence of an
evil star, the seeds of leguminous plants are
scattered along the route of the ftxneral proces-
sion. It is belioved that Bitch a body, when
"buried, turns into a devil, and comes home to
hold sway as a nocturnal monarch over the house.
If the above custom IB observed, however, it will
try and pick up the seed** on its way from the
grave to the house, dropping them on its return
at day-break. In thda way every night it) starts,
but never reaches it destination, ninee the seeds
prevent its arrival IB time.
All Hindus believe that by keeping quill*
or spines of porcupine at home they will meet
with vain quarrels with neighbours and kins-
men.
$L
* Courtney, Cornish leads and Folklore, p,
quoting- Notes and Queries,, Dec,
JCNE. 1899.] HISTOET OF THE BJLEMAXI DTXASTY.
HISTOEY OF THE BAHMAXI DYNAST?,
(Founded on the BurMn-i JIa/^u\)
BY J, S. KEN'G, 3kLE.A.S.
(Ccnii fined pom p. 138.)
CHAPTER I.
Account of the Kings of Kalburg, Ia who,, according to the most authentic
accounts, were eight individuals, the first of whom was *Aia-nd-Din wa
ad-Duny& Abft-lMuzafifar SultAn 5asan Shah al Wall al BahmanL
Sultan 'AlA-nd-Din Hasan Shah GangH,! Bahmani was the first king, who in the
Dakhin, the land of perpetual freshness (may God preserve it so !) raised the standard ol
Islam, propagated the rights of the true faith, and overthrew Infidelity.
Historians have related various accounts of the origin of this king, and to relate them all
would cause prolixity, so we pass them by.
According 1 to the statement of the author of the **.'Hy{in'itt-T0ii t ur J tI:'it and other historians ot
the kings of India, the ancestors of this illustrious sovereign traced their descent frcm
Bahman and Isfandyar ; and what Is stated OB the subject In some books of genealogies which
the author of these pages has seen is that Sultan Hasan was descended from Bahr&m Gur^ in
the following way :
Sultan s Ala-ud-Din wa ad-Dnnya Hasan Bahman Shah, son of Kaika,us Muhammad, son
of *AIi, son of Hasan, son of Bahtam, son of Simun, son of Salfim, son of Nuh, SOB of
Ibrahim, son of Nasir, son of Mansur, son of Xuh, son of Null, son of Sini ; , son of Baiirarn
son of ShMi-iin, son of Sad, SOD of Xusin f son of Dawad. son of Bahrain Giir. But God, the
Host High alone knows the truth of matters ! In consequence of his descent the king was
known as " Bahman*' Saltan c Ala-ud-Bin Hasan Shall Bahmani.
During the reign of Sultan Muhammad Tnglilak Shah, who was king of the greater part of
India, Hasan happened to go to the capital, Dihli, and without disclosing to anyone the fact
of his illustrious descent from Kaiyfimars he became enrolled among the servants of Muhammad
Tnghlak SMh.
At that time it happened one day that the saint SheHi Nizam-ud-Din gave a sumptuous
entertainment, at which Snltan Muhammad Tnghlafc Shah was present. Shortly after the
Sultan had left the entertainment Hasan arrived at the door of the Monastery of His Holiness.
The latter by his inward consciousness being aware of this* said to his seryant : * ' To-tlay
one king has gone out and another king Is at the door : let him come In. ; ' The servant went
to the door and brought in Hasan. The Shekt received him with the utmost respect, and
announced to him the good news that he was destined to have the sovereignty of one of the
districts of India : this he mentioned as a divine revelation.
It is said that on this occasion the Shekh placed a cake of bread ($^rs)^on the tip of his
fore-finger and gave it to Hasan, saying : " This Is the canopy of sovereignty which shall
be esalted till the extinction of this illustrious dynasty at a long distant date." From this
token of good news given by the eminent Shekh, Hasan was made hopeful, and began to cherish
the idea of sovereignty and conquest,
la I am doubtful as to whether the name of this town should be spelt Kalburga orKulbarga, Professor
Eastwick (Murray's HanfibQo'k of Madras) adopts the former spelling : and In a History of the Uij'/ju/ 1 u^m
written in Marathi, I find it spelt sometimes ^tf-^jf, and sometimes ^rSW^TT*
2 By this is meant " cliawpatti t " a word familiar to all who have ever been in India.
242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JTOE, 1899.
In this year 3 a state of tie utmost disorder began to stow itself in tte dominions of
Snltan Muhammad Tughlafc Shah, and each. o the amirs in charge of the several districts
raised rebellions. Sultan ''Alfi-ud-Dm Hasan Shah also with a number of brave and select
warriors AfgMns and others in accordance with the advice of the Sheth, set out for
the Dathan and" halted at Daulatftbftd.
IB the midst of these affairs Snltan Muhammad TugMafc was informed that the amwdn-i
sadali^ who Lad been appointed to keep in subjection the coast of Gujarat, had withdrawn
from their allegiance and were in a state of rebellion, besides plundering the property of
Musalmans. Some treasure which had been sent in charge of one of the amfos of Gujarat
to the seat of government at Lahaur and Dihli had been plundered ; a great number of those
accompanying it were killed, and the whole of their goods looted. The amfrs of Gujarat, who
went to put down this rebellion and disturbance, were routed, and most of them killed.
Sultan Tughlalfr on hearing the news of this outbreak in Gujarat showed much dis-
quietude and agitation, and he proceeded in person to put down the rebellion.
Eutlagh Khan was governor of Daulatab Sd ; and by the justice, bravery and good manage
ment of this pure-minded minister 5 the people had hitherto been kept secure and free from
disturbance ; but before the outbreak of rebellion in Gujarat he had by the Sultan's orders
gone to the Tughlak: Shahi court, leaving his brother, 'Alam-ul-Mulk, as vice-regent of the
district.
While on the way it occurred to Sultan Tughlal^ Sh&h that the district of Daulatabad
being now free from the personal influence of Kutlagh Khan it was quite possible that the
ttmwan-i sadah, having the power to do so, might there also stir up Gujarfit and raise a
rebellion. To prevent this he sent some of his awflrs to Daulatabad bearing instructions for the
amJrn- sadah to join the Sultan's camp. In accordance with this order the antfrs went to-
DaulatabM ; and the an$rdn-i sadah, obeying the order of the Sultfin, started with the amirs
for the camp of the Sultan ; but on the way> overcome with fear (of the consequences of their
past offences), they one night attacked the royal army, 6 and the troops being taken unawares,
most of them were killed, and the remainder took to flight, and narrowly escaping with their
lives, made their way to the Sultan's camp.
After the rout of the Sultan's army the awtrfin-i sadah returned to Daulat&bud, and giving
the title of msir-nd-Din to Ismail Mukh 7 Afghan, seated him on the throne; and, according
to the custom of kings, sprinkled money over his head. *Alam-ul-Mnlk ? through fear of them,
had shut himself up in the fort of Defigir (Daulatabad) ; but as he had treated these people in
an approved manner they gave him safe conduct and dismissed him,
s What the year was is not stated, Tmt it was probably A. H. 744 (A. D. 1343) vide Bayley, QvjarAt, p. 43.
* There is no English equivalent for this expression. According to Sir E. 0, Bayley it is said to be a Moghal
technical term for a *' captain of a hundred " ( ), but in this place it rather designates a class of persons who
seenito have approached in character the "free-lances'* of the Middle Ages in Europe. They were leaders of
mercenaries and foreigners ; at least for themost part : some were probably remnants of the " New Mttsalinfns," cr
converted Moghal settlers, though some were most certainly Afghan adventurers. Loyalty sits lightly on troops
of this class, and they have ever been known for violence and rapine. (Bayley, Gft0'ardt, p. 43, u.)
5 Here begins the India Office MS., with the words
That is, the escort taking them to the SnltHn's camp.
* In the India Office MS. this name is always written -* (Makh, or Mukh). In the British Museum MS,
it appears in some places to he gi* and in others ** Krishtah writes the name g* (Mugh, a Magian), and
this is probably the correct spelling. According to Krishtah Isma'Sl Khan Afghan was an officer of a thousand
horse, whose brother, Malik Hugh, commanded the royal army in the province'of Malwa, and the selection arose
principally out of the hope that the Dakhania would be supported by the new king's relative in MMwah. (Briggs,
01, EL pp. 28J-288.)
srE, 1899.] HISTORY OP THE BAH3IA3TI DYXASTY. 143
fi Ala-nd-Din Hasan Shah Bahmani, with a force of his own faithful adherents, was then
in Daulatabad ; and though outwardly, for prudential reasons, on friendly terms with these
people, he was only watching for an opportunity of obtaining power*
In some histories of India ifc is stated that Sultan Hasan, before obtaining dominion over
the Daklian, was enrolled among the troops of Sultan Tnglilafe Shah, who were employed in the
defence of the Daklian ; and when Isma'il llnkh, "who tad at first been raised to the throne,,
was found unfit for it, the whole army united in exalting Sultan Hasan Shah to the sovereignty
of the Dakhan. But God only knows the truth of matters !
When Sultan Muhammad TugMak Shall arrived in Gujarat, a number of those who had
rebelled prepared to oppose him ; of these, some became food for the swords of the Sultan's
troops, and others proceeded to Daulatabad and joined themselves to Isma 4 il Mukh and his
followers.
When Sultan Muhammad TnghlaV* having finished repelling the violence of the amirs
of Gujarat, heard of the rebellion of the amirdn-i sadah of Daulatabad, he proceeded with his
army in that direction, Ismail Mukh was ready for Mm, and formed line of battle in
front of the Sultan's army ; but the latter being twice again as weak as the followers of Ismail
Afghan, however much it attacked and retreated gained no lasting advantage over them. At
last, however, the army of the Sultan gained the victory, the Danlatabadis took to flight, and
Ismail Mukh retired to the fortress of Deogir. Ala*-iid~Din Hasan Shah with his own
particular followers proceeded towards Kallburga. Sultan Muhammad laid siege to the
fortress of Daulatabad, and sent Malik c Im&d-nd-Bin with a select force in pursuit of Sultan
Ala'-ud~Din.
In the midst of these affairs news again arrived from Gujarat that Malik TagM had
raised a rebellion there ; so the Sultan was compelled to leave some of Ms nobles and a portion
of his force at Daulatabad while he himself started for Gujarat.
When Ala'-ud-Din Hasan became aware that he was being followed by the enemy, he laid
in ambush with a portion of his force, and suddenly attacking them killed 'Imad-ul-Mnlk,
dispersed his army and pursuing the fugitives turned back towards Daulatabad.
When the news of the death of fi Imad-ul-Mulk as well as the rout of his force and the
approach of <Ala-ud-Dm Hasan and his followers reached the ears of the amirs who were
engaged in besieging Isma'il Mukh, they wavered, and being powerless to resist they unavoid-
ably raised the siege of the fortress and took to flight. Hasan then entered the city of
Daulatabad in triumph ; and IsnaA'll Mukh coming down from the fortress of Deugtr
voluntarily and gladly resigned the sovereignty in favour of Hasan ; and abandoning the title
of Sultan Nusir-ud-Dln which had previously been given him, called himself Shams-ud-DSn.
The whole army and the populace having unanimously consented to the sovereignty of
'Altf-ud-Din Hasan, at the ninth hour of Friday the 28th Sha'ban, A. H. 748 (3rd December,
A. D. 1347), or according to one writer on the 24th Rabi II. of the year above mentioned
(3rd August, A. D, 1347), he attained the object of his desires. At the entreaty of Jsma'll
Mukh and all the amirs and the army the ruby-coloured royal umbrella was raised over his head,
and he was seated on the throne of sovereignty under the title of Snltto 'AlA'-ud-Dta, Hasan
Shfth al Wall al Bafcmani. The amirs, ministers and generals vied with one another in doinc?
him honour and praising him and swearing fealty to Mm.
The Sultan now applied himself to the affairs of government and the occupations of his
subjects with such ability and attention that the signs of his illustrious actions embellishing-
the history of the kings are beyond computation, and the mention of his good qualities adorns
the preface of the history of the kings powerful as Heaven. In his day no tyrant hand struck
the knocker of disquietude on the door of any subject, nor did the foot of any trader in oppression
tread the inner court of the house of anyone with the step of molestation or hindrance.
144 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JUNE, 1899.
The Sultan sent some troops in pursuit of the amirs of Muhammad Tughlak who Lad
taken to flight. Nigam-TLl-MiiIk, who was leader of the defeated army was killed, and the
remnant with much difficulty succeeded in saving their lives.
When the Sultan had thus finished repelling his enemies, he turned his attention to those
brave amirs who had rendered him good service in the recent war, and conferred on each of
them rank and dignity corresponding to his merit.
Of this number, 'Ain-ud-Din, who was one of the amirs of Sultan Muhammad Tughlak
with his son Muhammad entered the service of Abti-1-Mugaffar Sultan <Ala-ud-Din Hasan~Shah
and were honoured by the titles of Khw&jah Jahan and Shir Khan respectively.
Malik Hindu,! Turk received the title of 'Imad-ul-Mulk, and was appointed Sahib-i 'Aria. 8
Husam-ud-Din Aljcchi became Na,ib Wazir.
Zhakajut Saiyid Kazi-ud-Din, who was one of the descendants of the martyr Zaid, 9
received the title of Kutb-ul-Mulk,
Malik Shad!, who had been M,ib Barbak, became Shams-i Rashik Sahib-i KMs.
Husain, who had attacked 'Imftd-ul-Mulk, obtained the title of Garshasb, and was appointed
Kur Beg-i Maisarah (Commander of the Left Wing).
Mir Sa^u Shams-ud-Din was appointed Kur BSg-i Maimanah (Commander of the Eight
Wing).
Sharaf Farsi became 'Umdah-ul-Mulk and Dabir (Secretary).
Kazi Jalal, who in Awadh (Oude) deserted from the service of Sultan Muhammad after
killing one named Mukbil, governor of Awadh, and then entered the service of the Sultan,
received the title of Kadar Khan, and his son Muhammad became Azhdar Khan.
Several of the amirs received the titles of " KMn" and Malik/' A few retained their
previous titles. Several of the servants of the royal court obtained employment as dhudns ;
thus Husain bin Tiiran became Treasurer, and the son of Mubarak KhAn became Superinten-
dent of Elephants (sJwhnaTi-ifil) and Keeper of the Seals (AawfoMr).
Malik Chahjii became Saiyid-ul-Hujjab (Lord Chamberlain).
Kazi Baha-ud-Dm became H^jib-i Kasabah (Constable of the City).
Daulat Shah became Shahnah4 Bargah, and Shahab, Salar-i Khwan, which in the Dakhani
dialect is called Chashmgir." 3 ^
t^
'All Shah became the Sar Pardah-dar, with a number of others under him.
Bach of the <tmfrs, warns and generals, according to his desert, was promoted to maMsd
and ;affr, obtaining towns and districts on feudal tenure, and kept np a proportionate army
and retinne.
The Sultan having despatched the am ^rt to take possession of the country and organise
the army, each of them proceeded to his own district. Khwajah JaMn was sent to Kalburgah,
Sikandar J^an to Bidwr, Kir ^Sn to Kottur and Safdar KhSn Sust-'Ahd to Sagar, which
afterwards became known as SAghar, and Husain GarshSsb to Kotagir. Other generals, by
the Sultan s orders, proceeded to plunder and devastate the country of the infidels.
'Imad-al-Mulk and MuMrak ^an, by the SultSn's orders, went on a marauding expedition
as far as the nver Tavi [Taptt], devastating the country of the Hindus, and beheaded
any idol- wor slippers they found. Among other districts they plundered that of
J .
" atCh OTertte k " 0]len0f Prin eS ' d to taste every dish brought to
JTOE, 1899,] HISTORY OP THE BAHMAXi DYNASTY. 145
(Dangri) and beheaded the cursed Rimnat, From that place they went to Janjul ij), plundered
the fort, and cutting off the head of threw his body on the ground,
Of the other amtrs, who, by the Sultan's orders, had hastened off to take possession of their
respective districts, GarshAsp, "who had been sent to Kotaglr on tlie way received intelligence
f rom Klxandftr of the BakhaHjiiow known as Kandhar, that a number of Turks of the army
of Muhammad Tnghlak, who were in Kandhar when they saw that 'AIA-nd-Din had been
confirmed in the sovereignly of the Dakhan, one Bight with a loud cry took possession o!
the fort of Kaudhar and submitted themselves to the Sultan, and Ikriij being put to flight, went
towards Bodan and his people and family were made prisoners by the Turks. The latter
wrote a letter to this effect to Garshasb, and informed him of their submission to his authority.
Garshasp was much pleased at hearing this news, and wrote them a letter, praising them
for what they had done ; and held out to them hopes of the king's favonr. He himself also
hastened to Kandhar and the Turks went out to give him a ceremonious reception, and
proffered their services.
From that place Garshasp went to Kotfigir and laid siege to the fort. 11 After some time
the garrison called for a truce, and obtained quarter. They delivered over the fortress, and of
their own accord agreed to pay tribute. "When messengers brought this news to tie Sulttm
he was much gratified ; and by his orders the drums of rejoicing were beaten In the city, and
all the people were glad.
Saiyid-Baai-nd-Din Kntb-nl-Mnlk, who had gone towards Mundargi, proceeded by way of
Bhum and took possession of it. After that he turned towards Akalkot which he also
succeeded in taking, and then returning to Mundargi gave it the name of Salyid&b&d, Bach
of the zammddrs of that district who submitted to his rule he left IE undisturbed possession of
his feudal lands, and restrained his troops from plundering his property; but any who
disputed his authority, their country and goods were plundered, and they and those under
them put to death. Notwithstanding the smallness of his force he succeeded In gaining
possession of three or four celebrated fortresses.
Kambar Khan, 12 who had obtained the Kotur j"%$r, proceeded in that direction ; but on
the way turned aside to the fort of Kalyto, and for nearly fifty days laid siege to it, after
which it capitulated ; and the inhabitants on giving security for good behaviour were included
among the subjects of the Sultan. After taking Kaljan he wrote to the Sultan giving him the
welcome Intelligence of his victory. The Sultan was nmcli pleased, and ordering the drums
of rejoicing to be beaten In the city of Daulat&b&d, called it Fatli&bad. The rejoicings were
continued for a week.
Sikandar Kh.au, who by the Sultan's orders had started with an army in the direction of
Bidar, turned from there towards Malkaid, 13 and the Hindus of that place having heard of and
seen -the recent success of the Turks, deemed it advisable to refrain from offering resistance ;
they therefore tendered their submission and agreed to pay tribute, and so obtained immunity
from molestation by Sikandar Email's troops.
Sikandar Khun after his return sent a letter to Kanabayand, 14 who was wall of Teli$gam&
asking him to send a present of some elephants for the use of his army. 15 When Sikandar
i 1 The word in the text is j (/car, or gar) : it Is probably meant for the Hind! word *Tf (gadh]> a Ml! fort.
13 This name is here written o ^ j^ 3 (Kabaz Khfln) in the test, but it is evidently a mistake of the copyist >
for further on, when he rebels against the Sultan and Is made prisoner by Sikandar Khan, his name is writtea
&LL j (Kir Khun). The latter is also the spelling in the Br. ME. MS.
w Written j&s^ (Lamlkher) in the Br. Mu. MS.
i* In the Br. Mu. MS. this name is written, in one place ^^ (Kabinandl, and in another place
(KanAnSdah).
^ The letter is given in full in the text, but there is nothing of importance in it.
THE INDIAK ANTIQUARY, [JraE, 1899,
Khan's letter reached KanaMyand and he understood Its contents, he wrote a reply, tendering
his snbmission, and sending a written treaty to that effect : he also expressed a great wish to
meet him, Accordingly Sikandar Khan with a large force proceeded towards Telingana, and a
meeting between the two took place. Kanabayand 16 presented many valuable offerings, and
was made hopeful of much favour from the king. He sent two elephants and other suitable
presents to the king through Sikandar Khan. The latter on arrival at sent the
elephants to the Sultan and informed him of the good will of Kanabayand. The Sultan wrote
a commendatory letter to Sikandar Khan and exalted him to the umbrella : 17 he also .conferred
royal favours on Kanabajand.
Isma'il Mukh, who had resigned the sovereignty, had been granted as an in* dm Thanah
AHr (?), which is near Terdaland Jainkhandi ; but after spending some time pleasantly in that
country the demon of desire led him astray. The explanation of this is that the cursed infidel
Harayajia had deceived him by promises of assistance to regain the sovereignty ; and he, duped
by these promises and vows, had raised the standard of rebellion. The end of it was that the
perfidious Narayana broke faith with him, and imprisoned the foolish Afghan, and after some
time poisoned him.
Since the cursed Narayana used to show himself submissive to Sultan Muhammad Tugh]ak f
Khwajah JaMn, by the Sultan's orders, started from Mubarakabad Miraj on a punitive expe-
dition against that man of unworthy actions ; and Kutub-ul-Mulk also from Mundargi, going
to the assistance of Khwajah Jahan, these two prudent ministers joining their forces proceeded
to Kalburga, surrounded that fortress and with guns 18 and ballistas (manjanik) reduced the
garrison to extremities, and destroyed a portion of the tower and wall of the fortress.
Pucharpari (?), who was governor of the fortress, falsely gave out that they were in a state of
starvation, thinking that this would be the cause of separation and despondency among the
royal troops : the result, however, was contrary to his wishes. At last the besieged being
reduced to great straits owing to scarcity of water, some of them calling for quarter descended
from the fort by tying nooses on ropes. The victorious army then from all sides of the tower
and rampart entered the fortress and proceeded to pillage and plunder, and killed a great
number of the people. They made Pucharpart prisoner, and sent him together with a despatch
announcing victory to the seat of government.
Khwajah Jahan then assumed the governorship of Kalburgah, and acted with such justice
and kindness towards the inhabitants of the city and surrounding neighbourhood that he
rejoiced their hearts. But after some time he received intelligence that a mutiny had taken
place in the army at Sagar. Safdar Khan had laid siege to the fort of 'J'Uij 19 O r Kanbari (?)
and a countless number" of people in that fortress had died from famine and pestilence. By the
exertions of Kampras, Muhammad bin 'Alam, ISTatM 'Almbak and other rascals who excited
them, the mutineers after killing Safdar Khan went to Sagar, and taking possession of the
fortress proceeded to strengthen it. *Ali Mjin and Fafehr-ud-Din Muhrdar (keeper of the
seals) by an artifice fled and escaped from the mutineers,
Since Khwajah Jahan did not think it advisable, without orders from the Sultan, to lead
a force against the mutineers to quell this disturbance, he wrote a letter to their leaders,
saying : Killing a bad man was a very good deed ; but now it is necessary that you should
without delay come in this direction, and bring with you whatever you may have in the way of
goods, elephants, etc., that they may be sent to the foot of the royal throne, and that you may
receive due reward from the king, otherwise you will be deprived of the goods and the fortress,
and perhaps of your lives as well."
Here the name is written ^ UT, and there being no dot to the second letter it may be read either Kanfi-
mlyan& or KaMn&yand.
IT
j is
Name imeerfcwn. Spelt Utf in the text.
JUKE, 1899.] HISTORY OF THE BAHMAMI DYNASTY. 147
Muhammad bin *Aiam sent Nathfl 'Almbak to Khwajah Jahin with a message, saying :
< The story of the goods and riches attributed to us is utterly impossible."
* * * * *
When NatM brought this message Khwajah Jahan imprisoned him, and sent an account
of the circumstances to the Sultan, who ordered Khwajah Jahan immediately on receipt of the
far*n4n to cross the river Jahatir [Bhimal and encamoon the fnrtW md*. and t fa m-* fw
[Bhima] and encamp on the further side, and not to move from
there till the Sultan should himself arrive in those parts. In accordance with these orders
Khwajah Jahan encamped on the other side of the river, and every day used to send bis troops
to plunder and devastate the country of the mutineers, and used to put terror into their
hearts. The Sultan, on account of Muhammad Tughlak: did not think It advisable to leave
Daulatabad and move to any other part of his dominions.
When the army of Khwajah Jahin, by the Sultan's orders, had been encamped for two
months on the bank of the river Bhima one night by decree of the Divine Creator an old man
of luminous aspect whose countenance shone with divine knowledge, appeared to the Sultan in
a dream and informed him of the extinction of the empire of Muhammad TtighlaV Shah and
announced the establishment of sovereignty in the Sultan's illustrious family. Even in the
midst of his dream the Sultan determined in his own mind that that old man was Ulwais
Karani. It has been already mentioned that the Sultan was a disciple of the saint SheHi
Kizam-ud-Din Aulia who had promised him the throne ; and whenever the Sultan was in any
difficulty the saint used to reveal to him in a dream the means of getting out of it. When the
Sultan awoke he related the dream to his assembled troops.
On an auspicious day he moved from the capital Daulatab&d towards Kalburga, leaving
Kadr K3rln Grarshasb, ^Imad-uI-Mulk, f Asd~ul-Mulk and other nobles in Daulatabad. In due
time he pitched his camp in sight of Kalburga, and the inhabitants of that place hastened out to
offer presents and do homage to him, and they prayed for the eternity of his reign. The Sultan
conferred special favours on the principal inhabitants of Kalburga, and gave to each, accord
ing to his rank, presents and robes of honour.
"When the news of the Sultan's arrival reached Khwajah Jahan, leaving the leaders of his
army in the camp, he himself hastened to pay his respects to the Snltan f who distinguished
him by royal caresses and seated him on a golden chair.
In the midst of these affairs the king was informed that the Sultan of Hindustan, Muham-
mad Tughlak Shah, while on his way from Gujarat to Tathah had fallen ill and died near the
Indus. 20
The mind of Sultan <Ala-ud-Dtn Hasan Shah being thus set at rest from the annoyance
of his enemies he turned his attention to the conquest of the various districts of the Dakhan.
In three days' time the royal army set out, and crossing the river marched stage by stage with-
out halting to rest anywhere. When Muhammad bin 'Alam heard of Ms approach, seized with
panic, he threw himself on the mercy of the Sultan. The latter spared his life, but Bordered
him to be imprisoned, and whatever money and goods he possessed to be confiscated in order
to prevent his offering further opposition,
After that the Sultan marched towards Sagar and pitched his camp on the bank of the
Sagar tank ; and reducing the district to a state of subjection, tranquillized the inhabitants and
ordered compensation to be given for any oppression practised on them by the tyrant*. The
learned men and thtkhs of that part, such as Shekh 'Ain^Dtn Btjlpfoi 'Ala-ud-Dm Janpun
and Maulana Ma'ayjan-ud-Dtn HariU - tutor of Sultan Muhammad Shah - paid their respects
to the Sultan, and he distinguished them by fa'dms and pensions, each according to his merit.
23 He tod Bear Tatliah on the Ust Muharram, A. H. 752 (KH& March; A. D. 1351) - MB Bayley's Gujarat,
P ' 5 i Author of the JfuIfcHf, and Kiid^Anwtr, oontunin? a history of all the Muhammad** saints of India.
148 THE INBIAK ANTIQITABY. [Jim*, 1899,
He then despatched a force under the leadership of Mubaralc KMn and Kutub-ul-Mulk to
make a predatory incursion into the district of Harlb. 22 When these amtra with a large force
readied the fortress of Karabjur 23 they laid siege to it and reduced the garrison to extremities.
The governor of the fortress, who was one of the great men of the infidels, seeing the fury
of the assault of the Mulianiniadan array, fear and terror shook the foundation of his strength
and on the following day he sued for quarter, and waiting on the leaders of the army delivered
over to them much goods and countless wealth as a peace-offering. After that victory the amirs
sent some of the associates of the governor of Karabjor (?) to the Sultan. The latter looked with
much favour on the leaders of the army, and rewarded each of them according to his rank,
At that time the royal army, being ordered to inarch from Sagar moved towards
Kanbari and Mudhol ; and when they arrived in the neighbourhood of KanbarS, Kapras, the
chief of that district, hearing of the arrival of the Sultan, and dreading attack by his army,
sent smooth-tongued messengers with presents of horses, elephants and various goods to the
Sultan. Through the interest of the courtiers they obtained an audience and presented a
petition to the following effect :
"I am the slave of slaves of the threshold of the royal throne, and I know the power of
the conquering army, but from excess of baseness and sins I am debarred from the happiness of
making my obeisance : if the royal mercy will wash away the dust of meanness of this slave
in the limpid water of pardon, and draw the pen of forgiveness through the registers of crimes
of this penitent one, he will assuredly pay two years' revenue into the royal treasury ; and
after that, obtaining hopefulness of royal favours, he will put away fear from his heart, and
hasten with the step of service to the royal threshold."
The Sultan having compassion on the weakness and disappointment of Kapras ordered that
his offer of tribute should be accepted, &nd that no further injury should be clone to his fortress
or country.'
The army then set off on the march for the country of the accursed N&rayana, and when
they reached Talgirya (?), Dunyapuk (?) begged for pardon, and he as well as his wife
sons and other relatives came out of the fort and threw themselves at the feet of the Sultan
who received them kindly, and confirmed them in possession of the fort and district.
The Sultitn then continued his march against the traitor Narayana. On arriving within
one stage of the place of that ignoble one a petition reached the Sultan from Sin-ud-Di p.
Mukt'a, who in conjunction with Njarayana used constantly to assist Sultan Muhammad
Tughlal<: Shah. The letter contained assurances of his submission and loyalty, and said that
he would shortly pay his respects to the Sultan. The latter was much pleased to hear this, and
honoured Sin-ud-D5n by sending to ipform him of his benevolent inclinations, and wrote him a
farmdn containing many assurances of favour and affection. Mu'm-ud-Din had seen Narayana
as well as the result of the fraudulent conduct of Ismft'll Mukh, so he hastened to wait on th
Sultan and had the honour of making his obeisance to him, The Sultan in the plenitude of
his favour and kindness embraced him and said :
e< It is the usage of people of sincerity and piety to ,exert themselves in the business of their
lords, and when they obtain knowledge of justice and injustice, leave the service of the tyrant
and incline towards that of the just man/* Muln-ud-Dln was then distinguished by a special
robe of honour*
If est day the Sultan marched towards Mudhol, hunting und shooting on the way, and in
terror of the troops the country was cleared of lions, tigers and panthers.
82 Not identified. Tlie word is written " Harip J? in the Br. Mu. MS. ~~*
Spelt jj&Jjf in tie text. Probably KalabgSr is meant, between Golkondti and BSdar.
** In the I. O. MS. this name is distinctly written eH*^!^** (Sln-ud-Bln) wherever it occurs; but in the
Br. MB. MS. it is in each place distinctly written ^oJ t^x* (Mu'Sn-ud-Din)* The latter is most probably correct.
, 1899.] HISTORY OF THE BAHHAKI DTXASTY. 149
When the royal army passed the river KIstna the country of the base Infidels became turned
topsy-turvj, and the cultivated lands changed into desolation: all the inhabitants took refuge
in the four strongest fortresses in that part of the country.
The rebel Narayana seeing that it was useless for him to rise his claws against a furious
lion, being himself a fox, he wished by fox-play to avoid contending with lions; so Le sent an
eloquent man to the Sultan with the following memorial:
*' I am a slave of the ancient servants of the royal threshold, but owing to mv many crime?
and the awfulness of the wrath of the Sultan of the World I cannot have the presumption to
kiss the ground before him. If the King of the World would order one of the slaves of the
court to come over in this direction in order that this slave may explain his circumstances to him,
and if he will briefly bring them to the notice of your Majesty, it will not be far from the
perfection of kindness to servants and the application of a remedy,"
The Sultan, agreeing to the proposal of that accursed, vile one* sent Kazi Baha-i-HSjib to
say to him : *' Your crimes are notorious, and on account of them you are deserving of
exemplary punishment ; but if you repent and obey the laws of government in future, your
former faults will be overlooked, and your life and the lives of your sons and family several
thousand persons may be spared ; otherwise your fortress will be razed to the ground,
your dwelling-places will be sacked, and your irreligious body with all your followers will
become as a fable/'
When the infidel 3$"&r&yana heard these awful words the fear which had settled in his heart
was increased ; but fortune having turned agains thim and plunged him in misery he could
not agree to serve the Sultan, but set his heart on opposing him, and took refuge in the fort
of Jamkhandi, which was considered one of the greatest of his forts. He sent thiee of his
chief nobles to hold three other forts ; and of these men he sent one vile one named Gopal to
hold the fort of Mudhol, and two other infidels to Terdal and Bagalkofc.
When the Sultan knew that the impure and fearless Jfarayaiia had no desire to yield
submission, he determined first of all to take the fort of Mudhol, which was the strongest of
the forts of that contemptible one, who owing to the strength of that place was beyond the
reach of everyone. This fort he determined to take, in order that fear being established in the
hearts of the accursed people of that district they would no longer desire to offer any opposi-
tion nor engage in wai* with the Mnhammadan army.
When the Sultan, with the intention of attacking the fort of Mudhol, crossed the river and
turned in that direction, the traitor Narayana deemed it advisable to send a number of his
troops to make a night attack on the royal camp, hoping by this manoeuvre to avert the fate
which threatened them : but destiny was against them. The cursed Narayana sent nearly two
hundred horse and a thousand infantry on a dark night to attack the royal army ; bat he was
not aware that he who throws a stone at the sky inevitably wounds his own head. This
doomed band of infidels reached the corner of the Sultan's camp, bat only to shut the door of
safety in the face of their own fortune. The vile infidels in the fort of Mudhol also, when
they heard the tumult of that powerless handful, a number of them rashly came out of the fort
and joined that rabble* But since the royal troops, like their own fortune, were awake and
on the alert, they suddenly intercepted those worthless infidels and almost annihilated them.
Most of them were killed, but some escaped : a few crept like mice into the holes of the fortress*
and about twenty of them fled towards Jamkhandi, and with a thousand troubles and perplexi-
ties reached that place,
Next morning the Sultan sat on his throne and held a public audience : and the nobles
and leaders of the army brought before him the prisoners and boot y which they had acquired.
Some of the prisoners were put to death, and the brave men who on that dark night had shown
special bravery were distinguished by royal favours, and the booty which had been gained was
350 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [Jura, 1899.
given to them* This signal victory had the effect of greatly weakening the power of Narayana
and dispiriting his army*
Simultaneously -with this affair the Shahzadah joined the camp of the Sultan, and a
number of the nobles and ministers were sent out to meet him. When the Shahzadah saw the
Sultan he hastened to salute him. The Sultan called him to him, caught him to his breast,
kissed him on the face, and asked him about his journey and the affairs of his army. The Shah-
zadah gave him clear answers, and the Sultan was astonished at his shrewdness and sagacity,
and presented him with a special robe of honour and many other royal distinctions.
On the following day the Sultan ordered an assault on the fortress; but afterwards
perceiving that this would entail the loss of many brave men at the hands of the infidels,
which was contrary to the laws of religion and manliness, he countermanded the assault and
formed a cordon round the fortress, and dug a trench completely round it, so that it might
more easily Tbe taken.
For four months they were engaged in the siege of Mudhol : at last the infidels being
reduced to extremities paid two years' revenue into the royal treasury besides promising to
pay the future revenue ; and agreed that after the return of the royal army they would be sub-
missive to the court, and endeavour by every means in their power to atone for their past
offences.
The army then encamped within sight of the fortress of Miraj. The Sultan spent two
months in pleasure and recreation in that open country ; the troops also passed their time in
ease and leisure.
After that the Sultan determined to conquer the country of the Konkan, and started with
his army for that district,, marching by stages, and hunting and shooting on the way. The
soldiers hunted the tiger, and they emptied the face of the country as well as the air of wild
beasts, pelicans and cranes.
When the Sultan the cream of the race of Bahman passed Kkarepatan, the people of
that district on becoming aware of his approach, left their dwellings, and from terror of the
army fled to the mountain-tops and hills and interior parts and valleys. The troops plundered
all the cattle and pastures of the Hindus. The camp remained in that place nearly two
months, the army resting from the fatigue of the march.
They then moved towards Sagar and when they encamped in its neighbourhood, all the
feudal lands belonging to those forts and districts having been annexed to the Sultan's
dominions, were assigned to the agents of the conrt, each of whom, according to his worth and
rank, was distinguished by royal favours.
After that the Sultan crossed the river BhSma and taking tribute from Sedam and Malkaid
he advanced towards
Ear KMn, who in tyranny and injustice exceeded Namrftd and Shidad, hastened to wait on
the Sultan and was distinguished by a robe of honour and other dignities ; but after three days,
by the seduction of the black-faced K&lah Muhammad, he fled from the royal army, and the
Sultan himself went in pursuit of that impure, base one. The army and baggage of Kir Khan
being captured, suddenly a great flood came on the road and drowned most of his followers ;
but he himself being apart from them at the time, escaped, and with mnch difficulty reached
Kntur.
The Sultan having returned from the pursuit of Kir Khan marched towards the fort of
Kalli&na which was then occupied by Kalah Muhammad, who from his innumerable crimes was
nicknamed the "black-faced." The Sultan being determined feo take the place divided the
difierent sides of the fortress among Ms troops, who formed a cordon round it ; and the besieged
-were reduced to helplessness.
1899.] HISTORY OF THE BAHMAKI DYNASTST. 151
Sikandar KMn, whom on account of bis valuable services and sincerity the Sultan had enti-
tled " Farzand" (son), arrived In camp with a large force, and had the honour of "ma king his
obeisance. The Sultan treated Sikandar Khun with much courtesy, and further exalted him
by the dignity of the Ruby Umbrella, and raised him in rank above all the other am'rs and
Hdns. The Sultan ordered him to proceed to Kutur and lay waste the country of Kir Khiip,
also to make him prisoner and bring him before the throne. Sikandar Khan swore by tie
dust of the Sultan's footstep that he -would not return till lie brought that promise-breaking
old man bound as a malefactor before the foot of the throne.
Sikandar Khan then marched from the Sultan's camp with a large force, and proceeded
towards Kutiir. ' News of Ms approach reached Kir Khan ; and when the army arrived within
a farsang of Kittur, Sikandar Khan was informed that Kir Elian watching his opportunity
had sallied out from the fort with a force of brave men skilled in fight, made his way to the
army of Sikandar Khan and in one attack untied the knot of agglomeration of those who,
Pleiades-like, were drawn np in a compact formation, causing them to become dispersed like the
constellation of the Bear, and pursued them as they fled; but suddenly Sikandar Khan rushed
out from a place of ambush and attacked Kir Khan's force. In the midst of this battle Fakhr
Sha'ban with some cavalry attacked Kir Khan, and the latter turned to repulse him. Faklir
Sha'ban, in order to draw him on pretended to run away, and Kir Khan boldly hurried
in pursuit ; but in the meantime another party of Fakhr Sha'ban's friends having joined him
they turned on their pursuers, and Kir Khan being unable to cope with them wished to pluck
his foot from the net of misfortune and the grasp of fate by taking to flight, but Fafehr
Sha'ban caught him, and grasping him by the hair dragged him along the ground. The troops
of Kir Khan endeavoured to release him, but failed, and at last they took to flight, leaving their
leader in the net of misfortune, Fakhr Sha'ban then bound Kir Khan and took him to
Sikandar Khan. The latter was much pleased, and having written a report of the victory sent it
by Fakhr Sha'ban to the court of the Sultan. Fakhr, in despach outstripping lightning and the
wind, reached the camp of the Sultan on the second day, and informed him of the victory and
the capture of Kir Khan, The Sultan was delighted to hear this good news, and Fakhr
obtained many marks of royal favour, and the drum of rejoicing was beaten in the camp.
A week afterwards the Sultan marched with his army towards Kittur and when he arrived
on that frontier, Sikandar Khan heard of his approach, and in accordance with his oath, he
dragged Kir Khan in chains to the foot of the royal throne. The Sultan loaded Sikandar
Khan with distinctions, and ordered Kir Khan to be denuded of the dress of life (put to death);
but Sitandar Khan represented, saying : " Since this old sinner is given to me, and your
Majesty's camp is pitched at the foot of the fortress of Kittftr, if the people of this vile one
repent and yield obedience, show regret for their tyranny and injustice, pay the past revenue
and agree to pay the future revenue, well and good, but if not it will be perfectly easy to put
him to a shameful death/' According to the petition of Sikandar Khan the Sultan refrained
from putting Kir Khan to death, and the camp was pitched in sight of the fort of Kittur.
In the midst of these affairs Kalah Muhammad leaving Kalliani went to the fort of Kittur
and fortified himself there : several times he boldly sallied from this fort and attacked the
Sultan's army, throwing them into confusion, and when the royal troops tried to intercept them,
they, like foxes in fear of the attack of lions, took refuge in a hole in the fortress. But one
day Kalah Muhammad, his fortune having turned against him, according to his past custom,
came out of the fort with some of his troops and attacked the Sultan's army ; but the latter
intercepted them, and in one attack the sedition of that unfortunate, insignificant one was
suppressed, his followers dispersed, and he himself made prisoner. According to a certain
historian his figure was also relieved from the load of his head.
In this campaign the Sultan obtained two celebrated fortresses which reared their heads as
high as heaven, namely, the forts of Kalliani and Kittur : in whatever direction he weni he
used to return victorious.
252
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jtrurs, 1800.
After these victories the Sultan set out on the march for Kalburgft, the seat of govern-
ment ; and in that excellent city erected lofty buildings and giving it the name of AljsaatoM
selected it as the permanent dwelling-place of the throne. In some histories it is related that
Sultan <Ala-ud-Din Hasan Shah took the city of Kalburga first of all, and afterwards pro-
ceeded to take DaulatftbAd and all the other towns. In any case, when, Kalburga, Bidar and
Daulatahad with all their dependencies came into his possession, he was anxious to take
all the other towns of the Dakhan. According to tradition the first victory which he gained
was at Blxofcaxdhan ; as soon as he arrived there the Bdya of that place presented him with
three laks of rupees and agreed to pay the revenue into the royal treasury. Prom that place
tie Sultan inarched towards MaMir, the Bdjd of which place also sent countless wealth to the
victorious army ,and so obtained immunity from assault. The army then moved towards the
celebrated MandU, and the people of that country also agreed to pay tribute and contribution,
and were exempted from molestation,
Then the Sultan set out for his capital, Ahsanabad, where he spent some time in pleasure
and amusement, and the troops rested from the fatigue of the march.
25 [ After that, the Sultan having conceived the idea of conquering the island of Goa as well
as Dabkol and all the sea-coast and ports, determined to proceed in that direction. After
accomplishing the journey the royal camp arrived in the neighbourhood of Goa, and they laid
siege to the town, which after five or six months they succeeded in taking, and were gladdened
by countless booty.
After taking Goa the Sultan moved towards Dabhol, and obtained possession of that
district also. Thence he crossed over towards Kallaar 36 and Kolhaptir, where they al&o raised
on high the banners- of Islam and overturned those of infidelity and error. Then the Sultan
returned to his- capital, Ahsanabfid, and took his ease in the permanent dwelling-place of the
royal throne.]
After spending some time in pleasure in his capital, he was again desirous of conquering the
country of Tilang (Telingan&) and acquiring a name and reputation, 27 [so orders were issued
to the army to move in that direction. According to orders the army assembled and inarched
towards Telingana. The Sultan sent on in advance a number of his officers with scouts to
devastate the country of the infidels whilst he followed in rear of them]. For nearly a year he
travelled through the country of Telingana , and having taken possession of the district of
Bhonagir he overthrew the idol-temples, and instead of them bnilt mosques and public schools.
When he had completed the conquest of Telmgfius! he returned to his capital, arid opening the
doors of justice and kindness in the face of his subjects and soldier acted generously towards
all the inhabitants of the Dakhan.
At this period the Snltin had obtained possession of most of the cities and forts of the
Dakhan ; so that his dominions extended from the east side of Daulat&bad to Bhonfigir and the
river Godavari both north and south sides to the river Gang [Wain GangA. ?] and the
west side of Kalbmrga to the river Kistna, and Ganhar (?) and U&bhol and Goa. And the
rdyas on the further side of the Kistna becoming government landholders,, agreed to pay
tribute ; and the Sultan assigned OB feudal tenure to his ministers and nobles to each accord-
ing to his rank the various districts and towns of Hindust&n which he had conquered.
His own old district, which was linker!, Belg&on and -Miraj, he entrusted to his eldest son
Zafar Khan, whom he made his heir-apparent ; and gave him the name of Sultan Muhammad
s 5 This passage enclosed in brackets is entirely omitted in the Br. Mtu MS., probably by mistake n the part
of the jsopyist.
^ Kalhar (sic) is frequently mentioned, and always in conjunction with Kolhilpfir. I am inclined to think
that Karad is meant.
This passage enclosed in brackets is omitted in the I. <X MS., evidently by mistake OB the part of the
It is to "be found in the Br, Mu. MS., foL 24 6.
E, 1899.] HISTOEY OP THE BAHMANI DYNASTY, 153
Shah. Daulatabad lie assigned to Ms sister's son, Bahrain Khan (Mazindaraiil) : but wlien
Bahrim Khan became established in DanlatabAd, a yicious disposition and evi! imagination
became embedded in his vitals (and he said to himself) : " Since Dau!atabAd was tbe
coronation-place of the Sultan, and has been assigned to me during his lifetime, It is
evidently his Intention to give me his place." With this idea in his head Bahrain Khan became
antagonistic and hypocritical.
At this time the Sultan had been ill for nearly three or four months, but Bahrain Khan
did not go to visit him, lest the Sultan should obtain an inkling of his intentions, and
by issuing orders counter to his designs, render their accomplishment impossible. Sncli are
briefly the particulars of this matter, which (please '.God ! ) will be mentioned hereafter in
writing the hi&tory of Muhammad Shah.
After a reign of eleven years, two months and seven days the Sultan died,
33****$ ft ft*
Shortly before his death the Sultan summoned his sons to his presence ; and four princes
like four strong pillars of the state, seeping tears of blood, presented themselves before
their illustrious father, who embraced them, and as he looked at them wept bitterly at tie
thought of leaving them.
- The Sultan in his will made Sultan Muhammad SMh (who surpassed all the other sons
in understanding and intelligence) his heir, and exhorted all his sons, near relations and army
and subjects to obey him,
28 [The prince and all the nobles and generals put on clothes of blue and black as a sign
of mourning. The lamentation, and cries reached the heavens, and the ceremonies of mourning
were duly carried out.]
Sultan *Ala-tid-Din Hasan Shall, was a just king and the cherisher of his people and pious*
During his reign his subjects and army used to pass their time in perfect ease and content ;
and he did much towards propagating the true faith. He had four sons, the eldest of whom,
Muhammad SMh, became his father's heir, and was entitled Zafar Khan, which was the title
of the Sultan himself.
[The following interesting account of the origin oftJieBahman^ Dynasty and the feign of
'AM-ud-Dfa Hasan Shah Bahmamis taken from the Tazkarat-txI-MultLk* It differs considerably
from all the other accounts; and is, perhaps, not of much historical value; still I think it would le
a pity to omit it.']
Let it not be concealed from the acute that concerning the origin of the Bahmani Mugs
I have seen many relations, some of which say that they derive their origin from Bahman, SOB
of Isfandyar, son of Gushtasb, one of the magnificent kings of Persia.
Another report is that the sovereignty of the Bahmant kings dates from the time of Hasan
Gangfc. Now this Hasan Gangu was a youth of high descent, who by reverses of fortune was
in very reduced circumstances.
One day he was sleeping in the desert under the shade of a tree, Gangu Pandit ^ Batman
was passing near the spot, and saw the youtt asleep. A cobra, the bite of which is known
to be more deadly than that of the viper, holding a blade of green grass in its mouth close
to Hasan Gangu's face, had raised its head from the ground and was driving off the flies from
his "face. The Brahmin who witnessed this circumstance, by Ms sagacity discerned that some
high dignity was in store for this Hasan. The snake remained there till Hasan awoke from his
sleep, when it lowered its head and went on its way. The Brahmin then went up to Hasan
28 This passage, enclosed in brackets is omitted in the I. O. SIS. , probably by mistake on the part of the
copyist, Tbufc is given in the Br. Hu. MS., fol, 25 I, last line et seg*
15 4 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JtmE, 1899.
and inquired about his origin. .Hasan told him all about himself. Gangu Pandit then said to
H asaD : _ A great dignity is in store for you. " Hasan asked ; " What reason have you
for making that statement ? " He replied : " Erom this circumstance which I hare just
witnessed, that while you were asleep a large snake came, and holding a blade of green grass
In its mouth, drove away the 3ies from your face ; when yon awoke, it, servant-like, lowered its
head and went away. A very high dignity will come to yon since a noxious animal performs
service such as that for yon. In time to come 1 hope in all sincerity for some humble situation
in your service ; perhaps by the happy influence of yonr favour I may obtain some post of
honour; and I humbly petition that yon will combine my name with your own, and that you
and all your descendants will always sign your fanndns with the word " Bahmanl." Hasan
agreed to this proposal, and used to write himself " Bahman!/' and eighteen of his successors
who sat on the throne assumed the same surname.
Hasan Gangu held some situation in the service of the shekh entitled Shekh Muhammad
Sir&j Junaidi (May the blessing of God be on him t ), and passed most of his time in his cell.
One day the shekh was in the act of performing his ablutions in the village of Gangi, a suburb
of Miraj, which is now known by the name of Murfcazaabfld. The sheJth having taken off the
turban to wipe his head, Hasan Gangu took it up and placed it on his own head ; upon which
the shelth remarked : ** Hasan demands from me the crown of royalty."
When some time had passed in this way, Hasan one day complained of being in great want.
The s/ieM said : " All things are bound to happen in their own time?*
Since that country was the abode of infidels there was no was fid there, so the slieJth
founded one ; and the Mnsalmzuis with one accord gave the building to him*
By chance Hasan on day filled a large vessel with earth, and lifted it up : the hekh
said : "Hasan desires to lift the weight of the world/ >
One day the shelsk was asleep, and as the sun was shining on him, Hasan sheltered him
with hi& mantle. When the sliel&h awoke and perceived this lie remarked : ** Hasan solicits
from me the royal canopy/'
Onee r when Hasan's mother went to the slielch and represented to him some o the dis-
tress of their circumstances, the shekh told them to begin tilling the ground in a certain place,
and their wishes would be fulfilled. According to the fheJcVs instructions they employed
themselves in tilling the ground, and happening to find in it some indications and vestiges of
mortar and stone, they gave information of this to the sJiekh. He replied : " Give thanks to
God Most High (glorified be his name ! ) that our desire is accomplished. * If you give thanks,
I mil increase you? "
One night when Hasan was in his master's presence the shekh said : |C king, collect
an army and wage a religions war (jiMcT) till you bring the country of the unbelievers into the
pale of Islam." Hasan replied : "To wage war preparations are necessary, and at present I
am poverty-stricken,' ' The sheltk said : " God the Most Holy and Most High has bestowed
on you a treasure/ 7 Then the shekh, taking Hasan with him, went to the piece of ground which
he had told him to cultivate, and there disclosed the treasure. Hasan, by order of the shekh
took awayas much as he required, expended it in raising an army, and then informed the sfhekb
of what he had done. Gatigu Pandit exerted himself very much in carrying* out these services.
Then the shekh said to Hasan: "Be present on Friday, for it is the predestined day."
As soon as it was night Hasan presented himself, and having recited the FdtihaJi with the
army of the shekh, the latter tied a girdle round Hasan's waist, and directed him to proceed
towards Hiraj .
When he arrived in the neighbourhood of Miraj the governor of the fort was an infidel
iroiaam named Rani Durkavati. Unconscious of their approach she had gone out on a j ourney?
and when, they met an engagement ensued.
1899.]
MISCELLANEA,
155
In this battle the Musalmans being completely victorious Eioi Durkavati was made pri-
soner, and the brave army of IslAxn entered the forfc of Miraj. A letter announcing the victory
was sent to the shelth, who was much pleased at the news, and in reply desired them to call the
fort Mnbarakabad, as it was auspicious to them and the people of Islam. This victory took place
A. H. 748 (A. D. 3347;, The shebh then said to them : *' Go on, for victory is on jour side."
Having gained possession of Mnbarakabad and the neighbouring districts round it the
power and glory of the Musalmans increased day by day. They quelled all disturbances In
that part of the country ; and having tranquillized their opponents, by the advice of the sbekh
they proceeded towards Kalburga.
When they arrived in that neighbourhood they observed the actions and motions of the
garrison of the fort and its governor ; and having ascertained the numerical strength of his
army and the nature of his warlike preparations, they thought to themselves that their small
force was unequal to the task of taking taking the fort ; and informed the sheMh accordingly.
He replied : " On the night of Wednesday Parvan Ra,o will be going on a pilgrimage to his
own idol-temple, which is situate at a distance of three farsuJtlis : 29 at that very time you
should proceed to the forfc, for the victory has already been given to yon*"
Hasan was delighted and kissed the feet of the skekh, and on the appointed night he went
to the forfc. The garrison, thinking it was Parvan Ra,o returning, opened the gate of the fort,
and Hasan Gangu boldly entered and turned out the people of the fort. When, this news
reached Parvan R f \,o he was confounded ; and returning from the temple engaged the army
of Islam. A fierce battle ensued, and the Muhammadan troops poured a rain of arrows on
the enemy, in the midst of which Parvau R,i,o was slain and the remnant of his army dispersed*
They buried Parvan Ra,o*s head near the gate of the fort, and the mark of the place sfcill exists.
They named Kalburga "Ahsanabad," and Hasan Gangu without further dispute being
established on the throne of sovereignty in the city of Ahsanabad, assumed the title of Sultan
'Ala-nd-DIn Bahman Shah. He made Gangu Pandit pre-eminent, and it was agreed between
them that Sultan 4 Ala-ud-Din and all his descendants should adopt the surname of ** Bahman
Shah." This victory took place in A. H. 748 (A. D. 1347).
He reigned with wisdom and firmness for a period of thirteen years, ten months and
twenty-seven days. He died in the year 761 (A. D. 1359). 30 He was constant in his disciple-
ship to the shel^h^ and his example in this respect was followed by his successors.
His eldest son, Sultan Muhammad, was appointed his successor.
(To be continued*}
MISCELLANEA.
SOME NOTES ON THE FOLKLOBE OF THE
TELUOU3.
BY Gr. B. SUBRAMIAH
ttftfc from Vol. XJSTI. p. 308.)"""
XLIL
AT Uajamundry there lived a king, Vislmu-
vardhana by name, who, distressed at the mis-
conduct of his sons, requested a Br&hman to
instruct them in the paths of virtue. The Br&h-
man. thereupon began to tell them the following
story of the crow, the turtle, the deer and tbe
rat to prove to them the blessings o harmony.
There stood on the banks of the Godavri a huge
cotton tree on which birds of the air used to
roost at night. Lagiiupat!i&naka s kiiig of the
crows, woke early one morning and saw aKir&ta
fowler who appeared to Mm a second Yauaa and
said : "I have seen this man's face at dawn. Some
misfortune is sure to happen. It is not wise to
remain near him." As he was flying away as
quickly as possible, the fowler approached the
29 About 10J miles.
80 According to all the other accounts he reigned eleven years, two months and se?en days, and died in
A. TL 759.
156
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY,
1899.
tree, scattered a little rice, spread Ms net, and
lay in ambush close by. Thereupon Chitragriva,
the dove-king, who was flying afar off, sav the
rice and said to Ms fellow-doves : " Whence
cometL-4-bcis rice in a desert? "We should not
cr$v"1for this riceT"l3nce upon a time a traveller,
through craving a bracelet, was deceived by a tiger
and died.
Once upon a time an old tiger bathed and
holding sacred grass in its hand stood on the
bank of a tank and called aloud to a passer-by
to take the golden bracelet which he offered him*
The traveller thought to himself : 'This is iny
luck. Why hesitate?' So he asked the tiger
to show him the bracelet, and the tiger stretched
forth his paw and said : 'See, here is the bracelet/
The traveller said : ' You are a cruel beast
How can I trust you*? The tiger replied:
' True, I was a very cruel beast in my young
days, and slew a host of men and cows. As
a consequence I lost my wife and children and
have to live alone. But a kind man had mercy
on me and advised me to give up killing men
and cows and practice good actions. I took his
advice, and now I am. a poor weak brute. Why
can you not trust me p As you are a poor man I
wish to give this in charity to you. Go and bathe
in the tank close by and you can have it/ The
greedy fool fell into the trap, went into the water,
and was bogged in the mud. The tiger saw him
and said : ' It is a pity you should have fallen
into the mire. I will come and pull you out. Be
not afraid/ Thus saying he approached him
slowly and caught hold of him. The fool as he
was dying cried out : ' This is the result of my
stupid covetousness/ "
The moral is that we should do nothing in a
hurry.
One of the doves answered ; " What's the
good of excessive caution ? If we are to get our
food we mnsfc run risks." On this they all flew
and were caught in the net.
When they found themselves entangled they
turned on their adviser and abused him ; " This
is what conies of following your advice/ 3 While
the other pigeons reproved him Chitragriva
said: "What is the use of crying over spilt
milk ? We are in a mess, and must do our best
to get out of it. A thought suggests itself to
me. Let us all fly up together and take the net
with us. When united even weak creatures
can do much/' Hearing tMs, the doves soared up
into the sky, saying there cannot be any bettei
suggestion. The fowler amazed thought of
catching them when they alighted again, and
followed them staring at the sky till they disap-
peared from his view, when he went home in
grief.
When the birds saw this they asked Chitragriva
the nest thing to be done. He answered : .
I have a friend, the rat-king Hiranayaka, who
dwells at Vichifchravana on the banks of the
Gan dak, He can save us by biting the net-strings
with his strong teeth. Let us go to him./' They
iook his advice and went to Hiranayaka. But
ihe rat hearing the noise of their wings was sore
afraid and would not leave his hole. Chitragriva
called to him in a loud voice and said : ({ Friend
why do you not speak to us?" The rat knew
lis voice and came out at once.
" I am delighted to see my good friend, Chitra-
griva." When he saw the pigeons caught in the
net, he was startled, and said : " Friend, what is
this?" Chitragriva replied:- ** Friend, this is
the fruit of our destiny/' The rat began to gnaw
at the threads, but Chitragriva said. : " Friend,
"k his is not the way to do it. First untie the knots
of my subjects, and then mine/' Hiranayaka
replied: "My teeth are very weak. I cannot
cut all the knots. I will try to sever your knots
as long as there is strength in my teeth. Then
we shall see about the others if I have sufficient
strength/' To which Chitragriva replied: "Do
as you please. What can we do beyond our
strength ?'* To which Hiranayaka said: " Have
you not heard of the proverb, 'charity begins
at home?" 5 Thereupon Ohitragriva replied;
" Friend, what you say is true enough.. But I
cannot endure the trouble of my subjects/*
Thus pleased Hiranayaka and he set to work and
freed all the doves, and after entertaining them
sent them all home rejoicing.
The gurti, further said : Hiranayaka then
entered his hole. Laghupathanaka, astonished
at what he had seen, came and alighted near
the hole of Hiranayalra, and said : ts Oh, Hirana-
yaka ! I desire your friendship. Have mercy
on me "~a*id fulfil my desire/' Hearing this
Hiranayaka from inside the hole said : " Who
are you?' 5 To which the crow replied: "I
am a crow. My name is Laghupathanaka,"
Hiranayaka laughed at this, and said : "lam.
your lawful prey. How can we two be friends ?
It will be with us as with the deer wlio was
caught in the trap and owed his life to the
crow/' " How was that ?" enquired Laghu-
path&naka. So Hiranayaka went on to say :
** A deer and a crow once lived in the forest of
Manthar&vatl in the land of Magadha, and were
close friends. The deer throve and grew fat until
1899.]
3HSCELLASEA.
157
a jackal saw him and thought to himself what a -
dainty meal he could make of Mm. So thinking I
the jackal came to the deer and said -. * Let us
befriends.' * Who are yon?' asked the deer. ;
*I am Subuddhi, tlie jackal, and I desire your
friendship.' So the deer took the jackal to his
lair and when the crow who was perched on a tree
close by saw them he said to the deer : s Who ,
Is yonr friend P' ( This is niy dear friend, the
jackal Subuddhi,' he answered. To this the crow \
replied : ( Can you trust a new-coiner ? In days
of yore, a kite, Jaratlagava "by name, died
through having entertained a cat, which story
I shall tell you.
On the banks of the Bhagirathi is a large fig
tree. In a hole in its trunk there lived Jarath-
gava , an old kite . The birds that lived on the tree
used to share their food with him and thus he
managed to live, One day, Thirghakarna, a cat,
approached the tree noiselessly, intending to eat
the nestlings. They cried out when they saw her,
and Jarathgava, hearing the noise, looked out
and spied the cat. The cat was sore afraid
of the kite, and thought to herself:' I am in evil
case, I can only escape by my cunning.' So the
cat stood before the kite and bowed to him,
whereupon the kite asked her who she was. * I am
a cat, and people call me TMrghakarna. 5 To
which the kite replied : * Be off at once, or^it
will be the worse for you.' To which the kite
replied : 'Kindly let me explain. 5 So the kite
enquired the cat's errand. To which she
replied ; * I have changed my course of life and
become a Brahmacharin. I have long wished to
meet you, and hospitality is a sacred duty.' The
kite, in answer, said: Oats are very fond of
meat, and there are many nestlings here. This is
why I spoke.' When the cat heard this, she put
her paws to her ears, and invoking the Lord
Krishna swore that she had given up animal food,
and was now devoted to deeds piety. Hearing
these words, the kite requested the cat not to be
angry. 'How can a person know the character of
a new-comer as soon as he arrives ? Come and go
as you please. 5 Bo the cat became a crony of the
kite and used to live in the same hole in the tree.
By and by the cat used to creep out every
night and eat some of the nestlings, which when
the birds perceived they began to look about.
The cat cleared out at once, and the birds found
the bones in the nest of the kite and pecked him
to pieces.
Therefore it is that I said that we should not
trust a new-comer.'
Hearing this, the jackal looked indignantly
at the crow, and said : * You too were a new-
comer when you took up \dtli the deer. Is
not a castor oil plant considered a huge tree in
a treeless plain? It is only the ignorant that
make a difference between a friend and a ioe. m
Hearing this, the deer said : * Why all this wrangl -
ing ? Let us all spend our days in one place in
peace.* On hearing this, the crow consented.
The deer, the jackal and the crow lived together
in harmony. After some days had passed the
jackal said to the deer: 6 Friend I I have seen
in the forest a field fully ripe. Accompany me.
I will show yon the field. 5 So saying tiie fox
took the deer with him and showed him the place.
After this the deer began to graze there. The
owner of the field noticed it and resolved to kill
the beast. So he laid a net at a corner of the
field and went home. The animal as usual came
the next day to thefiel dto graze and was entangl-
ed In the meshes and began to think : c Alas 1
I am caught in a net ! What can I do ? Who is
there to rescue me? If my friend the crow
chance to come he might save me.' The jackal
was pleased at the sight and thought that his
object was gained. So he went up to the deer,
who said:~- s Fiiendy come quick and cut the net/
The jackal said: -'This is the holy day of
Munisvara. How can I touch animal sinew on a
fast day ? Any other day I am at your service.'
Night came on. The crow missing the deer
came to look for him and asked him what had
happened. * This comes,' he answered, 'of trust-
ing a false friend.' Meanwhile the farmer came
up, and the crow said : c He comes like another
Taina, and we must act at once. Do as I tell you.
Spread out your legs and feign to be dead/ The
deer followed his advice, and when the farmer
loosed Mm from the net the crow gave a caw asd
the deer escaped. Just then the jackal came up
in hopes of a meal: but the farmer, vexed at Ms
mishap, killed him with a blow of his cudgel.
He that digs a pit for others falls in himself/ "
When he heard this tale, Laghupatlianaka said
to ffiranayaka: 6 ' This is foolish talk. Accept
me as your friend like Ohitragriva.'*
To which Hiranayaka replied : " You are fiolde-
minded. It is not advisable to make an everlast-
ing friendship with the fickle-minded. To add
to this, you are my enemy. It is not good to be
on terms of intimacy with an enemy, however
good he may be. I cannot therefore be intimate
with you. 5 ' To which LaglrapatMnaka replied ;
"Why talk so much without understanding my
disposition? Hear my last word. I have seen
CMtragriva enjoying the pleasure of your com-
pany I desire to be on terms of friendship
with you. It is well if you fulfil my prayer*.
158
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
1889.
If not, I shall voluntarily starve- myself to 'death
and die," Hiranayaka hearing this came out of
the holeand said : "Laghupathanaka, 1 am very
much pleased with you. I shall do what you
desire me to do/' 5 ' Thus saying, Hiranayaka
pleased the crow by his good deeds, let him depart,
and entered the hole. From that time forwards,
the rat and the crow spent their days in friendly
intercourse.
Some time after the crow seeing the rat
sa j3 : < c Comrade, it is very difficult to eke
out a livelihood here. I intend therefore to
quit this desert for a suitable abode." Whereupon
Hiranayaka replied: "Teeth, hair, nails, and
men will not shine if their habitation is gone.
The wise person ought therefore to give up
the idea of quitting a residence," To which the
crow replied : "friend, your words are weak.
Elephants, lions and good men wander whereso-
ever they will. Crows, birds and cowards perish
in their own place, not being able to quit it."
Whereupon Hiraiiayaka said: " Comrade, where
is it that you want to goto ? " To which the crow
replied: " We should not quit an old residence
without examining a new one. Therefore it is
that I have not spoken to you before fixing our
new quarters. There is in the forest of Dandaka
a tank called Elarpuragaura. In it dwells my
friend Manthara, the turtle-king. He is a
charitable creature. That excellent tortoise will
support me with plenty of fish food." Whereupon,
Hiranayaka said : " What can I do here after you
are gone ? Take me therefore along with you/*
Laghupathanaka hearing this was very much
pleased and consented to the proposal. They
then began their journey with pleasant conver-
sation on the way and reached the tank in a few
days. When Manthara saw them at a distance,
he went to meet them, fetched them thither, and
feasted them as became their rank.
Laghupathanaka then said to Manthara:
4 ' Comrade, treat this rat king respectfully. He is
the foremost among the virtuous , the ocean of good
qualities, and is known as Hiranayaka. Even
Sesha is unable to describe his qualities. How
much then am I P w
So saying he narrated Hiranayaka's story in
detail from the beginning. Manthara then
treated Hiranayaka with much respect and said
* ' Hiranayaka, what is the cause of your livino in a
desert ?" To which he replied : *
"There was a town named Champakavati which
was inhabited by many Sanny&sis, among whom
w^omeClmdakarna. He would eat part of the
foodfetehed a*d would hang the other portion on
a wooden peg fixed in the wall and then go to
sleep. I would creep noiselessly to it and would
every day partake of the food. Once upon a time
he was conversing with his friend Vinakarna and
was constantly looking up and shaking his rattle
and terrifying me. Vinakarna then asked Chuda-
karna: 6 Why is it that yon look up and shake
your rattle ?' To which he replied : * A rat every
day gets up the wooden peg and partakes of the
food there. It is a source of very great trouble
to me. 5 Vinakarna hearing this said : ' Where
is the rat and where ihe wooden peg ? Where
did such little creature get the strength to climb
such a great height P There must be some cause
for this. Sometime ago I went to a Brahman's
house to eat, when the Brahman, called his wife
and said : > ( To-morrow a few Briihnians must be
fed as it is the new-moon clay. What provisions
have you collected for it P * To which the house-
wife replied : ' If the men bring home provisions
the women can cook them. If tliey do not bring
them what can we do P* Whereupon he grew
exceedingly angry and turning to Ms wife said :
* We must manage with the things we possess
and not seek what we have not.' To which the
housewife agreed and said : 'I shall manage
to-morrow's rncal with the little that we have/
So saying she washed, pounded and dried a
quantity of sesamimu A. fowl then came and
scratched away the seed. The Brahman seeing
this said : * The sesamum seeds have become
impure and unfit for a Br&hman meal. Go and
exchange these for something else and return.*
The housewife came the next day into the house
to which I was invited to eat, and asked the
housewife if she would give ordinary sesamum
in exchange for her pounded seed. The house-
wife gladly agreed to her proposal, took some
sesauaum seed in a sieve and was conversing when
the master asked her what it was that she was
bargaining about. To which she said that she
received pounded sesanium seed in exchange for
a smaller quantity of un husked seed. The
Brahman hearing this said : ' O fool ! would
anybody give pounded seed in exchange for
unhusked ? There must be some reason for her
giving it, Do not take this grain/ So this rat
cannot have such strength and this fixed abode
here without a cause/
While Yinakarna told this tale, Chudakarna
heard it, searched and found a hole where the rat
was residing. 'Why should it reside here?
I shall dig it up.' So saying he took up an axe
and dug into my hole and took away all the
treasure stored up from many a long day. Being
sorely vexed, and unable to earn my daily bread,
I was creeping sadly about when Chudakarna one
JUNE, 1S99.J
XOTES AND QrEEIES
150
day saw me and said: (e Wealth Is tlie root of
all welfare. What is the good of life without
money ? This rat having lost all his wealth has i
lost with it his original strength.* When the '
Sannyasia said this I grew dejected and thought ;
thus within myself ; 'It is not right for roe '
to live here any longer. Nor Is it proper to ,
communicate my story to others. 5 Chudakarna
seeing me not quitting the place aimed a fatal
blow at me with his stick which I fortunately
escaped. Had It struck me I must have been
for long an inhabitant of Yamaloka, So musing
I left the place and came to the jungle where life
Is easier for us." Manthara hearing this said:
4 'Wealth is perishable, and it is useless to hoard
it, as you will see from the fate of the miserly
jackal.
One day a hunter named Bhairava, of the city
of Kalytoa Katak 9 went into the forest. He
slew a deer and was carrying It home when he
met a wild pig. He aimed an arrow at the beast,
which in his death struggle gored him and a great
serpent which lay close by. So all three died
then and there. Up came the jackal, TMrgarava,
and seeing the dead bodies rejoiced at the
prospect of having abundant food But in his
greediness he thought to himself, 'The meat
I will keep for use and meanwhile I will eat
the bowstring/ As soon as lie began to bite
the string the arrow was released and slew him
too."
When he heard these words of Manthara he
rejoiced and said : " Now I know the value of a
good friend."
One day when they were enjoying themselves
in the forest a deer rushed up, pursued by
a hunter. The tortoise in his fear shuffled into
the water : the rat crept into his hole and the
crow flew to the top of a tree. He looked all
round, and seeing no sign of danger called to his
two friends. They came out and asked the deer
what had befallen him. He said : " My name
is CMtranga, and I claim your protection." So
they took him into their company, and all four
tved pleasantly together.
One day the deer went out alone to graze, and
when he did not return at the usual hour they
feared lest evil may have befallen him.
They debated which of them should go in search
of him. At last the crow said : " I am the swift-
est of birds, and will fly oif and L. j ara wkit Las
"befallen Mm.* 5 He flew and new Iiigli up In tb-*
air until he came ti> the place where the ckxT hal
fallen Into a snare. The deer delighted to ,%ee ills
Mend said: **Xo time must be lost. Huston
and bring the rat Hirar ayaka to gnaw the cords of
the snare.' 3 So the crow went, and placing the rat
on his back speedily flew back with him. When
the rat succeeded In extricating the deer they
asked him how he had fallen into this fresh disas-
ter. " Xo creature," said he, * c caa escape his
fate, "When I was a little fawn one day I fell
[ Into a snare, was caught by a hunter and taken
: to the king's palace. There I was reared as a pet
and golden ornaments were hung on my neck,
, One day when wandering In the city I was chased
; by "boys but the ladles o the royal seraglio found
J me and tied me up near the chamber of tbe
; king. That night a heavy storm of rain canie on
! and I cried out in my joy : l How delight-
ful is this rain ! How sweet the grass will grow
for me to eat/ The king wondered to hear a
beast talk in the tongue of men 3 and nest day
sent for the astrologers and told them what he
had heard. They said : e For a beast to know
human speech is an event of 111 omen. Tour
Majesty should perform rites of expiation and
send the deer to a distant forest.' So they
sent me from, that abode of peace and safety and
I came to the forest where, as you know, I fell
into the snare of the hunter."
Meanwhile the tortoise was anxiously expecting
his friends the crow and the rat, and was delighted
when they returned after rescuing the deer.
As they were talking the hunter camp up and
missing the deer from the snare followed Ills
touches. The crow again espied him and
warned his friends. The rat got into a hole, the
crow flew away and the deer hid himself in a
thicket* But the hunter secured the tortoise and
was carrying him off when the rat said to the
deer : " You must repay us for rescuing you by
saving the tortoise. Go into this pond, and lie
down as if you were dead : the crow will sifc oa
your back and seem as about to peck out your
eyes. Then the hunter will put down the tortoise
and he can escape."
They did as he planned, and the trick succeed-
ed. The tortoise escaped and the four friends
were once again, united.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
OBTJSB AND GKOSSO.
IN the days when Jeddah (also Judda and
Jidda) on the Bed Sea was a great mart for
European ships, all goods and payments were
valued and stated there In cruse. It was a money
of account and was divided into 40 duanees-
160
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUKE, 1899.
The quotations which follow show that the cruse
was two-fifths of a commercial dollar or 40 cents,
and that the duanee was therefore one cent.
It was also an actual coin, and as such the
quotations show that its value was about two
shillings sterling or something under, that being
evidently also its value in accounts.
The word in its various forms represents the
Arabic word Mrsk and its plural kurusn.
The term duanee, with its Italian variant
medini (medino), I have not been able to trace.
But both forms are primd facie from some
identical root like the Arabic e*J & dain.
Neither cruse nor duanee are in Yule's Holson-
Jobson, and oddly enough Kelly's Universal Cam-
list mates no mention of Jeddah. and its money.
1739. " Species of Goiite current in Bassora
andBagdat .... 1 Crousli is 4>% Mamoodies. 3 '
Alex. Hamilton, East Indies, II., Appx., 4.
1835. "At Bassora or Bussorah. . . . the
Mamoudi = 3^ Grains of fine gold, or 40 Grains
of fine silver, or 5|cL sterling." Kelly, Cambist,
I, 30. (Therefore the croush = 24f d. or a florin.)
1775, " Judda weight, 100 dollars at 250 Cruse ;
. . , . Lump silver (if good), 100 dollars at
250 Ditto : . . . . Bar silver, 100 dollars at
250 Ditto : Venitians, 100 weigh. 29 Secar Rup.
13 Annas 4 Judda Cruse J Pice, 1 . . .
A List of Presents given the Bashaw and his
Officers at Judda, with, the different Assortment
of Goods and the Specie they are to consist of
. . . Bashaw 42 Pieces, Yalue as per Judda
Sale of Goods 500 Judda Cruse ....
[total] 281 Pieces Yalue at Judda Cruse 3000
.... To the Bashaw's Guard on-board.
1 Cruse per Day till they have cleared the Ship and
20 Cruse his Bucxeys 2 .... Charges . . .
Paid Packers for packing ditto [old Copper], viz.,
85 Bales at 14 Duanies per Bale 29 [Cruse] 30
[Duanies'}" Stevens, Guide to East India
Trade, pp. 60-65.
1813. " Accounts are kept in cruse and
duanees, 40 of the latter making one of the for-
mer .... Yenetians 100 = 22i Sicca Rupees
[=]4f cruse 3 .... it would he "best, in
making your sales, to fix both the price and
value of your silver and gold coin (in cruse) with
the merchant. " Milburn, Commerce, I. pp.
87-94. (Milburn has, after the manner of the time,
incorporated the wliole of Stevens' information,
without acknowledgment.)
i This statement does not tally with the rest and
i&ere must be something wrong here.
* J. ., %akh$U or clerk, see Yule s, Vf Buxee.
1835. "Alexandria in Egypt .... Accounts
are kept in Piastres current of 40 Medlui
. . a Griselo* or Abuguelp [ ? Abukulf] at 30
, . . . These [Griscio, etc.] are real Egyptian
coins. 3 ' Kelly, Cambist, I. 4. (Apparently the
piastre of the XVIII. Cent, was about 2 shillings
sterling, [Kelly, II. 168 f. a.u. Turkey,} and so the
Griscio would be piastre or about Is. 6&
sterling.)
1884. ce Qirs (u^ 5 ) pi. qurusb., piaster."
Steingass, Arabic Diet.
The Italian form griscio for Jcirsh tempts me,
under correction, to connect another Arabic
expression u4r* kurB with a well known Italian
money of account and coin, grosso. It will be
seen from the quotations that both, were of the
value \\d, to 3$. sterling.
1831. " Grosso, a piece of money worth about
three pence English.' 3 Barretto, Italian-
English Diet,
1835, "Venice .... Monies of Account
. . , . old System .... Moneta Piccola
has been the general money since the year 1750 :
Yaltita Corrente was that which preceded it: and
Banco was the money in which the Bank of
Yenice kept its accounts : it was 20 per cent.
better than Valuta Corrente and 54| better
than Moneta Piccola . . , . the Ducafco
Corrente is divided into 24 Gross! and each
Grosso into 12 Grossetti or Denari di Ducato.
The Ducat Banco is also divided into 24 Gross!
each of 12 Denari. ' ?
Padua. ' * Accounts arc here kept in Ducats
of 24 Gross! or 288 Denari/'
Bergamo. - ct Accounts are also kept in Ducats
of 24 Gross! each. Grosso being divided into 12
Piccoli or Denari di Ducato." Kelly, Cambist.
Vol. I. pp. 31, 274, 344.
Now Kelly tells us (Vol. I, p. 344) that a
Venice " 6 Lire Piccole equal the Ducat Corrente
and 9| Lire the Ducat Banco : hence 31 of the
latter equal 48 of the former," and, at Vol. II.
p. 153, he tells us that the Lira Piccola in the
old coins of Venice equals in silver 5*07^. So
the Ducat Corrente was worth, 2s. 7cZ., and the
Ducat Banco 4s. Hence the Grosso Corrente
was worth about 1$. and the Grosso Banco %d.
In Vol. II. p. 166 we find that at Borne the
Grosso or Half Parlo of 1785 was a silver coin
worth.
5 See above, ru 1. Milburn has not succeeded
in correcting Stephen's mistake.
4 Clearly an Italian form of kir
JUNE, 18?9.j
KOTES AND QUERIES
Tins term grosso seeins to "be the same that,
under the forms gros, grosehe, (groscnen < 3
groscliel has spread itself, for both a coin
and a money of account worth a penny to three
pence, In former days Into France, Switzer-
land., Prussia, parts of G-ermany, Poland,
Hungary and Eussia : vide Kelly, Ccnnlist,
passim.
E. C. TEMPLE.
SUPEESTITIONS AMONG HINDUS IN THE
CEN'lEAL PROVINCES.
In honour of Marbaut, 3 the ruler of evil
spirits, fiends, ghouls or ghftlfej and vampires, a
worship is performed at night on the day follow-
ing the Pola feast, by the Marafehds. They set
an idol representing him, made of cow-dung; and
present the accustomed offerings with rejoicings
When the day dawns, the ceremony is repeated.
This done, a man from each house, with a bough
in one hand and the idol in the other, goes on
shouting at the top of his voice, lt Marbaut,
eradicate all sources of ill health and molesta-
tions of devils.'* On going a little distance he
throws away what he took with him and then
brings back in lieu branches of trees with a view
to frightening the devil and avoiding fortuitous
dangers.
A ceremonial rite which takes place either
on the 3rd, 5th, 7th, llth, 13th, or 15th day
after a child's birth, is generally superintended
by adult women. Pirst they bring a bitch and
bathe it, anointing its face and four legs with
ground turmeric and dry verojilion. A garland
of flowers is then wrapped round its neck.
And finally, after incensing it, they fall at its
feet,, utter these wgrds : ct Bless the mother with
healthy progeny like yours."
To propitiate a god or goddess, to procure
revenge a man who has oif ended another, or
to be victorious in an enterprise, animals are
sacrificed. The satisfaction of the god in such
cases is ascertained by the animals brought to
sacrifice shaking their bodies when the water is
sprinkled thick and fast over them.*
M. E/. PEDLOW.
BITTERU AND BABIKA.
IN the very interesting inscription at Managoli
published by Dr. Meet (Epigrapliia Indica,
Part I. Yol. Y. January 1898) there occur the
terms bittern (p. 22) and brika (p. 28).
The passage in wliku bittern <xoru\s 1 trans-
late as follows
- . . . of llnlngavalir& sotit!]*-rii fioHs, in
,thelaniiet of: MC-eVana -r/r., on the ivcstof tlK"
road to XalliiiigiTrukc, on the wist of the culti-
vable land of i the man called} HonnClSyuvaru, on
the north of the cultivable land of the itf>iia*%s
Kengaiiavve of {the shrine of > the niulastlulmi
god, on the south of the fertile (yellowish" 1 joi.
(rooge; of C'hennaevsiniayya Bittern {?" . e. ? Clieniiul
gesimayya with the surname of bit tern or javelin-
he gave fifty mattars (of land ) of forty spans of
j the established >ize of the) blade (or the tip of a
: missile) to the \ ole of the hog's savage extent
' (f agadiuibada = agauu-imbada :],
The term * b&rika ' is explained in Bhatfc&fca-
lankadeva's $abd<invdsana, edited 'A. D. 1500*
; by B. Lewis Bice, C. I. E. 5 etc., as follows :
| bailkan [ Mri iti varaniyataih garhyam karma j
tatra niyuktah \\ a Mrika | bari " a turn- fixed
low business ' j a man engaged therein j; Thus
bdrika probably means *a man who obtains a
meal daily according to rotation from the houses
of charitable people/ or * a sponger/
Tubingen, F. KETXEI.
tth May 189S.
CABAFT.
HERE is a delicious Hobsoii-Jobson from that
veritable well of curious Anglo -Indianisins, the
Madras Manual of Administration, Yol, III.
1893. Caraft ( ^ karabah, Hind,) From
karabali, Ar. [ ? kirba ^i/ 5 ] water-bag, stitched
on one side. Jar : carboy. Page lf2S.
1893. Carboy ( *tfj* karlibah. Hind.)
Leather water jar : car aft. Page 129.
Yule, Hob son -Jab son, sv.v., gives both earaffe
and carboy as European words derived from ^ I? 5
Persian.
B. C. TEMPLE.
KTTKI.
How has this epithet or name come to be
applied by Bengalis to the Lushai tribes ? To
what other distinct tribes to the east of Bengal
is it applied? The derivation and use of the
term, with some notes on the tribes known as
ICuki, and references to fuller sources of infor-
mation, would be an acceptable paper to some
readers of the Indian Antiquary.
Boy GO is a term in what may be called Santal
Mythology. A paper descriptive of the Bongo,
s [ ? a corruption of Malikii'l-matit, the Lord of Death. ED ]
4 Narrated by the writer's frieze!, N". Bamlinguia Maduyay, Pillay.
162
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1899.
its representations, ideas associated therewith,
and OB related matters in Santal beliefs, would
be an interesting contribution to aboriginal ideas
of religion.
J. BURGESS.
SEPOY.
Earliest known instance of the "Word.
YULE, Hobson^Jobson, v. 9 says : " We hare
found no English example in print older than
1750, but probably an older one exists. The
India Office record for 1747, from Fort St.
David's, is the oldest notice we have found in
extant MS/*
In his Diary of Sir William Hedges, Yol II.
p. 359 f., he says in a note on a Bombay Consul-
tation, dated 24th January 1717/18, containing
the expression " a Company of Sepoys" and several
references to sepoys in a procession of January
the 29th, and also to " Government Sepoys in
Liveries " : * c This is an occurrence of the word
Sepoy in its modern signification 30 years earlier
than any I had been able to find when publish-
ing the Anglo-Indian Glossary. I have one a
year earlier and expect now to find it earlier
still."
Bat in the same book, Tol. I. p. 55 ., Sir
"William Hedges writes, under date? December
1 2th, 168& : " As soon as these letters were sent
away I went immediately to Ray Nundiloll's
to have had ye Seapy, or Nabob's horseman,
consigned to me with order to ye Perwanna put
in execution." And then follows a good deal
more about "the Se&py. 5 *
E. 0. TEMPLE,
MAKRIAGE CUSTOM AMONGST MABATHAS,
THE bride and bridegroom are made to stand
in baskets filled with unhusked wheat. Behind
them stands the maternal uncles of each (or any
other fit persons) with naked swords in their
hands, surrounded by the friends of the bride and
bridegroom. The origin of the basket custom
is supposed to be derived from, the Kshatriyas of
old, and to mean that no man shall marry a
woman until he can maintain her* The custom
of the naked sword is also probably of Kshatriya
descent.
A legend is told to account for it thus: A
Raja was engaged in marrying his son, when the
evening before the final ceremony, Satwai, the
goddess who presides over the destinies of new-
born children, warned him of danger to the pair to
be wedded next day, and advised his taking
unusual precautions. Sentries were accord-
ingly posted round the place where the marriage
was taking place, but the figure of a tiger paint-
ed on a soldier's shield suddenly became ani-
mated, and leaping up from the shield, killed
the bride and the bridegroom, before any one
could interfere.
It is clear, I think, that the ceremony of the
naked sword is a relic of the times when it was
necessary to protect the marriage party from
violence from outside. 1
The late B. V. SHASTBI in P. N. and Q. 188S.
THE MATEENAL UNCLE IN NOETH INDIAN
MAKEJAGKE CUSTOMS.
THE maternal uncle takes a very important
part in Hind A marriages. On the day tlietewcl or
letter announcing the auspicious date for the mar-
riage is sent to the father of the girl, a present of
sweetmeats (thoproper amount of which is 10 sevs)
is sent to the maternal uncle. The wedding crown
for the bridegroom and the wedding dress of the
bride and bridegroom are presented by their
respective maternal uncles. In other ways also
he takes a prominent part in the wedding cere-
monial. I would suggest that this is a survival
of the primitive institution of the matriarcat,
whereby legitimate succession was confined to
the mother's side. For instances of this in
various countries, sec Letotimeau's Sociology
translated by Trollope* Where the marriage tie
is loose the father of the child would be, as a rule,
unknown, and naturally the woman's represen-
tative would not bo the putative father of her
child, but her brother. This is a point which
might be elaborately worked out.
W. CROOKE in P. N. and Q. 1883.
TEANSFEE OF CATTLE-DISEASE, A FOBM
OF SCAPE-GOAT.
BOBA means any contagions or epidemic
disease of cattle. Foot-and-mouth disease is
wiunhhur .
The village to which the disease is transferred
must be to the east of that which transfers it.
The transfer must be made on a Sunday ; and
no field work must be done, grass cut, corn
ground, food cooked, or fire lighted on the
Saturday or Sunday.
All these precautions were observed by the
people of Pur KMs, who also had a Brahman
with them and fired off a gun three times to scare
the disease.
1 [See Ifoo/cerjee's Magazine and Orient. ED.]
BOOK-XOHGES.
Some say that there was a pig, not a lainb,
and that It was carried by a sweeper.
Saturday and Sunday seem in some way to be
sacred to horned cattle, as on. those days neither
cattle, nor leather, nor gM must be bought or
.sold ; and all cattle that die on those days must
be buried, instead of being eaten by the kamuis
(Tillage menials)*
DENZIL IBBETSOK in P. N. and Q.
MUSALAIAN TO1VIBS.
IT is my impression that the symbols on
llnslaman tombs vary considerably accoiding to
their locality. I think I can give an explanation
of the question, regarding the oblong hollows on
the top of -certain Mnhatnmadan tombs which I
believe to be the tombs of women, but I do not
think these hollows are filled with earth as is
there supposed, but with the accumulated sedi-
ment of pounded sandal wood. In the year IS 78
we spent some days at Eat eh pur Sikri, about
2*2 miles from Agra. In the large court-yard of the
inosque at this place is the tomb of Salim GMshtf,
the great saint of the time of Akbar. It was no
doubt esteemed a very high privilege to be buried
near him. Several tombs close by were pointed
out to me by the guardian of this tomb as the
last resting places ufsomw of tlie ladies of, and
female attendants at. the court of the Mu^La
Emperors. On Thursday evening just a! tout
sunset, I was sitting near the saint's tomb, wlieii
a well dressed native (Musalixuiii of t'our^ fame
by me, carrying a basin in Ms hand, which
held perhaps a pint of a thick-looking liquid, tie
I colour of cueoa. He proceeded to jour a small
; quantity of this on several tombs, into holloas
I similar to those described. After he had finished
his pious duty, I accosted him, and learnt that
these were all women's tombs on which he poured
the libation, and that he was in the habit of pour
ing this mixture of pounded sandal wood and
water on them every Thursday at that hour.
The late Mrs. ATuEEAY-AixsLiE in P. N.
and Q. 1883.
RUSTIC DIVISIONS OF THE BAY.
WITH the PanjtVbi niddd nd : i ccmjaie the
j Mathura expression ];< m a ra cli It i/7 a t v> hicL me LE $
easy noon i. e., not quite time for the midday
collation, komara or Jcomala being equivalent to
yiann, soft or easy ; while cliJidka probably
represents the Sanskrit cJia$Jiak% t a drinking
vessel, and corresponds -with what a Suffolk
harvester calls his "beaver"' (the French boire\
a suack "between breakfast and lunch.
The late F, S. GEOWSE in P. N. and Q. 1 883.
BOOK-NOTICES.
NOTES ON THE LANGUAGES OP THE SOUTH AK DA-
MAN GBOXJP OP TRIBES. By Jtf. Y. POSTMAN.
(.Calcutta : Offiee of the Superintendent of Government
Printing, India, 1S9S). 1
THIS is a heavy quarto, 890 -f 101 pica pages,
piinted in a type easy to read, but in a confused
manner for a work of this kind, which requires
the judicious use o varied founts to bring out
the points clearly for the reader. The blame for
this fault no donbt does not lie with the author,
from -what one knows of the vagaries of a Gov-
ernment Press.
It is a work of exceeding interest to myself for
many reasons, and peihaps I ought not to have
undertaken to notice it for this Journal., as it fre-
quently alludes to my own work on the subject,
and is based on my ovsn suggestions as to the
form it has taken. But the thought that the
Andamanese languages are of necessity known to
a few only, has overruled personal considerations
and induced me to agree to do so. The labour
involved in the production of this elaborate
work, spread over nearly twenty years, must
have been very great, and every page shows the
1 First printed in the /.
minute knowledge and painstaking accuracy of
the author, In addition, the information given
is mostly original, and all of it is at first hand.
The whole, therefore, forms a volume of great
intrinsic merit and value to philologists. Its pages
contain, perhaps, the most thorough examination
to which any t savage ' language has yet been
subjected. Mr. Portman has, in truth, by this
book added considerably to the debt of gratitude
that ^science already owes him for his long-
continued, patient, and intelligent studies of the
Andaman-ese,
His peculiarities are, of course, now well known,
including his defiant adherence to expressed views,
and accordingly we have again Ms old trick of
assuming that tlie public understands, without
assistance, references to obscure and scarce
books. Indeed, in one place he refers to fi < My
History of our relations with the Andamanese,"
which, is not yet out, so far as I know ; at any
rate, I have never been favoured officially or
otherwise with a printed copy thereof. And then
he enters into a long criticism of details of Mr.
Man's invaluable monograph on the Andamanese
O. & for April, 1899.
THE IFDIAN ANTIQUAET.
1899.
br means of references merely to the pages of the
Journal of the Anthropological Institute. This
will certainly serve only to puzzle, the reader, as,
unfortunately, subscribers to the Institute are not
rery numerous, as possibly they might be with
advantage to themselves. We also find trotted
out repeatedly Mr. Porfcman's favourite theory, as
an established fact, of the probable disappearance
in the early future of the Andarnanese as a people,
a theory which naturally may or may not be true.
Let us all hope it is not, as I most certainly do.
With this notice of blemishes, which are after
all not of much importance, let me turn to a very
brief examination of the contents of this most
labor! on s and valuable publication.
Like all true teachers, Mr. Port man begins -with
an admirable map, taken from the Marine
Survey of the Andaman . The only fault that
could be found with this is that it does not
embody the latest fruits of that Department's
splendid work But for this Mr, Portmaii is not
to blame, as it was not possible for Mm to have
included them. For the purposes of his book the
map is complete, clear, and quite trustworthy.
We are also favoured with a short chapter on
the five tribes of the Southern Andanianese,
with their septs and divisions, replete with new and
minute knowledge of the subject. These tribes
are the Aka-Beada, Akar-Bale, Puchikwar,
ATikau-Juwoi, and Kol. Aka-Beada is a more
f correct 5 form of the Bojig-ngijida of former
works. In addition, all Andamanese are divided
into long- shore men and forest men Aryauto
and Ereiataga in the Aka-Beada language,
which is that spoken about the great Fenal Settle-
ment at Port Blair. Each tribe speaks its own
language, or rather variety, not dialect 3 of the
general South Andaman language, of which Mr
Portinan thinks the Puchikwar to be probably
nearest the parent tongue, whatever that was. He
notices, too, both generally and specifically, that
the Andamanese freely use gestures to eke out
the sense of their speech, and remarks on the
richness of the languages in concrete terras and
their poverty in abstract expressions. All this is
natural in a group of savage tongues.
The bulk of Mr. Poi-tman's book is taken up
with well- chosen and well-presented specimens
of the languages as actually used, and most
careful analyses of typical sentences and words, a
full explanation of the manner in which, and the
plan on which, the words are built up, an attempt
to translate a portion of the Bible into one of
them, a comparative vocabulary, and an escellen
Analysis of the words therein, The book has
however, no vernacular index, a want that every
student thereof will at once feel.
The object of the work is "to give a general
idea of the languages and mental attitude, of the
people/' and with the help of u a comparative
vocabulary and its analysis to show how the words
are constructed and how the different languages
compare with each other." To assist him in
achieving this, Mr. Portmaii has utilized a small
privately printed pamphlet of my own, which was
"A Brief Exposition of a Theory of Universal
Grammar," specially designed, some sixteen
years ago, to meet the very difficulties with which
he had found himself face to face, when he com-
meiicecl the work under review. That pamphlet
arose out of the practical iru possibility of usin
the usual inflexional system of grammar taught
in Europe for the accurate description of a group
of languages constructor! after the fashion of the
Andamanese. The book under notice is conse-
quently of exceptional interest to myself, as a
means of watching how my theory has stood the
first practical test which has been applied to it.
Mr. Portman has hardly used tbe Theory as I
should myself have used it, still his use of it is
such as to give arx idea of its working in a
stranger's hands.
The Theory I propounded had its immediate
origin in the criticisms of the late Mr. A. J. Ellis,
public and private, on my former work on the
Andamanese speech, in which he pointed out that,
in order to adequately represent, for scientific
readers, such a form of speech, " we require new
terms and an entirely new set of grammatical con-
ceptions, which shall not "bead an agglutinative
language to our inflexional translation," and he
asked me accordingly if it were not possible <f to
throw over the inflexional treatment of an unin-
fleeted language." This and the further con-
sideration that, since every human being speaks
with but the object of communicating his own
intelligence to other human beings, the several
possible ways of doing this must be based on
some general laws applicable to them all, if one
could only find them out, led ine to make the
attempt to construct a general theory on logical
principles, which should abandon the inflexional
treatment, its conceptions, and its terms. 2ow,
my efforts led me not only to abandon the accept-
ed grammatical terms, but also to reverse the
accepted order of teaching them, to alter many
accepted definitions, and while admitting much
that is usually taught, both to add and omit many
details. Taken all round, the Theory was a wide
departure from orthodox teaching. But it is
always difficult for human beings to take quite $
166
THE INDIAN ANTIQITABY.
[JUNE, 1899.
(and) 9 (?) days." The inscription is taken, as
are also the following, from other sources, so that
the author may not be originally responsible for
the mistakes and omissions.
In the nest "copy" the words " raetyan in
dierst "make no sense, and "Councillor in the ser-
vice" does not translate them. In the last two lines
(p. 49) " haer lyven rotten Her " does not mean.
" their lives lie here/' but " their bodies decay
here;" while "de twee gel even" (read "gelieven")
means <f the two lovers," not " these two persons."
In the following inscription (p. 49), in the
translation of the second verse, we should read:
" had I misery (/' ellende," not " ellinde) as niy lot. 55
On p. 50, for * e administrate vor J> read se adrninis-
trateur;" "systorf " = <( sy storf," "she died;"
"voor-of tegenwinden" means '* favourable or
adverse winds," not * c winds to and fro," which
is nonsense. Of what use the following trans-
lation of the last three verses can be, is difficult to
see : " there she was brought up, here dead, she
in God happily, " The correct version should be ;
st there she was brought up, here she died happy
in God* w
In the next copy (p. 50), for "copperooopman**
read " oppercoopman ;*' the Dutch form for
* s elevated " is certainly not '< geelief erfe ;" foi*
" gemelten " read " gemelden ; " for " genoem-
dem," read " genoemden." On p. 51 for <c alheir **
read "alhier;" "lyven' 3 again translated by
** lives, " instead of by " bodies.'*
The following copy (p. 51) is a very bad one
with several mistakes. For "roow" read "rouw"
for "be weend" read " beweend;" Jfor "pranen"
read " tranen ; '* for * warde " read <% waarde."
On p. 53, line 1, for " liye " read ' leyfc."
The worst specimen of all is found on p. 54
It is impossible to correct all the mistakes with-
out a facsimile, but such forms as the following
will show the worthies guess of the reproduction :
"rniju" for '<rnijn ; 5> mign " for "mijn;"
geroin " for " gervin ;" "gemalume 53 for '< gema-
linne.* ? Four of the verses are thus copied :
" Bus stern he dekt het rif manmolderdoehters
zoon haar zielen zign om Hvog by God ins
hebuels froon wil zalig is de mensh wens leven
lieir zoo eendi met uoorsmaak van God's vrengd
"hevrijd vanal elendi. 55
These verses should read :
" Dees steen bedekt het rif van moeder, dochter
*
Haar zielen zijn omhoog by God in 3 s Hemels
troon,
Welzalig is cle nieiisch wiens leven heeft zoo'n
ende,
Met voorsmaak van Gods vreugd, bevrijd van al
ellende. 35
The translation is as follows :
"This stone covers the remains of mother
daughter, son.
Their souls are on high with God on Heaven's
throne.
Pull blessed is the man whose life has such an end.
With foretaste of God's joy, freed from all
misery.* 5
The remaining dozen lines (p. 54 ) swarm with
mistakes, which it will be unnecessary to point
out or correct.
As far as these so-called copies of inscriptions
are concerned (pp. 47- 54), the work might as
well have "been left unpublished. If the tran-
scriptions were worfch reproducing at all, they
should have been given accurately, and the task
of copying and translating them should have been
entrusted to a scholar possessing a competent
knowledge of Dutch. As ifc is, this part of the
work is almost valueless.
Of Part III., "Indo-Dntelt Coinage/' pp. 65-
72, I am not competent to speoJc with authority.
We will now briefly refer to the Plates at
the end of the volume. They number 63, of
which 52 are inscriptions on tombstones. Of
these 29 are facsimiles, the others are drawings.
All of them are finely reproduced, especially the
ornamentations, but some of the drawings labour
under the same disadvantages as the copies on
pp. 47-54. They have been faultily executed, ap-
parently by one imperfectly acquainted with the
language, but most of them (15, 18, 24, 26, 29,30,
etc.) are quite correct. Curiously enough, Plate
23, which represents a Latin inscription, also
contains m error, whether found in the original,
or only in the copy, coBUot be ascertained from
the Plate.
Oji p. 57 sq. are given some translations of Plates
by Dr. J. Burgess, all from drawings. These
translations are mostly correct, but a few remarks
snggest themselves.
In Plate 15 the words roimd the monogram
have been misunderstood and hence mistranslated.
" When me to life brought 1 numbered ten and
eight years " makes no sense. The Dutch is
plain enough, a,nd reads : " When death brought
me into life, " etc.
Plate 21 (translation, p. 58), for Pieteren*>
read " Pietersen."
1899]
BOOK-NOTICES.
167
Plate 22 (translation, p. 58), for "Ceertnrijdt "
read fis Geertruydt;" for "Ai Monde" read
"Aimonde."
In Plate 25, line 4, there must be a mistake
of the copyist. I suspect that the proper name
"Gules " should read " Gilles," not an uncommon
Butch Christian name. In the next line, for
"Capieyn" read "Capteyn" or ' Capiteyn."
In the translation, p. 58, the word fi skeleton, 5 '
in brackets, is superfluous, the Dutch " lichaem"
(now '* lichaam ") having only the meaning
*< body."
The verses on Plate 31 raake no sense. Line 3
should perhaps begin " die " instead of "des,"
The 6th verse is wrong in the translation ; it
means literally : " where celestials inherit joy."
On Plate 82, and in the translation on p. 60 ,
we find a biblical text from Daniel 19. v. 13-
I am not sufficiently versed in theological matters
to decide whether the Book of Daniel ever
contained 19 chapters, but the text is from
Chap. 12. In the same inscription we are told that
Dirk Both was in his lifetime " merchant and
chief," which dual capacity perhaps accounts for
the translation of the first verse, in which we are
informed that fii The cold bones of both lie under
this slab. 3 ' This is intelligible only on the
supposition that Dirk kept one set of bones for
his functions as a merchant, and another when he
acted as chief. Although the drawing has the
word "both," the translation might have supplied
the capital letter to the word.
The translation of the verses on Plate 33 is
misleading. The first verse should read :
"Here lies De Hunt's pleasure, enjoyment,
delight, and all.' 3
The third verse :
" He motirned in bitter sorrow.*'
The facsimile plates are well reproduced, and
are almost entirely legible. As, however, none of
them has been transcribed or interpreted, I give
a copy and translation of what is perhaps the
most curious one, viz., of Plate 45.
Neemt Ghij Acht?
Wiens Rust-Stee ditte rnoge sijn,
"Weet dan ! 't is Pieter Hemsinckx Fijn,
Eenen Bloem ! van Tonge Geesten
Seer ge-acht bij de minst' en meesten,
Door Deugden 1 die de Faern droeg vert !
Hier lijt sijn Romp ! maer hlrjft in 't hert
Gegrift, wiens oogn dees Bloem besat
Oock in sijn Wandel Vreughden hadt.
Soodat Lof, Treed* en Goedi^lieijr,
Xoijt vergeet Heijd* of CHBISTENHLIJT.
Hy I wien 't Vernuft scheenhoog irestelt,
| Leglitlag'! O Doodt! te TroeglT gerelt.
Sodat het Lichaem hier Tbencen,
Met Moeder, Su&ter, rust bij eeii.
Wiens Zielen drie sijn opgegaen,
Om ? s BOIELS Croon van GOBT t* ontfaen.
i WAT is DEST-MEXSCH?
| Hier legt begraven Pieter Hemsinck Jongman
| geboren ten desen Contoire Zadrangapatnain
! den 13 August! : 1665. Overleden den 2I
February : 1632. Out zijnde : 16 : Jaren, :
Maenden, 21 : Dagen:.
Translation.
Takest Thou Heed?
Whose Eesting-Place this may be,
Know then, it is that of Pieter Hemsinck,
A flower of youthful spirits 1
Much esteemed by the lowest and the highest
For virtues which Pame earned abroad 1
Here lies his body ! but (his name) remains in
the heart
Engraved of him whose eyes possessed this
flower
And who had joy in his career.
So that (his) praise, peace, and kindliness
Are never forgotten by Heathen or Christendom.
He whose reason seemed placed high
Lies low 1 O Death ! too early felled.
So that his body here below
With (those of) mother, sister, rests together,
Whose souls three have gone on high
To receive Heaven's crown from God.
What is Man?
Here lies buried Peter Hemsinck a youth bom
at this Factory of Sadras the 13th of August
1665, died the 24th of February 1682, aged 16
years, 6 months, 21 days.
As the chief object of the publication of the
volume seems to have been to present to the
reader the Monumental Bemains of the Dutch in
Madras, it would have been more satisfactory if.
together with the copies on pp. 47-53, the origi-
nals had also been given. If this had been done a
the numerous errors both in the copies and in
the translations might be better controlled. -N"or
does it appear why only some of the plates have
been translated.
Guttingen s
August 1898.
G. J.
1 This verse makes no sense in Dutch either, "geesten" bsing apparently used for the sake of rhyme with
163
THE INDIAN" ANTIQUARY.
[JUNE, 1899,
THE CBBGNOLOGY OF INDIA, from the Earliest Times
to the beginning of the Sixteenth Century. By C*
Mabel Buff (Mrs. W. B. KICKHEJRS). (Archibald
Constable and Co., 1899.) 1
THIS remarkable compilation possesses the qua-
lities which such a book should possess a clear
and well-considered plan steadily adhered to, a
matured presentment of the matters entered, an
informed selection of the authorities. A work on
Chronology to be of use must, on its own merits,
command respect and confidence as to general
accuracy, and to my mind there is no doubt that
JUiss Dtif *s book (to give the author her "best-
known name) is entitled to both. The methods
adopted for ensuring accuracy are unimpeachable,
and the sources of information as nearly so as
existing conditions admit. The references to the
authorities are ubiquitous and of the highest value.
The list of those who have actively assisted the
author is of itself a guarantee of the care, know-
ledge, and research brought to bear on the subject-
The general plan of the work is " a table of
events in chronological order" of ascertained
facts and dates only, supplemented by an extreme-
ly valuable Appendix, consisting of ILists of
Indian Dynasties, in which are included all
the known names of the kings, with the dates of
those only, as to whom positive information is
available. There are also collated lists of tlie
Pauranie Dynasties fcaiBunAga, Maurya j
Btinga, Kanva, Andhratohrtiya. These Lists
and Tables are made to work in together, so as to
form a kind of index: of dates to each other, in a
highly commendable manner. In addition, there
is a very long, complete, and most laborious
index to the whole work.
To say that such a book supplies a need, and
will be of assistance to students, is to put the
case too mildly, as it will, on account of its care-
, fulness and completeness within its limits, be of
inestimable value to those whose studies take
them into matters connected with Indian history,
and will save them an infinite amount of trouble-
some and thankless search in the verification of
details ; for Miss Duff's admirable industry and
patience have not only now placed the desired
facts within easy reach, but have also supplied
the necessary references to the authorities, by
which her statements can be readily verified.
One student, at any rate, of things Indian,
tenders her his hearty thanks in anticipation for
much future trouble saved.
The preface hints at the present work being
intended only as a preliminary edition, and,
though no one could wish to compel an author to
undertake so great and so careful a labour, as is
involved in the hook before us, more than once in a
lifetime, one cannot but hope that should research
current and to come, cause, as it ought, another
edition to early succeed the present one, the
work will fall to the competent hand so successful
on this occasion. But whenever the time comes
such another edition, it is to be hoped that, just as
the Sinhalese Chronology has been now introduced
as germane to the Indian, circn Distances will have
rendered it possible to introdxice the Burmese
also. The connection of the various Burmese
and Peguaii Dynasties with, at least, Buddhist
India was rcmch closer than many suspect, and
the present writer feels convinced that an in-
timate study of Burmese Chronology will serve
to throw light on that of early India. The
epigraphic data available for the purpose are
quite as numerous and trustworthy as those for
India, and the vernacular literary data are also
very many and far from untrustworthy. Unfor-
tunately, both these sources of correct information
still await the attention of competent students.
This is one direction in which Miss Duff's
labours might in future be enlarged with advan-
tage, should the state of research permit. Here
is another. Tlie Ctiand Dynasty of Kumaun,
the IC&ng^a Dynasty, and some ISTepali Dy-
nasties are given in the Appendix. There are '
genealogies existing in MS., which should be
procurable through the political agencies, of
Ghamba, Jammftn, N&han, and many another
Himalayan ' kingdom/ the value of which, when
historical inquiries are necessary, can be demon-
strated by a reference to the prefaces of the
various semi-Tbistorical tales from the Hills to be
found in the Legends of the Panjab. I once had,
even if I have not now, put away in some forgotten
place of safety, authentic vernacular copies of
several of these in my own possession : and if I
recollect rightly, some of them found a corner in
Panjab Notes and Queries. All such lists require
a good deal of verification, of course, but, though
the facts they purport to relate truly might never
find their way into the Tables, they might be
usefully included in the Lists of the -Appendix.
As to the limits that the author has imposed
upon herself, personally I should like to see the
work continued onto the year 1700 A. D. or there-
abouts J so as to include the chief facts of the
earlier European struggles in India.
With these remarks and hints, thrown out for
what they may be worth, I take leave of one of
the most praiseworthy efforts at the compilation
of a good book of reference it has been my
fortune to come across.
B. C. TMEPWE.
1 First printed in the J", R. A. S. for April, 1899.
JULY, 1899.] ESSAYS ON KASSIIRI GRAMMAR 160
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
BY THE LA.1E KABL FKEDEKICK BURKHABLT.
Translated and edit-ed> mtJi notes and vdJifions,
6y Geo. A, Grierson, PJi.D^ C.I.E., LC.S*
{Continued from p. 9S.)
C. PBOHQUNS,
I. Personal Pronouns.
227. The Accusative is the same as the Nominative. I find, however, that the Dative is
generally used for the Accusative in the 1st and 2nd person singular, and in the 1st person
plural ; e. g. 9 ** t**j wwlihan me (dat.), they will see me: ^ ** me wucUm, you mil see
/ ~
me ; *-- 1 j 1^ trfa asi, leave us ; but &j ^3 ^3 a m fr f. aY , after lie had left them ; eij^ ip f 3
tft'w trdvyfflt, leave ye them.
The genitive is wanting, and its place is supplied by the Possessive pronouns, as will be
subsequently explained,
228. Pronouns of tne 1st and 2nd Persons,
Singular*
Isfom, } * /
\ * 5o l - ............... *^ ft, thou
Ace. J
Instr. 1
Dat,
" m&
AbU I "
Lac. J
Plural.
Nom. 1 / ^
Ace. J ^. .'" ' ^ "" "" "* "" w " ^ '**' ' y a
L
Instr.
Dat.
Abl. N l/flw ^ - - ^toJ^a
Loc* J
229. Pronouns of the 3rd Person,
Masc. Fem, Kent,
Singular.
Nom. 1 ^ f j,
\&4# su, he ... ,.,, ,., *- s ^ so, sq, she ... ^^ f/, it
Ace. J
sj
Instr. **
2" jj! ^ e earlier part of this "worlr I have transliterated these words a$i and fo7u. Jse and io?i? give the pro*
umieiation better.
170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY,
Eat,
AbL
Loc.
Horn.
Masc.
tamis^.
Fern.
Singular.
Ifent,,
Plural.
tim
Aec. J
Bat. 1
AbL >.
Loc. )
Masetiline,
2. Possessive Pronouns,
#
230. eJj-i-* 3 myf)n, my. 25
Singnlar,
iFeminme.
my on
Voc.
Ace.
,
22 Dative also u>-> i a s and LT^ J awis-. Tlie instrumental is also f T aw^ (properly a Deinoustrativc) [note
/ /
that the fern, is u** J /amis, and no
2? I also find AJ
//
12), salute it (sc, */ flro, maBC., tne house) ;
used in the maseuline and feminine; e. //., f &* jj* &# tatJi Teariu MUm (Matth.
i"* / /
near it (sc. U^ fe^asc-.treeh U.M **. C
tath nalJia gaisMi (Matth. xxi. 19), having gone
/
c?l H laitfn (Matth. vii. 14), who find it (so. *^
, / 7
*, fern., the way); as a locative >- 0*31) <*J iffli& (andar) ma, ; V * (a tfc D/fc (Matth. vifi. 2).
/
onit(se. U^ irf, stone). [The explanation is that the Neuter Pronoun refers to things without life, whatever
Dly I6ferS toMa ^line things ^ith life, and similarly tie
M Eegaiding the suffixes which represent the pevscnal prontvans, see 47.
" ^ a mother, 21S , 2, 6 and 214 2, .
Cf. Declen^of J^ -; I, a father, and
JULY, 1899.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIB1 GBA3IMAR.
171
Masculine,
^
Singular.
Feminine.
Instr. & U* rayon* ...
Dat, c^J i-i- rtiydnis
^i x myani
Abl. dJU.*o wydni...
Plural.
Nom. cJ ^y ^2/09^...
<**
Voc. j^^f* 3 mydmjo
** *
Ace. (> 4-^ myon 1 ... ... ...
Instr. ^iUxj mydnyau ... . a * ... ... ... j-^** midrnjan
Dat. ^
1
Abl. X^^ x m yu nen - ** cr*^-* miiinen
I '
Loc. J
231. tu^*"* sow ? our.
Singular.
Ace. U-?'* ^t1?x
Instr. u ^ 50'n^ .. ... ... ... ( U ^ow
^ -*
Dat. ;7 -"
Abl --. fsu'/fo ** - r
.: _ r
Loc. u^^^ so?zis ... -"J
Plural.
ISTom.
Voc.
Xi.CCo V*' *'
Instr. J-^** sdnyau
Dat.
Abl.
Loc. J
172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JULY, 1899,
232. &j<$- ohon, thy.
Masculine. Feminine.
Singular.
Nom. eJj^ ohdn ... ... * CD ^ <?7id"$
YOG* <SJ^ c^a?z$ ... ... ... ... .. ... C5^ ^ cJtdw-
jf ,*
Ace. &j-$ c hon ... ... ... .,, ej U* c/io;l
Instr. CJ ^ c7zow* .. ... ... ... ..,"]
Dat, <j"^ ^ chonis*.
Abl. <*J^ c^an^* ..
LOG. o*^ ^ chcmis ... ... , , ... ... ,
J
FlaraL
Nom. e>4" oSow* ,. aj
Voc. ^^ cMnyo
Ace. e> ^ cAon^ ...
Instr. >^ chdnyau ^JU clidnyau
Dat. "|
AH. ^Jl* o%ad9 ^U c7^n
LOG. J
233* &A&J tuhond } your.
Masculine. _ ' Feminine.
Singular.
Nom. ^tukond >*f ft^^
Voc.
Ace. *-^3 tuliond ..
Instr. xi&3 tuliand*,*. ^
Dat. ^iXx&S tukandis
*
Abl.
Loc
" "" ;
1899.] ESSAYS OX KASM1EI GRAMMAR.
Masculine.
Plural.
kv*3 tuhqnd*
tuhandyo
Ace. *i*J tuli(tnd*>
Instr. j*^ 3 tukandi/au .^
Dat.
AbL
Loc,
tasond) Ills 5 "her, its
tsina- Nom. AJuJ tasonJ? fern. J
v~3
PL Nom. AiJ ta&qnfi, fem.
Declined throughout lite
234. <^^ fihond, their.
^ .
Siiio\ jSTorn. AAAJ tihond, fern. >^
j.g.
pi.
x / y. .,
^3 tiliqnd*?** fern. tSj^J tihanm-*
.<<
Declined throughout like AiJ tuliond.
235. Eemarts on the Possessive Pronouns.
(1) The possessive pronouns also act as the respective representatives of the genitives of the
personal pronouns. ^ Mn, to hear, *itha genitive means to listen to a person, to obey ; thus,
3 jf J ^ c W j/ i&i, if he do not hearken to thee ; *& j *&\ Mond nay Itoi, if he does
not follow them; oi-.
him. If the verb is compounded with a substantive, the possessive pronoun is sfonlarly P^t
the place of the personal pronoun; e.g., *J >W ** ^ni Ar M. he nuto ^
!
confession, he confesses me; so with A
I thank thee ; ,
26 N. P. has * ii/i^cZ, J,J^3 tJ^sf, throtiglioiit ; thus, Dat. sg. m.
]74 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Juw, ]899.
(2) Additional forms :
.>/ jv w ..* /
(a) For *i3 tasotid may also be used & xA -* taJionJ, &*~+* tam^-sond (also -written
. / . * / -* ^
&.u j*3} ? <xw*f mw-sowly and ^*3 tawyuls. The first three are exactly declined
.?/ // / / n / /
like <xi*3 tasond ; ^&M tahandis, ^ &***+* tqm*-sandis, <_j* &**** f
tainynTc, follows the declension ^l*" hntyidc ( 218) ; e. (/., nom. pi. inasc.
/ w / //
3 tami"k i ^ a , \i c^? A c;^ 1 *" 1 tamicken htHJenpeth, under Its (the tree's) "brandies*
>
fasqnz may also be ^^ tahqnz, 3 X ^ ta't^-sanz, 3'* M * xl ' qm^-sqn^ and
- x 7 , y - y '.
tamich. The first three follow _)^-* tasqnz, e. g.*, lj*&* talianzi, BJ^+3 /a^/i-
/ /
1 anfi-sanzi. ^+5 tajr.ieh follows the declension of the feminine of
" ^ ^
( 208 ).
J ?,-**., * * *
l(c) For AAAJ tihond, ^ A &+"* tiwan-liond may be used throughout ; e. #., o*^^ ^>
(3) Cases :
236. The Genitiye is expressed by the Datiye, according to rule v., 209); e. g^
AJjl^^ ^^^Uxj my on is Khud^wandq-sond garq, the house of my Lord.
According to some, the Locative, Ablative, and Ins trn mental do not occur in an
attributive sense ; but they do occur in this sense when used ellipticallj, or in the sense of 'mine*
(c/. Matth. sxvii, 24, ** ** 4-* wylni mi, with mine) ; e. g. 9 c In whose house was he ? *
3 LAX> myonis maws, in mine. ' By what father was this said ?'<*>*** son*, by ours. I also
*
find ^ jz*^J& &*$> &&&&1 ^ 4* c/<cm> i'tiqadan tihliek lalrov-wqis tsq, by thy faith hast
.
thou been made whole (instr., Matth. is. 22): J<XM ^1 Aj IA. c/j^i c7i7ii andar, in thine eye
( loc., Matth, vii. 3 ) ; j^l g A ^a l i **^ cdui pddshdhqts andar, in thy kingdom (loo., Matth.
'ft ' *
xs. 21): 8^* *3U cJidni gari [sfc] (sc., j^' flwd'ar ), at thy house ( loc., Matth. ssvi. 38);
7 * /
00,^ Sjt> <OU. c/i^n ndva-sut, in thy name (here apparently a Dative, for crjU (jr j ^ cAonis
**
/ / w /
nawflw, Luke, x., 17); jAj"! <^^ *J U. c7iam fcaMi ncJra, out of thy speech (abL, Matth.
xxvi. 73); ^"U, &*($* mytini Motrq, for my sake (abl.).
2S7. Before Adjectives in & -i- wft, which represent the Genitive, also before infinitives,
and those prepositions which, are properly substantives, such as
giao^^ expect tahond to be used only when the pronoun is feminine, but N. P. frequently uses it as the
Tam V uk is onl y ^ sed whei1 tt"* pronoun refers to inanimate things. Similarly taJimsn&
JULY, 1899.] ESSAYS ON EASMIBI GEAMMAE. ] 75
* * f*
^x mukhq, etc., and also before tlie comparative particle <**<** Khotq (= than), we find the
form in * ~z~ i ; 0- #
tahandi rutanub irdda Jsoruk, by tliem was It intended to
seize Mm.
y$ au$a. <*3 J]j &\S sxx&j tahandi Tcalqlst wol* ti c'lthi ganzartt, yea, the bairs of
-* *> - *
Ms bead are numbered.
^ // / //
,.Uj jso.^ tahandi wananq b6nthay, before bis speecb s before be spoke;
tahandi khofra> for blra (often equivalent to a Dative), concerning
bim (de eo} ; so also **$** suL
f - '
tahandi Jthotq yacKh clilii, tbey are worse tban be.
' { ->
j^i &13 tidifarzand tihandi atJityitd, the son will be cruelly treated by
*- *- *
tbem.
*{** sd?ii dohaoh tsol, our daily bread,
*
A
tamihi nina khotrq, in order to catch bim.
(4) As regards bis, her, in tbe sense of the Latin suu$, see below under the Reflexive
Pronoun ( 239 ).
(5) These pronouns can also be used as Possessive Adjectives, meaning * mine,*
6 thine/ etc.
/ '
3. a-ilj p&na t5*k p&aay, self.
238. (1) *jk pdnq, self, indeclinable ; examples:
JlAf ^jU AJU Ajlj *xP ( tqmi lietsq pdnq sane sdrey JeaJidlqts, by bim bimself were
all our infirmities taken ('. e., He took upon Himself, etc.)
*- -- **
to do tbis.
tliemselves do not wi
^U \ Ajb j!ft* */ w? oJiJiiwq pdnq atsdn, ye enter not in yourselves.
" *
j AWcfAJLj aA3 j3^ ^j won dwo tohe pdna qmi-sond Icufr, now there has
been heard "by you yourselves his blasphemy.
(2) J ^ panay, this is an intensive form of * j ^ f w ; e. g.
^uy* ^ *& * 4' anawera flMM s ? tw ^^y^' the
morrow will itself take thought for the things of itself.
Jib ^3 ** tse wonut pdnay, it was said by you yourself.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JuLt, 1899,
__ _______ _ . _ _____
4, The Reflexive Pronoun.
280. (1) & ( i F*> self ' e ' ?' ~
/
(a) Dative o^V punas; e.g<~
^\J: A^x ^Jlj cxi^ muhabbat pdnas clilw Isardn, he loves himself.
4&.T srf ^A ax$L ^Jb jptfwff* clilmna helcdn lacltromt, he cannot save himself 2 ?
(dat. instead of acc<, as often occurs).
(J) Locative, with prepositions, such as ^" *#, ^ petit, j" m*A, ^ isftz,
jA*l / a?icZar, AJ I x I and? and 1 , ^tf tyut, etc. -
(2) o l d ts*i panun pan (lit,, my, thy, etc., body) :
(a) Myself, thyself, etc. (me ipse, and ipsum).
(6) ( = ieo, to, etc., pone) of one-self, voluntarily (Matth. xxvii a 40) : From this is
formed an adjective &b *fy panani pantile. Examples,
4-j.ij panun pan Jtdv JcdJtinan 9 show thyself to the priest.
^J^J panun pan dyutun pkdnsl, he hanged himself,
awww pern bachrdv, save thyself.
(3) ^ pm*, fern. J4 J>^> is used in a P ossessive sense ' ~ minc ' thine llis? Olir '
etc. The meaning is to be referred to the subject of the sentence, which it represents. The
// / / { / .
masculine is in the 2nd declension, u^ pananis, *^panani;p\. &* fantirt. Fern., 3rd
declension Norn. sg. J\? panqn ; Norn. pi. *^ yo-wawi, and so on.
ith the suffix ^ y, it means mine (thine, etc.) own ; e. g., J ^
aa noli, they put his own clothes 011 him ; ** j& C5/^ pananway Joatka
ty thine (his, etc-) o 1 ^ 11 "words.
5. The Beciprocal Pronoun.
240. ii>T>lJ |)a?iatt?on (properly an adverb), between each other, mutually ; amongst selves;
also <i I ^ I als aJs. Examples,-
O jpfinawon diipul^ they said amongst each other*
^ J 1 ^ e>ty l rf u*f ^ ^' m ^ pdnavon khydl bar tin, they were thinking amongst
themselves.
f jti %j*^ j^ eiT^/tj pdnawn l-ydxi cJiUwq filer kardn, why think ye among
yourselves.
yo-wawi, and so on.
.^ // //
^
Also U^^ cr*ij 3>otMMiw jp&w, Hs own self, himself ; e. fir.,
i/its>- a^ajpanant pdnas c?iJiw Do/citjfe ganzar&n, whoever counts himself as little.
JULY, 1899.]
ESSAYS OX KASMIRI GRAil SLVR.
177
. JS
tt) l?*v o* ' ****
// /
/ /
k a %* $ P e fl L &>* jjewtWt they fell cue upon another,
/.
C:J u t .j
~w dflan am
to think by themselves (?. e., in their hearts) ; also j 4 ^
6. Bemonstrative Pronouns.
241. (1) *t yi, this.
d"
Masculine* Feminine.
Singular.
i,, Ace. ... *i yi
Instr. ... ... f
*"*!
Dat., Abl.
Gen.
Loe.
Kom.
Ace. )
Instr. .
Dat. "|
Abl. ^
I
Loc. J
Gen....
"v
yhnis
yisond y or
or
Plural.
pi y
i yith
yim
*& yiman
^ ^.^Jj s5,i*i yihond t or ylman-liond
^v bean
*, etc. Notice has
[Wade, in the singular, lias V *m* f
several times been drawn to the frequent confusion "between -^- e and i.]
/ /
I also find *^ yittwed in the masculine or feminine ; a. S . J^' J <. riki (fern.) aJr. a
this flame: 3 Ji'll ij - W irt freut.) MJ 3 !, worthy of this, that U I 8 , with a totiveiceaia Aortic- rf.'J
[As before explained, the neuter is always used when referring to inanimate nouns.]
this.
J.>ljiU*
-nri, by the people complaints were spoken abow
(a-). Immanmel, of this the translatioK is. -
378 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY. [Ju LY? 1899
242, [The following additional form of this pronoun is often used, especially by
Singi
n -1
> *4 l/i> f fern.
villagers:
bingnlar.
Noni.
o, this.
Ace
Instr. p* now* ; fern. &+* nomi*
* **
Dak 1 j,
> uf*+* nomis ; meut. 4*
Abl. J -
*"* -f
Gen. <>^ ** nowt-sond.
Plural.
Worn, \
fern. *+ noma.
Ace.
JT
m 'l 1
D. J - r " m * ;
Icstr.
l
AW. > &+* noman*
Loc. J
Gen. AiA ^^ ncman-hond. or
243. (2) * w, tliafc
The author declines this in full. This is unnecessary here, as this pronoun is the same as
the personal pronoun <*** su of the third person, of which the declension is given in 229.
The Genitive singular is :
^ / ../
Masc. and fern. ***-+> **~3 tasond or tam*-sond.
Nent. *fi*JA3 elj^3 tamyulc or tatyuk.
/ * / / /
Example ^ ts^J js^? ^ r<? tamyuk Tcan 9 a house, of that the foundation.
The Genitive Plural for all three genders is *** &*3 *M tihond or timan-tiond*
* *
For UM.*S tamis (Dat. and Loc. sing., masc. and fern.), cH tat j s a]so used . e< ^ ^
-
aniv tas lafvis, say to that fox.
/f
**3 te^ which is given as Dat., Abl., Loc., sing., netit., is used with all inanimate nouns, o
whatever genderj e. g. t ^ I &^ ^3 tafhjdyi (fern,) andar, in that place.
JULY, 1S99.]
ESSAYS ON ZAS3IBI GRAMMAR
This Pronoun is also declined as follows :
Masculine, Feminine,
Singular.
Xeuter,
Norn* 1
, * "
so, sa
loastr.
Dat. ]
AbL J
Gen,
ami
Wfl
a?ms
Horn.
Ace.
amis
Plural.
am*
//
am&n-Jwnd*
*
244, *A 7^ that (within sigM), -ako occurs. Most of the following forms are given in
the original :
j> j ^
Nom. sing. masc. * A hu*j fern. ** Ao; nent* ** A.
^
Instr, sing. masc. /* A hum*.
*>
j w j>
Dat. sing, masc. fern, u*** Jmmis] nent, ^ ztii,
*
j
JTom, plur, |* A fe?^w*
/^
Dat, plur. 4^^ human*
/ * / / a .
Example. A -lA? V 3 d3 r* A *"* ^^ (** t/* m ^^ u *? ^ W5W ^ l * tromliw m (Luke, si, 42) s
j>
these shonld ye have done, and not left the otter undone (sc. ^vith ^ yim and p*
, things),
EegardiBg the suffix 45 y added to th^se pronouns, see below (
180
THE INDIAN ANTIQ0A&Y. [JULY, 1899.
HISTOBT OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY.
(Founded on the BurMn-i Ma.dsir.)
BY MAJOE J. S. KING, M.B.A.S.
(Continued from p. 155.)
CHAPTER; II*
Eeign of Sultan Muhammad SM,Ii 5
son of Sultto Aia-ud-Din Ilasan 8Mb. Bahmani.
AFTER the death of Sultan Ala-ud-Din Hasan Shah and the completion of the mourning
ceremonies, the royal crown was placed on the head of Sultan Muhammad Shfth in accordance
with his father's will ; and the nobles and grandees presented their congratulations and good
wishes-.
As soon as he was established on the throne, Sultan Muhammad Shah turned his attention to
the interior economy of his army and his subjects in general, and distributed valuable presents."
When lie hftd finished inquiring diligently into the affairs of his soldiers and subjects, being,
desirous of conquering countries and cities, he conceived the idea of conquering the country of
Vijayanagar, and accordingly marched towards that place with a large and well-equipped force.
The Kaja ol Vijayanagar, hearing of his approach, and being determined to oppose him
assembled a numerous army and went out to meet the Sultfm's force. When the two forces
encountered one another the troops on both sides fought bravely, and a battle topk place such
that the eye of Heayen was bewildered and became clouded, and the face of the sun was obscured
by the dust of battle. After much fighting the breeze of victory at last blew on the arms of
the royal army, and the other side took to flight ; but being pursued a great number of them
were sent to hell. The Sultan plundered most of the country of the infidels, levelling their
idol-temples with the ground, and much booty in rice, jewels, Arab horses and elephants fell
into the hands of the Muhammadan force.
After this victory the Sultan proceeded towards Ulampatan (?), and by the aid of God
Iiavino- conquered that country also, he set out on the march to his capital with immense booty.
On arriving there he was informed that Bakr&in KMn s governor of Devagir (Daulatabad),
was iix a state of rebellion, and as soon as he heard this the Sultan proceeded to oppose him.
When the Sultan arrived near Devagir Baliram TOi&n, being afraid to meet his attack, repent-
ed of his actions. At the intercession of Shekh Zain-ud-Dn (hallowed bo his grave !) the Sultan
spared the life of Bahrain Khan, but ordered him to be banished from the kingdom : this was
done, and he afterwards, with a hundred griefs and disappointments, perished in the desert of
desperation and regret,
In the *Ayim-ut-Tawari"kh it is stated that Sultan Muhammad during his reign did not leave
a single place in the Dakhan in possession of the infidels ? and consequently ruled without com-
petition.
The Sultan had two sons, Mujahid Khan who was the heir-apparent, and Path Khan.
In the latter days of his reign being seized with the desire of conquering Telingana the
Trnole of the country came into the possession of the agents of his government.
On returning from that campaign the Sultan, after having reigned seventeen years and
seven months, showed signs of an irreligious manner of living, which threw him on the bed
of helplessness; and after making Prince Mujahid Shah his heir, he obeyed the summons
of God, 31
According to the Taxfarat-ul-Mul'&l', Sultan Muhammad reigned 18 years, 7 months and 9 days, and died in
the year 7feO A. H,
JULY, 1899.] ,HISTOBY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 181
CHAPTEB III.
Beign of Sult&n MujaMd &hh f
son of Stilt to Mn&animad Sh&h*
son of Sultan 4 Al-ud-Din Hasan 8Mb. Bahmanl.
Wlien Sultan Muhammad Shalt died In A. H. 775 (A, D. 1373), in accordance with Ms
will he was succeeded by his son, Snlt&n Mnj&hid SMb, who bestowed presents and various
honours on the nobles and officers.
While thus engaged the Sultan took it into his head to exterminate the inidelitj of
Bij&nagar (Vijayanagar), and to wage a religious war against the infidels ; so with a numerous
army and elephants, and placing his confidence in the Beneficent King he proceeded towards
Vijayanagar.
When the Raya, Kapazah, 32 who was the leader of the lords of hell, heard of the approach
of the Sultan's army, being hopeless of retaining his life and possessions, was excessively terri-
fied and shut himself up in the fort. He acted towards the infidels of that country with such
helplessness and perturbation that to small and great, young and old, in that calamity the road
of management was blocked, and the truth of the saying that "an earthquake is a great thing
though it lasts but a little while/' became a stern reality to the inhabitants of that part of the
country. As a matter of necessity the above-mentioned Eaya, Kapazah, seat to the court of
Muiahid Shah a number of his most intelligent and distinguished officers ; and they representing
their weakness and despair, and professing obedience and submission, agreed to pay a large
sum as na'l-baM^ into the royal treasury; also to deliver over to the agents of the court the
keys of the fortress which was the cause of hostilities and dispute. They also presented on
behalf of the Raya, a written agreement to the following effect : " To the Lord of happy
conjunction I am a mean slave, and devote myself heart and ^sonl to his service as long as I
live " This agreement was made on condition that the Sultan should have pity on those help-
less' ones, and by his royal favour would insure their country against plunder and devastation
by the troops.
* After this the Sultan being encamped on the bank of the river Kistnah, and indulging in
his favourite pursuits," drank cups of ruby-colonred wine ; but suddenly Fortune poured the
unpalatable sliarbat of martyrdom into the goblet of his life. The particulars of this are
briefly, as follows :
Sultan Mtrjahid Shah had a younger brother, or according to one history a cousin, 3 *
named m tld EM* who cherished a desire of usurping the throne; and though outwardly
loyal he was secretly intriguing and watching his opportunity. This man with a number of
seditious persons one night entered the inner apartment of the Sultan when the latter was
asleep in bed, and stabbed him with a dagger. The nobles and the troops, on hearing of the
assassination of the Sultan, rent their clothes with grief.
The duration of the reign of Sultan Mujahid Shah was 7^* *
This event happened on the 18th of the month Zi.ul-Hijjah, A. H. 779 (17th April A. D.
but God only knows with accuracy !
Koto to Chapter III.
[The following is the account of the reign of Sultan Mujahid SMh given in the Tazkarat-id
_ _____
S2 According to the genealogy of Vijanagar dynasty giyen by Mr. Sewell in Ms 81 etch of the >I)y***Ke* of
Acooidmg to tue J e *f" *f Viiavtar a t this period TOS Bnkka or Biikka HaLtpatf, abas BAjendra, irho
0o.fe.rn Jh*, P^ 103 the Jy a JJ ^g^ ig y P distinc% writteB ^ the m : even the vowel marks are
Da,M wasHuj&Md's uncle*
{82 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 1899.
Eeign of Mujahid Shh Balwant BahmanL
After Bis father's death Mujahid Shfth. ascended the throne. In the idiom of the Dakhan
he was called " Baiwant," that is, strong-bodied : he used to eat at one meal thirty airs, each st r
being equal in weight to seventy -two dirhams?* and he used to eat three meals a day, which
makes ninety sers a day ; but God only knows the truth !
Now the custom of the kings (of the Dakhan) was this, that at the time when they
ascended the throne of sovereignty Shekh "Itnliammad Sirj-nd-Din used to present ajnrafom
and turban which they put on, and then in an auspicious hour took their seat on the throne;
and the same custom was observed at the ascension of Mujahid,
Mujahid used daily to repair to the monastery of the aAe&i, and discuss with him the
affairs of state. One day he told the sheKh that he contemplated waging a jiMd against the
infidels in order to add splendour to the faith of Islam. The sJieJch recited the fdtikat and
expressed his approval. Mujahid daily busied himself in organising his army, and then pro-
ceeded against the fort of Adoni with a large force, and Jaid siege to it for a year, when the
garrison running short of water asked for quarter ; and the governor of the fort came out and
after obtaining a written treaty, returned to the fort with Mnjahid Shah's deputy in order
to evacuate and surrender the fort.
It is said that one of the servants of the shekh said to the latter: " Mujahid Shah has
taken from you an assurance of victory, and from others also has obtained the glad tidings of
victory.*' The sheWi replied : *' I have withdrawn my assurance of victory." This servant
then took a letter from the shelch to this effect to Mujahid Shah, and repeated to him what
the shekh had said. When Mujahid understood the contents of the letter he produced it in
court and said : " My ancestors were void of understanding when they gave regal power to
these faMrs who are always hungry and thirsty: what affyrity have we with them ? Ask the
sliekh what he means by this presumptuous talk. I shall teach him better manners." The
servant replied : " If this be your intention you will never attain this victory, '*
On that same night heavy rain fell, and the fort became well supplied with water. The
garrison regretted having made peace, and applied themselves to strengthening the fort.
They cut off the head of Mujahid Shah's deputy, and putting it into a gun, fired it towards the
army of Mujahid Shah.
When Mujahid- heard of the resistance of the garrison he returned to the city of
Ahsanabad, and encamped outside in order that he might enter it on the following day at an
auspicious hour. He uttered many threats against the followers of the shekh ; and there
were many Habshis in the trains of the nobles and others, and they having done something
which roused the anger of Mujghid, he uttered threats against them also, and they were in
much fear of him. Nest day Mujahid was found on the throne without his head, and it was
believed that this deed was perpetrated by Jims. The disciples of the shekh would not allow
the body of Mujahid to be buried in the tomb of the kings, but he was buried near it.
CHAPTER IV".
Beigu of D&,tXd SMh.
According to the most authentic accounts Sultan Dfl^fcd Shah was son of Mahmud Khan
son of Sultan 6 Ala-ud-Din Hasan Shah Bahmani. 36 '
After the martyrdom of Sultftn Mujahid SMh, the amirs and ministers and officers of the
army miens wlens plighted their fealty to D4,ftd Shah, and accepted him as their sovereign ;
but the widow, or (according to one history) the foster-sister of MujAhid SLAh, was determined
upon revenge ; so she bribed one of the Sultan's slaves with a thousand huns and a promise of
= 48 grains.
36 According to Rifchtali V&M was so* - not grand-son of ' Alkud-Dfc
1399.] HISTORY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 183
more, to assassinate the king. Enticed by the bribe, lie agreed to undertake this dangerous
afiair, and was watching kis opportunity till on a Friday when tae Sultan went to prayer in
the masjid and the people were crowding on one another, that fearless sliedder of blood and
devoted slave approached the Sultan and caused him to taste tke same sliarl^al as Sultan
ilnjaMd Shah.37
Muhammad ]h&n 9 son f Matimtid KMn f amd younger "brother of tlie Sultan, was
present in the crowd, and he felled the murderer to the ground witli one blow of his sword, and
despatched him from the world. He then returned to the palace, and seated himself on the
throne in his brother's place. The nobles, ministers, learned men and $hekk$ hastening to wait
on him, saluted him as king and were all liberally rewarded.
This event happened in the month of Maharratn, A. EL 780 (May, A. D. 1378) , 3B but God
only knows the truth of the matter*
CHAPTER V,
Selgn of Sultan Muhammad Sh&la,
son of Mo-limUd 35a.&n t
son of Suit&n "Ato-nd-Din Hasan Skak Balnnanl.**
TTie nobles and military officers having acknowledged Sultan Mulaammad ShAb as their
sovereign, placed the royal crown on his head and seated him on the throne. The ministers of
state, great men o the court and those learned in the law, all obtained honours and rewards
suitable to their rank and circumstaaees.
He was a king adorned with the ornament of intelligence and understanding and decorated
with the jewel of justice and equity. In his time the people were at rest on the reclining- place
of safety and security. In his age the dagger of tyranny and the sword <o injustice rotted in
their scabbards. In his reign ih<ere was BO vestige of unlawful things ; and habits of iniquity
and impiety were removed from his time. He founded masjids, public schools and monas-
teries, and never permitted *toy receding or swerving from tte straight road of rectitude and
jastioe and the highway of the divine law, Bfe held fast all the country which had come Into
the possession of kis illastrious grandfather and his paternal uncle ; and from partisans or
friends in those parts no rebellion or sedition showed itself, and they never swerved from the
road of obedience and subjection. The Sult&n did not lead aoy army in. any direction, but
spread the carpet of justice and liberality, and so engaged himself in the requisites of self-
evident duty and prohibiting unlawful things that no one had am opportunity of deviating from
the beaten patli of the divine law.
It is related that during the reign of this just ting a certain woman, being charged witlt
the disgraceful act of adultery, was taken for trial to the M^s court. On the way there an
artifice occurred to the woman's mind, and when she was presented before &e Mz%, beiiog
questioned as to her reason for committing that disgraceful act, she replied : " O M& a doubt
has occurred to me on this point - Is each man permitted by tke precepts o religion to have
four wives ? My opinion was that women might act in the same manner : now that I am aware
of its impropriety, I am ashamed of the deed, and repent." The Mzi, astonished at her answer,
remained silent ; aad that sinful impostor being freed from punishment hastened to her house.
37 Assassinated him, & n
According to Firishtah it happened on theSls^Miiharram, 78% whi<di cowesponds to the 20th May, l57b, A. v.
The author of the Ta*$carat-ul-Muluk says lie reigned one year, one month and three days f which exactly agree?
with the Burhfari W6#r ; but Krishtah only gives him a reign of one month and five days,
39 There is here a serious discrepancy between our author and Firishtah. According to the latter, the faftn king
of the dynasty was Mato^d, son of 'Ala-nd-Dm I. ; bat Mristah must be wrong, for the coinage shows that tbe
name of the Bahmanl king reigning at this period was Muhammad. Histories written qaite independently 01
Mrishtah stich m the Ta*karat-ul-MitUk and Tdrftk-i-Jafcdn Ird also corroborate the statement of ^mr author.
Dr. O. Cddrington has recently written about this in the Numismatic CJironide (3rd Series, Vol. XTIU*
pages 259-273), and quotes a letter of mine on the subject.
184
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY,
Baring his reign Sultfia Muhammad prmot@d Khwajah Jahan wh was on of the awtfW
of his illustrious grandfather - t0 the rank of Vakil and Amir-ul-Umra ; and Saiyid Taj-nd-
Dia Jafcajufe, son of Saiyid Ba?Ud-Dtn Kutb-ul-Mulk, after his father, obtained from the
Sultan the title of Kntb-nl-Mulk.
After a reign of nineteen years and nine months, or according to another account
nineteen years and six naojfctH ^ F st kiB ^ diesi '
This event occurred on the 26th of the month Rajab, A. H, 79* (25th April, A. D. I3W)>*
SaMn MuLammad Shah had two sons Sultftn GhiyAfl-nd-Dtn Muhammad Shah an<J
Sultan Shams-ud-Din Da,ud Shah, feoth of whom reigned in their '
of Afca-l-Musaf&r Sultta GMyas-ud-Dln wa wl-Dimja, Bakmaa
son of Sultan Muhammad SMh*
son of Malimtldi,
son of Aliid-Di:a ^Easarc SMh BatmianL
After the death of Sultan Muhammad Shah y the generals, the amirs and warfrc, tie learned
men and the suite and servants of the court haying consented to the accession of Sultan
ffMyfts-ud-Dfcx, who had: travelled but twelve stages of his life, 43 they raised the regal umbrella
over his head, and all joined in the honour of pledging their loyalty and tendering their con-
gratulations. The Sultan, notwithstanding Ms tender age, distinguished the nobles and
grandees by royal courtesy, and presented them with robes of honour and various gifts ; and hav-
ing renewed for the nobles th&farmam under which they held their feudal lands, and bestowed
ou them countless dignities, confirmed them ist their former possessions in the country. He the
busied himself im the arrangement of various important affairs of the- country amd* action.
SuU&a Ghiyas-ud-Din busied himself in improving the position of his father's slaves, and
gave them too loose a rein. One of these, named Tuelialba^fei/ 3 he exalted above all the nobles ;
consequently he turned the reins from the side of rectitude ; and as the Sultan had removed
some of his father's nobles, it occurred to this man that the Sultan might do the same to the
slaves ; he therefore took steps to remedy the eventuality before its occurrence. Under the
pretext of an entertainment he took the Sultan to his own house, and there with a red hoi
skewer deprived him, of his sight. He then deposed the Sultan, and raised to the throne the
younger brother of the latter, named Sultan Shams-ud-Dln.
This event happened on the 17th of the month Kamazan, A. H. 799 (14th June, A. IX
1396), and the duration of the Sultan's reign was one month and eight days ; but God Almighty
alone knoisrs the truth o things L
Til.
Keign of Sultan Shams-ud-Din D&,tld
son of Sultan Mujahid
son of Mabm&d
son of Sultan *Aia-ud-Din Hasan SMh
When the faithless Tughalbakhi, with the concurrence of the nobles, deprived Snltaza
Ghiyas-ud-Din of his sight by means of a skewer, he with the approval f the nobles and
4 According to the Ta*Jcarat-ul-Multils lie died in A, H. 801 after a reign of nineteen years, six months and five
days.
41 I cannot understand the name Dd,$d being added to Snams-iid-DSn's name*
42 I* e., ne was twelve years old. According to iFirislitah ne was in Ms seventeenth year at nis accession.
** It is difficult to say what is the correct spelling of this name. In some places it looks like BaghalQb
t* Thi Beading is evidently wrong. It should be, - " Eeign of Shams-ud-Dtn Shh, son of Muhammad II., SO-B
of Mafem&d gh&n, son of Sultln *Al&-ud-Din ^[asan Shah BahiBant" Mujtlhid does not appear to have had any son.
1399.] HISTOHY OP THE BAmtAKI DYNASTY. 185
ministers, shekh* and learned men and grandees of the country and cation seated on the
throne of sovereignty Sult&n Sh&ms-ud-Din, ivlio had not yet travelled seven stages on the
journey of life ;* 5 but he kept the reins of power In his OTVIL hands, so that SLaias-ud-Dia TV as
Sultan in name only,
Fir Hz Sito and Ahmad Kb&n, grandsons 13! Sultan 'AlS-nd-Din Hasan Shah, who were
worthy of the sovereignty, and eventually in their own persons added ornament and beauty to
the crown and throne ivere faithful In their allegiance to BuMn Shams-ud-dln ; but
Tughalbakhi and all the slaves of the Sult&n, who were Inimical to them, -were always plotting
to remove them in order to usurp the sovereignty for themselves. In consequence of this the
two princes were obliged to fly to the fort of Sagar. The l-ol^al who had charge of this fort
received the princes in a friendly manner and promised them all the assistance In his pover.
He joined them with a large number of retainers of those parts, and they proceeded against
Sultan Shams-ud-Din, Bat -when the two parties met, the Kotwal of Sugar proved faithless,
The nobles of Sultan Shams-ud-Din, deeming It advisable by promises of aid to the princes
to endeavour to sprinkle extinguishing water on the fire of rebellion and contention which vras
fiercely burning, sent a trustworthy person to Firuz EThan and Ahmad Khun with a written
treaty of peace; and since the princes saw that the most prudent course was to abandon con-
tention and submit themselves they waited on the Sultan and folded up the carpet of strife.
When some time had thus passed, the idea of getting rid of the two princes again occurred
to the minds of the slaves* The heart of the mother of the Sultan still burned with the remem-
brance of the fate of Sultan Ghlyas-nd-Din, and the slaves persuaded her that Firfiz Khan and
Ahmad Khan were the cause of that base action. On tils account the Sultan's mother con-
ceived hatred against the two princes and set herself In opposition to them, The foster-sister
of the Sultan ? who was called Makhdumah Jahan 5 was the wife of Firfiz Khan, and she having
obtained information of this plot immediately "hurried home and informed her husband* Fink
Khan and his brother then held counsel together ; and most of the principal amirs, such, as
Khwajah Jahan, Azhdar Khan, Malik Shahab, Saiyid Taj-ud-din Jakajut, Kutb-ul-lEulk and
others who were vexed and distressed by the despotic power of the slaves, united together, and
arranged that on the following day they were to go to the palace with a number of armed
men, and before the slaves should hear of it, to seize and imprison the Sultan and .seat Sultan
Firuz on the throne.
Next day Sultan Firuz and Sultan Ahmad with a multitude of followers mounted and
proceeded to the court ; and after posting a number of their adherents at each door went on
till they found the Sultan, whom they seized and imprisoned, and Sultan Firuz took his place
on the throne,
In most histories it is stated thafc this event occurred on the 23rd Safar, A. EL SCO
(14th February, A. D. 1397). Sultan Shams-nd-Din reigned for the space of five months and
seven days.
CHAPTER VIII.
Beign of Sultftn-i GrMzian T&j-nd-Duny&
wa ud-Din AbH-1-MngafBar Sultan FirOz Shah,
son of Alimad 35b.to,
son of Sultto Alfi.-ud-Dln BahmanL 4
After the deposition and imprisonment of Sultan Shams-ud-Din 5 on the same day Sult&n
Firuz placed the royal crown on his head and seated himself on the throne. The amirs 9 wastes,
taiyids, shekhs and learned men hastened to salute him, and obtained the felicity of kissing his
feet ; and his companions in adversity were eloquent in their congratulations and praises,
* 5 According to Firishtah he was in Ms fifteenth year.
** According to Firislitali, Firuz and Ahmad were sons of D&,M*
I8 TSE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [J ULY ,
Sultan Firuz Shah Laving imprisoned TugJhalbakM and the oilier conspirators, honoured!
the nobles and generals with sBmptnowa rbes f laomowr and numerous presents, and promoted
Ms adherents.- He conferred on his brother, Ahmad Ehto, the title of KH^n EMn&n ; and
Kiwajab, ?ahan, wh previous to this held an office under government, he confirmed in the same
employment. For the amirs and those holding lands cm feudal tenure he seni far mans and rohe&
of honour, and the revenue affairs were carried on as formerly. He behaved with justice, kind-
ness and liberality towards his troops and subjects, and being determined to use his best
endeavours in the suppression of infidelity and the strengthening f the Faith, he contemplated
the conquest of the kingdom of Vijayanagar ; so in a short time he marched an army in that
direction and subdued and killed the mffctel's of those
(Devar&ja ?), who was the chief (multaddam*) of those infidels, sent a person to the-
Sultan's court, and representing t&eir weakness and despair, penitently asked for pardon, and stated
that if the Sultan would draw the pen of forgiveness through the pages of their offences and
secure them against his royal displeasure and wrath they would pay imto the publi treasury the-
sum of thirty -three lalbs of tank&> and that each year a fixed sum should be sent to the foot of tB
royal tk*one, taking a receipt from the eemrt auditor of accounts* The Sultan having washed
with the limpid water of forgiveness and condonation the registers of offences of those peni-
tent people, took from the Baya of Vijayanagar the sum agreed upon, and then quickly returned
in triumph to his capital, where he spent nearly a year in enjoying himself.
After that, the desire of waging &ji7id against the cities and towns of the infidels having
entered the Sultan's mind, in the beginning of the year 802 (A. D. 1399), he ordered a large
army to be assembled, and on an auspicious day he marched towards the fort of S&gar, "When
the chiefs of that district heard of the Sultan's approach they tendered their submission and
paid the revenue of the country into the royal treasury, and so remained secure from attack
by the army*
[Since the Snltftn in the neighbourhood of Sagar, by his good fortune and the inSuence-
of his fresh and numerous victories obtained the submission of the ssammddrs and Edyas of
those parts, lie gave to Sgar the name of Husrat&MdL]^
When he had received the thirty-three lals of tankah ~ which was the sum fixed for pay-
ment by theBaya of Vijay&nagar Ms desires being accomplished, and hi& important affairs
carried to a successful issue, he returned towards his capital ; and having encamped for some
time on the bank of the river Jahnto vhioh Is near Kalburgah, and is commonly
known as the Bhanttr he founded a city there, and that city was commonly known as
In this year (A, H. 802 = A. D. 1399) Saiyid Muhammad Qistt-dar^ (long locks),*
mth. a number of disciples and daryishes came from Dihli to the Daklian, and by his honoured
presence tnade Kalburgah. the envy of heaven*
Tills passage IB brackets z omitted m the I. 0. MS. Evidently the riTer n
** This famous M^ammadan saint was bom at Dilli on the 4tn Kajab, A. H. 721 (30th July, A. D' 1321). His
proper Ba** IB *?adr-*d-^n H^amraad Hussainf, hut he was commonly called Mnhammad Glsft Darfta, on account
^ ^ SLr? a dlS l iple f She4t Na *l*D!n Chir%h*o DilH, who sent him. to the
( f \ Pi ,f *T ^ relgn f Sul ^ n Mlz SUh Bahmani ' ^ ^er received him with
disagreement with the saint the author
attributes the subsequent mis-fortunes of Sultan Firuz
^ 1Pn ^ mad > ^ ^ eari y P a ^ of his relgn, showered favours on the venerable saiyid ;
^ ih *^* rf their king, the inhabitants of the Dakhan chose him for their
r^^' r S ^f enCe beCame " Place f PiW-W to all Bee*." The king withdrew hi,
JULY, 1899.] HISTORY OP THE BAHMA3II DTK ASTST. 187
The Sultan was rejoiced to hear of the shekh?s arrival, and sent some learned men to wait?
and requesting information about him, to inform the Sultan of the trnth of the matter. They
visited Mm according to the Snltan 5 orders, and fonnd him perfect in all kinds of sciences and
miracles ; so they hastened to the Sultan and informed him of -what they had found. This
being the means of increasing the Sultan's belief he hankered after the society of that perfect
instructor, and in ceremonious and respectful treatment neglecting not the smallest trifle, he
assigned several cultivated lands to him as reward. Some have said that in the first interview
between the Sultan and Saiyid Muhammad Gisft-daraz an altercation occurred which used to
increase day by day up to the time when, according to the revolution of fate, the Sultan was
deposed ; and that it was owing to his want of attention to that cream of his race that he
experienced the misfortunes which he did, as will presently be related.
The Sultan again conceiving the idea of waging a religious war against the infidels of the
country of Vijayanagar, despatched an army in that direction. "When they arrived there the
troops opened the hand of slaughter and plunder, and threw the fire of chastisement among the
infidel Inhabitants of that country. By force of arms they conquered several of the districts of
Bhanur and Musalakal. The Sultan having appropriated the fixed sum cf thirty-three lal-s
returned to his capital with immense booty ; and after spending nearly a year there, liberally
bestowing largess, he again assembled his army and moved towards Mahur ; but finding that
fortress excessively strong and surrounded by an almost impenetrable jungle, he was obliged to
make peace with the Raya of that place 9 and after exacting from him a large sum by way of
tribute and contribution, returned to his capital,
At this time two slaves named Hftsliyar and Bid&r who by royal favours and rank were
distinguished above all the courtiers, had various dignities conferred on them and most of the
important affairs o government and the army were conducted according to their judgment and
opinion. Bidar was given the title of Niz&m-ul-Miilk, and Hushyar that of 'Ain-iil-Mulk.
In the midst of these affairs Ehwajah Jahan, to whom, owing to his sagacity, the affairs
of government had been committed, bid farewell to this perishable world, and his rank also was
conferred on Bidar and Hushyar.
The Sultan being determined to conquer Telingana proceeded in that direction till having
got near Rajamundri he conquered many forts and districts of that country, and having taien
possession of the whole of that territory he consigned it to agents of government, and then set
out for his capital.
It is related that this sovereign during the period of his reign, which was twenty -five years
and a fraction, made twenty-three (or twenty-four, according to other accounts but God only
knows secrets accurately !) expeditions against the districts and cities of the infidels, and plun-
dered and devastated the countries of those accursed ones ; and every year exacted from the
infidels of Vrjayanagar the sum of thirty-three laks of tanka, as originally fixed ; and from
Telingana to Eajamundri and from Vijayanagar to Ra ? ieMr the whole country was conquered
by his army. In the latter days of his reign, the Sultan, who was nearly seventy years of age,
and apparently much reduced in strength, was still strong in guarding the religion of Islam
and the Faith, of the Prophet ; and notwithstanding his weakness, he had sufficient strength
to undertake jihads against the infidels.
He died at Kalburg-ah on the 16th o gt-ul-Ka'dah, A. H. 825 (1st Xovernber, A. D. 1422) at the age of a hundred
years. His darg&h (shrine) is still fco be seen at Kalburgah, and a chronogram recording the date of Ms death is
inscribed on it. The verses are translated as follows by Professor Eastwict (MtaZroa Hand&oofc, 2nd edition, p. 359) :
" Like that of G$su Daraz the Dakhan boasts no shrine !
<c Gisu Dank 1 the empire of Islam and of this world are thine 1 "
The date of the saint's death is given in the symbolical letters which compose the words
Uia ^ ^^ (*j<*^
Lord of the Faith and of the World,
A much longer tMKh, giving the day of the month as well as the year of his death and ending in the same words,
is given in the Miftaf-ut-TavArtJch, p. 114.
188 THE INDIAF ANTIQUARY. [JULY, 3899.
Towards the end of his reign he was compelled once more to march against Vijayanagar ;
and was determined to take the fort of Ptagal, which is one of the strongest and most
celebrated of that district ; but while he was on the way there, a body of troops of the accursed
devils opposed the royal army with much bravery, and did not fall short in the fight ; but
after a severe struggle the Sultan's army was victorious : the infidels were defeated, and the
world was cleared from the pollution of their impure existence, and immense booty fell into the
hands of the victorious army The Sultan sent to his capital despatches announcing the victory,
and then marched against the fortress of Pangal which he besieged ; but the garrison bravely
sallied out and made a night attack on the Sultan's camp. In this fight fortune turned against
the arms of the Muhammad an s, and many of the true believers lost their lives. The army of
Islam being completely defeated the Sultan marched from that place, halting nowhere till he
reached the village of Ittakur and those accursed impious people made cltaMtaras with the
(dead bodies of the) Musalnuui leaders. Owing to this defeat the physical weakness of the
Sultan was iner-eased ; and many people believed that the defeat was due to the change of
feelings of Saiyid Muhammad Gisu-daraz.
When the Sultan, having baited for some time at Ittakur had somewhat recovered from his
vexation he turned towards his capital ; and settling down there went on no more expeditions,
but spent his time in prayer, charity and good works and promoting the happiness of his
people ; and resigned the affairs of government to Bidar Nizam-ul-Mulk and Hushyar Ain-
ui-Mulk.
"Whoever sees authority in his hands is sure some day to rebel and aim at supremacy ; and
great men have said that the foundations of service of low-born people are fear and hope : when,
they lose fear and feel themselves secure .they make turbid the fountain of loyalty; and when,
by the acquisition of their desires, they become independent, the fire of ingratitude and
sedition is kindled. It behoves a king, therefore, not to so exclude them from his benevolence
that being without hope they should side with his enemies ; and at the same time not to give
them so much favour and power that they should conceive the idea of independence and
rebellion ; and sages have said that to cherish an ignoble person is to demean one's self and
to lose the thread of one's own actions.
# ^ & % * :& &
Such was the case with Bidar and Hftshyar, who owing to the natural blackness and envy
of their dispositions as well as by their elevation had injured the good fortune of Sultan Firuz.
These two inconsiderate wdzfas used always to be hypocritical towards JOi&n Kh.&nn and
wished to exclude him from the succession. Khan Khan an was the Sultfin's brother, and owing
to his understanding, mildness of disposition, generosity, bravery, and other good qualities
the hearts of all the nobles, ministers and subjects, and most of the army were inclined
towards him, and were anxious to make him Sultan ; but Hushyar and Bidar persuaded
the Sultan who never failed to follow their advice * to make his eldest son, Hasan,
the heir and present him with the royal canopy and give him the title of Hasan 8Mb.
But not content even with this, they formed a plot, and represented to the Sultan that until
the kingdom was free from the power of Khan Khan&n, Hasan Shah could never sit on the
throne ; also that KMn Khanan was always currying favour with the subjects and the army,
and thab all the courtiers and populace were his well-wishers. Having no other resource Sultan
Uriiz Shah countenanced the plot against Khan Khanan ; and though, on account of his near
relationship he was unwilling to put him to death, yet he consented to have him blinded. But
Shir Khan, who was son of the Sultan's sister, having gained intelligence of this scheme, has-
tened to Khan Khanan and represented to him the position of affairs* Khan Khanan promised to
fly, and with his eldest son Zafar Khan who, after his father, aspired to the sovereignty
waited on Saiyid Muhammad Gisu-daraz to ask his aid in attaining his objects and desires. The
Saiyid received them with much honour and respect, and ordering food to be brought gave them
to eat. Be then with the hand of blessing himself tied turbans on their heads and predicted
1809.] HISTORY OF THE BAHMANI DfXASTT. 189
sovereignty for both of them. Khan KMnan, assisted aod inspired with hope, then took leave
of that iltasfaious man> went to his house and wltli a number *of trastwortliy attendants prepared
for flight. Just then a to'ercbant from Lahsa called Hasan (who afterwards in the
Teiga -of Sultan Aiintad obtained the title of Ifelifcsit-Tijar, and wlio was celebrated for his
great bravery and generosity), having this year brought Arab horses for sate to tire government
and having received a portion of the price of them, paid a visit to Sultan Ahmad. When "by
bis shrewdness he became aware of the contemplated Eight of Ahmad Shah, he reminded him
of -the days of their friendly companionship -as well as the requirements of sincerity and fidelity,
and vowed to serve him at the risk of his life.
On the night when the Sultan. (Ahmad) intended going forth, ghalf Hasan was present at
the door of Sultan Ahmad's house* Suddenly the latter with four hundred faithful and fully-
^equipped attendants issued from the horae witli tbe intention oi flight. Khalf Hasan comiog
forward saluted him with the title of ** Sultan." Ahmad gathered a good omen from this
salutation, and said, t Khalf Hasan : ** Go to your konse with all speed 9 for you are a merchant
.and a stranger, and if anyone sees you with me your property may be plundered and even your
life sacrificed on aocoant of me." Khali Hasan replied*: ** At the time of ease and leisure to fee
a, companion aad confidant, and in the days of adversity to sprinkle the dust of inconstancy In
the eyes of manhood and turn one's back on one's benefactor is contrary to the requirements of
religion and manliness and Is abhorrent to the disposition of an Arab or Persian : -as long as there
is life and breach m tnj botjy Heaven forbid that I dboctld rkle far from yor .stirrup! Kings,
in .thek- ammerous important affairs have need of ministers, so it is -possible that eventually some
Ibusiuess needing the assistance of inferiors may ensue* For the work done by the weak needle
the head-exalting spear after all Is inferior to it ; and the sword is amazed at the woit accom-
plished by the slender pen-knife , and a servant, however worthless and untrustworthy he may
fee, is not without his uses in averting Injury and blows."
Sultan Ahmad* highly appro vifig of the sincerity .and faithfulness of Khali Hasan regarded
this jalso as a proof of his own future good fortune, and said to ghalf Hasan: "If the
sovereignty oomes into my grasp yon &hall be a partner in my good fortune, and be requited
for the fidelity and kindness which you have shown towands me."
Sultan Ahmad with Ms adherents then left Kalburgah and proceeded towards Telingana.
When the news of the fligti of Sultan Ahmad was noised abroad in the city, Hushyar and
Bidar awaking from the .sleep iof negligence* 50 in a state of perplexity and helplessness waited
.on the Sultan, amd asfced permission to puis&ue Khan EMnan, The Sultan, owing to his near
relationship and tie bonds of fraternity, was uuwiiMng to do eo, and said : " Wherever
Khan Khanan through fear of Ms life anay ha^e hidden himself, It seems best to leave Mm
Alone-" The unhappy Hflshpar and Bidar having gained over some of the nobles again
represented to tbe Sultan, saying ; The departure of Sultun Ahmad will be the cause of end-
less rebellion and sedition ; it is thetref ore advisable to send people in pursuit of him, and
prevent his assembling a foiooe, und to throw the stone *of separation among his adherents, so
that the idea of rebellion may not enter his mind 4 for if he succeeds ID collecting a large force
it will be difficult to deal with him- 8 '
Since the power of Hushyar a;ad ifoe senseless Bidar 51 had arrived at such a stage that the
Sultan had UbO choice in the matter, he maintained silence. Hushyar and Bidar with thirty
elephants and 20,000 horse went in pursuit of Sultan Ahmad, and by doing BO, injured the
-reputation of Mruz and made themselves the butt of the arrows of the accidents of the time-
so A clever play on words :
^JS jfAAJ oAp
5i Another clever pun : ,
U ; 3
190 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JTTLT, 189.
For eyerj affair of consequence founded upon deception and treachery inevitably ends in des-
truction and regret ; and the sages nave said; "The most foolish of men are those
awaken sleeping tumult." 1
Sultan Ahmad had stopped two days in Hi^matafoad, when at tie middle lour between
sun-rise and meridian 52 a cloud of dust arose on the road and a portion of the royal army
with the elephants canie in view, upon which Sultan Ahmad purposed retreating without
offering any opposition ; but Khalf Hasan went up to him and said :
" To leave the battle-field without a wound is shabby ; let his Highness wait a little till hfe
slave exposes himself in battle and strives his utmost,' *
It fortunately happened that a band of cattle-hirers (inuJsaridn') ealled Banjarahs in
the dialect of Hindustan had halted in the neighbourhood o-f that pla&e, h aving with them
a great number of bullocks. Sultan Ahmad, on the principle that " War is fraud," 53 having
thought of a stratagem, purchased the whole of their bullocks at a high price, and after tying
cloths on their horns, arranged a troop of these bullocks facing the enemy, while he himself
advanced with 400 well-equipped cavalry. The plan was-, fortunately, as successful as he
anticipated. A portion of the Sultan's force, wMch fell upon the bullock^ at sight of them
being completely overcome with terror, stood still and then fell back on the others as; Sultan
Ahmad and Khalf Hasan attacked them. An elephant of mountain-like body and demon-like
aspect was foremost in the royalist force ; Khalf Hasan threw a spear and hit it in the trunk
upon which the elephant turned on its own ground and took to flight, and the royalists seeing
this, also turned and fled. Sult&n Ahmad pursued them, and the generals seeing that, their
only resource- was submission, came forward from their troops, and throwing themselves from
their horses,, respectfully kissed the ground before Sultftn Ahmad in token of submission. The
Sultan treated them courteously and made them hopeful of his favour. He took possession el
all the elephants, horses and baggage of Htishy&c and Bldfir; and those two men unsuccess-
ful! and discomfited like their own fortune were soon put to death by the troops.
After that, Sultftn Ahmad with a large army set out on the march for Kalburgah ; and at
every stage nay, even at every step awws with their horsemen and retinue vied with
one another in hastening to pay their respects to him, and were rendered happy by kissing the
ground in submission to Mm> and were enrolled among his adherents.
A Wnen A tn news of the approach of Sultan Ahmad was passed on, the sons and slaves of
Sultan Flruz made him nolens volens mount and go out of the city to give him battle. Histo-
rians have related that one day Sultan liruz having collected 7 ? 000 cavalry went out of
Kalfcmrgah with the intention of fighting Sultan Ahmad, but next day, on investigation, only
3,000 remained, the rest having hastened off to join Sultan Ahmad. When Sultan Ilrfiz saw
the state of affairs, abandoning all idea of opposition, he returned to Kalburgah, and with the
tongue of inspiration uttered these words: -When my good fortune was in the ascendant,
each time that I rode forth from the city such an army used to assemble at my heaven-like court
that calculators, through inability, used to abandon the attempt to compute its numbers; but
to-day, when fortune has turned against me and the throne of sovereignty has become the prize-
of another, seven thousand horse become one thousand***
When the news of the return of Sultan Firfiz to the city reached Sult/m Ahmad, hastening
to traverse the intervening distance, he alighted near a place of prayer of Zalburgah, and
Sultan Firuz sent the saiyids and learned men of the state to him with the keys of the fortress.
^ IB an hour's time Sultan Ahmad of fortunate aspect like his own auspicious fortune
arrived at the court ; and. acting in the same ceremonious and respectful manner which had
been his former habit, he alighted at his brother's door, and in his accustomed manner saluted
. breakfast time. * s stratagem fa ^^ ^
1899.] HISTORY OF THE BAHMAOT DYNASTY. 191
Sultan Firuz who was seated on the royal throne, and then stood in his old place ; bat Sultan
Firfis descended from the throne and caught his brother to his breast, and they wept together
for some time. Snltan Ahmad pleading excuses made many apologies, sayiag ; ** This bold-
ness was due to fear of my life/* Sultan Firuz said : " Praise be to God that tie sovereignty
has fixed Its residence in Its own house : I hare been to blame In that while having a
brother such as you, I nominated another lor the sovereignty; but since tie Creator of tie
World has willed that it is to remain in onr family, I now desire that yon should treat your
nephew Hasan Khan kindly, and that according to approved usages you should settle
FirfLz&b&d upon him and Ms heirs for ever, and make no change in this arrangement ; for It is
fitting that the fruit of the friendship which has always existed between me and yon should
show itself in our posterity/ 5
When Sultan Firuz had finished the expression of his testamentary wishes he took tie
sword from his waist, and binding It on that of Sultan Aljmad, took him by the arm and
seated him. on the throne.
Shortly after his abdication Sult&n Plrtlz Sh&h. died, and this event happened on tie
llth Shawwal, A. H. 825 (28tht September 1422 A. D.).
As to the cause of the death of this monarch of exalted dignity various accounts are
related; but the most authentic is that Shir Khan, son of the Sultan's sister, convinced Sultan
Ahmad that the existence of Sultan Firuz would give rise to sedition ; and that since it Is
impossible for two swords to be in one scabbard, so also It is Imposible f or two kings to exist In
one place. Led 'astray by the arguments of Shir Khan, Sultan Ahmad consented to have Firuz
Shah put to death, and on the date above mentioned lie employed some men to strangle him y
but God only knows the truth of the matter.
Sultan Firuz was an impetuous and a mighty monarch, and expended all his ability and
energy in eradicating and destroying tyranny and heresy, and he took much pleasure in the
society of sliekhs, learned men and hermits. His reign lasted twenty-five years, seven months
and eleven days.
After the death of Sultan Firuz, Sultan Ahmad sent Hasan Khan and all the other sons of
the late king, in accordance with his will, to Firuzabad, and assigned that city to them ; but
in a short time Hasan Khan also bid farewell to this transitory world and joined his illustrious
father. 5 *
Hote to Chapter VIII.
[The following is the account of the reign of Sultan Firuz SMh given in tie Tazkarat-ul-
Mum.]
Beiga of Sultan Firftss Shah,
son of Ahmad Eb&n Bahmani.
He was a good, just, generous and pious king : he supported himself by copying the
Kur,tin, and the ladies of his karam used to support themselves by embroidering garments and
selling them. As a ruler he was without an equal, and many records of Ms justice still remain
on the page of time. One is a city which he built on the hank of the rivei -Kpshiia ;
he erected a lofty building in that city, and completed it, and constructed fortifications one
farsam* in extent round it, made of cut stone ; and for a long time he lived in that city in
enjoyment and the gratification of his desires. It chanced that at one time heavy ram Ml,
* According to Firishtah (Briggs, Vol. IL, p. 400) Hasan Kh^liyed till after the death of hi S uncle, Ahmad
Shfih, when he was blinded and kept a prisoner in Ms palace at lirftzSbad-
Here ends the first Tdbakah of tlie BurJian4 Ma 9 &gir.
This should be the BUmd, a branch of the Krishna. 56 S,QOO yards.
192 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Jxj LTj 18flL
and the water of the river overflowed to such an extent that the country round for three or
four f&rsakhs was flooded, and much damage was caused. In the streets and bdzdr of the city
the water rose so high that the Sultan and his family for seven days and nights had to live in
the upper storey of the palace. The fortifications and the city still remain, but that building
has not remained : the city is known by the name of
He took BUM Kamal as his spiritual adviser, and became his disciple. Facino- his ow,n
dome (tomb) another of elaborate construction was built for the saint, and beneath it a reser-
voir which the Sulta built during his lifetime : the dome and reservoir are still in existence.
The affairs of state, both great and little, he entrusted to Sultan Atimad, whilst he himself
only attended to his devotions; and Sultan Ahmad's power being very great in the government
he gained over to his side the nobles and ministers and the whole of the army, and meditated
opposition to the Sultan*
One day someone informed Sultan Firuz that Sultan Ahmad was plotting against him, and
contemplated carrying him off and becoming king in his place, and advised the Sultan to be on
his guard ; he only replied : c What remedy is there against the decrees of Fate? It is cer-
tain that he will be king after me- 1 '
It is well known that seventy of the troops had mutinied against SuMn Firuz, and he had
sentenced them to death, but at the intercession of Sultan Ahmad their lives were spared and
they were promoted. These men joined Sultan Ahmad in plotting to kill Sultan Firuz. There
were many HabsM slaves in the service of the Sultan as personal attendants: one of these Habshis
who was in charge of the royal wardrobe, used every morning to bring the Sultan's clothes -into
his private apartments, and dress him. When Sultan Ahmad's power increased he wished to
establish himself in the sovereignty ; and deceiving the Habshis and soldiers by false promises,
persuaded them to join him in putting SultSn Firuz to death,
^ One day Sultan Afemad after making elaborate preparations came to the door of Sultan
FMz's palace with the intention of assassinating him. When the sentries saw this they began
fighting with the followers of Sultan Ahmad, and many were killed on both sides. At last the
Habshi jdmah-ddrj who was a confidential servant, -told the guards that he would go and
acquaint the Sultan with the attack of Sultan Ahmad; but he had previously promised the
latter to assassinate the Sultan at the time of the fighting. Watching his opportunity he entered
the private apartment of SuMn Firik, ho at the time was engaged in reading the word of
God. That unfortunate Habshi killed SuMn Firus with a dagger, and then informed the people
of the fact.
When the troops of the Sultan became aware of the murder, they retired from the fight,
and each one Md himself. Some of the nobles raised the eldest son of Sultan Firuz to the
throne, but at the same moment SuMn Ahmad put him to death, and seated himself on the
throne.
The duration of the reign of Sultan PMz was twenty-five years, seven months and twelve
days;_ and the period of the sovereignty of the eight Bahmani kings in the city of AhsanahSd
was eighty-two years, five months and eighteen days ; but God only knows !
(To be continued.*)
w Keeper of $he wardrobe 5 a servaat whp hpnds fte clothes to Ms master.
JULY, 1399.] FOLKLOEE IN TH3 OBSTEA.L PROVISOES OF INDIA? No. 12, 193
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PftOVIXCES OF INDIA.
By H. N. VENKBTSWAill, M.H.A.3., OF XAGP'JB,
A*. 12. T/ie Fulfilment of a Curse.
THKHE was a certain ascetic practising austerities in a forest. An emperor's son, while riding
there with his friends and followers and with bows and arrows to shoot at birds, saw a dejd snake
lying on the ground, and an ascetic close by. 4S This fellow is performing a great penance," said the
prince, and, taking the dead snake, hung it round the neck of the huly man, and moved on. It was the
height of the rainy season, and the dead snake got wetter and wetter, became putrid, and thousands
of creatures engendered in it. When the sun rose one morning after some days the worms showed
themselves to be very active by creeping about the body of the ascetic ; and when he scratched his body
the discomfort caused thereby was Indescribable. Enduring it no longer lie opened his eyes and
found myriads of worms creeping about his body and a putrid smell emanating therefrom, and the
snake though decayed and in pieces still hanging on to him,
" Who put this on to my neck T said the ascetic, and cursed the man, saying : " May
the very same snake bite him, and suck Ms life's blood."
His penance being thus vitiated, the ascetic went to the river-bank to clean himselr and renew it.
Now in the emperor's country his purohit, his priest and Ms astrologer, said to him or. e
morning on their usual visit to the palace : " emperor, your son will be bitten by a snake on such
aid an ih a day aid at stuh and such an hour. The prince has disturbed the austerities of an ascetic.
The catastrople cainot be averted, do what we may."
With a heavy heart the emperor heard the prophecy, and, saying within himself, s< let us see how
this shall come to pass/' got the palace thoroughly swept and cleaned from the ceiling to the ground,
inside and out ; and the fissures or chinks in the walls cemented with clunam and the holes of the
running drains covered up with masonry, and took every precaution so that no snake should be
harboured there, and on the day on which the snake was to bite the prince he had fires burning brightly
around the palace, and permitting no egress or ingress even to a bird, waited for the worst. The
whole population on the other hand, upon whom a gloom had been cast, poured into the palace-yard
with deep sorrow, many wailing and all wishing that the evil hour might pass away without mishap
to their emperor's son.
The news of the misfortune that was to happen to the prince on such and such a day and at such
a-xd such an hour was not confined to his country, but spread like wild fire in the seventy-six subsidiary
kingdoms over which the emperor held sway, and every subject, the high and the low, sympathised with
the emperor. And so popular was he that in one of the subject countries a mother said to her son,
reputed to be a very great doctor : ' ' You who know so much that every drug yields to you
its virtue ! You who know so well incantations, messengers from Hanumau 1 to the daityas? that
every one of them seem to be at your beck and call ! The emperor's son is in danger of death by
a snake-bite. Will you not go and cure him T y
So saying, she rolled up a bundle containing the remains of the precious evening's food in his
hands and bid him go to the capital As he was going, the snake, in the guise of an old man,
was also going there. It entered into conversation with the medicine man and asked : " Where
are you going ?"
" I am going to cure the king's son, who is going to be bitten by a snake ! n
41 Can you cure him ?"
" Tes t I can/'
" Really," interrogated the old man (L e,, the serpent in disguise).
- Yes, or else I shall mike a sacrifice of my medical bioks and incantation books to the fire."
Well, I am the serpent, I am going tobl^
- ~~ * is jQeHiQna,,
i Hauumfua is the patron of sorcerers,
194 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [JULY,
So saying the old inau went to a bush, and, coming out as a ddhts&saZ with hood
expanding, bit a "green" tree of twelve branches, blossoming with flowers and fruits, when, lo and
behold ! the tree burned itself up in an instant, the stump only remaining. Seeing this the doctor
entered the forest hard by and bringing a leaf in his band, extracted juice from it and poured it on
the remains of the burnt tree, and immediately the tree came to life with its branches, flowers, fruits
and all, flourishing as before.
Whereupon the serpent advised the man saying : "Go by the way you came. Do not cure the
prince. He has disturbed the austerities of an anchorite, who in consequence has cursed him.
The anchorite's curse should not be made of no-effect/'
Hearing which the doctor returned home only to receive his mother's curse for not carrying ottf,
her wish. 4 -
Meanwhile, the evil hour drew nigh. An oUjpurohit of the king, full of years, who had been left
at home, desired to see the prince once again and started for the purpose, and while going he saw a
fresh lime lying on the path. Going along it he reached the palace and greeted the prince
reverentially from behind the fires. The prince returned the greeting, and, seeing the lime in the
purohit's hand, he asked for it. Taking it he smelt it, when at once it became a snake, sticking to his
nose with a long tail, and sucking the prince's life's blood. Thus was the anchorite's curse fulfilled,
and nothing could avert it. And this is in accordance with the decrees of fate.
No. IS, The Clever Wife.
THERE was once a miserly Komati who used to give a ser of jowari every day for making
three cakes. Of these he would eat two and a half and leave the rest to his wife, and half a cake is
certainly not sufficient to keep any one's body and soul together, so it is not strange that the
Komati's wives, whom he married one after another, left him on the ground of insufficient food.
At last the Komati got a wife who had a will of her own, and was a fit person to control him,
though like the others she used to bake three cakes and place them before her husband. She stood
her share of half a cake for three days, but on the fourth day she reserved a cake and a half for herself,
and placed the rest before her husband.
4t Where's the rest V 9 said the husband ; fetch it."
<* Why ? "
" I want it."
She would not bring it, and he refused to eat anything. So she ale all the cakes. The nex,t
day also she baked three cakes and entreated her husband to eat his share.
'* How many cakes ?" said he.
" One and a half."
"-Say- tvrs cud a halt."
But she would not, and again ate them all. This went on for three or four days, and the
consequence was that the husband became unwell, nearly died, but still remained obstinate.
Then the wife called Some of her people and said: " My husband is dead. Prepare a bier."
They came and prepared the bier, and when they vere about to bathe the corpse she went up to it
and said : " Consent now."
< * Say two and a half. '*
s The first serpent upon whose head the world Is saijl to Test Earthquakes are caused by the shaking of its
head. [ A. most interesting instance of the form in which the old iterary legends about Dhanvantaxa, the leech, and
the humanised Nga serpents, bare survived among the people. ED.-]
4 The curse stands to this day medicines stowing their effect only in a few pases of snake-bite find failing
as a rule, "
1899,]
KOT1S ASD QUERIES.
1&5
He would not yield, and the woman on her part remained inexorable. The bathing over the
relations laid the corpse on the bier and carried it to the cremation ground, and placing It tLcre they
piled on the stacks of firewood and cowdung cakes, when the wife under tie pretence of seeing her
husband for the last time went near him and said gently ia his ear; "2?bw consent and EOT one
and a half,"
" No. Say two and a half," retorted he.
The next moment the pile was lit, when the dead man broke loose from tie pyre, and
exclaimed in a lond distracted tone : "I consent, I consent. One and a half."
The people were frightened out of their wits, but when they came to know the story they laughed
heartily and went to their homes. The miser also returned home with his wife, and henceforward
divided the cakes equally,
NOTES AND QUERIES.
DEDICATORY NECKLACES.
IN the country lying In Lat. 30 15' N., and
Long. 73 SO 7 E., when a Muhammadan male
child is born he is dedicated to Pir-i-Dast&gir
' Abdul Qadir Jilani], for 6 S 9, or 12 years. On
his completing Ms first year a silver necklace,
somewhat lighter than a Norse torque, is put on
his neck, and another is added on the completion
of each year up to the termination of the dedica-
tory period, when all the necklaces are taken off
iind presented at the shrine of Pir-i-Dastagir. I
have seen children wearing as many as seven
of these necklaces, the state of the skin of the
neck proving that they had never "been taken on 2 .
Should the child die the necklaces are reserved
for other possible children.
M. MILLETT in P. N. and Q. 1883.
SOME INDIAN MUSALMAN BIBTH CUSTOMS,
So long as the mother is confined to her bed a
barber's wife (ndin) cooks the food of the whole
family in the presence of the women, and during
the seven days of defilement the nurse and her
husband supplies the water, and a brother's wife
the earthen vessels required. But this last
custom exists only in the villages., and does not
extend to the large towns and cities. During the
whole term of the confinement the Hinduized
Musalmans will give nothing away out of the
house not even fire nor will they allow the
house sweepings to be thrown outside, nor is any
woman, except one of their own caste, allowed
io enter the house.
GTTLAB SINGH in P. N. and Q. 1883.
SOME BIRTH CUSTOM IN BIHAR,
IN Bihar, when a child is born whose elder
brothers have died, and who is hence called
mardcJiJi or mardcJiJi'wd, the navel cord is thrown
away. But if he is an ordinary child, "whose
brothers and sisters are alive, a portion Is cm
off and buried in the floor o the lying-in -
chamber; over it the lying-in-fire, pcs : ^ . is
lighted. This fire is kept in all cases r,:vning
night and clay, till the mother leaves the chamber.
G-. A. GBIEESON in P. A; and Q. 1 883.
KHWAJA KHIZAE AND HIS AFFINITIES.
WANTED : the various names of this god of tl;e
flood. The common ones are Klrwaja Khizar,
identified with. Ilyas (ElSas); E3iw4ja K.IUS&;
Dunnindr ; Dnmindo : Jinda Pir. See Tiumpp,
Adi GruirfTi, xxiv. Compare also the It 7 is si an
myth of the Yodyany or water- sprite being mixed
up with Ilya, (Elijah}, who Balston says. Songs of
the Russian People, 2nd ed., p. 152, is properly
Peran, the Slavonic Thunder God.
E. C. TEMPLE.
CEREMONIAL COLOES.
AEE there any instances known among the non-
Aryan tribes of India or Burma of particular
colors being associated with the various direitions
or points of the compass ? The colors may be
used in ceremonials, or may be referred to in
myth or story, as in the case of lit. Mem in
Aryan mythology with its four sides of different
colors.
If so, what reasons, if any, are given for the
selection of the colors ? And what is the general
symbolic significance of the colors so nsed r If,
for example, red is used as symbolic of some point
of th.e compass, is red in its general symbolism
connected with heat, or with war, or with any-
thing else ?
If green, blue or black are used symbolically of
any of the directions, do the people have any
knowledge of the sea ; and what color do they ns
in describing it ?
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JtTLY,
The foregoing queries are printed in hopes that
a considerable body of material may be found to
exist in various parts of Southern Asia in regard
to this interesting branch of symbolism, the study
of which in America has brought to light some
carious points, which, however, require corrobora-
tive evidence from other parts of the world before
they can be regarded as settled. The Chinese,
Corean, and Japanese symbolism has been often
recorded, as nas that of the Yedas and Buddhism,
but no material seems to be available from the
many other peoples in Southern Asia.
ROLAND B.
CALICO AND 'MUSLIN.
HERE is a contribution of some importance
ta the history of both these Indo-European words,
Gf Yude, Eobs-on-Johson, s. v.
1775. " N. B. Calicoes, commonly called
Muslins, or w&ite Calicoes, are to pay, besides
the above duty, 15 per Cent, to- 6e computed
according to the Gross Value of the Sale. "
Stevens, Guide ta the East India Trade^. p. 120.
E. (J. TEMPLE.
CALAMBAC.
HEBE are two good quotations in addition to
those given by Yule, s. v.
1775. " Price Current ( of | Sundry Goods
at Judda | .... Callumbeck, 42 Bombay
Rupees per Candy." Stevens, Guide to East
India Trade, p. 63.
1813. " Lignum Aloes, Agalloclmm or Calam-
bac is the wood of a tree growing in some parts
of the Malay Peninsula, Cochin China,, etc. It is
described as resembling an olive, and the wood
being so much esteemed among the Asiatics is
carefully watched. The trunk is of three colours,
and distinguished by different names in commerce,
viz '> " ' HI. CalamTbac is the heart, or
centre part of the tree, a^d is the wood so
. much esteemed m all parts of India
It should have an agreeable fragrant smell and
a bitter aromatic taste The true
Calambae is generally in flat bits.
This wood [Eagle Wood. _ R. 0. T\] is never
Bought to Europe, being of little value/' -
Milbum, Commerce, II., p. 31 ,
B. C. TEMPLE,
BITT.
HERE is a contribution towards the spread of
tins obscure nautical term.
1685. The fourth [Beam] taken quite out and
a new one pu[t] in its place to secure the Bit-
pma. Report an the repairs necessary to "the
Pink John and Mary," 7th July, 1685, in Pringle's
Madras Consultations for 1685, p. 96. To this
Mr. Pringle's note is : " Bitpins, * two upright
pieces of oak, called Bittpins when the bitts are
large, or Knees when the bitts are small/ The
word is in several European languages, but Its
origin is unknown " (p. 19>2).
1811. " Bitts, Habeet, abit." Roebuck,
Eng.-Hind. Naval Diet. p. 9.
1882. Bitts. Habit, abit (Fortngtiese,
abitas). Small, Lascari Diet. p. 6.
There is no doubfc then that the lascar'a
form of the word has been borrowed from the
Portuguese,
R. C. TEMPLE.
SOME EUSTIG DIVISIONS OF TIME AND
MEASTJBEMEHT&.
HERE are some instances.
Jhalldngv tmdwaddd ele, early in the "morning.
Air on ghnairon, and ghussd mussd, twilight*
Sargi vtt, an hour before dawn (Musalrnans),
Should not bliattd v&ld be just before noon?
Is not niddd for nikkd T Similarly I think land*
v&ld should be laliudd veld.
It may be stated generally that in the absence?
of clocks the peasant notes the time of day by
reference to the position of the sun, or the time
for feeding, or other daily habits. The hungry
man's stoniac-h serves him for a wateh; e. g. t he
will say "the sun has risen a reed ? s height in
the sky/' or (f the sun was in and out'* (din andar
bdhar thd) i. e. t was just rising, or ** din dhalliti
hoid, the sun had begun to wester, 1 ' or " din leh
pid, the sun had set/* Again, at night he refers,
to the position of the stars, their appearance, etc.
Other expressions are "dungM shdm ftogai, the
evening (shades) had deepened," or "what time
were we getting the second pair of bullocks to the
well,'* or "what time we began to plough," or
"when the lights (diwd) were being lit," or
" some were in bed and some not," and so on.
In measuring space a peasant will say " as far
as the voice can carry JJ (sadd paindd) t or " aa
far as a musket ball will go/' rather than use
artificial measurements. Asked the depth of a
well, he will say so many scores of pots (tind, the
earthen pots of a Persian wheel) to reach the
water.
Similarly the time of year is " the hot or cold
or rainy weather/' or is noted by the state of the
crops more readily than by a specified month.
The clout of the Panjab keeps his shepherd's
calendar.
R. W. TRA.FSOBB in P. N. and Q. 1883.
, 1899,] A THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
A THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR, AS APPLIED TO A GROUP
Ol SAVAGE LANGUAGES. 1
BY E. C. TEMPLE.
IS" reviewing lately for the Royal Asiatic Society Mr. Port-man's 2?otes on the Languages
of the South. Andaman Group of Tribes, I pointed out that lie had used a pamphlet
of toy own, privately printed in 1883, entitled ** A Brief Exposition of a Theory of Universal
Grammar," which was specially designed to meet the very difficulties lie had to face in giving
a general idea of languages constructed on lines at first sight very different from those on
whose structure modern European Grammar is "based.
I also pointed out that the pamphlet in question arose out of the practical impossibility
of using the usual inflexional system of Grammar, as taught in Europe, for the accurate
description of a group of agglutinative languages, and that it had its immediate origin
in the criticisms of the late Mr. A. J. Ellis, public and private, on an old work of _ 1377 and
certain MSS. hy myself and Mr. E. H. Man on the Andamanese speech, Mr. Ellis explained
that in order to adequately represent for scientific readers such a form of speech as the Anda-
manese, *' we require new terms and an entirely new set of grammatical conceptions , which
shall not bend an agglutinative language to our inflexional translation," and lie asked me
accordingly if it were not possible ** to throw over the inflexional treatment of an uninflected
language." This, and the further consideration that since every human being speaks with but
the one object of communicating his own intelligence to other hnman beings, the several
possible ways of doing this must be based on some general laws applicable to them all, if only
one could find them out, led me to make the attempt to construct a general theory on
logical principles, which should abandon the inflexional treatment, its conceptions
and its terms.
Such an attempt involved a wide departure from orthodox grammatical teaching, and I
tonnd that Mr. Portman, while adopting the theory, had been unable to clear himself of the
teaching in which he had been brought up, and had consequently produced a work which was
a compromise between the two. His laborious and praiseworthy efforts to adequately represent
the Andamanese languages had failed in point of clearness, and my theory was not properly
represented in his pages. I have therefore determined to revert again to the subject, and to give
a more extended view of the theory than was then possible.
With these few introductory remarks I will proceed at once with my subject, commenc-
ing with a general statement of the argumentation on which the theory is based, testing
it as a method of clearly presenting a savage group of tongues constructed after the fashion
of the Andamanese by an explanation thereby of the linguistic contents of an entire story, as given
by Mr. Pbrfcrnan, 0fe., The Andaman Fire Legend, and concluding by a skeleton statement
of the theory itself.
Premising that I am talking of the conditions of sixteen years ago, I found myself,
in building up the theory, compelled, in order to work out the argument logically, to com-
mence where the accepted Grammars ended, ^., at the sentence, defining the sentence as
the expression of a complete meaning, and making that the unit of language, le&rlj,
then, a sentence may consist of one or more expressions of a meaning or ^words, which I
defined as single expressions of a meaning. It can also consist of two separate parts i
the subject, i. e., the matter to be discussed or communicated, and the predicate, *. e., the dis-
cussion or communication. And when the subject or predicate consists of many words it must
contain principal and additional words.
This leads to the argument that the components of a sentence are words, placed either in
the subjective or predicative part of it, haying a relation to each other in that part of principal
i From J. B. A* &, 1899-
196 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. rAtreusT, 1899
and subordinate. Therefore, because of such relation, words fulfil functions. The fun r
of the principal words are to indicate the subject or predicate, and of the subordinate wo rl
illustrate the predicate, or to explain the subject or to illustrate that explanation. As 1 '
the predicate is the discussion or communication on the subject, it is capable of extensio '
completion by complementary words, which form that part of a sentence recognized in the
Grammars as ' the object.'
This completes the first stage of the argument leading to a direct and simple definition of
grammatical terms j but speech obviously does not stop here, because mankind speaks with
purpose, and the function of sentences is to indicate that purpose, which must be one f
the following in any specified sentence : (1) affirmation, (2) denial, (3) interrogation
(4) exhortation, (5) information. b '
Now, purpose can he indicated in a sentence by the position of its components by varia
tion of their forms, or by the addition of special introductory words. Also, connected purposes
can be indicated by connected sentences, placed in the relation to each other of principal and
subordinate, which relation can be expressed by the position of the sentences themselves bv
variation of the forms of their components, or by the addition of special words of reference
And a word of reference can act in two ways, either by merely joining sentences, or by sub^
stitutmg itself m the subordinate sentence for the word in the principal sentence to which it
refers, further the inter-relation of the words in a sentence can be expressed by the addition
oi special connecting words, or by variation or' correlated variation of form.
These considerations complete what may be called the second stsge of the argument
leadnig to clear defines of grammatical terms. The argument thereafter becomes more
omphcated, taking us afe the explanation of elliptical, ,'. e., incompletely expressed, forms of
speech, and i p to those expansions of sentences known as phrases, clauses, and periods. But
to keep our minds fixed for the present only on that part of it which leads to plain gram-
matical definitions, it may be stated now that functionally a word is either -
(1) An integer, or a sentence in itself.
(2) An indicator, or indicative of the subject or complement (object) of a sentence.
(3) An explicate, or explanatory of its subject or complement.
(4) A predicate, or indicative of its predicate.
f i
or of the explanation
or complement. *
(6) A connector, or explanatory of the inter-relation of its components (words).
(7) An introducer, or explanatory of its purpose.
of the -ter-relation of coxmceted sentences
not the other way round as we fcav ** accidence arises properly out of syntax and
At is obyicras tliat any e*iyen wnrrl moir -P, ii
and that therefor ,Z l!t\ * ^ f * M De r more or a ^e functions of
It is obvious that any given word may fulfil one or mo . .11 , * * j
and that therefore words mav be oM^tL + e fuBctlODS of words '
individual word being transferal! f eCted . into as manT cla ^es as there are functions, any
being transferable from one class to another and belonging to as many classes
, 1899.] A THEORY OP UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR. 199
as there are functions which It can fulfil, The functions a word fulfils In any particular sentence
can be indicated "by Its position therein without or with variation of form, and, because of this,
the form which a word can be made to assume Is capable of indicating the class to which it
belongs for the nonce. It is farther obvious that words transferable from class to class belong
primarily to a certain class and secondarily to the others, that a transfer involves the fulfilment
of a new function, and that a word in its transferred condition becomes a new word connected
with the form fulfilling the primary function, the relation between tbefotms, t, <?*,t!ie words, so
connected being that of parent and offshoot. Form, therefore, can indicate tiie class to whicJj
a parent word and its offshoots respectively belong.
This is the induction that leads me to argne that form grows out of function, or ? to put
it In the familiar way, accidence grows out of syntax, because when connected words differ in
form they must consist of a principal part or stem, and an additional part or functional affix.
The function of the stem is to indicate the meaning of the word, and the function of the affix
to modify that meaning with reference to the function of the word, This modification can
be expressed by indicating the class to which the word belongs, or by indicating Its relation or
correlation to the other words in the sentence.
But the stem itself may consist of an original meaning and thus be a simple stem, or it
may oontain a modification of an original meaning and so be a compound stem. A. compound
stem must consist of a principal part or root and additional parts or radical affixes, the function
of the root being to indicate the original meaning of the stem, and o the radical affixes to
indicate the modifications by which the meaning of the root has been changed Into tibe mean ing
of the stem.
Further, since words fulfil f emotions and belong to classes, they must possess inherent
i^ualltleSfl which can be indicated by qualitative affixes,
Tims It is that the affixes determine the forms of words, bringing into existence what is
usually called etymology or derivation. They are attachable, separably or inseparably, to roots
and stems and words by the well-recognized methods of prefixing, infixing, an-d suffixing, either
In their full or in a varied form. It is the method of attaching them by variation of form that
brings about Inflexion in all its variety of kind.
Such Is the line which I have long thought inductive argument should take, in order to
work out the grammar of any given language or group of languages logically, starting from
tlie base argument that speech is a mode of communication between man and man, express-
ed through the ear by talking, through the eye by signs, or through the skin by touch, and
taking a language to be a variety or special mode of speech.
The grammar, i. e*, the exposition of the laws, of any single language seems to me to stop
at this point, and to carry the argument further, as one of course must, is to enter the region of
Comparative Grammar. In doing so one must start at the same point as before, t'ic., the
sentence, but progress on a different line, because hitherto the effort has been to resolve the unit
of language into its components, and now it -has to be considered as being itself a component
of something greater, i* e. 9 of a language.
To continue the argument. Since a sentence is composed of words placed in a particular
order without or with variation of form, its meaning Is clearly rendered complete by the com*
bination of the meaning of its components wibh their position or forms or both. Also, since
sentences are the units of languages, words are the components of sentences, and languages are
varieties of speech, languages can vary In the forms of their words, or In the position in which
their words are placed in the sentence, or in both* And thus are created classes of
languages. Again, since the meaning of a sentence may be rendered complete either by toe
position of its words or by their forms, languages are primarily divisible into syntactical
languages, or those that express complete meaning by the position of their words : and inic
formative langoages, or those that express complete meaning by the forms of their words.
20Q THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Au&u&T, 1899.
Farther, siaee words are varied in form by the addition of affixes, and since affixes may be
attached to words in an altered or unaltered form, f orinative languages are divisible into agglu-
tinative languages, or those that add affixes without alteration ; and into synthetic languages,
or those that add affixes with alteration. And lastly, since affixes may be prefixes, infixes, or
suffixes, agglutinative and synthetic languages are each divisible into (1) pre-mutative, or those
that prefix their affixes ; (2) intro-mntative, or those that infix them ; and (8) post-mutative, or
those that suffix them.
Thus does it seem to me that the inductive argument can be carried onwards to a clear
and definite apprehension of the birth and growth of the phenomena presented by the varieties
of human speech, i. e., by languages. But as is the case with every other natural growth, no
language can have ever been left to develop itself alone, and thus do we get the phenomenon of
connected languages, which may be defined as those that differ from each other by varying
the respective forms and positions, but not the meanings, of their words. And since the
variation of form is effected by the addition of altered or unaltered affixes, connected languages
can vary the forms of the affixes Without materially varying those of the roots and stems of
their words. In this way they become divisible into groups, or those whose stems are com-
mon, and into families, or those whose roots are common.
It is also against natural conditions for any language to develop only in one direction, or
without subjection to outside influences, and so it is that we find languages developing on more
thaa one line and belonging strictly to more than one class, but in every such case the language
lias what is commonly called its genius or peculiar constitution, '. e, 9 it belongs primarily to
one class and secondarily to the others.
I have always thought, and I believe it could be proved, that every language must con-
form to some part or other of the theory above indicated in outline, and in that case the
theory would be truly what I have ventured to call it '* A Theory of Universal Grammar."
That such a theory exists in nature and only awaits unearthing, I have no doubt whatever.
Mankind, when untrammelled by ' teaching/ acts on an instinctive assumption of its existence,
for children and adults alike always learn a language in the same way if left to themselves.
They copy the enunciation of complete sentences from experts in it to start with, learning
to divide up and vary the sentences so acquired afterwards, and this is not only the surest but
also the quickest way of mastering a foreign tongue correctly. Its rules of grammar, as stated
in books about it, are mastered later on, and in every case where they only are studied there
comes about that book knowledge of the language, which is everywhere by instinct acknow-
ledged to be a matter apart from and inferior to the practical or true knowledge. I use the
term 'true ' here, because, unless this is possessed, whatever knowledge may be acquired fails
to fulfil its object of finding a new mode of communicating with one's fellow man.
Bub it seems to me that if the laws laid down in the set Grammars were to follow closely
on the laws instinctively obeyed by the untutored man, and to do no violence to what he feels
to be the logical sequence of ideas, the divorce between practical and linguistic knowledge
between knowledge by the ear and knowledge by the eye would not be so complete as it is
nowadays. And not only that, if the laws could be stated in the manner above suggested,
they could be more readily grasped and better retained in the memory, and languages would
consequently be more quickly, more thoroughly, and more easily learned, both by children
and adults, than is now practicable. Looked at thus, the matter becomes one of the greatest
practical importance.
This is what I have attempted to achieve in stating my theory ; but, assuming it to be
f undanientally right and correctly worked out, it will be observed that it reverses the accepted
order of teaching, alters many accepted definitions, and, while admitting much that is usually
taught, it both adds. and omits many details. Taken all round, it is a wide departure from
orthodox teaching. Hence the interest that Mr, Portman's efforts possess for myself.
1890.] A THEOET OF UNIVERSAL GEA1IMAR, 201
But, as I have already pointed out in my review of his book, he has not strictly applied
the theory, and has mixed it np in his application with the accepted teaching. I will therefore
BOW put it to the test in my own way, using for the purpose Mr. Portman's sixth chapter on
" The Andaman Fire Legend," which he gives in all the five languages of the South Andaman
group.
The story is in each case a very short oue, and is given by Mr. Port-man as follows ; -
THE ANDAMAN FIEE LEGEND.
AKA-BEADA LANGUAGE.
Interlined Text,
Taul-Foko-tinia len Puluga la mami ka j Luratut la chapa tap nga omo
(a Place) In God asleep-was I (a Bird) fire steal ing bring
re 1 chapa la Puluga la pugat ka j Puluga la boi ka | Puluga
did j fire God burning was j God awake was | God
la chapa eni ka | a ik chapa lik Luratut Tot pugari re f jek
fire seizing was j he taking fire "by (Bird) burn t j at-once
Luratut la eni ka ] a i Tar-eheker Tot pugari re 1 Wota-Emi baraij
(Bird) taking was j he (a Bird) burn t J Wota-Emi village
len Chaoga-tabanga oko dal re j Tomolola [
in The-ancestors made-fires J Tomolola j
Mr. Portman's Bendering,
God was sleeping at TanU'oko-tima. Luratut came, stealing fire- The fire burnt God
God woke up, God seized the fire ; He took the fire and burnt Luratut with it. Then
Luratut took (the fire) ; he burnt Tar-cheker in Wota-Emi village, "(where then) the Ancestors
lit fires. (The Ancestors referred to were the) Tomola.
AKAB-BALE LANGUAGE.
Interlined Text.
Dim-Daura le rita Keri-Fong-tauwer te Puluga Pi toago choapa F
(a Man) long-ago (a Place) by God his platform fire
omo kate | ong ik afeat-paura puguru t F a re J Bolub ka Tarkaur
bringing was | he taking all-men burn t di*d J (a Man) and (a Man)
ka Bilichau ongot oto jurugmn t ia | ongot at yaukat mo nga |
and (A man) they in-the-sea-wen t did j they fish becorn ing j
ongot oaro tichal-ena fce Rokwa-1'ar-tonga-baroi] a oko dal nga I 5 a re-
they carry-taking by (a Place) - village-in fire-mak-ing di d.
Mr. Portman's Beudering.
Dim-Daura, a very long time ago ? at Keri-Fong-tauwer, was bringing fire from God's
platform. He, taking the fire, burnt everybody with it. Bolub and Tarkaur and Bilichau
fell into the sea and became fish. They took the fire to Rofcwa-Far-tonga village and xnad*
fires there.
PUOEIKWAR LANGUAGE,
Interlined Text*
Taul-Poko-tim an Bilik 1'ong pat ye j Luratut | long at ab leehi nga j
(a Place) in God sleep did \ (a Bird) 1 he fire bring ing j
Luratut Fong di ye | kota ong Bilik Fab biki ye | kota Bilik Fong konyi
(a Bird) - seh ed ] then he God . burn t j then God awaken
202 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [AUGUST, 1890.
T e j BIlik j 1'ong at li ye | ong e Luratut 1'oto toi-chu nga | kota kol ong
Id i God 1 lie fire seiz ed ] lie then (a Bird) (with) fire-hitt ing ) then, again he
e Tarchal Tote toi-chu ye | Chalter I'ong di ye ] ong Lao-Cham len
then (a Man) (with) fire- hit - did j {a Bird) seiz ed 1 he ancestors to
da nga 1 Wauta-Bmi en ota Lao-cham | n'ong o kadak nga.
gj v ing I Wauta-Emi in then ancestors | they fire-mak ing.
Mr, Portman's Bendering.
God was sleeping in TauH'oko-tima. Luratnt went to bring fire. Luratut caught hold
of the fire, then he burnt God* Then God woke up. God seized the fire. He hit Luratut
with the fire. Then again he hit Tarchal with the fire. Chalter caught hold of it. He gave
it to the ancestors, Then the ancestors made fire at Wauta-Emi.
AuKAU-Juwoi LANGUAGE.
Interlined Text.
Kuro-t'on-mik a Mom Mirit la [ Eilik Taukau ema t j peakar at ID
(a Place) in Mr. Pigeon j God slep t | wood fire with
t O p chike | at laiche Lech lin a ] kotakaauko kodak chine at Io
stealing was | fire the-late (a Man) to he ] then he fire-make did fire-with
Karat-tatak-enri in
(a Place) at
Mr. Portman's Bendering.
Mr. Pigeon stole a firebrand at Kuro-t'on-mika, while God was sleeping. He gave the
brand to the late Lech, who then made fires at Karat-tatak-emi.
KOL LANGUAGE.
Interlined Text.
Taul4 J oko-tim en Bilik la pat ke j Luratut la Oko-Emi t at kek an j
(a Place) in God asleep was j (a Bird) (a Place) in fire too k j
Kaulotat ke j lin Y a chol an Min-tong-ta kete I Min-tong-ta kete-lakT ir
(a Man) was [ by (he) wen t (a Place) to 1 (a Place) to - by (it)
bil an j Kaulotat Tir pin Tir dauk an ] k'irim kaudak an |
out- wen t 1 (a Man) charcoal break) did j fire-make did |
n'a n'otam tepur an ] at ke n'ote tepur an j Min-tong-tauk-
they alive became | fire bj (they) alive became [ (a Place)-
pauroicn in Jangil j n'a 1'oko kaudak an J
village in ancestors j they fire-make did j
Mr, Portman's Bendering.
God was sleeping at Taul-1'oko-tima. Luratut took away fire to Oko-Emi. Kaulotat
went to Min-tong-ta, (taking fire with him from,Qko-Eoii). At Min-tong-ta the fire went out,
Kaulotat broke up the -charred firewood and made fire again, (by blowing up the embers).
They (the people there) became alive. Owing to the fire -they became alive. The ancestors
thus got fire in Min-tong-tank village,
In making an analysis of the language in -which the above story is couched, it is at
first all plain sailing, and it will be seen at a glance from any of these sentences that the
Audamanese sentenoe^is tlie expression of a complete meaning, capable at once of being
divided into subject and predicate. This can be seen as under, making S. mean that the
word is in the subjective^ and P, that it is in the predicative, part of the sentence.
1899,] A THEOBY OP UJtlVEBSAL Q-BAMMAB. 208
AKA BEADA.
Taul-rofco-tima-len (P.) Pulugala (S.) mamika (P.). Luratutla (S.) eliapa-tapnga (S.)
omore (P.). Ohapala (S.) Palagala (P.) pugafcka (P.). Pulngala (S.) bolka (P.). Pulugak
(S.) cliapa (P.) enika (S.). A (S.) ik (S.) ehapalik (P.) Luratnt (P-) I'ot-pugarire (P.).
Jek (P.) Luratutla (S.) enika (P.). A (S.) Itarclieker (P.) Pot-pugarire (P,). Wota-Etai-
baraij-len (P.) Chaoga-tabanga (S.) oka-dalre (P.). Tomola (S,) (P, wanting).
AKAR-BALE.
Dim-Daurale (S.) rita (P.) Keri-1'ong tauwar-te (P.) Pulnga (P.) Fi (P.) toago (P.) choapa
(P.) I'oxnokate (P.). Ong (S.) ik (S.) akat-paura (P.) pugurut-Pare (P.). Bolub (S.) ka (S.)
Tarkanr (S.) ka (S.) Bilichan (S.) (P. wanting). Ongot fS.) otojnrugnmtia (P.)* Ougot (S.)
atyaukat (P.) monga (P.). Qngot (S.) oaroticlial-ena-te (S.) Rokwa-1'ar-tonga (P.) baroij-len
(P.) oko-dal-nga-Pare (P.).
PUCHIKWAB.
Taal4'oko-tim-an (P.) Bilik (S.) Fong-paiye (P.). Luratut (SO (P. wanting). 1/ong (S.)
at (P.) ab-lecMnga (P.). Luratut (S.) 1'ong-diye (P.). Kota (P.) ong (S.) Bilik (P.) Tab-
bikiye (P.) Kota (P.) Bliik (S.) Fong-konyiye (P.). BIHk (S.) (P. wanting). L 5 ong (S.) at
(P.) iiye (P.). Ong (S.) e (P.) Luratut (P.) roto-toi-chunga (P.). Kota (P.) kol (P.) ong (S.)
e (P.) Tarchal (P.) Fote-toi-clmye (P.). Clialter (S.) 1'ong-diye (P.). Ong (S.) Laocham-Ieii
(P.) danga (P.). Wauta-Eml-en (P.) ota (P.) Laocham (S.) (P. wanting). N'ong-o-kadaknga
AcEAr-Juwoi.
Kuro-t ? on-mik-a (P.) Mom-Miritla (S.) (P. wanting). Bilik (S.) 1'aukau-emab (P.). (S.
wanting) peakar (P.) at-lo (P.) topchike (P.). At (P.) laiclie (P.) Lect-lin (P.) a (S.)
(P. wanting). Kotak (P.) a (S,) auko-kodakcMne (P) at-lo (P.) Karat-tatak-emi-in (P).
The wliole narration in this language is extremely elliptical, and what Mr, Portman
defines as the first ' phrase * seems to me to be three elliptical sentences.
KOL,
Taul-roko-tim-en (P.) Bilikla (S.) patke (P.). Luratutla (S.) Oko-emit (P.) at (P.)
kekan (P.)- Kaulotat-ke (S. and P.). Lia ('P.) i'a-cliolan (S. and P.) Min-tong-ta-kete (P.)-
Min-tong-tarketelak (P.) Fir-bilan (S. and P.). Kaulotat (S,) Fir-pin (P.) Fir-daukaa (P.),
(S. wanting) k'irim-kaudakan (P.). N'a "(S.) n*otam-tepuran (P.). Atke (P.) n'ote-tepuran
(S. and P.)- Min-tong-tauk-pauroieh-In (P.) jangil (S.) n ? a (S,) Foko-kaadakan (P.)*
There are instances in these languages of combining the subject and predicate in one
expression, which are an indication of grammatical growth. E. g. 9 Kaulotat-ke is really
an indicator (noun) with a predicative (verbal) suffix, and signifies some such expression as :
*Now, there was one Kaulotat/ In n'ote-tepuran we have the subject and predicate again
combined into one expression w* (they) -ote-tepuran (became alive).
The next point for consideration, viz., that the components of the sentences are words,
placed either in the subjective or predicative parts of it, having a relation to each other in that
part* needs no special illustration, and one may pass on to the functions of the words, using
the abbreviations given below in the illustrations exhibited* To make these clear to the
reader, I will recapitulate the explanations given in the Theory.
Functionally a word is either
(1) An integer, or a sentence in itself. Int. (Interjection, vocative, etc.)
(2) An indicator, or indicative of the subject or complement (object) of a sentence.
In. (Noun.)
(3) An explicator 3 or explanatory of its subject or complement. E. (Adjective.)
204 THJS INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Axjausx, 1899.
(4) A predi eater, or indicative of its predicate. P. (Verb,)
(5) An illustrator,, or illustrative of its predicate or complement, or of the explana-
tion o its subject or complement. III. (Adverb.)
(6) A connector, or explanatory of the inter-relation of its components (words)
C. (Conjunctions, pre- and post-positions, etc*)
(7) An introducer, or explanatory o its purpose. Intd. (Conjunctions*)
(8) A referent eonjunctor, or explanatory of the inter-relation of connected
sentences by joining them. E, C. (Relative adverbs 3 pronouns, etc.)
(9) A referent substitute, or explanatory of fche inter-relation of connected
sentences by substitution of itself in the subordinate sentence for the word in
the principal sentence to which it refers. E. S. (Pronouns.)
By * complement is meant the * object,* and hence the indicators, explicates, and
illustrators belonging to the * objective ' or complementary part of the sentence are marked as
* complementary indicators, etc,/ thus : (7. Ind^ C. JE C. III.
The various sentences in the Legends can therefore be analyzed as follows; _
* AKA-BEIDA,
Tauirototimalen (111.) Pulngala (In.) mamika (P.). Luratutla (In.) chapa- (C. In.)
-tapnga (P. E. phrase) omore (P.). Chapala (In.) Pulngala (C, In.) pugatka (P.). Pulugala
(In.) boika (P.). Pulugala (In.) ch^pa (C, In,) enika (P.)- A (E. S.) ik (E.) chapalik (111.)
Luratut (C. In,) I'otpugarire (P.). Jek (E. C.) Luratutla (In.) enika (P.). A (E. S.)
Itarcheker (C. In.) Totpugarire (P.). Wota-Emibararjlen (111.) Choaga-tabanga (In.) okodalre
(P.). Tomolola (In,, P. wanting).
AKA.R-BALE,
Dim-Daurale (In.) rita (HI.) KeriFongtauwerte (111.) Puluga- (In.) -H- (C.) -toago- (In.)
(E. phrase) choapa (C. In.) 1'omokate (P.). Oug (E. S.) ik (E.) akatpaura (C. In.) pugurut-
(P.) -1'- (C.) -are (P. phrase). Bolub (In.) ka (C.) Tarkaur (In.) ka (C.) Bilichau (In., P
wanting). Ongot (R. S.) otojurugmutia (P.), Ongot (E. S.) atyaukat (C. In.) monga (P.),
Ongofe (R. S.) oaroticial-enate (E.) Rokwaltotonga-baroija (111.) okodaluga- (P.) -1'- (C.) -are
(P, phrase).
PUCHIKWAR,
Tauirakatiman (EL) Bilik (In.) 1'ongpatye (P.). Luratut (In., P n wanting). L'ong
CR. S.) afc (C, In,) ablechinga (P.)., Lnratut (In.) 1'ongdiye (P.). Kota (R. C.) ong (In.) Bilik
(C. In.) 1'abbikiye (P.). Kota (U. C.) Bilik (In.) 1'ongkonyiye (P.). Bilik (In., P. wanting).
L'ong (E. S.) at (C, In.) liye (P.). Ong (E. S.) e (E. C.) Luratut (C. In.) 1'ototoi-chunga (P.).
Kota (R. 0.) kol (111.) png (R. 8,) e (R. C.) Tarchal (0. In.) 1'otetoi-chuye (P,). Chalter (In.)
rongdiye (P.), Ong (R. S.) Laochamlen (111.) danga (P.). WauterExni-en (111.) ota (R. C,)
Laocham (In., P. wanting). N'ong (R. S.) okadaknga (P.),
ATIKAU-JtrwOL
Kuiot'onmika (III.) Mom (E.) Miritla (In.-, P. wanting). Bilik (In.) 1'aukauemat (P.).
(In. wanting) peakar (C. IB.) atlo (C. Ill) topchike (P.). At (C. In.) laiche- (E.) -Lech- (In.)
"I C S L Pbrase) a (E - S " R wailti ^)' Kotak (R. C.) a (R. S.) aukokodakchine (P.) atlo
(111.) Karattatak-Emi-in (111.).
KOL.
^ T Qko-Emit (111.) at
! ,^K S , m J P ^' Kaulotat " ( In O " ke - (P-, the whole expression being an Integer).
ra 11 S - w 1 ^ * Aolm - < P - R P hrase ) Mintongtakete (I1L). Mintongtaketelak (111.) P-
(B. S,) -jrbilan (P. P. phraw). Kaolotai (In,) 1'irpin (C, In,) rirdankan f P.). (In. Wanting)
1899.] A THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR. 204
k'irimkaudakan (P.), N a (R. S.) n'otamtepnrau (P.). Atke (III.) n'~ (R. S.) -otetepnran
(P. P. phrase). Mintongtank-pauroichiu (111.) jaitgll (In.) (P. wanting). *N'a (R. S.) 1'oko-
kandakan (P.)*
The above method of syntactical analysis shows that aE the languages arrive at a
complete meaning, t. e., construct their sentences, in precisely the same way. In other
words, they are all the outcome of the same habit of thought. It shows further, that that habit
of thought is the simplest possible. Complications or extensions of ideas harely arise, and
then only in the most direct form, E, g., Puluga-Pi-toago-choapa (God-his-platform-fire, ,1. e^
the fire from God's platform) and Ongot atyaiikai wonga, ongot oarotickal-enate Bokwa-Vartonga-
laroija okodalnga-T are (they fish becoming, they carrying-taking-by Rokwarl'artonga-Yillage-in
fire-lighting-did, t, e., they became fish and taking (the fife) to the village of Bokwa-Fartonga
lit a fire)* The only signs of old habit or use in the languages are the frequent ellipses , indi-
cating familiarity with them. The analysis also shows the languages to be purely colloquial,
and therefore to have never been subjected to the modifications necessary when communication
by signs, u e., by writing, is resorted to. In short, the analysis seems to prove that the
languages are the outcome of minds capable of but a very limited range of thought
Here, then, is one measure of the "Universal Theory ' as a working hypothesis.
Leaving the syntax here and passing on to the accidence according to the Theory, it will
be best to state for the sake of brevity of exposition, that an analysis of the words composing
the Andamanese sentences shows that all the languages are agglutinative 5 i. e* 9 the words
are formed by means of affixes to roots and stems without alteration of the radical forms of
the affixes. It will also show that, like all other langnages f they have not developed solely
on one principle, and that rudiments of synthesis^ or the attachment of affixes to roots
and stems with alteration of form, are also present.
Andamanese words are, therefore, as a rnle, easily dismembered, and further examination
will show that all the forms of affixes, t. 6., prefixes, infixes, and suffixes* are present in them by
agglutination* The use of the infixes is to modify the root or stem, and so they are what *
have called radical affixes. The use of the prefixes is principally as radical affixes, but also to
indicate the functions of the words or their relation to other words. They can, therefore, also
be functional affixes. The use of the suffixes is likewise twofold : as functional affixes, or to
ndicate the inherent qualities of the words, i. ., to show which class they belong to* They
are, therefore, either functional or qualitative affixes.
* With this preliminary information let us set to work to analyze the words in the
, laegend, omitting proper names for the present, and premising that in the following analysis
R. = Boot, S. = Stem, P. P. = Functional prefix,, P, R. = Radical prefix, I. = Infix, S. P. =
Functional suffix, S. Q, = Qualitative suffix.
(1) Mami (R.) ka (S, Q.). So also pugas ka : boi ka :
sleeping) was emi ka.
(2) Chapa(R.).
fire
(3)
steal ing
(4) Omo (R.) re(S. Q.).
bring did
(5) Chapa(R.) la (S. Q.).
fire (hon, suf .)
(6)
he
206 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AtjatrsT, 1890.
(7) I
tak(ing)
(8} Cfaapa (R.) lik (S, F.).
fire by
(8) I/ (P. F.) ofc (P. E.) pugari (E, or S,) re (S. Q.}.
(ref . pref buri1 ~*~ t
(10) Jek
at-once
(11) Baraij (R. or S.) lea. (S^F.).
Tillage in
(12) Ofeo (P. K.) dal (B.) re (S. Q.}.
fire (light) did.
(1) Rita (B, or S,),
very-long-ago,
(2) L'(P.F.) i
(ref. pref.) be (ref. subst.) = his-
(3) Toago (R. or S.).
platform
(4) Choapa (E.).
fire
(5) L' (P. F.) omo (B.) kate (S. Q.).
(ref. pref.) bring was,
(6) Ong(R.)*
he
(7) Ik (B.).
tak(ing)
(8) Akat (P, B.) panra (R. or S.).
all (men)
(9) Pagnru (S.) t (S. Q.).
burn t
(10) I/ (P. F.) a (R.) re (S. Q.).
(ref. pref.) di d
(11) Ka (R.),
and
(12) Ongot (S.).
they
(13) Oto (P. R.) jisrngmu (S,) t (S. Q.) i a (S. F.).
sea-wen t wa
(14) At (P. R.) yankat (S.).
fish.
(15) Oaro (S.) -f tichal (S.) + ena (R.) te (S. Q-.).
carry -f hand + take did = carried
(16) Baroij (R, or S.) a (S. F.).
village IB
, 1899,] A THEOEf OF UNIVERSAL GRAHUAR.
(17) Oko (P. R.) dal (E.) n S a ( s - QO-
ire (light) ing.
(1) L' (P. P.) oHg (R.).
(ref . pref.) he
(2) Pat (R.) ye (S. QO- So also di ye : li ye,
slep t
(3) At(R.).
fire
(4) Ab (P. R.) lechi (E.) nga (S. Q.)
bring lag
(5) Kota (R. or S.)
tiien
(6) Ong(R-)-
he
(7)
then
(8) L 1 (P. F.) oto (P. K.) toiohu (S.) nga (S. QO-
with-fire-hit ting. Of. I'oto-toichu-ye, (lie)
with-fire-hit-did.
(9) Kol
agaia
(10) Da (R.) nga (S. Q.).
giv ing
(11) Ota (R.).
then,
(12) W (P. F.) ong
' (plu. re. pref.) he they
(13) O (P. R.) kadak ( R * or S *) """"*
fire-mak ing
(1) Mom (R.).
Mr.
(2) L 3 (P. F.) aukau (P. H.) enia (R.) t (S. Q,).
(he)
(S) Peakar (SO*
wood
(4)
fire with
(5) Top (E.) chike (S. Q.).
steal was
(6) Laiche (S.).
Deceased
W8 THE INDIAN ASTTIQITABY.
(7)
be
(8) Kotak (S.).
tlaen
(0) Anko (P. E.) kodak (S.) eMse (S. Q.).
fire-make did.
(1) Pat (B.) ke (S. Q.).
sleep was
(2) Kaulotat (S,) to (S.Q.).'
(male-name) was To use the current grammatical terminology, ibis Is
a most Interesting instance of a Yerbal termination to a noun.
(S) At (B.).
fire
(4) Kek (B.) an (S. Q.).
take did
(5) Lin(B.)
by
(6) I/ (R F.) a (P. B.) chol (R.) an (S. Q.).
(he) wen t
(7) V (P. F.) ir (P. B.) bil (E.) an (S. Q.)-
(it) out*wen t
(8) I/ (P. F.) ir(REO-pin(R.).
(^^) charcoal-(getting)
(&) L J (R FO ir (R B,) dank (R.) an (S. Q.).
(Be) break did
(10) K' (P. F. or R B.) Mm (P. B,) kaudak (S.) an (S. Q.),
fire-make did
(11) N'(P.F.) -a(R/>.
(plu. ref. pref.) he = they
(12) N' (P. F.) otam (P. B.) tepur (S.) an (S. 9.)-
O he y) kindle d ' Of. n'ote-tepnr-an, ttey-
kindle-d.
(13) At (R.) ke (S. F.),
fire by
(14) Panroicli (S.) ia (S. P.).
village in . -
(15) L' (P. F.) oko (P. R.) kaudak (S.) an (S. Q,).
( he fire-make did.
, f V6rbal anal ^ sis shows llow few of ^ Po^ible 'parts of speech'
these
reqmre to use in order to express the ideas contained in a complete narration, how
very simple the mental mechanism employed, ho^ extremely limited the development of the
H ' s^age anguagea.
Here, tfceu, anotlxer measure of the "Universal Theory" as a working hypothesis.
(To fie
AtrstrsT, 1899.] HISTORY OP THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 20&
HISTORY OF THE BAHMANI DY23ASTY.
(Founded on the 3iirkdn-i Ma,asir.')
BY J. S. KING, M.E.A.S.
(Continued from. p. 192,)
CHAPTER IX,
Tabakah II.
Account of the Bahmani Rulers of tha Dakhan. Whose capital vf&A Bidar.
THE period of their rale, which began on the 5th Shawwal, A. H. 825 (22nd September,
A. D. 1422) and ended on the 18th Sha'ban, A. H. 926 (4th August, A. D. 1520) was one
hundred and one years, two months and eleven days. 58
Beign of Abu-1-Grbazl Suljan Ahmad Shah,
son of Ahmad Khan,
son of Sultan 'Ala-nd-Bio. Hasan Shah Bahmani. 59
On the date already mentioned Suljaa Ahmad Shah took his seat on the royal throne oi
Kalbar-A, assuming the above-mentioned excellent titles. The great men and taiyU*. the
sfckhs learned men, nobles and grandees plighted their fealty to the Sultan, rubbing the lore-
head of profound reverence on the dust of humility, and were eager and eloquent in their cou*
emulations and praiaes. The Sultfm distinguished them all with ungrudged favours, and they
obtained honours and rewards. The nobles who had suffered much from the ascendancy of the
worthless Hflshvar and Bidar gave thanks night and day, and cheerfully submitted to the
Sultan's irresistible mandates: the army and all the subjects, from the copiousness of then- sove-
reign's liberality and justice were happy and free from oppression.
Sultan Ahmad Shah had seven sons, and on the elder ones he bestowed special tokens of
affection The eldest of his sons, who was Zafar Khan, he honoured with the title of Khan
to another he gave the title of Mahmud Sato, and to another that of Muhammad
! the cream of sincerity, fidelity and bravery received many marks ox.
was distinguished by the title of Malik-ut-T^r (long of the me.
chants)* _ A , A ,
L, the midst of these affairs the bird of the spirit of Saiyid Muhammad Gtsu-dara* too,
flight to the realms of bliss. May the Most High God hallow his grave 1
knowledge, the Sultan arefweoi ere , e ^ the tator o Pl . ince MahmM
Implore his blessing, iney accoiom ij &o ^ desires, returned, taking
and from the blessing of his holy utterances having
an
tore reived the get d ^p oi th. mptlemt.
^ "H^-^S^I^JS^-* ,. - -
e* Atnur - between Kalburg& and Af^alpur.
210 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1890.
In tlie month, of Bajab in the second year of his reign (June, 1423, A. D.) the Sultan with
the princes, nobles and ministers and all his retinue marched from Kalburga towards the city
of Bidar, and established the seat of government in that excellent city, where the face of the
earth from the multitude of flowers and odoriferous herbs, adorned and coloured like the floor
of the sky, resembled a peacock's tail; while its buildings in loftiness rivalled the heavens, and in
elegance equalled the palaces of paradise ; and the splendour of its ramparts and the lustre of
its walls made the people independent of the rays of the sun.
Also in this year the Sultan cultivated friendly relations with (Miran) Mubarak Khan
Mrufci, "who was the Watt of the country of Asir and Burhanpur, and to strengthen its founda-
tions by a union of the families, asked his daughter in marriage for Prince Kafar Khan. The
Sultan gave a magnificent entertainment on the occasion of the marriage, the city of Bidar was
elaborately decorated and pleasure and joy were universal,
***** # *
Sultan Ahmad SMh. wages war against the rebellious and idolatrous people
in the neighbourhood of his dominions.
The Sultan being then resolved to wage war against the infidels, led his army into the
mountainous country, 61 and the inhabitants being unable to oppose him fled into the interior,
hiding themselves and their goods in the recesses of the mountains, where the royal troops
pursued them, slaughtering and plundering as they went. The Sultan destroyed their temples
and places of worship, erecting masjids in their place, From there the Sultan turned towards
Marmat e2 and put to the sword the inhabitants of that district also, and plundered and
devastated the country. He then returned to the capital and busied himself in the affairs of
government.
After a short time the idea of eradicating idolatry again entered his mind and he ordered
an army to be assembled. Accordingly such an army presented itself before the door of the
court that the muster-master was unequal to the task of computing its numbers. With this
army the Sultan marched . from his capital and proceeded against the country of Tilang
(Telingana). When the report of his approach reached the infidels of that country, washing
their hands of life, they crept into their forts and bye-paths. The Snlt&n penetrated* to the
farthest limits of Tilang (Telingana) and took the fortresses of Mandal 63 and Warangal which
are among the principal forts of that country. He devastated the whole country and levelled the
idol-temples with the ground, plundered the dwelling-places and freed the face of the earth
from the impurity of the existence of the troops of devils and accursed infidels. The Rayas
of Devarlonda and Rajkond^ being afraid to meet the attack of the victorious army, sent to the
Sultan ambassadors understanding the language and tendered their submission, and sending
numerous and valuable presents to the court, agreed to pay tribute. The Sultan showed them
mercy and returned to the seat of government, MuhammadabM Bidar (sic], where hespen
his time in administering justice and building cities and towns.
A year afterwards he conceived the idea of taking the fortress of M&hftr which is one of
the greatest and strongest forts of the kingdom of the Dakhan. Accordingly with a large
army he marched towards the above-mentioned fortress. The army seized the country sur-
rounding it, and making the fortress the centre of a circle, slaughtered and pillaged all round,
and burned the harvest of life of the infidels of that country; and sweeping with the broom
of plunder the permanent homes of the idols, seized whatever nioveable and ijnmoveable effects
they could lay their hands upon.
After the siege had continued a long time the Sultan thought it advisable to return to
the capital, and in the following year, after the troops had rested and the cavalry horses become
It is not stated what part of the country tfcis was. 62 $j" t identified.
Not identified. Possibly Ailgandal or Malaugtir is meant, both N.-W. of Warangal,
, 1899.] HISTOET OF THE BAHMAUI DYNASTY, 21!
fat, to make a rapid plundering expedition against the people of tliat fortress; accordingly he
inarched back to Muhammadabad Bidar (sic).
After the lapse of a year the idea of eradicating the heretics again entered the mind of the
Sultan, and he determined upon a>jiMd; so, with a large army he set out on the march for the
fort of M&tflr. The infidels of those parts having shut themselves up in the narrow pans o
the fortress closed upon themselves the doors of ingress and egress*
The Sultan ordered his troops from all sides of the fortress to strive their utmost to lake
it "by assault. According to his orders the brave troops with bows and arrows, swords and
spears foaghfc bravely, and by the help of God and the good fortune of Ahmad, the troops by
the strength, of their manly arms took the fortress, one so stroBg that no Mug had previously
been abk to conquer it ; and opening their hands to slaughter and plunder,* swept the whole
fort with, the broom, of spoliation.
From that place the Sultan hastened to the fort of Halam which he tool by one gallant
assault, and put the inhabitants to the sword. So in one expedition the Sultan took two forts
which no king had ever before been able to conquer. Heleyelled with the ground all the idol-
temples and infidel buildings of that country, erecting in their places masjids and monasteries
of the true believers, and after that returned to Bidar with immense booty.
After these victories the Sultan despatched Khalf Hasan who had been given the title
of Malik-ut-Tijar with an army of brave and experienced men to the Kogkan. Khalf Hasan
went into the country of Konkan and the sea- coast, and extirpated root and branch the dwell-
ing-places of the infidels, and in whatever direction he heard of any infidels, he proceeded
against them, and cleansed the earth from the impurity of their existence ; till having taken
many forts and towns of that country he greatly enhanced his reputation. The Sultan's regard
for him daily increased, and he loaded him with favours ; but this excited the jealousy of the
people of the Dakhan, and they were always at enmity with him ; yet, owing to Khalf Hasan's
past services and the Sultan's favour, as proved by the daily increasing gocd foitune, of the
former, they had no power to injure him.
In the midst of these affairs the Sultan conceived the idea of exterminating the infidels of
the country of Vijajanagar ; and with this view he assembled an aimy. When the pplcndour
of the royal, victory -denoting- standard threw the rays of conquest round the kingdom of
Vijayanagar, and cleared up that tract of country from the darkness of error and infidelity, 11-e
brave soldiers of the conquering army, opening the band of domination and lordship to
slaughter and plunder, took many of the forts and towns of that district, and sn enoimons
amount of booty, prisoners of war, horses and elephants. After devastating the country of
the infidels far and wide the Sultan returned to his capital, MuhammadabM Bidar*
At this time a petition reached the Sultan from Parsing Baya, governor of the fort of
Khdria, expressing his obedience and submission, and asking the Sultan to come to his assist-
ance
The Sultan goes to the fort of Kh&rlA.
Battle between Alp EMn, governor of Mfilwft and the royal army.
Alp HL&H is defeated.
When the Sultan became aware of the contents of Parsing Baya's letter he gave orders
*hat an army should be assembled, and that from all parts of his dominions the nobles, minis-
ters and generals with their followers should proceed to the royal court. The Sultan with
a large army then set out for Klirl& ; but when he had encamped in that neighbourhood he
was informed that Narsing Raya had broken faith with, him, and joining himself to Alp Ebn
who at that time was Wall of the country of Mfilwa, 8 * had asked for his assistance, promising
e* Alp Kh&n, who assumed the title of Sultan Hftsbang OMri on Ms accession, was the second king of tfce
fihurt dynasty in Malwa vide Firishtah, Briggs, "Vol. IY. p. 171 et se<z.
Kherl& was the capital of Gondwan&,
212 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [Acrcifst,
Elm a laJc of rupees (siUaK) if lie would come to his frontiers : and Alp Khan, forgetting the
rights of Islam and good faith, proceeded to the assistance of those villains.
When Alp Khan with a large force arrived in the district o Kh&rla, the Sultan saw that
the most advisable course to pursue was to return two or 'three stages into his own dominions,
and then if Alp Khan, resolving to make war against Musalmans, should also return, then the
lives and property of Musalmans would certainly be safe 5 and if, deceived by the persuasions
of the devil, he should be audacious enough to invade the Dakhan, he (the Sultan) might return
and chastise him r and with the sword put such ideas out of the brain of that foolish one.
Accordingly having marched away from the neighbourhood of the fortress of KherM he
turned towards }iis own country. When the ministers and generals became aware of the
Sultan's (apparent) timidity, being ashamed of turning away from before the enemy they
boldly represented that the return of the Sultau would assuredly give occasion for presumption
on the part of the enemy ; they therefore recommended the Sultan to wait a little till they
engaged in battle with Alp Khun to the best of their ability, and perhaps the enemy would be
defeated.
In spite of the strong representations of the nobles the Snlfati paid no attention feo them,
but marched towards his own dominions, and when the news of his retreat reached Alp Khan
lie deemed it due to fear on the part of the Sultan, and hastened boldly in pursuit of him, so
that as the royal carop used to march away from each halting-place he used to arrive at it.
When the Sultan had gone two or three stages into his own country, and ambassadors
brought the knews that Alp KMn was thus following the camp and was bent upon war with
the army of Islanij the SuMn assembled the sliekhs and learned men and asked them the
following questions ; ** Whenever a Musalman king in aiding infidels makes war against
Mus&lmans, is it deemed lawful according to the shar*a to fight against Mm ?"
The learned men were unanimous in saying ; ** From all past times repelling the allies
of infidels has been considered the same as a teligious war, and is incumbent upon all, just
as much as reinforcing and aiding the true believers,"
The Sultan having thus obtained a legal decision from the learned men of Islam he turned
towards the nobles and generals and said : ** My motive in returning was this : Alp Khan is
a Mctsalman king, and to us who profess Islam it is not allowable to initiate war, moreover he
who does so incurs the reproach of God, according to the saying, * The curse of God is on those
who awaken sleeping discord f we therefore marched towards our own country in order that if
Alp Khan should enter our territory we should not be the instigator of war with him ; bul
now that he has had the presumption to invade our territory it behoves us to chastise him."
The Sultan then turning to his troops encouraged them to fight bravely, and led them to
expect increase of rank. The royal army being arrayed with the utmost quiet, unfurled the
standard of valour, and the various regiments were formed up facing the enemy* The Sultan
in person having selected from the midst o the army 2,500 cavalry clad in steel armour and
armed with lanees, took post on one flank. When the ranks of the two hostile armies were
drawn upj the customs of courtesy and mercy being discarded, they fell upon one another with
sword, battle-axe and arrow, and strife and slaughter blazed up like a fire, only to be extin-
guished by the swords of the warriors. The battle lasted from morning till evening and the
heavens were obscured by the dwfc* At last the Sultan with those 2,500 lancers which he had
with him fell upon the enemy like a thunder cloud. Alp Kh&n, in spite of all his endeavours,
was unable to shake them, and finally, turning liis back on the battle, took to flight* and leaving
all his baggage, court, tents, tent-walls, 65 his karam, retinue and whatever is necessary, more or
less, for kings, fled for his life. The royal troops having seized the whole of the stores, tents,
pavilions, horses and elephants of Alp Khan and his troops collected them at the court of the
65 SarQ.-garda'h a wail of cany as surrounding a cluster of tent&<
AUGUST, 1899.] HISTOET OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 213
Sultan, who divided the booty among his troops and forbade their pursuing Alp Khan, He
sent the whole of Alp Khan's haram in travelling-litters and handahs by the road they had
come, together with their eunuchs, and ordered 500 cavalry to escort them to the frontier
and hand them over to Alp Khan's people, and to protect them from any molestation by the
soldiery. This action of his is a manifest sign of his generosity and manliness,
The Sultan, having taken possession of Narainh's territory as far as the town of Hfilr&r
assigned it on feudal tenure to Prince HakmUd KMn f who was his middlemost son ; and
until Mahmud Khan was imprisoned for life, this tenure remained unchanged,
After the Sultan had finished the settlement of Alp Kh&nis affairs he returned In triumph
to his capital.
In the midst o these affairs the Sultan sent; a messenger with many valuable gifts to the
presence of his spiritual guide the synopsis of persons of merit, pattern to his peers, king
of the teachers of truth, prince of holy men, essence of the descendants of the head of the
apostles Shah Hdr-ud-Din M'mat-tFliah Wdli (may God sanctify his beloved grave !), asking
him to send to this country one of the glorions descendants of that guide to the way of truth,
and in this matter solicited and urged much. His Highness having no other fruit in the gar-
den of his life but Sh&h E^alil-TTU&tL (to separate himself far from whom was inconvenient) he
sent to the Dakhan a fresh flower from the rose-garden of sincere friendliness, Mirza Ktur-TJUdh,
son of Shah Khalil-TJllah Wall, according to the urgent request of the Sultan ; and in the year
843 (A. D. 1439) 6 when Shah Nflr-ud-Din Ni'mat-Uilah Wall died, Shah Khalsl-UMh also
proceeded to the Dakhan. The Sultan received Mirza l^ur-UIlah with the utmost respect and
reverence, and exalted him above all the saiyids, sliekhs and learned men of the Dakhan ; ancl
when Shah Khalil-Ullah arrived there his sou, Nur-tlllah, died.
Disagreement between Sult&n Ahmad and Sult&n Ahmad of G-ujarat.
It has already heen mentioned that the Sultan had sent Khalf Hasan Malik-nfrTij&r to take
possession of the Konkan and the forts and hills of that country. When Khalf entered that
territory, having conquered all the forts* towns, sea-coast and hills, he made an incursion into
the island of Maha^fm (Bombay), which is within the territory of Gujarat, and conquered that
country also ; upon which, the inhabitants of Maha,fm complained to Sultan Ahmad of <x"ujar&fc*
The latter being jealous at this, appointed his own son and successor, named Muhammad Shah,
to put down the rebellion of Khalf. The Snltan on being informed of the approach of the
Gujarat army despatched Prince Zafar KM a. who was his heir-apparent, and who during the
Sultan's reign received the title of Sultan *Ala-ud-Din (as will be mentioned mentioned in due
course) witli a large force to the assistance of the brave Khalf Malik-Tit-Tijftr.
Prince Zafar Khan with his army in due time encamped on the shore of the creek (Kh&ly)
of the island of Maha,lm ? and Muhammad Shah, with the Gujarat army encamped on the further
side of the creek ; and for some time the two armies remained facing one another, and all
day long, prepared for battle, they used to come to the shore and stand facing one another ;
but neither of them had the boldness to cross the creek. When this had lasted for some time
the Dakhani nobles, moved by jealousy which is inevitable towards foreigners, represented to
Prince Zafar Khan : " We do all the fighting and killing, but Khalf Hasan will get the credit
of it." The prince being still in the flower of youth did not perceive the perfidy and evil
inspirations of those deceitful Dakhani amtr$ 9 who with insidious arguments convinced the
hapless prince. In a most shameful and dishonourable manner they left Khalf in the lurch,
and earned for themselves an evil reputation in the world.
When the Gujarat army obtained information of this dispute, confident of victory, they
fell upon Khalf IJasan, The latter, without allies, "being unable to oppose a large army, left
Maha,tm, and the Gujarat army plundered all his baggage and took prisoner Etalf s brother,
Husain bin Hasan, and then turned towards Gujarat.
es According to Kriattei, he died in A, H. 834 (A.. IX 1431) vide Briggs, Vol. IL p. 41 .
214 THE INDIAN AFTIQUABY. [ATOUST, 1899,
Sultan Ahmad Shab. proceeds to take vengeance on the Gujarat army.
When tlie news of this affair reached the Sultan, being determined to avenge himself on the
enemy, he ^summoned his army, and in obedience to his orders, from the districts, forts, cities
and fen dal lands the nobles and chiefs of the victorious army set out for the capital, Bfdar-
and in a short time so large a force assembled at the door of the court that the east and "west
winds were shut out. The Sultan holding ont to his army hopes of reward, at an auspicious
time unfurled the royal standard and set out for the frontier of Gujarat. In due time he
encamped within sight of the fort of Bah&l,& 7 situate on the frontier between the Dakhan and
GujarAt, $ind laid siege to it. ^The governor of the fort of Bahu], who was an infidel, aided by
the strength of the fortress, and hopeful of the protection of Sultan. Ahmad of Gujarat because
the fort from tiine immemorial had been in subjection to the rulers of that country sent a
letter to Sultan Ahmad Gujarat! informing him that the Sultan of the Dakhan was on his way
to Gujarat. In a state of despair he also informed him about the siege of the fortress, and
assured him that if he (the Sultan of Gu|ar&t) would free him from this difficult affair he would
annually pay a large sum into the royal treasury.
In consequence of this Sultan Ahmad Gujarat!, with the intention of assisting the infidels of
Bahul, set out with an immense army, and in one stage arrived ^t that fprtress. When the
(Bahmani) Sultan obtained information of the arrival of enemies he r^ispd the siege and went
out in all haste to meet his adversary. Both forces having reached the banks of tfre river 68
alighted opposite to one another, so that there was only the breadth of the above-mentioned
river between the two armi.es. Every day the two forpes drawn up in battje array stood oppo-
site one another ; but, however much the troops of both sides endeavoured to cross the river
and engage in battle, neither side gave any facility for so dping, and being unwilling to shed
Musalman blood the troops neglected to fight; so that for nearly a year those two armies were
seated opposite one another, and neither of the two would begin the battle. When the time
became very protracted the theologians and learned men from both sides intervened and with
the limpid water of exhortations and advice extinguished the fire of battle which had been kin-
dled, and laid the foundations of reconciliation. It was settled that the fort pf Bahul, which
from ancient times had been in Gujarat, should still remain in possession of the agents of that
kingdom; and on this side whatever pertained to the servants of the Bahmani court should
remain so. After some days the bonds of mutual friendship and agreement were arranged
between the two kings, and their animosity being brought to an end an offensive and defensive
alliance was arranged, and it was agreed that they should not fail to exalt the standards of
Islam and break down the rites of the heretics.
The two kings having agreed to all these terms of peace sent one another many valuable
presents ; and for nearly a hundred jears the foundations of unmixed friendship remained firm
"between the kings of these two countrift and they continually sent presents to one another, as
will be related hereafter.
After this reconciliation the Sultan returned to his capital and looked after the copafort of
his subjects and army, and far and near overthrew the customs of heresy and impiety. He
promoted in office and rank each of the amirs and ministers of state : Muhammad bin 'AH
Bawardi, who was one of the descendants of Sultan Sanjar Saljuki, received the* title of Khwajah
Jahan; and the commander of the left wing of the army 69 being promoted to the command of
the right wing the Sultan exalted him with the title of Malu Khan, and on the commander of
the right wiDg he conferred the title of Sarang Khan. Shir Malik became Kotwal of Dadbak (P),
and Shir KMn, son of the Sultan's sister, who had been the cause of the assassination of Sultan
Ffrftz, met with the same fate as the latter. Mira& IMr-Ullah grandson of SMh M'mat-
ft OrBahol 3 prBliol,orBMl. Distinctly written Jftf in the text. But a reference to the GujarSt history
hows that it was Bateol: now called Tambol, a hill fort in KWndesIi - tide Bayley's Qvjarto* P- WO n., and
pp. ilo-120,
* I&feUy the river T&ptt. * Sar.uaubat-i Maisarah. T Sar-nauhat-i Maimanah.
189&] HISTOBT OP THE BAKMAM DYNASTY, 215
Ullali obtained the title of Malik-ul-Masha,ikh 71 and EXzi Ahmad Kabul became JUalik-nl-
^Ullama 72 and Sadr-i Jahan ; and Kazi Nizam-nd-Din Sharif! grau'dson of Saiyld Sharif
was exalted to the title of Sharaf-i Jahan ; and Saiyid Abd-nl-Mu,min grandson of Saiyid
Jalal Bukhari became entitled Saijid Ajal Jalal Khan,
In the midst of these affairs arrived news of the death of Shah NVmat-TJllah, and the
Sultan was much distressed thereby. According to the custom of India he Instituted a fair to
be held in his honour at his (the saint's) tomb. He assembled all the saiyids and theologians ,
sheh^s and darvishes and waited on them himself : the Mug with his own blessed hand poured
water on the hands of the saiyids and she'khs ; and esalting^ialik-nl-Hnsha^i&h llirza Uur-
Ullah above all the nobles and chiefs, stretched out the hand of two-fold friendship to that
family ; and the same liberality which Sultan Ahmad Shah showed towards the sons of Shall
Nar-ud-Din Ni'mat-Ullah was also extended to the descendants of the saint; and each member
of that illustrious dynasty who ascended the throne used to unite in marriage a princess with
one of the descendants of Ni'mat-TJUah,
After these occurrences a dispute once more arose with the Wali of Mandu about the fort of
Kherla. At last after mi^ch disputing and fighting peace was established and the above-
mentioned fort was restored to the Wall of Mandu, and it was agreed that the country on this
side of the fort should be in the Sultan's dominions. This stipulation was confirmed on both
sides, allowing no deviation from the highway of sincerity and agreement. After that, each of
the sovereigns marched to his own capital ; but the mutual friendship established between them
w^s not of the same quality as that which existed between the Bahmani and GnjarAti Sultans
as will afterwards be related.
The Sult&n proceeds to take several forts and towns.
When in the latter days of the late king, Hrfiz Shah, on account of the weakness which
arose in the affairs of the country owing to the frequent wars, the disobedient and rebellious of
all parts triumphing in the circumstance, and thinking it a favourable opportunity broke into
rebellion and had retaken from the agents of government most of the forts and towns of the
kingdom and its frontiers. When Sultan Ahmad Shah ascended the throne, owing to the disputes
which arose between him and the Sultans of Gujarat and MMwa, till those affairs were over he
had not found leisure to retaliate on the rebellious ones in the various parts of the country and
chastise the infidels. Moreover, while the Sultan was engaged in repelling his enemies the
infidels, even without fighting, Lad succeeded in getting possession of various ^ districts of
Teliug&na. But now that the mind of the Sultan was entirely at rest from contention with the
Sultans of Gujarat and Malwa, he turned his attention to the recon quest of those districts which
had come into possession of the infidels; and haying assembled a countless force he pro-
ceeded towards the country of Telingana,
When the Sultan, spreading the wings of victory and conquest, tteew the shadow of tiiumph
over the regions of Telingana the people of some of those towns and forts, traversing the road
o! obedience and submission, made peace by agreeing to pay i evenue as security for good
behaviour ; but some who having bound the fillet of opposition to lawful authority on the for*
head of rebellion and impudence, took the road of unbelief, were sent to the house of perdition
by the blows of the death-dealing swords of the troops. By the aid of God and the good for-
tune of the Sultan strong fortresses were taken, the strongest of which was the fort of E&mgir,
This celebrated fortress, which in strength resembled Alexander's rampart, and all the other
forts and strong fortresses of that district having been taken by the royal army, the symbols of
infidelity were overturned.
The wffi of the fort of Warangal, who was the most intelligent of the infidels of that
country, saw that in whatever direction the victorious army turned they levelled with the ground
the forts and towns and used to plunder and devastate the country and eradicate the inhabitente.
n Sing of the
216 THE INDIAN ANTIQTJABY. [AUGUST, 1899.
root and branch ; so, foreseeing and dreading the attack of the royal army, he sent a deputa-
tion of his chief men to the foot of the throne, and by the interest of the confidential servants
of the court, represented his readiness to submit to the Sultan's authority and to pay tribute if
his offences were pardoned, The Sultan in his mercy pardoned the inhabitants of the fort, and
after taking security prohibited his troops from plundering it.
The Sultan was for a long time engaged in reducing Telingana and conquering the districts
in possession of the infidels. Some who humbly submitted to his rule and agreed to pay
tribute he confirmed in possession of their districts. Having made Ibrahim Sanjar Khan head
of the array, he sent him in confbaand of a division to conquer that country and conciliate the
people ; and conferred on him as a jdgtr the fort of Bhonagtr and several districts.
After that the Sultan returned to his capital and resigned the affairs of government into
the hands of Miyaii. MatmtLd 3STizam-ul-Mtilk, who was the wisest man of his age, unequalled
in learning and one of the descendants of the illustrious slieTth, Shekh Farid Shakar-b&r ; 73 and
he consigned to Elhalf Hasan the port of Dhabol and all the ports on the coast.
In this year the Sultan in the interior of the fort of Muhammadabad Bidar laid the foun-
dation. of a palace and portico (pfoJigdh) of extraordinary height and beauty * 7 * When he had
completed the building Sheikh Azari owing to the perfection of whose fame it is unnecessary
to speak in terms of praise visited the Sultan's court and composed two verses in eulogy of
this palace, and the Sal tan was so pleased that he presented him with 700,000 Dakhani tarikah,
which may be equivalent to about 1,000 tuman ; 75 upon which Shekh Azari said :
" Tour gifts can only be carried on beasts of burden." 76
The Sultan smiled, and added to his previous gift 25,000 more tarilcah for the expenses of
las journey and the cost of carrying (the money). The sJielth, after suitably thanking the Sultan
for the abundance of his favours and kindness, agreeably to his ^desire, returned to his native
country. 77 By this generosity and kindness on the part of the Sultan he obliterated the names
of the kings of the world from the register of the generous, and to the end of the world exalted
the banner of his good reputation among the sons of man. *
Mattl&na Sharf-ud-Dln M&zandar&ni, who was one of the disciples of Shah M'mat-Ullah,
inscribed in beautiful handwriting two verses on the door of the palace, and the Sultan
presented to him also 12,000 tankah.
When the Sultan had reigned for a period of twelve years he resigned the crown and
throne of sovereignty to the heir-apparent, Prince Ziafar Khan, who was the eldest of the
Sultan's sons and adorned with the jewel of knowledge and generosity and the ornament of
mildness and bravery ; and all the nobles, ministers and generals plighted their fealty to him,
= raining sweetness, eloquent.
The date of the building of the palace is not given. The description is so extremely hyperbolical in style that
I shall not weary the reader by translating it.
75 I have not been able to ascertain either the value or weight of the DakhanS tankaTi or Persian tfiman (or
iwn&n) of that period. The tcmkah was a copper coin, and the weight of 700,000 of them must have been very
considerable.
v ffitU** 1
* 7 Shekh Azari died at Asfarayin, a city of Khur^s&n in A. H. 866 (A, D. 1461) at the age of eighty-two. The
following chronogram, records the date of his death :
Alas ! for Azari, Sheikh of his days,
The light of Ms life is shorn of its rays.
Being JOrasrau the second in poesy,
In KHUSEAU the date of Ms death you will see.
AUGUST, 1899.] HISTORY OP THE BAHMAKI DYNASTY. 217
After that the Sultan divided tHe country of Hindustan among bis sons ; the district of
with its dependencies he settled on Prince MalimM Khin* 9 and Ba.ieimr and ChAl (?/*
with their dependencies on Da,ud KMn.
In the meantime the Sultan fell into a bad state of health, and in spite of the remedies of
the physicians his illness daily increased till he died on the 25th or 26th of Bajab, A H. 838
(24th or 25th February, A. D. 1435).
Account of some of tlie Cood Qualities of Sultan Ahmad SMii*
The learned have recorded that he was a king renowned for his many good qualities and
justice and piety. His disposition was adorned with the ornament of clemency and temperance
and with the jewel of abstinence and devotion, * % ^
In generosity he carried off the palm from all the kings of the world, as has been recorded
in the following verses by Shekh Azari, who has been formerly mentioned.
# # # * *
An amir named Shir Malik, a celebrated noble of high rank, and who had the manage-
ment of most of the important affairs of government, having gone to take one of the foiis of
the infidels, took the strong foriress, and with much booty and countless horses and elephants,
was returning in triumph to the royal court. Saiyid Nasir-ud-Din, who was by birth one of
the true miyids, an Arab, had been honoured by being presented to the Sultan, and had
received various honours and presents ; and the Sultan having given him a large sum of money
for the construction of an aqueduct to carry water into Karbali, had dismissed him. On lis
way the saiyid happened to pass through, the camp of Shir Malik^ and did not salute the latter
in the usual ceremonious manner. Shir Malik from the pride which he possessed, becoming
like a furious lion, ordered the saiyid to be dragged to the ground from his saddle. The saiyid
in his indignation and wrath returned to the Sultans* s court, and made the following represen-
tation : ** On account of the faith and friendship which, as is well known, the Sultan of the
World entertains in regard to my family, I have travelled to this country, leaving the sacred
places and tombs of fathers and ancestors, the society of companions and friends; and regard-
less of attachment to my mother country, which is beyond the power o imagination. The
result of the love and reverence for the Prophet Muhammad is only this, that a descendant of
that holy personage is dragged from his horse to the ground ; this disgrace and baseness has
been inflicted on the saiyids"
The Sult&n was much affected by this speech, and showing much kindness and considera-
tion towards the saiyid, strove his utmost by valuable presents to soothe his feelings, and then
sent him on his intended journey.
When Shir Malik arrived near the seat of government the nobles and ministers of state
went out to meet him, and showing him the greatest honour brought him to the court. When
the eye of the Sult&n fell on him. the fire of his wrath was kindled and blazed up. He ordered
the elephant called "Kassab" (the butcher) to be brought. The lookers on were amazed at
this, and from fear of the king's anger trembling seized their limbs, and they said to them-
selves : "Notwithstanding such valuable services and such gallantry on the part of Shir
Malik, to kill him and throw him under the feet of an elephant is far from the Sultan's usual
kindness and gratitude. 5 * But no one had the courage to say anything till the elephant-keeper
brought the appointed elephant, when the Sultan, without giving Shir Malik an opportunity of
saying a word, ordered him to be thrown under the elephant's feet. The Sultan then said :
* f Thus only can insult to descendants of the Prophet be suitably requited ; and the protection
of Islam is incumbent upon all.**
The Sultan's age was between 60 and 70, and he reigned for a period of 12 years, 9 months
and 24 days, 98 but God the Most High alone knows the truth of matters.
** Or Muhammad Khan (?) vide p. 143 n. 7S Hot identified.
8 This period added to the date of his accession (llth Shawwal, 825) would make his reiga terminate oa the
5th Sha'baa, 838 (6th March, 1434). According to Firishtah he reigned 12 years and 2 months.
218 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1899.
Note to Chapter IX,
[The following brief account of the reign of SuMn Ahmad is taken from the Tazkarat-u
Mvltih.'}
Eeign of Sultan Ahmad Wall Shah Bah.manl in the city of Mu^ammadftlbM,
is now known as the city of Bidar.
After the murder of Sultan Firuz, Sultan Ahmad ascended the throne.
One day when he went out hunting in the neighbourhood of MufeimmadaMd a dog seized
a hare by the tail. The hare titrned round and fighting with the dog, overcame him. Sultan
Ahmad on seeing this said : ct The climate of -this country seems to be conducive to bravery
seeing that a hare beats a dog. If I should found a city here and make it my capital, the men
who shall be born here and grow ad thrive in the climate of this region will certainly be braver
and more manly ." 81 Besides, in the city of A]asamibad the Sultan had hcemorrhage, and it was
not a fortunate place for his capital. For this reason, in a propitious hour, he laid the
foundation stone of the city of Muhamipadabad, and in a short tijne he approved of its comple-
tion ; and he passed the period of his life in that city in pleasure and the gratification of his
desires,
During his reign Mfrfekdam. Efryajah Jakftn came from Khurasan for the purpose of
trading ; and showing great ability in political affairs he served four Bahmani kings, always
faithfully and with good will, till in the latter end of the reign of Muhammad Shah, son of
Humayun, he suffered martyrdom, and left behind him a good reputation in the world. 82
Sultan Ahmad ascended the throne in A. H. 830 (A. D. 1426), and in the same year found-
ed the city of Muhammad abad, and for twelve years, nine months and twenty- four days lived
in peace and happiness and with a good reputation. He died in A, H. 842 (A. D. 1438), but
God only knows !
comes to tjie Dakftan, enters tjie service of the kings
and attains Mgk distinction.
It is related that Makhdum Khwajah Jahan was a wise, good and experienced man who
chanced to arrive in the port of Dhabol, now known as Maimftn MustafM'bad 3 and the
various kinds of people he saw there seemed to him wonderful and strange. One day in the Ifafo
he was sitting in the shop of a merchant, when tjie governor of the said port, with the utmost
pomp and grandeur passed through the U*fc seated on a throne (singUsan) and playing with
a lulbul which he had on his hand. The Khwdjak was astonished at this circumstance, and
said to himself : " It is evident thjat the people of this country are simple-minded and
playful : one might pass one's life very pleasantly among such people and find much enjoyment
m their society, aud attain high dignity. He then wished to proceed to the seat of government
at Bidar, but SuMn Alinmd had given orders that any foreigners or foreign merchants, from
wherever they might come, should transact their business a t the port of their arrival and
were not to be permitted to proceed to the court. Khw&jah Jahan therefore waited on the
governor of the port with valuable presents, ,and begged permission to proceed to the seat of
government. The governor explained the abovementioned excuses for refusing his request.
The Mw%ah said: -I have travelled in many countries, such as Efim, Syria, Egypt,
Ihurasan, Turkistan, etc. I have travelled through all these countries, and collected in them
5 ^ * various kinds fit for king,, and it would be a pity if the king should not see them
He added:- I have written on the subject to the king and the ministers of state, and am
sendmg them various presents: do you also write a few words to the ministers of state, and
perhaps my business maarftna^faronght to a successful issue.- The governor of the port
the first ^ention of Swa^Jakn is in the
1899.] ESSAYS ON KAJSMIRI GRAMMAR,
wrote a letter to the king through the ministers of state. The petition of the Khwajah reached
the ministers, and when they became acquainted with its contents they joined in presenting it
to Sultan Aljimad; but he was not at all willing to let the Khwajah come, and said : "These
intelligent foreigners are ingenious, and would soon deceive people : if this man came here he
would in a short time attain authority and power, which would be displeasing to all of you,"
The ministers replied : " What harm can one man, a merchant, do ? We shall see what
manner of man he is, and whether he is fit for service : if he be not deserving, it will only be
for a short time, his business will soon be concluded, and we can dismiss him." As the
ministers were pressing in this matter the Sult&n gave his consent, and after some days the
Khwajah arrived with his goods in the city of Bidar, and visiting each of the ministers*
explained the object of his coming. By their advice he presented as offerings to the king some
Arabian horses, rare silken cloths, some Turk! and Habshi slaves, several kinds of pearls and
other valuable jewels and some beautifully written and highly ornamented copies of the Kurdn.
When he reached the court he took one of those Kurdns on his head, and placing the remainder
on the heads of his slaves, entered the presence. When the king was informed that what they
carried on their heads were Kurclm he involuntarily arose from his throne, and taking the
Kurdn which the Khwajah had on his head, put it on a corner of his throne, and turning
towards the ministers of state said: <4 The Khwajah even in the court has given orders to
me, since in order to do honour to the word of God he has brought me off my throne : it
remains to be seen what he will do after this/' The king after inspecting the presents sent
them into his palace, and then questioned the Khwajah about the affairs of otlier kings ; and
the Khwajah gave his answers in a pleasing narrative, and related various particulars about the
manners and customs of other kingdoms. The king was astonished at what he related and
pressed him to tell him more particulars. He was much pleased with the Khwajah's society and
commanded him to visit him every day. He honoured the Khwajah with several valuable
presents and appointed a lofty and spacious dwelling for his residence* Like the other servants
of the court the Khwajah used to present himself at court daily, each time bringing some
present with him, OB which account the king's favour and affection towards him daily increased,
till he went so far as to consult the Khwajah in matters pertaining to the government and
finance ; and the successful results of whatever he used to do by the advice and approval of the
Khwajah strengthened the king's reliance upon him and caused the dignity and rank of ihe
Khwajah to be much increased. But in the meantime Sultan Ahmad died,
(To be continued*")
ESSAYS OF KASMIRI GBAMMAB.
BY THE liATB KABL FBEDEBICH BUEKHAEDT.
Translated and edited, wiili notes and additions*
ly Geo A. Grierson, C.LE* PiJX, I.C.S.
[ContiniLQd from p. 1790
7. Ttie Eelative Pronoun.
[245. This is nearly, but not quite, the same as the Demonstrative Pronoun ** yi : ]
Masculine. Feminine* Neuter.
Singular.
J"om. Ace o**- yus *** yosa ** yik
/ /
Instr ....... fi y&w *** ? f*
Dat, Abl,, Loe. ... U*^ fl w or o-> yas
^/ .-* /
** yasond or
220 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [AUGUST, 1899.
Masculine. Feminine. Neuter.
Plural.
/
Norn., Ace fi yim *+i yti* pi yim
t
Instr ....... J+* yimau
Dat, AbL, Loc. ... c^! yiman
.* .* *
Gen* *,. ... *** yihond or A-** 4^:! yiman-lwnd
Before this pronoun there is often inserted the word 8j si ; e. g,
tJ I ^j^j ^ A^a. ^j^^ J^ s c7t7^w ri 2/5 aA cZo5^ a^t, who is there, to whom
there will be a friend ( t. e n will have a friend ?)
t * t *
&j &A> p* $j A** a^ 4^5* fc w5 chhu fi yam* ^ yt ikhtiydr dyutuy, who
is he that both given thee this authority-
Examples of the use pf Relative with Demonstrative Pronouns :
"* **
$u t who he.
.. .
su j/w^, he who.
^y the very one who*
soy, the very woman who-
yi ti t which that,
$ tim yvni 9 they who-
/ w
^ tim* yima, they (fern.) who,
i yima yim, these (fern,) who.
< .
So also 4^ , pi yim timan; e^j , ^ ti m yim<xn; &+* , ^3 Umanay yiman;
'" ~ ~ ' "
T J tas nisli yos& 9 etc.
Auousi, 1899",]
ESSAYS ON EASMIEI GHAHMAB.
221
8, Tli Interrogative Pronoun.
j>
246,
Masculine. Feminine,
Singular*
Neater.
Nom, Ace.
Instr. .
Dat., AbL, Loo....
Gen, ...
Nom, 5 Ace. *,
Instr ..
Dat. 1
AbL >
LOG. J
/
(fleam*
kami
t?
&<xzw or ^ Ms
lcqm*-8ond or
Plural.
fcaw
&* bath
. ^^ Icamyul.
Mm
lcama&
//
^
JA j.^ Jtaman-lwnd
^^
i ttf tya as used adjectivally for all genders in reference to all inaimnate flung.; e. jr.,
4 ^jali(mO, what answer P^^^*^ (fem.) ; what deed?^^^^
, what testimony ? ^4 *fr *y<* 1*H ^* wfl ? # u^*" kft ^BS, who ? B. ,.
4* */1 ^ ftfi* afca clihu si (Matth. vii. 9 ; xii. 11), who is it, that ?
9. Indefinite Pronouns.
T247 ; K fc^, ^ Worm, 4/ *2& or Wt^ M*toca, anyone, someone; with
(ai ), no one; is, in the singular, always declined as a feminine, even when referring to a
masculine noun. Tlius :
Singular, Instr., Dat.,
Plural, Nom. (m. f. n.)
, or *~ ri : Gen.,
Unto; Instr.
Dat. w? 3 ^ fcetea. Throughout the of the base is pronounced as in the French
word bon<
W*WA or 4if MA, means ' anything.' It remains unchanged throughout
its declension*]
222 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [ AUGUST, 18*.
Examples :
j%* & Jc&Ji shur, any child.
Jdh lokqti shur*, any little children,
luJc, or cO *** &2i *<*S some people.
^ -r
Mi-, some few, only a few*
yi fcei, -whatever, all.
q na, nothing.
f *"* A
" I ^**J (i' Mnsi cikis, to anyone*
*
i maJinivis, to any man*
/
j 4ir &3 W a fceTt { (Luke, xi. 6), nothing which.
, any one, someone, is declined like ^ km, with /*U tarn added, Ixwfern-
- ^ - /y f - x
mental sg*, j*^**^ "kqwi tarn, by any one ; ^-*^^ \*+ Jcqmi tdm duslimanan^ by any enemy.
^ Jti falar&t a certain one ; u*** 45-*^ fultim shdkhs> a certain person.}
10. Generalizing Pronouns.
- * f/ * tt , / / /
248, ^d <j*J yw$ ^ws, *^ I jj*2 y fe?j *^ I &$ IcaJi oJc& t whoever. The Dative is u* ^i
\ya$, u^^l u^i y as afctX to whomever.
4^ *3 yi Mh i Dat,, tsl^fH-* AJ ^/^ Mnisttti, whatever, all which.
.
all whatever, t. e*, all : *i *& t/jj* sorvy JceA yi, all that.
U. Other Pronouns*
ift // // j
249. ^ I e^ yra* a% *^ I e^J <prat akdl, ^J ^ iaft $rat, every one : <*&
.^ / /^/ .^ /
every tree. ^ o^j pr at Tconi, several; *- *^ ^j ^^^ ioni fia j a j ?> f or mmj reag03Qfl
j. om - tarJcari-Jiond daJiyum hissa (Luke, xi 42), tithe of all
^ /
manner of herbs, u*^! *^ #ra dK, to every onej un Aj U e,^j _p ra i5 Tconsi M$, to
every one*
he one _ tl
2eyi t the others i ^ ^ Ai na &ayt ^X, no other.
tftf T&ihm, by how many ? Dat. tf*J V A-feAew (Luke, xv. 17), to how many.
jff Kainftrau, by several } &&f Mintsan, to several; to* *fif Jfll - w ^ ^j, ^^
after many days. * - *
T, 1899.]
ESSAYS ON ZASMIRI GRAMMAS.
12* Certain Correlatives. 32
Demonstratim and Relative. Demonstrative.
jlil
( like which, .
2B3
*e whatf
how much f
irio is such a father, that he (Luke, xic 11).
(3) Demonstrative!
Belative J
.Demonstrative 4*
251. Correlative Pronouns and Adverbs.
224
THE INDIAN ANTIQtTARY,
1899.
HOTES AKD QUERIES*
A STOEY ABOUT LAL BEG- AHD THE
LALBEGI SECTS.
LAL B&G was the son of Skekh Sarn&, a resi-
dent of Hultan, who left that place in the train of
his spiritual master [ ? Shah Kumes] for Sadhaura,
in the Amfoala District where he devoted himself
to the worship of Pir&n Pir ['Abdu'l-Qadir
Jilani, 1078-1166 A. D.]. Shekh Sarn& had no
child, and some one referred him to Ba-lnik, then
residing at Ghazni, Whereon the Shekh set out
for Ghazni, taking his wife with him. As he ap-
proached the place he came across a girl, named
Pundri, feeding swine, and enquired of her as to
the whereabouts of Balnik, whereon she said that
she was his daughter. On this the Shekh offered
to watch her swine if she would take his wife to
her father, to which she agreed. When she return-
ed she saw that two young pigs had been born
during her absence, and asked Shekh Sama to
carry them home for her, which he did. Mean-
while his wife had so won over Balnik by her
devotion that he asked her what she wanted and
she said '* a son." So Balnik promised her a son,
whom she was to call Lai Beg. After nine months
she gave birth to a son, and dutifully called him
Ml Beg.
When Lai Beg was twelve years old his mother
dedicated him to B&blk, and sent him to the
prophet on an elephant. He served Balnik with
heart and soul, and the prophet was so pleased
with him that he made him chief of all his dis-
ciples. Lai Beg then proceeded to Kabul and
Kashmir, accompanied by Balnik and all the sect,
On arrival at E&bul and Kashmir ( ! ) Lai Beg
told his followers to go and beg in"the cities, but
the people would not have it. So they complain-
ed to Ml Beg, who told them, after consulting
Balnik, to fight the people, and with the help of all
the saints and the gods, Lai Beg gained the -victory,
and took possession of Kabul and Kashmir.
Alter establishing his authority LM Leg placed
one of Ms followers, named Sulttoi, a native of
the place, on the throne, and then went to Tittoe-
sar, where Balnik died. Lai Beg subsequently
went with all the followers to Dehli, and founded
the Lalbegi religion, dividing his followers into
five sects, *fe., Lalbegi, Shekhri Dflmrf, Hill, and
JKawat.
ft. C. TEMPLE in P. tf. and Q. 1883.
NOTES ON MARATHA MABEIA0ES.
THE father, or in his absence any near male
relation of the bride, gives her away. A shawl
or a cloth screen Being thrown over them, the
biide and bridegroom are placed face to face, and
told to throw garlands of flowers round each
other's necks, and the screen is then withdrawn.
The other ceremonies are the usual ones, hut a
thread is wo and round and round the pair in token
of the indissolubility of the marriage tie. The
bridegroom remains on at the bride's house till
the completion of the zdl ceremony. In the in-
terval the mother and other near female relatives
of the bridegroom receive them in state, on which
occasion valuable and costly presents are made
her, while her relatives present sdrfe, etc., in
return. Another public state meeting between
the ladies of the two families also takes place at
which presents are interchanged either before or
after this ceremony. At the zdl ceremony a
basket filled with rice, polids (sweet-cakes), ZadeZfo
(sweetmeats), lamps made of uncooked wheaten
flour with oil and wicks, combs, tooth-picks,
looking-glasses, etc., but seven of each article is
placed on the head of the bridegroom's mother
(or of the lady acting for her) while the married
couple, if children, sit on her knees. After this
the bride and bridegroom go to his house with the
usual procession, and wind up the ceremony
with the worship of Lakshmi. The^fainilies then
interchange grand dinners, and the ceremonies
end with visits to the shrine of the tutelary gods.
Thus, the Gaekw&rs of Baroda visit KhandoM*
the family god, and Bichraji (a goddess).
The late B. Y, SHASTBI in P. JV. and Q. 1883.
SALAGBAM.
THE Salagram has been described as a fossil
fish imbedded in a ball of petrified mud, of which
the surface has been cracked or worn away ia
different places, thus disclosing a number of
small cavities in the inside caused by the shrink*
ing of the organic remains. The name has been
suggested by this peculiarity of appearance, and
means simply "full of holes, "or "cellular,' * from
sala, the Sanskrit prototype of the English " hall"
and its cognate "cell," and grdma, the familiar
Indian name for a ( * village/' here used in the
sense of "a multitude : J> as in composition jit
ordinarily is. Among Hindfts of the present day
Balagram is one of the most popular proper names,
and is often spelt by the unscientific Salig Ram,
apparently under a mistaken impression that the
mutilated last syllable has something to do with
the god so called. Compare the somewhat similar
confusion between San Greal and Sang Heal. 1
(The late) F. S, GROWSJE in P. 2V. and Q. 1883.
* [For the Proper Barnes S*U$,
p. 71.
<Mm, alj derived from the SSfagrcaoM, see
, 1899-1 A THEORY 01 UNIVERSAL GBAHtfAB. 225
A THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR, AS APPLIED TO A GROUP
OF SAVAGE LANGUAGES.
BY B. 0. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p 208.)
I NOW propose to go into tlie proper names, and to see what their analysis tells us,
AKA-BEADA PBOPER FAMES.
(1) Taul (R.) r (P. P. = I.) oko (P. B.) tima (R.) (P. B, + B. = S.)
Taal-tree (its) corner
len (P. 1\).
i n . So the whole expression signifies * in the village at the corner among
the Taul trees/
(2) Puluga (S.) la (S. Q.).
Q. a (hon. sul). The Deity, i. e,, a supernatural anthropomorphic being,
The word may mean *the Eain-bringer.' N.B, * Rain 3 of ten =* Storm' in the
Andamanese tropics.
(3) Luratut(S.) la (S. Q.).
Luratut. Tkis ^ ^e name of a well-known bird, but in the context
clearly signifies some man named after the bird. Here, however, we hae an
indication of legendary growth. For the Andamanese nowadays naturally mix
lip those of their ancestors who had 'bird' and* animal ' names with the birds and
animals after whom they were named.
(4) I (P. B.) Tarcheter (S.).
Kingfisher. A * bird' name, see (3).
(5) Wota (B.) Bmi (B.).
rise-up hut. ' The village of the huts from which the Tribes rose (like
a flight of birds)/ i. e. the traditional cradle of the race.
(6) Chaoga (S.) taba (B.) nga(S. Q.). -
spirit greatest-be ing. Chaoga denotes properly the appearance
a dead person Js supposed to assume, and the whole term signifies * the dead who
were greatest/ L e., * greater than ourselves/ the (revered) ancestors.
(7) Tomol(S.) ola(S.Q.). .
TomoQays-sons - Qum. snf .). The Tomolola are the earliest traditional chiefs, i. e.,
the very earliest personages beyond 'the ancestors.'
AKAE-BALE PEOPEB NAMES.
(1) Dim (P. B.) Daura (B.) le (S. Q.).
(male-name) (hon. sut>
(2) Keri (E.) - 1' (P. E. I.) ong (P. B.) tauwer (S.) (P. R. + S. S.)
Ken-tree -(its) Ba * d
, /"Q rp "S
ty ' * ' i. e,, * by the village on the sand among the Keri-trees.*
(3) Paluga(S.)*
God.
(4) Bolub(S.).
*fish ? name. Seethe 'bird' names above,
(5) Tarkaur (S.).
*fish j name. See (4),
226 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1899,
(6) Bilichau (S.)
Flying-fish. A 'fish 3 name. See (4).
(7) Rokwa (S.) - F (P. F. -I.) - ar (P. E. (- to (R.) (P. R. + R. = S.) - nga (S. Q.)
stone (its) ? row-be ing
i. e n * the village by the row of stones.*
PUCEIKWAR PROPER NAMES.
(1) Taul (E.) - V (P. F. - I.) - ko ( p - R tim ^ &' E ' + E - s )
Taul-tree (its) corner
an (S, Q.).
in. See identical Aka-B^ada term,
(2) Bilik(S.)*
God.
(3) Luratut (S.)-
'bird ' name. See Aka-Beada term.
(4) Tarchal (S.).
* fish * name. See (3).
(5) Chatter (8.).
Kingfisher. A < bird * . name. See (3),
(6) Lao (R.) cham (R.) (R. + R. S.) len (S. F.).
* the ancestors ' to. See chaoga-tabanga, the Aka-
Beada term.
(7) Wanta (S.) Emi (S.) en (S. F.).
Wauta Emi in. See the Aka-Beada name Wota-EmL
AuEAu-Juwoi PEOPEE, NAMES.
(1) Euro (S.) t> (P. F. I.) on (P. R.) mika (R,) (P. R. + R. S.)
Euro-tree (its) very-big
i, e,, 'the village among the great Karo-trees*'
(2) Mirit (S.) la (S. Q.).
Pigeon (hon. suf). A 'bird* name.
(S) Bilik(S.).
God.
(4) Lech(R.) lin (S. F.).
male-name to.
(5) Karat (8.) t j (P. F. = L) atak (P. R.) emi (R.) (P. R. -f R. S,)
Karat-creeper (its) hut
in (S. F.)-
. in i, e., * in the village where the huts are among the Karat-creepers. 9
KOL PKOPEE NAMES.
(1) Taul (R.) P (P. P.=I.) oko (P. R.) tim (R.) (P. R. 4- R. = S.) - en (S. Q.)
For this name see Aka-Beada,
(2) Bilik (S,) la (S. Q.).
God (hon. suf.).
(S) Luratut (S.) la (S, Q.). 3?or this name see Aka-Beada.
SEPTEMBER 1899.] A THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
227
(4 ) Oko (R.) - Emi (R.) - t (S. F.). .
Oko Emi at This is the same place as the TVota-Enii and
Wauta-Emi already given, but it appears here in a presumably simpler form, signifying
1 the (original) huts.'
(5) Kaulotat (S.) ke (3. Q.).
Kaulotat-tree was. This is an instance of a tree name. See Aka-Beada (3").
The peculiar verbal ' termination to the word in the text is commented on elsewhere.
(6) Min (R.) - tong (R.) - ta (R.) [or tauk (S.)l (R. + R. + & [ or S.] = S.)
Min-tree leaf bone
~ b y * __ to ' ' I. e., ' at the village of the rib-leafed Min-trees.'
(7) Jangil (S.).
' the ancestors.'
Now these proper names bear out in every respect the conclusions to be drawn from the
places, the five tribes tell five versions of an ^abstract ; * ^J ^^ (Terbs ), and
between them of only seven separate indicators (nonas;, s t^ _^ ^ e xplieator (adj.) used
T_X rt +-^ T*orn/>ia indicatim? the other parts ot speecu* j
eight separate raoioaib, luuiu**^ 6 r ^ ^^^^ ^ an y j Bgtallc , e m the same
In all the versions ; only thrice an illustrator (*>* / , one COEJnBC tion between words
language. No introductory words to sentences are a ^f^J^ ^ .^ Tfeere are no
and only two between sentences, referring in eacD case w . 0age of tfee Brd pe rBOn ).
forward references, and there is only one referent ^^<^^ pbraseoiogy, the Aka-Be,d,
In telling the Legend, we therefore see that, to ^P^ ^ Akar-Bale use five nouns, nine
use two nouns, eight verbs, ^one reL conj. f an one p^on ^^^^ Bge OM mm ^ fire ^ s i s Yer bs.
. ._.^^tw ^oms TteAnkan _ JawoiBsetwonoms> ^
!L, JL TO H nneadv.,oneproE. Poverty of thought and
s face to face
undeveloped savages.
The evidence is as follows :
TABLES OF BOOTS A^B STEMS.
Indicators (3Touns) t
EBglisK Ato-Beado. AtasBale. FucHkwax. ^^^
Tillage barai] bare:]
platform -. toa S
all-men pa^a *** at a t
fire chapa * choapa at
n T yaukat "*"
nsn ' J peakar
wood *" **" _ w pin
charcoal
THE INDIAN" ANTIQUARY.
[SEPTBMBEB, 1599.
seize
take
light-a-fire
do
sleep
steal
bring
burn
wake
go-into-sea
become
carry
give
extinguish
break-up
kindle
deceased
long-ago
again
past (by)
at-onee
then
em
ik
dal "
mami
tap
orno
pugat, 1
pugari j
boi
jek
ena
ik
da!
a
omo
puguru
jurugmu
mo
tichal
Predicators (Verbs),
di, li
kadak
*
pat
< *
lechi
kodak
ema
top
*
kek
kaudak
pat
konyi
da
chol
bil
dauk
tepur
Exglicators (Adjectives),
laiche
Illustrators (Adverbs).
rita
kol
lin
Connectors (Conjunctions).
kji
Introducers (Conjunctions).
Referent^.
(a) Conjunctors (Conjunctions).
ota, kota, 1
e /
(&) Substitutes (Pronouns),
he a I, ong ong a .,.
(they) ... ' ongot n'ong .,. n'a
Incidentally the above tables indicate the extent to which the languages belong, in the first place
to a family, and in the next to a group, which may be further indicated by examination of the affixes
But, as the examples available are so few, nothing beyond indication can be here expected. The
proof can be seen by an examination of Mr. Portman's Comparative Vocabulary and his most patient
analysis o? the words therein,
TABLES OF AFFIXES.
Prefixes, functional*
Alra-Beada. Akar-Bale, PucMkwar* Aukan-Jnwoi, Kol.
p- i 1 - r- r-,t'- r-
Ecglish.
Ms a its
(?) bis
a 7 -
SEPIEMBEE, 1899.] A THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
229
0)
0)
0)
ot-
oko-
oto-
atak-
at-
oko-
Prefixes, radical*
oto-
oko-
atak-
auko
to- j
otam-, ote-
oko-
a-
-
r- ; inm-
ong-
111
with
to
at
was
-ing
did
(honorific)
-lik
-len
Sujjixes, functional*
-ke
-a
-in, -an
-en
-leu
, 1
j
-ka
-nga
-re
-la, -ola
Suffices, qualitative.
-kaie, ia ...
-nga -nga
-t, -te -ye, -an
-le ...
-in
41 n
-cliike
-t
-lak
-kete
-ke
-an^ -chine
-la
The reader will by this time have perceived that the development of the fundamental
meanings of the roots and stems of Andamanese words is effected by means of radical
prefixes ; a consideration that brings us in. contact with the most difficult and most interest-
ing feature of the Andamanese languages.
To the Andamanese mind roots present themselves as being divided off roughly into classes
&s under, to use Mr, Portman's classification, which is, of course, an impossible one, according to the
general system of grammar he purports to follow. But, as his classification is sufficient for the pur-
pose o! illustrating my points, I shall not now disturb it*
Mr. Portrnan's classification is stated by Mm thus :
The Andamanese roots appear to be divided into five groups, which are as follows :
(1) Names of parts of the body, with special reference to the human body. Roots
referring to the human race generally.
(2) Names o! other natural animate and inanimate objects,
(3) Eoots which are capable of being conTerted Into either Explieators or Predieators, as
well as being Indicators.
(4) Pronouns.
(5) Postpositions, Adverbs, Conjunctions, Exclamations, Proper Kaines of Andamanese
men and women, the Flower Names given to Andamanese girls, Honorific Names
etc., Particles.
Now, with reference to the above statement, the main function of the radical prefixes is
to indicate the group to which a root belongs, either primarily or secondarily by
230 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER 1899.
implication. In the groups, or in some of them at least, there are sub-groups, e. g %9 in group 1 ^
find sub-groups, of which the following are samples :
TABLE OF SFB-GBOUPS m GROUP 1*
English
A&a-Beada.
At ar- Bale.
Puchikwar.
Artan-J^Lwoi.
Kot
Head
ot-cheta
ant-chekta
ote-ta
auto-vtau
autc-toi
hand
on-kauro
ong-kauro-
ong-katire
aun-koran
aun-kaure
mouth
aka-bang
aka-boang
o-apong
aukau-pong
o-pong
knee
abJo
ab-lo
ab-lu
a-lu
o-lu
ar
ik-puku
id-puku
ir-bo
re-baukau
er-bokait
pine
ar-gorob
ar-kate
ar-kurab
a-kurup
o-kurup
As might be expected of savages, the Andamanese are intensely anthropomorphic, and this fact
comes out in their languages, the radical prefixes in form and origin revolving for all Groups chie%
round those used to differentiate the parts of the human body or human attributes and necessities.
There are, however, radical prefixes, whose function is purely to modify the meaning
of a root, and so to form* in combination, with the root^ a pure stem. Here are instances
out of Mr. Portman's boot :
Top(-fia) is, in Aka-Beada, ft soft ? or < pliable' ; then, a sponge i$ ot-y&p, soft ; a cane is auto*
yop 9 pliable ; a pencil is aka-yop or auko-yog, pointed ; the human body is ab-yop 9 $oft ; certain
parts of it are ong-ycp 9 soft 5 fallen trees are ar~yp, rotten ; an adze is, ig~yp, bl^nt*
ChawrQg(-&ga) means in Aka-Beada generally * tie (ing) up.' Unmodified by a radical prefix it
refers to the tieing up of bundles of firewood or plantains, whence cliawrog-wga(-d), a faggot. But
when so modified it can mean a& follows : awt-ehauvog-nga.) tieing up the carcases of dead pigs so that
they may be carried o-n the back; aka-cTiawrog-ngia,, tieing-up jack-fruit into bundles ; ar-Ghanrog-nga^
tieing tip birds 5, ong-ckawog-nga t tieing together the feet of little pigs while alive to prevent eseape*
The anthropomorphism of the Andamanese, already noticed, induces th$m to refer all Wo^ds,
capable of such reference, directly to theE^selves^ by mwis of referent prefixes to stems
composed pf roots plus radical prefixes ; thus :
The Head.
English Ata-Beada, Akar-Bale. PuohikwaK. Aukan-JiLWOK. KoL
head -cheta -chekta -ta -tau -toi
his-d ot- aut- ote^ ^,uto aute-
my-d 9 d'ot- d'aut- t'ot^- t'a^to- t'fiute-
The Hand.
hand -kaura -kaxura -kaure -korat* -kaure
his-d on- ong- ong- aun- aun-
thy-d ng'on- ng'ong- ng'ong- ng'atm- ng'aun-
In the above cases, to the roots for fi head ' and * hand * are added for ' his y the root-forms of the
prefixes, to which for 4 my * and < thy ' have been superadded abbreviated forms of the root-forms for
* I ' and * thou/ And so it is for all the c persona.'
Also when the reference is possible, to " persons in the plural," som^, but not by any means
all, the Andamaaese emphasize the fact of such reference by modifying th$ form of the radical prefix
to indicate it, thus ;
Aka-Beada. A&ar-Bale,
l*Zw. Sing. PZ%
oto-t aut antot
oiot aung aungtot
a&at akar akat
at ap at
^ig id idit
arat ar arat
SEPTEMBEE, 1399.] A THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR. 231
2so such alterations take place in Puchikwar and Aukau-Juwoi, except to differentiate * thy *
from ( your/ Thus: in Puchikwar, ante, sing., is autel, plu.; and in Aukau-Jmvoi "niau 9 *.g., 's
autel, plu. ; and so on*
To the differentiating plu. radical prefixes axe added, where necessary, functional ireses s ib> :
English. Aka-Beada. Akar-Baie. Puchikwar. Atifcas-Ju-woi.
our m'otot m'autot ra'aute m* ant an
your ng'otot ng'autot Bg'autel ng'aute!
Another noteworthy fact, again due to anthropomorphism, is that usually the AndamaBese
languages conceive every woid, when possible, as referred to * the 3rd person,* *'.#.,
ot'CJieta-da is strictly not 'head, 5 but s his head/ So ototeheta-da is strictly s their teacls. 1 And so,
in order to express a clear reference to a * 3rd person,' where the context renders
such necessary, they do so by means of a referent prefix evolved for the purpose,
thus :
English. Afca-Beada. A&ar-Bale. Pnchikwar. Aukau-Jwoi. KoL
Sing. Plu. Sing. Plu. Si*g. Plu. Sing. Plu. Six?. Kv.
-'s,its, i iv r- i'- i 5 - 1V ien '- r - len> - r - !elf -
hijs (their /
The last three forms seem to explain the origin of this curious habit, for in them we find a sjecial
referent prefix for < their/ and so, when it is necessary to make < their 7 clearly referent, we find a second
prefix le superadded. "We can therefore also say that the referent prefix I'- seems to indicate
one of the signs of * growth ' in the languages, as we now have them,
Lagtl when tlle natoa i conditions require that an Andamanese should throw into a single
expression 'more than one idea, he does so by direct and simple combination, with the aid of ks
referent prefix for its,' as may be seen from the proper names and some of the compound ^vords in ite
tots of the Legend. Thus : TauH'-okotima, TauUree-it 5 -corner s i. a., (the village at) the comer
(among) the Tapl-tree* 5 Keri-l'-ongtauwer, Keri-lree-its-sand, i. *., (the village on) the sand (among)
the K,eri-treefl.
So here again, it appears to me that the languages, even in the complicated forms and usage of
the prefixes, show themselves to be purely and directly the expression of Ravage * thought,
affording yet another measure of the Theory ^s a working hypothesis.
Now of course, the Andaman^ go far beyond this skeleton in iha detail^ of their speech, but
everything' else to be found in it seems to me to he a development of these fundamental laws, arising
out of a mere following up to a further expansion the ideas contained in them or out of the ^bes
of speech itself. There a* no more further - principle, > to explain, so far as I can at pxesent ^e aM
iVould refer the reader to Mr. Portman's careful and laborious pages for a proof of the present
assertions I would also take leave to refer Mm to those pages and to the foregoing observations,
should he'deske to judge tor himself how far the Theory may be called a successful attempt to meet
the conditions,
I will now proceed to state the Theory in skeleton form, believing that ^boMoale
cloth d with the necessary ft* far every possible language by tha process oEixect natural dev lop-
TntoJ detail, - that a clear and fair explanation of all the phenomena of speech can be log.cally
deduced from the general principles enunciated therein.
It seems to me to be necessary to say very little at present by way of preface.^ The Theory
232 THJ3 INDIAN ANTIQtJABT.
Terminology is a matter of convenience, and I have in the exposition of the Theory, changed the
familiar terminology of the Grammars of the orthodox sort merely as a convenience. The question
presents itself to me as one of choosing between the devising of new terms and the giving of new
definitions to well-known old ones, used habitually in other senses. To my own mind it is easier to
apprehend and retain in the memory the meaning of a new word than to keep before the mind a new
definition of an old and familiar one. Hence my choice. But this is so much a personal matter,
that it is a question of indifference to myself which method is adopted.
ThQ familiar terminology lias accordingly beon changed in tins wise. The old noun,
adjective, verb, adverb, preposition, and conjunction become indicator, explieator, predicator, illustrator,
connector, and referent conjunctor, while interjections and pronouns become integers and referents
substitutes. Certain classes also of the adverbs are converted into introducers. Gender, number,
person, tense, conjugation, and declension all disappear in the general description of kinds of inflexion.
the object becomes the complement of the predicate, and concord becomes correlated variation.
Also for obvious reasons subjects, necessarily occupying an important place in Grammars which aim
at explaining all that there is to say about a language such as its phonology, orthography,
and elocution are not now considered in the exposition of the Theory.
THE SKELETON OF A THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
SPEECH is a mode of communication between man and man by expression. Speech may be
communicated orally through the ear by talking, optically through the eye by signs, tangibly through
the skin by the touch. LA^OUAGES are varieties of speech.
The units o! languages are SENTJEHCES, A sentence is the expression of a complete meaning.
A sentence may consist of a single expression of a meaning. A single expression of a meaning
is a WORD. A sentence may also consist of many words. When it consists of more than, one word,
it has two parts. These parts are the SUBJECT and the PREDICATE. The subject of a sentence is the
matter communicated or discussed in the sentence. The predicate of a sentence is the communication
or discussion o that matter in the sentence.
The subject may consist o! one word. It may also consist of many words. When it consists of
more than one word, there is a principal word and additional words. The predicate may consist of one
word. It may also consist of many words. When it consists o more than one word, there is a
principal word and additional words. Therefore the components o! a sentence are words placed either
in the subjective or predicative part of it, having a relation to each other in that part. This relation is
that of principal and subordinate.
Since the words composing the parts of a sentence are placed in a position of relation to each other,
they fulfil functions. The function of the principal word of the subject is to indicate the matter com-
municated or discussed by expressing it. The Junction of the subordinate words of the subject may be
to explain that indication, or to illustrate the explanation of it. The fanctioiTof the principal word of
the predicate is to indicate the communication or discussion of the subject by expressing it. The
function of the subordinate words of the predicate may be to illustrate that indication, or to complete
it. The predicate may be completed by a word explanatory of the subject or indicative of the COMPLE-
MENT. Therefore, primarily, the words composing a sentence are either
(1) ISTDICATOBS, or indicative of the subject.
(2) EXPLICATOBS, or explanatory of the subject.
(3) PBEDICATOBS, or indicative of the predicate.
(4) ILLUSTRATORS, or illustrative of the predicate, or of the explanation of the subject,
(5) COMPLEMENTS, or complementary of the predicate.
And complements are either indicators or explicates. Therefore also complementary indicators may
be explained by explicators, and this explanation may be illustrated by illustrators. And comjilemen-
expluators may be illustrated by illustrators.
SEPTEMBER, 1899.] A THEORY OF UNIVERSAL GEAMMAR. 283
But, since speech is a mode of communication between man and man, mankind with a
purpose. The function of sentences is to indicate the purpose of speech, lie purpose of is
either (1) affirmation, (2) denial, (3) interrogation, (4) exhortation, or (5) information. Purpose
may be indicated in a sentence by the POSITION of its components, by VAEIATIOK of the forms of its
components, or by the addition of introductory words to express it or INTBOBUCBES,
Also, since the functions of sentences is to indicate the purpose of speech, connected pwj/ott* may
be indicated by CONNECTED SESTEKCBS. The relation of connected sentences to each other is that of
principal- and subordinate. This relation may be expressed by the position of the connected sentences,
by variation of the forms of their components, or by the addition of referent words expressing it or
REFERENTS. A referent word may express the inter-relation of connected sentences by conjoining them,
or by substituting itself in the subordinate sentence for the word in the principal sentence to which it
refers. Referents are therefore CONJUCTOBS or SUBSTITUTES.
Also, the words composing the parts of a sentence are placed in a position of relation to each
other, this relation may be expressed in the sentence by the addition of connecting words expressing it
or CONNECTOBS, or by variation of the forms of the words themselves.
Also, since predicators are especially connected with indicators ; explicates with indicators ;
illustrators and complements with predicators ; and referent substitutes with their principals ; there
is an intimate relation between predicator and indicator, indicator and explicatory illustrator and
predicate, predicator and complement, referent substitute aad principal. This intimate relation
may be expressed by the addition of connecting words to express it, or by correlated ^mriati&n in the
forms of the especially connected words.
Since speech is a mode of communication between man and man by expression, that communication
may be made complete without complete expression. Speech may, therefore, be partly expressed, or be
partly left unexpressed. And since speech may be partly left unexpressed, referent words may refer
to the unexpressed portions, and words may be related to unexpressed words or correlated to them,
Keferent substitutes may, therefore, indicate the subject of a sentence.
Again, many words may be used collectively to express the meaning of one word. The collective
expression of a single meaning by two or more words is a PHKASE, The relation of a phrase to the
word it represents is that of original and substitute. A phrase, therefore, fulfils the function of its
original.
Since a phrase is composed of. words used collectively to represent a simple expression of a mean-
ing, ihat meaning may be complete in itself, Therefore a phrase may be a sentence. A sentence
substituted for a word is a CLAUSE. A clause, therefore, fulfils the function of its original
Since clauses represent words, a sentence may be composed of clauses, or partly of clauses aad
partly of words. A sentence composed of clauses, or partly of clauses and partly of words, is a PERIOD*
Therefore a word is functionally either
(1) A sentence in itself or an IKTEGEE,
(2) An essential component of a sentence, or
(3) An optional component of a sentence.
The essential components of a sentence are (1) indicators, (2) explicates. (3) predicators,
(4) illustrators, (5) complements. And complements are either indicators or ey.plicatois.
The optional components of a sentence are (1) introducers, (2) referents. (8) connectors* And
referents are either referent conjanetors or referent substitutes.
To recapitulate : Functionally a woid is either
(1) An INTEGER, or a sentence in itself.
(2) An INDICATOR, or indicative of the subject or complement of a sentence.
234 THE IJSTDIAN ANTIQUABY, [SEPTEMBER,
(.3) An BXPLIOATOR, or explanatory of its subject or complement.
(4) A PREDICATOB, or indicative of its predicate.
(5) An ILLUSTRATOB, or illustrative of its predicate or complement, or of the explanation
of- its subject or complement.
(6) A CONNECTOR, or explanatory of the inter-relation of its components.
(7) An INTBODUCTOR, or expknatory of its purpose.
(8) A REfBREiSTT CONJUC^TOR, or explanatory of the inter-relation of connected sen-
tences by joining them.
(9) A REFERENT SUBSTITUTE, or explanatory of the inter-relation of connected sentences by
substitution of itself in the subordinate sentence for the word in the principal
sentence to which it refers.
An individual word may fulfil all the functions of words, or it may Fulfil only one function, or it
may fulfil many functions. When a word can fulfil more than one function, the function it fulfils
in a particular sentence is indicated by its position in the sentence, either without variation of form
or, with variation of form. There are, therefore, CLASSES OF WORDS.
Since a word may fulfil only one function, there are as many classes as there are functions,
Also, since a word may fulfil more than one function, it may belong to as many classes as there are
functions which it can fulfil. A word may, therefore, be transferable from one class to another : and
this transfer may be effected by its position in the sentence without variation of form, or with varia-
tion of form. The class to which a word belongs may, therefore, be indicated by its FORM.
When a word is transferable from one class to another, it belongs primarily to a certain class,
and secondarily to other classes. But, since by transfer to another class from the class to which it
primarily belongs (with or without variation of form) the word fulfils a new function, it becomes a
new word connected with the original word. The relation between CONNECTED WORDS is that of
parent and off-shoot. Since the form of a word may indicate its class, both parent and oS-shoot may
assume the forms of the classes to which they respectively belong.
When connected words differ in form, they consist of a principal part or STEM, and an additional
part or FUSTCTIOSAL AFFIX. The function of the stem is to indicate the meaning of the word.
The function of the functional affix is to modify that meaning with reference to the function of the
word. This modification may be effected by indicating the class to which the word belongs, or by
indicating its relation or correlation to the other words in the sentence.
A stem may be an original meaning or SIMPLE STEM, or it may be a modification of an original
meaning or COMPOUND STEM. A compound stem consists of a principal part or ROOT, and additional
parts or BADIGAL AFFIXES. The function of the root is to indicate the orginal meaning of the stem.
The function of the radical affixes is to indicate the modifications by which the meaning of the root
has been changed into the meaning of the stem.
^ Since words fulfil functions and belong to classes, they possess inherent qualities. The inherent
qualities of words may be indicated by QUALITATIVE AFFIXES.
Affixes are, therefore, functional, or indicative of the function of the word to which they are
affixed, or of its relation or correlation to the other words in the sentence ; radical, or indicative of the
modifications of meaning which its root has undergone ; qualitative, or indicative of its inherent
qualities.
Affixes may be
(1) PREFIXES, or prefixed to the root, stem, or word ;
(2) INFIXES, or fixed into the root, stem, or word ;
(3) SUFFIXES, or suffixed to the root, stem, or word.
SEP3EMBEB, 1899.] HISTORY OF THE BAHMA2TI DYNASTY. 35
Affixes may be attached to roots, stems, or words in- tbeir filiform, or in a rariej f orm . WL e
tkere is variation or form, there is isnExios or inseparability of the affix from tie wot, "stem, or word.
Ail the tuuctions of affixes can, therefore, be fulfilled by inflexion ; and ivfattd crd mav c ouionn tn
particular KINDS OF INFLEXION.
Since a sentence is composed of rds placed IB a particular order, with or without variation of
form, the meaning of a sentence is rendered complete by the combination of the meaning of Its compo-
nent, with their position, or with their forms, or partly with their position and partly with their ioiis.
Since sentences, are the units of languages, and words are the components of sentences, and sine.
languages are varieties of speech, languages may vary in the forms of their words, or in the position in
which their words are placed in the sentence, or partly in the forms and partly In the position of their
words. There are, therefore, CLASSES OF LANGUAGES.
Since the meaning 'of a sentence may be rendered complete either by the position of its words M
by their form, languages are primarily divisible into SYNTACTICAL LANGUAGES, or those that express
complete meaning by the position of their words ; and into FORMATIVE LANGUAGES, or by those iliat
express complete meaning by the forms of their words.
Since words are varied in form by the addition of affixes, and since affixes may be attached to
words in an unaltered or altered form, formative languages are divisible into AGGLUTINATIVE
LANGUAGES, or those that add affixes without alteration ; and into SYNTHETIC LANGUAGES, or tho&e
that add affixes with alteration.
Since affixes may be prefixes, infixes, or suffixes, agglutinative and synthetic languages are each
divisible into (1) PRE-MDTATIVE LANGUAGES, or those that prefix their affixes ; (2) IKTRO-MTJTATIVE
LANGUAGES, or those that infix their affixes : (3) PQST-MUTATIVE LANGUAGES, or those that suffix
their affixes.
Languages are, therefore, by class either syntactical or formative. And formative languages are
either agglutinative or synthetic. And agglutinative and synthetic languages are either pre-mutative.
intro-niutative, or post-rnutative.
A language may belong entirely to one class, or it may belong to more than one class. When a
language belongs to more than one class, it belongs primarily to a particular class, and secondarily to
other classes.
Since the meaning of a sentence is rendered complete by the meaning of its words in combination.
with their forms or position, languages may be CONNECTED LANGUAGES, or those that vary the fomis>
or the position, without varying the meanings, of their words,
Since variation of form is effected by the addition of affixes in an unaltered or filtered form,
connected languages may vary the affixes without variation of the roots or stems of their wnrjs.
Connected languages whose stems are common belong to a GBQUF. Connected languages whose roo"<
are common belong to a FAMILY ; and, therefore, all connected languages belongingito a group belong
to the same farailv.
HISTORY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY.
BY MA JOB J. S. JSlIXa, M. E. A. S.
(Continued from p. 219)
CHAPTER X.
Reign of Sultan fi Al&-ud-Din Alimad Shfth,
son of Ahmad Shfth.
AFTER the death of Sultan Ahmad Shah, with the concurrence and approval of the nobles
and heads of the army, on Monday, the 22nd of the month Bajab in the year 838 (21 sr
February, A, D. 1435) Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din ascended the throne ; and, according to the custom
236
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SBPTEMBBB, 1809.
s the great saiyids, stefcfo , and learned men being present at the time of the sovereign's
sett on the royal throne, his high ness Malik. nl-Musha,ikh SMh Burh^d-Dln
i-&h son of Shah Niir-ud-Din Ni'mat-UlHh Will, who was the religious instructor of
this king and son of the spiritual adviser of the late Sultan, took hold of the Sultan's right
hand' and Saiyid Ebasif taking his left hand, they seated him on the throne; and the
noblel and grandees scattered money. The Sultftn placing two chairs, one on each side of the
throne for those two illustrious fortunate ones, they were seated on his right and left ; and the
other saiyids and learned men such as Malik-ul-'Uluma Kft?l Ahmad Kabul Sadar-i Jahan and
Sadar-nl-'mnm& Ka?i Nizam-ud-Din Sharif! Sharf-i JaMn and Malik- ul-Mudarrisin^ Saiyid
A^mad Jurjint obtained permission to sit at the foot of the throne. The courtiers congratulated
the Sult>n on his accession, and in eloquent language sang his praises ; and each one according
to his rank and station received robes of honour and other- gifts. Poets recited elegant
congratulatory verses and were rewarded by kingly gifts.
When by common consent Sultan Al&-ud-D!n succeeded to the absolute sovereignty of the
Dakhan by hereditary right and desert he regulated in such a manner the distribution of justice
and the erection of the structure of equity that the impression of the beneficence of Faridiia
was eclipsed, and Naushirawan's fame for justice was powerless to compete with it.
On Fridays and festival days he used himself to ascend the pulpit and read a Vhutbah in
extremely eloquent language. Owing to his excessive mildness and mercy he was averse to the
shedding of blood or hanging, and he generally spent the happy hours in playing and toying
and pleasure and mirth and the society of rosy-cheeked, sugar-lipped fair ones and youths with
cypress-like stature and silvery forms. From sociableness and excess of hankering after this
class of people he used not to att,end to state affairs as much as he ought, and from want of
attention to the important affairs of government, the affairs of the kingdom continually fell
pommotion and confusion, and his subjects became disgusted, as will be shown hereafter*
Sultan c Ala-ud-Din in the early part of his reign dismissed several of the awflrf, ministers
of state and inferior officers of government, g^nd appointed a number of others in their places:
thus Miya^ Mahinfld ^izam-ttl-lflCulk Ahmad Shahl was dismissed from his government
and put to death. Kawam-ul-Mulk Ghuvi received the title of Nipam-ul-Mnlk, and his son
became Kawam-ul-Mnlk. Muhammad bin *AU B&wardi who was 5&wj&h JaMn
and the other nobles and ministers were confirmed in the titles and appointments which they
already held.
The Sultan appointed two of his own slaves commanders of the right and left wings of the
army. The command of the left wing by the custom of the late Sultan was given the pre-
ference over all the dignities of the right wing, and Malii Khan had been appointed to it, and
Sarang Khan to the command of the right wing, 84 The descendants of Malik Mahmud
Afgh&Bg infdmddr of the district of Halkundah were advanced to very high rank ; thus Malik
'Imad-ul-Mulk obtained Mubarakabad Miraj on feudal tenure ; and another of that clique
obtained the title of Mu'azzam Khan, and the district of Bijapur was assigned to him on
feudal tenure. Mushir-ul-Mulk Afghan took on feudal tenure Halsangi which is a taraf of
Bij&pur ; and the greatest of them received the title of Majlis Akram Dilawar Khan, and was
promoted to a government,
In the beginning of Ms reign the Sultan constructed a garden and palace named M niat&Md
on the bank of the river* In that Paradise-like garden and palace, which was distant about one
farsaW* from the capital, the Sultan took up his abode ; and -reclining on the masnad of plea-
sure and delight he employed himself in drinking cups of ruby-coloured wine and enjoying
himself with ruby-lipped, heart- ravishing (females) and in listening to the melodies of sweet-
toBgued musicians.
King of the Professors, * Fids page 117. 86 About 6,000 yards.
SEPTEMBER, 1899.] HISTOBY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 287
nobles and great men used every day to perambulate the sanctuary of that ****
with their business unattended to. Moreover, many of the courtiers, nobles and generals built
houses for themselves in the neighbourhood of that loftj bnflding, and took up tLeir abode
there, so that they might often have the honour of an audience.
At this time Sanjar KMn, who was one of the greatest of the Sultan's nobles, in accordance
with orders was engaged m fighting against the Uriah leader of the Infidels of Telingen^
and used constantly to take as prisoners the cursed people of that district, and used to send them
to court ; and the Baltftn after confirming them In the faith of Isl&m sent them on to Prince
Humayun Khan, who was the eldest of his sons. By the aid of God many of these wanderers
in the desert o error and ignorance were led to the pleasant fountain of the right road, and %
the light of Islam the darkness of infidelity was expelled from their hearts, and two of tliem \iere
promoted to the rank of amtr and watfr. The Sultan himself used often to say ; '* Whv does
Sanjar Khan match himself in battle against the possessors of elephants ?" For at that time
in the government of the Bahmani Sultans there were not more than about one hundred and
fifty elephants, whilst those infidels had nearly two hundred thousand. Notwithstanding this
the gallant Sanjar Khan was continually plundering their country, and used not to fail in
killing and imprisoning the worshippers of idols.
In the midst of these affairs the Sultan sent Dilawar Khan Afghan with a large force to
take the entrenchment and fort of Sharkah. 86 He accordingly set out with his force, and
having arrived at those frontiers, after some parleying and fighting settled matters peaceably :
and taking an immense amount of valuable property for the government from the chief of each
of the two districts, returned to court* But when he went to pay his respects to the Sultan
lie was dismissed from his government, and a eunuch who had recently received the title of
Dastur-ul-Muik was appointed in his place* The people of the Dak^an being much distressed
by the tyranny and oppression of that untrustworthy one used to complain of him day and
night at the court ; but the Sultan, from the extreme mildness of his disposition, used to wick
at it, and do nothing to check his oppression of inferiors; but Prince Humayiin Khan, from Ms
innate mercjr, out of kindness ordered one of his attendants to watch for an opportunity to free
the people from the oppression of that mutilated one.
In this year Naslr Ebftn, 87 Wali of Asir, conceived the idea of conquering the SaMn's domi-
nions j and notwithstanding the long-established friendship and agreement between them, he
invaded the Bahmani territory and began to plunder and devastate* The Sultan on hearing
that Nastr Khan with a large army had invaded his ter ritory and laid waste several villages on
the frontier, proposed to each one of his nobles to fight against ]^as!r KMn, but none of them
would undertake it. At last he summoned Eiafi:' MaIik-utTjjftr and nominated him for this
business. Khalf without delay or thought consented, and applied himself to the task of putting
down Nasir Khan's rebellion. The Sultan conferred many favours and benefits on Khali, and
presenting him with his own special robe gave into his hands a naked sword vrith a golden
inscription on it. Khalf took leave of the Snltan and set out without even first going to M%
own house.
When the news of the approach of Khalf M&lik-ut-Tijar with a numerous force of spear-
men reached JTasir Khan, he did not think it advisable to remain in the Sultan's territory, so
he abandoned the ^aia expectations and desires which he had entertained, and being unable to
oppose himself to the royal army, as a last resource he took to flight and shut himself up in the
fortress of Asir. 88 Khalf Malik-ut-Tijar pursuing him reached the neighbourhood of the
fortress, and surrounding it laid siege to it. This continued for a long time till at last the
distracted life of Nasir Khan., by order of the Almighty, becoming a captive in the claws of fate
8S Not identified. Perhaps it is the name of the renegade chiei called Sirkah a little farther on.
87 Buler of Khandesh, and father-in-law of the Sultan,
w A play on words : A* *j* j& I j l
233 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 189&.
tie bird of his spirit Hew off from the narrow fortress of his tody towards its native country,
Tliis event happened in A. EL 839 (A. D. 1485).
After this Khalf Malik -ut-Tij&r returned with much booty to the court and paid his
respects to the Snltan.
Rebellion of Muhammad E&n, the Sultan's brother,
The Sultto proceeds to put it down,
In this year, by the suggestion of the wicked devil of seduction, the idea of rebellion and
ingratitude having obtained a hold on the heart of Muhammad Khan, 89 the younger brother of
the Sultan, he turned the reins of opposition towards the desert of error, and after killing 'Im&d-
ul-SIolk Ghuri on the bank of the river Pen Ganga he raised aloft the canopy of sovereignty
and the banner of pomp, and requited the affection and favours of the Sultan by rebellion.
When the king became aware of the movements of Muhammad Khan he collected a large
army and set out from the seat of government to suppress the rebellion.
On the other hand Muhammad Khan also assembled a large force and hastened to oppose
him. After encountering one another the fire of slaughter was kindled on both sides, and
extended to Asir, and owing to the bodies of those slain on both sides the road became so
"blocked that the east and west winds were shut out. At last victory declared itself on the side
of the Sultan, and the army of Muhammad Khan was routed : the latter, finding that fortune
had turned against him, took to flight. The Sultan ordered a number of his troops to go in
pursuit of Muhammad Khan, but gave strict injunctions not to injure him personally : and if
they caught him, to bring him without using violence to the foot of the throne, and if not, to
let Mm go. But Muhammad Khan having escaped with his life from this affair repented of
that improper action which had emanated from the suggestions of the devil, and sent an
eloquent messenger to the Sultan to sue for pardon. The Sultan graciously forgave his past
offences and caused a treaty to be drawn up assigning to him on feudal tenure the district of
Btyachal in Teli&gajia, and sent him the royal diploma of the jdgtr together with the treaty.
Muhammad Khan, conciliated and made happy by the favour and kindness of the S&n, pro-
ceeded to his own districts and did not again swerve from the path of obedience and submis-
sion,
*
During the time of Muhammad Khan's rebellion the infidels of Vijaytoagar, thinking it a
good opportunity, had invaded the territories of Islam, and taken possession of the fort of
Mudgal, and devastated all the surrounding country ; so, after suppressing the rebellion of
Muhammad 'Khan, the Sultan, in retaliation, proceeded with a large force towards the
Vijayaaagar territory,
When the news of his approach reached the ruler of Vijayanagar he fortified himself in the
fortress of Mudgal, which is one of the strongest forts of that country ; and having filled that
strong fortress with his choicest veteran troops he made ready for battle. The Sultan pitched
lus camp in the neighbourhood of Mudgal, and his troops formed a cordon round it. After the
siege had lasted for some time signs of weakness and despondency being apparent on the side of
she defenders of the fort, they sued for quarter; and agreeing to give security, sent messengers
to the court of the Sultan professing obedience and submission. They agreed to pay tribute
besides paying a large sum into the royal treasury ; also to pay compensation for any injury
inflicted on the Sultan's subjects, and in future never to presume to invade the Sultan's terri-
tory, and each year to remit a certain sum to the royal treasury. After that, the Sultan having
effected his object returned to his capital,
la several histories it is stated that Sultan A16-nd-Din remained nearly two years on this
journey, and waged a jiMd against the infidels of those countries. The forts of Mudgal,
appears to be the same as Prince MahniM KWb, who was appointed governor of the Mfihftr district by
toe late Sultan. The names MahrnM and Muhammad are often confounded. T uo river called Gan (or K<w) in the
, must be the Pen Gang& s which flows past M&hur.
SEPTEMBER, 1899.] HISTORY OF THE BAHMANl DYNASTY. 23i 4
Chaiidan-Wandhan and Safari besides many other fortresses and walled towns (Idrah) fell intu
the possession of the Sultan's army; and after successfully accomplishing his fleshes lr
returned to Ms capital.
After he had finished suppressing the sedition of rebels and killing and plundering the
idol-worshippers he spent his time in pleasure and enjoyment in gay society.
In the midst o these affairs His Highness Malik-ul-HnshiMth Shfth KbaBl-Uilali bin
Shzih Nur-ud-Din Ni'mat-TJllah died. This illustrious man of high origin left two sons: cue
of them Sb&b. Habib-Ullah was son-in-law of Sultan Ahmad Shah ; and the other Sh&b
Muliabb-UlHh was son-in-law of Sultan 'AhVnd-Din, the latter.having given him his eldest
daughter in marriage.
Massacre of Saiyids In the fort of CMkanah (Oh&kan).
In this year (858 = A. D. 1454) Kbaif Hasan contemplated the conquest of Sagkisar
(Sangameslivar) which is one of the greatest of the forts on the sea coast; his reason being
that a great number of infidels under the protection of this strong fortress, and relying upon
the thick jungle and difficult obscure places used to engage in highway-robbery by sea as well
as by land, and on account of the wickedness of these people Musalmans passizsg to and fro used
to be in a continual state of terror.
IQialf Malik -nt-Tij&r first laid siege to and took the fortress of an infidel who was called
Sirkah ; and the cursed Sirkah, who had been made prisoner by the army of Islam was given
the option of embracing the faith of Islam or Being sent to hell. The accursed one having come
into the Faith by the door of pretext and duplicity voluntarily made the following proposal:
ts I have always been familiar with this mountainous and forest-covered district of Sangameshvar ;
and now that I have embraced the Faith of Islam, to protect any longer the professors of pagan-
ism and infidelity would be anathema maranatlia to me. If you will proceed in that direction
that fortress also will easily fall into your hands, especially as I shall be in close attendance on
you, and the difficulties of the road and the intricacies of the jungle will be no obstacle to you ;
for I shall lead your force to the foot of the fortress by such a road that they will experience
no inconvenience, and you will attain the object of your desires*
Khalf Hasan*, deceived by the speech of his villainous enemy, taking Mm as guide of the
vanguard of his force, proceeded in that direction. However much the army showed to Khali
the evil of that action, which was of unswerving regret, yet according to the verse
"When Fate hangs down its wing from heaven
All the sagacious become blind and deaf "
the veil of predestination had hung down the curtain of negligence over his arrangements, and
the speech of his monitors made no impression on him till the black-faced depraved guide took
the army by a road, from terror of the nps and downs of which even the devil would have been
confounded. At last they arrived at a place where from three sides lofty mountains reared
their heads to the revolving heavens, and the depth of its valleys extended below the earth ;
the skirt of that mountain as well as the plain was filled with a jungle extremely difficult to
pass through owing to the intricacy of the trees, and one side of it was connected with an
encircling sea creek. In this dreadful and deadly place nearly thirty or forty thousand cavalry
and infantry were crowded together ready for battle, and to make matter worse Khalf Malik-
ut-Tijar was at tha~t time afflicted with a dangerous illness, so that he could scarcely move. In
this state of affairs the infidels threw themselves on the army of Islam, and E&alf and a great
number of saiyids and pious men suffered martyrdom The remnant of the routed force, who
with a hundred thousand difficulties escaped with their lives, hurried to the town of Ch&kan
which was the permanent abode of Kialf, whilst the amirs of the Dakkhan, who from older.
times had been the deadly enemies of foreigners, picturing this affair in an infamous manner,
reported it to the Sultan. The latter on hearing their version, in his anger, without thinking
240 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 1899.
of the perfidy of which, he was guilty, concurred with, the base advice of the wzir* that the
remainder of the saiyids and foreigners should be put to death ; and by one wrong order
uprooted the foundation of the lives of so many thousand foreigners and poor people and
descendants of the chief of the Prophets.
Baj& Bustam, who Lad the title of Nizam-ul-Mnlk, and Sal&r Hamzah who was MusMr-
ul-Mulk, being in agreement with one another, assembled a countless force of Musalmaus and
Hindus and proceeded towards the fort of Chakan which was the place of residence of the
foreigners. At that time nearly 1,200 saiyids of pure descent from the city of the Prophet
Muhammad and the holy martyrs, 'All and Imam Husain, together with 1,000 other foreigners
pious and abstinent followers of Islam resided in that fortress.
When the Dakkkani wawirs arrived in the neighbourhood of the dwelling-place of those poor
foreigners and heard their numbers they saw that a peaceable policy was advisable, so they
offered them safe conduct (amdn) % and with deluding and strongly-expressed oaths allayed the
fears of those foreigners of good disposition, and invited a number of them to a friendly con-
ference ; and those simple-minded people placed such reliance on the false oaths that from the
fastness of the fortress they stepped into the desert of death and opened on their own faces the
door of annihilation, till the whole of them had fallen into the mouth of the crocodile of mis-
fortune and the net of affliction. But on that day the wazfos clothed the sail/ids and foreigners
from head to foot and sent them to their homes. On the next day when the sun rose in
the east the Dakkhani amirs arranged a great feast and summoned those saiyids and foreigners
from their dwellings under the pretence of an entertainment ; but they had concealed nearly
two or three thousand armed men in appointed places, so that when they found an opportunity
they might put the guests to the sword. All the unfortunate saiyids and foreigners, at the
proposal of the treacherous amirs, put away their arms and canie into the place of slaughter *
and the amfirs, inventing a. new way of entertaining guests, seated their dear guests with the
greatest ceremony ; and every now and then, on pretence of food, took a number of them aside
to the place which was their place of sacrifice, and there entertained them with the water of the
sword of tyranny and the sJiarbat of destruction, so that about 1,200 saiyids of pure lineage
and nearly 1,000 other foreigners from seven to seventeen years of age were put to the
sword, and all of them at that entertainment were made to taste the sharbat of death.
Since the occurrence at Karbala and the tyranny of the shameless Zaid, at no time have
such misfortunes been inflicted on tie servants of God, The perpetrators of it will doubtless
receive retribution on the day of judgment. In this world happened to them what happened,
as is related. Those two maleficent sardan in that same season were seized with leprosy, the
worst of infirmities and diseases, and their sons used to swagger through the streets of the
r % and how much more so their daughters !
Enmity "between Sultan s Aia-ud*Dln and Sultan Mahmtid
Whilst the Dakhani amirs had been oppressing the saiyids and foreigners in the manner
related, Jalai Ehta, grandson of Saiyid Jattl BukMri, with his son Sikandar Ehto, who had
been specially distinguished and exalted on account of his education and beneficence, had with
them two or three thousand well trained and experienced cavalry, but as they counted them-
selves among the number of the foreigners they feared to present themselves at court lesfc they
should meet with the same fate as their compatriots. Their enemies used to prevent their
having an opportunity of speech, so that they were counted as rebels and infidels, and their
traducers made the fact of their not presenting themselves at court to seem like a proof of the
accusation 5 and used to say s - The truth or falsehood of the matter will be settled by sum-
moning them : if they come, all doubts will be set at rest, but if not they should be driven
way ; for once the fire of sedition waxes high it cannot easily be extinguished,
" The fountain-head may be stopped with a spade ;
But vrhen it is full, it cannot be crossed on an elephant/'
SEPTEMBER, 1899.] HISTOEY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY, 241
The ;v Y* V** e SpeeC1 f tLeSe miscMef - m ^ers, and sent a pew* to
summon Jalal Khan and Sikandar Khin. They with soothing excises sought means of avoid-
ing compliance with the summons of the Sultan, and showed some reluctance to appear at
court But their excuses only tended to strengthen the suspicions of the Snlttm, who proceeded
against them with a numerous army. When they heard of the Sultan's approach, Sikandar
Kh^n left his father together with his family and baggage in the fortress of Bfllkofcfla with some
reliable troops, while he himself with 1,000 cavalry crossed over to Mtotir, and from there
wrote a letter to MahmM Khilji, who in those days was the ruler of the kingdom of MlwS,
representing his weakness and despair, and asking that king to come to the assistance of
of the descendants of Ahmad Mnkhtar.
Sultan Mahmud, who expected some such contigeney, resolved to proceed to the Bakklian
with a large force. Marching by stages he arrived at Mahur, where Sikandar Khan Joined him.
The Sultan at that time was on his way to Balkojjda, and when he heard of the approach of
Sultan Mahmud he went to oppose him.
Historians have related that on that occasion the Sultan ('AlA-ud-Din) had with Lira
nearly 180,000 cavalry, and the army of Sultan MahmM was not more than 50,000 cavalry,
When only one stage remained between the two forces, and Sultan Mahmud became aware of
the numbers opposed to him he knew that it would be folly to contend against them, so return-
ed to his own country by double marches. He left one of the amm of his army with 1,000
cavalry to protect Sikandar Khan, -with orders that if the latter contemplated returning to his
own country he was to be prevented.
Sikandar Khan who was now hopeless of assistance from Sultan llahmM, repented of his
rebellion and wished to rejoin his father and children whom he had left in the fortress of Balkoada ;
so he used to remain two or three stages behind on pretence of obtaining provisions. One day,
according to custom he did this till Sultan Mahmud was a day's march ahead ; and Sikandar
Khun then resolved to go to Balkonda, and accordingly turned in that direction* The force
which had been appointed for his protection tried to prevent him, but the heroic Sikandar
Khan attacked them, and they not being sufficiently strong to resist him refrained, and
Sikandar Khan moving in the direction previously determined on rejoined Jalal Kfa&n and Ms
family. After consultation he then sent a person, to the Sultan's conrt ? expressing contrition
for what had occurred and suing for quarter. The Sultan pardoned him and received him at
court with much favour and kindness.
When the Sultan had reigned for a period of 23 years, 9 months and 22 days he died.
Sultan c Al&-ud-Din Alimad Shah was a king adorned with the ornaments of clemency,
generosity, learning and sincerity. Although he spent most of his time in the society of
beautiful youths and in such like pleasures ; so that it is mentioned in histories that he had in
his haram several thousand female slaves, with whom lie spent the best part of his time ; still
he did not neglect the poor and needy and his subjects and dependents.
In the early part of his reign he released eacli person who had been wrongfully imprisoned,
and he strove his utmost in the propagation and adornment of the faith of Islam. He threw
down ancient churches 90 and idol-temples, and in place of them founded masj-'ds, public schools
and charitable institutions, among which was a hospital of perfect elegance and purity of style,
which he built in his capital, Bidar, and made two beautiful -villages 91 there as a pious endow-
ment, in order that the revenue of these villages should be solely devoted to supplying
medicines and drinks ; and skilful physicians were engaged to attend to the sick and afflicted
friendless poor ; and with the favour of God they used to cure the people of their ailments.
So much did he attend to carrying out the orders and prohibitions of the divine law that
even the name of wine and all intoxicating liquors was abrogated in his jurisdiction ;
** The word in the original is &cwid,is, plural of toksafr, church. Does this mean Christian Churches?
81
242 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBEB, 1899.
and if now and then some one fearless of the consequences drank wine or any intoxicating
liqnor, molten lead used to be poured down bis throat. Those guilty of night-brawling
and lewd practices were banished from his dominions, so that not even the name
of such people remained in the country ; and qalandars, beer-drinkers and gamesters,
according to the Sultan's orders had chains put on their necks and were punished by
being made to clean 'dirty places and drag stones and clay and do such like hard labour, in
order that If industrious they might earn their livelihood by useful employment and not engage
in forbidden practices* The Superintendents of Police were ordered to instruct the common
people of the city and the people of the bazar in the customs of Islam and the laws regarding
lawful and unlawful things and the laws of the Prophet, and repent of sins and prohibited
things. He himself used to attend evening prayer on Fridays and festival days and read a
Khufbah with much eloquence, and laud himself by the titles : " The Sultan, the learned, the
just, the clement, the benign, the merciful to the servants of God, the independent 'Ala-ud-
Din wa-ad-Dunya Ahmad Shah al Wall al Bahmani."
In some histories it is mentioned that Saiyid Ajall, who was of the family of Katilah and
one of the chiefs of the pious descendants of the Prophet in the place of martyrdom, and was
much grieved and vexed at the massacre of the saiyids of Chakan, was present in the matjid
one day when the Sultan lauded himself with the above-mentioned titles. Without hesitation
Saiyid A jail stood up and said : " God to thee for a liar; thou art not the just, the merciful
nor the clement, thou who hast massacred the descendants of the Prophet, and yet sayest these
words in the pulpits of the Muslamin." This he said, and went out of the masjid.
The death of the Sultan occurred in the latter part of Jumadi I. in the year 862 (April ?
A. D. U57)- M
[The following brief account of the foregoing reign is taken from the Tazkarat-
Beign of Sultan 'AM-ud-Din, eldest son of Sultan Atimad.
When Sultan e Ala-ud-Din Bahman Shah became established on the throne in his father's place
he used to honour Makndtini E&wajah Jahftn even more than his father had done, and the
Khwajah used his best endeavours in consolidating the dominions, and he caused to the govern-
ment incalculable profits which he collected in the royal treasury ; and the treasury was so well
filled that in the time of former kings it did not contain a hundredth part of the amount. He
used often to send an army to the infidels' frontier, and conquer their country and exact
tribute from them by way of capitation tax. In whatever direction the royal army proceeded
they returned victorious ; and from all directions and from, every country soldiers and mer-
chants flocked towards the city of Bidar.
***** #
He died in the year 866 (A.D. 1461-2) after a reign of 23 years, 9 months and 7 days.
He appointed his son Humayun Shah as his successor.
CHAPTER XI.
Beign of Humayun Shah,
son of Sultan 'Aia-tid-Din Ahmad Sh&h,
Although the late SuMn had bequeathed the sovereignty to Sultan Humayftn Shah, who
was the eldest of his sons, and had made him heir-apparent, yet since most of the nobles,
ministers of state, princes and the inmates of the haram were in terror of Humayun Shah, they
were unwilling to have him as king ; on this account both nobles and plebeians concurred in
wishing to raise to the throne B:asan EHn, son of Sultan <Aia-ud~Din ; accordingly they
seated Mm on the throne and plighted their fealty to him, whilst the common people, citizens
and soldiery entered the house of Humiyun Shah and began to plunder and pillage. Humayun
w The Tazkar at-tO-JUuftZft gives the date of his death four years later than thae, ~~
* SEPTEMBER, 1899.] HISTOBT OP THE B ARMANI DYNASTY. 243
Shah, together with Shah Mnhabh-UlJah, grandson of Shah Ni'mat-Ullah and eighty troopers
whom he had as a body-guard, intending to take to Eight, came out of the honse and
happened to pass by tbe darMr. The elephant-keepers who were standing ready with the
elephants, being well acquainted with Humayun, came forward and sainted him/ Sail KTboi
and Ulngh Kh&n jhad been appointed to protect the darWr, and when they saw Sultan Humayun
Shah, Ulngh Khan opened the door and invited him to enter. Sultan ECumiyun, 'relying upon
his word, entered and killed Saif Khan, with his sword, 03 and with the aquiescence of Shah
Muhabb-UlMh and the favour of God ascended the throne, and giving Hasan Khan a slap in
the face said: *' How d-ared you during my lifetime desire sovereignty and sit on the roya!
throne ?" He then imprisoned Hasan Khan and ascended the throne.
The nobles who had sworn allegiance to Hasan KMn were not willing to have Hnniilyiin
Shah as king : some of them from fear took to flight. Among these Bftj& Bnstam 2f issam-nl-
Mulk, 94 who was the pivot of tbe kingdom and the pillar of the state, fied towards Chukan and
Jnnir ( Junnar), where joining- his son, who was Malik-ut-Tujjar and governor of that district,
lie fled towards Gujarlt ; and Malu Khan, commander of the left wing of the array, fled tn
Ba,icliur.
Sultin. Humiiyun Shah -ascended the throne on the 22nd of the month Jamadi II. In the
year above mentioned. He put to death all the nobles who bad been In a state of rebellion,
Some, together with Hasan Khan, he imprisoned* The courtiers and others nolens volens sub-
mitted to his rule,
Humayun Shah was a king who In learning, eloquence and wit stood alone and distinct
among the sovereigns of his time. In valour be was like the brazen-bodied Isfandyar, and In
bodily strength unrivalled In the Datkhan ; but with so many personal excellencies and out-
ward and inward perfections he was of fierce disposition and a shedder of Hood : he showed no
compassion towards one accused of a crime, and fearlessly shed the blood of Musalmfras for the
most trivial offences. Wben he ascended the throne, seeing the Importance of having a reli-
able and prudent minister who would be of one accord with him, lie recalled and placed the
affairs of government in the hands of ETajm-ud-Dln Mahmud bin Muhammad Gawan Gtlanl,
who was one of the great men of the kingdom, and In justice, penetration and profun-
dity of reflection was tie most accomplished of his age, and was afterwards promoted
to the title of Kbw&jab, Jah&n. The Sultan presented him with a special robe of honour
and golden belt, and In showing his regard for him and exalting his dignity neglected not the
smallest particulars j and that sincere-minded and able minister In his high office regulated the
affairs of government in such a way that there was no room for improvement.
In the midst of these affairs the Sultan learned that SIkandar Eb&n, 96 SOB of Jala! KMn
\Bukhari, at the instigation of the devil, had raised the standard of rebellion and with a large
force was advancing on G-olkonda. On hearing this news the Sultan was excessively enraged*
and ordering a large force to be assembled, sent Khan Jahan 96 In command of It. The latter
making rapid marches reached SIkandar KMn and engaged him, but being unequal in strength,
after some slight skirmishing he took to flight. The Sultan was furious on hearing the news
and determined to go there himself. When Sikandar Khan heard of his arrival he boldly
attacked the Sultan's force and used his best endeavours, but fortune only laughed at him ; his
army was defeated and he himself slain. 97
95 A play on words. Saif Khn ra ba $aif-i j&n-sitan ba qatl rasantdah.
According to Firishtah, Saif Kh&n was tied to the feet of an elephant, and dragged round the town till lie wai
dead.
94 This man was one of the perpetrators of the massacre of saiylds at Ckakan.
* 5 Firishtah tells us that Sikandar Khan, having "been an intimate friend of Hum&y<3bi*a before the accession of
the latter, now expected to get command of the army in Teling&na, "but being disappointed in his hopes, he joined
his father in Balkonda, and raised a revolt.
% KMn Jah&n was governor of Bir&r, and had come to the capital to congratulate the Snlt&n on his accession,
Firishtah.
$ 7 For particulars of this battle, see Firishtah*
44 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [SEPTEMBER, 189$.
After Sikandar Khan had met with the due requital of his rebellion and ingratitude, the
Sultan proceeded against Jalfl KMn, Sikandar Khan's father, but the latter on hearing O f the
Sultan's approach, wrote to him tendering his submission, and was pardoned and received at
court. 98 The Sultan then returned to Ms capital. After he had spent some time there i*
looking after the' interests of his subjects he determined on a jihad against the infidels of
Tilang ; accordingly he assembled a large force and proceeded in that direction. Having given
the command of a portion of the army to Khwajah Jahan Turk he despatched him in advance
with some of the amtra and generals, while he himself followed with the remainder of the army,
Khwajah Jahan with nearly 20,000 cavalry and forty elephants and a countless number of
infantry* started ahead of the Sultan's force, and in due course arrived within sight of the fort
of D&varakon4a," which owing to its immense strength had never been taken byany conqueror.
It was excessively lofty and had a deep aqueduct running into it. There Khwajah Jahan pitched
his camp and laid siege to the fort. After the lapse of some days, the defenders of the fortress
being reduced to extremities, sent a message to the Ray of Uriya (Orissa) who at that time was
chief of the infidels of that country. They represented to him the helpless state to which they
were reduced, and agreed to pay him a large sum if he would send an army to their assistance and
free them from that deadly strait. That accursed one, from greed of gain and for the defence
of paganism, thought himself bound to assist the infidels of that fortress ; so h sent a countless
force with a hundred elephants to the assistance of the defenders of the fortress. When this news
reached Khwajah Jahan he held a council of war with the am^rs and khfins. 'Imad-ul-Mulk, 10 *
who was celebrated for his bravery, knowledge and shrewdness, advised that before the
junction of the army of Orissa with that of Tilang, they should move their camp from that
confined space into the open plain, where they would fight more advantageously. In truth
this plan was by far the best ; but Fate bad so hung the curtain of negligence over the eye of
Kh-wajaa Jahan's judgment that he could not distinguish right from wrong, and he took his
own course. Suddenly the enemy's army came into view of Khw&jah Jahan's force ; and the
defenders of the fortress, seeing the standards of the infidels in the distance, opened the gate of
the fortress and sallied out, BO that the army of Islam was hemmed in between the two forces
and attacked on both sides. The infidels' forces being more numerous than that of Islam the
latter was routed, and the whole of their baggage, elephants and horses looted. The Musal-
inans were pursued to a distance of three farsalcJis ; l nearly six or seven thousand of their
cavalry were killed, and a great number besides died of thirst in the deserts.
At this time the Sultan had arrived within 20 farsaMs* when messengers brought him the
news of the defeat of Khwajah Jahan and the massacre and plundering of his army ; and
following closely on this news the remnant of the defeated army also arrived. The world-
consuming anger of the Sultan being kindled he burned up the harvest of life of Nigam~ul-Mulk
GMr! and Iklim Khan. IQiwajah. Jahan and all the military officers he punished with various
kinds of insult and torture, or imprisoned. He then set out on an expedition against the
infidels to avenge the disaster ; but in the meantime a messenger arrived from Bidar, who
informed the Sultan that Yustif Turk having released from prison 5Easan Khto and Mtrzft
Hablb Tjn&b, grandson of Shab. Ni'mat-Ullah and gained over a number of the troops
had proceeded to the district of Bhid.
For the right understanding of this matter it is necessary to explain that when the Sultan
went with his army to take vengeance on the infidels, seven persons, particular friends of
es According to Pirishtah lie was imprisoned : and we read further on (page 169) that he was killed when the
prisoners made their escape.
Dfivarakondft was at that time in possession of the ssamind&rs of Teling&na, and its inhabitants had "been in
alliance with Sikandar Khan. 3?msMt ,h.
* w According to FirisMah this was Nizam- ul-Mulk. The latter is probably correct, as we see a little further
on that M^in-nl-llulk ghftr! and Iklim Khan were put to death, ghw&jah JaMn told a deliberate lie in order to
save hiLiself at the expense of IsTiaam-ul-Mulk.
1 A little more than 10 miles. Firiahtah says they were pursued 80 miles, 2 A little over 68 miles.
SEPTEMBER, 1899.] HI8TOBT OF THE BAHJLUfl DTSTASTZ. 245
za Habib-IJllah 3 Ni'mat-Ullah, who by the accidents of fate had been dispersed like the
constellation of the Bear, having assembled like the Pleiades, planned the release of their
spiritual preceptor, and forming a confederacy went to Malik Tusnf Turk (one of the slaves of
the late Sultan 'Ala-ud-Din, and celebrated for his great integrity and devotion, charities and
piety) and disclosed to him their secret plans. Yusnf entered into the views of the associate?
and made an agreement with them. Some of the Jtoticals of the fortress being also on their
side, twelve sowars and fifty foot-soldiers joined them : nearly five or sis thousand cavalry
together with several celebrated amirs also agreed to join the kotwdls of the fortress,
When it was nearly evening, Yusuf Turk and the associates went to the gate of the
fortress. At that hour each of the gate-keepers had gone about some businesSj and the few
who were present tried to stop them; but Yusuf had prepared &farman with a ruby -coloured
seal which was customary on the royal mandates of the Sultans of the Dakklian and
showed it to the gate-keepers. By this means they passed through the first door, but when thev
arrived at the second door, which which was the principal one of the fortress, a great number
of men came forward to stop them, and said that until the T&otwdV* permit came they could not
act upon the farindn. Yusuf seeing that the sword was the only means of silencing their
tongues, cut off their heads and entered the fortress, By this time the sun having set a great
darkness had fallen over the fortress* A number of them going to the door of the great
prison, which adjoined that of the fortress, broke it open with axes. Nearly sis or seven
thousand saiyids and learned and pious men were confined in that prison, and when they found
the doors open and saw the means of effecting their escape, they broke their chains and manacles
with sticks and stones and rnshed to the door of the prison. The friends of Mtrzi Habtb-Fllah
who had caused all this disturbance then went to a village called Mirza-Dih, and there all
were released from their bonds. Now in the fortress, between friends and enemies, there were
12,000 persons with swords and axes scattered about ? so the whole city was soon in a state of
riot and confusion ; and as owing to the darkness of the night friends and enemies could
not be distinguished from one another, many were killed. Yahya Khan, son of Sultan *Ala-ud-
Din, and Jalal Khan Bukhari were basely and cruelly killed on that dark night. Hasan
Khan, the sovereign of a moment, who as yet had tasted only the bitterness of life, rushed out
of the fortress and hiding himself in the house of a barber disguised himself In the dress of
a dawAsh, and Mirza Habib-TJllah with his friends joined him* The Mirza wished to retire into
a sequestered life, but Hasan Khan persuaded him against It, so they made a mutual agreements
and leaving the city set out for B!r. 4 The soldiers, obtaining information of this, sought them.
from all sides, and in a few days a great number joined them,
When the news of this insurrection reached the ears of Humayfin Shah the fire of his
world-consuming wrath began to blaze up, and he became like a madman : he put in chains
aad threw under elephants a great number of Ms amirs and generals, and returned In all haste
to his capital. On the way, in the excess of his rage, he used to bite the back of his hand till
the blood flowed from it. The author of the Tdnkh-i Mahin&d ShdM, who was one of the cour-
tiers of Humayun Shah, relates as follows : "I have heard that when the news of the insur-
rection of Hasan Khan reached the Sultan he was so overpowered with fury that there were
times when in his rage he used to tear the collar of his garment and bite the ground till Ms
teeth were covered *with blood ; and when he arrived In the city of Bidar, such shedding of
blood and such numerous acts of tyranny and oppression emanated from Mm that no preceding
tyrant had been guilty of such,"
Sultan Humayun Shah told off a force to go in pursuit of Hasan Khan and lliraa Habb-
Ullahj who had gone in the direction of Bijapur. Siraj IQhite who afterwards became
Mu'azza.m Khan was governor of that place* He met the fugitives with all kinds of honour
5 HaMb- Ulldh had been imprisoned on aecotmt of his friendship for Prince 5asan yhan. Eirishtah.
4 Properly Bh5<J. A little further on they are said to have gone to Bijapur. The two places are about equally
distant from Bedar. Firishtah also says they went towards BhSd,
246 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [SEPTEMBER, 1899.
and ceremony, waited on them with propriety and presented them with suitable gifts, and
making an agreement and compact with them, emptied the fortress and brought them into it ;
but at night-fall he assembled a large force, and in the quiet of the morning when Hasan KMn
vad his adherents were wrapped in a deep sleep in their beds the double-dealing Sirftj E^
with his troops entered the fortress, and taking possession of the horses and baggage,
surrounded the citadel in which were Hasan Khan and Mirza Habib-Ullah with their six
devoted followers ; and when the sleepers awoke they saw the hostile troops which had
surrounded the citadel. When Hasan Khan saw what had happened he cried for quarter.
Although Mirz^ Habib-Ullah endeavoured to dissuade him from showing this weakness and
humility, and reminded him of the want of faith and trustworthiness of those people, and in
language suggested by their situation, quoted the verse :
" The snake in protecting inflicts injury :
Moreover its tooth is poisonous,"
Hasan Khan, from his excessive fear, gave no heed to his words, and at last threw himself
on the mercy of Siraj Khan; but Mirza Habib-Ullah and his friends resolved not to accept
quarter which was not at all to be relied upon. He said : " We are all born to death, and
are prepared for the arrival of the predestined moment. I am resolved never to place the hand
of submission in your hand or sue for mercy from you.
An enemy does not become a life-long friend ;
The Arabian thorn-tree produces no fruit but thorns.
The hyacinth does not grow from white seed.
Who ever saw sugar-cane produced from the common cane ?
And strive as one may, one jewel does not become another.' 3
His eloquence, however, made no impression on those people, and Shah Habib-Ullah and
his friends suffered martyrdom. The poet Saiyid Tahir has composed a chronogram of the
martyrdom of Shah Habib-Ullah, which occurred in A. H. 863, A. D. 1458. 5
Hasan Khan, to whom they had given a promise of security was sent to the court of
Humayiin Shah, and the Sultan caused him, in his own presence, to be thrown before tigers
and killed. The faithless Siraj Khan, after breaking his promise became afflicted with leprosy,
After that Sultan Humayun Shah opened the hand of tyranny and oppression, and
overthrew the foundations of mankind with the sword of injustice., and used to murder whole
families at once. From the sighs of the hearts of the afflicted each night there used to be a
thousand cavities in the livers of the celestial globe, and the daylight, from the smoke of the
hearts (sighs) of the oppressed used to appear like a dark evening. The fire of his rage blazed
up in such a way that it burned up land and water ; and the broker of his violence used to sell
the guilty and innocent by one tariff. The nobles and generals when they went to salute the
Sultan used to bid farewell to their wives and children and make their wills. Most of the
nobles, ministers, princes and heirs to the sovereignty were put to the sword.
Several of the new Musalmans whom Sanjar Khan in the time of the late Sultan, during,
his war with the infidels, had made prisoners as already mentioned were promoted to high,
dignity. Among these was a Brahmin youtli to whom the name of Hasan and the surname of
Baliri was given. He was a youth adorned with beauty both of person and disposition,
and ornamented with perfect sagacity and shrewdness : on Mm was conferred the title of
Sarang
Historians have related tht Shitab Khan, one of the Sultan's amfos, having fled for his
life, tho Snltftn, on the 27th of the month Ecimazan, which is the time for repentance, ordered
SEPTEMBER, 1899.] ESSAYS ON KASMIEI GRAMMAR. 247
the inmates of Ms (Shitab KMn ? s) haram to present themselves in the court-yard of the court
where there was an assemblage of common people and soldiers ; and tortured them in a most
shameful manner.
The sum of the matter is this that in the kingdom of the Dakthan the torture of Asman 6
and sudden misfortune had descended, and the storm of the yengeance of God had burst upon
that city and its environs.
At length a welcome event occurred which opened the doors of mercy and rejoicing to
those oppressed people : on the 28th of the month Zi-ul-Qa f dah Sultan Humajnun Shah was
removed from the court of sovereignty to the vestibule of the last day, much to the delight of
his subjects.
The death of Sultan Hum&yun Shah occurred on the 27th of Zi-ul-Qa'dah in the year 865
(3rd October, A. D, 1461), 7 and the period of his reign was three years, five months and five
days.
The poet ISTazir has composed the following chronogram of the death of Huxnayfin Shah :
" Humayftn Shah has passed away from the world.
" God Almighty, what a blessing was the death of Hum&yun !
" On the date of his death the world was full o delight,
fi So f delight of the world ' 8 gives the date of his death."
(To 6e continued.")
ESSAYS ON KASMIRI GRAMMAR.
BY THE LATE KABL % FBIEDEBICH BTTBKHABDT.
Translated and edited, with notes and additions^
by Geo. A. Grierson, O.I.E, PJ.D., LC.S.
(Continued from #. 223.)
IX THE NUMEBAItS*
It Cardinal lumbers.
1. Simple Num&ers.
i t / / *
252, (a) Units; ^li ok, or **\ alca, 1 \ *j g&, 2 ; 1LH fr ^ tw> 8 j jj* tsfo, 4; ^^ pants;
% *& shah, 6 ; ***** sat, 7 ; ^f of A, * \ j* nau, 9.
/ *
(f>) Tens, hundreds, &c.; %& daJi (or da> and so in all similar cases), 10 ; 3j wuh 9 20 ,
it/
3 trah 30* te*$- fsatajik, 40 j ^^^ pantsdh, 50; &$& sJiaitJi, 60;
**
/ / / / f
satat, 70 ; **^A s Mt, 80 5 ^ namat, 90; ^^ Jiat, 100 j u* 1 ** *& 1,000;
5 5,000; u" u ^ fafe s&, 10,000 ;
^
(c) Tens with units : M Jcdh> 11 ; ^ J7z 9 12 ; *^3 t m nj ly 18 ; 8 (^ a^r^, 16.
/
e Name of a genius who presides over tlie 27th of every Persi an solar month. Some consider this genius to "be
the same with Murdad or Asrael, the angel of death, Johnson's Dictionary,
* The author states above that Hum^iba died on the 28th of the months and here on the 27th Firishtafa
ives 28th.
8 =586.
248
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[SEPTEMBER, 1899.
2* Compound Numbers.
($) By addition -with :
(2) * dah, 10 j
arddh, 18,
(3)
jy-'l
'A'
*
**
*a
is 21
* 22
, 23
) 24
, 30
aJoatrqJiy 31
i 9 32
(S)
teyatrqli) 33
^ tsoyatrqh) 34
tsatajiJi; 40
/ /
alcatojiJi) 41
doyatojih, 42
&. UjJ teyatojih, 43
* -
44
(0
()
pantsdli), 50
akawanzdh, 51
dowanzdh t 52
trawan&dh
(Wade, ^re<>), 53
j
qJiy 54
61
, 60
dofiaith, 62
'
&haifli, 63
itht 64
15 ;
17 ;
) 25
sliawuli, 26
'
, 27
28
qJi, 35
36
satatrqli, 37
/
t aratrqh, 38
^ yonUqtojili, 45
sJiayatojih (Wade sJieitoji), 46
twu. satatojih, 47
aratojj'k, 48
, 5">
L^^ shawanzdh, 56
|j,jjLM satawanzdh, 57
arawanzdh, 58
pontsaJwith, 65
* stiahaith, 66
Jb /*/
satahaith, 67
68
SEPTEMBER, 1899.]
ESSAYS ON KASMIBI GRAMMAR.
249
^) C*IMS satat, 70
akasatat, 71
dusatat, 72
"tr* to&satat) 73
A isosaiat) 74
, 80
altasMt, 81
x^a doyasldt, 82
treijdsMt) 83
/.
o^Aa. tsQijasMt, 84
^ ex*.] namat, 90
*J>^o dimawiat, 92-
y //
^,93
tsonamat) 94
pontsanamat, 95
By subtraction ;
asy^ IcunaivuJiy 19
gyLv/ Ttunatrqh (-tre), 29
y 49
^ 5 70 people*
io. of
ponisasaiati 70
76
. 77
ar&s&toti 78
^x&sp 3 b jjontsasJi't, 85
i* sataslut, 87
satanamaf, 97
ti So
i 69
79
I, Ordinals.
a n ^inala are formed from the cardinals by the addition of the
first, and 0* foyvm, second, all ordinals aie n , 7n ,,, 4M 6tV n -
svllable ; l JUm - * K & *~ ^)' *" ' ^ ^^ ^^ ? ^ F - ' ' '
'" J ^ geTentii; ^ f ^ uw> dgMli; ^ Miy H Hf BfflA :
u BlXuU j p- ^ * ^ > ,,.,!- ~Tyi
* - - - j - A .ieth anu ^'-- x'i*- t. 11 ^-
1*4*
feminine is in f -
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY* [SEPTEMBEB, 189$.
III. Adverbial Numerals.
255. CT) MULTIPLICATSVES.
tMW % '
These are formed with tie aid of the substantives & lat (m. pi. j lati, fem. pi.
/ ** *t > '
manner : ^ ^ a* /*& one time, once ; *<*J *W 6eyi lati, another time ; *jJ *iA doyi la/i,
the second time j *^ ^ 3 fr<?& Za/f or ^ *O 3 ^ayi lati or ^ y* trqh fhiri, three ti:
// / ' V 7 /
Zatow) ; ^i *** sati pMri or er^ e>^ wtew /^w, seven times ;
tW Za/t, for the third time ; c--. *>J AA^ sa ^ a j^/f stt ^, seventy times seven ; W *g
j/ *"
l-atsi lati, how many times, how often; also **J *A\*% loisalLi lati (Matth. xxiii. 37);
-11 J& tysf katsan latan tdm, up to how many times [ &* y 6gun, fem. ^y ogq<n, one^
fold; 4^j<5 <%, fem. u; ? j <i dSffait, two-fold; (^J tregwi, fem. tyO 3 ^ W three-fold;]
four-fold; [Matth. xiii. 8 has] e/ A V 3 JfraXa gqn, thirty-fold; & *&*& sUtlq
f //
aw, sixty-fold ; &* <*** Aa/a jy a hundred-fold [all as adverbs].
256. (2) DISTRIBUTIVES*
These are formed by the repetition of a number ; e. g., & I J ' ofc <rl, each on (c/.
j**J uv*^* u^^v u*^J pananis yananis sliahras andar, each in his own city),
257. IV. Quantitative Adjectives.
(1) ts**-J fo'gj (dat. 4^^*j la ( myan), some i e. <;,, -^^j^ &^"* u^*"? &* son* rfos/, some
of our friends.
(2) ^ A ^ Iccdnts (instr. Jif 3 ^ kainisau), several.
(3) A* 3 "* se/A^s (dat. (^4 X ^ setJian, also cj d > sethalian ; instr. j-e*** setJiaii) majiy.
(4) ^5,j>* *6rwi/ (dat. 45^^ soris-qy ; fem. 45;^ son), whole ; e. g t ,
/
ty the whole assembly: abl. 45^^ ^n (for j 1 ^ stiri-if) \ e. g, 9 <** *S&
panani sari dilq sut } with his whole heart,
i-y (dat. ejj^ 8 ^re, csV"* 8 sdren-qy ; instr. (^jj^ s&rw~qy), all.
j .* ^ ^
rw-y or 4*^ 45 jt^ & i yi soru-y Mi } the whole; *l 4^ c5J-?^
yi, all that.
258. V. Declension of Numerals*
The Numerals are declined like adjectives. Thus : &talt; dat m, o^ akis ; instr.
***'
&\ q& ; gen, m. *^i qfasond, or
* [The word Is a corruption of the Skr, ^^^ not of ^na, a mass, as suggested by tlie author.]
SEPTEMBEB, 1809*] ESSAYS ON KA.SMIRI GBAMHAB. 151
The Dat. of *} z& two, is, however, <*** don ; of */* trah, &jJ foen ; of j^ ls&% c^ fron.
^U t^^f pontsan s&san to five thousand (MatfcK xvi. 9) j ur^ ^ fam saan, to lour
thousand (Matth. xvi. 10).
/ / */
With the emphatic 45 y, ur^ 1 faV$y ; y^l Aw-y [fern, ^t ofc-ay], only one.
'Both' Is represented by 45^ dmaw-ay;^.g^ 45^ d j%3 <tm ^oa-^ both these;
//^ H ^ *
3 s ?* 45-^^ ^ lix) myon* donaw-qy nechiri, my two sons; j^t 45-^^^*^ flf|>lcltt ^titt'-ay
//., /// //>
from these two; hut also j^6 e^ J <* doawan AyiV, allow both. So *^& ^jh
/ / j
iarqfa, in the four directions, on all sides ; note (Luke xs a S3) >* uu*- safaw-aw A?n for,
" / / / /-
(^ ^afaw (c/. e-> Jt5 donawan).
The Ordinals follow the rules of declension in every particular ; e.g., ^*$ gcdanyuk
/^ /^ , /a * ** *
pi. elikl goclani&tiem. J^ godani^^l. ^f^ godanichi ; ^ doyum, dat. tr^* Joyimw;
.' 4 . ,
) &+*** satwus ; and eo on,
j,^
TCyfmi 0ari, at the third hour; 4^ 8j **4* Aaf yari pefa, from the
^ *-> ^
sixth hour ; ^ 1 3 */ ^> wavfmi ^ari i^w, till the ninth hour,
OH THE EMPHATIC SUFFIX ^5 T.
259. This suffix emphasizes the word to which it is attached ; e. j.,
(1) To Substantives, 4fb wati-y, even on the way (Luke xvii. 14).
(2) To Pronouns :
(a) Personal : #& tohtyt ^4^ ufr *f *, art Mow he?
(6) Possessive: oa. Lf ^3U ca&.^ &^t out of tUne w month:
(c) DaxnoBstrative: m the sense o this, or that, very; even thisjthat) ; the very;
^'
tid sd/, ^hat, were not ten cleansed ?
<*< taken with Wa.
252
THE IHDIA35T ANTIQUARY.
/ o /
0*3 fast (for LS*"* tas-ay ?) [After a consonant, the junction voivel is ea ; except
* * *"
in the case of nominatives of nouns of the second declension when it is .]
o // /
(3) To Numerals : e. jr., cf-J A * daliaw-&y (see 258, note 35).
(4) To Adverbs: ^j I ass-ay, even to-day (jl az, to-day); 45^ tarf~2/ even there;
e yati-y, in the very place which,
(5) To Prepositions : ^j^ 1 andara-y, even from (Luke i. 15),
(To be continued.")
EOTES AND QUERIES.
ATTEMPTED HUMAN SACRIFICE AT HINGOLI.
ON the morning of the 4th of March a Hindu,
named aovindft, a labourer engaged under the
Public Works Department in repairing the Ak61a*
Hingcll Boad, came into the police office at
Hingoli and lodged a complaint. He was horri-
bly burned about the head, arms, and chest, parts
being absolutely charred. . His statement was
that'on the previous night he was returning from
the Hing61i ld*dr to the stone-breakers' huts,
two miles up the road. A s he passed the cotton
ginning mill, which stands by itself half way
between the two places, he was invited by some
men there to sit down and smoke in the mill
compound. When they got Mm near the boiler,
tbey seized him and thrust him head first into the
furnace. Being a strong man he managed to free
himself before they could shut the door on him.
He subsequently managed to get back to' his hut,
and next morning, with the assistance of his wif e,
came down to the police station at Hingoli. The
unfortunate mala, who was suffering terrible
agony, was taken into the Station Hospital, where
everything was done to alleviate his pain. His
recovery was almost hopeless from the first, and
on the 14th he eventually died of tetanus. The
Parsi Engineer, Sfauroji, part-owner of the mill,
and one of the firemen, have been arrested, but
the former has been released on bail for Es. 20,000.
Though it seems almost an inconceivable thing to
happen in a British Cantonment at the end of the
nineteenth century, the unanimous opinion among
all the Natives is that tlie wretched man was
offered as a sacrifice to the engine, which had
not been working satisfactorily ; and so far there
is no other explanation to be offered. There is a
fery strong feeling among the British community
at Hragoli that the case should be thoroughly
cleared up, and the perpetrators of this dastardly
outrage brought to justice.
GEO. F.
THE SACEED THREAD.
A s most formula in magic seem to be founded
on the assumed potency of certain numbers us*
cribed to each deity, so the minutiae of religious
ritual have a.similar origin, even to the lights in
the thurible, the ingredients of the incense, etc,
All are worthy of enquiry, and give clues of
historical import.
When ceremonial sacrifice ceased the janeu or
sacred thread remained, as its name shows (yajna
apdvita, what is worn at yajna or sacrifice).
In a sldTca of Mann the Brahman is prescribed
one of cotton ; the Kshatiiya one of morata* a
wild fibre, and in another place of flax ; th*
Vaisya of wool. In the Epics the heroes had
them made of antelope hide, thus showing this
record to be older than the other : now all use
cotton. Undoubtedly the ancient material was the
wool of the victim, as is the Parsi thread. The
separation of castes caused a change, the lower
order of the three castes sticking to the wool, the
warrior taking to the victim of the chase. The
Pars! sacred thread (Zend Msttlc, belonging to
the waist) is of 72 (12 X 0, the perfect number
and its half) woollen threads or yarns, passed
three times round the waist by both sexes. It is
tied with four knots. Vide Dastur Hoshanji's
Glossary to the Pehlavi texts of the Arda Viraf.
The Parsi thread is made with ceremonies worth
noting,
"W. BUCHANAN in P, N. and Q. 1883.
OCTOBER, 1899.] NOTES ON THE NIOOBABHSB. 253
NOTES ON THE NICOBARESE.
BY E. BL HA^, CJ.U.
(Continued from Vol. XX7L p. 277.)
No, 6,
Beatli and Burial
(including Funeral Kites and subsequent obserranees).
INERT and phlegmatic as are the N ieobarese in most circumstances of life, yet some of their
demonstrations of grief at the death of a relative or friend amount to what might be
described as frenzied extravagance.** This, although attributable in part to real sorrow, especially
on occasions of family bereavements, is no doubt, as regards many of the quasi mourners, mainly
induced by their superstitious fears and the dire necessity for sach do they regard it of
conciliating and propitiating the disembodied spirit, which, for the first few days after its
release when it is called hoiha-twl or hoiha-l'amapdk^ f is believed to be pecu-
liarly active and malevolent.
The funeral customs in the Central and Southern islands of the Archipelago differ in so
many points from those observed by the communities inhabiting the Northern islands that it
will be necessary to treat of each separately. I will, therefore, endeavour to describe first the
practices which prevail throughout the Central group and also, for the most part, among the
Southern islanders, and then sketch briefly the chief peculiarities of those adopted by the
inhabitants of Car Nicobar, Teressa, Bompoka, and Chowra.
In every case of illness or serious accident the menluana (i* e n the " medicine-man , 1J
exorcist or shaman) is at once summoned, and by Ms arts and incantations and the erection of
fetich-charms Qienta-Jcoi and henta, ante, Vol. XXIT. pp. 170-1) seeks to deliver his patient from
the power of the Evil Spirits, to whose agency 44 the disease, suffering or injury is attributed,
When, notwithstanding ail his efforts, death supervenes 45 it is not considered necessary to remove
the body from the hut until the preparations for the interment are complete, but notice of the
melancholy event is at once sent to all neighbours and friends in adjacent villages* 46 for no one
is supposed to willingly or wittingly fail to bid farewell to the remains of the departed or to
make the customary offerings, consisting of a few or many fathoms according to the wealth
or spirit of generosity of the donor of white or coloured calico or other cloths, or silver
bangles, necklets, spoons, forks or other valuables* Any friend who is unable from aome valid
cause such as absence from home, sickness or other trouble to pay this mark of respect is
expected to make his excuses and explain his conduct at the earliest opportunity to the
chief-mourner who, if satisfied, condones the other's absence ; otherwise, it would be regarded as
a slight to be remembered and rendered in kind as soon as an occasion offered for the purpose.
Should a relative from any unavoidable cause be absent when the obsequies are performed
he is restricted from visiting the village where the deceased died and was buried until the
42 Even over an unpopular person or notorious evil-liver the same lamentations are made. In the rar event of
a person dying insane the only difference observed is that the exhumation ceremonies yet to be described ~
are omitted ; while, in the equally uncommon case of a murder, the corpse is either tafcen out to sea and suck or
buried in some out-of-the-way spot, after which no further notice is taken of the remains,
*3 Subsequent to this brief period it is called simply *u& till after the temporary disinterment of the skull
and jaw-bone a year or two later, when less fear is entertained of the spirit, which is then described as
a As will be shewn in a subsequent paper dealing with Eeligious Beliefs and BemQGQlogy s this belief does not
extend to those in. precarious health through old age or general debility.
45 With the last breath (eyam) of a dying person the soul (hoin) departs to the being whom the more intelligent of
the present and of a few preceding generations haye been taught by missionaries and others to speak of as ** Dmse,**
* 6 As the name of a deceased person is tabued, the messenger has to convey the intelligence by saying, ** So and
So's father (or brother, sister, etc.) has just died." It is more particularly by, or in the presence of, relatives that
this reticence is obserred. How wide-spread is this objection to utter the name of a deceased person may "be seen
by referring o the Journ. Anthrop. Imt. Tol. XV. p, 73.
2o4 THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. , [OCTOBER 1899.
first memorial feast (entoin), the reason being that he was not present at the ceremony
shortly to be described when the mourners are required to take upon themselves vows of
abstinence in token of their respect to the memory of the departed, or as it would no
doubt be more accurate tcf say in many cases of their dread of offending his spirit.
During the interval that the news of the mournful occurrence is being conveyed to all
concerned, at home the female relatives of the deceased are engaged in the last offices. One
near of kin gently closes the eyes of the corpse in order to give the appearance, of sleep, for not
only is the glazed fixed look of death held in fear, but the further benefit is gained of darken-
ing the vision of the departed spirit believed to be still hovering near , and thereby
preventing it from acting malevolently towards the living. Next, the body is laid with the
feet about a yard from the fire-place 47 and the head towards the entrance 48 of the hut,
and carefully washed with hot water. For some reason, said to be no longer known to the
present generation, this duty is performed once, thrice or five times at intervals during the
hours that must elapse before the interment, and invariably by a female, preferably a rela-
tive, 49 While all this is taking place one or other of the mourners seated round the corpse
gives utterance from time to time to some ejaculation, such as "How generous !" **How
unselfish ! s? to which remarks assent is forthwith given in a chorus of sobs and exclamations of
oi-oi-oi from, the men, and, aho-aJio-alio from the women in attendance, repeated assurances
being every now and again addressed to the corpse of the sorrow caused by his (or her) death,
While the body is being laid out various necessary duties have to be performed by one or
other of the mourners and their friends :
(a) If the stores of food belonging to the deceased or other occupants of his hut
were not removed prior to the death they are at once carried away to another
But for issue after the burial. The water is, however, retained for the use, during
the day or night, or both, as the necessities of the case may require, of the
mourners , who keep a sufficient quantity boiling both for washing the corpse and
for their own consumption, as they are prohibited from taking any food until
the prescribed cleansing of the dwelling and individual purification of them-
selves on the day following the funeral shall have been accomplished, 50 the
pangs of exhausted nature being meantime sustained by means of quids of tobacco
and sips of hot water.
() Some of the cocoanut-shell water-vessels (UsJioya, ante, Vol. XXIV. p* 45) are,
however, taken with their contents to the entrance of the hut, where an uneven
number (generally 3, 5 or 7 pairs) are violently dashed against a post so as to
crack the shells. In like manner all or the bulk of the portable property of the
deceased, such as (in the case of a man) his spears, pots, baskets, paddles, plates
and a great variety of other articles, are broken or otherwise rendered unser-
viceable ; and then the whole are conveyed to the cemetery in order to be
deposited at the proper time on the grave or at the head-post, this being one of
the essential sacrifices prescribed by time-honoured custom,
(c) A small quantity of cooked meat, rice, pandanus and yam, together with some
fruit, is brought from another hut and placed near the head of the deceased for
the refreshment of the spirit, which is believed to be hovering near the corpse
and it is kept there till just before the removal of the body, when it is thrown
_ below the hut, where it is consumed by the pigs, fowls and dogs.
Thehut.fiie is not extinguished when a death takes place, or while the corpse is being laid out, but iuJke^t
tip only to such an extent as to allow of water being toiled for the use of the mourners
See footnote 66, post,
The body Is washed once only if decomposition haa set ia, and not at all when it is thought advisable to expe-
dite tta -removal of the remains, such as during an epidemic. Until it is buried, a corpse is called faimap&fc, after
wintca it IB styled - *
A ^ide-spread custom, as pointed out by Mr. J. G. Prazer (Jour. Anthr. Jhrf. Vol. XV. pp. 91-S4).
OCTOBEE, 1890.] 3STOJES ON THE NICOBABESfi. 255
(d) A stretcher for the corpse, called foyuny, is constructed by breaking up a canoe
made of common** wood, belonging to the deceased or one of the mourners. The
board thus obtained must be of about the same length as the corpse, and from
six to ten inches wide. Curious pegs, called shinfdn or shaniptn. to the number of
5, 7, or 9 agaiu no eren number is permissible are made by lashing together
in an inverted V shape ( X) the ends of two sticks, about two feefe in length, of
the Gardnia speciosa, and pointing the other ends (ante, Vol. XXIV, p. 170),
(e) To every village (mattai) and be it here mentioned that this term is applied
to a collection ^ of huts however few in number, excepting those of compara-
tively recent origin or which are not occupied throughout the year, 52 a grave-
yard (ohuk-pentila) is attached ; 53 and thither other mourners or their friends
repair with wooden hoes and old paddles 54 in order to dig the grave, which must
be about five feet deep 55 . Certain others are afe the same time engaged in making
the three posts which are needed for the grave, viz. the head-post (Mnm-Ki)
which is the largest and about eight feet long, and is made of hard-grained wood
called IsomcUng ; the extra head-post (pentila), which is about six feet long ;
and the foot-post (feandi-ZaA), which is of about the same length.
(/) The chips and shavings, produced while making the da-ynng, the shanip&n and
the three grave-posts, are then collected and placed in a heap on the ground near
the foot of the ladder of the hut where the corpse is lying. A quantity of
cocoaruit husks sufficient to maintain a fire until the hour fixed for the
interment, is added to the pile, which is then ignited by a flame Madled
witli fire-sticks (ante, Vol. XXIV. p, 49) ? or obtained from a fire known to have
been recently so kindled. In wet weather this restriction necessarily entails no
little inconvenience. The object of the fire is said to be two-fold, via., to keep tlie
disembodied spirit at a distance, 56 and to apprize friends approaching or passing
the shore in a canoe of the sad occurrence : on no other occasion is a fire so lighted.
($} As soon as the two head-posts have been made and the grave dug, the
Tcanoi-Koi is firmly planted into the head of the grave, while to the upper portion
51 The canoe must not be one made of the favourite minfoa wood (Gctlophyllum sp.) t as tMs is said to excite the
recently disembodied spirit^ whom it is advisable to propitiate by the strict observance of all traditional practices,
ws When a death occurs at any such village the corpse is at once conveyed to a hut in the old established
village to which it is affiliated,
63 In the Central and Southern groups the cemetery is usually situated between the village and the adjacent
jungle ; and as these sites are generally within a short distance (40 yards or less) of the sea the soil usuaHy consists
chiefly of sand. Certain portions of each grave-yard are recognized as belonging to different families, and they are
sufficiently spacious to allow of additional interments without disturbing the remains of those whose bones have not
yet crumbled into dust. At Ghowra, Teressa and Bompoka the dead are temporarily interred near their late home
and not in a general cemetery. At those islands, as well as at Car Nicobar, they have ossuaries at a little distance
from their villages whither s after celebrating various memorial feasts in honour of the dead, the bones are
eventually consigned.
e * These implements are subsequently laid on the grave, and, at the expiration of a few months s removed and
thrown into the jungle.
55 The position of the grave is "not determined by any regard to th points of the compass, but, at the Central
group and Car Nicobar, the head must be towards the jungle and the feet towards the shore, *, e., the body must be
buried at right-angles to the coast. The natives of Chowra and the Coast people of the Southern group bury their
females, however, in the opposite direction, C. e., the feet towards the jungle and the head towards the shore, while
the inland tribe (Shorn, Pen) bury their dead in a squatting position, with the face towards the nearest river or
creek. At Teressa, and Bompoka the corpse is interred parallel to the shore, without reference to the direction of the
head and feet.
58 This custom would appear to be connected with the superstition known as " barring the ghost by fire."
furthermore, at sunset on these occasions torches are lit and carried down to the waterVedge by a party of young
men and wavedfrapidly seaward to the accompaniment of shouts of "/, /, f&, fe /" which is said to be intrepreted
by the Evil Spirits, whose names are severally rehearsed, as " Go away !" This ceremony is known by the name of
ko-chung. It is as well to mention here that among all the tribes in these islands the young leaves and flowers of
the cocoanut tree are credited with the power of scaring away demons, for which purpose they are extensively used.
256 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY* [OCTOBER, 1899.
projecting above tlie surface of the cemetery is lashed the pentlla, round tie top
of which are fastened some Orania spathes (homyuam, ante, Vol. XXI"V . p. 48), and
in the case of a female above the age of 13 or 14 a large basket (hentainff
ante, YoL XXIV. p. 108), then and there rendered unfit for further use by being
slit -with a knife or ddo. Into this basket are crammed some of the sacrificed
articles which had shortly before been conveyed to the cemetery. In the case of a
man, a similar quantity of his portable property is deposited about the head-posts*
(Ji) The trophy of pigs'-tusks, which has been suspended over the entrance of the hut
of the deceased from the time of the^last" memorial-feasts celebrated by the owner,
is, together with one or two Itareau and henta-lcoi (ante, Vol. XXIV. pp. 136 and
170), carried out and thrown unceremoniously into the adjacent jungle. In doing
this care is taken for obvious reasons to remove the M. O. P. shell " eyes " from
the Jsareau and throw them apart ! In addition to this the chuk-fum fetich
(consisting of neck-laces of gplit plantain-leaflets), which is invariably kept on
the left side of the hut, as viewed from the entrance, is wrapped up in an Areca
spathe and stowed away until the first memorial-feast (entoiri) Is held, when it
is restored to its prescribed place (ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 135).
To return now to the group of mourners engaged in preparing the corpse for burial,
When the body has been washed for the last time, turmeric-unguent (consisting of turmeric-
root paste mised with cocoanut-oil), is smeared all over it by a relative of the same sex, if
available; the ear-sticks (icli^ ante, Vol. XXIV. p, 108) are left as worn in life, and the neng
and opchmp (ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 47) are removed, and replaced by the neng-ta-cMha or
the I6e~ta-wia (ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 170), according to the sex of the deceased, who is then
dressed in any articles of European attire which he (or she) may have possessed ; for no garment
which has belonged to a dead person may be appropriated by another, but mtist "be buried
witb. tlie corpse. 58 Except in the case of infants, a lighted cigarette is next placed for a
few moments between the lips, and then laid aside for the purpose of being deposited on the
grave together with the utensils and cloths used in washing the corpse. The mourners now
proceed to decorate the body, according to the resources of the family and the description of
offerings presented by their friends, with such silver ornaments as bracelets, anklets, necklets,
waistlets and headbands; even offering^ of new spoons and forks are often added. After this, a
cap (called sTianoang-'kamapdli) is made of one white find two red handfcerchieves, or of 3, 5, 7 or
9 white, red and blue pieces of calico, and placed on the head of the corpse. Another -hand-
kerchief is wrapped round the throat, which is called the tanual-lkulala-lcawapdh, signifying
c * neck-tie of the eorpse." Moreover, a chin-stay is prepared with a strip of calico and applied
so as to keep the jaw closed, and the hands are bound together at the wrists with bands of
white oalico $nci laid over the abdomen, the ankles also being in like manner secured. An
uneven number of silver coins are then placed between the chinrstay and the cheek, 50 and
sometimes even in the mouth, in order that the soul and spirit, being thus enabled to pay
their way, may meet with a kindly welcome in journeying to their new home. 60
& Sometimes tlie heniain is similarly employed at tlie burial of male adults (ante, YoL XXIV. p, 170).
68 It is believed that the spirit will resent as a slight tlie use, by even a surviying relative, of any articles of
attire or portable property of which the deceased was possessed.
This sum is described as oal-owd-pamaMp (lit. 3 "in the cheek of the corpse") in allusion to the place
where the coins are usually deposited. According "to the statements of some this custom is no longer regarded as of
any benefit to the deceased, but is continued from motives of respect, affection or dread, as t}ie case may be. The
practice will be recognized as corresponding to that of " ferry-money" in vogue not only in the neighbouring pro-
vince of Burma, but in parts of Europe (Jour. Antfir. Inst. YoL XY. p. 78).
As nothing which has been sacrificed in this manner no matter how great its value may be in their eyes
can be recovered and brought into use, it happens after the lapse of one or two years, when the skull and jaw-bone
are exhumed, that the coins and all the ^ornaments about the head and neck are taken out, merely in order that they
may be cleansed, after which they are replaced ? this, as well as the re-interment of the skull and jaw-bone, occurs
on the dav following the exhumation in all parts of the Central Group except Katetya and certain villages on
Camorta, where it takes place after five days. " "
OCTOBEB, 1899.] NOTES ON THE NIGOBARESE. 257
While these preparations are in progress the f wjeral-gnests continue to assemble,
"bearing offerings, termed ohjdla^ consisting of silver personal ornaments or of calico, the
of which vary in extent, according to the circumstances or liberality of the donor, from a few
fathom sto one or more entire pieces of 24-40 yards. i Theae gifts of cloth must be of material
that has never been used, and may be of red, blue, white, spotted or checked, but never of
black, calico. Immediately on their presentation they are torn by the family into lengths of
about four yards, and laid ready for use on the floor.
Krst, 3, 5, 7 or more uneven numtoer of two-fathom pieces of red or white calico belong-
ing to the family of the deceased are produced, and, after a slit of about one foot lengthwise is
niade i n a certain part of each, the corpse is laid thereupon and enveloped with these shrouds
in such a manner as to leave exposed through these slits only a narrow portion of the &ee
' from the forehead to the chin. N"eatly trimmed Orania, spathes, called danap-oal-hiliia 89 5,
or 7 in number are then wrapped round all but the head, and are tied tightly with split cane.
The corpse is next placed on the da-yung (i. e., the stretcher), and lashed to it with more split
cane, thereby ensuring perfect rigidity and facilitating the process of removing the body to the
grave. One or three gaudy patchwork skirts, such as are worn by women at memorial-feasts,
called Ive-tariGla (ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 170) are then wrapped round the waist of the corpse,
whether it be that of a man or woman. When so worn it is termed Ttentul. Kext* the calico
offerings of friends, already referred to as having been brought and torn into lengths of about
4 yards each, are taken in hand. An uneven number of these from 3 to 29 in the case of an
ordinary individual, and a larger uneven number in the case of a headman or are
selected, and, after a slit has been made in each in the same manner as in the first' shrouds, they
are wound round the corpse 63 so as to leave only a narrow space down the centre of
the face exposed. 64 Last of all, 7, 9 or 11 neng-ta-chilia are tied round the whole. In the
case of one who had occupied a leading position in their midst, the enshrouded corpse, when
thus ready for burial, presents, as may be imagined, a considerable bulk, 65
Save in cases where, for sanitary reasons, it is important to expedite the burial, the hour
usually fixed for the funeral is either sun-down, before midnight, or at early dawn. Under no
circumstances can an interment take place bewteen the hours of 11 a, m. and 1 p. HL, as the
shadows of those lowering the body into the grave, as well as those of the mourners taking
their last look at the shrouded figure before the earth is made to conceal It from sight, would
then fall twfo the grave and not safely outside or across it, and the consequences of tMs mis-
chance are too serious to be rashly encountered ; the belief being that sickness, if not certain
death, would speedily overtake aoy who are guilty of such indiscretion. The danger does not
extend to the act of digging the grave, though precautions against the possibility of
aristD" to those who have been so engaged is averted before the arrival of the corpse by the
menluana in attendance, who carefully sweeps the grave in order to expel any intruder larking
therein. This is done with a leafy bough plucked from a small jungle tree, called teang.
This act is termed koU-hala, which denotes brandishing.''*
On the completion of the elaborate process of preparing the corpse for burial the'
enshrouded figure is gently moved to a position at right-angles to that which it Had up
^l laliy bun aies of tMs material are annually purchased from ship-traders, and reserved for tMs purpose.
62 it will have been observed that in almost all their funeral appointments the Kicobawse avoid the we of eyes
numbers, though their reasons for so doing rest merely now-a-day. upon the authority of tradition.
M These M weUasthefirrtsrf<*Bhwraa*nt )
s* TMs Practice is said to have originated in the belief that the defunct is thereby embled in some mysteries
cloth, OB their return home*
258 THE INDIAN ANTIQTJABY. [OCTQB EB ,
to this time occupied, and is laid immediately under the ceatre of the roof of the hut
The mourners tlien assemble round the foody, the nearest relates resting their heads or elbows
thereon, and the remainder ranging themselves behind, while the last farewells are uttered in
heart-broken accents and with bitter wailings, termed sJiidtang-bmwpth. This lasts but for
a short time, and then, at a given signal, some young men who are in readiness at the
entrance approach and, hastily raising the body, carry it /uwZ^foremost down the ladder, and
convey it away swiftly to the cemetery. 63 One or more of the mourners'* not unfreqaeutly cling
to the corpse and have to be forcibly parted from it. Sucli persons will sometimes even allow
themselves to be dragged half-way to the grave, whore also they usually make a feint of
throwing themselves upon the body after it has been lowered ; but a slight show of resistance
on the part of the bystanders generally suffices to frustrate any such attempts. 70
The menfaana then commands the disembodied spirit to go quietly to the grave with the
corpse and remain there until the first memorial feast (entofai), when it will be required to pro-
ceed to Hades, It is further exhorted not to wander about in the meantime and frighten the
living with its ghostly presence.
When the body has been laid in the grave the peculiar ft -shaped pegs, called shinpan or
shanipan, to which allusion has already been made, arc brought into use : 5, 7 or 9 of these
are driven into the ground across the body at regular intervals from the head downwards
in order that the Evil Spirits? known as Mong-wdnga^ may bo unable to abstract the
remains, 71 a work which is supposed to be tho special function and delight of this class
of Demons.
After the corpse has been laid in tlie grave $ai-ta-Kattg ( i, e., leaves of the J&oang) are
again waved over it in order to disperse any spirits which may still chanco to be hovering
near ; for it is held that, through sympathy with tho deceased, the spirits of the bystanders,
and even a stray demon, might by overliaste be interred with tho corpse. To make assurance
doubly sure, therefore, a dry cocoanut-Ieauf torch, such as is usod in these islands when fishing
66 Up to this stage in the proceedings the position of the corpse han been aa Rbown bolow in tlio diagram marked
** A," where " a" represents the entrance at the top of tho hut-laddor ; "b " tho firo-placo ; " c " the corpse, with
its head towards the entrance and feet near tlae fire-plaoo j and <* d " tho cJmJc.fmn fotlch, already referred to in
the foregoing. The corpse Is now placed as in the diagram marked " B," *. 0,, at right-angles to its first position,
and in the centre of the hut, with the head towards the ohuJc-fum.
The only reason given, at least in the Central wotm f ** * t J.T
that it is more convenient to the bearers who reaeli the B- * *8 tho corpse out of tho hut AeacZ-foremost is
be among them any trace of the superstition held by some ^ 1<>WOr r * ot cn(3L Tlloro doos not appear to
in this manner he will be able to find his way bade affam /? at lf th a a(3 P<*H<>tt is carried out of his home
As soon asthecorpsehaa been removed for burial'thtfT fT*" ^'^ V L XV ' P ' ^
the foot of the hut-ladder is extinguished by water wmcli nay up till that time boon kept burning near
<* Women and children do not necessarily aooonmaTw f T , u j A
doing so. ^'*" y ljtt oay to tho grave, but arc not prohibited from
It is, however, related that on one occasion a mem
into the grave, where he so injured himself by f ailing ^ vorcamo a11 reB ^tanco thus offered and threw himself
71 For analogous customs elsewhere vide J Q jj^ <**n>ani~$>& n that death rownltod.
^ . ,^. ^...... ln ^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ Gg ^
OCTOB HB, 1899.] NOTES OH THE NICOBARESE. 259
at night, is lighted and waved a few times inside tlie grave, whereupon, at a given signal, tfce
earth or sand is rapidly shovelled in with the blades of old paddles by a party of young men
who are standing in readiness to perform this duty,
Outside the grave and on the "kanoi-Jsoi are then placed a variety o spears, paddles and
other things 72 belonging to the deceased, all of which, are broken or damaged before being
so deposited, 73 in order that all may see how sincere the mourners are in their intention of
denying themselves the use or benefit of any of the property, notwithstanding its undoubted
value in their eyes. Another reason given for this wholesale destruction of property is that
strangers who have no respect for the sacredness of tabued or sacrificed articles might
appropriate uninjured and serviceable objects regardless of the displeasure of the disembodied
spirit, who would unquestionably resent any such token of indifference and disrespect by
wreaking vengeance probably on those through whose remissness such misconduct had been
rendered possible.
After the grave has been filled in, the small post called 'kami-ld'h, already referred to, is
erected a little beyond the foot in order to mark the position and length of the grave. A cord
is then fastened between the head and foot posts, and on this are suspended three pairs of
MsJioya (ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 45), The middle pair over the centre of the grave is alone filled
with water, the two other pairs over the head and foot respectively being empty.
On the graves of children a touching tribute is paid to their memory by placing on their
graves models of the implements, e/fc,, which they would have had occasion to use in after
years had their lives been prolonged. Toys also belonging to the little ones are broken and laid
over them, 74 In all cases, except that of very young infants, memorial feasts are celebrated
The tabu, however, is less stringent in regard to the cocoanut plantations and trading operations
when death takes place before the tenth year or thereabout, after which age the rites and
c eremonies for the interment of a child are identical with those for an adult,
Besides the objects already enumerated as placed on the grave it is customary among the
communities of the Central group to offer an uneven number of cooking-pots belonging to
the dead person, in each of which one or more small holes are carefully bored in order to
render it unfit for use. These pots are left there for about six months, and are then thrown into
the jungle with, the bulk of the offerings 75 spared for a while after the first memorial
feast, which is invariably celebrated within that period, by which time they are no lou-ger fit to
remain en evidence.
*s Erom the nature of these objects a stranger is able to ascertain the sex of the occupant of the grave.
78 In the observance of this custom, which is common to all the islands a it is not obligatory on the part of the
widow, widower, father, son or other relative of the deceased to perform any special act in the work of destruction
such as breaking pottery, etc.
T* As an instance of this, I would here quote from a note I made in September, 1886, "when visiting Teressa
island. On that occasion I saw in one of the villages the grave of a recently-buried child, aged about two years,
As is the invariable custom at that island, the grave was situated close to the hut which had been the home of the
deceased. Bound the head-post was wrapped an Areca spathe, and from it hung a basket (hentoin, ftnie, Vol. XXIV.
p. 108), in which were placed offerings of fruit and vegetables, together with a stem-sheath of the ground-rattan
(tonshicfc, ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 108), also cocoanuts and Hshoya (vide ante), the latter purposely riddled -with
holes. Bundles of Ckcwica leaves and a liomy&Ua (wife, Vol. XXIV. p. 169), which had been twisted out of shape and
otherwise damaged, were also to be seen. I also observed a miniature axe, brooms, os and knives. At the foot
of the grave on a bamboo pole were models of various domestic Implements, also a paddle, skull-hat (ante,
Vol. XXIV. pp. 135-6), a bottle of cocoanut-oil and a spathe-bos (tafol, ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 48) containing an oer-
ing of new calico. Strips of coloured calico were attached to both the head-post and the bamboo pole, and a cane
connected the two, from which a string of young cocoanuts was suspended. On the grave itself was laid lengtn-
wise a coeoanuMeaf. Both the bereaved pareats were smeared with turmeric-paste, and presented a ghastly
jaundice-like appearance,
The only things placed on the grave for the use of the disembodied spirit are a little tobacco, unripe cocca-
nuts, fruit and water. In the grave it has money and abundance of cloth and ornaments wherewith to make a good
start on arriving in Hades.
260
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAKY. [OCTOBER, 1899.
_ .... '"
The blades and prongs of the spears retained by the mourners are, like those sacrificed at
the srave, bent or rendered otherwise - at least temporarily - nnserviceable. They are, how-
W r sometimes after the laneatla, or final memorial feast, which brings the mourning
period to a close, repaired and again - brought into u. In the meantime, as will be f onnd
mentioned in a subsequent paper dealing with Memonal Feasts they form part of the display
Proper* which is made by the chief mourner on each of the iortufc (or memorial feast)
days, which occur at stated times during an interval of two or more years.
Domestic pets (if any), such as paroquets, minahs and monkeys, owned by the deceased,
are given away to friends. Dogs were formerly killed at the death of their master and buried
in the jungle, but now-a-days they are spared and appropriated by some other member of the
family.
Any money possessed by a dead person, over and above that buried with him, i s kept
till nearly the close of the mourning-period, when it is expended in the purchase of rice and
other articles which have to be provided for the final feast; or - and this of course refers only
to silver coins is converted into personal ornaments, which are worn for the first time on
that occasion.
At the termination of the ceremonies at the grave the mourning party return to their hut,
where one or two women cover their heads with cloths and, leaving the face exposed, turn to
the wall which is between them and the direction of the grave and weep silently This is
said to be in token that the general body of mourners, whose representatives they are,
although compelled to be otherwise engaged, are equally grief-stricken and would fain indulge
their sorrow by refraining from every kind of employment.
While this scene is taking place within, outside the hut the demonstrations of woe assume
a more serious form, and the grief and despair at the bereavement felt by the community in
general and the family in particular are shewn by backing almost in half one of the sup-
porting .posts at the entrance of the hut. Although the injury is not so great as to endanger
the stability of the dwelling it is sufficient to necessitate the* substitution of a new pile ; but
this renew il is deferred till the celebration of the last of the memorial-feasts, called la-ne&t-la
(from leat signifying finished, enough "),7 8
Under every dwelling-hut there is a light wooden platform, called itaha, on which are
kept various articles, e. g., one or more jwmcfWnW' (ante, Vol. XXIV. p/186) also bundles of
firewood, freshly-gathered bunches of Pendanus fruit, vegetables, etc. After the partial
76 The late Mr. de Boepstorff stated that ' the silver things are laid on tho chest of the corpse, but they are
afterwards recovered when the skull is dag up." The mistake here made probably arose from his having seen
the ornaments taken out of the grave, as is sometimes done at the exhumation, in order to olean them. They are,
however, invariably restored in the course of a few hours, or at any rate as soon as the skull is re-interred at tne
close of the Festival, It would he entirely opposed to all their views and sentiments in this matter to re-appro-
priate anything that has been sacrificed or offered in honor of the dead. A Dictionary of the Nancowry Jhdect,
Home Bept Press, Calcutta, 1884, page 261.
" This is termed the Tia-cHj-dnTi-Tiare, in allusion to the self-imposed fast and abstention from social enjoy-
ments on the part of the disconsolate mourners.
If a death occurs while a festival is being held the body is usually removed to the nearest village for inter-
ment, but under these circumstances it is generally brought back at the la-neat-la feast, and interred in the tamiiy
burial-place. .
' These are large cylindrical bundles, generally about three feet in diameter and about a foot thick, having au
the appearance of being firewood, but each billet is so neatly trimmed and shaped that one might expect even a
casual observer to entertain a doubt as to its being really intended for such an ordinary purpose. They are Always
kept in readiness for offering on the grave of a relative or friend at the celebration of the first memorial leas
(ettfottt), and are never burnt. They entail no little time and trouble in their construction, and therein lies e
s^erit of the offering. It is recorded by the late Mr. de BSepstorff (A Dictionary of the Navuwwry ^p
Home Bept. Press, Calcutta, 1S8J, p. 90) that Pastor D. Rosen, a Banish Lutheran minister who conducted a
mission in Nancowry Harbour in 1831-34, wrote as follows regarding these singular objects : " It has amused me
to watch the pedantry shown by the Nicobarese in their choice and treatment of firewood," showing that he, use
many subsequent visitors, misapprehended the real use for which the yomtiMnh is intended,
OCTOBER, 1899.] NO'TES ON THE NICOBAEESE. 281
destruction of the hut-post, as just described, the itaha is broken up, and the materials of
ffhich it is constructed are thrown into the jungle. This act necessitates the removal of the
pomdh-dnh which is then rolled away and stored under another hut until the time arrives for
celebrating the entoin feast. 80
The ceremony mentioned in footnote 56 (ante) takes place before dusk ; and after sundown
oa that and the two following days a fire is kindled near the head of the grave by means of
fire-sticks, and kept burning throughout those three nights by one or more of the mourners
who undertake this duty. The usual occupants of the hut sleep therein after the funeral and
may in fact sleep in no other.
As has been already mentioned, mourners are not allowed to taste 81 anything except hot
water until about 24 hours have elapsed since the demise. It is not thought necessary to draw
water specially for their consumption* but any that may happen to be in the hut at the time is
used. Ho idea of its defilement through the presence of death seems to haTe crossed the
Mcobarese mind. Evidently some sentiment of the kind, however* attaches to the state of the
hut and the persons of the mourners, as it is obligatory early on the morning after the interment
that a thorough house-cleaning be undertaken. After everything has been removed from the
walls and floor of the hut, the former are swept with a broom (yi'hl-'hangd), and the latter washed
with hot water (et~s]ieebQal~n). B z The mourners then wash themselves by pouring water over
each other. This is known as the 7eolaich-i-dhh-hare 9 implying purification by ablution.
After they have dried themselves, they, have, in order to be completely purified from their recent
contact with the dead, to be anointed with an unguent, termed danw-anlia,^ by the
who, moistening his fingers therewith, performs the act of lustration (enlnana) by anointing
each mourner in turn on the head and shoulder, uttering meantime repeatedly the mystic term
" epsh n or * * eushf which to the people of the present day conveys no precise meaning, but is
regarded either as an injunction to the Evil Spirits to keep away, or as conferring some sort of
charm or protection against their machinations. Meantime a man takes a short lighted torch,
made of dry cocoanut leaves, which lie waves in all directions inside the hut with the object
of driving away any Evil Spirits that may be lurking therein. This act is termed %0%0-fti-oaL
With the further object of disguising themselves so that the departed spirit may fail to
recognise them, and may do them no mischief, all the mourners shave their heads (tJ^alk-feof), 84
in addition to which the women shave their eye-brows (iMah-guyol-olsm&t), and the men
eradicate with tweezers any hair they may have on their upper lips and chins (itsh-enkMn). m
It is also common for a mourner, for the same reason, to assume some new name 86 for him
or herself, which, in a great measure, accounts for the fact that some individuals have borne
several different names in the course of their lives. This dread of the disembodied spirits of
their departed relatives and friends 87 is induced by the conviction that they so keenly desire to
return to the scenes and associates of their earthly existence that they are utterly unscrupulous
as to the means and methods they adopt for the purpose of attaining their object,
so At some villages tibia feast takes place on the 3rd, 5th or 7ih day after the Interment, but generally not till
3 or 5 months have elapsed. In the latter case a dark night is selected.
si The reason for this fast from solid food is that if a meal were eaten in the presence of a corpse, the ghost might
inadvertently be swallowed at the same time.
82 For this purpose they nse a brush-like object, called /onndft-MA (or hewwidTuldfc) [ante, Vol. XXIV. p. 4*j,
consisting of a Pandanus drupe after the pulp has been extracted. Old rags of sacks, etc , are afterwards used
for wiping the planks. [Jotwn. Antlvrop. Inst. t Vol. XV. p, 67.]
*s This-consists merely of the pounded leaves of a certain tree mixed with cocoanut-Qil.
* Some have been observed to shave all but a single lock of hair on the crown, after the^manner of Hindus.
It hould however, be mentioned that this custom of shaving is optional in the case of a mwilwwio, most of whcin
affect long hair. Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Vol. XV. pp. 73 and 99,
85 In cases of sudden death, as from a fatal accident, snake-bite, or other cause, the same measures are adopted
by all the fellow-villagers of the deceased, and the mourning they observe is the tenhictea-Jeawiske (tnde note 89).
so Jown. Axitiurop. Inst, Vol. XV, p. 73. .
ST The natives of Car Nieebar affirm that among them this feeling extends only to the spirits of bad men and or
those who met their death by foul means. These do not become less dangerous until many years have elapsed.
262 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBEB, 1899.
When the physical purification and fortification against the Unseen Powers are accom-
plished, the mourners and their friends assemble at the hut to partake of a meal (styled ongtang-
kir&Jia), wMeh. is prepared and eaten in silence. 88 It consists of a pig and fowl freshly killed,
and also of as groat a variety of articles of food as can be procured* The object of this
lavish provision is that each favourite viand may be represented, and thus enable the
bereaved as well as their friends to decide at once from which they will abstain during one or
other of the two mourning periods, viz.* that styled Jienhw&va-'kanoishe (or oydnga-yanwtd),
which terminates at the first memorial-feast (entoin), and that called Jtenhwdva-dide, which
extends until the celebration of the final feast (lanedtla) two or three years later. 89 The various
dainties are spread on trays, and each person is afforded the opportunity of declining or partak-
ing of any number of them. By this means it soon becomes known which of those present
intend to deny themselves, and to what extent their abstinence will be carried. At the con-
clusion of this repast a tray, containing a portion of each kind of food that has been served, is
carried by one or two of the company and deposited on the grave as an offering to the departed
spirit, 90 but no effort is made to protect it from birds or animals, so that it usually happens
that the whole amount is speedily consumed by pigs, fowls, dogs, and crabs,
ON THE EAST-CENTBAL GBOUP OF IKDO-AEYAN VEBNACULARS,
BY GEOBGE A, GRIERSOff, C.I.E., Ph.D,, I.C.S.
THE division of the Indo-Aryan vernaculars of Northern India, into two main groups, a
Western, corresponding to the ancient SaurasSnt Prakrit, and an Eastern, corresponding to the
Magadhi Prakrit, has long been a common-place to students of the subject. The existence of a central
language corresponding to the ancient Ardha-H&gadhi Prakrit has also been assumed, but what
that central language is at the present day has not, so fa; as I am aware, ever been clearly stated.
The researches connected with the Linguistic Survey of India, on which I am at present engaged,
have enabled me to locate it definitely, I have named it Eastern Hindi, and its two or three dialects
together form what I call tiie Eas1>Cntral Group of the Indo-Aryan vernaculars, The
Eastern group includes Assamese, Bengali, Oriya, and Bihar! ; and the Western, among others, what
I now call Western Hindi, Panjabt, and Gujaratt.
The Following note has been dr$w$ up for the Sprvey ; but, as a long period must necessarily
elapse before the Survey-report can see the light, and as the correct identification of the language is
of some interest, I venture to lay an early copy of it before the readers of the Indian Antiquary :
Tbe East-Central Group. The East-Central Group of Indo-Aryan vernaculars is a group
of dialects, not of languages. It includes only one language, *?!* Eastern Hindi.
* Through some misapprehension of the facts it was recorded by the late Mr. de Boepstorff that this meal is
eaten at the grave, whereas the mere suggestion of finch having ever been their practice evokes a prompt denial
[P. 262 of the Dictionary quoted in Notes 76 and 70 (ante).]
* Henfow&vae&anoij&e implies abstinence from singing, and oy&nga^ami(tta t the putting aside of personal
ornaments ; while TienTiwdua-dicfe signifies a thorough and complete abstinence from every form of self-gratifies*-
tion, whether in respect to food, drink, self*adorament or social entertainment. The first two terms, applied alike
to the mourning observed by friends and certain ol the .relatives of the deceased, entail abstinence from singing,
dancing, playing on instruments, wearing ornaments or new clothing, and the use of red paint on the person, as
weft as indulging in those luxuries that were formally declined at the meal here described. In those cases where
the enioiw takes place after a few <lays (ante, note 80) the self-sacrifice incnrred by this class of mourner
necessarily amounts to little more than a farce. It is far otherwise, however, in regard to those who observe tie
h^w&va-dfcte, as this requires them to deprive themselves of every kind of selfrindulgence for a period extend-
ing generally to about three years, when the final memoriaWeast is usually held. Till then no intoxicant, tobacco,
cultivated Chavica betel-leaf, pork, fowl, fish or turtle (unless captured with a single- pronged spear), ripe cocoanuts,
vegetables, plaintains and rice may be consumed. Heedless to add, no ornaments or new garments may be worn
or paint applied to the person, and no form of 'recreation, such as singing, dancing or music, may be enjoyed.
* Jm*rn. Antlirwp. Ine. f T6L XV. pp. 74-75, where Mr. J. G. Frazer points out that " the nearly universal
practice of leaving food on the tomb ..... a like the habit of dressing the dead in his best clothes, probably
f originated in the selfish but not unkindly desire to induce the perturbed spirit to rest in the grave and not come
'plaguing i living for food and raiment." " Bather than use the property of the deceased and thereby
'incur the anger of Ms ghost, men destroyed it. The ghost would then have no motive f or retnrning to life
* desolated home,"
OCTOBER, 1899,] EAST-CENTRAL GEOUP OF INDO-AETAJST VEBHACTXLAR3. 2S8
Its geographical habitat. This language, which includes three main dialects, AwadM*
BagfcSH, and CkattlsgajM, occupies parts of six provinces, viz, , udh, the North- Western Provinces,
Baghelkhand, Bundelkhand, Chota Nagpur, and the Central Provinces, It covers the whole of Oadh,
except the district of Hardoi and a small portion of Fyzabad. In the North-Western Provinces, it
covers, roughly speaking, the country between Benares and Hatnirpur in BuEdelkhand. It occupies
the whole of Baghelkhand, the North* West of Bundelkhand, the South-Sone tract of the District of
Mirzapur, the States of Chang Bhakr, Sarguja, TJdaipur, and Korea, and a portion ol Jashpur,
in Chota Nagpur. In the Central Provinces, it covers the districts of Jafaalpur and Mandla, and the
greater part of Chhattisgarh with its Feudatory States,
Tli dialects. The three dialects of Eastern Hind! closely resemble each other. Indeed,,
BaghSli diSers so little from Awadhi, that, were it not popularly recognised as a separate speech,
I should have certainly classed it as a form of that dialect. Its separate existence has only been
recognised in preference to popular prejudice. Chhattisgarhi, under the influence of the neigh-
bouring Marathi and Oriya, shows greater points of difference ; but its close connection with Awadhi
is nevertheless apparent. The Awadhi*cum-Bagh615 dialect covers the whole Eastern Hindi area of
the North- Western Provinces and Oudh, and of Buiidelkhand, Baghelkhand, Chasd Bhakar, and the
districts of Jabalpur and Mandla. It is also spoken by some scattered tribes in the Central Pro-
vinces districts to the south and west. If we wish to make a dividing line between Awadhi and
BaghSli, we may take the river Jamna where it runs between Fatehpur and Bands, and, thence, the
southern boundary of the Allahabad District, This is not quite accurate, for the Tirharf dialect*
spoken, on the north bank of the Jamna in Fatehpur, shows sufficient peculiarities to entitle it to be
classed as Baghgll ; and the language of the south-east of Allahabad, which is locally known s
Baghgli, but which I have classed as Awadhi, is a mixture of the two dialects. The boundary must be
uncertain, for there is hardly any definite peculiarity which we can seize upon as a decisive test,
Chhattisgarhi occupies the remainder of the Eastern Hindi tract, that is to say, the States of Udaipur ?
Korea and Sarguja, and a portion of Jashpur, in the Chota Nagpur Province, and the greater part of
Chhattisgarh.
As above described, Eastern Hindi occupies an irregular oblong tract of country, extending from,
but not including, Nepal to the Bastar State in the Central Provinces, much longer from north to
south than it is from east to west. Its mean length may be roughly taken as 750 miles, md its
mean breadth about 250, which together give an area of about 187,500 square mitak Tie number of
speakers of each dialect is roughly as follows ;
Awadhi * ... ..* .** 16^000,000
Bagh&i 4^,756
. ; 20,612,758
Chhattisgarhi ... ... ... ... 3,719,725
Total... 24,831,999
With reference to the above figures, it should be explained that, probably owing to the prestige
of the court at Lucknow s Awadhi is spoken as a vernacular not only in the tract above described, but
also by Muhammadans over the Eastern parts of the North-Westem Provinces, and the greater
part of Bihar, the language of which is, in the main, Bihar! I estimate the number of these
Awadhi-speaking Musalmans at about a million, and these figures are included in the figures for
Awadhi given above. Similarly, as regards Chhattisgarhi, the above figures include not only the
speakers of that dialect in the area of which it is the vernacular, but also 34,095 speakers of it in the
neighbouring Chhattisgarh and Orissa Feudatory States, whose main language is Oriya, In both
cases, the speakers are'peimanent residents of the areas in which they were found, so that the total
above given represents the number of speakers of Eastern Hindi in their proper homes.
264
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBES, 1899.
,
Speakers of Eastern Hindi abroad. Large numbers of speakers of Eastern Hindi are
scattered all over Northern India. Putting to one side the number of Oudh men who have travelled
abroad in quest of service, there is our native army which is largely recruited in that Province.
Unfortunately it is impossible even approximately to estimate the number of these Eastern Hind!
speakers who are away from their homes. All that can be done is to give the following approximate
estimates for the Lower Provinces of Bengal, and for Assam :
Estimated number of speakers of the Eastern Hindi in Assam 32,290
9S ,, Lower Provinces 111,258
Total ... 143,548
Origin of Eastern Hindi. As explained elsewhere, in the early centuries after the Christian
era, there were two main languages or Prakrits, spoken in the Jamna and Ganges valleys.
These were Sauraseni spoken in the west, its head-quarters being the Upper Doab, and Magadhl spoken
in the East, with its head-quarters in the country south of the present City of Patna. Between these
two there was a debatable ground, roughly corresponding to the present province of Oudh,
in which a mixed language, known as Ardha-Magadhi or Half-Magadlii, was spoken, partaking partly
of the character of Saurasgni, and partly of that of Magadbt We know that all the languages of the
Eastern Group are descended from Magadhi, and that the group of closely connected languages, of
which Western Hindi may be taken as the type, is directly descended from Sauraseni. It now remains
to state that this mixed language, or Ardha-Magadhi, was the parent of modern Eastern Hindi,
*
Geographical position of Eastern Hindi in regard to neighbouring languages,
Eastern Hindi is bounded on the north by the Aryan languages of the Nepal Himalayas, and on the
west by various dialects of "Western Hindi, of which the principal are Kanauji and BundSlkbandL
All these are descended from SaurasSni. On the east it is bounded by the Western Bhojpuri and
ITagpuria dialects of Bihari, and by Oriya. On the south it meets forms of the Marathi language.
These three are descended from Mlgadhi Prakrit. It is hence surrounded on two sides by languages
derived from Sanrasat, and on two sides by languages derived from, Magadhi, and, as migh* be
expected, is the modern representative of Ardha-M&gadhi, Like it, it partakes of the nature of both
the ancient languages.
Its name. The name Hindi is popularly applied to all the various Aryan languages spoken
between the Panjab on the west and the river Maha-nandE on -the east, and between the Himalayas
on the north and the river IsTarbada on the south. From these Bih&ri has already been subtracted,
It is spoken in Bihar and the eastern districts of the North- Western Provinces. We shall also have
to subtract the languages of Eajputana, and there remain, still bearing the name of Hindi, the dialects
spoken in the basins of the Jamna and the Ganges, say, from Sirhind in the Panjab to Benares.
These divide themselves into two main groups, entirely distinct from each other, a Western and
an Eastern, The Western includes, amongst others, Bundeli, Kanauji, Braj Bhakha, and the stan-
dard Hindustani which forms the lingua franca of the greater part of India. These dialects are all
various forms of one language, which I call Western Hindi. The Eastern group includes the three
dialects that together form the language which I term Eastern Hindi. It is necessary to explain this,
as no attempt has hitherto been made to name these two languages. Its very existence has hitherto
been a matter of doubt, 1
Tfce East-Central G-ronp compared with, the Eastern. The dialects of the East-
Central Group differ from the languages of the Eastern Group mainly in the- conjugation of
the verb.
1 The student is warned that the Eastern Hind! of Dr. Hoernle's Ganflian Grammar is not the language here
given that name. That Eastern Kindt is BihSrl Dr. Hoernle himself has long abandoned the name * Eastern
Hindi/ and has adopted ' BMrl s
OCTOBER, 1899.] EAST-CENTRAL GROUP OP INDG-ARf AN VERNACULARS. 205
pronunciation. As regards pronunciation, the languages of the Eastern group do not
a oree among themselves. The three most Eastern languages of the group, v&., Assamese,
Bengalvand Oriya, have one marked peculiarity, in that the letter a is usually pronounced like
the o in the English word * hot.* In Bihari, this sound is gradually flattened m we go west-
wards, until in Western Bhojpuri, it has the ordinary sound of the * ' in 'nut. 1 Eastern
Hindi has also this pronunciation of the vowel.
Declension, In the declension of Nouns and Pronouns, Eastern Hindi closely resembles*
Western Bhojpuri. It has the same tendency to use an oblique form in 6 ; with regard to which,
however, it would be more accurate to say that Western Bhojpuri has borrowed from Eastern
Hindi, the oblique f afm of the other languages of the Eastern group invariably ending in &. The
post-po siticms attached to nouns are mostly the same as in BiMri, the most marked exception
being that of the Dative-Accusative, which in Eastern Hindi is * M ' or ft2,' while, ia the
languages of the Eastern Group, it is * U ' or i U! It may be added^ that the post-position
of the Locative is ma ' or ' ml; while in Bihari it is more usually c ml,' and it does mot occur
in the other Eastern languages at all. These two post-positions, M and m, are typical ol the
East-Central Group ,
Pronouns. The declension of Pronouns in Eastern Hindi closely resembles that of the
Eastern Group of Languages. In one important test point it agrees with that group in differing
from the more western ones. While in the latter the typical vowel of tbe genitive angular
of the personal pronouns is e, in the East it is 6. Thus, in Western Hindi my ' is ' &*,'
bat in BengSli and BiMri, it is * mdrS Eastern Hindi follows the Eastern Group in this respect.
Conjugation. In regard to verbs, there ar greater points of difference than in the other
Darts of speech. The verb substantive is in Eastern Hind! akeu or dheu, I am/ although,^ the
Eastern parts of Oudh, MfeSt, which is nearly the same as the Western Bhojpan M, also
occurs In the Finite verb there are three main tenses which admit of comparison, the Present
Conjunctive, the Past and the Future. Of these, the Present Conjunctive, which derived
from the Sanskrit Present Indicative, is practically the sam* in nearly every Judo-Aryan
Language. No profitable comparison can therefore be obtained from it.
" Past Tense, - The Past Tense, on the othe* hand, presents striking filfEOT^ In
penumma y retained in most of the dialects derived from Sanraaem
E;bfe;^^^^
'Sauraseni Prakrit.
* mr no W o r= ^^^^^
266
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY. [OCTOBER,
Similarly the Bengali ehaUUnt originally meant 'it was gone by me/ hence, < I went.'
IB process of time the way in which this word was built was forgotten, and the past tense in
Bengali is now conjugated as if it was an ordinary active verb. The particular enclitic pro-
nouns which are used in the Magadhi-derived languages vary in form from dialect to dialect,
and for the purpose of comparison with Eastern Hindi, it will be convenient to consider those
in use in the Bhojpim dialect of Biharl.
Eastern Hindi combines the peculiarities of the Saurasdnl and of the Magadhi
languages. The typical letter of its past tense is not the Migadhl Z but the Sauraseni i or y.
On the other hand, the past participle cannot stand by itself, but takes the same enclitic
pronouns as those used by Bhojpurt. In order to show this clearly, the masculine singular
of the Past tenses of Eastern Hindi and Bhojpuri are here given side by side. In each
ease the root, fche tense characteristic, and the enclitic pronoun are separated by hyphens. IE
reading the Eastern Hindi forms, it should be remembered that, in this language, ya, e, and t are
practically interchangeable, some localities favouring one spelling, and some another. The
spelling given below is that of the Awadhi dialect :
English, Eastern Hindi, Bhojpuri.
I struck Mdr-e-u Mdr~*l-%
Thou strackest Mdr-i-s Mdr^l-as
He struck Mdr^s Mdr^l-as
If we spell the Eastern Hindi words as follows, as is often done, we see the connexion, on
the one hand, with the SaurasSni dialect, and, on the other, with Bhojpuri, even more clearly.
Mdr-y-au
M&r-y-as
Mar-y-as
These are the original forms, of which the forms with i and e are corruptions. This Past
Tense, with, according to local spelling, the third person singular ending in is, es> or yas, is
pre-eminently -the typical shibboleth of a speaker of Eastern Hindi. In conversation this form
of a verb naturally occurs with great frequency, and is hence continually heard. Speakers of
the language from Oudh cover the whole of Northern India, for they are great wanderers in
Search of ^Irvjee, and, even in Calcutta, nothing is more common for a European to hear than:-,
an np-country syce saying words like * MUs,* he said, or < mdris,' he struck. Sach expressions
must be familiar to every Englishman, and most people would be astonished to hear that they
were relics of a mixture of Saurasent and Magadhl Prakrit.
In this tense, Eastern Hindi has another strong point of resemblance with the 'Saura-
sen! group of dialects. I have already pointed out that in the Magadhi languages, the memory
of th& fact that these past tenses are really passive in character has been lost. The suffixing of
the enclitic pronouns has given the tense the appearance of an ordinary past tense of an Active
verb, In E&stern Hindi we see this process of forgetting actually going on* The memory of
the passive character of the tense has been partly preserved by the fact that the language
possesses a literature. In the old poetry of Malik Muhammad and Tul&si Pits the fact that the
tense is passive is rarely forgotten, The subject is put into the case of the Agent, which in
this dialect does not end in n& 9 but is the same as the ordinary oblique form, and the verb is
made to agree in gender and number, not with the subject, but with the object* In accord-
ance with this, the verb has still, to the present day, a feminine form in the past tenses, and,
as we go west, where the influence of the neighbouring 'Sauraseni dialects has helped to keep
the memory alive, the subject of such tenses of transitive verbs is still in the case of the Agent.*
Thus, in Eastern Oudh 'he struck' is * u maris,' in which u is in the Nominative case, and,
means *h*; but in Unao in Western Oudh, the expression used is * ui mtiris* in which ui is
in the oblique form and means * by him,* The nominative singular of ui is wo,
The I*tttiire Tense. The case of the Future Tense is similar, but more complicated, In
Sanskrit there are two ways of saying ( he will go.* It may be said either actively or passively,
OCTOBER, 1899.] EAST-CENTRAL GROUP OF INBO-AHYAN VEBff AOTLARS. 287
i. a,, we may either mse tlie direct expression, * lie will go,' or we may say * it will be
by him.' The first is in Sanskrit ohalishyati, and the second Ghalitavyam used impersonally.
We shall first trace the former into the modern languages* In Sanraseni it first became
chalissdii with the same elision of t that we noticed in the case of the past participle. Then the
two * s's became changed to A, and we have cJialiJiaS. This form has survived to the present
$ay and in Braj Bhakha and other / Baiirasni-derived dialects means 6 he will go/ 3 The whole
tense is thus conjugated in Braj Bhakha.
Singular. Plural.
1 . Mdriliaui I shall strike Mdrihai
2, Mdrihai Mdnhau
3. Mdrihai
We are thus entitled to say that, the characteristic of the future tease in the Sanrasfin! group
of dialects is the syllable ih.
The Magadht group of dialects, L e. s those wluch form the Eastern Group of Indo- Aryan
vernaculars, on the contrary prefers to form its future on the impersonal passive future partici-
ple, an example of which is the Sanskrit word ohalitavyam, it is to be gone, equivalent in mean-
ing to the Latin eundum. The impersonal nature of this participle should be noticed. It does
not say who is to go. It leaves this to be suppled by a pronoun. The, Sanskrit cioZtfaryant
becomes in both Prakrits chdliavvaw., and we find the next stage of growth in the word cJiala&a 9
in the old Eastern Hindi of Tulasi Das* It is here used as a pure future, and is not changed
either for person or number. Ghalaba means * I, thou, he, we, you, they will go.' The explana-
tion is the original meaning in Sanskrit As in that language, the word literally means * it is
to be gone, 1 Who it is that has to go, is left to be defined by the aad of a pronoun* Hence
the form of the verb remains unchanged*
Coming now to the present day, we may take Bengali as an example of the Eastern group
of languages. Assamese and Oriya follow it in every particular. As in the case of the past
tense, Bengali cannot use the future participle alone, it mast add enclitic pronouns to it. Its
future participle ends in ib. That is to say the Prakrit cJiaUawam becomes chaKb ; while
similarly the Sanskrit mctri-tamjam, it is to be struck, becomes in Prakrit mdriawam> and in
Bengali mdrfb. To this it adds the enclitic pronouns. When a Bengali wishes to say ' I shall
strike,' he says ' mnV ' it is to be struck/ a$d then * 6,' which he writes a, by me/ t. e. s -
The Bengali future is therefore conjugated as follows :
Singular. Plural.
1. Mar-ib-a, I shall strike
2. llfdr-to-i
3. M&r-ib-S Mdr-il-en
The remaining Eastern language, Bihar!, holds fast to the same principle in forming the
first two persons of the future. That is to say, it adheres to the base with ft, in this case, vndrab.
It is however, unable to make up its mind about the third person. In Maithili and M&gadhi
it uses the present participle somewhat clumsily for this person of the future, but in Bhoipurl
it takes refuge in the ^-future which we have just met in Sauras^ni, so that we have the
curious spectacle of a future in which the first two persons are really impersonal passives, while
the third person is active. As in the case of the Past tense, however, all memory of the
t The ohal^A which we meet M tlie fi*ture in i*ie ordinary Hinfetlb* of the ^ookshaa a* altogether difee*
derivation*
268 THE INDIAN AHTIQUAEt. [Oc*oraa, 1801
_ _ _ _______ _ ..... '.. ..... - ..... __ _
passive origin of the first two persona has been lost Th Bhojpuri future is, therefore, a
follows :
Singular. ' Plural,
1. Mar-rt^ I shall strike Mdr-al
2. Mdr-Q&~e Mdr^fadh
3. Mdrihe M&riUn
In the first two persons, the terminations are enclitic pronouns meaning * by me,' ' by thee,
and so on. Eastern Hindi goes still further in the same direction. The Awadht dialect closely
agrees with Bhojpuri, Its future is r
Singular* Plural.
1. Mar-aS-w, I shall s-trike Mdr-ab
2. Mdr-a&e& Mdr^b-6
3. MdriTiai Mdriha?
As, however, we ge west, we find in the Awadhf-speaking district of tlnao the
following :
Singular, PIuraL
1. MdrihaWf I shall strike Mtirihal
2. Mdrihai Mdrihau
3. Mdrihai Mdrihdi
This is a pure ^-future, and is identical with the one given abote for Braj BhSkha, The
BaghSl! dialect, according to Dr. Kellogg, takes a mean position between these two extremes, If
may be noted that the first person singular, mar&vyeu more teally apprciadies th Prakrit form
than in any other dialect*
Singular, PlttraL
1. Mdr-avy~e& 9 1 shall strike MSr-ab
2. Mdr-ib~e$ or mdrihes Mdr-ib-
3. MM Mdrihat
It should be remarked, liaweW, that the specimens collected for this survey from the
BaghSli-speaking area only show the ^-future, conjugated exactly as in ITnao,
The Chhattisgarhl future shows another mixture of these two forms. It is as follows ;
Singular. Plural,
I , Mwnkm* I shall strike Mdr-cfo or marihan
2. Mar^b-e Marihm
3. Marihai Marihal
We thus see that, as in the Past Tense, the Future Tense of Eastern Hindi occupies an
intermediate position between that of the Mggadhl languages of the East, and that of the
Saurasai languages of the West*
General Conclusion. - We are henee entitled to state that the Eastern Hind! language,
or, in other words, the Eaat-Central group of Indo~Aryan vernacular., agrees generally in regard
to its nouns and pronouns with the MSgadhJ or Eastern Group of vernaculars, but in regard
to the jerb, occupies a position intermediate between that group and the SaurasSni groups
IT S^l^*^ t0 itSWSt9 B is the modern ^P^sentatire of the ancient
Ardha-ilagadhi
OCTOBER, 1899.] ESSAYS ON KASMIEI GRAMMAE. 269
ESSAYS ON" EASMIEI GRAMMAR.
BY THE LATE KIEL FBBDEEIOH BUEKHAEBT,
Translated and edited, with notes and additions^
ly Geo. A. Grierson, CJJS, Ph.D., I.C.S.
(Continued from p, 252.)
APPENDIX.
I. Explanation of Luke i 1-4.
//
&JA. (1) (l) CUnU setlau gond Jsam^r, si tima*
/ .
d, yimfi use andar wdqi' sctpane, jj]
gaJf fJ j*3 4* I* 4*J (2) #ttj^4jkrf ia^flu kara'A, (*2) yithqpulh* 1 thnau, yim goda
a* <Lc4U" A3 jf^i^A.. ^Jb A^'j petliq ptma
(3) fcOj !jj el^/ J^i &f ^f jfjJ/ hamnwoli osj, ae fe?i Jirafc riwayai , (3) i6 ft
ibzi, goda petit* MsMsk t daryufi
L
* / J J f
& (4) v*b^ cr^^H 3 tUli ^f a y ffaft Thyofilust Utartib, (4) yiith rii
a y
yinum-lon* to te'Z
natS} ttnab.
261, Word by word analysis.
b* (Prs.), Conjunction, because, fomsmnclias ; s^tJmn, adj. msfe. pL, of ^.% ( 257),
many ; g<md> 3, sg. impersonal, aor. of gm&m, to bind ( ISO, No. 65) ; iainar, m. waist, with
gandwi, to" tighten the waist-cloth, to undertake ; w (Pers.), conj., that ( = *") ; **mfl da*, pi
demonst, pron, ( 243) ; Uvm-hmd, gen. pi of Aow, fezcu, deed, work, business (3rd declension) ;
yimq, nom. pi. fern., rel. pron. ( 245) ; ase, loo. pi- of 6a, I ( 228 ) ; ailcf4f ' P^P 03 ^ 011 ' m "
with dat. ; w&g%* (Arab.), participle, happening ; tapane ( &0, 158), aor, 3 pi fern., of wjwnww,
to be, with w<L$> to occur ; zi, repeated on account of the relative ^sentence j I ay An (Arab,JT
declaration ; karan, 3 pi pres. (subj,) of Sorwa, to make ; yitliQ ^ ( 259, 2, c.), adv.
in what manner ; Kmau, instr. pi, demon, pron. ( 243) ; yiw, nom. pi, rel. pron. ( 245) ; gods,
!em, 5 beginning, abi goda (for godi); petkq, preposition, from (with abL) ; pna (238),
self ; wucMianwoli, nom. pi. masc,> noun of agent, of wnvhhun, to see ( 84) ; f conj., and ;
teldmato, adj. nom. pi masc. of JwZam?*, f. e., gen. of fez/i (Arab.), a word ( 198, 1, 5 ; and
208) ; Midmat (Arab,), fern,, service, ministry ; fcanrawfll* (like wiwrMflnwx*, from feran, to make ;
with feSiamo*, to do ministry, to minister; Mtfwofc* aa* fc ar o, men doing-miBistry^ of the
word, ministers of the word ; osi aor. 3 pi. masc. of asun, to be ; ase, as above ; wrf, pre-
position, to, ase nish, to us ; fearafc, aor. 3 sg. f . + snffi* fc ; by them was it (i. e n iwiyai, deliver-
ing, riwdyat karun, to deliver) done; timau ri Sffr?l, by them it was delivered ( 92 );
we, dat. pers. pron. ( 228) ; tf, also ( ? wji*fl) ; ^OH, aor. 3 sg. impersonal of aftim, to
consider, think ( 180, No. 46) ; mmSM (Arab.), proper, right ; rf, as above ; godt t ethq, as
above; fetf*%i*% (Pers.), labour, energy ; dary&jt (Pers.), understanding; *a* f participle absolute
270 THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET. [OCTOBER is.
of harm ( 84) ; UMq y 1 eg. pres, (subj.) of UMun (lekJwn), to write ^*a/i*A (Arab.), adj.,
complete, correct ; pottf, instr. sg. oi poth, m., manner (e/. above jftAa jpoifc* ) ; soru~y Wi, alt
that, the entire ( 248) ; ehdni, abL fern., possess, pron/( 232) ; fcAoira, for the* sake of
( 208) ; ay r iufcerj. ; /^tZ (Arab.), excellent ; Thytfilus, Theophilus ; bitorfib (Arab.), adv. from
M, in, 4- tar&b, order ; yuth, eonj., as; timan, dat. plur., dera. pron. ( 243) ; Tcathan-Jiqnz , gen.
pi! fern, sg., of fca*A, a word, teaching ; r& (Pers.), fern., rigjitness, truth. : yima-hqnz, gen.
pi,, rel. pron,, agreeing with ta'Km (Arab ), fern,, teaching, instruction ; ehlie-y, there is to
you ( 164) ; hStsmqts (for ktmqti) (m, liyutwut^ perf. part. fern, of ieww, to take, agreeing
with &%; ^aa7;, 2nd pers. pres. (subj.) of zdnmi, to know, to learn,
262. Literal Translation,
(1) Forasmuchas by many was the waistband tightened (i. e. 9 it was undertaken) that of
those things which happened among us (that) declaration they should make ; (2) in the
manner in which by them, who from the beginner self-seers (i.e., eye-witnesses) and of -the-
word ministry-doers (ministers) were, to us delivery was made ; (8) by me also it was thought
proper that from the beginning diligence and understanding having made (i. a., -with diligence
and understanding), I should write in a truthful manner everything for thy sake, excellent
Theophilus, in order; (4) so-that of those things the truth, of-whioh by-thee instruction
has-by-thee been-taken, tiou-mayst-know*
(To le continued*)
THE COPPER COINAGE! OF MADRAS PRESIDENCY.
BY EEV A. WEST0GTT,
Preface*.
TEE numismatic enthusiast in Southern India cannot fail to be bewildered by the extra-
ordinary multiplicity of the copper coins which fall in his way. Leaving on one side the*
coinage of native potentates, he finds that the early eoinage of the Companies in itself offers a
wide field for his energies. In the absence of any complete catalogue he knows not what to
expect, and experiences much difficulty in arranging the specimens "which he has secured. By
the aid of Atkins' Colonial Coins, and Thurston's Madras Museum Catalogue, he ean compile a
fairly complete list of the gold and silver coinage, but to the copper coinage, especially in its-
early stages, he has no adequate guide.
With the view to preparing the way for a more or less complete guide to t&eset
eoins I have arranged a tentative catalogue comprising those coins of which mention bas beets
made in other available lists, adding thereto some pieces in my own collection which do not
'appear to have been published hitherto.
A. Copper Coins of the London Company, 1 *
[Abbreviations :
A. = Atkins* Coins of British Possessions and Colonies.
H. = Hultzsch (article in Indian Antiquary, Vol. XXL).
T. = Thurston's Catalogue o/ Coins in Madras Museum^
* Queen ElkabetJa in 1600 granted a Boyal Charter t ' The Governor and Company of Merchants trading into
the East Indies. 9
This London Company's first settlement on the Coromandel Coast was at Pulicat, where they Bad a precarious
tenure by favour of the Dutch. In 1620 they obtained an independent settlement at Masulipatam, and in 1625 were-
able to open a branch establishment at ArmagMm. Their third settlement, in Madras, tog-ether With the right to
coin money, was purchased from the Eaja of Chandragiri in 163&
OCTOBEB, 1899.] THE COPPER COINAGE OP HABEAS PBESIDEHCY, 271
I. Undated Coins,
1. H. No, 24.
06. Sri
JBev. Kampini (t. e., Tamil for Company).
2. H. TSo. 25.
05. Star o| eight points*
E. Kumpini.
This eight-pointed star seems to have found favour with the Company* It was revived
subsequently. See Ubs. 9 and 10.
3. H. No. 26.
05. Orb and cross.
JR. Sri Kanga.
The orb and cross, of which this is apparently the earliest occurrence was the
device of the London Company. The Inscription Sri Kanga on the reverse doubtless is due to
the instruction of the Raja of Chandraghi that the Company should retain the image of
Vishnu on their coins. Figures of Venkateswara, Lakshmi, and the like are found on the
Company's pagodas and fanams, but not on the cash, unless the copper coin in the Madras
Museum (0. 5) is a genuine coin, and not, as Is far more probable, u sham pagoda,
Some of the specimens of this coin in my collection have a different rerezw. The coin Is
a single cash of about 10 grains weight.
4. T. No. 0. 42.
>. Traces of orb and cross, and of the letters 0. 0. B.
w
R. Sri Ranga.
This is the first occurrence of the letters 0. C. E, which are presumably the initials of
Chartered Company to the East Indie, One writer describes the S e two C's as crescent
moons,' This is, however, a mistake, and does not explain the E.
5. A. 66.
06. Orb and cross inscribed C. C. E. within a beaded circle.
jj, Indian characters within a beaded circle.*
The inscription on this coin is undecipherable though quite distinct It is assigned to the
f George I (17U-1727). Bat as it has the device of the London Company, I include it
wi their coins, though greatly suspecting its genuineness.
II. Dated Coins.
6. H. No. 27.
Ob. - Orb and cross with 78 in the lower division of orb,
E. Sri Eanga.
and iTave attained two specimens of it out of Madras S o>L
7. H.Ko.28,
05. gg within a circle.
B. Sri Ranga.
272 THE INDIAN" ANTIQUAET. [OCTOBER, 1899.
8. H. No. 29.
1 7
Oj. jr* within a circle.
.B. Sri Ranga.
9. Unptiblislied.
05* Eight-pointed star within a beaded circle,
Et _ ?J p. e ., 1701).
10. Unpublished,
05, As No. 9.
R. 1710.
The above four coins are probably efforts of the new or English Company, but Nos. 7
and 8 are connected with the London Company's coinage by the Sri Eanga of the R 9 and
S'os. 8 and 9 by the eight-pointed star of the 05, (see No. 2).
11. Unpublished.
05. Orb and cross inscribed * *
Jiu
R. The date 1691 between wavy lines within a circle.
This coin and Nos, 12 and 13 are the fore-runners of the long series extending from 1702-
1806, The coin is called fi Dudu 3 or Faluce ' by Atkins. I attribute this new departure in
coinage to the Company's new Charter granted by James II, in 1686 with renewed permission to
coin. It has been remarked that the Company began to coin the Dutch pagoda also in 1691. a
12. A. 67.
As No. 11, but date 1693.
13. A. 68.
As No, 11, but date 1695.
14. Unpublished.
05. Orb and cross, inscribed ' *
Jit*
JB. g= within a circle.
15. Unpublished.
i &
Same as No. 14, but date ^.
The above two coins are the fore-runners of the subsequent *Half-faluce * series, I cannot
be absolutely certain as to the exact dates, as on both specimens the last figure is rather
indistinct. Both No. 11 and No. 14 are indisputably clear when turned upside down,
16-47. A. 69-97.
Faluces of various dates from 1702-1806 similar to Nos. 11-13, but of irregular shape, and
ruder workmanship, and with numerals larger and ill shaped. In my collection are ' faluces '
of the years 1731, 1786, and 1789, being dates not recorded by Atkins.
3 Little Tamil boys of the present day in Madras almost invariably call copper coins * dootie ' which is their
way of pronouncing * &udu.' They also speak of * Teas* The word * anna ' is quite tabooed by them.
Ads Butch or Three-Swami Pagoda, as well as the old Star Pagoda should be included in the Company's
Madras gold coinage. They are not mentioned by Atkins.
OCTOBEB, 1899.] THE COPPER COINAGE OF HABEAS PBESIDENCY. 273
48 58. A. 98-108.
f Half-f alnces * of various dates from 1702-1804 similar to !Nos 14 and 15, but of ruder
sliape and workmanship. 4
Tliese two long series of * Fahtee* and * Half-falnce/ thottgh a continuation of the London
Company's coinage, and bearing their device, belong properly to the period of the tTnited
Company,
B, Copper Coin of the English Company. 5
59. Unpublished*
06. A heart-shaped shield inscribed E. E. I, C* and surmounted Vy
the numeral 4.
JZ. As on some Tinnevelly Nayakar coins.
This coin probably belongs to the period 1699-1703 when the rival companies London am;
English were at strife, previous to the incorporation of the old one in the new. It is an
interesting piece 011 account o its displaying for the first time the 4 above the shield, ^fcier.
afterwards became so familiar in the trade mark of the United Company 6
0. Copper Coins of United East India Company.
I. < Undated Coins,
64 T. C. 38.
Ob. * Bale-mark* of the Company : surrounded by a beaded circle,
R. Crossed lines and symbols.
65. Unpublished.
V
Ob. ' Bale-mark:* cX I-
R, Crossed lines.
66. Unpublished.
C ! V
06. * Bale-mark' r-r>
B. Crossed lines -
67. Unpublished,
V 1 E
05 _ Bale- mark' .
l.j I G
R. Similar to that of So, 64.
68-73. A. 109-111.
O. In Persian and English XL Cash.
$. This is Forty Cash (in Telngn and Tamil)-
to suppress these coins.
274 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [OCTOBER 1899.
Atkins notices three varieties of this coin ; but including his published varieties I have
observed six. Besides the variety in the form of the dividing line on the obverse, one specimen
in my collection has a dividing line on the reverse also. The Tamil lettering also varies in
several respects, e> g., one piece reads 'yifhu? another *tthu. 9
This piece, and the others of the same series that follow, though undated , are known to
have been first coined in 1807,
74-79. A. 112-115.
Same as Nos. 68-73, but smaller and inscribed XX Cash.
Of this piece too there are varieties not mentioned in Atkins.
80-85. A. 116-419.
Same as above but smaller and inscribed X Cash.
86. A. 120.
Same as above but smaller and inscribed V Cash.
86a. Unpublished.
Same as above but inscribed 2| Cash*
87. A. 121.
Same as above but smaller and with no dividing line-
88. T. No. 0. 43.
06. and R. . Bale-mark of the Company/
89. T. No. C. 54.
06. Quarter Dub of the Company (in Tamil).
E. Quarter Dub of the Company (in Telugu).
II. Dated Coins.
The following, being all small coins, are for convenience sake placed in succession : -
90. T. No. A. 2 and 3.
06. < Bale-mark.'
R* 1733.
91. T. No. 4.
0, . < Bale-mark' yg -\ jY
S. 1736.
92. T. No. A, 5.
05. Bale-mark.*
#. 1737.
93. A. 122.
Ob, * Bale-mark.'
B. - I r I . (1210 = 1795) ^thin a a<lnare .
94. A. 123.
Similar to last, but date j r I | (1211 = 1796).
OCTOBER 1899.] THE COPPER COINAGE OF HABEAS PRESIDENCY. 275
95. A. 124.
Similar to last, but date \f\f (1212 = 1797).
96. T. No. A. 87,
Ob. e Bale- mark. 1
R. 1807,
97. 7 A. 125.
05. United Company's Bale-mark, etc, 1794,
j, Company's arms, etc. e 48 to one Bapee, 5
98. A, 126.
As last, but Company's crest only on 5*
. 99. A. 127,
As 97, but date 1797.
100. A, 128.5
As 97, but smaller, aad * 96 to one Enpee/ 3
101. A. 129.
As 100, but date 1797.
102. A, 131.
Ob. Company's arms, etc., 1803.
j% f Value in Persian and English, XX Cash.
103. A. 133.
As 102, but smaller and X Cash.
104. A. 135.
As 103, but smaller and V Cash.
105. A. 137,
0& ( Company's crest 1803.
J2, Value in Persian and English, I Cash.
106. A. 132.
As 102, but date 1808.
10.7. A. 134,
As 103, bat date 1808.
108. 9 A. 136.
As 104, but date 1808.
T These coins were struck for the Northern drears. Atkins states that this coin was an attempt to awimiUte
theLh^ Accepting this piece as e,ni,ale,t to 20 Cash the B*p* bec
960 Cash The relations of the two systems were complicated.
By Government Order of December 9th, 1817, the following values were fixed :-
Star Pagoda (Hindu) = 3J Bupees = 45 fanams = 3,600 cash.
Bupee (Mohammedan) = 12 fanams + 68 cash = 1,028 cash.
s.fficie^ nea, to th. ** Value of 3,600 ',.
*' Md ****'
introduced.
276
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[GCTOBEB, 1809.
109. T.No. A, 89.
Qb. Persian legend. Three Falnce, etc, | A. V.
jj e Value in Tamil and Telugu (three new dubs and one little fanam).
110. A. 138.
0^ Persian legend : Double Ealnce, etc. f A-V-
jg. _ Value in Tamil and Telugiu
111. A. 139.
Ob, Persian legend : Little Fanara or Falnee, etc* | j\.\j,
$. Value in Tamil and Telugu,
112. A. 140,
Similar to 110, but Hal-aluce.
118.W A. 141. *
As 110, but date | M (1808).
114.^ A. 142,
As 111, but date I A A (1808).
115.io A. U3,
As 112, but date } A-A (1808).
11G. 11 T. No, A, 62.
01. Persian Legend ; Two faluce, etc. | A- A (1808).
. Value in Telugu and English 2 Dubs.
117, A. 144.
As 116, but smaller an<J 1 Dub.
118, A. 145,
As 117 y but lighter and | Dub.
NOTES AND QUERIES,
* ME. SCAPE,
{ See Yule's Holson Jo bsQn,s.v. Bandanna: aim.
1848 ; 4n, L; but it is only a quotation from Thacke-
ray's Vanity Fair.)
Beap is a Suffolk name. Rich. Scapy is men-
tioned under date 6, Nov. 1626 in Bacon's Annalls
of Ipswch&i p. 488. J. Seapey is mentioned
under date 17 May 1660 in. Stowmarket Church-
wardens* Accounts (Eollingsworth's IZist* of Stow-
market, p. 196, i). On 23 Ap. 1731 there was a
marriage-licence for Rich. Martin and Ann
Seapey both of Earl Stonham (Archd. Suff,,
3s o. 2579) ? and on 23 Jan. 172 for Rob. Seeby or
and Mary Harriot both o Earl Stonham
(Archd. Buff., No. 2860). In Earl Honham
churchyard there is a head-stone to Will, Seapey
(1740-1807), and in the neighbouring churchyards
of Coddenham and Badley the spelling is Scapy.
In Bey ton churchyard Scarpe is found. The.
Ward of Great Finborough m. Fleasance Scapy
(1 753-181 5), and their grandson Tho. Scapy Ward
of Theeler's Farm, Blmstead, Esses, died in 1867.
Scapy Tyderaan, farmer, was living at Earl Ston-
ham in 1844 (White's Buff. Directory for that
year).
PARTRIDGE.
10 I laave not yet seen anj' specimens of trhese coins. J insert them on the authority of Atkins. Their relation
with the three following is interesting. They are of the same year, and of the same values, and apparently intended
to circulate in the same district.
n catalogues 2 Dubs and half Dub of 1801, but I take this to be an error for 1808. (Of. T, No, A. 62
with its figure PI. ii. 3.)
, 1899.] HISTORY OP THE BAHMAN1 DYNASTY.
HISTORY OF TEE BAHMAKI DYNASTY,
(Founded on tke BurMn-i 3fe,$ji>,)
BY HA JOE J. B. KING, M-B.A.S.
(Continued /rom p. 247.)
CHAPTER XII*
B^ign of Sult&n. Hig&m Shfih,
son of Hum&yftn Shttu
HISTORIANS have related that, when Sultan Humayun Shah was on Lis death-bed, lie
summoned JQiw&jah JaMn and Khwajah MahmM Gilant, and by the terms of his will
left tli em to decide as to which, of his sons viz*, Sultan Nizam Shall, Sultan Muhammad Shiih,
or Jamshid Shah was best fitted for the succession. Since the tokens of sovereignty were
manifest in the appearance of Sultan XSIgftm Shfth, after the death of the Sultan, Khwajaii
Jahan, in concurrence "with the amfrs, nobility and grandees, on the date aliove mentioned, in
the capital Bidar, seated Sultan Nizam Shah at the age of eight years on the throne in place
of his father. According to the customary service devolving upon the saiyids as heads of the
people, 8Mb, Muhatob-Ullalijson of Shah Bbalil-Ullah, and Saiyid-i Sharif Saiyid Manjalali,
son of Saiyid Hanif, each taking a hand of the Sultan, seated him on the throve;
and the Aekhhs and learned men who were present recited tbe fdtihah and they a*
well as the nobles and ministers uttered the customary praise and congratulations and
plighted their fealty ; and having received suitable gifts recited these lines :
" king, may thy high fortune be everlasting !
May the dust of tranquillity be the collyriura of thy penetrating eyes J
May the mirror of thy heart be always as free from blemish as the precious gems in
thy sword ! "
The prince being still only a boy in the flower of youth, the administration of the affairs
of government was entrusted to the Queen-Mother, HaMjtdftmali JaM>n t who was daughter of
Mubarak Khin, son of Sultan Brfiz Shah ; and with the aid of the sound judgment of the wise
minister Trajan Jahan MahmM Giwin the affairs of S^te were wisely administered- Fiwt
of all their attention was given to the comfort of the subjects, and they busied lit
repairing the Injuries inflicted by Bumfiyfln Shah, All the innocent persons who had been
imprisoned by him were set at liberty, and the agents of government were confirmed in the
offices and rank which they formerly held. Bat as most of the amirs and wife* through fear
of the vengeance of Hnmayua Shah, had fled and become scattered abroad, and the o the
subiects in ^eneral and the army had fallen into a state of the utmost disorder, and opposi-
tionists and breeders of disturbance bad withdrawn from their allegiance and raised rebellions,
theBtaaofOrtesa with a large force of infantry, cavalry and elephants had invaded and
devastated the whole territory of Islam. The nobles and ministers of State who were present
at conrt assembled large forces, and Sultan Nizam Shah set out with them from Bidar to repel
the invasion. When they had gone only ten fariatofi from Bidar the army of Onssa arrived
from tbe other direction, and between the tiro forces not mo^ than three jnr*A* remained.
Shah Muhabb-UMh with a force of 160 armom-clad cavalry armed with fence*, placing In,
reliance on God, started at daybreak against the infidels, and encountered the enemy s
vancmard which consisted of nearly 10,000 Infantry, 400 cavalry and some elephants. An
englgeznent took place which lasted from mid-d*y till sonset Many of the enemy were kd!e,
an! the dnst was defiled with the impure blood of the cursed infideh. The *y* ftmiht *nh
the greatest bravery and the enemy's force was completely defeated. When the
the Lmy's force L what had happened they wavered and fied, leaving their tents,
and other valuable goods on the spot.
n , ., is About 10 miles,
s About 31 miles.
278 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 18$$.
Sultto Makmtid Khilji wages war against Sultan.
Just when the mind of the guardian of the Sialtan was at rest on the conclusion of the
Orissa affair, letters arrived from the protectors of the frontiers saying that Sultan Mahmud
;g&ilji having become aware of the dispersion of the army of the Dakhan and the disorder which
reigned in it, and the ascendancy of the infidels, had at the instigation of the Ghuris who had
taken refnge with him to escape chastisement from Humayun Shah come with an immense
army, and crossing the frontier had encamped in a desolate part of the country. Immediately
upon hearing this news the Sultan with his army proceeded to oppose Sultan Maljmud, and at
the distance of about ten farsaJshs from BSdar the two forces met and drew up in order f battle
Malik Shah Turk, on whom the title of Khwajah JahEn had been conferred, and another
Turk! slave who held the title of Sikandar Khan were in the centre of the army, in attendance
on Sultan Nizam Shah with a hundred elephants and 11,000 cavalry. The right wing was
under the command of Nizam-ul-Mulk Turk with 10,000 spearmen and forty elephants ; and
in the left wing was Khwajah Ma^imtid Gawan, who at that time held the title o Malik-ut-
Tujjar, with 10,000 cavalry and forty elephants*
On the other side Sultan Mahmiid Khiljji drew up his army, both right and left wings, and
strengthened his position ; and he himself with 20,000 cavalry and 150 elephants raised his-
standard in the centre ; but notwithstanding the overwhelming number of his force he dug a
deep trench round his position so that horses or other animals could not cross it.
The two armies were drawn up in this manner in front of one another. From the clamour
of drums and trumpets the heavens were in anguish, and sleeping Tumult raising its head from
its pillow awoke at the noise*
Malik- ut-Tnj jar with the left wing attacked the enemy 's right where Sultan Ghiyas-ud-Dfa had
raised his standard. The latter though he advanced and fought with much bravery was unable
to meet the attack, and at last gave way, and his father being killed he took to flight. Nizam-
iil-Mulk also from, the right attacked and broke the enemy's left, and numbers of them were
dispersed. Muh&bat Khan, governor of Chanderi, and Zahir-ul-Mulk as well as other amirs of
SaMn Mahmud who were on the enemy's left were killed. When. Sultan Malmiud saw both
wings of his army thus broken and most of his awfos and troops disheartened, he was about
to take to flight ; but in the midst of this the elephant-keepers of the (Bahmani) SJwltaa
seeing the order of the enemy broken had drawn up in line fifty formidable elephants in $xpec~
tation that the enemy would fly before them, and at once drove them towards the enemy's
force. The Turki amfos who had been delicately nurtured from their youth and were unacquaint-
ed with the tactics of warfare, neglected to send a force in rear of the elephants, as they should
have done, and so left the elephants unsupported in the midst of the enemy. Sultan Mahmud
Khiljl who still remained in his place, seeing this move in the game of chess, showed a fresh
rook and sent a force of infantry and cavalry to cut off the elephants from the Dakhani
army and shut them in. At this time it occurred to the mind of the foolish Sikandar Khan 11
that the Sultan owing to his youth was unable to ride well, and fearing that he might be
wounded, he lifted the Sultan from his saddle and seating him in front of himself tied the
Sulta"n % s kamar-band firmly to his own waist ; but this unseasonable movement caused the army
to be disheartened, and when the troops no longer saw the Sultan in his place they turned and
fled from the field of battle. The elephants which had been driven at a rapid pace, remained
in the hands of the enemy. The centre of the Dakhani army without experiencing any reverse,
and though the Sultan was still alive, like a flock of sheep without a shepherd, turned towards
the desert ; and contrary to their custom those brave men, every one of whom was skilled in
fight, looked like the disordered locks of women.
M Sikandar ghftn, S on of Jalffl. ghftn. Buttftrf, was killed during the previous reign (vide p. 164), so this must foe
some other individual of the same name.
1899.] EISTOBY OP THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 270
K|wAjah JaMn and Sikandar Khan, who were with the centre of the armj k attendee
on the Sul an, saw the flight of the army, and taking the Saltan with them proceeded to Btfer
Sultan MaUmud from excessive fear and amazement did not move from his place, but fell into
this refleofaon : - The army of the Dakhan are practising a stratagem : they have placed
a force m ambush and pretend to run away, so that when we pursue them they may surround
us ; otherwise why should the army % after gaining the victory ?
At midnight the amin brought Sultan Mpm Shah into the city of Bidar ; and next dav
when the sun rose, Makhdumah Jahan, the mother of the Sultan (who through fear Jf
Humayun Shah had fled to Rayachur, but now _ encouraged by a r^ai written agreement -
had returned to court), gave orders for the defence of the fortress of Bidar, and appointed
Nigftm-nl-MtOk also to assist her. Then taking the SuMn with her, led the whole force to
Ftruzabad Kalburga.
Sultan Mahmnd waited three days in the same place till he was assured of the real flight
of the Dakhani army. After that he marched to Bidar and encamped within sight of the
city, and proceeded to plunder and devastate the city and district. He razed to the ground tbe
houses of the nobility and inhabitants ; so that both the great and small of that country recited
the takMr of death over their household goods and habitations, and lost all their money and effects.
The enemy's army surrounded the citadel and laid siege to it.
Prom olden times as has been formerly mentioned the foundations of mutual friend-
ship had been firmly laid between the Bahmani dynasty and the Sultans of Gujarifc; so in this
interval Makhdumah Jahan, who was the most sensible woman of her day, wrote a letter to
Sultan Mahmtld, king, of Gujarat, complaining of the tyranny and oppression of her enemies,
and sent it by the hand of an eloquent messenger imploring assistance from the Musalmaiis of
that country, 12 "
When Sultan Mal^mM heard this news he resolved to proceed to the Dakhan to repel the
tyrant Mahmud Khilji ; but his nobles and ministers expostulated with Mm, saying : "Da,M
Khan who had possessed the sovereignty for a week is still lying in wait, and though
this is the third year of Tour Majesty's reign your rule is still not as firmly established
throughout the country as it should be, nor have the important affairs of government been
furthered as much as could be desired ; therefore at such a time as this to le&Ye the seat of
government, and for the benefit of others to go on a campaign is a matter for serious consider*
ation."
Saltan Mahmud, though still in the Sower of youth, replied to the amm In elegant
language : u God is with him who is with God, and to assist Mnsalmfins and friends is
praiseworthy and necessary, for the regulation of the affairs of the world and of mankind is
founded upon concord ; and it is certain that if the heavens and the elements did not agree witli
one another and join together In this manner, the organization of the universe would be
annihilated ; and if the race of men were to break the chain of mutual assistance and recipiwitv
the foundations of the laws of Nature would be overthrown. . . . "
When Sultan Mahmud had ended this manly discourse and had inspired his people with
manliness and bravei*y, after expressing their regret to the Sultan for their unworthy thoughts
they changed their minds and said : "If there is no help for it but to send an army Into the
Dakhan, the best course seems to be to enter the kingdom of Malwi, and so caisse anxiety t<*
the mind of the Khiljis : by this means you will not have to travel so far from yonr OWB
territory ; and if (which Heaven forefend ! ) any disturbance should arise in this country, yoa
will be able to return quickly to quell it. By this plan assistance to Sultan Nizam SMh. will
also be assured, for when Sultan Mahmud Khilji shall hear of your advance towards his
territory, he will quit the Dakhan and hurry back to his own kingdom."
12 Vide Bayley ; (fy/ardi, pp. 175-6, and liV,dt-i Sifowdarf, litko. ed., p. 90.
28D
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER 1899.
When they had explained this plan to Sultan Mahmud he taxed his courtiers ___
meanness and want of spirit, and ignoring their advice he without delay marched with his
army towards the Dakhan ; and in due time arrived at Sultanpur and Nandurbar, near the
frontier of the Dakhan, where he encamped.
In the meantime the army of the Dakhan, which by the accidents of fortune had become
scattered like the constellation of the Bear; 13 like the Pleiades soon re-assembled under the
hadow of the Sultan's victorious standard. The personal property and the families of most of
,he troops being in the citadel of Bidar, their sense of honour, zeal and bravery was roused,
ind attracted them back to their allegiance to the Snltfin. Just then the news of the arrival
)f Mahmud (Gujarati) at Sultanpur reached the Sultan, and inspired both him and the army
ffifch fresh courage. A continuous correspondence then took place between the two Sultans.
Sultan Mahmud (Khilji) was for a long time engaged in the siege of Bidar : every day he
ised to fill the ditch of the citadel with earth and rubbish, but when night came the defenders
ased to come out and entirely remove it and restore the ditch to its former state. A number of
historians have related that Sultan Mahmud Khilji on his journeys used to carry about with
him various Jdmds of vegetables growing in wooden frames, so that at each halting-place he
might, at the time of eating, have fresh vegetables on his table. During the siege of Bidar his
supply of vegetables being exhausted, he ordered that somehow or other by lawful means
vegetables should be procured for him. He summoned one of the shekhs of Bidar, called
Maulana Shams-nd-Din the Truth-teller who on account of his friendship for Shah Muhabb-
Ullah, had remained in Bidar and consulted him, saying :
c If we buy vegetables in this place for the use of the Sultan, and pay for them, will it be
lawful?" The above-mentioned inaul&nA fearlessly replied: "You must surely be in
jest : to invade the territories of Musalmans ; to lay waste their country and houses, and rob
them of their property ; and then to ask for a legal decision from the doctors of the law on the
subject of vegetables, is not the act of people of understanding."
When Sultan Mahmftd KMlji heard the news of the assembly of the army of Sultan
ISfizam Shah, and that Sultan Mahmud Gujarati was coming to his assistance, he raised the
siege, and taking Shah Muljabb-Ullah and his followers with him, marched from Bidar and set
off two or three stages towards Kaly&ni so as to escape byway of Chandor ; but in the meantime
spies brought fche news that Sultan Mahmud Gujarati .with his army was proceeding in that
direction ; so Mahmud Khilji in fear of his life turned from that direction and hastened towards
his own dominions by way of Burhanp"ur and Asir.
"When the news of the flight of Khilji reached Sultan Nizam Shfih he ordered Khwajah
Jah&n ith a large force to go in pursuit of him, and to hang on the rear of the enemy's army,
and slaughter and plunder them wherever he found them. Marching with all speed he came up
with the rear of the enemy's army, plundered their baggage and killed great numbers of them,
On the road news again reached Sultan Mahmud Khilji that the Gujarat army was
encamped in the neighbourhood of the district of Sultanpur, so, seeing that that road also was
closed against him, he summoned the chief of Gondwarah and soothed him with various kinds
of favour and kindness in order that he might lead them by some other route by which they
might avoid molestation from the enemy. The chief said : " In this neighbourhood there is
no practicable route for the army and baggage ; but there is a road like the place of Hfirut and
towards Akot and Elichpur, far removed from the route of the army of the king of
13 As having the stars scattered, in opposition to the Pleiades where they cluster.
}* Names of two angels who, baving- severely censured mankind before the throne of God, were sent down to
earth in human shapes to judge of the temptations to which man was subject. They could not withstand them:
they were seduced by women, and committed every species of iniquity; for which they were suspended by the feet
in a well in Babylon, where they are to remain in great torment till the day of judgment. Johnson's Dictionary,
NOVEMBER, 1899.] HISTORY OP THE BAHJTANI DYNASTY. 281
G-ujarat ; but for several stages, owing to the difficulties of the road and the thickness of tlie
jangle, it is hardly practicable*
Verse,
The earth is more waterless than brimstone,
The wind more heart-burning than hell."
As a matter of necessity Sultan Mattm&d chose that route for the passage of his army,
and said : " The difficulty of the route is easier than throwing one's self into the jaws ot
destruction, 7 '
Turning aside from the direction of Daalatibad, which, was the route of tie Gujarat army, he
marched with as much spesd as possible towards Akot, When the tyrannical army entered that
valley and desert of which the chief of tlie Gronds had told them, owing to the numbers of thts
army and the length and narrowness of the road, the hot winds and the scarcity of fresh water,
the troops were excessively distressed ; and in the first march five or six thousand, of them died
of thirst. A band of Gonds who were robbers on that road, when they saw the sufferings of the
army from want of water, took the opportunity to plunder them from front and rear and right
and letfc. The remainder of the army, after encountering a thousand difficulties and dangers,
had managed half dead to reach ELar&L 15
Notwithstanding the trouble and torment suffered by the army of Sultan llahmM front
want of water on the first march, immediately upon hearing this news, being in terror of their
lives they started on, sometimes rising and sometimes falling. It is stated on reliable aothoiity
that on that march a cup of water was sold for two rupees, and was thought very cheap at the
price. The truth is that since the designs of Sultan Mahmfid were not accommodated to pro-
priety and rectitude towards mankind no result but disaster and reverse of fortune accrued to
him from that improper and unfair movement. From the seed of trouble and tyranny which he
had sown he neither saw nor gathered any fruit but regret and affliction, On the second stage ot
his march he lost a great number of men ; and those who escaped death were so knocked up by the
fatigue of tke journey that tkey would have preferred death to lite. MahmM Khiljt, who
\vas himself the originator of his own anp raise worthy movement, put to death the chief ot
GondwArah whom he suspected of purposely misleading them, though he had graphically
decribed the difficulties of the route.
*
After the flight of Malimud Khiljt, Sultan Nizain SMh wrote and sent to Sultan Hahm&l
Gujarat! a letter thanking him for his kindness* 16
A year after this Sultan Malimu-d Khiljl again took it into his head to wage war, ant! with
nearly 90,000 cavalry he set out towards tlie DakkaB. When Snlt&n JXjas&m. SMh heard of
this lie assembled his army and anfmrled his standard for the purpose of repelling the aggreg-
ftion; and at the same time despatched a letter to Sultto Ma&mtLd of Gujarat informing him ot
the enemy's invasion. When the ruler of Gujarit was informed of tlie boldness of Ma.!mibI
Khiljt he at once prepared to oppose him.
Mahmud Khilji through fear of him shrank from the encounter, and halted on the fron-
tiers of Devagiri (Daulat&Md), where he contemplated Ids own territory with a look of reflec-
tion and anxiety, thinking that perhaps the flood of destruction might surround him, and theiv
might be no opportunity for retreat by the way he had come. When lie was assured of tlu
approach of the army of Gujarat, like a gnat which flies from the sound of the wind he bear
the dram of return, and hastened away.
When Sultan Nizam SMh became aware of the flight of Ms enemy he wrote the following
letter to Sultan Mabniud Gujarat! : 17
is This Is probably meant for Karanja, Lat. 20 29' N., Long. IT 32 B.
i The letter occupies a page and a half of tlie 3IS., and being written ia extremely ornate style, anu inf >r-
gperaed with Arabic quotations, the reader will probaUy thank me for omitting it.
IT The greater portion of this letter is omitted for the same reason as the other.
THE INDIAN ANTIQTTAKY. [KovuMifcK, 1896.
ve ,r
SSL
and **.** for the purpoe rf
o,r ^alfriendship^d eradicating and dest^g that
^^ ^ diaappomted wa nderer retreated by
- -"* ^^ ^ch being the stat, of a ffail ,
i! seemed7ght to inform you. May the .nei.. of ycmr .owtry always be vanished, and
the rulers of your State always be victorious I"
In *his S.Hta Nilfcn Shhb, BOB of Humftjfln Shfth died .nddenlj m the thirteenth
of his JL His nuptial feast had been prepared, when from the karwn so.nda of linei,
and filing arose, and the u^emblj of pleasure was changed into one of mourmng The
and ministers, the immates of the 7,r aud the court attendant, abed tear, of Wood m
their angaish.
Hi% a<,e was eleven Tears, ami tbe period of his reign, according to the best authorities,
wa. " o ^^aud LrteL da^s. Tbi. event occ^ocl o. the 13th oi ^-ul-K'adah iu the yea,
867 (30th July, A. D. 1468).
CHAPTER XIII.
Reign of Sultan Mtiliammad Shah II.,
son of Sultan Hum&yttn Shah.
After the death of Sultau Nigfim Sh&h the nobles and generals consented to the succession
of his brother Sultdn Muhammad Shah, who was then in his tenth year ; and according to
precedent on the above-mentioned date, Malik-nl Musha,ikh Shah Muhabb-UlMh and the
chief *Va, Saiyid Manjalah bin Saiyid Khasif, seated him on the throne, recited the /**/
and wished him long life aud prosperity, aud the nobles and generals plighted their fealty t..
The Sultan bebaved with liberality towards the doctor of tho law, the nobles and
ministers, and subjects and arrnj j and inyestcd them with robeii of honour, aud distributed
many valuable presents,
In truth Sultan Muhammad Shah was a king- endowed with dignity, of high Abilities as a
ruler; aBd his magnificence and pomp exceeded that of any other king of Hindustan as^well a,*
Ins own ancestors. Among other articles of luxury aud regal dignity a thousand Turk! store.*
from Kibchftfc of exceeding beauty waited on him, each standing in his (?) place with folded
hands and lowered head. In the time of this monarch the laws of justice and equity were
strengthened and confirmed, and the foundations of tyranny and oppression were destroyed.
In the beginning of his reign the affairs of government were conducted by Malik -ut-Tujj^r
K&T&3 al1 Mahmttd a&wta;and with the approval of MaKhdumali Jahan and all the amirs and
grandees Khwajah Jahau Turk Shahi was punished because in the time of the late Sultan be
had been guilty of negligence in the war with Mahmud Khilji. The power of Malik-nfc-Tujjar
was now vastly increased, and his orders were everywhere obeyed throughout the dominions
of tiie Sultan.
At this time Mzto-ul-Mulk was sent with an army against the fortress of KMrlah. On
arriving there he encamped within sight of the fortress and laid siege to it. After the
siege had lasted some time the defenders capitulated, and Nizam-ul-Mulk agreed to give them
quarter, so they came out ; but the governor of that fortress, who was an infidel, had
treacherous designs concealed in his heart, and at the time of taking pan he stabbed Nigam-iil*
Hulk to the heart with a dagger.
** The year is not stated here j but we se$ from wluxt follows, as well as from the Mirflt-i
ed. p. 92) that it was A, H, 867.
1890.] H1STOET OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 583
A learned man has composed a chronogram giving the date of his death.
After this occurrence the soldiers o Islam drawing the sword of vengeance from die
scabbard of hatted cut down that fearless imp are accursed one who had committed so shame-
ful a deed $ they also killed his followers, and cleansed the earth from the impurity of their
existence. They then plundered and devastated the fort and surrounding country, seising all
the goods they could lay their hands upon, and levelling with the ground the dwellings of the
idol-worshippers,
The deceased Nizanvui-Mulk had two adopted sons, slaves of Humayun Shah, whom lie
la ruse If had educated ; one entitled Yakrush (or Yaghrush) KMn, and the other Fat^-Ullak
\Vafa Khm. The two sons taking the body of their father went with the army fco the court of
the Sult&u, and making their reverence at the foot of the throne exposed to the view of the
Sultan. the booty which they had brought. The Sal tan invested the sons of Nizim-nl^Mnlk
with robes of honour, and conferred on them as a jugtr the whole of that country (KMrlati)
and its dependencies. He gave Abd-Ulkih 19 the title of *Adil Kb. in, and Fath-TJH4h that of
Darpi Kbin, and exalted them above their eqaals. This event occurred In A, H. 870
(A/D. 1465).
Marriage of the Sultln*
In this year 20 the Sultan desiring to marry, orders were given to prepare the marriage
tea&t.
**###****#
After the conclusion, of the marriage festivities robes of honour and princely gifts were
Conferred oa the nobles, ministers and generals,
In the midst of these affairs tlie ruler of Maiwa sent an ambassador named Sharf-ul-Mulk
to the co art of the Sultan with valuable presents and a letter applying for the restoration oi
Kherlah, which from, olden times had belonged to the rulers of Milwa, but; had recently been
taken by the Dakhani awtrn.
When be understood the contents of the letter, the Sultan appointed Shekh Malik Ahmad
Muhtasib to proceed to the court of the king of Malwa with a letter and valuable presents.
When Shekfa Malik Ahmad arrived in Mandii he waited on Sultan Mahmfid; and laying the
foundations of peace and prosperity, presented the letter of which be was the bearer, and which
was to tbe following effect: -
*' Your Majesty's letter reached its destination, and its contents are understood,
As regards the districts of AhmadfiMd Mahtir which in the reigns of Sultan Ahmad Sliak
Wull-al Bahmam and Sultan Al-Halim Al-Karlm Sultan <Ala-ud- Din Ahmad Shan, were con-
quered from the districts of the infidels and have come Into our possession; and for the mobt
part under the tomfddrt of Nizam^l-Mulk Qhftii the revenue of those parts has been paid into
our royal treasury; and up to the present time they have been in oar possession : yon shall
therefore withdraw your claim to them, and there shall be no further dispute in the matter.
As for Kherlah ; since it is known on reliable authority that daring ^ reign of the late
tau Ahmad Shtti Wall Al-Bahrnan! it belonged to Hushang Shtti,* it shall be restored to
you,
As regards the otker districts o the infidels, which, are for the most part in a state of war
Hid have never professed the faith of Isliim, and the inhabitants of which are continually plun-
dering ad devastating the dominions of both of us, they shall belong to whomsoeve,
shall take them with the sword. _ ^ _ _ _ __ _
~^^is not one of the uarnea previously give.. ^ The SuMa was to only thirteen.
l King
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOTEMBEE, 1899.
After ratifying these terms of agreement, which are not, subject to alteration, the
messenger is to return,' '
According to his orders, Shekh Malik Ahmad ratified the terras of the treaty, and then
returned to the capital.
la the midst of these affairs the Sultan one day gave a public audience, and having
conferred titles on the nobles and ministers, made the following eloquent speech m darbar :-
With the consent of the Queen-Mother, Makhdumah JaWb, the office of prime minister
and the reo-nlation of the affairs of the country and people was conferred on Ehwa ]a h Mahmud
Glwan, w"ho was ennobled by the title of Khwajah Jahan, and was given unlimited authority
over al the affairs of State. He nsed his power wisely ; and in whatever direction he turned
hi reduced the countries to submission and compelled them to pay tribute. He thus increased
the Bahmani dominions to an extent never achieved by former sovereigns.
After the affairs of government had been put into the hands of Khw.Yjah Mahmud, entitled
Khwajah Jahan, orders were issued for the assembly of a largo army with which he proceeded
cTan expedition against the infidels of Hubli aud BAgalkot, and the troops surrounded the
fortress and laid siege to it. The sound of drums and trumpets reached to the heavens, and
they took to their arrows, cannons and guns. Eventually the DakfeaiiS troops took possession
of the fortress. They put many of the garrison to the sword, plundered the houses and seizing
whatever they could carry off, levelled the rest with the ground.
The Sult&n by that attack having gained possession of the fortresses of Hubli and Bfigal-
kot and the" remaining forts and districts of that country, reduced the chiefs of those parts to
submission, and the latter after having paid the revenues of their districts into the royal
treasury, were exempted from further molestation by the troops.
After thafe the Sultan returned to his capital.
The Sultan sends Ehwajah Mahmud Gawan with a large force against the infidels
of the ELonkan.
When the Sultan had spent a short time in enjoyment and recreation in his capital he
conceived the idea of waging a jiMd against the infidels of the forts and hills of the Konkan; BO
he summoned the nobles and ministers of State, and explained his intentions. Khyajali
Mahmud Gawan, standing up among the nobles, respectfully saluted the Sultan, and said :
" We are ready to sacrifice our lives in your service and to save yon from the trouble incidental
to conducting a campaign yourself in person : if Your Majesty so orders it, I will undertake
this duty, and by the aid and favour of God and Your Majesty's good fortune I shall clear the
base infidels out of all the forts and towns of that country, and take possession of them, and so
free Your Majesty's slaves from all anxiety from them."
The Sultan highly approved of this proposal, and presented many royal gifts and a special
robe of honour to Khwajah Jahfm. A number of nobles and generals were appointed to
co-operate with Khwljah JaMn in conquering the Konkan.
Khwajah Jahan with a large force set out on the march from Bidar, and halting in the
district" of Kolhapur, made preparations for the campaign. He summoned the army which
was in that place ; and from Junnar and Chakan Asacl Khun joined him with a large force.
Kishwar Khan also arrived with his force from Kalar (?) and Dabhol.
When a sufficiently large force had assembled Khwajah Jahan proceeded against the
rebellious people of that land, and ordered his troops to cut down and burn the jungle which
served as a hiding-place for the enemy. When the base infidels of that country became aware
of his approach they joined one another in numbers like ants and locusts to oppose him, and
NOVEMBER, 1899.] EISTOBY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 285
nearly fifty engagements took place between the Mahamtnadans and the infidels. After that
the rainy season arrived "with its clouds, rain and stoims ; so Ehwajah Jahan unavoidably
adjourned the campaign, and with his army returned to Kolh/ijifir, where Le remained till th^
conclusion of the season of damp and mud. Then Kh^rajah Jahan raised his standard anfi
resumed the conquest of the country of the infidels. First of all, marching to Babankana (r/ 5
he took the fort immediately upon his arrival there; and thence be marched to the fort of
M&clifll 22 ^ and quickly succeeded in gaining possession of that also. After that the army
inarched towards the fortress of Sangamesfavar which in strength was second only to Jirnnar*
As has already been related in these pages, the infidels of those parts in the time of Khalf
Hasan Malik-ut-Tujjar had massacred him and the brave soldiers of Islam.
When the Eaya of Sagameshvar heard the news of the approach of the brave minister with,
his army, and had also heard of the conquest of the forts of that country, fearing vengeance, he
was overpowered with terror ; and having no other resource he sent a person to Khwajah Jahin
to sue for quarter, and delivered up the fortress of KWliia* 3 to the agents of Khwajah Jahan.
This unrivalled minister passed nearly two years in that country and mountainous region,
He put many of the base infidels to the sword, and seizing most of the forts and towns from
the hands of the infidels, threw the fire of rapine and plunder Into toe homes of tU
idol-worshippers, and immense booty and valuable goods, such as horses, elephants, maiden
and female slaves of cypress-like forms and tulip-like cheeks, as well as precious jewels ana
pearls fell into the minister's hands.
Khwajah Jahan with his army took this immense booty to the court of the Suit**, and
afterdating his obeisance, presented so many offerings from the booty which had fallen mto
his hands in his numerous victories that the beholders were astonished. The Suite*, by royiu
favours and kindnesses, exalted KhwAjah Jahan above all his equals, and conferred on him th,
titles of Mailis-i Kaiim and 'Arfm-i A'zam Humayun Makhdum Khw a] ali JaMn : and order,
were -iven that in the royal assembly none of the nobles or grandees should take precedence of
Khwa>h Jahan ; and that be should have supreme authority in the government of tl* Dakham
dominions.
In this year the Queen-Mother, MakJadtimah Jah&n died, and in A. H. 875 (A. D.|14.0)
the Sultan assumed the reins of government.
In the midst of these affairs a messenger arrived from Telingana and informed the Svltin
that the Eaya of Orisa, who was the principal rtya of Telingfina, was dead.
Th P Snltiln was rejoiced to near this news, and resolved upon the conquest of those domi-
on f accordingly he held a council of ar with his nobles and ministers. Malik *i*am-ul-
' Ir1 i who was one of the favourites of BumAjun Sbfch, said : -- W,th Your
and despatched him with some of the other nobles in the
Wta *. u. -^rriri^'riitr:^ $ , r?:rs
Wed., avny more ">f tlm ^ 3 " ^ hmever ! tLej , atro . .ttacK.g r,fl
_ ___ t rises the river Mnchfcundi.
Not identified,
as The modero Visbfilga4H.
286
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBEE, 1899.
Malik Nizftm-ul-Mnlk took most of the forts of those districts, and assigned them to the
noHee and ministers on feudal tenure; then hastening back to the royal court he made his
obeisance to the Sultan and presented to him the booty which he had obtained from the land
of the infidels, and he was rewarded by kingly gifts and a robe of honour.
At this same period the prime minister, Ehwajab. JaMn, founded four lofty and
beautiful domes and colleges in the bazar of Bidar- Manlana Mahmud Shirazi has composed
a chronogram recording the date of the building of the college** (A. H. 876, A. D. 1471).
Tip to the time of the writer of these pages which is a thousand years from the Hijrah
(\. D. 1591) those buildings and the fonr domes, in ornament and elegance, are still the
admiration of the world.
In the year 879 (A. D. 1474) the Sultan sat in state on his throne and gave a public
audience to the Mmrs and nobility, and in elegant language explained as follows : -"The
announcers of news haye informed me that the district of Wairagadh, which is in possession of
Jatak Baya, the ungrateful, is a mine of diamonds ; and I am resolved that that district also,
like all the others, shall le brought into the possession of the servants of this court; and tLafc
in those districts the rites of Islam shall be introduced, and the symbols 'of infidelity and dark- '
ness be obliterated."
Majlis Bafi' 'Abd-UlKh * Adil Khan ; or according to one historian Fath-TJllah Daryfi
Khan 25 (according to the diversity of opinion of historians) stood up, and saluting the Sultan,
said : "I hope that I may be intrusted with this duty in order that at the risk of my life I
may, by the aid of God and the favour of Your Majesty's good fortune, take the fortress of
Yairagadh and conquer the infidels of that country ."
The Sultan rewarded 'Adil Khan with kingly gifts, invested him with a special robe of
honour and despatched him in that direction with several nobles and ministers. The said
'Adil Khan with a large force marched towards Wairagadh, and in due time encamped in the
neighbourhood of that fortress, which was exceedingly lofty and strong, and laid siege to it.
The troops displayed nruch gallantry and strove their utmost, so that the defenders were at
last reduced to extremities. When Jatak Eaya witnessed the strength and bravery of the
attacking force he was overcome with fear, and sued for quarter. He sent a message to Majlis
Eafi' 'Ad:l KMn, tendering his submission ; and said that if a written promise of safe conduct
for his family were granted, he would surrender the fort, 'Adil Khan accordingly gave the
required written promise, and took possession of the fort ; and leaving some of his troops in
charge of it, returned with the rest of his army to the royal court, and presented to the Sultan
the valuable booty which he had obtained. The Sultan rewarded him handsomely, invested
liini with a special robe of honour 3 and assigned to him as &jagir the districts which he had
conquered*
The Sultan's army proceeds to repel the faithless 3?arkatapah, 26
In this same year, 27 and in the midst of these occurrences Khwajah Jah&n Khw&jah
Mahmud Gawan informed the Snltiin that the perfidious Parkatapah had withdrawn his head
from the collar of obedience, and raising the standard of revolt had taken possession of the
island of Goa. He added: "With Your Majesty's permission I will go and put down this
rebellion and chastise that accursed one, conquer the whole country of Ktoara and Vijay&nagar
and annex them to the dominions of Islam."
The Sultan was astonished at the military ardour and bravery of that pure-minded,
incomparable minister; but, preferring to enjoy the happiness of himself waging a jihad, he
24 The words recording the date are
as Tliese are tie two SOBS of the murdered Nizam-ul-Mulk mentioned on page 194.
26 in nearly every place in ^vhich this name occurs in the MS S. it is spelt differently, e, g., Parkatapah,
Birkaaah, Parkatabtah, Parkatlyah, ParkStah and Barkabtah. It ought to be written Birkana Efiy, or, perhaps,
Vikram&ditya vide Bombay Gazetteer, Yol. I., Part II , p. 638
* A. H, 879 (A. D. 147-i).
1899.] HISTOBT OP THE.BAHMAISI DYKA3TY. 28?
ordered his army to be assembled, and from all quarters countless troops flocked Into the
court.
The Sultan with an army more numerous than drops of rain or the sand of the desert
proceeded towards the fortress of Balga^w (Belgaum) ; one which is distinguished and exeep*
tional in strength among all the forts of the Dakhan : from the foundation of the walls to the
niched battlement, all built of cut stone,^ 8 and it had a deep wet ditch. In due time the
Sultan encamped in the neighbourhood of that fortress, and being anxious to take it he ordered
his troops to be drawn up in great force in front of it. The royal engineers apportioned the
ground to the different amws and heads of the army f and in a few days the attack commenced
with loud noise and they battered the towers and battlements with cannons, guns, mangonels 29
and all the implements of war. Each day they ,used to throw the day of resurrection into the
fortress of the infidels, and with the crash oficannon and mangonels destroyed the buildings and
dwellings of the infidels and filled in the ditch with earth and rubbish*
When for a long time the troops of Islam had been contending in this manner with the
infidels, the hearts of the latter were filled with the greatest dread of the army of Islam, and
they began to give way. But Parkatapah, who was the chief of the lords of hell, seeing the
state of terror of his followers, resolved to resort to stratagem and deception to induce the royal
army to raise the siege. He therefore sent a person feo the amirs and ministers and bribed
them to induce the Sultan by some means or other to refrain from taking the fortress. Next
day, when the nobles went to make their obeisance to the Sultan, they all, with one accord,
interceded for the cursed Parkatapah, When the Snljtfca saw the unanimity of the in
interceding for the worshippers of idols he smiled a forced smile, and spoke as follows in elegant
language : _ " What boldness is this on the part of the cursed Parkatapah, that he dares to con-
tend against our forces ! Against us, the foremost among the sons of men, who have inherited
the name of * Sultan ' and the title of * Kayan ' from our illustrious ancestors : against us who
from the time of Baliman, son of Isfandyftr, 30 to Kayumars have been Illustrious sovereigns.
With God's help I will make into fuel for hell that accursed, contemptible one with all his
kindred, in order that other rebels may take example from him.'*
The Soltan then urged his troops to make fresh endeavours; and in order to seethe
progress o the fight, and enconrage the hearts of his brave warriors, he rode his pie-bald
charger; and from his regal dignity and majesty the strength of the army -JBB increased so
that each one became equal to a thousand, and instilled the utmost fear into the hearts of the
infidels.
When Parkatapah saw the helpless state of the garrison, he trembled and himself sent his
family f-m the towers of the fortress to make their obeisance to the Sultan whUe he Mmsek
came out from a tower in front of the royal court, with a rope round Ins neck and tpng him-
self to a pillar stood like a slave. The Sultan on seeing this and the coming of his family, took
P ty on L wretched creatures, and forgiving their offences spared their lives ; and bestowed
the fortress on his minister Khwajah Jahan.
After that the Sultan returned towards hia capital ; bat on the way stopped some days at
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [IS T OYEMBE:R,
n
ll kinds of aniinals 5 amd ia
disquietude. Praise be to God for His beneficence I
In the midst of these affaira the Sultan was informed tliat the perfidions IUya
of Orissa with a large force of foot and horse, had invaded the territories of IsUto,
Nirfm-nl-M*ik Bafcrf, wko was situated as si barrier between the country of the infidels
and the territories ol Islam, owing to the number* of the enemy's force, was unable to
cope With them, hastened towards Wazlrabad. The Suljln ordered his ajrmy to be assembled
n all haste at the town of Kallkpiir,* 1 near Aflhtltt,* on the bank of a tank which was one of
the innovations of Malik Hasan Higftm-nl-Mulk Bahrl According to orient they flocked
there from all parts, and in a short time an immense force was assembled! ; aad the SultAn
marching with them, in due time arrived near the fortress of Bftjftmnndrt (Rijamahendrt).
From that innumerable force the Snhftn picked out 20.C 00 men with two hones each, and
leaving the minister Khwajah JaJmn in the royal camp in attendance^ on the prince (Malmmd
Khan) he himself with * the picked troops proceeded to Rftjamnndrl ; and was accompanied
oT.this occasion by the Prince of the Apostles, Shah Mdmbb-Blhih, grandson of Shah
Ni'mat-Ollfli.
When they arrived in the neiglibotirhood of tie fortress of RAjfimnndrl, they saw an
Immense city, on the farther side of which the infidel Warsfcha Bftya with 700,000 cursed
infantry and 500 elephants like mountains of iron had taken bis stand* On this side of the
river lie had dug a deep ditch, on the edge of which he had built a wall like the rampart of
Alexander, and filled it with cannon and guns and all the apparatus of war. Yet notwith-
standing all this army and pomp and pride and preparation, when Narsinha RAya heard of
the arrival of the Sultan s army, thinking it advisable to aToid meeting their attack, he elected
to take to- flight*
When the Sultan "became aware of tie light of the enemy he appointed Malik Fath-Ullah
Darya Khan with several other amirs of his conquering army to go in pursuit, and in slaughter-
ing and plundering to strive their utmost. Darya Khan, accordingly, with his divisio-B
pursued the infidels as far as the fortress of Rnjamundri, and laid siege to it. The Snltftn
also followed him with all speed and raised his victorious standards at the foot of the fortress.
The noise of the war-drums and trumpets was such that the infidels imagined it was the trumpet
of Israfil. 33 Orders wore given to the army to surround the fortress, and with cannons, gnas,
arrows and all the engines of war to reduce* the besieged to extremities aaid-deny them the
necessaries of life.
It had nearly arrived at that stage that the face of victory was reflected in the mirror of
the desires of the royal troops, when suddenly the commander of the fortress cried for quarter.
The Sultan in his exceeding mercy and kindness took pity on those unfortunate people*,
pardoned their o^enees and gave them a written promise of quarter. The governor of the
fortress riding on an elephant of gigantic size went to pay Ins respects to the Sultan. He
made his obeisance and was enrolled among the Tnrki, Tilangi and Habshi slaves.
The Sultan with some of the nobles and great men went out on the summit of the fortress,
and signified his wish that the rites of the faith of Islam should be introduced into that abode
of infidelity. He appointed to the charge of the fortress the same person to whom it had heocv
formerly assigned, 33
After that the SnMn went forth, and exalting his victorious standards, proceeded towards
his capital, where he turned his attention to the administration of justice and looking after his
subjects and army, He liberally rewarded the officers and brave men of his army.
In the midst of these events ( ldil SMb., W&1 of Asirgadh and BurMapur, who had
teen constantly in subjection to the Sultans of the Daklian, and recited the khu$ab and
Hot identified, s - The angel of death, who is to blow the last trumpet anS^flm-TjlrMnik Bafrl
1899.] HISTORY OF THE BAHMAm DYNASTY,
28f
coined money in the name of those kings, and been a staunch friend and ally of theirs, came to
Bidar to pay his respects totibe Sol&n ; and the latter several times took part In festive enter-
tainments in the society of 'Adil Sh&h,
The Sultan marches to Kft&chlpxira and that neighbourhood*
JQiwajah Jahan is yvt to death tfcwugli the deception of people jealous of Mm,
In the moiiths of the year 8$ (A. D. 14$0) the Soltfn was izifo>med tl*t Ins subjects in
other of Kofidavir had bioken out in rebellion, aBd throwing themselves on the protection of
Harsinha Baya had altogether withdrawn from their allegiance to the rote of IsMsn, Undoubted-
ly to defer or neglect to admonish and chastise them would give rise to sedition and disturbance,
and probably lead to the destruction of the country ; so the Snltan OB hearing the news, in the
moiath o Eamaxan in the above-mentioned year (November, A. B,I480) ordered his army to be
assembled; aaid marching with it towards the kingdom of Vijayanagar, in dne time arrived in
the neighbourhood of the forteess of Kondavir, and encamping there, completely surrounded it,
so as to prevent all entrance or exit on the part of the infidels,
Immediately upon this movement of the army, the rebels in the fortress were much dis-
turbed, and the swords, spears and arrows struck tenor to their hearts ; so they hoisted flags
of submission o& the towers and battlements. They all then begged to be forgiven, and said:
" The cause of our swerving fiom the road of obedience, and travelling in the desert of error
was this, Certain ministers of the royal coiirfc, who wished to seize for themselves the
government entrusted to them, set over us as tfceir agents a cHtjae of disreputable, tyrannical
oppressors who stretched out the hand of oppression and authority over oar property ai.d
worldly goods; and would not refrain from their unjust practices, however much we repre-
sented the circumstances. They would not allow the tale of our oppression to reach the
Sultan ; so at last we were driven to desperation."
When tiie Snltan became aware of the circumstances of those guiltless oppressed people he
pardoned their past offences, and in his exceeding kindness bestowed the fortress "with all its
dependencies on Malik Hasan Hum&ytLn ShaM Kiz>m-ul-Mulk Baferl in order that he might-
exert himself in cherishing the subjects. But from the words of the inhabitants of the fortress
the dust of vexation towards Khwajan Jahan settled on the margin of the Sultan's mincl* and be
secretly resolved on his destruction*
After the conclusion of the affair of Kondavir agreeably to his desires, it occurred to the
Snltan that the extensive plains are only open to military operations up to the rainy season, and
the eradication of the worshippers of Lfit and Manat and the destruction of the infidels
was an object much to be desired ; and. as the infidel Narsioha, who, owing to his numerous
army and the extent of his dominions, was the greatest and most powerful of all the rulers of
Teli>ttQ*anfi and Vijay&nagar had latterly shown delay and remissness m proving his sincerity
towards the royal court by sending presents and n'al-bahd f * 34 therefore the best course to adopt
was to trample his country under the hoofs of his horses, and level the buildings with the
ground,
It has been related that this Narsiaha had established himself in the midst of the countries
of Kunarah and Teling&na, and taken possession of most of the districts of the coast ami
interior of VijayAnagar,
The Sultan now, because of the above-mentioned considerations, marched with his army
from the above-mentioned fort, 35 and advanced about forty farsangsP* into the country of Xai-
siuha, and on arriving within sight of the fortress of Malto which was the greatest of the
forts of that country encamped there,
M Honey given to foreign troops to abstain from plunder and devastation. ss Kond^vir.
SG About 136 miles. The actual distance of Malur from Konda^r in a straight lind is about 270 miles.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
When the cnrsod Barsinha obtained Information of the approach of tie royal army, he
became uneasy and took to flight without giving battle ; aud used to pass each day in a house
and each night in some jungle or other.
One day the Sultan, ordered a letter to be written to the impure Narsieha founded upon
threats and intimidation, and reminding him of his hostility both former and recent. When
this angry and terror-inspiring letter reached that nndiseerning infidel, trembling for fear of
beinf attacked by the Sultan's army, and having BO other resource, he sent a quantity of
Taluable presents of jewellery and other valuables, elephants and horses to the Sultan's court,
and confessing his weakness, promised obedience and submission.
In the midst of these affairs the -Sultan was informed that at a distance of fifty farsaHs**
from his camp was a city called Ganji (K&ncklpura or Kftnoht;, situated in the centre of the
dominions of that malignant one, containing temples which were the wonder of the age, filled
with countless concealed treasures and jewels and valuable pearls, besides innumerable beauti-
ful slave o-irls. From the rise of Islam up to this? time no Muhammadaii monarch had set foot
iii it : no stranger had laid band on the cheek of the bride of that idol-temple ; and it wat,
suggested that if the Sultfm were to send an expedition against it, immense booty and trea-
sures would doubtless be obtained.
On hearing this news the Sultfm left the prince and the pure-minded minister, Khwajab
Jahan and some of the nobles and great men in charge of the camp, whilst lie himself with
nearlv 10,000 horse made forced marches from that place ; and after they had for one day and
two nights, travelled a long distance through an uneven country, OD the morning of the second
day, which happened to be tie llth of Mobarramjn the^year 886 (12th March, A. D. 1481)
the Sultfm with Kizam-ul-Mtilk Bahri, Khan-i c Azam *Adil Khan and 150 special slaves of the
Sultan, outstripped the whole army, and having surrounded the city of Kanchi, entrapped the
people of that city of sinners. Out of a number who had been appointed for the protection
of the city and temples, some were put to the sword, whilst others by a thousand stratagems
escaped with their lives, and took to flight. The royal troops moment by moment and hour by
hour following one another were assembling till a large army was collected under the Sultfm '&
standard. After that, at a sign from the Sultan, the troops took to plundering and devastating.
They levelled the city and its temples with the ground, and overthrew all the symbols of
infidelity ; and such a quantity of jewels, valuable pearls, slaves and lovely maidens and all
kinds of rarities fell into their hands, that they were beyond computation.
After the successful accomplishment of his desires, the Sultan returned from that place to
his camp. On arriving there he ordered an elegant poetical account of this celebrated victory
to be written, and copies distributed throughout his dominions.
In the midst of these affairs a clique of jealous and malevolent persons who play with the
understanding of everyone, and by deceit and knavery under the semblance of friendship,
create ill-feeling between, father and son, having conceived pure lies and vile inventions which
had the appearance of truth, reported them to the servants of the Sultan.
The details of this summary and the abridgment of this digression is this - that a number
of spiteful persons, "disease in their hearts,'* who were continually making malignant imputa-
tions against the TQiwfijah, with a large sum of money, bribed one of his confidential slaves
who always kept his seal about him, to affix his seal to a paper, and return, it to them ;
PO that by this cunning device they might accomplish their designs. The misguided slave,
according to the wishes of those evil persons, readily consented to do that shameful deed.
The conspirators wrote a letter purporting to be from Khwajah Jahan to Narsinha Edya,
full of treachery and ingratitude towards his benefactor ; and at the time of leisure they pre-
37 About 170 miles. The actual distance ia a straight line from Malur to Kfmchlpura is about 120 miles.
XOVBMBBR, 1899.J HISTOEY OF THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 29!
sented that letter to the SuMn in his private apartment, and secretly gave Mm that manife,
calumny in the garb of sincerity and certainty; and this served to verify the statements of the'
former calumniators. Since, from the passage of the complaint of the inhabitants of KundavSrt
the dust of alleged injury from the minister had already settled on the mind of the Sultan t! e
contents of tins letter put the former matter into motion, and he fully determined to"p4 to
death that incomparable minister.
On the 5th of Safar, in the year last mentioned (A. H. 886 = 5th April, A.B. 1481) the
nobles being all assembled in the court, the Sultin, on pretence of having taken an aperient,
retired from the assembly, and sent some one to summon Khwajah JaLin, and called him intJ
his private apartment.
It is said that when the Khwfijah was mounting, with the intention of waiting on the Sultan,
an astrologer represented to him that it would be advisable for him to put off going into 'the
Sultan's presence on that day. The Khwajah replied : ' The merit of attendance on His
Majesty may be productive of eternal happiness and honour to me. Praise be to God, to Whose
goodness I bear witness !"
It is related that before the Khwajah attained the grade of martyrdom, lie used continually
to repeat this verse : -
"As martyrdom to love is glorious here and hereafter,
" Happy should I be to be carried dead from this field/*
And in an ode which he had composed in the previous year in praise of the Sultan , he
foretold this circumstance.
#*###:*##**
When the Khwajah arrived in the presence of the Suit-in, he kissed the ground in saluta-
tion* The Sultan asked him : " If a slave of mine is disloyal to his benefactor, and his crime
is proved, what should be his punishment ?"
Khwajah Jahan, without hesitation, replied : c< The abandoned wretch who practises?
treachery against his lord should meet with nothing but the sword,"
The Sultan then showed Khwajah Jab an. the forged letter; and when the wretched
Khwajah saw it, he exclaimed: "By God! this is an evident forgery." 38 He placed
his head on the ground and emphatically swore : " Although this letter is sealed with HIT seal
your slave has 110 knowledge of its contents, God forbid ! that such base ingratitude should
emanate from this slave, with so many past services and risking of life; who has experienced
so aiauy acts of kindness from Your Majesty, and who has been distinguished and selected
above all his equals.
By God, the jewel of whose commands
The spiritual perforate with their hearts* blood,
It is like the false story of Tusuf and the wolf 3G
That which his enemies say of this slave."
However much Khwajah Jahan spoke in this strain, it was of no avail. The Sultan. 011
some excuse, rose up. Jauhar Hatoshi and some of the slaves had previously been ordered to
watch for the Sultan's signal, and whenever he might look towards them, to kill Khwa;uU
JaMtt, and clear the mind of the Sultan from anxiety on account of that minister. At a sign
from the Sultan they now martyred Khwajah Jahan by blows of their swords, and threw hiia
in the dust of destruction. And having called As'ad Khan inside they put him al&o to death.
But the clique who had designed this plot, in a short time met with their just recompense ;
for shortly afterwards their fraud and deceit became manifest to the Sultan: their treachery
SB A quotation from the Kur/m.
3* Alluding' to Joseph's brethren tolling Jacob that he had been torn by a wild beast.
292 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBEB, 1899,
and ingratitude was proved, and they receiving the punishment due to them, were put to
death, and the remainder were banished. ^ ^ ^
Af+. the execution of Khw^jah Jahiln, the Sultan proceeded towards his capital, and
loo ^LfL7:^o^^lL S ^ subjects, treating all with much kindness After
oletime he repented of having killed that minister ; but smce the arrow had sped from the
some time n p fc ^ of nQ &yaiL For tlm reason de]ay and
S^SXSit* b * the g " f .7- r h
remed y the punished, while he who is not punished can be judged
In some histories it is related that after the martyrdom of Khwajah Jahan the Sultan one
nW ,t in a dream saw the Prophet seated on the throne of judgment and the father of
KhwSiah Jahan appealed against oppression, and demanded retribution for the blood of Ins son.
The' Prophet asked him for his witnesses, upon which he produced them ; and in accordance
with the orders of the Prophet, the law of retaliation was enforced upon the Sultan who from
terror of that dreadful dream, awoke ; and by compulsion and uneasiness related the dream to
his intimates. He was in a constant state of terror owing to that dream.
A vear after that the Sultan again conceived the idea of waging A jihad against the infidels,
and having collected anarmy in numbers like the sand, he resolved to invade Vijaytoagar and
seize the Konkan. On the way there the Sultan was seized with asthma and fever, and
his strength suddenly failed owing to the severity of the fever. Although skilled phy.cians
applied remedies and did their utmost, they could not cure him : in fact, they only increased
his illness. The Sultan seeing death approaching made his will. He sent for Prince Ahmad -
afterwards called Sxdtan Mafrmftd, and having appointed him heir to the throne, died.
The nobles and statesmen rent their clothes and put dust on their heads and began
weeping and wailing.
AjtifcjJk^^^*
^ * & * * *
Sultan Muhammad Shah was a king characterized by mildness and bravery, and celebrated
for his mercy and generosity ; but he had sold the gem of his precious soul for the jewel of the
liquid ruby of pure wine, and had burnt the nest of the bird of his spirit in the desire of plea-
sure. He had a great partiality for the Turki slaves, and left in their hands the management
of all the important affairs of State.
The Dakhani amirs who had been brought up by the ancestors of the Sultan after his
death unanimously agreed to the succession of Sultan Mahmud Shah. Outwardly they had
mixed with that clique [the Turkis], like dice of ivory and ebony on a chess-board, but in the
end they played with false dice, and suddenly falling upon the Turkis, threw them on the
chess-table of annihilation and misfortune, and arrested them. But eventually the Dakhani
amws treated one another in the same manner, and crossed swords with one another ; so that a
country which was adorned like the faces of the fair became utterly dishevelled and con-
fused like the curls anihair of women : some of which occurrences shall after this, please God,
be written in the account of Sultan. Mahmud Shah,
The age of Sultan Muhammad was twenty-eight, and the duration of his reign, twenty years
and two months, *His death occurred on the 5th of the month Safar, in the year 887 (26th
March, A. D. 1482). An excellent man has composed the following chronogram of the date of
his death :
"The king of kings of the world, Sultan Muhammad,
"Who was suddenly plunged into the ocean of death ;
"Since the Dakhan became waste by his departure,
"So the * ruin of the Dakhan ^ was the date of his death/'
(To "be continued.}
*o The words giving the date are e^ * ^ lr** The same chronogram is given in FirishtaK
NOVEMBER, 1899.] THE LOSS OF CALCUTTA IN 1750. 203
ALEXANDER GRANT'S ACCOUNT OS 1 THE LOSS OF CALCUTTA IN 1756.
Preface by E. C. Temple.
THE story of the Black Hole of Calcutta is of perennial interest, and hence no apnlouT
is necessary for the publication of this document, which is a letter by Capfc, Alexander
-Grant, <e Adjutant- General J> of the forces engaged in the Defence of Calcutta a^ain^
the army of SurAju'ddaula, evidently intended to excuse his conduct. Major ilinchiis, ilir
Commander, and Capt. Grant were dismissed from the E. L.Company's service for deserting
their posts, and Dr. Busteed, who extensively quotes, in his Echoes of Old CW/ew/fa, from this
document now under consideration, and puts the case as to the deserters very mildly, says :
14 Desertion in the presence of the enemy on the part of those to whose lot had especially fallen
the duty of seeing the struggle, however hopeless, to the end, is a charge not to be lightly
made. Any reference, therefore, to an occurrence, which carried with it so deep ft stigma ,
should in fairness be accompanied by what has been alleged in exculpation of their con duet ly
tlio.se chiefly concerned. Both the Governor [Roger Drake] and the Adjutant Generrsl
[Alexander Grant] have liberated their consciences on this subject. Their personal narration,
though it may not quite fulfil the object of the writers, will perhaps help us to realise more
vividly the scenes in which they were prominent actors: " (p. 18 f.) Weak as Grant's letter
may appear to us nowadays, it and his other representations had the effect lie desired, in tlni*
he was finally re-instated in service.
It was on the 19th June, 1756, that Grant deserted from Calcutta, and Ms letter was
written 011 the 13th July following. The document now' published is not, however, the
original, but a copy made on 22nd February, 1774, for John DeTbonnaire 9 from whose hems
I have received it, together with several other most interesting 11SS. relating to India, which
I hope to publish in this Journal in due course. 1
This John Debonnaire was one of several of identically the same name, who were wealthy
merchants of Huguenot descent in London and India during tie XVIII th Century. 'The
pedigree, so far as the wills and documents I have been able to see, is as follows:
Debonnaire^ probably the original
refugee during the Hugaenob emigration of
1006-1716. |
Peter Debonnaire John Debonnaire, b. <?. 1674 : in. 1718: d. 1747.
John Debonnaire. styled "the elder" John Debonnaire, styled "the younger: "
and described as an E.* I. merchant. I 1724-1795, for whom the copy of Grant's
have an inventory of his clothing, d. defence was made in 1774 He was parr
1747, made apparently in Bombay, He owner of the " Gnmtham, taken by the
d 1756. & ffrench and properly condemned as a
lawful prize" before 1765.
Ann Debonnaire; 1755-1829, John DebonBaire : be 1757. He
heiress of the Debonnaire property, merchant residing in Calcutta,
and described as the last of her
name. As 2nd wife = William Tennanfc = Mary Wyld, as 1st wife. ^
She was the Mrs. Tennant painted by
Eiclid Temple of the The K ash
William
Tennant
Charles Tennant = Sophia Temple Richd Temple -
j Governor ot Bombay
Charles Tennant of 1
St. Anne's Manor, Riolid Temple, tbe pre-
owner of the 3M5S. sent writer,
^thoTv^a tj. o^ of ^4Xo^K^?^o^ ftesS J'*
;io J* reiK'n uiiuer Ufiuuuiu.u -. u,,;n- T.^- fu a ci-iTvwvfvAVArl frf*w.
Vw tho Fr<m^l) under Jbabourdonnais. 'iue wrccK. ui ^^ ^y^*,y. v ^ *- ^, A T-^ ^ow
i-n md the V oyago to ludia o tlie Ht^pi/ Ddto&ance, built by tlie ship-wrecUd ciew.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOVEMBER, 1839.
The copying- of the letter by the old writer is obviously incorrect in places and the style is
involved throughout. I have, by means of brackets, tried to elucidate the greatest of the diffi-
culties, where possible. Also, in the MS. the text runs continuously without paragraphs or
regular stops, and such stops as occur are, after the fashion of the day, wrongly placed or of
& description not understood at the present time. For the sake of clearness I have, therefore,
paragraphed tie text and placed the stops after the current practice, so far as that has been
possible. Otherwise the test is presented to the reader verbatim.
Letter.
Fulta from on board the Success Gaily 13 July 175 6 a
SIR, As the Loss of Calcutta will undoubtedly be represented in various ways, my Duty,
a* well as my having once had the honour of your Acquaintance and Continance, demands my
giving some account of it, especially the Military Transactions. My having been Appointed
to act as Adjutant General during the Troubles, enables me to do it in a more particular
manner, than I otherwise could have done, had I been stationed at my post, as I issued out all
Orders from the Govenour, and saw most of them put in execution. For what relates to private
Correspondance must refer you to a long Narrative of Mr. Drakes which he informs me he
intends to transmit by this conveyance.
You must have already rec'd the Accounts of the Surrender of Cossimbuzar on the
4th of June, and the manner Mr. Watts was decoy'd and made Prisoner in the Nabobs Camp
and obliged to deliver up the fort. We have dispatched Patamors for that Purpose when we
rec'd the news on the 7th. We may justly impute all our Misfortunes to the Loss of that
place, as it not only supplied our Enemy with Artillery and Ammunition, but flush'd them with
hopes to make as easy a Conquest of our cheif Settlement, not near so defensible against any
Number of a Country Enemy, and were no Apprehensions but it could hold out, had they
attacked it, till we were enabled by the Arrival of Supplies from your Settlement to march to
its releif. It is defended by 4 Solid Bastions, each mounting 10 peices of Cannon, 6 and
9 Pounders, besides a Line in the Curtain to ye River of 24 Guns, from 2 to 4 Pounders, all
tolerably well mounted and roost of them on field carriages, 8 or 10 Cohorns Mortars, 4 aad
5 Inches, with a good Quantity of Shells and a proportionable Supply of all kinds of A munitions.
Ifc is Garrisoned by a Lieutenant and 50 Military, most Europeans, and a Sergeant, Corporal
and 3 Matrosses of the Artillery and 20 good Lascars, 1 or 2 Houses that stood close to the
Walls were Commanded by so many Guns that the Enemy cou'd not keep possession of them.
When we received the News of Cossimbuzars being taken by the Nabob and of his Inten-
tions to march against us, with the Artillery and Amunition of that place and with an army, as
v:e where Informed, of 50000 Horse and foot, elated with the promise of the Ei^ence Plunder
expexted in Calcutta ; We began to think of our Long neglected defenceless State and our
Situation, and to receive our Enemy, which we always despised, but now thought worth our
Consideration. That \ve were in this defenceless Situation can't be imputed to our Masters in
England, as our Governour and Counsil have Lad reapeted Injunctions wth in this twelve
months past to put the place in the best posture of defence possible. But such orders the
Representations [?] have been made by some Officers of the Necessity and manner of doing it
have been constantly neglected, being always Lull'd in such an unfortunate State of Security
in Bengal, that nothing but an Army before the Walls cou'd convince us but every Rupee
expended on Military Services was so much lost to the Company,
I will now proceed to Inform you as well as possible TO hat our Situation was to stand a
Seige, The Plan of Forfc W*a and a part of Calcutta, which I here inclose you, and which
nhice my Gemming on board I have sketched out from memory to give a clear Idea of the
manner we were attacked, will represent to you the Situation of our small Fort in respect to
*he Houses that sui rounded it and the" Number of Guns mounted upon it. Our Military to
defend it, exclusive of those at the Subordinate Factory, amounted only to 180 Infantry, of
. number there were not 40 Europeans, and 36 Men of the Artillery Company, Seargeauta
NOVEMBER, 1899.] THE LOSS OF CALCUTTA, IN 1756. 295
and Corporals included ; hardly a Gun on the Ram ports with a Carriage fit for Seryice. TV**
had about 3 Years ago 50 Pieces of Cannon, 18 and 24 Pounders, with 2 Mortars, 10 and
13 inches, with a good Quantity of Shells and Balls for each ; but they been allowed to lay on
the Grass, where they were first landed ever since, with out Carriages or Beds. Only tie
10 inche Mortars we made shift to get ready by the time we where Attacked, but neither
Shells filled nor Fusees prepared for Mortars or Cohorns, made as well as the rest of little
use. Our Grape were eat up by the worms, and in short all our Amunition of all sorts,
fcuch as we had, in the worst Order; not a Gun with a Carriage fit be carried out of the
fort for any use, except the two feild Pieces, which was sent us from your Settlement.
What Powder we had ready, for want of care the greatest part was damp and the Season
of the Year improper to dry it.
It's true, on the Eeceipt of ye Letters by the Delawar, there was orders given to repair the
Line of Guns before the fort, and Carriages to be made for those 50 pieces of Cannon to be
mounted upon, and likewise to repair the Carriages upon the Bastions ; bat those things wheie
just began when we received Intelligence of y e Loss of Cossimbuzar and Contributed little
' to prepair us for what we expexted. The Military Captains were ordered to attend Council to
give their Advice in Regard to what was Necessary to be done for the Defence of y e Place,
as it was all along proposed to defend the Town as well as y e Fort. An Extensive Line was*
first form'd for that intent. So Little notion bad the People of any Vigorous attack, that it
was estemed sufficient to have a Battery of 1 or 2 Guns in each principal road to defend us
from any attack of a Black Enemy; but the Consideration of our small number of Troop deter-
mined us to contract our'Batterys to the places marked in the Plan. The Militia was formed
in to three Companys : One of Europeans to the Number of GO and the other two Consisted of
Arminians and Country Portuguesse to y e Number of 150, exclusive of those 50 of the Com-
panys Servants, and young Gentlemen of the Place entered as Volunteers in the Military Com-
pany s and [who] did duty in every Respect as Common Centinals and on eYery Occasion shewed
the greatest Spirit and Resolution. Carpenters and Workmen of all sorts were taken into Pay
to make Gun Carriages &c a , and every thing else ordered to be got in Readiness that might be
necessary for a Seige.
From the 7, when we reced the news of Cossimbuzars being lost and the Nabobs intentions
to advance to inarch to Calcutta, to the 16th June was all the time we had to prepare every
thing, from the defenceless state we where in to what was Necessary for the Reception of such
a numerous Enemy ; and such was the Nabobs Rapidity that in 12 days from his getting
possession of Cossimbuzar he was with us at Calcutta, The 4th, he march'd, with a numerous
Army and a large train of Artillery upwards of 100 Miles cross Rivers and swampy Roads, to
his first attack of Calcutta. The 16th, Messrs. Holwell, Macket, and Mapletoft were
appointed Captains of the 3 Millitia Company, Mr. Frankland Lieutenant Colonel, and
Mr. Manningham Colonel, with Subalterns in proportion. The Military Volunteers and
Militia were disposed of, when the Batteries were finished and Carriages made for the Guns as
you see in y e Plan, iii which Situation we stood prepared to receive our Enemy; tho to the
last scarce any cou'd be persuaded that he wou'd attack us in any ofcher way than by forming a
Blockade ; till he obtained a Sum of Money and a Compliance with his demands.
On ye 16, he Attacked y^ Redoubt at Porrin [? Perrins] with 6 pieces of Cannon ; but
on the approach of a Reinforcement with 2 field pieces, they withdrew them and inclined to
the Southward, where, taking Possession of a Top of a Wood, they fired very briskly from the
Opposite side of a Ditch on a part of the Detachment, which was Advanced beyond the
Itodowbt kill'd one of y^ Gentlemen Volunteers and 4 Europeans Soldiers. On the Enemy's
Approaohingfltillrnore'toye Southward, along ye great Ditch that Surrounded ye Town,
it ancUakin Possession of Onychaunds Gardei,
aad we having Intelligence they had crossed it, ancUaking Possession
I dye t road by It, the Reinforcement was ordered back from Perrins ; and BW
HccU loft in hi* post, ae before, . The Enemy s Cannon had play 'd at ye same fame on a Sloop
THE INDIAN" ANTIQUAKY. [NOVEMBER, 1899.
that lay'd cross to ye Redoubt to recower the Ditch and killed 4 Europeans, We had no
furfcler molestation from [them] that Night, nor any further Intelligence than that they
Occupied the Esterly corner of the Black Town from Onychaunds Garden to the Bread nud
cheese Bunglo, [and] that the Nabob himself had taken possession of Dumdum House for his
Head Quarters,
The 17th, in ye Morning, -we planted 2 small pieces of Cannon in y Goal House to scour
the Different Roads, which terminate at the Place, and *hich way we expected the Enemy would
advance : likewise sent 12 Military and Militia and 40 Buzeries to take Possession of it, under
the Command of Monsr. Le Beaume, a french Officer who had taken the Protection of our Flag
sometime before,- and fortified the house with Loophons [loopholes]. The enemy did not
appear in sight of any of our Batteries this Day; but the Plunderers ravaged all ye Black
town. We had numbers of Prisoners brought in by our Buxeries ; but their Accounts of the
Nabobs situation and Strength varied so much, that we could not lay any stress upon it, Onr
own Intelligence all along from our Spies was Equally so. These Prisoners in General told us
that he had all the Cossinbuzars Cannon, and 10 or 15 pieces, which he brought from
iluscadabad of a Larger Size, besides numbers of Swivils and Wallpieces mounted on Camels
Ind Elephants; that his Troops Consisted from 20 to 30000 Horse and foot. This night our
Peons and Buxeries, to the Number of 500, deserted us, as did our Lascars and Ooolejs some
days before ; that we had not a Black Fellow to draw or worke a Gun, not even to carry a
Cottin Bale or Sandbag on y e Eamports ; and what work of that kind had been done was
by the Military and Militia. This want of Workmen at Last, and Scarcity at ye Beginning,
harras'd us Prodigeously and prevented our doing several Works that could have been
necessary*
The 18th, pretty early the Enemy began to make their appearance in all quarters of
ye Town ; but did not seem as if they would advance Openly against our Batteries, rather as if
they were resolved to make their approaches by taking possession of the Intervening Houses.
We accordingly fortified such houses as we thought commanded our Batteries with as many
men as could possibly be spared. They first advanced towards the Goal by the road that leads
to pen-ins through the black town, and brought 2 pieces of Cannon against it ; one of them by
the Size of the Ball not less than an 18 Pounder. We were likewise advised by our Spies and
Prisoners that the Nabobs Artillery was Commanded by a French Benegado, who had been an
Officier at Pondecherry and gave him self the Title of Marquis De St. Jaque, and -had under
his Command 25 Europeans and 80 Chittygan Fringees.
On their Advancing their Cannon against the Goal, we detached from the Battery H an
Officier, 20 men and ye 2 field pieces, to reinforce Mr. Le Beaumes Fort, who maintained it
from 11 to 2 in y e afternoon, exposed to every warm fire from 2 pieces of Cannon and a
Quantity of Musquetry. The Enemy having lodg'd themselves in all ye Houses that Surrounded
the place, [and] Monsr. Le Beaume and Ensign Curstains, the Officer who was advanced to
support him, being both wounded, and several of their Men killed, they had Orders to retire
with their 2 field Pieces. The Enemy took immediate Possession of ye Place, as soon as we
abandoned it; as they did off [ = of] Mr. Bunabletons, Alsops, y e Play House and the Houses
behind y e St., Lady Knssels ; from which Places, and every hole the[y] could creep into,
under any sort of cover, they keept a very close fire on the battery and houses, whenever they
$aw any of our men Lodg'd. By firing our Cannon on such Houses as they could bear upon,
We obliged * them often to quit them ; but fresh Supplies came up to relieve them, We must
IB this manner have destroyed lumbers, tho all we could do, from y Gannon of the Batteries
and Forts, andonr small Arms from the Top sand Windows of the different Houses we Occupied,
was of no Effect in Retarding their progress* Had our Shells been properly serv'd, they must
haire been of greater Use for this purpose than all our Artillery ; but such as we tried either
burst as they quitted the Mortars or before they got half way*
NOVEMBEK, 1899.] THE LOSS OP CALCCJTTA IN 1756, 297
They had now possessd the Houses in all Quarters of the Town in Multitudes, and by
their Snperioty obliged most of our Men to quit their houses they Occupied. The first place
they broke in upon our Lines was through Mr. ITixons House and the breast work close to
Mr. Puthams, the Sergeant of that place having retreated and left some of the Gentlemen
Volunteers to" free their way through the Enemy from Gapt Minohins House, where 2 of them
were left a Sacrifice to their mercy. They poured into the Square in Swarm?, planted their
Colours at the Corner of y e Tank, and took immediate Possession of all ye Houses in that
Square. We had only 2 Guns from ye flank of ye ST. E* Bastion that could bear oa that part of
ye town. Their footing was now too firm, by being in Possession of so many Houses within
our Lines, that it was impossible to think of Dispossessing them from so many strong Houses,
which semed as Porteresses against our small Numbers. They brought up their cannon soon
after to play upon y e passages to and from our Batteries.
This Situation of y e Enemy within our Lines made it necessary to Order Oapt Bur-
chanon to retire with his Canon from ye Battsry B to D, as his Communication with the
Fort might have been cut off by y e Enemys advancing in his re xr, through the Laiie that
Leads to my house and betwixt Capt 3 * Claytons Battery at H ; where on my arrival, I was
supprized by finding the Guns of ye Battery Spiked and Orders given them to retire with
only the 2 field pieces into the fort. I requested their patience, as I found no Necessity for
so precipate a retreat, till I had speke to ye Govenour. He told me the post [was] repre-
sented to him as no longer tenable by the Enemy's getting Possession of all y e Houses around
them, and numbers of their Men killed and Wounded : [and] That if ye Qnns were already
Spiked, it would be in vain to think of keeping it Longer. I return'd towards ye Battery
and found Captn Clayton half way to ye fort with only the fie'd Pieces. I prevailed on him.
to return w^ his Men, that if Possible we might withdraw the Guns of y e Battery, especially an
18 Pounder Carried their about noon to play on the [? houses which the] Enemy possess "d, and
[might] prevent the Shame of leaving them to convince the Enemy of y e Panic that must hare
seiz'd us to be Obliged to make such a retreat. I desired one half to cfefeiid y e Batteries, while
the other Lay'd down their Arms to draw off the Cannon; bat not a man would be prevailed
on to touch a Hope. I then left them to march off in the most regular manner they could.
The Adaudoning this battery was of y e utmost Consequence to us, as it necessarily occasioned
the withdrawing the other two and Confining our defences to y e walls of y e Fort, It therefore
ought not to have been done till after every mature deliberation.
The other two Batteries C and D were soon after ordered to be withdrawn, and all their
Troops were ordered to return to y e Fort Gate by 6 in the Evening. By retiring into ye Fort
we must expect that before next morning the Enemy would take Possession of all y e houses
close to our walls, and from each of them greatly command our Bastions and Ramparts.
This determined us, as y e only thing farther to be done to retard their Progress, to dispose of
y e Troops returned from y e Batteries in y e Houses o Mr. Cruttendon, Eyrs, the Company
and y Church ; which was accordingly done before 8 at night.
The detachment in y e Companys house, on y e Enemy's Approach and their getting
possession of Oapt* Benny's house, Thought their Situation too dangerous to be maintained
on y Approach of Day, and that their Communication was liable to be cut off from y e fort
by y e Lane that leads to y e Water side by y e new Godowns. [They] therefore applied to y e
Govenour and obtained leave to retire into y e fort. The withdrawing this fort gave general
discontent and discouragement, as y e Bnemys getting possession of it would not only expose
the Southerly Bastions and Godowns to a very warm fire, but likewise the Gaut, were the boats
lay, to be so flanked that it couVd be almost impossible to keep any there. And as many
people at this time (by y Vigorous attack of y e Enemy, and withdrawing our Batteries so very
suddenly, and leaving the Companys House to be taken Possession of by them in ye night,
attended with many other Circumstances of Confusion and Disorder which then could not be
remedied) begun to think that a retraat on board our Ships would be the only means,
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY". [NOVEMBER,
bv which we could Escape the hands of y e Enemy. Therefore with y e utmost concern [we] saw
this our only means of safety indangered by our forsaking that Post.
We had lay'd in a sufficient store of Provisions, but y^ Irregularity of not appointing
proper persons for jo Management of this, as well as other particular duties, a fatal neglect all
along, [and] the Desertion of our Coots, amongst ye res t of y* black fellows, left us to starve in
the midst of Plenty. Our out Ports Lad BO refreshments all the proceeding day and there was
nothing but constant Complaints and rnurmuriugs from all quarters for want of -water and pro-
visions? and but little prospect for a Possibility of supplying them. There was not even people
to carry them to ye out ports, had they been ready dressed, as every one in ye fort
had been so harrased and fatigued for v> ant of rest by constant duty for 2 day before, that it
was impossible to rouse them, even if the Enemy bad been scaling yc Walls. Thre different
times did ye Drums beat to Arras but in Vain, not a man could be got to stand to their
Arms, tho we had frequent Alarms of ye Enemy's preparing Ladders under our Walls to scale
them,
We had by this time thousands of Portuguesse Women within the Fort, which caused the
utmost Confusion and E~oise by filling up y e Passages in all parts, and croudiug the back Gate
to force their way on boaid ye Ships. Shuch was the Consternation that prevailed in general
at a Council of War that was held at 9 o Clock, [that] the Europeans Women were ordered on
hoard the Ships, and Colonel Manningham and Lieutenant Colonel Frankland permitted to see
them there safe. It was at ye same time resolved to clear the fort of y e other Women, and if
possible to regulate the Confusion that then prevailed ; but little was put into Execution towards
it. The men for want of refreshment, rest and by getting in Liquor, become very mutinous and
riotous, and being mostly Militia within y e fort subject to no Command. The same Complaints
were brought from y e out ports, which could hardly be remedied without supplies of Provi-
sions and men to relieve them from their hunger and fatigue bore for several days past.
In this Situation of Affairs a second Council of War wa-s called about one in y Morning
to Consider of what was possible to be done, and how long under such Circumstances the place
was defensible against such Vigorous attacks as the Enemy made the preceding Day. You will
be surprized to hear that all this time neither the Govenour no[r] Commandants orders could
Obtain a return of the Stores and Ammunition from Capn Witneringten. I often
represented to y e Govenonr the necessity of such a return, as likewise to have a strict obedience
paid to whatever Orders he issued out, but all to no purpose. He had a good Opinion of the man,
and did not cliuse to carry things to extremity. There was likewise a great Annimosity,
subsided [subsisted] between the Govenour and Commandant, as well as between the Com-
rnandent and Capt 11 "Witherington, which did not contribute to the Advantage of the Service,
The first thing done thenjii this Council of War was to know the State of our Ammunition,
and Capt 11 Witherington, being ask'd for what time what was then in Store coud bo sufficient
at the Rate of y e Consumption of the proceeding day, He answered it woud hardly be enough
for three days, and that he was afraid a great part that was esteem' d good might prove damp,
and that neither' the weather nor our Conveniency wou'd admit of its' being dry'd. This
unexpected shock alarm'd every body and [it] was thought very extiaordinary that this state of
our ammunition was not known before. We had no medium left, but either must Betire on
board our Ships before that time expired or Surrender at direction [discretion] to the mercy
of an Enemy, from whom we had reason to expect no Quarters, It was therefore unanimously
agreed, [upon] in the most expedient and regular manner and taking every Circumstance under
consideration the majority were of Opinion, that it ought to be clone that night, as next such
consequences as [next night circumstances] would either make it impracticable or liable to
ye greatest risque and precipitation. For instance should the enemy get possession of the
Company's house, as we made no doultt of it before morning, and Mr. Oruttendon's, they
might with out much difficulty force the way thro the Barriers that leads to ye back gato from
NOVEMBKR, 18000 ' Tim LOSS OF CALCUTTA IK 175J.
those two Houses, or from the windows and top of them so flank and &eour y j guilt wltu small
Arms that it would be morrally impossible for a "boat to lay at y e Gaut ? or any were else before
the fort. Either of these Circumstances would have effectually made a retreat impossible.
This Opinion was strenuously main tain 'd by Mr. Hoi well in particular ; and as a Eetreat had
been already determined, to defer it till next night eou'd nave been attended with no
Advantages. On the Contrary, had it been put in execution then, According to Mr, Hoi welly
and several others Opinions, the Oompanys whole treasures and ye Lives of more than 150
Europeans would have been saved ; but it so happen J d that we dally'cl away the time till almost
Day light, and nothing soled or positive determined. It was proposed to send Qnyehaiuid to
treat with ye Nabob, but he absolutely refused to go, and oar Persian Writer with the rest of
Blacks left us, which disabled us from writing to him. In this state of Confusion, uncertainty
and Suspence did we remain till the Approach of Day.
The 19tla, in ye morning finding that the Enemy had neglected to take Possession of
the Company's house, Ensign Piccard, who had been ordered in the night back from Perriihs,
Offered himself voluntary on that service with 20 Men, which was permitted. The day
produced no regularity. The same Complaints of want of Provision, rest and refreshments
was heard from all quarters, and little done to remedy it. The Enemy advanced a pace ami
their fire increased from all Quarters, having in y e night lodg'd them selves in all the adjacent
Houses. Lieutenant Bisshop, who commanded in Mr. Eyres house desired leave to retire
about 9 o Clock, the fire from Onychounds House and the other houses round him being so thick
that it was impossible to stand it. He was ordered to maintain it till evening, bufc repeating
tlie necessity of leaving his men killed, he was permitted to retire. Oapt a Clayton who com-
manded in y e Church was allowed to withdraw on ye same Account.
He had some heavy Pieces of Cannon, besides small Arms, From y e Houses to the
B. and 1ST. E.of them they play'd constantly from behind the Battery A and Playhouse Com-
pound which did a great deal of Execution amongst his Men. About this time, Ensign Piccanl
was brought in Wounded from ye Company's house, and the Enemy had filled j* Compound
of it, tho our Men kept possession of it above Stairs. The Detachment in Mr. Cruttending*
house was soon after withdrawn. Our Bastions were in a very improper state to be maintained
ao-ainst such a close fire of small arms, as was now likely to Command them from so many
adiacent houses ; all of them the strongest Pecca Work, and all most proof against our
Mettal on ye Bastions. And the Parrapets were not 4 foot high and only 3 in thickness,
Uiullthe Embrasures so wide that they afforded but little shelter to our Men ac y Guns-
These defects might in some measure be supply'd by Gotten Bales and Sand Bags, which we
Lad'proparod for that Purpose, had we not been in want of all kind of Labourer, to bring
them on ye Bamparts ; and both Military and Militia were so harrased that it was impossible
to make them stand to their Arms, far less to carry Bales. This was our Situation twirt
10 and 11 'o' Clock,
ADout tMs time the Goveaour made Ms retreat on board the Ships. As his Conduct
in tin. B*Rpoet, as well as that of those that followed him, will most likely be a good dea
Ouivais'd and tho affair be represented according to the prejudice and Interest of different
P ,'nd I myself amongst the rest of those who thought it justifiable to follow the Gore.
n s nch 7 JLral state of Confusion, when nothing further was to be done I must beg
1 m c r iontl e Mair in as particular a manner as I can recollect about the above hour,
leave to 1 c l>icbci U ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ ^ }l
We rccev d an ALai in on uic o. ^ f y. and t(> ee
tho Ban-ior that load, to 1 ho Co,np y s Hon ^; ^^^* alw and tbe ene^y not then
Ifco SHualio, of the Chiai-d placed Ibcre 1 ^^^^^ tbe Gate i perceived the
!Wl d ^-v'^rs: :;sr-strsrwi ,,a ^.* ** * ^ *
Gouvenour standmg on th. top beckonin to bis Servant that stood in a poBsy above
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [KOVEMBEB, 1899.
above full of Europeans, and only one Badgerow left where Capt n Minchin and Mr. Macket
were ready to step fafto, at tlie'Gaut besides the Ponsey were the Gouvenours Sev* was. He
observd to me that as Colonel Manningham [and] Lt Colonel Frankland were on. board, not hav-
ing return 'd in the night, [and] as he expected that the Dodly as well as the other Ships ^nd
Sloops which were before the Fort were fallen down below ye Town, and finding that every body
were preparing for their own Safety, by their crouding off in y e boats as he saw them, he thought
it was high time to think of himself. So -without given me time to make an Answer, he run
down stairs and up to the side of the river to get into the Poiisey, Every body, who saw him
go on board in this Manner, Crouded to the Gaut and Stairs to follow. I just had time to
represent to him iy Irregularity of such a retreat and earnestly beg'd him, and entreated he
would first communicate his Intentions to Mr. Holwell and ye rest of the Garrison ; but his
answer was he saw things in such a situation as would make it impossible to retreat any other
way, [and] That he supposed every person that could find Boats when they saw him go off would
follow. I then lookd behind me towards the Gaut Stairs and seeing it crowded with multi-
tudes, and Capt n Minchin and Mr. Macket setting off in the Budgerow, I concluded the
Crcuvenours retreat caused a general one^ and that those who could lay hold of boats to
escape falling into the hands of a Cruel Enemy were the happiest. Therefore with Mr. o
Harea got into the same Ponsey were the Gouvenour was and set off the last boat that
left the Gaut. The rest that ciouded to the water side, finding it impossible then to make
their escape for want of boats, returned to the factory and the Gates were immediately shut of
[after] them.
"We proceeded on board the Dodly 3 where were Mess TS Manningham and Frankland, with
more than half the Militia Officers, several of the Volunteers and Gentlemen of the Militia,,
with most of the European Women. The rest of the Ships and Sloops were likewise croucled
with men and "Women, who had come away from the fort since the Morning, as they could
meet with Opportunity s. In this manner the Govenour made his retreat. How far he is
Culpable I will leave you to judge and shall only assure you the Account of it is faithfull as far
as my judgement can enable me to give it.
I likewise, on my comming on board, proposed to ye Gouvenour to more up before
ye Town "with the whole fleet, in order to assist the retreat of those who were necessitated to
remain behind for want of Conveyance ; but ye Captn O f y e Dodley represented such a motion
as attended with great Danger, and told him if ye Ships moved up again before the Fort, there
was but little Chance of getting them back. The Prince George that remaind fchere that night
never got back again, but was destroyed by ye Enemy. The Gouvenour, on what y e Captn Said,
thought no further of moving up for y Assistance of those left behind. He ordered a
Sloop in the Uight to move up to see what could be done ; but she was not able to proceed as
far up as ye Port, the Enemy being in Possession of all the Water side. We fell down the
Biver just in sight of the Town, and could Observe numbers of Houses on fire all night.
The following accounts we have from such as escaped after y e place was taken.
They infoimed us that as soon as the Govenour retreated, all hopes of a retreat being cut
cff for want of boats, Hr. Holwell was unanimously declared Govenour, and the*Gates
shut ; every person in such a desperate Situation being resolved to die on the ramparts, rather
than surrender to ye barbarity they expected from the Enemy. The place held out ' till ye
20th about 8 in ye Afternoon. The Enemy soon got possession of Mr. Cruttendons house,
Mr. Eyres, the Companys and the Church ; after which, Especially when they got to the top
of ye Church, scarce a man was able to stand [in] the N. E. and S. E*t Bastions. Before the
place was taken, upwards of SO Europeans were killed on those Bastions, and they were obliged
to abandon that side of the Fort intirely.
The Enemy got Possession in the following manner. About 2 in ye Afternoon of the
20th, They made a Signal for a truce, and some of their Leaders spoke with Mr. Holwell from
1899.] THE LOSS OF CALCUTTA IH 1756. 801
some of the Bastions, aud told him that the Nabob had given him orders to desist from firing
in order to acoomodate. This proposal was readily agreed to -by OUT People, and accordingly
ceas'd firing likewise, and our men were ordered to ley down their Arms and refresh them-
selves. In the mean time the Enemy made use of this preiencfed tiuce, and I suppose they
intended it for no other purpose, (was) to croud in swarms under the Walls of ye E*era Curtain
and Bastions, and under the cover of there fire from the Church &ca. We having before
been obliged to abandon that side, with Ladders and Bamboas scall'd the walls in an instant,
and put to the sword such as offered to resist. Every Bed coat ^as destroyed without mercy.
To conclude the scene, such as were taken Prisoners to the Number of about 20O Euro-
peans, Portuguesse, and Armenians, were at night shut up in ye Black hole, a place
of ID foot square , where by the heat of ye Place and for want of water, which was absolutely
denied them, not above lU of them survived till morning. And amongst the dead there were
near luO Europeans, Compunys Servt's, Officers <$rca. Mr. Holwell amongst the Number that
survived and is now Prisoner with tlie Nabob, who stay'd but a few days at Calcutta and is
return' d to Muscadabad, leaving some thousands of his Troops to keep Possession of our Foit
and Town. The Factory and the Church they have destroy'd, [They have destroyed ns 5
hear no other Houses that their being* set on fire.] 3
The French and Dutch have in a manner accommodated matters with him [tlie Nabob],
the first by paying 4 and ye other 5 Lacks of Rupees ; Tho each of their settlements are novr
crowded with Moors, and no Business can be carried on without particular Perwannas for that
purpose, so that it is supposed he has not done with them yet. Messrs. Watts and G&Uet are
Prisoners at Large now at the French Factory, who have Orders to send them to y e Court by
their first Ships. The rest of the Gentlemen belonging to the Cossinbti^ar Factory, bj the
last Account we had, were Prisioners at Muschadabad and in irons. The Decca Factory are
safe with y e French at that place. Botb ye Luckepoor, and Ballasore factorys got off and are
now with. us. We know to have been killed during ye Siege and dead in y e black hole,
30 Company Servants and 15 Officers. MincMn, Keen, Muir and myself, being all that BOW
remains of Calcutta Settlements, are now heare on board 6 Ships and soroe sloops.
Messrs. Brake [the Governonr], Manlngham Frankland and Macket, with. Amyal and
Badliam wliome they lately join'd, from [form] a Conncil and Order that they think neces-
sary for y e Company's Advantage. The Nabob seems satisfied with what he has already done
and I fancy is very well pleased to see ns leave his Dominions, Mr. Drake seems inclinable to
maintain some footing in the Country, especially till Advices from the Coast. After the Receipt
of this news, in Consequence of our Letters to yon on the taking of Cossinbnzar and y Nabobs
intentions to march' to Calcutta, We are in expectations, in case french War dont pre-
vent it, of a strong reinforcement to arrive in ye river about y 18th of August; but I'm
afraid such, numbers as you will think necessary to send to reinforce the Garrison of Port William,
not expecting it to be taken, will be too few to establish a footing in ye Country now it is lost,
tfor winch, reason I wish your [our] Govenonr and Council had thought proper to dispatch one
of their Sloops to advise you sooner ; as it might arrive before the Embarkation of such Troops,
and enable you to send such a force as would not only reestablish Calcutta, but march in our
turn to the Nabobs Capitol at Muschadahad ; which I think might be done, not withstanding
the loss of Calcutta, with 1000 or 1500 Regular Troops, and proper field Artillery. The eon-
venienoy of y^ river that runs through the heart o! ye Country, and a most healthy Climate from
October to March or April, would afford us every Opportunity we could desire. The resolution
our Enemy have shewn behind ye Walls and Houses would all Vanish m an instant in ye Open
field and I am sure tliey are worce Troops than any you have. I need not tell yon what hand
the/ would make against Artillery well seiVd. It was first intended to send Mr. Mspletot
and myself with these Advices, but they have altered their Minds. ^^
2 [This sentence lias evidently been mutilated in copying* ED.]
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [NOTEMBEE, I899 r
I could wish that if any thing was to be done, for the Hesettlement of a Place of such
Consequence to ye Trade of India, that I had an Opportunity personally to Communicate my
Opinion ; as iny residence so long at Cossinbuzar in y e Neighborhood of ye Court gave me some
Opportunity to know ye State of y e Country and nature of y People better than I could hav.e
done else were. In case of no Supplies to enable us to resettle, I suppose we shall be able to
sail out of j e river about y e 20 of August for your Settlement. What shall become of us
Afterwards God knows, most Laving made their escape, Men and Women, only with their
Cloaths on their back, which I believe is all our Fortunes, except such as had resques at
fc'ea. I hope you will Pardon what may appear tedious in this Narrative, and believe me
with great Bespect,
Sir,
Yours <feca,
Jolm Debonnaire. Alex* Grant.
February 22, 1774.
A FOLKTALE FROM CENTRAL INDIA.
BY M. B. PEDLOW.
The Murder of a King. 1
many centuries ago, in a certain couiiti'j, there lived in the greatest harmony
a king and his minister. The king, one day to enjoy the morning air, ascended the highest
turret of the palace, in company with the ladies of his court.
** Nature is dead 1 Nature is dead I" cried out the king iu a voice louder than that of
tLe yeomen of the castle.
Those who heard his words, in immense numbers, in.stan.tly flocked to the front of the
palace to execute the behests of the king. c * There comes the minister 9," all cried out together,
as he appeared.
f * My lord is in good humour,'* thought the minister to himself, when he saw the king
not far from him.
" Minister/' said the king, " I allot a million niohars for the construction of a splendid
garden, on the western side of the palace,*'
No sooner was the order issued than a few men started for distant countries to procure
beautiful trees ; some to collect tinted marble, granite, porphyry ; and others to fetch highly
skilled gardeners with all that was needed for the garden. Within a short time the new-
garden became as it were a terrestrial paradise. But without the knowledge of the king, a
similar garden was planted by the minister close to his own mansion,
** Nature is smiling," cried the king in delight. Then he looked to the other side and
saw o garden. On enquiring to whom it belonged, the minister replied that it was his.
" To-morrow, I shall come to see your garden, Minister," said the king.
About dusk the king on horse-back, with no attendants, entered the garden, where he saw
no one but the minister. Both of them strolled along every road, and finally stopped near the
cistern, where the fountain sparkled in the sun.
Attracted by the beauty of a tiny flower, the king stooped clown to pluck it for his
-uife, when lie beheld the ground open 9 and at the same time appeared a large metal pot
filled ,to the brim with costly ornaments and money of every description.
Narrated by G. Anthony, butler, Bandass's Imperial Boarding-house Nagpur.
NOVEMBER, 1899.] A FOLKTALE FBOM OBNTBAL INDIA. SOS
Surprised and delighted, said lie: _ Minister, call my men to carry the pot home."
Hoping to obtain it and to put an end to the king's life, the minister said : - " Why do
you distress yourself about a trifle ? It will be sent safety home by to-morrow's dawn."
Then drawing his sword behind the king, he murdered Ms in ister. The oi.iuster himse'.f
buried the corpse in a dirty pool of water, and rode home. Now the king was in the habit; of
dining at a fixed time bat that day the queen waited for her husband much longer than usual,
and still he never appeared, Messenger after messenger went in search of him bub no trace of
him could be found, and every one mourned his loss. Then the nobles met to arrange for the
government of the country, because the king had left no heir to the throne, and Ms wife was
not entitled to ascend it, for she was pregnant. In the meantime the leading man In the
city was appointed regent, but that traitor by the minister's advice drove the queen into exile.
In due time a son was born to her, and when lie was five years old she made him. over to a
learned man. One day the qneen was lamenting her downfall and the boy asked the reason of
her grief. She replied that all their stores were exhausted and no food left. The boy consulted
Ms book of magic which directed him to start sword in hand. He came to a robber's
home and pushed open the door.
*' Who are you? " cried the thief.
64 The master thief, " replied the boy. *< Load a cart with wheat and rice aad
money, or I'll cat your throat ! " He had to do what he was told, and filled the cart,
One evening the lad wont to the minister to ask for some regetables from Ms garden,
In this garden there was a fruit-tree, and the minister had ordered that whoever dared to
pluck it should die. A goat by chance afee the fruit, and the gardener struck it dead on the
spot. Dragging along the dead goat, the gardener cried oat : ** Jlere is the thief !"
The minister descending the staircase exclaimed : " Well done-! "
" The she-goat would have brought forth a black and a spotted kid, had the gardene,
not killed her," said the boy.
The minister owed the boy a grudge because he was the son of the late king. ** If it Is
not true/' said he, " you must be tanged/'
** What matter ? ** replied the boy.
When he cut open the goat's side, the gardener found a pair of kids as the lad tad foretold.
Both the gardener and his master were amazed ; and the minister calling the gardener int- his
room, whispered : ** Spill a quantity of tlie boy's blood in the depth of a-forest and bring it
to me." Binding him with a thong the gardener led the boy to a forest and told him the order,
" Save me," implored the lad ;-'*! will make yon my minister."
Believing his promise, the gardener took compassion on him, said : ** How can I get
the blood ?"
The boy thought for a while and said : " There is an old woman, in yonder Tillage, -who
was once rich, but is now reduced to poverty; she sold all that she had, except a kid, which
she cherished- She has determined to sell this one too, and this will answer the purpose."
He bought the kid and slaughtered it and poured the blood into a vessel. The
gardener leaving the boy then took the blood to his master who was delighted to see it, Sow,
since his treachery, evil dreams beset the new king, and he could not sleep,
Afc day-break lie said to his minister : " Every night an awfni giant strikes ^ me and
frightens the life out of me. Explain this mystery or within a month your life is forfeit."
" The minister in terror consulted all the interpreters of dreams, but none could explain the
matter. At last the king remembered the boy and learned his fate from the gardener. So lie
*eut for him. The boy at first refused to follow him, and required a written order from the
304
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
king. The kiug sent him a humble letter, requesting him to come. The boy replied : Put a
saddle on the back of your minister and send him fco me. 53
So the hoy mounted the minister's back, and made him carry him to the ting'. He
expounded the dream and demanded the throne of his father. The nobles expelled the traitor,
and acknowledged the boy as their king. A few days afterwards, the new king convened an
assembly, and with tears narrated his and his father's fate. All cried out : " Let the traitor be
burnt to death." This the executioners did ; and the people lauded the king and the gardener.
Till his death the gardener remained a faithful minister to the king.
NOTES AND
SUPERSTITIONS AMONG HINDUS IN
THE CENTRAL PROVIDES.
A blow from a broom, at the time of
sweeping (especially if struck by a -woman),
makes one as thin as a lamp-post ; to avoid this,
a twig of the "broom is broken and -waved three
times round the head, after spitting on it.
When a mortar or a pestle is worn, out
"by incessant usage, the owner o it, choosing a
lucky morning, pays homage after his ancestral
fashion and takes it to a running stream or to a
neighbouring well, to get rid of it, by throwing
it away. It is notable that, if, by chance, it be
burnt as fuel, Lakslimi, the goddess of wealth,
Trill leave him for ever. ^
Hindus who are learned in. the V&das,
Hindu mythology and other sciences, whilst
bathing tneir feet, look over their persons to see
any spot left untouched by water* If they see
any spot dry, they again bathe. Bani, the god of
misfortune, awaits an opportunity of reducing a
person to poverty by entering into any spot un-
touched by water.
Likewise a man falls into misfortune, when his
baby goes and sits on a winnowing pan.
A younger sister of a brother or a younger
daughter of a parent, hesitates to erect a hut on
elevated ground, against the house of a brother
or parent, when she is separated from them "by
wedlock. Neglect of this caution will result in
death in either family.
The following are omens of ill- success to
a person in search of a vacant post, a loan from.
a rich man, and other attempts of a similar
Hud :
A cat, a man dressed in black raiment, a
washerman with a bundle of dirty clothes, a
"bald-headed woman, a Brahman widow, an oil-
monger, a crying man, and a person with a stick
<2i his shoulders.
SSome Hindus object to eating garlic and
a sort of pulse called fur, and chewing tobacco,
and the cause of abstinence is suggested by the
fallowing tale :
QUERIES,
Once upon a time, a king was invited by ao
ascetic, who having prepared food by the power
of his prayers and sanctity, served it in the leaf-
vessel ; and facing towards his hut he made a
prayer to all the gods for a milch -cow, which tliey
immediately supplied. He milked twobow3sof
milk, and brought it to the king to use instead
of water.
The king remarked the wonderful proceedings
of the ascetic ; and, after finishing dinner, with
joined hands said : ** Ascetic, an invitation
without contentment to the heart is to no pur-
pose.'*
" Contentment ! " replied the ascetic smiling.
The king flying into a rage answered ; " Yes,
contentment/'
" My lord," said the sage, <c my eyes discern
passion in thy face but not thy desires/'
61 That's true, but if you want to know and
fulfil my desire, I can explain it,' 3 said the king
in a low, tone, and began thus : " Lend an ear to
me, Holy Father, your wondrous acts greatly
surprised me, and that led me to ask you for the
milch-cow, for by your power you can procure as
many as you please."
Hearing this the ascetic ran hastily to loose
the cow, that it might fly away to its home high
up in the skies.
Tlie king seeing it disappear shot an arrow at
it which only made a small wound in one of its
legs, but drops of blood fell on the ground and
one turned into a garlic plant, and another a
tobacco plant, and the third a tur plant.
Tlie ascetic ran away to save his devoted life,
running headlong through hill and dale to escape
the revenge of the king, and hid himself in the
recesses of a forest.
The king in anger returned home and ordered
bis minister to tell all the Hindus of the origin of
the three plants, and also prohibited them to eat
them. Whoever eats such things is as great a
sinner as an eater of beef.
M. R. FIDLOW.
DECEMBER, 1399.J HISTOEY OF TEE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 305
HISTORY OF THS BAHMAN1 DYNAST I'.
(Founded on the Jhirhan-i 3/u,<7.//-.)
BY J. S. KING, II.E.A.S.
(Continued from p. Z>2.)
CHAPTER XIV.
Reign of Sultan Mahmud Shah,
son of Sultan Muhammad Shah II.
\ FTER, the death of the late Sultan, the 6- and ministers and leaders of the army
/\ unanimously agreed to the succession of Mahmud Shah, and accordingly seated him CHI
the throne, and tendered their congratulations.
When Sultan Mahmud succeeded to the throne, he liberally bestowed presents and conferred
favours on all, "and spread the wings of mercy and jastice over his subjects ; and in the early
part of his reign all his subjects passed their days in safety and ease.
From the time of the late Sultan up to the present the Turki slaves, who were brave nriK
warlike, hud obtained great power, and had brought into their own grasp most of the imports
affiirs of the sovereignty ; and in the time of the present Sultan also, in the same manner a?
fomerly, most of the State affairs were in their hands, and they had assumed supreme power.
The amirs and maUks of the Dakhan now made overtures of friendship with the Turks: bnt
among the great men of the age - or even among the human race in general, as long as it exists-
friendship has no possibility of permanency or durability. The Dakbams entered into an
alliance and made a firm compact with ? awam-ul-Mulk Turk, who was the master of the
principality. The Turk! an*r*, relying upon the compact of the DasLarns, were ciuele*, ^
[the consequences of] its binding terms.
Some of the Dakhant an,'rs told Kawam-ul-Uulk that Abd-UlHh 'Adil Khf,n, Fath-TJiU'h
ImMul ilulkandall the Duklr.un av,',-s and mab'l-s inten.Vl, after doing- homage to tue
Salt-In to take their leave nnd set out for their own country ; but a, they were m dread v t
He Turks it was necessary that on the following day none of the Turki attendants shonld show
themselves in the city until these had taken their departure. The simple-mmded Jawaia-ul-
lUtm by his enemies, complied with the request ; and on the appointed day, ,n U 3 e
a r promised, the Turki , enjoying themselves in their own habitations and assemhhe*
bSess of the happening of the accidents of fate. But the Dakham . w,tj th ft
' -uied entered the fort, and while every one of the Turki am.ra, according .0
, off their guard in their own houses, the Daklumfe fell upon them and slangn-
jd to escape, and hid themselves in OUT-L-,-
an,
tlie-way places,
tlie-way paces,
A ftov the massacre of the Turks, Malik Hi S anTri ? am-ul-Mulk Bahri was distinguished
^^l^^^'^
,ith the 8.1th,'. ovd,,, h.d tad th, "'*'* "; ,J i be ,,^ e , to aeuril in ,1,,
LX a v- -- - - ""' oi tlie " ** "" liw
306
THE 1NDIAH ANTIQUARY, [DECEMBER 1890.
readied him [ALmad Nigftm-nl-Mulk], he marched with ins army to the assistance of the
Sultan, 41
When the rebel army heard of his approach they were much alarmed, and began to wayer.
The prince with his brave troops attacked the rebels, and in one engagement put them to flight,
and pursuing them for several farsangs, slaughtered many of them, both great and little. A few
only managed with much difficulty to escape. The prince after being greatly distinguished by
royal favours, took his leave, and returning to his own country, looked after the welfare of his
subjects in Jnnir and Chakan.
After that the Snlt/m marched with his army to make war against the country of
Tellngan4 and on reaching Warangal pitched his camp within sight of the fortress.
At this time a clique of Habsbis in the service of the Sultfin had the utmost confidence
placed in them ; and owing to the power they possessed in the affairs of government, used to
behave in a very imperious manner ; and being at enmity with the Malik Na/ib were constant-
j trying to get rid of him by repeating lo the Sultan speeches and stories tending to prejudice
him against the minister. So many slanders and lies did they concoct against that incom-
parable minister tliat the heart of the Sultan was turned against him, and they obtained from
the Sultan an order for the minister's execution, but waited for an opportunity of carrying it
out. When the Malik Na,ib became aware of their treacherous intentions towards him, he fled
from the camp of the Snltfra and hastened to the capital, Bidar. Since the cnp of the life of
that minister of pure disposition hsid become fnll he did not [as he ought to have done] go to
Junnar to the prince, Sultan Ahmad Nizam-nl-Mnlk Bahri, but instead went to Bidar in hopes
of assistance from Pasand Khan, who v?as one of his dependents. The unreliable Pasand Khilii
at first made him solemn promises. Outwardly he showed him obedience and submission, but,
secretly he sent a person to the Snltfm and gave his promise that when the Sultan should
arrive in the neighbourhood of the capital, he would put to death the Malik Na,ib and send his
head out from the fortress, on condition that the Snltfm should accord him his favour and
grant him immunity from his royal displeasure. The Sultan, in accordance with the proposal
o the foolish Pasaud Khan, sent him a written promise of support, and afterwards himself
proceeded to Bidar,
When the Sultan arrived in the neighbourhood of the capital, Pasand KhAn who after
that became notorious for Ingratitude martyred the Malik IST^lb, and having cut off his
head, threw it outside the fortress. The Sultan then proceeded to his palace and took his ease.
At this time the power and authority of the people of Habshah and Zangbar in the service
of the Sultan had increased a thousand-fold, and the other State officials had no longer any
power except in name. The whole country and the offices and political affairs of the kingdom
and the government treasuries they divided among themselves, and arrogantly ignoring the
sovereign, themselves governed the kingdom. But since the star of their good fortune had now
reached its zenith, after continuing for a long time undiminished : as is invariably the rule
with fortune as well as the revolving heavens the star of that clique began to decline. The
Turks, who are a war-like and blood-thirsty race, got into their hands most of the affairs of
importance and the highest dignities ; thus Hasan Khan KHurusfini became Khwajah Jahan,
Jamal-ud-Din Sahib-i Hauz obtained the title of 'Ain-ul-Mulk and C A1! Turk that of JaMngir
Khftn.
It was this Ahmad Nigfim-id-Mnlk who, a few years afterwards, became the founder of the Nigara Shuhi
dynasty of Ahmadnagar. Though here called " Snltfm " and " Sh&hz&dah," he of course did not bear either of those
titles at this time. I have not translated the numerous ornate phrases prefixed to his name. The reason why the
author speaks of him in such flattering teems is obvious when we remember that the BurMn-i Ma,tisir is
essentially a history of the INizam Shaht dynasty : the Bahmani portion being only an introduction to the rest.
The whole of this paragraph is one long, "involved sentence in the text, and I have been obliged to invert the
order and split it up in order to make it intelligible in English.
DECEMBER, 1899.] HISTORY OE THE BAHMANI DYNASTY, 80?
At the same time the Sultta, following the example of his illustrious ancestors on
the throne 3 for the sake of invoking the divine blessing on Ms bed, married his own sister
Ftimah, daughter of the late Sultan Muhammad Shah, to His Highness Habib-Uil&h Sh&h,
5 Atiyat-Ull&h, son of Shah Muhabb-TJllah ; and according to the time-honoured custom of
the kings o India, gave a great entertainment on this occasion. The fort of Medak, which is
situate in the country o Teliugana on a piece of solid rock, he gave to them as a wedding
present. His other sister he gave in marriage to His Highness Mirss& Adham, son of Shall
Mulmbbb-Ullah, and settled upon them in feudal tenure the district of Jukati. 43
Account of the open Bebellion of the Amirs of the Dakhan and their shameful
fighting against the Sultto.
It is related that the Sultan made a beautiful flower-garden with a rivulet running through
it, the banks of which were lined with trees ; and in that garden he spent his time in pleasure
and amusement from morning till evening, continually drinking cups of ruby-coloured wine.
One night the Sultfm proceeded to his rojal villa, and his troops having dispersed lie indulged
in pleasure and conviviality ; but in the midst of this a great tumult was Iieard from the streets
and bazars of the city and fortress. The whole of the army bad gone to the royal palace with the
intention of deposing the Sult&n. At that time ten able-bodied and brave young Turks pre-
sented themselves before the Sultan, and showing dauntless courage, killed numbers of the
rebels with their bows and arrows and swords. The Sultan with those brave warriors stood iu
the 8Mb, Burj of the fortress, which was surrounded by countless infantry and cavalry. Of
the ten men who fought so valiantly in the service of the Sultan, five were killed. The
Sultan calling for bow and arrows himself engaged in battle, and killed many of the rebels.
He "summoned Hasan Khwajah Jahan with all the Khnrasanb and ordered them to guard the
tower and walls/ They went to the palace, but as the evil-doing rebels had barricaded the
fortress from inside, they scaled the tower and walls of the fortress by means of ladders, and
dispersed the rebels from round the Shah Burj, When the active Turks and foreigners in
attendance on the Sultan were assembled in the Shah Burj in numbers beyond computation,
the SuMn ordered them to extend themselves round the towers and walls of the fortress, and
fire on the enemy; and this they did. 'All Turk Jahtogir Khfai with a number of the brave
foreigners occupied the streets and cut off the retreat of the rebels, while Hasan Khwijah Jahan
with a few of his men hastened to the gate, and killed numbers of the enemy. When the day
dawned the Sultan ordered his troops to mount and prepare for battle. He himself, fully
armed, was mounted on a swift horse. Then being joined by Hasan Khwajali Jahan with the
Turld and KhurasSni troops, all well armed, they attacked their opponents, bince the Sultan
in person took part in the fight, by his good fortune and the valour of his troops the enemy
were routed and put to flight. When the sun rose, the rebels from fear of the Bojal
troops hid themselves. Many of them, in fear of their lives, threw themselves from the
towers and battlements, and by the same road went to the dwelling of perditaan. A few
who were hidden in nooks and corners, the royal troops sought out ; and dragging them out
from their hiding-places, put them to death.
After this defeat of his enemies the Sultan indulged in pleasure and amusement.
In the midst of these affairs the SuMn ordered his architects to build a lofty and beautiful
of the work.
********
After the completion of the palace, the SnMn used to spend most of his time in it in a con-
fcinnal round ofvoluptuous amusements. -
I have not been able to identify tMs place.
:?t'3 TEE INDIAN ANTIQQAET. [DECEMBER, 189
In the mulst of these events the Sultan received telligenee that K&sim Turk who had
received the title of Kbaw&ss KMn and afterwards that of Barid-ui-MamIik ? 43 and had been
inven the town of KaaxIMr and Its dependencies on feudal tenure was In a state of rebellion,
it was necessary to endeavour to put out the fire of tin's rebellion as quickly as possible, in order
that the injury caused by the sedition might not spread through the whole country, and ren-
tier the remedying of it not easily practicable. Consequently the Sultan being firmly resolved to
?appiess it, appointed Dil&war JOjAnHabshi (who, owing to the abundance of his followers,
the multitude of his army, bis wealth and magnificence, had been selected for the command
or the army) to put down the rebellion of Kasim Turk. Dilawar Khan, according to
orders, -with his warriors and -well-trained cavalry moved towards Kandhar. When Kasim Turk
beeamc aware of his approach, lie prepared for battle and engaged Dilawar Klinn,
As Kasim Turk had not sufficient strength to oppose the army of Dilfiwar KMn,
the bevSt thing he could do was to retreat; so he ceased fighting, and taking to flight set out from
Kandliar towards Baikoada, Dilawar Khun pursued the enemy and wished to separate them
and slaughter them. But suddenly a vicious elephant from the army of Dilawar Khan getting
beyond the control of his driver ran into the midst of the army, and overthrowing the horse of
Bilzlwar Klran, trampled him to death. Kasim Barid on hearing of this was much rejoiced, and
turning round hurried towards Dilawar Kliin's camp; and "without the trouble of fighting,
obtained possession of all Dilawar KMn's baggage, elephants and horses. Then binding the
fillet of opposition to lawful authority on the forelock of revolt, he hoisted the standard of
rebellion,
At that time most of the ainws and icazws o the different provinces of the dominions
having withdrawn their necks from the collar of obedience and subjection, had hoisted the
standard of rebellion in their own districts ; consequently the Sultan was quite incapable of
subduing the rebellion of Kasim BaricL The only remedy he could see was to enter with him
through the door of reconciliation and forgiveness by promising him a share in the government
and making a treaty with him to that effect, render him secure. On this account the Sultan
sent K&sim Barid a written treaty ; and the latter having hopes of realizing his ambition of
obtaining the government of the kingdom of the Dakhan and the rank of Mir-i Jumlah,
proceeded to the royal court ; and taking in his own hands the reins of government,, he assumed
sovereign authority: so that, except in name, no power remained to the Sultfin. And not
content even with this, he quarrelled with the amirs and ivazfas, his object being to make
them all subject to him. But the amrs would not submit to the government of KAsinx Barid,
They opened the door of opposition and strife, and joining together in opposing Kasim Baiid,
entered into an offensive and defensive alliance. From all quarters of the dominions armies
being assembled marched towards the capital, Bidar. When this distressing news reached
Kasim Barid in the city of Bidar he told the Snltfm to issue an order for the mobilization of
the royal army ; and an immense army being assembled, the Sultan marched with it to meet
the rebels.
In the midst of these affairs the prince, Sultto Ahmad Bahri Wizam-ul-Mnlk ? ccmiin^
from Junnar, joined the royal camp, and after kissing the Sultan's handmade ready for the under-
taking and was treated with kingly courtesy After that, the Sultan marched towards Udgir ;
and at the town of Devati^ the opposing forces met one another. Although the hostile antirs
*" Kasim Barid, who shortly afterwords founded tlie Barid-bhAhl dynasty. Suit-in ]JuW, who afterwards
founded the KntVSMhi dynasty, also had the title of ^n,wflg Ehta before he acquired that of TJutb-nl-Mulk
He touk a prominent part in the fighting above described, and the latter title was given him in recognition of his
services on this occasion, Vide Briggs, Vol. III. p, 343.
Ahmad Bahrl does not appear to have shown any resentment on account of the murder of his reputed father
the Malik-Najib. f ?
r > Not identified, but must be somewhere between Bidar and tFdgir.
DECEMBER 1809.] HISTORY OTTHE BAEMANI DYNASTY. SC9^
entered into a correspondence with the Sultan, imploring him to oust Kasim Barid from tL
government of the dominions of the Dakhan, in Older that they might submit themselves
loyally tto-the S-uHAn, and ceaee fighting; yet as -the SMn had no longer any control over the
-affairs -of State, he was .anabk to oomply with their request." 5 The umifs were then under the
necessity of fighting against the army of Sakftn Mahnuid. Itfc related that wien the Dakhai.i
am tn attacked *he army of -the 'Sultan, both sides fongfetso furiously tha*4hey made the dust
of the baUfenfield life a tolip garden, and. the dead were thrown in l*aps on tbe surface ot tfce
cwmnd Kftshn Baa-id seeing the bi-avery of the amirs knew there was no use in continuing the
'battle so he to* to flight. In the midst of this the SuMn, fi'om the ckarging of tiw waniors
of the army and the'horses and elephants dashing agamst one another, fell eff his horse, and
is del oaJ body became acquaint with the dt of tbe Afield
s e oa o
their kin? fallen, they were excessively afflicted and ashamed. They d 4 sn*onntod from
L Id idsse'd the, g ro M d.before the SaMn, and .onnting hi. on a swift hors, ^ tbu.
Bach of tbe arnte then turned towards tis own country. Sultan Ahmad
k also, taking i Jewe of the Snltl-, tnz-ned towards the distrkiof J Ba v
disposed anl gone to their own district^ Kiaim Barid again went to co t
apren^ power. In several histories it is stated that thas event occnrred m he
X reig'n of the SaltAn, .and that he died one ^ar after tha-t : as w.ll he.aft,,
please God ! be related.
resistance. This slave of the coirt ' n-strikin sword in 1 3
oppression arid hypocrisy.
- ^ri ruimps set out with the Snltan.
other flws and noob set inl .M^n, biained information of
When
that,
ll
B period may
of the 'laflr
910 THE INDIAN ABTiQtIART. [DECEMBER 189$.
another,- and drawing the sword of Laired from the scabbard of vengeance ^ separated the -
heads of the leaders- from their 1 bodies and thraw them on the dust of destruction.
Malik Fakhr-ml-Mulk charging from the- right wing, overthrew many of tbe cavalry of his-
opponents Malik KHsim Barid-i llamalik also fought brawljr with the left- wing and killed"
numbers of the enemy ; and the "warriors and act-ire KhnTfusarns, who were posted in the-
centre, fought with, mnct valour and killed ffiany of the enemy.- Stilton Kuli Ebawass Ktftrt
Hamadifi (who afterwards- became entitled EiitJb-ul-M!ulky,and ascended to the highest of
the steps- of dignity and greatness)/ 8 with Hasan Turk Sultani, showed s-ireh valour, in that'
battle that hs out-did Enstam and Isfandyar. Malik Dinar Dastfir-i Mamalik, who was the-
leader of ths opposing forces, was taken prisoner by Majlis-i RafJ* Adll KKan ; and the rest of.
ilie wretolieci and contemptible- nubble, withdrawing from the field,4ook to Eight 5 -and half
of them managed with, much difficulty to escape,
After this- defeat of Ms- enemies,. the Sultan dismoixirted 1 and' gave thanks to 6od ; and 1
the amirs*- and Khans making their obeisance, congratulated the Sultan on lus- victory.
Majlis-i Kafl< *Adil Khan in the assembly of maliks^ Khans, amirs and nobles, placing his head
011 the ground ef submission, entreated- tie SuMn to- pardon 1 Malik Din Art Thte Snltlin
I-ending a faTO'Tira-ble' ear to the request of 'Adil Khfm, pardoned Ms enemy, and ordered that"
all his property in money and g.oods r -whatever- the* troops had carried off,,, should be<
restored to him. .
After-thai, tie Sultaii, with Ms victorious ana y, .marched towards KMburg and
and, chastising his adversaries there* with the sword, freed the subjects and inhabitants of that
part of 'the> country from the- evils of sedition and- injustice. His troops laid siege- to the fort
of Sagaar and- took it by foree. Fi*om that place the S'uMn moved towards his- capital,,
Bidar ; amdyon his- arrival there> the 'sheJchs, s ulamd>&n& leai^ned men hurried forth to meet him ;
and having made theia? -obeisance/ eah of them,* according to- his- rank, . was distinguished
by royal fa-vonrs,
Wtea s the- Sultan had taken tip his -abode in' thfe capital, he* tarned- the*light of hiVjustice,
kindnessj . benevolence and favour like the SUB at mid-day on his- subjects and all the
inhabitants of the country ; and- tyranny; oppression 1 , ruin and desolation he- changed into-
justice, equity, prosperity and cultivation.
In this year* 9 J&hadlxr Glltaij ,whb af ter-Kishwar Kh'An Khwajah Jahani/had 'taken into
his own possession the^ country of the Konikan Dftbhol, , Goa^- and all the* ports and coast-line
of the Ba^han, and had collected a large army. Several ships freighted -with valuable property
and Arab' horses, belonging to SultSn Mahmud'QujarStl and his mereharnts, had come into- ports
which were in- his possession, and, having tyrannically seized them, he looted the whole of the
cargoes of the- ships. Sultan MahtnM Gujarat? sent a farm an about this to Bahadur GllAnl,.
demanding the restitution of the ships and- their cargoes* In reply to* this Bahsldur Gil&iii used
4S^He afterwards founded the ^tb-Shfiht Dynasty of Gtolkon^a. According to- tile TMWi4 Muhammad*
$\ujJ}-SMM, this victory -was cHefly due to the personal exertions of Kull 'Kutb-til-Mulk, and his services ou-
tfits occasion were rewarded "by Ms "being appointed governor of the province ' of Teling!im% with the title of
Amtr-nl-TJinr!.;
* 9 ' The year is not stated, hut we see from Firlshtah i/ha51t was A. H; 899' (A." D. 1493)1
The late minister, MahraM GHwn Khwajah Jahan, was a native of GJlan a province'of Persia (vide p. 133)
and seems to have surrounded himself by his own oonntryiHen. Bahadur Gilant was doubtless one of these country-
men. This Kishwar Sh^n is not' mentioned ekewbrre, but- one can see from Ms name that he was a yvoUgd of the
late ghwftjah. Jahau's. He seems to^have been- goveriror of * the Konkan and thifc part of- the kingdom formerly
governed by KhaH Hasan Malik-TrfcTujjar, and ms succeeded in that government by BahMnr GflAn. The latter
broke into rebellion on hearing of the unjust 'execution of Eis patron (see Bay ley's History of Gujardt" pp- 217-19
vhere fehe catise of BaMdur GJMni's hostility to Gujarat is explained), and but for this quarrel with Gujarat, would
probably have succeeded m founding a kingdom for himself : as it was, he exercised independent sway, unchecked for
thirteen years, over the whole of the Konkan, besides holding several districts and forts of-theDakhansuchas-.
Sat&ra, PanfU^ Miraj and Jauikhandt.
DECEMBER, 18W.J HlBToar OF THE BlHMANI BTfrASTY; 311
intemperate language, and sent' took nothing, Haying no other resource, Sidtt* XUfanttd
Gujarat sent-an ambassador- with many presents to the court- of Sultan Mahmud Babmanl -and
sent by his hands a letter concerning the high-handed conduct of ' BahMnr GUM, to' the
following- effect : '
. time a t*oug friendship has existed between ow dynasties, and, moreover, the
friendship which existed between our ancestors has descended by heritage to their progeny At
this time BuhSdur GttlAnl, the servant of Eahww Khfm Khw^k JahtoJ^ who is Seated m
the place of Kishwar KMn, and who has shut in hm ownlace the doom of obedience and
MbjeofcoiiW _ has taken possession of all the sea port* and fortresses- of the coast of the
kingdom of the Daklian from D4bhol, Goa, Barbolfcw Chan-dan- WaBdhan, Satara and Panala^
to MirajV Jamkhandi, etc. In the excess of his presumption he ha& hoisted- the standard of
rebellion, and has forcibly taken possession of twenty ships laden with various goods, jewel*
cloths and thorough-bred horses,, and seized the merchants also. Not content eyen with this
he has seni to the port of- Mfthim [Bombay] 200 ships and <&*& filled with his tyrannical
army; levelled that place with the- ground*; burned several-^r^w and mayids; thrown into
the sea-moat of the merchant^ of the countoy, and having made prisoners of two amirs of
Gujarat, who were- in the port a* the- time, has carried them oS with him. When I heard this
news I< wrote ^and sent- to him a /armiwon the subject, -and -he sent-an ex-eessiwly rebellious
reply. A>& he is on&-of the* servants- of Your Majesty's court, it seemed necessary to bring to
your hearing th* detailed- ciroum&taaees -of his rebdlkra, in order that jom zaigki-ammge to
drive away that abandoned rebel ^ for his expulsion is an absolute necessity, from religions as
well a>a from* worldly motives. If you do not undertake to repulse him from your- direction, then
give m kave and I shall chastise him from my side/*
When the Sultfo had heard -the contents of the letter of Su'Itam MarhroM of Gujarat, lie
said : sif The driving away of tha> synopsis of th^ lords of rebellion and sedition is absolntelv
necessary. Por-the -sake of -my own peace of mind that man of evil disposition mnst y by some
means or other, be chastised as an example to others.'- But it occurred to the royal mind that
in the first instance the- ears-of the understanding of Bahadur Gilani should be weighted by the
pearls of kingly exhortation and -admonition ; then if he did not act according to orders^ but
persisted in opposition, he should be handed over to the* executioner: A letter to the following-
effect was therefore written io Bahadur G!Mn4 accordiog to* the Sultan's- orders;
" Be it known to you that a -letter has arrived from SoJt&n MafemM- Gojarati, containing 1
such and such matters, oi\ hearing. which tbe~kiag was much astonished. It is necessary that
Immediately upon receipt of this royal farmdn, you -shall send to the- royal court all the good
belonging to Sultftn Mafemud Gujarat! and his merchants, and send the ships back by sea*
Do not on any k account put your foot beyond your own blanket. 53 The prisoners, with the
elephants and 'goods, are to be handed over to the deputy of the court. Show no delay or negli-
gence* of any- kind ; and in future do not open on yourself the- door of sedition and trouble, EOT
set your foet on the road of rebellion and ingratitude;"
When 'the royal mandate had been written and despatched to Bahadur GiMni, the Sultau
ordered eloquent secretaries- to write in elegant language' a reply to the letter of Sultan
w From this it appears that Kishwar K'lian was the legitimate governor of the Koitkan prcYinee, and Bak",diiT
f a subordinate under him ; but Bah&dur Grflfini ousted Kishwar Khan, and then broke into rebellion. The
s of the text are :
Not idontifiod. Perhaps Dtlpoli. 52 An isolated hill fort a few miles from KolhSpur,
L <?., mind your own business,,
312 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1899.
Ifahmud Gajarati. According to orders, the secretaries wrote a letter in. exceedingly ornate
language ; the substance of which, was as follows :
*' From the olden days a strong friendship and unanimity has existed between our two
dynasties, and the relations were such that the enemies of this State were also the enemies of
your dynasty ; and on the other hand the .same was the .case with the friends of each. On this
account & farmed has been sen.t to Bahadur G.llani : if he obeys it and sends to yon the property,
elephants, cloths and ships, he will be secure : ; otherwise the flame of my world* con snmiiig
wrath shall barn up the .hardest of his life, ,aoid he and his followers shall he given to tie wind
of destruction. What necessity is there for Tour Majesty to send an army against him ? "
When the answer to Sidtan Mahmud's letter was written, the Gujarat! ambassador was
given permission to return, taking with him rarities -and presents innumerable.
But when Bahadur Gilfuil heard of the coming of the Snlt8n's/ar.w?tf to him, he sent a
person to stop the messengers on the road, and not to allow them to go on ,and show the
Sultan's /arwzfiw. The messengers then wrote to court an account of what had happened to
them, and the rebellious conduct of Bahadur Gllani. When the Sultan -was informed of the
open rebellion of BahMur <3ilaui, he issued an order that the loyal troops from all quarters
should proceed to the- court ; ,and in accordance -with orders, fio;m every town and fortress,
immense numbers of troops marched towards the royal court, .and mustered there.
After that the Sultan mounted his horse and parched with his arony towards Kangalberah
[Mangalvedha]. 54 In due time the Sultan arrived at Mangalvedha a fort, the towers
and walls of which Bahadur Glluni had, with much trouble and tyranny, constructed of hard
stone, and had committed the defence of the fortress to & nuineLOus force of cavalry end
infantry* Notwithstanding the strength of the fortress, immediately upon the arrival of the
royal army, the defenders were overpowered with terror. Abandoning the fort they took to
flight; and the royal troops without trouble or difficulty took that fort which in strength -was
like the azure vault. The Sultan assigned the fort on feudal tenure to Masnad-i 'All Fakhivul-
Mulk ; and from there he marched towards the fort of Jarakhandi. Bahadur Gilani at this
time was engaged in besieging this fort, but when he obtained information of the arrival of the
royal army, he abandoned the siege ; and through fear .of the roy : al army, thinking caution
necessary, he withdrew into hiding.
Mnkaddam Na,ik, when relieved from the difficult affair of the siege, setting out with
followers, dependants, cavalry -and retinue, hastened to the royal court and w-as enrolled among
the special servants of the State and distinguished by kingly favours.
At this time Malik Sultan Kuli Hamadani, who was entitled KhawAss Khan, being approved
of by the Sultan, was exalted to the title of "Kutb-nl-Mulk;" and the towns of Kotagtur
and Btirgi 55 and several villages were given to him on feudal tenure- Abr Khan, son-in-law of
Ulugh Khan Jan Begl, making himself commander of the right wing, took the title of Haidar
Khan, and had the town of Patri and the Nander direction, besides other places, conferred on
him on feudal tenure. And having given the title of Abr Khan to Malik Muhammad, son of
Ulugh Khan, the Sultan marched towards Mubarak abad Miraj. At that time the wall of that
place was an infidel named B,unah, 66 who had about 1,00,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry. In
attendance on the royal stirrup, on behalf of Sultan Ahmad Niz&m-nl-MuIk, were Zarlf-nl-MuJk
Afghan and other amtrs beside him who were sent for the purpose ; and on behalf of Majlis-i
'All Fatlv-Ullah 'Imfid-ul-Mulk of exalted dignity was Darya Khan the -greatest of the Mw.s
of the time with 2,000 men. There was also Majlis-i Baft 4 'Adil Elan with the whole of his
64 Scott ma&es a curious and Tery confusing mistake in calling this place " MaBgalore " cott j
Yol. I. pp. 190 and 192, 4to ed.
55 C5^J * not identified. This KuJb-nl-Mulk shortly afterwards founded tie 11 tl -SI (hi
* This name is variously written Bflnali, Ktoah and Bttah, I cannot i-ay -wlucih is the correct
Briggs writes it Pota.
DECEMBER, 1899.] HISTOET OP THE BAHMANI DYNASTY. 313
troops ; and the whole of the Habshi, Turki and Dakhani amws and wazfas were in attendance
on the Sultan, Though several of the Tnrks and intrepid Dakhants secretly sympathised with
fchc blood-thirsty Bahadur, yet, through fear of the Sultan, they did not hasten to siow it.
The royal army surrounded the fort of Miraj, and engagements used to take place daily,
till the son of Bunah JT^ik, the governor of Miraj, was killed, Bunah 5Ta,ik and his followers*
then, becoming terrified at the assaults of the royal army, cried for quarter ; and their agreeing to
give a reasonable amount of money, Arab horses and elephants was made the condition on whieli
their freedom was granted and their lives spared. Bunah and his followers went forth from
the fortress, and had the honour of kissing the ground before the Sultan, and were made content
with kingly favours and courtesies ; and through the infinite kindness of the Sultan all the
people of Miraj obtained security for their lives and the lives of their families. The troops of
Bahadur Qilani who were in that fort were given the option of accepting pay and service under
the Sultan's government or going to join the misguided Bahadur* Of that band, each one wlio
accepted service under the State was distinguished by rewards and kingly courtesies ; and all
who elected to join Bahadur were given permission to depart with their horses and arms. In
truth never have any of the kings of the world shown such mercy and kindness as he who after
defeating his enemies gave permission to depart, and sent on to his opponents 2,000 cavalry of
the enemy with their horses and arms.
The tyrant Bahadur after hearing this news was much confounded, and coming forth from
Dabhol, hid himself in the uncultivated country and jungle. He then sent to the royal court
Khwajah ISTi'mafc-Ullah Yazdl (who was Malik-ut-Tujjtrof that province) to nrnfce terms with the
Saitin. Khwajah Ni*mat~ITllah taking with him a written agreement from BabMur, in which
the latter promised to abstain from opposition and rebellion, hastened to the royal prepuce,
where he had the honour of kissing the ground, and was treated with much kindness and courtesy.
The SuMn in his infinite mercy and kindness lent a favourable ear to the requests of Khwajali
Ni'mat-UlUh. He consigned tofBaMdur the whole of the territory of which he was in
possession, and drew the pen of forgiveness through the volumes of his crimes on condition
that he restored the property and elephants of the Sultan of Gujarat and the goods of the
merchants ; also that he should send a reasonable sum of money each year without delay or
negligence to the public treasury, and in future not practise tyranny or sedition or become a
traveller on the road of rebellion and resistance.
Khw&jah Ni'mat-UlMh, having obtained the completion of bis wishes, took Ms leave of
the Sultan and proceeded towards the fortress of Kalhar [Karbud ?]. After that, BahMmt
Gtlanl at the sa^gestion of the devil got a perverse idea into his head ; evil impulses made fauu
proud and threw him oft the right track of obedience and subjection ; and the agreement he had
made through Ehwajah M'mat-Ullali he considered as though it did not exist. The fortresses
which he held on feudal tenure he garrisoned with experienced veteran troops ; and the whole of
las army and followers he gratified by increased rewards; then making the jungle his own
fortress he took up Ma abode there. When the Sultjb heard of the flight o B*M into tie
iungle and uncultivated country he ordered Dilawar KMn Habshi and <Am-ul-iMk Turk witb
6 000 cavalry armed with spears and 1,00,000 well-armed infantry to lay siege to the fortress of
Kalrand L fail to take it. He S ent 7,000 cavalry and 50 000 infanlry
several celebrated amfcv to seize the towi* and districts of that province ;
Mt^.^^^ m i^^^^^ Pi^ed his campinthe
inmrlem which that evil-doer remained and had concealed himself by a hnndred artifices,
When the Sultan had remained a long time in that place BaMdrf. predestoed moment dre,
n^r the L"le became his prison, and the claws of the falcon ^ seized him by the
coL^nddre; him out of tLt jnngle. The eye of his judgment Became sightless and
liable to discern the^^^
. . - ^ ^ c perlod or end o lifej t v,e prea^-thied moment, death.
314 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY, [DECEMBER,
the jungle for the open country, When tlie spies reported to the Sultan that the base rebel had
come out of the jungle, he directed Fakhr-ul-Mulk with his eldest son, Ratan Khan, and
ZarJf-ul-Hulk Afghan (one of the cwtfrs of Sultan Ahmad Bahii Nizam-ml-Mulk,, who had
come to the assistance of the Sultan) with. 3,000 brave spearmen to oppose the ungrateful
Bahadur. And lie gave strict injunctions to the cwfirs that if they should catch. Bahadur
they should refrain from tilling him, and bring him alive to the foot of the throne, Bnt
since the measure of the life of that unworthy one was brimful, the period of his security had
expired, and the orders as to sparing his life were of no avail, -According to orders the
amirs and brave troops of the Sultan proceeded towards that synopsis of the lords of rebellion,
and the two armies, eager for the fray, met in the neighbourhood of that jungle, and an
engagement ensued.
*:*:*$ $
The bark of Bahadur's life fell into the whirlpool of destruction and death, and all his
valour availed not to prevent it. In the midst of the battle he was engaged in single combat
with Ratan Khan, who was the Rustaxn of the age, and they stained the dust of the battle-field
with one another's blood ; but the royal good fortune aiding him, Batan Khan overcame his
antagonist, and with his spear he dragged Bahadur from his saddle and threw him to the
ground, so that the resigned his soul to its Creator. Ratan. K&an then cut off the rebel's
head and threw his body on the ground ; thus freeing the world from his sedition*
When Ratan Khan cut off the rebel's head and sent it to the royal court, the Suhan
exhibited much regret; for Bahadur Gilani in manliness and bravery was unrivalled. In the
presence of the court assembly the Sultan said ; '* Would to heaven he had been caught alive !
t-hat I might have pardoned his crimes and given him back his government : it is a pity that so
brave a man should be killed." After that, in accordance with orders 5 the head of that tyrant
was sent to the capital, Bidar, and despatches announcing the victory were sent in all directions,
This event happened on the 5th Safar, A. H. 900 (5th November, A, D. 1494),
After the mind of the Sultan was freed from anxiety regarding Bahadur, he inarched with
Ms army towards the fort of Panb&la-, which is situate on the summit of a hill. In loftiness its
towers rivalled the heavens, and the battlements of its portico used to boast of superiority to
the seventh heaven. ^ * ^ # %
Notwithstanding its elevation, the fort had a very extensive, beautiful and pleasant open
space inside the fortress with abundance of good water, trees and fruits innumerable and much
cultivation.
*****
When the victorious standards of the Sultan appeared round that fort, the garrison, being
unable to resist the attack of the royal army, asked for quarter and a written treaty of
favourable terms, The Sultan gave them hopes of their obtaining favourable terms, and the
muJpaddam of tie fortress delivered the keys to the servants of the court. The Sultan, for the
purpose of viewing the fort, ascended the hill and gave thanks to God that such a fortress
had been taken without trouble. The Sultan with much booty and countless treasure then
descended from the fortress to the foot of the hill, and ordered his anny to proceed to Bijflpur,
whilst he himself with some of his favourite amirs and intimate companions went to see the
Port of Mustafa-aMd D&bhol*
When he arrived there he conferred many favours and kindnesses on his subjects and the
people of that place ; and having spent several days in the happiness of viewing the sea-coast
and the gardens of that country he bestowed several of Bahadur Gihmi's districts on gultfin
Ahmad BahriM^m^l-Mulk, some on Makhdum Khwajah Jahan ; and the remainder be
gave on feudal tenure to Malik Ilyas Turk; and it was arranged that he should send
lo the public treasury each year the sum of ten laics of tankali , and, living in a manner the
reverse of Bahadur Gilam, should not become a traveller on the paths of sedition.
DECEMBER, 1899.] HISTORY OF THE BAHMANI J>TNA STY.
After that the Sultan proceeded towards his capital, and, stopping in the town of Mirai
divided among his troops the booty which he had collected in that country and in that war'
He then returned w!th his army to the capital ; and those *, w ,ho had accompanied him on
tha occasion such as Darya Khan, son of Malik Fath-Ulldh <Imad-uI-Mulkf and DilLar
Khun Habshi and Zarif-ul-Mulk Afghan - one of the amirs of Sultan Ahmad Bahrt Niz-lm nl
Mnlk - he distinguished by handsome robes of honour and increased dignities ; after which he"
dismissed them to their own districts.
In the beginning of the year 903^ (A.D. 1497) from the abundance of royal favours
conferred on him, the power of Sultan K all Kutb-ta-Mulk Hamadani being much augmented
and he becoming distinguished above all his equals, obtained suzerainty overall the feudatory
ch ie fs of Tehngana such as Jahangfr Khan, Sanjar Khiln, Kiwam-ul-Mulk Ullugh Khan
Mukrab Khan and others besides - and added to his former possessions the towns of W^a^al"
and Kovilako^da with their dependencies. In these days perverse ideas again found their way
into the brains of several rebels such as the young Yusuf, Ra,i Khan KinnaujJ, Muhammad
,
Adam, Kablr Yaghrush Khan and others beside them who had procured the favour of, tie
Sultan . and they entered into a compact with one another for the purpose of extern atiBff
the Turks, MirzAdah Shams-ud-Din Ni*mat-UlUhi (who of all the members of the assembly
was most nearly related to the royal family) became a confidant of theirs in this affair, But
before their seditious ideas could be carried into action the Turk! amirs obtained information
of the conspiracy; and according fco the saying that "A misfortune should be remedied
before its occurrence,' they took the initiative by going in a body to the royal conrf; and
the foolish Yaghrash Khan with the whole of the other conspirators, who were off their 'guard
in their own houses, were summoned to the court and put to death. Mfrza Shams-ud-
Din Ni'mat-Ullahi was also put to death as an accomplice of those misguided people. As
much disturbance arose in the city and fortress fche Sultan went up Into the Shah Burj
and shut the doors of entrance and exit, The Turk! amirs sent some one to summon Shah
Muhabb-TJllah. They brought him into the court of the Sultan ; and in his presence iBey
emphatically swore, saying : <* These slaves, with regard to the Sultan, except devotion and
obedience, have no thought in their hearts ; and have no idea whatever of rebellion against the
Sultan. Not like that clique of intriguers who had thoughts of rebellion in their hearts, and
who allowed thoughts of deception to enter their minds ; on which account we brought them
to punishment. We are the same servants of the court of the king as-we have always been/'
Shah Muhabb-Ullah then waited on the Sultan, and repeated their speech to him
verbatim, and the Sultan extinguished the fire of that sedition and disturbance, but Us
kingly authority both in the distant and near parts of the dominions died out. Each of
the amirs in his own district proclaimed his independence, an$ shut in his own face the
door of obedience and submission. The government of the kingdom of the Dakhan {now de-
volved on Masnad-i *Ali Malik Kutb-ul-Mulk ; and the Sultan, as in former days, again treat-
ed that intrepid servant with much kindness and graciousness, and now increased his rank
above that of all the other amirs and wassfos by making him am$r- f iil~umra of the whole of the
dominions of Teling&na, At this period lie also removed the provinces of Bijapur and Man-
galvedha and their dependencies from the possession of Malik KhudMad Oiwajah JaMu aud
consigned them to Majlis-i Baft' Malik Yusuf Turk ' Adil KMn. The parganah of Ansa and
Kaadhar, as in former times, was held in jdgir by Masnad-i ( Ali Malik Kasim Barid-i Mamalifc,
and there was much quarrelling and opposition beteween him and the other amirs of the dis-
tricts ; and now, when Barld-i Mamalik was in the fort of Aus, the amirs 9 thinking it a good
opportunity, represented to the Sultan that he was continually in opposition to this dy nasty *
and that it would be advisable to crush him before he could raise an insurrection. Although
08 902, according to Eirislitah. 59 Written Karaugal in the test ; but it is evidently a mistele.
w AngUce, " Prevention is better than cure."
31 g THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [DECEMBER, 1899.
this was contrary to the good pleasure of the Sult&n, yet on account of his affection for the
Ttzrki amirs h& could not act upon that advice j for at this time the Sultan had not much power
in the affairs of the kingdom.
Of necessity, in the latter part of Zi-uKHijjah A. E. 906 June, A. IX 1500), the Sultan, with
the watfrs of the capital and his brave troops, mo red from the capital and laid siege to the fort of
ATIS&. Some of the amirs who outwardly were on the side of the Sultan, but who were secret-
ly in alliance
