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(An Early Statement.) 

Bv S. M. EDWARDES, C.S.I., C.V.O. 

A few mouths ago W. William Foster, C.LE., of the India Office, sent me a transcript 
of an official statement of the Revenues of Bombay, at the time of its transfer to the East 
India Company in September, 1668. The statement was originally forwarded to Surat 
with a letter of October 6th, 1668, and was entered in the Surat register of letters received 
(now India Office Factory Records, Surat, Vol. 105, pp. 23, 24). In sending me the transcript, 
Mr. Foster suggested that as he had other problems to deal with, arising out of his researches 
into the Company's early records, I might work the statement into an article for the Indian 
Antiquary. He had himself made a cursory examination of the statement and added a few 
short notes on some of the doubtful items appearing in it, and these he has permitted me to 
use. He also advised mo that, in his opinion, the scribe who copied the original account 
into the Surat register had made various errors, both in the headings and the figures* Some 
of these mistakes are obvious, and help to justify the view that, where the calculations do not 
work out correctly, he has miscopied or omitted figures. 

A few weeks after I had received the statement from him, Mr. Foster informed me that he 
had discovered a duplicate copy of it in the India Office records (Factory Records, MiseelL, 
Vol. 2, pp. 44, 45). In the latter, some of the words are spelt a little differently from the 
corresponding words in the original statement, and to these differences I have drawn attention 
in my notes. Subject to these remarks, I give hereunder the statement in full, with such 
explanations as appear to me obvious or plausible. In one or two instances I am unable to 
solve the puzzles presented by the document, the unknown words used probably being indiffer- 
ent Portuguese corruptions of vernacular terms, to which I have failed to obtain a clue. 
Perhaps some reader of the Indian Antiquary may be able to supplement my efforts in these 
doubtful* cases. 

Yearely Savastall 1 or Rent Bowie of Bombaim and Jurisdiction. 

Battee 2 muraes 3 82.1*10 adolains 4 at X, 6 14| 

per mora amount to .. ** .. .. X.* 1,189. 257 

Bandarins* tribute which they pay .... X. 652. 2,30 

Colouria*, or fishermens tribute, comes to X. 3,718. 0.65 

Ooconutts 487,000 at Xs . 18 per mille amounts unto X . 8,406 .0 .0 

An orta* called Chenxey 9 . . . . , . ' . X. 400 .p.O 

X. 8,806.00.00 

The hill Vaulquessm 10 , net* rents . , , , X 4 39 ,01 .03 


Fores* 1 , or out rent, was formerly X. 1,235, but 

since there was severall crowns lands found out, 

etc. There is X. 332*2.14 reys deducted ; rest . . X 902 .00 ,66 

Kent of severall warehouses (increasing yearely) .. X, 66,00,00 

Summe is X. 16,374.01,61 

Stanck 12 of tobacco imports X. 10,225.00.00 

Customes received in Sir Gervas 

Lucas time of government the 

summe of X. 5,435.0.56 

And in the time of Capt. Gary,. X. 18,920. 0.19 

X. 24,355. 0.75 

beingfrom tie 18th February 1667 to the 23rd Sep- 
tember 1668, the commissioners that received 
and collected them being satisfyed, soe that the 

yearely customes earae to about ...... X, 18,000,00.00 

Rents of the tavernes imports ...... x . 2,450 .00 ,00 

----------- ..... _ .. x 30,675.00,00 

Maaagfl*, vizi. 

Colouria, or fishermens tribute diversly paid in .. X. 4,198. 1,26 

Palmeiras bravas** 936 rents ...... x. 1,182 # 75 

Palmeiras mancas^ 165 rents ...... x . 0,'l45 * 2 *42 

Hand of Pattecas", 4 .. ..' .. ..' x .' 'lI.'o.OO 

Battee, 225 muraes at Xs, 14J per mura . . , . x 3 262 40 

Vinzorai*, 60 fata." ........ x [ ' ,] ^ 

24,000 mangasis at 15 fedeas per mille . . x 18 2 87 
Rent of the botica" 


Summa totalia, 54,887. 
There is besides a custome of Henry Bue*o, 

Yaarely Savastall or Rent Roule of Mahlm and Its JarMlctioa, 
out the 31th July 166a 



..^*:. :: :: 

X. 2J.S.40 


Two tobacco shopps, X. 36 ; two shopps that sells provisions, 

X. 36 ................ X. 72.0.00 

Coconutts, 587,400 .0 . 3, at Xs. 18 per mille per estimate . . X , 10,573 . . 60 

The ferry betweene Maym and Bandora ........ X. 300 -- 

Xs. 14,195. 1.14 
Matunge 2 *. Battee, 55.8, Xs. 14, Xs. 802.0.8; tobacco shopps, 

Xs. 12 Xs. 814,00.08 

Dozzory 29 . Battee, m. 8,2 at Xs .141 . . . . Xs . 117 .00 .32 
Coolies for Magueria 3c) X . 45 . 1 . 15 

The same for Masul 31 X . 69 .2 . 17 

Xs. 115.00.32 

Halfe of the marinho 32 of salt X, 35.00.00 

X. 267.00.64 

Pero Vazty his Patty **. Battee, 37 at X. 14 J X. 536.01 .40 

Battee, m. 17.5 pazzas 34 at X. 14} . . Xs . 249 . 1 .00 

Coolies, for 22 netts Xs. 45.1 .16 

Anadrees, 35 40 each 4 f edeas . . . . Xs . 8 .1 .20 

X. 303. 0.36 

Mucher and Yas, 3 the ferry yeilds 1,800 fedeas X. 94.02.17 

Parella. 37 Battee, m. 148 at Xs. 14 } . . . . Xs . 2,146 ,0 .00 

Foros X. 103.1.40 

Coolies pay in 8 months of the yea-re ., X. 141.1.40 

Palmeiras bravas, X, 18.1.18 ; oyle 
shopp X 14 ; and tobacco shopp, 
X. 12 X. 44.1.18 

X. 2,435.01.18 

Vadala. Battee, m, 116.22.18, at Xs. 14 }, 

Xs. 1,694.2.74 ; foros, X. 691.8 X. 1,764.01.02 

Bury 3 *. 17 tisatis 39 of Salt, which vallue at 

20 Xs. each tisatis X. 340 ,0 .00 

Battee, blacke, 1 murae . , . . X . 12 .0 .00 

X. 352.0.00 

Pomela. 40 A marinho of salt X. 21 -01*35 

Colfcem and Bommanelli. 41 Battee, m. 1414.12 

atX. 14J X. 211-00*65 

Veryli. 4 * Battee, muraco 321210, at X. 14} .. X. 464.0.00 

Coolies, by agreement X. 450.0.00 

Foros ,. X. 52.1.49 

Palmeiros bravos X. 15.0.16 

ColleMpay* 3 X. 12.0.00 

Foros de manguerase Calego 4 * .. ..X. 10.2.00 

Bandarins, two X. 2.1. 

Coconutts, 11,000 at Xs* 18 per 

[mille per] estimate X, 198.0.00 

X. 1,204,01.66 

X. 22,200. 0.44 


If we accept a Xeraphin&B equivalent to about Is. G;Z. sterling, the total revenuo of 
Bombay at this date (1668) amounted to a little over 4,000 and of Mahim and Us 
dependent hamlets and villages to about 1,665. Some of tho calculation*, which I have 
tested, work out correctly, bat those in muras, parras, and adolins do not. If is possible 
that the old table of equivalents was different, and also that the copyist, transcribed 
some of the figures incorrectly from the original letter. In tho cast 1 , of words like 
' Anadrees ' and * Vinzora * I strongly suspect the copyist of having misread tho words in tho 
original. Ifc is possible that Mr. Foster's further researches may rcmilt In the <lis<io vn-y 
of fresh facts throwing light on these problems. He informs mo that Oxendeu mrulo it 
report on the state of Bombay in 1669, but that up to tho prosenfc he has n<>t <lLscT>v<>m! 
a copy of it. Probably it has been. lost. But other letters, reports, cte., may vol. comr to 
light, which will help towards a solution of the puzzles presented by" ? turlv 
Bombay records. 

comiected or identical with tho PortufiiMo word 

P- 17(5. da Cunlm 

ornrri,i r 

" a ; r of u per cent " from > a ^ 

the word ^o,^, wh ich may have boon loonoly appUod to r.nt 



3 M uraes is the Portuguese equivalent of ' moorah ' ' morn, ' momliL ' ,' ,. , i 
in the sale of rice in Bombay. W. Poster writes -"A^^ \ v It V ' ' " l "" aw " t '* 

^^^-^^sS.^~>?= ; ^^ 

by Milburn, Oriental Commerce, who states that in 1813 * a *^i tttlcutatKui i (tormhomtoti 

also equivalent to 4 ' candies '. At Bassein in 1554 nn m,/^ ^ ^,,,I ..Lx.*^..*^^ " !, . V!. 1 " 1 * 11 * ** lt( WMI 

S. V. *3 

o f c c qiiivaltm( iog ^ 

Bomb ay Government of Novemberl ZSeSr L^f "f' 1 ^ ' W ''"- '" Wl.r , 
6ur ?0 ou salt batty lands (B.C.G., H., 363) It ^"^13 ?/ / T '"*>"<' l "'' ' '/W,', ,.,- 
to the heirs of Jamshodji Bo^iin i 8 22 (B cT n 3^^T '" ?" BChlMlUl " <>f "" ld>1 
Oer S=l ^K ; 80^K. =slpa ^.i^^* a i a ) ^' -'J' i *>.* to Mm. 
equivalents are different, vt z . :_ 20 acZAoZ^ = 1 iTi^ - f PrOHl>Wi 8Utolw t ^u* 

Tba.(a MMnH . l pwra> 10 aWn.-88l^ "Sfal X * ."T* '' 
shovmin the column of figures. ** Th. B at X. 14J jx,r mor ffiv , iH , kl rig , |t 

'' ^*' Mdea ' 

'oarts,' a W0 rd stiU '.' gMea ' Fryor 673 ) *- 'hortoB,' and 


11 Fora in Portuguese signifies a quit-rent payable by tenants to the King or Lord of the Manor. 
This quit-rent tenure was common in Bassein and its dependencies during Portuguese rule. Da Cunha 
rejects the view that Foro is derived from the Latin Foris (out of doors, abroad) and suggests that it is 
derived rather from Forum, a public place, { where public affairs^ like the payment of rents or tributes, 
were transacted.' The words " out rent " in the Statement seem to imply that Foro was in some way 
connected with Foris (outside). Actually Foro was a quit-rent, which superseded the original obligation 
on the tenant to furnish military aid to the Sovereign, in return for the possession and enjoyment of the land. 
The quit-rent under Portuguese rule varied from 4 to 10 per cent, of the usual rental of the land. 

12 Stanck. A corruption of the Portuguese estanque = a license to sell, a monopoly of a branch of 
trade, otc. Here it signifies the farming -monopoly or the farm of tobacco. 

13 Mazagaon or Mazagon. 

H Bravo in Portuguese =' uncultivated ', 4 wild,' e magnificent,' 'excellent.' W. Foster suggests 
that tho phrase means " cocoa-nut trees in full bearing." The duplicate copy of the Statement has buavas, 
an, evident mistake for bravas. Manca in Portuguese =* defective,' 6 imperfect,' ' incomplete/ Palmeiras 
mwcas must mean " palm-trees not fully grown." 

16 Island of Pattecas, i.e.> Butcher's Island, Tho name is derived from Port, pateca, c water-melon ' ; 
and the process of corruption into the modern ' Butcher's ' ca# be gathered from Fryer's statement (1673) : 
** From hence (Elephanta) wo sailed to the Putachoes, a garden of melons (Putacho being a melon) were 
there not wild rats that hinder their growth, and so to Bombaim." It is marked ' Putachoes ' in Fryer's 
map of Bombay. The corruption into * Butcher's (island)' had taken place by 1724. 

16 Vinzora. This is written " Vinzera " in the duplicate copy of the Statement. The meaning of 
this word i totally obscure. Tho word most nearly approaching it in pure Portuguese is innctowo = 
4 future * * to coino after.* But it is more likely to bo a corruption of a vernacular term. Could it be ana* 
jofya = profit from pasturage foes ? 

17 From the calculation in thin Statement the Jedea appears to have equalled a little more than 1J 
reia. It was a money of account only W. FOSTTCII* 

18 Mangas == mangoes. 

13 Botica =: shop or tavern, (Port.). 

*0 Henry Duo, This may mean the island (div, diu) of Undori (Henery), near Khundori (Kenery), 
at the mouth of Bombay harbour. But more probably it refers to Hog Island, which is marked Henry 
Kenry in Fryor*s map W. FOSTKK. 

*1 Tcxxaa appears to bo a copyist'B orror for Tvrraft, * lands '. In the duplicate copy of the Statement, 
it is written * Teaaaa.* 

3 Muraco is a copyist's error for muraw (soo footnote 3 ante). 

23 Gonwrtas de Terra*. Tho moaning of ' conaortas ' is doubtful. It is possibly connected with Portu- 
guoao 'concerto,' meauteg 'disposition,' 'disposal,' ' agreomont,' 'contract, 9 'covenant* etc. The 's* 
may bo a mistake for * c '. 

4 Coito. This is perhaps a Portuguese rendering of Maruth! koyli, a ' sickle,' or Kanarese Jeoyta, a '-!bill- 
hook.' It sooms to bo identical with tho " cotto or whetting of knivoa," which appears as an item of Bombay 
Revenue in a letter of March 27, 1668, from tho Company to Surat (B.C.G., II, 58 footnote). The revenue 
from this item at that date for tho wholo Island was estimated at 2,000 pardaos. It was probably akin to 
Ihe ' toddy -knifo tax ' imposed on the Bhandariff, called ' aut salami ' at a later date. The tax was imposed 
on all persons liko tho Kolis, Bhandaris and othorn, who used a toife in tho performance of their recog- 
nized daily occupation. 

25 In, tho duplicate copy of tho Statement Iravox is written bravaz. Soe foot-noto 14 ante. 

2G 10 ba. This moonH 10 bazaruwos. Aocording to Yulo and Burnell (s.v. Bxidgrook) the bazaruceo 
was u coin of low denomination and of varying value and metal (copper, tin, lead and tutenague), formerly 
current at Uoa and olsewhom on tho wost coast of India, as well as at Homo other places in tho Indian, seas. 
It was adopted from the Portuguese in tho earliest Knglifih coinage at Bombay. In the earliest Goa coinage 
(1510) the leal or bazaruceo was equal to 2 rei#, and 420 rtis went to the golden cntzado. Tho derivation of the 
word is uncertain, 

37 CHito* Tho moaning of this item fo obBcuro- The Portuguese word chito is the same as ecnft?s= 
* anything written,* *anoto of hand.' It might possibly be a Portuguoso corruption of Maratht chiftfia, 
meaning * pay -roll,' * general account of revenue * etc., or of Kanarose chitthi moaning * a roll of lands under 
cultivation/ It may perhaps be assumed to signify miscellaneous revenue written up m the rolL 

* Matunge is Matunga, about 1J miles south-east of Mahim (Maym). 


3 Dozzory The name in this form cannot be identified. But it will be obsn-vecl that m two .nstaaeu 
the copyist has written zz for 'rr,' viz., ' tezzas ' for < terra,,' mentioned in footnote 21 fr, and p,maa ' 
to 3as', ^ntioned in footnote 34 jx* It is not unreasonable to assume that lin lie* nuido the aame 
aaain and that what he meant to write was Dorrovy ". Dorrovy would easily bo wnttrn by mistnto 
for"Darravy" which again is a possible Anglo-Indian corruption of "DhttrflvP. ll* wylMcnown 
village in the north of Bombay Island, between Mahim and Riwa Fort. Mr, Foslrr uquiycl if it ccmU 
possibly refer to Dongri, which was often erroneously spelt in tho clays of the Company. but llw main 
objection to this suggestion is that Dongri did not fall within tho jurisdiction of Muhim, wliwas J>hnrnvi 
(Darravy or Dorrovy) obviously would do so. The mention of a salt-pit or salt-pan ns mi of Ihn itimi of 
revenue lends further weight to the view that the place referred to is Dhoravi, 

30 Magueria. This might be Port, maquia or maquieira, which means ( fi too i'*Jr sriwlintf mm ,* 
'a duty per sack of corn'. But Michaelis' Portuguese-English Dictionary, 2nd ocl,, 100*5, given alno 
( wogueira ', c a kind of fishing-net '. Read in conjunction with tho noxt item, this npponrs tho mont liktriy 
meaning. The " Coolies " (i.e., Kolis) would be more likely to bo concerned with Ifcihinir-mto, than with Urn 
fees for corn-grinding, at a creek-side village like Dharavi, 

81 Mosul, I take this to be the Marathi mdsoli and Konkaui masidi, nu'auinK l i'isii '. [Of. Mniuli- 

32 Mwiriko. This is the Port, marfaha, a ' salt-pit.' 

33 Pero Vazty his Patty i.e., 'Pero Vaz's assessment ', from Mnrath! patfi t ww ', '<nx \ /*^i 
also means ' ground ', ' land '. 

34 Pa&tas is clearly a copyist's mistake for * parras ' (parah). 

35 Anadrees, The meaning of this word is wholly obsuro- lutlwiduplieaifft'^py of Mir SiMomontit, \* 
written ' Annadrees ', which does not help. It is probably n mis-spoiling nf Homo I'urruptwl vorniitiulnr 
word. A suggestion has been made that it may be a mistake for ' AndarucH\ from aw/r f k a pulki \ k innn^hir 
etc. This word appears in a glossary of Portuguese terms by Dalgado, * Andunw ' or * AmlnriM ' wW 
then signify ' persons who carry palkis '.e., Bhois, Kahars etc. Bui this oxplimnti'.n i ' not t'ouviiifit^, 
Possibly the word is " Anadee *', which is stated in the Glossary to a Itoport of t-h^ Nolf?ct Onnmiit-Vt^ on 
theafiairs of the E. I. Company for 1812, to mean "old waste Itind, or land not t'ultivntfd within tli^ 
memory of man/' 

38 Mucher and Yas. Theso words are written " Muchcr Aiidoas '' iu ilio duj)licafr copy nf 
ment. I have been unable to trace any place-names resembling those iu Horn hay, Tin* purittliw of 
and Vail are mentioned in a Bombay letter to the Court of December 15, UJ73, hut tly w<in m thrt 
of Bombay, and not under Mahim. I can only assume that Muchor and Vas won) two nmu!l villnjfo/t a<i)Mtvut 
to the ' drowned ' lands, between which there was ferry -communication ut Iji^Jj-tidi-, 

37 Parella = Parel 

38 Sury = Sewri *,e., Sivri, 

39 iwatw. Thi^ is spelt toarb in the duplicate copy of tho Statement, Th* prnt^ m^nitife rif tin 
word is doubtful, tifaftt in Mara^ht means * thrice-cleaned rice *. Horo tiwti or tiwri may In* u inmuiurts 
denoting a multiple of 3. 

40 Pomela s= Pomalla, a hamlet of Parel. 

41 Coltem and Bommanelli. In the dupHcato copy of tlio JStutoniout tho ^ctiitd mum? iw wntUni 
" BommareUy ". The places referred to are Coltem and Bamnoli, two village north of Pa^L 

which means ' Brahman street ' or ' Brahman row ' was an anciont landmark, dutint: frtmi 

Veryli = Varli or WorH, 

43 Collee, 6 pay. This appears to contain a copyist* error ; for in Urn duplicatr nijiy of tin- Slfltimant 
the words are ( CoUees pay \ U, * CooHes or Kolis pay '. It rate to tho tribut, or da {utyubl., hy the 

44 Foros de manguerase Calego. Oalego is written Gakyo in th duplicate copy, i,,l nmtmUy * 
proper name, and perhaps, also ; the Portuguese equivalent of a vernacular nainr, r,^, JCa/e. AewdinK ti> 
Michaelis, the Portuguese manff^rai (plur.^) means a ' mango-giow; Tin. v)^ jJiMH ttorioi* 
means Quit-reat of the Caleyo maugo-grove. 5 




THE period from the sixth to the tenth centuries A.D. was one of great Hindu religiou 
revival in South India. Buddhism which had been flourishing well, carried as it had also 
been to distant countries under royal patronage and missionary endeavour, had gradually 
begun to decline in sincerity and popularity, and the restless ferment of the times produced 
in succession several Saiva and Vaislmava reformers, who purged the land of the corrupt 
and effete religions by their own impassioned and soul-stirring hymns of monotheistic bhakti, 
and re- established a purer and more catholic form of Hinduism on the secure basis of single- 
minded devotion to God, As Mr. K. V. Subrahmanya Ayyar has well said in his Religious 
Activity in Ancient DekJian, " persons of no mean merit were they, who adorned the firmament 
of the Indian Reformation, which may be said to have commenced in, the seventh century 
A,D. and a little prior to it and continued its work for a long time. The men it produced 
were of varying capacities, and all of them arrayed themselves in one work or another in 
the mighty task of Reform, which, it may bo said to their credit, was effected with the least 
bloculshcd, as one is prone to find in other countries under similar conditions." 

Of the sixty* thrco aaints who have been mentioned as the premier apostles of Saivism, 
and who can bo located in 1 lie period above-mentioned, Sundaramtirti-Myanar, the Brahman 
boy-saint of Tirumivalur was a noted Jigure, and his Tirutton&attogai, wherein he has 
catalogued the nnm>s of tho saints that had lived prior to him, and the Ntinandddi of 
Nambiy&mlfu'-Nttmbi (r. tenth century A.D.) wore tho nuclei from which Sekkijftr (c. 1150 
A,D.) elaborated at a later date his Pmyapurdnam, tho Saiva hagiology, which had acquired 
so winch sanctity an to bt classified as the twelfth tirumurai or sacred collection of Saiva 
writings. This Hundara hail a Kin uontowporaries Viranminijar, Kotpuliy&r, M&nakafij&rar, 
ftyark6n-Kjilikkrtiuiiiii\ IVwmilalai-Kuruinbar, Soma.siyiir and Cheram&n-Pcrum&J, who 
have all bt-en included in the exalted galaxy of Saiva saints. 

Of this lustnarnu<l of them, who was a (JhGra king and a specially devoted friend of Sun- 
daramurti-NilyanUr, Sekkilflr has given the outlines of the religious side of his biography 
in a few chapters of tho Pwiyapurdnam, and the main incidents of Ch6ram&nO?erum&rs life 
arealtto aueeiiwtlyflummarisedm a single verse of the Tiruttondar-pur&nam. 1 The Travancore 
kizxg RAmavarman (A.D. 1758-98), in the preface to his work on N&tyaidstra, called the 
BdhrittMtbharatattfi, makt*B mention of this king as one of his ancestors. 
The Ptriyapurdnarn account 5 a follows : 

With hia capital at tlie seaport tawnof KorJufigGIfir, called also Mahddai, whose ramparts 
were the high mountain ranges and whose moat was the deep sea, there reigned a powerful 
king namod St'i'iftOiipoiaiyan, tho overlord of Malai-n&gu. In this illustrious family was bom 
prince Porumfilik&daiyfijr, also called by tho Bignificant title of Kalarirrariv&r 3 (one who 
tho Hp(nch of all living beings) a pious devotee of jiva, who bad kept himself 


unsoiled by the dissipations of a royal court and had dedicated his life to the service of 
the god at Tiruvanjaikkajam in tending the temple flower-gardens and in Kiipplyiti^ 
garlands for the god's daily worship. But when Sefigovporaiyan abdicated ai the end of 
a long reign and retired to an anchorite's life, this prince 4 was selected by the n&iuistur* 
to succeed to the throne and was prevailed upon with great dittieulty to don the royal 
purple, after he had obtained divine sanction for his reluctant acceptance of i he exalted 
He was of such a pious disposition that when, on his preliminary royal entry into t he capital, 
he came across a washerman whose body was whitened with Fuller's earth (wrr/rwan), he 
made obeisance to the washerman in. the belief that he was a Siva hhakta smeared with the 
holy ashes, and that his appearance was a timely reminder to him from on high to persevere 
in his pious life. On another occasion, it is said that Siva seat a poet-muKidun called 
PAaabhadra from Madura with a letter 5 of introduction to him that the bearer should he 
patronised and well -rewarded with riches, and that the king, who was Irani* m-sely pleated \v \i h 
the high honour that this divine commission implied, even went the length of offering hi 
whole kingdom to the god's proUgt. His devotion towards the god NafurAja of Chidaw hanuu 
grew in intensity, and the great Dancer used to reward his piety by enabling him to hear Uu> 
tinkling rhythm of his golden anklets (p&rsilambu) at the end of his daily pt/jd*, Failing, 
however, to hear this accustomed token on a particular day, the king was very wwh <li*hear 
tenedand would have stabbed himself to death, if Natar&ja had not intervened in limo to 
save His votary from an unnatural end. The royal saint also learnt that the beautiful hymnn 
sung by the arch-devotee Sundaramurti in the temple at Chidambaram were HO enthralling 
as to make the god forget His accustomed token to himself. This incident wus a U*rnin# 
point in the life of Cheram&n and thenceforward his ardour grew, if anything, mon* fervid. 
and he was filled with a longing to visit not only Chidambaram , the favourit e nf >ode f t he g<>d 
Natanasabhe^a, but also pay homage to the great soul whose HongH had kept i va H pel! -1.x mml . 
Accordingly he set out from his capital and after passing through the Kongu-riAilu, 
tihrough which lay in those days one of the highway** between tine eastern dintrictH and 
Malai-mandalam, finally reached Chidambaram, where the divine vision wbich \VHH vtjueh* 
safed him evoked a fitting response in the poem named the l^t^annanandddi^ Ho 
theu proceeded to Tiruv&rfir, the headquarters of tfunduraiuurti-Nfiyimftr, ami 
with him a memorable friendship which, while earning for the latter the sobriquet uf 
mdwrdlan, continued unabated in its sincerity till the time of tho aimultaneouH atjd 
exits of both of them from Tiruvanjaikkalam. After having compoBod th< 
kdvatf in honour of the god Valmikan&tha during his short tay atTiruvftrAr, * 

f m . * 

This verse beginning with 'u>j3u>eSLifieoff t>in-GJUp' is the fiwt piooo in th Podindr4ri|jri. 

1 This has-been collected in 


tlien accompanied Sundara on an extensive pilgrimage to many holy temples of Siva 
in tho ChOla and P&iiclya kingdoms, among which are mentioned : Kilvelur, Nftgaik&rdnam, 
Tirumaraikkftilu (Vedftraayam), PaJ.anam, Agasty^npajJi, Kulagar-Kodikkfiyil, Tiruppattfir, 
Madurai, Tiruppuvanam , Tiru vfippanfir, Tiruvedagam, Tirupparangumam, Knrrfilaxa, 
Kurum balsi, Tirunel vel i, Rfwnesvaram, Tiruchchuliyal, K&napper, Tiruppunav&yil, 
Pat&JSBVaram, Tirukkaruliyiir, and Tiruvaiyyaru. Both the friends then cut across the 
Kougudesam and readied Korlungoliir, where Cheram&n entertained Sundara with such 
pomp and respect as was befitting the renowned boy-saint. After a short congenial stay 
at the Chura capital, Sundara finally took leave of his royal friend and reached Tiruv&rfrr, 
loaded with many costly presents and jewels, after undergoing a miraculous adventure with 
banditti m route at Tirnmuruganpfiiidi in tlie Coimbatore District. 

Some time later, Sundaramflrti-Nayajjar paid a second visit to his ChSra friend, after 
augmenting his fame*, on the way by the performance of the miracle of resuscitating a Brahman 
boy at Tiruppukkoliyur (Avmfisi in the Coimbatoro District), and was received with huge 
ovationH by the. puople, of Tiru vaftjaikka Jam and their king. While Sundaramflrti was thus 
Btaymg in the Chora capital, the god fiiva, it is stated, sent a white elephant to fetch the 
saint back to his original abodo Kniiasa, and in obedience to that holy mandate he prepared to 
start heavenwards; but before sotting out, his commiserating thoughts strayed for a moment 
towards \m royal unm ratio whom ho. had to leave behind. Cheramfin-Perum&l, who was taking 
hit* bath at hin painxw at that time, vaulted on a horse, and rushing to tho spot where the 
elephant was inarching with its proeioua burden, respectfully circumambulated his friend, 
and after muttering tho mystic formula of the pancMksUara into tho horse's ear, rose into 
tho air, leading tho way in front to Mount Kail&sa. Tho loyal servants of tho Chera king, 
who had xvilneHHed their master mounting heavenwards, waited till he was lost to sight and, 
despairing of his return, killed themselves by falling on their upright swords, like the true 
warriors that they were. On reaching tho Silver Mountain, Cheraman-Perum&J gained 
audience uf Siva through the recommendation of his friend and sang on that occasion the 
poem called tho TirukkaHdyajfidna-uld^ (called also tho Adi-uld), which then received the 
god's imprimatur. This poom is said to have boen transmitted to this world at Tiruppidavflr 
(Tanjore District) by a certain Mfi^attaitftr, who had heard ifc chanted on the slopes of 
Kail&aa, while tho publicity given to this songs that Sundara hymned forth on his way to the 
Holy Mount IB attributed to Varuna, the lord of tho oceans. 

Pcrumilalai-Kut;umbar ono of tho sixty-three devotees, also killed himself in his own 
plaoo in ordor to join Sundara in Kailtea, on thi occasion. Auvai, who is said to have been 
tho i*tc<r of Ch&ranian-Perumait, also reached Kail&sa by a miraculous short-cut, aatrido the 
god Gane&a'fl extended proboscis t 

Now at* regard* tho period when Cheram&n-Perumai flourished, its determination is 
confronted with tho uwual confusion attendant on similar questions, namely that, tho available 
materials arc HO superimposed with much that is purely traditional and supernatural that 
thoro i no safo historical foundation to proceed upon. The sources from which such 
information can bo expected to be collated may bo classified as follows : 

(i) tradition current in Malabar regarding this king, as recorded in tho K&rdttl 

~~ > Thi* fiwl a P**w in tta ** th Tirutnufiit j oe alo Puran&nAru, v. 305, p. 528. 



[JANPAHV, 1025 

(ii) the biographical sketches of this king, of Sundaramurti, and of their contempora- 
ries, as narrated in the Periyapurci/nam ; 

(iii) the Tiruvilaiyddorpur&nam of Paranj6tiyar, which mentions the (Imputation of 
. the lutist Pana-Bhadra to this CMra's court as the 55th of thi- sixty-four divine 
sports of the god Sundaresa of Madura ; and 

(IT) other miscellaneous references. 

(i) The KeralSlpatti N> ( a Malayalam work cf no great, antiquity or chronological 
authenticity, purporting to be a historical chronicle of the Kerala kings, plums 1 ! end f tin; 
Cheraman rale in the fifth century (A.D. 428), and relates of a certain Ba v a W nimfil thai 
he went on a pilgrimage to Mecca on conversion to an alien creed. Mr. T*I#UI. linking thi* 
information with the alleged discovery of a tomb-stone dated in 82S A.D. ,su|pns.-rl to *>!<] 
the death at Sahar-Mukhal of a certain Hindu royal convert n-numwl Abinl Kahiiaan 
State, an his return journey to his native land, has tried to trace the. origin of the Kollan, 
era to this hypothetical conversion. Now that the institution of the em is mure or Iws 
definite y attributable to the foundation, or at least the expansion, of th, muriiime, city ,'rf 
^ollamaUbout this time under the Christian immigrant Maruvau Hapir isO. mill that 
the troth about the existence and purport of the Arabian epitaph is discredited for waul ,,f 

* ** 

ble that th, rny.stenau* ,| ^ m 
miraculously or otherwin, and , 


^-religionists, which may have all takva piaee .ithin . f!,v 


know from 

the river 
to leave a dry f ord 
probable that 
State, which is 

that it came into existence 
Chfeam^Perumal, its Ttn* can 
ninth century AT, ' U 


p up fewccnturie - s ag - As tiw ^ ** ^ u - 

icit r " 1 '' *l * pla;,,l th, 

h * W ' t}U ' fiflh "' 1 ^ A '" w " 
^ -, 

**X** to tho Tanjun. >itriet, was viMi 
^ Sundaramfirti ' and that ' - '^ to h. vicinity 
? '* ^ C mman<1 <>f ff0<1 Pa ''^^vara, HO a. 
* W ^ With eMO "- Jt 5 ***' highly 

^^ M " f th 
"^ fa Kta " a tt d 
" ^ ^ '* Ww <lml 
'" WC ^ k " <>W fr m Uthit: 

aligned to the fat quarter of th 


(ii) The Periyapurdnam, which has been acknowledged to be a quasi-historical compila- 
tion, denuded of the few supernatural incidents that may not be acceptable in a strictly 
critical sense, does not however supply in the lives of Cheraman-Perum&l or of his N&yanm&r 
contemporaries any clue that could help in the determination of their age with certainty. 
We only know that, on the abdication of a Ch&ra king named Sefjgorporaiyan who was ruling 
at KMung61fir, the next in succession, Periim&kk6daiyar, the Saiva devotee, ascended the 
throne. But unfortunately the names Seiigdrpogaiyan (the just Chera) and Perumakkd- 
daiy&r (the great Chra) sound more like titles than individual appellations, Poraiyan and 
Kodai being but synonymous with Ch6ra. Although it may be hazardous to assert that 
they do not represent the distinctive names of two ChSra kings, 15 they are however a pair 
of designations too vague to yield any historical landmark. The Ch61a and P&ndya contem- 
poraries of Cheram&n are al&o referred to by their dynastic titles of valavan and tennavan, 
which are absolutely useless for purposes of definite identification. The life-sketches of the 
N&yanm&r contemporaries of this king are also similarly barren of information, except that 
Sundara is mentioned to have been the protfye of a certain Narasifigamunaiyaraiyan, the 
chief of Mil&qta, who had his headquarters at Tirukkoyiltir in the South Arcot District, and 
Sundara himself refers to a weak Pallava king of that period, to whom his vassals stopped 
the payment of tribute. From the Tirun&valur and Tirukkoyilur inscriptions a few genera- 
tions of Miladu chiefs with names Narasimha and K&ma are understood to have ruled in the 
years A.D. 954, 957, 1059 and 1149, and it is just possible, although it cannot be taken as a 
definite datum, that a Narasingamunaiyaraiyan may havo lived in the beginning of the ninth 
century A.D. as Sundara's patron, lft The reference to the Pallava also points to a period 
when, the Pallava power was at a low ebb, and this fits in well with the later years of the 
reign of Dantivarman (780-830), when Tonflai-mandalam had been invaded from the north 
by Gdvinda III (804) and from tho south by the Pandya Varaguna I (825)**. 

(iii) The Tiruvilaiyddar-purdnam of Paranj6tiyr, which prof eases to give a chronological 
narration of the sixty-four divine sports of god the Chokkan&tha of Madura, places in the reign 
of a P4$dya king, named Varaguoa, 1 ^ the following two episodes which constitute the 54th 
(Viragu-viwa-padalam) and the 55th (TirumuJcam-kodutta*paAalam) divine spirts of that 
book, namely, the discomfiture of man&tha the northern lute-player oA behalf of the local 
bard Bhadra, and the latter's deputation to a Cheram&n-Perum&l of Kodungdjur with 
a poem-inscribed cadjan order for presents. Although the scheme of chronology adopted 
by this author is a medley of tradition, myth and royal names, as ably proved by Mr. K, S, S. 
Pillai in his Tamil-varaldru, it may however be examined, all other things apart, whether 
the location of the lute-player Bhadra in the reign of a P^dya king who had the name of 
Varaguna, is consistent with the above suppositions relating to the age of Cheram&n-Perum&J 
and Suudara. We know from reliable sources that Varagui^-Mah&r&ja, the grandson of 
Jatila-Partotaka (770 A.D.) and himself the grandfather of Varaguuavannan, who ascended 
the throne in A.D. 882, must have been reigning in the beginning of the ninth century, 19 and 

18 There have been kings with these names, ,g., Kuttuvan-Kddai, M&kk6dai, Irurabojrai, Kaajai- 
kkWiruinporai (PufahAwtru), 

1* flendamil, vol. Ill, p. 320. 17 The Pdtlawe, page 76* 

eir wtrir u5r Q/^SBWOT Q&&Qair(&)/rffi& 

w */r<a/a>/r&f?,0 Quirky atirQ&nDisirpwr Viraguvirra,pa4<dam, T. 2* 
wetrearir pu>iSjnr@J)8uJ GjjrQemQf&j&r 

fi&jS &r&rp$$9 HfpGojtr&r*-* *Wrid** v. 58- 
., 1908, p. 54, 

4 ^ tHE INDIAN A ^ 

there is nothing improbable in linking together the above traditional accounts, and in turn- 
ing Cheraman to have been this P&ndya's contemporary and to have lived in tho first quarter 

of the ninth century A.D, 

The Pana-Bhadra episode is also referred to in the KaOdAawPQ, but as its author 
KaHadan^r is, on other grounds, considered to have been a later poet different from his name- 
sake of the last Academy 21 , this mention need not necessarily militate against the assign- 
ment of Cheram^n to ths beginning of the ninth century A.D. 32 

(iv) The tradition stating that one of the offspring of the couple Bhagavan and Adi, 
who was brought up by Adigan and was eventually raised to the Chora throne, was tho 
Ohftramftn-Peramftl of the Periyapurdnam, is not supported by any evidence wept that, 
of a verse popularly attributed to Auvaiy&r, 23 which she is said to have addressed in derision 
to the Chera king, when god Vinayaka, who was pleased with her devotion, raised IUT to 
heaven with his proboscis sometime before the mounted pair Sundaramfltrti and Ohmmun 
could arrive at the Kailasa gates. This is another instance of different episode* relating in 
more than one Auvai (old woman) being mixed up together promiscuously. 

'(v) In his learned article on the age of Jnanasambandha, Prof* StimUirnm Pillui fiuclrt 
an implied reference to certain !aiva N&yaumrs in tho minor stotraa of Saukara, and if tho 
JSivabhujaiiga, feivdnandalahari and Saundaryalaliatf are the indisputable com]>o.sititms of 
the author of the great Bbdsyas, then the passing reference in the stanza of the 
may be taken to contain a covert sneer at Sundara's matrimonial foibfa, whirh, 
much concealed by mythical varnish, was considered too big a blemish in hi* 
overlooked by fiyark6n-Kalikk^man&r, who decided to die of his colic ratlusr than MU limit 
to be cured by Sundara. The date of Safikara has been accepted by many ncholar.s to IK* thu 
beginning of the ninth century (c. 788-820 A.D.) ; and in that case, it !H aim) powublo that tho 
N^yaij&r's Tkuvorriyur episode may have reached hi cars. Oieramfii} may th*Tt'forr 
have lived in the first quarter of the ninth century. 

Thus, alj the available data tend towards the ascription of Gheram&n-Pt'nirnft! NftynijAr 
to the beginning of the ninth century A.D., and tho temptation now offrfH Hwlf to cunittdc*r 
whether this royal saint of the Tamil hagiology can bo tho aanw an tho Keraja king llftja- 
^eldiara of the Talamana-fflam copper-plate record 86 . In partial support of that poamblo 
identification, these points may be noted, 


v. 11, U. 25-30, 

1, vol. XV pp. 107-14* 



' *W II ; ito a^ XXVI, 109. 


la the Tiruvalla copper-plate record of the beginning of the eleventh century(l), published 
iu vol. II, of the Trav. Arch. Series, the king R&jasekhara has been mentioned with ihsbiruda* 
of Sennittalai-adigal, which carries with it the additional significance of his devotion to god 
Siva at Sennittalai, which it may be noted, is a phallic emblem or lingo, of great age. a6 

Further, the king begins his Talamana-illam record with the words e Namassivdya* in 
place of the almost universal c Svasti M ' : and although this formula has been met with 
elsewhere in a few instances, it is nevertheless rare and may be considered to be significant 
of the special devotion of this king to the god Siva. 

The palseography of the plate also points to about the beginning of the ninth century 
as its age, which was also the period in which Sundaramurti-Nayanr and his friend 
Cheraman-Perumal are, as noted above, considered to have flourished. It is also not impossible 
that, though Cheram&n-Perum&l was a dynastic title meaning e the Chera king/ the king 
Rajafiekhara may have been respectfully known in the Tamil districts exclusively by that 
title without the addition of his personal name. The later Chera kings Sth&nu-Ravi and 
Vijayar&gadcva wore, however, known in the Tamil records as Chtramdn K6tt&nu-Ravi 
&&&GMramdn Vijar&gadeva, 

There is again the tradition 27 recorded in the Sankaravijaya that a KSraJa king called 
Rjasekhara was a contemporary of the great Saukara, to whom he showed three dramas 
of his own composition. This incident is found in an amplified form in the Jagadgum-r atria* 
mdld-stava of Sad&nvabrahmendra of tho sixteenth century, and its commentator has 
further supplemented the information by saying that the three dramas and a sattaka, which 
R&jasekhara showed to Sankara, were Bdlardmdyana, Viddliasdlabharijikd, Prackandapdndava 
and Karp'tlramatijari. As these works aro known to be tho works of a northern poet called 
R&jasSkhara, who lived in the court of Mah6ndrap&la in the first half of the tenth century, 
and who could not have been Saukara's contemporary., it may be surmised that the author 
of the stava was perhaps misled by tho similarity of names to identify a Kerala king Rftja- 
iSkhara with the northern poet of a century later. This leaves the Sankaravijaya statement 
that the Kerala king was the author of three dramas still unexplained, and it is not known if 
M&dhav&charya was not himself misled by the identity in. the names of the two different 
individuals, Icing and author, 

Mr. S. Paramesvara Ayyar, M.A., B.L., M.R.A.S., of Trivandrum inla learned article in a 
Malayalam Journal 2 ^ has attempted to solve the difficulty by supposing that R&ja- 
Sekhara may have been a title of tho Chera king Kulasekharavarman, the accredited 
author of the two dramas, the Tapatisamvaranam and the Subhadrddhananjayam, and 
of a hypothetical third called the VichchhinndbJiish&ka'M. Against this, it may be said that the 
name of the Kerala king of tho Tiruvalla copper-plate cannot have been a title like R&jak6sari- 
varman, or M%avarman of the Tamil records, because of the specific mention of him as 
R&jaraja-Parametvara-Bhattaraka RdjaiekJiaradeva, the first three words being his kingly 
titles and the last his personal name. The word NamaSAwdya prefacing his record is also 
against his being identified with Kulasekhara, the author of the Mukundamdla and the 
Tirumoli, which are saturated with a deep and almost exclusive devotion for Vislniu,to whom 
have also been attributed the abovementioned two published dramas and the hypothe- 
tical third* 

* Element of Hindu Iconography, voL II, p. 69 3* 2Vot> -dfcft. Series, vol. U, p. 10* 
A* The BUah&pteM*i for 1917* 


In this connection, it may be stated that Cheramaa-Perum&l haselsovkere^ boun indent}- 
fied with B&na-Perum&k the fourth viceroy of the Peruma] line (A.t>. 300) according to iho 
Kfaalolppatti, on the strength of a supposed reference to him in the eighth vorsc of the 
Timnodit^malai-padigam of Sundarainurti 

- v. 8, 

which has been interpreted to express the grateful recognition on the part of Sundara of thf* 
gift of an elephant made to him by the ChSra king. According to tradition, this yadigam 
was sung by Sundara on the eve of his departure to Kailfisa on the celestial whito el*plwnt 
that had been sent to fetch him ; and even if this mythological setting is ignored, fhw i* 
unmistakable evidence throughout all the verses of the poem, in each individual f ftns&a Mf \\}\ irh 
the gift of an elephant is dutifuljy acknowledged, to indicate that Sundara ivfm to the god 
Siva himself as the donor and not to any mortal, king and friend though In* may Itf*. Tim 
expressions of humility and devotion used in the versos can more* fitly IK* ronnidrml ten 
have been addressed to the god rather than be applied to the Chera king, who ntood in tlw 
relation of a disciple to Sundara. These instances are the following :- 

wr"- v. J. 


U, though it may be an alternative form of B&na, in also a contraction of th<i word 
signifying 'one who dwells,' and wramaU-v&nan which has been token RH the ' Ban* 
_ nal) of great gifts ' may equally appropriately refer to god, 'the boHtnwrr f bounUtiuii 
gifts.' It is no doubt true that Chera kings were proverbially lavish in tlwir mtmifta'Dtt' and 
that many poems in the Puran$!Mru and the PadirfuppaUu have cxtc*ll<d their if(H of cfonhnnt* 
to poets and other suppliants ; but the padigam under reference does not appear to immor- 
talise a mere mortal's gift. 

The incidents which Sundara is supposed to have recorded in these, vcrwn hvo givon 
rise to the mythical story that he ascended to heaven with his mortal body and that he 
directed god Varuna, whom he has addressed as ^^^ mjrtuirmi ^ mfuj t u H***t 
uGjs m the last line of the poem to publish this padigam to tho termrtriAl world. From 
the reference made to god Afijaikkajattappar in this last line of tho lat vww and from the 
deaoriptionofNodittanmalaiin -- - TOW, MM num uw 

of the sea with his flower-like 

' jy%0l_60)T 

(tf) ' 


one is tempted to locate Nodittanmalai (the hill of Hara) in the vicinity of An jaikkalam and 
not equate it with the Kailasa hill in the midst of the Himalayas. * f^#i_6<sa>jrau/r 
oj&GQfUjuuiT ' appears to have a possible reference to the geographical location of 
Tiru van jaikkalam on the sea-shore and this is just the description that Sundara- 
murti has indulged in in each verse of the poem pertaining to that place. 30 
Kail&san&tha's temples are very common in many places and the hill Noitt&nmalai 
wherever it was, must have borne on its summit one such shrine dedicated to Siva ; 
and it is not unlikely that Sundara, who may have gone up to worship that god, was followed 
soon after by his royal host and that they both composed respectively on this occasion the 
songs TirunoAittdnmalai'padigam and Timkkaildyaj'tidm-uld. Some mysterious causes, 
not definitely ascertainable now, may have led to their sudden disappearance from the land 
of the living and their accredited piety may have then attracted to their glorification the 
supernatural episode of a celestial ascent to Mount Kailasa with their mortal bodies. 

The introductory portion of the Tirukkaildyajfidna-uld of Cheram&n is also worth noting 
in this connection, in regard to the description it gives of the god Siva, who was seated in 
the Tirukkdyil (Mkvyil temple ?) at Sivapuram. 31 The large number of Agamic terms that 
have been employed in the detailed enumeration of the ornaments with which Siva was 
decked seems to suggest that the royal poet had before him a sculptural representation 
of Siva, which he naturally identified with the higher divinity of the Silver Mount. The 
terms that have been used are the following : cMldmani, pattern, makarakundalam, kandigai, 
channavtram, Ictyurom, udwabandham, katisdtram, kankanam, vdcMkai, kihkini, mfkkald, 
Mram and jat&makwtam among ornaments and jhallari, bfari, karatdlam, maddalam and 
dundubhi among musical instruments. 

It can thus be tentatively assumed that the Chera king Cheraman-Perum&], who was the 
contemporary of Sundaramurti-Nayanar, was in all probability king R&ja6khara of the 
Talamana-illam copper-plate and that he flourished in the first quarter of the ninth 
century A.D. 

GUjrQearQiufrpjStuir eti&sfltu/riT Qu(rtfl&)gfGs>&6G{r0piju(Se8r v. 3. 

It may also be noted that * 8L~6Vea>jrtU!r' is the name of a class of people living on the sea-coast, 

31 It is not iraposible that givapuram is identical with Tirughcblvapp&rur (Trichur), whose god 
Yadakkunnathan, (Vadakkunnu-n&than, the Lord of the northern Mount-Kail&sa) is, in tradition, supposed 
to be the god diva of Kail&sa itself, who was requested by PKa$urStana to manifest Hixqself in this temple; 
fyut Trichur is not on the sea-shore. 



Is various papers I have collected information which shows that lhi> nif.<-m:tl ivln- 
tions, but more especially the sister's son, eat the sacrifice as repws/miiitm's <,f tlio gods 
or ancestral spirits ; that among certain people they are beaten for doing so, and 1 !i:ti this 
beating is part of a sporting or ceremonial enmity between thorn and the pu1crn.*il rein- 
tions. 1 Mr. Perry in his Children of the 8unha,s collected numerous inHl;iuc-<-K of \}w ho.s. 
tih'ty between intermarrying groups, though he has not sufficiently brought ouf lh<' frtVntlly 
character of this hostility. Those sources must serve as introduction to the {indent jut JUT, 
in which I take for granted the ceremonial hostility of cross cousins, tluvfc JH a, niiui ami his 
mother's brother's son or father's sister's daughter. 

The Vedic sacrifice, and indeed for that matter the Median-id Indian ttimfi.'i-, %uw 
conceived as a victory over the evil powers opposed to tho siicriiu-iT.: This i:<nii-c[ 
is often expressed in the formula pdprndnam tad dirisanlam fiAriltrri/nui. Jmh'ti* hi<-h 
Eggeling translates, "Slaying his wicked spiteful enemy." Tho word \wrny" Mamjs f lir 
bhratrvya, a word of somewhat doubtful meaning, but which anyhow i* <l"riv.-d front 
bhrdtr, brother. Professors MacDonell and Keith discuss the wonHn ifi.'ir \V-.ii,- li,,J,. x 
thus: "Bhratrvya is found in one passage of the Atlmrvawla , wlu-r.-, l(t-in w nan, r ,'| 
(V. 22.12), with brother and sister, it must bo an expression of ri'lsUiunshij). 'l'\i<: M.H si- 
appears to be '(father's) brother's son,' 'cousin,' this meaning alnn.- a,-,'.,,,,,) h,^' f or 
the sense of nval, 'enemy 'found elsewhere, in the Atkamtmla, and n-]n-nt >-.{(>- in t h- 
other Samhitas and Brihmanas. In an undivided family th n-IutioriH ,.,( c-misiuH u,, n hi 
easJy develop into rivalry and enmity. The original mwwiing may, howcvrr, h,,v.. J,,,-,, 
nephew, as the simple etymological sense would bo ' brotluTH mm ' ; hut tin* K,riim nut It, 
account for the later meaning so well. The XMntu S,Mt<l lm ^ T \\^ ,} i,.Jli, 1( .r ,,f (fc 
falsehood to a Bhratrvya, who, further is often given tho t-pitht-lH 'Iia1iii s ' (rf/./M) H ,l 
evu (opnm y^mw) in the later Sopftifib and tho Urdhmana*. Th- J/Ar,w-i-/ 
contains various spells, which aim at destroying or oxp,.IIin K < w .'* ' rivals ' " 

I do not agree with the learned authors that the m<m, lg ' futlM.r i,r.,l IT' M , n nlo 
accounts for the sense of enemy. After considerable oxprrionw, of ,,dlvi,ll fanuli,. 


certainly be interesting, if it could be proved. But I doubt if it ,ver L|Ti "' 

lam not so certain that it never could: by direct ovi^nw, donbtteHM it i* inu^ihh - 

but there sueh a thing as circumstantial evidence, which i, i,,, n Tll'r L ,t - ' 

mrstly, a presumption would bo created in favour of the mothi-r if i, . i 


Seemdly; there is the comparative method. It is a well known fact that customs may ; 
survive h* out of the way places for thousands of years after they have disappeared in their; 
country of origin. Egyptologists have given 1 us instances of such persistence which would, 
have been thought incredible a few decades ago. We may, therefore, have good hbpes of 
finding the Vedic theory of sacrifice surviving in the backwaters of India, fcdo-China, and 
Indonesia, *ud I appeal to all students of those regions to take down carefully verbatim des- 
criptions of sacrifices, to not the kinship system, and to note the functions of the various 
relations in all ceremonies, whether they are obviously religious or apparently secular. 

We come verynear the evidence required in Hji-tod in South Africa, where the man 
who is sister's son and cross cousin to the tribe seizes the ofiering and is beaten by the cross 
cousins. Among the Thonga we are told distinctly that he does so as representative of the 
gods. It must however be remembered that both among the Kjians and the Thonga the, 
distinction between gods, demons, manes, ghosts, has disappeared or almost so, and all of 
them are commonly spoken of under the same generic term. 4 

Let us See who appears as bhratrvya in Vedic ritual: there is Vrtra 6 and there is 
Namuci, both demons.. But we must first of all get it firmly implanted in our minds that 
the word * demon ' is a purely conventional and somewhat misleading translation of awra ; 
demon to ua means a wicked being, bub an awn* is nothing of that kind ; he is a rival of 
tho gods, but ho can be very good, and even a saint, as for instance Bali in the myth of 
Vishnu's Three Steps. True, Vrtra is spoken of as ' wicked/ * sinful/ but on the other ha^d 
he is identified with Soma,* the plant which yields the sacred beverage of Vedic sacrifices, 
and:Soma is such a kind god that he has given rise to an adjective saumya,, ' agreeable, plea- 
sant, auspicious/ Indeed, it appears to be a sin to slay Soma, as they do when they crush 
him in order to prepare the sacrificial draught ; therefore they crush him with stones to res- 
tore his body and bring him to life. 7 Soma is also the moon,* and therefore Vptra is the- 
mooa; and the moon is aot evil, in fact many families in India boast of their descent from 
the moon* Namuci seems; to be but a variant of Vptta : he too is Soma, and is thus a mix- 
ture of gqod *nd eviL* 

It is obvious that the hostility between the sacrificer and the demons cannot be a real 
one, ono infused with hatred. No doubt texts will be quoted in which expressions of hato 
or contempt occur, but it does not follow that they are real. In Fiji one tribe- goes out of 
its way in the midst of a kava formula, (which corresponds to the Indian Soma chant ?), to 
call their cross cousins 10 fools ; yet the relations between the two tribes are most friendly, 
boisterously friendly, and if they meet they will make a point of insulting one another, 
" You cad, you body fit to be cooked," and so on without the least bit of ill feeling. They 
will cheat one another, |ust as the KdthaJca Samkitd prescribes should be done to a bhrdbvya> 
and think it a great joke which binds them all the closer together. 

But if bhrfavya is a cross cousin, how do demons come to be called cross cousins ? 
Over and over again the Satapafha Brahmana informs us that the sacrificer is the god 
India ; 11 if the s&crificer cap impersonate the Sun god, why should not his cousin repre- 
sent the Moon god ? Whether the cross-cousin was actually present or not, the following 

4 Oa the meaning of the Fijian word 4 Kalou, ' Journ. Hoy. Antfuro, Jntf ,, 1912, p- 437. 
jbJStotopatka Bralmana, I, 2. 4* & <* Ibid., HI, 4- &. 13. 

r z*04 SI,*:*.*: a 

JW&, Xf*,?, 8. "ft-. I, i.8. 17, l* 

u iw. f m;*, ito; In, i *, 



possible, if not probable : "The housu- 
altar has tho bhmrhvya a deity/' 

the deitv of the other is also an actual person impersonating a god. 

I said at the beginning that in later India the maternal relations eat the eacriiico an 
representatives of the manes, or ancestral spirits. I know no definite evidence that thu 
uLqp eats the sacrifice, yet the opening sentence of the Zfomuei logoncl rath.r miggDsts 
it) "Namuci the demon -<tm), stole Indra's vigour, tho essence of hi* food, tho enjoy- 
meat of his sow* along with his liquor/'" The sequel shows that ho did BO hy drinking 
the soma for when Namuci's head is cut off, the soma is mixed with blood. But why uhouM 
the cross cousin eat the sacrifice ? I cannot tell as yet, but I think wo havo u duo in tho 
following passage of the Satvpatha ; " When about to strike Soma he fhinkn nf thu orw 
whose rival he is, I strike So and So, not thee. Now whoever killn human Brahman 
here is despised ; how much more he who kills Him ; for Soma ift a god ..<*,. <> if ho has 
no rival, le>t him tMnk of a straw ; thus no guilt is incurred/' 14 I Huggcnt t hitt he i-at a it 
or part of it to take upon himself the evil (pdpman) that is inherent in it , Urn* leaving it 
free from evil for the sacrifice. In other words he acts as scape goat, aa boarvr of illn, ami 
-as mch is reviled, despised, but only for make-boliovo, not with any filing ; in Fiji and 
South Africa he is, like a scape goat, driven away. lfi 

Mnally, the asura, appear as Vhrahwja, Now tho asurci, as I havrt aid MI^ not 
demons, but simply a class of gods who are constantly contending ceremonially with 
other class of gods called (leva. Now both demand &sura aro dosctmdod from 
if it could be established that they are the male and the female line, then it would bo 
well proved that bkrahvya means mother's brother's son. Unfortunately, tho 
is said by Bopkins 17 to represent them as the elder brothers of th <fca. Humivi^r, thf 
R&m dyana is not first class evidence on this point. It was written centum** aft^r t ho Vitdiu 
period, at a time when the .cross-cousin system had disappeared from Northern India ? HC> the 
attthor would no more appreciate the difference between a father')* bnuhir' on lind rt 
another's brother's son, between a bJtraU and a bhrativya, than a Haniikrit scholar uuacttu^in- 
ted with the comparative history of kinship* 

The reader may have noticed in the course of this diacuasion acme striking &&jU0gif* 
with (Jhristian rituaL Is the crds6*cousin the ioi^runner of " the JUmb of <3o4 who takt?th 
^way the sins of the world 1 " 

1926 ] 




TMENT for 1923; Government Press, 
Bangalore. 1924. 

This is an interesting report, containing a record 
of much good work in the exploration of ancient 
temples and other monuments. A curious side- 
light on old trade customs is furnished by the 
Basava temple in TuruvSkere town, In front of it 
stands an old stone framework, known as Chintdlu- 
ton&fcaand consisting of two pillars teed side by 
side and a cross-beam furnished with iron rings. 
TuruvSkere, it appears, was once a great centre ^ 
the cotton trade, and all the cotton which left it 
was weighed in front of the temple and stamped, the 
woight thus determined being accepted as accurate 
in other markets, A full description, with plates, 
is also given of a beautiful Vishnu temple at Belvadu 
dating from A.. 1300. During the year the 
archaeological department acquired fif ty-three new 
manuscripts, dealing with the VedatvAUpafii&ada, 
with philosophy, grammar and logic, and .one 
hundred and thirty now opigraphical records. Of 
each of the latter the report gives an English 
transliteration and a useful note on their con- 
tents and significance. Many of these inscriptions 
record tho death of individuals when assisting to 
ropel cattle-raids, among the earliest of thorn being 
one from tho fiimoga district, assigned to the middle 
of the seventh century A.D., which describes how 
* military commander was killed in a fight with a 
tribe of Bedara forming the army of Mahondra, 
who opposed Sil&ditya's claim to sovereignty over 
&moga. Dr. Shamasastry is inclined on pateeo- 
graphic ground* to identify SilSditya with H*r~ 
ehavardhana SilSditya of Kanauj and Mahendra' 
with the first or second Mahendravarma of the 
Pallava dynasty. 

An attempt has been made in the Report to fix 
definitely the data of the early Guptas, who are 
understood to have been contemporaries of the 
K*dambas, by examining the traditional, astrono- 
mical and synchronistic evidence bearing on the 
chronology of the Brihadbanas, Kadambas, and 
Oaagas, Dr. Shamaaastry rejects Beet's conolu- 
sionTas to tho date of Mahavira's death and the . 
chronology of the early Guptas, and in the course 
of his remarks, which are sufficiently interesting 
to rasrlt separate publication, expresses his belief 
that EMki was tt historical figure, who lived from 
A.I>* 402 to 472 and commenced* new era in A.D. 
428. His contusions, which are embodied in * 
oomparaiave chronological table, are not likely 
perhaps to command immediate acceptance; *or,' 
in order to make them ft in with accepted iacte 
and probable*, he is obliged to 1 postdate *h 
existence of two Mihirakulas and two Toramanav 
for wfci$* ttwte is no historical warranty whatever, 
Ha also has to asstune that the Cbandragupta who 

accompanied Bhadrabahu to Sravana Belgola was 
not "the great Mauryan emperor* but Chandragupta 
II who, according to Dr. Shamasastry's calcinations, 
?ras alive in A>. 282. In the light of our present 
knowledge, one hesitates .to accept these novel 
theories. At the same time there is much of interest 
in the details of Dr. : Shamasastry *s argument, which 
might well be published as a separate pamphlet. 

S. M. 

It is a welcome sign of the times that Indian 
scholars, following in the foot-steps of their Euro- 
pean confreres, are taking seriously to the study 
of Pali as one of the Indian literatures, and the 
study of its language and its literature is gaining in 
popularity. The study of this language and lit* 
rature has BO far remained practically a European 
study, and has received but little attention atnong 
Indian scholars and educationists, fcx this depart- 
ment as in other fields of oriental research it was 
but right that European scholarship should set the 
example, but the only point, of regret about this 
particular department of Indian studies is that 
Indian scholarship did not make any effort to folio* 
the good example. A variety of reasons may be 
offered in explanation, and among them, onexrf 
the minor ones, if not a really serious one, has been 
popular editions of these works with sufficient aid 
for mastering the technique of the language and 
literature. An attempt is being made in the last 
few years to remove tife drawback, and this D&v*- 
fcAgari dOiifcuin of the Su$arip&ta is one of these 

early efforts- '' , ; 

The Snwi*te* does not need any introduction 
to the readers of the Indian Artiguary, as it has 
boon published by the Pali Text Society and an 
excellent translation of it is available in the Sacre* 
Books of the East by FausbolL The edition being 
in Boman letters, *&** students do not find I it 
vo* *m for fading, and the Indian Pteflit * 
Sutely Enable to do so. The presentation of 
this fat D*van*gaii would make it easy for those two 
cfcssel, *..! W scholar wouldnd 
7^4*** ^h a Devsn^^ edition, 
Spat ha provided a.good edition. of 

hj?rovided the text with ^^ 
gives wide* of the 


* occupies,** 'the teuddhist 

welcome the edition and the effort that it 
' ali *d ^thin the reaof 

hope th6 effort 
reception to cause 

6*rs Ute b^ g 



. AN 

lcutta ! *. A B M ; 

Hnrou... MATES* .JtoMCA.. By 
AD. KRABEBinr, Calcutta, 1923., 
Two more -books pn Hdian Medicine written in 
New York and published in Calcutta in the BMW 
year -by that indefatigable writer, on this subject, 
m Chandra .:Chakraberty. The, second of these 
works seems to have arisen out of the fast. It is 
intact a .dictionary of Materia Medica, arranged 
according to Sanskrit terminology in the order 
of the D^vanagaoi.. alphabet. It. has the mevi- 
table Indian defects- of misprints, and no index, & 

general 'impiVso- 1 ^ 11039 '' aad no references * 
thQ sources of information. Two additional notes 

appear, at the end, of course oat of ' order. But 
that 'does not matter nitich ; what does matter is, 
tha& they are introduced without any -warning. to 
the fSadetf, who will doubtless consequently miss 
them. Subject, to these remarks^ the book is no 
doubt of use to medical practitioners in India, 

One remark in tha author's preface , I can heartily 
endorse s "a drug in its;native fresh state is much 
mQjce;efflcacious than when Jt has undergone chemi- 
cal chaiiges." Ihave>ng thought that there is 
something not altogether right about concentrated 
drugs," an<i have wondered why medical men, who 
alsp/strprigiy object 'to concentrated foods, should 
lay" so riiuch stress on ebnceintrated medicines. 

0$ie first book is much more ambitious. The 
author writes in his * Foreword ' that he started to 
a 'comparative study of Hindu and Greek 
but gave it up, as he was "forced to the 
that the Ancient Greek Schools of 



Medicine were indebted to tho Hindu 
This conclusion ho proceeds to provo to hiw own 
satisfaction after a method that in now fauhionablo 
among certain Indian literati. Leaving Ihiw con- 
troversial point there, ho ha " tr'wd to interpret 
and explain tho Anciont Hindu Mi'iiciru< princi|>a]Jy 
based upon Charaka and Sutfruta in inoiturn 
terminology." Ho gives also a tmnMlitomttcjn 
with which one canxiot iind iwriutm fault, and 
that ho regrets ho had not tim^ to fuUi un 
tho absonco of which natuimlXy gri>tly 
tho value of this book. 

*' Modern medical torminolooy '* IH ttnpiojro 
the book with a vengenncts eo much w*> tlutt 
correct roudeting of tho axu*i<'nt litdinn ii 
could only bo seriously chwkcnl Ity n 
physician with a compotont ktu.iwU*d^ cf H 
Thore 19 ia fact 6lw(iy xnuuh <dttngr m 
anciozxt technical works in tlm mudcm t<-rriiy 
another language. 

The book haa been carefaJIy oomftilt^ily tho 
there are signs of hanto and lutmUldcut t'n]ui 
fag*, "evoa one can suiter fat^l injury* iapHiii* 
to tho nervous systorn, by tho rapid vittrufit<n 
air, as near tho passage of a high<|i^Ht jr<jrt:l 
of which thero have bcr>n mimi-rouu virtiiiiM m 
recent war> and it ta known iw * *Aitf 
(p. 119}" This statement will at any min 
any Indian medical man who accupu it 
place it is stated that electricity wit* fully 
stood in the ancient days s * aiateimwt that in ttt 
least doubtful. 

Despite its defects tho book will no 4>uJit ho tl 
great interest to tho*} who can tctanlor mui uml* r* 
stand its terrible toe Imi call tii^. It. C. 


48* The first known instauce of a Hospital 

. Mateon; in, Jmi& IIW* 

5 November 1706. Consultation ^t , jBptubay, 
Oaatle., Resolved and Unanimously ^gr^ed that 
Serjaani ^wi^^^e. f 9]ball .ts^po^ Jua^ de^aieitig 
her i-^Slingnees to j^ooepl? ; [and] Carefully live , in 
the,; Hospital .and: diett ,a^i ( ^uch Persons as are 
apointed in thither; to, be qpred p| their 'Several! 
Indispbsitiana,, to .have ^jte, ^oqu?ix>med jaUp^ance 
Cook.- and ^opley^.. popnthly, paid ; for that 
and; Wood. &n& Oy^, . w^h, , wia% otliex 
aa bin heretofore 9^0^^ v tp fa for 

preserving the health 'of. our Countreymen, and 
it aid Womans husband, Serjeant Parker [who 
baslt&;ataracter of a Sot* shall leave said Beastly 
vi^ a^ b^rae Sober,' [he shall] want no En- 
his Befprmation, but i: 
3. in .said ]SvttV the GeneraU to desireV, 

%* . Trf, 1 .;; ,, ' w ..*. . , ' ;l ~\s~rt*Ts- m ?? '.' T " ^*". **".*' "^*^ u>eF6aIber 

to iave any Ownwiiii 1 -^ Bow^ PuMtc C<m*u^- 

40, Catholic DUabiHUaa, 
12 May 1705. ConmiltatSon at Fort 8t, 
Thane being Navor an Konign now in Oi 
the Governor propo**[f] Bwjeant Diieart and tkir- 
jeant Pugonin for Bndlgna, ODO in eiieh CV>mpuiy* 
The Objections againat Diion b from an OU>lut0 
order of the Old Cotnpanio that no Roman 
QatypUcl? should Beer Command ia Uw 
but* in Regard that they b*v* ta* 
Oommaodera and Supra Cargo* [aj to India 
have beam profeoed Bomami Mthdktltt w> 
it May Warrant ot Making thi* Porton n 
he being Ukewi** one of tho Bart ftoujdim w 
have in the Garriwn, and tin Not ITnJftety btjb 
his prefenoent may make him twfttim ialii to th* 
Protestant K^Ilg^ii, TU tberofow r*Kl th^ 
tKe two.affore Said Per*on be m*da Kol^ *nd 
that tU WKnetary drams out th*fr 



Principles ol Selection. 

We shall be confining our attention in the following pages only to important towns and 
cities ; not to all towns and cities ; so we must now address ourselves to the task of laying 
down some principles to govern the process of selection. Unfortunately it is not very easy 
to lay down universal and unmistakable criteria in this respect. The material itself is scanty 
and defies any attempt to lay down such principles. Inscriptions and copperplates make 
only incidental references to towns and villages ; if any details are at all given they are usually 
of the villages granted, with which, however, we have nothing to do in this thesis. About 
the dimensions, population, trade or commerce of the headquarters of the district or sub* 
division to which these villages belonged, the plates say nothing ; they simply mention them 
barely. Nor do literary prabandfias improve the matters much ; for they generally describe 
ITX detail only the capitals of their heroes, 

Under such circumstances we must be guided in our selection by general considerations. 

(i) Those places which are mentioned as capitals, ports, marts, frontier forts or places 
of pilgrimage must have been in ancient times important towns or cities as a general rule. 
In modern tunes they may have dwindled into mere hamlets, but that does not prevent their 
inclusion in our list ; for, it can be shown that they had seen better days in ancient times, 

(ii) Those places again which do not come \mder any one of the above categories, but 
which nevertheless bear the epithet spnTC, 3*, 3^ or 7fT after them, must be consi- 
dered important towns. In Sanskrit literature these epithets are invariably applied only 
to cities, and we are justified in concluding that a place which bears any of these epithets is 
entitled to demand inclusion in this thesis. 

(iii) On the other hand places mentioned as STH need not be included ; for that epithet 
usually denotes a village. Unless, therefore, there is clear evidence to the contrary that a 
particular place, though designated by the term 'gr&ma/isnot, as would appear prima facie, 
a village, we may safely exclude as a rule all those places bearing that appellation, 

(iv) A place which is mentioned as tho headquarters of an dhdra or dharant or 
visfwya may be safely considered to have been an important town or city. The territorial 
eub-divisionfl denoted by dJWra, dharant ami vishaya were as extensive as modern col- 
lectoratest, and as a rule included under thoir j urisdiction a number of villages varying from 
800 to l,600 4a . Now Yaaodhara, one of the commentators upon V&tsyftyana's Kdma* 

st while commenting upon 1, 4, observes : 

From this it is clear that, since tho headquarters of our vishayas were places from 
where affairs of villages ranging from eight to sixteen hundred were administered, they must 
have been important towns. 

(v) The cases of the headquarters of detas and man&afaa are still more unambiguous, 
These territorial divisions comprised territories as extensive as two or three of our modern 
colieetorates put together. It therefore goes without saying that thoir headquarters were 
important towns, 

plates of Dhruva III. 

Kapadwwxj plate* 


Of those places, which are mentioned as the headquarters of a ^/tebf , 

or *4 the case is rather doubtful Mote correBponded to what ,n Bntah 
India is now known as a sub-division. It therefore consisted of about two or three huudrod 
villages. BhtM, ftMmi and ritel! usually corresponded in Ancient Gujarat to th modern 
taluka and consisted of about 100 villages. 

Were the headquarters of these divisions towns, and, if so, important onw.iK tlwqwutwm 
now to be considered. According to Yatodhwa, quoted above, they were not towns for he 
is not prepared to extend to themtho epithet M0ora; he dovimi special ap^Hation* for 
them If these are different from grdma or village, they aru also different from napara* 
or towns/ In modern times taluka headquarters are usuaUy townn t but thai probably was 
not the case in ancient days The irresistible economic forces of modern civilisation, which 
are depopulating villages and overcrowding towns and cities, were altogothrr ahw*nt in ancient 
India. Nor again did Ancient Indian polity contain any elements that would transform a 
taluka headquarter into an important town. In modern time* the viibger ha* to go to tho 
headquarter of his taluka for the adjudication of hi* dispute*, for the obtaining of loann, radi- 
cal relief and even many of the necessary articles of daily life. In Ancient India , on tho other 
hand, such was not the case. Each village was a BoU-oontfthttd unit economically UK mil * 
administratively. Chola epigraphs No. 77 of 1900, No, 223 of IflQ2 ahow that ovon MNC* of 
unintentional homicide, not amounting to murder, wore decided by local village* wuwrobliea. 
The account of local self-government in Ancient India given by Sir, Radhtkumud Muforji 
olearly shows how little the ancient villager had to do with thf* buadquartpr of hin taluka or 
district. The way again in which these taluka sub-di visions arc mentioned 80iatiniiw i moat 
significant. We have statements like ftr^tf^^ritHpQ&r* 43 WVf f ft W*3*tfffWPWt<ir*0 44 
etc., etc, Now if these headquarters were really towns of importance, tht* divfeionn would 
have been simply named after thorn without any mention of the number of villages tbay 
contained. The necessity was prpbably felt of denoting a Aub-divtaion after the number 
of villages it contained, because there was very little roally of importune** to di#tinguUh 
its capital from the villages included under it. Even in modern tiim, tho headquartera uf a 
taluka are often mere villages of five or six thousand ; the case could not have been anythifig 
better, but much worse in ancient days. We theroforo conclude that ;~ 

(vi) The headquarters of a bukti, bhumi or athatt were not towna and thorcforu aro 
to be excluded from a list of important towns and cities. 

The headquarter of a pafhaTca remains to bo considered, A potato unumlly corres* 
ponded to a modern sub-division and therefore probably consisted of 200 or 300 villages. 
Not impossibly then its headquarter may have been in some cases a pretty town. We there- 
fore conclude that for the purposes of this thesis. * 

(vii) The headquarters of patliakas are to be included, provided they am otherwise 
places of interest. 

These then are the principles which have been laid down for the purpose oi Hetoction of 
important towns and cities for this thesis. 

Saving thus determined the principles of selection and criteria of importance to b* ap- 
plied for the purposes of this thesis, we shall now say a few words ro;farlm& ih> arrange 'mfftt 
of towns and cities that we have thus selected. 

As towns and cities are to be selected because of their importance, i:. - tu'&tuiNkt that we 
should be expected to arrange them according to their relative import iwi*^. But for w ; vvrol 
reasons this procedure was impossible. Inthecaseof most of our towns, wo kn<nv tti.*ith<r thoir 

43 Baroda plates of Karkaraja. 2nd. Ant., VolTxir, i oC." " "" 

44 Kapadwanj platas of Ak^lavarsba fcubhaturiga. 


population nor their dimensions, nor anything about their commercial, religious, social or 
public activities. The principle of relative importance therefore would have been very diffi- 
cult in its actual application. Besides, many of our towns were not contemporaneous, BO it 
is .still more difficult to compare the importance of a town (which we know but imperfectly) 
in one age with that of another in another age. 

If we decide to arrange them in groups of capitals, forts, ports, holy places, district head. 
quarters, etc., the same difficulty would arise in arranging the several constituent towns 
and cities within these groups. It will not be easy to ascertain the relative importance of 
capitals, forts, etc., inter se, 

Nor can we accept the principle of relative antiquity for our arrangement. It would 
have been a very good principle, were it only possible to apply it in all cases. As it is, 
in the majority of our towns and cities, we do not know even the approximate dates of their 
foundation. We cannot therefore obviously accept the principle of relative antiquity for our 

In such circumstances the principle of alphabetic order is the only one possible. It 
is true that it entails the disadvantage of turning our mind from a city of hoary antiquity to a 
town of medieval origin, from a town, famous as a fort, to another famous as a tirtha. 
Ne vertheless, as we have already soon that other better principles were fraught with great diffi- 
culties iri their actual application, there was no other course left. The principle of alphabetic 
arrangement has its own advantage of facilitating reference ; so it has been adopted. 

The arrangement however is according to Sanskrit and not according to the English 
alphabet. The reason is obvious. Most of our towns and cities bore Sanskrit names in the 
past, and it is but natural that if they are to bo arranged alphabetically, they should 
be arranged according to the Sanskrit alphabet. 

History ot the cities selected. 
1. Ankuleswara. 

Modern Ankleswar, the headquarter of a Taluka of the same name in Broach district, 
i a fairly ancient town, for it is referred to as the headquarter of a visJiaya or district 
in two copperplate grants of Badda II. 45 In one of these it is spelt AkrfireSwara, which 
seems to be its original name, Aiikule&wara being a popular corruption. That this AkrfireS- 
wara is not different from Ankleshwar can be proved from the fact that the villages Sisorda 
and Walner, the modern counterparts of the villages Sirishapadraka and W&raijera referred 
to in the above grant, are to be found in modern Ankleshwar Taluka, one, eight miles to the 
south-east and the other, twelve miles to the south-west of Ankleswar* 

From the Begumrd. plates of Ak&lavarsha dated !aka 810, 4 * it would 
seem that Ankleshwar had become the capital of the Gujarat R&shtraktit&s some time in the 
middle of the ninth century. For therein he states 

.When we remember that the plates in question were 
not issued from Ankleswar, the above conclusion becomes irresistible. The town shows no 
imposing remains which would bear out its claim to once being a capital ; and no wonder ; 
{or within fifty years after its becoming a capital, the Gurjar R&shfrakfita branch, which was 
never very powerful, came to an end, 

4* JTfi44*&, VolXin, pp. 116, 82. 40 I&itf,., p. 08. 




The identity of Anahilapattana, with modern Pattan or P&tan, sixty-six miles north of 
Ahmedabad, is now universally accepted. Anahilawada, Anahilapura, Anahilapathaka are 
some of the different spellings of the city found in inscriptions ; Mahomedan writers refer to 

According to tradition, the city was founded by Vanaraja, the founder of the CMvotaka 
dynasty in the Vi. Sam. 802. The traditional year of foundation was well-known during the 
fourteenth century, for grants are found forged in that century purporting to be from Vanaraja 
and dated in 802 Vik. Sam. Merutunga also assigns the event to the same date in Praband Jut- 
chintdmani ; but in another of his works, VicMraren$, he assigns it to Vik. Sam. 821. Whatever 
may be the precise date, we may be certain that it cannot be far from the middle of the 
eighth century A.D. Tradition says that the present site was pointed out to Vanaraja by a 
shepherd named Anhila as most auspicious for the founding of a new capital, and that 
Vanar&ja, therefore, named his capital after the shepherd. Whether the tradition is true we 
cannot say, for similar traditions are told about many cities. 

Anahilapat$ana was the capital of Gujarat under the rule of the Ch&votakas, Solankis ft 
V&ghelas and the Muhammadans. The city grew in importance immediately after its foundation; 
ruler after ruler in the Hindu period embellished it and contributed to its grandeur by erecting 
temples, palaces, vihdras, lakes and gardens. Unfortunately Muhammadan vandalism 
has wiped out the traces of most of these. Vanaraja is known to have built there a chatty a 
of Panchisara P&rswantha and temples of MuleSwara and Tripure&wara ; 47 no trace of them 
now remains. Similar is the case of Durlabha lake excavated by king Durlabha \_siic. 1010 A, a.]. 

In the case of Queen's Well and Sahasralinga tank, imposing ruins still exist. Of these, 
the Queen's Well was built at the instance of Udayamati, the consort of Bhima I (sue. 1022), 
and had the reputation of being the largest, grandest and loveliest well in Gujarat ; Merutunga 
goes as far as to say that this reservoir surpassed even, the famous Sahasralinga tank. 4 ^ The 
present ruins of the well show that its reputation was well-deserved. 

The Sahasraliuga tank was constructed by Siddhraja Jayasimha. During its excavation 
the king was engaged in a long war with Malwa, so the work was entrusted to a committee 
of craftsmen and ministers who could finish the great work only by the timely gift of 3,00,000 
by a merchant prince.^ The lake derived its name from the numerous temples of Siva placed 
on the steps round it. In the centre of it was an islet, upon which was erected a temple of 
Budreswara 5 ^ The temple has been now turned into a mosque. Besides this temple, 
there was also one of Krshna, 61 The beauty of this lotus-covered, swan-teaming lake was 
further enhanced by a towering snow-white column of victory, of which no traces are now 
left. 5 ' To judge from the taunt of the Benares king to Jayasimha's ambassador at his court 
about the use of the tank water by the Anahilapattana populace, though it was nirmdlya 
of Siva, the tank must have served the purpose of water supply for the citizens* 

The author of Eumdrapdlacharita says 'if you can measure the waters of the ocean, 
then may you attempt to count the number of souls in Pattana. 9 This is poetic exaggeration ; 
but it goes to show that the city was very thickly populated. Muhammadan writers also 
agree in declaring that the city was very large, A survey of the ruins shows that the city 

47 J^., Pp. 23, 24. 48 ftid., p. 78. 

i Ibid*, p. 90. 




must have been six miles in length and two in breadth (a fact which confirms the truth of the 
Kumdrapdfacharifa statement that it was eighteen miles in circuit) ; we may therefore safely 
conclude that the population must have been at least half a million, if not considerably more. 
And no wonder ; for the city was a great emporium of trade. Kumfirapdlacharita informs 
us that there were as many as 84 marts in the city, each one being separately assigned to a 
different commodity. The export and import duties amounted to 1,00,000 tanJcas [Rs. 5,000] 
every day. Many Muhammadan merchants were domiciled there ; and they were, says Idri, 
honourably received by the king and his ministers. They enjoyed, he goes on to observe, 
protection and security. Since even foreigners apprehended no danger to person or property, 
we may conclude that the police arrangements were also satisfactory. 

The city was surrounded, by strong fortifications and contained many palaces and 
temples of exquisite workmanship. There were also pleasure gardens which were freely 
used by citizens. 63 

Under the later Solanki rulers the city became a centre of Jain activities. The numerous 
Jain images to be fpund among the ruins make it clear that the Jain temples were once very 
numerous in the city. Late in his life Kum3.raptUa himself became a convert to Jainism. 
Most of his ministers and those of his successors professed the same faith, and 
Hemachandra, tho celebrated Jaiu grammarian and lexicographer, resided in Kuin&rap&la's 
court as his spiritual guide. All these factors naturally contributed to the remarkable 
prosperity of Jainism* 

Mahmud of Ghazni was the first Moslem invader to attack and plunder the city. On 
his way to Soman&tha (Elliot informs us), he suddenly fell upon the city, and king Bhiina, 
unprepared to meet him, abandoned it to the invader, who sacked and plundered it. 64 But 
no sooner had the Muhammadanfl returned to the Indus than Bhimadeva reoccupied his 
capital and began to restore it. Under this prince and his two successors, the city not only 
regained its lost wealth, but attained its greatest splendour. 

In 1178 Mu-'izzu-l-dJn of Ghazni attacked the city; but Bhimadeva II, who had just 
ascended the throne, inflicted a crushing defeat on him. The goddess of victory deserted him 
however, in 1195 when he had to face Qutl-u-din, a general of Mahmud Ghori. The Gujarat 
army was defeated and A^ahilapattana wa& again sacked by the Muhammadans. The 
invaders, however, could only temporarily retain the capital, for Bhimadeva soon recaptured 
it, chasing the enemy to Ajmer which he besieged for a time. To avenge himself for 
this defeat and disaster, Qutl-uJDin again invaded Gujarat in 1197. This time he defeated 
the Gujarat army and again captured tho capital. As he had to return soon to Delhi, 
BhJmadeva could reoccupy his capital. 65 

Tho city, however, was cbsfcinod to enjoy peace only for a century, for during the 
reign of Kar^adeva II, it was attacked by Ulugh gjian, brother of Ala-ud-din Khilji. He 
captured the capital and sacked the whole country, Kanjadeva fled to B&ruadeo Rao of 
Deogiri and all bis wealth fell into the enemy's hands* The Imperial Governor ap- 
pointed from Delhi destroyed all temples, confiscated their property, and used the temple 
material for the erection of mosques. Throughout the fourteenth century the city 
continued to be the capital of Gujarat under the Huhammadans; it was only in 1411 that 
it was abandoned in favour of Ahmadab&d 66 , 

Being thus exposed to the systematic, continuous and zealous vandalism of the resident- 
Moslem governors, for a full century and more the city now retains little of its former 
praadeur; even traces of its former glory are few. 

** ww tftfit OTC*^ AjftFifciRigmviftt I sfrfSwgfl' 

"'* 7n*. A**., Vol* VI, p. 185 ft Ep. Ind., Vol. I, p. 22 ff. 

&* Ant. N,Q.,p.6lft. 


3. Anandapura. 

About the identity of Anandapura there exists a great difference of opinion* According 
to Dr, Fleet the ancient Anandapura is modern Anand, 25 miles south-east of Kaira ; according 
to Dr. Burgess, it is the Anandapura of Kathiawad, situated about fifty miles north- west of 
W&1&, and according to Stevenson, Vivien de Saint-Marten, Dr. Buhler and Dr. Bhandarkar 
*t is the modern Wadnagar in northern Gujarat. 

The last mentioned view appears to be the correct one. Wadnagar has, of course, no 
phonetic resemblance to Anandapura as the remaining two places have ; but there exists 
a time-honoured tradition which attests a change having occurred more than once in the 
name of the city. We are told that it was called Chamatk&rapura inKrta Yuga, Anartapura 
in Tret& Yuga, Anandapura in Dvftp&ra Yuga, and Vrdhanagara in Kali Yuga. 

The truth of this tradition, so far as it relates to the names Anandapura and Anartapura, 
is fully borne out by inscriptional evidence. For a praSasti belonging to the reign of 
Kumdrapdla, which is incised on a stone slab near the S&mel tank at Wadnagar, distinctly 
refers to the city by the name Anandapura, which it proceeds to derive in a fanciful man- 
ner : C f. wfe^ ^gvir&R qiRRrtp <ffi*rstf | 3cTFF^Rr *ra ftsttafaptf differ* | verse 
-0 [Ep. lnd.> Vol. I, p. 299]. It is thus clear that during the twelfth century the 
modern Wadnagar was known by the name Anandapura. The fact again that the above 
praSasti refers at least in three places to the settlement of the N^gara Brfihmanas at 
Anandapura is quite in keeping with the tradition current among the N&gara Br^hmanae 
that Wadnagar was their ancient home. 

It is thus clear that modern Wadnagar was known by the name Anandapura in the twelfth 

century. The statement of the tradition that it was also once known by the name Anarta- 

pura is also confirmed by inscriptional evidence. For N&rayan$mitra, who is the grantee 

both in the grant of Dharasena IV (dated 330 G.E.) and in the grant of Kharagraha II (dated 

337 G.E.) is described by the first grant as hailing from Anartapura and by the second as 

belonging to the CMturvedin community of Anandapura. It is therefore clear that during 

the first half of the seventh century modern Wadnagar was known by both the names Anan- 

dapura and Anartapura, as the tradition says*. Of these two names, Anartapura which oc- 

curs in the Dharasena II grant dated Gupta era 270 is the older name, basedperhaps upon 

t&e name of the province in which it was situated; while Anandapura seems to be, as is clear 

from the Wadnagar pratoM quoted above, a later adaptation of the same name, to give 

it the meaning of the city of joy. In this connection it is significant to note that all later 

yfionpftions, .<7., the grant of ffllMitya II, 352 G.E., of Kharagraha II, 337 G.E, of 

auamtya VI, G.E. 447, give the name as Anandapura ; while it is only the earlier ones, which 

give the earlier name, Anartapura. 

The town is mentioned by Hiuen Tsiang^ and the details he gives about ite situation 

r^? ^ th taSk f itS identificati ^- H * ' *hh (Valabhi) going north- 
i h or so > we colne * '0-nanto-pu-lo (Anandapura). This country is about 
h in circuit, the capital about 20. The population is dense, the establishment rich. 
no c h le f ru i er but ^ is an appanage of Malwa. . . ' 
this statement it is clear that Anaudapur* was WO miles from Val*bhi, and that 


is true that the direction mentioned favours the claim of Ammd^piim 
* t0 ^ nortWest > wheroas Wa ^agar is to the north^asi o WJft. 

of tootion are, not uncommon with Ham* Tsiaag. Thus, after deBcriblng 

B*cd> Vol. n, p. 288. 


his journey to Katch, he observes ' IVom this going north 1,000 li or so, we come to Fa-la-pi 
(Valabhi).**' Now Valabhi is 1,000 li or 140 miles to the south and not to the north of Katch, 
Here Hiuen Tsiang gives us accurate distance, but commits a mistake of direction. The 
same might be the case with Anandapura. 

Then again, in the days of Hiuen Tsiang both Katch and Anandapura were under Malwa 
rule. If by Anandapura we understand the town in Kathiawad, this would appear very 
improbable. Anandapura is only 60 miles from Valabhi, and from the dimensions of the 
kingdom given by Hiuen Tsiang, it would appear that the extent of the Anandapura pro- 
vince must have come well within thirty miles of Valabhi. Now in the time of Dhruva- 
bhatta, Valabhi was a powerful principality ; even the chief of Junagad owed allegiance to 
the Valabhi ruler. Besides, the grant of Druvasena II dated 316 G.E. shows that in about 
640 A.D., the Valabhi dominion extended much beyond modern Anandapura right up to 
KSBpaka or modern Kalwad. On the other hand, if by Anandapura we understand Wad- 
nagar, this difficulty does not arise. It is 140 miles distant from Valabhi, and it is in the 
fitness of things that the Malwa king who held Katch should also have held Wadnagar, 
situated on the highway from Malwa to Katch. 

Nor does the reference to the death of the son of Dhruvasena by the Jain Kalpa Sfitra 
writer residing in Anandapura support Burgess' inference that it must be situated fairly 
near Valabhi, since an author residing there refers incidently to Dhruvasena 's bereavement. 
A Jain author residing in Wadnagar may well refer to the incident. For, according to the 
testimony of the Chinese traveller, Dhruvasena was a liberal ruler, who every year 
distributed lavish charity to all types of Bhikshus who used to come to Valabhi from even 
the distant corners of India, His fame then must have travelled much beyond 
Wadnagar, which after all was only 150 miles from Valabhi. 

Erom the inscriptional references to the city, it is clear that Anandapura was a famous 
centre of learning and Brahmaijism.* 9 Neither Anandapura in Kathiawad nor Ananda 
in Kaira are known to have ever possessed this reputation* Wadnagar, on the other hand, 
is famous as a centre and home of the N&gara Br&hmaijas. Abul Fazl notes in his Ain~L 
Akbari that Wadnagar is a large and ancient city, chiefly inhabited by Br&hmarias. The 
Anandapura prafasti found on a tank stone at Wadnagar, besides proving that modern Wad- 
nagar was called Anandapura in the days of Kum&rapfiJa, shows that long before its date 
the place was famous as a centre of learned Br&hmanas. Anandapura of the fifth and sixth 
centuries, described as a home of ' traividya ' and ' chfttur vidya ' Brdhmarias , must be modern 
Wadnagar and no other place. 

Nor does the circumstance that villages in Kaira district are assigned to Br&hma$as 
resi<iwg in Auandapura support the claim of modern Ananda. Anandapura was only 70 
miles from Khctaka ; the villages were in Khetaka vishaya, so thoir distance from Ananda. 
pura may have been considerably loss, A Brfthma^a at Anandapura even inold dayscould 
well manage properties situated in * village about thirty or forty miles distant. Besides, 
it is well known that it is the Government's convenience rather than the convenience of the 
donees, which determines the selection of the villages to be granted. Thus a Danttvarman 

*8 Beat, Vol. II, p, 260. 
*6 Compare for instance: 


Sff^*"-Saaditya II Grant. 

Kharagraha II Grant. 



grant of gaka 789 records the grant of a village in Gujarat to a sangha at Kampilya, 
in Farukhabad district in U.P. f Besides, it was impossible for the Valabhi rulers to assign 
villages in Wadnagar district, for the simple reason that it was in the Malwa dominion. In 
the majority of cases, moreover, though hailing from Wadnagar, the donees were domiciled 
at Kaira or Valabhi, so the difficulty of the distance would not have confronted them. r Jlie 
claim of modern Ananda, then, based upon its propinquity to the villages granted, does 
not stand. 

The history of the city from the sixth to the sixteenth century is already referred to in 
the above controversy of identification ; only a few facts remain to be stated. Tho city 
being chiefly a colony of Brahmanas, possessed no political significance. It does not seem 
to have ever been the seat of an independent chiefship ; for it was even without ramparts 
till the days of Kum&rapala.* 1 Being a Brahmana colony, it is natural to infer that it must 
once have possessed numerous temples. Abul Fazl's statement that it contained three thou- 
sand pagodas may be an exaggeration ; but it supports our inference. If, after the Haham- 
madan rule of 300 years, it had so many temples, in the days of its full glory it must have 
been a veritable city of temples. 

A legend is quoted by Porbes about the foundation of this <Jity. Kanekscn, a prince of 
the Ikshwaku race, is said to have abandoned his native country Kansala in 144 A.D. and 
founded Anandapura, wresting the territory from a Pamxar oftief . As we can trace the 
history of the city to the sixth century, the legend may be true as regards the date of 
foundation ; but whether there was such a king as Kanekscn arid whether he founded the 
city are matters which require confirmation before they can be accepted. 

4.&S. Asapalli (Including Kamavati). 

Modern Ahmadabad occupies the sites of old As^palli and Karnavati. A&apaili, 
which is the same as Yessaval of Muhammadan writers, is now a village* just 
near Ahmadabad known as Asawal. It was the head-quarters of a Bhilla principality 
in the time of king Karna [1064-1094 A.D.], who led a successful expedition 
against it. After its conquest and in consequence of an omen from a local goddoBtt Koch- 
harva [who, to judge from the name, does not seem to be Aryan], Kania built her a temple 
along with temples to JayantI devi and Karijes wara Mahadova. In the wamc vicinity ho f ound* 
ed a new city, named Karnavati after himself. The city is now probably merged in modem 
Ahmadabad* *. 

The new city soon became a centre of Jain worship. A temple of Arishtanomi was 
erected. The famous Jain priest Devasftri was residing and preaching here ; for Kumuda- 
chandra had to go to Karijavati when he wanted to seeJDevasfiri. It was to Kar^avatf again 
that Devaohandracharya repaired for the education of Hemachandra, when he had managed 
to prevail upon the parents of Hemachandra to permit their son's becoming a Jain Bhikshft** 3 

According to Mr. Maiiidra Dey, the Rajanagara of the Jains is tho same as Karnavati or 
modern Ahmadabad. 6 * This is probable, for besides being, as shown above, a centre of 
Jainism, it was for a time at least the place of residence of king Kanja, 66 

Ahmad Shah I was much enchanted by the climate and situation of Yessawal. He 
therefore shifted his capital to it and founded in its vicinity a new city named aftor himself. 
So has arisen modern Ahmadabad 62 . 

<o Mp. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 286. 


ft^Alftre ^ ; 1 irt^spraftEr r EP. ind., i, . 300. 

Ant* N. a. ' AhmadabacU' 63 s. <?., L 1, p. 170. 



Chief Commissioner, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, from A<D. 1894 to 1903, 
(Continued from Vol. LJI, page 224.) 


Brown's Andaman Islanders : System ol writing the Language. 

I now turn to Mr. Brown's observations on the languages and their transcription. In 
Appendix B (pp. 495-7) he gives an account of his " spelling of Andamanese words," and he 
summarises his explanation by a statement more suo ; " in writing the words of the Andaman 
languages I have used a slightly modified form of the * Anthropos* Alphabet of Father 
Schmidt, which I consider to be by far the most scientific alphabet for writing down the 
languages of primitive peoples.'* I propose to examine this reason for throwing over the 
method propounded by the late A. J. Ellis and adopted by Mr. E. H. Man, myself and others 
for half a century, 

Mr. Brown gives first the consonants printed thus : 

k g y p 
6 J 


t d n 1 r 

p b w m 

It will be perceived that we have here three that are diacritically marked 6 J fi and not 
used in the Roman script at all ; also an invented y t though it is used by other phonologists. 
It is explained thus : " the letter y is used for the nasalised guttural stop (ng in English) 
which should always be written with one letter, since it is a single consonant, quite distinct 
from the double consonant ng of * ungodly, * " There are, however, three ways of pro. 
nounoing ng in English as in * singer/ * finger ' and tf ungodly/ These on Mr. Brown's system 
would be written sirjer, finger and ungodly. The # in the last is not a double consonant, 
but two separate collocated consonants. In native Indian scripts double 'consonants (i.e., 
two collocated consonants, the inherent vocal of the first of which is stopped) are written by a 
ligature, whereas two collocated consonants are each written out in full. The almost universal 
guttitfal nasal, written by a separate character in native Indian scripts, is so common in 
Far Eastern Languages that its existence has haa to be faced in official scripts. The Malay 
States Government writes it ng, and where g follows it the official English script writes ngg. 
Mr. Brown would xvrite it r)g. Would he, however, become more intelligible to the English 
reader in a general book such as this 1 Is it really more * scientific, ' except for phonologists ? 

We next come to the more difficult subject of palatals and dentals. Here Mr. Brown 
writes : * c the letter n stands for a palatalised n, something like the sound in French ' agntau. ' " 
But why use for this palatalised n, when 2 is not only available in many European languages, 
but has been long established and actually adopted for this very purpose by the Trench 
Geographical Society ? Why also print it, as Mr. Brown does, in a line by itself, as if it 
did not'belong to d and j ? The palatal n exists in English, though it is not specially marked 
in t& script, in saoh words as wude, numeral, etc. 

TJipn Mr. Brown writes : " The d and j, which, in the ' Anthropos ' Alphabet represent 
the sounds in English * church, 1 and ' judge* , respectively, should 1 think really be written 
if and d' #he t f is a palatalised t, as heard in * Tuesday, 1 whereas the $ is fricative, often 
regarded as a compound of * and ah. It is not always easy to distinguish V from d and d! 
from 5 but I believe the Andamanese sounds are really t' and d' and this is to some extent 
coifcfirmed by the fact that they have no a, z, ah or zk in their languages. I have used the d 
and i because former writers had written these sounds, cAand j, and it seemed worth while to 
make somesacrifice of scientific exactness in order to avoid too great a divergence in spelling 


from previous workers in the same field." Some of the above paragraphs I do not under- 
stand and it seems to me that the argument is a result of mixing up two classes of palatals. 

Tho palatals are the most difficult of the consonants to deal with. They are the most 
indefinite of the consonantal sounds, because they depend on the mode of speech : whether 
one uses the flat of the tongue or its tip or its tip curled over in speaking. E.g., the 
Englishman's tendency is to use the tip, the American's to use the flat, retaining thus the 
old English tendency. The result is that the two countries do not produce the same sounds 
for the same consonants, and what is more readily noticeable the same sounds for the same 
vowels. This is to say that the classes of surds that in " English " are written ch and t, with 
their respective sonants, are not pronounced in the same way in England and in America, 
nor are the vowels that accompany them. The consonants written r and Z are also equally 
afiected and are not pronounced in the same way in the dialects of the two countries. 
Then there are the "fricatives " represented in English by the surds a, sh and tk and 
their sonants, which are so close to the palatals that they are in many tongues hardly dis- 
tinguishable and in some not at all. E.g., A Tamil speaking ' English ' will say ' sea-chick ' 
as alternative to * sea-sick ', a habit clearly visible in Tamil versions of the ' Sanskrit ' script. 
The Eastern European has always a difficulty here, as shown by their scripts and their methods 
of writing their languages in ' Latin * characters, and so have the speakers of the Dravidian 
languages of India. English has none. 

Lastly there are the dentals, varying greatly according to the use of the palate or 
the teeth combined with the flat, tip or turn over of the tongue in pronunciation. So that 
l one gets a ' hard ' (turned back tongue) and c soft ' (flat of tongue) palatal t and d, as in 
Sanskrit, or a ' hard * (tip of tongue) and ' soft * (flat of tongue) palato-dental t and d, 
as in English. Combined with a purely liquid consonant, y, the soft palatal and palato- 
dental t and d tend to become pure palatals of the ch and j class. E.g., in. English 
" picture, grandeur, * honest Injun. 9 " In some languages, e.g., those derived from the Indian 
Prakrits, the hard palatal sonant (d) spoken with turned back tongue is so little 
distinguishable in pronunciation from a hard palatal r that they are often written in 
vernacular scripts as alternatives for each other. 

Three observations stand out as the result of such considerations : 

(1) The two classes of palatals recorded in various recognised scripts iu various forms 
represented in English by ch and j and by t and d are often so close that the boundaries 
between them are indefinable. 

(2) It is not practicable, except perhaps for purely phouetical purposes, to try and 
do more than generally indicate them on paper. 

(3) Every language so varies from its sisters in methods of pronunciation even every 
speaker of it from Ms neighbours (the very formation of the roof of a mouth of its teeth 
and of its tongue, is enough to make a difference in the sounds individuals utter) that it k 
not practicable, to achieve more, for any but specialised readers, than a general imitation 
in any one language of the words of another. 

It is, therefore, not necessary to go beyond one's script or language to show another 
reader of it except in a few instances, how a particular people talks. One cogent reason is 
mtunless that reader has special knowledge of the reference to another language it is 

o -^v*^*, jj. vv wLuuoi/cu an noo 9 tnat a is 

in German ana final or m as in French, unless he ia familiar with 
TU *" " . J ~* Ten assuming that the sotmds of those letters are constant in them 


(1) nasalised a as in father : am, an, sen, em, en, aon. 

(2) nasalised a as in hat : aim, ain, en, eim, em, im, in, yn. 

(3) nasalised o as in ought : om, on. 

(4) nasalised neutral vowel as in hut : uin, un, eku 

To return to Mr. Brown's remarks on the palatals. At the end of the remarks quoted 
above he practically charges his predecessors with being unscientific. But is he now himself 
scientific ? By considering that d and j[ (the old ch and j) should " really be written t' and d! 
he is confusing two distinct sets of consonantal sounds that used to be called palatals and 
palato-dentals ; viz., ch and j, and t and d. This judgment is confirmed by his explanation. 
The palatals and the palato-dentals both soft and hard have for ages been recognised 
by native writers of the Indian languages, and the Devanagari script for Sanskrit and the 
Prakrits and practically all their numerous offspring have series of letters to represent what 
have long been transliterated by English writers by ch (latterly and not unwisely by c), j, 
& 5 t, d, n ; t, d, 9. The Devanagari t, d> n are obviously Mr. Brown's t', d', n', though he 
has clearly uses n' for the Devanagari n. KTo native of India would have made such a mistake, 
nor would an Indian ever mix up ch t j with any kind of t and d. I cannot, therefore, admit 
" the scientific accuracy " of using n' for n to represent a#?ieau or wide. 

Considering again d and j borrowed from Pater Schmidt's Anthropos Alphabet; is there 
any real jaecessity for such a borrowing by an Englishman writing a book in English about 
the people of a British possession ? I do not see Mr. Brown's point, though I can under- 
stand a European continental scholar, like Pater Schmidt, cutting, by new letters such as 
8 and j, the Gordian knot offered by the continental attempts to represent the sounds written, 
dl and j in English, when the unfortunate investigator is faced with a jumble as the following 
in Continental scripts : 

The R. G. S. System II shows that in many of the Romance Languages (French, Portu- 
guese, Spanish, Italian) the pronunciation of written palatals, fricatives and the like is 
approximately thus in English transcription. 

Romance, Languages. 

fatter Pronunciation. Letter Pronunciation, 

a oh, k, s, th a s, z, ah, th, zh 3 

(8 sh 

cc ch, kk so sh, sk, s 

ch k, sh soh sh, sk 

g j, g tch ch 

j h, by, i, kh, 1 zh* x sh, x, z, s 

z dz, th, ts, z, zh 

There is some confuasion hero between consonants, just as there is in English itself. 
In the Teutonic Languages, of which English is one, the confusion is somewhat greater. The 
main Teutonic Languages are German, Dutch, Danish, Norwegian, Swedish and Icelandic, 
and then we get pronunciations as follows : 

Teutonic Languages. ' 

Letter Pronunciation. Letter Pronunciation. 

o s, k, ts sch s,8b, skh 

ch k, kh, gh sj sh 

ohs x sk sh,sk 

dj j tj sh 

j y tsoh oh 

1 Gaelic, Irish! German ch. 9 French j. 


k ch, k z s, ts, a 

kj chy 

s s, z 

We now begin to see something of the trouble over eft, j and & that develops so strongly 
in the Slavonic Languages further East. The main Slavonic and Baltic Languages are 
Russian, Buthenian (Ukrainian), Serb, Bohemian (Cesky), Polish, Lithuanian, Lettish. In 
these the confusion of method of writing simple English ch and j is almost astonishing, as 
will be seen from the table below, for we get letters and pronunciations as follows : 

Slavonic Languages. 
Letter Pronunciation Letter Pronunciation. 

e, ts r rzh 4 

9 ch f rzk 4 

6 ch, ty, t' 3 s s 

6 ch s sh 

ch ch, kh s sh 

cz ch sh sh 

dj dy, d' 3 sch ch 

dz j, dz shch shch, sht 

di j ts ts 

dz j z z 

dz dsh , z 

g J q 

gj dy,d z zh,*zy, z* 

Here we see the confusion of consonant representation which led to the adoption of d, 
j, etc. and whence that peculiar form came. The fact is a good deal of the Latin script adopted 
for the Slavonic, Baltic and Eastern European Languages is quite recent and still unsettled, 
and those who devised it have not well distinguished between the various kinds of palatals. 
They failed to be scientiQc, and I cannot see why it should be ' scientific ' to foUow them. 

^ To continue Mr. Brown's lucubrations: "The remaining consonants may be pronounced 
as in English. I have not distinguished between different varieties of the consonants Z, r, 
t, d, 4, and g. Further I have not distinguished between p and p (the labial fricative). Many 
of the words of the Northern languages that I have written with a p are pronounced with a 
J sound," Here I would remark that so far as my knowledge goes, and also Mr. Man's, p 
is not known in the South Andainafa. 

Passing on to the vowels I must quote Mr. Brown in full : " The vowels are 
i u 

e o a 

fi o 


" These may be pronounced as follows : 

i, intermediate between, the vowels of ' it ' and * eat/ 

e, as the vowel in ' say * 

fi, as the e in e error ' or the a in ' Mary.' 

a, as the a in man. 

a, as the a in French c pas/ 

a, as the a in c path.* 

Pater Sdtattidt's f,*. V copted by Mr. Brow*. 


o, as the vowel in 6 not ' or in 6 nought." 

o, as in ' go. * 

u, as in c fool. * 

6, nearly as the German 6. 

" I have not attempted to distinguish all the different varieties of the vowel sounds 
that are found in the different dialects. Slightly different but closely related sounds 
are represented by the same letter." 

On these statements I have to remark that apparently Mr. Brown has rearranged the 
system of representing the Andainanese vowels by introducing new ones into the Latin script 
e, a, a, and o, of which a, e, and o would certainly be taken when in script for italicised vowels 
by printers, and are therefore innovations of doubtful value on that account. Next, he does 
not distinguish between long and short vowels, apparently of set purpose. E.g., he writes 
** e as the e in * error * or the a in e Mary * " : " o as the vowels in e not ' or in ' ought/ Thus 
in South Andamanese he would not distinguish the a, in alaba, a kind of tree and that in dake, 
don't : or between the two e's in emej, a kind of tree : or between the i in igbadigre, did-see, 
and that in pid, hair : or between the four kinds of o in boigoli, European ; job, a basket ; 
polike> does-d^ell ; and the two o's in logo, a shoulder, -vrist : or between the two w's in bukurct 
a kind of tree. He ignores altogether the diphthongs in daike, does-understand, chopaua> 
narrow and chau, body (the ait in the first is short and in the latter long in South 
Andamanese), and in boigoli, European. Can one accept Mr. Browu as a trustworthy guide 
to language in view of these remarks ? 

The last quotation from him to be given here is: "Although I had acquired some 
knowledge of phonetics before I went to the Andamans, as a necessary part of the prelimi- 
nary training of an ethnologist, yet it was not really sufficient to enable me to deal in a 
thoroughly scientific manner with the problems of Andamanese phonetics, and my further 
studies of the subject give me reason to believe that my phonetic analysis of the Andaman 
languages was not as thorough as it might have been/ 9 As a matter of fact he has merely 
succeeded in puzzling students, not in helping them. 5 

I now propose to give some account of the history of the script adopted for writing 
Andamanese by " former writers " for whose sake Mr. Brown has been willing " to make some 
sacrifices, of scientific exactness/' The first person to attempt to c write ' Andamanese 
seriously was Mr. E. H. Man, and in this attempt I joined him in 1876, bringing to the task 
an extensive knowledge of what was then known as the Hunterian System of romanization,* 
and an acquaintance with TamU, Telugu and Malayalam among Dravidian languages, with 
Burmese and Talaing among Indo-Chinese languages, with Hindi, Hindustani and Persian 
of the lado- Aryan languages, and some Sanskrit. I mention this fact to show that I was 
then no novice at hearing and recording an Oriental language or even a " new " unwritten 

* Mr, Man writing to roe about Mr. Brown's transliteration says : " (Appendix B : pp. 495-6) Mr. 
Brown's choice of a system for representing the sounds in the Andamanese languages could scarcely be more 
unfortunate, and even if it were not faiilty and defective, it is quite lansuitable for English and American 
students, whatever it may be for others. He gives e aa the sound of a in ty, and e as the e in ' error * or 
as the a in * Mary/ Yet he considers it necessary to have a to represent the sound of a in * French pas " 
and a to represent the a in path : but o has to serve for the vowel in wrf as well as for the sound in nought, 
No provision is made for many sounds common in Andamaneee* And then why represent such a word 

yb Map'*., Shades of Ellis!" 

Sir 'William Hunter in reality merely modified Sir William Jone'e system of 

26 THE INDIAN ANTIQttABY [ ffaBRUAinr, 1923 

tongue, and I had paid special attention to script and pronunciation. 7 I prevailed on Mr. 
Man to adopt the Hunterian system for his records, and he accordingly rewrote the very 
extensive notes he had already recorded. That was the first stage. Later on we both went 
to England and consulted Mr. A. J. Ellis, sat at his feet in fact, and on his very experienced 
advice and under his direct guidance an alphabet for recording Andamanese (and also Nico- 
bareae) was drawn up, which has since become well known. This is the Alphabet Mir. Brown 
sets aside as unsuitable. 

In 1882 Mr. Ellis, on retiring from his second occupancy of the presidential chair of the 
Philological' Society drew up a Report on the Languages of the South Andaman Island. 8 
In the course thereof he explained the circumstances in which he came to produce it. For 
the present purpose I extract the following remarks (p. 43} : " I .... merely endeavoured 
to complete the alphabet on the lines which Mr. Man had used. These had been laid clown, 
as we have seen by Mr. Temple, and were to some extent Anglo-Indian, especially in the use 
of a, not only for a in America, but for a, u, o in the colloquial pronunciation of assumption. 
A mi ni ' m1tlin change was thus produced , . . . The following is the alphabet finally settled 
by Mr, Man and myself, with examples in Andamanese and Nicobarese. This scheme is 
found to work well a and will be employed in all Andaman words in this Report. It will be 
observed that the South Andaman language is rich in vowel sounds, but is totally deficient 
in hisses /, ft, a, sh and the corresponding buzzes t>, dh, z, %h. Of course this alphabet has been 
constructed solely upon Mr. Man's pronunciation of the languages, and hence the orthography 
might require modification on a study of the sounds as produced by the natives themselves. 
This refers especially to the distinctions a &, & &, au iu, o 6, 6 and the two senses of i, e, 
according as they occur in closed or open syllables. But as the natives understand Mr* Man 
readily, his pronunciation cannot be far wrong." 

To these remarks Mr. Ellis appended the following foot note (p. 48) : " In the following 
comparative list Mr. Temple's symbols stand first (and with one exception are roman), those 
here adopted stand second (and all in italics) : 







[Temple] [JSlli*] 


a, a, a 





n n 


& a 





ng 0> # % 







p p 







r r >r 


e, e 












t *' 







w w 


&> * 





y v 






-,.,. '-.'-. ., ------ W-IM*W*, WCM> ww cumctu 

durtuagtustog between abilants * peJatab aad their habit of mWng them 




"In Mr. Temple's writing, short a, e, t, o, win open syllables were not distinguished from 
the long sounds, and the portion of stress was rarely marked-. I adopted fcis short aeiou 
and made the long of them a e, S, o, fi. Then adopting his & o I made them short and long 
sounds respectively a, <5, and thus got rid of the exclusively English aw." Thus arose the 
alphabet that until Mr. Brown wrote was the standard for writing Andamanese. 

With these remarks I now give Mr. Ellis's 

Alphabet for writing the South Andaman Language. 

(1) Oral Vowels and Diphthongs. 




















ideoi, cut 

CUT (with untrilled) r 

ItaL casa 











azrf ul 















Ifc. gainer 




not found 

al- aba, kind of tree. 
ba, small : ya'ba, not. 
eld'kd, region. 
dd-fa, don't (imperative). 
'jaraiaa, name of a tribe. 
&mej, name of a tree. 
pu'dre, burn-did, 
e'fo, pig-arrow. 
iff-bd'dig-re, see-did. 
yd'di, turtle ; ptd, hair. 
'b$i-ffoK, European. 
job, basket. 
pdH-to, dwell-does. 
Id-go, wrist ; shoulder. 
bwkura, name of a tree. 
pu*d~fGy Durn-did, 
dar-fa, understand-does. 
chopawa, narrow. 
ch&u, body. 
bdi-goli, European,, 
bfid, hut. 
chdk, ability; 
-ruch, Boss Island. 
daga, large 
gob y bamboo utensil 
he, ho ! aweh*, etcetera. 

g, bad ; e m mej, name of a tree. 

, ascend-does, 
g, navigable channel 
mugu> face. 
n&w-ke, walk-does ; ro'pan, toad. 
nd, more. 
ngi'ji, kinsmen ; , 
in trees, search does. 
ngd, then. 
jfid 9 hair. 

rob, necklace of netting ; rd-t&, 
wooden arrow. 
fd m ta, sea- water, 
not found 

why ; 


n .. -- 

" notfound ...... ^ tear from the eye. 

* * . * . trtS-to, adze, bal-awa, name of a 

y !! yolk .- S^valittle. 


- The syllable under stress in any word is shown by placing a turned period < ) after 
a long vowel, or the consonant following a short vowel, in every word of more than one 

"s it is not usual ^ ^ capitals cast for the accented letters, the capital at the 
beginning of a word is for uniformity in all cases indicated by prefixing a direct period, as 



(1) a accented before a consonant. It is the English a in mat, as distinguished from 
& which is the short of & or Italian a in anno. 

(2) e accented in closed syllables, as e in bed. In open syllables unaccented as in chaotic 
or Italian padre, amore. 

(3) No vanishing sound of i as in English say. 

(4) No vanishing sound of u as in English know;. 

(5) Mr. Ellis has " German, haws." 

(6) the h here is sounded : h is sounded after a vowel by continuing breath through the 
position of the mouth, while remitting the voice. 

(7) When ng is followed by a vowel it must run on to that vowel only, and not be run on 
to the preceding vowel either as in f finger * or in tf singer ' : thus, b&ri-nga-da, good, not 
be'ring-a-da, be.ring-ga-da or be-rin-ga-da, It is not only when no vowel follows that ng is 
run on to the preceding vowel. 

(8) ng is a palatalised ng and bears the same relation to it as % bears to n. To pronounce 
n attempt to say n and y simultaneously ; to pronounce % do the same for ng and y. 

(9) this r is soft and gentle, with no sensible ripple of the tongue, as very frequently in 
English, but not merely vocal. 

(10) this r is strongly trilled, as r in Scotch or Italian r or Spanish rr. 

(11) the Andamanese cannot hiss and hence they substitute ch for s ; thus, Buch for 
Rus, the Hindi corruption of Ross [Island]. 

(12) this f is a post-aspirater t, like the Indian th and quite different from the English 
ft. Hence the Greek spiritus asper is imitated by a turned comma. The sound tf is common 
in Irish English, and may often be heard in England. 

It will be perceived that Mr. Ellis's Alphabet was devised with a complete knowledge 
of what he was doing, and that it has one great advantage. It marks accent in the simplest 
way practicable. The importance of doing this is not always appreciated. Many years 
ago I recollect talking to an educated Madrasi gentleman who knew English quite well, but 
was at times hazy as to the fall of English accents. We were discussing agricultural matters, 
when he suddenly puzzled my ear by talking of what I thought were * blocks. * Soon, however, 
I perceived that he meant ' bullocks \ on which word he had misplaced the accent, aaying 
buUoclca* in place of bullocks. In many languages accent changes the meaning altogether of 
homomyms : e.g., in English dessert and desert*. 

It is Mr. Ellis's Alphabet that haa been the baais on which Mr. Man, Mr. Portman 
myself and others have worked. I say ' basis ' because, simpte an it is, it has been beyond 


the power of Indian presses and modifications have had to be made. Still it has been the 
form in which Andamanese has been reduced to writing for half a century, so that it has become 
as it were, the Andamanese script. To my mind it requires a much stronger linguist than 
Mr. Brown to upset it. 

The remainder of Mr. Brown's remarks are on the use of hyphens. He says : " in writing 
Andamanese words I have followed the practice of separating by hyphens the affixes from 
the stems in each word/' Here I agree with him as far as linguistic works are concerned ; 
for all other purposes Mr. Ellis has pointed out that bvringada, good, abjad'ijo'gada, 
spinster, and so on, are in speech one word and not split up into affix and stem. 

Before parting with this phase of my remarks on the Andamanese, I will quote again 
from Mr. Ellis (pp. 51-52) : " the following, written by Mr. Temple in July, 1881, on finally 
returning the MSS. to Mr. Man, sums up his opinion of the nature of the South and other 
Andaman languages : * The Andaman languages are one group. They are like, that is, con- 
nected with no other group. They have no affinities by which we might infer their connection 
with any other known group. The word-construction (the etymology of the old grammarians) 
is two-fold ; that is, they have affixes and prefixes to the root, of a grammatical nature. The 
general principle of word-construction is agglutination pure and simple. In adding their 
affixes, they follow the principles of the ordinary agglutinative tongues. In adding their 
prefixes, they follow the well-defined principles of the South African tongues. Hitherto, 
as far as I know, the two principles in full play have never been found together in any other 
language. Languages which are found to follow the one have the other in only a rudi- 
mentary form present in them. In Andamanese both are fully developed, so much so as 
to interfere with each other's grammatical functions. The collocation of words (or syntax, 
to follow the old nomenclature) is that of agglutinative languages purely. The presence 
of the peculiar prefixes does not interfere with this. The only way in which they affect the 
syntax is to render possible the frequent use of long compounds almost polysynthetic in their 
nature, or, to put it in another way, of long compounds, which are sentences in themselves. 
But the construction of these words is not synthetic, but agglutinative. They are, as word* 
either compound nouns or verbs, taking their place in the sentence and having the same 
relation to the other words in it, as they would were they to be introduced into a sentence 
in any other agglutinative language. There are, of course, many peculiarities of grammar 
in the Andaman group, and even in each member of the group, but these are only such as are 
incidental to the grammar of other languages, and do not affect its general tenor. I consider, 
therefore, that the Andaman languages belong to the agglutinative stage of development, 
and are distinguished from other groups by the presence in full development of the principle 
of prefixed and affixed grammatical additions' to the roots of words." 

On my use of the term * affix ' in the above quotation Mr. Ellis remarked in a footnote, 
p. 51 ; " Mr. Temple, following the usual unetymologioal definition given in dictionaries, 
here uses affix in place of suffix. In what follows I shall adopt the practice of Prof. S. S. 
Haldeman in his Affixes in their Origin and Application, Philadelphia, 1865, p. 27 : ' Affixes 
are additions to roots, stems and words, serving to modify their meaning and use. They 
are of two kinds, prefixes, those at the beginning, and suffixes, those at the end of the word 
bases to which they are affixed. Several affixes occur in long words like in-cow-pre-hen-s-sft- 
H4t*y, which has three prefixes and five suffixes.' Affixes also include infixes (or, as Prof. 
Haldeman calls them, interfixes)> where the modifying letter or syllable is introduced into 
the middle of the base, as in the Semitic and other languages/' 

To this I may <jdd that in all subsequent writings I adopted affix as a generic term, with 

X) infix and suffix as specific terms to describe particular forms of affixes. 

(To be continued.) 




(Chiefly from material collected by E. J3. 9 JXw&n Jamfat Bdi, M. Aztz-uddtn, TahsiUw 
of NasMbtfd, and L. Mo$ Mm, Tahsildar of SiM,) 

1. Numbers. 3,753 Jats were enumerated at the census of 1901, being found chiefly 
in Kaiat (3,245) and Sib! (491), with a few odd families in Quetta and Zh6b. The following 
notes apply more especially to the Sibl Jats, from whom most of the material was obtained, 

2. Origin. At that census the Jats were classified as a clan of the Ja$ race, probably 
on the ground that their language is Jatkl ; but though this net is possibly wide enough to 
hold them, the two names Jat and Jat must be very carefully distinguished. They usually 
pose as Baldch, much to the disgust of the Baldch himself. They hark back in approved 
fashion to Ghftkar EQi&n, the great Rdnd, and attribute their drop in the social scale either 
to their refusal to support him in his struggle with the Lftsharfs, or to their ancestral pro- 
fession as camel-drivers, from which they are supposed to derive their name. According 
to Baldch tradition, so far from having dropped in the social scale, they have gone up a step 
or two, degraded though their condition is. For in the old days they were little bettor than 
ravages, living unwashed, unshaven, unclothed, partly on their camels and partly on their 
women their two sources of livelihood to this day. As for their absurd claims to kinship 
the Baldoh say that Mir Ghakar Kh&n himself had to warn them of the inevitable consequences 
of such impertinence, and Heaven proved him in the right by wiping out ten thousand of 
them in next day's battle, But though it seems clear that their claims to blood relationship 
axe reafly preposterous, it is equally dear that their connexion with the Baldch is of Ions 
standing. In the old ballads they are styled Ranch! or Rftvchl. 

3. Lack of organisation. They can hardly be said to have any organisation at all The 
bonds between their various sections, of which thirteen were recorded at the census of 1901 
are of the frailest, and in the individual section it is a case of Jciri kM sarA&r&n, or ono tent 
one chieftain, as the proverb says. Latterly they have begun to' awake to the idea that 
union is not without strength, and are beginning to follow, though very gingerly, the lead of 
their mrtitar, notably of ShSr Khaa among the BarMnfe and Gukftr in the Bust! country 
But >d each man is a chieftain in Ms own tent, they are a cringing lot to the oaftdd* worM,' 
submitting with wh^penng humbleness to any indignity put upon them. Kvon among 

a ^ a ^ ^ ^ Utmo8t 

4. Nomad* fcye.-Winter and summer they are on the move in search of erazine for 

JS ^* "* 3 *?? 1 ** 8 " * """* a ^d"** 1 ' s m Pots and pans and a few 
stofe, of famrture. Bemg notorious evil-UverB and expert camel-lHte, they are not allo^d 
to camp close to a vdlage unless they have taken service with some big man 

5 ^^^eme._^^ ^ 


7. Eecognised prostitution. Not that a woman's life is one long round of toil and moil. 
On the march she takes her ease on a camel, while her lord trudges along on foot* The wife 
of one of the well-to-do is loaded with jewels from top to toe : rings (b&la), pins, pendants 
(buldq), all of gold in her nose, golden rings and pendants in her ears, shells in her hair, a silver 
necklace round her neck, silver banglets on her arms and legs. This expensive enhancement 
of her charms, which is made complete among several sections by a tattoo mark between the 
eyebrows, is not intended for the selfish gratification of her husband ; it is an outlay of capital 
which is expected to bring in a goodly return. It is a common saying that a tribesman who 
puts a camel out to graze with a Jat, becomes thereby the bhdtdr or master of the Jat's wife. 
He comes along every now and then to have a look at his camel and more than a look at the 
lady of the house. As he comes in, the Jat goes out. On entering the bhotdr leaves his shoes 
or stick outside the tent. If the Jat on his return finds the shoes or stick still outside, he 
shuffles with his feet or gives a discreet cough. If this hint is insufficient, he shouts out : 
cc Master ! the horse has got loose ! " or " Master ! a dog has run off with your shoes 1 " a 
hint too broad to be 'mistaken. Should a visitor come along when the Jat is absent, his 
presence in the tent will be advertised by his shoes outside or by some obliging old go-between 
who greets the husband with the stock euphemism " There's a stallion after the mare ! " 
Though this is regarded as an ancient and honourable custom, and the husband, we at 
assured, takes pride in the conquests of his^wife, it has of course a mercenary side to it. The 
bMtdr makes presents in one form or another ; if he is a big man in the tribe, he can of course 
help the family in a number of ways. 

8. Religion. They profess to be Sunn! Muhammadans, but their religious convictions 
are not very deep-rooted. They don't keep the Muharram or fast in the Ramz&n. But the 
two Ids are celebrated with much merriment, feasting and singing ; these are the only seasons 
of jollification in the year. They worship no saints and would be hard put to it to explain 
what the term means. They call in a Mullah for their domestic ceremonies, but if they cannot 
secure his services, they get on very well without him. Though they don't believe in Sayyads, 
thfcy are not above being inoculated against small-pox by Sayyad ShAhi of ph&<Jar. If 
there is an actual case of small-pox in the house, some damsels and lads are fed to the full on 
the eighth day, and the former pour water on the patient. The womenfolk axe supposed 
to keep up their singing till the patient recovers. 

9. Child-birth. In the case of painful labour they dip the beard of some pious old man 
in water, and help on the delivery by rubbing the water on the woman's belly and making 
her drink some of it down. 

10. Circumcision of females. Like all Muhammadans, they circumcise their male 
children, usually between the age of three and seven. But having thus done all that religion 
demands of them, they carry the practice further and circumcise their females. Of the 
circumcision of females two accounts are given. According to the one, a girl is circumcised 
when she is twelve or thereabouts by an old nurse or midwife, a few female relatives being 
called in for the ceremony, which passes off very quietly* According to the other, a bride is 
circajncised within the bridal chamber on the bridal night by a midwife who performs the 
operation (on the clitoris apparently) with a razor, and puts ashes on the wound. The ex- 
planation given is that they are reduced to thus sprinkling the bridal couch with blood, in 
order to prove that the bride fe what in this tribe she generally is not a virgin. 

11* M&moge age, etc. They are perforce endogamous, as nobody, except possibly a 
LftjJ, would dream of giving his daughter to one of them in marriage. Though boys are 
sometioaes married when quite young, girls are not married till they reach puberty. As 
they themselves put it, it would be a waste .of money to marry a wife who is too young for 


what is more important, for the hard work of the household. It appears 
for an adult wonL married to a minor to cohabit with his father though 
be observed ; but general illicit intercourse is so common that it IB hard to say 
whether this incest deserves the name of custom or not. 

12 Betrothal Marriages are often fixed up by an interchange of girls. An ordinary 
betrothal is arranged by the lad's father sending a couple of mStabars or nu m of landing to 
ask for the girl's hand and negotiate about the bride-price. If the overture* aro 8um*rful, 
the lad is taken to the girl's house in a large procession, composed of four ntotaban* and a 
throng of kinswomen and other females, who carry a red silk wrapper <*a/j), a ml Khirt 
(taftf) and a silver finger-ring for the bride, as well as some sugar and henna. They come 
tripping along, singing and dancing while a drummer (langa) beats the drum lustily. On 
arrival at the house they dress the bride, distribute the sugar and apply the henna to the 
hands of both bride and groom. The bride-price is handed over, and the Ix'trotluil is then 
complete and as binding as a betrothal can be among folk of such looae morals, 

13, Bride-price. The bride-price is sometimes given in cash, riBing from an inKigni- 
ficant sum to one or two hundred rupees, but more usually it takes the form of one to three 
she-camels. If the girl dies before marriage, the bride-prico is refunded ; if tin? lad dies, 
his heirs can claim the girl, and pocket her bride-price on her marriage. 

14* Marriage. For seven days before the wedding the bride and groom are fed no 
doubt for their better fertilisation on flour which has been ground in both houflON by a woman 
who is the sole wife of s a loving husband. On the wedding day preferably during the Id, 
but not a Tuesday, Wednesday or Saturday the groom sot* out with a procwiHion of kins- 
folk, the women singing and dancing to the beat of a drum. On their arrival at the bride's 
house a mixture of bread and sugar, called cMr$, is distributed among the company, who 
are feasted at the expense of the groom's father. A Mullah reads tho nihdh according to the 
ordinary Muhammadan rites for a fee of one rupee, and the bridal coupta relirt* to u kitt or 
mat-tent, which has been pitched for them some little distance from the encampment. Hew 
they remain for seven days, only visited by a relative who brings them their food, (hi tlu* 
first morning the bride's garment, stained with the supposed token* of virginity, is expoard 
to view. If a Mullah's services cannot be procured, they are simply dispensed with ; one of 
the grey-beards performing the ceremony by chanting any BaldchJ or Jajki aong he happens 
.to remember, 

15. Marriage of widows* A widow returns to her parents and haa perfect liberty to 
arrange her future life just as She pleases whether as widow, mistreaB or wife. If she 
prefers to mairy and can find the man to marry her, betrothal and marriage take place at 
one and the same time. The bride-price, which is only half the usual amount, goe to her 

16. Buffoonery at the ceremony.lht Mullah only gets eight annas or half the uaual 
mamage-fee, which seems unfair considering all the indignities he baa to put up with. For 
at the marriage of a widow the women regard the Mullah as a proper butt for the broadest of 
jokes ; they sew up his clothes with matting, and sometimes even take off bin trousers and 
leave him naked, befooling and abusing him mercilessly. 

17. Absence of divorce. Divorce is unknown. It would Indeed bo a little out of plaoo, 
seeing that the husband takes at least as keen and kindly aa interest ae hi* wtfa in her amour*. 
It is bairdly necessary to go aa far as one of the corespondents on tbe subject, who Ends 
the explanation for the absence of divorce in the charitable coadosioa tliat tbo happimma 
of hisTOfe is 1^e first and last ambition of a Jat. Now and then ao doubt a husband may 
.Oak that | matters are being carried a bit too for, especially H i a paramour to a mere Jat 
lite himself ; but a small douceur will soon smooth down his raffled feelings. 


18. Burial. They bury their dead in the usual way with the head to the north, the 
feet to the south and the face towards the west. H they can get hold of a Mullah to read the 
service, so much the better ; his fee is only eight aoanas or a rupee. The bereaved family 
are fed by the kin for three days, during which their ordinary occupations are suspended 
in token of mourning. On the fourth day a little dried juwdr (andropogon sorghum) is 
parched and distributed with sugar. Visits of condolence are paid by the friends, who are 
feasted but contribute eight annas or so to the alms for the dead. 

19. Inheritance. Only male agnates inherit. First the son (sons in equal shares, 
sons and deceased sons' sons per stirpes) ; then the father ; then the brother, and in default 
of brother, the nephew ; and then the uncle, and in default of uncle, the cousin this forms 
the general order of precedence. 

20. Maintenance of women. Widows, daughters and the male issue of daughters are 
excluded from the inheritance. Not that the widow is part of the inheritance as elsewhere, 
for her bride-price, should she choose to remarry, goes to her parents ( 15). Like the 
daughter, who is, however, part of the inheritance, she is entitled to maintenance from the 
deceased's estate until she remarries, lachastity, needless to say, does not cancel her rights 
in this respect. 


SALBABDI is a small village with a population of about 300 souls, situated partly in the 
Betul district and partly in the Amraoti district. It is M miles south of Badntir and about 
the same distance (40 miles) north-east of Amraoti. The portion included in the Betfcl 
district contains a natural cavern, inside which is placed a Hngam, which is worshipped on 
the Sivar&tri day by thousands of pilgrims, mostly belonging to Berar. The cave is a deep 
hollow, reached by a circuitous underground passage through a series of precipitous meta- 
morphic rocks. The roof consists of the same material, from which, somehow or other, 
water oozes out and in small drops slowly falls on the lingam placed beneath it. This is 
taken by ordinary people to be a miracle, which invests the place with the sanctity it enjoys. 
In spite of the fact that the passage is a difficult one to cross, obliging the pilgrim to crawl 
at some points, where the space between two rocks narrows into a small hole just enough 
to allow the body to pass through, people flock to it and even pay blackmail to the mdlguzdr 
for the privilege of getting inside and paying devotion to the Mahideo inside. An estimate 
of the crowd on the Sivar&tri day may be made from the collections t&ken by the mdlguzdr 
at the entrance. It is about Bs. 800, if not more, when the charge is an anna or two per 
head. The pilgrims, especially late arrivals, continue to visit the cave for four or five days 
after the Sivaratri. 

Inside the cave all is dark, and one has to go accompanied by a barber with a vnas&l 
(torch)* There are cracks in the rock in some places, whence a little dim light can be seen. 
The place where Mah&deo is installed is a fairly high hall, which can accommodate 100 or 
more persons, Adjoining it there is another hall with any amount of guano manure, which 
the bats furnish. This is called the b&ri or field, where MabMeo grows gdnjd (hemp) and 
dhaturd, both of which crops axe invisible to physical eyes. Here also lies his dlchdvd where 
he daily practises his exercise. A long subterranean passage leading towards the north 
te yet unexplored. Here any number of bats may be seen hiding in the dark. The story 
about this passage is that once 360 goats were sent down this unknown abyss, and that one 
of them came out at the Hah&deo shrine at Paohmarftft, about 85 miles away from S&l- 
bardi, indicating that the Salbardi Mah&deo is connected with the great Mahadeo of 
Pachmarhi. There are two passages by which people enter or leave the cave. From one 

1 This note Was contributed to the Journal in 1910, but was unfortunately mislaid until a recent dateXEfr. 


entrance they get directly into the sanctum, and from another they first reach MohSdco's 
dkhdrd. The tetter is a narrower passage than the former. 

The cave, however, is a recent discovery, made within the imtmory of living iuo,n, but 
Salbardl contains many ancient remains, probably the oldest that fi(h<*r of I he two districts 
in which it is situated can show. They lie within a space surrounded by high mountains, 
on one of which the cave described above is situated. Just below this mount flow** tho river 
Gafiga, on the right side of which there is a iSaiva temple built owr a nuuuvii lingam. It 
is known as T&toba ki Marti and is built in the mediaeval Brahmanic stylo. It in a, fliit-toofed 
building, supported on massive pillars and ornamented from out Hide*, \villi iiguws and 
carvings. In the Mahdmandapa a small platform has boon recently <;tm>siriwi<*d and is 
named and worshipped as T&toba's Samddhi. It is really the grave of woim* widku, named 
T&toba, who lived and died there : but the temple has existed t hero wince ubout the tenth 
century A.D. Local traditions identify the place as tho hurznitagt' of Vuliniki ; and that 
opposite it, just on the other bank of the Gaiiga, is pointed out a* ihu one \vhcrtt 8It& after 
delivery washed her clothes. There are two small cisterns, fed by a natural .spring, which 
are known as Sit& ki Nahani or Sita's bathing place. Ku& uad Lava arc- In'Uevttd by the 
people to have been reared here and to have fought with their uncles Bhattttaund 8utruglma* 
The numerous mortar-like holes in the rocks are said to lie UKJ muriiM of hoofo of 
horses, on which the soldiers from Ajodhy^rode, Side by side there in a uhrint* of Dholam 
Shah, a Valf (Musalman prophet), whose miracles arc forgotten. Apparently ho was ins- 
talled by BabuKhan, dacoit, who made a small forfc just above this plticc, which x>*'otocted 
him from the attacks of his enemies. Inside the fort or rather ntxupart, iu>w much dilapi- 
dated, there still stands a hall known as Babu Khan kf kachahri. ft in built from stonos, 
evidently belongingto mediseval temples, which Babu Khfin aeuiuB to liavo diKUianth*d, using 
them for his Kachahr!. The building is supported on massive pillara, and a wide room has a 
gate, which certainly belonged to a temple, the figure of aanerfa being curx^cct above it. 
There are also other stones with carvings of Hindu gods and goddfeHftjee. 

A few yards away on high ground, the eye catches a white ufariiu.', viry nuxlent in its 
structure, with no pretentions to antiquity or architecture. Ifc is known an Muni Id Marhl 
and is a MSnbhao shrine of a saint, who evidently died there. It is on descending just below 
tids shrine that the traveller finds a contrast- For ho suddenly cornea upon a Buddhiafc 
ra, cut out of one piece of rock, with a sanctum in which there i an imago of Buddha, 
two persons on either side carrying a whisk- Under the pedestal there iw a *i<pittaen* 
nAf a Jtifafa, Ui^o^ipbartely somebody has broken ofi the head of Buddha la 
tart f the. swrtwthm twoBido rooms, and outside 

4toFe 14 a vors&dafe aftx^leet,^hioh also Ixas two^ide rooms, one at each end. Thisis the 
oldest place, and it invests Salbarcjl with an importance hitherto unknown. A few yards 
Map Miotitar *4M4tff on a spwwhat grander scale wa cut out of solid rook but for 
some reason or other ifr was never completed. It $eems to have been abandoned whw 

The sanctum contains w wages aad the bido rooms of the 
Apparently the varoadah w first .soavatod, thon the 

the thM latter show 

'mfi^^Tis * P ^ Iillgei:ed n 1U tMS :P *f fc f fche ooantr y tiu about 

^^^^^sssa^y;^^ They 

^irls^t^^^o?^- i*r "r vtts *-^ta^s=^5^ * 

Pt of the eouutry waa ^IlI^RlSlSSSfii ^ >D ' .""* *" *"*" ^^ ^ ^ 


were Saivas, and apparently they would not have tolerated theBuddhistic monasteries within 
their dominions, especially just about the time when Sankar&chHrya preached a crusade 
against Buddhism and succeeded in ousting it from India. Indeed the unfinished state of 
the second Vihara indicates precipitate action, apparently brought about by the persecu- 
tion of the Buddhists, who must have been compelled to leave the place hurriedly. The 
traditions which have grown up in regard to these places show how keen the persecution 
was. It could not tolerate the reminiscence of even Buddhistic names. Stories were 
invented, appropriating all the places as residences of R&ma and Siva or their retainers. 
The two monasteries are now known as Ghode ki Payag& and Ghode ki Lid or stables of 
Mahadeo's horses. The entrances, which have become disintegrated, are stated to have 
been eaten by the horses for want of sufficient fodder. The unfinished Vihara is called 
Ghode ki Lid, because there lies a large quantity of guano, which gives a smell compared 
by the people to that of horse-dung. These two monasteries are situated in a most 
picturesque valley surrounded by high mountains, on the fork formed by the rivers Mandu 
and its tributary, the Gang&. It is just the place which Buddhists would have selected 
for their Vih&ras, Near the village is a sulphur spring containing hot water. A 
bath in it is supposed to cure skin diseases, but whether the pilgrims are afflicted with 
them or not, they bathe in it, considering it to be a necessary part of their meritorious 
performance. One of the peculiarities of this locality is that a strong wind blows through* 
out the year every day from 8 p.m. to 8 a.m. 



I* THE word pertale like kalnddu occurs in Kannada inscriptions and is one of those 
whose meaning is not properly understood. It occurs, for instance, in No. 148 of the collec- 
tion of inscriptions of the Srirangapatjana Taluka of the Mysore District, a record belonging 
to the fourth year of the reign of the Gaiiga king Satyavftfcya Perumanadigal and is dated 
the p&takdivasam of the month Mftrgga&ra. Mr. Bice has translated this word as the 
eighth day (of the fortnight). 

The word peltate, or more correctly pe%etale, is a compound of the words pere and tale, 
two words which are common to the Kannada, Malay&lam and TamiJ languages. The former 
means the crescent moon, and the latter, the head or the beginning. Hence the compound 
literally means the head or the beginning of the crescent or the waxing moon. That this 
derivation is correct, will become patent from^the following quotation, wherein the word 
occurs in a slightly altered form: ' nit-talaip-pirai pdl tfa&lna, S&rya-grahanatti-^wn 9 
(on the day of the solar eclipse that touched the beginning or the first of the crescent' moon 
in the month of Ani) . This passage occurs in an inscription found in the Jalan&the6vara temple 
at Takk61am and is dated the twenty-fourth year of the reign of BijakSsarivarman. 
Ftom the fact that a solar eclipse is mentioned, it becomes quite clear that talaipfyai (or 
pfyai-talai) refers only to the first of the waxing moon ; in other words to the new"moon. 
The English compound 'new-moon* conveys almost the same sense as pi%ai-talai. 

Again, in the sixth Canto, entitled the Kadalddu-kddai, of that superb Tamii classic 
epic poem, the 6ifappadigdrdm, the phrase uwvu-tafai occurs* It is a compound of uvavu 
and talai : uvavu (or uvd) means the conjunction of the sun and the moon and might refer to 
either the new or the fall-moon. But in later Tamil works it is generally employed to 
denote the new moon. The phrase therefore is a paraphrase of the other, pirai-talai. 

From the above explanations it is certain that peratale means the new moon, and not 
'the eighth day \ aa has been supposed by Mr. Bice in "the document already alluded to* 
* Ifcfc note w$s cpatributetf to the Journal i 1910, but was unfortunately mislaid till a recent date. *E&, 


So . . .. . , _ .^^^ _____>. 

II The term kalnddu occurs in Kannada inscriptions in connection with the death of 
any person who falls in a battle, is killed in attacking cattle raiders, in hunting wild boasts etc, 
If the death took place on the battlefield, we see the king sometimes giving tlio kalnddu, in 
the name of the deceased hero. Generally some relation of the departed person givos it ; 
in a few- cases the villagers are seen honouring such a man with a memorial tablet. 

Now the word kalnddu has been understood by Mr. Bice to mean ' a stony piece of land*. 
Adverting to this, he writes, " another interesting term is kalnddu, which is* not HO oasy to 
explain, as it has long been obsolete and only occurs in the oldest inscriptions. So far OH the 
word goes, it means a stony tract. But from the way in which it is used, as rionifying tho. land 
granted for the support of the family of a man who had f alien in battle, or I wen otherwise kil- 
led in public service, it seems to designate what is now known as "Government wasto", that is, 
land that has not been taken up for cultivation, or having been cultivated has burn abandon- 
ed." 2 Dr. Fleet also agrees with Mr, Bice in the interpretation of this word. 3 If thiK is taken 
as the signification of the term, hard indeed must be the heart of the king who grants to the 
family of the man who, in discharge of his duties towards his lord and master, offera even his 
life, a stony piece of land, or else land tha^has already been tried for cultivation and abandoned 
on account of its worthlessness. Such a poor grant to the bereaved mom bora of tin* family 
would never be an honest appreciation of the sacrifices of the person killed. H f hn Icing 
were well-meaning, he would certainly disdain to bestow a stony tract of land on the* survi- 
vors of the deceased. That kalnddu does not mean a barren uncultivablo land will be clear 
from what follows. 

The word Kalnddu is a compound of kal and nadu, two words meaning *a stone ' and 
'set up' or 'plant* respectively. Both these words are common to all tho Dravidian language, 
la Tamilit is leal, in Kannada and Malayalam it is kallu, in Tula also it is fcaW, in tho language 
of the T&Jas of Nilgiris it is fears, whereas the Telugu language alono haa rdyi. Similarly, 
nadu, natu, neftu are the different forms of the Tamil term nadu in tho Kannada language 
and have the same meaning as in that language, viz., * to fix firmly/ to ' ntick or fix in tlio 
ground/ to 'plant.' Dr. Kittel gives the following examples, in which thi* verb occur* : ' 
'pa&uva kattal-endu kaladalli naif a guntavu ', ' natta kambhada Mg&J tlit^Vifanu irabckii' 
and * natta marakke niru ereda Mg&J in all which instances it is use*! in exactly llu Katun 
sens in which it is employed in the compound kalnddu. Malay&Jaia han HH nad^a, (tlu- 
same as the Tamil nadugai, 'the act of planting ') which means* ' to got into/ ' to enter/ 'to 
be pierced or stuck into ' : for example, 'nadwvdnum pa^ippdnum 0amwa/ifaWe/ In Tctlugu 
it is ndjtf .. Tulu also has the same verb to express the idea of planting. Thu wo tut* that 
the simplest meaning conveyed by the word kalnddu IB the planting of a atone. Verbal 
nouns in theDravidian languages are generally formed by lengthening the initial vow<*l thus: 
todu, to dig out, t6du, that which is dug out, a canal ; padu> to faU in (such a, tho 
of another, under the abuse of another etc), pddu as "in o|f^U. worship, 
conclusion .etc.; mte to leave, vtdu, freedom, or (figuratively, as in eoine previouH 

iTS"^ *? "0* t0 ^ "^ What haS been planted " T^ 8 ^balnoun IIM been 
^understood for the noun Mu, < a country/ and hence all the mistaken m the Inter. 
pretation of the word kalnddu. 

TMaiJ ^ t f rature ^f lds . a detad1 ^ disoription of the custom of setting up memorial 
" m ttleS - 


* out kalnd ^ ; * thc purport 

h ly WatCF ' * "P in due, turn, a.ul 

j , " - *** V-VJU1JLU.VJ4JH.-1J IJli. LilL^i Im>.Sl'l'', 

adds more detaila and quotes several passage^ from literary wrk, 

- ^.^....JKP^OW,, t-oruj-adigaram, Sfitram 80 ' the last fo,,v * t * fl " a * 1 * he < t * 
thereon of NachohinarkkiniJiT ' * tert tout Unea of it only. 


., 1925] 



which, throw considerable light on the subject. One of these informs us that the stone is set 
after the name of the hero and the circumstances under which his death occurred are 
engraved on it. Another illustrative verse tells us that a string (7cdppu~ndn or -ntil, Sans. 
raksM-bandliana tantu) is tied round the stone, perfumes sprinkled, incense burnt and plenty 
of flowers thrown over it. Gl$ is smeared on the stone, and it is set up with great pomp in the 
presence of all the friends and relatives of the deceased. Bards are then invited and paid 
liberally to sing the praises of the hero. Sometimes a covered stylobate is built round it, 
called the v$ra-sdlai. These facts are repeated in all subsequent grammars such as Vwaio- 
liyamp Pumpparul-venbd-mdlai,* and Ilakkana-vilakkam* etc. The custom of setting 
a stone could not have existed in the days of the author of that most modern of all grammars, 
the Ilaklxtnavilakkam. The curious custom is often referred to in ancient Tamil works, 
such as Kural*, Pattu-pdUu*, Puyandnfau, 10 Kallddam, etc. 11 

From what we saw above, it appears that something like puja was offered to these stones. 
If then a simple phrase such as kal-n&tu gottam, ivu tamuttu irbbara kalgal etc., occurs without 
anv land grant with it, we must apparently understand that a decent burial, with an in- 
scribed memorial tablet, was given to the dead man. If, on the other hand, a land grant is 
made to the members of the family of the deceased, perhaps it was meant for the up-keep 
of the puja to the stone. Kalnddu then passes to another stage of connotation, and means 
that which is given for sotting up the stone. Anyhow kaln&du does not mean the stony tract 
of land, as Mr. Bice understands. 



In his review of the Konkaii and the Konkani 
language by Dr. V. P. Chavan, Mr. Edwardea sug- 
gests a derivation for the term 'Sfenkau ', deriving 
the word from 6 Kongu ' on tho analogy of the 
Kanarce form Tenkanct. He rightly rejects tho 
Sanskrit derivation of the word suggested by 
tho author as unconvincing, but his alternative 
suggestion does not take us much nearer a con- 
vincing derivation of the word. Tho word Konkan 
in ittf present form is tho Kanarese form ; 
but iu classical Tamil literature, the term occurs 
in tho Tamil form Kon-Kftnam. What is more, 
this, region is treated as tho kingdom of a chief- 
tain, whose rule extended over tho neighbouring 
territory even of Tulu* In one poem of the 
Purandntiru, the territory is spoken of as Kon- 
Perum-Kiinam. The last word in both the ex. 
previous means in Tamil * forest.* The meaning 
of tho first is not quite so clear. It comes from 
the root * kol % originally 'to take/ By a transi- 
tion it comes to be * taking that which is not one's 

own. 9 In that sense that same class of Tamil 
literature uses tho term in tho following forms : 
*Kol, f 'Kollai' and ' Kondi,' all of them alike 
signifying * plunder * or * spoils of war.' There- 
fore, ordinarily Kon-KSnam ought to mean the 
forest whore any thing that can bo taken posses- 
sion of by anybody that wishes to ; in other 
words, it is a * no-man's land ', from which 
anybody can appropriate any thing that can be 
appropriated. This has reference mainly to 
driving off! cattle ; cattle grazing in the forest 
could be taken possession of by anybody that 
cared. The term interpolated between tho two 
merely moans * great * and gives the clearest 
possible indication that tho two terms are intended 
to mean what thoy actually do in Tamil 
literature, namely * vant.' So Konkan would 
be the vast region of forest from which those 
that chose might take possession of what 
they liked. 

Whether this Tamil name was applied to a 
foreign country, or whether it was actually Tamil' 
land may be a more doubtful question; but all 
the indications in classical Tamil literature givo 

of Poruf-pa^alam and the commentary on it. 

S^ms, 1M* of the Poduviyar-padalam, and the illustrative verse* 

following them, 

7 ifakkaiia'Vi'lalcJcam, Sfttram, 619. 

8 Kuralf chapter on PalaiGheherukbu, verse 1. 

9 PoUif-itfttii, MaWpafafaMm, Iin0s, 387-389 and its commentary. 

10 Puran&ntiru, verse, &U and Agafptttu, verse 131. 

11 Also my paper on this subject in the Sendanril, VoU HI, pp. 5561. 

12 Poems : 154456. Atom; 15, 97, 249. Naryinai ; 391. 



[ FEBRUARY, 1935 

one the idea that it was a Tamil kingdom under 
a Tamil chief, who was also chief of Tulu and who 
had his capitals and fortresses and hills, and the 
other paraphernalia of a kingdom. The chief 
that is referred to is Nannan, who has been handed 
down to ill-fame as the killer of a woman, so that 
in Tamil literature he is called generally Nannan 
the woman-killer, to distinguish him from his son 
who bore the same name and who is called Nan- 
nan,3 the son of Nannan, whose territory lay inland 
in the eastern portion of Kongu in the generation 

This brings us to another geographical item 
animadverted upon by Sir Richard Temple both 
iu the JRAS, and in the Indian Antiquary. 
It is the famous Mont Deli. Sir Richard felt very 
easily persuaded by what Mr. Subramania Ayyar 
said, on the authority of the Sanskrit Kavyant, 
* Mushakavamfa* the mediaeval work that the 
late Mr- Gopinatha Rao published, in regard to 
the origin of the term. Because of the expres- 
sions Mushaka-vamfa and Mfahaka-n&du, Mr. 
Subramania Ayyar jumped to the conclusion that 
Mont Deli can mean nothing more than ' moun- 
tain of the bandicoot or rat.* He went on 
to characterise the translation Sapto &a,ifa as 
an unwarranted manufacture on the part 
of the Sanskrit-knowing Brahman,. It is a matter 
for regret that we should be too ready to divine 
intentions on the part of authors of mischievous 
derivations and details, when a little closer in- 
spection may prove useful. The Kdvya MAshaka 
Vamsa and the country Mushaka cannot be held 
to supply us with the origin- of the name Mont 
Deli, when we have very much more authentic 
sources of information regarding the place. 
Mont Deli of the geographers is undoubtedly 
the hill surrounded by numbers of rivers and 
streams, 16 miles to the north of Cannanore, which 
the writers of the Tamil classics always refer 
to distinctly as Jjl-il-kunram.3 The first term 
is seven, the second may mean a house, and 
the third is hill, which in the mouth of a 
Malayalam-speaking moderner would become 
Elimala by a process of phonetic decay, which 
can be easily understood by one acquainted 
with the language. Hence the Brahmanical transla- 
tion Sapta Saila has very much more warrant 

than the suggestion that tho Eli there was a 
Mtishaka, I beliovo nobody \vill adduce the 
argument that theso Tamil classics, whatever their 
actual age, were later than the Alu$hak(ivarii&Q. 
So the translation Sapta 8a-Uam is quite a regular 
translation of the Tamil name. 

That does not give the explanation of tho Mont 
Deli, or EUli, as tho Arabs Iwvo it. Tho clearest 
explanation is that it is a translation of tho Malaya- 
lam expression, as tho Suiitfkrifc is a translation of 
the Tamil. If to the fij-Hfc foreign visitor of the 
coast or promontory tho namo had boon given 
as Elimala, and if he wanted us a. mere matter 
of curiosity to know what oxactly it mount, the 
obvious mombor of the compound mala is easily 
explained as hill or mount ; and what about JSft y 
If the person who used tho torm EliiuulA had the 
notion that it had anything to do with the Eli 
(rat), he could havo offorud the explication then 
and there, and tho translator would not havo Called 
it Mont Deli ; but instead of -##, he would have 
put the equivalent of thi* rotUmt in hiw own lan- 
guage; but tho fact that 1%'haH boon retained 
is a clear indication that tho foreigner \vus not 
able to understand tho torm, aud CM mid not get 
a satisfactory explanation of it from hfa informant. 
The suggestion that tho term Mi mount iho rat 
and nothing else, would havo H truck tho native 
of the locality as vory queer. The only 
possible explanation of tho torm ' il ' that I 
can suggest is howte> and that could only moan 
that the hill an* its alojuw woro iho property 
of seven illama or hoxwohoMs of tho Maluhur coast. 
Hence Mont Doli is an uricottHcioua rondoririg of 
the accurate early Tamil nanio, only Koinawhat 
corrupted as it paused through fiiolnyiihun, but 
not quite clearly understood by tho tint, foreigner 
who coined the term, whether h<; wtro Arab, JVrwian 
or European. 

There is an interesting noto on tliiw on pugu 1, 
Vol. II, of Longworth Damos' edition of the Book 
of Dunrte Barbotta. Mr, Thorno, I.C.S., whom note 
is included in it, labours to dorivo tho twin Deli 
from Tali in Kamandally. This would bo un- 
exceptionable, if the form of tho word wore Doli. 
The Arab word isHili, and tho European equivalent 
seems to be merely d'Eli, moaning tho Mil oj Eli 
for Mont D*Eli, 





This is the first part of a dictionary of the Prakrit 
language intended to be completed in four parts. It 
is a comprehensive dictionary of the Prakrit language 
giving the meaning of Prakrit words in. Hindi. It 
provides, at the same timo, tho Saoskrit equivalents 
of the Prakrit words. The dictionary as a whole 

contains about 75,000 word*. Tho author, Pandit 
Haragovind Das Shoth, Lecturer in l^akrit in the 
Calcutta University, has taken care to support the 
meanings that he give* by quotations from the 
origin^ sources, giving complete references* It 
removes on* of the desiderata for a satisfactory 
study of the vaat Prakrit literature, which still 
remains uneacplorod, or explore*! but inadequately 

FEBRUARY, 1925] 



by scholars Indian and European. It is likely to 
be of great assistance in promoting thia desirable 
study. The author deserves to be congratulated 
upon the result of his labours in this good cause. 
The work is a monument of his learning and effort^ 
and it is to be hoped that his industry will be suita- 
bly rewarded 9 to encourage him to go on with his 
work and complete it, as originally projected, in 
four parts. 



By C. S. SKINIVASACHABI, M.A. Wesleyan Mission 

Press, Mysore, 1924. 24 pp. 

This is Sk valuable contribution to a question 
which seems at last to be on the way to settlement. 
Mr. Srinivasachari has gone to the proper resources 
and has made a useful summary of it up to date. 
It is but a few years since the Pallava-Pahlava 
theory seemed impregnable and quite feasible. 
Now we know that the Pallavas were not of out- 
side origin, but a Southern Indian family or clan. 
But to which clan they belonged or out of which 
they roso, is still open to controversy. Mr. Sri- 
aivasachari sets to work deliberately to sift the 

First, he takes us to the name and its origin, 
quoting finally Prof. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar's 
statement :" So far as the available evidence 
goes, they wore a dynasty of the Andhras, pro- 
bably related to or even springing out of the clan 
of the S&tavahanas." Nejxt he dives into their 
early history, as rulers of Kanehl and neighbour- 
hood, and carries it from before the date of the 
Gupta Emperors to the close of the 6th century 
A.D. Then come the days of the Great Pallavas, 
when " a definite chronological arrangement 
becomes possible," and the great struggle between 
the Pallavas of KaftchS, and the Chalukyas of Va- 
tapt was carried on for a long period. 

Here Mr. Srinivasachari takes us through the 
records of ruler after ruler by name Simhavishnu 
up to, say> 610 A.IX, Mahdndra ** at first a Jain 
and later converted to feaivism;" Narasiinha- 
varraan (c. 630-66 8), whom he surnames the Great; 
Mah^ndravarman (c. 668-074); Paramos' varavar- 
man (c. 674-690) ; Narasimhavarman, II, Bftjashnha 
(c. 690-715), the great builder of the temples at 
KafictuV the M Seven Pagodas " at Mamallapuram, 
the Panamalai temple ; Nandivarraan (716-779); 
Dantivarman (779-830); Nandi (c. 830-854); 
Nripatunga (c. 854-880); Aparajita POttaraiyar 
.(880 c. 900). The succession, however, is not 
quite so clear as the above statement would ap- 
pear to make it, and there is much room for fur* 
ther research as to details. The outline, however, 
is now before us of this great ruling race, which 
did so much for Southern India in timea now long 
past aad forgotten* 

In fact the times and work of the Pallavas are 
of such importance to South Indian history thafr 
we cannot know too much about them. Like 
Vijayanagar, KMchi is a " Forgotten Empire ", 
and students who would illuminate the story of 
the rise of South Indian religion and administra- 
tion, would do well to unearth all that is possible 
of the remarkable episode of theTallavas in timea 
now long gone by. Mr. Srinivasachari has done 
quite rightly in adding to his summary of the 
political history of the Pallavas another of the 
social institutions of the time. 

Kaftchi was the chief seat of Pallava power all 
through the first millennium of the Christian era 
the centre of the art, religion and civilisation they 
inculcated. "The Pallavas brought to Kaiichl 
the culture of the North, as distinguished from 
what may be called Dravidian or Southern cul- 
ture);" though this is not to say that by race they 
were of the Northern people. 

By religion they were, generally speaking, &ai- 
vas, though Vaishnavism and Jainism flourished 
under them, or some of them, end they were the 
great temple and cave builders of the South. 
Buddhism also flourished at times under their 
tolerant rule. Then they were the chief promo- 
ters of literature, and many a famous name flou- 
rished under their encouragement. Theirs was 
also a glorious epoch of art and architecture, and 
fortunately it is still represented by many a noble 

In the practical administrative side of life they 
were no less distinguished. Under them the ad- 
ministrQtion was " complex and hierarchical in 
character, and the tax-system was heavy and 
cumbrous." But the great point was that " the real 
unit of administration was the village community, 
either an individual village or a collection of vil 
lages," ruled by a special committee or aabha. 
The outstanding feature of Pallava rule was the 
attention paid to irrigation, and their works for 
the purpose were very large. 

The leaving of the village affairs in the hands 
of the villagers themselves did not relieve the 
Pa.llava kings from the general administration 
of the country, which was entrusted to viceroys 
and petty local ruler*, who tended to become 
hereditary. This led to the creation of a number 
of minor chiefs of a feudal character, and as the 
superior central powor diminished and then died, 
the whole country sank into the position of a 
collection of merely feudal chieftainships with 
Pallava names and Pajlava titles, working for 
other centralised powers ; e.g., the Cholas and 
the KLurumbas. It was a case of a system steadily 
killing itself. 

Be all this as it may, there is clearly a case made 
out for a detailed account of Pallava rule, 
for another History of a Forgotten Empire* The 



vu ruied so long and did so much for the 
tag of Southern India that they are worth it. 


m 1736 to 1701 : Volume IS, Sept. 1754^-Dec. 
1753; edited by H. DODWEUU Superintendent, 
Government Press, Madras. 1924. 
The present volume of the famous Diary is fur- 
nialied like the preceding volumes, with an excellent 
induction by the Editor, Mr. Dodwell, who 
divides the subjeot-matter into three mam oato- 
Lies viz:-<a) the abandonment of the French 
Sofadveltuxe followed by Dupleix, (6) the in- 
Duration o a new policy by his successor Oodeheu 
and (c) the effects of the new policy under Godeheu s 
^llr, de Leyrit. Godehe, . landed at ^ Pond, 
cherry at the beginning of August, 1764, with 
orders recalling Duplei* and authorising his arrest, 
if he refused to comply with the summons. Mr. 
Dodwell explains the reasons for this action of the 
authorities in France, and is able from the evidence 
of the Diary to elucidate the circumstances of 
Dupleiz's recall, which have hitherto been doubtful 
in one or two particulars. He also discusses the 
failure of the attempt to establish French Rule over 
south India, and attributes it chiefly to lack of sea- 
power and to the mutual jealousy of the French 
agents in the East, which rendered impossible any- 
thing in the nature of team-work. He is probably 
right in his view that the latter circumstance was a 
more potent cause of failure than even the corrup- 
tion and duplicity which marred the policy and 
acts of the French in India. With the arrival of 
Dupleix's successor, Ananda Banga Pillai oamu 
again into his own, and this portion of the Diary 
testifies to the gradual recovery of the influence 
which he had lost through the intrigues and inter- 
ference of Dupleix's half-caste wife. The reference 
on page 69 to *' a certain island with a fort thereon 
held by the Hubshis,'* is somewhat obscure. Mr, 
Dodwell remarks in his footnote that " Ranga 
KUai writes 6 AvisikaT, but he probably means the 
Angrias, whom the Marathas attacked in the fol- 
lowing year with aid from Bombay." This may be 
so ; but Angria was not an Abyssinian, whereas 
the Sidi of Janjira (the Habshi) certainly was ; 
and although we have no record of any definite 
attack upon Janjira in 1754, the general sense of the 
passage in Kanga PiUai's Diary applies more closely 
to the island fort of Janjira than to the possessions 
<tf Angria, Possibly, however, the reference is to 
the Kolaba fort, lying just off the shore of the main- 
land : but in that case the use of the word Hubsh* 
in the enclosure to Balaji Bao*s letter seems to be 
erroneous. The ninth volume of the Diary, as 
edited by Mr. Dodwell, is a worthy companion to 
<i the preceding volumes. 


State). Printed at the Indian PI-OPS Ltd., 
Allahabad, 1.924. 

This is a thoroughly Indian iwscoimfc of the 
Jainacharya, known as Vijnyn Dhamia fiuri, who 
died as lately as September 1022. Tho horn of the 
story was a great and important Jain aiut and ton- 
chev, making friends wherovor ho wcrifc, und hia 
story has been well worth recording It. bus indeed 
been the subject of volume nftor vuhmto in at Iwist 
ten languages, including four of fcli* c'liiof toiiynrti of 
Europe, as he was oa friendly torinw with nil tho 
principal European students of JumiHin, amount 
whom his great attainmontB aw u, Rchntar uroua<l 
enthusiastic esteem. His Hchohirwltip wfifl us<;d 
in bringing to light unknown and iv.'ii unnui^jwlrd 
works on his religion, and ihiifi ho cann'' I HM* uiuJyiiig 
gratitude of his European rom^omli'iil^ ilu hi 
own country ho was a religion** powor : iiifc<);';ot:hiu 
an admirable man. 

Ho was of tho VtuHya canto and ohviosl.y 
factory as a youth, until ho \vaaul l u 
when hoturnod to religion and took up th*> lii'n uf a 
sadJiu, which ho foHowod for Mm n,u >:l I In ri .y-i i v. y< -urB 
till his death, AvS an ascot to, Im rciwl and pmirlwd 
constantly, fouixdod Bchoolw, Hbrari*^ ami htmjiiluln, 
and disputed with Panditw all U thn atlvautupi of 
his own faith and to tho groat bniu^tit. of lurlmu 
seholar&lup gonorally. A UlNtral-niii'ttiui nrxmtiwT, 
h was ablo to found |Kjriodi<fiil finrirH ot" Juiu 
works, and this buidoH tlm lxkw IK* iuniHi-Ji \vruto 
and tho fortnightly p*pr which hu uls* iilurti'd. 
led irx fact u busy Uf> away frmi tin* pMlititruI 
world, ontiwily devotml U floiujj; Kuntl tw hi* HUW 
it _ a typical dcltdryti, uttil iw rvjj;ni<lB iirit^ntul 
acholai-ahip it is a fti'cub inifi*rtu<' tJutt li*^ did 
not live longer* 

It. <;.TUMI*J.K. 

A STUDX- IK HINDU SOCIAL i '01-11: v. liv 

CHAKRABJSBTY, Calcutta, JDiilt. 

Yet another book by thin iiuluwituMo \vriifr f 
published in 1023, which ho doBtrriboH us **tho 
outgrowth of tho m&toriute I prtilu!n.'d li wriim a 
cultural history of thf Hindun tf nntl VM * fc hawtily- 
drawn skotchos.** Ho gt*vo up Uio id*m uf publiah- 
mg the * History' on r^odiiij; KtiuioU Chuudra 
Dutta'a Owitiwation in Aneiwl /tw/, 

The author haa ovid^ully b>u o wU and 
enthusiastic reader and linn oullec'tod u grout 
amouixt ^1 information inturt'Hting and uMtful to 
scholars. Whether his conclusion* art* wound i 
another matter and so controversial that I do not 
propose to enter into it in this itotit't . 

H. C. 

SRI 191 SRI 

e as Baikantha (Chaitanya-charitdmrita, II, ch. 9). 

drlbhoja Palembang in Sumatra, a seat of Buddhist learning in the seventh century, 
much frequented by the Chinese pilgrims (Seal's Life of Hiuen Tsiang : Introduction ; 
I-tsing*s Record of the Buddhist Religion : Takakusu's Introduction, p. xliv). 

Srthatta Sylhet (Togini Tantra, Pt. II, ch. 6). 

Srlkakola It is a corruption of Srikaiik&U (see 6rfkank&li.) 

&rfkankall Chikakol in the Northern Circars. It is one of Pithas where Satit's loin 
is said to have fallen. 

Srika&tha Same as Kuruj&ngala. Its capital was Bitespura, thirty-three miles north- 
west of Shaharanpura (Kathdsaritsdgara, ch. 40), B&na Bhatta in his Harshacharita (ch. 
iii, p. 108) says that Sth&nvWvara (modern Thaneswar) was the capital of Srikantha 
which was the kingdom of Prabhakaravarddhana, the father of Harsha or Siladitya II 
and of his brother R&jyavarddhana ; Harsha Deva removed his seat of government 
from Sth&ne3vara to Kanouj. 

6rfkshetra 1. Purl in Orissa. Ananga Bhima Deo of the Gangft dynasty built the 
temple of Jagann&tha in 1198 A.D, under the superintendence of his minister named 
Paramaharpsa B&jp&i at a cost of forty to fifty lacs of rupees. He reigned from 1175 to 
1202 A.D. But recently it has been, proved that the sanctum of the temple of Jaganndth 
was built by Chora Gangfi, Deva, king of Kalinga, to commemorate the conquest of 
Orissa early in the 12th century and Ananga Bhima Deva enlarged the temple, built the 
Jagamohan and made arrangements for the worship. According to Mr. Fergusson, the 
temple itself occupies the site where formerly stood the Dagoba containing the left 
canine tooth of Buddha (Ha veil *s Hist, of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 429). The 
town was then called Dantapura and was the ancient capital of Kalinga (see Dantapura 
and Kalinga.) The Gang&vain6S kings reigned in Orissa after the KeSarl kings from 1131 
to 1633 A.D., the first king ol the dynasty was Churafig or Sarang Deva generally called 
Chodgafigfi,, and the last king was the son of Pratftp Eudra Deva who died in 1532 and 
who' was a contemporary of Chaitanya (Hunter's Orissa and Sterling's Orissa). See 
Utkala. The temple of BimalA Devi at Puri is one of the fifty-two Ptyhas (Devi-Bhdgavata, 
bki VU, ch. 30) where the two legs of Sat! are said to have fallen Besides the tem- 
ple of Jagann&th, the other sacred places at Puri are the Indfadyuma-darovara, 
Gu<Jachik& or Gunjik&-Mdi or Gundiva-mandapa of the Purfeftas (Guaidachik& being 
the name of Indradyumna's wife), M&sfs house; Chandantal&o or Narendra (tank) where 
the Chandana-y&tra of Jagann&tha takes place in the month of Baisftkha every year ; 
the 18 N&1&B or the bridge of 18 arches built by Kabira Narasinha Deva, king of Orissa, 
in 1390 A.D. where the pilgrim tax was formerly collected and was the western gate 
of the town of Puri. Chaitanya-mahftprabhu lived at K&6i Mifira's house called B&dhfi,- 
k&nta's Math* Here in a small room he is said to have lived ; in this room are kept 
his wooden Sandals (kha&am), his water-pot (kwnandalu) and a piece of quilt (Jcdfhd) ; at 
Sftrvabhauma's house at a short distance, he used to hear the Bhdgavafa Purdtyt, the 
walls of the reading-room still contain the portraits of S&rvabhauma, Chaitanya and 
B&j& Pratftpa Rudra Deva in fresco. Near S&rvabhauma's house is a house where 
Harid&sa lived ; a miraculous VaJcula tree (Mimusops Efengi) grows here forming an 
arch below which Haridasa, Chaitanya's disciple, used to sit. Through a crack in the 
knee of Tota GopSn&tha, Chaitanya Deva is said to have disappeared ; this temple is in 
the skirt of the town. For the other places of pilgrimage of Srikshetra., see Puru- 
shottama-kshetra. 2. Prome in Burma, or rather Yathemyo, five miles to the east of 
Prome, founded by Duttabaung 101 years after the Nirvdna of Buddha (Arch. S. Rep. 3 
UM>7*8 p. 133). 



-, "the capital of the Gurjjaras from about the 6th to the 9th century 
A r ,50 miles west of Abu mountain (Skanta P., grim^a-Mdhat. as cited m Bomb. Gaz. 9 
VII Pt I P 461), It is the Pilo-molo or Bhinmal of Hiuen Tsiang, a town of 
Kier chUo or Gujjara (see Bhagavanlal Indraji's Early History of Gujarat, p. 3). 

rfnaffara I- The capital of Kasmir, built by^ Raja Pravarasena about the beginning 
ofthe fifth century of the Christian era (Rdjatwrangint, bk. Ill, vs. 336363). The Dal 
or the celebrated lake containing the floating gardens, mentioned by Moore in his LalUx, 
Book (The Light of the Harem) is situated on the north-eastern side of the city. It con- 
tains the ShaJimar Bag of Jahangir, the Nasim Bag of Akbar and other beautiful gardens, 
2 Ahmedabadin Guzerat (see Karnavati ). 

i&gagiri 1. Singhari-matha, 2. Sringapura, 3. Eishya^itigapuri, 4. Singeri, 
5. Spingeri in Kadur district, Mysore, sixty miles to the west of 'Button-giri which is or* 
the north of Belloor, on the left bank of the river Tuiiga (M&dhavacMrya's SahJcaravijaya, 
ch. 12 ArcMvatdrastfiala-vaibhavadarpanam, p. 87). The presiding deity of the Majha 
is Sarasvat! or Saradamb& or Sarad Amma. jgankarach&rya established four Ma^has or 
monasteries on the four sides of India for the propagation of the Vaidic religion after 
the overthrow of Buddhism, and he placed them under the charge of his four principal 
disciples ('Sankaracharya's Mathdmndya). On the north, the Jyotirmatfyi (Joshi-matha) 
at Badiin&tha was placed under the charge of Totaka Acharya who was also known by the 
name of jSnanda Giri and Pratardana ; on the south, the Sriiigeri-matha or 'Sringagiri- 
matha in the Dec can was placed under the charge of Prithvtdhar Ach&rya, son of 
Prabhakara of Sribeli-kshetra (for Prithvidhar Achirya see 'Sankaravijaya, ch. 11), 
called also HastdmalaJsa, but according to the 'jSankaravijaya, it was in charge of 
jgaiikara's principal disciple Sure&vara AcMryya ; on the west the 'Sdrcttfd-MatTia at 
Dw&rika in Guzerat under Visvarupa Ach&cyya, who was also called Mandana M6ra, 
Suresvara Achiryya and Bi*ahmasvarapa Ach&ryya (Madhav&charya*s 'Saiilcaravij&ya, 
chs. 8, 10) 3 on the east GovarddTbana-rnatJia or BhdgavarddhanamatJia at Jagaiindtha in 
Orissa under Padmap^da Achfcryya who was also called Sanandana ('Sankaravijaya, ch. 
13). Sanandana was the first disciple of Sankara. According to the JBrahma-ydmala 
Tanfoa there are six Ma^has : &rad&-Matha, Govardhana-Ma^ha, Joshi-Matiha, jingeri- 
Mafiha, on the west, east, north and south respectively : and the other two Mathas are 
Sumeru-Matha and Param&tma-Matha- Sankar^charya died at the age of thirty-two, ac- 
cording to some in the Kali era 3889 or (3889-3101 ) 788 A.D., according to others in the Kali 
era 2631 or (3101-2631=0170 B.O. Madhav^charya, or as he was called Vidytoanya, was 
in charge of the Sringeri-Matha in the fourteenth century of the Christian era ; he was the 
autihor of the Vedantio work called Panchadasft, Sarw^apsana-sdra-aangraha, Niddna-mddba- 
va, Sankara-vijaya and other works ; he was born at Bijayanagara (Golkanda) and was the 
minister ofBukkaDevaof the Y&dava dynaisty of Bijayanagara of Karnata ; his younger 
brother was S%an&ch&rya, the celebrated commentator of the Vedas (Dr. Bhau Daji's Brief 

, Notes on Mddhava and Sayana ; in R. Ghosh's laterary Remains of Dr. Bhau Daji, p. 159 ; 
Weber's History of Irtdian Literature t Mann'ia trans., p. 42 note). For an account how 
BibMndaka Muni chose Sringeri as his hermitage where he lived with Ms son KuGlhya^inga 
see Jnfl. Ant., II, p. 140 ; Rishyasringa after his return from A&ga performed asceticism at 
Kigga, fiix miles from Sjingeri. Syingagiri is an abbreviation of R,is7iya<ringa-giri (Rice's 
Mysore atnd Coorg, Vol. n, p. 413). For the succession of tihe Gurus of Syingeri after 
. Saokarachirya see Mackenzie Collection, p. 324. 

&plagavarapura Singraur on the river Ganges, twenty-two miles north-west of Allahabad. 
It was the residence of Guhaka N"ish&da, who was the friend of Dafiaratha and R&ma 
(Rtimdyana, Ayodh., chs. 50, 52). It is also called Bamachaura. 

sm 193 SRI 

l-matha Same as yingagiri. 

Sripatha Biana, ninety miles east of Jaipur (Indian Antiguary, XV). It was also called 
Pathayampuri (see Pathayampurt). 

Sriraagarkshetra Same as Srtrangam. 

Srfrangam Seringham, two miles to the north, of Trichinopoly in the province of Madras. 
It contains the celebrated temple of Sri Bangam, an image of Vishnu. The temple was 
"built by the kings of the Nayak dynasty of P&ndya. It is mentioned as a place of 
pilgrimagein Matsya P. (ch. 22, v. 44) and Padma P. (Utfcara feh., ch., 90). tfranga Mdhdt- 
mya forms a part of the Brahmdnda Purdija, an abstract of which is given in the JASB., 
1838, p. 385. Ramachandra is said to have resided at this place on his way to Lanka. 
B&m^nuja, the celebrated founder of a Vaishnavite sect, lived and died here at the middle 
of the llth century. He was born at Sriperambudur or Sri Permatoor in the Chingleput 
district in 1016 A.B. About a mile from the temple of Sri Raugam at a place called 
Tiruv&naik&val the temple of Jambukesvara is situated. Jambukesvara is the Apa (water) 
image of Mah&deva, being one of the five Bhautika-murttis or elementary images (see 
Chidambara), It is a phallic image around which water is continually bubbling up 
from the fissures between the tiles on the floor, evidently caused by some artesian well. 
It was visited by Chaitanya (ChaitanyacharitdmYita). Of. K&lahasti. 

&rfraiiga-pattana Seringapatam in Mysore (Garuda P., I, 81). 

6ri-feaila 1, It is situated in the Karnal country in tlie Balaghaut Ceded districts, and 
on the south side of the Krishna river, at the north-western extremity of the Karnul 
territory, about 102 miles W.S.W, of Dharanikota and 82 miles E.N.E. of Karnul and 
50 miles from the Krishna station of the GXP. Railway. Dr. Burgess found it to be an 
isolated hill about 1570 feet high, surrounded on three sides by the river Krish^S, and on the 
fourth partly by the Bhimanakollam torrent. The present temple dates from the sixteenth 
century and resembles the Hazara R&ma temple of Bij ayanagar a (Buddhist Sttyas of Amara- 
vati, p. 7 ; Burgess's Antiquities of Kaikiawad and KaM 9 p. 233 ; Hamilton's JEast India 
Gazetteer, PerwuUum). It is also called SrS Parvata and Parwattam. It contains the temple 
of Mallikarjuna, one of the twelve great Lingas of MaMdeva and Brahmarambha Devi 
(Bardha Purdna, ch. 85 ; Madhavftchtaya's Sankara-vijaya, ch, 10 ; MdfofaMd$haw> Acts I, 
IX). From the name of the goddess, the mountain, was called Brahmarambha-gici or briefly 
Brahmaragiri the Po-lo-mo-ki-li of Hiuen Tsiang, where NAgftrjuna lived. For a descrip- 
tion of the temple see Asiatic Researches, 1798. See Amare&vara. PAtaia-Gangft, which is 
a branch of the Krishna, flows past gr&ailam. King Vema, son of Prola, built a flight of 
steps and a hall at Srteailam in the 12th century A.B. (Up. Ind., Vol. HI, pp. 59, 64, 291). 2. 
A portion or peak of the Malaya or Oardamum mountain which is the southern portion of 
the Western Ghats. It was visited by Chaitanya (Chaitanya-charitdmiitn, n, ch. 9 ; Syamlal 
Goswamf s Qaurasuniilara, p. 215. 

ri-stMnaka Tk&na, in the province of Bombay ; it was once the capital of Northern 
Kofikana (see Konka^a). It wa$ the seat of a reigning family called Silahara, hence it 
was called Purl of the Silaharas (Da Ctrnha's Hist, of Ghaul and Basaein, pp. 130, 168). 

&rSvarddhana-pura ^Kandy in Ceylon, built by Walgancx Abha Maharaja (Tennant'e Ceylon,^ 
Vol. I, p* 414 ; Dd$Jidvain$a, Introduction, p. xix). But this identification has not been 
approved by Dr. Rhys Davids who agrees with Mr. K, J. Pohath that Srtvaarddhana- 
pura is about three and half miles from Daraba-deniya in the Kurunsegalla district (The 
Questions of King Milinda, p. 303). See Dantapura. Bishop Copleston is also of opinion 
that Srlvarddhanapura was not the ancient name of Kandy, Srivarddhanapura still 
exists ; it was founded by Par&kramab&hu in in the 13th centurv (Bishop CopleBton's 
Buddhism in Magadha owl Ceyfon t p. 236), 

SB0 J9* _ Spl * 

fcrughna K&si in the Jaunsar district, on the east of Sirraur (Seal's BWC., I, p. 186 note). 
Cunningham identifies !rughna with Sugh near Kalsi, a tte ri gkt bank of the Buclhi* 
yamuna, forty miles from Thaneswar, and twenty miles to the north-west of Saharanpur, 
in the Ambala District, Punjab (Anc. Geo., p. 345). It was visited by Hiuen Tsiang in 
the 7th century. The kingdom of Srughna extended from Thaneswar to the Ganges and 
from the Himalaya to Mozuffarnagara including the whole of Dehra Dun, portion of 
girhind, Kyirda Dun and the Upper Doab (Cal Bev., 1877, p. 67). 

StamMtapura Same as Stambha-tirtha (Inscriptions from Girnar ; Merutui* ga's Prabandha* 
ckintdmini, Tawney's trans., p. 143). The Astacampra of the Periplus (Mr. SchofFs 
translation) and the Astakapra of Ptolemy (McCrindle, p. 146) appear to be transcriptions 
of Stambhakapura or Stambhapura. But see Hastaka-vapra 

Stambha-tirtha Khambhat or Kambay in Guzerat (Ep. Ind. 9 Vol. I, p. 23), Khftnxbhat 
or KMmbha is a corruption of Stambha. The local name of Kambay is TAmbanagari 
(Bomb. Gaz., Vol. 1> Pt. I, p. 208 note), It is also called Stambhapura. The consecration 
of Hemachandra, the celebrated lexicographer, as a Jain a monk, took place in the temple 
of S&ligavasahika at Stambha-tirtha in the reign of Kumtlrapdla in the 12th century 
(PrabandJiachintdmani ) p, 143). 

Stana A country to the north of India (Qaru&a P., I, 55). Same as Kustana. 

SthSnesVara Thaneswar (see Kurukshetra). Sth&neswara, or properly speaking SthanvMvara, 
was the place where the Linga worship was first established (ftdmana Pwdya, ch, 44) 
See ^rikantha. It is 25 miles south of Ambala on the river SaraavatL 

SthSnu-tirtha Same as Sthftne&vara (Mahdbhdrata, galya, ch. 13; Bdmam P., ch. 44), 
King Vena was cured here of his leprosy (Bdmana P., ch. 47). 

Strf-rSJya A country in the Himalaya immediately on the north of Bruhnmpuru, which 
has been identified with Garwal and Kumaun. In the seventh century it woa called 
Suvarnagotraor the mountain of gold (Vikram&nkadevacharita, XVIII, 57 ; Gamfa P., ch. 
65), It was the country of the Amazons, the queen of which was I'ramilA who fought 
with Arjuna (Jaimini-bhdrata, ch. 22). That an Amazonian kingdom exiatud in the* tranfl- 
Himalayan valley of the Sutlej, a^ stated by Hiuen Isiang IB corjfirmed hy Atkineon's 
Hmatagan Districts. He says that the Nu-wang tribe iu Batitaru Tibet wan ruled by a 
woman who was called Knchiu. The people in each successive reign cbuHO u woman for 
their sovereign (Sherring's Western Tibet, p, 338), 

..*-I-_J_A m ^. _. ' * "w/* 

river Irawadi, 

Subhaktlta-Adam's Peak in Ceylon (Upham's Wjaratndkari). 
Subhavastu-Sanxe as Suvastu (Cunningham's Anc. Geo., p. 81). 

^?E^ ab U u* a ^ fr m Tinittani ' n 

*** Southern Mahratta Railway, on the river Kumaradharft, 61 mite from Madras It 

wa fi .nrted ^by Safik^ch^rya (Anandagirf's Artfafwrt^i, Cal. cd eh H TS? It 


at the time of Skandha Gupta, in 137 of the Gupta era (The Rudraddman Inscription 
of Junagar in JASB., Vol. VII; Corpus Ins. 2nd., HI, p. 88). See Girinagara It was 
visited by Nity&aanda (Chaitonya-Bhdgawta, Adi, oh. VI). 

Suddhapurl Teruparur, in the TriohinopoH district, sacred to the god Subrahmanya 
(SkandaP., Sankara-Samhitd, Siva-Rahasya, quoted in Prof. Wilson's Mackenzie Collection 
p. 144). 

Sudhanya-kataka See Dhanakataka. (HavelTs Ancient and Medieval Architecture of India 
p. 140). 

Sudhapura Soonda in North Canara (Thornton's Gazetteer). 

Sudharmanagara Thatun in Pegu, on the river Sitang, about forty miles north of 

Sfcdra Same as Sfcdraka (Vishnu P., IV, 24), 

Sadraka The country of the gftdrakas O f the Mahdbhdrata, Oxydrakai or Alexander's 
historians and the Sudraki of Pliny, between the Indus and the Sutlej above the junction of 
the five rivers near Mthankot and south of the district of Multan (McCrindle's Invasion of 
India by Alexander the Great, p. 236 and Map ; and Mbh., Sabha, ch. 32 ; /7w2. Ant., I, p. 23). 
Their capital was Uch (called Kuchchee in JASB., XI, p. 371). 

Sugandh& Nasifc on the Godavari. It is one of the fifty-two Pi^as where Sati's nose is 
said to have fallen (Pattma P., Adi Kh., ch. 32). 

Sugandhavarti Saundatfci, in the Belgium district in the presidency of Bombay. It was 
the later capital of the Rafta chieftains (Bhandarkar's Early Hist, of the Dekkari). It was 
afterwards called Ve^ugr&ma or Velugr^ma, the modern Belgaum (Sewell's Sketch of the 
Dynasties of Southern India, p. 894). 

Suhma Suhma has been identified by Nilaka^ha, the celebrated commentator of the 
Mahdbhdrato with Rftdha (see Ra4ha and Trikalinga). It was conquered by Pa^du 
(Mbh., Adi P., ch. 113). In the Btihat-samhitd (ch. 16), Sunxha is placed between Bang* 
and Kalinga and it is mentioned as an independent country in the MatsyaPurdna (ch. 113) 
and Kalki Pw&*a (ch. 14). Bigandet saye in his Life of Gautama, (see also Lalitavistara, 
ch. 24) that the two merchants Tapusa ajad Palikat (Bhallika) who gave honey and other 
articles of food to Buddha, came from Okfcalab neaoc Rangoon, but according to Dr. Kem 
from Ukkala or Utkala. They arrived at aport called Surama where they hired five hundred 
carts to carry their merchandise. This port has been identified with the port of T&nralipta 
(Dr. Satis Chandra Vidydbushana's B<uddfai-deva, p. 143 note) ; this identification is perhaps 
correct as Surama may be a corruption of Sumha, In the mediaeval period Ra<Jha was called 
Lata, Lara or Lala. In the Datokumdrwharita, ch. VI, Damalipta or Tamluk is mentioned 
as being situated in Sumha, though in the Mahdbhdrata (Sabha Parva, ch. 29) and in the 
Matsya Purdna (ch. 114), Sumha and TAmralipta appear to have been different countries. 
(See thehistory of Sumha or West Bengal in my Notes on the History of the District ofHughly 
or Ancient Rdda in the JASB., 1910, p. 599). There was another country by the name of 
Sumha in the Punjab conquered by Arjuua. It appears from the Vishnu Pur&na (pt. TV, 
ch. 18) that Baii, a descendant of Yayati by his fourth son Anu, had five sons Anga, Banga, 
Kalinga, Sumha and Pu^a, after whom five kingdoms were named. Buddha delivered 
the Jawpada Kalydni Sutta while dwelling in a forest near the town of De&ka in the 
country of Sumbha as Sumha was also called (Tetepatta-Jdtaka in J&trika, Vol. I, p. 232) 

Sufcmottar*~-It is the same as Uttara (Northern) RMka ^Matsya P., ch. 113) ; see Rddha 
Some of the other Pura&as have got Brahmottara which 10 evidently a mistake for Suh- 
mottara (5roAm^nda P., ch. 49). 

SakaWrtohetrar-Soron on the Gaag^s, twenty-seven miles north-east of Itah, United 
Frovinoes, wlwre Hjr^yfiksha was sla4n by Vish^m in his incarnation as Varlia (Boor) 

' who held up the earth with his tusks from sinking (ftor&tn /\, c-h, I.Y7), It 
temple of Varaha-Lakshmi. The river close by is known n.s v BmIa~(;n^ft or projN^'tjT 
ancient bed of the Ganges, TuteJD&s, the celebrated Hindi pcxt, \VUK wirnl up ut tb'spfo 
during his infancy when he was deserted by hisparontn. Hto Renuk&-t?rthn, F c , r f llr xt 
" particulars, see Soron in Pt. II of this work, 

SuHa-tfrtha Ten miles north-east of Broach in Gnzornt, n siirrrrl jhu*r m\*i r \vhich 
* also Hurpk^re^vara-tirtha and Ravi-tirtha (Padma P M Kvnrgn K!i.,fh. ; AV/vWrf /^/f/ r ! 
^e ^^g^mJfew^ew,ste^e5ow6ay Presidency )Vol. VIII, p. K*l*). Th*T IH an aii*i f 
banian tree at {Sukla-tfrtha, CJh^iiakya, the celebrated mmiHtir c*f Matin-a rhamiivtim 
is said to have resided at !ufcla-tirtha (Padma P., Svurga, ->h IX ; Atnfxifn /* <.} t 
v. 14). ' " ' 

Suktimna-parvata The portion of the Vindhya range ulurli,. th<. IVirmAfra u rf 
the Eiksha-parvata, including the hills of Gomhvana, *! f'hiiota Xa^pur hilin ami th 
Mahendra range (see Ktirvna Pwrdno, eh. 47)- 

Sukttmatf 1. The river SuvarriarekM in OrieHa, 2. A riv*T whir!* DM> n , |} M , K(IAhnl 
mountain an5 flowed through the ancient kingdom of rhrdi, tmult rn Humli'llilmm.1 Mm* 
Adi, ch. 63). General Cunningham has identified it with tb' MaJt/oia.n an*t Mr fj ( ^t '' 
with the Sakri in Bihar (^LrA. 5. flejp., vol. XVI, p. fit): v>I, VI U, p, ia-|). Mr ]Pan?t 
has correctly identified it with the river Ken (Kane) {JJtAN., 11114, JK 1M> nnUn,s JWrAwW 
P., ch. 47, p. 285). 3. SuktimatJ was the capita! of Ch<<<U (J/AA. f Viuiu. i h > ' ItJ M *h 
Sotthivatf of the Buddhists (Chetiya*Jdtaka in tho Jdtotw, Cam, Ktf.. UJ,' ]~ ]>l\). ^ 

Sutamtoi See Kumlrl, 3. (Jfatoya P., ch 
Saiabheda-tfrtlia See 

Sulakshi^l The river Gog& which falls into the 

MahMeo or Makri Fall, a placo of 

, oh. 44, 49 ; Thornton's Gazetteer, .p. Nerbvdda) 

inacription of 

nana-kft- Adam's Peak In rtLJmTa! . *' .' "^ : *** Clrt r J- 

is one of the hfehest n* *f T wu w it to |*- tJiat of thrir 

flellil - t isbnd (Mutl, 

Sombha Same as Sahma. 

its five S^fSt ?" 1 ^ ''^ **>' U " ^> *IW 

Br^^i, U^WfcMU 


east by Bhadr&svavarsha ; and the Padma Purdna (ch. 128) mentions that the Ganges issues 
from the Sumeru Parvata and falls into the ocean flowing through Bh&ratavar&ha on the 
south. The Kedtei&tha mountain in Garwal is still traditionally known as the or%inal 
Sumeru (JASB., XVII, p. 361). According to Mr. Sherring all local traditions fix Mount 
Meru as lying direct to the north of the Almora district ( Western Tibet, p. 40). 2. A mountain 
in S&kadvipa, called also Meru (Mbh., Bhishma, ch. 11). It is the Mount Meros of Arrian 
near Mount Nysa or Neshadha of the Brahmdnda P. (ch. 35) ; the Hindukush mountain 
(see McCrindle's Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, p. 180). 

Sundha-de&a Tip&r& and Arracan. 

Suparna 1. The Vainateya God&vari, &n offshoot of the Vagisht-hi God&varl which is 
the most southerly branch of the God&vatt (Brahma P., ch. 100). 2. Same as the mountain 
called Ydmuna (q.v.) (Dev$-Bhdgavata, VI, ch. 18 ; compare Imperial Gazetteer, s.v. Tons). 

Surabht Sorab, in the north-west of Mysore, which was in the possession of Jamadagni* 
father of Parasurftma (Rice's Mysore Inscriptions: Intro., p. xxviii). See Kuntalaka- 

Sfrrabhipattana Kubattur, the capital of Surabhi or Sarab in Mysore (Mbh., SabhA, 
ch, 30). It is the Sbpatma (g.v.) of the Periplus and Kuntalakapura of the Jaimini* 
Bhdrat ; it was conquered by Sahadeva, 

&arasena The kingdom of which Mathurft was the capital (Harivamga, chs. 55, 91 ; 
Bjihatsamhitd, ch. xiv, v. 3). $6ra, the father of Vasudeva and Kunti, gave his name 
to the country of which he was the king. 

Surashtra Kath&wad and other portions of Guzerat. (Mbh., Vfetna., 88). See Sau- 
rashtra. It has been identified with Sttfat, though perhaps wrongly as it is not an old 
town, but founded on the ancient site of Sfiryapura. According to , some, however, 
" Surat is a remarkable old city. It abounds in monuments of departed greatness (Miss 
Carpenter's Six months in India, vol. I, p. 82; Paflma, P., TJttara, ch. 62). Surftsltfra is 
the Sul&thika or Surasht/rika of the fifth tablet of the Dhauli inscription of Afioka 
(JAS'B., 1838, p. 237), For a list of he Sah kings of Sur&shtra, see Ibid., p. 351. Not 
far from the town of Surat there is a sacred village called Pulp&ra on the T&pti which is 
visited by pilgrims and Sannydsia from the most remote parts of India. 

Surath&dri The Amaraka^aka mountain in which the rivers Narbuda and Sone have 
got their sources (MfokanAeya P., ch. 57). 

SurpSraka It has been identified by Cunningham with Surat. Dr. R. L. Mitra, evidently 
following Yule, identifies Surpftraka of the Buddhist period with Sipelax (Sippara of Pto- 
lemy), a seaport near the mouth of the KrishnA (laKfcristora, p. 10 note). But these 
identifications are not correct. "She Chaitanya-charitdmrita places it to the south of 
Kolhapur, McCrindle places it (Soupara of Ptolemy) about one hundred miles to the 
south of Surat near Paum in his map of Ancient India in his Megasthenes and Arrian. 
The Brihat-Jyotwhdrnava gives the following boundaries of SurpAi^ka-kshetra ; on the 
east the Sahyftdri, on the west the sea f on the north the Baitaraginadi, and on the 
south the Subrahma^iya. ParaSurftma is said to have resided on the Chaturangana-hill 
of Surp4ifekakshetra (Mbh., Sftnti, ch. 49). The Bhdgavata (X, ch, 79) places it on the 
north of Gokar^a. It has been correctly identified wtth Sup&ra or Sopara in the district 
of Thooa, 37 flgfl north of Bombay and about lour miles north-west of Baseein, 
where one of the edicts of the A6oka was published (Smith's Atoka, p. 129; Journal of 
(he Bom.' Br. of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol, XV, p. 272; Bhagawanlal Indraji's 



n Serins at Sopara and Padaw). Burgees also identifies it with Supara in 

the Koikana near Baasein (Antiquities of Kathiawad and Kachh, p. 131). It was the 
ancient capital of Apar^nta or the Northern Kojakana (Dr. Bhandarkar's History of the 
DeKkan, sec. Ill, p. 9). The P&ndavas rested at this holy place on their way to Pra, 
bh&sa (MahMUrata, Vana, ch. 118). It is mentioned in the Periplus (2nd century A.D, 
as Ouppara ; perhaps it is the Ophir or Sophir of the Bible as Sauvira was too much 
inland. Surptoka was included in Apar&nta-deSa (Brahma Pur&na, eh. 27, v. 58). 

Sixryanagara Srinagar in Kashmir. The Mahomedans changed the name into Srinagar 
(Bender's Travels, Constable's Ed., p. 397 note), 

SOryapura Surat (JASB., vol. VI, p. 387; J- Prinsep, RfomdW, 1, 61). At Surat, 
SankarSch&rya wrote his celebrated commentary on the Veddnta. Dr. RhyB Davids 
derives the name of Surat from Sauvira (Buddhist India, p. 38). Surfishtra is perhaps 
wrongly identified with Surat (see SurSshtra), 

Susarmapura The ancient name of Kofc Kangra (Ep, Ind, 9 1, p. 103 note ; II, p. 483). 
See Nagarkot 

Susartu The name of a river in the NacKsMi of the Rig- Veda (X, 75) ; a tributary of 
the Indus. 

Sushoma The river Sindhu in the Panjab (JBijr- Feda> X, 75)* The InduB. It in perhaps 
the Zoanes of Mqgasthenes, the modern Suwan (Vedic Ind&s of Namw and Suttfecte, vol 
H, p. 461). 

Sutudrl The river Sutlej in the Panjab. (Rig. -Veda, X, 76), 
Suvah& The riv^r Banas in Bajputana. 

Suvfima The river RS,m-Ganga in Oudh and Rohilkhand (Wilford ; A#to. fi<w., XrV, p. 

Suvaroabhfcmi Burma (Bzihat-sainhitd, ch. xiv, v, 31 ; Tumour'* $tahdvamKa t ch. XII), 
Its classic name in Burmese documents is Soa&paranta, the Chryae Ilpgia of Ptolemy. 
But Pergusson identifies it with Thatun on the Sitang river, forty miles north of 
Maotoban ; it was the Golden Chersonese of the classical geographer* (Havell, Hut. of 
Indian mAE^t^ArMtec^re, p. c 612). It comprised the eaart from the Sitang 
river to the Straits (Gray's Bwffih<whow$patti, p. 2fi). Phayre has identified it with 
Pegu (Ramanya), of which the capital was Tbataa (JAS&., 1873, p, 24), The 
Mahdvamsa (ch. XII) relates that after the third Buddhiat Synod in 240 B.C., ASoka 
despatched two missionaries, Soua and Uttaxa, to Suvanja-bhumi for proselytising tho 
land. They l&nded at the port of Golanagara, about 30 milou north- woat of Thatuu 
(JASB., 1873, p. 27). The Shwe Dagon Pagoda of Rangoon was built by Bhalluka and 

^Trapusha on lie ei^it h^irs presented to them by Buddha (Asiatic Rwearthe*, vol. 
XVI; JA8B., 1869, p. 473). 

Suvaroagiri Mr. Krishna gastrl has identified Suvar^agiri with Maski, 8ituat<d to the 
west of Sidd&pur uj Mysore, where he has recently discovered a minor rook Edict of A6oka 
The importance of this Edict lies in the fact that it contains the name of Atoka, where- 
as the other Edicts mention the name of Piyadasi, Suvax^agiri waa one of the four towns 
where a Viceroy was etationed by ASoka, the other three being Tazila, Uj jaia and ToeaU 

in Kaluga (V. A. Smith's Aj*a, PP . 44, 73, 138), Bfthler was Jaolined to look for 
Suvanpagiri somewhere jn 

Plate 1 






IT is well known that in the days of its glory the old fortress of Jinji, in the South Arcot 
District, was one of the strongest and most impregnable in the whole of Hindustan. It rightly 
deserved to be called ' The Troy of the East/ a name given it by European travellers. 

To one of these travellers, Fr . Nicholas Pimenta, S , J., we are indebted for an account of the 
whole city, which will repay careful study. This Portuguese Jesuit was appointed Visitor of 
the Missions of the Society of Jesus in India by the Most Rev. Fr. Claudius Aquaviva, Superior 
General of the Society. In the course of his travels he spent a few days at Jinji, in the 
year 1597. There were no Jesuits then at the Court of the Jinji N&yak, but he wanted to pay 
his respects to Kris^appa N&yaka (1580-1620), the then ruling chief, and to thank him for his 
hospitality to several of the Jesuit Missionaries who had visited his Court on business. 1 

The above mentioned account sent by Fr. Pimenta to his Fr. General, and published in 
Purchas His Pilgrim, vol. X, chapter VII, pp. 205-222, reads as follows : " Wee went 
thence to Gingi ; the greatest Oitie we have sran in, India, and bigger then any in Portugal], Lis- 
bon excepted." 2 . While visiting the place last April, 3 it struck the author of the present 
article that the fortress could not possibly contain within its walls a city ' bigger then any in 
Portugall, Lisbon exccpted.' My conclusion was that the city must have been outside the 
walls, the fortress being the citadel of the old Nftyak capital. And on closer examination of 
Pimenta's narrative my supposition was confirmed by the following description : " In the 
midst thereof is a Castle like a Citie, high walled with great hewen stone and encompassed 
with a ditch full of water : in the middle of it is a Eocke framed into Bulwarkes and Turrets, 
and made impregnable." 4 No doubt the actual remains of Jinji mark only the site 
of what must once have been the heart of the old city, viz., the fort and the royal palace. 
The position ot the rest of the town, or rather of what is left of it, was my objective. 

I had a full day in which to effect my purpose, and at length I succeeded. Seated on the 
steps that lead up to the summit of Rajagiri I consulted Orme's Plan of Jinji referred to in 
his Military Transactions. There it was ; the map gave an outline of the old Fort. It was 
triangular in shape ; the points where the founding lines intersected were three hills ; whilst 
the bounding lines themselves consisted of a continuous long black wall, which crowned the 
top of each hill, and ran across the valleys that separated the three hills, one from the other, 
It likewise showed the course of a, small pettah running on the east side of the fortress outside 
the walls, at the very foot of the Chandr&yan-drug, the southern hill ; while the present village 
is situated below the Kistnagiri, or northern hill. The pettah that existed in Orme's time 
and was surrounded by thin walls, of which no traces have remained, can only have been an 
insignificant quarter of the town. On the map there was also (what was more suggestive) 
a small path marked immediately in front of the Vellore Gate, on the north side of the fork 
ress. It led westwards and curved a little to the south after passing in front of the R&jagiri ; 
by the side of this path as marked on the map, the following inscription may be seen : " Road 
to old Ginji." Where was the old Jinji, of Orme's days ? That was the main question. 

Thereupon with map in hand I tried to identify the places. I found the path after a 
diligent search ; it led us to a small village three miles north-west of the fort, named MSlach6ri. 
I opened the Gazetteer of the South Arcot District to get some information about this settlement, 
and came across the following description : " MSlaohfoi .... It was known in days 

fc/. for instance my paper The Jesuit Influence in the Court of Vijayanagar, published in The 
Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society of Bangalore, January 1924, pp. 138-0. 

8 p. 217. I keep to the spelling of the old translation- 

3 I have much pleasure in publicly acknowledging my gratitude to the Bev. T- Gavan Duffy, 
Diocesan Visitor of the Catholic Schools, Tindivanam, South Arcot, for his kindness in taking me t 9 
the place and showing me tjxe interesting historical rwafris so familiar to 

4 P, 817, 


gonebyas'oldGingi'andwasapparentlyfortified.^ Hera then was the o d Gingi "of the 
time of Orme,theDame being retained even to the present day,as one of the villagers informed 
us Probably the city of Jinji, when Fr. Pimenta visited it towards the end of the 16th century, 
extended as far as, aud included, the village of M&achSri. The retention of the actual name 
of the village confirms this supposition ; for MelachSri means in Tamil, 'the settlement or 
the suburb of the west,' which evidently shows that it was originally a part of a large town. 

Another fact also proves that this village was nothing else but a quarter of the old town 
of Jinji, viz., the existence in MHaofcfiri of vestiges of an old palace, which was the scene of 
interesting events. When Zu'lfiMr Khan, Aurangzeb's general, took possession of Jinji 
after the escape of R&ja Earn in 1696, he appointed a noble Rajpftt, named Sartip Singh, as 
Governor of the city and fortress of Jinji. Sarfip Singh was succeeded by his son Tej Singh, 
the famous Desing of the Southern folklore, who broke allegiance with the Naw&b of Arcot, 
Sada'tu'llah Kh&n, refused to pay Jn'yn tribute and declared himself the independent R&ja 
of Jinji. The Naw&b marched against him, and defeated and killed in battle the unfortunate 
Raja 6 . Nevertheless, his descendants were recognised as J&gird&rs of the Jinji Jftgir, which 
primarily consisted of seven ialuks. These Jagirdars during the 18th century had their 
palace in the middle of the present village of Melachgri. The latest male descendant of the 
R&j& Tej Singh, called StirubanHden Singh, owing to financial troubles, mortgaged the 
palace grounds to the Catholic Mission at the end of the 19th century. 7 Does all this not 
go to show that the old Governors of Jinji resided where M&ach&ri stands to-day 1 

That the Singh family lived in those surroundings is also proved by the fact that the small 
village built half a mile from M6laohri is called Singavaram, which means the town of Singh. 
There is here a famous o\d shrine of Rangan&tha, cut out of the rock of a small hill, and 
surrounded by several JJttle chapels which bespeak the ancient grandeur of the {dace. No 
traces of other monuments are at present to be found in the neighbourhood, but as late as 
Orme's time, as his map of the Carnatic shows, the whole space between Jinji and Melachfiri 
was covered with monuments. 

Now, knowing that the old city of Jijiji extended three miles westwards, and supposing 
that the fortress was in the middle of the town, as Er. Pimenta states, we can safely conclude 
that the whole city of Jinji at the end of the sixteenth century, in its most flourishing period, 
covered nine square miles about, and was therefore " bigger then any in Portugall, Lisbon 

Er. Pimenta coming from St. Thome entered the fort through the northern gate called 
the Aroot or Vellore gate. "The Naicus," he says (p, 217) " appointed our lodging 
in the Tower, but the heat forced us to the Grove (though consecrated to an Moll) " I feel 
inclined to think that this Tower is the eight storied square tower, 80 feet high, which stfll 
stands in the rectangular court of the inner fort. " It is the most conspicuous building in all 
the lower fort ", says the South Arcot Gazetteer (p. 369). " The plan of each of the stories is the 

6 W. Francis, South Arcot Gazetteer, p. 364 (Madras 1906). 

Of. Wheeler, Madras in the Olden Time, Vol. H, p. 215 (Madras 1861). 

7 In the Baptism Register Booliof the Parish of St. Miohael, Jinji, it is stated that Surubanaden Singh, 
belonging to Chatira (Kshatriya Caste), was baptized in July 35th, 18*6, by Fr. Begis (an Indian Priest) at 
the age of 45, his god-father being one Pannouesamy ( Panuswftrai). His wife AnnabaJ, aged 42, and two 
daughters Mariambai and Marfchabai, aged 13 and 4 respectively, were simultaneously baptised- The 
parents of Surubanaden were named Missoruada Singou (ate) and Krishnabai, and at the time of the 
baptism of their son, they were still living in Melacheri, according to the same book- Fr. Codec, M. A. 
then Parish Prieat at Jinji, whom I met in Alahdi, South Aroot, informed me that Stoibanacfem used to 
oaU himself King of Jinji. The terrible cyclone that swept the country on December 22ad, 1910, was pro- 
bably the cause of his death. He was found dead on the road the following morning, a* recorded in the 
obituary Book of the same Parish. When passing through Jinji last April, there was till living in the 
Ydl* e in a pitiable condition the second daughter qt Sarubaaaden, hil<Ues* a^d abandoned by her husband 


Indian Antiquary 





; F.J. 


same and consists of a single room about eight feet square surrounded by a verandah built on 
arches from which, on either side, two narrow stairways lead upwards and downwards ". I 
was not able to identify the situation of the grove referred to by Fr. Pimenta. The circum- 
stance that it was " consecrated to an Idoll " makes me suspect that it was at the west of the 
gate of the inner fort, which leads from the foot of RAjagiri to the south-west forest. There is 
still a small grove in that place ; and just outside the same gate is a little shrine to V&m- 
gdp&lasw&mi, which may perhaps be the idol mentioned by Pimenta. 

" The nest day, " he continues, " the inner part of the Castle was shewed us, having 
no entrance but by the Gates which are perpetually guarded. In the Court the younger 
sort were exercised in TMts. Wee saw much Ordnance, Powder, and Shot ; a Spring also of 
Cleare water. The Naicus had been here kept by his Uncle, whom yet by helpe of his friends 
he forced to become in the same place his unwilling successour, having put out his eyes." 
Fr . Pimenta in this passage does not speak of the citadel on the top of Rajagiri, nor of the inner 
fort alone, but of the whole fortress. I am almost sure tjiat Purchas 9 letter has been shor- 
tened. Fr, du Jarric, who saw either its original or the first printed copy in the Relacam 
Annals published at Lisboa, clearly distinguishes these three places. His words are as follows : 
" It is the largest and widest city of the whole of India. The fort stands in the middle, being 
itself like a town, surrounded by high walls of hewn stones and a ditch full of water."8 
Here, no doubt, the whole fortress is meant. " Within the fort stands a steep hill, which 
nature has made secure and art impregnable " (p. 369). These words evidently refer to 
Kajagiri. " There are many temples in the city and in the fort. The private dwellings 
are not elaborate, except some belonging to the rich and to the influential people. Among 
these the palaces of the King are the most prominent, built in a peculiar style with towers 
and verandahs." We know from this extract that the Nfiyak possessed two palaces, one in 
the fortress (that is the inner fort at the foot of E&jagiri), the other in the city. Perhaps the 
latter was the one located in M&^acheri and occupied afterwards by the Singh family. As to 
the palace in thefortress, Fr. Pimenta speaks of it alittle further on. " The following day the 
Naichus brought the Fathers into the fort [viz. to thefortress which was already called by the 
author arx] ; as they entered, the reports of the guns and the songs of the buglers excepted 
them, being the soldiers in parade. Whatevier rare and precious the fort contained was shown 
that day to the Fathers. Every thing belonging to aft impregnable fort seemed to have been 
adopted in this one. Here the Naichus had been ord ered by his uncle to be kept after the death 
of his father, but freed by his subjects he confined his uncle in the same fort, whom he pre- 
ferred to deprive of his eyes and his liberty than of his life. Then the king riding on horse 
back and accompanied by a thousand armed soldiers took over Fr. Pimenta to the palace " 
(p. 641). These words are not given in full in Purchas' edition, because the passage we read 
in Purchas runs asfoljpws (p. 218) : " He was guarded homeward with a thousand armed men". 
Nevertheless we learn ijrom both passages the distinction between the fortress (arx) 
and the palace (regia). Hence in the following extract he spoke of the palace of the city, 
to which he went from the fortress on horseback, surrounded by a thousand soldiers : " In the 
Streete were ranked three hundred Elephants as it were fitted to the wajre. At the Porch 
[in the vestibule of the palace according to du Jarric] one entertained him with an Oration in 
his praise, a thing usuall in their solemne pompes " (p. 641)., Fr. du Jarric also describes the 
dress of the orator mentioned by Purchas : he was veste purpurea amictus, dressed in red robes. 

Though the history erf Jinji still remains to be written, travellers who passed through it 
at the time of its splendour are by no means the worst sources of information for the scholar 
who may attempt to write it. I shall feel more than, satisfied, if my comments in regard to 
Fr. Pimenta'a account of Jinji may perhaps throw some light on the subject. 

$ Du Jamc, S.J., Thetavrvs Rervm Indiacarvm, L, p* 640* (Colonize Agrippinae, MDOXV). 



THESE copper plates were brought to light by Mr. Ishwar gcgmm Tnlifiiklar in Baloda 
Bazar of the Baipor District in the Central Provinces. They wru found by a cultivator 
of Ghotia in his field. Mr. N. J, Koughton, I.C.S, the Deputy CommMoner of the 
District was good enough to send the plates to me for deciphering the n-eord on them, 

The plates measure 131 in. x 8* in. and are strung with a ring having the King's acal on 
it The weight of the plates with the ring is 294 tolas or a little k*n than 7 J Ibs. The seal 
is' circular with a seated figure of Gaja Lakshini, having an dophant on <>ach Hide pouring 
water on her. Below the figure of the goddess is inscribed Raja Brinm t I'nthvidi-va in two 
lines, the letter Sri being reversed, 

The characters of the record are Nagari of the Kalachuri typr, beloniiK to the* ISthor 

13th century A.D. 

There are 36 lilies in all containing 26 Sanskrit versos, the mvowtl IUH at the manning 
and the name of the engraver and date at the end being alone in prose. Tin* rnuml bristles 
with spelling mistakes, not one verse or line being free from the m, l<ut this is apparently due 
to the ignorance of the engraver, who left out several letters which he could not road, leaving 
blank spaces for filling up afterwards, a thing which wa unfortunately iirvt'i' done. Had 
only one ellipsis, viz ; the date of the month, been filled up, it would lwv<> IK-MI jxwibic to 
demonstrate at once the forgery of this record, to be referred to Inter on. 

The inscription purports to record the grant of a village Gojhayft 1 , apparently situated in 
Sagatta Ma^dala, to one Gopala Sarm& of the Asval&yuna Qotrn, having the three prctmm 
Vasishtha, Maitravaru^a and Kaundinya. Ho was born of Rihila, KCII of Hari Brahman, 
and was a learned man, as he had studied the fyutis, Smiitk and Pur faint. To mo it ap- 
pears' that it was he 2 who made use of his great learning in committing thin fortrery, the com- 
position whereof has been attributed to a Vastavya (K4yastha) VatxirAJn, son. of Kirlidliara, 
The Haihaya King Prithvldeva II has been made the donor, and hi8 genealogy in given, 
commencing from Kfkkala (^okkala), the name of Kuittuvirya Mn# nientionerl as the 
originator of the family. The descendants of Kokkala who find o nuntic/n are his son 
Kalingaraja, grandson Kamalaraja, and great*grandon Ratnurflja (I). The latter 'H wife was 
Nonallfi,from whom was born Prithvfdeva (J), whose son was JAjalludr va (I), whciw non was 
Ramhadeva (Ratnadeva II), whose son was Pyithvldeva (II), * of bright fame/ 

The charter is dated Samvat 1000 on a Thursday of the bright fortnight of Bh&dra* 
pada month, the most important item, the date being omitted. The reeord <!OCH not state 
what Samvat it refers to. If it be taken to be the Kalachuri or Chedi em, which wfl started 
in 248 A.D. by the ancestors of the King mentioned in thifl record and uhieh won univer- 
sally used ia Kosala or Chhattisgarh, of which Ratnadeva II ia mentioned an an ornament in 
the ft nth verse of this record, we would arrive at a period (J248 A.D.) when Pjithvideva 
Us great-grandson and namesake, Pjithvideva III, had cea&ed to rute and the latter's 
grandson or great-grandson was occupying the throne, OciirJy, therefore, the Samvat 
referred to in, the record cannot be a Kalaehnri owe. After the dfeuse of this era in 
Cthattlsgarh we find no other Samvat in. use, except Vikrama or Fixka. The latest date in 
the Kalachuri era found on inscriptions of Chhatttegarh in 933 (1181 A,^.)> of the time of 
Eofcpadeva HI. 3 A record belonging to the time of his eon Pj-ithvidwa III, (after 
wfyoia no , successors find an ioscriptional mention, though the line continued up till 

i' dearly the present Ghotia, trhere the plates wa fouad* 

a He may not have enjoyed the grant hisasolf, bat sorely he left it M l*g*cy to Wi dwndwitB. He 
may not have been even a coutwpoiwty of Pjdthvl^va II 
Spi. Jnd, vol. 1, p. 451. 



1732 A.D.) is dated in the Vikrama year 1247 or A.B. 1190 4 . In this record the word 
Vikrama is not specifically mentioned, but in the Khal&ri stone inscription, which refers to 
the Raipur branch of the Haihaya kings, the date is specifically given as Vikrama 1470 or 
Saka 1334 corresponding to 1415 A.D., as found by Br. Kielhorn 6 after the correction 
-of some inaccuracies. From this it would appear that the dating in Vikrama era had gained 
cxirrency by the middle of the tenth century of the Kalachuri era or the end of the twelfth 
century of the Christian calendar. It may be noted that the Saka era. was not much in 
vogue in Chhattisgaph, as we do not find it used except in sporadic cases, and that too in 
conjunction with the Vikrama era as in the Khal^rf record. In the present case the Saka 
year would be as unsuitable as the Kalachuri year, as it would correspond to 1078 A.D., which ' 
falls about the reign of Prithvideva IFs great-grandfather's grandfather. 

In my view the present forgery was committed when about a hundred years since the 
death of Prithvideva had passed away, that is, about the middle of the 13th century A.B., 
when any date could have been assigned to him without being easily detected. To give 
the record the sanctity of great antiquity, the date of the grant was apparently put back 
300 years and dated in the Samvat prevalent at the time, viz : the Vikrama era, whose 
year 1000, corresponding to 943 A.D., gave the desired age, But the effect of this (apparently 
not noticed at the time) was a reference to a time anterior to the advent of the Haihayas 
in Chhattfsgarh. It fell about the time when Kokalla's father reigned at Tripuri in the 
Jubbulpore District. 

In fact it was not Kokalla who came to Chhattisgarh, but one of his 18 sons, Kalingr&ja, 
who was great-grandfather of Pyithvideva I, who in turn was as far removed from 
Prithvideva II, the alleged donor of Got<hay& village. What is most wonderful in this 
record is the audacity with which it was forged, throwing dust in the eyes of such great 
kings as the Haihayas. Perhaps this would not have been possible, but for the fear 
inculcated in the imprecatory texts of the Dkarma-lSdslras, for do they not enjoin that they 
who seize property dedicated to Gods or Brahmans are borne as black serpents, and do not 
the confiscators of a Brahman's lands or those who consent to such an act live sixty thousand 
years in Hell ? 

A facsimile of the plates is reproduced from the impressions kindly taken for me by 
Rao Bahadur Krishna S&strf, B.A. The text is so corrupt that a corrected version of 
practically the whole record would be necessary, which appears inexpedient in view of its 
being a forgery. The record is published to prevent scholars from taking it as a genuine 
record and uselessly labouring over it. The only lacunae of any importance which need 
be filled up are : 

which should be 3fii&n^ in line 3 

do. fit$?<7; in line 4 

do. *nrer f%grdl in line 5 

do. tpaftffir in lines 11 and 12 

do, itif&r. in line 16 

do, STTWFPCT in line 21 

do. ^SRrf^T in line 22 

do, '-nl-i^f^R in line 22 

do. qi^^q* in line 33 

do. *{|*j^ in line 35 

do. |r^ in line 36 

4 HiraLaTs O,P. Inscriptions, pp. 107-108. 5 $$. Jnd., vol. II, p. 288. 

[MARC*, 1925 


Chief Commission, Andaman and Nicobar I*fcwi*, from A.D. 1894 to 1903. 
(Continued from page 29.) 

Brown's Andaman Islanders : Theories. 

(1) Ceremonies. 

I now pass on to what Mr. Brown calls (p. 229) " an attempt to interpret Home of the 

fc*liefs and customs of the Andaman Islanders, as they have been described in the earlier 

rh f this work " It will be perceived that it is necessary, in dealing with the theories 

Brown works out upon his observations, to treat all the observations as correct, despite 

the criticisms to which I have hitherto subjected them, 

He explains (p. 229) that " by the interpretation of a custom is meant the discovery, 

{ its origin but of its meaning." He then launches out into his theories as to the meaning 

nUhe^damakese customs, arriving, it will be seen, at novel result* upon a- novel system, 

tK uah he does not claim novelty for it, as in a footnote (p. 325) he gives the honour of 

' ating it to Prof. Emile Durkheim and Messrs, H. Habert and M. &nu&i. He divides 

jSterpretationinto two long Chapters on " Andamanese Customs and Belief* : Ceremonial " 

( m 229-329) and "Myths and Legends " (pp. 330-406), I propose now to follow him in 

these two Chapters. 

Mr Brown then explains his method, and here it is necessary to observe him closely 
in order to do justice to his argument. He continues (p. 229) : 

" To seek the origin of customs, as the word origin is here used, is to aeok then know the 
details of the historical process by which they have come into existence. In the 
absence of all historical records, the most that we could do would be to attempt to 
make a hypothetical reconstruction of the past, which, in the present state of cthno- 
logical science, would be of very doubtful utility. It is otherwise with the meaning 
of customs. 

And in regard to the term c hypothetical reconstruction ' he says : " the making of 
hypothetical reconstructions of the past has been regarded by a number of writers as the 
principal, if not the sole, task of ethnology. My own view is that such studies can never 
be of any great scientific value/* 

On p. 230, Mr. Brown goes on : 

" The problems that this chapter presents are therefore not historical but psychological 
or sociological. We have to explain why it is that the Andamaneso think and act 
in certain ways. The explanation of each single custom in provided by showing what 
is its relation to the other customs of the Andamaneso and to their general system 
of ideas and sentiments. Thus the subject of the present chapter in not in any way 
affected by questions of historical origin of the customs as they cxiwi at the present 
day. Nor are we concerned with the comparison of the customs o the Andamanese 
with those of other savage races. Such comparisons are not only valueless for our 
purpose, but might be misleading.' 1 

He does not consider such a method to be " a true comparative method , . . . 
What we used to compare is not institutions but serial systems and types/* And he does 
not approve of separating description from interpretation, as M the field ethnologist has a 
gjeat advantage over those who know the facts only second hand.'* He is however aware 
of the practical difficulties in the way of Combining observation with interpretation, and 
(p. $&) ; 

" I liive tried to present the argument in such a way that the various steps of the ana- 
lysis shall be immediately apparent, so that the tfeader may be able not only to 
judge Hie value of the conclusions, but also to form a clear idea of the psychological 
methods fcy which they are reached. Any attempt to explain or interpret particular 


beliefs and customs of a savage people is necessarily based on some general psycholo- 
gical hypothesis as to the real nature of the phenomena to be explained. The 
sound rule of method is therefore to formulate clearly and explicitly the working 
hypothesis on which the interpretation is based. It is only in this way that its value 
can be properly tested. 1 * 

Mr. Brown then states (p. 232) : * e the hypothesis that seems to be most usually adopted 
by English writers on anthropology is that the beliefs of savage peoples are due to attempts 
on the part of primitive man to explain to himself the phenomena of life and nature." And 
on p, 233 he writes : " A second hypothesis explains the beliefs of primitive man as being 
due to emotions of surprise and terror, or of awe and wonder, aroused by the contemplation 
of the phenomena of nature. Both these hypotheses may be held together, one being used 
to explain primitive beliefs and the other to explain others." In this way Mr. Brown dis- 
misses Frazer, MaxMuller, Marett and McDougall and sets up Durkheim as his guide. 

We now come to a very important statement for the present purpose (pp. 233-234.) : 
*' Stated as briefly as possible the working hypotheses here adopted is as follows : 

(1) A society depends for its existence on the presence in the minds of its members of a 
certain system of sentiments (an organised system of emotional tendencies centred 
about some object), by which the conduct of the individual is regulated in conformity 
with the needs of the society. 

(2) Every feature of the social system itself and every event or object that in any way 
a fleets the well-being or the cohesion of the society becomes an object of this system 
of sentiments. 

3) In human society the sentiments in question are not im>a.te but are developed in 
the individual by the action of the society upon him* 

(4) The ceremonial customs of a society are a means by which the sentiments in question 
are given a collective expression on appropriate occasions. 

(5) The ceremonial (i.e., collective) expression of any sentiment serves both to maintain 
it at the requisite degree o^ intensity in the mind of the individual and to transmit 
it form one generation to another. Without such expression the sentiments involved 
could not exist. 1 ' 

Mr. Brown then says (p. 234) : 

"Using the term ' Social function * to denote the effects of an institution (custom or belief ) 

in so far as they concern the society and its solidarity or cohesion, the hypothesis 

of this chapter may be more briefly resumed in the statement that the social function 

of the ceremonial customs of the Andaman Islanders is to maintain and to transmit 

from one generation to another the emotional dispositions on which the society (as 

it is constituted) depends for its existence. The present chapter contains an attempt 

to apply this hypothesis to the ceremonial customs of the Andaman Islanders." 

These remarks are followed up by others equally important (p. 235) : 

" For the clearer understanding of the argument it is necessary to draw attention to a 

few rules of method that will be observed. 

(1) In explaining any given custom it is necessary to take into account the explanation 
given by the natives themselves. 

(2) The assumption is made that when the same or a similar custom is practised on diff- 
erent occasions it has the same or a similar meaning in all of them. 

(3) It is assumed that when different customs are practised together on one and the 
same occasion there is a common element in the customs. This rule is the inverse 
of the last. 

(4) I have avoided, as being misleading as well as unnecessary, any comparison of An- 
damanese customs with similar customs of other races. Only in one or two instances 
have I broken this rule, and in those I believe I am justified by special considerations." 
We have now Mr. Brown's argument clearly before us. There is to be no comparison 

and no history. The theorist is to work out his theory for himself from the facts as he under- 
stands them- Primd facie, this is a very dangerous position to take up. Let us see how M?< 
JJrown. strains it, 



The Marriage Ceremony. 

Mr Brown commences (pp. 235 ft.) with the marriage ceremony. " The main feature 
fkat tie bride and bridegroom are required to publicly embrace each other." After 
disoour^on the subject fta simple language, he says (p. 236) : "the meaning o the marriage 
^emly Is readily seen. By marriage the man and woman are brought mto S pe Cl al and 
intimate relation to one another ; they are, as we say, united, 

^Ie nest remarks that the ceremony brings vividly to the rnmds of the young couple 
and also to those of the spectators the consciousness that the two arc entering upon a new 
Sal relation/' and later that it "serves to make it clear that marriage M a matter wkch 
coLrns not only those who are entering into it, but the whole community.' And agarn he 
S avs (p 238) : "at marriage the giving [of presents] is one-sided, no return bemg expected 

or it tan export" * ot of P ersonal friendsMp m ** *"* f f f 7" v T 

social good-wSl and approval." In these words Mr. Brown adumbrates h mam theory, 

as will be seen later. 

The Peace-Making Ceremony. 

In this ceremony, Mr. Brown's special discovery, in the North Andaman, the dancers 
are in two parties, the one aggressive and the other passive : so (p. 238) " anger appeased 
dies down wrongs expiated are forgiven and forgotten : the eumity is at an enu. The 
ceremony ends with an exchange of weapons, which " would seem to ensure at least some 
months of friendship, for you cannot go fighting a man with his weapons when ho has yours. 
'< The social function [of the ceremony] is to restore the condition of solidarity between two 
local groups that has been destroyed by some offence." 

Mr Brown's method of explanation makes it necessary to leave parts of ceremonies 
to be explained separately later on, and as the argument proceeds this habit will be found to 
be constant In this case the passive party stands against a fibre screen left for future 
examination, and in both this and the marriage ceremony there is ceremonial weeping which 

is next examined. ^ 

Ceremonial Weeping, 

" The principal occasions when ceremonial weeping occurs are as follows (p. 239) : 

(1) When two friends or relatives meet after having been for some time parted, they 
embrace each other and weep together. a 

(2) At the peace-making ceremony the two parties of former enemies weep together, 

embracing each other. ,,11. 

(3) At the end of the period of mourning the friends of the mourners (who have not 
themselves been mounting) weep with the latter* 

(4) After a death the relatives and friends embrace the corpse ana %veop over it. 

(5) When the bones of a dead man or woman are recovered from tho grave they weep 

(6) On the occasion of a marriage the relatives of each weep over the briae and bride- 

(7) At various stages of the initiation ceremonies 1>he female relatives of a youth or 

girl weep over him or her." 

Mr. Brown observes (p. 239) that the weeping " is always a rite, the proper performance 
of which is demanded by custom . . . It is an example (p, 240) of what I have 
called ceremonial customs. In certain circumstances men aud women are required by 
custom to embrace one another and weep, and if they neglected to do so it would be an offence 
condemned by all right-thinking persons." 

Mr. Brown explains the weeping thus (p. 240) : " the purpose of the rite is to affirm the 
existence of a social bond between two or more persona." And he sees in it (p. 242) : " an 
affirmation of solidarity or social union [in the peacemaking eoremony] between groups, and 
that the rule is in its nature such as to make the participants feej that t&ey are bound to eaofe 


other by ties of friendship/' Similarly (p. 242) the weeping at the end of the mourning is 
regarded as ** the renewal of the social relations that have been interrupted." So that the 
rite in the three cases above is (p. 243) ** a ceremony of aggregation." 

So again at marriages and initiation ceremonies, which are (p. 244) "long processes 
that are only completed by marriage," the rite of weeping (p. 243) " serves to make real (by 
feeling), in those taking part in it, the presence of the social ties that are being modified. " 
At death the social ties are profoundly modified and the weeping rite (p. 244), ** which is 
obligatory .... is similar to that at marriage and initiation." 

After mourning the bones of the dead are recovered, and the dead is (p. 245) " now 
entirely cut off from the world of the living." Mr. Brown then takes the weeping as " a 
rite of aggregation whereby the bones, as representative of the dead person (all that is left 
of him), are received back into the society henceforth to fill a special place in the social life," 
On the whole he regards the ceremonial weeping as " the affirmation of a bond of social 
solidarity between those taking part in it." 

Mr. Brown then draws up certain conclusions, (pp. 245-6) : 

*' (1) In every instance the ceremony is the expression of an effective state of mind 
shared by two or more persons. 

(2) The ceremonies are not spontaneous expressions of feeling : they are all customary 
actions to which the sentiment of obligation attaches. 

(3) In every instance the ceremony is to be explained by reference to fundamental 
laws regulating the effective life of human beings. It is not our business here to 
analyse their phenomena, but only to satisfy ourselves that they are real. 

(4) Each of the ceremonies serves to renew or to modify in the minds of those taking 
part in it some one or more of the social sentiments." 

These points exhibit Mr. Brown's theory and his reasoning. My criticism of his actual 
argument is that the line of reasoning might easily vary with each observer. If his method 
of ** interpretation " is generally adopted, we shall have as many different interpretations 
as there may be independently-minded theorists. 


In considering this subject Mr. Brown breaks into that of several others connected 
therewith in rather a confusing manner. Firstly he observes (p. 247) that dancing signifies 
enjoyment and next that it is rhythmical : then that dance and song, rhythmical clapping 
and stamping on a sounding board, are all parts of common action. Next he observes that 
the function of the dance (p. 248) is to * bring into activity as many of the muscles of the 
body as possible," and also the two chief senses, sight and hearing, and finally that every 
one joins in it, all the men in the dancing and all the women in the chorus. Lastly, he 
concludes with some diffidence (p. 249) that " the Andamanese dance (with its accompanying 
song) may be described as an activity in which, by virtue of the effect of rhythm and melody, 
all the members of a community are able harmoniously to co-operate and act in unity." 

After discussing awhile the psychical effects of rhythm on the individual and the whole 
party present in creating " what we call esthetic enjoyment," Mr. Brown considers (p. 251) 
the effect of the dance as a social and collective activity, coming to the conclusion (p. 252) 
that the primary social function of the dance is to e produce a condition in which the unity, 
harmony and concord of the community are at a maximum." This argument, he holds, 
explains the dance before setting out to a fight. It arouses (p. 252) ** in the mind of every 
individual a sense of the unity of the social groups, of which he is a member," and it serves 
(p. 253) w to intensify the collective anger against the hostile group." Similarly dance 
meetings in ordinary times serve (p. 253) " to unite two or more groups into one body/' 
The whole argument and the conclusion are rather trite and quite as dangerous in ordinary 
bauds as those on weeping. 


50 : -i_^i_- -^^ = ~. 

" " " Personal Adornment. 

The consideration of dancing leads to that of personal adornment by 
The consiae ^ impor tant function of any adorning of the body 

att d pamtmg the bo* (P- 254) 1 1^ ^ ^ ^^ .^.^ ^ 

[0 the dancer] * > egress m mar* t / ^ ^ ^ ^^ 

SJSS^^to^p-^ to express tho " incrcascd ""* mlue to the 

sl the painting of til u J/iaitiat* and of the dead is carried on (p 256) to espres, 
the livin" Here Mr. Brown remarks that he does not believe, that the personal 
among the Anda^nese are connected with sexual motion. 
Protective Ornaments and Objects. 

Some ornaments, however, (p. 257) are worn, (e.</., strings of linnum bones), as a protec. 
tion against sickness or the Spirits. Other objects that cannot bo worn, (c.<j fire), have 
the same properties. They are considered together. ' The m1x>rprotatioa offered is that 
the customs connected with this belief in the protective power <>i objects of various kinds 
are means by which is expressed and thereby maintained at the neceflaary degree of energy 
a very important social sentiment, which, for lack of a bettor term, I bull call the sentiment 

The object affording protection on which the Andamanese Is most dependent is fire. 
It is his most valuable possession, for he could not make it. Says Mr. Brown : 

The belief in the protection power of fire is very strong. A man would never move 
even a few yards out of camp at night without a fire ; stiok. More than any other 
object fire is believed to keep away Spirits that cause disease and death This belief 
it is here maintained is one of the ways in which the individual w made to feel hia 
dependence upon the society. 

Now this hypothesis is capable of being very strictly tested by the. iuct* ; for if it u 
true we must expect to find that the same protective power is attributed to every 
object on which the social life depends. An examination of the* Andamanesc beliefs 
shows that this is so, and thereby confirms the hypothesis/* 

Mr. Brown then goes into details as to the protective qualities of the bows and arrows, 
and of their parts or of the materials from which they are made, worn as amulets and neck- 
laces. The'y apply, too, to the string of the bow and other string* or rope, to tho canoe and 
paddle used in fishing; to the very trees, canes and fibres from which they are made; to the 
materials, sach as bees- wax used with them. The argument ho re in \vell worked out 
(pp. 257-263), but Mr. Brown confesses that fee did not enquire whether iron for arrow heads, 
materials for basket-ware, or clay for pottery were looked on as protective. Two other 
articles bones of animals and human banes used for peraonal ornament -he leaves over 
for future discussion. 

Mr. Brown here makes a statement of such value to his subsequent argument that I 
must quote it in full (p. 264) : 

" It would seem that the function of the belief in the protective power of such thiogg 
as fire and the materials from which weapons are made is to maintain in the miiii 
of the individual the feeling of his depeadence upon the KoeiHy. But viewed from 
another aspect the beliefs in question may be regarded HS expressing the social 
value of the things to which they relate. This term * xocial value * will be used 
repeatedly in the latter part of this chapter, and it is therefore neeeKnary to give an 
exact definition. By the social value of "anything I mean tto way in vbiS 
thing aftects or is capable of affecting the social life. Value may be either pl 
negative, positive value being possessed by anything that contributes to the 
being of the society, negative value by anything that can adversely affect that 

This statement Mr. Brown follows up by making Ifarae propositions, i&fab he thinks Ifc 
can demonstrate (pp, 264 265) ; 

. ' " T, ; 


" (1) Any object that contributes to the well-being of the society is believed to allord 
protection against evil. 

(2) The degree of protective power it is believed to possess depends on the importance 
of the services it actually renders to the society. 

(3) The kind of special service it does actually render." 

Mr. Brown commences by the consideration of the use of odu clay, (1) in mourning, (2) at 
initiation, (3) in the erapuli design. Here he disagrees with Mr. Man (pp. 265-268), especially 
as to the meaning of the term e hot ' to an Andamanese. So we are not on firm ground as 
to the interpretation of language. Mr. Brown's explanation (p. 268) is Mr. Man's second 
explanation, the Andamanese paint themselves for protection against being smelt by the 
spirits. This leads Mr. Brown to an interesting observation (p. 268) that the Andamanese 
'* identify the smell of an object with its active magical principle." They also think that if 
they do not destroy the smell by painting themselves after eating certain objects they will 
become ill. 

Dangerous Foods. 

This argument leads to that of certain foods being dangerous in association with sickness 
and the Spirits. The danger of foods is not equal, and Mr. Brown gives a sort of gradation 
(p. 269) from dugong to vegetables : the most difficult to possess is the most highly prized 
and dangerous. Hence Mr. Brown puts forward (p. 270) a proposition, " that the custom 
of painting the body after eating food is an expression of the social value of food." What 
the Andamanese feels, therefore., is (p. 272) ' ' not a fear of food, but a sense of the social value 
of food." 

This interpretation brings Mr. Brown into a difficulty, which he thus expresses (pp. 272- 
273) ; " the sense of the social value of such things as fire and the materials used for weapons 
translates itself into the belief that these things afford protection against danger. This would 
seem at first sight to be contradicted by the explanation that I have just given of the belief 
in the danger p food." He proceeds, to face the difficulty and to show that the materials 
of food that are dangerous (i.e., cause harm) in themselves are a protection when used " ac- 
cording to custom " : e.#., (p. 273) " wearing ornaments of the bones of animals that 
have been eaten," and thus expressing the social value of the animals. He believes that 
the preservation of the skulls of animals difficult to kill is fegarded (p. 274) " as a means of 
ensuring success in hunting as well as a protection for the hunters." 

Initiation Ceremonies. 

Mr. Brown then embarks on, the initiation ceremonies, (p. 276) : " 1 hope to show that 
these ceremonies are the means by which the society powerfully impresses upon the initiate 
the sense of the sodal value of food, and keeps the sense alive in the minds of the spectators 
of the ceremony." He holds that they are the means " by which the child is made an in- 
dependent member of the society, " and he takes them into consideration from the point 
of the whole society and of the initiate. They form the child's (youth or girl) moral education 
by a " long series of abstentions and ceremonies," abstention from favoured articles of food 
and social functions : ceremonies creating " intense emotional experience " and sense of 
personal social ifalu& 

As regards the foods eaten at initiation ceremonies, Mr. Brown explains (p. 283) the 
.purpose ot the ceremonies to be " to endow the initiate with the power to eafc the dangerous 
foods with comparative safety," and (p. 284) " to endow the individual with a social personal- 


The danger from eating food is sickness, which is caused by an attack of the spirits of 
*he dSead (#. 288). Mr. Eroira explains the Andamanese notions about the Spirits by cotmidar- 
ing the customs as to death and burial. 

Death and Burial. 

The consideration of the general subject carries Mr. Brown into that of several minor 
ones. A death to the mind of the Andamanese does not destroy a personality. It creates 
a profound change, however, and turns the deceased (p. 285) from " an object of pleasurable 
states of the social sentiments into an objeco of painful states." The burial customs (p. 286) 
are " a collective and ritual expression of collective feeling." 

The burial customs do not depend as much on the fear of the dead as on their social value 
The dead man's ties of solidarity have not ceased to exist, but (p. 288) " continue until the 
society has recovered from the effects of his death." This, Mr. Brown thinks, explains the 
burial customs abstention from particularly valued foods, painting the body with white 
clay and so on. 

At the end of the mourning ceremonies (p. 292) <tf the dead man becomes completely 
absorbed in the spirit world and as a spirit he has no more part in or influence over the social 
life than any other spirit, and the mourning is brought to a close by means of a ceremony 
This ceremony has two parts. One is the recovery of the bones and their reaggregation to 
the society, a rite that we may regard as the final settling of the dead man in his proper place " 
The bones are dug up as soon as the society has recovered from the disruptive shock of the 
deceased's death, and are worn in various ways as the greatest power of protection to the 
wearer, just as are the bones of eaten animals. The mourners return to the normal social 
life with a dance and ceremonial weeping as a rite of aggregation. 


A person's name is dropped from use after his death and this custom Mr, Brown explain* 
fct some length (pp. 294 ff.) : " there is a very special relation between the name of anything 
and its fundamental characteristics . . and a very important connection between! 
person's name ... and his social personality . . . Ihe name is alwuys avoided whenever 
the owner is for any reason prevented from taking his or her usual place in the life of the 
society." The name of a girl from her first menstruation to the birth of her first child is 
dropped and she is given "a flower name.- At initiation and mourning, after marriage 
and after other important occasions boys' names and girls' flower-names are dropped for a 
time. In fact (p. 297) at any period, in which a person is undergoing a critical change in 
his condition in so fax as it aSects the society, his name falls out of use [is tabued! The 
reason for this is that during such periods of change the social personality is suppressed or 

nam6 Whi h i9 Cl Sely ^^^ with social pewonality 

The Spirits. 
^^ a * OUt th 8pMts > ** Bro maintains 


of diminshed sotMt ' The JETS, a ^ co ^ 

t sfizi ar^^:^*^*Wi ere 

consctoTisness." ooject of a dysphonc condition of the collective 


" The near relatives of the deceased, being bound to him by close ties, are influenced 
by everything that happens to him, and share in his good and evil fortune , . . , 
(p. 299). The feelings of the living towards the spirits of the dead are therefore 
ambivalent, compounded of affection and fear, and this must be clearly recognized 
if we are to understand all the Andamanese beliefs and customs." 
Nevertheless (p. 300) Mr. Brown holds that there is a hostility between the society and 

the world of spirits, which induces him once in a way to make a comparison with other peoples. 

And then he proceeds (p. 301) to say " that the Andamanese do not regard the power that is 

possessed by the Spirits as being essentially evil." This brings him to the consideration of 

the medicine-man (p. 301 ff.). 

Medicine-men and Dreamers. 
A man can become a medicine-man in three ways : 

(1) by dying and coming to life again. 

(2) by straying into the jungle and being affronted by the Spirits* 

(3) by having intercourse with the Spirits in dreams. 

The difference between a medicine-man and an ordinary man is the possession of the 
same power as the Spirits : i.e., he can dause and cure sickness, and can arouse and dispel 
a storm. He produces his effects by communicating with the Spirits in his dreams. 

Sleep is " a condition of diminished social activity " and therefore dangerous. All 
such conditions (e.g., sickness) are dangerous, when (p. 303) " it is necessary to take ritual 
or magical precautions." Sleep is visited by dreams, " by which the nature of the spirit 
world may be represented by the imagination," and (p. 304) the Andamanese " regards the 
dream-world as a world of shadows and reflections. In his dreams he acts as his double 
And it is his double that becomes his spirit. " To summarize the argument, the belief in 
the world of spirits rests on the actual fact that a dead person continues to affect the 

The Principles underlying the Ceremonial. 

These considerations bring Mr. Brown to his Trinciples/ which he states thus (p. 306) : 
"(1) There is a power or force in all objects or beings that in any way affect social life 

(2) It is by virtue of this power that such things are able to aid or harm the society. 

(3) the power, no matter what may be the object or being in which it is present, is 
never either essentially good or essentially evil, but is able to produce both good and 
bad results. 

(4) Any contact with the power is dangerous, but the danger is avoided by ritual 

(5) the degree of power possessed by anything is directly proportioned to the im- 
portance of the effects that it has on the social life. 

(6) The power in one thing may be used to counteract the danger due to contact with 
the power in some other tiring. 

(7) If an individual comes into contact with the power in anything and successfully 
avoids the danger of such contact, he becomes himself endowed with power of the 
same kind as that with which he is in contact." 

Here Mr. Brown adds a caution (p. 305) : " remembering always that the Andamanese 
Islanders themselves are quite incapable of expressing their beliefs in words and are prob- 
ably only vaguely conscious of than." 

The Social life. 

Mr. Brown now becomes more difficult to follow (p. 307) : " It has been held in thid 
chapter that the society or the social life is the chief source of protection against danger for 
the individual/' That is to say on the whole argument that the society is both the danger 
*nd the protection of the individual 


04 __ _ __ _______ _ - --------- __ ,_ 

He then goes deeply into matters of the ' dangerous ' conditions after certain foods, 
heat 'ddour and painting the body ; mating comparisons by the way with the ideas of the 
neople of the Malay Archipelago and Melanesia^, in the course of which he makes the notable 
remark (p. 312) regarding the Andamanese Calendar, that it " is a Calendar of Scents." His 
argument finally leads him to the hypothesis (p. 315) that " in the Andaman** the customary 
regulation of personal ornament is a mearis by which the society acts upon, modifies and 
regulates, the sense of self in the individual." 

Mr. Brown then states (p. 315) that " there are three methods of ornamenting the body 
in the Andamans ; (1) by scarification, (2) by painting, and (3) by the putting on of ornaments. 
By scarification (p. 315) " the society makes use of the very powerful sentiment of personal 
vanity to strengthen the social sentiments." By painting the body the society makes (p. 315) 
* both the painted individual and those who see him feel his social value" Red paint (p. 316) 
has a double purpose, as a protector and as a declarer of social value. Similarly, by putting 
on ornaments the society is moved by a double motive (p. 319) : " the desire for protection 
and the desire for display." 

"We are thus brought (p. 330) to the final conclusion that the scarification and paint- 
ing of the body and wearing of most, if not all, of the customary ornaments are rites, 
which have the function of marking the fact that the individual i in a" particular 
permanent or temporary relation to that power in the society and in all things that 
affect the social life, the notion of which wo have seen to underlie so much of the 
Andaman ceremonial." 

Ornamentation of Objects* 

Lastly Mr. Brown considers (pp. 323 ff.) the ornamentation of object* aueh ns bow<r, 
canoes and baskets : 

" Such ornamentation consists of 

(1) Incised patterns (on bows, etc.), which may bo compared with the nearification 
of the body. 

(2) TY'iniir.t: will* rv-cl paint and white clay (bows, canoes, skulls, etc.), or with prepared 
wax (Nii;j: ; l;i.- >hi: "dps, etc.). 

(3) patterns made with the yellow skin of the Dendrobium (baskets, etc.). 

(4) shells attached by thread (baskets, baby-sling, etc.)- 

Here Mr. Brown remarks (p. $23) : ** The important point to note is that the decoration 
applied to utensils is of the same character throughout as that which, when applied to the body, 
has been, shawn to be an expression of the social value of the person/ 1 


Mr, Brawn's conclusion is stated on p. 324 : 

" It is time to bring the argument to a conclusion. It should now, I hope, be evident 
that the ceremonial customs of the Andaman Islanders form a closely connected 
system, and that we cannot understand their meaning if we only consider each one 
by itself, but must study the whole system to arrive at an interpretation. This 
in itself I regard as a most important conclusion, for it justifies the contention that 
we must substitute, for fhe, old comparative method \>y which isolated customs from 
different social types were brought together and conclwsioiis drawn from their simi- 
larity, a new method by which all the institutions of one society or social type 
are studied together so as to exhibit iftxeir iatimate relations a* part of an organic 

Oa p. 225 Mr. Brown says that the ceremonial of the Andaman Islands involves " the 
of A power of a peculiar kind " which " ia the scows* ol all good and 

huiwm life." And finally he says (p. 325) : " It is, to a to* wurife, tihe moral power of the 

M*BCH, 1925] 



society acting upon the individual directly and indirectly and felt by him in innumerable 
ways- throughout the whole course of his life." Mr. Man calls this power * God * .#. All this is 
to say that Mr. Brown is a follower of the " new method," the method of Durkheim. 

I have tried to let Mr. Brown tell, in these pages, his story in his own language, a;nd it 
ueems to me that if we are to abandon the " old method " of comparative study for the new, 
we shall find ourselves involved, not in a scientific discussion, but in the formulation of an 
empirical philosophy. As regards Mr. Brown's own argument, it is a pity that it is based 
only on his own observations in the field, which reject all Mr. Man's that do not justify his 

( To be continued. ) 



It is encouraging to note that the query of Prof. 
B. N. Sharma (Modern Review, Nov.) about the iden- 
tification of Maijujana and Bhavabhuti, has after all 
met a response (Modern Review, May). It is indeed 
a very important question,* but Mr, V. B. Bhate, 
I regret to remark, has not paid to the question 
the sustained and careful attention that it 
deserves. In settling such important historical 
problems, the 1 first necessity is to cast oft all our 
prejudices and pre -suppositions, not warranted by 
logical reasons. The arguments put forward by 
Mr. Bhate carry us not an inch further from where 
we were left by the original query. The identifica- 
tion of these two great historical personages is 
still an open question. 

Now I shall try, as briefly as possible, to show 
that the arguments, presented by Mr. Bhate, 
prove nothing at all. 

Mr. Bhate calls Bhavabhuti a braggart, and 
expects that had Bhavabhuti been known by the 
name of Umbeka, he must have mentioned it in the 
prologues of his three dramas. But it may be said 
that, if the commentators, who follow the tradition, 
are to be believed, the name Bhavabhati itself 
was not the poet's genuine name. They tell us that 
&va himself appeared to the poet and gave 
him JTRT and therefore he became known 
as Bhavabhuti, ( TOW flArf***: ). x What- 
ever may be the significance of this tradition, the 
name Bhavabhuti seems to have been a kind of 
pseudonym only. It is quLo possible that when 
Bhavabhuti had passed away, his real name might. 
have been forgotten by the coming generations. It 
is not a single case in the literary history of the 
world. The mystery about the names of Shake- 
speare and George Eliot is too modem an. ex- 
ample to require any elucidation here. 

ThefactofBhavab^ti'sbeingapupilof STRfqTSf 
does not bar him from becoming the pupil of 

can prove 

Kum&rila Bhatta or any other person, especially as 
he mentions himself as a great scholar. Jagan- 
nath Pandit-raja was a pupil of a number of persons, 
as he tells us in his Raaagangddhara. This 
argument of Mr. Bhate is still more weakened 
by the fact that the name STRftfr IB one 
of the least known and the most mysterious 
names met .with in Sanskrit Literature. Unless 
and until sTRKpqr is traced, it 
nothing at all. 

It would be a very hard task for any person, who 
has carefully read Mdtoti Mddhava, to agree with 
Mr. Bhate that Bhavabhuti favours Buddhism. 
We find quite the reverse. The character 
Kama^daki, though it has many merits, does not 
reflect credit on the Buddhism of his time. Is a 
Bauddha Sany&aini permitted by older Buddhism 
to engage in love intrigues 2 Certainly not. 
If we are to follow the same trend of reasoning, we 
can say that he still more favours the Tdntrilcas 
when he introduces Saudaminl On the face of it, 
it would be absurd to say so. The object of a real 
dramatist is never to favour or disfavour any sect, 
He simply holds a mirror to nature and gives us a 
true picture of the society of his time. Bhava- 
bhuti was living in the time of the Vedic renaissance , 
and so it is no wonder if he throws side-lights on 
Buddhism etc., not favourable to them but 
rather showing their decay and degeneration. 

The fourth argument of Mr. Bhate has really 
urprisedme. He has not even taken the trouble to 
understand the passage quoted from Chitsukhi. 
Umbeka has been quoted there, not for identifying 
himself with Bhavabhuti, which, had it been so, 
would be, as Mr. Bhate observes, really absurd. He 
has been quoted with reference to quite a different 
topic discussed there. Even if the identification is 
not borne out by evidence other than the statements 
of the commentator, the passage quoted from 
Chitsukhi is quite sufficient to show that 
Bhavabhuti had written ? some philosophical work 

} Vide 

and Goswami editions. 


With regard to 

the well-known **** 
tc., we may say that it is 
a number of ways. At one or two 
no doubt separately mentioned; 
but such an old authority as TTI^, the 
commentator on q^f*!*^, does not 
mention MatfflwA Even if the JHrifel has the 
name of Mandana in it, it will not carry much weight; 
for it is found in a later work. When once 
a tradition, whether right or wrong, becomes afloat, 
even scholarly persons begin to f ollow it blindly. 

Whoever Masdana might have been, it is well 
known that he" lived in Mahismati Puri, the 
modern Mandla, which is in the Central Provinces, 
not very far from Berar. So it in no way 
contradicts the statement of Bhavabhuti. 

The seventh argument of Mr. Bhate is not his 
own. This difficulty was also felt by Prof. Sharma, 
who has in his query stated arguments, both in 
favour of and against the identification. But it 
may be said that Ma^dana, if the author of the 
Jfaukxrma-Mdki is to be believed, was in the 
habit of writing commentaries on his own works, 
and he might have done so even in the case of 

It is not only in tho &inkara.digvijaya that 
we find Mancjana identified with Umbeka. 
Krisnadeva, in his Tantrtt-chtiQ&mani, mentions the 
name of Umbeka as one of the commentators 
on Tnntra-v&rt'iktt' Aufroct^ and Hall 4, fa their 
excellent catalogues of manuscript 8, toll us that 
Umbeka was* tho vultfur iwmo of MandauaS. More. 
over, &nnfatru-diyMjttytt t though it abounds in so 
called exaggerations, ran not bo BO easily swept 
aside. Exaggeration** may bn made in the case of 
descriptions, but they arc not potumblo with regard to 
personal names. ST^ may be eallixl WT, 
WH^ etc * Kt different plums, but. not 

The few linos which have lwvi \\ritten above 
arc intended simply to mnovo mis-roproaontations, 
which arc liable* to atop further research on this 
very important question. Tin* question of the 
identification of thc two bright luminaries,, is as 
important from a hmtorioal M midpoint at) it is 
interesting from a literary jwmt of vit-w. It should 
attract minda, unprejudiced and train**! in higher 
oriental research work. 



THE BOMBAY CITY POLICE : aa Historioai Sketch, 
1672-1916, by S- M. EDWABDUS, C.S.I., C.V.O., 
sometime Commissioner of Police, Bombay. 
Oxford University Press, 1924. 
Mr. Edwardes, for reasons of health, resigned the 
arduous post of Commissioner of Police in Bombay 
in 1916, shortly before the agitation for Homo Bule 
commenced in India. His tenure of office came to 
an end, therefore, just as the old conditions of Indian 
Government were giving place to those now still 
in their infancy, and he has done well to place on 
record what kind of achievements he and his pre- 
decessors managed to perform in the cause of order, 
la 1668 Charles II transferred Bombay to the 
E. I. Company and in the following year Gerald 
Aungier was appointed Governor and at once 
organised a "rude militia" consisting largely of 
" black Christians " (Portuguese Eurasians), to 
keep order. So the Bombay Police may be said to 
be as old as the place itself as a British possession* 
This body developed into a Bhandari Militia after 
the suppression of Keigwin's Rebellion, which it 
joined in 1783, largely as a result of the cheese- 
paring policy of Sir Josia Child. In ono form or 
another the Bhandari Militia lasted on to 1 800. It 

was primarily a military Ixnly for protection against 
neighbouring power, but jK>lin- <Iutii*.s wore also 
an integral part of UM occupations'. The t lines were 
lawless and judicial functiuiw \v-iv iH>rformod hy 
officials without any rtnil It gal kuo-w !<(!#, addod by 
native f unctiouarioH known a r r irfart'tt. By 1720 
tho Mayor'a Court* wan iuHtitut^ 1 by ('hurt or and 
justice hcwAtno u little inoro rt^uhtrly niiiniuistercd, 
Xho ix>lico arrtin^niontH rtfiutiint^l h(wi>vor BO 
unsatisfactory that m 1771 th.- iUumcUri Militia 
were deflnitoly wnployifd on r-;Milar j<lict dutic?, 
under rule*, aome of which wnv mivrrcr- -all Euro- 
peans ever had to obtain jtHtH . * 'nffn * $ (runaway 
African slaves) BfMMn to lmv liwfii v*ry troublesome 
at that time to tho gt*n^rutl puLiit*. 

General Woddorburn wtt in clitkr^o 'f tho Militia 
and organised a aytitmn of itij/ht put r- .i^ ** from which 
sprang the latar police adrninintrraion c?f tho Island." 
Crime, however, did not diminish, i^nd in 1778 the 
Grand Jury coinplttimnl vi^orox^ ly, lirin^ng about 
the appointment of Mr* Jam* *rl a Chief of 
Police, who framed wgulntions, which wore the 
eommencenunt of thi Itombuy r*li*-- c'i<U*. Ho had 

novor roally SU<-(M mful, uommg fthmHy to downright 

tl Introduction 

to Mahdvidyd-vidambana. (G. -S .) 

a- Vide Catalogua OodAoum Sanakrit-orum B'J>l\oihccce t 255b> 1864. 

4 Fide Index to the Biography of tl* Indian Philosophical System*, pp 

* Populate iqtour, Mandarus nomen Umbeka /#, 

170, 185V. 

MABOH, 1925] 


grief on a- conviction of corruption in 1790. Crime 
in his day was as rampant as ever and professional 
begging by so-called fagira and joffi* was a public 
nuisance. It is so largely still. 

In 1793a Commission of the Peace was established 
in Bombay under an Act of Parliament, and Mr. 
Simon Halliday was appointed to be first Superin- 
tendent of Police up to 1800. Under his regime, 
police arrangements outside the Fort were tho- 
roughly revised and placed under a Deputy Superin- 
tendent, Mr. James Fisher. At that time the 
Superintendent had multifarious duties, which 
were afterwards gradually distributed among other 

Crime, however, remained rampant and public 
protection more than indifferent, until in 1809 reform 
was demanded. A Recorder's Court had been 
established in 1798, but the powers of the Police 
Superintendent remained very wide, until Sir James 
Mackintosh, Recorder, 1803-11, declared them illegal; 
and indeed the procedure of the police at the time 
was undoubtedly arbitrary to the European legal 
mind. So in 1810 a Committee of Enquiry was set 
up under Mr. Warden, Chief Secretary to Govern- 
ment, which produced a famous document known 
as Warden's Report. The Police had become noto- 
riously inefficient and corrupt, and no wonder, for 
Halliday 's successor as Superintendent was tried- 
for corruption. Warden's Report ended in Regula- 
tion I of 1812 which " formed the basis of the police 
administration of Bombay, until 1866." But Warden 
demanded the services of an " admirable Crichton *' 
in the Superintendent, and such a person was not 
forthcoming tiU 1855, in Ifc Charles Forjett. Con- 
sequently the new Regulations effected "little or 
no improvement " in the state of public safety. 
Every householder "was compelled to employ 
private watchmen, the forerunners of the modern 
Ramosi and Bhaya." Punishment of ordinary folk 
continued to be barbarous, and it was not till 1846 
that a Brahman was executed for a crime of violence. 
la 1832 occurred fcho serious Parsi -Hindu riots, 
precursors of many of the like in later years. The 
causa was thoroughly Indian, as they arose out of a 
Government order for the destruction of pariah- 
dogs. There may have been some improvement in 
general security at this time, but property remained 
in an, unsafe condition. This is not to say that no 
attempts at improvement were made, for indeed 
such were constant. To go into a minor matter, at 
some period before 1838, the uniform peculiar to 
the Bombay Police-sepoy was established : dark 
blue with a yellow head-dress* 

Oafl of the causes of failure on the part of the 
police administration lay in thd class of official 
... appointed to the executive control of the force. 
They were junior military officers, appointed without 
reference to tuek capacity for the work, poorly 
paid and never encouraged to do well. In 1S50 

there were serious riots between Parsis and Muham 
madans, and the outcry against the police had be- 
come so great that there was a fresh enquiry in 
1856 and Mr. Charles Forjett was appointed Superin- 
tendent just before the outbreak of the Mutiny* 
This was a fortunate appointment indeed. There- 
after the history of the Bombay Police resolves 
itself into an account of the proceedings of the seven 
successive Commissioners up to 1816. 

Charles Forjett (1855-1863) was a Eurasian (the 
modern Anglo -Indian). *'He owed his later 
successes as a police-officer to three main factors, 
namely his great linguistic faculty, his wide know- 
ledge of Indian caste-customs and habits, and his 
masterly capacity for assuming native disguises." 
He owes his fame to his action during the Mutiny, 
but he did many things for the city in his charge 
and the body he controlled. How he saw where 
the real danger was locally in the Mutiny, and how 
he discovered the plot and met the situation gonerally 
is well told by Mr. Edwardes, who writes truly 
when he says : " one hesitates to imagine what 
might have happened in Bombay, if a man of less 
courage and ability had been in charge of the force 
in 1857." Forjett lived on in England in dignified 
retirement in the enjoyment of many well-earned 
rewards till 1890. 

He was succeeded by an equally capable man, 
Sir Frank Souter (1864-1888), in whom the city was - 
peculiarly fortunate, as he was in charge for 24 
years. In the last years of Forjett there had been - 
an enormous increase of every kind in Bombay, 
due to the profits in cotton during the American 
Civil War, including a great influx of bad characters. . 
* There was accordingly a re-organisation of Police, 
but not of the Magistracy till 1877, and it was not 
till 1883 that the Police Commissioner began to 
issue reports on the working of his department. 
His great difficulty was the under-manning of the 
force, and for one reason and another that has been 
the trouble of all his successors. In Souter's time 
too, commenced another trouble, the annual pilgri- 
mage to Mecca from Bombay, nowadays a matter 
of great consequence owing to increased facility 
for travel. He had to face also serious riots, Sunni < 
and Shia in 1872 and Parsi-Muhammadan in 1874, 
which were partly aggravated by the extreme con- 
stitutional theories of the Governor. An injudicious 
police magistrate also interfered disastrously in tlia 
searching of suspicious characters at night. Another 
new difficulty arose at this time, due to facilities 
of travel, in the care and guarding of distinguished 
visitors, and yet another in the matter of housing 
the police, which it took the Government 14 years 
to rectify after admitting its immediate importance. 
AH this and much more Sir Frank Souter had to 
face, and during his long administration the city 
had progressed in size and importance almost 
beyond belief. 



Sir Prank Souter was succeeded by Col. W. H ^ 

Wilson (1888-1893), another remarkable man, 

who again was troubled with insufficient buildings 

and staff, which he did not succeed in getting made 

up to proper strength. Ho did, however, succeed 

in putting a stop to the mischievous rain-gambling 

an ingenious form of indulgence in a vice to which 

Bombay is addicted. In one case in which he was 

concerned the poisoning of a whole Memon family 

&y a dissolute member thereof he was hampered 

by a peculiarly Indian habit-^-the whole Momon 

*x>mmunity persistently made every effort to render 

enquiry abortive. 

The next Commissioner was Mr, R H. Vincent 
<1893-98), who was a foreigner by birth. He too 
was hampered by an insufficient force. During 
'his five years of service occurred the most serious 
riot (Hindu-Muhammadan, 1893) ever known in 
Bombay ; the outbreak of plague which threw an 
enormous amount of risky labour on the Police, 
so gallantly met as to draw an eloquent panegyric 
from Mr. Edwardes ; and the initiation of the politi- 
cal Ganapati festivals (1894), organised by the noto- 
rious agitator, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, and sub- 
sequently a constant source of trouble to the 
jpublic peace. 

Mr. Vincent was succeeded by Mr. Hartley 
Kennedy (1899-1901), who managed to do a good 
deal during his short term of office and, like For jett, 
was successful in assuming native disguises. He 
TTOS at once faced by a great volume of crime 
as a consequence of the plague, the immediate 

[MARCH, 1925 

owing to the system of insurance ; tho regulation of 
street traffic owing to tho Rreab increase in wheelJ 
traffic which showo.1 tho innbility of native noLV 
to direct it j tho system of fcho deportation of beea**, 
which was stopped by tho Co ont, le^L 
to a serious and pormonont, incronso in tho nuisano 
The illiteracy of tho Indian subordinate officer 
too, had becomo a serious handicap to oJlioioney KB* 
was not remedied in Mr. Coil's time. JI O also'hJ 
to face serious Muharram riots and striken in eo 
sequence of tho conviction of tho agitator Tilak T 
the settlement of which hi Hwrr-wnr, Mr. Edward' * 
played an important- part. Finally towards th 
end of his timo tho Moriwm O.nmiittw reorganised 
the detective branch of th. 1'oli f orrt) into 
Criminal Investigation Department (C.1JJ ) 

Mr. Goll was follower! by tlm author liimsolf Mr 
S. 1C. Bdwatdofi. (IflOO.UHfl), who had drafted tho 
Report of the Moris.m Commit t,.,.. HO was th 
first member of tho In.lmii Civil Service <,, ], ] d th 
post and mot with Hmno i>i.fiiii,, n n , f irR(> in 
sequence, from the Imperial I'oli,-,. R,. rv i('n .' 
all his prodcosBor Mr. Ki!mnl.w WIH hrnpo re d bv 
an madoquato forcft owinjt to Jinanfial HtrinKenev 
He managed, howovnr. t<> .<, tti r .lih mucl , in t /' 
seven yeara that 1m hd-i ,,, Cum,,,i,i onor9W - . 
estabhshmptho Police Oazrttf, \ mm i thpry> y^' 
daily with all details of r <vrot ftriinw, not tine D 
many now stations, Caching }Cr>KliJ, < tho Indian 
constebulwyj oontrolli,, B motor traflic and the 
Mecca pilgrimage; iir,j,rovinK lh Finsor-rHnt 
Bureau j lookm* afer d,.w!i,-t R i r i children; and 

v, u w v Uiu , piague, Ine immediate ' ** wmr citwuf't. girl chiUron and 

Causes being disease, starvation and unemployment, fina11 ^ du th " KM wnr vl w ' mfi fl m citv of 

and a minor cause the reluctance of the judicial un *fcW*. H* h4 *) , flMM , |^ j /. 

A.11T.rtf\-ni+irLr* Z T_ JI _ i .... I A^. J ^ ^^ .4. * . " r 4 / - *W4 * *Bl\t} 


and a minor cause the reluctance of the judicial 
authorities in India to convict on the evidence of 
police alone. Mr. Kennedy also did much to 
reduce the beggar nuisance and to reduce the number 
of those who procured women, Indian and European 
for prostitution. 

The next Commissioner, Mr. H. G. Gel! (1902-09) 
wasapopular selection, but he had an anxious career 
end ^d to deal with Royal visits, riots and strikes, 
includmg those of the Post Office and Indian Police 
themselves, and a dangerous revolutionary move- 
ment, to meet which last his office was not organic 
d, besides being understaffed. There came the 
mevitable 'enquiry/ but it did not leaT 
practical result during Mr. Gell's occupancy of the 
Commissionership. There was troublfZ 
thelow pay of the police which constituted fl 
mate grievance, the setting straight of 
-occupied so long a time that f lar^tiol o 
force struck, and unfortunately the Son 

and * groat incwiwe in th W eiM traffic and ate 
the collars of impmpnrly fomu-cl Jn.linn Imnkg 
feature of the Bombay hMi ,,f Hrx,., jltt tion B 
his main achievement WH hr, nlwUtfo,, o f the 
dangerous and rowdy id ,f t,h,, ^mu.vl Mnh. 
celebrahoa," th atory of which i .rtta.My Wd 
Another vmy important mutter fr th* time, bring 
were X ii on tarriM!{ mw t ! i, wrtl backed by his 
subordinates, drm K tho drwit Wr. 

Such in brif in the atopy ot th B,,mbar I>olico 
and its leadew-to those who CM lock back to life 
in Bombay vary iwtrtKstiw ttt!n . jn Mary . 
so muoh t*kon up with th general doin B of the 
gwat that one cannot be too thankful for the atory 
of the guarding of pabUofi,ty, wh ih KO inti.nateh 


Bombay whan them Wg ^p i 

the wart 

Beypom near Cklioat in a small 
! theno* fey ra a to 

ByouU * 

ng to 

MABCH, 1925] 


Afterwards he was in Bombay for varying periods 
occasionally and saw its immense progress until the 
days of the plague, when fear was great and the 
courage of very many magnificent, when men went 
-about quietly and the funeral pyres at the burning 
ghats were always alight ; and then again, not many 
years ago as a man's life goes, when the motor car 
and other things had once more greatly changed the 
superficial aspect of the city. One knew of course 
that the police existed. They were in the streets 
and their superior officers were acquaintances, but 
how life and property were kept safe and the strug- 
gle to secure that safety were unknown quantities. 
One read, equally of course, of riots, strikes and 
disorders, but they did not personally concern one, 
and whatever the period, either in the old Bombay 
or the new, the feeling always was that one was in 
the forefront of life up to date in fact and that 
there was no reason to be anxious as to the safety 
of property. The book lifts the veil and shows us 
clearly how great the difficulty of preserving life 
and property has always been j how continuous 
the anxiety and the labour and the self-sacrificing 
skill and thought that has been bestowed by many 
men devoted to the public welfare. Thinking over 
these things, one cannot but be grateful to them, 
and to Mr. Edwardes for explaining their work so 




Annales du Muse'e Guimet, Tome XXXIII; 

Paul Gteuthner, Paris. 1923. 

The author describes this work as "notes for 
the study of the rites of the pilgrimage." It is 
much more than that ; for he has given in great 
detail tho result of a prolonged enquiry into the 
various ceremonies and rites connected with the 
Muhammadan pilgrimage to Mecca, into the his- 
tory and character of the principal buildings and 
edifices round the Ka'aba, and into the significance 
and origin of the customs which are imposed upon 
the devout Hdji. He has not touched upon the 
political aspect of the Haj, considering this to be 
of far less importance than the religious aspect, 
** If we except," he writes, " certain personages 
-of avowed sanctity and the shoal of professional 
beggars, the entire population of Mecca lives by 
and for the pilgrimage. It prepares it, leads it, 
exploits it, and that done, it sinks into a somnolent 
existence, broken only by low intrigue, meagre 
calculation and petty passion. The pilgrimage 
places an auroeole on the brow of the Musalman 
-and gives him, without doubt, an ineffaceable 

memory of great religious emotion and of solid 
kinship with unknown people from far distant 
countries. But these exalted ideas are tempered 
by sentiments of a meaner character. The poli- 
tical consequences of the Haj are of but feeble 

After a close analysis of the haram and the vari- 
ous tabus and rites connected with it particularly 
the rites of ihrdm, known by the technical name 
of miqdt (plural mawdqit], he investigates the his- 
tory and character of the famous Ka'aba, which 
is to-day an irregular cube of heavy stones, con- 
taining the black stone which forms, as it were, 
the focus of the pilgrimage. The Kataba has been 
destroyed more than once. Abd -el -Malik bin 
Merwan, for example, rebuilt it in A.D. 693 in the 
form which it was supposed to have had in the 
time of the Prophet. It was later reconstructed 
by El Walid bin al Moghaira, who transformed it 
from a simple enclosure into a regular temple or 
mosque, covered by a terrace. Later again it 
was destroyed and rebuilt by Ibn ez Zubair, who 
added new features, including a second door. 
The author explains fully the character of the 
alterations and restorations of the haram -which 
have been carried out since the seventh century. 
As regards the black stone, he suggests that in 
ancient pre -Islamic times the Ka'aba may have 
been the shrine of a pagan Arab deity, Hobal. 
There is some evidence that in the time of the 
Prophet's youth it was surrounded by divers idols 
and served as a kind of pagan pantheon, and that 
the principal deity was the black stone, regarded 
as "the right hand of Allah on earth " or "the 
eye of Allah." He indicates that the sanctity 
of this stone was derived from the fact that it was 
the corner-stone of the haram, and that in this 
respect its worship was identical with the reverence 
accorded to, and the sacrificial rites connected 
with, corner-stones among the Assyrians, Baby- 
lonians, Egyptians, and Hebrews, When the 
Prophet founded his monotheistic faith, he was 
forced, like the original propagators of other creeds, 
to assimilate a good deal of pagan custom and 
superstition; and, consequently, when the old 
shrine of the haram became the dwelling of the 
One God, the black stone was permitted to retain 
its sanctity as the corner-stone of the transfigured 
shrine. Some of the rites formerly connected 
with the Ka'aba and its black stone have been 
abolished in the course of ages ; and two of them, 
which are described by old Muhammadan writers, 
indicate that the worship belonged to a very an- 
cient form of popular and pre-Islamic superstition* 


[ MARCH, 1925 

One of the author's most illuminating chapters 
is concerned with the sacred well Zemtern, which 
waa ** essential feature in the ancient worship 
of the K^aba and was closely connected with the 
te of MOM or ceremonial potation by the pilgrims . 
It one time the right of superintending 
and arranging this congregational drinking was 
vested in a particular Meccan family. Ancient 
literature shows that there were once three build- 
ings beside the sacred well, one of them a tank 
for ablution and other two, pavilions. In one 
of these pavilions was manufactured a fermented 
liquor of dried grapes and barley or corn, called 
or aftrig; in the other the liquor, which 
very bitter, was mised with the water of 
wiik Up to the eighth century A.i>., ^he 
pilgrims, or rather the worshippers at the ancient 
ahrine, drank only the liqour (adwiq), which was 
first offered to the deity and then consumed, as 
a pledge of a good harvest. Moreover, the actual 
ceremony of drinking took place at the moment 
of tawdf al i/ddkothe ceremony which, so to 
speak, desanctifies the worshipper and sets him 
free to indulge in worldly avocations, including 
especially sexual acts. When Islam took the place 
of the old pagan cult, Muhammadan orthodoxy 
could not tolerate the consumption of tdwiq ; 
bat finding the custom too old and firmly founded 
tc* be wholly abolished at once, it combined it 
with the cult of the well of Zemzem thus, so to 
speak, diluting the pagan superstition with the 
pure water of a higher faith, and preparing the 
way for the ultimate abolition of the drinking of 
which occurred some time in the eleventh 

century A.X>. 

In describing the other edifices which stand 
near the a'a&<s the author discloses freeh traces 
d the pro-Islamic cult which centred Kttu&d the 
ttfarine. He regards the toogdw Ibrahim as a pagan 
relic, which may once have been a stone of sacri- 
fice. After the foundation of Islam, tales had 
to be invented to explain its presence and import- 
Mice in the new faith, and so gradually it became 
the gibla, behind which the principal Imam stands' 
when leading the prayers within the sacred enclo- 
sure. The sacred pigeons of the mosque, el matgid 
4 A0rwty are another link with the pagan past 
sad; take the mind back to the worship of pigeons, 
connected with the cult of Astarte of Byblos, 
which wad widely known throughout the lands 
bordering the Mediterranean Sea* This same 
Syrian colt probably provided the basis of the 
prohibition of fiexdal , union during the period of 
The asceticism of Islam, if we are to 

accept the author's view, had nothing whatever to 
do with this embargo upon carnal pleasures, wh oh 
was a definite part of tho ancient rite at the amuuu 
worship of the muther-goddosH. But whatever 
its origin, the prohibition for a iixed period during 
the ceremonies at Mecct* still <>t Crates ; and it is 
only after the sexual tdbu HHK IXMUI miaod by the 
tcvw&f al ijddha, or rito of dnigauotUtoatiou, that 
the pilgrim is free to nook tho umhmces of woman. 
The fact that by far the groator iunnbt*rof pilgrims 
are men, who travel without thoir women folk, is 
probably responsible for tho growth of prostitu- 
tion at Mecca. Othor coromonioH now performed 
there, which originated iix tho paganism of pro- 
Islamic ags are the *ncrifi<:u of animal* and the 
ceremony of cutting tho hftir or Hhiwing the head; 
and theae, as well as other fanturoH of the annual 
Haj, such as ablution, prayur, atustunio, and the 
talbiya, which have to Jxj obHorvod by every 
pilgrim before ho is lit to approach Iho elirine, 
are discussed by tho author with the holp of all 
available ovidenco as to thmr character and 

This review may fluifctbly <*onrliido with an 
extract from the final noto in which flic author 
sum* up the lesson of his rtwwtrciicH. "Enta* 
temps sans doute quolqunn priittqnoB oat tlisparu, 
celles dti sawiq par oxuinpJ^. Mum fr< fonnftliume 
reste dominant, ot o\tf* lui qtii cnnthiu<^ & regtar 
lo hajj. Et log pratique* IOH pluw nncit^iw>8 ^t les 
plus nettemont magiquwi pon*HU^nt r in^tno centre 
roffort do la doctrine orthodox**. II font consta- 
ter quo ce ne sont paw loa ptnijili^w lointainn, nou- 
voaux ventifl A 1'Iitlum, qui ont apporio <los prati- 

ques heterodoxes, ct q\K* 

sait t 

omts; oe 
. IOH Mek- 
lea vntux usagea 

musulmaa* art prtquo tt>ujour 
anoienne, plu puiiwmt quo 
sent les ArabM d* Arable, Im 
fcois eaacmto qui conorv<mt 
ant^ifilanQiquw, qui oat c&fxmdant 
signification. Ici, com me <m li'autn 
r&argiflsemant de la penn^ent vimu d 
dee oentres nouveaux d culture oil 

diverted, tit la capitate r 
at mt4e, t rin n*at plu* normal, un 
oontre da pvatlqum nwwquinen, d< k diBcunsiona 
Mroitee et de meroaatiUm iwUgionx. J>- mouve- 
rnaat de Vlslam modem* doit tauter, ici eomine 
aiUcuHi* <l combiner, n uno dootritut harmoni- 
ewe* te tradHiona d'im glorieux pa* iutoilectoel 

8. X. 


6. Uppalaheta. 

Uppalaheta was the headquarters of a * pathaka * or what would now be 
called a sub-division in the eighth century. Cf. ^l^d^i^ scq^tw^ (Siiaditya VI 
grant of 447 G.E.). 

As it is stated to be in Kaira district, it must be the same as modern Upletft in Thasra 
Taluka, 35 miles due east of Kaira. Modern Upleta then has once seen better days ; for 
as the headquarter of a * pathaka 9 (which included 200 or 300 villages) it must have 
been a fair sized town. As the place is mentioned nowhere else, nothing more can be stated 
about it. 

7. Kantaragrama and Karmantapura. 

A forged grant of Dhruvasena II 65 mentions one Kantaragrama ; Surat plates 
of Dhruva III 67 [dated Saka 789] refer to one Karmftntapura. But both these are the 
names of one and the same place, which is none other than the village Kattargam, two 
or three miles north-east of Surat. 

Kattargam is the popular corruption of Kantarag&ma, which in turn is the Prakrtised 
spelling of Sanskiit KarmSntapura, r and m sounds being transferred for phonetic con- 
venience. This identification is further supported by the statement 

i4lm<<=hMfH= of the forged plate which is obviously modelled upon the statement 

in the genuine plate. Both statements obviously refer 

to one and the same place. If Karmantapura is thus KanUragrfima, it follows from 
philological logic that the modern Kattargam village is the same as ancient Karrn&ntapura* 

There are other considerations also which support this identification. Nandiaraka 
village in the KantSragrftma district was bounded on the west by the sea ; this shows that 
the district was like modern Ratnagiri a coastal one. Then again P&r&haiiaka village of 
the genuine plate was immediately to the south of Mottaka or modern Mota (five miles to 
the north of Bardoli). Karm&ntapura then must be in a coastal district not far from 
Bardoli. Both these conditions are satisfied by modern, Kattargam. 

Modern Kattargam then must have been a fair sized city in the ninth century. For, 
it was the headquarter of a big district of 1,600 villages and Yasodhara observes 5RTOT- 

Its prosperity however declined, possibly because the 

headquarter of the district ' was shifted elsewhere ; it probably was only a fair-sized 
town, if not merely a big village during the fourteenth century, hence the forged 
grant which seems to belong to this century calls it a ' gr&ma ' instead of ' pura '. 

8. Karpatav&Qijya, 

This place is mentioned as the headquarter of a territorial sub-division of 
84 villages in the Kftpadwanj grant of Ak&lavarsha Subhatunga dated 867 A.D. 19 
About the identity of this Karpatava^ijya with Kapadwanj, where the plates were 
found, there can be no doubt ; phonetic changes explain themselves; modern K&padwanj 
contains some houses as old as 800 years ; near the walls of the city there is the site of a still 
older town. 

The importance of Karpatav&mjya, though only a taluka town in the ninth century, 
lay in its being on the trade route from Central India to the coast. In the Solanki period 
the town was transformed into a fort by Siddhar&ja Jayasimha, who also constructed a taink?o 
to supply drinking water to the troops and townsmen. Being a fort on the southern fron- 
tier of the Solanki dominions, it must have been in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries 
a place of great importance. 

ee 2nd. Ant., Vol. X, p. 284. ** Ind. Ant., Vol. XII, p. 179. 

68 Com. on Kama Stitra, 1.4-2. V* Wp. In., vol. I, p. 55. 

70 Kaira Gazetteer. * 



is but once casually referred to in inscriptions and not at all in 
literature. From the copperplate grant of Dhruvasena, II, dated 316 G.E., we learn 
that it WAS the headquarter of a 'pathaka ' or a modern sub-division in Kathiawad during 
the seventh century. According to Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji this Kaiftpaka is the same as 
modern Kl&wad, a village of 2,500 population, 60 miles north-cast ofPorbundar; and the 
suggestion appears probable. For there is no other place in Kathiawad with which we can 
identify Kai&paka, and the phonetic change too is not inexplicable. The change of 
Sanskrit p into Prakrit v is well known, the principle of ' dissiniiJation ' accounts for the 
change of the last ' ka ' into * da .' According to the local legend, it was bcro that a V61 
R&jfc married a Kanthi girl, thus forming the tribe of V&l-kathis. 71 

10. Kapika, 

Ancient K&pikft is the same as the modern town Kftvi in Bharoch District, 
situated not far from the gulf of Cambay, In the modern name the determinant suffix 
' kft ' is dropped (a procedure not unknown even in early times as will "bo. presently seen) and 
*p ' is changed to ' v * as is so often the case. There is also strong geographical evidence 
to support the identification. Inscriptions state that it was situated in Bharukachclia visha- 
ya ; modern E&vi is situated in Bharoch District, Villages Kemajjii, Sihngrftma, Jambh&, 
Ruhanada and Jadr^na, which are stated to be near K&pikft, are in the- vicinity of modern 
K&vi as well ; for modern Kimoj, Shigam, Jamadi, Ruhnftd and arc the respective 
counterparts of the ancient names. 72 

!Prom the statement zpTT TOF ^nfTW^tf^^ SW3T in the grant of fiovinda III 
it would appear that K&pikft was a territorial sub-division next in extent to e vinhaya', 
which is referred to in the previous part of the plate. It was probably thru tho headquarters 
of a 'paihaka/ and hence a fair sized town in tho ninth century. Ait that early time 
it was famous as a r mahtsthSiHa' or holy place ;*f or tho Cain bay platos of Govinda 
IV call it a/ mah&sth&na ". Of. rNd^l^dcfcH^rtKd^chTK^ ?^T HF?r- 

^d^dT. During tho nintli century ihon KiLpikfi was a 

c * tfrtha J , famous for the learning of its Brd/imana* ; its fiiruo as ti r centre of 
Jainism probably dates from the time of Kumftrap^la. 

The Naosari plates of Jayabhatta 73 are foxund from a camp at KHvya. 
vat,ra. This . Kftvyivatftra is the same as ancient Kapika ; Uio suflix In cr Id was always 
regarded as optional; [c/. the two spellings Godraha and Gnrlrataika <> nuirVrn Oodhra]; 
e p j was changed 'v' and the honorific suffix spprp; was a<lflc.d. Tlu> achliUon of this 
-suffix was a common phenomenon ; compare for instance 

in the Girnto inscription of Vik. Sam, 1288. Kfivyftvatfira then 
is the same as K^pika. 

11. Bsahrada. 

la the Baroda plates of Dhruvarftja issued from SarvamangalasaiU noar Khotaka, 

KaSahrada is mentioned as the headquarter of a ' di-Ai * or territorial sub- 

division. la the Kapadwanj plates of AkSlavarsha Subhatunga th same ploco is re- 

ferred to as Kasadraha. In the latter plato wo K- ad BWT V ftft?r WT... a **W 

^giyw WTOW.-.^ifcuNfcHWW andfrom 

tte toanner in which Khetaka or Kaira, Harshapura or Harsol, Karpataviniiya or Kapad- 

TO*n]aare mentioned, it is clear that K^adraha too must have been not far away from 

these towns. Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's suggestion, then, that Kft&drafaa IB the name as 

modern Ktoaadra, 25 miles Bouth of Ahmadabad, appears acceptable ; for 


, p. UC. XIII, p. 77. 


is only 15, 28, 30 miles distant from Kaira or Khetaka, Kapadwanj or Karpatav&gtijya 
and Harshapura or Harsol respectively. 

Merutunga informs us that when Mufija, the suppositons son of Simhadantabhata, ex- 
pelled Slndhala, the real son, from his ancestral possessions in Malwa, the latter came and 
established himself in KHsadraha. As Tilaipa, the Karnataka king who put Munja to death, 
died in 997 A.D., we may conclude that the village of K&sandri was the capital of a petty 
principality by the middle of the tenth century. Whether the successors of Sindhala were 
ruling there and if so how long, we do not know. It would appear that even in the days of 
its greatest glory, Kdsandra must have been only a pretty town. It was situated too near 
Kaira to become an important city or the headquaorter of a visJiaya. 

12. Kofipura. 

A Kftvl grant of Govinda III dated !aka 749 mentions a Kotipura situated in 
the KS-vikS district. Erom the statement of the inscription 

! ri ^nir TTfl T^ : > ^ appears that this Kotipura had a temple of the sun ; it 

must, therefore, be the same as modern Kotipura, about 25 miles north of Bharoch, which 
also, besides being situated near K&rf, possesses a temple of the sun called Jayaditya. 

In the MaMbMrata list of ' tirthas ' is mentioned a Koti 'tirtha, but whether that 
pura is the same as this is doubtful, as the epic gives us no clue either to the locality or to 
the deity of the place. So we cannot say whether our Kotipura is as old as the third century B.C. 
Nor does the statement in Kdmasfitra srtfre ft sfife^sr T^*RT?f *T?*g<?ffr ^rafT 5RH 74 
enable us to conclude that our Kotipura is the same as Kotta in the above passage. It ia 
true that the Abhiras at the time of Yatsyftyana had penetrated as far to the south as Nasik, 
and that an Abhir principality flourished on the Western coast in its vicinity; for Nasik 
cave No. 15 contains the statement 

It is also true that while commenting on the above quoted passage from Edma Mira, 
Yashodhara observes i |rdKi% ^Tt 'TPr ^TR^ 1 Nevertheless our Kotipura, though situated in 
modern Gujarat, is not the same as affigfl, though it also was situated in Jj^iM as 
Yashodhara observes. For ^<M of Yashodhara denotes, as we have already shown, 
south-western Rajputana ; and gffe, therefore, is clearly modern Kotah situate in that pro- 
vince. The earlier history of our Kotipura, if it possessed any, is lost in obscurity, 

13. Khetaka. 

Ancient Khetaka, situated on the Vetravatl, is the same as modern Kaira, 
standing on the V4trak. The identification is so obvious as to need no explanation ; the 
view referred to by Mr. Dey 7fi that Kachcha is the ancient name of modern Kaira is al- 
together untenable. It is true thatHiuen Tsiang spells Khetaka as Kechha, but a foreigner's 
spelling is hardly a safe guide in such matters. The place is called Khetaka in the ninth 
century inscriptions ; nor can it be said that the name was changed subsequent to the visit 
of the Chinese traveller. For in two grants of Dharasena II, which being dated 252G.E., and 
270 G.E., 7 * are 50 years earlier than the time of Hiuen Tsiang, the place is called Khetaka 
and not Kachoha. The grant of Dharasena IV, dated 332 G.E., " is almost contemporary 
with Hiuen Tsiang, and it also spells the name as Khetaka. As most of the places mentioned 

ft Kama Sutra, 1-5. 76 Q.D.AJ., Khetaka. 

* Ind. Ant., vol. XV, p. 187. 77 Znd. Ant., vol. XV, p. 331. 


m jxuo* District (c.0., A^iia P alliU=modern Aslali, Vattasomalika= modern Vantavaffi, 
Vis^pauT=inodern Vaasol, Karpatavanijya=inodern Kapadvanj, etc.) arc to be found in 
Kaira District, we have to reject the theory that Khetaka referred to in the Valabhi 
grants might have been another Kaira situated in the peninsula of Katiuawar. No such 
Lee is known to have existed in Kathiawad, and as Valabhi rule extended on tho continent 
of India right up to Godhra, it was possible for Valabhi kings to assign villages in Kaira 

Khetaka is usually referred to as the headquarter of an Ahftra or dwtrirt. Sometimes * 8 
it is mentioned as the headquarter of a ' mandala ' or group of districts ; and no wonder, for 
Kketaka was really a very big district. Hiuen Tsiang says that it was 3,000 li or GOO miles 
in circuit ; the district may wellhave extended, as Cunningham says, from the bank of tho 
Sabarrnati on the west to the great bend of the Mahi on the north-cast and to Baroda in 
the south. Being the headquarter of so big a division, Khetaka must have been an import- 
ant city ; during Valabhi rule it was probably the headquarters of their continental pos- 
sessions/ With the faU of the Valabhis, it passed into the hands of the R&shtrakCitas, when 
too it was the headquarters of a "' mandala.' 7 8 

About a hundred years after the fall of the Eashtrakutas in about 975 A.IX, the city 
was captured by the Solankis. Karna I (1064-1094) is known to have annexed territories 
as far to the south as Ahmadabad ; his successor, Siddharaja, extended the sway of his 
dominions much beyond Dabhoi, which was his frontier fortress. Khetaka then must have 
belonged to the Solanki empire after about 1000 A.I). 

According to the Purdnas, Chakravati is the old name of Khetaku,. Its king is waid to 
have been defeated by the Pftndavas. 80 

14 Girinagara. 

Originally the name of the city o Junagad (=Yavanagada), Girmagaro or Girnar 
has now become the name of the hill adjacent to it. The city was originally wo named 
because it was by the side of a beautiful hill, called sometimes Ujjayanta and 
sometimes Raivataka ; that the two names designate the same hill, is clearly shown by 
statements in the Junagad Inscription of Skandagupta 81 and in Klrtlkaumudt^ 

Since ancient times Girinagara has been a very famous place ; and no wonder, for 
it was at once a ' tirtha,' a capital, a hill station, a fort and a place of fair. Hence it was 
that Asoka found it a very suitable place for the wide publication of his rock edicts. 

To Hindus, Jamas and Bauddhists alike Girmagara is a * tirtha.' Brahmewmm since very 
early times regarded the place as exceptionally holy ; lor even tho great epic says ** 3 : 

fli^t fistf ftff^Kt 351^ n 

^I3$tfic[cr: 1 


79 A.Q.I., 44=3. 80 Kaira 

*i ^ r M^lRi*ti^ Ri ^f oTN H II TO u I 

> M bh+ III, 88, 


Why precisely the place was considered so holy, theepic does not state. 
however, informs us 84 that the sanctity of the place is due to !aiikara having practised 
severe penance there in times gone by. When at the end of his austerities he went back 
to Kail&sa, he left behind him on the hill his garment ; hence the place is called * vastrft- 
patha *. This story is not referred to in the MaJidbJidrata and may, therefore, be late. The asso- 
ciation of Krshna with the place may possibly be the original cause of its becoming a 6 tlrtha/ 
In this connection the foot-print of Garuda, still pointed out to the pious pilgrim, is significant. 

The Jainas also regard the hill as a holy place. Their 22nd c Titthankara ' Arishtanemi ' 
or Neminitha who is said to have been a cousin of Sri Krishna is believed to have died here. 
Hence the Digambara sect considers the place as particularly holy. 

With the publication of the Asokan edicts, the place became sacred to the Bauddhists 
as well. Several Buddhistic caves are existing eveix at present. 

The hill was also resorted to as a hill-station since very early times. This is clear from 
the following passage in the Mahdbhdrata : 

^ f*RT I l^SF^^HPHT^c^t *Wtw II 
I H ^ 

I ^s4cNraF*T wjiM'mw IR^P II 

So it would appear that in early times the hill wg,s used as a hill-station and resorted to by 
fashionable people for joyous purposes. The description of the improvements made at 
Girnar by Tejahp&la given in Kfrtikaumudt also confirms our inference. 

With its hill-fort dominating the surrounding rich plains of Saur&sht-ra, Girinagara was 
an ideal place for the capital. And there is ample evidence to show that it has been 
its capital since very early times. From the statement sj^frfeht^ *ff%W ^% *HH<iNl jJNI'wH 
atfvferar and especially from the word 3?f^3Tr i^ it, it appears that in the days of ASoka 
it was the seat of his Kathiawad Viceroy. The reference to Ghandragupta's viceroy being 
unfortunately fragmentary, we cannot positively assert that in the time of Chandragupta 
also, the capital was the same ; but overwhelming chances are in favour of Girinaga*. Dur- 
ing Kshatrapa rule the capital was again at Girinagara ; for the famous Rudrad&man 
inscription of the year 72 states 

I^waradatta Abhira conciuered Ujjayin! and expelled the 
Khatrapas from their capital, Giriaagaara probably became the capital of the Western 
Kshatrapas. From the Jua.9gad inscription o Skantfegupta, it is evident that wfcen 
Saurftahjra was annexed to the Gupta dominians, thfc Imperial Vteeroy was stationed at 
this very place. In face of this iuscriptiofloal evidence, the statement of the tradition 
that viceroys of the Guptas and after them of the Valabhis were residing at Wtoaaaasthalt 
must be rejected ; Hiuen Tsiang also says that the cartel w$s situated at the foot of 
the mount Yen-chen-ta (=Ujjayanta). It was therefore Girinagara and not WfimansthalL 
Bha^^raka, the founder of the Valabhi dynasty, shifted his capital from Girinagara to 
Valabhi, leaving behind him a viceroy to look afte^his afiairs there. At the fall of VaJ&bhi, 
the viceroy became independent and founded* what is known as the Chud&Sama dynasty* 
a Chap, 30. M~Mbh.> I 218. 8 Mbh,, L 219. " 


One of the early kings of the dynasty, R&o Gfiriyo, was at war with Mularuja who besieged 
his capital- but all the efforts of Malaria to reduce the fort were unavailing and ho had 
to withdraw. In the ninth century, however, the Chflcjasamas shifted their capital to 

Let us now turn to the important sites at tho place. Tho spkwtiil temple of Nominatha 
on the hill was built in the twelfth century by Sajjana,thefinstKatluawatl vieeroyof Siddha- 
r&ja Jayasinha (1094-1143 A.D.). The construction of tho temple is nwl to huve required 
a sum equal to three years' revenues of Kathiawad. Tho flight- of stairs (> the hill was the 
work of Ambaka, the son of Udayana, the minister of Kumarapflla (I 141-1174). Mortally 
wounded in battle, the dying minister requested his sons to carry out his plan of constructing, 
in,ter alia, a flight of stairs at Gimar ; the dutiful sons duly oxeeutoil t!"t work, us tho inscrip. 
tion shows. 

The most important thing worth seeing in ancient Giriua#in no luu^-r i-xists ; and 
but for two inscriptions we would never have even known its existence. For more than a 
thousand years there was situated near Girinagara a l>ig tank of \v<ai-r eonsf nutted for agri- 
cultural purposes. The valley of the Raivataka mountain near (!irina#tr;i was converted 
into a reservoir by the construction of a dam as early an tho fourth Century ,<.:. by Pushya- 
gupta, the Vai^ya governor of Chandragupta ; conduits from this \vre mudr. during tho 
reign of Asoka by his Yavaoia Governor Tushiispa. These in'M^iictul wnrk,^ onnstructed 
under Mauryan patronage lasted for nioro than four centuries ; but a pmu-rful flood in 
December 150 A,D. [Mfii-gaSirsha Vad I S&ka 72] broko the <Liiu * cuuvrrtinu: tin-, Uko into 
a huge desert. 3 Su.Yishakha,th Pahlava governor of tho Western Ksltaf raiut^ Jmnu'-diatoly 
rebuilt the dam. 87 The dam continued to function till August 4.V5 A.IK \vlnn a powerful 
downpour of rain again shattered it.88 In tho summer following, a new <iatu was a^ain built 
by Panjadatta, the viceroy of the Guptas. When this dam wax iWtroyii vvv ilo not know; 
it must have lasted at least for two centuries. With the. tran,sl'*-r of tin? capital in Valabhi, 
the importance of Girinagara must have declined; the Valahhi kin^-s pmhthlily !i<l not care 
to incur the expense necessary for the reconstruction of a <bm in a j JiM.:e \\ liivh was no longer 
their capital. 

The dam was 300 yards in length, each of the remaining r i<lr.-. uf llir laku being about 
one mile. 

15. Godrahaka. 

In the copperplate grant of Siiaditya V (dated 44! (J.K.) (lutlnthuka is roforred 
to as the place of encampment from which the king issued lib; grant. Thiw Godrft- 
haka is the same as modern Godhrft, the capital of this Punchi* Mulu&h PLstricfc, 
c Ka' being a determinant suffix was dropped (c/ K&vi from Kiljiikil) ; auJ Godraba 
naturaUy developed into Godhrft. Dr. Bdhlor has pointed <jut how 4 ait * li;w been used 
in the VakpatJ plates in the sense of a lake, in expressions like, qrmar* * & luKf far -fcphanti.' 
Etymologically, then, Godrahaka would moan a place which pu***.*-* a Like, for cowa. 
Modem Godhra possesses a large tank 

i>r: Bfihler however doubts whether Godrahaka, referred to iu the U*v V*Ubhi plate, 
is the same as modern Godhra. He is not certain that the Vatoblu empire) in 7(M> A.O* extended 
so far to the east as to include Godhra, and therefore suggest* the possibility t>f another 

Into., &>ka 72. sT^^^p^r^7.r^ 


Godhr& existing in Kathiawad. But no Godhra is known to exist in Kathiawad, and the doubt 
as to whether the Valabhi dominion extended so far a few years before its fall is entirely 
dispelled by the grant of Siiaditya .VI, which shows that in 447 G.E. or 766 A.D. the 
Valabhi empire extended to Anand&pura or Wadnagar. If Sil&ditya VI could hold Wad- 
nagar, there is nothing improbable in Siladitya V holding Godhx&. 

Being fairly distant from Anq-liilapattana, the capital of the Ch&votakas and the Solankis, 
Godhra seems to have become, some time after the fall of Valabhi, a seat of a petty local 
dynasty, professing allegiance when necessary to the Anahilapattana or Dhara house. Tejah- 
pfila, the minister of Kum^rapaia, was betrayed by a King of Godraha at a critical time in 
bis operations against the King of Bharoch. 

I 190 

How long the local chiefs continued to rule, we do not know ; but it cannot be for a long 
time. The Muhammadan invasion must have swept away this chiefship along with many- 

15a. Ghogha. 

The old name of the place is Gundigad. It was a port of some consequence under the 
Valabhis ; but its influence declined with the fall of Valabhi, when it simply became a nursery 
of sailors. During the Muhammadan period, however, it developed into a great city witji 
a large market. 90 

16. Chandravati. 

At the junction of the Banas and the Swalen, about 40 miles north-west of Sidhapur, 
is situated a small village, Chandr&vati. Though now hardly of any importance, the 
place was once a capital ; for the Farmer chiefs of Abu, who were feudatories of the 
Solankis, were residing at this very Chandr&vati. The Parmar principality of which 
Chandr^vat! was the capital was an important one ; and its help was found to be of great value 
by the suzerain power. In his campaign against Ar^or&ja, KumArapaia was put to much 
trouble owing to the defection of the Parmar chief ; Bhfmadeva II on the other hand 
could turn the scales against Qutb-u-Din,when he was assisted by his vassal Dhar&varsha of 

The Parmar rule came to an end with the Muhammadan conquest of Gujarat in 1303, 
and Chandr&vati's importance naturally began to decrease. The city has suffered from 
Moslem vandalism ; nothing but ruins now exist at the old site. The ruins are overgrown 
with jungle, and what was indicative therein of the city's former greatness has been already 
sold by the Gerwar chiefs. The extent of the ruins, now consisting of choked up 
wells and foundation, indicates, however, that it must have been a fair-sized town with a 
population of about 20,000. 

17. Champa ner. 

* Champaner, 25 miles east of Baroda is an old place. It is said to have been founded by 
Champft during the time of Vanar&ja 91 (c. 776). The local chiefs continued to rule as Anahila* 

feudatories till the time of the Moslem conquest. 

Ktikewar Gas*. 91 Rdo Mdl&, p. 72. 


18. ChMyS. 

hh&y& was a famous port at the beginning of tho Christian ora, and it iw believed 
though on doubtful grounds, to be the same as modern Porbundor. 9s According to Bhfigaw f ' 
Porbunder is the same as Sud&mapura, which was founded by Srf Krishna fr hiw frie d 

According to Yule, the port Bardaxima of Grook writers i tho &amo as 1 WJwndor * bufc 
Burgess' observation that the name of the village of Barduga near Shrinu#ai\Mtuati>ti jn th 
same locality, may be the original of the Greek name SCONIM to bo noarrr tlui truth. 

19. Jhlniuwdda. 

The fort of Jhinjuw&d* is situated about 35 milof? south-wowf, of Anahilapatfona 
Dabhoi and Jhinjuw&da were sister fortresses built in tho rlovanth <unt ury by Si&lhar&ja* 
Jhinjuwada is better constructed and more regular than Dtthhoi. Its nairm occurs 
nowhere in. any inscription. 93 This place disputes with Phawhlniir the? honour of being 
Siddhardja's birthplace. It also became a frontier fortreHs of th Ahin >iinbu<! Sultan^ after 

1300 A.D. 

20* Darbhavatl. 

Ancient Darbhavat! is the same as modern Dabhoi, 40 miIM north-nnsi nf BImroch 
and 20 miles south-east of Baroda, Burgeas informs iw4 thai it was iliiritiR the roign 
of Siddharftja Jayasimha [I094r-1143] that BarbhavatI WUH umvi'rtixt into A frontier 
fortress. The style of architecture as well as the elaborate licthnrw of sKitlptttm fully bear 
out the tradition that the temple of Rudramahaia and tho forts of JinjuwAcl arul I >arbhavatl 
were all built at the same time. 

Ibe oonBtruction of the fort is not very regular ; two of fa Hkta nu^-t in sharp anglca 
and exceed the others in length. The shorter aides oxtencl to btmt 800 i*fid th Ji,nger ones 
to about 1,000 yards. All the gates are now severely damaged ; their original griuifluur and 
fliagmficence have now altogether disappeared. 

When once raised to the position of the frontier fortm* of a mighty kingdom, Itebhavati 
rapidly grew in importance. It is mentioned one of tho mcmt imimUnt citto u{ Oujarat 

_ Soon aft OT the fdl of A^alap*^ to 1300, D^bhavati 6,U below tho om-mdUng tife 
of the Muhammadan invasion. Its temples were a* usual dwtrayod. 

21. Dadbtebipam. 

~ -------- - 

, P ; 2l8 r 




THE set of copper plates containing the subjoined inscription belongs to the Government 
Central Museum, Madras. The plates are bound together by a ring, which bears on it an 
inscription in Sanskrit, which distinctly tells us that it belongs to the P&ndya king Jatilavar- 
man, one of whose documents is also found in the Museum. The seal, which must have 
belonged to our plates, is put on another set : it also contains an inscription in Sanskrit, 
mentioning the fact that it belongs to the Chdla king. Evidently therefore the rings and seals 
have got mixed up and have been affixed to wrong sets. 

As early as 1891 this set of copper-plates was reviewed by Dr. Hultzsch : he writes, 
" No. I is an inscription on five copper plates, for the loan of which I am indebted to the 
Superintendent, Government Central Museum, Madras, The character is Tamil and Grantha. 
Both the beginning and the end of the inscription are lost. The plates are strung on a ring 
which bears a well-executed seal. The chief figure on the seal is a seated tiger, the emblem 
of the Ch61as, in front of which are two fish, symbol of the PAndya kings. These three figures 
are surrounded by a bow, the emblem of the ChSra king, at the bottom, a lamp on each 
side, and a parasol and two chawte at the top. Round the margin is engraved a Sanskrit 
&16ka in Grantha characters, which may be translated as follows : ' This is the matchless 
edict of king ParakSsarivarman, which teaches justice to the kings of his realm.' The full 
name of the king is found ab the end of the first side of the first plate : K6-Parakesarivarman, 
alias Uttamach&ladSva. The legend Uttama-Ch61a is engraved in Grantha characters on 
both sides of a gold coin, and the legend Uttama-Ch61a in Ngari characters on the reverse 
of a silver coin, both of which are figured in Sir Walter Elliot's Coins of Southern India (Nos. 
151 and 154). The obverse of the silver coin bears the figures of a tiger which is seated 
between two fish and a bow, while a sitting tiger and a single fish are represented on both 
faces of the gold coin. The resemblance of the devices on, the coins to those on the seal of 
the inscription leaves little doubt that both the coins and the inscription have to be attri- 
buted to the same king Uttamach61a. The edict was issued by the king in the sixteenth year 
of his reign at Kachchippdu, i.e., Conjee varam, and at the request of a minister of his, in 
order to confirm the contents of a number of stone inscriptions which referred to certain 
dues to be paid to a temple of Vishnu at Kachchippedu. Thus, according to a stone inscrip- 
tion of the twenty -second year of some K6-Parakesarivarman, the villagers of Kuramandof 
Ariyarperumbakkam (Nos. 15 and 18 on the Conjeevaram taluk map) had to supply 500 
Mdi of paddy per year as interest for 250 kalanju of gold, which had been lent from the 
temple treasury, and the villagers of Ujaiyto (No. 115 on the same map) had to supply 
150 Jcddi of paddy as interest for 50 kalanju of gold. According to a stone inscription of the 
ninth year of K6-Vijaya-Kambavarman, the villagers of Olukkaipp&kkam had to pay 1 
kalanju and four manjddi of gold per year as interest for 24 kalanju of gold. As one manjddi 
is l/20th kalanju, the rate of interest conies to 5 per cent., while in all the Tanjore inscrip- 
tions it is 12i per cent. In the sixteenth year of some K6-Parakesarivarman, the inhabit- 
ants of four different quarters of Kachchippedu received 200 kalanju of gold, for which 
they had to pay an interest of 30 kalaniu. Here the rate of interest is 15 per cent. The last 
date referred to in the preserved part of the inscription is the eighteenth year of some 
Parakesarivarman, * who took Madura and Ceylon. ' " 2 

1 This article was contributed to the Journal in 1911, but was unfortunately mislaid until a recent 

I Ann, Hep. on Epigraphy for the year 1891 pp. <L 5. 


The inscriptions is recorded in Sanskrit and.Tamil ; a large portion ol tho former is lost 
rt a few Dlates which are missing at the beginning. Thus we have lost the most important 
Son that dealing with the praMi of tho Chola dynasty : Tmt the Tamil portion is suffl. 
Lnt Vindicate the name of the king by whom, and tho purposes for which, the grant was 
issued The Sanskrit portion and the Sanskrit words occurring in the Tamil portion are 
mitten in Grantha alphabet, and the Tamil in Tamil characi ore. The Tamil writing is quite 
similar to the beautiful writing belonging to the reign of Rfljurftjfc I., found in tho Briha. 
dilvara temple at Tanjore and on tho Oholesvara tempi* <U Meipii-d!. The orthographical 
peculiarities are not many and we may therefore notice the fo\v fit rikimj ones. Distinction 
between d and v is made by impressing a gentle curve at lliu lx>Hnm of tho former; 
see kudaba occurring in 11. 6 and 10 in which d is found ; umpire it with v occurring in 
6fotinL 8. The long ( in secondary vowels is written with a distinct loop, which theshort 
ihasnot;'e.?., 'darsantyauml. 10 ; in ntyty in 1. 22 ; c te. lAfh rencf. 's also between 
short and lon^ secondary w symbols of the consonant w ; r./?., Mt^tiW in I. 14; aiftgv 
occurring in 11. 38, 39, etc. The letter ji has the soooiulavy I joiiu-rl f n / on the top of it; 
compare O pdp occurring in 1. 23,fradiinl. 25, jtrtiffl,iwi}tl?n'>kkti in I. ."n, itt;. 

The document belongs to the 16th year of tho reign of P;u;ik^JM'i\ uriuun TJttomach61a. 
dva and records that, while tho king was seated in tho south <.Tiitt inMiuinrjapa in the 
palace at Kachchippedu, the adUMrin, Nakkan Kanif^i'-Iuin (/Z/f/.v ?M.uniuvfncla.velar of 
gikkar, requested His Majesty that, p,s the grants nu^lo In and < njoyi tl l*y tJis- d* i(y of Cra- 
gam had not been registered, they might be reduced to writing in pn7UT form. Tho Icing 
commissioned this same adhilcdrin to attend to this Imnirnss. Tin r UJKHI, this specially 
deputed officer examined all the old records and, aft-r jjrfiin^ hiiu- T jtroji-.-rly equipped 
with the details of the income and expenditure, makfK the n*-ro:-,:iry ami n^'iu^uts. 
The items of income according to tho iriHcription an* : 

(1) Taxes on articles sold by weight or by measure in the rity f K-u'lu'IiijijirMlu, 

(2) The produce of the lands purchased from the, tempi** fuiifi. iu th* folluwiipj; places :- 
(a) In Tu3j,dui3LukkachchSri, tho plot of laud ^n the south .1 >en<litiui]n ttan ; the 

cJteruvu north of Kadadildcu:&dil and Va akkil-kusgiijil, whit-h ,?t iu tin* enjoyment of 

(&) Bought from the citizeas of Ka^hwhippCidu, thu* pints <f l;ui<l e^iK-tl (.'Mtitravalli- 
pperufijeru vu, L6ka-mar^ya-pporuujopu ru. 

(3) Interest on the following amounts Ic 4 nt out from tbv U-niptr treasury to the 
following public bodies : 

(a) To the sabha of Ariyarpperumbfikkam , 250 w.0 kdli$ 

(b) Do. UiaiyOr 4- SO 1"X) do. 

(c) Bo. Olukkaipp&kkam 24 \ kli mfi 

(d) To the inhabitants of Kambiil/laptoji .. 7;^n 

( e ) Do. ArlimftflLJippadi . . 7J(* I 

(/) Bo. Kafichakapiiifjiyir .. 3f> J'* 00 " 3 " kl 

(9) Bo. firruvalihchfiri .. 18 j 

(4) Taxes on houses situated in the suburbs of S6|Auiymimm at tin* rati> of 1 n<S and 
1 ulaJcku of oil and 2 72<&is of rice, 

* 8 q T] J is ^ ri fci 7 ^ edited fromitnpro^ions kindly ^inM^\^7^^ 

mteadout of the Madras Mu,am, in 1905, Though thin isoppw-plniM ^runi WH i.^ut^i HU far backai 

1891 by the Government Epigraphist, Ootocamund. eoeing that nothing V.UH d-uo low,,r4* publiahingtha 

4 and mj stand for forfeit* aa 


From the amounts realised from these four sources the following expenditure has to be 
incurred : 

No. Item of Expenditure, kddi. pzdalcku. ndli. kl. mj. 

a year. 

1. Eice offering to the god of Oragam three times a 

day .... 3 6 

2. Two different vegetables to do 4 

3. Ghee, a ulakku a day . . . . . . .... . . 5 

4. Curds three times at a uri for each occasion .... . . 3 

6. Betel leaves and nuts three times a day . . .... . . 3 

6. Firewood do. ; . 2 . . 

7. Pay of the officiating priest at one padakku paddy 
per diem and five kalarij-us of gold per annum 

i or cloths 1 .. 5 

8. Do. his assistant at 6 ndlis a day and 1 

kalanju of gold a year for cloths . . . . .... . . 6 1 

9. Do. guard of the temple at one kuruni of 
paddy per diem and two kalanjus of gold per 

annum for cloths , . . , . . . . .... 1 . . 2 

10. Pay of the two gardeners at one kwruni and four 
ndlis a day, and one kalanju of gold a year for 

cloths, for each 3 . . 2 

11. AcMrya-puja on each Sankr&nti at 1J Tcalaiijua 

of gold, for twelve months, 15 kl. . . .... . . 15 

12. For sandal and incense at J yon a month ; for 

one year, 1J kl 1J 

13. Three baths per diem ; for the whole year, f pon I 

14. Three cloths for the deity for a year, one kalafiju 

of gold * 1 

16. Pay of Musicians as under : 

(a) One big-drummer 

(6) Two small-drummers 

(c) One player on Jcaradikai 

(d) Do. Idiom 

(e) Do. tiekan&ikai 

(/) Do. kdlam 

(g) Do. kai~mani 

Total number, nine persons, 150 kddis of 
paddy per annum due as interest from the 
sabha of Ulaiyftr and the lands purchased - 
from the citizens of Kachchippedu and 
Tu^.<Ju^LukkachohSri . . . . . . . . 150 

16. Pay of cleaners and sweepers of the temple pre- 
mises, per diem 3 ndlis * . 3 . . . * 

17, For the two deities set up in bhe Karikk&la-te ri: 

(a) Bice offering for each at 6 ndlis three 

times a day, for both the deities . . , , * 6 , . 

(b) Vegetables three times a day . . , , . , 4 

(c) Fuel * *>* 3 


No. Item of Expenditure, kadi. pxdakku. ndli. 

a year. 
(d) Ghee three times a day, one ulakku at 6 

ndlis of paddy .......... . . 5 

(d) Two lamps, one for each deity, at one uri of 

ghee .............. 1 4 

(/) Sandal and incense at Imj. per mensem, 

for one year ................ ^ ^ 

We have seen above, under the heading of income, that the two following were set; ana* 
for a festival to be celebrated in the month of Chitfcirai, lasting eoven days; viz., the int 
on 200 Jealous of gold amounting to 30 kalanjus, the ta xes on houses in the suburbs of S614 * 
yamam amounting to some quantity of oil and rice. The expenditure on the first ite 
arranged as follows : * w 

Oil consumed in burning torches, eto. . . . , . , 7 

Flowers and sandal .......... o 

To the d&varadiydra .......... . . 5 

Feeding Brahmana ............ 10 

To the bearers of the palanquin of the deity and to the spe- 

cially invited musicians ............ j __5 

Total gold . . 30 kalaZjua, 
The accountant of Sdlaniyamam was to keep accounts for this femplo, and the romuner 

tionfor his service was to be one kuruni of paddy per diem and two bit<tTijua of gold a vsar 
A perpetual lamp was to be burnt from the interest on the sum O 'f 25 fafaa/a. borroJi 

by the gaukarappadiyto of Iranajayappadi, fikavirappadi auul Vdmaaappftdi The evZ! 

lamp was to be burnt from the oil collected from the inhabitant* of fiwauiyamam 
Now about the extra expenses on account of the two doitio* alnuul y mentioned 

(1) Forbafchiag them on the UttarAyana Sa^kratnanam nn<l (Jhiltirai Vtahu forth. 
torch bearers and banner carriers and the Pari*,ham4yamnflr, ou tuni of paddy 

(2) For him who arranges the gUsTitU, one tiini and one mdakku 

(3) For p&ja, half a kalafiju of gold. 

Besides these other items of expenditure might bo inmirwl Hli K htly over aad tat. 
the arrangemente herein mado. If any obstacle occurred in the p^r niiZLS rffa 
temple affairs, those of the eighteen <Jd were to scttiothc rlift,r, n,,-H T ^ffi ^ f 

were not able to oba * Clty ' U th tom P le * uth<)ritiel 


attention t tt, i coateat. of the 


The king ParakSsarivarman Uttamacholadgva, to whose reign this record belongs, must 
evidently be later than Par&ksarivarman Par,ntaka who took Madirai and tlam, an 
epigraph of whose 18th year is quoted herein. We know from some other inscriptions that 
R&jar&ja I bore the surname Uttamachdladeva,* but he was a R,jak6sarivarman. Therefore 
the UttamachdladSva of the present grant must be different from R&jar&ja I, for the person 
mentioned in the present grant was, as we already stated, a ParakSsarivarman. We know on 
other epigraphical evidence that Madur&nbaka, the son of Gaidar &ditya, was also known by 
the name of Uttamach61ad6va, In No. 199 of the collection of the Epigraphist with the 
Government of Madras for the year 1901, we read ' Parftntakan MMviyar, the queen of 
Gai^jlar&dityadeva, alias the great queen of the Sembiyan, (the Ch61a), the queen who had 
the fortune to bear as her son Madur&ntakadeva alias Uttamach&ladSva '.* Almost the same 
terms are employed in describing this queen in two other records, one of Tiruvakkarai and the 
other of Uyyakko^idan-tirumala,i. The former runs thus : c Sembiyan MMSviy&r, the 
queen of Sri Gan<Ja,r&dityadeva, the queen who had the fortune to bear Uttamacholadeva'?. 
The latter reads, ' Pir&ntakan MMevadigal alias Sri Sembiyan M&devi, the queen who bore 
Madurltntakadeva alias Uttamach61adeva.8 From these quotations it is clear that 
Madurtotaka, the son of Gandar&ditya, went by the name of Uttamach&ladSva. As the 
names ParakSsari and R&jakesari are alternately borne in the Ch61a dynasty, they muat 
have belonged to the kings of that dynasty as follows : 

ParakSsari ParAntaka I. 
.__,. ______ s _ _ 

R&jakSsari Gandaraditya Arimjaya 

Parakesari Madu- Parftataka II. 

rfintaka alias Utta- I 

inacholadeva. [ 

R&jarfijjadSva I. 
Rdj akSsari varman . 

, an inscription of the 24th year of the reign of Rfijar&ja I., found in the Dftrukfi- 
vanesvara temple at Tiruppal&ttuyai, actually quotes an inscription of the 13th yes* of 
Uttamach&ladeva. No doubt the Uttamach61adSva hero must refer to Madur&ntaka, the 
king to whose reign the Madras Museum plates belong. 9 Sir Walter Elliot describes two coins 
with the legend Uttamachola, and Mr. Venkayya also mentions in his Annual Report on 
Epigraphy for the year 1904 that Dr. Hultzsch describes several bearing the same legend, 
in both N&gari and Grantha ; some of these it would appear are attributable to the king of 
our record, while others are said to belong to the reign of Rj Sndrach61adva I. All these 
facts conclusively prove that, prior to R&jar&ja I, there lived a king named Uttamach&ladSva, 
and that he was identical with Madur&atata. 

The date of this king is obtained by No. 265 of the collection of the Madras Epigraphist 
for 1907. It belongs to the MahUliugasv^min temple at Tiruvi^aimarudfirandis dated in 
Kali year 4083, in the 13th year of the reign of Uttamach61adSva alias Parak&sarivarman. 

6 An inscription in the Siva temple at Tiruvaai near Triohinopoly which calls this king by the name 

" $r G-a^daradittad^var natnbir&t#iyar Pirantakaiji madSvadigal Pirat*iy&r Sembiyan m&d6viy&r 
maganlna Madar&ntakadSvarana, Uttamas6Ud6varai timvayiru-vaykka-udaiya Pirajtiyar."* 

7 No. 200 of 1904 ; " 6ri GariJaradittad6var nambir&$iyar SrS trttamasdlaid^varaittiruvayiru* 
v&ykka uflaiya Pirattlyar Sri Sambiyan madfcviyto." 

No. 95 of 1892 ; " MadarHntakaddvar^ma Sri UfctamafidladSvarai tiruvayiru-va,ykka-udaiya 

No. 276 of 1903." 


tfrom this, the date of his accession is inferred as 90970 A.D. The last known date of this 
king is the [6th year, which corresponds, to 985, the year in which, we know, Rftjarfcja I 
ascended the throne. Hence it is very likely that Madurautuku, died that year and was 
succeeded by his nephew BAjarftja. 

Another inscription, No. 325 of 1905, mentions that l\Iadnrantaka ? ,s wife was the daughter 
of a Milldudaiy&r, and we know from the loideu and TinivuUi;,!^lu grants that his son 
was Ga^daridityade-va. He led a very pious life, visiting ami s^Uin- ri^ht the affairs of 
several temples and singing their praises. A decade of hi* verses is jur-luilcd in the collection 
of hymns called the TiruvisaippA 

The Tiruvaiang&du plates state that fcho psoplc urgncl Rojaraja I to tako up the 
reins of the government, but that he sternly refused to accept- ih-ir kirn] solicitations, saying 
he would not take up the sovereignty as long as his uncle., ^fci.tlunintuk.'i, w.-i-s fond of ruling. 
It is said that eventually Arumolideva, (Rajarajadeva T), was aimhib'd ;i;s ht'ir-upparent, 
even while MadurHntaka was bearing the burden of the k'n^ium.' This* str-j> might have 
been taken by Madurtotaka on perceiving what dircctum the iiiiriinatiimd of his son 
Ga^darSditya took. 11 From amongsi the youngsters he HCC-IUS to luivu pitjhovl up the fittest 
and the most popular, E^jar^ja I, to be his successor, 

Uttamaoh61a'smoth3r was called PJr&itakaii llivlvfctliyal filit/n N: i mhiy'm Muhfttloviyar, 
She seems, like her grand-son, to have beca a wry pious lady. Siu> Km It a mini her of 
temples for Siva ; for irwtauce, tli3 Okindram:.ulisvuri. temple at Tiruvahh;irai,i3 the 
Apatsahay&avara temple at Aqlutupai,* 3 tiu Tiruvuran-ri l:-,iuj>!i: ut 'riruvfirur, otu.^ 
were built by her. Some of thesa constructions were completed in tlu* n.-k;u of PvA-jarAja 
I., and therefore she seom,^ to havo survived lior HOII 5tvdura,nUiki* iunl to Jiavc lived 
fairly long during the reign of R&jaraja I. 

In connection with the name of the mother of Alailurflntaka, Mr. NV.nkayya has 
committed a mistake. He sp3aksof hor as UtUiyApiruttiy^^ alin.< Srmbiy^n MVitlisviyAr. 1 * 
The compound Vayiru-vdyttal means ' bocoming pr^guatit with ' <r h'-urin^ H<* *md 
so f ; hence ' Utfaim&vladiwaiw-yirto-v&yk^ ' nisuir> ' iJm 4U*M*ji who had 

the honour of bearing Uttamaohdladevtt as her sou,' This wron^ iutiiTprvtaliou luw brought 
tato existence an altogether fictitious quoen named UJ tiya i*iraUi,vAr. TJio phrase 
vayfou-vdytfal occurs in several places in Tamij literary workn ; <:,#,, ia !\ ruw&l Tiru, f /w>!i 9 
tho saint Kul^dkhaara addressei Sri Ei%ma as * Kaujalaifaft mini wLj/ii'*vdi/ti'iV'ii-l \ l8 

The inscription refers to transactions that took place ou the following occasion* : 

(1) In the 22nd year of the reignt of Kd-Parak6,^arivarmain. 

(2) In the 9th year of the reign of Kd*Vi&aiya-KampararmAn - 

(3) In the 16bh year of the reign of K6-Parak&aarivarman, 

(4) In the 18th year of the reign of Sri Parakfearivarmau who took Miulirai and I}am< 

Of these, the transaotions that took place in the first two roigna, aru isaid to have been 
foiind engraved on the wall of the temple. 

.10 Ha has sung a decade of veraas bagianiug with m^^r.uruva.mJ/. H VMU. tin- tvmpl., *it Tl 
i 01 ( ^ aUam ' near ^^P^) set right th^lTairs of the tempi* nrul b,4tht:.i the i-i-mml il.rm with 

1,000 pots firil of water He set up an ima^e of &iv ft iu the tomplo at Gu)iman*m, 0tc. (,V. /. /., Vol. HI, 

p. 102, and No. 222 of 1903 respectively,) 

11 j(p. .^tm,^ :te 1906, p. 68, para. 16, X* No , 200 of j m 

iaNo.357oiim. U Ko. Wl of 1904.' 

U JZ?^. for 1904, p. 11, pa, 20. 1 


One of us has shown elsewhere that Kampavarman must have ruled only after ParakS 
sarivarmanParantakal.i: Dr. Hultzsch takes him to be a brother of Nripatufgavannan 18 
We are inclined to take the Parak&arivarman mentioned thrice in this record to be identical 
with Parantaka who took Madirai and ilam. TMM 

The following are the names of places mentioned in the inscription : flraaam Tun 
^^ukkachcheri, Kambulanpadi Adimteppadi, Kafijakrppadi.Kuram, Olukkafppakkam 
Irruvalichchen, Ranajayappadi^kavirappadi, Vamanappadi, Sdlanijnmam, and Kachchip. 
pedu. Of these, Kfiram and Olukkaippakkam excepted, all others appear to hare been the 
names of the various quarters in KachchippSdu, which is a ir.ortiSed form of the name of 
EMchipuram. The Vishnu temple at tfragam has been praised by the Vishnava saints 
Tirumalisai and Tirumangaiyalvdrs.ia The village of Kflram is situated at a 'distance of 
six miles from Kaflchipuram, and is famous as the birth place of SnVatsachinna-misra better 
known as Kurattalvan, who was the foremost of the disciples of Sri Ramanuja, and who wrote 
down the Srl-BMskya to the dictation of Ramanuja. It is in this place that Vidyavintta 
Pallava built a temple for Pinaka p ani, under the name of Vidyavinlta-PaUava-Paramlsvara 
garam. Olukkaippakkam is perhaps identical with Ozhakkdlpaftu in the Conieevaram 
taluka of the Chingleput District. 

In the course of this inscription we come across the name Tdiachoheviyar Eiakkaiyar 
We are unable to say if it is the name of a single person or of a class of men. The first member 
of this compound literally means ' he or they with ears unbored ' ; the second means . ' he or 
they whose hands shall not receive (alma and such like things).' It is said that their line 
became extinct, a statement which precludes the taking of these for an order of recluses 
After they bacame extinct, in the suburb of S61aniyamam, which was enjoyed by them free 
of taxes by royal sanction, a number of paople seem to have squatted. Since the abolition of 
taxes on S&ianiyamam was solely for the benefit of the filakkaiyar, the small taxes mentioned 
in an earlier part of the paper were levied upon these squatters, for the benefit of the temple 
The inscription informs us that there were three images in the temple of Oragam, one the* 
principal deity and two others in a quarter of the temple called the Karikala-terri 20 This 
latter word means a pial, a raised platform. The platform seems to have been named after 
Kankate, one of the early sovereigns of theOhdla dynasty. There is also a likelihood of its 
being called after some later member of the same dynasty, for we know other kings who 
bore the same name as that early king, reputed to have built the embankment of the 

The fact that the festival is mentioned to be of seven days' duration, seems to indicate 
that the tantm that was followed in the service of temple was the Vaikhdnasa and not 
Pdnchardtra system. The lattor was systematically introduced in almost all the important 
Vishnu temples in Southern India by Ramanuja. 

The present inscription is of more than merely historical interest, in that we learn a good 
deal about the state of civilisation of the times, what the staff generally employed in templee 
in those days was, what tha qaaMoation* of ths officiating priests were, etc., etc. We have 
also some knowledge of the comparative value of bazar articles and the rate of interest and 
other similar mattora. The rate of interest does not appear to be constant : it must be 
admitted that in some iastanoes it waa rather heavy. Intarest was received either in money 
or grain. 

17 Christian College. Magazine for 1905. ~~ ' ~~ ' 

18 Ep. 2nd., Vol. VII, p. 190. 

19 Varsss bsginning with ' ni vr .irundu ydja-nidi' and nin 'wttndaiy.Gragatto ' of Kruxnalilaiyalv&r 
(w. 63-4 of Tiruohehand*-viratf,am), and ' NtrayrUUlg ' (Tirunedwvlanjjgam, v. 8), ' ItaUeQuttu' (ibid"., v. 
13), ' mtidil Kashchiy.VragamS > (Blrnja-timma^al. \. 69). ' CragaUuliavanai (Periyct Tiruma^il, 127). 

These might be the gods at Tirukkaragam aad Toninirogam, sun^ by Tirumaagaiyaiv&r. 


TEXT. 21 
First Plate : First Side. 



[ II ^* ] 

[ ii H* ] 

[ H ?* ] 

ri K6-ppara- 

12. ksaripanmar-toa sri Uttama661advarkku yandu padinar4vadu Uclai- 

13. yar Kachchipp^ttiU kdyili^-uliai terldl Chittira-nianflaptrtt-olun" 

14. daruli irukka adigarigal S6lam1ivenda.veiar Embcrumiln ik-kachchippett" 

15. CTragattu ninrarulina Devarkku ik-Kaohflhippettuk^kdUnlrai kfiliyum kaku 

16. lavu [W]li[yu]mivarkkup6gamay vanim marrum ittfivarkkOKaclwhippOf turn 

17. ^[dunu]kkachch6riyilum vilai koridudaiya Uiftmiyum mamtm poll- 

18. dWullanavum munbu ittevarkku nivandan-jej rlil anuwyi- 

19. 1 nivandan-jeyyavum ik-Kaehchippttu irai\<lu 6Gri ittfivarudai- 

20. ya ^rikariyan-kadaika^avum arulichcheyvacl-exirru vinnappa^-joyya j. 

21. k-Kachchipp^ CTragattu ainrarali^a dftvorkliu ivvfir'kol-nirai % kflliyum 

22. TO kfiliyum vHai koiidudaiya bhfimigahmi poliuttullanavnm niyC (y) ni 

23. vandafi-jeyviy-enrum iw^r Kambularipacliyam Adimanapprtfliyum i- 

24. vvirandu ^ariyum i d6var drfkftriyam-arAyavarn ipparisu nivandiiil-jeygnv-en- 

Second Plate : First Side. 

25. rum arulicliciieyya adigari Sikkar-u^aiya^ 3STakkan Kai.uehchan^* 86- 

26. lamiivgndavdian vi w appattai mvandafl-jeyvittapadi [||*J " 

27. vu ktiHyum k61-nipai kiUiyum i dSvar vilai kond-utjaiya 

28. pdgamum i d^var poli-^tu iUUfildiAippa^i K6pParakt>Banp*nma r ku 

irubatt-irancjaradu Ktoattu sabhaiyarum Aiiya ?1 >orumbakkattu 

M. sabhaiyaruin kon^a po^x iruixtry-aimbadiij kalaftji^ukku 

31. tafigalte. eroAlip-popkWtt Sratfai nalaikku attakka- 

32. [JJyapoHsaineUuaiimteuld^aiyvmUlaiyarsabha^ 

33. ekhaippadi konda port aimbadin kalafijinai drattai n^lai- 

34. JtaaJktaktaiawpoIiWnaUunfl^^ 


' i^Tf 101 7 ^ 4U ^ bad ^ a ^ Olukkaipakkattu sabhai. 

36. yar ilalekai 

kadava port irubattuna P -kalafiji^l 6 
Second Plate : First Side. 


*** -^ diU nd mukkunm! .nm41! >,.. 
miinru Miidiktan ium nc m^adarn 

i dent ot" the 


40. ulakki^ukku nel aififidliyum tayiramudu p6du uriyaga mfl^pi sandikku [ta-] 

41. yiramudu uftli-urikku nel murujAliyum adaikkdyamudu mtinru sandikku 

42. nel munnaiiyum viraginukku nel irunaiiyum ArMikkum 

43. vgda-brahmanaji oruvanukku nel padakkum ivanukku pudavai-mudal 

44. 6ratti naiaikku pon aifigalanjum parioharakafi-jeyyu-mani oruvanukku 

45. nel arunaiiyum ivanukku pudavai mudal 6r&ttai naiaikku pon 

46. kalafijum tirumeykappan oruvanukku niSada-nel kuyuniyum ivanu- 

47. kku pudavai mudal dratfai nlllaikku pon-iru-kalafijum nandavanam ulap- 

48. pftr iruvarkku nilada-nel kuyuni nanfiliyum ivargajukku pudavaikku pon 

Third Plate : First Side. 

49. kalafijum Safikiranti onriiiukku acharyya pfi^ariai utpada po^ kalafijgy 

60. ga Sankirftnti panriirandinukku pon padinain-galafijum tirumeyppfichcliu- 

51. kkum tirupugaikkum tingal araikkai porinaga or^ttai n^laikku 

52. pon kalafijaraiyum tirunamanigai mfinrukku 6r&ttai nfilaikku po- 

53. n mukkaium tirupparisatt&in m^moikku 6r&tt^i n^laikku pori kalafi- 

54. jum ugaohohagal talaipparal onrum maddali irandum karadigai on- 

55. rum taiam onrum Sekandigai onrum kfilam irandum kai- 

56. ma^i omumaga ai onbadinukku pudavai mudal-u^pa^a Ulailir poll- 

57. fittu nel nflrraimbaddiii-kadiyum Kaohohippettu nagarattarpakkal vilai ko- 

58. nidudaiya nilattil Ohittiravalli-pperufijeruvajia pattiyum Tundu- 

59. ^ukkachchSriyil vilai kondudaiya nilattil mttu madagaru pafija 

60. Sendaraippottagi nilattukku vadakkil tadi murrain Kad^tjikun- 

Third Plate: Second Side. 

61. di[li]^ vadakkil oheruvuv-onrum palla madagaru pftfija nilafctul 

62. K&nSriyftr p6gattil vadakkil kundilumaga ta<Ji aifijinai pa- 

63. tti nilamumaga imnlam irandu pattiyum ippoliyfitt^ nel nfrr- 

64. yaimbadin-ka(Jiyum uvachohargal onbadi^imarkku nivandamagavum [ | *] tirune* 

65. Jukkiduvarkku niSada-nel munnaiiyum Karikaia-terpj^l iruvar D6vark- 

66. ku mdnru sandikku msadam-ariiy-anin&liy&ga uisadam-aria kupuu na- 

67. i^aiikku nel mukkujruni ayunaiiyum kajiyamudu mflwu sandi- 

68. kku nel nanaiiynm vipagukfcu nel munnaiiyum mfirqru sandikku ney- 

69. yamudu ulakkinukku nel-nnaiiyum iruvar dvaxkkum tirunonda-vilakki- 

70. randUinukku ney-urikku nel kuruni-nanaiiyum tirumeyppflchchukkum 

71. tiruppugaikkum tingal mafijadi-pponnaga 8ratfai nalaikku poi?. pa^- 

72. gira^cliL mafljadiyum ivviruvar dSvarkkum nivandhamagavum [|*] KdpParakfisadpa- 

Fourth Plate : First Side, 

73. nmarkku yandu padi^aravadu Kachohipp[t]tu tfragattu ni^rarujii^a dfivarpakkali- 

74. wfir Kambuianpadiyar ko^da pon ejubattu mukkalajELjaaraiyum A- 

75. dimanappadiyar kon<Ja pon ejubattu-mukkalaiajaraiyum KafL[ja]ga- 

76. ppadiyar konda po^ muppattaingalafijum 

77. ko$<l a pon padi^ert-kalafljum 

78. ]ii?.ukku kalafijinvay pilav 

79. laikku vanda poliSai-ppoij muppadin-kalafiju ippo- 

80. n muppadin-kalafijum i dSvar Chittirai tiruviiavukku nivandafijeyda 

81. pa<Ji tiruviia llunfllaikkum e^aikku po^ Slu-kalafijum Slu naiaikku 
8?. ru p^vum naru sandukkiun pon irukalafijum elunajum 


S3. yum d^varadiyarkku korrukkum pu3anaikkiim-aga pon aii' 

84. nllum brdhmana-bhojanattukkxi aiirddagattal ner-kondu 

Fourth Plate : Second Side. 

85. titfavadana pon padin(ka)kalaii;jum devar pallicholiivigai kjavufijivi* 

86. gaiyarkkum &rappu vanda wachckarkkuni elu nAjaikku pern k 

87. kandaliva pon aii.galr.njn agappon nfir tintvilavukku vijakku pi* 

88. dipp&nim kodi eduppanim Kambulai^padi^aruin ArlimfumjipjUli 

89. Err^valichch^riyfi,rum Kanjagappadiyamm i deviir seriyAna ^ 

90. mattu munbulla T61achclieviyarana filakkajyar echcharj-aniai- 

91. yil ivv^lakkaiyyar pfirvva-marjjadi irai iruk[ka] kadavarailjlmai- 

92. yil ichcherikku-ppurattu ninrtt vamWrh.ui kwdfgalai manaiyal ii/igal 

93. ulakic-ennaiyuiu iminali arisiyum i devar kke(y)-rmiy*lKa kondu niarru inna- 

94. garafijuttina irai epperpattadum kolladidiigavun)[ '; ; *] ivar ; y;i.jfj"i idanri m ar- " 

95. ru iraik^ttmar Gei'jgai idai Kumari idai sfydar scy<ia }>flv;ui-kojva- 

96. dagavum enru ippari^u Madiraiyum llamuni-^onrj.^ sri ^ir;iUiWiri]-aiimarku- 

Fi!th Plats : First Side. 

97. y^andu padine^vadu ikaohchipettii nngarattAr s^vdi', \$ a\ -;isl Ini])paelh6(y) i 

98. devarum ivargalai iviraiye(y) kolvada^avum ioh<'hr:iyAr i ilf-v.-irkkn 

99. kanakku iduvadagavum ivannkku i JCvur h:Tu.IAr,iM:-; m kupmi noUnm 

100. anduvarai irukalafiju pon irliu^da^uiini f ,*J i war h.i w,\n VM { . P A<Ii 

101. pddi Vamana Sahara Sarikarappadivunia^i mfmra AVi-c!*< ' 

konda pon 

102. irupadiii..kalanjmal munbu ninra aeriyare k^Iava n..uia.vil;!lvk.,n. 

103. rum Saianiyamattarattum oiuiai Kandi vjjakkfn>j n-Iia^viim j *|- 

104. S^rMyttuldSvargalaiU^^^ VMiuvtim sna- 

105. panamattuvadaykximtiruviiavirku vilakku-ppiJipnArKuia \^\i 

106. h m tirumurram pugjmda pan^ai-^yaAmarku urisi tuniyum 

107. Jta^tauppodaUauapaja^^ ..--mnn 

108. kuivullana nivandam parade 


. m irumurram pugjmda pan^ai-^yaAmarku urisi tuniyum : <n,hti toydtan 

107. Jta^tauppodaUauapaja^^ ..--mnn ArikovuJl 

108. kui^vullana nivandam parade kandalivi^ styva.hv^i VUIP it t>-var srik5ri. ' 
09, [^JmidaiytolJanapadhMtunattiy^nuuH kamji, timilu kmlu "m. 

0. r^^H ttUtagwtt,, nagaram-aivanizm ^i- vuri^mn. Kjruvali,' '.Lfc^ 

111. Kafijagapp^yarumitttorrisam^ andutonun l,inivil;irhi-ii,.^ 

' " Ud ^ avilm ^>tt; WW ipu M -J. -rivir.,n f > .^vnr Inn- 


' '' 

114. ytto rumeykftppanaijmm fcin.ihk.-IuH,, v.1,,.- i. 

e t eyura( ' a ^^^ 

117 " 

117 W a -l>l'r<uvi,liJ v&lu,,, vab* bra- 


thus: "My lord ! s Tho taxes on (articles* ) weighed iu the LitUnco and on (article*) 
measured by the foot, which belong to tho deity \vho h* ploa ,ed to stand in tho temple of 
tragam ; the (lands) that arc iu tho enjoy mont of this ddtv and whiuh \vero purchased, 
for this same god, at Kachehippfirju ami Tiim!unu!J^Leh<4ieri and brsicles these, tho 
(amounts) that carry interest, wero not in past time,-* reduced to vrri : iatf ; '* therefore, may 
it please your majesty to command that those might IKS ruduc;/U to writing and tho p 'oplo 
of the two cMris belonging to I&Krhchipp t "'<lu Jio ma-lr to look after ihu luwinifSH of (of tho 
temple of) this god." Thu king vr,w plowed t-> (jo m , a ;nid ; '-' I*.* t!u> ndu*.jitvi t> writiiuj 
the (enjoyment of the ) taxes on (article) wdghft] in fchc? I.KI!UIKJO and thosi* misisunMl bv 
the foot, the lands purchased and thuso itenm thaf, IckJi ink'jvst, UHTI^ hv yoiirsflf 
Beit also arranged that fche (p^oplo of) Kambii.Linprw.Ij and Adimat.iai>paiji t th* *t-w.> 
c^m belonging to this town (KuchdiippGi.fu), houi<l fsoruiinisu tho biisin*^;^ of (t.h** 
temple of) this god." 

This is what was written (as tho result) of th/'pnt\vr of thtj <u!!u'/>i, Xakkan KanU 
ohohaij alias Ch6}a-mfivenda-vulA.r of fiikkjn* :-- 

(Thfifoilowingisthoasooartto ) tlivi tax-s on (;ir*i<-ItAs) -Avi^h^l in tin-. b;iinm:e and 
measured by the foot and tiwpro.iuwo of lliw lands papohaniu! by llw *l*Mty ( j u tliiMiumn 
of the deity) and the iutttresb-bjudng umouuu uf this g,n|, an gat/mnMt f rum rtt , mt , 
inscriptions : 

Inthetwenty-secotvl yoavof Uio i\n^i of Ui kin. 4 I'.n^U^u'iv.knuaii. tit; g^W 
by the sabhasoi Kflram ami Ari/.U'-pp j umbakkaui (in) t\Vi. humlivil ^ml ii/t 
gold ; the paddy, that has to IK* tuuasur.Ml iL s intortMl uu tiiU rtiu-iuiit, is ih\> 
fiftyfoj^'^of paddy por am mm. 

The gold received, noooMiajj to Uu <U>a -) iiiwriptioa, by tin j?-*^* of Uiuivdr in fifty 
^M^; the paddy, that had t> b* tu usur >1 ^ ia^nwt on thi* Mu,n t i.; a hua'lnM au-i iiftv 
kadis B> year. * 

(Ih)tlienintkyearof the (n,jguf>f) kin Vimtivft, Uu'gnltlivivivpil n,. t .,,rtl 
ing to the stone record, by thu <A&' of O|ukkippftkk*m is tvv,M,tj.f,mr */; : thu"oll" 

fcllQjTi Jlflifl "nA rhft Y\rt.ti"l no !--vf. mj'wi J. Jt , Al*:...i... .. ..^i ' . . . *" . J (ft *t 


th tim * - 

u t :l ""' ' t(lii tiiu ' tlllV1: ' li ' ' '1'H', on., 

, paddy timu 4;f, : , ib ,i | olM r l)8 , wl(1 Ullt , tllpi( .., ;i (| ull , ^ ; . 

<iu;wuit> ' - >f) 


ulto " in tho 

u noun ax HppuMition with UraaaUu tttmraUyUw. 




maddali, two ; the karadikai, one ; the tdlam, one ; the sekandikai, one ; the kdlam, one- 
and the kai-mani, one ; thus the (total number of) men (is) nine : for these, including fcheir 
clothing, annually a hundred and fifty kddis of paddy which is got from the sabha of TJlaiyfo 
as interest (on the sum they have borrowed from the temple) and the block of land called the 
Chitravalli-pperufijejizvu, one of the plots of land purchased from the citizens of Kachohip. 
pgdu and the three tadis of land in the northern portion of the plot called the Sendaraipottan, 
watered by the canal coming from the higher sluice ; the northern cheruvu in (the plot of) 
the land called Kftd^di-kk-ujidil together with the northern kundil of the land which is in the 
enjoyment of KdQ&riy&r and which is watered by the canal issuing from the lower sluice * 
(thus making a total of) five tadi and in terms of pattis, two patt is ; (this land), together with the 
(above mentioned) one hundred and fifty kddis of paddy received as interest, shall be written 
down in the name of the musicians, nine in number : for those that clean the (the temple 
precincts), daily three ndlis of paddy. 

Lines 65-72. For the deities on the Karik&La-terji ; for rice offerings thrice a day, at 
six ndlis each time, the quantity of rice (amounts to) a kuruni and four ndlis daily ; for 
this, paddy three kurunis and six ndlis ; for fire-wood, paddy three ndlis : for ghee three 
times a day, one ulakku ; paddy for the same five ndlis : for the two deities, for two perpetual 
lamps, ghee at one uri, paddy for it, one kuruni&nd four ndlis ; for sandal and incense for 
one year twelve mafijddis at the rate of one manjddi a month : may this be the written 
arrangement for these two deities. 

Lines 72-103. (In) the sixteenth year of (the reign of) the king ParakSsarivarmaa, the 

inhabitants of KambuUnpadi, belongii^g to this city, of KaohchippScJu, received from (the 

treasury of) the god, who is pleased to stand in the temple at Oragam in Kachchippgflu, 

the sum of seventy-three and a half kalanjus of gold : the gold received from the sabha of 

Adim&napp&li is seventy-three and a half kalanju of gold : the gold received by the citizens 

of KafLjagapp&Ji, tiurty-five kalanjus : the gold received by the inhabitants of Erruvalioh- 

ch&ri, eighteen kalanjus : the total gold (thus lent out on interest is) two hundred "kalafyus, 

the total of the interest, per annum on the individual sums making up this two hundred 

kalanju of gold is thirty kalanjus. (This amount was) written down for the celebration of a 

seven days' festival for this god in the month of Chittirai, thus : for oil, seven kalanjus of 

gold : for (sweet) smelling sandal and flowers for seven days, two kalanjus of gold : for the 

food of the dtvaradiydr who entertain the gJidsM, and for their (doing) ptija (perhapa to the 

god of this temple), five kalanjus of gold for the seven days : for feeding brdhma^s all these 

seven days, for (the purchasing) paddy then and there, ten kalanjus : for the bearers of the 

palanquin and for the musicians specially come for the occasion, one kalanju for the seven 

days : total gold to be spent on these (the musicians ?) is fi re kalanjus ; the person who earn 

torches and banners shall be the inhabitants of Kambul^paOi, ' Adimftnappadi, firruvalioh- 

ohen and Kanjagapp&<Ji. I* S&laniyamam, the cUri belonging to this god," the line of the 

original occupants, T6l4chcheviyar and Eletkkaiyar, having become extinct, and since the 

fiiatkaiyar were, according to the old arrangement, exempt from all taxes, those that have 

now come from outside and settled down in this 6Mri are obliged to pay to this god a tax of a 

ndh and a ulakku of oil and two ndlis of rice per mensem ; besides this, the city shall not gather 

any other taxes from these people. Those that would receive any other taxes from them, 

BhaUmake incur all the sin committed between the Ganges and the Kumari. Thus, according 

** MMfcHtaat - of ^ *y *a the eighteenth year of thereign 
who took Madirai aad flam, this god shall also levy this one 
Pe0ple ' ^^P^^^^orofthisJo^nshaU keep account* f or to 

^^ ? %W? l f Paddy ^ ^ ** two toltV** of gold annually 
the temple treasury. The amowt of gold taken by the Sankarappft^ * 


i, fikavirappikU and V&manappluji is twenty kalanjus ; from (the interest on) 
this amount, the aforesaid cheris shall burn a perpetual lamp (during the day) and from the 
collected from the inhabitants of Solaniyamam, the evening lamp shall be kept up. 

Lines 104-108. For the two deities of the temple ; for bathing them on the Uttar&yana- 
SankrAnti and Chittirai-vishu, for the carriers of torches and banners and for the parushai- 
ndyanmdr*, who oome to tomple, rice one tuni : for him who arranges the gkt>$hti, rice one 
Mni and a padakku : gold for piija, half a kalajiju and for any other deficiencies, expenditure 
might be incurred without refero-noo to the written arrangements. 

Lines 108-117. If any hindrances to the services of the temple occur, they shall be settled 
by the people of the sixteen ndduti (in assembly), The officer (administering the municipal) 
affairs of this city, the annually elected members (of the sabha) of the city, the inhabitants of 
fiftuvalichoheri Kaftjagapp&di, shall, as soon as the festival comes to an end, audit the accounts 
of this temple for tho year. The people of fcho abo vementioned chtria shall appoint the temple 
guard according to the rules maintained in tho temple treasury. The citizens shall, themselves 
not resolve to tax those that do feho business of tho temple, those that keep the account and 
the guard of tho temple. If those, that havo served in temples already a officiating priests, 
cannot be obtained (for tho p&jti of tho tomple), only a br^hma^ who has studied the vital 
must be appointed (in their place) , 

Lines 117-121. Commanded by these who do the duties of the adhikdrin in this city, 
I, NS.FpatteTOAyira-MangalWtttai>, tho widhyaatkanot the Iravirapp&Ji, wrote this arrange- 
ment on palm-leaves ; this is my mguaturo. The engraver of this ideana is Ayandftngi 


Prefatory Note. 

[AMOXG the papers loft behind by the late Dr. William (Jrooke was a MS. account of 
part of the Alhkharvl as hoard in a Northern Indian village by R&m-Gharfb Chaube* As 
any version of this great cycle of legends is of value what Dr. Orooke's agent collected is now 

Text and Translation. 
168 * 

Khabaren hoi gaiii PAdshfth ko :" dolfl, leai MahobA jfti." 

Tab bulw&i layo Chaundfc ko aru, Ifth kahi Bir ChaubAn. 

Game news to the king : " (Bol&'s) palankeen has gone to Mahobi." 

Then he summoned Ohaundfir and told the news to the Chauh&ii hero, 


Kftdi saw4r bhayo hfcthJ par, OhaundA dinho hukm phirii. 

Titan! phauj hati, Chaundfi, k! ginatt men eaw& mkh jawta. 

CJhaundA sprang upon his elephant and sent his orders round. 

In Ghaund&'s reckoning, his army was oae and a quarter IdkW of men. 


Sang Ohaundiyi ne lai lino aur 4gS ko kari payto : 

Jah&n pai dolft tho Beli ko Chaundi, wahftu garAso jtdL 

Chaundft started as the head of his army, and it went forward 

And where Bela/s palankeen was he surrounded it. ^ 

1 As this ia a poem O f considerable length, tho rendering of eewh stanza i given after the text, 
I The numbering seoms to refer to aome book. 
* That ii, 125,000. 



" So sfirm& jo hai dol& sang, sanmukh hoe ke dey& jaw&b : 
Chori karike turn bh&ge h&u, ab turn khabardar hoe jfli." 
" The hero that is with the palankeen, come forth and make answer : 
As thou hast committed theft and ran away, thou must now have caro,'" 


Sunike b&ten y& Chaunda ki, tab Lakhan ne kalii sunai : 
" Na ham chorl tumh&ri kinhi, na girah k&ti Pithaurfi kyft-r.' " 
Hearing Chaunda's words, spake Lakhan : 
" Neither have I committed theft from you, nor havu I cut Pithaur&'s waist- band." 


" Bar biyahl Ohandele ki doia daye Mahobe jayan." 
Sunike baten y& Lakhan ki, Chaunda agni j\vil hoe jaiiu 
" The girl that was married to the Chandel is going to Mahobft." 
Hearing these words of Lakhan, Ohaundi became as flamo of fiiv. 


" Doia Mahobe jto na paihai : m&no kahi Kannauji Kai. 
Dol& dhari dew^ Beia ko, apno kunch ja& karwfti." 

" The palankeen shall not go to Mahoba : mind the word of t he King of Kanauj, 
Put down Bfini Belt's palankeen and march you from this pUieo/' 


Tab phir L^khan bolan l^ge aru Chaundit so kahi suuA,i : 
" Doia chhinaia main n^ dekhon jo yah dol& dey^b chhin&i. "' 
Then again began L&bhan to speak to Chaunda : 
** The palankeen snatcher I do not see who this palankeen can miatcU from me." 


Sunike batea ya Lakharx ki, Ohaunda dinho hukma phinli : 
" Doia chhin leu Lakhan se ; sab ke munda leu katwfti/ 1 
Heading these words of Lakhan, Chaunda sent out an order : 
" Take the palankeen from Lakhan, and cut off thoir heads." 


Hukum paeke tab Chaunda ke Kehatria dhare agfiri pai* : 
Khainchi siroh! lai kammar se, dola pai chalani lag! talwftr, 
Hearing the orders, Ohaunda's Kshatriyas rushed forwauK 
Drawing their arms from their waists, they raised the swordtt to tlio palankeen. 


Donon.or ke jhufce sipahi, sab ke 6 miru, mini * rat l&gi, 
Sker bacha as ohalai tamanoha, bhaia barchhi chhfttan 1/ig. 
Soldiers on both sides fell upon each other all with the cry of " kill, kill.' 1 
Pistols went off like tigers' cubs, 4 spears and lances began to hurtle, ' 


Chalai katirt Kotakhani ; donou dal ik mil hoe j&in : 
CStalai sirohi Manashahi ; ana chalai vilayat kyftr. 
There were Kotakhan! daggers : and both armies became mixed up 
There were Mantehahl swords, and finds from foreign Iaml. 


Teghft chatakain Bardw4n ke kati-kati ; giraii, arekha jaw4n 
Uttaii, kabandh blr ran khelain : ghaU& uthahiu kabul,i-kub:\hi 
Bardw&n aworda clashed together roughly : and boaixil^s youth* f,il. 
HeadleBB men got up and fought in the field, and thcwuuudcci g-,i up and fetched rigta. 
Xh meaning is that the pistol bullets were 



L&khan samujh&waiii Kehatrifi ko : " Yaro, sharain tumhAre h&th> 
Muhar& m&ro turn Chaunda ko, duhari talabain deun bajMi." 
Said Lakhan to the Kshatriyas : " My friends, my honour is in your hands. 
If you slay Chaund&, I will double your pay." 


Kanwajw&re man ke b&rhe, jin nirlobh kari talwar, 
Bhaje sip&hi Chaundaw&le : tab Chauncia no kahi *un&i : 

The men of Kanauj were encouraged, who had used their sword y without interest ^ 
Chaunda's men took to flight : then spake Ghaunda : -~ 


" Das das rupiy& ke ch&kar haiti : nflhaq dariho inho/i kat&l ? 
Hamari tumhari hoe lar&t : dokhefi kaha karaifi Bhagw&n." 
" These are servants for ten rupees : you are killing them for nothing. 
Let the fight be between you and me : let UB see what the Lord will do." 


Lakhan jawAb dayo Chaunda ko : " Niki kahi, Chaundiy& R&l 
Chot agmonl OhaundA* kori le, aur m&u Id hanso lew& bujhAS." 
LSkhan made answer to ChaundA, : " Chaund& Rii's word is right : 
Aim fir^t at my breast, O Chaundfi,, and satisfy the desire of your heart." 


Ghauudfii no tab gurj ubh&yo, aur L^bkhan par dayo chaldi. 

Gurj ki chot lagl hauda par ; dhakkft lagt Kannauji ky4r. 

Then Chaundfl, raised his maco and aimed at L&khan. 

The mace struck the haudd and shook the king of Kanauj [L&khan]. 


Dolfi. gher! Iiy4 GhaundA ne 3 tab Sayyad ne kahi sun&i : 
" L&ye dharohar jo Kanwaj se, so Dilll men gal nighfti." 
Then Ohaund& surrounded the palankeen, and the Sayyad spoke : 
" What I brought from Kanauj as security, has been robbed in Delhi." 


Khfti san&k&yo Sayyad, wah man men lagyo bahut pachhit&ti, 
Sayyad barhike gayo L&khan ten, dekht chot Kannauji ky&r. 
The Sayyad lost his head, and great remorse was in his mind. 
The Sayyad went forwards to L&khan and saw the wound of the king of Kanauj, 


" Kyon kumhilftne, lAkhan Bftn&f Ao ghftwft denh& men n&hin." 
Lakhan jaw&b dayo Sayyad se : " Ch&chft, suno ham^rl bftt/' 
"Why are you fainting, Lftkhan B&n4 1 You have received no wound/* 
L&khan answered the Sayyad : " Uncle, hear my words," 


" Gar&J chot kari Ohaund& ne ; lagl gh&w& kareje mftfihin." 
L&khan laik&ro Chaunda ko : " Bakleshf, khaband&r j&o." 
c * Chaunda gave mo a deep wound : the wound has reached my heart." 
Then L&khan shouted to Chaunda : " Leader, have a care." 


Tauli ke bh&l& L&khan m&re, laike Ajaipftl ko n&m, 
Bh&l& l&gyo ikd&nta ke, wah gir paryo dharanl bhahr&l. 
Weighing his spear well L&khaa struck, taking the name of Ajaipai. 
The spear struck the one- toothed one, and he fell to the ground at once, 



ChaundA bh&jyo ran fchetan se ; bh&ji phau j Pithaurfit kydr. 

KhabarAn hoy& g&la badsh&h ko : murcM hatyo Chaundiyft ky&r. 

GhaundA fled from the battlefield : fled the army of king PithaurA. 

The king heard the news that the enemy had beaten king ChaunclA . 


DolA Lftkhan laye j&t hain, rakhS haiA nagar Mahobe j4i. 
Sunike batiy&n dol& kl, Pirthi gaye san&kH khftl. 
Lftkhan took the palankeen at once, and placed it in Ma hub A. city, 
Hearing the story of the palankeen, Prithvi* was greatly dlsturbwi, 


Dhftndfi T&har ko bulwftyo, aur yat bftt kah! samujliAi :~- 
" Nagar Mahobe jo doIA jM, tau jag hoc haiA h&ti8i hamAr/' 
He called Dh&ndfl and T&har, and spako this v;ord tc them : 
* c If the palankeen goes to Mahob& city, then the world will laugh 


Itani sunike, tab TAhar ne laehkar dinho hukznA phirAi : 
" MArfl danM ke bAjat khto, KshatrfA btedhi layn hathiyAr. 1 ' 
Hearing this Tahar sent out orders to the army ;~ 
"As soon as they hear the widrfi and the drum, the K-ihaf riyau* an- ti> put on their arms" 


Stir sormft hfcthiu chaphl gayfi, ; Turkdu bhaye gliiVA- nHwAr. 
Dalganjan par T&har charhl gayo ; Dhtodfl Bhftuiirft pat awvvAr. 
Braye mounted-men mounted on elephants, anil Turks (MuHubuftnH]<;n hcmee. 
TAhar mounted his [elephant] Dalganjan, and Dhftn<5\l <m hi* [home! BhauArA. 


Jujh naqtoa ke bAjat khftn, lashkar kfinch dayo JcanvAi. 
Top rahkaia Age bayhige, plchhe phauj ohaH sab jfll 
As soon aa the beat of drum has heard, the army wan on the march. 
Cannon went in front, and behind them all the army. 

T - 6 10S 

Bajatl j&wefi ye ran mahu&ri, Kshatrt bir rQp hoe jftfA. 

Andh! aisf lashkar 4wai, hfth&kftr bitati jAt P 

The more the drums resounded, the more excited bmain* the Khatriya0. 

Uke a storm the army came and the peopte cried out and wtpt . 


Sftt kos ke chau pherft men pbujefi Prith! k! dikhrM 
Path! Eftj ne tab lalk&ro, dol& ohlrf khet rah! )il, 
Pnthl's army vaa seen in a circle of seven Mr. 
men Prith! B&j s h oute d out, while yet the palankeen wan four fi*ld off. 


"KehlkimatAniharjae? Kehf Rajpftt lie aut&r ? 
Kaun kf siihint ko jayo hai dola laye Mahobe jt ? " 

Wwse mother brought forth a lion ? WWch Rijpfit ha begotten an heir I 
Who W the son of the lioness that is taking the palankeen to Alahobft ? 

S^ike UU Erithiraj kl, tab Lftkhan Jfdiyft jawab : 
Hamart mata nahar ja y e : hamate jome karejc bftr 

worda of Prith! Raj, then Lakhan made an8 vr :- 
In my heart doth 




" DolA Mahobe liye j&t hain : ehorf na kari, B!r ChauhAn." 
Itanf sunike PrithlrAj ne phir LAkhan so kahi sunAi : 

" I am taking the palankeen to MahobA. I have committed no theft, brave Chauhte,* 
Hearing this Prithi R&j again spake to LAkhan : 


" KAj tumhAre nA atken haiu, LAkhan* Kyou thAno turn rArt ? 
AlhA Odal jo Aye haiu, khAyo namak Chand&e kyAr." 
" Your work is not stopped, L&khan. Why do you pick a quarrel 1 
If AlhA and Odal were to come, they have eaten the salt of the ChandeiA king." 


41 Turn kyou Aye san jtijhan ko, LAkhan ? KahAn tumh&co k&m 1 " 
Sunike b&ten Prithirftj ke } tab LAkhan ne kahi sun&S : 

*' Why have you come into this battle, L&khan ? What is your business hew t " 
Hearing the words of Prithi Raj, spoke Lftkban : 


41 Bftthl kf AIM go Kannauj men : ham ne R&jgfr dae in&m. 
Dharm ham&ro AlhA r^fchyo : Gtlnjar pais& Iftyo ugfth." 

In anger [with the Chandels] AlhA went to Kannauj : I gave him RAjgtr in reward. 
AlhA [now] maintains my prestige, he realizes the revenues of G&njar. 


4t Gangft kinh! ham tTdal se pagiyft palati Ban&phar mftth : 
AlhA Cdal jo ran jujhaiii : pahilc jujhaif) Kannauj! Rfli/ 9 
*' Swearing on the Ganges I exchanged turbans with the BanAphar (CTdal) : 
If AlhA or Odal fall in the field, the King of Kanauj [i.e., myself, LAkhan] will fan ftofe" 


" Sang na chhoraift ham Otlal ko ; turn sun! lewA, dhan! ChauhAa." 
Sunike baton yA LAkhan k! f Pirthi rahe krodh men chh&l. 
" I will never give up ftdal : hear me, thou wealthy ChauhAn,*' 
Hearing the words of LAkhan, Frith! was filled with wrath. 


PrithfrAj ne tab lalkftro : " TAhar nAhar, bAt unAfl. 
Topain lagAS dewA marchan pai, in pAjtii ko dewa urAl" 
Then shouted Prithi RAj ; ** TAhar, thou lion, make true the words [of LAkhaa] 
Set cannon on the entrenchments and blow these scoundrels 


Itant sunike tab TAhar ne topaiii Age dal bag-hAt. 
HukmAn daf dayo khalaastfi kon, top&u battf* dewA lagAL 
Hearing this TAhar ordered the cannon to go forward. 
And ordered the gunners to put a light to the guns. 


Donon or ke chale khalassS : topAa battl upar pahunche jAt 
Battf dal-daS tin topAu men, dhuAna rahyo katak men chhAl. 
On both sides went the gunners and reached the cannon, 
They lighted and the smoke of the cannon cohered the army. 

as potfk*. 


" ~~~ 208 

QolA-oia ke sam tutapfu : goli M&gh& buncl arrM, 
Goiaiagifu jin hftthtti ko mfaou chorfc eendhi dai juf. 
Balls fell like hail and bullets like rain in Mftgh. 
" When the elephants received the balls it waa as if a thief hat I made hulea in them. 


Bamb to gol& jin ko tegai, h&thi chig gharf ko rahi jain, 
Goto Ifcgai jin Kahatriu ke, so latt& sc j&f i> urAi. 
If a ball struck an elephant he expired roaring in t h<? morning. 
H a ball struck a Kshatriya he was blown away like a rag, 


Chlxoti goli ke Ugat kh&n Kshatri giraiii karanta khAiii. 
Bk pahar bhar goto barse topcn ; 141 baran hoiyft jftlw. 
When buUets struck the Kshatriyas, they fell clown rolling alnmt. 
For a whole watch the guns kept shooting balls and became n^d hot. 


Topain chhari dai Kshatrtu ne ; tit tupak ki m&ratu inAr. 
Tiran mfixaiu je kamnaitft : gollu mdrain Turk Haw&r. 
The Kshatriyas deserted the cannon and Bhot with IK>\VH am! arr<w, 
Those who knew the work shot with arrowa ; thu Turk homcmvn nhut with bullete* 


Bhol. barchhi chhfttan Iflgln ; ftpar karAbin ki mftr. 
Eaibar Idgai jin Kshatriu ke B{idho nikari j&t wah par. 
Spears and lances begaaa to be let loose, and bullet* out of blunclerba<we#, 
Kshatriyas struck by kaibars were pierced through their bodies. 


Chhoti goli jiu ke l&gai chakkar k&ti girain arr&f. 
Yahi lar&i pacchhe pan gai, Kshatriu dhar! ag&rl p/U. 
Those hit by bullets fell rolling in circles. 
This kind of fighting went on in the rear, while the K&hutriyiut went forward, 


Derh qadam jab ars& rahiyo jawta^u khaincht 1&! ulwtr. 
* Khaj-khat ' tegh& b&jan l%e ; bolai ' chhapak ehhapak * talwAr. 
When only a step and a half remained lor oral, brave men drew Uu-ir word, 
Th swords began to ring * tAot-taol * aad the scimiUrs went aAtf/w** cfapak, 


tFnA chatakain wah lashkar men : katS-kat! girain 
Ulhain kabandh bfr ran khelain : ghahiA uthain 
tna was fighting in that army : warriors and chicfe fell rolling about* 
Headless heroes got up and fought in the field and wounded mtiii got up mghing. 


* PyAa pyfifl ' sab ke rat Ug? raa meii : ptol nttia dekhAI. 
Hfthftk&r paryo lashkar meh murdin ko maidto dokhW. 

* Thirst, thirst ' cried out all in the field, but saw no water, 
Oanfasion iell upon the army and the plain seemed to bo oi the 

The H& leave* o br wi*b A ao^ ' *Q be 

APBIL, 1925 J 



OLTKAMABE; Annales du Mu*bo Guimet, 

Tome XXXI. Paul Gouthner. Paris, 1 923. 

This work, which comprises moro than 520 
pages, is concerned with certain important aspects 
of the Buddhist faith. The author, whoso know- 
hdgo of Buddhist literature is profound, sets him- 
gelf to determine tho conditions, external and 
internal, in which the key doctrines of Buddhism 
exercised their influence on tho mind of man; 
in what manner those controlling idoas or ductriuos 
are inter-related ; what offoct they have produced 
on the conduct of individual* and on tho general 
community; how they have boon transformed 
by the operation of pure thought ; how thtjy have 
been altered by contact with other schools of 
religious thought ; and to what excesses in theory 
Bind practice they hiwo sometimes led. The au- 
thor is, thoroforo, concerned with tho Buddha and 
the Saihffha only in BO far as tho personality of tho 
one and tho organization of tho other had a diruct 
influence upon tho direction of tho npiritual efforts 
of past ages. He lays stress in hm oarKor pages 
upon the lay character of the Buddha's touching, 
and upon tho fact that tho Teacher, whom it has 
often been the practice to represent a an acetic t 
divorced from everything external and profane, 

subordinated tie % ^IinoaC to tU religious, 
instead of co-ordinating them, and thereby robbed 
it of its freedom of action. He was clearly far 
less emancipated than the Buddha from the anciejxt 
superstition, which ascribed a separate spiri- 
tual worth to' exterior forms and ceremonies. 
In tho history of Buddhism it is the Sarhgha which 
has been the stable element ; it has maintained 
orthodoxy both in belief and practice. The lay 
brethren were more open to the influence of their 
surroundings, more mobile, less attached to tra- 
dition. The monks are purer, but more rigid. Tho 
lay congregation is more alive ; but the novel- 
ties which croep in under their influence are oc- 
casionally opposed violently to the basic principles 
of the Faith. Tho influence of tho lay brother 
increased) as time went on. It was noticeable 
in some sections of the original church ; it was 
still moro noticeable in the Buddhism of the middle- 
ages. It is supreme to day in Nepal, where preach- 
ing and external activities are carried on by 
married priests, that is to say, by householders, 
and where the monks live in their retreats, com- 
pletely cut off from all relations with the outside* 

At the close of a long and valuable chapter on 
io landmarks in tho literary history of the Bud* 

A AAVJ** W ' *" J tmrm^mf^ *,-mm m~m- ft - - F I ^ 

was on tho contrary possessed of u profound smse \ clhistic doctrine, M. Oltmmare raises the ques- 
of nature, and of tho value of family and social j tion as to how and why tho religion founded by 

Gautama disappeared slowly, but almost wholly, 

life. His method of preaching must have boon 
singularly improHHtvo, for ho not only organised 
a church, but alno fo undue! a tradition of touching, 
furnishing by his own sormons and oxhv>rtatious 
a pattern to which later his disciples found it 
imperative to conform. 

Buddhism shattered tho fundamental opposi- 
tion between tho sacred and the profane, and 
abolished tho idea that certain individuals are 
necessarily sot apart from tho general body of 
men, owing to their possession of somo mysterious 
inherent virtue. Tho householder and tho monk 
can have an equal sharo of piety, though thoir 
methods of practising it may differ. This mutual 
blending of everyday Hfo and religious fooling, 
which Buddhism taught, marked a now epoch in 
the history of humanity ; and in offering a position 
in his church to the lay devotee of both sexes, 
tho Buddha assured tho success of tho institution 
which he founded. It must not, however, be 
forgotten that his modification was merely an 
extension of a line of evolution <rhich commences 
from the Upanifthads, and that therefore the Bud* 
dha was tho beneficiary, rather than the originator, 
of a change which hed its roots in a more distant 
( past. The Jain church also has had its upd*aka t 
and has indeed tried to link them to itself by closer 
bonds than those which united the householder 
-with the bMkthu in Buddhism. But Mahftvlr* 

from the land of its origin, after achieving at tho 
outsot such a phenomenal success. The Bud- 
dhists themselves state that their religion suffered 
severely from the attacks of Kumarila in the 7th 
century and of Sankara at the beginning of the 
Oth, and certain facts related by the Chinese pil- 
grim Hiuen Tsang indicate that Brahman hatred 
of a faith, which had so often supplanted them 
in tho favour of tho powerful and ruling classes, 
was intense and prolonged. Even so, instances 
of violence wore only sporadic, and there were no 
persecutions, properly so-called, on the part of 
the great rulers. Buddhism, indeed, suffered far 
mote from Islam, which destroyed its monasteries 
wholesale. Yet here again the Muhammadan 
invasions merely hastened the completion of a 
religious dissolution, which had commenced long 
previously. What really ruined Buddhism was 
its ever increasing affinity to Hindu cults, and in 
particular to the cult of fcv. The Chinese pil- 
grims give numerous examples of the penetration 
of pagan ideas, even in the monasteries most 
renowned for their orthodoxy. It was especially 
through the Mahdydn* that Buddhism became 
infected with the morbid germs that led to its 
ultimate decay. The followers of the HfadgAna 
declared openly that the monks of Nalanda haraly 
differed at all from 6aiv* friars. Employing^ 


[ AMHL, 1925 


of M. Clue's treatise 

tious foars and notions of ttibu, but solely by a 
wish that tho Samgha should accommodate itself 
to the social views and prejudices of its age, Apan 
from matters of social hygiene and decency, the 
discipline recommended by tho Buddhist scrip- 
turos is puroly a moral discipline, and the pollution 
which they seek to wipe away ia that of the heart, 
" That which is impure IB murder, theft, lyi^ 
cheating, light words, and nvarieo not the food 
that ono ea*e. M KuloB are not an ond in them- 
solves, but only the moans to tho ono great end- 
Salvation- Lastly, according to Buddhism the 

, . hA nfta , 5 whole soul and life of ft man must bo devoted to 

md in the third chapter of that section ^J^ tho faith< IJ rtt hrmuii*m had rogulated mortal 
with the points of resemblance ^ l I life by successive 8tB tho period of tutelage, 

between that religion and the other chief religious ^ ^ booao hoktorVi life, tho ascotic 
gystems of India. The points of contact >are TO y. ^^ ^ finaUy tho Htttgo of 
hut are perhaps less remarkable th 
differentiate the doctrine of the 

devoted to a discussion of the place <*&*** 
* in the history 1_ Indian Theo^phy, 

stage in the 

other creeds. . 

First and foremost, Buddhism proclaimed the 
rieht and the duty of the individual man. It 
gast aside traditional ritual and established m 
its place a personal private faith. To acquire 
knowledge of the Truth by oneself and then teach 

it to others that is what constitutes 

the first of the ave heads of knowledge possessed 

by the Bodhiaattvct. 

Secondly, as it has its seat in the heart of the 
.individual man, Buddhism is eminently a psy* 
.chological faith. Inasmuch as all religious ^acts 
and religious sentiment act directly on the inner 
consciousness of man, they are in efiect psycholo- 
gjcal. Equally so is the benefit which accrues 
from adoration of the Buddha: for enlightened 
Buddhists know that this cult is a source of puri- 
fying emotion for him who follows it. It confirms 
the wisdom of the individual mind, assists the 
devout to destroy the germs of sin within him, 
aad, like faith, it leads directly to Vision or Illu- 
mination. "Honour and respect the Buddha, 
and the mysteries of the Law will be made 

Thirdly* Buddhism broke down the ancient 
barriers between the sacred and profane, and 
denied the division of society into two rigid group*, 
or the division of places into two categories. If 
reverence is offered to a bhitohu, declared the 
Buddha, he owes it to ideas associated with the 
garment he wears, and not to any persona) 
anctification or consecration. One's veneration of 
rtupa* and chaitywt arises from their being meraen* 
toa of mighty acts or from their serving as the 
casket, of precious relics; but these sanctuaries 
a*e so far from being *' sacred," that all the world 

on the 

realized how briof and fragile a thing 
is lifo : no man can count on tho morrow. There- 
fore he proacliod tho naod of immediate renuncia- 
tion for them that thirat for salvation, sweeping 
agtc'e the artitittiul distinct innH allowed by Bin* 
duifim- The f Grout ? tho JBotlhiwutvu can truly 
dwell thoro by nhitpiag hit* thoughts to accord with 
the spirit of tho truo vunnprattthti* There must 
be no delay, for "Urn slothful man who, in the 
days of hie vigorous youth, cUiou not arise at the 
right xxiomwit, will nrvr [tml tJio path of wisdom*" 
There must be act divimon of u man's spiritual 
energy; ho muHt tfivo himst-Jf wholly to his task 
the task of tmHimug his own salvation* 
In a final brief dhaptttr the author sums up the 
of HutldhiHm, HA he uiulomtunds it, after 
and painntaking rcHourch, I cannot 
do bettor than oondwio this indifforonfc review 
of a very abU wark by trun'ilatin^, as host I cap, 
the final pttrngmph. ** Munt out) oasume that 
humanity would be wine to nit at tho feet of the 
ancient Hindu ttgo T Many fHtrflona in Europe 
and America think no. It may tlwrefore be worth 
while to state in a fw wonin why neither the mm* 
ner in which Ba<lilhim ha^ approached the pro* 
blam of mftn*H destiny nor the solution which it 
offem of that problem t*ait really satisfy iu It 
10 irnpoMible for u* to ombmco a doctrine which 
put* forward at UM goal of life an intellectual and 
spiritual immobility, and an it* ideal* a wisdoin 
which sit* apart and gaze* from afar upon fa 
active ftruggk'ft of human exiaUmce. Buddhiflu 
bring* happine** to thow who follow it with Bin- 
cerity, bftOAUMi it teacJtes them to curb their 
donire* and oek their aatiafaction in the narrow 
sphere of retirement and contemplation. Bat 
moral reatleeane**. ipiritua) unreit, Hits 

m* fwely enter them. There was no trace of o &* bettor, the thirst for a fuller and deeper 
fetichium" in the doctrine preached by tho 1 e**rte*oa of what Life nJgaiaus-tbeie 

and BO far as the prohibitions enunciated i '* greatw beauty. Tim idea! of the Buddhiit> 
liy Buddhism in respect of food, etc., are concerned * twlbfo mutilation of U* Man." 

were mawfestly dictated, not by iwpw.til 8, M. 



Maiabarese and Arabians. 

850. It has been mentioned that Sivaji manned his fleet with Muhammadans as well 
as Hindus. In February or March 16823 two Arab ships and four grabs in the employ of 
Saxnbhaji, the Maratha, unsuccessfully attacked the Company's ship President (Captain 
Jonathan Hide) off the mouth of the Sangameswar River in the Ratnagiri District (Orme, 
Hist. Frag., p. 120 ; Bomb. Gaz., I. ii. 77). 


351. On the 9th August 1683 Admiralty Jurisdiction for the trial of pirates was granted 
to the East India Company (Bruce, II. 496-7). Apparently up to this time all Europeans 
accused of piracy in Eastern waters and arrested in India had to be sent to Europe for trial, 
a dilatory, expensive and unsatisfactory process, which, if it had been continued, would have 
rendered it impossible to deal with these gentry when their numbers became formidable, as 
they did within the next few years. 

352. In 1684 the Bristol Interloper (JohnHancl, Commander), visitedthe Maldive Islands, 
and having been refused permission by the king to trade in cowries, fired upon the town. As 
the Bristol returned with a full cargo, it is evident that either the king reconsidered his deci- 
sion or that the Bristol got a cargo for nothing (Tnd. Off. 0.0, 5232, 28th October 1684), In 
January 1685 the Bristol left Snrat, Sir John Child hoping (Letter to Madras, 6th Feb, 1684-5) 
that it would be tho last time she would trouble them. On her way home she put in at 
Johanna, one of the Comoro Islands, off the north-west coast of Madagascar and there met with 
Captain John Tyrrel of II.M.S. Pkoanix, who had been sent out with a Commission to take 
Interlopers (Ind. Off. O.C., 5387). In May, Captain lyrrel, having taken the Bristol and put a 
prize crew on board, set sail in her company for Bombay, but the Bristol sank on the voyage, 
her crew being saved by the Phoenix. On his arrival, Tyrrel handed over the crew of the Bristol 
to the Bombay Council, who, according to Hamilton (I. 192) treated them as pirates. If the 
account given of John Hand in Tnd. Off. 0. C. 5035 is true, his behaviour had certainly been 
that of a pirate. At Sumatra he fired upon a Dutch vessel and he was killed whilst landing 
to plunder and burn a native town (Hunter, II. 295). According to the Log of the Massing- 
berd (Joseph Haddock Commander), under date llth February 1684, Hand accidentally 
shot himself in the leg and died of the wound. Captain Haddock does not say how the 
accident happened. 

353. In 1681 one John Coates, Master and part Owner of the Redclyffe of Bristol (apparent- 
ly some kind of Permission Ship) went to India, and arrived at Masulipatam in 1684, After 
some little time ho appears to have engaged in the service of the King of Siam, who was 
on bad terms with the Bong of Golconda. In reprisal for injuries alleged to have been suf- 
fered by Siam, he seized and plundered the ship Kedderee belonging to a Brahman subject of 
Qoloonda, and the ship New Jerusalem belonging to an Armenian merchant John de Marcora. 
The latter ship ho sent tinder Alexander Leslie on a cruise in the Bay of Bengal, where, 
under Siamese colours, she seized the Quedabux in sight of Point NTegrais. Ihese actions 
caused the native Government to close all trade with, and supply of provisions to, the 
English at Madapollam, and it was only with some difficulty that matters were accommo- 
dated (Protest datod Madapollam, 5th December 1685, Letters to Fort St. George, Coates, 
pp. 25-31). Coates was killed soon after, whilst assisting the King of Siam to quell a 
Macassar insurrection. (Pitt to Madras . Achin, 29th Sept. 1686-7). 


854, In 1683 Mr. John Pettit, a member of the Bombay Council, having quarrelled with 
Sir John Child, the Governor, went trading in his own ship the Qeorge to the Persian Gulf, 
e 8th October the George was attached by Sa^apfca pirates and, after repulsing their 


attack, was accidentally blown up. Mr. Pettit and some of the crew were taken prisoners to 
Aramra, where (Depoa. of Ben, Oxborovgh, Master** of the George, 0. C., 5304) he died of burns and 
wounds received in the fight, whilst he was trying to settle terms of ransom with his 
His death was due merely to neglect, and not as stated by Hamilton (I. 198. 202), 


. , e 

free-trader, in any way to Sir John Child's refusal to pay the ransom demanded, 'though I* 
certainly referred to Pettit's death in a most unbecoming manner : " As for Mr Pettit fc* 
is dead and gone to the Devil." ' ' e 

855. About the same time the Sanganians took the Josiah Kotch, which also bl w 
in the fight (Biddnlph, p. 73). Another of their captures was the Merchant's Delight (Cant 
Edward Say). Say was an interloper who had settled at Muscat in 1682 (Orme, Hist F^ 
p. 127 ; Miles, p. 217). In 1684, his ship went ashore near Capo Baselhadd. Some Awl' 
of the Jenebeh tribe contracted to salve the cargo on condition of receiving one h if 
of it, and faithfully carried out their bargain, explaining that they did so beca * 
eight days before the stranding of the ship, it had been prophesied to them by a loTl 
Fakir, who had solemnly adjured them to keep their word loyally (Hamilton I 56) 
After getting his ship afloat, Captain Say set sail for Bombay, hut was attacked by t 
Sanganian vessels (one of 150 men and 10 guns, the other of 50 men and 4 tm \ 
which boarded him. His black saaors, 30 in number, leapt overboard to save th ' 
lives, and left him alone with two servants, one of whom was immediately killed. He hims K 
was wounded, but the gold buttons on his coat, showing him to bo & person of importan 
saved his life. His captors stripped him to his shirt, and in this statu kept him mis- 
for two months, though otherwise they treated him not unkindly. Ho had hidden urn 
Venetians (i.e., sequins) in a loaded gun, hoping to recover them later ; but when they arrived 
off Aramra, the pirates, who had not examined the gun, fired it off in saluting the fort so hfe 
hopes were disappointed. Soon after he was released by the Queen of the country HMD hfa 
sweating on an miage of the Virgin (robbed from a Portuguese ship), that he did not know whM 
of hermenhadtakenthe moneythathad been onhtoship^Ovington, 438-440) A 
Say went home some time after this trying experience, for on the 20th April 1698 : 
India Company complained to the Council of Trade and Plantations in London 
far* (Captain Edward Say) had cleared for Surat, but was , aUy u^S 
cargo of guns for sale to the Arabs (Cal. State Papers, East Indks) 

858. In September 1685 Captain lynel left Bombay on a cruise to the 
off Cosseer (Sir John Child says 'off Versivah'), on the IHh, to~. 
lookmg vessel. She appeared to be a country ship, but refused to allow ton to 
andmadeadeaperateresiBtence '"' ^ 



h mpseed, that has an intoxicating quality, and Mhifot it uifrcte the head they are furious. 

They wear long hair, and when they h*t that hang loose they'll give no quarter ' Hamilton 

1 savs (I- 13 4 ) tkat the Gujarati jiortH employed Rajput* to protect them from the Sanga- 

duts (who were themselves largely of Knjput origin). His account of theSanganians seems to 

ntradiot Fryer's (# i&m. 331 above) in certain points. His remark about their lotting their 

long hair loose when they intended to Rive no quarter reminds one of the Spartans at Thermo- 

pylae combing out their long hair in preparation fur their lawt stand (Herortotus, VIL 248). 

Heliodorus (c. 400 A.I>.) writ of the Kgyptiwn pirntoA : ...... " The pirate*, willing to render 

themselves as form Waldo a* the X n* among other tbingK, ehorbh long hair, which they suffer 
to- grow down their foreheaclfl and play over their ahouMm, well knowing that flowing locks, 
as they make the lover more amiable, w they nwler tho warrior more terrible " (Tkcagene* 
and Chariclea, Bohn'a Greek Itamanct^ j>, 45). 

858. Tho Warrcls were the VAdhcls, a clrtw of Kajpnta AJ*odatf*d with the Vaglicr pirates 
of Kathiawar (Hedgca, II- 327 n). Of tiicw Hamilton writt* (L HO): "All the country 
between Biu and jDaml point, whirh to uUut thirty I^agvu'H along ^hord mlmit0 of no traffic, 
being inhabited by frcc-booter calle<i Warrete, ami oftt-n luwoc'iuto with tho Sanganiana in 
exercising piracy and depmiat kwt. They eo*iii<l<* ratith in their jwmber ad the others do and 
strive to board their prize* and HO noon w tlii*y K*t on hoard they throw in ahowcra of rtonea 
on the prize's deck in order to nink thtmi that way if they don't yield, and they have earthen 
pots as big as a six-pound gronada nhell, full <rf unc|ti<*nchmi lime woUsiftod which they throw 
in also and, the pots breaking, thew nriiw^ HO ^rc-ut n <iut*t that tho defendants can neither 
breathe nor see well ( jxira*. 102 ami 343 aAotv), Thoy nlno ue wiolu o! cotton, dipt into 
a combustible oil, and tiring the wick and throw ing it into thnr opjK^cr'* hip, it bxupn 
violently and seta fire to the part it it thrown in." 


359. Inropriaal for ptr^tioal ioterl'-r*nod with Dutch trade the Stour Catambrod with 
right Dutch shipt* seiaod ihirtwn " Moor M wMeln n ar Gombroon anri on tho 4th August 
1884 occupied and fortified the IhUnd of Ki^hm (I)ubni*. p. 248). 

860* In 1684 Sir Thomaa QtmnibMi ww mnt to India in the C'tarto // (W to 70 guns) 
with a Royal Commission to re*eittibii*h tht^ Kiiglwh Factory at Bantam, and, if that were 
impracticable, to proceed to the i*miati Uuif ti* enforce the Company *s claim to one half 
the revenues of Gombroon or Jimlar Ablum (JUruvtn II . 4U, 039-40), He arrived in Bombay 
<m the 12th November 1084 and very tactfully mippitMecl Keigwin'a rebellion. According 
to Bruce, he took a smali force to the FWUIMB ulf to put an end to the piracy there prevalent. 

861. Sir John Chardin (CeroMtioit vf Solymon, III 1) mentions the existence, about 
this time, oi Arab pirates at Al Kadar on the eastern side of the Persian Gulf and on the 
mouths of the Shat-al-anb, 


882. A new Danish Company had been formed in I70 aiid about t^ years later tlwe 
began to appear rumours of acU of piracy by Dankh ahipi. Hamilton (L 349) says that in 
1684 the English ship Formosa having left CaUont for home, the same night a great firing 
ww heard out at wa and ao further news was ever rcceivrf of tMt ship. It was euppoeed 
that she had been aunk by two Danish veisels which ww* cruising brtween Bt and Cape 
Comorto " on what account none could teU but tbemsrfves/* 

868, Onthe29thSepteinb^l66Mr,J, I^wwte>M 
20& a Danish ship in that port, having news crfamy rid^Sui^ri^ 

t Waltor Vugh*D. apriwDJohor It* Atfttth IIOM. ssjf of O 
tfe men M aow tbif b*ir (which tbay *tw*ys ww knotW up Uhind) they * dsspsrstaiy resoiwd 


sailed, presumably in pursuit, and that they had heard gnxis fired. On the 2nd 
1686-7 he wrote that the Danes had taken her, 

364 Meanwhile the Danes had gone westward, and on the 16th November the 
Merchant (Thomas Dobson Master) met ofi Mangalore two ships, both I utch built, the smaller 
ofwhichputout an ensign wholly red (z.e., the Moorish ensign) iho other no colours, A 
little later the Moorish ensign was lowered and the greater ship hoisted the Danish flag and 
ensign and ordered the CaUcut Merchant to strike. Being unablo to escape, Captain Dobson 
surrendered, and the enemy boarded him, killing one man, wounding others and plundering 
freely, Dobson himself was very roughly treated and forced to go on board his captors. He 
found that one ship belonged to the King of Denmark and was commanded by a Captain 
George Banes/ The other ship belonged to the Danish Company. Though no resistance 
had been offered, Captain Banes pretended that the English had wounded one of his men, 
and demanded compensation. Dobson refused point blank, but was forced to give a written 
acknowledgement that he had received full satisfaction for the damage done him. There- 
upon the Danish Captain ordered all the plundered goods to be restored, paid for what could 
not be found and sent his Surgeon on board the Calicut Merchant to attend to the wounded, 
In fact, for the few days that the ships remained in company, he behaved so politely that a 
number of passengers, who had suffered most when his men came aboard, refused to give 
any account of their losses. Finally the two ships parted, giving each other a salute of three 
guns, and the Calicut Merchant pursued her way to Gombroon, (Lttfcw to Fort St. Qewgt, 


365. In January 1686-7 Captain John Tyrrel came up with four Danish men-of-wax 

off St. John's, which was their usual cruising station, sent Lieut. George Byng on board " and 
demanded by what right they robbed." They showed the King of Denmark's Com- 
mission and said " that their King has received some affronts by the Mogull's subjects 
and they are resolved not to put it up without satisfaction from the Mogull." Accordingly, 
having carefully ascertained that there were no Englishmen on board these ships and having 
obtained an assurance that no ships carrying a pass from the President at Surat should be 
injured, Captain Tyrrell left them (Tyrrell, to Surat, 12th January 168&-7 ; India OfficeO.O., 
6555 ; Bomb. Gat., XXVL i, 08). 

368. Captain Tyrrell's object in ascertaining that there were no Englishmen on 
board the Danes, was the necessity of refuting tho charge made by tho rich Indian merchant 
Abdul Guffoor, chief of the Borah community (Siyar-ulMutaqkarin, 1 237), who had informed 
the Mughal Government that the so-called Danish pirates were English under Danish colours. 
Ee had, he said, lost ships of the value of 700,000 rupees. No doubt, he thought that hecouid 
recoup his losses most easily from the English if he could make them reponsible for the $ab- 
jects of all the European nations in the East, His disappointment in thia matter made him ft 
bitter enemy, and his wealth a dangerous one, to the English (Surat Council to Madras, 18th 
' Feb. 1686-7). As to his wealth, Hamilton writes (1 147); " Abdul Gaffour [Abdul-Ghafra], 
a Mahometan merchant that I was acquainted with, drove a trade equal to tie English Eaat 
India Company, for I have known him fit out in a year above twenty sail of ships between 300 
and 800 tons, and none of them had less of his stock than 10,000 and some of them had 
25,000 ; and after that foreign stock was sent away, he behoved to have as much more of ftu ' 
inland stock for the following year's market. When he died he left his estate to two grandsons, 
tifl own son, who was his only child, dying before him. But the Court hid * fling at them, 

? ^!*^* r f Daquerne ' 8 Fo W and Retwnjrm the MM Indiu [ 1600*1 J , , 

5 A ?** the commcm fla & of the Moo fe no more than a oimetar crwt with to icabbftrd <m 

tea gran** ^tti* certain rich Moorish merchants " had a fl*g *U red by w*y ol Emotion-*' On tin 


m the Log of the QMto 11, &ti (Mobe* 1607, " Moora arfgD, 



hempseed, that has an intoxicating quality, and whilst it affects the head they are furious. 
They wear long hair, and when they let that hang loose they'll give no quarter '**. Hamilton 
also says (1. 134) that the Gujarati ports employed Rajputs to protect them from the Sanga- 
ajans (who were themselves largely of Rajput origin). His account of theSangariians seems to 
contradict Fryer's (see para. 331 above) in certain points. His remark about their letting their 
long hair loose when they intended to give no quarter reminds one of the Spartans at Thermo- 
'pylae combing out their long hair in preparation for their last stand (Herodotus, VII. 248). 
Heliodorus (c. 400 A.I>.) writes of tho Egyptian pirates : " The pirates, willing to render 
themselves as formidable as they can, among other things, cherish long hair, which they suffer 
to grow down their foreheads and play over their shoulders, well knowing that flowing locks, 
as they make the lover more amiable, so they render tho warrior more terrible " (Tbcagenes 
and Chariclea> Bohn's Greek Romance*, p. 45), 

358. The Warrcls were tho Vadhela, a class of Rajputs associated with the Vagher pirates 
of Kathiawar (Hedges, II. 327 n). Of these Hamilton writes (I. 140) : " All the country 
between Diu and Daud point, which is about thirty leagues along shore, admits of no traffic, 
being inhabited by freo-booters called Wamds, and often associate with the Sanganians in 
exercising piracy and depredations* They confide much in their numbers as the others do and 
strive to board their prizes ami so soon aa they get on board they throw in showers of stones 
on the prize's deck in order to sink thorn that way if they don't yield, and they have earthen 
pots as big as a six-pound grenade shell, full of tinquenched lime well sifted, which they throw 
in also and, the pots breaking, there ariaes BO great a dust that tho defendants can neither 
breathe nor see well (*ee yam*. 102 and 343 above)* They also use wicks of cotton, dipt into 
a combustible oil> and firing tho wick and throwing it into their opposer's ship, it burns 
violently and sets lire to the part it is thrown in/' 


859. la reprisal lor piratical iaterf -rence with Dutch trade tho Sicur Cazambrod with 
eight Dutch ships seiaed thirteen * 4 Moor " vesHoIs nc ar Gombroon and on tho 4th August 
1684 occupied and fortified tho Iland of Kiwhm (Dubois. p. 248)* 

360. In 1684 Sir Thorn** Grantham was sent to India in the Ctertea // (60 to 70 guns) 
with a Royal Commission to re-ostabJUfch tho English Factory at Bantam, and, if that wer* 
impracticable, to proceed to the Poreian Gulf to enforce the Company's claim to one half 
the revenues of Gombroon or Bandar Abbas {Bruce, II. 499, 639-40). He arrived in Bombay 
on the 12th November 1684 and very tactfully suppressed Keigwin's rebellion. According 
to Bruce, he took a small force to the Persian Gulf to put an end to the piracy there prevalent. 

861, Sir John Chardin (Coronation of Solyman, III. I) mentions the existence, about 
this time, of Arab pirates at Ai Kadar on the eastern side of the Persian Gulf and on the 
mouths of the Shat-al-arab. 


882, Anew Danish Company had been formed in 1670 and alwut ton yeow lato there 
began to appear rumours o acts of piracy by Danish ships, Hamilton 1. 349) says that in 
1684 the English ship Formosa having left Calicut for home, the same night a great firing 
was heard out at see and no farther news wa* ewr iweived of ibat ship. It was supposed 
that she had been rank by two Banish vewoU which wwe orutetag between Surat and Cape 
Comorin " on what account none could tell bat themselves," 

868* On themhSeptxMberl8Mr. J. Kt* wrote> MWw from Achin that on the 
20th a Danish ship in that port, having news ofa vary rich Sunttbip>hitd on* her cable and 

Walter VaugJjM, prisoner *t Jobor in M*roh 170S-3, *? of the people of Macassar " wben 
tte men let down their bafc (which thay shmyi ww too*** up behind) they are desperately reaolred 
to go through w^^beirdetigat." (&to*lw<tffa&*&*3^ 




sailed, presumably in pursuit, and that they had heard gnus fired. On the 2nd Janu 
1686-7 he -wrote that the Danes had taken her, ^ 

364. Meanwhile the Danes had gone westward, and on the IGth November the Calicut 
Merchant (Thomas Dobson Master) met of! Mangalore two ships, both L utch built, the smalle 
of which put out an ensign wholly red (i.e., the Moorish ensign 7 ") the other no colours A 
little later the Moorish ensign was lowered and the greater ship hoisted the Danish flag and 
ensign and ordered the Gaticut Merchant to strike. Being unable to escape, Captain Dobson 
surrendered, and the enemy boarded him, killing one man, wounding others and plunderino 
freely. Dobson himself was very roughly treated and forced to go on board his captors Ife 
found that one ship belonged to the King of Denmark nml was commanded by a Captain 
George Banes/ The other ship belonged to the Danish Company, Though no resisLoe 
had been offered, Captain Banes pretended that the Engliah had\voun<lcd one of his me n 
and demanded compensation. Dobson refused point blank, but was forced to give a written 
acknowledgement that he had received full satisfaction for the damoga done him There- 
upon the Danish Captain ordered all the plundered goods to be restored, paid for what could 
not be found and sent his Surgeon on board the Calicut Merchant to attend to the wounded 
In fact, for the few days that the ships remained in company, he behaved eo politely that a 
number of passengers, who had suffered most when his men came aboard, refused to rive 

T\ ** y the two shii * partod ' * wi * ^ h **** * saiutc <* * 

Ur8Ued hCr t0 Gombroo - &* ^ fort St. George, 

off q Trf, Tyrrel came tt * with fo r ani fc men-of-war 

off St. John ., which was their usual cruising station, sent Lieut. Oorge Bvng on board " and 

' " En * lish "> board thL ships and ^ 

* a P ass fro ^ JP^Wttt at Surat 

(yrrett ' 

Abdul Guffoor chi 

had, he said 

^^ - 

ChttrgC m&de by tho ritih In<Han merchant 

to?/<an ' n ' L 237) ' wh had ^^ 

WCr En liBh under Danish *> 


bitter enemy, 
Feb. 1686-7 . 

* Mahometan 
India Company, 

and 800 tons, and none of 
25,000 ; and after that 
inlandstockfor thef 

r-ponaible for the sab- 
ment in this matter maxJe him a 

: "Abdul GaffourfAbdul-Ghafur], 

' * & ** ^^ * * 
twen *y ^ of ^P 

*** W ^ Wme f them 

* h&Ve M much of 
to two grandsons, 
But the Court 

red gro^d . but that 




and got above a million sterling of ihrir istalt;." Tin- tiiynr.vl.Mutaylarin (I. 237) savs 
that Abdtt'l Ghafur's fortune was, in part, r t >nl : .,s.>utel by Huidar Kuli Khan, Governor of 
Gujarat. It will bo scon that tho exut'tion of JVutli Dulii> upon private estates was ft well 
established custom in the East two hundred years ago. 


387. Hitherto wo havo dealt with f< ,rn> ,,f j.irany which enjoyed, in jpneml, the approval 
of the communities to which the jwiriH-trafor* Wnn^-tl. In fact, so far as what may b 
called indigenous piracy is >ii<wrwd, mch approval .-ontiuuml ri^ht up to modorn times 
But towards tho, end of tho 1 7th century tlu-re nrrivwl iu the* Kiwtern *-aa a new class of 
freebooters, composed of men who wew outlaw* fn.iu their own rormuutiif tea r eamn who 
had mutinied against thir officers an<l i-arrinl ntT llu-ir uliijw, or who, wh>n tJ ir bhipshad been 
wrecked in far away places or taken l.y pirutr* hml, t.i.nv ( , r I. voluntarily, turned pirates 
themselves. Tho bulk of them n]]-r (.. hnvi? IM-LH 15rili,,h. hut v-n iho GiigiiHh licords 
-which are practically tho onIy<4i-H thut I have lrn ahh- to n.iiHlt-Hhow that thcpirato 
crews were largely f.oinpOHi-tl of Kivn.-hmHi, J)U-hiMj uml Damw. It will Ixi lioticcd that 
a large number of tho pinito f-apj.-tuw wr. [rwh, and if xv,- .-xrJu.b tin- Dutchmna Chivers 
and the French captains, thit only iwtu.lrinh i/imU' ,,f .,t^ uvw tht; Emfludunait Every and 
the Scotchman Kidtl. Murtt of thfw pimti cam from tlio HumiM<nn Sr-ttk-mcnta in North 
America and tho West fmIiH, wl-r. Uw-jp ^^ w ,. n . iitt.Ir, wi .-i,,njiu I ywMei 8 privatoow 
orprivate mon-of-war, with cuninii^iouH fr i,-al 

--r, w cunini^ouH r i,-al (JI.V.TIMU* ugauiHt nalioniU wu-ink-s 
though thoir real dcatinatiuu u.<; unj.ft w,-.., o, ni ;(t - m -t h . In g t jwrnl thm, pirau, C amo by 

. y 

the Cape of Good Hopo, but Mntnu frum tlu- SmUh S.MM l,y way of tJu ? Sjiaaish Settlements 
m Malaysia. A numlwr carat* from ih Ww*t Owt of AWi*. when, thoron ere freqwmt 
mutoes amongt the crow* of merchant H )iipa. Th.-y w .u K ht tl- iwink-m SVM partly becauw 
the chances of booty in tho Gulf of Mexico nt tho .South &.* wvro then growing iaU and 
partly because of tho atone* which had r<:hl tl,, ,f the inunoDM plunder so eauUy to 
be gamed from tho Eastern tnulon. All whu cantn ruami tlw Capo of Good Hope found a 
jumping off point in tho Itlntvl of M^lu^ur. whit-h lay c,,nvnitntly for intercepting the 
trade to India a. wU at to th Kt-d Sc, ttu< i whu-h.nt that tinu, wa/not occupiod by any 
power strong enough to intftrfen* with th,ur npiwtkiiM, whilst, owing to the frequent visite 
or European aiwi the* Mtttomiint of runaways of all nutioiw amongst this nativea 
oommumcationi with the latter wan an oany matter. 

868 The abortive atton^pte of the Pnmeh to MtUa in Madagascar and the Dutch UM 
of &e "toad a source for thoir mipply of davw. (*** pam, 283 atewj have already been 
mentioned, but tho runaway,, who b*l imttW in tho country were not confined to member* 

rT A 008 ' ! fW ?T mUl 22lld AprU ""OH** J<^ TyrreUolH.M.a 
at St . Augiwtuw , hu foiitul thero a number of the native, who could epeak 

fart, certain Captain River. 

Novemb< ' r 108C Churle. Hopkmaon, mate ol the 
do )01) * d *** fl *tw H>mmittiiig piraoy on the ooa*t of Newfoundland. 
oomo to the Guinea CVrnt ad that, at Ope Lopes, Captain Oooawty had returned 

m * 0rtuue80riw 

of the ew under tiWrflwt mate Harm went 
- Madagawar and Johanna, where they joined the Morning Star (Captain 


they wcn * a * * n ' * ome 

(India Office O.G..M*), 

^ THE INDIAN ANtlQUAKY [A*Bit t ifl$J 

90 ....... ... . ..... . 

370 In March 1685 the old Buccaneer John Eaton (Captain of tho Nicholas of London) 
arrived from the South Seas at the Island of Guam in tho Ladroncs or Marianne Iskodi 
The people were then in rebellion, so, pretending that he was French, he obtained a Commifi, 
sion from the Spanish Governor to make war upon them, behaving, according to Bnrng 
(IV 161-2), with great cruelty and, apparently, taking much booty, for when he arrived at 
Canton in Itoy and found there 13 Tartar vessels laden with Chinese plunder consisting of the 
richest productions of the East, he could not persuade his men to attpck them, as they said- 
to fight for silk and such things would degrade thorn to more pedlars to carry packs at their 
backs (Cowley's Voyageround the World in Korr, X, 232 ; Sloane MS. ,1050). In December 1685 
Eaton was at Timor, where some of his men left him, amongst them the Navigator, Captain 
W. A. Cowley. Apparently Eaton died about this time, for in tho Proceedings of the 
Mayor's Court at Madras, under date 24th June 1689, is entered a claim against tho " Estate oi 
Captain John Eaton in the custody of Charles Sherrard," whilst in May 1686 some of his men 
had got to Bengal, for in that month they seized the Company 7 b Ketch Good Hope in Balasore 
Road, and under the command of the mate (Duncan Mackintosh, who had joined them), 
went on a cruise, in which they evidently took good booty, including a Chinese junk from 
Amoy and a Portuguese ship, both in sight of Malacca, finally turning up in Madagascar 
" with a good store of gold and diamonds but very few men " in May 1GB9 (Governor 7aUi 
Instructions, to Swpra Cargoes, <kc., 23rd April 16S8 ; India Office 0. C. t 5582, 5583, 5690), 


371. On the 6th October 1686 there were two pirates in the Gulf of Mocha, one flying 
English and the other Dutch colours (Bomb. Gaz., XXVI, i. 100). These may have been 
English and Dutch, but it was supposed that they were the Danes mentioned above in paa 

372. Towards the end of 1689 the Santo Cms, a rich Portuguese ship from Porto Hbvo, 
was taken by pirates, supposed to be Danes, between Goa and Sur&t, (Madras Cons., 17th 
Feb. 1689-90). 

French Americans. 

373. On the 20th October ,1686 the Bauden Frigate (Captain John Oribb) of 170 ton*, 
16 guns and 29 men, with 39 soldiers, bound for Bombay, was attacked by a French pirate 
off St. Jago (or Santiago), one of the Capo Verd Islands, Hor captain and chief mate were 
killed in the fight, but the enemy were driven ofi by tho crow encouraged by tho supercargo, 
Mr. Richard Salvey, who, though badly wounded himself, kept the deck until the end of 
the engagement. The pirate was supposed to be the JPrompewae, 71 which wa so notorious in 
tile West Indies that to go pirating was called to ' go Trampuseing * (Sloane MS>, 3671, 2 ; 
Chi 8. P. America and West Infoes, 1697. 76, vii), but tha original $rompewe had been da* 
troyed by Captain Carlisle in August 1683, though hor Captain Jean Hamlya escaped 
(Col Off. Records, 1-53, ix). Hamlyn, with sixty of his old crew, seized a ship of 36 guns whiok 
he called La Nomelle Twrnpeuse. She waa arrested in Boston in September 1084 under the 
command of one Michel Andreson, Bhra or Lavansa, a reputed Frenchman (Cal 8, P., 
1684, Noa. 1759, 1862). 

374. On the 31st of the same month and in the same locality the G&8&r t O&pWa 
Edward Wright, of 535 tons, 40 guns and 120 men, with 116 soldiers, beat oS five pirate 
vessels, which hoisted Erench colours as well as the Bed Bag (India Office 0, 0,, 5537). 

The story of the Bauden seems to have attracted no attention in England, possibly because 
it was not reported until four or five years later, but that ol the C&sar had the hoaout to TOR 
celebrated ina ballad 'The On**'* Victory' (FW,p. 128. From the Pcpys CMfecffon, V, 884). 

71 Cajrt.Hentf Udall of the Herbert found the Tranyo ** the Islo of Mayo on tto ft* ft* 
I Wt (Matin* &*, 1^ Qfflo*), so thia waa evidently her crowing ground 


Arabians and Sanganians. 

875. During 1686 Arab pirates did much mischief in the Gulf of Mocha, and three Arab 
ehips from Cong harassed the Indian traders (Rlwardea, 133), whilst in December Sanganian 
pirates gave some trouble on the coast of Thana. Prompt as&istance was sent by the Bombay 
Government (Bomb. Gaz.> XXVI, i. 100). 

376. In February 1687 Arab pirates appeared in the Persian Gulf (Ibid., p, 100). 


377. The depredations of the Danes and other pirates, being all credited to the English, 
led first to severe measures against tho latter by the Mughal Officers, and next to open 
war. On the 23rd May 1687 tho Bombay Council issued orders to Captain Joseph Eaton to 
take all Mughal ships and to sink them rather than allow them to escape. The humble 
position of tho Company's officers at this timo L shown by the fact that on the 1st January 
1686, when Captain Eaton was flying tho King's Jack under the Council's orders, Captain 
Tyrrell took it away from him (Ind. Off. 0. C\ r 54%). Tho orders to Captain Eaton were 
of course an act of war a war which was conducted by the English in a somewhat highhanded 
manner, e.g.> in 1687 at Mocha, Captain Andrews of the Charles II, seized tho cargo of the 
Streights Merchant (Captain Bear from England) and that of a ,-hip belonging to Mr. Samuel 
Whitaker commanded by one Wnm, who was killed for refusing to surrender his cargo. The 
Company had to pay heavily for this outrageous conduct, tho claim for coffee alone on the 
Streights Merchant being 32,000. In 1088 tho Jtw/al Jamtw and Mary, together -with the 
Oharles and Caesar, being ordered to iutmvpt country shipping, brought fourteen sail into 
Bombay. In 1689, Governor Child, returning from Surat to Rom troy, seized a fleet of vessels 
carrying corn to tho Mughal army at Jtandar JRtijajwr {Coates, pp. 21-23), Ovington (p. 164) 
tells us that the easy success of the English in this war over nhips manned by lascars and 
11 Moors" led to tho thought of piracy upon the Mocha and Surat merchants. In 1691, 
he says, they took from them booty worth 120,000 and as much tho next year, 

878. Amongst prisoners in the* Man*h)c5 in 1602 was one " William Wildey ['i Captain 
of the Welfare, aw para. 327 abovo] fornuHpioion of tho mumor of one Captain Price bj 
ducking him in tho tea, between tbo bland of Moreahus [Mauritius] and tho East Indies in 
the end of May 1087 " (Calwlxr of Priwntrit &c., H. 0, A,, I, jciii). 


379. In tho year 1087 Captain Charles Swan was murdered in Mindanao. Swan had 
been sent by Sir John Buckworth and others, about 1683, to trade with the Spaniards (Ind. 
Off. 0. G. t 6690), Ho held a Commission from James, Duko of York, in which he was ordered 
neither to give offence to, nor to aubmit to any, from the Spaniard*. The latter, according 
to his account, killed some of his man treacherously. Other** dowerted him and joined the 
Buccaneers, until finally, in despair, ho turned Buccaneer himself. At last, having quarrelled 
with his comrades, he sailed to tho Philippines, but when he arrived there, ho could not make 
up his mind to turn pirate againnt his own countrymen, though, according to the Madras 
Council (Letter la Bombay, 13th itopt. 1688), he had committed many piracies in China, the 
Manilas and Mindanao* At tho last mentioned place, in January 1686-7, his crew mutinied 
and carried off his ship, the Cygnet, leaving him, the supercargoes, and a few others, ashore, 
where it is believed tint ho was murdered by tho native chief ; but Captain Forrest when 
he visited Mindanao in 1775 (Voyage to New Guinea, p. 800) was told that he was drowned by 
the accidental overturning of his boat, Tho crew meanwhile elected one John Bead their com- 
mander (Dampier's Voyage*, I, 401 ; Sloane MS.> 3236; . 199 b) and renamed thoir ship the 
Bachelor's Delight. After a prolonged cruise, in which she is said to have taken a Surat Manila 
fchip, she came, in May 1688, to Trimlewas, on the Madras ooart, where some twenty of her 
vrew including the Surgeon, Haraaa Coppiagw, deserted. Some surrendered voluntarily to th$ 


Madras Council, whilst others escaped up-country and entered the Mughal's service, w 
they could not be persuaded to leave, even by a promise of pardon coupled with an offer to 
take them into the Company's service. After a few days stay at TrimlewaB, the Bachelor'* 
DdigU sailed south and robbed a Goa ship off Ceylon of goldtotho amount of 20,000, 
thereby mining a number of the proprietors, who were Madras merchants. She then 
went to Madagascar, evidently by a roundabout route, for she was scon there iu May 1689 (see 
para. 381 below) having again changed her name, this timo to Little England (Madras Cons,, 
7th June ; Letter to Bombay, 13th Sept. 1688 ; India Office O.C., 6689). Burney (IV, 261) 
says that she was abandoned by her crew in Madagascar in May 1688, being so old and leaky 
that she sank at her anchors. Dampier says that from Madagascar, Bead, with a few of his 
men went to America, the rest stayed on under Teat who went to the coast of Coromandel 
and entered the Mughal's service (Voyages, I, 510). 

380. On the 19th December 1687 a pirate, Jeremy Nicholc, died at Madras, Qn the 
llth January 1688 died another, named Charles Lane. On the 3rd February the pirate 
Balph Shackleby was shot and James Smith hanged. On tho 4th February the pirate Alex- 
ander Hunter was hanged aboard the Royal James, evidently as an example to the sailors 
(Maiden, List of Burials at Madras). 

881. Bruce (Annals, II. 657) says that in 1688-9 tho English in Madras wore troubled 
by pirates fitted out in the West Indies, who had taken shelter in tho ports of Aden, Muscat 
and Madagascar, that one of them [? the Cygnet} had captured a valuable vewsel belonging to 
Madras (most of the cargo of -which was owned by the President), find that five other English 
pirates were cruising off Achin. Ovington (p. 102) writes : " While vo anchored here [i.e., 
St. Helena, some time in 1689], there came into harbour a ship laden, with negroes from Mada- 
gascar, belonging to New York [? the Margaret Pink,] Captain Oliver Gainsborough, fitted otit 
from New York by one Frederick (Phillips), a Dutch merchant, for slave** from Madagascar 
[see Sloane MS., 3672] who acquainted us with throe pirates which she left rendezvouring 
in St. Augustine's Bay, a port belonging to 'hat island. Two of tho ahipa were Knglish and the 
other Dutch, and all were richly laden with store of silks which thoy had taken in the Red Sea 
from the Asian merchants that traded from Mocha to Surnt and other coasts of Indostan, 
Their rigging was much worn and weather beaten, and, for want of a now suit of sails, they 
were forced to employ double silk (see para 191 above) instead of canvas, and proffered that 
exchange to the Commander. They had spent so much timo ixi tho naval eurprfce of the Moors 
and loading themselves with the rich booties, which wero easily taken in tho Bod Sea, that their 
flhipa became almost useless and' tuifit for navigation, which brought them thither for recruits, 
They were prodigal in the expenses of their unquiet gain and quenched their thirst with 
Europe liquors at any rate this Commander would put upon it, and wore as frank both in dis- 
tributing their goods and guzzling down the noble wine as if they wore both wearied with the 
possession of their rapine and willing to stifle all the melancholy reflections concerning it/ 1 
Ovingfeon adds that the European pirates used to shelter at St. Augustine's during the mon- 
soon, and had such contempt for the Indian traders that ono of their ships with a crew of oal] 
twenty men would attack and take, without any danger, the largest " Moor " ship. I have nol 
been able to identify the pirates above referred to, but Captain Freako reported on the 8tl 
December 1689 that, at the end of May, he saw at St. Augustine's two pirates, one the IM 
Engbwd (formerly Captain Swan's Cygnet), the other a New England brigantine, which bai 
met her at St. Augustine's. They had in consort plundered one Portuguese ship on the oow 
of Sof aJa and another at the Island of Mohffla, They disappeared northward on heariq 
that the Company's ship Chandos (Captain Bomudl) was expected at Johanna (ln& Q$ 
* Y i 


BY Srit 1U4?HAUI> <', TKMi'!,K, UT., CR, C.M.R, F.S.A. 

tufawun nwi A/'Wur /*/"wfa,/rwtf A,D< 1804 101903. 
(CwitiniiwI fmitt p'ity*. 55.) 


(/>) Myfhfi twl fayrnrh. 

Mr, Brown's Philosophy of Social Value Devfilopod* 

I now come to the last part of the rupuwnt in Mr. Brown's book; his interpretation 
of the Andamancso Myths un*l h<wn<Is, It birnmtM rlos<T and more mnplfratcd than 
previously and frankly phikwopliiral. Hr tHN us that hi* is <ic';ilin<j; with the Myths and 
Legends " in a similar manuw " with the mr" imjnH;iut part* of th ritual ami ceremonial, 
and he commences by laying down his pmwlwv (p. , - MO) 

"1 propose to explain, nul how thr Irx'i.'ini* an'Ht*. (tut what fhr*y mean ; what part they 
play at the present twu* in tin 1 iu*'iif;il lif* 1 of ihr Andaman Muudrr, Customs that 
seem at first wight ammnuvw'''*-" 1 a ^'l ritlictiluus h;iv< hii>n >limvn in fulfil most important 
functions in the social (Tonoiuww! Himilariy I hnj* to jin.ivf that the ta!t . , , . 
are the mcann hy whi<-h th** Aii<ianiani*^' *'!\pn-xi ami Kyr4tf*iiuitiin their fumlamontal 
notions of life and nature* ami the Hrnlininit iittuchin^ to those notions/' 
Mr, Brown then Htartfl Ktrai^ht oil (pj>. jfijo it.) on an Akar*ftah* (tbilawa) iitorj*. 

The Night, the Day and the Cicada, 

In this story the origin of tin* Night anI !h Day flquMulH u t-hvir connection with the 
Cicada or cricket (p. 33* >) : " thin HJI^I-U'H of (jirn^la, of whic^h I ilo not know the scientific 
name, always make a note** (' mngrt ' UH th* imiivoH nuy) during the Hhort intr*rval of twilight 
between sunset and darknoMH anil In^t wvn Uawn aiiiil HuuriHi*." U|X>n tbi Mr, Brown remarks 
(p. 331): 

"The song of thoCiwuitt* ** thr day ^iv<^ j*hu*r> to night aufl a>* night changes to day 
is one of the most {amiliur if nil natural tihi'tumu'na <>f th* Antlaman^Re, Another 
fact that IB made UH^ of in tin* f*wmi i?* tliut if oiu? of tlicM; inwcU IM crufthcvi a 
was the Cicada of tbo tory or ?v<-ii if ii l* uk^n up in tht* hsiml, it will titter it hrill 
and plaintive noto* not nittiki* UK* cry of a human bring in pain. Finally, to 
understand the tah\ it in nt<twii&iry to mni'mlH-r thut in all the tribes of the Great 
Andaman division then* in n prohibition ugaiunt killing the Omda," 
To let Whe reader follow the <xjlanntiou of thi* nlory and Mr, Brown*a commcnte thereon 
I repeat it here as told to Mr. Brown : (p lili) : 

"Da Teagat [Bir (?) Kimtor| IIVIH! t CidluKma Bud, Ho wont furfiing one day and got 
only one amall fwh of tb kiuti ittllml rAffriti (< (Hyfhitlwlun Sordidu*). He txirncd 
to go home, and a ho wont be Hhui liU arr* WH tx*forf him into th** jungh' [a very unusual 
act.] Then he wont aft*r tlu*m to (in<t thoin iwun, AH he went he Apoko to the 
fruite of the jungle, aiikinK thi-iu thf*ir nani*n In th<ie dayn tho anccmtora did not 
know the namea of the fruiu* UIM! the tm^. Firwt ho kiHi the ;;uwm an<l then the 
fftrftdw, and th^n the rAaWi\ hut now* f thcMii r!plkd. Then he found bi first arrow. 
It wae stuck fant in a big yam (pom*). Htt took the arrow and *aid to the yam ; 4 w^,t 
to your naie ? ' At timt thi* vain tlM not annwer. Tengat turned to go sway. He 
had gone a few Hlepn, when tfw v*m oallc^t him back, trying ' my name i Gone. 
Tengat replied : * Ob I I <IMn V know, Why didn^t you ay BO before ? ' He dug 
up ttxe yam, which WHH a very big one, He went off to look for hU second arrow. 
As he went he upokc to the Htotuw n the jutigli*, asking their names, but none of thm 
replied- Then he fouml liin m^ona arrow fixed ia a large lump of resm (/wfif). He 
took the arrow, and a* he wan going away the rerin [which the Amamaneae regard 
a* a * etone '] caiJed him back , wiy itig * Hcsw, coy name 5* Tug : you ean take me along 
with you/ So Tengat took the raiin. Then Tengat forward a cicada (nto) and he 
took that atoo. When Tengat got to the hut (frtrf), every one came to look at the thing? 
he had brought. He rfiowed them the yam. He told them ita name and showed 
tfaam how to cook it, Thi wa* the firat time that the ancestors ate gono. Then 
Tengat took in hk hand the Cicada and squashed it between his palms. As he killed 



rTT Cicada uttered its cry and the whole world became dark. When the people 
saw thatTwas tok they tried to bring back the daylight, Tengat took sorrxe of &e 
Sn and mlde torches/ He taught the people how to 'lance a nd .Ring. When Da 
Ko^or? (Sir Ant) sang a song, the day came back. After that the day and mght 

Next Mr! Brown says that the skeleton o the Legend, (p. 331) is this : < c one of the an- 
cestors Mlled "a Cicada (a forbidden act), the Cicada uttered its ory (as it docs when hurt), 
and as a result, darkness covered the world (as it always does \vhon the Cicada sings in the 
evening). Leaving aside, for the present, the rest of the story, we may try to make clear 
to ourselves just what this part of it expresses." 

Then he goes on (p. 331) : " the explanation that I propone is to the effect that the Legend 
is simply an expression or a statement of the social valve of tho phenomenon of the alternation 

of day and night." 

He next remarks that " the one outstanding foaturc of tho iirat importance is that 
the day is the time of social activity, whereas tho night i a period wlwn tho fiociety is, as a 
rule not active ; " and that " one of the most important elements In tho mental complex 
revealed by a study of the ceremonial is the recognition o the fact that it to on the activity 
of the society that the individual depends for his HCuurity und wttll-boing." Also (p. 332) : 
" it is the inevitable result of this that the daytime, whan the society i active, should be felt 
to be a period of comparative security, while the night, whon all social activity ceases, should 
be a period of comparative insecurity," 

Mr. Brown's next note is (p. 332) : " tho Andaman Xulamfcr, Hki many other savages, 
is afraid of the dark .... But I would hold that in tho Andaman Inlanders and pro- 
bably in other savages, the fear of darkness, of night, is a secondary induced fooling, not by 
any means instinctive, and is in a large part due to tho aoeiai sentiments, to tho fact that at 
night the sooial life ceases . . , . Because any condition of tht* individual in which he IB 
withdrawn, from active participation in the common life to regariUnl an ono of danger from 
magico-religious forces antagonistic to the society." 

Having read all this iuto the tale Mr. Brown way* (p. .*M2) : *' Uw interpretation 
that I would ofiEer of the Akar-Bale [Balawa] Logond i# that it in an oxpresaion, of these 
sentiments relating to the night; an expression that takon advantage of tho connection 
between the song, the Cicada and tho alternation of the night and day . . The 
necessity of this particular form must be accepted as a pojttulatu." After this he proceeds 
(p. 333) to show at length " that the Legend does express tho social mlue of Night/' 

Prohibitions as Precautions. 

Mr, Brown harks back, however, for a moment to discuss tho foar of night in a paragraph 
of iihe first importance to his general argument. He saya (p. 333) : 

" The fear of night, or rather, since that fear is rarely more than potential, the feeling 
that night is a time of insecurity, is part of tho goneral attitude of fear or respect 
towards the forces of nature that are believed to bo possible nourco of danger to the 
society. Now, it has been shown that this particular attitude towards nature finds 
expression in ritual prohibitions of various kinds. For inntance, the Andaman 
Islander translates his feeling of the social valw of food eubataueea into the belief 
that such things must be treated with ritual precautions/' 
And then he goes on (p. 334) with the argument : 

" ^PP lyil i| ih ^ *o the case before us, we must first reoogtusc that to tho Andaman 
Islander the alternation of the day and night and tho winging of tho Cicada are not 
separate phenomena, but are two parts or aspects of one and the amo reourrtag event 
Now, the night and day are things that cannot bo faandted, i. M cannot be immediately 

, . M 

subject to the a jj* <* ^naa beings, white the Ocad* can be handled. Hence 
^^^ tha l?\ : ^^ of P^ autioilte referred. Any interference with the 
is forbidden, and this prohibition serve* as a mark or expr*km of the 


of that alternation of night uiul <Lty with which the Cicada is so intimatelv 
associated. The legend of the Akar-Bak- [Balawa] Tribe ia simply an elaboration 
of this theme/* 

The Invention of Singing and Dancing. 

Mr. Brown proceed* to examine i.thiT ;tsp<u>f,s of tho JUigencl (p. 334) : " the Akar-B<ale 
Btory, besides giving an umnuit of th<- nn'v'in of nitfht relate the invention of singing and 
dancing," which to the Andaman*-** fc * uiv mHy two asptvts of one and the same activity 
.... Dancinjj, oxn'pt on a f*w *p,"rial i-m-monial owirfiona, always takes place at 
night.'* This if* because of lh<* l>i*lii-f that " dai^ing and siiiKinj? arc moans by which the 
evil influence of darkness ran !M <\vtvum ..... as th<y possess magical efficacy against 
the dangers prevalent at mufti ." Ou this ln< siys (p. ;j:r>) : *- thi relation between the 
(negative) social mlw of night nn-1 tin* (/>WNV ) .v-M /,</< O f tt<m*Jmr ami singing i* simply 
and clearly express I in thr I^#MI<!," It s\a> jh sinninjj; M of the Cicada that produced 
the darkness, and it was thi* Min-jiii^ anit tl inrhu* uftwvnnls that produced the day, "so 
effectual was the wean* adopted of wniraliMnj; th** i<vils of tlurlw.sH that finally resulted in 
the return of the daylight in \vhirh unlinnrv /surial lift* is jn*ssihlc." 

To this Mr, Brown adds (p. 8;to) : " tin- ivfi'romv to th<* n^in iu the Legend can be 
easily understood. Tho Andauiiin*^.* us* n*-in to provide tlu- Ii*ht by which they dance, 
as well as for torclu* for fishiny tm hrk ni-ht ^ . , . . Thus lh< Mnwl mlw of rein is 
that it affords a mean* of wulruIWn^ to u r*Ttnin ^J<nt tli* k i'ITri*ts if <larknea^. M 

Then ho remarks (p. ;*:W) :" nm* of tin' ait-T^Mr^ und^r tlu* iufliumcc of an anti-Aocial 
passion, killed u Cicada, which utfw'd it HI rrv, >ud thcfiMipon UK; world wan covered with 
darkness , . . , hut mm h.-ivr learnt Inw t*> \w r*sin f*r urtEiieial light, and how to 
remedy the effects of <!;irkn<'NH ly dunriii^ and Min^in^/' 

Lastly, Mr, Browi fcm- to thi* fonrlusiun (p, 33T>) that tho ' I^gonci of the Night, tho 
Day and tho Cicada* JH thin : ..... 

"Simply the cxpimsion iu n pariicujar furiu of tin* relation Ix^twecn tho Society aad 
a certain natural phcnomwiim in ti*nns erf what huvi" hwnx callinl fU!iriZ value*. Wo 
find exproKdtHl tht? Ho<*iul vulut-M of niirlit airl of rt'Hin nnd duucing* Ft may he noted 
that the Legend aim* KIV**H ai M|n*t'iul siwiul vnlu* to tho anc'i^iorH, different from and 
greater than that of im'a nr wumt-o ut th {insorit day. Tfw Ancestors wore able 
to do many things that mru ranuMt do now : thvy WTU able to aflfcet the processes 
of nature in a way that i* no lunger j wHf+iM, n 

The Discovery of the Yam, 

Mr. Brown pas**** on (p, :j:jr) to ili*'ti*s the diwovtfry f the yam, a minor point iu the 
Legend, which Mr. Man Mat^s, (HIS- p. 21 1 of Urowu) f an; Jwing the result of a chance shot 
with an arrow* Mr, Brown think* it likely to ht* really a Huparatt) nt<ry brought into the 
present tale, aw then* i* th MhiHitinx of an arrow in both. In thin ntory, by chance shots 
with throe arrows Da Tcngut diwovere^l new cbjc%;tH uf threo differontt kinds^animal 
(cicada), vegetable (yam), mineral (resin, whtoh to the Andamaneao i a * atone '). On this 
fact, Mr, Brown olmervo* (p, n;i7): " in common with other primitive peoples, the Andaman 
Islanders regard what wts call !uek or chuncv HM duo to tha action of the mgioaI powers 
possessed by object* ami by human IWUIJM," 

The Killing of the Oft*!*. 

And then, although ht< f*?U tho points not to bo plain in the Legend, Mr. Brown says 
(p. 337) : " I think wo muni tako it that Da Tongat wa* diijpwted at his lack of success in 
fi&iag , . . . Hta nhoottng of thi arrowu mart te regarded, I think, as the result of 
his anger." In his irritation '* he cruaht^l the Cicada, thwa bringing darkness on the world/' 
Then Mr. Brown remarks : " it i a principle of the Legends that evil results follow from 
$v action f . . , ( p , 33)^ j t waji tho wickednoaa of the ancestor in giving way to hi* 


feeling of irritation that led to the social disaster " of the coming of the night. In. Ver i 
it was "through the combined effort of the ancestors joining in a harmonious action (sinci/ 
and dancing) that the day was brought back." 

Major and Minor Motives in Legends. 

Mr. Brown here breaks off (pp. 339-340) to lay down a principle of interpretation H 
begins by saying that he had " drawn a distinction between what may bo called major rf 
minor motives in the story, The validity of the interpretation of the legends offered in th' 
chapter depends on the validity of this distinction, and it is therefore important to tor 'd 
a method by which we separate major from minor motives. This? can only bo done wh 
there are several versions of the same legend." ' en 

And then he goes on to say (p. 339) : '' if we compare the Aknr-Bale | Balawa] Legend 
with the Aka-Bea version recorded by Mr. Man, we HOC that they have in common * 

(1) the explanation of the origin of night as due to the breaking of a rule : 

(2) the training back of the trouble to the auti-aoHal passion of anger cm the part 
an ancestor : 

(3) the account of the origin of dancing and singing as a mean* of neutralising the effect 
of darkness. 

All other elements of the story are different in the two stories g^ ^ 

Legends express the social value of night, and they both express it iu very much the same 

Beliefs about the Moon : Personification. 

Here Mr. Brown says, (p. 340) : -an exactly parallel explanation cnn bo given of the 
Andaman notions relating to the Moon. The social mlm of moonlight is duo to the fa, 
that it enables the natives to fish and catch turtle and dugoqg by night. A clear mooolil 
night affords the best opportunity for harpooning dngong," the moat valued of all food 
^^^^\^l^ d ^g the second quarter the Moon gives valuable help to tie 
natives, but during the third quarter withdraw* that help, 

Ihen he proceeds to say (pp. 340-341) * 


the Night in fact to 34lT - Wwfc abottt * Moon a d 


The Kre 

or motive. I have recorded three legewfe 


h'ch relate, with some <-lifToreMvii,s of detail, how in the* beginning the ancestors had 
fire how' ftr was itrivliu;i'l 1\v <>n*? f th**"^ uirt how many of them, being burnt 
aud frightened were turmsil into animals of different kirn!*." 

And then remarks (p. 342) : ** the story acrvos aft un explanation of the markings on 
K- i\ and fishes, there being where ifat* ancestor who became the apeeies was burnt by the 

fire " 

Mr Brown then lays down (p. 342) thai ''the due to the true interpretation of the three 

stories [above mentioned] must Iw nought in the social value of Firo : " a proposition whieh 
he then sets out prove (pp. 342 .). 

"We may sav In a word* that it in th** possession of tire that makes social life (as the 
Andamanese 'know it) possible . , , . Amongst all the creatureR that inhabit 
the worltt man in the only one that>* and inakfw use of fire. Here, then, is 
the fundamental notion that in spread in tin** Legends. At first, BO the story 
* animals and human bring* w*n* <w>, and worn not distinguished. Then came the 
dvorv of fire - <P- &*3). H i* thn poKHcutfion of the fire that makes human 

Hiaovorv of re - P- . 

b^irww what they arc, that rtwkr* life an tlioy livr it pimrtibli*. It is equally (according 
to the Legend) thi lark of lire*. or the lark of thu ability to make use of fire, that makes 
the animal? what thuy are, that ruin thorn oiT from*ipttti<m in human life/' 
Upon this Mr. Brown argui* (p. *) : 

*'The three Btorirs c*fmm<ii*n k fi a1*t>v4 ccmUtin three motivcB : 

(ft They exprcw the wr*irf rot/"* f **, by inuking tho foundation of human society 
(through the different iutiott erf mfu and animals) riupeitd on the discovery of fire, 
(u) They exnrcB* a peculiar uniitin an to the relation f the human specie* to the other 
animals which in found in the Legend*. . A - , i. 

(tit) They give a legendary explanation of Home of the eharactenstica of animate, such 
as the bright colours of cortuiu birds and tiahew.' 1 

And then he arguet* (p. 343> that " th^am^ rautivt^a arc present in many of the 
Legends relating to the origin of ton." 

The Flood Myth, 

Further consideration of the Fire Legend** lMwl Mr. Brown to the Andamaneae stonefii 
about the Flood. He commence* with a r^markabto Htatemont (p. 344> : 

" We have een that on* explanation (in the mythological imn*) of how the birds arose 
is that they wen* ancestor* who fl*d from the lire. There are other tpne that give 
a different account and relate that tho nnitnaU oume into existent through a great 
flood or Btorrn that overwhelms! the unrcwtom. Both of these Legend* are to be 
found in the same* trih<** t Thwir itteomiMttibilitjr doe not prevent ttirai from being 
both equally aoeimtecl. If it can IK* nhown tliat the story of the flood is simply an 
alternative 'method of rxpreiing the me c^t of repreaentatione that underhe the 
story of the origin of the imim&la through the diaoovory of fire, the mterpretation 
of the latter will *ws in aomo degree oonfirmert/' 
And then Mr. Brown proceed* (p, 344) : 

" I think that it was tocauw* nomo of tJbe ftneentorn kept their fire alight that they re* 
mained human, while those who lot their fire were turned into animate. If many 
personal impremioM are of any valuo, thin i really th* W^ that doa underlie tto 
Legend in the native mind. Tim* It would appear tha* Ihw vyawion rf tho Flood 
myth is simply a mvemal of the Fire Legend previotuly considererL Ihey both 
express the name thing in different way. They both mak the KS^^^L^^ 
the thing ou which social (.*., human) !ili> depend, thf fcndamm**! fierenoe between 
man and animals/' 

Mr. Brown naxfc (pp, 344*345) diaagre** wttli Mr. Mw v .fMom^,xii^/ 4 faaiM ^ ham 
come to the oonolanion that there waro two ,-K.N/*-.-:m idea which interferes wxth Mr. 
Brown's argument. But pawing thin by, it miiMt l? t<'d that Air. BrowTi then Bays ; p. 845 : 
" On the iut^rpnstatioii hem Buggwtwi toe major motive* of th0 S0od Myth are 
(1) the Bocifil mltn: >f lit.- as <>xi*iv..-.-v!'.l >y mftkinjc tlw diff<?n^nco between man ana 
depend oa its posaeesbm by tin- former iul " f 't by the latter : 


(2) the notion of the animals as having once been ono with tho ancestors. 
These two motives are both present in the Legends of the origin of lire that were pre 
viously considered," ' 

The Three Worlds. 

Mr. Bro\ra now becomes ingenious (pp. 346-347) : 

" In a number of their Legends it is stated that the ancenteuM $a wl them&el VCB by climb 
up into a tall tree and into the trees- This is to he explained by the fact that the bird! 
all live up in. the trees, and many of them can never bo aenm avo overhead. Xhe *T 
of the forest is where the birds livo : it ie thoir world, rained above the world of men 
and women.. The flood drove the inhabitants to the tops of thr tr#s, Th e birdg 
remained there and only the human beings aamo down Again - (p. 347* 
This is, 1 think, what the Legend really mcan, The gtory of the flood gives a picture 
of a three-fold world .... For the natives of thr [Andaman] Wanda the tot) d 
the forest is an alien world into which they can only pcnetmto with oxtwnts difficult 
by climbing, and with the life of which they have little to do, Similarly the watew 
of the sea are another world into which they can only pttnetrutu fnr a few moments 
at a time by diving." 

Mr. Brown then carries the idea further (p. 347) ; " thu *amft thrro-foW division of the 
world is seen in the beliefs about the three kinds of ftpirita, thorn* of tht* fnrwt, those of flw 
sea, and the Morua who, while spoken of as spirits of th*j ky uiv often thought of as living 
in the tops of the tall trees, " But he is aware that here he i in a iliflic ni t iy ( p, 3*17) : <c it may 
be said that, on this view, no allowance is made for the* cxtetonee of tumwtrial animala." 
This he skims over by saying : "That is true, but it moat !xs mnwutorfvi that there are 
very few such animals in the Andaman**.*' 

The Origin of Animals, 

Mr. Brown is thus led on to examine " the story of tho Origin of Animal* in the Akw- 
Bale (Balawa) Tribe/' Comparing the variants of tiie toto ho sayii (p. 340) : 

" The main pttrpose of the story ia to relate how a gr*at tonn or oyttone viite<i the 
island in the times of the ancestors and turned many of thorn into animata. The 
storm was brought about by the action of ono of tno nrvoHtxux who in atnger did 
some of the things that are known to angor Puluga and cauw? a Htorm , . The 
purpose of the elements of the Legend i to explain how thr grout Wootl cameaboat, 
by tracing it to the anti-social action of some or more of the atu-eAUtm,, jiint as tha niA 
is supposed to have been produced by an ancestor who pffrfunmt a forbidden action 
.... The origin of the catastrophe that aoparated iho onra united anoectacB 
into animals and human beings ia thua traced to th* fact that they could not lite 
together socially and iu harmony." 

After reasoning at some length on thcne geuerai telamento, Mr. Brown <p, 3UO) dmiw 
the moral from the animals legends thus : human society ia only pomiiblo If personal anger 
be aubordinated to the need of good order : the animate are cut off from human society beoam 
fchey could not live peaceably together without quaneDing/' 

The Personification of a Katural Phenomena. 

Mr. Brown is next, as it were almost natomUy, led on to consider what he (p. 377) eafla 
.the Personification of Natural Phenomena, or what Mr. Man would oall the Andauwiese 
^ofGod. T^ point he examinae at great length in a^^ 
f t ^^^ into ^ *ytf">Iogy of thk ili-importont subject with the 
(p. 35G). In the various stories [of the Fire and Flood} there are two raarato 
T'.r? y " ^ ex P Ianatiott of *>* a disastrous flood or *torm oau*>d by the wji 
IS^^ 1 f n cormected ih Bili1 ^ (Wuga)/' and eocoadly - hoM, through tb 
flood md stotm," animuils became separated from the human raca." 

'The cteejb the understanding ' of Andaman** mythology (p, 301) " lies ia 
- the Bather tod the eaw/' STSS diw^ the 


aa he understands them, wl a#u uIMf* in tin* iui.-umn of the t<rm kiwil (gumut) in con- 
nection with them, which hew (p. 352) " ihnote* a condition of social danger or of contact 
vriih the power possessed by all things that am affect the life and safety of the society," 

Mr. Brown here remark* (p. 352} that " tho life (if the Andaman Inlander is profoundly 
affected by the alternation of the Hflaons," and in relation to the occasional cyclones in the 
islands he remarks (p. 352) ; " nn old man rwountal to mfl how on the occasion of a violent 
cyclone he and others of hfo village tank rrfujjn in tho wit and on the open shore from the 
danger of falling trow, and rtmiainal there till thw violent of the fttorm had abated,*' Here 
I would note that either Mr. Brown did not unilcfHtJind tlit* phi man or the old man was 
rhodomontading. 1 have pwKmmliy been through thmi cycioAQHr~tw!C6 at sea and once 
on the sea-shore. The sea on uoh cxwaMnna in A bout the Innt pbiuo any one would or could 
seek in a cyclone. Ho is right, howwr, in wiyinR that the visit of such a storm is a time 
of real terror and extreme* diingrr to Hudi a jwoplt; an tho Andamanew. I 

Then Mr. Brown shown how tho rttnonN (|p. !tft2-35. f {) nffiart the food supply : "roughly 
we can say that the rainy Hennwi i* the? MCA win uf fWi food, t-hn Jtimi7 Hoasont is the season oi 
grabs, the cool season in tho Hea*ou of fruitu nnd ruotw, uiui tbo hot season is tbo season 
of honey/ 1 

Biliku .Puluga and Tarai - 

To follow hi own oxpr*^i<mH Mr, Itrown tl 

* Ipropo3e to ahmv that tlu* Amliimun Niitul*rH i>*jtn* thu Mortiil into of the phenomena 

of the wuatfaer ami tho ^tdmiiiM, >., the way thtrw plmiownu affect the social life 

and the uocial Hentimvniw* hy niMii* of l*wwh umi ii-iirfs relating to the two r&y- 

thical beingB whom thry t-all Jiiiiku nni Tfirui, Uning thc word 'personification' 

in a sense to to ctatinod Mw in th* chpti*r, ww may nay that tlie Andamanese 

personify the wcathor and the MOAttorw iu Mu- JUTWIVS of BHikuVnd Tarai. M 

These are tho Northern forum; in tho Koulh tliiy w,ro Puluga and Deria. Biliku is 

associated with the North Kwi tton#mm. <r, tlu* cold and the hot Hoa&on : Deria with 

the South West Mon**oon, i.*,, thu rainy tu^wm. "it in powibte (pp. 368-384} to show that 

the Andaman Maudw* a^^^bto with (h<^^ two twing* alt the phenomem of the weatber 

and the seasons, and art* aMo ta rrjiri'^nt tin* rhan^t^ of the Utter as though they were the 

actions of human or anthropomorphic Umng*/' 

Mr, Browti T B form <>f argument in that whc*rv thcro i# g^nartl agreement as to beliefs on 
a partioular subject^ thcum ar the major or important pt>int : where thero Is a lack of agree- 
ment, those arc tho minor or taw important point*. On this argument he treats as a matter 
of lesser importance tho fact that in the South Pulugn in mole and in the North Biliku IB 
female. Then ho wiya (p, 351) : ' ttj>j>lyin the Htricst method outlined above, we may begin 
by noting that there* i* completely unanimity in r^jard to the connection of Klifca and Tawi 
with the Korth Etutt ami Urn Kcmth WIN* rcwpcti?0ly, And therefore wife the moaaooo* 
No interpretation of the myth can bo nduquftto unleat it *{ * tint front this fact, fflte oou- 
nootion is ao irmly ftxoJ Ui4t it uppear* in tho mnUMi of t in* u-ind* thomHclvos." 

As to the ascription of the wind*, Mr, Brown remark* {p, )S5) that ^only the Sonth 
West wind in atwooiatcd with Turai iind all the other winds with Biiita," ^ lie eays tliat 
fee point is one of " con^Mt^bte imjt^irui;-** in th* infrrprviatiou of this myth/' Bilito 
istjwswlore naturally eonnooted with \\^ rlii..-{ tt-iwl-'t uul ^rtrm, and so is more important 
wttial *' This prejwmlerande (p. :i.v;; w lit nct-d t Fie cxpLiiiicd a one of tho essentials 
of the fiayth," In fact on p* 305 Mr, <iwrt that it i Hiliku that scndsallthe storms 
gltoaiihatietidiinotbifig moro than hry Aowwi ol iito^ W1hthefeax of Mr. Brown 
before mo I cannot help saying thai these ibWrtton require modification* Storms do 
occur in tho North Baft Monsoon *nd are orcfttfonrily irrart: oyoloneB are terrible and 


occur usuaUy then, but they are rare, no one individual being likely to experience more than 
one or two in his life, whereas in the South West Monsoon storms arc constant and oa 
the West Coast of the Andamans very severe. 

The Anger of Biliku (Puluga). 

Mr. Brown now carries on the argument, p. 356: "the Andaman Islander represents 
any natural phenomenon having negative social value as though it were the result of the action 
of a person in anger, this being the one anti-social passion with which he is most familiar in 
his own life .... The negative social value of a violent storm is obvioua," and they 
are therefore dearly due to the anger of Biliku. 

He next remarks (p. 357) : c * another law of Andaman Mythology it* that a. person, such as 
the Moon, is never angry without cause," and ho examines throe action** of extreme importance 
which "cause the anger of Biliku." The first is tho molting or burning of bees- wax. The 
season for doing this is necessarily the hot season, and <K year after 5 car tho wax-melting 
season comes to a close in showery weather." So (p. 358) " the augur of Biliku following 
the melting of bees- wax is in one sense simply a statement of actual observable fact. Ihe 
second point is the cutting down or digging up in the hot season of certain plants, which 
include the most valuable vegetable food. Here again, Mr. Brown arguca (p. 359) : " there 
is a definite ground of association [of Biliku's anger] in familiar natural phenomena." The 
third action that can cause Biiiku's anger is (p. 360) ** the killing of a Cicada or making a 
noise while the Cicada is singing in the morning or evening." Here the explanation is (p> 360) 
that " the grub of the Cicada is eaten, during the kimil [danger] season and at no other time 
of year," i.e., only in the cyclone season. 

The Andamanese are represented here as a kind of ceremonial homoeopaths. They do 
ceremonially the very acts that anger Biliku in order to euro or n vert her anger E. g. t (p 359): 
" the efficient way of stopping a storm is to go into the forcut and destroy the plants that 
belong to Biliku," and (p. 361) by performing the ceremony of " killing tho Cicada " they 
Insure fine weather. 

Reviewing the whole subject, Mr, Brown writos (p, 302) : ** The explanation that I have 
to offer of their beliefs relating to Biliku and to tho things that offend her i that they are 
simply the statement in a special form of observable facts of nature.'* 

The Sex of Biliku. 

On this subject Mr, Brown remarks (p. 366) : 

"T^ereisalack of agreement .... Tarai, (p. :jt>0) rules over the rainv season, in 
which the chief food is the flesh of animals of the land and of the sea ; it i the business 
of men to provide flesh food. On the contrary Biliku rules over the neauons in which 
the chief foods are vegetable products of different kinds :,ifc is the business of women 
to provide such foods , . . . There is (then) sound reason for oaU ing Tarai male 
and I Biliku female -,. This V of thinking of Biliku as female is in harmony 
with her character as outlined above. Women (in the Andaman*) are notoriously 
uncertain, changeable creatures. You can always reckon fairly well what a man 
will do, but not so with a wotnan." 

After carefully qualifying this statement about women by the wordaheputs in brackets, 
Mr. Brown goes on (p. 366) : - In the South Andaman, howver, both Puluga and Dari* 
are said to be male. It can be shown that this view is alao appropriate m its way. The 
Akar-Bale [Balawa] say that Puluga and Deria were once friends, but have quarrelled fl 
now live at opposite ends of the earth and are perpetually renewing their miairel." The 
t^ noucnund in unsettled weather. The combat is such as would be fought among mn : 
obviously therefore ^ Poluga and Deria should be male. All this Mr. Brown qualifies by tt* 
(p. 367) : I venture to think, however, that the Southern mvth is not qprite -W 


rt0 i-hA >iorin.-n\ on<\ dors not transit' <iuitr *n \vHi nil tht< different features ot 
flfltiafactory ^ scr * e i>u ' , , . ,. tr .. t * A i 

eai/wu*' ,j %rtl . wiiv , u ;ih wh irh it 'l^iirf. H<Mm^ shmw oniHMitfniii mat hr* ran 

4-Vio n^tUPftl pnO"*!* 1 ' 

i \H1rnk anv nhwrvatim in <*<' tild thai don* nut *npport his theory, 
regard as UK uj k /p,,),, nnd Firo. 

Here Mr Brown way* that th*> Andaman Fur u^nd* (,,, :W7) "owe the origin of the 

.onnection tatwcwi Biliku, tho ^nrm-Hondor, and li^tninx , . , , <p, m One belief 

that it to A firebrand flurw by i"T throng th<- sky : H ;v.voul H tlut il i a moth or- of- pearl 

iU /" \ oi^iiArlv fl'mif : vot iv ih" 1 ' 1 *u*v'nt i timi slip ].r^tuoc thr lightning by striking 

flhfiU (08) Sllli'''" 1 ',) ^ , . H 1 I r< I 1 1 j i n * ! 

i n /; \ ^,* .* nvl tttnju' " I.ii'Unuiu/ i^ iiiU-iMv r';/'irvi!d an A hrt%jnuid, but (, riiiiM 
w\ shell (w) on *i uu ''*' l ? ^ - * . . ,, . , 

Vjrolanation of li.ditninsf -* ^*' 'I<T^'** '" J <>>' ' ih( ' l M ^ rl >' h ^ tr(1 fjf thirt tind 
' n h t also oil utiirr foatiiri*^ of i'." d JH tn IhU pnta* (<*n p, 3M) Mr. Brown is not 
^'"l gather that iln- lire wa ath'n Cnni UiHLn, nd l<-t-ojning angry 4< ahe tried to 
nkh the offoivtar/' 1>.v flni?inJ* " ' fln^'^nvl nr ||i^rl] *li^!l " m him. She thu bwamo 

Dlliku, th Enemy and also the Bunetaetftss. 

"'There can \w no dou!^ , *vv Mr. Rrfwi (p. 37^*), " tha^ (h utility] U the usual way 
1 li* K the Andamnn^<> crii^Mvo t h> roUt ion h^two^n Bilikjj nd th< atwjtfora, and there* 
fore.slnea-thean'-cstor- vi^^M t> *x-Wy i i* ^ w ini^^ MWOMI Biliku and them- 

t ' u n,4 k> 410^4 fh'it Ur \};n/K <l^ft*rii[)tioivi* of Puhiif-i *' ;*w tho cr^fttor of t-ho 
s a iVC.S JJ'l' 1 "* ~ **** ** " *"'^ IT n ~ 

and tAobenoiiecnt ruler of m * r,khid " urfhrtirtrt with ihw vknv. And thM, ulthoagh !' 

/ 01?f )^that * k th^r** U no doiil*i tJiut ut M?IV J :* ( *nd iwor^ jwivlidvd/vrjy iji tho southern ttil; 

the native* do re^rd Ilrt tho HiMi^foU*r iind *wn tlm cr^tor <rf the human raci^," ho 

aJd a footnote (pp, 370-;J7 1 ) : 

(! In dealing with th* a'*o<ift giv^n bv Mr, Mm of th<? Andaman nvythoiogy, it i* 
ueoesaarv to remornb^t th*it. ho wm.** Mmlubt^Uv influww'd by ft very drong cieaire 
toBhow'tbiit tho b^lif*h f I ho AruUwni*i l>ut- Ptitap* wr f irndftm^tally 1 the 
same as tho Mkh of tho ChrirttMt nUont hi* tiwl. I* may to taten * <^rto.m tbftt. 

krt jii-i ^* ^*.^^.j^*i' i >* ''i* ii '*r O- i i'|ul* irt ^tTw't his rNiow of th^ Attdinti^i) l^li^is,. iiut* 

ne Qi'j ?]'' n'-'i. .' T -I . ; , ^- ^ p , ,,, i , 

it i'4 very i*ii[--''' : . . iS - '. ' : ' '''' ' :; '' i: - '"' ; : '.' ' : "''' '' ''**''"* "'''"*' '" ; ' -1 ( ''''* 

\if.. fj ..-., : ... , '. ' i. !".- .- t .'. 

?: : 'Y- vj ii'-tJi'.j fhf;i M>\ MauV view 

Thl,5 B i. l : .';i : .* -' :t -''- ; ' 

)0 thi:i;-*u-.\ M*l ?.--,'. ^ 
lr.Hav/.v -v^*^ -:-'-i! -. 

''TSketVVjVut! : i o! ;,' 

Of UlO A :!>,',.'!'.'' :: '- 
SC.IHOTt (*[ a : .i'' '' -.^'', t 

hersdf the ^v.-v;' .- . 
althcugli if- .. f^'i\.-- (-t 
mauki'.t'l, v^l. -^--.t i; 

< . ; , . ' 
.,: ,-', . f-. ?' i. >;., L" < ;.< U 
- :.;,;:" '-:'* '> --. ' V ' 

|V -i .->,.. ^ j-.:i- , -. -i^ 
... \ ;-.;- . . , . T 

rr , '.*-,- J ix'* '' ''"'f' 1 

both iul<^:r.ii TU* 
Sbir Mv. Tih.wu 

I (' I''." . '.! 
^ * j i'', ,'* ' 

r.^ :*'-' !' 

i ' } '; . -. j 

1 '. >i i ' f ' ' \ \ i jj^^li V {*!'" '"." i *i^*')^.< 1 ' I H'O 
: .-: f; U li: -!-,' 

BM-ut snt! the* Sun, 

iiO^iltf to 

ctt* M( jttiiku lure 

Bitiku andl tfc# Spirits- 

M , H 

On this !)*!! (,, k : 

<: rt U/ii^r ii,.- t H;!'::,., 
the ame time Biliku i* 

,/ K ii 't,t* iri.l.uii^'ti^hfd fr>! ih^ Spirit H (l&u), yi*t at 
iuton^tiotj with the Spirit* by the existence pf 


alternative explanations of bad weather. One of the explanations is .that storm* 
, while the other is that they are duo to the Spirits, particularly the 
Both these "beliefs, contradictory as t!u T seem, are held by the 


The Biliku-Tarai Myth. 

Mr Brown winds up his remarks on the Biliku (Puluga) and Tarai (Drria) Legends with 
these remarks (p. 375) : " I have tried to show that the whole myth ia an expression of tfo 
social value of the phenomena of the weather and the season**. These phenomena affect % 
social life in certain definite ways and thereby become the object* of certain sentiments : 
these sentiments are expressed in the Legends .... (p. 370). I haw explained 
some of the more important of the Legends as being expramionM or statements of the social 
value of natural phenomena.'' And finally he says : (pp. 370-377) " nil tlu legends I wiah to 
maintain, are simply the expression in concrete form of the fcwUnu* and icleaa aroused ty 
all things of all kinds as the result of the way in which tiling** atffc-t thr moral and social 
life of the Andaman Islanders. In othor words the L^MM!* have for their function to 
express the social values of different objects, to oxprcs--* hi ^vmml the system of social 
values that is characteristic of Andamanese social organisation.'* 

Personification of Natural Phenomena : Definition, 
Says Mr. Brown (p. 377) : 

"It is now necessary to give a more exact definition of this 1Vrm. By it I mean the 
association of a natural phenomenon with the JcJon f*t' a p rM.n in snt*h a way that 
the characteristics of the phenomenon may !* rt^rflrti as though thoy wt*re actions 
or characteristics of the person. The simplest form is ilwt in uhirh UK? phenomenon 
itself is spoken of and thought of as if it were an actual JIT*H , Tims thr sun and moon 
are spoken of as Lady Sun and Sir Moon/' 

And then a little later on he says ; cl the name of the* ] vivon is nlsu a sin I us the name of 
the phenomenon of which he is (in the phraseology*l ln?v) the p rsouiiivutiou.' 1 

Process ot Personification. 

After discussing the process of personification in mythology p'^'i'-ii y in tt-nns of which 
the key-note of the argument is (p. 373), **tho lirst tir^ajnsni fxp< i r'uju'e that the 
individual attains is all connected with persona and thfir rt'ht.ion* t Jii.'/-ti K." ..... Mr, Brom 
goes on to apply the theory to the Andamauonc. Ifo oh.sTvfrf (f. *47i+) that '* the Andaman 
Islander has no interest in nature save in so f.-ir as it din -i ly ifVwl.s tin? xx*ini life," and in 
order to express his emotional experience t4 ho hns to :, ; u Ut * of that jirt of his own. ex- 
perience that is already thoroughly organised, namely, thai relating ti> the actions of one 
person as affecting another, or as affecting the society/' 

Tfce Ancestors : Tradition. 

Mr. Browti n6xt temarka (p- 381) that u the permjirifteation of natural phenomena is 
not the only method by which their social value oau I>c uxprfH^^l/' whu*h observation leads 
him on to disonss the question of the existence of *' anccntitorw/* as to whom he says (p. 382) 
that tc the ground of the helief in the ancestor is to be found in the* cxisteuuo of a 
ftrndameo-tal in aH human society, which I shall call the* feeling of tnutition." 

Einsfly 1^ is led to an opinion, of which ano hears more late**, rotating toan " 

*' To pub the matter (pp. 382-383) in a few words, the individual finds* himself in relation 
tpan ordered ^system-^the social orderto which he h^ to adwt hiiuoif. The two 
chief moments in his affective attitude towards tliftt order re bw enH<- of his oW 
upon it and of the need of conforming to its requirement* la his actions. 
^T f ^ owx relat ^ *<> tke social ordc*,~~tjUt the Andaman Idanto 
* 16 Legetwis about the ancestor*, whtoh recount how that order cs*e 
w i0 resalt of aefctoro of anthropomorphic being*/' 


"~~ Culture Legends ; Weapons and Implements. 

Hero Mr. Brown Iruv*-* mvthnlu^y and jin^a tin t< rulturi*. H*' ntate.s (p. :j3) that 

Pulturo Legend* " thr Andaman" 1 *!' Wamlrr XJUVSHCH IUH Hcnne of bin awn 

eflast," and then he nay* : 

<< Tt is obviotu* that th* Andaman InUndrr rnn*t r^ani lh* Aravatoraa-, Vicing persons 

actlv like hinwlf* f*r ihry W<TI- rf*Mj>un8iJi' for thtM'st?*WUhmont of lh HCIPIH'I order, 

f which he merwlv foufonnH. uud of whirl* ho Im* thi' ii'lvanlng*. Hit ay, therefore, 

e wore Inn^rr mm than liiiuHf. meaning hy this that they were bigger 

that thev wore 

ntallv or pirituully* nithor than ph\*ir.'0ly, that thry wri- person* t*nU>wutl with 
wars inwh trmvtfr than thonr <*vru nf tin- innliriiu* nion <f the uri'Monl timo, This 

explains tho mnxu-al powvrn fhai nrr uttrilniti*ti ti many, or imWtt to all, of the 

A$ to the meaning uf maKicul |>WTJ+ hr hus n nisjnifirant not? on p- 3H4 : ** In tho last 
shown that thcuttril utimt of mAK^'il f<rrr to wu-h HiingMas fiKd and human 

h tear it was shown tat tcur umt o mA'i < - 

bones IB simply the mean* by whi.-li tho **-iut wlnr* of ih^r thiimn n? ropnwnt^l and 
Similar I henth na^i'al i>u\v^rr4 ot th* iiinH'Htui> 

imse* Similar I vhenth na^i'al i>u\v^rr4 ot th* iiinH'Htui> arvHiniply the* 
of their social vnlw, it:., tin* suuiul valuo uf tnulu ion. 11 

The Order of Nature : Moral taws, 

Mr, Brown now iteeomi'H Htnic'tly ^hiU>pliw'nl in his argument (p. 3S4) : 
** Besides tho Hcxsial inhr i hrrr in ?uioth<*i\ thr onliT nf iiAture, whWi iMootiHtantly acting 
upon tho f)<x*ia-l or^kr . / . Th* 1 AnUuu4n IhUnd^r Und himwlf in an oritoreu 
world, a world mibjwt tolau, fMiiroll^i by UIIM^-II furci**. The Iaw arc* licit to him 
what the natural !WH ar< ti tin* JM-iinitiHt cif to-duy, they an* rather of tho nature 
of moral IUWH . . . Iliushl or wrong utt^in ^lin^ in u^curdaric^ with the lawn 
of the world or in <jj4Kj*itin in Uu'iiu ft ml thi mcmnH arling in *UTeordanro with 
or in oppoHiticiu to oiiHtnia. CiiHlnin and law nrt iudr'il Icr<- two fur the watne 
thing . . * * Thr fun t <f thr tvorbl, *hi- Andaman I*lnmlt*r TmeJv^H them, 
are not the? blind tuwohanicftl fnnu-i* >f inodfrn ^cum<r*j : mtbcr nrw they moral forced 

(p. 3HA) The law nf th" world ih^i* (lo bitn) i monU law, iu 
itnoral forcow, it* value** mornl vubu-b ; ii*i ordur i moritl ordor/ 1 
" Thia view (p. :W5) of tht* world IH ih itutiuMiUtpand inevitable rcswlt of the 
of man in Hociwty. It i^ * philotw^ihy not n-a* hwl by |>iiuiful tnteUactual effort, by 
the searching out t*f m^afiin^s un 1 n*nH*m* un 1 niuuH.^ ; it in impreiniod upon him in 
alltheh&ppeningH of lift?, i^ aH*uiw*l tti all bin nvtUmn : it neo<i*j only to bo formulated. 
And iho argument i*f UiiHrhai^rrliaH bvKru that iiUaj* thf* eatj^e^rion or formulation 
qf this view f the world n an ofilur reguUtcxl by law that the Legends have their 
meaning, fulfil their function." 

Function of the Lftnds. 

Mr, Brown'tf pUUuMO}iUti! tuguiuent coritiiiu^ (p. 3b6) ; 

4 *Tte Legenda of the Au d*miaat**0 * ; /, ^ 1 ^i i .(.( ! Ur'- v *;-. -^ --'ii 3 - ?^^U^a 
ctf how tho order of this world i*an. >.*>., .-,;.? ; ..... \ ituidruu*-ai:il 
of the natural order (a* of the H , ; u ^r,i-v .- ;- ui.iJMi.ui?^ ; th* Me jawe^i^ a w ior 
ever repeated , . , , (p. 380) | iu L - : .-i;^-.> S'.v f u-.; impiwiiiui fconocp- 
tfoaa, feat of uniformity (or to*-, s -m : Y; I; .!. ,,i th-- di-j^-tiil-.-iuM- l Uir ^;Heat on 
the past. It w the m^l of oxr**- ,- J i - - IM. - .tu^-j/i^:* T?IVI^ thr- Le^tuid!* 
tfaeif funotion. They are not m ;y t.s^v-r^.Mj ji -iii!.-.. bu* arts both innstia- 
tcnscly pr.M)tieal .... The !.-.; v,: v! - .,{ wh;i * -i > * ^bs*t to avoid doing 
is what votivtitaUNi the tradition '.-; tip' v* it-ty, U* i.fiiih t*vvry iifdividaU is required 
to conforn;.** 

Looal Motives o! the Legends. 

< Thc Lt^rudu ot out (p. 388) t> *<*MV< ..,\u, 1 to ju-tiiy 4hva!mve two 
conceptions. Tiiey do o by tolling 'fco-.v / t a *>\l; r it^rit' IMMV into wxUtuwce, aiul how also, 
all those natural pheaometui ttiat haw :ut\ ii-.triij t.u thw rttw:ifil \\rll- being crime to he as 
they are and coui to buwe relation to thft ^ --ici.y th-it they jKiideJs, Oae group of fftct that 


i. nhvinna relation to the society consists of the geographical feature* of the islands 

have an ^l^ that the local motives of the Launch* B*rve to 

. (p. 386) Such motive* arc of coiwulcmblo importance; 
of much more 'importance than would appear from the atone*. 

Animals as Ancestors. 

' Mr Brown next turn his attention to the subject of Animnl Ancwtora (p, 387) ; "many 
of the actors in the Legends bear the names of animals, >wl at the same time are spoken of 
03 though they were human beings .... (p. 3SH) It ij aM- simply iitit the legendary 
pe^on is a man with the name and some of the character!*! ^ o! mi r m,).. I ; u<>r is it simply 
that the legendary person is the ancestor of the autvii* oi: *lu-4i ho ho-o-s tlic name. We 
can only adequately express the thought of the Audainancso by auying that he regards the 
whole secies as if it were a human being/ 1 And on p, 380 Mr. Bi own rwiu-ks : " there fa 
a oaraJHism between the personification of natural phenomena and the | jollification of 

animal species.*' 

Origin of the Legends. 

After explaining that the Andamaneae hw no Star l.rjx?iu* bruise (p. 393) the) do 
not have their attention called to the stars, Mr. Brou u svi A a t>out :cnr.iiitiag for the existence 
of the Legends (p, 393) : fl tic AnJawaiicse, like oilu-.rn:'v:)-^ lm<* ;'<,t -u^u bod the power of 
thinking "abstractedly. All their thought nw^triiv. .Ms \viil ^ii;wtr (iii^s. Nowtto 
story form provides a means of expressing I'mit'tvMy uli-.ii. miiW oih^vi^ only be put in 
an abstract statement . . . . (p. 3l) r r!ihivf j^Mih'.! fuc ll.r iiii-r, *i iii Dories show 
b-irc'aiklrenand by savages in, I lH*ii*w s tiuiiiUioy ftflrortJ lh*' m' -n of *r\i:/viMinjjthoiinagwar 
tioriinoei'fcaiaflpaoifiodu.'ectionsaniJ oiurro^y |>byuiiii)j-wi;Uii ^i-rt in isi^^i^*,. 1 he individual 
to organise his expedience." AnU liiialiy lie iuakcn ,*MH' ijiU-j't .--! in;. 1 t'^iiia r^n in this connec- 
tion (p. 894): the point to be noted Is thn* tlu^c taliw uiv ,-ilm>H iNiiitU < ^^IMU- nd boastful, 
and it is for this -reason that they may well he ^<>;, t; , , >.! \viih t;;(! 4* ^/v///v o! the more 
civilised. . '. . (p. 395) By uie*iti 01 tiau .n^oi-iiiv<iHia cI i..iliinl (jli^uomena and 
of species of aoimftk, aad through the iW4U3ii^ti.n of iav y!iwi' *!' I he juji'^tors and dwk . 
times, they are able to develop a special Lin<i ot uavvrittru !iu>ra tin v, w lii-h IUIH for thorn just 
the same sort of appeal that much of oar own liUwatisrc 1ms fi>r iw." 

Inconsistencj; Li tfte LdgcMs. 

Mr. Brown frequently points out that tlii* u.\:;t'jifl i-*j*Ujia hiv^ji,sisU-u*'k'S uud he writes 
oji pr 39ti :;"ft i clear that the Aftlamane&e do not lm*>s &![>!> lu Uic^c legends the la? 
o lo^cal necessity." Aiid then on p. S07 he Hd*lt9 : 

thU kind t>ft/vt's v;il limit any doubt that 0* 

i&iiUur to those 

Idllw whea we attempt to un'Vivu,ruui hit^.-m^utly the facte 

to Touatl in dreams 

b ^processes of what niight cOrivoniently be alNvl nytabolic thought. It 
; would birdly be necessarv to point, this oafc were it not tliai miay ethnologists still 
tcy to ijiterpret the beliefs o savages as being tho result* of aUttinpt* to understoi 
i^ as \fc*iimk death, bkth, ote," 

^ ; 4 v Soeial Value of the Legends, 

At l^h ^ to hfe miQ arguiueat, (pp, ;Ji)7-3i*H) ; 

, f *Tli6 tkesisof tiUa Ohapt^ has been'thftt tfap Lvgoiids are tho ospre^ion of 
' of ptij^ts of different kinds. By the tpefal oot-ic ol an obji?<ti is zucant 
'wiu^ aiace tnv4*y nno i int 

la.t|ie weMw?e of the society to which he beloujp, the way in which it affects the 
^E-tie individoal. Th* y$tem of goobut valuer of a tioeiety ob 
^emwwyi^ which the society Mcoa4bitutcd and thoref ore^the I 
UT3jfer stood by coogtaat reference to tbo mode of life of the And&mauase. 


J>1AY, * /**** J 

Mr. B-owa's Conshi^on. 

v v .... : ,...,.,, ... . .:'.; .- i i ,,t- Wi;/". ;ui<l onsioiivs of the Anda- 

At this ;v;;v v;. ^:--' . < - ."' ; . ^. . . ...^.^ ^^ ]^ enquiry to be 

aerio iiM\ i -- v ' ; . _ ' J '". : ' ' ' ' / >;';.. .'..;>;: 

one 'iy>i'^ ? - - . ; . ^ . ,. ,,;. ;u .- ix i l!'. v l' r s of the Andaman 

' B.eiv :. .:'.:< ":'.'" ^ . . ... v . :.....,-:' v;. !: .liii^l; 'bofj\iriy obvious, 

thatii':u- J .''..'.. .;-...,., : 1. i .i-. 'fu'iii'^v'o wiih the taiae 

'' ! 'V; ' * " ' ' y ' \ ; .. ' .- ..'-. . i.-.ij ,:iit;- c.-.tLeL* cultures, 

;i " : " i '/' : ' ' . ' '' '. .-..-'. -..;!..-; -. : u :^'i.a l iii;tot-hat -would 

nou ^<.'Ui.. 3 _ _'. _ . .,.;,/-,; .-.:'.-'.. i. '*.-.'- !ir;j to bo iullo\ved generally, 

Will bO ut (;iii''' '^ //''' *' i)io '' "'" ' ' ' ,., . 

11 ** " ' _ _ ,_ '- . . . ,." . M- / . A. . t1 

'..,-. .-* - i! 'i^ '&* ^ thr,s( kinds como into 
'. ; .. ., -\-,:i r'^^ of a. particular 

.,, ; (\ , t ^, -:'.'. ' :ii J:- ,K>i\^'i* Or >'C;i'iiC COjfl.- 

t .- , ,, -., ...;;! : ;;>/:h.; Jti;;^ iii h/s weak- 

UljSl*'-.-iy - i ' - " "' ; ..-_ ^ .^^ ; ^ .-...,:;.:; ,ij::MV?L ill; I. iiiM OWJl 

f*?li. ii'.-'j' " e '' \'- ' ; ' : ' i ; \ . ,"" , v \'." .. v ..' ; .;.,- , ; .j.-.t,-';! ;.) this fece MC 

by a s^cai n;.^-- . ; -- : . >> - ^-'- ' "/ ''-; + ";; ' " /. _^ . ^^ ^.^ ^.^ ( p u i uga ) 4 
Brown urhlii , *:- .i-* - - *' !l -'- '"' ' "" l '' .]'.''.'/ 

,. . . i' \ rivs ' -.* i'- Jo:> : '"* flu'CHiglwmt these 

Hew-.M^. uou-v v ';; : ;'/. ^ ".',.'.' ,;",.. ^ .";,,iL/" Alv ii.ts;Mi for this w that 1 have 
twocass--)tCi'| i^-i/.- :- " j ; '| l ; ' '^"' b "* " ;ij- ; ^^^p'.^c'lcr it ijtltwbio for uso in a 

tlrtf 1 1 ll""' i **'*'* il f '"^ ^ i ' I . * i ' . 1 ' i i J ' ' * ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ' ) -n t S 1 1 

u " * fi , . . ... M ', jii- : ^ iiu! AimtimantW'. But slioala 

CiOfltlii'' <:. 4 ' In;; * ' >; i '* * , * - * . ;/,^>rm fUta -nninf, 

sciontii^ *..-".i--^:: - * >; ' - ^; li : ' ' ',;.j rii tiiit: ( Howcvw, leaving this point 

he noV Vitil ii '.;'.' - i >; :*fN> ;> ''*.'' ''"' 4 '' -i* 

"fc^^^.;- :|;;;' ; n ;j (u i;|iii . |vms Ju ui| . ((i , !lw w!u)lt! ^ ^ti^tory is that it 

i or not) existing in nature ; 

^Tr : -^,- .,,,. li'o- .'o/.vi-vh^S^^j^ojMi.oniotJex^ 
l >! A W-IIIJ V 1 ' 4 " " l ' 1 :\. lt ',' ...t.:';,-^. KijiiiW RJWW. tl . . , 

If lhlS J - : - " i"<^ ; ,<.:"^ '-V'-'i- '^"uMv'iht-' Audttiuun^ bave wiigioaa W^^ 

orgaiiisuil tii"I/ p ...'iiii^ ^' ^ ! ^ ':^. |i .v- l i i >> i* 

I'll;' ,hU;>^f { i' l-h''.Vi t\l'l> tit'lj 

function of the AiUi ; uu**.*i' 1 ^'- ^.;iio uiil1 

fax as polU. Tl,.*- ^ .t-r, to ^^^^.to go into it, 

thorns, ., i, ,<* u,, ,;,;!, , , ^^^153 ofVoiogy-the s,n 

b^uae w itav, Uu.i !! .g,;ra=-| ^ ; vi ^t" ^^j o Comparative Anthropology, 

Myth and UK- n^,.l ii -i.l^ n :.l Ujr * a ^; U a % hool of P hil 03 ophio Aathropology. 

and Low we akaii Lav.-, u ilr. Bi-owu nw bi* way, a scno 

If his idoas 'catch ou' I io^o H wite number _T volom^ of . ^u ^ 

equally satisfactory to the writoni aud their schools, and moie or less iy * 


each other. To start with a theory Mr. Brown writes (p. 400), * I have assumed a working 
hypothesis * and work up the beliefs and customs of a primitive people thereon, open 
a literary vista that appals me at any rate. ** 

It recalls to my mind a verse that hasremained with me from my childhood of long a 
If I remember rightly, Southey was the author, when writing of Mol>, Cob, and Chittabob 
I may be wrong in the ascription. That, however, does not much matter, but after goiru? 
through Mr. Brown's book, I cannot help wondering what length of a philosophy of religio 
could be built up round that one verse by some remote deaocudftut, \vero it to remain on a d 
be discovered : how he would * interpret ' first the words themselves and then their religio 
, meaning : how his contemporaries would dispute with him about both points. 
1 he Devil was dressed 
In his Sunday best : 

His coat was red and his breeches were blue, 
And there was a hole where the tail came through. 

(To be continued.) 


Prefatory Note. 

OH- 25th 28th August 1924, The Times published a aeries of article* byAlr.H.C Luke 
sometime Assistant Governor of Jerusalem, on the " Minorities of Mcwui," two of which 
will be of interest to the readers of this Journal,** thoy describe lh< Yeziclis of that region 
who are called " D^vil-worshippers." These people being Burruumfccl by Muhammadans 
and probably of an ancient * Persian ' origin, their form of devil-worship has naturally a 
strong Musalman tendency. - Devil-wo*stup ' is however very common in India, especially 
in the South, where its tendency, on the contrary, Is towards Hinduiwm. Nevertheless to 
my nund the term < devil-worship ' is a misnomer, naturally invented by the rarly European 
travellers to the East, imbued with Christianity, to describe a form of religious practice 
foreign to their ideas : whereas, < devil-worship ' fe really the worship of mmttrnatural spirits 
by primitive Animists. It is not devil-worship at all, a* Borne of the upirits worshipped are 
nsot credited with evil designs on human beings and their property. 

In 1*83 I secured from the library of my old friend andcorroH|K)ndoV, Ur, A. C. Burnell, 
'l?V * M" ltled ^^\^^ of the Tuluvat, which 1 , t Inuinlatol through the 
Rev. Dr. Mner of the Basel Mission, and pablhUed it in this Journal in 1894 (vol. XXIII). 

^^^^ ^ ^^ SinC ^^ au ^ thil ^ l <> *>** the opinion 
Indeed it is strongly confirmed by the filiation in the* Nicobar Islands, 

to * 1 * ** ^~ ' **** ' ^ the images aad 

Ttera the ^ 

east h d ar i ' ^ * dWriet of th, 8h,ikhan to the north- 

^wShirt T "T* ^ Pl6 kn Wn "^^ t0 tte ^ rid afc l *W Y ^ idis attd 

to Yid Ibn 

Be^iatftd from 0-Ae 2-few, August 27th and SSt^ 

M4T 1926] THB YKZiniH OH DRV1L WonfclllPPttl'.R OF MOSt^L 

More convincing in tho drrivntinn frmu Yji/dan, whih in u Fijian nanin i*f th< S 
Being' for tho Almighty rnjnyn fti,mg th Yi'/idi.". jv p-mui** nnd nfi*tntrt 
although it is in truth Httlo muv thun u *rrN <r**f;,m Thr-ir inurr M*ri<iii attention i* 
bestowed upon him whom wo dimininrti<\ when \*<< wi-h t Iw jMlit<\ th' Fallrn Angrl. ln 
whom they regard OH invoHtwl by ih' ! ri nf All wiih full authority iv<-r thin wurld Ijrlntv. 
Hence, though it may br difficult tn low him. tin" IVvil ** a j^w. r t U< |ir<i|itiat'il, t 
treated with all roiptwt ; hfW* th<*ir t^rnir 1< -i rtnyniu* ^hnuld ]rtnnum'<* in thrir 
the accursed word *9At'//'/w. Fnrtlun is thi*M)i}trnhriftUH i- - ^-i,,ui I mi ii><- fi|ji-< j tf thrir 
devotions by thoHiMvhM, in l!iir iun rnn^\ nv(/ar*l him art ilr spirit of rvil, vv^rkinvMn <|i|xmi 
tiontothe Almighty, whwa* all Vv^rli- L:i ^ Ijitn fr n Huj*.^rnniiir<il |v-i< 'nt,'n 'of th* 1 fir>t 
magnitude, who han r<rriv<Ml fr his nr'tivitjr ?\ 


Hence, too, thi uhiquiUiun, if nil prrci-^-ls trn<'Vilrn(, J*IWT i^4 jwfMniiitl in n 
very different from that obtaining ainon^ thi..- hn nu^iak^ Unu fur H<ivly*1iuh. Xn 
hoofi and forked tail, in> hnrnct nn*l hnuiuoti* i >r, ii^nn- in *!*< Yr/i<!i irn>in^ni|'hy. If in 
as the tegal, the divine peacock, aw M<S-1; Tnu 1 *, t!v r^a-o* k An^rl D.r KJX. ttmt Snt^n in 
visualised by hi* fearful hut faithful follnMrr^ It H, un\<*>\. u^t un)>c^hlf* ihii Mr Irk 
Tausfwae once Melok /?<>s " th* lnl <<^1/' tui<l \ut* nn^trmlly th*' a<trilMt' <*f th** 
Almighty; that it win *uatch<*(l from thi fn !)< }^i,.iis ,f YA^IAII by thi* c**U#lml Mayor of 
the Palace and conferred, with tut nlt'Tnl UIMIMH ( \|Hn hiinM?-U. At ftH *vrnf<n, |.h* 
peacock, Melek Tauw, is the* .wiiyVi*/. tin- banner fii^ P^lhuinun **f tlu* \V7J*li i^ipl^. 
object of their ritual n^vcr nhown tn tho*- out^ilr th* Cul*l 

This, then, ta tho fundam^ntat nrtiriv nf Y*;u)i in Ij^f th wnr^lup of OK* IVnr^rk 
but it is by no mcatui tht*only fn* Tin- r^^^^nitiou if th* pn:j< ijil--^ of gool and *vtl, which 
it perpetuatort, i derived in all liki-lihoud fr-.m ih- l* r^ian diinli>4t^ , fn.iu IVrnm, t<m, th? 
Yezidis may have drawn thftr ru!t of thr sun, for rnuninh, ih< birth-plat^ <f X^ronnU'r, m 
very near to thfl laruls of th<* Da**nayi. On i\it- i.ih^r h/u*1, ih*ir Hun w*r*ihiji my bc much 
older, for they adore htm at hi* riin^ *ind -t I tujf and ki** t In* **j^t <n which bin my flrt rartA ; 
and on great feti valH th*y ^miriflow whiu- um-n at in* i*hrin<*. Now w* know tli*t tlka Annyrimnit 
dedicated balk to tho nun ; and what i* mon lik*-lv than tfou tbii* tmn|^ prt^plt*. wbouc 
origin aaid beliaf point to a n*mot4 antiquuy. M)MIUM l>o & remttftitt f tto riw^ which <mro 
rtated to thto very region ? Atuith^r cirt umhi^tn^, uhu h l*n<te nupp^n t< thto thimry, to tho 
extreme hAirine^i of th V^Kidb. TJio mi*n f Im^Mi wiihoul *xc^ptic>n, hav* b*anU nbnor* 
m*lty long and curly, and their hair i* a*^^ nod thkk 4 that of tho hairy Ainu*. Whim 
woouaidat how promin^ut a part, in piaymi by thi^ b**ar<l in A*yrtan #culpturo, it 
5i>t to be struck by thin ouriou* 

ftiot! , . , 

and the Koran. They aeocpt tho divh , if i,r, - Ui }.Vv, ?im Ha<* ivijm will IMI ,. 

until that of tho U'vil I, ,,vo- mod Ib it' >||, ;<;-,.. ,r > V ,*- -l.iti >var, ., n, Th- 
language of th*ir prayr-rs i, Arabia, lti. n^v.i i>- v -i M . ^i.?. i-r^ui ii ; ami tli-y a^M-t 
that tho water nf the- **a.r.-d -i>HHgat 8!;-iUh' ,\-<* - JLJ: ..:,^-:U^v d,-rivr'i nvui tl,r M!-U Xx- Ji - 
wmatMoeca. Th^y riivuw'-i/* with tiiv M-^ -r,i/ f ^.^ -M ilui m;tv h' .1 i-;i-*,-.. ,.* 
aelf.protectioii), rh.- t v hnpt;^ ^i^ t ^ ; ; t! : ., t . ut ,. ,i { ,,, 4 |,. tniT j v,irii tiJ. !*.< j^.n, v t; a:*^',iil 
fcods, they uUrnr ^iJi H W . s.^tNMiui H- ^ta ( r Wn^ M*,-^->, MiHi-v-. M* M> Jka (Jefttw), 
Mohammod, and UVMI th^ lurun Mahd^ cotiiWe uiUi Ai-M. Ta^i io J: n,*iu-^ a medley ol 

^^fe^wdtoUwidihvjh-m-ai^^ imms fuluwnt whdo | 


ice wmcn is almost an article of fail Si among thorn. Before the 
writing were confined by an old tradition to a single family ; and 
+1i Armistice the British Administration determined to open a school in the 
when, after tne ^ were encountered, The letters *A, ami wi.rd* rhyming with 

Jebel Sinjar ma y AHminato d from the text-books ; and *hnt-L the usual Mesopotamia!* 
***>. had first to to^ ^ ^ ^ ^ Bynmiym Mfcri Thr sohool ulu , ne(] , n lhe faoe 

did not survive for long. After a few \\wta futtr pupils were drowned 
oiLiui 5 ^ ^ ^ ,. iiii, \*.trfi*i!^ ri uffi t*/)frl their ftvprsiAti 

s:s g . .** < ' to *-> ' b *- L 

Tb, M tbMty ol ft* bUefa ta nt ^1 j^,^^/^ 1 ^"'^^ 

Rowaiiduz, who pui'-mi'tl th<Mi !' the Sheikhan 
i Ju- hill of Qoymijili in Xia^voh, un the site 
Son att or \varrb came 

..rM, inc 

- i! - ivr 

Tasne 3 Yezidi uuclor p.r^oanou Uilui ,r,n..m,wrk* ui i-i 

seems an unmspiring deity for whom to die. H cult *>. on a ba,i, ol r,,.r A n.l p 
rom which love is wholly ataont, yet *can,ly ,-^r huv, h, , f. .H,,*,r, W KH-MV, t , abjure, 
even when faced with torture and death. Ihoir singularly ,-,,!, 

The Yezidi is a gentle being who* suffrr^s Iwv 1-H tlvir .i.irk in IIH cowed and 
' demeanour. His chief cnoiay is H. Turk, 1ml. t- ih a..'U.i.m miuoritin, 

ttuoo . 

peciaUy to the Neatoiians, he is drawn by tlr bond .) :i <',,, ..p,,,-,-^.,,.,. It mast be 
accounted onto tho Yozidis for righteousness that. dv.rm the war. ,ilh,ii n,oin*>lv heavily 
oppressed they gave shelter to hundred of Armenian rcta*'.*. *h* .-rawl.-.l I nun Deir *.. 
ZortotheJebelSinjarintheoottrscofthcsmat Armrolan m.THH.T.-s, l( ml ci.,Hlly refnaed 
to Burfender them despite the persuasion and threats of tin- Turks. *.,, 

The Yezidi Mecca is the shrine of Shoikh Adi, (UIl a(tot tw ( I^W..H of Iht^ MOM name, 
theoneaSufisaintof tho 12thooatury, theoth.-r a KunlUit S (iHlnp of MVJ l:Hh, who appear 
to have been blended into ono nebulous itkiitily. ft-f-in- vitin Sheikh Aii. w stayed for 

, day and a night with Said Beg, tho hereditary Mir (Chief) 't lh<- Vfisidin, in his castle of 
Ba Wri in tl Sbeikbwi. Ba Idri, disgust .: ,'-*- i,i!:w from Al Qf\\, is an Orirnlal version 
of tho ti-ao feudal skonghold of tac alHdto A*-*. ; ntand^ a**w'livrly oil tho top of a imiU. 
plateau or hill, wlifle tho vUiagc croueiw* ; .li;^i '--i .;,- at tho bottom, some hundreds of feet 
below. The relative positions ofca-tlc awl vi; ! .un ...ymbolizc not inaccurately the relation* 
which exist between the Mir au.d his pet; pie. -,**' , 

The Power ol th Mfr. *** 

Over the Yezidis the Mir exercises an ait^jlute and autocrati*? sway, Th"l)HHt lanfls, 
the handsomest women are his without qiiesiiou, and he is supported by an ftmnwJ lno lewd 
in money and kind upon all his siiH.;?fU H>-, \v'.\'i\c. they are poor, >^ is i i.Witty :f'J. and is 
.the proud possessor, as we learned ivllh ;;iir;-),>*, ot five American card. .S ; ; '.!'!,', hw, 
.posation has its drawbacks, for !> ) ..* >'. iiic ff the Yt-zwlis <lw lit hw :.'-'. >- :;; 'l 8 , 
pa*i-grfttidfabher, Aii Bfg, was k\i'-:-\ by tu" uk-ijmejationed Rowftudur, K-.iui.-i 
ftu&tliat AUBeg, was sh-jt by hiw HK.iii'Vs jwrj.ii w, with tho ^janh-*nw, ; 
lady. Sfeeis Said Bog likely to mak-> uld h-.nis, fat he lovi^* to look upoa \.'n-- 
is red n& f abbve all, upon tho Arak wtit-u ii i.s white. Yot a certain t-iiajii. il ; miuner 
never leayes him altogether , and intoxication seems but to heighten hia natui al 

Plate I 

h*'ftim Antiquary 



Y, 1925] 



He is a personage of remarkable appearance, tall and thin, with slim, delicate hands aad 
* waving black beard gradually tapering to a point. He looks older than he is, and a slight 
cast in his mournful oyos gives him a faintly sinister look, He was clad, during our visit, 

in the finest black broadcloth, his dress consisting of 
full, baggy breeches embroidered with black silk, and 
a black Zouave jacket similarly embroidered. On his. 
head he wore a black agal over a white silk keffiyfa. 
Black top-boots, lacing to just below the knee, 
completed his costume, the general eHect of which 
was that of a Mephisto of the Russian ballet. No 
Bakst could hare designed a more suitable outfit for 
the Lord of the Votaries of Satan, nor could Nature 
have endowed him with a more appropriate cast of 
countenance. That formidable dowager, his mother, 
was also at the castle, and we visited this grim, hand- 
some, upstanding woman, who plainly despises her 
weakling sou, in a* lofty, Hmoke-blackencd raftered hall in the women's apartments, where* 
beside a blaming open fire, ho was holding her court, 

The Mecca of the YezMIs, 

On the following day, accompanied by the Beg'a retainers, we rodo over the hills to 
Sheikh Adi, a journey of three hours on horseback from Ba Icbt Soon wo encountered a 
number of wayside ahrinos with the tapering fluted conee or spire* {they can hardly be called 
domss) which aro characteristic of Yozidi architecture. Baaide each shrine there was 
generally a sacred tree enclosed by a waU, for the Ytr/idta arc Nature-worshippers, and trees 
and water, stars and the moon compete with the Sun and the Dovil for their veneration. 
Presently we turned ,sht*rply from the valley we had b^en {allowing into another valley that 
runs into it at right angles. In a few minutes we of ottftd a stream by * small stoae bridge 
and as we did so our Yezidi companions reverently rea0TOd tla^ Ao<3fe For ws ware new 
on sacred ground, in the JSaraw of the Yozidi holy place, a^t to be 

save with baro feet, in a region where no wild animal 
water polluted. It is ;i little paradise* thi valley, of 
of olives and pistachios, walnuta and figa t and Hilvory pc 
green of early spring was around ua, and at our 
in abundance ; the Hides of the valley were white with 
The shrine itself lies almost entirely hidden in a 
of these shades with it* foliage the court in front of 

But amid all this sylvan loveliness ia auddanty ^ 
temple, to the sido of the door, thero climba, etfl i 
only cut in stone, it Is true, and hi* ooloft* i* 

reminder that here, ' } f ^pttfr thift jMMtfHMM 1 '' "fflftlOTft of flf 
devices, such as lions, c^wSabl, Mid hatchets, axe 

scriptions in Syriac and Arabic, some of them 
places around the court, 

Tho custodian of Sheikh Adi, who is Baid 
of the temple, but, before conducting us into the &?<&&&, 
and felt mats were placed for us against the temple &9&&* *M 

^ && oidflr 

of the Yezidi hierarchy) hurried backward* tod forirteb Kfiiftt <o|rpar 

pilau, chicken, and a sweet called baglatm. TfeertJt wfr WW* tosid^ J^itwvSag our shoes at 

our hosts' request and placing, as they did, a small "i 



which *re non-humaa spirits residing in certain 
-brass paois as their shmxea under *> 
God of the Sky, who is to him [the Ashaati] the 
Supreme Being of the Universe. He has of course 
also charms, amulets, talismans, mascots, which 
may be termed fetishes." Such a situation wil' 
be familiar to all students of Religion in India. 

The ceremonies for the propitiation, solicitation 
or worship of ancestral spirits are elaborate, and 
that they are regulated by old custom is shown 
in the long account of the Adae Ceremony when 
the spirits of the departed rulers of the clan are 
worshipped. As i most animistic countries, 
Ashanti has its sacred groves and Captain Rattray 
gives an account of the ceremonies at the most 
sacred of all, that at Santemansa, where ** the first 
human beings, belonging to certain of their clans,, 
came forth from the ground. This grove is & 
sanctuary where "to spill human blood is absolutely 
tabu." Next Capt. Battray describes a " ceremony 
witnessed while the Burial Quarters of the Kings 
-and Queens were undergoing repairs/' In his 
account there occurs en passant a statement worth 
noting : " Those who were present in Coomaasie 
during the recent trial, before their own chiefs, 
of the miscreants who desecrated the * Golden 
Btool* will never forget the sobriety and dignity 
with which that case was conducted/* Another 
ceremony described is that of Baya when the 
wmanfo spirits of dead ancestors ace asked to 
bless the next year's crop. 

Captain Bat-bray neirb had a chapter on "Kysaroo* 
the Supreme Being, wnere He is ia conflict with tho 
older authorities who "denied the conception of* 
Supreme Being in the West African mind." Ho 
sets to work to show that 'Nyame, the God of the 
Sky, is truly the Supreme in tho oyos of the Aiw,nt 1 
peoples, as distinct from the abosom or gods, whoo 
"power emanates from various sources, tho cinof 
of which is the great spirit of the one God." Tho 
abosom, are however for practical purposes far moro 
important than 'Nyame in Ashanti life. An 
instructive account of great interest ia then given 
of 13ae gods and their shrines aacwl thel* origin, 
which seems to make them &&, to AnlmteUo 0ttfctU 
elsewhere in tlte world. 

Here Ca^ifain Bittray has a paragraph worth 
transcribing in f uH, as it win come home to many 
n inhabitant of India who is considering tho relative 
position of Siva, Vishnu or Krishna as the Supremo 
(Paramesvara) and the godlings worshipped i* 
everyday life: I shall never forget the answer of 
an old priest with whom I remonsteated, chiefly 
todrawhim out and flee what he would say, for 

y ' 


She leaser powers, whose help was 

Gbdxtow *k>a, 


any ,:^ wj,iri<. VV.> ii:ivo to protect ourseW 
against, and utuj when, wo can, the spirits in 
things in tho Sky and upon Earth. You go to to* 
forest, soo BO mo wild animal, fire at it, kill it a 
find you have killed v man* You dismiss Jo 
servant, but Irttor you find you naiss him. y 
take your cutter to hnck what you think is a braac^ 
and find you havo cut your own arm. There are 
people who transform themselves into loopards 
1 tl Orass-lartd pooplo * are especially good at 
turning into hyanas. Thero are witches who can 
rnnko you wither and ciio. There are trees which 
fall upon you and kill you. Thoro are rivers which 
drown you. If I soe four or five Europeans, I do 
not make much of ono alono and ignore the rest. 
lost they too may havo powor and hate me/ ' 

We now pass ou to tho ourious Apo or Lstmpoojte 
Ceremony which IB very African, and to the 
socnUion of a shrino to tho temple of the 
or Ta Kora. tho groatmt of tho Asliauii , 
god of the mighty Tmm rivor : and tho ^ VUUI> 
of the religious twromcmicw, with the ti'/dFtye ceremony 
in connootion with tho eating of tho firat fruits of 
each crop. From this outline it \\ill bo obvious 
to tho readers of this Journal that a Htudy of the 
religious prootioe* in Ashanti are wi-Il worth thoir 
while, under tho abta guidance of Capt. Battray, 

We noott not hor* follow him in his disserfca&otx 
on Law, Tt*nuro and Alienation, but his chapter on 
Drum Language in of absorbing interest, as he 
explains how " two drums sot in different notes 
can possibly ba heard as, or made to reproduce, 
actual poken words/* It is indeed a kind of 
Morse system and can bo so spi>liml, for Cap*. 
Rattray j^iys : ** Mr* K, O, Rnk, l>itricfc Cojn- 
miti&umar, HfoutnuisUw of tlie Mraprm troop of 
Boy Hcoul.H, un>l I roroivod and rc*ad various 
nfK>n3iig<KM, ttf I ho nature of which we were not 
mformttd hoforvhatid* drammed l>y AH African 
Hoy 8t"out who was familiar with Mcrae the high 
and low Um:tt, <Iashss and dots, tii^rrytng cleariiy 
through ov**r u taiio of th dense A*hauti foroat. 11 

Noxt th Ht>ry of tho Qold*m Stool of tho Ashaati 
King**, wlUeh in thn shrioe of the ttunxum or soul 
of tho pooplo, i weU-told t and tho ffoct of its 
desecration upon the peopto oan bo roadily under- 
stood. Thtro it) also SUver stool of the Queen 
Mother, a roplica of which was prasontod to H. B, BL 
Princess Hary, Visooimtoss I^an^oUios, on hat 
nuurriage, a most d*Uc*t attention. The book 
winds up with *a aooount of the Aahontii OoJd- 
smiths and Cold Wrights and tho burial va*el 
(kudwf) nuuie to oootain tbs*e last. Tho accbtmt 
shows that they tea* ft curious gmieral family 
likenosa to thy Humml a>i'7 .^im!tiir forms formerly 
employed among th*> Ma,Uiy^ for their cuwwwy* 
see my ' Obwok^ Tm C?urranoy and Monoy o* tJ 
Federated Malay 8toto f * anfc, vol. XUDE. 


MAT, 1925] -.,_--_. 

45. RAJ* Bho] and his B&nl. 

(Told by Nathu Mat, Bania, nf SaMranpur.) 

. Bhoi was noted for his lwl* of jiifty. Every day he used to feed one hundred 

R fthmans One day Brahman camo in to at, and as he left -fee did not bless the 

^ the other Brahmans d id . Thi astonished Raja Bhoj , and the next day, when the 

5fc "n came and acted in the name way, the Raja seized hia hand and asked him the reason. 

ot tell " he answered. " And if yon want an answer you had better go to Bandu 

Paf*T Now Bandu Patwa was a noted magician. 

When Raja Bhoj went to Bandu, ho found that Bandu had just cut off the nose of his 

* nd the forelegs of his dog. The woman camo out and saluted the Raja, and the Raja 

kid Bandn why he had done this thing. " Had I not cut off my wife's nose, such is her 

nride that she would not have come out to alnte yon ; and my dog ifl always barking and 

EL to bite visitors ; so I cut off his legs that he might not be able to move out of the 

comer " Then the Raja asked Bandu why the Brahman had not saluted him. He said : 

"I ckaot tell you ; and if you want to learn, you must go to the Sadhu who lives in the 

forest *''' 

The Raja went to ee th* Sadhu in disguise. Now Bhanraati, th* Rani of Raja Bhoj, 
was unfaithful to him, and just as the Raja was going along the road he saw a palanquin 
ooBrisg along. As they cam* near him, one of th bearers fell down in a fit, and the Rani 
called oat and offered a gold mohur to any one who would take hte-ptoo*. He helped to carry 
tor to toe hut whew the Sadhu lived, and there the got out and stayed for the night. 

TEe Raja determined to watch her. So one day he alept, intending to keep awake at 

* _ . . M * . * *__,..*.'%. 4f wPLi.~^ A1J3 _.n i*a IrA 

J.&6 JCWMflfc UW5W*M*ItVt VW nrwvw* **v *w ^w -~ ^ --..-j-., ._ ^ + 

night. tTaen tike Rani s*w him deeping, she woke him, and he aid : " Why did you wake 
me out of sttoh a pleasant dream ? " She said : " What wu the dream t " He replied : 
"1 dreamed tht I saw you with the Sudhu in the foreiit." She knew that her secret waa 
discovered So she sent ft message to the Sadha telling htm what the Raja had said. The 
S*&& sent her a oord and said t " When he U not watohing you, tie this cord round th* 
BijVs seek." She did so, and the Raja was forthwith turned into * dog. 

The Rani trkrd to shut HI tl).; iJ-v^ in a lui-l, 1*t ! r>Kcnpc<l and ran oft td,**M* 
of Bandu Patwa H- know t li> < t<-\ i^ f < U; Svlli u. Ho hf- lm>scd the string off the neck 
dthadogwrf the Raja .;.nvmlh^riifiuMf..mi. Bawlii 1'at.wa ahut the Raja up for some 
daya in his house. MoarnvhiU- t UM S -Ihu h:i. i t nk.-n t?* form of the Rajft and sat on his 
throne and lived with tlio ItAui I"r lusha>.J. (>w day ti> S"'fau * " T>a-rharand gave 
an order that everyone was t. at tiwl with Jihd.. Bandu P*tw went with the^ dog WhOe 
legs he had out off. The S;tlhu sai-I : " V rrttal, wlwre in your second dog t Tte.**n 
answered: "I hav<* no Mlu-r <!*> nj ,,l y .,u way search my house if you please." 
went home and said to tlu HAja :-.-' Yu had IvtUT kavo this and go a hunaj 
lest the Sadhu finds ami slays you." HA> Bhnj said: "I never walked 
life. Ho wean I go a hundred fc, ? " 

Then Bandu Patw* mftilo njftxii- cliHriot, and mounting the R*ja 
to a place which was cm* lmiiimi aui fifty Aw* distant. 

The chariot haltcil in a KHrl<>n, whw t!^ iUa^lit .w of the Raja of the land 
She soon went to hr pAluM>, tad RA] Uh.j >rat into the swing and fell asleep. 
princess returned and found n man n-^lft-jt in h-r swijitf , she was wroth and was^a 
him with a sword. But tm of in-r nivW-jii Rftid : " It is wrong to stoy a 
When he wakes, *lay him if you i>U':i*>." Then the princess wok* the Rajr - 
who he was. When she heard tli<> tele, he v<tnt to her father and said : 
the man whom I have found in my garden." Her father was angry and saw .- 
Wm if you choose." So they were married, but her father gave them no dowry- 


left him in poverty. The Rdja was obliged to go and borrow some flour from the wood- 
cutters to make a meal for his wife and himself. He then wished to go to his own land, but 
the !Uni said : " We cannot go till we have returned the flour to the woodcutters." *The 
R&ja went into the forest to cut wood, and the first tree he touched turned out to be a saudal 
tree. This he sold, and every day he used to cut a sandal tree, till he gained great wealth 
and his father-in-law recognised him and gave him half his kingdom. 

One day two swans were sitting on a tree above the original palace of R&ja Bhoj, and 
one said, to the other : " This is a splendid palace." The other said : " The palace of 
RAja Bhoj is much finer/' The Sadhti was listening and knew that RAja Bhoj must be alive. 
So he and the R&ni disguised themselves and went in search of Rftja Bhoj to elay him. Bandu 
Patwa knew their plan and he followed them, He said to R&ja Bhoj : " The Sadhu and 
your R&ni are coining to this city, disguised as dancers, and they have planned to tnrn you 
into some vile beast and slay you. When they come and dance before you, they will a&k 
as their reward your Nautekha (necklace). Do not give them the whole necklace, but keep 
two beads of it." 

He did as Bandu Patwa advised, and when he had given, the Sadhu and his RAm the 
necklace, all but two beads, he threw one bead at the Sadhu and the other at Bandu 
Patwa, whereupon the Sadhu became a fowl and Bandu a cat, which devoured the fowl. 
And that was the end of the Sadhu. 

Then RAja Bhoj said to Baudu Patwa : " What should be done to my false Rani ? )f 
He said : " Slay her and, bury her at the cross roads, that every one's feet may fall upon 

So it was done, and BAja Bhoj got back his kingdom and lived long and happily with 
his new Rftni. 

46. The Quest of the Princess, 
(Told by L&la B&rdvwi Mai, teacher, Fatehpur.) 

There was once a R Aja who had a son, and iu his old age he said to him : " I am shutting 
up two rooms in thy presence. Open them when I am dead." A few days later the Rftja 
died ; and when they saw that the prince was only a youth, the soldiers and the courtiers 
began to loot every thing which was in the palace. An old man was standing close by, and 
the prince said to him : " Why do you not take the chance and plunder something ? " The 
old man answered : " I have eaten thy salt and I cannot do this/* A short time after, the 
prince remembered the words of his father, and he called the old man and told him to open 
the rooms. When he opened one room they found it full of old shoes. Then the prince told 
him to open the other room, and when they unlocked the door, they found a cock tied by ija 
legs to one of the roof beams. When the cock saw them, it began to crow, and the old man 
said to the prince : " It is possessed by a demon ; do not touch it," The prince untied 
the cock and gave it to the old man to sell in the baaar. 

The old man sat in the bazar by the wayside with the cock in his lap. The people 
began to jest at him, and one said : " For how many cowries will yon sell this cook 1 " He 
answered : " Give me your daughter or sister for the bird and take it away/* The old 
man did all he could to sell the cock, but no one would buy it. Then a R&ja came iato the 
bazar arid asked the price of the cock. " A thousand rupees/' said the old man. TheBAja 
paid down the money and gave it to the BhathiyArin of an inn oloee by. She asked : " Who 
wfll buy the flesh of this cock " The Rftja replied :" He ol the bald head, the cripple, 
the bH&d and the deaf and dumb." 

Then the old man got his hair shaved, bent his back and put ou hi* eyes the web of a 
spider anj came to the Bhathiy&rin and said :-" J$b!, give me the meat of the cock. The 
JMj*wnte.*V Shewasvery glad to get rid of it, anil ri^gave the old man the meat and the 


pot in which she had cooked it. H* bought aoiiw? food ami wt-iit to the prince. The prince 
wa very hungry and began to oat ths flcah of the cock and the old man salt! : " When you 
hare done, throw the bones to me." A the prince w fating the meat he found in it a ring, 
and when he put it on his finger, two demon* atood More him. When the prince asked who 
they were, they said : " Wo ar<* the slave* of thy finger/' The prim* said :" Go and call 
the old man, my servant." When the old man cam*, the prince told him with delight 
how the demons had become his slaves, But he said ; " I will no t live with these 
demons." "Do not mind them.* 9 *mwer*d the prince. " Thoy are now members of 
our household/* 

Said the old man : " W* have naught in tha hnusi* to feed so many months as these. 
Let us go out hunting and kill something {or food." Thrn one demon rolled on the ground, 
and at onoe he was turned into a horse with {Irn'!id trappings, and the othvr rolled on the 
ground and became a servant finely dressed and armed. The prince mount t'd the horse, toid 
rode off to the forest. By and by he eamo t n fort in the forest, an<l from it there came a 
piteotte cry. The prince rode on and, rutwstig th- fort , he *aw n fc&tlhu frying and a crowd 
of men stood watching him. The prince *kc<d the ftuiim why he was limu'uting, and he 
said : " Will you share my trouM* I " " I * ill hix< it ," waid the prince. Then the Sadhu 
said : " In * certain land a girl fan* |HM*H born, anl from tin* ilay ot her birth twenty-five 
maunds of food are daily cooked. A great pun i* full uf boiling ghi. There are eighty-eight 
million tanks full of water, ami the garden i* in tiifirgi* uf n MAlin who lives two hundred 
million miles away* If any one wore to consume the food, drink the water, ami go to the MAlin 
and oome back in the space of eight minute* with a garland of flowers, the girl will be given 
to him in marriage. But if any one attempt these tank* and fail, he will be ground to piece* 
in a eugaroane-mill/* 

The prince determined to attempt the task. When ho canto to the palace in which the 
girl lived, he aw a mighty drum hanging at the gate and this he struck to announce his coming. 
When the maid-servant ot the girl heard the *ouml of tbo drum* ahe said to her mistress : 
" Some one haa oome to saorttioe bin life for the*." The girl told her maid to bring him, and 
lie was taken into her pretence. The girl said :~" Eat all thw wa of food wliich has fceen 
cooked siaoe the day I waa born . " " The prince and the demon* began to eat it, and o quickly 
was it eaten that they ate it all in eight mouthful*. Then *he mid to them :~" Drink the 
water of all the tanks. 1 ' They drank ifc all up in oue gulp* Then she said to the prince : 
" Jump into the pan ol boiling ?At." The prinoe waa about to jump, when the demons made 
sign to him, and the prtaoe Mid ; " Any one can do this. Let my servant do iV The 
prinoeas agreed, and the demon spat into the pan and all the heat left the ghi. Then he told 
the prince to jump in and he did so. 

Then the prmoew said :~ f< Only one d*d i-ema SUM to be tloue. Bhuiu Deo (Th Brown 
Demon) is holding a cup in the afcy. You mmit utriko it with an arrow and cause it to fall." 
The prince shot three arrows, but Bhura Deo held the mp ^ tightly that ho could not make 
it fall. Then one of the demon* flew up to the iky aiid broke the hands of Bhura Deo, and 
^<^<Iei&0j&* tOU the prinoo to about one arrow more. The prince did so and 
immediately the ctxp fell on the ground. TIu.-n the prim*** said : " You must now bring 
the garland of flowers freest He MAlln. M He Ktid : ** Let one of my servants do this/' 
3** pHno consented, and erne of the ck-mon* flt*ir away. Hardly a moment had passed 
**** ** w*wned with the gar land. 

So tto prtoAe mairtad the prinoeM. Great store of wealth she had, and they lived long 


47. The punishment of Rfija Indra. 

(Told by BansidJiar, schoolmaster, Bah, Agra District) 

nnna ut>on a time there were a swan and his wife, and the land in which they lived was 
dbv famine So the swan said to his mate : " Let us sock another land/' They 
IS on and on till they came to a lovely garden, in the midst of which was a lake. The 
said _ Let us halt here." Now the master of the garden was a crow, and he received 
SL hospitably They stayed a few days, and as they wore going away the crow said to 
the swan " Why are you taking your mate away with you ? She belongs to me, because 
she was my mate in a former life." The swan refused to give her up, and the crow said :- 
"Let us call a Pancfayat of the birds." Now there were in that land no other birds bat 
crows So before the council met, the crow went round to all his brethren and asked them 
to cive a decree in his favour. The trial came on, and whctt both sides had stated their case, 
the council gave a verdict in favour of the crow and made over the female swan to him. The 
swan said " I appeal to lUja Indra." So -to R^ja Indra thoy wont, and before the case 
came on the crow went to Raja Indra and said : " If you give the case in my favour, I 
will bring you the fruit of immortality." Through his longing for the fruit, Raja Indra gave 
the case in favour of the crow. The crow took the swan, and they nested on a tree over the 
palace of Raja Indra. One day Raja Indra was going to worship hi* god, when the crow, who 
had just been rooting in a dunghill, flew by and dropped a piece of filth on the head 
of the idol. When Raja Indra saw that his worship was defiled, ho cursed the crow and 
said : " Faithless wretch, you promised mo the fruit of immortality. Not only did you 
break your word, but you have defiled the deity as I am worshipping him." The crow 

answered : " Who art thou to claim the fruit of immortality, when thou haat lost thy virtue 

and doest" injustice?" Raja ludra was ashanaod, and the crow called the swau 
and said : " Take your mate. I did this only to prove that oven among the gods there 

are liars." 

48. The Pound of Flesh. 

( Told by JRtwul Bafah, combtnaker, SaMmnjwr.) 

Two men, who were gambling with dice, made a wager that the loser was to allow the 
other to cut off a ser of flesh. On of them having lost, the other was preparing to out his 
flesh, when the loser objected. So they both referred the matter to the K&&L After con- 
sidering the case, the K&zi said to the winner :~- " Bring your knife and cut off a ser of flesh. 
But if you take even the weight of a rail more or less and spill a single drop of blood, your 
life will be forfeited." The winner, fearing to violate this condition, abandoned the wager. 
[The pound of flesh, of which the tale of Shylock is the most famous instance, hae 
been, bibliographised by R. Kohler in. Orient imi Occident, 316 & It is possibly of Oriental 
origin : but whether the above version is original is another matter. W, CBOOO,] 

49, The Sweeper Youth and the 

( Told by Pandit Tej Mja and recorded by Munshi Bar PratiAd, DAnay&nj, Budaun District.) 
There was once an old sweeper woman who used to clean the courts of the BAja's palace, 
One day she fell ill, and being unable to work, she dressed up her son in woman's clothes 
and sent him to sweep the palace instead, As the lad was sweeping, he saw the Rani art- 
ting at the window of her chamber combing her hair : and whan his eyes beheld her, he was 
overcome with love, and crying, " Mas for the R4ni ! Ala for the Ktoi ! " he ran home 
and lay there as if dead. 

Has DttQtte seeing this, was amazed and feared the wratb of the BAja, if the matter 
came to light. Bo she went secretly to the Bftni, told bar what had happandd, and 


CTforgivenea T plearfinB that her won hart h*^n attacked with sudden mad- 
RAui said :-" I*t him give up hi* w<*>por' trade and go into the forest and 
S^te hilolf to the worship of Mahadova," 

Th boy went into the forest ftnt <levotr<1 himwU to meditation, eo that he became a 
kf 6 fiaint and all the great onf* of the* Inwl umnl to go to him and procure the realfea. 
f their 'desires. After n whil* thr lUni imi<t to tho UAja ; " Let me too visit this 
f^oas safct, that I may pray for the Jong ltf<> of thue and my children/* The R4ja gave 
cleave and she approach*! the naint, " I am hr," nakl who, 4I whom thou sawest in the 
tier chamber " The saint rapliinl : " 1 am not tho namt5, The great ones of the land 
Km* me; and this is all through devotion to tho Almighty/ 1 Thus he became a real 
saint, and Us fame spread abroad. 

60. Vishnu Sara a and His Wife. 
(Told by Pandit Gore IM / Kaitganux*. /xi//>ur f and rrrorrfr/l Ay Pandit R&dhifat Praedd.) 

OPhere wa onoo a Pamlit namml Vihnu Sitrmii who for a long timo refused to marry. 
At last, under pnsasuro from bin fricmlfi. ho uiarri^i a Wind Brahman girL When she 
became pregaant, he w5nt to hor, anil afU>r raiting maitfw* threw some riooorer her ; ^here- 
upon the child in her womb !Kiko ami imiU that In* ww siuiomi hii aon- So he was wont to 
do, whenever sho baoaaie with child : and tho chihl ntwayj* poke from her womb and testi* 
fled to its legitimacy. 

The other women uw*l to Uugh at her. wying : i- Ii your husband is * learned as 
this, why does ho not euro your hlinclueuft 1 If H*> h* told her htaiband that if he would not 
give' her her sight, aha would commit nuicido, Homipon he throw rice over her and repeated 
mantras, and she recovered her Right. 

One day after tho time of her purification, h<* wa* bathing on the roo* of her house, 
when her eyes fell on a groom, and aho e0nceivd , Then the Pandit threw rice over her, 
acooatding to tho usual practice ; but the child made* no roply , When he asked his wife, she 
wald xtofc tell him how mattem stood. So for vt^ry grtcl and shame he fell ill and died* 

After his death a on w*m born, who claim**! a h*re in the eitate, whioh the otihears 
rrfnsed to give. The cam* <mme befor* lUja VikramAditya t and he atked hto qoeen to tet 
the matter. So sho donnwl her royal robwi Mid cjullcd all the on to her. She aJted each 
to torn to it beside her on the c<moh ( and thaw who were the legitimate sous of Vishnu 
Swma refused by reason of the modesty of nobte birth, while he that was the son of tee 
groom took his seat beside her. Thus sbe knew that he was not the legal heir, and his claim 
wa disallowed by the RAja. 

[For instances ol tbima supernatural MrUw, see STftt Z^ni *$ P#**** by 


51. The Rogue sad ths Goat 

A go^t once strati into the houso of * rogue, who forthwith kflled and ate . The 
owner came to him soon afterwards and asked him if he had seen his goat. THe rogue 
repM 5 ~*'N0t only have 1 seen it. but 3 Imiv wum it/' 4 * Then you murt -give me one 
* good o* pay the price," said the owner. Why hmiW I pay for it ? swd the rogue.^ 
11 yw ^n% answered the other, ' 1 will <*ii* it from you on the Day of Judgment. 
a ^i ' " t itsdf will come and give *fcm 


wtppose I deny the matter/' " Th the goat itsdf will come and give 
against you/' " WeU, M said tha roe f " when 1 sec the goat coming before the Almighty, 
I wfll catch it by its ear and say to w, * Take your goat and don't come annoying me witu 


52. The Weaver Bird and the Elephant. 

(Told by Mm Sahai, Brahman of AuJfaranpur, and wwrfrrf % Jting OaMdur 

Basiinagar, Hardoi XHAtrict.) 

A Phadka or weaver bird and his wife, the Phadki, once built their nest on an acacia 
tree, and close by lived an elephant and his wifo. Now the olophant used to come daily 
and 'rub himself against the acacia tree so violently that it was almost uprooted. One day, 
when the tree was shaking violently, the Pfautki naid to the Phadka ; '* My dear husband, 
if this goes on much longer the tree will fall, our neat will be thrown down, and our eggs' 
broken. You must see to it at once." " What can I do against such a groat beast as this ?" 
said he. 

Sothe Pliadki went herself to the Elephant's wife ami said, " Groat trouble will sooa 
befall your husband if hegoes on rubbing himself against our trw." The female elephant 
warned her husband, but all he said was, " Lot mo once get the wretched creature under 
my foot and I will crush him to powder/' Next day he wont a* usual to the tree/ and as he 
was rubbing himself against it, the Phadki fiow down, got into hw car, and began to scratch 
and tear with" her claws and beak. The elephant howled for mercy, and from inside hb 
ear the Phadki cried, " Did I not warn you that one clay evil would befall you ? " Thea, 
when the Elephant besought her to desist, she repeated the following verse : 
Art cKhoto ganiye naMn jdte hot big&r 
Trin samuh to chhinak men chinagi deti bigdr. 

i.e, 9 " Never despise an enemy, however insignificant, A little wpark <lc*troy a great pile*- 
of hay in a moment." 

[This is one of the cycle of tales in which the inferior animal overcomes the mightier 

58. The Result of Charity. 
(Told by Thakw fltwA, Ahir, of SaMtanpw. ) 

There was a princess who was so haughty that ht> unit), " I will marry none save him 
who can bring Airftvati, the elephant of R&ja Indra, mnd all tfao Uiric* of Incbrma to 140 
weddtog." In that city lived a poor Brahmani who was in the moat bitter poverty* Cto 
day an old Brahman, who was BhagwAn in diAguiae, oame to her door and asked tat food. 
Her son was given to charity and he said, '* Mother, there U naught in the house whwwith 
we may feed this poor Brahman. Cook my dinner and let him have it." So the old worn** 
cooked her son's dinner and gave it to the Brahmaa. But by the grAoe of BhagwAn tto 
food doubled in qraixUty, and when the Brahman had eaten, there WM enough and to spare 
for tKe boy and his mother. What was saved they gave to the needy, 

Bhagwto was pleased with the boy ; so that night he appeared to him in a drew* aei 
said, " Go and demand the princess as your wife/' Next morning the boy treat to tfc 
palace and demanded the princess. Her father and the courtier* were wroth at his pre- 
sumption and the Rftja ordered that he should be slain. But Bhftgwin appeared to tb 
RAja and said, " Do not slay the boy. To-motww the elephant Air&roti *ad the fciries of 
Indraste will accompany his marriage prooewion," 

And so it was ; the Brahman boy married the prinoeu moid the utmoit splendour. 

So may Bhagwto reward rfl who do good. 

54. The Froife of 
(ToU by Thakur Sink, AM*, 

There was once a CJhamftr who wanted a cocownt to offer to hk god. So he went to 
the bMMTto.tay one. He asked the price, and the Bany* wd f w An ana* apiece," " And 
whence w*d at ?what rate do you buy than I ** *kd tte 9bttAr " They come frona 
Kalmpiir^herepJM/'ajidtheycoetha^ tht Obamir thought he would 


and bwy at Kahnpur. So Ho went there and asked the Bania the price 
gave ms m j^ ^j^,, hfl Hngwr , roc j. And whiwo and at what rate do you get them ? ' 
"Half n (> ^ ' Uw | ( " f rom t;|rtttU anl lh price ia a. pioe apiece." So the 
"They V tta and wat . n he o*ko<t the nu-rchant the- price, he said, " The price is a pice 
went. to ua . ^ ^ ^ furt-st clow >y. yu run pluck an many as you like for no- 
' Charaar went to th forwtt nd ** th i-ocoanuts growing on the trees, but 

* vn-rn Itpwilderai. t 

ere so high from the* tffonml thnt hin wit* vn-rn Itpwilderai. At last he took courage 
^1 Limbed to the top of nn< f tho tr'-s nnd tri.-i| to 1rck off the nuts ; but the stems 
wrv strong and a hv uaM 1" ttrniHih ! >n-nk thrm. he dipped. but wa lucky enough 
r^riiiMt to branch lower down. Thru ho l.k>d mit fur nmnoon* to help him down; and 
^Mdby*oamlmAn came il. n' h" t''hmr .>ff.-rod him * reward if he would help him. 
^aeoamelman brought hin rmnH t(. th*- fr.t of thi tn--, hoping to jump down on its back. 
B t as h* climbed up, th- cm-l ran awft.v '! -<w Uwt in tho forest. So the two remained 
oLrfns to the branch until hnrMtnan p that way. They implored him to help them 
doiw Seeing them in thia wtrnit, ho utiulo thorn promuw him nil they possessed. 
fib 1& 'drew uphtohonie to the fnot of th^ trw, hoping to jump ciown on his back. But when 
4ehowmancUmbwi up, th* hrac ran away and * t, and the thro* remained hanging 
tofche branch. Bui it WA too w'ak t hear lh- weight of all of them, and it broke, and they 
all fell down and were killed. Hucb i th< fat* "f the covetous. 

66. How th Rija mHered MWorttine. 

VoW 6y Ajal BiMri JM *l record** t> V Sayyid lm4M Wtwai*. Xnnvdrpw, Fattkpur Dittrict.) 
There was onoe a Raja who wiw f m*d for hit glory and piety. He bad a Rani whom 
he loved dearly, and he bore him two aoiw. Oi day th Raja WM hunting in the forest^ 
when HI Fortune in the gui of a man mrt him. When the Raja asked who he was, he 
Had, " I am 111 Fortune. Many a Raja have I reduci-d to poverty and now I am come upon 
thy head," When tit* Raja heard thin, he wa wre grieved and thought to himself, "It 
it well that 111 Fortune has come ui*m me while I am atill young and able to work for my 
living." So he said. " Thou art welcome." ,IM* then a tiger rushed oat and fell upon him. 
H was *>r* wounded. Hi* horae wa* killed, but he eocaped with his life. When lie re- 
covered, be went to hia capital, and on ibe way met a faithful asrvant of his house, who 
aid, "Venture not into thy city. I thy abneuoe liie Diwan has sefced the kingdom and 
turned thy Rani and ons out of the |alaee. It wwre well that thou ahonldest not enter 
the city, where a reward to aet upon thy head. Wait In tkte garden, and if it be possible, I 
will bring thy wife and aotw to thee." 

The Rftja waited in the garden in aorw plight, and the servant went and found the Rani 
and her sons in a miswabto bovel in the- roost eitr*-jm* dbtreim. He told her of the arrival 
of U Raja, and she said, " If it b* powibl*. briot? im- 1 him. and when the days of sorrow 
have passed I will reward the*." Tb awrtet Lrougki th* ftawi and her children to her 
husband, and she found him lamenting his chan^d condition. She said " What is the use 
of mourning when Pararnesvar is dtephMMd with us ? JU't us go to another land and work 
for our living." 

Tliey wandered long and fa*, and at last . exhausted with hunger. They oame to 
a riTor, where a Wndly Haherman gaw them f ouple irf hooks, and the princes went to the 
bank to oateh fish. Aa they ware flatting, a t;rt-iUi; came out of the water and devoured 
them. Their parent, searched for the boy. but c w ld not find them, and went their way 
orrowiag. So they oame to . et*y . wher. a Krftin"i*reher took them into hi. servzoe, and 
for mwir days they worked, tokftn* 


0^3 _____ ....... ^ ..................... _ ..... _ I MAY, 1 

After the boys were lost, some fishermen were dragging thr* river, and 
crocodile fell into the net. When they cut him open, the two boys came out of his 
safe and sound, and the fishermen took them home and kept them aa their own sons 

Now the Raja of that land waft an old man awl he had no won. So ho sent his 
to search for a boy to be his heir, who ahould IK* poRscRwul of the mark of royalty Th 
Wazfr found the youths with the fisherman, and when he examined thm, he found the mark 
of royalty upon them, So the Raja took t hem am hi ttonn, and by riianct* he appointed thei* 
own father to teach them. He did not know that they were hi* HOU, until they oaiae'tb'f 
married and repeated the names of their forefather*. Then he knew them, and whe&fci 
told the Eaja of his misfortunes, he provided him with an army. #o lie came to hJ$ <^ 
land, overcame his faithless Diwan and they all Jived in eomplete happiness, ^ 

May Parameswar change the fate of all an he change*! their*, 

56. The Prince who would not marry. 
(ToU by Mukund. IM Kayatth of Mir&tpur,) 

There was once a widow who lived near the hermitage of norm* 8adhtiH, and she waa 
always in attendance on them. Ono day one of the Sadhu Hewed her and said, " Woman, 
for thy care of us thou shalt bo rewarded with a aim," She Raid, " How can I, a *idow 
have a son and what will the folk say of me ? " He imnwered, ' I cannot withdraw my 
blessing ; but I can change it somewhat.** 80 he took her hand and made a mark on it unit 
his finger ; and she conceived. And when the days were full, a won was horn from her hand/ 
She took the babe, and through fear of the folk laid it OH the rivrr-lumk and went her way, 
Soon after a Brahman came there to bathe, and Roamg tho babe, being himself childtess, 
he took it home and reared it as his own son. Time pamod, and the boy Ixjcamo a noted 
Pandit. His adopted father wished him to marry. Bui he mtid " I will not marry as long 
as you and my mother are alive/* 

When the Brahman died, he divided his substance among t he jMHr and newly, and want 
to a forest, where he remained twelve years repeating thr nnm* of itfimii. Then he cne 
to a city and stood before the house of a banker. The banker ak<*d him who he wa and 
he said" I am a wandering Sadhu and have oorae to WHJ your city.'* Th* bante teplfed 
f ' My house is a mere hut. It is to the R&ja'a palace that you houiti o f " He came to M 
Rija's palace, and the daughter of the Rftja saw him and gave him f*wd. ' Ak a blessing/* 
he said. She answered, *' I love a certain prince, but he refuw* to marry me, Go to him 
and induce him to take me." 

The Sadhu went to the Priaoe and *&--" Why do you ref uee to marry the daaglrt* 
oftheBaja?" He replied, "In a former life she wa* my mata and wo were both deer; 
One day the hunters came upon us, and she eaoaped and left me in their hands. Htafrl 
will have no more to do with her." The Sfcdhu awwred~- " 3Dot then not know the tate 
of Jaratkaru ? " The prince said" Say on," 

Said the Sadhu" Jaratkaru, like yourself, refused to marry, Onft day he went into 
the forest, and suddenly he came to a well in which 8ve man were htwgjng. He aaked itoffi 
who they were. They said' We are thy five ancestors, and we muut hang here until yifc 
matryaaadhegetason/ Hearing this, Jaratkaru agreed to ma*ry.** 

^win| the words of the Sadhu, the prince waa afraid, ad consented to mairy <he 
princes*: Tto Sadhu retired to the forrt r wbeoo* be WM shortly afterwaxda taraiWd *0 
''-- 7 


Cot LKrtfcn nv I'AN'MT Sl'KIU H UN r Ki 
ASP TnANsMirn; tiv It. A, BOSK, !,<:,& 

1st Group* The Kot Ishwar Family. 

1. Kojtshwar, 2. BhtifA inflwlr<i with K.j Inhwiir. 3. Sluvr Ko{, 4. AdHhaktl at 
oher!* 5. Kasumbi at KhckliHu, <K Mvimni (Hut Uhwnr). 

2nd Group. The Mareehb Family. 
7. Dithtt of Dhai&*>r H, Malnulu nf Malcnili. it. ilhmvng, 10. Paochi, Hhawftn, 

3rd Group, -The NAgs 

.-; 11; Kalva NAg of Knmiru, 12. T>^ XA^ r.f Uhaili. i:i, Thu N% O f DhatiAl. 14. Tho 
Nig of Ghundi. IS. Tho NAg of JUgi, 

4th Group The Dum Family 

18* The Dum of SharmalA AIK! cifttlmn. 17, Thn hum .f !I nn!, 18. The Dumof Karol. 
19, The Dum of JhangmH. 20, The* Dum of KAin&lt in Kutt<lrtt. 21. Tlio Dum of Kiaral in 
..^hiMMtf. 22. Tho Dum of KotIA indiohbbf, 25, Tlw Hum uf Huprlin ChobfehJ. 24. 
l^^oiaof ParojuiiA in CVbUM. 

6th Group Muls. 

" 25. MolPadoi of Kolf. 26. Mill Paa..i of SliajlA. 27. Uul Padoi of Ohotl. 
-; 6tb Group -KAHs and Bhftgwail*. 

28. Kfill of Aufi. 2i. lv*is ^* H- n i. :;. ij; : UL ? : , ,u t .i i;hinrh. 3L Bhftgwat! 
ofKachin Glmti, 

32. Maufm or M-ij/Jr- !* ^ <,". :;:i V '.:-'. 
86. Gazon of Panjatkii. :t. K /-.f K^-.-..-, .-:, 
Khora of Sainjit. -1<. (ih^ , I K:r- ! -11.1. .::>;::-, 

is. Grr>up. Th Ko; i 

, U* 

:, h. ::t. 

(Darga's own 
Mahftdeo, tegftn to ojj*n 
become a rdkakaw (i'vil 
feimM and curkwl up if i 
to throw into the? S 



**l t 

'I h;r *,!/.-,'-;, v/if 
Jn;iu Hu K f ;i 

hu^r of PujArit. 
as. IhonofPalS. 8&. 


-i >;; rj 4 * tt-HijjJ^ i.f I>tir^4 At HAt 

^i : j/utiM^i'tf^i.) \Vh Kef 

rir tl;.J*ai:Ui* ihtm^ht that the god had 

fl ;i 1 Sh^h*^ }*y mu^ic what him up in a 

h*' !....! un*l t>^M*v'st;-i in it^thoy intended 

h li--^*^ *!** hanUj*ofihe Pabar. 


Bfl, two milet from the .SuUvj, tJi- isi-Ahio-Dt ^h-* V:,M h"K!wtf tit* tMnht atumWcd and lot it 
&I1. As it broke in pU'ti-* tU< uj>i-i ,\*i^-d j? , i, wjtli tb two MtUrt* cucaiwd. Ko< fohwar 
Mahftdeo took hifl4c*r anit.tuf th- fc/<*i ^na W. /;A*i/ l.u-,Ii^, *au of the 4/i* soared to the top 
ofthelikkar lull, rmw wil^l K,-, .-1^:*- , i>i,-n ,hu i-,U uji iu:r uU--de in the fcu7 tree* ; and the 
other flew aoro^w UK SutK-j J,ahix^ J4 i Kut Ki; u t . : 

Kot Ishwar agniu l^^ ; u t , tr^wJA- in- |- opl.' in 1 hv irm *f a ^rpeuU fie would suck 
ttflifrom the cowa and lh-y libnit.d tit< C,*A t,.>y, tt-ho H mu* alarmed when one day 
fc saw a sorpont Huektug luilh f ivmi hU t, A\M. .- VM ilu> *>wm of tho cattle, and a Br&h- 
man ear 

ivmi t, A\M. .- u , 

manof Bat&ra, a viliago a ( ar Kumhritv^ik. :, -ui to ihv- H t *>t and AaM on the serpent to appear, 
"he were a ffxl; ih^aUmiug f< hum hiju Uy w^jsii- u* an wil spirit or devil, if he did not. 
So the god wOkecl intM hb I^>SMCV *u4 tlw JJriln;m, towing Mom Kot Isliwar, invited 


No Baja then ruled this part of the hills, which were held by tho Mfcwannas or . 
Sfinfi a powerful Mftwanna, heard of the god's miracles and began to worship him. Once he 
dreamed that the god did not wish to lire at Mathana Jubar, where a temple was proposed 
for him, but would prefer PichlftTiba, now called Koti, and so a temple was built there for 
him. Long afterwards the present temple was built on a larger scale at Madholf . 

At first he was represented by a single a&U-dhat idol, but subsequently some fifteen 
more idols of mixed metal were added as companions. A rath (palanquin) was also made 
and the god was seated in it at melds. 

Bhurft, another contemporary Mawanna, came to a meld organised in honour of the god 
by Sfinft Mawanna. He was dressed in ape skins. But Sfinft did not allow Bhuri to come 
before the god or touch his rath, so Bhur& returned to his home at Bhur A, scarcely three miles 
from Madholl, in disgust. One day after his return, when^ breaking up new land he found a 
gold image, and for this he made a rath and seated himself in it, 

This deotd was brought to Mandholf, as he desired to live there with Kof tshwar, and 
Sfinfl and Bhurft abandoned their feud, 

Kot> tshwar was a terror to the countryside. He would kill any Mftwanna who did not 
obey him. Some indeed say that the gold image which Bhuj*& found was Kof tshwar himself 
in a new form, and that Bhur& was killed by him, 

When the Brfthmans of Hat Koti learnt that Kot Ishwar liatl become a good spirit and 
was displaying miracles at Mandholl, two of them came to LathJ village, where they have 
been settled now for 77 generations. 

Bhura Deotft appeared about the same time as Ko| ishwar. His worshippers offer 
him only gold or masrQ, cloth while Kot Ishwar can accept anything. Goata are usually 

The following mdas called jdgrde are held in honour of those DootAe : (1) BharajA oa 
the 1st Jeth ; (2) Madhauni on the Eakhrl Puni& in Bhfidoix ; (3) Madholi on the purdnmfaU 
day in Bh&lon ; (4) Pati Jubar on the 6th or 7th Asfi? . But at the following places the 
jdgrds are held in Bais^kh and'SAwan on any day that may bo Bsed, Urshu-Khekhar, NA1, 
JAr, Sawari, Dib, Banfi, Kh&bar, Dhftll, Kftprf, 

Kot ishwar ruled this part of the hills before the Gtepft family settled at Karanglft. Some- 
time afterwards the Gerfi brothers quarrelled over tho partition of the kingdom, and so a 
oow.girl divided it into two parts, viz., Karangli and Kumh&rsain. Her decision is said to 
hkve been : Jis K&pu ti* Kan&r, Jis Khekhw ti* DoMr, " Ho who gets Kepu ^ got 
KartA* nd he frho takes Khekhat shall have Dal&r." Kopu and Khekhar are villages on 
the bstiito of thfe Bue] tod Elanlar irad ttol&r are vfllagea high up the valley, A stream, tb 
&&WMS Htod, divide the OotiMr^. 

When the first Thftkxir 6am^ to fettnilifasain, the eountry was made ovor to him fcj 
ishwar, who showed him favour, do that State has giron him a jdgtr worth R. 606, attd 
the expenses of his jdgrds. Six generations ago f h&kur BAm Singh of Kua&tesaitt fi 
with EAuA Pirthf Singh of Keonjhal and by hi* add the ThAkw gained a victory. 

Every third year the Deotte'cfcafi or staff istakantoaU tho W#w, attd whfeA a ' nrtr 
R4131& ascends the gadM the Deota himseH tours the country In * rath. Bveiry kottee 
Resents four patMs of grain. Kof Ishwar is the Jfezefo dw or fttrf deota (family god) of tte 

. The account of this deotd is included ia that of the foregoing, 
B&fiA Sherkot at Kumhdr8ain.-~'bto faMA has Ids temple In the> pala<fc 
n. He is none other tlhan Kof thw^ himself, but fa caJled Sherkof. None 
but members of the Ba^'s family afcd the State ptooMt*, who Me odted Shettotft Brfthmaflfc 
cangomtehistempte. It is said tfcat the orfginalidol of Kot^hwto te kept here and 
the image at Mandholl is only a duplicate. 


4 Dew* <*&fta* or Durg& MdhlA Br&hman orthe Sakteru Puiflra family xelafe. 
that more than 100 generations ago bin ancestors cumo from KAshi (Benares) and settled at 
Hftt Kofi ; and that one of them cam* to Kaetuwi village with Adahakti BhAgwati This 
goddess, with her sister and Ku* hhvn wr shut up in the tumbt, aa has been told in the 
account of Kot fehwar. Adahakti ilw to tho tup of Tikar hill above Ghamana a villaco 
. in KwnhArsain, and settled there in the form of a ling. Her presence was revealed to a 
KawannA of Tikkar in a dream, and tho liny waa found and placed in a temple. 

Other pitfdri* of Kacheri say that AUahakti, commonly called Bhagwati MatA no doubt 
came from Hatkotf, but that she wan novor im primmed in & tumbl and that when the wJnrfa 
o| H&tkott had shut up Kot tshwar in tho f mU tho two DurgA siatera accompanied him 
one walking ahead and the other behind him looking for an opportunity to release Kot 
latavar. When tho pdncb fell and Kot twhwar oacajK -J, the two sisters also flew away First 
they went to Eaohtafi village and thence to HAtA. 

Durga Mat& settled at Tikkar, in which neighbourhood BhuriA, once a powerful MawannS 
had fallen into difficulties. H<j consulted Br&hnuw. and they aent for a number of virgins' 
and, having mado them ait in a row, called aloud to them that tho upirit that distressed the 
Mawanna, whether god or devil, would appear anil reveal through one of the girls why ho 
had hanassed tho MAwannS. One of tho girto then began to danoe in an ecstaoy and said that 
Bhftgwatl Matft WM lying on Tikluw hill in tho form of a ling, andthat.ofthetwosistere one 
lived at Kanda, on the top, and tho other at MundA, the foot of the hill. The Mawanna' and 
MB Brahmans oxcuaed thcmaolvca to thw Hpirite, saying that they had not known of their 
presence, and they promised to build a teraplo to the iiatft. The girl in a trance walked up 
the Tikkar hill; tho other virgins, tho Br&hroan and tho M4wann4 following her. She pointed 
put the spot where the ling lay and on that fcpot wa built tho temple called Matri Deorf 
which still exists. 

At that time Polaa, a Brahman (rum tho Sindhu Dch came to Lathi village and began 
to worship Durg& Matt. Ho oarno iwally to look for Kot kkw, who would not appear 
before him, but at last after twelve years ho revealed himself wad then the Brahman 
began to worship him. 

Kot fcfcwar gave tho pujdrtt of Batr& village to Bhigwat! Mat* for her worship. These 
fvj/Ms are said to have come from Koru Dwh. 

The Jfateog Brahman* wero sottlud in B&U]-& and they worship Kot khwar daily, but 
at the four eonkrdnlsin BaAjftkh, Sawan, and Migh and at the Diwfttf, the Sherkotft BrahmaM 


Kirti Singh, tho first RAia of the Kumharsain family, aoknowtedged Durgft BhAgwatl 
asi eister of Kot whwur and built her a new temple at Kaoherf. Every third year a p&jd 
nM is held and the State pay* the expense*. 

According to the custom of tho Komh&nain family tha jWan ceremony (cutting the 
hair of SQQ or wearing nose, or ear-ring* by a girl) ia purformed at the Mafd DeorA. The 
Ba^a and hifl BAub go in peron to tola temple with their children for the ceremony. Sinn'- 
lady on ascending the god-it the new BAnA with bte family attends, at the Matri DeorA, a 
ceremony called the jotng/4 jdtt&. 

Bhfigwfttl M4tA holda AjAyir from the State worth B. 14-1-3 and also has a small kdon 
forest. Ooatsaresaxirifloed to her and every third yew, or when doered boffitloes are also 
KJue* before her at the MAtrl DeorA. 

Some people believe that though th<- MiUa haa tewplefl at the MAtr! Deorf and Kacherl 
she is always sitting at her brother Kot Ll iwar's aide at Mandholt. 

BwA and Bhurt are two bho^t or servunta of the MAtA. Benu was a Ghof from BenA 
to Ktflld and Bhorl oame from Jo BAg at Halta, Tl tetter female attendant and WM 
ghoet. Both attend at the gate of the temple. 



5. Devi Kasumbd at Khckhsu. Khekhwu it* on iho north hank of Sutlej fo 
Kot Ishwar's other sister, Kasumba Devi, settled there when ho <*scai>ecl from Pro. 

One of the Chhabishi BrtLhmans of Gofln, a village in Kullfi Sarftj, saw in a drea 
pindi or ling. The goddess then told him of her presence and deniriid to have a temple built 
for her at Khekhsfi. 

The people say that the artisan who made I ho iinagt- 1 of Hilt KojJ Durg& was called ' 
to make her image. When ho had finished the imago the MawunnA, of H4t Koti hud 
his right hand cut off so that he might not make any inure like it ; hut with his left handh 
made a similar image at Khekhsfi. 

Ra^a Kirti Singh acknowledged this Devi a.s Kot tahwar'H Hfof <r and gave her a <idat 
worth Rs. 42-2-9, The original intention was that !) hkamos of kinr hind at Khekhar and 
goats should be given by the State on both tho twhtwtifai in ('het and Baisakh. ThisDvt 
also holds a jdgir from Kotgayh and Kullu. 

When Kot Ishwar has any jag she cumon to Mandholi and jomw in it. A Div&ll mdd 
is held at Khekhsti. There used to bo a bkitndd wry 12 your* at Khekhsft, but the Brit' h 
Government has forbidden it owing to tlui riink of human lift*. Brugil Deo in the bhor or servant 
of Kasumba. He was broiight from Jimdld in KunthAraaiu uud was originally a devil 

6. Mehdnl of Kot tsJiwar. No logond has I.HIOU gtvc-n of UUH dcM. 

2nd Group, The Seven Marechh. 

There are seven Mareohh DootAs, of whom throe are Ciumd in Kumlt&rsain two in 
Shangrt, one in Kotgarh and one in Kullft, thun :(\) Dif hfl at Dhcilanvr ; (2) Mareohh or 
Malendu at Malendi; (3) Marechh at Barcog in Kumh&raain ; (4) Marechh at Shawan in 
Shaagri ; (5) Marechh at Banar in Shangri ; (6) Marechh at Kirii in Kotgaph ; and (7) Ma*echli 
at BainainKuM. Marechh of Kirti and Uaroehh of BAN-CIK arc nid to be brothers of 
Dithft. The Marechh Deotaa are said to have descended from the Mftnasarovar Lake 
some 4000 years ago. Legends of only tho first four Mareclth dcota* arcs given. 

7. The Deotd Dim, or Mareehh, of Dhofatcr.'FhM l>olA ha,s hia temple at Dholaaer 
close to Kumhtoain itself. Tho story lu that he camo from th Mdnanarowar Lake nearly 
4000 years ago. On his way down he met Bhambu Itui at u place now callod BhambS 

Ra ^?~?? 1 M ' (Wh re the ruius f hib Imlaco aro 8uid u> Btm <tacittt )' tt I>^k between BM! 
and Eadiflla. Bhambd Eai, who was a Eftjput EAjft, like Km, in lookud utx>n a^ a mOM 
or im* (devil). His favourite meat was a woman'n breunt and ho ute ono ovory day Be 
used to go to bathe in the Sutlej, thence ha would go to Hat Koti for womhip, and return to 
dine at hjs palace every day, a daoly round of about 100 mita, which ha acoomplished in air 
hours The people were greatly oppressed by hflte tod at last the DootA of Shul! (fa 

SlfttlS^l 04 Mm - But a!ter ^ ** hb * vil 8 P irit <i^) fci 2 

the Shull Deota and to appear him a sUrtt waa built for him as a^ ing place 

in fl, SA-nflTfl.TA -hfiTVir^l/i "C 1 **.^*. J. lj_1. ^*, t A r* jf*vFvr^ 

ear ttoambQ jtlai comos out by night, never by day, 
iu it carried by tho people. Women and childiw 
' he is out at night. 

and near Kadr^w,^ te ^T^^ fr0m the M ^^ar Lake ho was very powerful, 

v\J Xt; 

at ^^ in roviue n cftr MadhAwanl in the 
m Kurahtoain ' and Wd himself in a cave and ate human fM, ; 
I"?**' A long time w^ when the deoftJ Kot tshw 
and x t ^1^ ^^ th te ^ ftnd *W out of hia eaye 

to h 


When Kot fa! war awl Hhurii .Orolft utrml tin.' l*'in|vls two goata were, a usual, offered 
acrifice, but Kot Inhwar drdim'd t< aiTi'pt ihrni, *^ayin limt he had with him a third 
S^fTa* his 'guest and that a third Ktuil almuM olli-ivd fur him. So the people brought 
third goat, but Dithfl refuel to aw pi it, .saying that ho preferred human flesh and that 
ft sir! should IHJ naerifitrd, Kut tnhuar WUH dixjiiraMrtl al this and ordered Dithft's 
* ^f and ho waft not released until h<< had *wurn nt-vrr tu tastu human flesh again. This 
Tiled Kot Ishwar and ho nwfie I>ilhu his tmzlr. Hi- wan given a place called Dholaser 
^here his temple exiBU. Kf fnhwar r/rnfri ulno a^ni'd him hi** favourite, KotMft, a Mlwan- 
!, as bis JMnWr and thin family wan KIVI.JI a villu^t* ntllrtl ilui done to Dholoacr. Ditha 
brought with him from Munii a iiio/ini tn-r, tthii-li Mill ntaiuLs with Home Mon trees close to 
his temple. Ra&a Kirti Sinyh, fnuiidrr of thr Kundtarsaiii Statv, affcuted this deotd and 
gave him land worth Urf. 33- 12-. Tlw- */.W*i i -uiiif/* *u uf hU temple when Koj Ishwar 
rides outin his ratk*i a mM. A ^itt irW IM hdd i*vrry tiiinl jvar, 

I forgot to Bay that Blmmhu Kai wm* a ItAjput fnan Ban^r Dcnh country, Some say 
that one thouftand yearn of Kamlwt KAjA .ImlhiMrtr hud tm.Hi'tl when JJliombu lUi lived in 
the country. It i Sain vat WKW of JMjA Judhi^Ur nou . 

8, The Deota Sfakntiu, or Jl/unrAA, a/ MaLndi. The jH'opU? of Uicbbh! pargana, 
who aro devotees uf Maiuida T>L^t A, nay that ihi w-vi-n Matvchh brothers came from 
Mtoasarowar Lake and fought with BliainbA Uui whni hi* Imrwi tlwir way. After his over- 
throwthey came to H&tfl, wla-m-o tln-y rt at .u rt'd. JJivlrudu wi'iit to the Chhichhar forest, 
and after a tirno Hew to the t*ip uf lXrtili hill* Clu-bWi! jtaryana. A KA11, or Kaika, 
called BhftgwatS, who lived ott thin |n-uk, rHTivrl him kimlly, but after a while hc desired 
Mm to acquire a territory wlu-ru >u* rinild b* \w.r^hiiiH'ti, nnd recommended to him the 
Oheblshl pargam t a it wan ttubwqut'nUy imm<*d. 

The Deotft Marochh left the K&lkft and catuo to the Unk! fon?*t Thence he descended 
to the NWft and reached JunjhAt, ft |ilac* wh w ho found ^ bnw Idol* with brass steps down 
to the water. But aomo way cither Uwt hu lid nut rc*'h th braua frooB or that from the 
baptt he went to Dtosonglt and nt*i hiinm^lf uaJ^r a fa* tiw. 

The story goe that thb Miwvohh r Iwing oiuiuiui tt> make himnelf known to the people, 
transformed himaelf inti> a twqient, and nuckecl milk frt*m the cowe that grazed near by, A 
cow girl saw him and informed a iJiMinglf Braiuuau. Wbon ho came, the serpeat retuxn^d 
to his original form, au a*hatdh&t* ittwRt*, ad Hat in hi* lap. The Brahman gave him 
<*%*e% At that time the MAwmm&M of !in*lu?& and PharW were powerful, so the Br&hmaii 
earned the image to Baht> r &, and tl*o litinhi^a MawaunA in consultation with one of Pharftl 
informed IteotA Ko| Irfiwar of tiua new arrival, Kot lhwar treated the Marochh kindly 
and gave him the premsnt tluibfeUI jNi/guna, but only on condition that ho would not oppress 
the people, arid that ho should only bo allowed goat and nheep (ktodu not bfot) to eat. 

He was given a jdtfr cif four tarn of land in the vlUapi ol Riartt, Bayot, MaltoA a^d 
Malend!, and also afield in each of tlm following village, JBartiara, KhAbar, Khatgar, ShaiM, 
Ghet! aad Dhan. It wa* aUo ngmd thai M*rt*chh Malwdft sliould not go .out. f or a nde 
on a raft uule** Ko> tnhwar gavo him leave, and to r* to nawr decomted tffl Koj Ishwax 
sends him a piece of rrfl cloth in token of F rmte#ion. Like Dithfl he does not come out of 
to temple save when Ko| l^hwar doci o, Malendft was further cri^ *o ojw the 
following taMn (at each of which Ko khwar emto him a goat), dr., Bwfcft, BMIJ Dewftft 
Magh and Rlinruiir,. L^tly Malemlft waa wLt-a iu M-!^^. !*Uice for his ^mp!e and he chose 
Malendi, whun: uuu wa built by tho Bahe r ^ :wd Ph^rftl MAwuimte. 

It is beiievod that the deoM IB absent i'mm hi-s U-iuplw on the Maghi Shankr&nt for 
sem daya during wUoh tho tampla i* do^d and all uvrk stuped till his return The popular 
that thTcfaoftJ goai to flght with the M** and ArfiA at BondA Bil, somewhe 
and returL after bathing at Kid4mAth. On Wa return the temple is 


and his gur or dewd dances in a trance (chirnd) and through him the Deota tells the story 
his strife with the rdkshasa. Strange to say, if the rdkalutsas havo won it is believed that 
a bumper harvest will result ; but if the deotda win there ia danger of famine. Yet them h 
there is good harvest, if the rdkshasas win there is a danger that pestilence may afflict m 
or cattle, and if the deotd wins, though there may be famine, they will avert pestilence. 

A deotd never speaks of himself, but only of the other deoids who fought with him/ jf^ 
says that a certain deotd has left his bell on the field, it is believed that his gur will soon di 
or if he says that a musical instrument is left, the doot&'s turf (musician) will die, or if a ke^ 
is left that the deotd' s bhanddri or a kdrddr will die. If Ko} tshwar deotd throws dust towarcb 
a rdkshasa and retire from the field there may be famine or some part of the 
State will be encroached upon or given to another State* 

There is a pond at Bondft Bll and a Br&hman of Bashahr put a hedge on the aide 
ed to be the deotds 9 side, and the other side of it is beliowtl to bo tho rdkakasaa* side 
the hedge on the deotda 9 side falls, they are believed to suffer defeat, but if the rdktJuww 9 hiedi 
falls, they are worsted. If defeated, the deotd says he is chut chipat {' impure '} and then a 
baltt p&jd is held on an auspicious day. None but M&on N&g of Suket plunges himself in tha 
pond at the temple, and on the flash of his plunge the deotd* bathe in the water apraya at the 

On the sTiankrdnt days Br&hmana doing p&jd recite mantraa after ringing the temple bell 
and giving dhtip-dty in a dhurnd or kordch and offer dhftp-dip. Those mantras are not found 
in any Veda, but are merely eulogies in connection with the Mahdbhdrata fight. They are 
called kardanfo and I give below the general kardsnt recited every day : 

The MaMbMrata praises a song called barfont Ctortain Brthmana are believed to know 
the a&bar Bidid or 3tfagio-lore, i.e., (1) Twtira, (2) Mantra, (3) Jadu. Their books ate witten 
in a character something like tdnkrd, but the language ia different and very quaint. Tto 
Sdbar Bidid is known to few Br&hm&ns and thay do ttot readily disclose it* socrote. 

MalendA has no connection with any other deotA but Koj fehwar and it to believed that 
at the time of any pestilence or famine he oomes out at night in the form of a torch or li^ht 
and tours through his dominion. The image of this faotd i* of Mhat.dhdt and site on a pfrt, 
a small ^four-sided bed, but he has no aingMaan. The deoW haa a- jdgtr worth B. 88, and 
one of his Mr ddra oaUed maeMna is appointed by the State. A m**hAna is changed when 
the State. Hte 0wrfc atoo oalted gtenitid and his Mrddr s are oommooly ealled 


haa two fiAors, Jhatftk and LfttA. Jhatftfc la of an Hch or Buperior while Utt 
isofa^Aorlower caste. Jhatak lived at 0rshA, a place aiao called JhaUA.aohe'tootacaUed 
trshti. He became Malenda's umfr soon after ho came to Malendl and hifl dwelliflj 
, a longlog ^of wood which stands before the tempi*. The waxW* faction is to drive 

P Ti ( ^ *!? ^ CAWd) ' lf they P 088 ^ ^ thto Hte also p 
under MUndft^ orders from visitations of any cUt chUai, plague, famine, etc 

atyea^wta He 4^^?^ influ 

,TT a ghoSt ' As he troubled tto ^ b of Kalma and 8hAtt 
f who accompanied by JhaUk, visited the place and caught hta. At 

D , ^ the foo* thankrdnt* (HdA 

Rehaii, Dewajl and Bttgh) : and that he should be printed wgulsriy with dhup-dip after he 
had himself recemd it, and t^t Kolte should *wto m ft accet 


tarns aad swore to truublo th<* poopli 1 ni more, bul he explained that he could not sit 
^Htod BO Malenda erected iho wooden log in front of hi tomple and in it l&t& is doubtless 

dome Bay that Kot tulwar gave .IhatAk as uvwfr to Malendu. On one occasion Lata 
teftMaiendttand fled to Hot lhar, but on Mah-ndfi'* nomptaint Kot lehwar toBtored him 
tohto master who took him back to Malc-mlJ. 

Bankate another Wkor who HVM at Slwlag. Knli generally worship him and he drives 

vahosts, etc. Ho was originally ft tU-vil in a forrat but was nubducd by Malendu. 

ITcoM JfaracAA o/ Bkttrtog. Thi rff e/d * Bbarcog in tho family god of the Sheaul 
^aiw people, 'MK* * *" Mt*' " W' 1 'V hil o( the Sul0t 

10. )60led JtfctrcAA at Paachi in C/KW4/.rA*>'U5, Br&liman vill&go in jparflrajw 
flU&faL hM templo to Shaw&n Manwhh. An imago of him WAS brought from Shawftn, 
village in Shangrf, aad et up horo. 

3rd Group. Toe Nags. 

I!* fkt DeotA K&j, pargaitn KnndarA. NA ifl ow of the most poworlul deotda 
iatfaeStolA hUla. H* app^aiwl *nu- 1JKM) y*r agn. at A time when throo dteofcS* held the 
part of tt country whHi i* now thw Nag 'a dominion. Thcwe were Dadrfl in pargona 
Kandacfi, Ba(hindlQ in ptirgvni Cha4to& in K^uothaU Malanahar in MadhAn State (at 
.EiArt), but their history is no ltmr rnnM>niUrvd. Tiw StaUm of Madhaa, Keunjhal and 
Kaehtoaia had established iUoraclvt'a when tli< Nig appoared, and there was a state called 
Kotfin Kandarft fotgam, whtwu ruler* itubngnd to tun family of Sirmdr. Some people say 
tart fee Bate |hftkur family of Madhan having cited out, a prince of Kahlflr (Bil48por),the 
wweeter of fl pretent ohipf w brought in t*i ruJ Madhftn wion after the Nag appeared. 

Tht* Na$' own hiatory is that ftv I -ahman bMthor*, named KWO, Gajau, Moel, Ohind 
tad CMnan, onoe lived at Bbarana, ft * illag now in Matihan. KalO the eldwt WM a hermit, 
OM* MM came to BharAna and rmt bin 6*n under a keloi tree, cooked some food and 
nabed Ealft to eat it with him. H gav K4lft four loavcw, of which he ate two and fcepttfae 
ottetw ia U> pocket. At the MA4V invitation Kaifl uyd the aight with Win, and at 
mii^t he MW tlmt oarpt were spread bef are the itiikA't <!*, torehe lighted and jwrt, 
ftod B|ft Indat's dancing girboatn and ckncd bvfora the WW. K6 watched thw with 
. wwse, bat before daybreak Ow UAti mt all bad diaappeawd. Kalu returned home, bat 
WM fcteot on finding the WA.i again, a* h bdiwd him to be Raja Bhartert. He climbed 
totbefopofTikkarhm, whsrehi bwtlewgraxitJwtrhN5p, but thoy could teU .him nottang 
aad hae fete return home and fetch fod. Wbon ho reached home KaW found hia daaghter- 
in-bw at work, aad on hi* asking her to give hi* ome floor, she id that fihe was in a hurry 
to milk the oom, aad ao ho returned to Tkkr mpty.lided. In hi dtoappototramt and 
mitt Wjbr the UM he Bed lik a mad man, leaving cap, ^ o ifcii Dktor pe ak, 
^tiwwbgla*tworwnaiianglov, which h^UmMrf 
While roaming far and wid* in ***, o f tlie *WW, KM& 
thing he had on lum, uu by one, at dUfaMt !*., d at lart 
people that wbenfe g)m , fate bmtben th .tottW, >y 
nd that KAlft, wht-n he <U*d, became a MM^If (a Wg *!). 

This ^i devouml mon nd !!vM on tlki?Mll, . 

MidhftnandKandaru-th.- thi Kui! SUK-'-ontil tl* 1^P^ begged the 

aubdae the Nag that had a W * s Ll in Ui 

hd he become that he would draw p^pl into bh moatbfrom afar with his 



H&tu fort was then in possession of Sirmur and its officer sent 32 men to Rflpar to fetch 
supplies. On their return they saw a cave where they intended to halt, but found themselves 
in the monster's mouth. Then four Sim brothers, Katils of Kelvi village, volunteered to .kill 
the sareli and collected people for the enterprise. They found it sleeping in a ndld, with its 
head at Kelvi and its tail at Khingsha, a distance of over five miles. It was arranged that 
one of the Kaiais should enter its mouth with an iron jamdar (spear) in his hand, so that if 
the sarett shut its mouth the jamdar would keep his jaws apart, so that another man might 
enter his throat aad thrust his jamdar through its neck, while others mounting its back 
might see the spear head and avoiding that spot hack at the serpent on every other sida 
until it was cut to pieces. Led by the Kaiais, tho people acted as arranged, and the 
monster was killed, the escort 3 from Hatfl emerging alive from its stomach. 

In the monster's huge head were found two images of Mul N&g as tho dcoid had said, 
This image is jet black with a aingtAwn, on which the Nig reposes, two BbAgwatt Devis 
sitting on either side with hands claspad, and also on each side a tiger watching. One of the 
images is in the temple at Dh&r village and the other is at Jadftn temple in Chadftrfi yargana. 

Some say three images were found. Hundreds of people collected, and tho Br&hmans 
who carried the images fell into a trance and tho Ndg spirit spoke through them, saying that 
he claimed the dominion over the three deotds and should bo carried Orst to KifLri. 4 

Besides others, Pargi of Kelvi, Moel Brahman of Bhr&n& Faqir pujdrd of Jadfin and 
Sadi R&m yujdra of Dhar (Kandarft), accompanied tho Nttg to Ki&ri, and asked Dhonklfl 
Ohaud, Thakur of Madhftn, and his brother Kel/l to accept thin now deoid. The R&n&said 
that none but MaUnshar was his god and that tho imago was nothing but a newA or #dp, and 
so the Chief hesitated to treat the Nftg as a god. Tho pooplo said that tho Nfig would strike 
like lightning. The N&g then left Ki&rl, but rested in a cave oallod Shfingra near it, until 
some three months later, a man named Gorl of Kharal gave him dh&p-dip and gM t and thiw 
encouraged the N&g soared to the skies and a bolt from tho blue destroyed tho Mal&n&har 
deotd's temple. The Th&kur's R3#& was distressed in many ways, his song while sleeping were 
overturned in their beds and rolled down on to the obrd (cow-shod), aerponts appeared in the 
milk and worms in the food served to the family. Tho tfeo&Z MalftnHhar confessed that he had 
no power to check the N&g and the Thikur of Madhftu was compelled to acknowledge him as 
his family god, instead of Mal&nshar, who flod to PujHrlJ, where a teraplo was subsequently 
built for him* The Nag became chauri-M-deo, i.e., tho god of ihogaddi and chaur. Some 
people say that it was after this time that the Bain family of Modh&n was euccoeded by a 
Kahlftr prince. , . + 

When acknowledged 6s gadM deoid of Ifo^&n, tho Nig returned to Chadirft and asked 
the people to build him a temple at a place shown by ante. Jadftn wa indicated and here 
the Nftg's temple stands. It is said that the Nftg is not fond of gold ornaments, so he 
never accepts gold. Two loaves that turned into stonos wore placed in tho temple. 

Bathindlft deoid was also forced to abandon his dominions to tho Nfig and took tip KB . 
abode at Choth& in Bhaj ji, 

Besides the Jadfin temple the Nig wanted a temple at iho spot whore the *A3M had 
appeared, and Kftlft had received two loaves. So ker too a temple waa built and fat -its 
enclosure stands the Jcdon tree beneath which there wae a dance. A fourth temple to the 
'' at DhAr in Kandrft, 

fc*$i?t Dfcot&'s temple which stood below KamaW village was destroyed by lightoing; 
to Madhan and Dodr4 is named after him. 

- - - _ 

3 Some say thatthe Hat^menwere not Mr&~bi8h(l2 X 20 s= 3^ but bard-bi#hi(l2 X 20=s^ 
^ KSfai ww aieo m ^p6aJ of the chiefs of MadQWa State, Dharampur being ohown l*ter on 

or Ttu: t:om.i.\v,s OK THI: ;UML\ niu-ft 109 

yjuro the Sirmur family r\iM Koli in Kainlru, ami hi* family god was Narolu, 
V Tiich had come with him from Sinnrtr. MM) r< immnnly railed Padoi had also accom- 
*S SB prince from tin' rhunjar MaUnu /*;' ( nrar MathUnft. This TMkur 
fa!tu r rf reared by the Rftj& "f Kullu, whn wan buiMing n firt mi Tikkar, ache invoked the 
*f help. A small rfwi (U-mph') Imd ln-*vly )nvn Inult at Tikkar for the Nfig, close 
\ 0r the fort was bcinjt built 1\v tin* IMjAoI Kullrt, ami tin* NA# j**r formed miracles which 
fetamd him from going on with t'h* hnilding of thr ft.r!. 

Th narfofKwnaw* 1 ! f n gn to lrrp nt Tikkar utnl uwak*^ to find himnclf at M&lag, firo 

*i distant in Bhajjl. K*.r nuin** tim<* ** inysti-rinUH npirit carried him to M&lag every 

U and at last whon Hitting rm a plank at Tikknr, lu j fi.uml ii hticking to bin back. Dis- 

^ d at the power of thn Kftg rf*'ftM, th* 1 KAjA'n rump l<-ft Tikkar ancl returned to SultHnpur 

toEnllft, the plank still Atic'king t* thn wtf'x mt-k. IMMtr^wiI at thto ight the Mja begged 

the Wto pardon hm wg* , promii*iiiR t*i pn^^nt him with an imagp ami a copper naUrd, 

andato to sacrifice goat-* to him whonrvi-r h< him^rlf *.r tiy i-f hi* wr^* paHed through the 

Nfcg's dominions. AH union ** IM* vw hun mu*It' th plank Ml from the wcjffe back* When 

anything oUnga to a man, thr pnivrrh &**#: " A**I/MY* Xiig rt jeie takW like tho plank on 

The Kullfl RAjilvent a pairnf f<>ppr iwtoSfS* antlun imagrii 11 kept in the Dhftr temple, 
called M&a Singh (prwromAhly th^ Ilftj^n nnrtv>), Wht^n tht Knllfl n^i loffc Tikkar, tho 
Thftkurof Kotil aff<K?t4Hl the Niitf nur* than rvir Ami RAVP him A jfijjrfr in several viHages* The 
name of this Th&kur wan I>va Sin^h, hut ivh>th f r \w wa thi* *' Oothainya ft who camo from 
Sirmfiroronly adeacemlant nf th^ HiitnAr family in nit knuttTi. 
* The dw& Nl ha tltn following A*r* (wrraiit*), *uid rrrt^in BhAgwatb are his com- 

(1) Bbor, aa ho i commonly calM. It i w^icl that KAlu the BrAhman, in his wanderings, 
tore a hair out of hi howl ami threw if, *w*y at i% plar<* called Loli (hair)* It became a spirit 
aad Joined the N*g when ho appeared from ttio <irrfri lual. H act aa a watohmaa and is 
given aloaf by tho peoplo, Whon t hero te a AAi at Lfili hi^ i gi vt*n a i'Aorfi* sheep. 

(2) ftor4. This fcAor appean^d from Kho r ii.ih^h (A plain nftar BAmpur, two mites 
to the eart of Thikkar hill). KAlu hiul Wt omvthtng at thi* <Mdk. It, too, turned into a 
spirit and joiuod tho N4g whc^ri hi* appear**! . Thin bho? protect* oattlo, and ie given an iron 
nail or ring called kanaikl, ax an ofTerinR by the people* 

(3) SUOA. Thin 6Aor *pp*tt*i fnim 8hiwH. r Shabhog, ito plaoo whete the wirrf< 
had to tail. Indeed, omo wy that it%ul became pitit caitod Sh&tkA. He is oflfet^d a 
loaf by the people for protecting goat* and nhcwp. 

(4) StorpM in ootmidorod alow eta* Mflr and U wowhipped by BoM etc. His spin* 
does not come into a K*ni*t or a pu/dra, but * Koli i iwip Irod by him ad peto, a-:CnM- , 
to is to driv avay evU upirit^, 6A4l t par**, *t*< r n* NAg toe^ ** go **^ tfc6 b>^ W *&y 
bwwto mm and o SbarpM in ami in hw plaw, thi* N*g* ^ (too **^E) wx^#*3#V 
him. AloaliB given to htm. Whon returning, lho^N4g f * *orf i porffied ty sprtoMing on 

it milk aod OOW'B urine. Tliis in called *hajhcrnd (making pre). 
-.-'- <*^to oonaidewl A fein^Ie Mor ami her abode te at Dy* ; *bat DM* 
Every third year, on an auHpiaiou*. dny (mAfwO fi**l V a BrAhman, the Nag 
A goat fa Mwrlfioed to th NAg and a cJW* (kid) fu Qnnrfl. She appeared at 

fen from KMft or from hi awe^t, mid jrAukl the Nfig. Sho protects people 

^r y '* WMf,v*w^Oi 

(6) 2>W in also a NHI. He ori* lntd at Kiiiii anU came with the Nfi when he was 
acknowledged hy the MalhAn ffaddt. He alto driw.* awy WWf, !<, etc. 

These are the six bhors, but the other companion* of the Ndg rank above them in degree 
These are the BhAgwatfs: 

(1) BMgwalt Redd. A few years before t he Gurkha invasion, Ranji* of Bashahar came 
to Jadiln and Dh&r and plundered the efeoM Nftg'a treasury, some images of which he took 
to Bashahar. The deotA Nig punished him by his power ami ho found his ribs sticking out 
of his sides and the milk that ho drank coming out through tho holes. One of the Uy& 
Gurfls told him that his spoliation of the NftgV t misury WUH 1 ho direct, fauna of hig complaint 
so he returned all what he had taken from tho temple, 

Bhima Kfitt of Sar&han in Bashahar also gave tho Nftg a pair of chambd wood dkki&i 
a karnAl, together with a MK shut up in ono of the rftato. Wlion the instruments were put 
in the Nag's temple, they played of thcmsdvos at the- dead of night. When people askedtte 
NAg the reason, he said that tho MU rnt by Bhima fv&li Hounded them. ThefeJKof 
Bashahar, however, could do no further mlschbf AH rfw VTOH Huhducd by the Nig and bidden 
to dwell at Rechi, the hill above Sandhft, \vluw a cfmuntM (platform) won built for her. She 
is a kind of subordinate companion to the Nag anrl |jruti'CtH women in childbirth, 

(2) NicM is a Bhftgwatf. Sho dwells at Koni in ( ImtiArA in a deojd (mall temple) and 
lives with Jharoshr& Kolis, but her spirit upcakii through u Turi, Her duty it is to guard 
the N&g's musical instruments and newrMn (Hag), <U. If a Kuli touches any instrument, a 
goat is taken from the Koll as punishment -. 

(3) Jal Matrt JShdgwati hat* her temple at KingnlitV Sh* 1 Ap|y*are<i near the water vhn 
the aorelf was killed, and is a goddess of \vatir, 

(4) Kanneehn EMgwatl came out of a piece ol the mrdis tit^h, and her deord is close 
to that of the N&g at Jad&a. Sho also driven away oval npiritB und can tell all about the 
l&gdbhdgd, the kind of spirit that might cause Iruublr, 

(5) JDMndkK Bhdgwati preserves storea of milk aiul j/A/, IVopk* invoke her for plenty 
of milk and gU in their houses, 

(6) JDerf Bajhash Bhdgwatt appeared from Kftntpur, whtw nomething fell from Kftli 
and became this Bhftg^vati. Sho protects people fn>m famimt ami jK^tikmco. 

(7) BMgwatt TikJcar lives with tho Nftg at Tikkar, Tikkur Nftg J the same as Jadto 
and DImr Nag. The same NAg haa separate image* At JadAn, Kiftri, Bharftnft, Dhtoaad 

As generations have passed away, people now think t*ch separate personage to be the 
the same Ng, The different pofyww each worship th N ? Ag of tlwir own pa^yana. PeoJlB 

, os g o wr own pa^yaa. eo 

say that Kaift left his topA at Tikkar and that it turned into tho Tikkar N4g, Dhw NAg 
calls the N&g of Tikkar his gwA/ Jadto NAg oalfa i)har N&g hi dd<M or elder httrife. 
Dhar Nftg calls Jadto Nftg his 6A4il or younger brother, and BharAni NAg is called by hto 
baMdrd or a brother. From this it may be inferred that Tikkar Nftg in tho central sprit of 
. the other N&gs, became it was here that K&lft became the mdt and hia shepherd taotto 
with the sheep and the two loaves all turned into stones. 

There are two temples on the top of Tikkar, At the following Motto, H#M' 
celebrated on Tikkar, people collect at mete* ; 

(1) the Salokri in Baisftkh; 

(2) the Jathenjo in Jeth, when aU the NA^Ei stay tfaerts at night and all the residents of 
the country side bring a big loaf and gU and divide them amongst the people. This loaf 
IB c 

IB called saond: 

rom W 
the ^twnplosli^ th. toundary , tto .outhem v 


j OTB ,lfl26] LB!KJfiKi>r IHJ-; i.iilH.lNi.M.l- Till: M.MJ.A UIU.,s 

(3) at the RehftlS, whMi II imnpi rall-d thr II WH/.< an- brought, the slit-ii-idg "IT 
bringing their sheep and returning to the lir ut i,i K ht. T|,,. ,,>;! tvutt tho people and 
neitdaytwoimagcH (tttmrtt) go to Ku.ii/.li vii!^- t.i rwm- their cW.and two imam 
go to New! viUago {orthesanin pur}*.*<-. Thrw tun iin^. an- the Deo-ka-Mohrd and tlmt 
c f Man Singh of Klhi : 

(4) attheNagPam-luun! in BhAdon, \Oi,-nhi> olwi-rviiwvwnwriibte those at Uu'Salok * 
(6) at the Magh or Mnkkar .Slmnkniiti. J,. ihn-r ^, ;i f im> Hacrifiood, <mo ivt-n by 

toeKumharsain Stat<- ; our by thr^iw''W;. ,md a third l.y (It.' jvoplf of Lull village The 
(fectf also gets alm. Oa- of tl. tnuj.l. < nt TiKlwr U-l*.t>^ ti tin: Knuditru woiilr and the 
other to those of JadOn and MudhAn . 

It may be noted here thai then- i* | M i a X4^ ,/nrfa ui Kandi y[-o//iJ in ukvt who is an 
offshoot of the Kfllwfl, NAg 

Thelegeadisthata Br&Iioian u( KlmrOiiA vill*ijr w-ut U, UiwrAff, a village in .uc, 
and asked aomo woait*u. who were hu^kiiiK rin; !< ivi- him riw as Moy (fuod)for hia idol 
of theNftg. The women stvmifidly <lM-lm><t i, ,ii\r him nn.y, * thi- iinag" **tuck to the okhal 
and warned by fchia miracle thi'y guvi- him <ni<< ri-. At, ihin tirm- A M/, which dwelt in a 
large stone, used to duvuur human lwin-* and vmtli-. w tlm JR-JJ.!*. ralliAl on tho NSgforhelp 
and to in ttwguiae of lightning hruko tlw intf in jm-u-.i aud kiUt-d the ltti&t Tho noonle 
built the NAg ft templo which hi 1 1 n,iij. * 

Another NAg'a tompk' laiul *t H,. m ri in Uhajji. Cr*.rt tUwtroyod the crops in this 
viU&ge, and ao BharAnA BrAhmait lin..u K h( ait IIUHH.' ,f tho Ni\ K and wtttblishcd it- at Hcnut 


J, who aUo Uvra tlwru, nuuit- fm<uii with tliv JS'%, The dace where tht-v live is 
called Deothan.8 * J 

M Newr! village Dli X,i !, a UJ It.. um.-.| t*> kill cattle. It limt iu a tone dose 
behind the village and Nt-wri wwnuui i--vr.-ily w.>ndiii>|d it, but Kalwft Nug destroyed 
theatoae with tb devil iiwUl,. it, juwl uv, i whi.|,m-.l u, houw .f tho woman, who was killed 
together with her 3 ukt-p. Wlwu th- XA K ui. t, , i ),w villaR*, Iw ait* OH the spot and apeais 
to the people. Every thinl yr th- S.'^ , u, h ar AuA and tht-ro diioka milk from a 

In Kejo, a village i Jtlmiji. thf>n< liv-<l an ( ,i<l , mid hia wife who had no son, no they 

"^ k ** f r On ' an<l lK< Ut|<l th< ""* '*' fcit th< r<< " Ilu Slluda y ** * P^> wktok had been 
Pitted by oow'a duiig tuid H riii. ami tJ M m. t ai^nt u guat for worifice and think of him, 

*A i v thn N&8 *I*|wwl ! *ky > tho forni of a large tagle. Descending 
to tbe plwe he plaood u. the w<ma' ia } > m*Je child ami boro away the goat. The old 
wooan toond her breMU full of m iik ahd nur*Ml thu Uaby. Thin family is now called the Lud 
Kwwaro* Eagle' Family. Thw nur adc. i* ^ul to liar* occurred 700 yeamor 17 generations 
ago. Another miracle in thtw dtwribct ; - 

DlMir ' who WI " PD rotlir "K ' i** PWn* **>0b Kaahiar J6Bte halted 
ig^ ^ thi%y wm W u, gin8 thft tol , (wa^i)^ U*N% he as muW appear, 

1 ' Wh bB * ul to Ulk * UHIt aw **" to K aW< *- * B*^*id them 
faia power, and tJwy ^jd that tb*lr Nag <fe** ootdd v&rfc mlraoiea. So 

!wr * * m Wld ^'f ( < * M '' ""^ ow<sd thftt i! b ^ th W 8 Weaeing 
lho ^^ ^ Kuohiar. The BftnA waft blasod with an heir, 
"** the boy Wl ak-k. When H l .JA- of hi* life wa lot, the Brahmana 
. *<* caiwed hb iUoe*w a * |>i,i:.luuv*rf. for some ingratitude. The Rajna,, 

rawiWtodW of th vow, inviuxl tho Nag U Kmdufu', ;md it i*iud tljafc one man from every 
nornern his doraiiOona ncKwmpiuiMl ih<. X4 to KunhlAr. 1*0B*, afraid to entertain 

/..t jxtrmt/' is Uj- J.H ,.- v..'- Js j; ,. .;U n/ 1 /&:<> of gram. 
and thl it lt ii,...^, ;... U , 

'i in; iM.ii v.\ 

so large an assemblage N< >i <n jinmiiutl i !* iA-i.,vi tm-vtum hum*-, Buying thauT 
urate him again, as he wiw i-uly a |*-tiy chief, lujt lie prwutid him with 11 id t W UlJllot 
tributed among hi* l-mplrx. 'Hux- immi- * ;u. vaUni ! Kuimriu mohras. ^~ 

Padoi<fco/dis tin- .Vila's ik'l.ipiivv lnutlt.-r. nml Nlmri lA-vioI Mathi&na jg V 
sister. The rfrf Matum is nKttmndnptiv*' Im.tlii r, hut ihihtir ha* only lately bel **"* 

The Jadiin rfrvfti suin<>tiitti 1,1 luilu- t MiUawun. Kin-am dosu to Jadfifl ^' 
and he consider* thv .Shungni Cav-, ulcu ilu- ,\,\ w ,,.,, Ulu j s j ilH , .. ^V 

. o 

and he consider* thv .Shungni Cav-, ulcu ilu- ,\,\ w p,,.,, Ulu j s j ilXH llt ni j, .. 
of pilgrimag.-). " 

Deotu Nag i>l Uliar h.-Ms fr..u. Kumli.ii.ain a >*./<> in Kan-iru j>a>-ya>ut worth Ba 7fl. 

Bum <fwto has it snutl! tciujili' at Kuuiali in Kuiutru. A niuii fnun Gathri b k 
to Kamali. Tlie Kuiuuli villancirt tiluiu- um jn Uum ,., ii, r i r f a nily uoci tho ah ^^^ 
theN^g, seeing that they liv. in hin t|,,| ( ,ui t .n,-. ' * u ^respect 

12. The Dcohi .V</i/ <j Dl<nli in /M^-J*,,* c -j,, u,iu. ~>, ( ,i i,,,,j v tlmii 500 yeara & sn ti, 
was a temple in a furwt at Tilku, wju-n- tin- ;.i/i./ ,,f l;h&li haU broken up gom il 
for cultivatiua. A rfc-fti llw-n- huta.^^ ti..-.<, .iu.l th- Uraliiiiaim MaiU that he was C 
BO they began tw w,,r*l,i|, him nml h- w, j,i, **-,!. Tht-y thru IwougU his ima fl to ffi iS 
village and built him a ivmjtl-. \Vh-n IVlu. ,/^/f-i JW.H.H! through tbi village feiT^ 
cured by him ami thu IK-,,,,!,. ,,l Sluiillii ln-tpiu i ..T|UJ, hi,,.. * the- N4 k-ft tte vilLT!! 
Pado! took pnHiWHhimi <,f hi-* t. inj.K- th.Tr, U,t u.- j.'. ( ,|,. tl { UJwlI Uk tho Nag to thLown 
village and ptawi hi,,, hi u t.-ui,iU.. l' a d,,i is w ij,,. | ttJni i y ww i of lhc y,^ , 
the Dhal! mu n-gurd tlw Xii w jw thi-ir fnmily K .,iJ. ^ 

^Tho Nttg'K imag.. u JK bin* and UhAKw.ti l,v, * xv.ih him. A J/ )M / and ajMfeywe 
his instrumenta of mitrnc. iud he al*j hu j^M ,,r ,-,mll UH. U viite hie old ri 

% 1 t!^ T" "^f* 8 ***** '% "" Uy Hiv. <lM},.dtp once a mouZ 
the Shimkrant day. Th Brahmaiui of Bix,g, )mh li. in oth.r ^gana, wehip Jh, 
as they once hved at Khocbr* mar Tilkfi. Thi* Xi hM o 4 nd hold, no /d^r fwmS 
State. Ho has no connection with K*lwA X4 i,( Knudrrt. 

. ,! 3 ^^ ^ CoW ^ " f />A ' M " fht-'bUhi.- Auth,r NAK'/t W /aiho tDhaalm 
OhebbUjWBWia. Nearly fiuit y,,a l,i a W n*mi iu M.I at N%,4haiu! place mar 
Wtf Jubar on thu Hhungri ,SUU, bordfr, wlwrw Uwru ,w an ukl uwnli. A nuw^EDtoU 
TObgouu plouhing hi,i ficlU urn X4g,.tlAi u<hi.n h f uU iHl a Waclc ioiagp. Batookit 
nome, but some days Mlu-riir*nl it l^gnu i JM-^X-UU, Jiia, n, w l tho Brahman. aid thatitwaa 
aJN&g who wwhod u> bu wumhipjMl, u titu Uhwi&l JIMUJ,| U-gwi u> affect him. Thii<M 

ifif*^"* ?* rftd/t but "" jav '" UA - Ku **' ivi ' l " ra - Thc Ph" 1 " P^ 
regaid Matoadu a thair family gwl, y,.-t th,,y u hip ih XAg tu in their village ttfoktag 


11 hcru * Ul ' 1 but thtt "w^U m v i> do nut admit the fact. 

has really no connection with K*lw& Nag of K*udrO, 

GAll '"^'ua''4 vUla^,, iu Clw&un #orva/w of 

wllu tnMX) Uwir 

. at that tim) ad 

, " lltt " lkt:r '' --* 1 * f 0^. *. w0 with this Atfii of 

ago than J 


Uu " w w ^ N4 NftM * i Ktuahiwiao ad loved to ft 

The col rf , ' ^^ KtiMied ta * " WAM "d ttat^rt -uckad Mr * 
ifc cowherd was duy i-cpriuiaad^ by ihe p^pto for hi,, nrtmaSZw t Urt he found 


r iiscf :1 to nurk tho milk, A /i?i> m Kothi village then determined to kill tho 
ho came to th wwiwWw nt niumtidu anil rut thw nurpent into throo pieces, but he 
aUvo wWW killing it. Siimoitrtyrt Utcr a wuiiwn, who wan digging clay, found 
e, into which Urn ttm<v jk*ivN <,f ih* wrjwut had turned. One of these images 
Brahnuuw to tilwuda village uuulher wiw takvn to Bagi (a village in ChajolS 
and u third \va* uk<- by tlu< llrAhmaim of Bhauwftrft, a villago in the 
of KumhAwai tthili* tt^nj*l*^ vn* built in tl. X4g in these villages. The 
i (though usually itutlfauHuiril i** nut tlmihufllMri and floats an tiacrificod to him. 

Every third year a ta// />">* wcW i* hi-M, but no annual fair. Th peuplo of Ghundft, 
Oharytoft, Kotl&, Kutlii and KuUH, ^H^H-iully th Kilin, worship liiin, This N&g 
has *a gnat of laud worth Itn. a-2-iS a yrar (rii KumhAmain. 
15, JPAe ^<ij ^/ jBj/?-'Ni> iiMlrw liftw Urn jiri^Tvcd uf thia 

Tu 1* 

Uv THK LA-IK I>. W. i'KDOKK, C 1,K,, F.W.A. 

PrefAtory No to. 

Uv Sm UlOIIAUri C. TKMPLK, lir, 

BlANY yoaraago ihu lati 4 I>r. William t'rwuk' haiui*<i vor tu tut) a long MS. collection 
of songs colteoted in th UniU-d Provincrn for publirttlitm, n*t*yr<M4uircdttgooddealof work- 
ing trp, but IpuMiahod four f*i*r<^ of tlu*i in 1910 itfH {Vuk XXXIX and XL) about 
Religion, t ho King of Oudh, and tin." Mutiny and utht'r mihjooUi. I find among his papcra 
two other oatogorien loft , u^Kiut great |K?I -MoiiiigoH and nmrriage ccrcmuiiios. Those I propose 
to publish now, 

The BalbMt lo fiAjft Darsiuit 

This ballad IB Bung in honour of Itj l>arlum Siiih who helped tho B&bA of Kharpar& 
(Dktrict Fyxabad), wlt^u ho KM* Attacked lv 8arb Daw&u Siah, HaipJU Sinh and Shoo 

Abr kl ber R&J& Babu ko uturo ; cit^w4 inoii AU toh&r hu, 

Katm! taraf ghcrtj Sarab jDamtUi iSiuh f Kauni taraf Uarp&l bo ? 

Eatmt taraf ghoro BiriyA tihwd&tii Si h it Nikarai na kukur bil&r ho, 

Pftrab taraf gheru Barab Uam&ii Hiith : phutk& ghnre UarpU ho* 

KhirkS mon ghero haiu BiriyA Shoo l>ml Siuh ; mkarai na kukur bil&r ho* 

1 Mohan, Mohan,' goharawaiii ab beld&rfcn ko *ardir bo, 

' Jaldi ee chayy4 pita cle ix> Binahf, m&ii Uwhkar utare bamAr hoj 

SAnghl bhlge Sarah I>mt)&n 8iub ; idhi r&t bbdgo HarpW bo. 

Hat bhiru^r bhAgo Biriy4 ^hco Oi^i Sinh : Otimt gaye BAbd kA doir ho. 

ve tho BAbO UiU timv, aia wia ihwfoy at^nial famn lor *fcywM* 
Which side i* Sarab DamAa Siuh bbckading I Wiiidt kle is Harp&l ? 
Whioh ftido to blookading BiriyA Shew I^ol Siub * Mt*Uber dog nor cat can oome out. 
Sflrob DamAa Siwh blockade* tho E<wt ; HaqAl the gate* 
Den! Sink blockade* the wkOwfc : neitto dog 

i;.. .*lk-l oui ; - -, 

6et the bridjgo u f buatA >v./i the Bbtmiii ; f HU that our a army can cross 

Som lioi-o of t!j aTi^i^'' ' t ' JTIi- ii7l7. * A w\<* flvwiiitf by tho viUage of 

That U, Raja Xtei-iita 


Sarab Damto Sinh fled in the evening * : HarpAl Hod at in iclniIit ; 

At dawn fled Biriya Sheo Den! Sinh* and the gale of the Babil was freed (from his 1 , enemies). 


A Song about Amar Siuh. 
(Collected by Bawyhartb Ckanb<\.) 


Amar Sinh to amar chaye, janai sakal jahaiu 
Shah Akabbar ke god men mavd Salabat Khuu. 
Amar ke kamar meii zahar ki katfcn : 
JodM ne garhai, Bikanet safiwviu, 
Miyan Saiabat ke dun men darak dar&k clt- gai. 
H&th jor, rani kahai : " umrAou ki katil ho gau" 


Amar Singh has become immortal, 5 a all the woriil knows. 
In the very presence* of Akbar Shah he slew Sul&bat ^ 4 - A " 
In Amar's waist was a poisoned dagger, 
Made in Jodhpur and polished in Bikauer. 
He drove it quicldy into Miyan Balftbat*B hrart. 
Said (Amar Singh's) rdnt, witli joined hatuin :~ k4 tlu-ro lutn bf*ii nitmler of a 


The Ballad oi Jagatdeo Thftkur Pa^war of Jar&rl. 
(Becorded by Jaganndth Prasdd, teacher of the Village SeAooJ, Ibur&tdbM, District Cawnpon.) 
Thisheroisnowagodling, oadaatho ballad rt!coni bin iigbt with tho ^"^-^ *^-* 
action may account for his deification. 

Jagat ke lilawai thftnbh Iij6 rft. 

Jo koi baghiy^ meu hoyb, Jagat ke Hlawai th&fibh lijo ro. 

" Lalabi ko charhibo, re Jagat, ohori dejo : kamal ko churi, flharo hamsher*" 

" Lilaw& ko charhibo na chhOtai, ri M&t& Jalanl : kammar nahiu chhiitai, uahto 


Am, n!m, mahu^ lakhr&nwa raho Jagat, cbali iwwfl, m&i'u 
Kaun la^&ye re am, nlm, mahua lakhrHwoa ? Kautto **&gar ktuxlAyo re 'i 
Langto lag&ye re am, nim mahu4 fokhr&wen : JagatA nAgar kbud&ye ro. 
Mughal parfibya re garh s&gar, cbaurt marat piy &^ 

Ktoe ko devl ki pakiiwariy an t KAbe ke 

Kfthe korang cholan& ? Kahe ko h&v ? 

Kabthk! re devl pakhwariyafi : katokut fci J 

Har! dari&i ko rang cholanft : laung&u ko hftr. 

Kaiui le &wai re devi devi-pakhwar-iyftn ? Kaun ie ftwaire 

Kaun le >wai re rang cholanS, ? Kaun le awai re h&r 7 

Barh&i to le awai re devl pakhwariyfta ; Bun&ra to to ftwai re j jb. 

Darzi to le &wai re rang cholanft : mahiyft to to ftwai m hfcr, 

Khatkhat &wai re devl ko pakhwiriy&u : bajat Awai jh&ii}h. 

Ghmnrat dwai re rang cholana : manhkat aw&i b&r. 

tint saje re : hathlyfta sajf ri : sajl hain Mughal Id phaujairt, aur Jagato aaw&r, 

<c Jag at& bar& mawas! re : Jagataiu lAwo bundln : paisO, nfthiii ugulitui deyi." 

* That is, ^hen Rftja Darshan Siuh's army }xd crowed the Bieoht. 

* A play here upon the name Amar. JWl , % * m 
7 That is, " there tvffl be y^ry much 


te/i nikasl re Jagatft Id tirivfi : " mahiu iuxthai do Hughalftn* ke pas, aur turn 
suiniro MahrAnl." 

Mathiy& tea nikas! re <levi ki ublul : wiin mukh hoyil larai sardft, bityeu Hanum&n, 
Dahine ang larai Durgft, aur m&ri Mughal Htir kinho re dari. 

a, ghorawft ab ohhinft lihifi ro, aur Jugat rah<* wwfi, men liptftyft. 

Stop the dark horfio of Jagat 1 

If any one is in the garden, Irt him stop tin* dark horse of Jagat, 

" Leave off riding your dark horno, Jagal : leave off your blanket and put on. a sword." 

" I will not leave off riding the dark horso ; Mother Jalani * nor will Heave off the 

blanket ; nor will I put on a H\vunl," 

Jagat was in her service among the mango, HIM, ami muhud trees, 
Who planted the mango, wfr/i and mnhnn tn^.s I Who dug the tank ? 
MonkqyB planted the mango, nun un<l mahuA iivc.'rt : Jagat dug the tank. 
The Mughals made a fort row of th tank, and th cows died of thirst, 
Of what arc the goddess nandaln i Of what h*''r jhAitjh n ? 
Of what IB her cloak ? Of what her garland 1 
Her sandals arc of wood : IwtjhdAjh of Mi-int'tal. 
Her cloak ia of green mlk : her garland of clovat. 
Who brought the goddean lu*r nandaln ? Who brought hzrjhAAjh - 
Who brought her coloured cloak I Who brought her garlaad ? 
The carpoator brought her Handata : the juwelU*r Iwtjhdfijk* 
The tailor brought her coloured cloak : the gardener her garland, 
Sounding came tho goddess T H nandab : playing came her jhdnjh. 
Flying came her coloured olo&k : Bmcllmg (sweetly) came her garland. 
Beady with camels, ready with olr>phant, roady was the Mughal army and (so was) Jagat 

with his hore, 

" Jagat is a great scoundrel ; bring Jagat bound. He pays neither tribute nor taxes." 
Then came Jagat's wife from within : *' I will face* the Mughals and do you worship 

the Mah&rani [the gocUlcaMj." 
Then came tho spirit of tho goddess out of the temple : in the front fought the goddess ; 

on the loft Hanumfin, 

In the right army fought DurgA, ulcw tho Mughal and drove him back. 
Their elephants and h0m# wow all captured, and Jagat was left to serve {the goddess]. 


A Saying in Praise or R&y Slab of Btk&ner, 
(Qollerted by Rdm Qharib Ohaube.) 

Jal GudA ; thai ujaio ; pAta mangal po& [boft]. " ^ , 

Main balihar! wahl de ko f jahftn R4y4 Siuh Nareeh* 


The wells arc deep ; tho land i white ; and the leaves are auspicious. 
I admire tho country, where RftyA Siiih is roJen 

V, - ' .-; ;..,. ' ',;,- T 1 . 1 - ', 
The R4$ta 0* 


Bhae tarw^ tou Bais : sama jK^uril Baghelyo. 
Jtogh jutt Karchull, katak DiUt le dolyo. 

8 Mftta JaUnl *w**to\Z^^ Of tfe* **rfcw* * '.which Jagat ig a godling, serving her 


Patapit Paribftr : khefc Gohalau fia juilftu. 
Bhuja dand Chauhto, sor Dilli dal bajjan. 
Raghunand *o nand kabi tilak kfihu :~ - 
" S6m Bansh netrfthin thftyo : 
Mathe Chandel sausfir 
Pramai Rao raja bhayo. 

Phaujaiu dalmali ; mahabali liain SujAn Shfth 
Mare kflch gali : naq&r chltin lujil t M. 
Kha/i muflis ko gum&n gorS ganj mlm laro : 
Bare sftban ke dharm dwftr diyA (hi, 
Jujh gae Sayyad : kharftb bhao aur log : 
S&r ke Nawab, jo kharftb jftxlcia plya tha. 
PAchhati Ixain bibi : * fi Are un& hai ; Kuj&n 
Agori mati jahit, HiyiLfi, maine manft klyathft 


Kou drigpai mohiu l&l lo milai misftl : 

K3u drigpftl achhe Oclilio hAihi gluu; !o, 

K6u drigpai jo bih&l trin. clanl tlharai : 

Ku drigpftl raj bhujat kiwhor 1<^. 

Kou drigpai sab din hin bhakh mulai nrip 

KLahin jlwa ke nihor lo* 

Chakkwai Chandaia s&k band! Sn E&m bhanai 

Raja 36 Modan Shah milai kharg scor to, 


Sang haft Firang, jo umang jang jHftho ko ang, 
Angrez bal dino hain bar&i son. 
Chamak sangin, chamkat jaiBo bb&n rftc, 
Dapat karat ghorft duddhar sip&Iu HOU. 
Parhaifi kabi Shubh Ram : " Pratftp! hain Atlal 
Khayaq ke chalfte dah karat nikfte BOIK 
Dasahu &i%& ke daWano drigpil rahUno 
Aur qabb^r Chandel ki chayhfti o. 


Dal saji ki Bijaur ke Shftm Nar^h ; 

Pakhar dart hazar se &yo. 

Kunjal Shah Agori ke rakshak faajt banAo 

Ke bhae charhftyo : 

" Dhas ke Giri Merfl, SumAr tarftin pai hatAto, 

Na Chandel jahan loh lag&yo." 

Judh paryo ardir to Sengar SftlibAban ko 

BandhS ke kham gar&yo. 

The Baia are sprung from the aole of the feet, tho Baghel* bom between the navel and 
the pubea : * 

The Sudan, from the junction of the thigh., took their army to Drtbl. 
The Parthftrs are sprung from the back, the Gohlaut* from the field* ; 


fn.m (If nnnM nni i thi , if fafm , 
gays Raghunand the poi'l ; - 
"IheSom Baunh art: *jrun# from iln- i^i-a, 

from the furrhrad, (<,f HJJ,JH) h* thr worl 
lw bm<w<' a king/' m 


Hie armies are very Inrjir and SIIJ/H Nliah WA* v-ry pm 

He slaughtered iti Htrvvts nml Ian.-*. mid s,-j m | tin* (fiiM 

He broke doAvn th>.* pritf nti<l w-U! <^{ !h- KhAn,, 

And gave alms* at hw dnor in hi^ f^Unu-cm, 

The Sayya*loll in thr tight uuJ inruy }v*<jI^ svvr^ ruiunl 

(The Sayyad) was Nawfib of SAr, iui<ni,. | m ,| drunk ton much wine, 

Said his wife to him ; -" List-n h'*ri\ NiijAn JShA| r 

TheAgorJ, go not, MiyAn ; f \nrikr^l ih-r," n 

Somerulors rawi thu wmiy with g.>!.l ami ruliii-?* 

Some rulers with good flfpluuttM nwl honfi'u, 

Some rulers mnot him with a f>!|.< of gmw JH IWHM ihri r uvih 

Some rutera bum thrir <?st at" and Hi 

Says Sr! Mm : " the C!lmn.|,| l>,.iv. m,,) r.-rki,^,, 

lake Kftja MvUn HbAli, n..vt (l,i n.-my) with hi u ( .n 

His wnpani.inm KU^K-HII,, !, |, % ,'' t'|,r .pirit ,f victory. 
Mie Ba^wh hold lux vaj.,ur in n"ji,- ( -( 
Sis Mfft shincH : it glitu-w lifer thu MUJI 

, the- p,** : " fllorioun i A-W .Shah " 
itouco all that tot n n.|,. r bi HWord 
M the mlew of the U-n i]narl<<n trombk- 
When the DCWH of tbv ('hiU. J', (tuck) kwj c,,,n..' 

Sh4m Narc^ of ffijiuir ' 

Kuajal 8hh, ppott-ck.r of Ah,,j, Ut hi dram- 
Wat hu brethren might >m up. 

^ -~,,,, . www |WHWfc fo#) wlu*r* th*< light b, M 
to TO fight foil SurdAr fckmgar HAlibAhaii 
buried him in the ditch.** 

(To be 

^ 10 Thiastmott ju^Mr "7 
I'-:" M-ij 

WM A ta* RAjput of the Ohauh&a 

.- * in. .nj .4 ^IkA U<34.. -* 4.ttA 

11 *? * ritor . ww ** 

' U '" " 

the body of tbe 
Uter itiausw purport to have Iwn 

A ' ial s '^ 5i 
" :i; ' !il bt?llv ' v -'* 

>!hrf M BrinU iw, w.d it in by on* BbubhBfta. 
i / A^Uwi, mn<H with flhfth Nswehof Bijaar, 




Albm and XTnwin Ltd. 
^welcome the issue of a reprintof "A Forgot fit 
Empire'* by Mr> Robert Sawell, well kmum a;> thr 
author of various works bearing upon the un.W .;.-> 
and history of South India. Scweli wtf the ar ? 
to recover from oblivion the history ox <! I'mp'i" 
of Vijayanagar which ho truly called Iho " FI.IV<'- 
Empire" in 1000. It is nearly a quri*T u ;i 
century since that book lias totw,u f'**- 
It is therefore time that so important a work */ 
brought out in a new edition. Oiring '.o iiilvrtm m-; 
age and perhaps intermittent htulth h- IWH n.*i U.-'u 
possible for Mr. Sewell to revise tin bonk nwl MM ' 
it up-to-date. Nevertheless tho rvprmt is 4iii:- v, .-! - 
como as it contains a translation two imi'oHunt 
Portuguese chronicles which Mr. SVwvU lln*M: 
translated into English and published :..v tl;- 
first time, As a matter of fact, Mr. &-v,vH'.i \writ 
upon this important subioct does not claim t* l- 
much more than the chronicles with tw clitic- 
rate historical introduction containing all tin- wfnr- 
mation brought to notico up to tlw linut of thy fir- 1 

Considerable advance howovor has bcon nwl iti uw 

knowledge o the history of Vij&yanaiar riucu th*< 

book was first published. Apart from the Inner! pt founl 

and archaeological work ombodiod in tho 

phist's Reports and South Indian Insert jiti 

there have been somo works written on llio 

fn various brandies which havo contributed t 

advance our knowledj^o of tho lustory of Vijuyaimty 

considerably. The first of such to bt* nu*utifu< 

happons to be a work of tho Government 

phist Bao Bahadur H KrtHlina 

contributed three articles to tho Di 

Report of the Archreologicai Survey of Unim, 

entitled the dynasties of Vijuyanugur a 31* I it 

Viceroys, which incorporates all tho 

information brought to light by liift u\\u 

xoent. Next in importance ia tho ]>ul>!j* 

cation of an account of the Hampi ruius hy Mr. 

Longhurst, the Assistant Saperintonderxt of Arihffio* 

logy, Madras, who has been for years at work 

putting the ruins of the city of Vijayanagar in *urmt 

order for visitors. It is a informing handbook for 

those who wish to visit the ruins with sonm littlt: 

guidance for an intelligent appreciation of viiriou>i 

parts ot it. Then must bo mentioned " A Littta-known 

Chapter of Vijayanagftr history " published in DM 

Mythic Society*s Journal and ainco rnado avuilahln 

in a small book by the Professor of Indian Hirtury 

and Arohology at the University of Madras. Tlii":* 

work deals wilih the dark period of V(jyiuigar 

history from the dieaiJi of tbe great Dovaray^ 11 'to 

the accession M greater KrWhnadvawyA, 

sources of -fafaiaaiidB. have been brought to 

on the question and that work wae followed by 

1 Sniircv.xof Vijnyttm^wr Hink.ry " oon 
JOO oxtrittitfl from various wurluv of literat 

krit, Tnmil 

.U, U 




IM.. K- 

iH of 

^,! ., 
- rui,l! 4 . 

},.. Mndww t 
,,f tho foundation 
.i Houth India and Ha 



j.,.f* of tb8Q i 

.^" Mi h other material 

i i nit hnJ*M> that IB coming 
in course of time 
volume of 
Tortuguose have 
ttnd tho Bovd, E 
vfif, Bombay, ia at 
mta which is Ukaly 
ho history of the 


from hishand 




reprint ia iseued in a 
*rk within roach of a 
.i uly things that ace 


hy tho rtxtuction in 

MiV UVttllftUb for 10 
8, K. 



into Fwndi 
Annafc* du Mn8& 
Oouthneir, BwX 


fcmrtli volume of Sit 
^tl hi 1910. 



why ho 

gins of ti 



1 whith w*ult huvt* 




whr It 


Bir James 



to wm&fk* iw 




& xiVft. 

)U, Mathutm "^ remark***! *" <IH ' 

-^ t* to At I^int f th, virw >f 

^ *- wl ^ 



so foU- they 
of ft common 
W ho 

often in 


solitude; ttuy 
than discretion, 
naturally timid 

Tyler, who 
bub at tho 
of the fact*. W 
pologist begun to 

totha Lout Trih-sH 

telbeBancl with m 

of peculation , On 

aod Mohttotogm* is 

fearful of tho 

hand thu inUirtip<l<ti-*t 

tako thtt ficH* 

we many thing* in thin l*wl* whii U wi!< itKti 

those whow attoniictn iw <-t,in^4itwUal on 

rather thart gaiwrnl onwc!ni:^ Tfi 

instance doe* not 

portenco of Q*u&A.Kriti& Tufc" it** 1 ? 

he accepts without 

of Poiyawuwi 


t ' . w OH in tbtf A nglo 8fl xon world* That is a more 
<rtd ; \*lt?\t i Uw*n it mattor whether tho Hawaiian*) 
*r*m Tahiti or not T But then, why load 
with fact* that are neither correct 
rrU'VAtU T It in mure wrioufl wtan on 
i, u*l ff, h^ r'j**at* a moat circumstantial 
iwtwi of th' an<lvring)J uf tlm PotyneKiaa in 
,K-**n* v < r <'( On? fftflt that writwra on Polynesia 
thoir fafU {rum their tliBorios 
littlo t)ehin<l tho 
iC Hi* J,^wt-Tril*iftt*, F-vii that <lotj not affect 
';. ,.-. .,-...!* ; ih-T" i" i>S niy *>f uvidinxcu for an 
.v.;^,.Ti ,i, viut,:*?in ?.i*' SViJw wit hunt dragging 
? : '.i! 1 . v."5*i^h rt^ % '"> i.v*'ui- ii *i to he, nt^curate. 
**, .JT*.. ' i ; >\* littV 1 hji'vvii th*tl uiifctnkt'fl IhtTO 

...;.,,-.-., ' . i :,> ;v*,i-n 

V\/,, -, ;> ,.:.ii.. "*^ 

,- : . < ; 'ivij.:,-.i:i".! 

^...-: . ,. * ,,' n.-i 

t.j-'t-Ufi' L i:nx.s- s- : -4 ^" 
,vhM ii Mi*iy i'- ' >M ri " 
j,i in it--- "'^"* '** ^ 4 " 


\i -ii -, ih ' 

^ in wast for wiy slip. 
>. l.VJ *-hi*t "* Ihilia owei 
ill?* Dmvicliiw^V ho will 
i - -vul :<'** i.shi'l'h*;r ho IH aivuro 
-.v^ **u- rii*th of lintm an ordinary 
n !.i.uuvJy s*jjvU iuj tlmti A Few 
s 'Jw. ** *S,iiJrltrit vniii, that if 
wri;', it I--* thank* tntlwiuvuitors 
p!**tK', nnl tht-a ho \viU 
r tin MwAyun 

^AtJv to Iwiir u translation of 
^riwulra, and to tho tmpfo to 
Siti***!iHt u*um:; in f-wrt ho calls 
V*-4rt. IXmhHt^i Jus ^*d iwi3 often 
nhivh b' Iw* i'U^tifkrd with those 
? IHM.^* j bu<- tlu^t ttlono hov how 
i^- iv^^f '*" tilt! Sftitwk"^ culture. 

fo .,f ilw 


that tfa " 
ttiirli ^ cotmmm a 

direction, t will uot rtrty $t 1*^ t j nii*uly t* i*fe: 


the statement that tlw ll'm&mm^ t*int^ 
Tahiti t thi *tat#mwitr tnanuiuu * 
writero on.Polyiit*ia, twin *n uu fn 
claim noftde hy all roIym'Hitm^ i4> c'^mn frmft 

tiiti, or T^fiti j thwv i^ 
i this i Tahiti ; it i imftruly tt> 
w bial home whieh gave iU *wiM* to .^-.,- ^-- 
Fiji, jnatas Lcm^n, Plymouth, l>ujtedin, und count* 


a bang 

an i. 


remains of a culture involving megalith* nntl t 
kings spreading from ono end of the world to tho 
other, or rather I should say " culture* " ; for 
Mr. Perry considers general features ami thwwfom 
the genus only, and ignores the specie* and vartotiitt. 
For a start that is of little eonaoquotu^ ; if , OH i 
believe, civilisation is one, and if all tho auccoimtvo 
waves that have spread in early tinuiw ttcrctKH I ho 1 a 
dian Ocean and across the Focilte have roci'ivt?tl Ihoir 
impetus from one centre, it to cf little imiwrtiuiw 
at the start whether we speak of an archaic civili- 
zation or civilizations. Tho analyma contra* lutr. 
The thesis is, however, not altogether new, though 
amplified, modified for the better and aiifwortrd 
by abundance of now ovidouco. It i in tho 
chapters on the Dual Organization and UHJW.I thut 
follow that I see Mr. Perry'rtmost valuable wm- 
tributions. I am glad to sco that ho h** tloflnitoiy 
broken with the old theory that tho diml orgimiswi- 
tion is " primitive ", Ho comwclfl it with ihui 
archaic civilization. Mr. Parry qiKikM* a IIIHWI 0! 
evidence quite sufficient tonhow that it U hy no 
means a clumsy and inadequate confrivAucM to 
prevent incest, but merely one cog in a big whucrf 
of doctrine, though all tho complication* of th 
wheel do not appear. The main doctrine, tha 
division of society into aky and oorth pcopto, i 
clearly stated and the origin o! heaven ami hll 
is sufficiently indicated. Mr, Forty however h&u 
made a common mistake of dwwribing tho 
earth people as the " common pooplo * j Baimkrit 
scholars fall into the some error when they trox&tfoto 
vi& by " common people,*' It is dear t*V could 
not refer to the masses, since itapplioa to tha third 
degree of twice-born ; below them comet the luftoi, 
or uninitiated, whose upper rank were *Mi|wthI 
enough to hold appointments at a Vedic court 1. 
For a long time I made the mistake of attaching to 
the Fijian expression " The People o! tho Land " 
the same meaning OB wo feltouU.1, until afu<rK,ii- 
ptudy I discovered it was mwly a trt'hniou 
for the lower half of the aristocracy, lowr 
times in everything, sometime* only m iwt 

As this is perhaps the most euccowfal part of 
the Book I need not dwell on it, OB tho reader 
cannot do bettor than read it hinwlf. 

The twenty .sixth chapter entitled Egypt m/vrk 
a relapse. Why the author ehooH wont to trace 
all civilization to Egypt one foila to tea 'ifo, 
arguments fail to convince. For iiwtauco tho dun! 
organization is derived from Egypt ; but first we* 
have to prove the existence of the dual o*0miftf t m 
there. I am uite willi ' - 


r u 

m iirgumvttU brought f onvard . 
muUl uquiiUy prove that England 
I uru mutatm of tt dual ^ 
f thitcirijzin of tho hostility between 

ui ill N 
Thr theory 

thr tmiii'tirH i u vory feme O n& ; it I8H18 ^ 
n>c.oKiii^* itN wju.rting churact^r oad above an 
in* 'li-*i' rtjiiH^'t icnt with tho Hivcrifioo, Mr. 1^ 
thinkH H u-itn tho tliitrupting factor in the ar<2 
iM-iity : hut i Fiji th rivalry of intermatrybfl 
lrilH? is tho fonioiii that hmdw Hociety togeth^ 
it IP tho f*iiintatifu of triido. or rather their suV 
Ji*r it, of fjwrt, of alliancoa, of good 
ip. It tnay Iwvo tlogoneratod, but ie 
i*. wan I ho rwuilt and not the cause of 
. Tho ihenf)i)onou of docadouco is a uni- 
i*i ilmt AttAckti nil woci<ait!a in all oHmatea 
ull W*; >vi <Jo not kjitiw the oauaefl, but the 
inw nro fiunii>*vr to nil ntudoats of t3be 
nf urt ; tunl 1 fail to understand ^br 
, ht-i'K wortn v or tho dual organization 

why one people 

to all. 

nyvivas : one may 
*r, but the chapter 
w points of view, 

* uh^i'ii I cltntur is that between 
! crucify, Tim most 

i^utii Mir i 
\vi*.h ih 

Alii* I jr* i'lltN 

willing to Ixli^vo tlmt ,, 
>f Egypt into tforth aiid flout i& i ttu 
of the dual organization, but I want 



iiv r >w!u'l* t'j'ti*;3 ; ** flu: wholt* 1 have found 
th- u l-^iiU!> m-t ^it^.) iHtturt^l ; tho most unwariLke 
j*> ojut- J ii*fcv- *-, *? rt'n*^t hurt iiltk bwi the most 
<-rnH, U"Sjji*^v-r I h*ivw nnwl *>r hourd about tie 
riM'i *-s lU'- 1 iv!tM itiilirin^tiiiy ^xj^rmncethat on 
<ii- uh<*K' th" i m ...*. uiirliktv ttrc tho least cruel 
Tl*** F{jv;*i4rt. \tw< -\tn<mtf run J ti liatfl, yot murder is 
/I unktiMVLH it^MtiYX U*<m; th SinbaleBeare 
vflth:t : 7 hut ht'M thr Hiiti* h Kmpiro record for 
tVr. ThiH uif ili'!*Ukll 4 v Mtpjmrtti ttit> author's 
liiH/n tl ni war i# u fu^tiJit uiwi not an instiiet, 
jmi!*m*n f i \\ar aiul tho lust to kill are 
not tiir.'i'Uy jir^i^>rtiMnaU' t hut, if unyfching, inversely 
NO. Mr, IVrry'w *n/wt*-iti*n will im^t with violeat 
fH* th' iHfyrbuK^'tea) RtfHooI, but lam 
win prove ri#ltt if by war IB meant 
l uurfans imU not 
wlwIt tiiuu it* c4%iliKatioii 
in wrluati t* i rtJ^tt4rj-H >* t4 fruitful cw. Being 
nrw ii . ii* tw'tiiMl ?.o I** tm|H?rfH*lIy applied in pte; 
but 1 ihi*k it ttilt u|>j^*w ni4re mid more that muck 
whirh w- liv> ftUr*yi jnit tii^wu to iifttur will turn 
out tij Ii** th** r*'^nii <f i^r-'H of (mining* 
A ii*<-.t ij9it**i^tvM t*a 

A. M. Boom* 



thdr time *** 



22* Dw&ravatf, 

According to Hindu tradition mwl lK<n<k, Ita&rakft or Dw&ravatl is a city of 
hoary antiquity. Whrn Sri Kritlwt had t* w from Mathur*, being cfaaaed by 
Jorteandha, infuriated hy **!<> <l"uth of hi* maternal uncle KAMA, h* came to Saurfeh- 
fta aad founded DwtoakiL Th* tradition AMWW to u* to embody the hiatorie fact of an 
Iryan tribe coming and colon Uinjt Siiu^Mra as u nmiU of pmuurc of population or 
internal feuds. When piwi^ly t hi* <v< tt <*n'iinvi, wo irammt definitely way ; it all depends 
up<m whether we accept thr ,l/<iArfWktirii<t war a* n historic f*ict f and if wo, upon tho date wo 
assign to it. HIPS* c*ntrwv<'rM*l iju<^t ion* \vt' < unnot di*.'UM lnw ; wflk*o it to say, that 
although Pw{rak& may not 1*** VH iM 12<K* n,r. (|M^U lo uw uppt^rrt tt> IK* tho date of the 
jfoM&iWfato wwrtfthhlorJcewnt), i? mu*i h.ivn l>n n niurh rarlicr than tho third century 
B,a, the time of tho present J/afcrfMrff<*M Fnt it U r*-frrml to thricein tho present IfaAd- 
and it wouM liartll y I.**.* jKtsHibK ta ?.ay thru ul| ihrw c'hajttvrs aro interpolations, 
of ArrJan a^ain i;? a^ Vul ?*II>;K<^*I*, !tdH*uhif>aiy DuArakA. Dwuraka then is a 
very ancient city in Kihiawvl 4 

Tho legend ol th^ oriffin'il 
appears to us to bo trwo and far n 
almost all thePwr<itf* that il^al 
detailed dcfitn*ii>ti/nff thr * vrs;i. 
event, 98 Secondly, if th*- .-it- ^i 
fails to see haw K! \vral l- ain ^ * 
DwSrakfi. Such a tl*iuht u**uu ?* 
vatJor Da^lakrt), lint n^t W!M AM : 
coast tetwwnPorhuitfi* j 
north-west of HomaiMUm]m^;\o^ 
to be the siton of origin;*} |,J\i ur;ii 
such change iuow^uktuja'i .:!;,;?*. 
Valabhi which va^a JH.JH : H** h 
island, was a Uwipuor [hMiia-ul- M 
under Valabhi and I>vuj*u r* j^ u 
in DwArakfi ate Kuffniui* ^j* u *< 
Modern D \vftra U, ii ^.^i , 
grants arc dtnuovcr^d, ;iuat<Ji| i; . 1^ 
flourishing and aputrta ***! f wu^Jii 
attentions of MuhammH J;*ii ^i^.v * :* 
is, the city Imsnot ^ufT^tvd t ^{f iv^iu 
There hardly ^xi^r^ a t \- ^jy^r* *r j 
any inforwatiou about DuurahA in thv 
given in Jtifoftiamlki*, <-*to II. i-* f 

SiJ;Vftiya III 5 
t<* Air, U-> 

MJ% >m'. (& 


l>nrifc\Mii hi-5nij *npUfni in AU <*ccan!c inundation 
r* -v*. -^IMW , In th*< iirnt place, it ha bet^n referred to in 
tta- lif** *>< >n Krishna ; i vinthc Mabdbhdraia gives a 
r* mhu vtcraMicj'ially mtntjon and utilise the 
!>.-- -^ ;J;A ImJ not IKUMI engulfed in ocean, ono 
.. ^, AM od tlu? claim to be tho fcitool tho original 
: t ; , tionwivabk* abciuia forot (f.p*, Pafloha* 
i! 1^- , lib- a fom*!, diappearoci. As itis> the 
; ,u 4 .c-^ra) f On? JtX'olity nonr Madhupura, 36 miles 
- js.,. ; -^uUi-wi^tof Kodmat all these claim 
u;^ii\ tlirftt i abundant ovidt^nco to show that 
,tu, -u ^n bt> Kathiawod count in ancwnt time*. 
., ^v*m imlciaiulaud* Modcatn Din, nowaa 
^ u ih.f minium! during tho eighth oentmyfrAfo 
s-.- i hin'/t,re nothing tohettntty improbable 
.i;.o- i^aumr from ow&aie freaks, 
; ulii (t at rt- o/ pi Jgrinmge In early times. No 
x- ti> tiiw I)iv4rak4 shrines. Weso itafemcws, 
v<>,uU ufc certainly have? escaped the kind 
;*iu^.i4 Ubaxni, AW Khan and ottors. M it 


iuHj*ii*?H>/4(tl or iittTary, uteh supplfes 
f tta? Christian t*j. The aeccnmt 

In tltc grant t*f 
donee brothers. 

my Jxj BO, fc M t f fl , m 

'Dvipa* mtu \vrnaculrir 


i P | lt b 

m our 


i d i/ a the native place of the 
i* tifco anciMtt name of the island. 
at any rate, the name was 
would i*how. The change of 
coiftti*;com|W tor inst*iice the namea 

p. 76. 


No trace of Dvipa can bo had More tho srvrnth century. If Devabhadra 
its ancient name, Theophila of Ptoltiny may lie Dcvftl'hadrn ; for Thoophila 
gods ' would be a fair rendering of DovaUiAclrA. But this presupposes that 
TOS actually the name; and unless convincing rvidonce is adduced to prove ft t 
identification must remain one of many conjectures. f to 

According to R tjpul legends, Vaclwhhftr&ja fcM np a principality of Parmfc Baitmfe 
Divkofc or Divapatta^a sometime in the mifitiln of the* M venthconlury. Seventy years late 
sudden changes in geographic and oceanic voufitf mf ion caused n ftuJdon inundation, and ' 
a result Dvipa, so long a peninsula, bocnmo mi mhuul. In ihi**, \Yyii ftj H , the 
was drowned; but his queen, ulwwiw with child, I'M IH-*I iuv 
named Vanarftja* 

For reasons that will be givt*u in tin? urti*-Ii* on l\nicMattm< \vr hold ihat this lecendia 
a strange adnaixturo of truth and ii<-unn. Th^v v. a i^< i^^-ijiar p/in^ipality at Dvipa 
early as tho seventh century: llu k prinrip,i!ity in *\^--\ \*<M w;^ \\\ f*;Hiflsa:-ara. Thostoryof 
the oceanic transformaiion is, !io\\'Vrr. trw, : i;<l t}> it.n.d is mvntfid to connect Vana. 
raja with it. So ma'ij'^ritv* \\wv tt!cj of Viiiw-'ij;-, tl->i- Jutuir fi*ntlir of the Chftvotaka 
dynasty, as narrowly escaping A*:i*I ;l il-: -Iru* iu.n in i t;u'i % v Italiyhorxl ; itwasthaudit 
possible to represent him ivs niimculou^iy ^avi-<I ffnui nr nuii* Hoods nnd j?o he TTOS rem> 
sented as sprung ft'om ;i. Chap p'inc; : ty r^-i*l'n^ ivt ih ip;k, th- si'm* of disaster. 

Dvipa seems io haVi> IKU-U a fairly prosjjrrnurt p!u* * Jn thr y*v<-uth cc-ntury ' Pftrf 
emigrants were font attracted '.o it. After H^MI* twt-uty yrar^ ihvj left the place for 
Sanjan. near Sur^t. 

24. Dhandhuka. 

Dhandute,thehoa(Uiurtor;iof IMuwulliuKi^ii^ 

old town. It'isnotrefomscUom Valahhi, lli.Ji<r;fc!;ui;i. ( halukya t>r (Uirjara infioripiaoaw 
therefore it may not bo much oltW than 1 1w tf ut It <" -i ury . h * \ll^l however in tho eleventh 
century ; for .Hemachandra, tho fatncn>-la!u \niM MH\ :i,iif !^r t v.; hnmlfivon the fullmoon 
day of K&rtika 1145 VJK SAM (1080 A.D.). It vv^ t h*-iv tiwt D^vi^h^ulraoh&rya m 
him in 1007 A.D., then a Iwl of only <^hi, i>tj{ jto - -ii;^ f ;i tv U^minj? with intelligenoe 
and a person oharactoriHecl by auspicious irtark. Fi^^iu;; Li<i f u !** n boy of exceptional 
promise, the iohteya prevailed upon }ji pur*'iii> lf> .Mim-nili^ him tu (h^ JainGiaroh. 

At this time, Dhandhuka did m*t iH.^mjj tu tlu* Su!:udvi tl*nuni*^is ; fur, before the con- 

about 25 miles north-west of Dhaiwllmka. \\'i? h \>h<> jwiiii'satiou of S^uriUhtm by Siddhar^ 
Dhandhuka probably became* tho htnul-fiuaru^ irf a tlUtv-l. "luring tho Vughela rule, in 
the thirteenth century, its importance iums.^ci.l uiji^ lo it, k>ima*t UK very heart of tie 
Vaghela territories. 

^ , 25. Dbavalakka. 

, ? 8 tOTOS Uke ^W*' K/Uadrah^ t and KwiuUvaiiijyft, which MO in tk-fUi^ 
ofDhavalakka or modern Dholka, H T|WS ^uh^ulv in VabiWii i^cripUoiiH, they Jonotso 
much as mention Dhavalnkka. If it hud thro U^n, H:, it ? ,u1 wqui.ri1ly became, the head- 
quarters of a district, it would certainly havo k*n n* w^d to ^iw wbiw. 

Though traditionally boBovod to tothn^of M^yapiir or Vir/tjana^ra (vhfiio Ike 
Ptodavas lived for a ywmco^to). DlwvHhkl^ 

it probably rose to importance when AruhHa } >aU:u^ h-^m* mi important capital and com- 
mercaal emporium in the tenth century. StaruWwtirtte or mxkm Carney ra the port for 
t&e extensive import and export trade, of Analiih^t^u : w*l Dim vftbkka was on the twy 
between those two places, oa also on tho TO teiM Oi4tt wd KitUm*. '^ '" 


Daring the twelfth ami tbirtwnth iwuturi.*, it Vwrn- om- of the most important cities 
in Gujat and an important wittw uf financial lransataioini.oi Uadw Vlghel* rob 
the importance of the town *til! moro inm-awd, for the V^lmlA dominions at first consisted 
ofy of the territories around nhrvmihukftimd Dholka or Dhavalakka. It became their 
capital. The tank at Dholkn, was built by Mianuldoi-i, iwitlu-r of Siddliarftja 

The identity of ancient Dlmv.UakU with mwU-m. Dhalka L> too bvious to need 

20. Dhandalpur. 

BEandalpur, 12 miH oal of Chnthia, i, on,. [ thi, place* which claim the honour 
of being the birthplace of 8i<Ulliarflja .%ftMii,i)a. Tim qjiwn i], m , to see a 
' Siddha', and aho there gave birth to (he illm.triou iiu-imn-li. Siddharaja convwtwl the 
j&ce into a fort and constructed a tank now known iv, AcUlti, 

27. HavasftrlkS. 

OB identity of ancient ffiiva*Arika with mndnrn KatMri. 20 miles H0 uth of Swat 
iijqbtious; Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar further joints witoi that an unimbUfihed grant with 
tb6 Bombay Branch of th. R^yal Asiatic Sm-Hy montinnn n river Piiravi an being in tha 
vioinityof Na-rasarika, a rivi-r v.W.-!i i, <h>- ,.,!! n-. ii!..(li-rrj I'urti.l IHMF Kaosiri, 

Modem Naosaf i u i ., n ,,f y r ,-.v an I j,, uii ,v. f t Wrt , j Uil -vvii io thi "oiwAHM one. of the 
pwts of Western India, f.r lii.fc-iiiy u-uji,.n : ,".' it ,1,-. n j.uri. !h-twn*n Biiaroch and Sopara 
Bespells the namo as Nuu^nrijitv ; Ut th.-r- .m ), m. il^iljt tlut Noonrim is the same as" 

Hot being, like Bbarncli, ;i |)..rt f..r tlio i-st'-n iw v<imnu>r*-c of Nbrtbora India, not being 
abo a guitablo otU-t-<*H w tl* cu.,,, uitlt fctlww - i w Ui vxjxirii and import trade of 
the Decoan, it is <tmiM,fl wht-tht-r N;u-u .firika mvr wurka cxtimsiui trade with foreign 
countries. It was probably it pi>n r f,u}y coa till 

< Kwre arc no inscriptionat , ,r tii.-r; t r>- .f, -ivi,,-,.., f .\ tt v*wraui dtuing the first five conta. 
BHofttGhtntian(m,tucatt{ii ui luuliuiii itifonjiAtiimafHiut thu town during that period 
During Chftlukya rul m <,'..j:uul, Xava-ariU !>.. phco of importanoB. Vi. 
Btagwanlal Indraji tliinb (Iwt it w*.* tlu<<il. 1 f th,^ Cmjam Chaiukyas.104 With floe, 
*fcwnoeto tho k-anu-d dx-! . >r w HI a ,t ,<|.AI t Ut his < .^1 j<-.rtitr dws not soom to be true, the 
among Begnmra pitt.- of 7!JS A.M. inaiiMii Nava.-,arikft tml.v as a ' vishaya ' or distriot-.i**** 
mortadiTirion ; wro KavisftriU t Jw rai-wtal, llw r.T,-r. <;. wnuk! liavo boon made in a differ- 
entTOy. Erom th Nv tt sari K r ui uf foi-Aiwyn ^iilAiIitya Vuvarflja, dated 421 O.H. [740 
A-B-iitBotoariM that Sftrohirika thru wa< the licad^iurkm of tho heir-apparent; tha 
g. mwt_be re8Iing wov.whi-n; *'t-,-. H' !jad upjiniuUitl hw son tho Vicoroy of a province 
TO WavaoariU ua UM> hfaao^iwrti-rd. Hi* t-apital must, obviously have been else, 

Naosati was th scent.' ->t ditt.-i-.iv,- U-il u in 7;}ii A.U. AWul-i-Eahman, Governor 6f 
!^ ^w^hti'!*, X..rili!TM i;nj:init ;.h.! ikKvvi in 7,'}j} A.D.. aud then madeaforay 
Bnarooh. AvnijaH. ; t.4myrt 'l'iihil M -'in, ;t fi'ihlMry Clwfukya prince, met and repulsed 
, probably with ih,. M M i hi, uncli* Vikramal. Tho famous BogumrA 

In tbo Oimar inner. of I23g A.P. 

28 TTCTC r? 


About the subsequent history o NavasarikA, w flu not know anything for 001^^^" 
fall of the Gurjar Chfdukya*, it mu*t have pastil into tho hauls' of The RAsh^ fej* 11 
In tb.e ninth century Naosari, scorns t.o ha V^<I.-V<'!MJXHI into a Jain centre. Th q 
grant of Karka, dated ftika 7-J:>, r<<<or<ls ih< <nvini i|' <vii,iin projvruYss to R0 m * T^ 
temple? at Navasarik&, e ^ 

Parsi immigration took place in tho sixteenth wmun;, so its amount <1oo,s not fall *fv 
the scheme of this thesis. It is true that ft small Par^i colony had titled there as ear/ * 
1U2 A.D. ; but the main colony camo about ir,2u A.n., \vlu.n the Pars is wore driven 7 "t 
of Sanjan by MuhammadaiiH. 

28. Nandipuri. 

Ntaatpnrf Is the same a< mnA'm Xan.lm.l, ilu* ^apit^I <J KAj p i }> i a state in the 
Rev&kdmthft Agoncy. It is about ?JO milt's north -ra^t of iMmm^h. Tlio ulontificat' 
sents no philological difficulties ; tho change of Ski, 4 r ' into Pkt . * <r is \voll-known ; and th^ 
instonoes of Skt. *pa ' changing tho promlin^ vwvl into 4 v \ \vlu-n diHappoarinff 
numerous ; o/. SByftra from Milyfipwri, T%Hlor!a From VaUpadra, BAnJoIl from Bha*T 
palli, etc. 

Two of tho sis genuine grants df tho fiurjar vuli'i* an> i^unj from Nandtpuri ;ior the 
restate issued from various place* of c'licampiiw-nh The- fimiu-r two open with the word 
^5^3^^*' and on tho strength of tho analogy of the ValuMu plati->* (whi^h when issued from 
the Capital always begin with v*ft: ), wo may wi*ll ooncluiliMhat Nandlpurt was the 
capital of the southern Gurjar kingdom [#SO to ftOK A.D.]. 

Dr. Biihler however thinkn that N&ndipuri tni*nlionrf1 in tho^r two platoft b the old fort 
so named just outside the Jhadeahwor gate of Blmrw!!. This itfc.uiifioation is for several 
reasons unacceptable. Since NandipurS fort was const rui-U-il fur Iho fofaive of Bharooh and 
practically formed part of it, a grant isnued thotvfm.n vvuuM naturally commence ^vith 
^^OT: rather than with *rr*hj*HT;, for Bhariikaclu-hlia wiv well knr>wn all over Indk, 
and its name would naturally have boon pr^rrod to that .f an olwcum fort forming part 
of its defences. Moreover, if the grants wim roally IHMW-U from tins fort, the expression 
*r**rTH would necessarily have followed Sftmllpurl, for the, f,,rt ootUd not haw been, either the 
capital or the place of residence, but only a temporary placv of encampment of tho king. 
Nor 13 there anything improbable in tho sway of tho donor King Dadcla II [o. 620-c 660] 
ertendi^upto Ankteshwer, vUlages in which dirtriala are aligned an thoso grants/ For 
IJaOda toe ecotia was a powerful ehief and oould afford wueccBHful protection to the Valabhi 
fang against 10 mighty a monarch as HUacbva of Kanoj, (>f. Jlhar^terrftr M r^. 

thoGurjara priucipalifcy atNftndipuriwas 


29. Paftehftsara 


Cutch - 

o -. int: th 

ttetemof M .?P^y. W or than tl.i, 1-usd.aUw is excluded 
the statement of M^tuuga_gat Pafichfeara w^s rfturtcd In VaMharnana AhAra."o 

^^ xutj 82 a - 

1.1. p. 107 


T< iWC - \\1'* < fTir 1 \' * : I,M \n \T AVD K ATHTAW.VD 

ono *u<Ution RuV-U ,ir,i u.i- ih- .;; .f dm rhavofaka principality, 
according to another it was IKij;i nr wml- m Uin, Ii is j,M,,,il,|<* f ur | M , t h traditions to be 
true, for "there may J*' **" bttuu'li*'- *f tin* *l:'ji <-nI.,! ifc t tust> t\vo pianos, No vert holm, 
tho Wvot-akn* who i-v-nf naliy i<-uMi U-l h.-m .<-tv, , at AmihiUjmnv wooin to u* to 
bo previously ostH.Ui*hril at I'uiVli.V-u-^. Tr.HUinn u ,<m that provious to their 
establishment at AnahiUp*ut.uuv 1 h" rJiAvoMkiu \v,tv^ ruling fur 7! yea ; woro 
the place of thoirpriwripaUJy at .Uvipa, \\ - .-OmH lavi- tu Mippri>ethni th-y 'were estab- 
lished tlioro a9 c^arly as OT."> A o. Tln^ u)t}>.-ar. l.mlifitl it tlirir capital \vcrc Dvipa; 
forValabhirnloat iiiii tini** '\i.-til-M| mn^!i lunh,-r tn thi* wv.t t-iuui iHIpn,, as Junagad was 
under their suzwAinly. It i* Mu'ri-f*ri' il*ul.ful v,iiM ? i,,. r it \sa* jM.-il)i* fnr a Chap branch 
to establish itself at Dvipa in (175 A.t.. ^ f,*r*v.^iy fn^u it ^ i.i-i;;inal 1i*nu* in Mount Aim and 
Lemmedinby a po\\rrful naj>iiv. t^.uV hA .;t,r,i m* t3: Mth^rli:uil is imu.-li 
where the main branch vv;v^ ruling. V.*UU*i r^l- UI-V.T -\t-;i*l t o far tit Uto north. 
be shown subsequently that, thn < f li."ip-i fMiit(in>-il ' li-!i PAI'P h-V^ipa in A. pi to if thdr defeat ; 
the tradition, thorcftins win^h ^y- tla< V.inai-Aja \va^ hui-n A? P.uVhAsara, would confirm 
the theory of P*fh'luV-&ra rather than DvipA U-iny; Hi" -;i|nta1, And fiitall.y tho Pafleh&sara 
Fftriwan&thatompb built M AuAhilapiMViMia i>> \*anar:Vja nt WMutdrnn^voallpo^ihle doubts 
in thia matter ; for tho l*'Wpl' iv- * n^iu>*l !wr<in^- tin? inui^M was brought from Paf5oh4- 
sara, the old seat <f wtt l'ru>nt . 

RatnamMd ay that JayaM-UiaiM, th** rU/iv'tt^ka Uin^ '^ P*ilehA*ara, was attacked in 
752 Vik. Sam* by a Ciullukya kinu **i K;u<j Thit (n^IititJii i? obviously incorrect, so far as 
the name and placo of tin* invA*t*r an* < -ri r:i^i |for <luriiiK;ihi*H'vonthcf*nturyl?Alaan(lnot 
Ohftlukya king wur ruling at Kaiioj j ; 1uf, it M-^UJH jir*^t y crrtain that VanavajVa father was 
slain and that ho wan horn a |Kjftthum<His rltilti in <U^tr*MHi d fir<*t\m*tiuia>*, Jx^gcndn assert 
that ho was born in a forest uiul i!h'Ct**I ihrr by ,Si)ifc^ium^ftjri, a Jain prii^t. who helped his 
mother to roar him, 

The defeat of the Ch&j* t?Un ua. n<t <i^^^i\' ; it ^ '**IM t> ha\v noon ro^ostabliaheci itself 
at Pafloh&aara ; oth^rwi^o x\o cannot r^pUiu hw th* 4 ^raitt of Pulukosin J&n&sraya (dated 
Vik, Sam. 784]Hlmuil ri'f.-r to a ClniVii-l k4UK<l<Hi at I' It appears that oven after 
the foundation of AualutajHfctlJUia ^ lirauch <*f th<' family continued to rnli> there, of course, 
as fendatorioa. But with tlu* (till of th uiiiiit hr*in-h and tho inntallation of the Solankia, 
ttelooal branch aUo mti^t havt^ di*Appwmttl. 

The town, ovon in tho Wy* of iU higl^^t #!nry, inunt Imvo been but of moderate dimen- 
It was only a feudatory capital ami tluwfow eimkl not have town a great city* 

30 PrabhAsa. 

3Prabha, better known *i 8atUAiiAUinpAtU9A or VWAval, l perkvp one of tie meet 
ancfen* oitfes, not only i CSujamt, but in the* whole of India* No purely historic ertfoaoe 
is arvailaWb regarding 5t foiutiUtion, tli ^rli^t iunteripUonal refe^gnoe toft Wag thafcof ifcia 
k Ove inscription No. 10 (which i* rotated ni*o in KarU Ckve)* wlw^eijli^e^re 
UiabhadAU, tho mn.hi.Uw ol Kabatrap NahApa^a (who0 dafee is now 
at about 90 A.D,) luwl cbfmyocl Uia marriage oxix>neof s lirahmana* at Prabh4sa.ii 
But l>ra!> as * j>li<- of j>i!jn ;il .. .>* WA* well known all ovear Jadlfr mwh wrlier than the 
first eentm-y A.I>, : for, f -vnu if w .. .WM,* - , l,-,*\v .ut. M! <:nn>iacratibn the references to it 
ol - a<>ilU ^r ,i jro , it ,i, v i^l V4liv, tluwtill n-mttins tho 



which refers to it in tluw different rtwil w *f t hnr ili,t inH iwnm-OM X ow , as ft 
possible to maintain that all thr^Mhnvivfnvin ..... ,;uv UiM< int rpolitinn; . wo must conol 1 
that long before 300 B.C. (which is the jj"iu'iMlIy tiw* pt^t Utc of lim ptvscnt JlfaAfiJi^' 
compilation), the fame of Pnfcbliisa as * plaou uf pilgrima^r hatl tnuvlJcil b |i O v r India 

To trace tho history of tho town ht'foro Ihn fourth century r,, ur havu toroly,ag^u 
case of Dwftrakft, upon the doubtful tvitlritw of tradition anil I.^mk If agreeing m 
Mr. B. Cf, Tilalc, wo fix the clati* of thn MaMhhirtte w;r in lhi thirhruih century 3,0, v 
must admit that in the* fourth contury n,c, Pralih/Ua \w\ a hit-i ry of ,i*nvral conturies beta 
it. PrabhaBft,in fact, iff intricately wovm by t railit iuii M it h lli** lif>' of Sri KriMlma ;hogoesfc, 
warcl from Dw4rakft to Prabhilsatorwivo Arjiin.t, wln-i \\wi <^mi lln^v un pilgrimage and 
there he spoiuls a few <lvys in his ctimpuny, Tlii i ayAin i> t h. jtla^i* vvhrr*-, at. the inatanoe ol 
Sri Krishna, the Ytlclavas assembled wht*n Ihry ti' ( \v at t-im* aitcithrr'M tliroats,"* An4 
finally this was tho place \vhttiv Srj Krishna wa^ uiMrfally WMUIU|M| hy a hunter, whomistook 
him for adcor. 11 * 

Tho next thing \ro have i ilo i> to ivt^ti^it<* the f\iU^'^ Hut cuntributcd to tk 
universally reooguisod holinc^ of tho pl*ifli in ihw <M.rly tiui*---, At jn-^^nt tho plaoa b 
known as a centre of Saivilo worship ; hut was ?>Uv:h th <M** in iho i*arlif\- 1 time^ 1 

In this connection O^noral Cunningham olwrvr ; -' About 7A) A,U. Krishi>a, tii 
Pahlava ruler of tho Poninsuta, built thn fort <f F.ltop'ir. th' hoauty of wliich according to fe 
seriptions astonished tho immortals* In it ho plawil tin* iiuajji' <* Siva adtirnod with the ore. 
scent. Following this duo I incline to identify Klla|r with tlu* fautnim rity of Somwitk^ 
wliich as the capital of the paninsula was known ^ I'attai.m. Xi\v Kllapur tStoughEtow^ 
can easily become Voraval.' ll1f 

We must however differ from Cunningham an<l maintain thai, long lHfore 720 tn, 
Soman&tha W&B well-known an a centra of tUvit** worship, What kinj? Kmhoa did was to 
restore the temple and fortify the city* If Somanftt ha vm* in HOM**H H i>i va shrine first in 
720 A.D,, how can wo explain tho Paurai.uo reb*nnvo.s to tlu* Siva trmplo at Prabhtaal 
Compare for instance ; " 

A**,, H chap, 35. 

It is, therefore, clear that Soman&tha wan w<ll known a* a ' Sth/Uia ' of Sin during tk 
thkd and fourth centuries i.B,; tho po^ibte iofemnoH from llw alwonco of a eingle V^abM 
grant to the temple (in spite of the fcot tint mart of the Vtkbtt kingx mrif ikvltw) thft^ lto : 
temple did not exist daring tha Valabhi dynluty may t* tianily robuttvd by tho observation 
that a temple whioh haa been Ryatomatlcally loote<} and plumbml w tin*^ by Muhamma- 
dans can har% be escpected to preserve any reioaina of wtifjuiiy . 

The Siva worship at Somanfttha, however, is not much okkr than tha boginntog ot|| 
Uristian era ; for itisnot mentioned in tho JfdUftfctmto which n-fct .* to it iu detail three tfeft 
In the Tirthay&trft section of Vanaparvanevdry 'tlrth 1 U fotlovtvl by a brio! description ; 
towever^Prabhfeaia mentioned, no refemnoo to mftde tf>uu> Siva t^mi^. \\ 



If then there \vas no Siva temple, why was it regarded in those early times as a holy place 
of pagrimage is tho next question. It is possible to sco in the association of Sri Krishna with 
thd place a possible cause of its sanctity ; but as no templo of Kmhria is ever known to have 
existed at Prabh&sa, wo must rule this suggestion out of consideration. 

In our opinion the holiness of tho place \ra* originally duo to its simply being an 3^ tffrre 
or a seaside plaee. Well-known is the londonoy of our people of regarding a beautiful and 
attractive seaside place as a holy placo. An analysis of tho accounts ef tho placo given in 
the Adi and Mausala Parvans shows that at about 300 B.C. the place was regarded more as 
a seaside place of recreation, where jovial fairs were held, than as a holy ' tirtlia.' Thus Adi 
P., chap. 218, describes PrabM&a as a holy but also as a lovely ar>d attractive place 118 , where 
Krishiia and Arjuna sportively npont their time * lfl . Arjuna has come there on a pilgrimage, 
yet there is no reference made to any ahrino viwitod or rites performed by him. It is there- 
fore obvious that the place was rogo riled as holy nimjriy owing to its propinquity to the sea. 
Hence it is <3e&eribe>d as an. ^np-ft tfKr^. Sri Krishna's injunction to the Yadavas tfKhtnrr 
H3$T- 3\$tft 3*r*r*Np | (Mau., 2-24) ami their Hubsoquont assemblage at PrabhSsa shows 
that in those early times pilgrimage to tho ocean meant pilgrimage to PrabMsa; this 
supports our theory that Prabhttatii wa regarded as a * tlrtha ' simply because of its pro- 
pinquity to the ocean. Thoro existed in early times neither a temple of Siva nor a temple 
of Krishna. When exactly tho tompk* of Siva was founded wo do not know, but it cannot be 
much later than the firat century A,J>, ; fur most of tho Puranas refer to it. We have already 
explained why no grants to tho templo arc discovered in modem times. 

With the establishment of 6iva worship the fortunes of the city rose rapidly. From the 
account of Ibn Asir 120 wo know that every day thousands of pilgrims came to perform the 
worship and that 300 barbora were required to perform their * Kshaura Karman.* Nor is 
this an exaggeration ; for, tho pilgrim tax levied at Bahuloda 8bne on their frontier by 80- 
lanH bii^s used to yield a revenue of 72 hm a year. 121 Ibn Asir further informs us that 
10,000 villages wore assigned to tho temple. The number is of course exaggerated ; but 
in spite of the absenee of a Biuglo copper plate to attest any such grant (the eause of which 
we have already explained), wo can w>ll bolioro that tho villages assigned to the temple were 
numerous, For tho neighbouring Valabhi dynasty followed iSaivism, and its liberality knew 
no bounds. Tho Solankis agmn were followers of the same faith ; Miilar&ja is said m to 
liave been visiting tho placo every week. 

, lie wealth of tho tomple therofore vied with that of royalty ; there was a chain of geld* 
200irn<is in weight with golden bells attached to it, which was shaken at night, when a 
fresh party of Br&hmaxia had to bo roused from sleep for carrying on the w6ihip. Tiie 
3^rk chamber, in which the idol was kept suspended, was lit up by a chandelier of glistening 
gems. Mahinud'y booty at the tomple amounted to two million * dinars.' 

JThe wealth of tho town was not solely clue to tho donations its temple received ; the 
n&fl&time commerce of the placo musthavo contributed an important share. Alberuni says 128 
that the reason why Somanatha became so famous was that it was a convenient station 
for ships plying between Sofala (in Zanzibar) and China. This statement is confirmed by 
Merutunga who narrates how Yogartlja, the grandson of Vanar&ja, seized and plundered 
storm-stayed shipB at Prablittoa, But tho maritime activity of the place must have 


., i. P .ic6ff. 

P. 84 122 pfo t9 p, 125, i^ s Satou** *ran,, IL p, 109. 


commenced much earlier than the eighth century A.D. For if we accept Dr. Biihl er ' 8 
opinion 124 that there was maritime intercourse between India and Mesopotamia in the eighth 
century B.O., we can well assume that Prabhasa [which is already shown to be a very old town] 
may have been serving as a shipping station since that early time. For what port is more 
convenient for such purpose for ships trading between Basra and Bharoch ? 

Next we have to consider the question whether the city was ever the capital of Gujarat 
or Kathiawad. We have already shown that Girinagar was tho capital of Saur&shtra from 
very early times to the sixth century, when it was shifted to Valabhi by BhaftAraka. Till tha 
falf of Valabhi, Girinagara belonged to that Empire. Prabhasa then could not have been 
till then the capital of Kathiawad ; it might have been at most tho capital of a petty local 
principality. Nor can we accept Ferishta'g statement that at tho time of the invasion of 
Soinanatha, it was the capital of Gujarat, Nahrwala [Aiiahilapat-fana] being then only its 
frontier city, For tradition is unanimous in affirming that Ariahilapattana was the capUdd 
Gujarat under tlie Gh&votaka and Solanki dynasties. Elliot further informs us 126 that at the 
time of Mahinud's invasion, Bhimadeva I, unprepared to meet him, abandoned his capital 
Anahilapattana and retreated to Catch. As a matter of fact Somauatha did not then evsn 
form part of the Gurjara kingdom ; the pilgrim tax ou tho Soinanatha pilgrims levied at 
Bkhuloda shows that the peninsula did not form its part. It was only during the reign of 
Siddhar&ja Jayasiihha. that the peninsula was annexed to the Solanki empire, and even then 
the seat of the viceroy was not at Prabhasa but at Girinagara. At the time of Mahnaud's 
invasion Prabh&sa w^s the seat of some local chief ; hence tho suffix Patt*W 126 attached to 
its name ; hence also Ferishta's confusion. 

Well known is the account of the destruction of the Siva templo by Mahmud of Gfofcni 
in 1024, but what is not equally weU known is tho bravory of the Hindu defence. The issue 
of the battle was hanging in the balance for throe daya ; \vhon a breach was effected in the 
ramparts, a street-to-street fight ensued ; 50,000 Hindus had laid down their lives before 
the Idolbreaker could enter the temple. 

The work of restoration was however undertaken within thirty yeurs by king Kumto- 
p&la, who appointed a ' pancliakulat ' or committee under tho presidency of his local govern*^ 
Gandabh&va Brhaspati, and entrusted the work bo its supervision. Tho work was comj$$#d 
within two years, and at its completion tho king camo down to FatfaQa to pay his obeis&n<ift 
to the Lord. 127 The style of sculpture and architecture-* of the present battered seashore 
temple of Som^n&tha, which has been converted into a mosque, ho\v,s that it i>s the same as 
was built by Kum&rap&lja ; for the style of construction is in complete agreement with that of 
other buildings of Kumrap&la/ 

Within 150 years of this restoration, the town again suffered from a Muhauiinadan inva- 
sion ; for after the capture of Anahilapattaria and Oambay, Alaf Khan passed on to Kathiawad 
and destroyed the temple of Somau&tha about 1300 A.D, Wlson Alaf Khan returned, the 
work of restoration was again undertaken under the patronage of Khcngar IV [12791333 
A.B.], the ChMashama king of Junagad, as his Girnar inscription clearly shows. 128 But the 
restored temple waa not destined to endure long ; for tho town suffered from three moie 
Moslem invasions ; first from the invasion of Mozzafar in 139O, then from that of Mahmud 
Begada about 14=90, and lastly from that of Mozzar II about 1530. It was the last in- 
o Committed the sacrilege of converting the temple into a mbsquo. 

Indian Paleography, p. 84. 125 p. <)#. 

126 < eom - oj i sf*a saim, i. 4. 2. 




1. General Argument. 

Tibetan scholar, L. A. Waddell, has spent the leisure of the greater 
part of a long official life, and the last twenty years entirely, in studying "the fascinating 
problem of the lost origin of the Aryans,'' and has at last produced a start-ling book " The 
pjwikwn Origin of Britons, Scots, and Anglo-Saxons, discovered by Phoenician and Sumerian 
inscriptions in Britain by pro-Roman Briton coins and a mass of new History." Such is his 
offn title and it speaks for itself. A perusal of the book shows that he is of the diffusionist 
school of anthropologists, of which Elliot Smith and Perry are shining lights, and therefore 
antagonistic to the older school of marcher**. The whole book is in fact subversive of accepted 
Ideas, but that is not a reason for setting it ftBide summarily, especially as the writer haa 
spent so much research for so many years on it, and is himself obviously convinced of the 
truth of the results of his work. I therefore propose now to examine them in detail. 

On a careful perusal, the great \voaknesa of the book shows itself in the etymologies which 
constantly crop up, and this is all the more to be deplored, because the whole argument is 
based upon a personal reading of inscription!* on stones and coins, which is new and differs 
from those previously made. I am tempted he re to give onco more an old quotation : "There 
is a river in Macedon and also moreover a river in Monmouth, and there is salmons iu 
both" Tfop is not a wise way of making comparisons, and it seems to me that Waddell is 
only too prone to fall into this class of error. But to this quotation I would propose to attach 
aaoHj&F from Waddell's book itself : " Although the old tradition, as found in the Books 
of Ballymote, Lecan, Leinster, etc., is mainfestly overlaid thickly with legend and myth by 
the mediaeval Irish bards, who compiled these book** from older sources, and expanded 
them with many anachronisms, and trivial conjectural details introduced by uninformed 
later bards to explain fanciful affinities on an etymological basis ; nevertheless, we seem to 
find in these books a residual outline of consistent tradition, which appears to preserve 
sbjne genuine memory of remote prehistoric period." 

Indeed, it seems to me that, though at first no doubt the old time scholar and philologist 
wiH be inclined to throw the whole book aside as fanciful, there may be snbstantfaJ truth 
behind the theory. At any rate, whether right or wrong, WaddelTs reading of his crucial 
ifiscription that on the Newton Stone is honest and therefore worth enquiry, and I call 
to mind the fate of the first European enquirers into Buddhism, who were totally disbelieved 
by scholars, with the result that the study of that great religion and the Pali language was 
pat aside for too long a time. On this ground alone I propose seriously to study Waddell's 
subversive work and to see what it seems to contain without prejudiced comment. Personally . 
tdo act think he has proved his case by^this book, but that is Bot fe> G&p3&Mt & is #6t salable 
of proof. It should, however, be stated here that as the truth of the assertion that the 
Pho&nidans spread civilisation is not acknowledged by many competent scholars the very 
matter of their dealings with Cornwall is in doubt it will require ' a lot of proving ' as the 
police say. The late discoveries at Harappa and other places in the Panjab, and on the North 
Western Frontiers of India, showing communication betureen tile is&aMfc^ts of the valley of 
the Euphrates and that of the Indus some three milleniums B.C., do not to my mind affect 
Wa-ddelTs argument as regards the spread of Mesopotamia* civilisation through Phoenicians 
to Britain. 

With these remarks I turn to a consideration of the general argument. Waddell holds 

(1) Aryan civilisation is due to the Syrio-Phcenicians and dates back to about B.C. 3000 s 

(2) The Phoenicians were Aryans and not Semites by race, speech and script : 


_ _ [ JULY, 

(3) The Phoenicians were lineal blood ancestors of the Britons and Scots; the 
Celts and Iberians being non- Aryans : ' 

(4) There is in Scotland a bilingual Phoenician Inscription, dating about B.O 400 
dedicated to the San-god Bel by a Cilician prince from Asia Minor, who calls himself Phc&niciT 
Briton and Scot : 

(5) This prince is the ' Part-olon, King of the Scots ' of the chroniclers Geoffrey and 
Nennius (Ninian) : 

(6) King Brutus (Prat or Prwt), the Trojan, and his Briton colonists about "B.O, 1103 
dispossessed an earlier colony of kindred Britons in Albion and named the country Britain. 
the land of the Brits, where they left Phoenician and Sumeriau inscriptions, which show ft e 
Phoenicians to be Aryan in race, speech and script : 

(7) Their monuments also afford clues to the Phoenician and Hittite homeland of toe 
Aryan Phoenician Britons in Syria, Phoenicia, and the Asia-Minor of St. George of Cappadocia 
and England : 

(8) The Phoenicians, as the sea-going branch of the ruling race of the Aryans, diffused 
. the higher civilisation throughout the world : 

(9) Many things peculiarly British are traceable to Phoenician origin ;.e.g. } St. George 
and the Dragon, the Red Cross of St. George, the Crosses of St. Andrew and St. Patrick, 
Britannia as a tutelary goddess, the Lion and the Unicorn : 

(10) The whole family of Aryan languages, with their scripts including Ogam, are of 
Phoenician origin through Hittite and Sumerian, which last are synonymous terms : 

(11) The earliest Aryan religion was Sun- worship, symbolising the One Universal God 
by the True Cross, as seen on the ancient Briton coins of the Catti and Cassi Kings of the 
pre-Roman and pre-Christian periods in Britain. 

(12) The Phoenician colonists transplanted the old cherished homeland names from Ask 
Minor and the Phoenician colonies on the Mediterranean borders to Britain : 

(13) They furnished the agricultural and industrial life of Britain and made Loato 
its commercial capital. 

(14) They created the art of Britain on Hittite- Phoenician models : 

(15) The Aryans of Britain, the Britons, are the Western Bharats 1 , who are linM with 
the Eastern Bharats of India, whom Waddell calls the ** Brit-ona of India.'* 

(16) The Aryan Britons or British still inherit the sea-faring and commanding aptitutk 
of the Phoenicians and their maritime supremacy* 

It wfll be seen at once how widely Waddell has cast his net and how much proof his pon- 
tentipns require. Let us see how he has gone to work on the vast problem he has set himseK 
to solve. It will be seen from the very beginning that his method is startling. 

The heading of the first chapter is as follows : " The Phoenicians discovered to be Aryans 
in race and the ancestors of the Britons, Scots and Anglo-Saxons." And then he gives as 
two quotations from Indian works which are typical of his argument. I now quote them in 
full : " 'The ahle Pswxch (Phoenician), setting out to invade the Earth, brought the whole 
world under his sway. 'MaJiabharata* Indian Epic of Great Bharats. ' The Brihat (Brit- 
on) singers belaud Indra .... Indra hath raised the Sun on high in heaven . ... Into 
leads us with single sway.' Rig Veda Hymn." To these quotations Waddell adds a note :- 
" On Brihat, as a dialectic Sanskrit variant of the more common Bharat and the source of 
Brit or Brit-on see later." We have here therefore the equivalence of Brihat and Bharat 
and Waddell's argument also is apparently that Brit-on derives from Brit-Bharat=BrM 
From Bharat comes MaMbMrata, Bharat here in Sanskrit is, however, really BhaiaK 
while Brihat is a method of writing Brhat, the derivative of which would be Btohata and 

1 Wa4dell writes this name 'Barats. 

* I stall throughout write Bh where Waddell has 'B, 


not Bharata, and b and bh are not necessarily alternative or even connected consonantal 
sounds. This consideration reacts also strongly on the interpretation of Panch (Panch-ala) 
as Phoenician, or Phoenician Brihat, on the ground that Brihat=Brit-on. The equivalence of 
Brit-on with Bharat or Bharata does not seem to me to rest on a secure basis. 

It will be seen that this criticism goes to the very root of the argument. However, 
let us now proceed to see how Waddoll sets to work to support his opening statement. He 
takes as his starting point " the newly deciphered Phoenician inscription in Britain "the 
Newton Stone which he says is " dedicated to Bel, the Phoenician god of the Sun," by 
"Part-clou, King of the Scots/' about B.C. 400, calling himself * c Brit-on, Hitt-ite, Phoenic- 
ian and Scot, by ancient forms of those titles. * ' He also gives an illustration of the presumable 
personal appearance of the king from " bas-reliefs in the temple of Antiochus I of Commagene, 
B,O. 63-34." He calls the illustrations (there are two), * e Cilician king worshipping the Sun- 
god," saying " these two representations of the same scene, which are partly defaced, com- 
plement each other. The King, who is shaking hands with the Sun-god (with a rayed halo) 
presumably illustrates the dress and physique of the Sun-worshipper King Prat or Prwt, 
who also came from the same region." 

It is important to go right into the foundations of the argument, and I draw attention, 
therefore, to the statements that the inscription on the Newton Stone is " newly deciphered," 
and to the facts that in the preface Waddell says " it is now deciphered for the first time," 
and that the illustration from the temple of Autiochus I of Commagene is said to illustrate 
prmmWy the appearance of the author of the Newton Stone. I do so because the connection 
of Brit with Bharat and of Part-olon with the Cilician King of the illustration is assumed by 
Waddell from the very beginning. 

He then describes how he attacked " the Aryan problem " from its " Eastern or Indo- 
Peraiafli end," finding " that there was absolutely no trace of any civilisation, i.e., Higher 
Civilisation in India before the seventh century B.C.," and that " historic India, like historic 
Greece, suddenly bursts into view, with a fully fledged Aryan civilisation." He says that 
he TOJ led " by numerous clues to trace these Aryan, or as they called themselves Arya, 
invaders of India back to Asia Minor and Syro-Phoenicia." And he next makes, a* regards 
his aapument, a crucial statement : " I then observed that the old ruling race of Asia Minor 
and Syro-Phcenicia from immemorial time was the great imperial highly civilised ancient 
people generally known at the Hitt-ites, but who called themselves Khatti or Catti, which is 
toesefrsame title, by which the early Briton Kings of the pro-Roman period called them* 
ff ^ - tlXeir ra e> and ^^P 6 ^ & u P n *kr Briton coins th6 so-called Catti coins of 
<riy Britain. And the early ruling race of the Aryans who first civilised India also called 
themselves Khattiyo." After this he says that " this ancient Khatti or Catti ruling race of 
jam Minor or Syro-Phcenida also called themselves Am, with the meaning of Noble Ones/' 
ti f* 1 r? ' eanateB ^ **?* or Ariya of India, and the Khatti with the Goths-" the 
ooycns or feetoe, the Greeco-Roroan form of the name Goth, " as shown by the dress of" the 
eary Khatti, Catti or Eitt-ites from the bas-relief s of the lasili rock-chambers 'below 
ogjaz-koi or Pteria in Cappadocia." Here the equations are increasing thus :-ffitt-ite= 
ui^utti^Get^^Goth, and theHitt-ites are also Am= Ariya = Aiyfc. Theseequa- 
BttTf t 8tlU f urfcher * Th *> ancient Egyptian and Babylonian names for Hitt-ites is 
ea * Britaia *s Catti, vide pre-Boman British coins, and the Old Testament 

f Abraham > ***** * * or Heth. 

nother onicial statement :_" The identity of these Khatti Arri or Hitt-ites, 
brancl1 of the Aryans [of India] . . . . is now made practically certain 
-i* farttoH' observation that the latter people also called themselves in the 

**- e Bfitt-itee, ; ; : ; Khattiyo Ariyp, in their early Pali verna^u* 

it by the intrusion of an f into Kriiatriya Arya . s ; . widthe 

tTfiE INDIAN ANTIQtfABS 1 [fa** '' 

Indian names Khattiyo, Kshatriya] have the same radical moaning of ' cut and rule ' a 
ffitt-ifce Khatti has." This argument, together -with that already alluded of Bharat-B > 
" practically establishes the identity of the Khatti or Hitt-ite with the Indo-AryanT 
discloses Oappadocia in Asia Minor as the lost cradle-land of the Aryans." I Wou ] d note ^ 
that there is an assumption that Pali preceded Sanskrit as a language, and that Khatt^ 
is an older and purer form than Kshatriya. lya 

We have, however, in the above statement Waddell's master key leading to "the 
plete bunch of keys"to the lost early history of the Indo-Aryans and the Hitt-ites. The first 
key of the branch is historical. He starts by sayiug that the Brahmans take the Emo 
Pauranic lists of kings as Indian, but that European scholars ignore them. Here I can 
agree with him : e.g., Pargiter. However, Waddell states that " none of these early Aryan 
kings had ever been in India, but were kings of Asia Minor, Phoenicia and Mesopotamia 
centuries and milleniuma before the separation of the Eastern branch to India," Thj 
startling enough, but a still more startling statement follows : " The father of the first 
historical Aryan king of India (as recorded in the M4h& Bharata Epic and Indian Buddhist 
history) was the last historical king of the Hitt-ites in Asia Minor, who was killed at Car- 
chemishonthe Upper Euphrates on the final annexation of the last of the Hitt-ite capitals 
to Assyia by Sargonll in B.C. 718." Further " the predecessors of the Hitt-ite king, & 
recorded hi cuneiform monuments of Asia Minor and in Assyrian documents back for several 
centuries, were substantially identical with those of tho traditional ancestors of the first 
historical Aryan king of India, as found in the Indian Epic king-lists." Alas I "full 
details with proofs " are in the " forthcoming " book on Aryan Origins ; so we cannotin- 
vestigate this amazing statement here. But " the absolute identity of the Indian branch 
oi the Aryans with the Khatti or ffitt-ites is established [thereby] by positive historical 

Waddell makes still further observations. Several of the leading earlier Indian Aryan 
dynasties have substantially the same names, records and relative chronological order as 
several of the leading kings of early Mesopotamia, " the so-called Sumerians or Akkads." 
This is the point where apparently the Sumerian finds his way into this account of the^righ 
of the Britons, Scots and Anglo-Saxons. The proof of this statement also is in Aryan Origins, 
but the observation supplies the key " to the material required for filling up the many Wanto 
in the early history of ancient Mesopotamia in the dark and ' pre-historio ' period there, 
and also in early Egyptian history and pre-Mstory as well." 

: f^ ^ments * not yet ceased, and it is necessary to quote at fength 
" ** Branch of the Aryans, the Khattiyo Ariyo Bharatedl 
f; ^ M *- BM *> V the joint clear title of Kuru Panob(alH 
? ^ Origbal f Syro-Phomician. These Kuru and 
pajmount k ^ed and confederated clans of 

and i<J 8 thus obviously the ori^ 
" Butwasthereanysoftelgl 
<** ' Suite.' Then slys Wadddl 

pini n my be formed f the "B""- 1 =-" ^ 

EpiC8 as meanin ' the **** or accomplished Panch, in 

Aryan clas^mad ^P^ch to be ^proper name 

n e ******* ** Phosnic-ians, the Fenkha prPanag 


The * Panch ' clan were devotees " of tho Sim and Fire cult associated \vith worship of 
.-ther-god Indra," and " the Hitto-PhcxHiicians were special worshippers of the Father-god 
in aiso called by them Indara, who was of the Sun-cult." B th Panch and Phoenician 
6> foremost among sea- going peoples. They were " sometimes called Krivi in the Vedas, 
W Mch word is admitted by Sanskritists to be a variant of Kuru, which, as we have seen, means 
*of Kur ' or ' Syria.' The early Phoenician dynasties in Syiio-Phcenicia, or ' Land of the ^ 
Amorites ' of the Hebrews, called themselves Khatti and Barat in their own still extant " 

onuments and documents, dated back to about B.C. 3000." For proof we must wait for 
WaddelTs Aryan Origin of the Ph&niciaws. 

These are the arguments* leading to tho identity of the Phoenician Khatti Barats with 
Britons and Scots, and also with tbo Anglo-Saxons, " a later branchlet of the Phoenician 
the Britons." And lastly Waddell finds 4: the identity of the Aryans with the Khatti or Hitt- 
ites confirmed by Winckler'a discovery" in 1007, "at the old Hittite capital, Boghaz Koi in 
Cappadocia, of the original treaty of about B.C. 1400 between the Khatti or Hittites and their 
kinsmen neighbours iu the East in ancient Persia, tho Mita-ni," who he " found were the 
Medes, who were also famous Aryans and called themselves Arriya.' 1 Now "in this treaty 
they invoked the actual Aryan godw of the Vedas of the Indian branch of the Aryans 
and by their Vedic namca." E.g.* tho Vedic Sun-god Mitra, the Mithra of the Grseco-Romans : 
alsoln-da-ra, who is ** the Solar Indra or Almighty/' However, Waddell says that " neither 
the Assyriologists now tho Vedic scholars c^ould bt- induced to take this view." 

Such is tho outline of tho scheme of this remarkable book, and thereafter Waddell sets 
to work on the Phoenician ancestry of the Britons and Scots. 

( To hv continued.) 

( Qontitou&l from page 1 17.) 


A Contemporary Hindi Rhyme about Sivajl. 
(Collated by Kdmghartb Qlwube.) 

Indra jim Jrimbh 
Barawdnal ambu par, 
K&wan sudambh par, 

Raghn knl rAj hai. 
Pawau b&ri bdh par, 
Sham bu Ratin&h par, 
Jo Bahasrab^hun par, 

dwijr&j hai, 
drum dand par, 
Chita rang jhand par, 
(Bhttean) bitajtid par, 

Jaise mrigr&i hai, | 
T^j tarn ansh par, 
Ktocfc jimi Kans par^ 
Taisc ripii bansh par, 
Aj Prithr&jhai. 


lfl jj 

What Indra is to Jrimbh 16 , 
What Jarawtoal 16 is to water, 
To the proud Rwan 

Is Raghu the King 17 . 
What wind is to the cloud, 
What Shambu is to Kama, ** 
To the Thousand-armed 10 

Is R&m of the double-kingdom o. 
What fire is to the forest, 
What the leopard is to the herd of deer, 
fe to the elephant the tiger (says Bhftsan al ), 

Such is the rule of the deer. 
What light is to the darkness, 
What Krishna is to Kansa, 22 . 
So to his foe's family 

To-day is Prith-raj. 23 

A Saying about Raja M&n. 


P&nch rang jhand& hath ban& ; tori zanam bani zard : 
Dokhl m&r dafe kiye : sokhi kinhe sard. 
Ant Bhanw&r ka kil& tor& : aise M&n mard. 


Eve-coloured flag in hand ; thy carpet yellow ; 
Thou didst remove sinners, and make the hot-tempered cool. 
Thou didst reduce the fort of Ant Bhanw&r : such a man wan M&n. 


A Song about ChhatrasSl Rflja of Panna. 

(Told by Bhagwant Prasdd, teacher of DJwn&rf, District Agra.) 


Khainchl gurj mLrai, p6j^ karat B&j& Chhatras&l : 
KhoH metrH, dekhai so Mleksh Hge y, hai. 
M&ri shamRher, manahfta hathl ke basunda par _ 
Hath! sund! deren chharf &ya hai. 

Katl daryo tang hauda, d&ri dayo bhtoiin pa,i : tori d^ryo m&n : 
Than so Dflli pahunchayo hai. 
Kfihaa hain Sujan Bali : dhany& Baj& C!hhatra41 ! 
Teri shamshar jhell pheri kaun ayA hai "? 


He struck him with a mace, as RajH Chhatrapftl was worshipping. 
Opening hia eyes he saw a Musalman ** standing before him 
He struck the man with his sword, as he would strike an elephant on its trunk- 
Th& name of a demon. ~~~~ - - . 

tiU * ^Porates, Thi. i. why 


. -. . 



uhantat had strayed from ito herd, 

Then he threw down the howdali, throw it on to the ground, and broke oS the head 
And sent it off to Delhi. 
Savs Suito Bali * 6 : Blessed art tliou, BAj* CMatrl, 
Who shall survive a blow from thy sword '. 


In Praise ol Akbar. 

/> JM-m JM ZachJwdMin Notes and Comments on the " Setrtandh Kdvya of Kdlldd,. 
(Jiy Communicated by Itdmgharib Chaube.) 

Elm D&& Kachhwahfl, described himself as the servant of Akbar in every way. 


Amero rfi, samudrawati yasumalm yah prat&po na tfvwat, 
Dare g&shyati mvtyo, rapi karam muchattirath banijya bj-ityoh ; 
Apyasbxaushit Pur^am, japati cha din krimwn, yogam bidhate ; 
Ganeto bho bhinna, mambho na piwati Jall&la-dindra. 
Cam, Bangam, Kalingam, Silhat, Tipurft, Kamta, Kflmrtpft - ; 
Ntodbram, Karnftt, Lat, Dravii>, Marbat, Dwarika, Choi, P*toja ! 
Bhotarmam, Maruwarot, Kal, Malay, Khuctoftn. Khandbte, Jtaabu ; 
KteW Kashmir, Bhakka, lialakh, BudakdiO, Kabilan, yah pnahMi. 
hima apcliiya mOna rfiruti nurabhi dwijdharm raksh nay ; 
tanum ; tam pramcyam puruh Makabbar Shah mantosmi." 


rts the earth from the ocean to Mount Meru, 4. ra ;i nr) - 

kiue from slaughter, and has exempted the sacred places and traders 

the Parana, recited, repeats the name of the Sun-god" and performs 


2W 5 

Who drinka no water other than the Ganges, IH 
(Who rules over) Anga, Banga, Kalinga, Silhat, _ 
Nandhrfc, Karn&ta, L&ta, Dravfoa, Marhata, Dw&rika, 
Bh3ta, Marwar, Urissa, Malaya, Khur^an, Khandhte, d Jtobu ; 
K8hS, Kashmlra, Dhakka, Baikh, Badahto and K^al^_may he 
He who incarnated himself in the Katiyug to 


And virtue, the sanctity of which it* danger oi warning ; 
. That is the personage to whom I bow in obeiaaoe Akbar 


A Hindu Legend of Naursng Shah ^ 

(Told by Kewal R&m, goldsmith arid Recorded by Jamiyat ' . _^ 

There is a popular legend that Aurangzeb caused a palace TO 
of the Jumna at Agra, in order to lower the sacred nver mja 
Hindus, and went to live in it with hto queens. ^ ^^^ 
th river and the Emperor and his queens were afraid oi ueg 
himself went blind, which made the q.ueens beg him to leave 
he went to Delhi. 

^ ^d the 
the cow an 

on the surface 
of the 
up a fire out of 

that ^ 

> The name of the writer ol the poem. 
The test is extwtly aa tranditorated by th* Brabman, 
specimen of the modonx de of Banakrit tei*. 
Thati S , SftryaNarHyW*. 
W ThiBlist pur|>orts to name 

Rto^arfb C haube ' wld is 8Svwx 
of the Emperor Abba?., 



Naurang Sh&h Mughal charhi fcyft 
Nau sau umare s&th bhun men &n data. 
Is jag men dew& sajjan k& mftn ghatu. 


Bit tawelon ki nenw& diiay&. 
Jal meii chhori kawal chune k& chatt& gat&, 
Is jag meu dewti sajjan ka man ghata. 


S&t toron ko phorke, nikase jal ki phalli ; 
JotS agin ki pharban latd. 

Is jag meu dewa sajjan kit mtln gliattl. 


Badshah ko andh^ kar diy&. 
Begam khari rowain bhul g&iu mahalatA. 
Is jag men dew& sajjan ka mto ghatCi. 


Hath jorke Begam kahati : 
" Ab ki gunah bakhsho ; baliut mara hu& thatt4.** 
Is jag men dewa sajjan ka mto ghata. 


" Ja Dilli meu chhatar gar^tyai ; " 
Naiige paisoii .ya, Badshah phir hata. 
Is jag men dewa sajjan ka rn&n ghat& 



Came up Naurang Shah, the Mughal, 
With nine-hundred nobles he sat him on the ground. 

In this world is the pride of god- worshippers destroyed. 


He laid the foundations of seven buildings. 
He laid on the water a lotus of lime and bricks, 

In this world is the pride of god-worshippers destroyed. 


Breaking through seven layers of iron, the light came out of the water, 
And the fire raged> as in a forest. 

In this world is the pride of god-worshippers destroyed . 

The Badshah was made blind, 

And the queens stood weeping and lost their way to the palace. 
In this world is the pride of god-worshippers destroyed. 

Said the queens with joined hands : 
" Forgive this sin : the joke is killing us ." 

In this world is the pride of god-worshipper* destroyed. 


Gdag to Delhi he set up his umbreUa^o, 

Qa naked feet they returned the BadshWi went back 

In thia world is the pride of god-worshippers destroyed. 

That is, he sot up hia Opurt.~ 




(Continued from page 113.) 
Fourth Group. The Dum Family 
16. The Vtotd pum or Nagarkotid.The following details may be added M rt 
account of pum deotd in Hinduism in the Himalayas. Burn of Katian S i S* 
a Ullage in the Shilli jww of Phign fofetl of Keunthal, is the 

The latter's history is as follow* : An old Kanet named Shura, living in He-mrt -11 - 
wjwga** Chagaon in KumhfocBain), had no son. His wife Pargi was also old Jd T 
asked her husband to marry a second wife in order to get a son, but Shura refused on account 
of his advanced age. His wife induced him to go to the goddess Hatkoti DurgA and imnlo 
her aid, threatening to feat even to death until she promised him a son Shura reached 
Hatkoti in seven days (though it was only a two day's journey) and sat before DnnrA Devi 
fasting for seven days. The goddess was greatly pleased to see his devotion and appeared 
before him with all her attributes (the smXk, chakkar, gaddd, padam, and other weapons in 
her eight hands) and riding on a tiger. She granted Shut's request and bade him return 
home. Overjoyed at this bar ho wont homo and told his wife the good news, and after three 
months she gave birth to twin sons, but both parents died seven days later 

They were nursed by a sister named Kapxi. While quite young the orphans showed 
signs of superhuman power. Their Blester, too, Boon died and the bojte were employed as 
cowherds by the people, but they were careless of their cattle and devoted themselves to 
their favourite game of archery. So the people dismissed first one and then the other. Both 
of them then took servico with the Thakur of Darkoti, but again they were discharged 
for idleness. They then roamed the country seeking service, but no one would help them, 
and so they went down to the plains and reached Delhi, where they enlisted in the King's 
a&ny. To test the skill of his archers, the King set up a tdwd, from which hung a horse hair 
with a small grain in the centre. No ono in the army could break the grain, with an arrow, 
except these two recruits, and the King was greatly pleased with them. His Rani told him 
that the youths were not common soldiers, but possessed magical power, and should be 
dismissed to their native hills with a suitable reward. So he gave them a huge vessel (cheru) 
full of coins which they could not lift, and they were about to depart, when two deotds, - 
Mah&jft and Shrfgul, who were prisoners at Dehli," appeared and called upon the brothers 
for help, as they belonged to the same hill country *s they did, saying that if they petitioned 
the king for their release they would be set free. 

The Dum brothers implored the king for the deotda* release and their request was granted. 
The d&Ms were so pleased that they bade the youths ask of them any boon they liked, and 
they asked their help in carrying the vessel home. The deotda told the brothers to mount 
their airy steeds, look towards the Kailftsh hills, touch the vessel, and whip their steeds. So 
they did and the airy steeds carried their riders high up in the sky, flying northwards over 
the hilk and halting at Binu, a place near Gatban village. The gods went to their dominions 
and the vessel full of coin was buried at Binu where it turned into water, which was made 
into tbfi.booft, now on the boTindary of Kumh4rsain and Keunthal. The airy steeds dis- 
appeared on Mount Kail&sh, after leaving the young Dums at Binu. 

Binu then belonged to the T^kurs of Raj&na, and the Dum brothers made themselves 

very troublesome to them, breaking with their arrows the gJ^rds full of water, which the 

J*omen used to carry home on their heads, or setting their bundles of grass on fire. The 

*he h^ 6 ***** MahAau *&<* Shrfgul were said to be captives in Dehli for being ' devil ' oppressor in 


people became alarmed and at last the whole country side, with the Thakur, brought 
brothers to bay in a battle, in which the elder, who was called pum, was killed. K ou ![ 6 
younger also died and both were cremated on the. spot where they had fallen, but tfo 
emerged from the ashes in the form of idols. ' 7 

These miraculous images punished the Thaknr in many ways, haunting him in his s i 
and overturning his "bed. To appease the imagoa as pap, the Thakur conveyed the T 
Nagarkot in Kullfi, but when presented Ihore 'bolero the goddess they vanished. 

were distressed at their loss and fasted befuiv J>urgA until she made them reappear, 
gave them back the images, but some say that she gave them cither images in lieu of ft 
originals. Thereafter Dum Deota was also called Xugarkotia Deota of Sharmallfi, 

One image was brought to Sharmalla \vhore 'pflm was established, while the imas 
Kon was taken to Gathan village. Temples \vorc built for the residence of each. But som& 
say that both images at those places wen? lii-afc esl a Wished at Sharmalla. People used, to 
invite the Deot&s to their houses, but the Shanutilla puople refused to send them to Gathan 
and so the people of the latter place fclole OHO of (ho. dcoidti and established Mm there. 

Sharmallk Dain has a cash grant of K<*. 10 annually from iho Kumharsain State, He 
is worshipped daily by Brahmans, but his (jar (\ ho man iuto whom the spirit comes and through 
whom it speaks) is always a Kanet. The tlzohl luis hiw kar<l&r# 9 the chief among them being 
the bJianddrl in charge of the stores. The Hharmal!;! wi men call him by tho pet name of Nam 
but other people call him Dum. His annual -t/it'lti i h<4d cm Iho BhshQ. day in Bais&kh, kt 
his jdtrd is held every 7th or 8th year. When a n<nv RCmCi asccfudd the gaddt, a BajftoK nSA, 
is held, and the deotd tours in tho villages of lii.s (U voU*t'*t. A Mh&ut meld is held every $) yearn, 

The deotd's followers aro found mostly m Ubdi*sh jtttrgfimt and in tho following villages;- 
Bagt in Bhushahar, Duri in Khaneti, Bagru-Dhar in TUcog, Daro, Jail and Eewag in Shiffi 
are also villages devoted to his cult. 

The Deot& used to have a meld at Slminokhar. boniu yay that while the faofa 
Magneshwar, Kot Ishwar and Dum at in their rt^i^ctivu planes and themM began, tte 
trio quarrelled, and so the meld was forbidden to hi a hhl in the future by British Governdfct 
order. The Dagrot people in consequence pay a chcrtthi of Rs. 30 to Rlanan or Magneshw 
every third year. 

The deotd helped KumMrsain to gain iU viutt>r> r ovr Kcu/ithal, and when besought 
by a Rtoa of Jubbal, blessed him with a son, for which the Jiarii presented him with a goldea 
image. The original DUm image %vas of brasM, an t l a few Hinallor images hare been adWas 
its companions. The Thftkur of Rajfcua was also bhvssod with a HCW at an advanced ag^aad 
he presented pftm with a silvor chain worth Rs. 140. Tho Deota is rich, having tibw 
instruments (narsinga and karndl) of music, while a nucklacc of gold mohws and gold o^^ 
ments always adorn him. 

He is not dudadhdri, but goats aro sacriiicod boiure him. He is believed by te 
devotees to baa very paworful god, blessing tho people, but diBtreasing those who do not 
obey him The Dfim of Sharmallft had a largo dominion of hi* own, but Dfon of Gathaa to 
a. much larger one. 

The pom of Sharmalla has seven kUnds (desc<judants of mdvis or mdwanws wlw 
authority). These are :-Baghal& and Charogft inKhancti, Atnet and Eelft 
and Rachlft in KumhArsain, and Dharongfi in Batean. TheCharogft, 
sCraviries) were seised by P0m of Gathan a*d added to his dominions. 
ShmA A P M WofHemrt.~Th\* DeotA has the same history as Dfim of Sharmaltt. 
Shurft and Paj gi hved at Hemrl, and it is said that when the Dfim brothers were killed, their 

l H6mr "* thenoe taken to SharmaU* ^nd Gathaa. 
brothers were kitted by mfoU befora tho ThAkusof Baj 


There is an image of T>tm at Hemrt temple, where the Heinri, Kathrol and Gum4 DeoT>la 
worship him. This <teofti,>hen necessary, goes to Kangra on pilgrimage (jdtrd) 

A meld is; held at Hemri on the Sharono (Solono) day in Bhadcn. The Baitl meld is held 
every third year. This deotd holds a jdgtr worth Us. 4 from the Kumlitoaih State A 
Brahman in Barech is his pujdri, but he ia generally worshipped by the Kolis and Lohara of 

18. The mm oj Ravel At a temple in Karel village is worshipped a Dtim, who is also 
an offshoot of the Dtim brother. People say that this Bfim at first went from Hemrf to 
Gathan, and thence an image was brought to Karel, although Hemri and Karel villages are 
close together. The Karel people are worshippers of Gathan village, and as a mark of respect 
they keep a Btim idol in the temple in their village. A baltt fair is held every third year and 
a bhundd meld whenever the people wish after 10 or 15 years. Every house gives some 
goats to be killed, the people inviting their kinsmen, especially dlii-dhains and the sons-in-law 
and their children. The Barech Brahman does pujd in the morning only. 

Bhat deotd resides with tho Bum in the Karel temple. Originally a Sarsut Brahman 
living at Mateog a village just above KumMrsain itself, Bhat was prosecuted by a Kana 
of Kumharsain and ordered to be arrested, but he fled to the KuM side pursued by a Karel 
sepoy, who had been sent to seize him. He was caught on the bank of the Sutlej, but asked 
the sepoy to allow him to bathe in the river before being taken back to Kumharsain, and 
there he drowned himself. He became a demon and haunted the sepoy in his sleep, until 
the latter made an image in his name and began to worship him at Karel. The other people 
of Karfcl, out of respect for the image, placed it in the temple beside that of the pfrm. Bhat 
Deota holds a small jdgir of ten annas a year from the Kumharsain State. 

19. The Deotd pdm of JhangroM. Tho people of JTiangroliin Ohagaon pargana brought 
an image of Pftm from Gathan and built him a temple. He is worshipped with dkup-dip 
every 5th day, but has no daily pujd. The people hold the Gathan pto. to be their family 
deotd, but the temple is maintained in the village as a mark of respect. 

20. The pAm of Kamdtt in Kandrti. There are no notes recorded of this Dto. 

21. The Deotd ptim in pargana Chebishi. Though the ptim deotds have their chief 
temples at Gathan and Sharmalia, there are a number of ptims with their temples in Saraj, 
as already noted, A Dtim also came to Shadhoch, and there are four temples to him in the 
follomng villages of pargana Chebishi : Pharal, Kotla, Kupri and Parojusha. 

The ptim of PharaLIt is not known when this Ptoi was brought from Sharmalia. A 
man of this pargana lived fr Saraj, whence he brought an image and placed it in a temple at 
Pharaj, with the express permission of Malendti deotd, who is the family deotd of the Chebishf 
people. This Dtim has no raft, and his function is to protect cattle. If a cow does not give 
milk h$ is asked to make her yield it in plenty, and the ghi produced from the first few days' 
milk, is given to him as dMp. No khin is performed for him, but Kanets give lorn dhtip-dhtp 
daily. He has no bho r . ,. 

22, The mm of JCofld. KotfA has always been held in jdgtr by the* Kanwars or ;Httii0 
of Kmnhtoain, and the Dum temple here was founded by one of them. , 

23. The mm of tf^.-The people of Kuprt village say that more than 700 years 
agothey came from Rewag,' a village in Ubdesh W aa i* Saraj, aMeettjed at Kuprlmthe 
Cbebishi pargana of" Shadoch. Their ancestors brought with -.tfaef a Pto, ttor family 
i*M* image, and placed it in a temple. A field at Kupri was named Rewag after their 
original village rp* 

The people of this village do not regard MalendO aa their family god. There are at 
Feseat 91*4* of the D<JLtte Kupri temple a*d a small *M 0*U. 
aBh^aTuves with him. The ' Kaoeta are his w** and abo hie gurs. 
held every three or four years at night, when goats are-eacrifioed. 



24. The ptiw of Parojusha. Nearly 200 years ago K&jl, a Shadoch man, who had lived 
in Sar&j, returned to his village and brought with him an image of a Dtim, which he presented 
to his fellow- villagers at Beshera, and made them also swear to worship him. This they did 
presumably with Malendft's permission. 

More than 100 years ago one of the villagers killed a sddhti, whose spirit would not allow 
the people to live at ease in their village, BO they all left it and settled in Parojusha, A 
Bhagwati is believed to live with him in the temple. The Kanets worship him, but their 
family god is Malendft. He has no bhor . 

Fifth Group. The Mais. 

25. Tfa Deotd Mdl Padoi of Koti in pargana Kandrti. M&l Padol is one of the biggest 
deotds in these hills, and he has temples in various villages in Bhuj ji, Shangri and KumMr- 
aain. He appeared from a cave called Chunjar Mal&na, near MathiSna, not less than 
1500 years ago. About that time a prince came from Sirmtir, presumably because he had 
quarrelled with his brothers, and accompanied by a few kdrddrs, took refuge in the cave. 
He also had with him his family god, now called NaroM. His name is said to have been 
Deva Singh, but it is possible that this was the name of one of his descendants, who held 
Kotf State in KandrtL 

While he was living in the cave, Pado!, who was also called Mul , kept on playing on 
musicalinstruments and then calling out : " CJmtOA, pawn, " I shall fall, I shallfaU. " The 
prince one day replied that if the spirit wished to fall, he could do so, and lol the image called 
Mfil fell down from the cave before the prince. ^ e 

MM wished him to accept a kingdom, but he said that ho was a wandering prince who 
had no country to rule. Thereupon a ban (mason) from Koti in Kandrti came and told the 
prince that he had led him to that cave, and begged him to accompany him to a State where 
there was no chief. The prince said that he could not accept, unless the rest of its people 
came and acknowledged him as their B&J&. So the mason returned to Kandrft and brought 
back with him the leading men of the country, and they took the prince to Koti, where he 
built a temple for the deotd and a palace for himself. People eay that the palace had 
eighteen gates and occupied more than four acres of land. Its remains are still to be seen 
near the temple where the deotd Narolia was placed along with Mftl Pado!, Some say that 
the temple stood in the middle of the palace. 

The deotd Narolia never comes out in public, but appears only before the Rftna, of 
Kumhtejain, if he visits him, or before the descendants of the mason who brought the prince 
to this country. He never comes beyond the Koti bdsa (dwelling house) to accept his dues 
(Jcharen, a small quantity of grain). 

A few generations laterib happened that a Th&kur of Koti had four sons, who quarrelted 
about the division of the State. One son established himself in Kullti and then at Kftngai, 
(now in Shangri), the second went to Th&rft in BhajjS State, and the third settled at M&lag 
now in Bhajji, while the Tikk& of course lived at KotJ, Kullti conquered his State but some 
eay Ktunhtoain took it. 

People say that Ravj& Man Singh of Kullu took Kangal fort- (The descendants of the 
K&agal Thakur are the Mifins of Gheti and Kariot in Chabishi). I could not learn whethei 
the Th&rft and M&lag ThUkurs have any descendants now in BhajjL It seems that Koti 
State was founded a little before the Raj toa State, The name of the State is only known ia 
pooneotign with Mfil rfeott'0 story or the songs (ban) sung in Bhajji 

Some people say that four images fell in the Chunjar Mal&nll cave, whale others think 
that there axef our Mfils in as many temples. Their names are Mtil, Shtr, Sadrel and Th&thlft, 
and their temples are at Koti, Padol, Bengal aad Sarta in Stiket. But the old devotees of 
Mffl deotd multiplied the Mm, by carrying hia images and building temples to him wherever 

1925 ] 


t fcey went. Where ver there k temple to Mfll, he ia now generally called Padot At present 
his chief temple is at Padofc in Bhajji, on the east bank of the Sutlej, but Koti is the . j'effcu- 
sthdn r $&& pl ace - ShtagMl and Rirkft are his bhara. 

Rwku was a deotd at Padda, who came flying in spirit to Mtil at Koti. He ate a loaf 
given him by Mul and accepted him as his master. He now drives away bhut pretwhen 
o&nmanded by Mul, and the same is told of Shanglu. 

ThoMu deotdiQis wazlr to the MAI of Koti and when a rupee is given to him, four annas 
are given to Thathlu. Thathl&'e temple is at Tbathal in Kumhtoain and in it his image 
is kept, bufpeoplo believe that Thathlft is always with his elder spirit and only comes to the 
temple when invoked or to take dlitip dip. Thathlii calls Mul his dddft (elder). Mul goes 
to Suni every year at the DaaaJtrd and his spirit goes to Shuli to bathe. Pado& and Dharogr& 
in Bhajji have large temples of Mul and there is a big temple at Parol in Shangri also. Padoi 
deoid is very useful, if his help IB asked, in hunting and shooting. There are two other temples 
of Padoi in Chebishi pcurgana, at ShailliL and Gheti. 

26. Mtil Padoi of Shailld. The TMkur'n descendants also settled in village Kareot. 
The Gheti people, too, carried their family god to Kareot, but on their way they came to 
Shailla, Before that time the Nftg dtotd used to be the family god of the ShaillH people, but 
a leper in Shailia laid himself on the road and asked Pado! to cure him. Padof said that if 
he would cure him, ho must discard the N&g deotd who was living in the village. The leper 
promised to do so and was cured. The people seeing Padoi's superiority over the !N"&g sent 
him away to Dholi village, where the people Htill worship him. His temple was taken over 
by Padoi and he lives there to this day. A devotee of Padoi went to Theog and there built 
him a temple, only a couple of years ago [1908]. 

It is said that with the prince from Sirmfir came a Br&hman, aKanetnamed Gae&on, 
and a to-S (musician), whose descendants are to bo found in Kumh&rsain, Bhajji and Shangri. 
Shangri State was a part of Kuilu and made a State soon after the Sikh invasion of Kullti, 
when waz&r Kapuru made Shangri State for the R&ja of Kullu. 

P'adol Deota of Koti has from Kumhfcraain a jagir worth Us. 112. Goats are sacrificed 
and the DiwSli and Sharuno festivals are observed, when a small fair is held, 

27. MM Padoi of Ghcti.Wh<m the j h&kur of K&ngal fled or died, his fort was burnt 
by the B&ja of Kullft, and the descendants of his house came to Kumhtesain in the time of 
Rana Item Singh. They were given Ghet! village in jdfftr. The KoM fort was taken by them 
oad they held it for about twenty generations. They brought with them to Gheti silver and 
copper images of Mftl, and these are kept at the Gheti temple to this day. 

Sixth Group Kalis and Bagwatis. 

28. The Deotd KdU of An&. Long ago (people cannot say when) one of the zamtnddra 
of Anft went to Kid&r NUth and brought back with him an image, which he set up at Anfc 
asKaH Pujate not made daily, but only on the Shanknmt day. ; '},' 

29. Kdtt of Derm, As to this K&li, see the account of Malendi. She has a small temple 
at Dtertd and is believed to live there. Goate are sacrificed to her, ;, r -.. 

30. The Deotd Durgd ofSharech. 3>urg& deotd is a goddess who was brought by a Brfih- 
Hiaa from H&t Koti to Bhar^chl a village in Chaff&on vargma. Brtomans worship her 
morning and evening. , 

31. The Bkdgwati of JKachw GhdttM Kaohin GhUti i;^ teaaple:jof Bh&gwatf , . 
TOO M worshipped by the people^ of pargaua Sheol in Kumhtoain. though their family 
go as the Marechh at Baroog, th y regard this BhigwatS with respect and sacrifice goats to 

6r * 8Le **as no connection with Adslialct! or ICasumbU Devi. 

_________ * ~ "- ^- i- i i 

Zamtnddrs claim to bo dcacendantfi of the Sirmto prince, though they are now 



Seventh Group. Independent Deotas. 

32. The Deota Manun or Magneshwar. At a village called Jalandhar in Kullft lived 
Brahman, whose wife gave birth to a girl. When she was 12 years old, the girl, though a virei 
gave birth to twin serpents, but kept it secret and concealed her serpent sons in an earta 
pot, and fed them on milk. One day she went out for a stroll, and asked her mother 
not to touch her dolls which were in the house, but unfortunately her mother, desiring tn 
see her child's beloved dolls, uncovered the pot, and to her dismay the two serpents raised the* 
hoods. Thinking the girl must be a witch, she threw burning ashes on them and killed one f 
them, but the other escaped to a ghard full of milk, and though burnt, turned into an ima 

Meanwhile the virgin mother returned, and finding her loving sons so cruelly done bv ah 
cut her throat and died on the spot. Her father came in to churn, the milk, and in doing a 
broke the gliava in which, to his surprise, he found the image which the living serpent had 
become. Distressed at his daughter's suicide, he left his home, and taking the image 
in his turban he roamed from land to land. 

At last he reached Sirmur, whose Raj had no son. He treated the Br&hman kindly 
and he asked the Raj& to give him his first-born son, if he wanted more children through the 
power of his image. The Raja agreed, and by the grace of the image he was blessed with 
two sons, the elder of whom was made over to the Brahman together with a jdgfo, which 
consisted of the parganas of Raj&na, Mathiana, Shilli, Sheol and Chadara, now in 'phagfl 
Tahsil in Keouthal. It was called Raj&na, and its former TMkurs have a history of their 
own, as their family had ruled there for several generations. 

Hither the Br&hman brought the Raja's elder son and settled at Raj&na village, com- 
monly called Mul Raj&ia in Shilli pargana. The Brahman settled at Manun, a village to the 
north-west of Raj&aa, where another deotd was oppressing the people. But the Brahman 
revealed his miraculous image and people began to worship Magneshwar as a greater deotd. 
He killed the oppressor, and the people burned all his property, certain mfafo who resisted 
being cruelly put to death by the devotees of the new deotd. Beori Dhar village was set on 
fire and the people in it burnt alive. 

Later on when the Gerti family of the Kurnh,rsain chiefs had established themselves in 
the country, the deotd helped the TMkur (now the R&na of Kumhtoain) to gain a victory 
over the Sirmur Raja. The KumMrsain) State gave a Mr, now worth Rs. 166, to the 
^gneshwar deotd of Manun. He has a large temple, and the chief among his MnUmBthe 
onanaan who keeps the jdgtr accounts. 

Sadd barat (alms) are given to sddhte, fatfrs or Br^hmans, He is worshipped daily 
mormng and evening by his pujdrts. A meld is held annually at Manun on the 17th or 18th 

fS ?? T^ , at the Diw ^ at * ight - Ever y third y* **** ** nrf the 

nnT^if? J ^ o^ g * m U is P^ 03 ^ wary 7th or 8th year and a still bigger 

^Slf^ T y , 3 ^^ meiX a new Rtoa aacends * 9***, the deotd tours the 
country belonging to him. This is called rajdoli jdtrd 

Pflm De ta f Bbmau ^ on friendly terms with this deotd, 

na Pritavi Singh's time, andso a dispute 

, U ^ Shainokhar - ^is Barrel lasted for a long time and 
ddeSh (d6V teeS of P^ ^ Mto) ceased paying revenue to 


every third year, and that no deotd should 
^ Shamoka ta not 

the r r ukh in ^^r^.-ThiB Jf* is believed to be one of 

HeiSth6 f ^%godof%,Kot Khat andKhaneti 
Karangia. More than 3,000 years ago, when there were no 


R&j&s or R&n&s in the country (except perhaps B&n,sur in Bashahr) the people obeyed the 
deotds as spiritual lords of the land, while mdwannds held parts of the country. The deotA 
Kto& was supreme in Kotgarh and Khaneti Shadoch country. As he had only one eye, he 
was called kdnd. He delighted in human sacrifice, and every month on the Shankrint day 
a man or woman was sacrificed to him as a batf,. Each family supplied victims by turn. 

Legend says that there was a woman who had five daughters, four of whom had in turn 
been devoured by K&n& Deo and the turn of the fifth was fixed for the Shankr&nt day. A 
contemporary god, called Khachli N&g, had his abode in a forest called Jarol, near a pond in 
Khaneti below Sidhpur (on the road to Kotgarh). The poor woman went to him, complaining 
that the deotd K&n& had devoured hundreds of human beings and that her four daughters 
had already been eaten and the samo fate for the fifth was fixed for the Shankranti. She 
implored the N&g to save her daughter, and he having compassion on her. said that when 
K&n deo's men came to take the girl for the baU, she should look towards the Ng and 
think of him. 

The woman returned home, and when on the day fixed K&n& deo's men came for the girl, 
she did as she had been told. At the same instant a black cloud appeared over the Jarol 
forest, and spread over the village of Melan and the temple of K&n& deo, with lightning and 
thunder. There was a heavy downpour of rain, the wind howled, and a storm of iron hail 
and lightning destroyed the temple and the village. Both the temple of K&n& and the village 
of Melan were swept away, but their remains are still to be seen on the spot. They say that 
large stones joined together by iron nails are found where the temple stood. Images of 
various shapes are also found in the ndld. 

Now, there was no other deotd in this part of the country, and the people began to wonder 
how they could live without the help of a god. The custom was that they could hold no 
fair without a god riding in his rath, so they took counsel together and decided that the Deot& 
N&g of Kachli should be the one god of the country. They chose his abode in the forest and 
begged him to accept them as his subjects, promising that they would carry him to Melan, 
build him a new temple, and love frim as their lord, and that on mdd days he should ride in 
a rath and be carried from place to place and be worshipped as he might please. But the 
Deot& N&g was a pious spirit, his ascetic habits would not permit of pomp and pageantry, so 
he declined to offer himself as a god of the country, but told the people that he was a hermit 
and loved solitude, and that if the people were in real earnest in wishing for a god, they should 
seek one at Kharan (a village in pcvrgana Baghi-Mastgarh, now in Bashahar) where there were 
three brothers, deotds in a single temple. He advised them to go to Kharan and beg these 
deotds to agree to be their lords, and promised that he would help them with his influence. 

The Kharan Deot&s came in their roths for a meld at Dudhbalt (in pargand J&o, now in 
Kumh&csain) and there the Sadoch people proceeded to obtain a deotd as king over their 
country. While the three Kharan brothers were dancing in their roths, the people prayed 
in their hearts that whichever of them chose to be their god, might make his rath as light 
as a flower, while the other raths might become too heavy to ttfra* Tkey wwed in itoir 
hearts that the one who accepted their offer should be tapeated like a Mug, tfe&t his garments 
should be of silk, his musical instruments of silver, that no sheep or she-goats should be 
given him, but only he-goats, and that his dominion should be far and wide from Bhair& 
near the Sutlej to Kupar above Jubbal (the custom still ia that no sheep or she-goat is sacri- 
ficed before Chatarmuth deotd and no cotton doth is used)- Their prayer was accepted by 
the second brother, who was called Ohatar-mukh (four-faced); The name of the eldest 
brother is Jeshar and of the yaxuxgest Isha*, When Ghatar-mukh caused his rath to be as 
light as a lotus flower, eighteen men volunteered to carry it away from the mM, and dancing 
bore it home on their shoulders* 


The Kharan and JAo people, finding that Chatar-mukh was stolen from them by tt e 
Shadoch people, pursued them shooting arrows and brandishing dangrds. The brave eighteen 
halted at a maiddn behind Jao village, where there was a free fight, in which Kachli Jftg 
mysteriously helped them, and Ohatar-mukh by his miraculous power turned the pursuers' 
a row> against their own breasts and their dangr&s flew at their own heads, until hundreds 
of headless trunks lay on the maiddn, while not one of the Shadochas was killed, qie 
Shadach people then carried the rath in triumph to Shathl& village (in Kotgarh), in the first 
instance, choosing a place in the middle of the country, so that the god might not be carried 
off by force by the Kharan and J&o people. Thence the deotd was taken to Sakundi village 
(in Kotgarh), but the deotd did not like to live there and desired the people to build him a 
temple at' Melan, nearly a furlong from the destroyed temple of the deotd K&n& Deo to the 
Kotgarh side. This was done gladly by the people and Chatar-mukh began to reside here. 

The people say that nearly 150 years ago Ohatar-mukh went to Kidar N&th on zjdtrd 
(pilgrimage), and when returning home he visited Mahsu Deot at Nol, a village in Kiran 
in Sirm6r (Kiran is now British territory, probably in Dehra Dftn District) as his invited 
guest. But one of Mah&su's attendant deotds troubled Chatar-mukh in the temple at Nol 
and frightened his men so that they could not sleep the whole night. This displeased Chatajy 
mukh, and he left the temple at daybreak much annoyed at his treatment. He had scarcely 
gone a few steps, when he saw a man ploughing in a field, and by a miracle made him turn 
towards the temple and ascend it with his plough and bullocks. 

Deot& Mahasft asked Ohatar-mukh why he manifested such a miracle, and Chatar-mukh 
answered that it was a return for his last night's treatment ; that he, as a guest, had halted 
at the temple for rest at night, but he and his Ioshkar had not been able to close their eyes 
in sleep the whole night. Ohatar-mukh threatened that by his power the man, plough and 
bullocks should stick for ever to the walls of the temple. Mahsft was dismayed and fell 
on his knees to beg for pardon. 

Ohatar-mukh demanded the surrender of Mah&sfi's devil attendant, and he was com- 
pelled to hand him over. This devil's name is Shirpal. 11 He was brought as a captive by 
Ohatar-mukh to Melan, and after a time, when he had assured his master that he vould 
behave well, he was forgiven and made Chatarmukh's wazir, as he still is, at Melan. Shirp&l 
ministers in the temple and all religious disputes are decided by him ; e.g.> if anyone is out- 
casted or any other chud case arises, his decision is accepted and men are re-admitted into 
caste as he decrees (by oracle). 

Some other minor deotda also are subordinates to Ohatar-mukh, the chief among them 
being : (1) Bsnft, (2) Janerfc, (3) Khorft, (4) Merelti and (5) Bas$,ra. These deos are com- 
monly called his bhova (servants). The people cannot tell us anything about their origin, but 
they are generally believed to be r&kskas, who oppressed the people in this country until 
Chatar-mufch subdued them and made them his servants. These bhor deos are his attendants 
and serve as chaukU&rs at the temple gate, 

Benu is said to have come from Bena in KulM. He was at first a devil. When it is 
believed that any ghost has appeared in a house or has taken possession of any thing or 
man, Deo Benu turns him out. Janeru came from Pal j&ra in Bashahar. He, too, is said 
fcobe * devil, but Chatar-mukh reformed him. His function is to protect women in pregnancy 
aad (Mdbirth, also cows, etc. For this service he is given a loaf after a birth, Khorft appeared 
*ft Khor6 Ei^rm Kumhtoain. He was originally a devil, and when Kaj& Mahi Erakfch 
of Sirmfor held his court at Khoru and all the hi]! chiefs attended it, the devil oppressed the 
people until <&atar-nmkh made him captive and appointed him his chauUd&r at Melan 
; TW ZT^ f a marghat ( crema torium). He, looked upon as a jtmdfit 

< he - people at 

u flfcr meant < stairs * f and ^ nae*a watoh; hauce ShirpW means 'a servant at 


Basar& Deo is said to have come from Bashahr State, and some say that he was a 
subordinate deo of Basarft Deota at Gaora and troubled his master, so BasarH handed him 
over to Chatar-mukh ; but others say that Pow&ri, waztr of Bashahar, invoked Ghatar-mukh's 
aid as he was distressed by the devil Bas&ra, and Shirpal, Chatar-mukh 's wazir, shut Basara 
up in a tokn$. Thus shut up, he was carried to Melan and there released and appointed a 
chcMklddr- The utensil is still kept at Melan. This deo helps Benu Deo in turning out ghosts 
(bhut, pret, or cTiarel). Basarft Deo was given Mangshft and Shawat villages where only Kolfe 

worship him. 

The people of Kirti village in Kotgarh worship Marechh deotd. Less than hundred years 
ago Chatar-mukh deotd came to dance in a kirti jubar, and Marechh deotd opposed him. 
Chatar-mukh prevailed and was about to kill him, when Tiru, a Brahman of Kirti village, 
cut off his own arm and sprinkled the blood upon Chatar-mukh, who retired to avoid the 
sin of Brdhm-lwulya, (murder of a Brahman). Chatar-mukh, feeling himself polluted by a 
Brahman's blood, gave Marechh deotd the villages of Bhan&na, Kirti and Shawat, and then 
went to bathe at Kedar N&th to get purified. 

Every twelfth year Chatar-mukh tours in his dominion, and every descendant of the 
eighteen men who brought him from Dudhbali accompanies him. They are. called the 
Nine Kuiw and Nine Kashi. Kuiii means original people of respectable families, and Kashi 
means f those who swore/ The Nine Kuia took with them nine men, who swore to help 
them to carry Chatar-mukh from Dudhbali. When the deotd returns from his tour, these 
eighteen families are each given a vidaigt gift of a pagr$, and all the people respect them. 

An annual meld is held at Dudhbali, to which Chatar-mukh goes to meet his two Kharan 
brothers. A big Diwali meld is also held at Melan every third year. Every year Chatar mukh 
goes to the Dhadu meld in Kotgarh, and in S&wan he goes on tour in Kheneti State 
(SJiadoch pargana). 

'. The old pujdrfa of K&na deotd were killed by lightning or drowned with the deotd, and 
when Chatar-mukh settled at Melan, the Kharan pujdtfs also settled there, and they worship 
him daily morning and evening. 

His favourite jdtrd is to Kedar N&th, and this he performs every 60 or 60 years. He does 
not approve of the bhtindd sacrifice, though his brothers in Kharan hold every twelfth year 
a bhundd, at which a man is run down a long rope, off which he' sometimes falls and is killed. 
Chatar-mukh goes to see the bhtindd at Kharan, but does not allow one at Melan. There is 
a baUi fair at Melan every third year. The deotd's image is of brass and silver. When he 
returns from Kidar N&th, a diapan jag meld is held. 

People believe that Chatar-mukh is away from his temple in M&gh every year for 15 
days, and that he goes to bathe at Kedar N&th with his attendants. They say that the spirits 
fly to Kedar N&th, and all work is stopped during these days. His bhauMr (store house) 
is also closed, and his deva or gur, through whom he speaks, does not appear in public or 
perform hingarna. The people believe that Chatar-mukh returns on t&e 15th of M&gh, 
then his temple is opened amid rejoicings. 

Some say that there is a place in Bashahar, called Bhand! Bfl, wfeefe the feffl 
and devils assemble every year early in Magh, and Chotar-mufch with other A&Ms of the hilte 
goes to fight them* and returns after fifteen days. The people say that Chatar-mTikh has 
eighteen treasuries hid somewhere in caves in forests, but only three of them are known. The 
treasures were removed from the temples, when the Gurkhas invaded the country. One 
contains utensils, another musical instruments, and the third gold and silver images of which 
it was once robbed. The remaining fifteen are said to be in caves under ground. 

The deotd holds large jdgirs from the Bashahar, Kumhtoain, Kot Khai and KhanetJ 


Io8 _ ___ ______ . . ... , ----- 

sue md dar gha f T^ F Ur f 

them are from Kotgarh, and two from Khaneti. All business is transacted by a panehdyat. 
lITS Jtoholi a flrfr from Government worth B.. 80 KumMrsain ha, gi Ye n 
him a fltofr of Bs, 11 and Khaneti one of Bs. 22. The three Kharan brother once held certain 
MWMM in ifafr, pargaw Raik belonging to Jeshar, pargana Jdo to Chatar-mukh, 'and 
mmna Samat to Ishwar, but they have been resumed. Nearly 150 years ago the Melan 
temple was accidentally burnt, and when a Sinnto R&pl of Bashahar, who was touring in her 
jfytr came to Melan, the deotd asked her to build him a new temple. She asked him to 
Vouchsafe her a miracle, and it is said that his ratJi moved itself to her tent without human 
aid, so she then built the present temple at Melan, some 30 years before the Gurkha invasion. 
The devotees of other Deot&s jest at Chatar-mukh's powers. 

Till nearly seven generations ago the TSfata of Kot Kh& lived there and then transferred 
their residence to Kotgarh. When at Kotgarh, the tikkd of one of the E^s fell seriously 
ill and the people prayed Chatar-mukh to restore him. Chatar-mukh declared he would 
do so, but even as her gur was saying that the tikkd would soon recover, news of his death was 
announced. Thereupon one Jhingri killed the gur with his dangrd, but the Rart, was dis- 
pleased with him, and the family of the murderer is still refused admission to the palace. 
Some say that the blow of the tfangrd was not fatal and that the gur was carried by a Eoli 
of Batarf to Khaneti where he recovered. 

Chatar-mukh has given the Khaneti men the privilege of carrying him in front, when 
riding in his rath, while the Kotgarh men hold it behind, Another mark of honour is that 
when Chatar-mukh sits, his face is always placed towards Khaneti. He is placed in the 
same position at his temple. 

Chatar-mukh does not like ghosts to enter his dominion, and when any complaint is 
made of such an entry, he himself with his bfiors visits the place and captures the ghost. 
If the ghost enters any article, such as an utensil, etc., it is confiscated and brought to his 

Chatar-mukh is a disciple of KhachlS NUg, who Las the dignity of his gww or spiritual 
master. Kepfi deotd at Kepft in Kotgarh is a mahddeo and Chatar-mukh considers him as his 
second gurti. Bum deotd at Pamlai in Kotgarh, a derivative of Ptimof Gathan in Keonthal, 
is considered subordinate to Chatar-mukh and has a separate temple at a distance. Marechh 
Deot& of Kirti and Mah&deo of Kepfi can accept a cloth spread over the dead, but Chatar- 
mukh and P urn cannot do so, 

What became of Kan& deotd after the deluge at Melan cajanot be ascertained, but a story 
believed by some is that he took shelter in a small cistern in Sawari Khad. A woman long 
after a deluge tried to measure the depth of the cistern with a stick and Kto& deo's image 
stuck to it, so she earned it to her house and when his presence was known, Chatur-mukh 
shut him up in a house at Bat%i village. Some say that the woman kept the image of K&n& 
in a box, and when she opened it, she was surprised by the snakes and wasps that came out 
of it. The box was then buried for ever. 

34. The Deotd Baneshwar of Pujdrlt. Puj&rlt is a village in Ubdesh pwgam of 
Kumhtoain, and its deotd is said to be very ancient. Some say that in the early times of 
the mdwannds there were three mdwU to the south of BUghl, viz., Kero, Gahleo and N&H 
The Kero mfa&f fort lay in the modern Khaaetl, and the Galileo m&ufis' in Kot KhftS, while 
the NU1 m&ufis had theirs at Mel, now in Kumhteain, undei H&tfi and close to Bftghl Tha 
of Gahleo brought this deotd from B&1A Hit in Gafhw&L and built him a temjJe at 
viSage in Kot Kh&t, as he was the family deotd of all three mdwfa. But they were 

1* The mfrufts were so wealthy that one used to spread out his barley tp dry on a carpet, another 
wdild cover **a*p* with eoibs, and a third liad a gold chain huag from Ms feouae to the temple. 
Of tfcenwtofo appear to have been named Nalo and Gahlo, 


all killed by Sirmur and their houses burnt, so the Gahleo mdwfo (i.e., 'those of them who 
escaped) concealed the deotd in a cave in the clifis above Ghel&. Thence his voice would 
be heard, with the sound of bells and the scent of dMp, so a Brahman of Puj&rliis went to the 
cave and brought the deotd to a temple at Puj&rli. He is regarded as their family deotd by 
the people of Puj&rli, Nagan, Kar&li and Banal. As he is dudhadhdri> goats are not sacrificed 
to him. When the spirit of the deotd enters (cJiirnd) his gur, the deotd says through him ; 
NdhoA, GcMwdna dp chhd^e, na dn cllidrd, 'Nahlo and Gahlo ! You spared neither 
yourselves nor me!' because the mdwis had involved him in their own ruin. 

35. The Deotd Garon of Panjaul. T)hm Deota lived in a temple at Panjaul, a village 
iuwtrgaw Chajoli of Kumharsain, and a pujM of Dasana in Ghond State used to come every 
day to worship him at Panjaul, One day when crossing the Giri, he saw five pitchers floating 
down the river and succeeded in catching one of them. This he brought to Panjaul, 
concealing it in the grass and taking it back with him to his home. He forbade his wife to 
touch it, but she disobeyed him, and when she opened it, wasps flew out and stung her. Her 
cries brought the pujdri home from his fields, and seeing her plight he threw cow's urine and 
milk overher and the pitcher. She and the wasps then disappeared, but in the pitcher the 
wjM found an image which he carried to Panjaul, and then placed it in the temple beside 
Dto deotd. This deotd is called Garon, because it was found in the Giri, and it is daily offered 
cow's urine and milk. It is worshipped also by the people of Panjaul. But its chief temple 
is at Deothf in Ghond, half the people of which State worship it 3 while the other half affect 

36. The Deota Kot at Kalmun in OhMM.. Not more than 50 years ago Kot deotd of 
Kot in Kullu came to Kalmun in Ohebishi pargam with Gushaon, a KolJ, who lived in 
that village, One Talku, juUhdoi Kot, in Kullu, was a great friend of Gushaon, but after 

a time they quarrelled, and Talku, whose family god wasKotdeofcS, invoked him to distress , 
Gushaon. This deotd is said to be one who will distress anyone who calls upon him to trouble 
another. Gushaon then went to Kalmun and with him brought Kot deotd, but he fell sick 
and the Br^hmans said that it was Kot who was troubling him. Kot deotd then said that 
if Gushaon would build a deori (platform) for him, he would cure him ; otherwise he would 
kul him. So Gushaon was compelled to build a deori, and then he recovered. 

When Kot is displeased with anyone, he demands a fine of eighteen toUa of gold, though 
subsequently he may accept as little as two annas. He is said to be so powerful that, 
when he was distressing Gushaon, and Malendu deotd was asked for aid, the latter sent 
his btor Jhatak to drive Kot away from Kalmun, but Kot would not go. They fought, 
but Kot could not be subdued. Since thea, whenever Malendu appears as a spirit in 
anyone, Kot at once appears in a KolJ before him, aad so Malendu can do nothing agaiari 
him. Kot has no bJwr and no jdgfo* '. 

37. Mm Deo of Shefotd.Tti* d&>Ws temple is at Shelota in pargaw C&eb&Iif of 
KumUrsain, MMft came out of mM (clay) and hence he is called ItttUL Befoi Eft** 
Kirti Singh founded the State, a mdwannd used to live at Shelota, and one day while his little 
sons were playing in a field called Satt Begain, an image sprung from the earth, and they be^a 
to play with it. They placed it on the edge of the field, presented kMjd (gum of the cfof 
pine-tree) toit as Ate. and waved a branch of the treeoverit, but Mtttfi&ofd was oiapleaaed 
at this and killed them on the spot. Their parents searched for them, when they had not 

13 His family was called Mdltt, and o*y one house of it still syives. The present ^ Brahma^ of 
Pajfel! hail from Tikargafb in Bashahar. The PajarSs of -Pajarli appear to be called Ka<*erk 
(by ot or family), and they founded Kaoherf, a village near Emnharsain. 


returned late in the evening, and found them dead in the field. Seeing that there was 
image close by, they took it up, thinking it must have killed the boys. The image was th * 
taken to the village, and Br^hmans began to praise it and ask the deotd the reason of his dk* 
pleasure. Through a Br&hman in a trance the spirit said that his name was M&tlfi / 
that if a temple were built for him in the village and his worship regularly performed^ 
would make the boys alive again. This was promised him, and the boya rose up saying " R^ & 
Rama." . ' . 

The Kanets and Kolis of Shelota alone worship him. He holds a small jdgfo w rfch 
Rs, 7-4-6 a year from the State. His bhor s are Bank& and Bansher&. Bank& deo wa 
a ghost in the forest, but was subdued by MAtlA and made his servant like 
BankH, also lives at Shelag village. Matlft is given goats in sacrifice, but only ewes are give 
to Bansher&. Bansher&'s spirit does not come to a Kanet, but speaks through a Koll 

38. Deotd Eeon of PaU. At Pali, a village in pargana Chag&on, is a temple where Heon 
deotd resides. He is affected by the Pali people, but his chief temple is at Heon in wgam 
Rajtoa, in Keonthal. He is worshipped not daily, but every fourth day, by a Brahman 
Goats are sacrificed to him. 

39. Deotd Kharan of Sainjd. At Khorti, near the junction of the ChagHonti Khad 
with the Giri in Kumhteain, is an extensive area of kidr (rich cultivated land), and here BM 
Mahi Park&ah of Sirmtir* 4 held his Court, after he had married a daughter of the then Rai$ 
of Keouthal, This darbdr was attended by all the hill R&rias and Th&kurs, except the Rana 
of Jubbal who refused to attend, so the R&j& of Sirmftr sent a force under the Ra^a of 
Kumharsain against Jubbal, whose Rind was taken captive and sent to N&han, where it 
is said, he died in prison. ' 

Close to this Udr lies Sainj&, a village in which Kharan deotd has a small temple ' 
Some say that B&J& Mohendra Prak&sh of SirmOr left the idol there, but others say that 
it was sent there by a Ra*a of Kumharsain, in order to ensure good crops to the Mr 
belongmgto the State. It is also said that the image was sent from Kotishwar's tempb 
at Kott. Kharan is a deotd of agriculture and is worshipped by the Sainifc Brahmii* 
morning and evening, Goats are sacrificed to him. 

40. B7iat of Earel There is no note on the legend of this deotd. 

41. Lonkra ofJdo.-M Ja O stands a small temple with a wooden Lonkra on guard at 
its gate. Th* Lonkra is a servant of Kwaa rfeoAJ of Bashahar. 


Can anybody tell me where the Copper-Plates 
mentioned below can be seen ? *wes 

1 Plate found near Bhandup about 1835. 

1 Plate found by Dr. Bird in 1839, dated 245. 

1 Plate found in 1881 (which records a grant 
by Aparajita Silahara in 997). e 

1 Plate found in Surat in 1881 A.D. 


1 Plate found in the Dhareshwar Temple in 1499 
1 Plate found at Gokarn, dated S. 14501527 A.D 

1 Plate 

1 Plate found at Gokak (once in possession of 
Narayan Bhat.) 

1 Morvi plate, itated S. 585, 

1 Plate (once belonging to Virupaksh Dev or 
Narayan Shankar Temple). 

1 Plate (once belonging to Shirale Shambhaling). 

3 Plates found at Dharwar, dated 
ec Kadambas " period. 

7 Plates, found at Halsi, "Kadambas" 
and some Copper-Plates, dated 714. 

Sonargaon, which is now a collection of insignificant villages, 

. Pamam, Godldi and Aminpur in Bikrampura in the Naraiaga^a sub.divisio of 
the district of Dacca, is situated on the opposite side of Munshiganja, on the river Dhale 
fctel, about IB miles to the south-east of Dacca. It is the Souanagoura of , T It 
was the capital of Eastern Bengal before Bakhtiar Khilji's invasion in 1203- it * 
famous for its fine muslins (Dr. Wise: JABB.. 1874, p. 83; Ananda Bhatta'.' Jftifcfe! 
cUntam, ch. 1 ; Taylor s Dacca, p. 106 ; Rennell'a Memoir, 1785, p 49) It flourished 
at the time of the Vaisya (merchant) -named Sanaka who migrated to Bengal from 
Rtogad, forty-five miles to the north- west of Jaipur, in the time of Adieura kimr of 
Bengal, who conferred on him the title of Suvarna Ba^ik. According to Mr Bradlev 
Birt, the descendants of Lakshman Sena, after Bakhtiyar Khilji's easy victory over 
him in Nadia, fled to Son&rg&on on account of its secure position and lived there till 
the time of Danuj Roy, the grandson of Lakshman Seua, who submitted to Emperor 
Balin, when the latter went to chastise his rebel viceroy Tughril Khan. Since that 
date for three or four centuries up to the time of Isha Khan, who lived in' the reign of 
Akbar and who had married Son& Bibi, the widowed daughter of Chnd Boy, zemindar 
of Bikrampur, Son&rg&on was the headquarters of Mahomedan rule in Eastern Bengal 
(For the history of Son&rg&on, se e Mr. Bradley-Birt's jfomance o/ an Eastern Capital, ch. 
IH.) On the fall of Son&rg&on, Dacca became the capital of Bengal, during the adminis- 
tration of Islam Khan, governor of Bengal under Jehangir. In 1704 the capital was 
removed from Dacca to Murshidabad. 

Suvaraamanasa The river Sona-kosi (K&Ukd P., ch. 77 ; Bisvakosha,, s.v. K&maruw) t 
. see MaMkau^ika. 
Suvaroamukhar! The river Suvarnamukhi or Suvarnamukhaari on which K&lahasti 

is situated (see KSlahastl), The name is mentioned in the Siva P., II, ch. 10. 
Suvarnarekha 1. The river Pala&ui which flows by the side of the Giraar hill (see 
' Girinagara). 2. A river in Orissa, which is still called by that name (see Kapis). 
Suvastu 1. The Swat river now called by the name of Sihonpedra Nadf (Matidbhdrata, 
BM&hma, ch. IX), the Suastos of Airian, It is the Subhavastu of Biuen Tsiang (see 
JASB.> 1839, p. 307 ; 1840, p. 474 Lassen). The united stream of the Paajfcoora and 
the Swat rivers falls into the Kabul river. Pushkar^vatl or Pushkaldvatl, the capital of 
G&ndh&ra or Qandharva-de^a, stood on this river near its junction with the Kabul 
river (see Pushkaiavatl). The Swat river has its source in the fountain called N8ga- 
ApaiaJa. 2. Swat (Pa^ini's (AshtMhy&yt). Buddhist writers included Swat in the 
country of Udy&na. The country of Swat is now inhabited by the Yusufzais. It WEB 
at Swat that Raja Sivi or, properly speaking, Usinara of the Mahdbhdrala and the 
Sivi-Jdtaka, gave his own flesh to the hawk fco save the dove. The capital of &vi of 
the iw-Jdtaka was Aritthapura or Arishthapura (Jdtaka, Cam. Ed., IV, p. 250). 
Charbag is the present capital of Swat (JASB., 1839, p. 31 1). See SIM. But according to 
the Mahd-Ummagga^Jdtaka (Jdtnka, VI, p. 215, Cain. Ed.), Shi ^ts between Bidrfia 
Sv4ml-tlrtha 1. See Kum4ra-swaml (K&rma P., Upari/ ch. 36, vs. 19, 20). 2. la 

Krupati in Madras. 
Syatt Same as Svetl 

Svayamihunatha Simbhun&tha, a celebrated place of pilgrimage in Nepal, about a mite 
and a half to the west of Katmandu. It contains a Buddhist Chaitya (typified by a pair 
of eyes on the crown of edifice), dedicated to Svayambhunitha, a M&nasi or Mortal 
Buddha,. It is associated with Mafijusri Bodhisatva who came from Mah&-Chinttto 
JSfep^l (Wright's History of Nepal, pp. 23,78). The Chaitya is situated on the Gopuohchh* 


mountain, which in the three former Yugas was called Padma-giri, Bajrakfita, and Gosriii 
respectively. It contained a sacred lake called K&lihfada, which was desecrated by Mafii ^ 
The Svayzmbhu Purdna, a Buddhist work of the ninth century, gives an account of & 
origin of theSvayambhun&thaChaitya, and extols its sanctity over all places of Buddh' t 
pilgriinage. According to Dr. E&jendralal Mitra, its author MafLjusri lived in the e 
part of the tenth century (E. L. Mitra J s Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p 24</ 
Prachaiidadeva, king of Gauda, became a Buddhist Bhikshu under the name of Sfeitik 
and caused the Svayanibhun&tha Chaitya to be built (Svayambhti, Purdna ch VII ;? i> ' 
P., oh. 215, v, 38). ' ' ' x 'a 

Sveta See Sweti. (Sim P., II, ch. 10). See KSshthamandapa, Manjupatan and Neoila 

Sveta-gM The portion of the Himalaya to the east of Tibet (JffiA., Sabha 27- Mat&u P 
ch. 112, v. 38). ' ' ** " 

Swetl The river Swat in the Panjab (Rig.-Veda, X, 75 ; Siva P., ch. 10). It was also called 
Swet& : the Suvastu (q. v.) of the Mah&b'h&rata. 

Syamalanatha S&malji in Mahi K&ntM, Bombay Presidency. The temple of Samlajiissa'd 
to have been built in the fifteenth century in an old city (Padma P., Srishti, oh 11- 
Antiquarian Remains in the Bombay Presidency, VIII, p. 237). See SSmalanatha. 

Syandika The river Sai, seven miles south of Jaunpur and twenty-five miles north of 
Benares (P. N. Ghose's Travel and Rdmdyam, Ayodhy^k^nda, ch. 49). 

6yenf The river Kane or Ken in Bundelkhand (Hatsya P., ch. 113, v. 25). SeeKarnS 
vatf. It is very unlikely that the name of Ken, which is a great river, should not be men- 
tioned, though it has its source in the same rivershed as the Tonse, Paiguni, etc. Under 
phonetic rides Syeni would become Keni or Ken. But see guktimatf. 


T^ara See Dharagara. Dr. Fleet has identified it with Ter (Thair), 95 iriles south-east of 
Paititoa, in the Waldrug district of Hyderabad. Tagara is mentioned in the inscriptions 
found at Tanna (Thana) and Satara (Conder's Modern Traveller, Vol. X, p. 286) D r 
Bhagavanlal Indraji identifies it with Junnar in the Poona district (Early History of. 
Gujarat), and Eev. A. K. Nairne and Sir R. G. Bhandarkar (Early History of the Ddckan 
sec. vlii, p. 32) with Darur or Dharur in the Nizam's Dominions (Bom. Oaz.,Vol I, Pt II p ' 
16. note 3). Wilford identifies it with Devagiri or Daulatabad, Dr. Buxgess with Boza ne^ 
Devagiri, and Yule with Kulbarga. It has also been identified with Trikfita (see Trfkftta) 

TsOlaciga Same as Telingana. " 

TaflaparnI The river Pennair in the province of Madras on which Nellore is situated. 

TaJttirt Tartary (Ehaw&ya Purdna, Pratisarga Parva, pt. iii, ch. 2, p. 35). 

TiJIta Pfcwia, celebrated for its fine breed of horses (Nakula's Asvachikitsitam, ch 2) 

Takka-de&a-BetweentheBip4sa andtheSindhu rivers in the Panjab. It was the country 
of the V&iikas (Rdjatarangini, V, v. 150; W., Karna, ch. 44). Same as MafiHtoba 
(Hemchandra's Abhidhdnachintdmani), and AraWa. 

Tatohaslia-Taxila, in the district of "Rawalpindi in the Punjab. General Cunningham 
places the site of the city near Shahdheri, one mile north-east of K&UL-ka-serai be- 
tween Attock and JUwalpindi, where he found the ruinB of a fortified city (see Del- 
meiwk's Notes on Arch&ological Remains at Shah-ki-Dheri and the Site of Taxita in 

AU f ' 187 ' P ' ^ * ArCh ' S ' -**- V l ^ P- 125 )< St ' Marti ^ P laC ^ ft at HaSan 

Abdul eight miles north-west of Shah-dheri Taksha^llA is said to have been founded 
by Bharata, brother of R4 m achandra, after the name of his son Taksha, whowa* 
placed here as king (Rdmdyava, Uttara, chs. 1H, 201). In the; Divydvaddw (Dr. R 
Mitras Sansknt Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p, 8 ), however, it is mentioned that 
Buddha m a former birth ^ kin of Bh^ra^ w* wa^ l^nown bjr 4he naw of 

Chandraprabha : he allowed himself to be decapitated by a Brahmin beggar, and since 
then the town is called Takshasil&. The Kathdsaritsdgara (Bk. VI, ch. 27, and Tawney's 
trans., Vol. I, p. 235) placed it on the bank of the Bitastd (Jhelum). Omphi (Ambhi), 
king of Taxila, submitted to Alexander when he invaded it. Asoka resided at Takshasila,, 
when he was viceroy of the Panjab during the lifetime of his father (Asoka-avaddna, 
in Dr, R. L- Mitra's Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, pp. 6 f.). Asoka's elder 
brother, Sumana, was viceroy of this place when Bindus&ra died : he lost his life in a 
battle with Asoka, and the latter became king of Magadha. It was at one time the 
capital of Gr&ndh&ra (Nandi-visdla Jdtaka on Dr. Rhys David's Buddhist Birth- stories, 
Vol 1, p. 266; Sarambha Jdtaka in Jdt., Cam. Ed., Vol, I, p. 217) and a celebrated place of 
Buddhist pilgrimage. Takshasila contained the celebrated university of Northern India 
(Rdj&vdda- Jdtaka) up to the first century A.D., like Balabhi of Western, Nfilanda of 
Eastern, K&nchipura of Southern, and Dhanakataka of Central India. It was at 
Takshasl& that Panini, the celebrated grammarian, (Dr. Satis Chandra Vidy&bhu- 
shana's Buddhadeva, p. 220, Havell's Ancient and Medieval Architecture of India, p. 140), 
and Jivaka, the celebrated physician in the court of Birnbisto (Mahdvagga, VIII. 1. 7), 
received their education. Jivaka was the son of Abhaya by a prostitute named S&I&va-t! 
and grandson of BimbisHra, king of Magadha. While yet an infant, he left R&jagriha 
to study the art of medicine at Takshasfia, where he was taught by Atreya. Most 
probably Ch&nakya was also educated here. (Tumour's Makdvamsa, Intro,, and Hima- 
candra's Sihavirdvalicaritd, VIII, p. 231, Jacobi's ed.). The teachers charged as fees 
one thousand pieces of money from each pupil, after completing his education (Jdtaka, 
Cam. ed., I, pp. 137, 148). The Vedas, all the arts and sciences including archery, were 
taught in the university, and people from very distant parts of India came here 
(Ibid, V, p. 246 ; II, p. 60). Taksha&lfi, and Benares (Ibid., IV, p. 149) only possessed 
Brahmanical universities (for the other universities, see NSlandft). The ruins of this 
famous city are situated at a distance of 26 miles to the north-west of Rawalpindi 
and two miles from Kaia-kft-Serai Railway station. The site of this city is now 
occupied by the villages Sha-dheri, Sirkap, Sir-sukh a^id Kacchakot (Arch. 8urv. Ay. f 
Vol V p 66; II, pp. 112, 125 ; Punjab Gazetteer; Rawalpindi district; E$. 2nd., Vol. 
IV)' Sirkap is the pla*e where Buddha in a former birth cut off his head. (Seal s 
BWG Vol I, p. 138). One and a half miles to the east of Sirkap, at a village called 
,arri/. 9 v w*, *a ^ / AZ*I /* 1- J-nn miAfn 

, . . 

the ruins of a st*pa where the eyes of ball* Asoka's son by hxs 

destroyed by tie machination of his step-mother TishyarakshltA 


qm of VmiB* At Hasan Abdul, which is 8 miles to tje west of 

became the capital of the Kushans after their Sbto odii 

Sir John Marshall has discovered an Aiuwo ^^^^ bw dera of India 
at Tasila. Perhaps the inscription is evxdence ^^^ B0 record ed by 
under Darius, whose general Scylax made .me , o^rt mjlO w 

aerodotus, or 5X5 > P, according to others 0**-r * ^^' \^ | fow years 

^ fc 


the death of Asoka, it was conquered by Demetrius and brought under the s^ay of th 
Bactrian kings, and it became the capital of a line of Greek princes. Then the gaka 'd 
Palhava kings Maues, Azes, etc., reigned here till about 60 A.D. They were succ ded 
by the Kushan emperors. The Bir Mound was the oldest settlement : then Sir fe*rr 
became the capital of the Greek princes and the Saka and Palhava Kings, and at the tf^ 
oftheKushans the capital was removed to Sir-Sukh (Arch. Sur. Hep., 1912-13 h 
Sir John Marshall). ' *A- y 

Talak&4a Talk&<Ja, the capital of Chela or Chera on the Kdveri, thirty miles east b 
south of Mysore, now buried in the sands of the Kdveri. Same as Sirovana. 
According to Mr. Rice, the ancient name of Talked was Taiavanapura (Ep. Ind Vol 
III, p. 165). It was the capital of the kings of the Gauga dynasty in the 3rd century 
and their kingdom, extending beyond the southern Mysore country, came to be known 
as Gangav&di Ninety-six thousand. The Ganga power was overthrown at the beginning 
of the llth century by the Oholas from the Tamil country. The remaining part of the 
Mysore country was the Hoysala-r&jya, the capital of which was Dorasamudra (JBAS 
1911, p. 815). '' 

Talavanapura See Talakada. 

TSlikafa Same as TaIakS4a (Brahmdnda P., ch, 49). 

Tamaiika Tamluk, which evidently is a corruption of Tamalika, and TamalikA again is a 
corruption of T&mraliptika. Same as T3mral!pti. 

Tamaiini Tamlik. Same as Tamraliptt. 

T4malipta Same as Tamrallptt. T&malipta is a corruption of Tdmralipta. 

Tfcnalipti Same as Tamrallpti. T&malipti is evidently a corruption of T&mraliptf. 

Tamasa 1. The river Tonse, a branch of the garayu in Oudh, which flowing through 
Azamgarh falls into the Ganges near Bhulia. It flows twelve miles to the west of the 
Sarayu. The bank of this river is associated with the early life of V&tmfk! (Mmdyana, 
B&la, ch. 2). The name of Tamas& is properly applied to the united stream of the Madku 
and the Biswi from their confluence at Dhoti, 2 . The river Tonse in Bewa in the Central 
Provinces (Maisya P., c h. 114 ; Rdmdyana, Ayodhy4 K., ch. 46). 3. The Tonse, a river 
inGarwal^and Dehra Dun (Gal Rev., LVIII (1874), p. 193). The junction of the 
Tamasa with the Yamuna near the Sirnxur frontier was a sacred place, where Ekavira, 
called also Haihaya, the progenitor of the Haihaya race and grandfather of K&rttaviryir- 
juiia, was born (Deri Bhdgavata, VI, chs. 18 23). 

Ttonasavana -It was been identified by Cunningham with Sultanpur in the Panj ab. Bultanpur 
is the capital of Kulu, situated at the confluence of the Bias and the Serbairi : it is also 
called Baghunathpur from a temple dedicated to EaghunAtha (JASB., Vol, XVII, pp. 206, 
207 ; Vol. XVIII, p. 391), According to General Cunningham, the whole of the western 
Doab-i-Jalandharapitha was covered with a thick jungle, from which the monastery took 
its name of Tdmaaavana (JASB., XVII, p. 479). It was at the TUmasavana convent that 
the fourth Buddhist synod was convened by Kanishka under the presidency of Vasumtea 
(Beal s Introduction to Fa Hian)\ According to Hiuen Tsiang and other authorities, the 
f ourth council was convened at Kundalavana monastery in Kashmir, near the capital of that 
country (Smith's Early Hist, of India, 3rd ed., p. 268). Vasumitra was one of the Buddhist 
patriarchs (for the lives of the 28 Buddhist patriarchs from Maha -K&Syapa to Bodhidharma, 
see Edkins' Chinese Buddhism, ch. V, and Index, p. 435) : their names are Mah^K&tyapa, 
su, Upagupta, Drikata, SHchaka, Vasumitra, Buddhanandi, Buddhamitra, 
, A^vaghosha, Kapimara, N&g4rjuna, Kamadeva, B^hulata, Sanghanandi, 
J aya ta, Vasubandhu, Manura (Manoratha), Bakfena, Singhla- 
ta, PradifiAtwa and Bodhidharma. For 

20 ' HAM 

Upali, see Dipavamsa in JASB., 1838, p 928. The date of this convention (78 A B ) at 
Tfcnasavana is said to have given rise to the Sakaera, though Kanishka belonged to the 
Kushan tribe of the Yuetis or Yuechis (see Sakadvipa). But according to some authorities 
. % *he -Saka era was founded by Vonones (see Pafichanada). Asvaghosha wrote his Buddha'- 
charita-kdvyain.t>he court of Kanishka. N&garjuna and his disciples Arya Deva P&rsva 

Charaka and Chandrakirti were the contemporaries of Kanishka (see General Introduction 

* fifthe Records of the Buddhist Religion by Takakusu, p. lix). 
Tamolipta Same as Tamralipti. 

Ttoura The Tamor (see Maha-kau&ika). 

TSmraehuda-krora It is perhaps the full name of Korura, the capital of Chera or Kerala 
(Dandi's Mallikd-mdruta, Act I) : see Korura. 

Tamralipta Same as Tamralipti. 

T&mralipti Tamluk, which was formerly on the mouth of the Ganges, is now situated on the 
western bank of the Rupnaryana, formed by the united stream of the Silai (gfl&vati) 
' and Dalkisor (Dv&rike6vari) in the district of Midnapur in Bengal. It was the capital of 
the ancient kingdom of Sumha (see Sumha) in the sixth century of the Christian era, and it 
formed a part of the Magadha kingdom under the Mauryas (Smith's Asoka, p. 69). A 
greater portion of the ancient town has now been diluviated by the river. The town is men- 
tioned in the Mahdbhdrata, (Bhishma, ch. 9 ; Sabha, ch. 29), the Purdnas, and the Buddhist 
works. It was celebrated as a maritime port (KatMsaritsagara, Lambaka XII, ch. 14), 
and an emporium of commerce from the fourth to the twelfth century of the Christian era, 
the sea having now receded south to a distance of sixty miles. It was from, this port that 
Vijaya is said to have sailed to Ceylon. The only building of any archaeological interest 
that now exists in the town is the temple of Barg&-Bhima mentioned in the Brahma P. 

' (T&molupta Mahdt. and the K. ch., p. 33), which was evidently an ancient Vihdra, perhaps 
one of those referred to by Hiuen Tsiang, transformed not earlier than the fourteenth 
century into a dome- topped Hindu temple of the Orissa style by an outward coating of 
bricks and plaster, after the expulsion of Buddhism. The image of the goddess appears to 
be old and is formed of a single block of stone, with the hands and feet in mezzo-relievo. 
DaigLcli, the author of the I)dsafcu,mdracharita, who flourished in the sixth century AJD : 
mentions that a temple of Bindub&sinf wag situated at T&mralipta (ch. 96> In the 
seventh century, I-tsing resided at T&mralipta in a celebrated monastery called Bar&ha 
monastery. The present temple of Hari or Vishnu-Nar&yana is said to have been built 
some 500 years after the destruction of the ancient temple by the action of a river. 
The ancient temple was situated on the east of that of Barg&-Bhma. The new-built 
shrine contains two images of Arjuna and Krishna. Traditionally, Tamluk was the capi- 
tal of Mayfiradhvaja and his sonT&mradhvaja, who fought with Arjuna and Krishna, and 
hence Tamluk has been identified with Ratnapura of the Jaimini-Bhdrafa ; but the situa- 
tion of Mayor adhwaja's capital on or near th Nerbuda, as mentioned in that work, makes 
that identification impossible. Comparison of several manuscripts of the Bralima Purdna 
shows that the *.' Tamolupta-mahdtmya " inserted in some of them is an interpolation. 

Tftmraparoi 1. Ceylon of the Buddhists. It is mentioned in the Girnar inscription of Asoka 
(JASB.) VII, p. 159). 2. The river T4mbrap arni, locally called TAmbaravari or the united 
s&eam of the T&mbar&vari and the Chittar in Tinnevelly, which rise in the Agasti-kfcta 
Mountain (Bhdgavata P., X, ch. 79; Raghuvansa, IV, v. 60 ; Sewell's Arch. 8urv. of S. 
India, I, p.. 303. Thornton's Gazetteer s.v. TinneveUy). Itfiis celebrated for its pearl 
fishery. Rishi Agastya is said to have resided on this mountain (see Malaya-girl). Theport 
of Kolkai which was at the mouth of this river, now 6 miles inland, is mentioned by 
-Ptolemy (see Ptodya and K*rft) : it gave its name to the Kolkhic Gulf or Gulf of Manar. 



Tamravarna Tiie river T^mbaravari : see Ttatraparnl (2), (Brahmdnda P., ch. 49). 
Ta*gana- The country stretching from the Bamgawga river to the upper Sarayu (5mAmdn4 
P., ch. 49 ; MoCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 210). It has been identified with Hataka or Ladat 
(Barooah's Dictionary, vol. Ill, preface, p, 50). 

Tanusrl Tenasserim, the southern division of the province of Lower Burma. 

Tapani The river Tapti. 

TSpasa Same as T&pasSsrama (Vdyu P., ch. 45, v. 129 ; Brahmdnda P,, ch. 49). 

Tapasa&rama Pandharpur in the Bombay Presidency (Barahamihira's Brihat-samhitd, XIV 
v. 15 ; Bom. Gaz. Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 511). It is the Tabasoi of Ptolemy. Same as Pftnclupura! 

Wpl The river Tapti (ShdgoMto P., V, ch. 19). It rises in the Vindhy&pada mountain 
(now called the Satpura range) at the portion called Gonana-giri, and falls into the 
Arabian Sea. Surat stands on this river. 

Tapti Same as Tap! (Brihat-giva P., II, ch. 20). 

TMpura Ta,rpit>ha, a Siddha Pitha, near Nalhati in Birbhum, Bengal (Tararahasya). 

Teilngana The country between the God&vari and the Krishna. McCrindle supposes that 
Telingana is a contraction of Tri-Kaliugana or Tri-Kaliiiga (see Andhra and Trlkalinga), 
It is the Satiyaputra of the Asoka inscriptions (The Buddhist Sttipa of Amardvati, p. 3 by 
Burgess). It is also called Tilinga (Saura Purdna ; Tawney's Prabandhachintdmani, p. 45), 
In ths Mackenzie Manuscripts, (in JASB., 1838), the capital of Tilinga-de^a is said to be 
Kolocondai or Golconda (JASB. t VII, p. 128). Its variant forms are Teliiiga, Teluguand 

Tibbat Same as Bhotadga and Himavanta. There can be no doubt that Tibet, including 
Bhutan, carried on trade with Bengal in gold, musk, etc., at least from the 12th century, 
if not from the 7th to the 16th century A.D. (JASB., 1875, p. 282 ; Tavernier's Travdt, 
Bk. Ill, ch. 15). 

Tilaprastha Tilpat, six miles to the south-east of Toghlakabad and ten miles to the south- 
east of the Kutb Minar (Col. Yule's Ibn Batuta's Travels in India ; Ind. Ant., HI, p. 
116), It was included within Indraprastha, the capital of Yudhishthira. ShaikhFarid 
Bukhari built Faridabad near Delhi on the greater part of the old pargaw of Tilpat 
(Elliot's Glossary, Beames* ed., II, p. 123). It was one of the five villages demanded by 
Krishna on behalf of Yudhist/hira from Duryodhana. See Ptoiprastha. 
"Tilodaka Tilara, a village on the east bank of the Phalgu, visited by Hiuen Tsiang, thirty- 
three miles to the south of Patna. It is the site of a famous Buddhist monastery. 

TOogrammon Identified by Col. Yule with Jessore (McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 75). It is a 
transcription of Tiiagrama (see my " Early Course of the Ganges " in the Ind. Ant.). 

Buiittgfla From its pQBiiaon among the countries of Southern India conquered by Sahadeva 
(Mbb., SatM, ch. 30 ; Brihat*Samhitd> XIV, v. 16) and from the resemblance of its name, it 
may be inferred that Timmgila was the ancient name of Dindigala valley, in the district 
of Madura, Madras Presidency, It is the Tangala and Taga of Ptolemy. 

TJrafehukti lirhut (Devi Pwdna, ch. 64) ; see Videha. lirtait is a corruption of Tirabhukti. 
(Dr. Caldwell's Drav. Comp. Gram.) See Trisirapalli- 

tfrftapurt ^A sacred spot on the west of Mount Kailas in Western Tibet, twenty-one miles 
from Darchin or Gangri, and half-a-day's journey to the north-west of Dulju in the 
Himalaya, on the bank of the Sutlej. It contains a very hot sulphur spring* Bhasmftsura 
or Brik&sura is said to have been killed at this place : a heap of ashes is pointed out as the 
flfo^oi^^^ (JASB., 1848, p. 156; Sherrin^s Western Thibet, p. 284 ; see .also 

Bhdgamfa> X, ch. 8). The place of Bhasm&sura's death is also pointed out in a cave 
oafled GupteSvarnath Mah4deva's temple, situated in a hill near Saeiram in the district of 
Shahabai Bhasmtoira obtained a boon from Mahadeva to the effect that whoever should 
be touched by him upon the head would at once be consumed to whee. He wanted to ^ 


the efficacy of the boon, by touching the head of Mah&deva himself, the giver of the boon. 

Mah&deva fled, pursued by Bha?m&sura and took the protection of Vishnu, who advised the 

Asura to make the experiment by placing his hand upon his own head instead of upon 

that of another. He followed the advice, and was at once consumed to ashes, But the 

story is differently stated in Sherring's Western Thibet, p. 285 
Tomara The Tomaras inhabited the Garo Hills in the south-western corner of Assam 

(Matsya P., ch. 120 ; McCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 235). 
Tonia-mai^dala The portion of Dr^vida of which the capital was Kanchipura (Mackenzie 

Manuscripts in JASB., 1838, p. 128), It is the same as Tundir-mandala of the Mallika- 

mdruta (Act I). 

Tosal l _ Tosali of the Dhauli inscription of Asoka, It has been identified by Wilford with 
the Toala-Ko3aiaka of the Brahm&ndct Purdna (oh. 51), and simply Kosalaka or Kosala 
of the Bvihat-samJiitd (JASB., 1838, p. 449). It appertained to Dakshina-Kosala or Gond- 
wana at' the time of Asoka (see Koaala-Dakshfra). Tosali is the Tosale of Ptolemy. The 
Konsala-g&ng or Kosala-Gang& of Kittoe, which is the name of a tank near the Dhauli 
hill, confirms the statement that Tosali was the ancient Kosala (Ibid., p. 435). 

Traipura Same as Tripuri. 

Trigartta 1. The kingdom of Jalandhara, a part of the district of Lahore. Gilford 
identifies the place with Tahora. Tahora or Tihora is situated on the river Sutlej, a few 
miles from Ludhiana, where interesting ruins were observed by Captain Wade (JASB., 
Vol VI) Kangara, which is also situated in Jalandhara between the mountains of 
Champa (CharnbS;) and the upper course of the Bias, is identified by General Cunningham 
with the ancient Trigartta (Brihat-Samhitd, ch. 14, and Dr. Stein's Rajatarahgint, Vol. I, 
p 81) The' Hemakosha identifies Trigartta with Jalandhara ; Trigartta means the land 
watered by the three rivers, which are the Ravi, the Bias and the Sutlej (Arch. S. Rep.> Vol. 
V, p. 148; Pargiter'B MdrJcandeya P., 321, 347 note ; JASB., 1880, p. 10). From the 
inscriptions' it appears that modern Jalandhara was the ancient Trigartta (Ep. 2nd., I, 
pp 102 116) 2 North Kanara: see Gokar^a (Bhdgavata P., X, ch. 79). 

Trikakud-^ee IMBUa (AtJiarva-veda, IV, 9, 8 ; Dr. Macdonell's Hist, of Sanskrit Literature, 

p 144) 

TtikaMga-^Same as Telirigana. Trikaliuga is mentioned in the Kumbhi Copperplate inscrip- 
tion in JASB. (1839, p. 481), which gives the genealogy of the Kalachun dynasty But 
Trikalinga, according to Pliny, comprised the regions inhabited by the KaUng*, Macco. 

' Baling* and the Gangarides-Kalingae (Cunningham's Ancient Geography of Indta, p^ 519 , 
JASB., 1837, p. 286). The Kalingse were the inhabitants of Kalinga proper ; the Macco- 
Kalin g ; were?he inhabitants of Madhya-Kalinga or Orissa, and the *" 
were tie Ganga-R^his or the'people of Radha wholivedonthe ^nks of the Gan 
capital being G&nge or Saptagrama (see SaptagrSma, Samha and BaOta). . H 
that the Ungi of South-Kosala or the Central Provinces were called togs <* 



which evidently included Dakshina-Kosala, including the Patna state 
Provinces (^f M. t Vol. Ill, pp. 323, 359 ; JASB IW, p. 1). 
Cunninghai^i-kaUugaorthe three Kaliugas were the 
or Amaravat! on the Krishna, Andhra or Warangal, and 

(MoCrindle's Ptolemy, p. 233). T^anka} 2 Trikota, 

TPikata-1. A mountain in the south-east corner of ^j^^^g a hoi ; 
a lofty mountain to the north of the Panjab and "J*"^^ ,. Trikfitawas 
spring: it is the Trikalcad of ^V^^/^^CieS^ed with Junnar ; 
conquered by Raghu (Baghuva^a IV, v 59) _ Tr*W Anti^ary, Vol. 

ft is the Ta^ara of Ptolemy, which in Sanskrit isTrigin or J.T v v 

ffil 206 

VI, p. 75 ; Vol. VII, p. 103 ; Bhagavanlal Indraji's Early History o t 

The Yamunotri mountain (Annandale's Popular Encyclopedia, s v Himal \ *' 

Trilinga Same as Telidgana. Vidyadhara Malla, king of Trilinga is the h ' f 

BiddJtasdMJtatijiM by Rajasekhara who flourished in the llth or 12th ce "* ' ' 

fHIOkanaflia A celebrated place of pilgrimage, situated in Lahul in 
division on the left bank of the Chandrabhaga river, about 32 miles below 
the Chandra and Bhaga. It is said to be an imago of Mahadeva Jta 
Pandavas, but in fact it is an image of Avalokitesvara (JASB., 1902, p 35) 

*^*^&*M W6 f Oi TIrUpati r Tri l."the district of ot 
The celebrated temple of Balaji is 8 ituated on a mountain called SeshacS S 
Papanasint-Ganga rises in this mountain. It was visited by Chaitan f<Sv 
ChariMta, ii, ch. 9 ; Gmrowndara, p. 212). 7 < " flaitan y a (^tonj a , 

TrineteeBvara-Than, a sacred place of pilgrimage in the Jhaiawar sub-division of Ktv 
wad (Guzerat), on the bank of the river Uben, where the temple of MalSdTva T? ^" 
Avara^owcalled Tarnetar, is situated (Standa Purdna, Prabhftsa Kb,, Arbuda ch^ T^ 
is near the lake or kund called Bhadrakarna. ' }< ft 

' -e of 

the Benigxznta railway station: it is a place of pi 
Same as Venkata-girL On the top of the SedjS 
Venkatag.rxmountam, which is reached after crossing six hiUs ( aix miles to tie 
Tripadi), is the celebrated zmage of mrdyana, called Veteatesvara orBa 
established by Ramanuja, and at the foot of the mountain are the images 
Lakshmar,a and Sita, who are said to have halted at this place for one night 
were returning home from Lanka. 

-j.^ Tipara. It was included in Kamarflpa (Tdrd Tantra). It ^was 
ta,.d> 2. Same as Tripurl (Mbh., Bana, ch. 252) *'" 

M OT '-r th V iVer Nerbuda > sevea milcs ^ the west of Jabbalpur, ^' 

Mahadeva said to have killed Tripurasura (Padma P., Swarga, oh 7, and Bapson^ 
Indian Coms,^. 14, 33). The town is said to have been built by the three sons of iLldt: 
SJT^ Lv ?7 f Destruction of Tripura is an allegorical description of the expulsion <* 
the -Buddhists by the Saivas (see lAnga Purd V a, Pt. 1, ch. 71). It was also called 

SIT ? TO ??u T tal f Raia KokaUade ^ and the Kalachuri Eajas of Chedi m tte 
nmtii century of the Christian era. It was also called Chedinagara. According to tfce- 

waffbdritt ( t'- Su TlipUra WaS th capital of Bana Ra ^ whose darter ^;- 
was abducted by Amruddha, the grandson of Kyishna : hence, according to tMsPurfth* 
Iripura was the ancient gonitapura. 2. Chedi (Hemakosha). The Kalachuri OE Ohe| 
Samvat was founded by the Kalachuri Rajas of Chedi in 248 A D / 

TrMsM-The lake called Nynee Tal (Naini Tal) in the United Provinces. The name of 

t^ , i fv me ?T 6d " th 5tewfa PMr ^, quoted in J^5., XVII, p. 358. The 
temple of Nayana Devi is situated on the bank of the lake 

nS~2 T? 6 riV6r J^ ^^^ ** **. iii, P. 369 ; R. K Roy's Mbh., p. 283 
note). 2. The river Tigris in Saimala-dvipa (Chal-dea) 

PTri hinOOli * ** Pr vince of Madras. Same as TrUvr^Ui. The Rat- 
B ^ a va, dwelt at this place (Wilson's Mackenzie 

and Mri6IrapllL 

district of Bun P^ (Mbh., Sabha P., ch. 

m ' p - 369; 



(Continued from page 125,) 
2. Phoenician Inscription in Britain. 

The Newton Stone. 

y The enquiry commences with the examination of this Newton Stone, which is the f ounda- 
ifeion ot the whole argument. " The monument stands at Newton House in the upper valley 
of the Don in Aberdeenshire," and its existence has been known to the world of scholars 
only since 1803. It has since that date been removed from a former site about a mile 
distant from its present one, and now stands near Mt. Bemiachie, " within the angle of 
the old Moorland meadow (now part of the richly cultivated Garrioch vale of the old Pict-land) 
between the Shevack stream and the Gadie rivulet, which latter formerly, before the 
accumulation of silt, may have joined hereabouts with the Shevack and Urie tributaries of 
the Don." The monument actually stands close to the left bank of the Urie. The name 
Gadie leads Waddell to make one of his excursions into etymology, for he connects this river 
name of the Pict country with the Phoenician Gad, which was the usual spelling of " their 
tribal name of Khatti or Catti " and he says that " they were in the habit not infrequently 
of calling the rivers in their settlement Gad-i or Gad-es or Kad-esh." The name of the river 
Don, one knows from other sources, is spread in one form or another over Europe from 
Russia to the British Isles and is very ancient. The Newton Stone is not an isolated 
gpecimen, as Stuart has shown in his survey that 36 others are situated ia the Don Valley. 

The Newton Stone "bears inscriptions in two different kinds of script." The main 

inscription has a swastika in the centre, i.e., half of it is inscribed before and half after it, and 

& is in a script which has often been attempted, but never read before Waddell tried his 

land at it. The other inscription is " in the old Ogam linear characters. The scholars, 

who formerly attempted to decipher the main inscription assumed that it was either Pictisn 

or Celtic, though Stuart suggested that it might be in an Eastern Alphabet. Then Waddell 

came on the scene and read it, right to left, as Aryan (not Semitic) Phoenician. He found it 

to be " true Phoenician and its language Aryan Phoenician of the early Briton or early G<>tb|0 

type." He further " recognised that various ancient scripts found at or near the old settle- 

meats of the Phoenicians " were " all really local variations of the standard Aryan ffitto- 

Spaerian writing of ancient Phoenician man- 

If**, those ancient pioneers spreaders of the 

, ffittite civilisation along the shores of the 

Ibditerranean and out beyond the Pilta of 

Hercule^ to the British Isles." Armed with 

this knowledge he made " an eye-copy " of * \. 

the Inscriptions. " In his decipherment " fee C\J 1 D A X? *U ) 

"derived special assistance from the Cilician, . / 

Cyprian and Iberian scripts, and the Indian (j\ )\ i A C\ j ( J 

Pali of the third andf ourth centuries B.C., and tJ I {.Ju I ^ 

Gothic runes, which were closely allied in 

several respects. Canon Taylor's and Prof. 

Petrie's classic works on the Alphabet also 

proved helpful." 

In view of the fact that Waddell's theory 
ifl built on this "raiciuely important central 
inscription V I give here his " e je-copy of it, " iscBipaaow ON TSB NEWTON Sxo*a. 



These characters Waddell transcribes as follows, tho Roman vowels b ^ 7 "*~ 
inherent in the preceding letter : lng treated * 

KaZZi Ka 
BlLffi PoENlG I 

These words WaddeU translates, word for word, thus : _ 

(This Cross the) Kazzi of 
East (of the) Siluyr-. 
the Khilani (or Hittite palace-dweller) 
to Bil (this) cross, the Phoenician I. 
khar (tho) Ci- 

lician, the Brit, raised (risJiti). 

On the Newton Stone is also inscribed an Ogam inscription, which has proved 
onreadable because, for want of room, the strokes have been cut too dcJ 

the tters essential for reading are most1 ^ * 

f th6 ^^ inscri ^^ W ^ell makes the Ogam 

+ICAR QASS (or QaSB(i)L) Kh'A 
IKhaR SIOLLaGGA R(ishti) 
And he translates as follows : _ 

(This Cross) Icar Qass of (the) 
Silur (the) Khilani (to) Bil 
Ikhar (of) Cilicia raised, 


nor of .CUicia, the Prwt (or Prat* that is, Barat or Brihat or Brit-on) raised." 
his the^L? I*"? the fuudainental f ^s that Waddell claims to have discovered for 
f rS8t n MS ^^ f the Newton Sto ^' ta the ** of 

wTdd^u^isw^^fu" 1 * f rifcioism * what brought Phoenicians into Scotland! 

VAA o <*JJJSWCi IS uJQa"u tneV WGrA flll rkxriM 4-V "D'j.*l^Ti -i 

tKft ^ fii -p i? <->ver tne .ontisix Isles and kindred regions, and not 

o take Ms r ft ^ ^ ^ CornwaU after tin - Jt will also be observed that we are 
eaamcr on trust, because we are not given the actual analogies of the 
on which his reading rests. 

ff41HJL cnptions Waddell proceeds to find the date thereof, which "is 

te not available to us ' TvT * ^ B *^ ^ P^^ographical evidence," which of course 
tbe sea-king Part-olon, kin of th ^^ ^ cri # tion '' sa ^ s WaddeU, " Prat-Gioki, was 

"whose uncle Brennus^was B 4 ' m6t ^ kinsman Gmgiunt, the then .king of Britain 
*fco led the Qsnk in the ea k f T? ^ t 5 aditioila l Briton original of the historical Brennus I, 

**. ae Waddell reioark., the letter * in the last line of the miu text ma 7 also be read a. 


The rareness of exactly similar cursive Aryan Phoenician writing is due, Waddell thinks, 

fh fact that " as Serodotus tells us, the usual Medium for writing in ancient Asia Minor 

* bv pen and ink en parchments," and theso parchments have perished. Lastly "the 

1** ceof this Aryan Phoenician inscription is essentially Aryan in its roots, structure and 

tex wtih Sumerian and Gothic affinities " but this statement is not accompanied, so far 

a$ I can judge, by proof. 

'. Ai3 regards the Ogam inscription Waddell writes : " the Ogam version is clearly con- 
temporary with, and by the same author, as, the central Phoenician inscription, as it is now 
disclosed to be a contracted version of the latter. This discovery thus puts back the date 
of the Ogam script far beyond the period hitherto supposed by modern writers," Then he 
connects it with Sumerian and Hittite scripts, devoted to the Sun-cult, and containing Sun- 
oross, "and the title Ogam he connects with the script of the Sun-worsMppers. He passes 
on " to examine the rich crop of important historical, personal, ethnic and geographical names 
aad titles preserved in the Brito-Phcenician inscription of about B.C. 400." 

3. The Royal Titles on the Newton Stone. 

In examining these inscriptions Waddell goes largely into etymology and into philological 
comparisons. His results " disclose .... not only the Phoenician origin of the British race 
properly so called and their civilisation, but also the Phoenician origin of the names Brjt-on, 
Brit-ain and Brit-ish, and of the tutelary name Brit-annia. Details, alas I, are m fa* Aryan 
Orw of the Phoenicians, not here. Waddell connects these titles -with " the Eastern branch 
of the Barats " in the Mahd-Bhdrata, after the Vedic custom of naming an Aryan clan after 

its forbear's name, and then he says :- King Barat . ^^^SSi 

of the founder of the first Phoenician Dynasty, which event" Waddell finds _ by new 
evidence occurred about B.C. 3000." Going on, he says :- whilst calhng himself I^ 
aad giving his personal name, the author of the Newton Stone inscnption also ^ 
BritSIscot, Hittite, Silurian and Cilician by early forms of these names." He then proceeds 
to identify these titles. 

"The inscription has "the spelling Poenig4, which Wadde 
Phoiaik-esj Latin,; Egyptian Panag, Panasa, Fenkha . 
Sanskrit, Panch-ala; English, Ptmio, Phcenicxan. And then he says, ' *" 
Ptonician possibly survives in the neighbouring mountain Bechie, on whu there 

been, a Sun-altar to the 'Phcenfac, Sun-bird emblem of Bil or Bel. 

say fl Waddell, "the name of Hbp*. for the old inn .*btoo of Mt Ben 

h there 

rr, fl , . 

naohielnow a farm house) is suggestive of former Bel Kre^orshap there^ ^^^es he 
idttrtifieB ^ith Blaze, Blayse or Blaise, " the name of a catiomcal saant nMd mto 
the early Christian Church in the fourth century from Cappadocia , hke 
taaditional place of whose massacre is at the old Hittite dty of Savas^ 
patron saint of Candlemas Day (2nd Feb.), so Bleezes " m*y e * 

ancient Phoenician altar blazing with perpetual fire-oflering to 

l?Ms name is spelt in the main Newton Stone 
a B SioUagga, and according to Waddell, equals G*eek, 
Xflakkn, Xilakki. Its seaport was Tarsus (Hebrew 
Rtrthenia, ''or Land of the Partho . . . ' ' dialectic < 
Barat, in series with the Prat on the Newtort 

*-It-*flll obseryed, however, :*bt' 
on tie second Syllable, I* Tnll aettoasly * the ', 

01 PIT, 


of Bel-worship .... under the special protection of the maritime tutelary goddesa 
Barati . . - the Phoenician prototype of our modern British tutelary Britannia,'* 

The Cilicians are identified with the Phoenicians thus : "Phoenix and King Cadnms 
the Phoenician are called the sons of Agenor, the first traditional king of the Phoenicians, 
and their brother was Kilix." Then says Waddell, " the angient Phoenician colonists from 
Oilioia proudly recorded their ancestry .... were in the habit of not returning to their 
native land [Ikar of Oilicia and of the inscription must have found Scotland a change from 
Palestine] * . . . and transplanted their homeland name of Cilicia to their new colonies." 

E.g., near Bognor on the South coast of England lies " Sels-ey or the Island of the Sds 
.... where a hoard of pro-Roman coins of ancient Briton were found." Ey is a well- 
known British term for ' island ' in place names and Waddell remarks, by the way, that 
" significantly the Phoenician word for e island ' or ' sea-shore ' was ay," But his point here 
is that these coins bore "solar symbols .... hitherto undeciphered," though Evans thought 
them " something like Hebrew characters. 5 ' Going ou the Newton Stone Waddell reads 
those characters as SiL, " which seems to be a contraction for the fuller Ss&lokoy or Cilicia/ 1 
Not far off Selsey, on the ancient high-road, lies Sil-chester, "the pre- 
Boman capital of the Segonti clan of the Britons, said to have been also 
called Briten-den or Fort of the Britons " and is very Phoenician. "This 
discovery of the ancient Phoenician origin of the name Sels-ey, or Island 
_^^ of the Seis or Cilicians," suggests a similar origin f or " Sles-wick or 

AaanTBraH Abode of the Slea, for the Angles in Denmark," while "the Silikform 
COIN rao* of Cilicia .... seems also to be probably'^ the source of the Selg-ovca 
SBLSBY, tribal title which was applied by the Romans to the people of Galloway 

coast of the Solway [Scotland] ." This last " seems to have been the same warlike tribe 

elsewhere called by the Romans Atte-Catti -Catti or Atti or Eitt-ite." 

Kdst or Kwdst. ! 

"This title is geographical and refers the founder of the Newton Stone inscription to 
Kasta-bala (Budrum)," the ancient capital of Cilieia about B.C. 400. It had a great shrine 
to Perathea (Diana), who " was Britannia," The country on the same river, the Pyramus, 
was the Grseco-Roman Kata-oaia, Cata-onia, " the Land of Eat or Cat=Catti- the ancient 
Britons, and a title of the Phoenician Barat rulers," 

The identification of East with Kasta-bala " gives us the clue to the Cffician sources of 
the Sun-cult imported into North Britain by the Phoenician Barat princes " of tho mscnptaon, 
from the bas-reliefs of Antiochus I of Oommagene already mentioned. These refer to the old 
Sumerian ceremony of coronation, which " seems to be referred to in a Vedic hyinn to the 
Sun-god Mitra : ' When will ye [Mitra] take us by both hands, as a dear sire his son ? 
And " even more significantly in the VolM-Spa Edfa " of the Goths in ancient Britain. 

Kazzi orQass. 

" This title is clearly and unequivocally a variant dialectic spelling of KaAi, an alternative 
elan title of the Phoenician Khatti Barats," deriving from Ka6 or Ka, the name of the 
famous grandson of King Bar^t." It appears in the Vedic kings of the First Panch(-alft) 
Dynasty and in " the Epic king-lists " with the " capital at ESSI, the modern Benares, 
bordering on the Panch(-Sla) province of ancient Iji<3ia." 

d is the title of the Eirst Phcenioian Dynasty, about B.C. 3000, of tiie 
arty, admittedly Aryai" in B.3, 1800 1206 in Phoenician Inscry>tiojs 
disclosed ae the Phc*rici*n, source of ifee Oassi title borne by tne 

102* 3 


Waddeli then goes on : The early Aryan KiLsi are referred to in Vedic literature as officers 
the Sacred Fire and the special prot$g6s of India. And in Babylonia the Kassi wero ardent 
gun-worshippers with its Fire-offering, and \vere devotees of the Sun-cross .... in various 
forms of St. George's Cross, the Maltese Cross, etc." Waddell here gives a figure showing 
"the pious Aryan Cassis of Babylonia about B.C. 1350 ploughing and sowing under the 
ten of the Cross," which " explains for the first time the hitherto unaccountable fact of the 
prehistoric existence of tho Cross." It further explains "the Cassi title used by the pre- 
Botfian Briton kings, a title in series with Eoossais for Scots, as well as the Kaz&i or Qass " 
of the inscription, Assyriologists, however, apparently do not agree to this. 


This title, as Ikhar, Ixar and Icar is a personal name of Kassi royalties, and occurs under 
many forms, including Agar, in Hittite, Its meaning " may possibly be found in " Akharri 
or Aiarri or Western Land," i.e., " Phoenicia and the Land of the Amorites." 

Siluyri or Silwor, 

These names " suggest the ethnic name of SilurcB, applied by Roman writers to the 
. people of South Wales bordering on the Severn," but that people were non- Aryans, and also 
"it may possibly designate a Silurun district in Spain," whence the author of the inscrip- 
tion is "traditionally reported to have come .... immediately on his way to Britain." 

Having thus seen how WaddoH's works on hin investigation and its results, we can next 
examine the further titles of Prat or Prwt and Gyaolowiiie or Gioln. 

Prat or Prwt. 

Waddell commences here with a quotation from the M ahd-Bhdrata ; "and king Bha- 
rat gave his name to the Dynastic Kace of which he was the founder ; and so it is from him 
tat the fame of that dynastic people hath spread so wide," Also from the Eig-Veda : 
" like a father's name men love to call their names." The Phoenician Prat or Prwt, he says, 
has been shown to be identical with the Sanskrit Bharat or Brihat*, and is iiow "disclosed as 
the source of our modern titles Brit-on, Brit-ain and Brit-ish." Bharat, he sa^s, is also 
spelt Pritu, Prithu, Brihat and Brihad, which last " equates with Cymric We&h Pryd-ain 
for Brit-on," and he gives a number of variants used by the Cassi Britons teem Barata to 
Piritum. Later Phoenicians used Parat, Prat (the actual spelling being PET), ftydi tod Prudi 
(m tombstones, calling tho graves khabr Gothic kttbl: while the geographer Pytheas, t^th 
' ceatey B.C.) copied by Ptolemy and other Greeks, used. Pret-anikai and Pre*-anoi for the 
.Brit-ens. In the 3rd century AJX, the inhabitants of Parth-enia (Tansras) called themselves 
Carats, as seen on their coins. 

Such is WaddelTs philological argument in brief for philologists to judge, and then he 
adverts, upon the evidence of certain coins, to the origin of the name Britannia, 


The first four coins show prototypes of the figure (reversed) of Britannia- oa the modern 
British jperiny and half -penny. No. 1 has an inscription "Koinon Lufcao Barateon, the 
Cctoqionwealth of the Lycaon Baratas," i.e., the Barats of Lycaonia in Cilicia about loonimn, 
**, Which contained " the ancient city of Barata," No. 2 is a coin of Iconiom ; No. 3 
^Hadrian ; No. 4 of Antonine. On these WaddeU remarks :-" these coias, wjth otiiei* 

,^W Sdtons in Britain and in their early homeland, as they n^tartta ST^T^ZI 
oti^ of the modem British main tutelary Britannia,^ 
origin." The criticism here is obvious ;it is quite possible ttfct *foy show nottong more than 

here fa adopting a p^oo^ cU* M* 



that successive artists copied old coins without reference to racial history O 
to have a history of the Britannia coins, snowing how the modern forms aT ^^ ^ 
point by point, before drawing such an inference as that above made. CT aUy MO se, 

? " This benevolent marine and earth tutelary goddess of Good Fortun 
been surmised by modern numismatists to be the late Greek goddess of 
Fortune of the Romans . . . about B.C. 490." And then Waddell has a 
mto Vedic etymology :-her proper name is now disclosed by the Vedic hymns 
branch of the Aryan Barats to have been Bharati, meaning belonging to the 
is also called therein Brihad the divine (Brihad-diva)' : and she 

grammatical rule m Sanskrit, and neither 6, 

nor b r ihad-di va are proper 

n " tt * t * a cie *> Bt and Mesopotamia, both of which lands 

of the Water, whose 
tutelary Baratf (or 
Britannia coins as 
who is the 
We are 

the Phoenician tutelary Barati or 
Martie, tutelary goddess of Or t 
as the authors of the s 
alfccemcian goddess." 
Here remarks WaddeU Parth 
coined by the Greeks from that 0^*+- 


glVes an E Sy 

f th Phcenicians 

he finds " Bairthy, goddess 

PmsiSely th>Se f the ^ 
figure similar to that on the 

Egypt as Bairthya," 
^ f ^ 



SideS being the origilial of Britanuitt ' 
is now seen to be presumably the Brfto- 

the Ptoenioians, who are now disclosed 
, there ' This goddess, Brito-Martis, wa 
na> " Hke the tutelar y goddess Parthauos." 

* Diana r Athene a PP ears to have beea 
And then he ^s : " the British bearing of 
. that the first king of the 


also an adjectival expression: belonging to the 

only a *. of modern . 

goddeeses wen regarded by the Greeks M 


- - Brifco-Martis * '* TJiis leads 

to a delicious observation : " if the first part of the sentence does ixot actually preserve an 
invocation to her under her old title of Mahl, or the great Earth-Mother, the Maia of the 
Greeks and Romans and the goddess May of the British May-pole spring festival."**) 

Briton, Britain, British. 

Here we have some truly wonderful philology. Briton, Britain and British are all 
derived from this early Phoenician Barat title," for " the original form of the name Brit-on 
is now disclosed to have been Bharat-ana or Brihad-ana, as the affix ana is the Hitto 
Sumerian for ' one.' " So the English ' one/ the Scottish ' ane,' the Greek and Roman 'an 
ene,' Latin una, Greek oin-os, Gothic einn, aius, Swedish en, Sanskrit ami (an atom) are all 
of Hitto-Sumerian origin. Similarly Brit-ain, "the Land of the Brit, presumes an original 
Barat-una (or Brihat-ana) .... like Eajput-ana, Gond-wana in India." 

The above quotations show sufficiently Waddell's philological method, and we now pass 
on to the title Gy-aolownie or Gi-oln, which is important as it " discloses the identity of the 
traditional Part-olon, king of the Scots." 

(To be continued.) 


THE All-India Oriental Conference held its third session at the Senate House Madras 
on the 22nd of December and on the two following days. The success of this session of the 
Conference was largely due to the untiring zeal of Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, University 
Professor of History and Archaeology, who was the Secretary, and the hearty co-operation of 
a strong and influential Committee, formed in May last to make the necessary arrangements. 

At 11-30 A.M., on Monday the 22nd of December the spacious hall of the Senate House was 
full to overflowing with scholars and several distinguished savants from all parts of India. 
The company included a few ladies. The proceedings began in true Oriental fashion with 
Indian music, and Vedic, Tamil and Arabic chants. 

The Chairman of the Reception Committee, the Rev. Dr. E. M. JM&cphail, Vice-Chancellor 
of the Madras University, welcomed the members on behalf not only of the University, but also 
of the people of Madras . In his speech he pointed out that it was but proper that one of the 
earliest meetings of the Conference should be held in Madras, the centre of Dravi^ian culture, 
one of the most potent elements in the Hindu culture of to-day. He deplored the untimely 
death of Sir Ashutosh Muker jee, who took a very keen interest in the Conference and was to 
have presided over its deliberations . He referred to the value of such a conference of 
scholars, engaged in different branches of study. The interchange of thought, the comparison 
of experience, and the contact of mind with mind have more lasting influences than papers, 
however learned and scholarly , The most effective influences are the spoken word and personal 
intercourse. He was gratified to note that the S3 r mpathetic study of tie past was notuuaccom - 
paniedin the Indian Renaissance by the study of the languages of the present-day, unlike the 
European Renaissance, which in its enthusiasm for the- classics ignored tHe modern languages. 
His concluding suggestion was that the whole country should be divided on a linguistic 
.basis> and that each division should work out the details of its own languages and dialed s, 
and he hoped that the Madras Conference might institute a linguistic society of India with 
this end in view. 

In opening the proceedings, His Excellency Viscount Goschen, Governor of Madras 
and Chancellor of the University, made a scholarly speech befitting the occasion. His 
Excellency who described himself as "an enthusiastic amateur " in the field of research 
** AU fto doubt connected with the !MAyA of the Buddhist and tl^e old Sanskrit philosophies I 



which is the object of the Conference, surveyed rapidly all the important contributions 
to our knowledge of the history of civilisation. His Excellency emphasized the need in 
these days of hurry and bustle, " to turn from the present day world, and in imagination to 
throw our minds back to a world of generations long ago, and to cogitate on ancient mttuu* 
and ancient inscriptions, ancient architecture and ancient schools of thought " and referredto 
the connection of India with other countries in the past and to the ample scope offered for 
research. His Excellency pointed out how the recent excavations of Mohenjo Daro have 
openeda new vista, and referred to the great naniesin historical and archaeological researche. In 
conclusion, His Excellency said, " one could roam at length down these fascinating bypaths 
each leading on into another and affording glimpses of romantic and historical Mews which 
urge one on; but you are all far better acquainted than I am with the journey and I must ask 
your indulgence for having as an amateur, though may I say, an enthusiastic amateur, 
attached myself to so distinguished a band of travellers. May the result of your labours be 
an addition to that sum of knowledge, to which your distinguished predecessors to whom 
I have alluded to-day so greatly contributed/' 

Then Sir P. S. Sivaswami Aiyar proposed Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. Ganganath Jha,Vice- 
Chancellor of the Allahabad University, to the chair with Shamsu'l-TJLema Dr. Modi seconding, 
The learned Doctor took the chair amidst applause and delivered his ad re;s and made 
many practical suggestions. He deplored the fact that Oriental research has not received 
the attention it deserved in this country and emphasised the need tor a central organisation 
a little public sympathy, and University patriotism. For the proper interpretation of India's 
past history, we in India have certain facilities, which foreign Indologists with the best of 
motives and the greatest sympathy have not. It is not true that Indians, by nature, lack 
critical faculty, as is sometimes urged. The President alluded to various examples of high 
-critical acumen exhibited by the great Indian thinkers, like PataSjali of old and the modern 
Vaiyak&ranikas and Naiyayikas. He urged "it is high time that our universities and 
institutes shook themselves free from the notion that they could not carry on Oriental 

Turning to the question of Manuscripts he said it was criminal to neglect them any longer. 

The ancient history of our land, political, religious, and military, has to be reconstructed on 

more logical lines than hitherto by a judicious use of Manuscripts, many of which are 

crumbling to pieces and are being lost every day, never to be recovered again. IncalculaUe 

good would result to Oriental scholarship, if only the various provincial governments could 

make up their minds to spend the paltry sum of a lakh of rupees among them . He emphasized 

not only the need for acquiring Manuscripts by purchase or by transcription, but also the need 

for their preservation, Mere cataloguing, good in its own way, does not go far. TVhjatis 

true of Sanskrit literature, in this direction, is true of Arabic, Persian and Vernacular liteBfc- 

ture. The scope for research is unlimited, as the President pointed out. " The exploration pi 

the single site of Pataliputra has shown what treasure may come to light by such ezpknttvi, 

aud the sites, of most of our ancient capitals have still to be investigated. Has not the mere 

digging of a site in Sindh provided information, which bids fair to revolutionise all; mcxfcW 

conceptions regarding the antiquity of Indian civilisation. Then again, metrology hasna* 

even been attempted, and astronomy has been barely touched Similarly medicine, and ohe- 

ttustry have been worked just enough to become inviting subjects of research. In law very 

ktfete haa been done. Dramaturgy and poetics in general have just begun to be studied. In 

philosophy much has been done. But very much more remains. la Nydya-V aiae&la and 

m PwvaMtmdmea all that we have done has been pure spade work; in the domain 

of the JLashini^aii Saiva Philosophy, even spade workhas not been done on the inter-relations 

of tto several philosophical systems : there are many inviting problems still unsolved, 


the field is so vast that one feels staggered when one finds the handful of men that there are 
who could do the work. " 

Next he took up the question of the publication of manuscripts, and paid a glowing tribute 
to the Bibliofheca Indica, Trivandrum, Baroda, Kashmir, VaniviUsa and Chaukhamba 
series for their admirable work. In this connection he referred to the need for greater 
co-ordination and more advertisement. 

In laying stress on the need for research andmodern methods of style, the learned Presi- 
dent himself, versed in the old learning, did not forget the value of the old type of scholars. 
" If outsiders," said he, " look upon this country with deep respect, it is by virtue of our Sastris 
and Maulvis. Let us cherish them in their purity. " He denounced the introduction of 
examinations for Pandits and Maulvis, and pointed out how in this country examinations, 
instead of being slaves, have arrogated to themselves the position of masters. The passing of 
examinations has become a parawa-purusharfha. Under this system, according to which 
no depth of scholarship is necessary to pass an examination, the scholarship for which the 
Pandits of Benares were famous has almost disappeared. In the indigenous system a man 
continued his studies as long as he found any one able to teach him . There was no examination 
to put an end to one's studies. " No modern scholar can claim to have that knowledge of his 
subject, which these PamJits had, and that was due to thorough specialization. Pandits 
sometimes worked at a single sentence of an important text for hours together. He appealed 
to those in power not to try to modernise the Pandit or the MauM. These latter may not 
possess the wide outlook of the modern scholar, but they more than compensated for that by 
their depth of learning. 

The Mah&mahopadhy.ya then dwelt at some length on the need for a revision 
of the canons of research in fixing the dates of men and events in the interpretation of ancient 
documents and texts, and the need for unbiassed study of our old texts. " From the oldest 
Bhashyaktots up to our own day, we find that a writer before he takes up a text for study 
or annotation has made up his mind as to what the text contains ; and it is only after this 
that he begins to study it." This, though pardonable in older writers, who were avowed 
propagandists like the great Sankarach&rya, cannot be tolerated in the present generation 
of writers, who set themselves up as unbiassed researchers after truth. "The Bra&ma-$&toa6, 
in fact all the more important philosophical wtras, have still got to be studied in this spirit," 
He exhorted those present to develop a passion for veracity. 

Lastly, the learned President disillusioned the audience in regard to the impression 
abroad that this Conference is intended for only antiquated fossils who spend their time in 
lifeless, dry and dull subjects, which have and should have no interest for the modern Indian. 
" It is equally our aim to endeavour to promote and encourage higher work in the modern 
languages of India. The classical languages must inevitably b lor the learned lew ; tire 
people at large can be raised and elevated,* and can feel the live inlaeooe of Mteratttor'iiid 
learning only through the vernaculars. The history of these (vfernaonlar) iiteifMJares bsA to be 
written, and the origin and development of these languages have yet to fee traced/ 1 

His Excellency the Governor and the Ererideiaitit the Confetence were then g&rianded 
by Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar. The Rev. Dr. Maopliail proposed a hearty vote* of thanks 
to His Excellency for opening the Conference, and for delivering his scholarly address. The 
opening session terminated with a group photograph. 

The delegates were invited in the afternoon to a Vidwat Parishad at the Sanskrit College, 
Mylapore. The orthodox recital of texts and disputations in the styles of the Gtozkula day* 
of yore were conducted in the &**w, His ffighneea the Ex-I&ja of Cochin, a Sanskrit scholar 
Q reputation, aud a student of Tark*, presiding. The proceedings were conducted entirely 


in Sanskrit, which is often supposed mistakenly to be altogether a dead language. TMa 
over, the members and delegates were entertained by Mr. Alladi Krishnasami Aiyar, a aaembe 
of the College Committee. 

This was followed by a lantern lecture by Dr. K. N. Sitaraman on Indian Architects 
The 2nd day. The Reading of Papers. The number of papers submitted to the 00* 
ference was very nearly 200. It was, therefore, resolved to divide the Conference int" 
three sections; Language, Literature and Philosophy going into one section, and Historv 
Geography, and Anthropology into another, while Dravidian and other Languages co 
stituted a third. These were presided over respectively by Dr. Jha, Dr. E. C. Ma-jumda" 
of Dacca, and Dr. S. Krishiiaswami Aiyangar. For the Uruda group of papers Princ* aJ 
Muhammad Shafi of Lahore presided. The first section had as many as 75 papers to d 
with, the second about 60, and the third about 35. The cutting of the time allowed f 
discussion, and the enforcing of the time limit, alone rendered it possible to get through so 
large a number. The subjects were varied, and the amount of information brought 
to bear on them was really amazing. On the second day there were two sessions, during 
which a large number of these papers were read. In the evening, the Andhra Sahitya Parishad 
were at home to the delegates, and exhibited various manuscripts. There was a distribu- 
tion of shawls with gold borders to the learned Pandits and Maulvfs, specially invited to 
the Conference. This was closely foUowed by the Presidency College Sanskrit Association's 
a performance of the MriccTiakatika (the Little Clay Cart). The performance was 
a splendid exhibition of literary and histrionic talent by the students, and was much 

3rd day.0& the third day there was a Literary Session from 8 to 11 A.M. 

The business Meeting was held between 1-30 and 2-30 P.M., when the report of the 
Calcutta Session was presented by the Honorary - Secretary and adopted. An All-India 
Committee was appointed to draft a constitution. To this Committee was referred the ques- 
^\l a /^ imaZ f r the Conference > an <* other kindred questions. The invitation of the 
Allahabad University to the Conference to hold its next session there, was also accepted 
\ 7 TU- ^ ld \ T W then tha *ked and garlanded, and was presented with a gold 
shawl. Mr. V. P. Vaidya proposed thanks to all those who rendered this session a success. 

Later there was an exhibition of Hindu Music in vaxious forms, vocal and instrumental. 
This consisted of a long, varied, and interesting programme. 

The success of this session' of the Conference was largely due to Dr. S. Krishnasw ft mi 
Aiyangar the Secretary, and Mr. P. P. S. Saatri, the Joint Secretary, both of whom spared 
nopams to arrange every detail and to look after the delegates from the various parts of 

(#/ King rf JBhojadeea.) 




THE early history of the great Saiva sects is far from clear. The two chapters In the 
Sarwdarfanasangraha, called respectively NaJcuUfa Pd&upata and &mw EarSana, give us 
sketches of the teaching of two contrasted schools. 

In the later books belonging to the type of the Saiva Dar&twt there are statements to the 
effect that the former type was revealed by Budra, the latter by Siva : (see Bhandarkar, 
VaisJtnaviam, Sawiam, etc., 126-7.; 16) and it is quite clear that the two groups of sects 
differ largely from each other both in teaching and practice. In my Outline of the Rdigioue 
Literature of India, I have ventured to distinguish the groups as Pd&upata Saivaa and Agamic 
&awas, because the teaching of the. latter group rests finally on the Agamas, while the former 
goes back, as Madhava shews us, at least to the time of the formation of the Lakullsa Pasupata 
sect, which appeared long before the Agamas were written. 

In Madhava's essay, Saiva Darfana, a good many of the ancient books are mentioned, 
especially the following Jgamas, Mrigendra, PawiMcara, Karana, EMattara, Kirana and 
Saurabfoya, and two works of which I know nothing, the Bahudaivatya and the TattvaSangraha. 
Several ancient scholars are also mentioned, the Siddha Guru, Aghora Siva Acharya, Rama 
Kantha, Soma Sambhu and Narayana Kantha ; but they also seem to be otherwise unknown. 
But there are three quotations from a treatise called Tattva PraMAa and one fromBhojaraja ; 
and it now turns out that Bhojaraja, king of Malwa, who reigned at Dhftra, 1018-1(0 A.P., 
is the author of the Tattva Prakd&a. The text has been found, and is published in the 
Trivandrum Sanskrit Series ; and all four quotations occur in it, I. 6, 7, 13, 17, and also a 

fifth passage which is referred to, I- 8-10. , . 

It is clear that several sects come under the general category of Agamic Saiyas, notably 

the Vtoa Saivas and the Tamil Saiva Siddh&nta. Cowell and Gongh, in their translatjon of the 
SarvadarSanawngrah*, take it for granted that the system **** ^^ S"^ 
is identical with the system of the Tamil Saiva school ; baft whether the ?*"J*"* 
or not, it is clear there were two distinct groups, one scattered all J^^JJ^S 
waa in Sanskrit, the other found only in the South, its literature all in Tamd. It also seems 
probable that the earliest books of the Sanskrit literature were written several oentunes before 
the earnest books of the Tamil dogmatic began to appear. n-H^a 

I should therefore be inclined to conjecture that the earliest books of the *^ ""*" 
were written by the Siddha Guru and other leaders at early da-tes^say between 500 and 1000 
A.D., and that the ffUte^fdM*, written probably between 1030 and 1050 . **, proved 
oneof the simplest and clearest manuals of the thatxt 
a brief essay such as Madhava's is ; and that the later ^^ 
BMthya, which are discussed by Bhandarkar, are the 

tya, wc ae , 

It is probable that the people who professed the system were mainly SmM . that ,. .*** 



of the Sanskrit books. Yet it is also probable *hat the 

details : the Vedantic standpoint of the Sanskrit ajstem fc oertwnly 

Tamfl Saiva standpoint is called SivAdviStft| 



The Taftm Prakdsa has been translated into English by the Rev. E. P. Janvi TVf 
of Fatehgarh, and is here published in the hope that it may help in the study of thft * u- 
and the history of both schools, J.N.F. Caching 

Chapter I. 

1. May He, whose essence is intellect, the one, the eternal, the pervasive, the ever * 
the Lord, the tranquil, the world's primal cause, the all-favouring, may He be supreme .! ' 

2. The glory of Siva, which neither rises nor sets, nor is destroyed, gives final rele 
and which is by nature both knower and doer, may that glory be supreme ! **' 

3. To her, by whom this Siva is energized to give experience and release to his circle 
of animate beings, to her, the one who is, in essence, thought, the first, with all mv snnl T 
make obeisence. * l 

4. For the sake of benefiting the world, we have, with a heart full of pitv 
composed this " Illumination of the Principles." 7 ' Succinctl y 

5. In the Saiv&gamas the most important thing is the series of three, namely the Muter 
the animate being, and the fetter, i.e., pati, patu, pd6a. In this series the Master is can J 
Siva, Animate Beings atoms, the Fetter the five objects. 

TT -?' t. 1 ^ 8 ? W ^ Se SOUlS are freed m the **selves Sivas, but they are freed by His favour 
He, it should be borne in mind, is the eternally freed, the one, having a body consisting of to 
nve mantras. 6 

tl ^ r f he , followin *T e - fold action is Predicated of the ever-risen one : creation, preserve 
tion, destruction, embodiment, and likewise the work of grace P^erva 

H^tJ ^ T ?,** k ? TOX M f three kmda = molecules of discernment, molecules of 
fS^fr f V ? ol !^ ol r les - ^e first are under the influence of corruption^ 
and the second under that of corruption and action. . ^puon, 

" "^ * he inflllen0e f ^^Ption, matter and action. Of 

1 those whoee ^^ is destroyed ' 

' "* lttdi f * he Mantra8 ' these there ar ' ^dred 

TktM ther8 ' bein ^^ ^ the force rf 

^ "- - - 

and gr^S^andthTh^^ '' Mandalms," and an equal number are Krodh, etc., Vires 

15 S^rder fct fl ^ f UdTa8 ' ^ to * a one hmdred d eighteen. 
assuming SeSm of a ^ *? P Wer * deUvOT those whose 'Ptioii is matured, He, 

^ ^ the^l f J f 'J 1111 * 68 them by Mtiatioa *o the M ^ B*^b. 
ing to^efpSr^ ?'** to ^ * of ^nse-o^ects, accord- 

the reason that they are called "beasts." 



co*as ihe rice, or the snlf !f " Smgle ' but ^^V. ^any powers ; and, M the husk 
and action of aouls. copper covers the gold, so corruption Covers the knowledge 

, good and bad, and various. Ma*ter, being in 


of the universe, and it is eternal; 


20. Because it is favourable to the fetters, the soul-otscuring power of the 
called a fetter. Thus the fetters are four-fold. P he 


Chapter n. 


1. In all *Ae ftoofca, from first to last, they call the five pure principles the Siva nrinrfrJ 
There is always energy in the Siva principle, and in the principle called the " Science ofS" 

2. In order that the soul may be cognizant and efficient, there arise from matterfi 
principles, time and destiny, and likewise art, and science and passion. 

3. From matter arise, one from another, the unmanifest, the quality principle intellP+ 
egoism, mind, the organs of intellect, and action, their objects, also, and the ohvaLl'*lmT' 

4. Primarily for the experience of the soul there arise the twenty. iLnTare aS ' 
three, between which and the qualities of matter there is fundamentally no difference 

5. The teachers describe the Siva principle as pervasive, single, eternal, the cause of the 
whole universe, characterized by knowledge and activity. 

6. It is in reliance on this that desire and all the other energies perform their individual 
functions. Hence they call this the " all-favouring " one. 

7. The first slightest movement of this one, who desired to create for the benefit of the 
intelligent and unintelligent, that is called the Power principle, and is not distinguished from 

8. The outreach that exists in the absence of increase or decrease, in the powers of 
knowledge and action, that the enlightened call the " Sad&iva " Principle. 

9. When the energy called knowledge is in abeyance, and action is in the ascendant, 
that is called the " ISvara " Principle. It is always the performer of the functions of all. 

10. Where the functioning power is in abeyance, and the one called knowledge obtains 
the ascendancy, the principle is called " Science." It is enlightening because of being in the 
form of knowledge. 

11. The whole molecules, tone and syllable, are said to be ever dependent on the SadA- 
&va principle ; again, the lords of the sciences on the Lord, and the mantras and sciences on 

&ni<vn A 

12. There is in this world really no series of all these five, because of the absence of time ; 
but for practical purposes, on arrangement of them has indeed been made in the text-book 

13. There is in reality one principle, called Siva, sketched a* having a hundred various 
powers. Because of the difference in operation of the powers, these differences have been 
set in order as belonging to it. 

14. For the sake of favouring the intelligent and unintelligent, the Lord, assuming 
these forms, performs an act of kindness to the intelligent beings whose powere are held in 
check by beginningless corruption. 

15. To the atoms the all-favouring Siva grants experience and liberation in their OTO 
functions, and to the brutish breed, strength to perform its proper task. 

, 16. This surely is an act of grace for the intelligent, that liberation should have the form 
of Siva Ikeness. He, because of the beginninglessness of action, does not reach perfection 
without experience in this world. 

17. Hence, in order to provide for his gaining experience, the Creator createe the body, 
the instruments and the universe. For there is no result without an actor, nor yet without 
material and instrumental causes. 

Chapter HI. 

1. The energies are known to be his instruments, ma^tter MB material The latter is 
described ae subtle, single, eternal, pervasive, Without beginning or end, kindly. 

2* Gominofc to all beings ; this is the cause, also, of ail worlds, for it is invoked in the 
actions of every person ; by its own nature it ifl productive of infatuation. 

IM _ THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY ___ tArow* 19*5 

3. Having consideration for actions, Siva, by his own powers, causes change in matte 
and to every soul gives bodies and their instruments to have experience withal. 

4. Matter, being possessed of various powers, creates in the beginning the time prin ' 
only, binding the world into the forms of past, present and future : hence it is time 

5. Destiny is in the form of destining force ; it, also, arises next from matter. Beca 

it destines everything, therefore it is called destiny. U8e 

6. Afterwards art arises from matter. Gathering the corruption of the souls it r AV i 
active power ; hence in this world it is called " art." ' eata 

7. With the help of time and destiny, matter is constantly doing its work of creation 
everything, from the smallest particle to the earth. on 

8. For the purpose of revealing sense-objects to the soul, whose active power has been 
awakened, this art brings forth the science principle, which is in the form of light. 

9. This, by its own action, breaking through the obstruction to the power called know 
ledge, reveals the mass of sense-objecte. It is in this world the highest instrument of the self" 

10. When intelligence becomes capable of being experienced by the soul, and has the 
form of pleasure, etc., then science becomes the instrument. But intelligence is the 
instrument in the perception of sense -objects. 

11. Passion is enthralment 'without distinction between the objects of sense It is the 
ordinary cause of the attachment of the soul, and is different from the characteristics of 

12. Bound by these principles, when the animate being reaches the state of bavin* 
conscious experience, then it is called " soul and is given a place among the principles, 

Chapter IV. 

1. For the experience, assuredly, of this very soul, the unrevealed is born of this matter 
This unrevealed is undefined because of its unmanifested qualities. 

2 From the unrevealed springs the quality principle, too, in the form of enlightenment 
opntKn and restraint, called "sattva, rajas, tamas " and producing pleasure; pain and 
infatuation, < *^^ 


, r. ,:w,tep, earth 


13. Giving space, blowing, cooking, collecting and bearing, are described as the respective 
functions of the physical elements, ether, etc. 

Chapter V. 

1. That which is the ten-fold activity is performed when undertaken by the instru- 
mental causes. The instrumental causes, because of their innate weakness, act in dependence 
upon result. 

2. The first five belong to one class, because they are of the form of thought ; but the 
remaining seven, beginning with matter, are said in the Saiva to be of two kinds. 

3. In. this world the connection of all, from the unrevealed on, is with the qualities, 
because of their being in the form of pleasure, pain and infatuation. There is this peculiarity 
in the last ten. 

4. Despite a similarity in quality between sound, etc., and the unrevealed, because 
they are not equivalent, the one to the other, a separate class is to be recognized here. Also, 
there is a special case of some through the connection caused by the latency of the effect in 
the cause. 

5. The standing of all the principles has been related in order of creation. In the end, 
when the process is reversed, they sink back into matter. 

6. Apart from matter every pure species sinks back into energy ; and this stands at one 
with Siva the soul of all. 

7. Matter, Soul, Siva, this triad survives at the destruction of the world. Again, 
this becomes active, as before, in creation. 

8. Through mercy to all the wearied creatures in the world, the Lord causes the destruc- 
tion of the universe, that these very beings may have rest. 

Chapter VI. 

1. Through pity for the animate beings, the highest Lord grants yet again, creation to 
those tormented by the fact that their action is not matured. Thus he matures the action 
of the embodied. 

2. Having granted maturity of action through experience, and 30, having performed 
the initiatory ceremonies, the one fount of mercy, the ever-gracious Siva, by an act of power, 
releases all animate beings. 

3. That among all existences causing experience, which remains to the end of the age, 
is called a principle. Hence a body, a jar, or the like, is not a principle. 

4. The source of each principle and its primary and secondary causes, also the arrange- 
ment of all the principles, have been related. 

5. Moreover, the principle of principles, on which this whole universe rests, has been 
told easily. The glorious King Bbojadeva has arranged " The Bluinination of the principles." 

A few Notes on Tattva Prakfirffc 

I, 8. The originals of "molecules of discernment," "molecules of destruction," and 
" whole molecules " are, respectively, vijndnakalfl, grdlaydkald and sakald. It is a question 
in my mind whether it is better to retain the Sanskrit terminology even in the translation, 
explaining it in tfee notes, or to translate this terminology as nearly as possible. 

I, 9. '* The first," viz., molecules of discernment. 

I, 11, 12, 13. The translation of these verses is very difficult, owing to the fact thafc, as 
they stand in the Sanskrit they mean next to nothing. By a manipulation of the veraee, 
which is indicated in the- notes, the translation given here is educed. Is it better to try to 
make sense from the verses as they stand, or to commin^e them as the notes indicate, 
fitting paxts of different verses into each other, so as to make the perhaps better sense 
present translation ? 




I, 16. " Beasts " This word I have consistently translated by the term " animate 
being/' as in I, 5, but here I have departed from that translation because the context seemed 
to demand it. 

II, 1. " Science of God "The original is iSvaravidyd. Should it be translated ? 

II, 4. "The twenty " have been named in the immediately preceding verses, "Ifo 
three " are those of I, 5. 

II, 8. SaddSiv Should this term be translated ? If so, how ? 

n, 9. tSmwr Of course, this can be translated "lord" or "lordly"; but the 
question is whether it would make the matter clearer to do so. What policy should one 
pursue in such matters ? 

II, 10. "Science" Vidya. The same question here. 

II, 15. " Brutish breed " viz., the fetters. 

II, 16. "He 1 * viz., the intelligent. 

HI, 6. There is a play here in the original on kald and kalayitva. It seems almost 
impossible to reproduce this in translation, though it is important to do so. 

VI, 5. " The Illumination of the Principles " This is the way I have translated Tattva 
PraMsa. Would it be acceptable as the title of the whole, in place of the Sanskrit name ? 



the Palaungs of the Shan States. By MRS. LESLIE 

MILNE. Oxford, Clarendon Press. 1924. 

We have in this volume another of the excellent 

books that Mrs. Milne gives us from time to time* 

In this case the tribes inhabiting part of British 

Burma, with which she deals, are brought before us 

in a manner that leaves little to be desired. Mrs. 

Milne is indeed an experienced and honest observer 

of human beings, and anthropologists have reason 

to be once more grateful for her energy, courage and 

capacity for telling her story. 

She starts in her characteristic way by saying 

that "this book is concerned for the most part 

with the Eatur [Samlbng] tribe of the Palaungs, 

living in or near Namhsan, the capital of Tawngpeng 

[Taungbaing], which is nominally a Shan State, 

but is governed by a Palaung Chief and inhabited 

almost entirely by Palaungs." Mrs. Milne chose 

her place of observation well, and she next tells 

us how she came to know a people seldom seen 

outside their own States, and 'what is far more 

important, in detail how she learnt a language of 

which she knew nothing at all from a people who 

in their turn knew nothing of any language but 

their own, I know what this means, as many 

years ago I set to work to learn the language of 

savages in the same circumstances, I found that 

the savage was quite aa bent on learning my 

language as I was on learning his, and entirely 

unable to explain his little peculiarities of grammar, 

which by the way included grammatical changes at 

the beginning of his words African fashion a 

habit that caused much thought and delay in 

ascertaining why apparently different words were 

invariably used lor the same object each time he 

was questioned. Mrs, Milne in her entertaining 
way tells us how she learnt Palaung, and I would 
advise all searchers into the speech of wild tribes 
and the like to study her remarks seriously. 
She found willing, even devoted, helpers, largely 
I take it, though she never hints it, owing to her 
own personality brave, kindly, energetic, humour- . 
ous, sympathetic. She also gives us a bright and 
informing narrative of the journey into the wild 
hills occupied by the Palaungs, and though her 
narrative is always lively, it is quite easy to see that 
her journeys could only have been accomplished 
by a woman prepared to face all difficulties with 
an intrepid heart. 

Passing on to the main contents of the book, 
it will be found to be most systematically put 
together, so as to tell the whole story point by point. 
Beginning with History and a short excursion into 
Ethnology, we shall find that the Palaungs are a 
Mon-Khiner people fixed in a land chiefly occupied 
by Shans and dominated by them ; only one State f 
that of Tawngpeng, being, as already said, under 
a Palaung chief, whose capital Namhsan is, from 
an illustration, a typical Far Eastern village on 
the top of one of the many hills in the Shan States. 

After this Mrs. Milne takes us through tiw 
Palaung's life from birth to death. Beginning 
with the baby, she writes : ", The life of a Palaung, 
like that of a Shan, is hedged about with racial 
and family traditions 1 , and much that I wtote in 
my book on the Shane [Shans at HowwJ applies 
to the Palaungs, in so far as their early childhood 
is concerned, but there the resemblance ends> f 
Every detail, and they are all valuable, to tto 
given of the baby'a life and upbringing, together 
with the superstitious practices in connection 

AUGUST, 1925] 



therewith ; even the songs sung to it and its games 
are recorded. The naming custom by the week- 
day seem to be typically Far-Eastern, it may be 
remarked in passing, and it is also pleasant to see 
that " a little child has a happy life in the villages 
of the Palauiig and Pale" [a clan of the Palaungs]." 
" Little children between the ages of four and 
nine or ten enjoy a good deal of freedom," and 
learn to make themselves useful. They 


factures and make the money to purchase their 

IT! f^ St nt8w * r b * 8*^ * Curing tea 
aad by trading." J* this they resemble an aC 
people, the Nicobarese, who live on the coconut 
palm and its produce, which they sell. With this 

certainly live in beautiful situations, are carefully 
taught the ways of life, sing many songs (recorded 
by Mrs. Milne), have counting-out games, indulge 
in a secret language and unfortunately learn too 
much about the Spirits. "The boys and girls 
and all unmarried folk of a Palaung village are 
looked after, as to their conduct, by certain elderly 
men and women," the Pctktfedang, who are wealthy 
and respectable, and appointed for the purpose to 
teach them manners and to watch over propriety 
of behaviour. There is a certain amountof initiation 
to life by ordeal, all regulated. It will be seen that 
it is not a bad thing to be born a Palaung child. 
When boys have been tattooed and girls have 
passed the ordeal of the pruh, they cease to be 
children and become young men and maidens, 
and love-making begins. This is an elaborate 
affair, much regulated and controlled by custom, 
and magic is resorted to, to settle the right suitor 
to marry as the courtship proceeds. This sometime, 
ends in illegitimate children, generally, however 
legitimised by subsequent marriage. But the 
Palaungs make good husbands and wives and 
are faithful to each other. 

As in Europe, so among the Palaungs, there are 
favourite months for marriage, which takes place 
usually between 16 and 25 or inore, as regards the 
girls, the men being older. The marriage is gene- 
rally an elopement under very strict regulations by 
custom, there being a great deal of make-believe 
about it. It ends with a formal recognition by 
the village elders and is really quite a proper 

When married, a man must have a house to live 
in, and as the building of anew, house, just as in 
Burma generally, requires great care and prepara- 
tion, there is much resort to magic and " wise men '* 
in all the proceedings from the choice of a site. 
The Palaungs, however, show no great love for 
their houses, though they are very much attached 
to their villages, and Mrs. J&Ine has an interesting 
little chapter on Home Life. She has much more 
to say about the Tillage Life, the village being 
always in a picturesque situation "on the top 
of a hill, on a ridge connecting two hills, or on a 
spur of a hill." Mrs. Milne explains how the people 
uve in it, their habits, manners and customs, their 
festivities and their fears, and on the whole there 
aw worse places in .the world than PaJaung villages' 
Qp nat *ves to live in. The people have no manu 

of agnculture, such as it is. Under native, that 
is Shan or PaJaung rule, disputes were settled, 
when there was a lack of evidence, by ordeal 
m order that the assistance of Spirits might be 
obtained." Trial by ordeal still takes place sub 
rosa under British rule. It is not easy to break 
down immemorial custom. Mrs. Milne, however, 
has not much to say on tMs important subject,' 
as she has never personally witnessed such a trial! 
11 Palaungs believe that nearly all the ills of life 
are the work of evil spirits." In such circumstances 
their beliefs in charms and omens are obviously 
important, and Mrs. Milne goes into them at some 
length. Speaking generally, , their beliefs are 
those of the secondary Far Eastern peoples. Every 
Palaung woman desires children, though the customs 
regarding child-birth give her a bad time a very 
bad time. Child-birth, too, is an occasion when 
primitive superstitions are allowed to run 
riot more or less. The same may be said of death. 
Mrs. Milne gives the death customs at large, and 
some of them are of great interest. 

The modern Palaung is a professed Buddhist, 
but his Buddhism is only skin deep, as, according 
to their own statement, it was introduced among 
them by the Burmese king Bodawpayd, who came 
to the throne as late as 1781. Mrs. Milne explains 
that it is accordingly of the purer Southern type 
the Hinayana, and she giv^s a brief account of it 
in some very interesting pages, as it afiecte ti 
Palaungs. But the people are Animista at heart, 
i.e., they are Spirit-worshippers, and in this they 
seem to differ among themselves greatly, but 
obviously in this respect they are Far-Eastern in 
feeling. We have it all here, the wandering soul, 
the metempsychosis, and the rest of it, and on such 
points Mrs. Milne is most informing. Palatmg 
cosmogony is indefinite, but the people " attach 
great significance to dreams" and their interpre- 
tation. Mrs. Milne winds up her text with the 
proverbs, riddles and folkuies of this little fe&otr* 
folk. .. ;i ' , ..-..- , f .,- ; -, 
She has an Appendix showing differences in 
custom, which is of exceeding value. For instance, 
'elopement' is not the form of marriage among 
att Palaung classes. With these remarks I part 
company with one of the best field books on ethno- 
logy it has been my fortune to come across. 

B. C, rp< ~ iri 


, CLLE. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1924. 
ThU well-arranged book, which is likely to com- 
much attention from writers on primitive 




[ AUGTJST, 1925 

belief and custom, comprises information collected 
fey the late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson from schoolmasters 
in Gujarat and the Konkan, which was subsequently 
published in the form of Notes under Mr. Entho- 
ven's supervision, and also information on the same 
lines secured by the author himself from the 
Deccan and Karnatak, or Kanarese-speaking, dis- 
tricts of the Bombay Presidency. Mr. ^Enthoven 
has thus made available to students of Folklore a 
large mass of authentic fact, which, so far as Bombay 
is concerned, has never previously been published, 
and which, when studied in conjunction with the late 
Dr. Crooke's two volumes on the popular religion 
and folklore of Northern India, should oblige 
experts and scholars to pay more attention than they 
hitherto have to ancient Indian customs and 
superstitions. In his Introduction Mr. Enthoven 
refers more than once to Sir James Campbell's 
valuable notes on " The Spirit Basis of Belief and 
Custom," which originally appeared in this Journal, 
but rightly points out that spirit possession and 
spirit-scaring do not suffice, as Sir James Campbell 
was disposed to believe, to account for all the ideas 
and habits disclosed by the enquiry initiated by 
Mr. Jackson and carried to completion by himself,- 
and, in fact, that the origin of the belief sand practices 
in vogue among the people of Western India must 
be sought in various directions, 

The author deals fullyinhis first chapter with the 
worship of the Sun and other natural objects. 
In reference to Sun-worship one may add that some 
people make use of a brass or copper device, Surya 
yantra, in the form of a square inscribed with the 
names of the regents of the eight quarters, sur- 
mounted by two concentric circles bearing the 
various titles of the Sun-god, the whole surmounted 
by the well-known device of the triangle within a 
circle. The device is included in one of the plates 
in the original edition of Moor's Hindu Pantheon, 
and specimens have occasionally been obtained of 
Went years by collectors of brass and copper 
images. I am glad to find that the author 
supports my contention that mrigabka, an epithet 
of the Moon, signifies deer-marked." In the 
tot volume of The Ocean of Story, edited by Mr 
Penzer, mrigaOsa is declared to mean "hare- 
marked," " because Hindus see a hare in the Moon " 
and in reviewing that work for another journal! 
I pointed out that eaadnka or sasidtora is the 
t used in this sense, while mriganJca refers 
to the alternative belief that there is an 


e are universal through- 
out India, and students of Maratha history will 

pages. The belief connected with the apn 
of a comet is also illustrated historically b 
popular view that Sivaji's death was marked b 
the simultaneous appearance of a comet and I 
lunar rainbow. - 

On page 92 it is stated that some people believe 
in the existence upon mountain-tops of a class of 
recluses, called Aghori-bavas, who devour human 
beings. The belief is based upon solid fact. Though 
the Aghori sect has practically been supressed, there 
are cases on record for the years 1862, 1878,' 1882 
1884= and 1885, in which members of this monstrous 
confraternity were convicted by British magistrates 
of anthropophagy. Tod in his Travels in Western 
India mentions Mt. Abu and the Gimar hills as 
being the headquarters of the sect. The records 
of the Anthropological Society of Bombay contain 
all the information available about them in 1892. 
In his chapter on Spirit Possession and Scaring, 
in which he deals exhaustively with the Godlingsi 
Mothers and Demons who form the real pantheon 
of the mass of the people, Mr. Enthoven gives an 
interesting table showing the caste of the priests 
who attend on these minor deities. The list by 
itself is almost sufficient to prove the aboriginal 
character of these local gods and goddesses, who, 
though in several cases they may have been 
adopted into Brahmanic Hinduism as manifesta- 
tions of the higher gods, have really nothing in 
common with Aryan ideas. Among the most 
valuable features of the author's work is his dis- 
covery of survivals of a totemistic organization 
among the lower classes of the Presidency. The 
facts in respect of various social divisions have been 
given in the author's Tribes and Castes of Bombay ; 
and he confines himself, therefore, in the present 
work to enumerating some of the devote and feoiw, 
which now represent the totem,. and explaining the 
mode of worshipping them. 

In connexion with tho passionate feeling respecting 
the sanctity of the Cow, which is briefly dealt with 
on page 213, it would be interesting to know exactly 
when this feeling developed; for it seems clear 
from the known facts of history that this vehement 
belief did not exist to a marked degree at the date 
of Alexander's invasion or under the rule of the 
Mauryas, Begarding the objection of high-class 
Hindus to touch or be touched by a dog, it is 
curious to reflect that the very last scene in the long 
panorama of the M dhdbhdrata is that of Yudish- 
thira climbing a mountain in company with his dog, 
and finally translated, with his dog, to Heaven. 
The seatiment underlying the hero's insistence 
upon the entry into Heaven of his faithful hoiM 
is apparently quite foreign to the ideas abou* tie 
dog now possessed by the Hindu uflper-dasses. In 

AUGUST, 1925] 



the seventh chapter the author deals with the evil 
aye, magic and witchcraft, and mentions various 
methods adopted for counteracting the influence 
of witches. No mention, however, is made of the 
most potent method of all, viz., witch-murder. 
Perhaps in this respect the Bombay Presidency 
is more advanced than Behar and Orissa, where in 
1920 the people murdered eleven supposed witches. 
A similar comment may be made on the subject 
of the cure of barrenness, which is included in the 
tenth chapter on women's rites. The murder of 
children, especially male children, followed by 
a bath in the blood of the murdered child, is well 
toxown in other parts of India as a remedy for 
sterility. Three cases from the Panjab and United 
Provinces, which occurred at the close of last 
century, have been recorded in this Journal. Three 
more cases occurred in the Panjab as recently as 
1921. The absence of all reference to this type of 
ritual murder perhaps justifies the assumption 
that these savage methods of procuring offspring 
are no longer countenanced by the people of 
Western India. 

Much more might be written about this pioneer 
work. The chapter on Village, Field and Other 
Bites is both important and interesting and should 
be read by those concerned with the rural economy 
of Bombay, while the chapter on Disease Deities 
should equally be known to those who deal with the 
sanitation of the small towns and villages and with 
the public health. Mr. Enthoven's work is not 
merely of value to the expert student of folklore 
and primitive belief, but possesses a practical 
value for all who play a part in the administration 
of the Bombay Presidency. 

$. M. 


OBisnsrT, Tome XXIH. 1923. Hanoi, 1924. 

In a previous issue of the Indian Antiquary 
I dealt at some length with the history and achieve- 
ments of the French Far-Eastern School, particular- 
ly in regard to its antiquarian researches in Indo- 
Ohina. The volume that now lies before me affords 
additional evidence, if this were needed, of lihe vahie 
of the work performed by French erieataliflts, The 
first hundred pages and more aire occupied by an 
on the relations between Japan and Bido- 
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 
contributed by M. ST. Peri, to which are added 
separate papers concerning boat-building and 
shipping in Japan, loans at interest advanced to 
shippers by the Japanese at that period, and thirdly 
a Japanese plan of Ankor-Vat. These papers are 
followed by a remarkable historical reconstruction 
of the first Chinese conquest of the Annamite 
eoxariry in tbo third century B.O., the work of 
& L. Aurousseatu His conclusions* which are worth 

perusal, are epitomised in the fourth chapter of th, 
essay, and are followed by a long note on the origin 
of the people of Annam. E, Chavannes, in his 
masterly translation of the Memoirs of Seu-ma 
Ts'ien, advanced the opinion that the Annamit* 
race must have had affinity with that of the pre- 
Chinese kingdom of Y uo , which occupied the 
western portion of the province of Tcho-kiaiig 
and was destroyed in the fourth century B.C. M- 
Aurouseau in his note develops this theory aiul 
shows that it accords with certain well -establish** 1 
historical facts. 

M. Parmentier contributes some interesting 
remarks on Indo-Chinese archaeology, dealing with 
recently discovered Cham antiquities, the statue 
of Vishnu found in 1912 at Vong-the, which now 
graces a small Buddhist pagoda, and various Indo- 
Chinese sculptures, the origin of which has not yet 
been clearly ascertained. Another important 
paper is that of "The Vidyaraja" by Mr. Jean 
Przyluski, described as a contribution to the history 
of magic among the Mahay aniet sects of Buddhism. 
He calls pointed attention to the fact that the 
doctrine of the Vidydrdja, or emanations from 
the Taihdgata, finds its exact counterpart in one of the 
Gnostic scriptures, viz., the Eighth book of Moses, 
which was unquestionably composed between the 
second and fourth centuries A.D. Like moat 
Gnostic literature, it is a confused medley of religious 
beliefs in vogue at that date in the Eastern region* 
bordering on Greece. It is quite possible tbat 
Gnosticism borrowed largely from Indian philoso- 
phy, and it is equally possible that India in return 
felt the influence of various Eastern sects about the> 
fourth century A.D., that is to say, at tin tun* 
when the idea of mantretrdja appears IB tho Buddhist 
texts, and when ideas of magic commenced to 
pervade Mahay&aist literature. 

M. F. Gore 1 contributes an interesting collection 
of notes on the Tibetan regions of Seu-Toh'oumn and 
Yunnan, which adds considerably to our geographic*! 
knowledge of those little-known lands; while 
ethnologists will find plenty ot interesting matt*; 
in the mijwjeUaBeows papers which complete the 
literary portion of this volume. They deal with auoh 
subjects as " a method of fixing dates in vogue among 
th* Laos ", Magio drtcqw fc Maacai*> w *aci 
'The refuse of a neolitibic kitchen-midden at Tam-toa 
in Annam," A bibliography and official record of the 
proceedings of the French School occupy the lat 
two hundred pages of a work, whichaxnply illustrates 
the capacity for painstaking and logical research 
possessed by the French archsaologtet and aati- 




NOIS ; par J. PBZYLUSKI. Annales du Musee 
Guimet. Tome XXXII : Paul Geuthner, 1 3, 
Bue Jacob, Paris. 1923. 

This work which is characterized by deep know- 
ledge of Buddhist literature and much analytical 
capacity, seeks to establish the approximate date, 
the origin, and the character of the ASokdvaddna, 
which, while enshrining traditions identical with 
those appearing in the Vinaya, is probably far 
older than the latter work. At the outset of his 
thesis the author is able to show that the story 
of Buddha's journey in the A&oJc&vaddna is older 
than the corresponding passage in the Vinaya, 
and secondly that, whereas the author t>f the for- 
mer shows an obvious preference for the country 
round Mathurd, the compiler of the latter glori- 
fies the more westerly part of the land in which 
early Buddhism was established. There can be no 1 
doubt that Mathurtt exercised much influence 
on the development and expansion of the Bud- 
dhistic doctrine, owing to the fact that it was 
situated on one of the great Indian trade routes, 
and also that its monastic scribes had inherited 
from the Bralimans of antiquity a knowledge of 
Sanskrit, as well as literary and philosophical tra- 
ditions. The earliest Buddhist communities had 
developed more to the east, principally at Magadha, 
where the texts embodying the teaching of Buddha 
were probably recited in uhe Magadhi dialect and 
were usually rhythmic, to allow of easy memori- 
sing. When Buddhism penetrated the western 
portion of the Gangetic valley, the monks of Ma- 
thura, who were conversant with Sanskrit and 
in general were more intellectual and highly train- 
ed than the ancient communities of the eastern 
region, developed an entirely new literature, of 
which the AJokdvaddiw is one of the most charac- 
teristic specimens. 

In brief, the author distinguishes three phases 
in the gradual extension of the faith of Gautama 
Buddha from the Gangetic valley to the plateaux 
of Upper Asia, each of which corresponds to a 
distinct period in the history of Buddhist litera- 
ture. Originally confined to Magadha and the 
neighbouring areas, the disciples of Sakya Muni 
wer* content with the production of short eompo- 
tain Magadhi, usually in verse. Later, in 
the plain watered by the Ganges and Jamna, new 
cottverfBlent to the service of the faith the highly 
pobshad pro** and dialectics of the old Sanskrit 

was the 


Finally, on reaching 

more eclectic, lost its charge a i0 cal fi( 
and became a universal religion. This led , 
foundation of a third school of writers and 
pilers, who recast, commented upon, collated T!i 
developed the ancient texts. tod 

In the course of his argument, the author noi t 
out that there are three classes of Buddhist w<Z 
which refer to the Buddhist Councils -JJ * 
class speaks of one Council only, the second 
tions two, and the third refers to a third 
The Asokdvaddna falls in the first of the 

-?^? *? f^ Sh ? WS that the Stor ^ of Asofc's 
pilgrimage is fairly clear evidence that, at the date 

of composition of the Aok*vadd na , the colt of 
Ananda was an essential feature of Buddhism 
Thence he proceeds to discuss the question of" 
Upagupta's appearance in the sixth and last episode 
of the Deeds of Asoka, as embodied in the 
Afrkdvaddna, and comes to the conclusion that the 
Asokfoaddna is a composite work, made up o f an 
original sutra describing the exploits of the Buddhist 
emperor, amalgamated by a scribe of Mathura with 
the story of the first Council and the lives of the 
Patriarchs. . He gives his reasons for holding that 
this eutra or A3olca#itira was compiled between 150 
and 50 B.C. 

The reign of Pushyamitra seems to have marked, for 
Buddhism, the commencement of an epoch of decen- 
tralization. With his rise to power the Magadha era 
closes ; and the propagation of the Law in a north- 
westerly and south-westerly direction receives a new 
impulse- For Pushyamitra was a champion of BrAh- 
manic Hinduism, and persecuted the Buddhiste, who 
were thus forced to leave Pataliputra and fled pro- 
bably towards Nepal and Kashmir, and also to the 
regions of the valley of the Jumna, over which the 
more tolerant Agnimitra.was.then ruling. 

The author, in the course of his work, makes a 
reasoned enquiry into the origin and significance of 
the Buddhist legend of Pindola, and analyses the tales 
composing the Cycle of Asoka, which are one and all 
derivable from an ancient and primitive legend, first 
elaborated among the Buddhist communities settled 
in the proximity of Pataliputra- An examination of 
" Aioka's Hell >*\(L>Enfer d'A^lca) leads to some very 
suggestive remarks on the influence upon Buddhism 
of Iranian ideas, notably in reference to the Buddhist 
eschatology and the figure of the Saviour Maitreya, 
who shows a striking affinity to the Iranian Saosyant. 
The author's well-jreasoned theme will form a valuable 
addition to the literature which has grown up round 
the figures of " the Perfect one " and the compas- 
sionate emperor, who combined in himself the roles 
of monk and monarch, and carved on rocks, c*ve- 
walls, and sandstone pillars in various parts of India 
the Buddhist gospel of truth, reverence and charity. 

S. M, 


57. The Power of Fate. 
(Told by Hasan Khdn Pathan of Sahdranpur.) 

There was once an astrologer who said to the King of Sham (Syria), "Thou shalt meet 

rt death at the band of the King of Rum." Hearing this, the king stayed at home through 

f One day he went into the bath chamber, and lo ! a golden bird appeared with a 

h in which hung to the ground. The king grasped the chain to seize the bird, when it flew 

v with him and landed him on the parade-ground, where the King of Bum was exercising 

V t CDS The King of Bum recognised him and showed him due hospitality, asking 

Sn what food he needed. "I like no food as much as the cucumber," he answered. The 

L of Bum then called for a cucumber and began cutting it in pieces and feeding his guest. 

Bat aU of a sudden the King of Sham sneezed, and the knife by mischance pierced his nose 

and entered his brain. Such is the power of Fate. 

58. The Thakur and the Koli. 
(ToU by Makkhan Jat of Hatkauli, MaOmra, District, and recorded by 

Bhala Bania of that village.} 

A Koli once took service with a Thakur. One day the Koli said to his wife :-" I am 
going to my master. Do you need aught ? She replied, "Ask your master to give me 
a Stticoat and a sheet. Her husband promised to do so. He found the Thakur just 
L P dy to setTorth to the house of his father-in-law and was bidden by him to go with him 
Td mLd the horse. As they went along, the Thakur said to the Koh, "Take my sword 
^d be careful of it, as it is of great value. " On arriving at a river ^f^^ 6 ^ 
Ly wereto cross. " You ride on," said the Koli, '< and I wdl hold on tc > the .tad. When 
they reached mid-stream, the scabbard dropped into the water and th e Koh cried :- 
'< Something black has fallen from the sword. Where did it fall^ shouted the Thakur_ 
Just about there," said the Koli and flung the sword after it. Then* , said Mjw* 
remember that my wife asked you to give her a petticoat and a sheet Sari the Th&kur, 
Be gone, accursed one ! What a fool I was to take such a stupid lout as my servant. 

59. The Sadhu and the Rat. 

One day he was attacked by a tiger and again sought the 
becamea tiger, spending his time in chasmg 

deer got to know hnn and left the Jung* so 

hunger. By chance the Sadhu passed that way, and ^Jfletakwd the Sadhu 
Sadhu cursed him, saying Go, my son, and become a rat again. . w P tefel 

to aUow him to remain? tiger. But the Sadhu left hnn saying, > Thou art an ungr 
beast. H I bless thee again, perchance thoumayest work me evu. 

60. The Prince and Pan 


Ja*m** 'to* f 2 y had betrothed him to . prin- 

There was onoe a Prince, whose parents died "". . w6nt to a river, on th 

oess in another tend. One ^ vM V^** 8 ' ^ h^Sed it, he lt his senses :xd 
surface of which he found a pdn leaf floatnig. When to toucQ 

bringing the leaf home, he placed it on shelf. _.,._ ^^^^ but every night aorne 


The Prince's food was prepared d*^'??**^,, he ont Ms ftoger and rabld it 
oae came and ate it. At last he determmed to watch, and he out nw m^ 

34 ____ TH13 *KM-*N ANTIQUARY _ __[Auo TOx . 1925 

with salt and pepper. At night when Pan Shazadi came out of the leaf on the shelf a d 
began eating his food, lie seized her and made her live with him as his wife. After m 
days the parents of his betrothed summoned him to come and marry his bride, whereat^ 
was very sad and asked Pau Shahzadi what to do. She said, " Go and marry her B I 
when will you return ;" "I will come," said he, " when the dove that sits on the banv 
tree has eggs, and the tree flowers." 

So he departed ; and the dove had eggs and the tree flowered, but he never returned 
At last Pan Shahzadi had a flying elephant made, which could also speak. In this she co 
coaled herself and was borne to the Prince's palace. The Prince was delighted and hadth 
elephant placed on the roof of the palace. There his wife found it, and while he was t 
hunting, she had it burnt. The Prince was sore grieved at the loss of the elephant ; but a 
Sadhu took the ashes and prayed to Bhagwan, and lo ! a lovely girl rose from the'ashp* 
This was the Pan Shahzadi. 

She went to the palace, and hearing thsot the Prince was sick unto death at the burning 
of the elephant, she disguised herself as a beggar, boiled some oil, and threw it over him 
whereupon he at once recovered. He asked her to enter and see his queen, and when he 
himself came in a little later he found two lovely princesses together. So he knew that 
this was Pan Shahzadi ; and he killed his other queen, and they lived happily ever after 

61. The Lion and the Jackal. 
( Told by Bamdaydl, Kliairagarh, Agra District. ) 

A lion, who lived with his wife in a cave, used to leave her daily and go forth to look 
lor prey. One day up came a jackal, mounted on a fox and carrying a bow and arrow of 
reed. Finding the lion away from home, ho said to the lioness, "Where is that wretched 
husband of yours ? "What do you w,nt with him ? she asked. "Do you not know 
that l am the lord of this jungle, and that yoar husband owes me his bouse-tax. I amlook- 
mg everywhere for him, and when I find him, I will kill him." The lioness was much afraid 
aQdt aCif ^^ 18 ^ torn some of the meat sto red fortheuse 

meat - and used all kinds of threats 

. n ' Throu g h anx ^ty and annoyance the lioness grew quite lean, 
"* aflked her ' ' tWh y are ^u so lean, when I bring abidance 

n r 

hunt as L i ? , \ * ms very Wrot3b ; and next Doming, instead of going out to 

beaan trTS l ay downin a mbush close to the cave. Up came the jackal as usual and 

before Mm J!S and th *? aten Uoness. Then the lion rushed at him, and the jackal ran 
them but Z i^! f rf Sb 0tS * aban yan tree. He managed to piwhhis way tfmragh 

' a d ould not^cape* In a few days he 

Kffhte' 6 JaCkal W6nt back tothe P lace and ^ " e saw the lion dead he 
v , ' * * g mg * * he lionefis ' said ' "I* ^ >t good for any female to remain a 
Now the lionessl!^! *?* *!? J ith me as r"^< So he took the lioness to hisden. 
w* n ' W about * 

w** theiackll ti u n ' W about * haTe oubs and soon she went * li7B 

ba* whenh e ^ W *' Shewas so much afraid of the jackal thatshe said noting; 

**l " ^ ttey &Sked ^ Wh theil **** Wa8 ' * 


answered ^if' ^7? ^J 1 ^ aud eaid ' 'Bather, teach us the language you speak." He 

**&. ^ause, if you learnt it, you would be the 
kst the y P^uaded him to teach them, and when 
he W 

** gave one howl tlT L ? kst the y P^uaded him to teach them, and when 
and tore him to pfeces ^ he Was onl y a Jackal after all. So they fell upon him 
MayPar^,^^^^^^^^^^^ ;. 


.. ovi 

62. The Magic Fish. 

(Told by Lakshman Pmstid, Brahman, Jakmr, Etali Dhtrict,) 

Famine broke out in the land and grain sold at the price of pearls, All the people becoii 
to die of starvation, when one day in the river beneath the city there appeared an enormous 
fish. Many thousand niaunds in weight was he, and so large that he could not be covered 
by the water, and his body stretched from bank to bank.? When the people saw the fish 
they all ran to the river and began to cut off pieces of his flesh, which they cooked and ate' 
Now there were in the city an old Brahman and his wife, and they too wer* sore afflicted 
by the famine. The old woman said to her husband " Why should we die of hunger, when 
all the people of the city feed on the flesh of this fish ? Go you and get a share."" The old 
Brahman went at the order of his wife, and he took with him a basket and a knife. "When 
he came to the place where the fish lay, he saw that much of his flesh had been cut oH and 
there were great holes in his body ; but he was still alive. When the Brahman saw his 
state he was moved to pity, arid the fish said" Why do not you, like all the other men of 
the city, cut off some of my flesh ? " The Brahman answered" I fear ihe Lord N&r&yan, 
who has ordered me to eat no flesh and to touch naught save the fruits of the earth." The 
fish answered " Thou art a man of piety. I will now give thee two rubies, one of which 
aell and buy food ; the other keep for me, until I demand it from thee." 

The Brahman took the rubies and went to another city. One of them he sold and gave 
food to his family, until the famine had passed. Then he caine back to his own city ; and 
meanwhile the fish had been reborn and become the R&ja of the city. He, remembering 
how the people had treated him, began to treat them with the most extreme cruelty. When 
the Brahman returned, he was going to salute the R&ja ; but the people said " Why do 
you approach this tyrant ? He will surely do thee mischief," But he went and stood 
before the R&ja who said " Where is that which I entrusted to thee ? " Ihe Brahman 
knew not what he meant. At last the R&ja said " Where is the ruby, which I gave thee 
by the river bank ? " The Brahman knew that the fish had become a R&ja and gave him 
the ruby. The R&ja said " Thou alone of all my subjects didst treat me with mercy in 
the days of my affliction. Now I will make you my chief Pandit. As for my people, I will 
revenge my wrongs upon them all the days of my life." But the Brahman besought him 
in the name of N&r&yan, and he forgave their offence. 

63. The Fate of the Slattern Wife. 
(Told b\j Dharm Dds 9 Schoolmaster, Ldlitpw). 

The wife of a certain Bania was a wretched slattern, and did not know how to cook 
anything. One day, as he was setting out for hie shop, he said, " Cook some curry for dia- 
ner." So she procured all the materials and put them in a pot to boil. By aad by tj^ 
atuff began to boil over, and as she did not know what to do, she ran to a neighbour and 
asked her advice. " Put a little pebble in the pot," said she. But the slattern wife put 
in a big stone which smashed the pot, and all th$ curry was spilt on the floor* 

On her husband's return, she scraped up as much as she could and placed it before him: 
but it was so full of mud that he could not touch it. Being a good-natured man, he said, 
" You must do better next-time. I will take away the pieces of the broken pot." Site *aM 
act let him do this, but put the broken pieces on he* head and tried to go out. Now the 
door was so low that she had to bend her head, and so the pot dipped and a lot of curry ran 
ovar her clothes. " Wait," cried her husband, "I will call a washerman, and he will eteaa 
it, for you." 

[ATJOTJST, 1925 

But she paid no heed, and walked down to the river-bank, where she took~f 
clothes, intending to wash them. But a dog smelt the curry on her sheet a d ii ^ 
took it off and laid it down, he promptly ran off with it, and she was left naked and IT ** 
on the bank. Her husband heard her lamentations, and brought her another P . amed 
then took her home. Covering, and 

64. The Cunning of the Bania. 
(Told by IMa Mukund Ldl of Mirzapur.) 

There was once a Bania who was about to go on a pilgrimage, and he did not 
what to do with his money. So he. went to a Mahajan and asked him to keen 't 
Mahajan said "You must give it to me in private." So they went into the itmff 
Mahajan said" If any one sees me take thia money, perchance he may rob me 
quite certain that nobody is watching us ? " "I am sure no one is watching us ' 
meswar and the trees and the animals of the jungle." " That will not do for me 
Mahajan, and refused to have anything to do with the money. ' 

Then the Bania went to his Guru and asked him to keep the money but th* P,, 
refused. The Bania said to his wife-" No course remains but that we take thT J ' 
with us." Just then a thief was behind the house and watched the Bania tie L +L * 
in his bundle When every one was asleep, he broke in and was just laying 4 
the bundle, when the Bania woke and saw him. But he was afraid to trv id l 
lest the thief might do him an injury. So he called out to his w5e, *^U I ' 
on pugrnnage to-day." What a fool you are," she answered 
Pandit and he feed the lucky moment for your'departureT << I s 


aut' Hb th 

i. D f 5 - The Cunning of the Paddy Bird. 

by mmmOOt,, Student, Musanayar, Cawnpor 

of our tan?? ^ e s^mTZe y \* B life ' Ma y no ^ ^ you inhabit ihe banks 

When he came back he said A f^' Ud the fish were vep y a 2dous about their friend. 

your safety, and ^have b^^nkt "T*" to OOm > l have ^ ^ ^^ a ^* 
bird may 'attack you. iSw W? ^t perchanc ^en the water dries, some evil-minded 

tank, in which the wateri* ta ^ and T T, f f ^^ m Und I have f Und &n &W 
The fish agreed to the proposlund'th^ldJ^ ^ U aPPr V6 ' tak y U there ne by ae ' 
whenhe took them to the othL T^ * P + u 7 " d began t&]d ^ them out one bv one ' Bttt 
tank there remairbu7 a ^ ? * onnd he ate them. This went on, until in the 
about to eat- him when the 7 t *? T padd y bird *ok him in his beak and was just 
aad that was the end of the h oc ^^ "^ the bkd ' S m Uth and h ked him 5 

in the laud. And in ttc^^tijfjjfei?" 18 * Datta ' h was **"> wises * of "^ ihe frog " 

same well Ixved the serpent Eriya Daraan and the biscobra BJart>, 



Now Priya Darsan used to prey on the small frogs of the well until they were all consumed and 
there remained only the master frog Ganga Datta, who began to reflect that one day Priva 
Darsan would devour him. So he planned how he could avoid calamity and save his life 
One day he went to Priya Darsan and said with folded hands " Mahar&j, I have been 
considering the case of this well, and I am full of fear lest thou shouldst one' day starve as 
all the small frogs have now been devoured." " Thy words are true," replied Priya Damn , 
" I too am anxious about the future. Hast thou any plan whereby this danger may be 
removed ? " " My plan is this," answered Ganga Datta, " Close to this well is a tank, in 
which there are many frogs. If I could only get out of this well, I would go there and OH 
some pretence induce them to come into this well, and thus Your Highness would have a 
store of food for many years." Priya Darsan replied" This device of thine is wise. But 
how can you ascend the wall of this well ? " He said " Thou hast only to order thy ser- 
vant Bhadre the biscobra, who flieth, to take me on his back and fly to the top of the well 
It is then my part to complete the business." 

Priya Darsan agreed and called the bisoobra Bhadre and ordered him to carry the frog: 
Ganga Datta to the top of the well. When Ganga Datta reached the upper ground, he waft 
overwhelmed with joy at his escape. So he hastened to the taut and sat on a log and loudly 
croaked to his brethren, and when they came before him, he told them of the wickedness 
of the serpent, Priya Darsan. They blessed him for the subtlety of his wit, and just then 
Bhadre called out " Ganga Datta, our lord Priya Darsan waits for thy return and th* 
fulfilment of thy promise." But Ganga Datta laughed and answered " What sin is there 
which a hungry mail will not commit for the sake of food, and what chance have the poor 
in the presence of the great ? Tell him that now I have escaped, I will never return to tho 
well again." 

Bhadre took this message to the serpent Priya Darsan, who lamented that he had been 
beguiled by the device of the frog Ganga Datta. 

, 67. The Three Wishes. 

Ther^ was once a very poor man who made his living by cutting wood in the forest. 
One day, as he was working hard in the. utmost misery, Mah&deva and P&rvati passed by, 
and Parvati said to her spouse c: You are always blessing some one. Now give a blessing 
to this poor creature." Mahadeva said" In this life every one gets his due, and it is useless 
conferring favours on a boor like this." But P&rvati insisted ; and at last Mah&Jeva aaid 
to the wood-cutter " Ask any boon you please." The man said" My wife is a shrew, 
and I dare not ask a boon without consulting her." MahUdeva answered-" You can con- 
sult her ; and when you want to ask a boon, plaster a piece of ground, wash, and sit within 
the enclosure and make your request. But you can only ask once, and your wife and BOH 
may ask too." 

The woodcutter went home and told his wife what had happened 
must have my wish first." So she did as the god had ordered, and she prayed-' 
may my body be turned into gold/' And it was as she prayed. _ 

Just then the BftJ* was passing by on his elephant, 'and ^^^^^ 
wood-cutter, he saw this woman of gold and he loved! her. So he m*b* servants aad they 
seised her, placed her in a litter, and carried her off to ^^ ^^ 

When the wood-cutter saw that >he had lost ^^J^ w tt J. When tfcey 
and prayed-" O Lord, may my wife be turned into a sow, a 

opened the litter to take her to the Raja, ^^^^^ men the son of * 
the door was opened, she ran away and fJ^ a t her with a bludgeon, 
wood-cutter saw this loathsome animal enter the ruu 


_ [AUGUST, 1948 

But his father stopped him and said * : This is your mother, \vho has been turned^atcT a 
sow by my prayers, to save her from the Raja. Now you can make your prayer." 

Then the boy prayed" Lord, turn my mother into her original shape." And so 
it was. 

Then Mahadeva said to Parvati " Now you see that it is useless trying to help feoow 
like these." 

63. Mir Kusro and the Kachhi. 

(Told by Shankar Sinli Tlwikw of Ravi, .Fatehpur Distrkt.) 

One day the Emperor Akbar went out hunting, and in the chase he was separated from 
his companions and became very hungry. He came on a field where a Kachhi was watching 
his crop of melons and said to the man, " Give me one." e: I can give to none," said the 
Kachhi, " until I offer the first-fruits to the Emperor/' This he said, not knowing that it 
was the Emperor who stood before him. The Emperor offered him money, but the Kaohhi 
would- not part with one of the melons. 

Akbar was pleased with Ms honesty, and on returning to the palace he said to Mir 
Khusro : <e When a Kachhi cornea with a present of melons, sec that he is at once conducted 
into my presence/' Mir Khusro knew that the Etnporor was pleased with the Kachhi and 
proposed to reward him handsomely. So a day or two later, when the Kachlii came with 
his melons, he said to him : ' ' I will tako you to the Presence ; but you must promise to give 
me half the reward which the Emperor confers on you/' Mir Khusro was then summoned 
by the Emperor. Meanwhile Birbal passed by and asked the Kachhi what his case was. 
When he heard of the covetousness of Mir Khusro, he said to the Kachhi : " Get him to 
give you a written undertaking that he is to take half of what the Emperor awards you," 
This being done, Birbal advised tho Kachhi what to do when the Emperor summoned him. 
Accordingly when he appeared before Akbar and was asked what boon he desired, the 
Kachhi said : " Swear thrice that you will give me what I ask." Akbar swore thrice and 
the Kachhi then said : " Give ine a hundred blows of a shoe/' Akbar was amazed and 
tried to make him withdraw his request. But he would not ; and when he had duly received 
fifty strokes, he said : " Stop ! I have a partner who is to share with me/ 9 and he pointed* 
to Mir Khusro. When Akbar heard the tale, he was amazed at the rude strength of the 
man, and said to Mir Khusro : " Now you have the reward of your covetousness. Fifty 
strokes with the shoo will end your life. Bettor will ifc be for you to settle with your partner." 
So Mir Khusro had to pay an enormous sum, to escape, and the Emperor gave the Kaohhi 
a village, which is still known as Kachhpurwa in the neighbourhood of Agra. 

69. The Evil of Covetousness. 

(Told by Sam Singh, Constable of Kuthaund, Jalaun District.) 

One day Afcbar and Birbal were out hunting on an elephant, when Akbar noticed soiae- 
thing sparkling on the ground, which looked like a pearl. So he made some excuse and got 
down. But on touching it, he found that it was only a drop of spittle glistening in the 
sunshine. Beyig ashamed, he said nothing ; but on returning to the palace, he asked K 
what was the meanest thing in the world. Birbal asked for a month's grace to find out, 
went and stayed in a village in the hope of learning the answer from the people. 

He^asked the women what was the meanest thing in the world, and they said : " Aflk 
our tasbands ; and when he asked the husbands, they said, " Ask our women." ?W** 
old ajar woman invited Birbal to stay with her. So he wont and found food ready cooked 
f0r >^ household. When sho asked Birbal to share their nioal, he said : " How I 
Brahman, eat with an Ahir'?" -What does it matter," said she, "no one wfflknow/' 
tfut as ha_ still refused, she brought a purse of two hundred rupees tod gave it to him. The* 
He put out his hand to take the food. But she drew the food away feoia him, saying :-" How 


evil a thing is covetousness, wlien a man like you will Jose his caste for such a petty sum." 
Birbal was ashamed, and returning to the Emperor, said : " Covetousnesa is the vilest 
thing in the world.' 1 

70. The greatest leaf in the world. 

(Recorded by Hazdri Lai oj Agra.) 

One day Akbar asked his courtiers which was the greatest leaf in the world. They nairirri 
various kinds of leaves ; but' Birbal said : " The leaf of the Ndgar Bel is the greatest in the 
world, because it reaches as high as Your Majesty's lips." Now the betel leaf is called Ndttnr 
BeloT Indra Bel, because it is believed to grow in Nandana, the garden of Rftja Indra. 

71. The fruit of good wishes. 
(Recorded by Hazdri Ml oj Agra.) 

Akbar onoe asked Birbal, " How much do you love rae ? " Birbal replied : " Dil Jco 

dil pahckdnta hai," or in other words " I love you as much as you love rue." 

They went forth and met a milkmaid tripping along in the pride of her beauty. " Look 
at this silly girl/' said the Emperor, " she can hardly walk straight, she thinks so much of 
herself." When she came up to them, Birbal said to her, : * The Emperor is dead." She 
began to laugh and said, " What matters it to me ? He that buys niy milk is Emperor." 

By and by they met an old woman staggering under a load of wood. " How miserable 
a thing is poverty," said Akbar. Then said Birbal to her, "The Emperor is dead," on hearing 
which she began to wail and fell down on the road. " Now," said Birbal, " Your Majesty 
will see that people think of you as you think of them." 

72. Akbar's questions. 
(Recorded by Hazdri Ldl oj Agra.) 

Akbar said once to Birbal, " I will ask two questions, to each of which you must give 
the same answer." The questions were : 
" Why is the Brahman thirsty ? " 
" Why is an ass disconsolate ? " 

To both Birbal replied, "Lota nafytn," meaning in the case of the Brahman "He ha 
no water-vessel," and in the case of the ass, " He has not had a roll." 

73. Birbal's wit. 
(Recorded by Hazdri Ldl oj Agra.) 

Birbal once quarrelled with Akbar and went and hid himself in the city. Akbar could 
not discover his whereabouts. So at length he issued an order that two or three men should 
appear before him at noon, and stand half in the sun and half in the shade. No one understood 
how to comply with this order ; so they went and consulted Birbal, who said : " Put a bed 
on your heads and go to court, and you will be half in the shade and half in the sun." Akbar 
knew that they must have done this by Bubal's advice, and in this way discovered where 
ba was and recalled him to court. 

On another occasion Akbar asked Birbal, " Was there anyone born & exactly the same 
moment that I was I " < ; thousands," replied Birbal. " Then why wn I a** emperor," said 
Akbar, "and they poverty-stricken " * Birbal took a number of betel-leaves ^ and asked 
Akbar to thread them on a string. Then he told him to unthread them and see if there was 
the same sized hole in each leaf. When Akbar f owd that wary hols differed in size, Bfrbal, 
said, " Even so are there all sorts and conditions of men." 

74. The result of Good Intentions. 

(Recorded by Hazdri Ldl of Agra,) ._ 

One day, when Akbar was talking with his courtiers, Birbal said &* 
is everything." Prove it," said Akbar. Soon after Akbar went hunting, and 
way, wS attacked by thirst. He saw a* old womau watching a field of sugar-cane and aaked 
her for a drink. She broke one of the canes and filled a cup for tLe Emperor, 


^ L AUGUST, 1935 

Next day, when Akbar and Birbal were conversing, the former asked what was the reve 
rate on sugar cane, and when he was told it was only one rupee per acre, he thought wlT 
profits the old woman must be making out of her field, So he sent for the Revenue Miuist 
and ordered the rate to be doubled. 

Again Akbar went to the field and asked the old woman for a drink. This time she h 
to cut half a dozen canes before she could fill a pot with the juice. He asked her the reaso 
and she said, " This is thq result of the evil thoughts of the Emperor, who has doubled ou' 
assessment." The Emperor took her words to heart and had the assessment reduced to the 
former rate, 

[For another version, see Burton. Arabian Nights, IV, 51 W. CROOKE,] 

75. Birbal and tobacco. 

(Told by Bdnsgopdl Ldl of Bansi, Basti District.) 

Akbar and Birbal were once on the roof of the palace, when Akbar saw an ass grazing 
near a field of tobacco, but not touching the plants. Now Bfrbal used to chew tobacco 
Akbar then remarked, " Even an ass does not touch tobacco." " No, Your Majesty," 
replied Birbal, " no one who is an ass touches tobacco." 

76. Akbar and Birbal's daughter. 

(Recorded by Hazdn Ldl of Agra,) 

Akbar once told Birbal that he wished to become a Hindu, Birbal remonstrated, and 
said that the religious duties of a Hindu were very onerous. But Akbar paid no heed and 
said, " I give you a fortnight to make me a Hindu/' Birbal went home very sorro\rful and 
confided in his daughter. Said she, " Do not be anxious. I will give him a fitting answer," 
So next day she went to Court and came in tears before the Emperor, who enquired the reason 
of her grief. " Pardon me," she said, " I have committed a gross error. I am Your Majesty's 
washerwoman, and yesterday when I put the clothes of Your Majesty and the Empress into 
water, the water caught fire, and the clothes were burned." " Are you mad ? " said Akbax, 
" Who ever heard of water catching fire ? " " And who ever heard," she replied, "of a 
Musalman becoming a Hindu ? " Akbar was pleased and dismissed her with a present, 

77. How Birbal sowed Pearls. 
(Eecorded by Hazdri Ldl of Agra,) 

One day the Emperor and Birbal were in Darbar, when the latter spat. The courtiers 
informed Akbar, who was much offended at this breach of good manners, and had the Vazft 
turned out of the palace. As he was leaving, Birbal said to his enemies : " If I am BbW, 
before long I shall see your houses overthrown." 

He departed to an outlying village and commenced working in the fields, One day the 
Emperor met him, and the old affection for Birbal revived. Said he, "What have you 
learnt, since you took to farming ? " "I have learnt to grow pearls." " Then you must 
grow them for me," quoth Akbar. " It is only in special places that they can be grow, 11 
replied Birbal. - : 

So Birbal returned to Court and Akbar gave him seed-pestrls from the royal treasury ; 
and Birbal selected as the site for his sowing the place where the houses of his rivals stood. 
The Emperor had them straightway, razed to the ground. There Birbal sowed some Mi 
grass and the Arwi yam. When they had grown, he took Akbar there one morning /and 
showed him the dew-drops on the plants, which looked like pearls in the sunlight. ^ktar 
was delighted and said, " Go and pick some for me." Bfrbal replied, " None can pick these 
pearls save him who in all his life has never spat." Akbar understood the moral and restored 
him to favour. 




worship of the Sun as a very prominent deity was prevalent amongst almost all the 
ancient nations of the world. Thus, the Egyptians had worshipped the Sun under various 
names such as, Horus, Re, etc., and the Assyro-Babylonians used to worship a Solar deity, 
named Marduk, whose fight with Tiamat, a huge monster of forbidding aspect, is narrated in 
their legends. The ancient Iranians paid their homage to the Sun- god under the name of 
Mitbra, who was regarded as * the first of the Spiritual Yazatas/ Helios, Apollo, the Sun-god, 
occupied a very prominent position in the religious pantheon of the ancient Greeks, and in a 
far distant corner of the world, bleeding human hearts were sacrificed to the Sun-god by the 
ancient Mexicans, c in order to maintain him in vigour and enable him to run his course along 
the sky.' In fact, the religious history of every nation, if properly investigated, would clearly 
show that the worship of the Sun, in some form or other, formed an all-important part 
of worship in certain periods of its existence as a nation. The reason is not far to seek ; the Sun 
as the celestial luminary appealed foremost to the imagination of the people, and its daily 
appearance in the horizon, its apparently onward march across the firmament and its final 
disappearance on the western horizon in the evening gave rise to various mythological tales 
among various nations, to account for these phenomena. 

The Indo- Aryans of the Vedic age were no exception to the general order of mankind, 
and the Sun was held by them in the highest esteem along with other nature gods. Sacrifices 
were offered to the Sun-god in various aspects, which were given different names such as, 
Sfirya, Savitr, Pushan, Bhaga, Mitra and Visip.u, each personifying to a greater or lesser extent 
the different attributes of the Sun. Thus, Sfirya, "the most concrete of the Solar deities 
Wdirectly connected with the visible luminous orb ", -1 and various qualities and functions, 
^iattributed to him ; Savitr, " the stimulator of everything " (Sarvasya PrasavitA in 
f ftska's Nirukta, 10, 31) denoted the abstract qualities of the Sun-god and so on. The most 
interesting of these different Solar deities is Vi$p.u. Originally a particular aspect of the Sun, 
chiefly extolled in connection with the march across the sky in three great strides, he came to 
occupy a very important position in the classical period and was regarded as one of the most 
important divinities of the Brahmanical Triad. Mitra, whose connection trith Sfirya is a 
little obscure in the passages of the Rigveda, where he is mainly celebrated along with Varur^a, 
IB an Indo-Iranian God, 2 the later Iranian aspect of whom influenced to a great extent the 
subsequent phase of Sun-worship in India, Bhaga, Pushan and Aryaman were three other 
aspects of Sun and they are also celebrated in Vedic hymns. This list of the Solar gods was 
later raised to twelve, usually known as Dvadae&dityas, and the worship of these along 
vith that of Nine planets or Navagrahas came to hold a very important and unique place in 
the; Br&hmanical rituals. * 

It is generally assumed by scholars that image worship was not existent in India of the 
Early Vedie period; and though there is a class of scholars who would call this view in question, 
tterea*e no two opinions on the point that symbols representing particular aspects of divinities 
*ere frequently used in the performance of the ancient Vedic rites, Thus, we have referents 
to the fact that the Sun was represented by a wheel in the Vedic ceremorues*, which erl 
Bymbolised the apparent revolving movement of the Sun, Sometimes a M 
or a &e : trand stood for the Sun*. The punch-maxked Soins, the origm of 
traced by Cunningham prior to 1000 B.C.*, bear on their 
1 Macdonell, Vedic Muthology, p. 30. 2 Ibid " 

, , . . 

X" jr., 1, 175 (4), 4,30 <4) ; Weber, Vajapeya 20, 34 ^^^^ to repres ent the Sun ", Mao, 
/V&&, 7, 4, 1 (10), ' in piling the fir altar o, disc of gold wa* placed on *o r ^ 

dbnelt, VM. p. 155 CarwWkorf Z*c*irw, 1931, ch ( IB, for Dr. 

6 Cunningham, Coins oj Ancient lw&%<*> J>- 43 c /- i,onwc|Mw* 
p. R Bhandarkar's views, . J 


which can certainly be taken to symbolise the great celestial luminary. A spoked wheel with 
other variants of the sam3 figure, assumed by some to stand for the Buddhist Dharamchakra 
is very regularly found on these coins 6 . This spoked wheel with its variants occurs also 
in the indigenous coins of Taxila (OAI., pi. Ill, 13), in those of the Odumbaras (CAL> pl, jy 
14, 15) and in many other coins. The representation of the Sun as " a rayed disc " oocuna'alao 
in the early punch-marked coins and in the coins of the local rulers of Northern India 7 . I n 
some cases, Cunningham takes these spoked wheel symbols for Bharmachakra j but they 
can equally weU be assumed to symbolise the Sun himself. Dr. Spooner, who was at first 
inclined to find in them Buddhist characteristics, subsequently abandoned his views about 
these marks and held the opinion that they were all solar symbols, though he would 
take them to be Zoroastrian in character 8. Again, in certain places the " rayed disc of the 
Sun is placed on an altar and surrounded by a railing, thus clearly indicating that the figures 
enclosed within the railing were really objects of worship inside a shrine 9 . Cunningham always 
describes this figure as " rayed circle of Sun on Buddhist basement railing "; but there seems 
to be no good ground, as far as we can see, for describing this basement railing as Buddhist, 
and it may equally well be taken to be Brahmanical in character. M. Foucher discerns in tho 
infantile simplicity of these emblems the style of the most ancient manifestations of the 
religious art of the Buddhists. 

But our difficulty is are all tho representations of this wheel and the lotos 
ascribable only to Buddhism 1 Originally they must have been emblems designating 
the Sun, but later they were utilised by the Buddhists for their own purposes. On 
certain coins of the very earliest period, small ingots of silver and copper of a definite weight, 
are affixed a few marks, which look like very crude representations of a lotus. On other aacmt 
coins, too, certain symbols are to be found, which are nothing but attempts to figure thelotaa- 
flower intimately connected with the Sun from the very earliest times u. Thus the lotos 
flower is mentioned in the most ancient literature of the Indo- Aryans, and it played a conspi. 
cuous part in the mythology of Brahmanism ; its association with the Sun was due to the 
fact that the opening and closing of the flower timed with the rising and the setting of the 
Sun 12 . This observation as regards the connection of the lotus flower with the Sun is fully 
borne out by the evidence of the Purdnas, which enjoin the execution in sculpture of a twelve 
petalled lotus, on different petals of which figures of the different aspects of the 
Sun-god are to be placed with the god Bhakara on the central pericarp (karnikd) The 
lotus flower, as symbolising the Sun and representing other ideas or principles 14 connected 
with the Sun, came to hold such a unique position in Indian Art of all ages and all religions, 

e V. A. Smith, OOIM., pp. 136-7, Nos- 7, 8, 9, 10, 11. As regards the Taurine symbol, might it mot 
symbolise in, the earliest times the sun and the moon represented together, one by the disc, aad tfce$*te* 
by the crescent attached to it ? 

7 Cunningham, Coins of Ancient India (CAI), pl. Ill, 14 ; IV, 13 ; V. 6, 9. etc. 

8 Cf. AS1AR., 1905-06, pp. 150-55 ; and JRAS., 1915, p. 412. 

9 Cunningham, CAI. t pl. VII, 6, 9, etc. 

10 M. Foucher, " Beginnings of Buddhist Art" p. 14. 

11 V. A. Smith, CCIM. 9 p. 136, Nos. 1, 15, etc., Nos. 2, 3, 5, 0, 56, 69, etc. Oj. M. Foacher, The Begin- 
ninga of Buddhist Art, pl. I, figs. 1-4, 8, petalled lotus, the- most characteristic form, to be found on tia 
coins o Bran. " 

12 Encycl&poedia of EeUyion and Ethics, vol. 8, pp. 142-5. 

13 Homadri in hia Vratakhanda, pp. 528, 535 and 539, quotes from Bh#gavata P., SkandaP., and 
Matsya P., the respective passages "dealing with Divakara Vratam, AsMitya Vrataih and Suryanakta 
yrabam, See also aemaclri, Vrata khctnda* p. 553, about SOrya Vrata from Saura I>harma:^" tTpafW 
auctm dea& Suryyam talra samarccayet. Samlikhet tatra padmantu dvAdatdram safaurnikam." And i 
flowers (raklapuspa) were specially offered to Surya in his worship. . 

U " Primarily, the lotus flower appears to have symbolised for the Aryans from very remote toes 
the idea of superhuman or divine birth ; and secondarily the creative force and immortality " #B& 
pp. l^5/\ : - 


that in the portion of the VisnudharmoUara dealing with iconographic matters, we find full 
and detailed instructions for the figuring of a lotus flower. 15 

Thus, we see that in ancient Indian art the Sun-god was represented bv various 
symbols, such as spoked wheel, rayed disc, lotus-flower in various forms and the like 
When he came to be anthropomorphically represented, these wheel and lotus flower 
symbols were not totaUy discontinued, and we know that the wheel was placed in one of 
the hands of Vianu, one of the Adityas, and lotus flowers were placed in both the 
hands of the image of Sflrya himself- Moreover, the wheel and the lotus flower, as so 
maay solar ^ emblems, figured independently in many coins, seals, clay tablets and 
copper plate inscriptions of the Gupta period and afterwards. 18 

No icon of the Sun- god is to be found in ancient Indian art till a comparatively late period. 
The reason is not far to seek ; for none of the extant monuments of India with very few 
exceptions can be dated prior to the age of A6oka. Almost all the oldest monuments of the 
Maurya and Sunga period that are preserved to us are connected with Buddhism, and some- 
times figures of Brahmanical divinities, who are given a subordinate position, are to be found 
on one or other of these monuments 17 . The Sun-god figures rarely in these monuments, and 
mention may be made in this connection of the figures of Surya in an upright post of the 
Budh-Gay, railing, as also in the fagade of the Ananta-Gumpha at Udayagtri 1 ?. The god is 
seen riding on a four-horsed chariot, with the reins in his hands, attended on either side by a 
female figure 19 shooting arrows, personifying the dawn driving away darkness before the Sun. 
Another figure, probably of a divinity, which is taken by some scholars, though on insufficient 
grounds, to represent the Sun-god, occurs on the right-hand section of the fagade of a cave 
at Bhaja. There, a figure is seen riding on a four -horsed chariot, under whose wheels are 
visible hideous struggling forms, identified by some as the demons of darkness. But as in this 
case the god, or whoever he may be, is not seen attended by the two female figures shooting 
arrows, he cannot be definitely identified as the Sun-god simply by reason of his riding in a four- 
horsed chariot. Figures or figurines riding on four-horsed chariots, which can have no possible 
connection with the Solar divinity, can be found in many of the museums of India 2 **, But as 
regards the Budh-Gay sculpture there cannot be any doubt that it stands for the Sun-god. 
Though the representation of this divinity is purely Indian in character, the conception is 
somewhat analogous to that of the Greek God Helios, who is also seen riding on four-horsed 
chariots 21 . The Rigvedic description of the Sun-god, which is certainly the background of 
the human representations of this divinity in Indian art, pointedly refers to the fact of his 
riding a chariot drawn by one (the horse Etasa), 3, 4 or 7 horses, and there cannot be any 
doubt that this conception of this divimty is a purely Indian one. Again, in the particular 
form of the anthropomorphic representation of Sftrya in the art of the Gupta period and 
subsequent ages, we seldom fail to find these seven horses being driven by the charioteer 

15 Viwudharmdttara, Bk. III,ch. 45, v. 1-8. 

16 Fleet's Gupta Inscriptions, pp. 219, 269, etc. 

17 Figures of the 33 gods, Kuvera and other guardians of tlie 4 quarters, ^sarases, SrJ and others 
in Bhartmt and Sanchi. 

18 OP. a similar figure on the Lahaul Lota, ArchfBoJoffical Survey oj W. Iridia, wl* IV, p, 6/ 

19 U 9 a and Pratyftea, according to iconographic terminology. 

M Various terracotta fragments that were unearthed at Bhita showed these four-horsed chariots, 
some with riders. In this connection reference may be made to a terracotta plaque found there, supposed 
to represent Dushyanta's hunt, as narrated in Kalidasa's 'AbhijMna Sakuntakm.' See A8IAX* 
WU-12, p. 73, pi. XXIV. Bharhut and Sanchi railings bear on them many representations of the 
chariot drawn either by 2 or 4 horses, 

31 Of. Cunningham's Archvofrgical Survey Reports, vol. Ill, p. W 5 ' the four horses and the general 
Cation resembles to a great extent the Greek representation of Helios, the Sun-god, but the chanct is 
See also in thig connection the reverse device of the dated coin of the Indo-Greek ruler Rato. 
Mus. Oat. of Ooins> vol. I, pi, IX, fig, V, 


Aruna, carved on the pedestal of the image 22 . But the number of the horses shown in the 
pedestal of these images is not always seven, and reliefs with four horses, though rare, can also 
be found in India 23 . 

The epigraphic records of the Gupta emperors tell us about the many endowments b 
pious devotees, of temples and images in honour of the Sun-god 24 . Titles like Para- 
mddityabhaJcta, and names such as Adityasena, Adilyavardhana, Adityavarman, Prabkdkara* 
vardhm, etc., borne by the kings and chiefs mentioned in the Gupta inscriptions, unmis- 
takably refer to the very wide expansion of the solar cult in northern India. But the 
images and temples of the Sun then erected have almost all been destroyed, and the ruins 
of these temples, in some cases at least, can be identified as those of temples of theSunonlv 
through the evidence of the inscriptions which still remain 26 . 

As regards the images, they are almost invariably lost. One inscribed image, however 
was discovered by Mr. J. D. M. Beglar in 1879-80 and was first brought to notice in Cunning- 
ham's Archaeological Survey Reports, vol. XV, p. 12. The date for the installation of the image is 
presumed to fall in A.D. 672-73, and though the image itself cannot be traced now, it has teen 
described, " as a man 2ft. 10 in. high, holding a water lily (lotus ?) in each hand, and with 
a small standing figure, on each side, that on the right being armed with a club . . . . " 
This short notice of the image of the Sun does not enable us to assert that it was of a type 
identical with many Sfirya, images discovered in Northern India, which have found their way 
to one or other of the museums of India. The essential features of such a type can 
be ascertained if we carefully examine some of these images 2 &. These are, the seven-horsed 
chariot of Sftrya with Aruna as the driver ; the Sun-god with his legs covered, wearing bodice 
and jewels, with his two hands carrying two full-blown lotuses, his head adorned with kirita 
motJcMa ; his two male attendants, one on each side, holding pen and ink-pot and sword, two 
female figures on either side in the dlidha and pratydli&ha poses shooting arrows, and two 
or three female attendants. The figure of the Sun, and sometimes the figures of both the male 
attendants, too, have their feet encased in some sort of leggings. Sometimes the legs of these 
three figures are left uncarved and shown as inserted in the pedestal or what stands for the 
chariot 27 . Another feature of this Sun-image is the peculiar girdle or waist zone which is 
depicted by the sculptors on the body of the image. This is referred to in iconographic texts 
as avyanga and has been rightly identified by scholars with the Avestan aiwiyaon- 
ghana, the sacred woollen thread girdle, which a Zoroastrian is enjoined to wear round the 
waist 28 . The boots, the close fitting bodice-like garment and this waist zone are the most 
prominent characteristics of this type of image, and their bearing on the evolution of the type 
will have to be duly considered. 

The iconographic texts, which lay down rules for the making of images, are handed down 
to us in the pages of several of the Pur&nas, viz,, Agni, Matsya, Padma, Visnwttiarmdttara* etc, 
in the Agarnas, the Tantras, and works of early date like the Brhat-SamMta of Var&hamihira. 

23 The seven horses and Aruna are frequently absent in the South Indian images of Surya. 

23 Cat. of the Museum oj Archeology at Samath, by D. R Sahni, p. 322 ; M. Ganguly's Qrissa and it* 
remains, p. 356; Dr. Vogel's Mafhura Museum Catalogue, pp. 104-05, D 46. 

24 Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, ' Vaisnavism, Saivism, and Minor Religious Systems,' p. 154; Elect, GP 
Inscriptions, pp. 68, 79, 126, 161, 208* 214, 288. 

2* ASIA&, 1916-17, p. 14, pi. IX B. This marble temple of the Sun, one of the oldest S^ya 
temples known to us, is situated at Varman in the Sirohi State, Bajputana. For later Sun temples, yhicli 
ate still extant, we may refer to Suryanarkkoil in the Tanjore District (Gopinath Bao, vol. I,pfc **> 
p. &00), Modhera in Gujarat and ELonteik in Orissa. 

* 6 Cjf. Dr. Bioch's Supplementary Cat. of the Arch CBofrgical Exhibits in the Indian Mw&u<m, No. 38-27, 
5820, etc. <7/. also the accompanying Plate II. f 

a^ Of. ibid., No. 3925, and Dr. Bioch's remarks in the footnote ou page 79. See also the iiages 01 
Sftrya at EUoia, Gopmatfc B&o vol. I, part II, p. 313, and pi. LXXXVIH fig. 2. 
* Quarterly 'Journal of tfa Mythic SocieQ/, 191$,p, 287. ~ 


Works on art, wltich were compiled at a later date, also contain matters chiefly relating to 
these subjects, and the names of Silaparatna, ri Visva7carmdvatdra-dstra and fiupamandana, 
may be mentioned in this connection. Texts or portions of texts are, in many cases/ the 
same in two different works, showing that either one borrowed from the other or both drew 
from a common source. Thus those describing the imago of Stirya as given in VisnudharmSt- 
tara are identical with those quoted from, Matsyapurdna in Gopinath Rao's Elements of 
Hindu Iconography* 9 . On the other hand, different manuscripts or editions of the same 
work are found to contain varying texts, though there is 110 great discrepancy in the delinea- 
tion of the essential features of the images 30 . Then again, the texts in many cases are so 
very corrupt and there are so many copjdst's mistakes on account of unintelligent copying, 
that we must be very cautious in drawing any far-reaching conclusions from a mere con- 
sideration of these texts, without reference to corresponding icons to bear out their evidence. 
Fortunately for us, the extant sculptures representing the Sun follow to a great extent one 
or other of these texts laid down in various works. 

Without going into details, we may observe that the most prominent peculiarities of 
the image, as referred to above, find their place in these descriptions. Thus to quote 
Varahamihira, a representative writer of the sixth century A.D. : 

64 Ndsd latdta jamg'hor^gandavak^dmsi Connatdni Raveh. Ktiryddudtcyavesam gudarii 
p&ddduro ydvat. Vibhrdn-as svabararuke pdnibhydm pambaje muhutadhdrt. Kun&cda-bh'&sifa- 
vadanah prcdambaMri viyadga (viyanga) vritoh." 3 *-. The Matsya Purdna (Bangavasi Ed., p. 
903, ch. 261, v. 3-4) lays down that the Sun-god is to be shown in certain sculptures as having 
his body covered by a kind of garment and feet covered by effulgence, and possessing other 
peculiarities. The ri Visvakarmdvatdra-Stistra describes the image of Surya in these terms : 

Ekacakrarai7wdivya=stdrk7tdnuja, susdratMh. Turagaih saptabMryuktah<a(*) rddhastatra 
sthitoravih. .... Vrihatva (?) ksd suraktdsca suldvanyo kumudyatM. ^ah^rdm^ 
lu.rmaMtejomanikiindalmanditah. Kuryuh .... Kavacaochanna vigrahah. Sanalapad- 
m&rajive (?) vibhrat skamdhe kare kramat " 32_( c h. 28, v. 51-53, etc.). 

To translate it rather freely :-" The Sun-god should be placed on a divine one-wheeled 
chariot with seven horses driven by the charioteer, who is no other than (Aruna) the younger 
brother of T&rkshya. He should be wide-chested, red-coloured, and beautiful like a water- 
lily. A thousand brilliant rays should emanate from him, and he should be adorned with 
jewelled ear-rings. The body of the image should be covered by a coat of mail. He should 
hold two beautiful lotuses by their stalks and the lotus blossoms should be shown parallel to 

the shoulders ". j x xu 

Though no mention is here made of the Avestaa wai8t girdle-the a^yan&a, aad of the 
northern style of dress, (udtcyavesa) W hich are, as we have seen, mentioned in an earhei t 
viz., the BrJuteanhitd, still we do not fail to find a reference to the fact of 
being covered, evidently alluded to by Varahamihira in the term, 
The Matsya Pur&na refers to the same peculiarity in thesS words 
Kmcictitresu. dcvr'sayet : Vastrayugma samopetam caranatt ; *ff 
specially note the expression fa.****. Art**' * ** :* 
sculptures ' (* here undoubtedly meaning a 
as some would suppose). This observation 

39 See VitnvdharmOttcvra, bk. Ill, ch. 68, verses 
Iconography, vol. I, part II, Ayp. C., pp. 87-8. __ , Malaya Pur&*a to describe 

* The passages purported to be quoted by late Mr. P ln **? Purdnai edite d by the Vaogabari 
Sflrya is quite different from the text* describing the same m JKrtfl F**** 

81 Varahamihira, BrhxtsariJiitA, eh. 58, v. 47-8. which was kindly lent to we by 

a I am quoting from a manu 3 cript copy of this Iconographic text whicn 

Prof . Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar. 


in mind, when we consider that these peculiarities of the image of the Sun, which were 
evidently alien in character, were not adopted subsequently by a certain class of sculptors 
and images of the Sun-god devoid of these characteristic features were also known and 
described by the authors of the $ila>paidstras. 

It has been fully pointed out by Sir R. G. BhandarkarSS that a particular form of sun 
worship (Mihira or Mithra worship) was introduced into India from outside in the early 
centuries of the Christian era. The legend of Samba in the Bhavisya Purdna, Varahamihira's 
testimony that an idol of the Sun is to be consecrated by a Maga Brahman 34 , the correct 
identification of those Magas with the Persian Magi, and the avyanga, worn by the figure of 
Surya as referred to above, all these facts undoubtedly prove that this kind of worship was 
not identical with the form of Sun-worship prevalent in India from time immemorial; and 
it was Iranian in character 35 . It has also been tacitly concluded by scholars that the peculiar 
type of the Sfirya image, which was worshipped all over Northern India during the Gupta 
period and subsequently, was also Iranian in character. But it should be pointed out that 
though this characteristic form of Sun-worship was borrowed f^om the Persian Mithra- worship, 
yet the very image of the Sun-god was not Persian, and very few such elements can be traced 
in its making. If the Sorya; image itself is thought to bo derived from the Iranian Mithj^a, 
then we shall bs justified in asking for an Iranian proto-type of this image. But we know 
that the Iranians themselves were not in the habit of worshipping images and our search for an 
image of Mithra, would be in vain, i.e., before Mithraism itself was to a great extent Helle- 
nized. Mithra in ancient Persian monuments was represented by a symbol, as Surya used to be 
in the early Vedic times. Thus, for example, in one of the friezes on one of the four dalch- 
mas (sepulchre) of Darius, near the site of ancient Istakhr near Naqsh-i-Bustam, " between the 
king and fixe- altar appears Ahura Mazda hovering above, and a ball which is certainly meant 
to represent the Sun or Mithra" 36 . According to the writer of the article * Mithraism ' in 
EnGydop&dia of Religion and Ethics (vol. 8, p. 753), ' the busts of Sun and Moon and the 
circle of the Zodiac ar,e standing features in the Mithraic monuments.' But we shall not be 
justified in saying that these busts of the Sun were the prototypes of the cult-picture of the 
later form of Sun-worship in India. The same writer makes the following observation about 
the expansion of Mithraism in Asia Minor. " The near eastern dynasts which sprang from 
the wreck of Alexander's Empire .... were fervent worshippers of Mithra, the spiri- 
tual Yazata .... It was doubtless at the courts of these mushroom monarchs that 
the Hellenization of Mithraism, which was the indispensable condition of its further 
diffusion, was brought about" 37 . 

The fully anthropomorphic representation of Mithra in ancient art was due to this Hellen- 
isation of Mithraism, and the type of Apollo-Helios, the Greek solar divinities, served as the 
original of this Mithra, as the Greeks saw in him a divinity very nearly resembling their own 
solar deities. That the Hellenes of Asia Minor identified this form of Mithra with their own 
solar and planetary gods is shown by a monument set up by Antiochus I of Commagene (6938 
B.O.), viz. "the enormous cairn on the tumulus of NimrudDagh" on which are five statues, one 
of which has the inscription, Apollo-Mithras-Helios-Hermes. 3 On another relief Antiochus is 
represented as grasing the right hand of Mithra, ' { who is represented in Persian dress ^ "tfith 
the radiate nimbus 3 '. Now, we find the representation of this Sun-god Mithra (Mihira) in the 
coins of Kaniska, for the first time, and there he is shown as wearing a sort of boot, with his 
extended right hand holding something, his left hand clasping a sword hanging down from his 

. .-I 8$ Vaisnavism, Saivism and other Minor Rtligwus Systems, pp. 153-5. 

34 Brhatsamhitd, ch. 60, v. 19. , 

35 Me. S. K. flodivala in liia " Parsis oj Ancient India," has collected all the evidence as regards tne 
identiBcatiofL of the Magas with the Persian Magi, see oh, 10. 

3 Spiegel, Iranian Art- pp. 17-18. 37 J3RJ3., vol. 8, p. 754. 

38 I6 


wa ist with hia head encircled by a radiate nimbus and body heavily draped 39 . On tho 
reverse of one of the coins of the same kmg*o we see a figure exactly similar to the one desori 
bed above, but the inscription in Greek IB HAIOC (Helios). If we compare these two figures 
with the one of Apollo in one of the coins of Apollodotos 4 * , we shall see that the latter differs 
from the former in these respects only; viz., the attributes in the hand are different, the 
nimbus seems to be absent and the drapery of the upper part of the body is different. But we 
should make an allo wance for the age that intervened between these two types, and the Kushan 
drapery of the f qrmer and the different attributes might be the additions of a later age. 

Thus we may conclude that this Kushan " Mihira " most probably had for its prototype 
the Greek Apollo, as figured on the coins of the Hellenistic kings of India. We may compare 
with this the representation of Mithra in the Sassanian Art of the subsequent period. We 
certainly know at least two such figures carved on the reliefs at Taq-i-Bustin, which have 
baen almost unanimously identified by scholars as standing for Mitra (Mithra). 4 2 One of the 
figures has been thus described : " The body is clothed in a tunic-like robe, belted at the 
waist and richly set off at the back by an embroidered border with tassels. His head is encir- 
cled by a halo of rays and his feet resting upon a heavily carved sun-flower, while he raises 
before him in both hands a long fluted staff. He has a foot-gear which appears to include 
spurs .... The suu-fiower beneath the feet of the image, an early symbol of 
Sun-worship, is a triple flower, and the stem from which it rises is clearly marked. " 43 
This relief on which the figure is engraved, cannot be dated earlier than, the latter part of the 
third century A.D., and we see here what features the type of Mithra came to possess subse- 
quently in Iran. On the other hand, the Graeco-Rornan artists of Eastern Europe and 
Western Asia laid much importance on the legend about Mithra's having slain the Bull, and 
the Graeco-Roman monuments came to bear usually the representation of Mithra in the act 
of slaying the Bull 44 . However, what is to be particularly borne in mind in this connection 
is this, that Mithra, who was originally represented in early Iranian Art by a symbol as in 
early Indian Art, came to be endowed with a human form after the cult of the Iranian Mithraism 
came in contact with the Hellenes of Asia Minor. 

Now, should we seek to find in this Kushan Mithra, or as a matter of fact in the Hellenistic 
Apollo, the actual prototype of the booted Sun image of the early mediaeval period in India * 
There is certainly much truth in the observation of certain scholars that the 
expansion of image worship in India was largely due to the close contact of her sons with the 
idolatrous Hellenistic invaders of India ; and this expansion was also in no uncertain measure 
brought about by the activities and the exertions of the Seythic barbarians who came in 
the wake of these Hellenes and were largely influenced by them 45 . Certain peculiarities, e.g., 

39 Whitehead, Punjab Museum Catalogue, vol. I, pi. XVH. p. 63. 

*o Ibid., pi. XVII, No. 53. 4* Ibid., pi. V, No. 322. 

U Spiegel, Iranian Art, pp. 41-2? A. V. Williams Jackson, Persia Past and Present p. 217 
and plate. 

43 Persia Past and Present, pp. 217-18. Spiegel in bis Iranian Art remarks about the other figure: 
*'Iu the vicinity of the above relief (the one described in the body of b& paper) is a pans! containing 
three figures, the middle one is a king wearing a coat of mail, the left a female figure pour* water from a 
vessel in her hand. The male figure on the right wears a diadem, a long beard, a zoantle fastened over 
the breast hangs over its shoulders, it offers to the king the coronal circle. I do riot doub* that the female 
figure on the left represent Analiita and the figure on the right Mithra." (P. 43.) 

** Mythology oj all Races, vol. VI, 237-8, pi. XXXIII, pp. ] and 2. 

* 5 M. A]f ^dFouchQrinliia Beginnings of BuddM^t Art would date the introduction of the practice 
of image worship in India after she came ID contact with the Greeks. Mr. B. P. Chauda in his flatten 
&>c?KMl oj Indian Sculpture seemed entirely to support M. Foucher's view ; but lately he has modified his 
opinion and is now inclined ta assert that though images were made and worshipped in certain places in 
ancient India, the impetus to the worship of images came to be widely felt in India of the Saka-Kuslwm 
period. See his Mwrti O Mandir, a vernacular address read by him in the Radhanogore Sahitya Sam- 
19th of April, 1924, 


_ [OBPEEMBEII, 1925 

the boots worn by the 'Indian Surya and the close-fitting drapery enjoined by the icon 
texts to be shown round the image, and in fact actually met with in most of these scufT^ ^ 
would certainly justify an answer to the question in the affirmative. Bat it should 1 K! 
remarked at the same time that the type which was thus evolved was the outcome oftL 
genius of the Indian artists, and these few alien elements were so entirely subjugated & th* 
later specimens that even the alien character of these features was completely lost sieht f I 
their presence came to be accounted for with the help of ingenious stories invented b' th 
Indian myth-makers. The Indian artists endowed the inxage of Surya with all sorts of crna* 
ments pre-eminently Indian; e.g., kirtta, keytira,hdra, valaya, udambandJia, etc, They pl^ed 
two fully bloomed lotus flowers, Indian solar emblems, in his hands, and their conception of 
Surya as riding on a seven-horsed chariot attended by Usha, Pratytisha, and several of the 
other accessory deities, was also indigenous in character. Here is another case in point ^here 
the Indian genius is responsible for wholly remodelling, and giving a new andoriginal character 
to, a type that was primarily non-Indian in nature to a certain extent 4 *. A very careful 
consideration of a host of these Sun images found all over Northern India would most probably 
enable us to lay down the general rule that those images in which the alien elements, e.g., the 
boots and the close fitting drapery, are most evident, are as a class earlier in point of date 
than those in which these features are least noticeable. The Sun-images of the extreme South, 
on the .other hand, do not show the least trace of these characteristics, which were to a great 
extent overcoma prior to their first introduction there. The iconographic texts also seem 
to support our conclusion, and these characteristics, which are more frequently to be noticed 
in the texts of the earlier period, came to be lost sight of or at most were very slightly noticed 
in .those of the later period. 

The legends that are current about the introduction of this form of Sun-worship, with 
this type of the anthropomorphic figure of the Sun-god as the cult-picture, have been briefly 
referred to above. But certain details are worth considering in order to account satisfactorily 
for the peculiarities of this type. The iconographic texts, also mentioned above, in brief, 
allude to these peculiarities in their own fashion. The peculiar kind of foot-gear, which is 
to be found worn by Sftrya, was not known to the inhabitants of India proper, and so they 
enjoined that the images should be dressed like a Northerner (KuryM-uMcyamam ). Now, what 
is meant by this injunction ? If we look at the effigies of Kanaka on the obverse of his coins, 
or at the headless statue of the same king 4 ? now kept in the Mathura Museum, we at once 
understand the meaning of this term, udtcyav&.ath. Kanaka and the members of his race 
were to all intents and purposes looked upon by the dwellers of the Indian plain as people 
hailing from the north, and quite consistently do rte light upon certain elements of the dress 
of Kanaka himself,, the peculiar boots, the heavy drapery, though Indianised afterwards 
to a great extent, the sword hanging down from the belt in a peculiar fashion, in the person 
of Sdrya. Sometimes even the two male attendants on the side of the central figure, viz., 
Daadi and Pingala, are quite furiously enough, dtessed in exactly the same way as Sfirya 
himself. We have seen that Mihira (Miioro) of Kanie ka's coins, and ultimately Apollo of the 
coins of the Hellenistic kings of India, formed the original prototype of the Sftrya image. 
Ttoavyafya, or waist girdle worn by the Persians, is not to be found on the person of 
Mihira on the Kushan coins ; but we must bear in mind that Mihira there is covered from neck 
downwards with a heavy flowing drapery, which in the Indian sculptures of Surya gave place 
to transparent garments, and the position of the Persian avyato*, various sorts of Indian 
ornaments hke Mra, keytira, jewelled Mfettbw, etc., was emphasised. 

can tl g ? V^ P6CUliar dr688 of this S ^"god, one other interesting observation 
canbe made here, ^ that we know of at least two other Indian deities who are 

European *afew WWW, Fouchey aad otters regarding the evolutiop 


r~T~to be depicted as dressed in the Northern fashion. Hemadri in Ms Vratalchanda 
01 1 ll PP 145-14 6 )' while describing the images of Oitragupta and Dhanada (Kuvera), 
d'wn'that both of them are to be shown as dressed like a Northerner, and the 
!*tter is also to be endowed with a coat of mail (leawtii)**. Citragupta, who is to be 
laced on the right side of Yama, is to hold a pen in his right hand and a leaf in his left. 49 
Curiously enough, we see iu this Citragupta some interesting resemblances, as far as its 
iconography is concerned, with the pen and ink-pot carrying right-hand attendant of 
Sam, who is known in ioonographic literature by various names, such as Kun<Ji, Pingala, 
Dh&ta', etc. This Udioyavega or the Northern dress was not fully understood by the image- 
makers, and these top-boota were especially unintelligible to them. They liked to identify 
the heavy drapery of the upper part of the body of Surya with the kivaca, or coat of mail, 
which they could underetand. At least one of the Indo-Aryan divinities, fc., Varuna, is 
endowed with this coat of mail by the hymnist. The elaborate legend about Surya's marry- 
ing Samga, the daughter of Visvakarma, her flight from him for his unbearable effulgence, and 
TOvakarma's attempt at reducing this unendurable tejas of Surya, was composed to explain 
the peculiar foot-gear of the Sun-god. It is there narrated that Visvakarma put the Sun on his 
lathe (&na-Yantra) and dimmed his brightness by peeling much of it from the upper part 
of his body ; but he left Ms legs untouched. So some texts" say that his legs were covered 
bv his tejas or brightness, and the authors of these iconographic texts strictly enjoin that the 
legs of the Sun-god are on no account to be shown bare by the sculptor. Any sculptor violating 
this strong injunction will do so at the risk of becoming a leper for seven consecutive torths. 
This story as well as those iconographie texts, which notice this peculiar feature of this type 
of Surya image, show clearly, in this case at least, that the types of the icons were evolved at 
first and that then rules were laid down in correspondence with the type already arrived at, for 
the future construction of such images. We have remarked how gradually this alien charac- 
teristic of the image of the Sun was lost sight of, and the South Indian sculptor had no fear 
of being attacked with leprosy when he carved the image of the Sun with his leg* bare, 
long after the booted Surya was sculptured for the first time by his brother arfasts in 
Northern India. 

__ ___ _ _ 

48 T7or Sculptures of Kuvera with his feet shod and his bo7y "^ A "* tn^ enp*d 
by his consort H9riti, see M. Foueher, Beginnings of Bttddlist Art , p. 145, pL Xy 1 "*- 

49 ?** dalcsme ta^* Otoagve** ' ^rayet. Ufiegutt** *** 

,^. Lambodara 
Jeavaothdra Vhter&rdito Hwah, ete. . 

BO Rigwda, I. 25 13. ViTyrad-r&pim Uwva* tm<w*nwya. "Waarmg a golden coat 
of mail, be veils himself in his radiance." ''''. _ . 

SlMatej/a Purtna (Vangavasi Edition), p. 90S, verse 4 ; of. BangiyaS^tya Parvhat 
vol. XVI. Pandit B. B. Vidyavinod, in his article on ' Sflrya Fade Upflnat (Shoes 01, the legs ' 
tries to explain away this co verlng of the legs as the sculptor's attempt at representing ; the tcja' * 
ns onjoiiml in the .VaAwa Part**. But, he seems' to have fully roissed the point that the texts [ 
bgeiui iiKlf in fact try to account for this non-Indian peculiarity in their Wtt way. *&>"> 
feet are covered simply by Hs brightness, then how it is that we find these *--. ^"^ 
of his two male attendants, Dandl and Kundl One other interestog lea ture about ***** 
wem to have been noticed by very few scholar., t-fo., even the legs of the fexaale ******** ot 
many reh'efs (o/. those exhibited in the Gupta Gallery.of the Calcutta Moseoin)-" covered by * 
tiJ boote. Inihis connection, the figure of a soldier (t) on the upnght of the mdmg of Bhaihut 
tauollwd. 'TIiedNwof this figure is very peculiar, unlike those w&m by the figures of &idin 
" On ito Toot are boots, whichleach high up the legs; and are either fastened or fished by a chord wrth 
two f^wb, like those ou the iwok of the tunic." *te tyj offo figure. *> to be an aheu one and ^ 
may compare it with the Jion-ridmg negroid (?) figure on ^East gate-way at Sanch,. The poKUon 
of the figure from the wait downwards is not shevrtx m the relief. (Of. Cuimmgham's BvAvt Btopa, 
P. 32, pi. XXXII. 1, and Grflnwedel's SyaShvAArt, pp. 33-34, fig. 10. 


We know that the iconographic texts usually give two hands to Surya, and it is generall 
implied there that the figure of the Sun -god should be a standing one. Reliefs of gfoya with 
two hands and in a standing posture hail from every part of India. But images of the Sun 
with four hands and in a sitting posture are also found in India, though very rarely, An early 
image of the Sun that was enshrined in Multan, which according to the legend of SamUin 
the BlwLvisya, Purdna was the first to welcome this novel form of Sun-worship (Mithra worship) 
in India, has been described by the early Arab writers who wrote about India. This dea- 
cription, though not very clear, is well worth reproducing hi connection with the seated type 
of the Sftrya image. Abu Ishilk, Al Istakliri, who nourished about the middle of the tenth 
century A.B. writes, " The idol is human in shape and is seated with its legs bent in a qua- 
drangular (squat) posture, on a throne made of brick and mortar. Its whole body is covered 
with a red skin-like morocco leather, and nothing but its eyes are visible ...... jj^ 

eyes of the idol are precious gems, and its head is covered with a crown of gold. It sits in a 
quadrangular position on the throne, its hands resting upon its knees, with the fingers closed, 
so that only four can be counted." 62 Al Idrisi's description of the image is similar in character 
but he says ' its arms, below the elbow, seem to be four in number.' 63 Other seated images of 
Surya are noticed by Mr. Gopmath Rao. 64 As regards the four-handed images of Stiiya, 
Mr. Macdonell remarked that no images of Surya endowed with four tiands are to be found in 
India. But Prof. Venkate^vara has contradicted Mr. Macdonell and has referred^ to a few 
reliefs where the Sun-god seems to be endowed with four hands. 66 But it should be remarked 
here that of these four-handed images of Sftrya, all seem to be of the seated type; and if a 
general observation can be made with some approach to accuracy, we should modify Mr. Mac- 
donelTs statement and say that standing images of Sflrya with four hands are hardly to be found 
in India. Another type of the image of the Sun, riding on a single horse, is referred to in 
the Agni Purdnas and the ri Vi&akarmdwtdra Sfotra.** One such relief in Kandi (Bengal) 
is mentioned by Mr. Nikhilnath Bay in his History of MursJiidabad. 

Solar character can be traced in the origin of the many important Brahmanical deities 
of the Purftnic period. We have seen that Sflrya enjoyed a very prominent place in the 
Kigvedic period, and Vi^nu, recognised as one of his aspects, came to be regarded as one of the 
most prominent divinities subsequently and became the cult head of Vaisnavism. $1 such, 
many images of various types were made of him. The story about Samg&'s flight from Stirya 
relates how from the leavings or parings of the resplendent body of the Sun, maay weapons 
and Attributes were made for other divinities. Thus Sudar&ana Cakra, Vajra, Sftla, Sak^vere 
each made out of these Cast-off portions ,of theSua-god,, and they came to be regarifed as the 
weapons particular to Visnu, Indra, Siva and Skanda respectively. This legend perhaps 
shows, in no doubt a very peculiar way, the solar basis of these gods. Mr. Krishna S&etri 
remarks in his South Indian Gods and Goddesses (p. 236): " But within the flaming oirb 
is recognised the god N&r&yana (Visnu) whose body is golden, who assumes the form of 
Brahm& in the morning, MaheSvara (Siva) in the midday and VJSELU in the evening . . 

6? Elliot's History of India, voL I (1867), p. 28. 

* Ibid., vol. I (1867), p. 82, IdrisI remarks ' There is *xo idol in India or in Sind which is more highly 
venerated.' , 

Elements of Hi-ndu Iconography, vol. I, part II, plate LXX2IX (Chitorga<jfe ' relief J^pl. 
l (Bronze > Madras Museum), fig. 3 (Harbte, Bajputana it is four-handed), \ ' 
W18. pp. 621-2. . y. .-.-,-. 

'^ Sd8tra > ch ' 28 > v - 59- Athaba&atamdrudbah kdrya" ekasto Bhdikara. 

^ f Y^^tiott'Ok 51, v. 3). borrows this passage from the former work and its descrip- 
a , f the other Adit yas is also a case of wholesale bon^oi r , m the same, 

Plate I 

Indian Ant 


Dr. Stella 

Indian Antiquary 


Dr f Stella 


. , . . An illustration from Chidambaram (fig. 144) evidently represents Sflrya as com- 
posed of Brahm&, Visnu and Mahesvara (Trimurti). 67 

It may be remarked in fine that the type of the image of the Sun-god, which was 
introduced into India in the early centuries of the Christian era and largely Indianised by 
the genius of Indian artists, may have played a prominent part in the development of the 
types of many other important Brahmanical divinities. 

[The two figures accompanying this article are typically North-Indian in character. The 
details in both of them are fully prominent. The garment covering the upper part of the body 
of Sfirya is finely suggested by the artist in Plate I ; whereas, the trunk from the waist upwards 
is left bare in Plate II. Tho avyanga and the boots are clearly marked in both the figures. 
The relief shoWn in Plate II (from Kon&rak, Orissa), a finely carved piece of sculpture, seems 
to be .later in point of date than the figure in Plate I. 

I am indebted to Dr. Stella Kramrisch, Lecturer in Fine Arts in the Calcutta University, 
for these photographs.] 


BY H. 0. RAY, M.A, 

" THE finding of the ArthaSdstra of Kautilya/' says Prof. K. V. Bangaswami Aiyangar 
" will remind students of Roman Law of the fortunate accident which made Jtfiebuhr light 
upon the manuscript of Gaius at Verona, in 1816. >?1 The importance of the recovery of this 
work can scarcely be exaggerated. There is hardly any field in Ancient Indian History on 
which this Arthasdstra has not thrown welcome light* All students of Indology are 
therefore highly indebted to Dr. R. Shamas&stry for not only editing but also translating it 
into ^ English , To the translation again of this work Dr. Shamas&stry has added a learned 
preftic^puttihg together all the references to this ArfhaSdstra and discussing its age and author- 
ship. His contention is that the present work was composed by Kautilya, Prime-minister 
of Chandragupta the founder of the Maurya dynasty in the 4th century B.C. In the in- 
troductory note which Dr. Fleet has written and which has been published at the beginning 
of this translation the same English scholar gives us clearly to understand that he is in sub- 
stantial agreement with the conclusions of Dr. Shamas&stry. Soon after their views were 
published, however, they were hotly assailed by European scholars, such as Hlllebrandt, 
Jolly, Keith and recently Winternitz. Prof. Jacobi was the only exception. 2 The criticisms 
levelled by these scholars may be reduced principally to '3 views : 

1. The work might have originated with Kautilya, but was developed and brought to 
its present condition by his school. 

2. The work was itself originated atld developed by a school of polity which was asso- 
ciated in later times with h^ 

3. The work might itself have been composed by one single author or at least one 
compiler or editor about the 3rd cent. A.D. and been fathered on the legendary Ch&gakya 
Kautilya, who was then looked upon as the type of a cunning and trnscsruptaous Jmmster. 

Let us now take into consideration the first two points which are closely affied. ItwtHy*, It 
is contended, may have originated the work, but the work itself was systematically deyelpped 
and brought to its present condition by a school either founded by him or associated with iis 
name. What is the evidence adduced in support of this posiftoix * Whenever the views of 
previous authorities on Hindu polity- are specified and criticised, they h*?e always beep 

67 Indian Antiquanj, 1918, p. 136. Rai Bahadur flirateJ ott Trimurti* &undel&and has tried 
to bring ont the solar character of these Trimurtis, $eo Plate H arid compw* it witfcthe 3-headedfigur* 
of SOrya i n Chidambaram in Mr. Krishna Sastri'a work- See also 4&MR'* W&^PP- 27S-2BO, 
. l Awient Indian Polity, (Madras, 1916),p. 7- 

* For references to the works of the above scholar^ See the Hfcfography at the end of this chapter. 
v. Smith in his Early History of India aiwJ Tbomas & the QwMdge History of Wia have virtually 
agreed with pr. ShamaSastry and Prof. Jaoo>L 


" "' ' - ^--^ 

followed by a definite statement of Kautilya's own views, with a specific menti ~f 

in the third person. This use of the name in the third person has led schola t^ u t% a 
work- wrs composed, if not exactly by Kautilya, by some teachers who Vuri vT^* 116 
school connected with his name. I regret I cannot bring myself to accept their IhTT * * 
ing. For they have adducedno evidence to demonstrate thattho mention of an auth , Waaon> 
winding up the discussion of a subject, already handled by previous dcMryos mu t 8a *' eili 
indicate that his name has been specified, not to denote him as the individual ^H^T^ 
denote his school. It is true that the a&troa of the Ptirva and the Uttara Mm&ih di *" 

while introducing such discussions and specifying the names of the variora t " nstance > 
contributed them, have ended with the specification of the views of Jaimini and 5d? ^ 
their reputed authors. It is also true that both Jaimini and Badarayana were ftp ^ 
founders of these schools, but this latter conclusion docs not follow from the m 
of then- names at the end of such discussions introduced into their Ultras We rtm \f im 
the originators of these schools, simply because they have been traditional haiSL * 
the founders of both the schools. But is there any independent evince to 5^1" 

Kautilya or associated with his name ? Kautilya has bZ 
literature that, if he had been really connected , 

ls olutely no evidcnce to sh w thatthere was anch 

who mw T ! Pini0 " Ox l jres8ed in fcl " connection is that of Prof. Hillebrandt, 

^ f th Phmse W '* tells against the aultosMp 

ti, ^ ^^ th Wirk te his schooL mat tLis * 

' Jl 1 h t m0re US6 f the lmmc of an ^dividual in the third person is an 

, * hC W rk " not MS > but that ( > f ^ is *d- T ^> however, ignoreB 
P ' ra T l an aUth r mentionin g U- name in the third person, wheuhe has to 
^ handed down ia India "' en *o * ^ d this is the 

like Kanaka, Tulsidas, Kavir, Tukaram, Chandidfis and 
themselves in the third person, 

J ^H 8 ^ 1< l Tillat th6 mere Phrase iti Kautttyafi, or neti KantHyah, ocqurring in the 
I am prepared to i neC . eSSarily P rove that ** ww not the work of Kautilya;" but of his school, 
evidence to show that th her> I have ^eady remarked that there is no trustworthy 
Kautilya Whv ind i i ?, &ny SCh o1 in existenc e, which was connected with the name of 
his workis a mere T ** any such sch o1 at a11 ? Kautilya expressly tefis us that 
on the subject He^ P m . f what the autb -ors of Hindu polity prior to his time had written 
originality, except h ^j aim much OTi ginality at all. Nor does he deserve any credit for 
In these 'discusBions i * ^ corc 1 tical Discussions as set forth the views of the previous authors. 
omy itautilva. ;, T, is own in<iividual opin i oll5 w hich is to that exteirt 

ai>1)ears wi * disciple. But Jacobi has pointed out t 
- i, yeaIS aEter the stftteSBn an and described the time of Ws JWB^ tbe 
Oalls K u tilya his guru, but there is Hothing to show that Kau$y ^ 


original. But he cannot possibly be credited with having originated an entirely new system 
of political philosophy. To say, therefore, that he was the founder of any school is to my 
mind a view which is not only not borne out by facts, but is inherently impossible. 

We now turn our attention to the consideration of the third of the views referred to above, 
Before, however, we can satisfactorily deal with this question, it is absolutely necessary to 
discuss another point, which is really the pivot of that and kindred views. So far as the 
Arlhxsd&tra goes, in many places we have been told that Kautilya was the author of the book. 
I have already adverted to the discussions in which the names of previous authors precede 
that of Kautilya. In three other places in the work the name of Kautilya occurs, namely, 
at the end of the 1st chapter, at the end of the 10th chapter (Ilnd Book) and at the end of the 
last chapter. Thus it has been calculated that the name of Kautilya occurs in the book not 
less than 72 times, and, so far as the internal and external evidence of this work is concerned, 
Kautilya undoubtedly was the author of it ; and further, as the concluding verses of the 10th 
and the last chapters show, this Kautilya must have been the prime -minister of the Mauryan 
King Chandragupta. Can this Kautilya really be the author of the Artka^dstra ? I have 
already stated that Prof. Jacobi 5 is the only European scholar who answers this question in 
the affirmative. Prof. Winternitz, however, holds the opposite view. It may not be possible 
to agree with the former when he says that Kautilya was like Bismarck and could not have 
found time to establish a school, and Prof. Keith seems to be right when he remarks that 
"Kautilya was not Bismarck, and India is not Germany." 6 But it should be borne in mind 
that in India there was never any antagonism between practical politics and the academic 
pursuit of knowledge. The latest instance is furnished by the two brothers, M&dhava and 
S&yana, who were administrators in the Vijayanagar Empire, but who nevertheless found 
time not only to study, but also to write about Vedic lore. 7 This, I think, satisfactorily 
answers the argument of Prof. Winternitz, when he says that the Arthasdstra was the work, 
not of a statesman, but of a pandit fond of pedantic classification and definition. This last 
characteristic is certainly prominent in the writings of both Madhava and S&yana. Never- 
theless, history tells us that both of them were shrewd administrators and wise statesmen. 

Prof. Winternitz, however, adduces many more arguments in support of his position. 
Thus he tells us that the very name Kautilya gives rise to serious doubts. The fact that he 
is never called CMnakya and only once Vishnugupta, which is a copyist's addition, raises 
grave suspicions as to the real authorship. The word Kautilya meaa " crookedness, " 
"falsehood," Is it likely, he asks, that Chandragupta's minister should have called himself 
' Mr. Crooked ' or * * crookedness personified." 1 He forgets that in India people often bear names 
of evil import, but they are not ashamed for that reason of mentioning them. The Aitareya 
Brdhmanct, has given us the name gunahsepha, which means * the dog's tail ' ; and we know 
that the author of one of the ancient scripts of India was Kharoshtha, which signifies ' the ass's 
lips/ But if we want any instance nearer home, it is furnished by Kautilya's ArfhaMstra 
itself. For does he not tell us that two of the authors of Hindu polity wfeo flottrisfaed 
before him were Vatavy&dhi, i,e., ' Gout 'or f Rheumatism** and Pisuna, -tY^ C atad0$w*. jar 
'backbiter.' Why should Kautilya therefore be ashamed of calling himself Kautilya in Ms 
work, supposing for the moment that it meant c Crookedness ' ? But is it so as a matter of 
&ct ? If he is to be called " Mr. Crooked," would not the term be rather Kutila than Kautilya ? 
Is tbare.any instance of an abstract noun like Kautilya, which must always be in the neuter, 
being used for a male individual by changing the gender of that word * Evidently Kau- 
t%amuj3t be a iaddUta name, and if we say that his mother was Ku#l&, his name must 
Kautileya and not Kautilya. And if we suppose that he was called after his father 

V. Smith and Thomas seem also to share this view. 
JRA.S., 1916, p. 131. 

7 Some Contribution* of South India to Indian Culture, by 8. Krishnaewami Aiyangar, pp. 309-10. 

8 Ar pp. 14, 33, etc. 


the name would be Kautila. I am afraid we cannot hope to explain the formation 
of the name, if we persist in connecting Kautilya somehow with Kutila. The author of the 
fcabdakcApadruma perceived this difficulty and ha therefore given a different etymology, viz 
Kutah ghatah tarn Idnti kutalah Iculadhdny&h teadmapatyam Kautilyali. This explanation' may 
perhaps look fantastic, but what I contend is that the name must be explained as a taddhtia 
form. It is possible that Kutala or Kutila or Kotala or Kotila was the original name from 
which Kautilya was derived by Pardni's s&tra Gargddibhyo yan. In later times, however, the 
gotra name Kautalya or Kautilya was confounded with the abstract term * crookedness ' 
especially as the prime-minister of Ghandragupta, being the means of securing the sovereignty 
of the Mauryan family, must have been a first-rate diplomat and an adept in state-craft. He 
came thus to be connected somehow with all the dark and devious methods that are 
associated with diplomacy and duplicity. Recently Mahamahopadhyaya Ganapati Sfistri 
has pointed out that the word Kutala is mentioned by Kesavasv&min in his Ndndarthdrn- 
avasamlcgepa, as meaning both Ootrarisi and an ornament. 9 

It is thus difficult to see what objection there can be to our considering Kautilya, the 
prime-minister of Chandragupta, as the author of the ArlhaMstra. The only way to cast 
doubt on this conclusion is to show that there are traits of style and some words or names 
in the body of the book, which are of a much later period. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar, 10 for instance, 
has taken his stand upon this type of internal evidence and has brought the composition 
down to a much later period. We will therefore direct our attention to these arguments. 
The strongest internal evidence on which these scholars have relied is the close affinity which 
tho Kautiliya bears to the afttra works of a later period and to the Kdmasutra of V&tsyflyana. 
The method of stating the views of opponents in a discussion, together with their names, and 
setting forth the final decision by their specification of the view and name of the reputed work, 
is a special characteristic of the s&tra works of the later period ; and as among these V&tsy&- 
yana is the earliest, being referred to the fourth century A.JD., it is contended that Kautilya 
could not have been far removed in point of time. He and his work are thus brought down to 
the second or third century A.B. I confess I am not convinced by any arguments which are based 
on mere considerations of style. To quote an instance, Mattavildsa is evidently a drama of the 
seventh century, but in style, especially so far as the prologue is concerned, it has a remarkably 
close resemblance to the introductory portions of the 13 plays which have recently been 
ascribed to the poet Bh&sa. We know the date of tho Maltavilfaa positively. It belongs 
to the seventh century A.D., and as we have got a positive date for this drama, an attempt was 
made by Dr. Barnett 11 to bring the thirteen plays above-mentioned within this late period. 
But I do not think this view has commended itself to scholars like Prof. Winternitz, Keith and 
others. Secondly, it is true that the date of V&tsyyana's Kdmastilra has been settled pretty 
accurately. There is no evidence that it was added to or was tampered with by interpolations. 
This, however, cannot be said in regard to the Ved&ntasuirasoi BMaryana or the Nydyasvtras 
of Gautama. There can be no doubt that both the bodies of the stitras, as known to us at 
present, cannot be much earlier than the first century A.D. But it cannot be contended that 
most of the stitras forming each one of these sets were not in existence long before. Take for 
instance the Veddnta stitras. To an impartial scholar there can be no doubt that they have 
been referred to in a passage of the Bhagavadgitd, as noticed by Mr. Amalnekar 13 and 
Max Muller. 13 What is the explanation of this discrepancy ? Perhaps the best explanation 
ia that of Prof, p. R. Bhandarkar, whohas contended with great force that 

lo P ,^ Pati Astri > Triv ^rum series, Trak&araka^a ; verse8 5, 33- 

ffSir *' ^ Btontarbar, First Oriental Conference, pp. 6-7, 

l 11 ' < 422 ' 13 C V ' Vrfdyft, Bpie Incfa, p. 497. 

Max Mailer, In&an Philosophy, p . us 



s, though they existed long prior to the EhagavadgM, were added to from 
time to time and acquired their present fixity, when they were first commented upon by a 
most erudite commentator, perhaps Upavarsha. If such is the case, that particular trait of 
the aUra style, which refers to the opponents' views along with their names and demolishes 
them by establishing the do c brine of the author, can very well date back to a time much ante - 
rior to the BJiagamdgitd and even the Kautittya. There is, therefore, nothing strange in 
Kautilya imitating that style in hie Arthasdatra. Again, it is worthy of note that the 
Nydyasutras, as they exist at present, like the Vedd'iifa-sutras in their present form are of the 
third century A.D. But curiously enough they do not share this trait of style and we may 
therefore reasonably ask why they should not share it with the Kamasutras of Vateyayana, 
although both belonged practically to the same period. The truth appears to be that style 
is not always a safe argument to go upon. No doubt there are many works of one and the 
same period which partake of the same characteristic style, but that does not preclude an 
author from imitating another style, a style not prevalent in hig day. It will thus be seen 
that the trait of style shown by the Arthatdsfra is also shown by the Veddntasutras, the 
greater part of which are as old as the fourth century B.C., if not older. 

We now turn to a consideration of the views of Dr. Kalidas Nag." He scouts the idea 
that the ' entire ArthaMelra has come out from the head of Kautilya, like Minerva from 
the head of Zeus ' and refers the work in its present form to the post-Mauryan period. His 
main contention is that f the diplomacy of the K aujittya is not that of a centralised empire, 
but indeed that of a very divided feudalism, in which each chief is in perpetual conflict with his 
peers for hegemony and in his turn is crushed by a new series of wars. It represents the 
normal atomist politics of a very decentralised epoch, quite the reverse of the politics of a 
great empire. Thus the diplomacy of the KautiUya is either anterior or posterior to the 
Mauryas and does not show any trace of the centralising imperialism of Chandragupta.' In 
trying to establish his thesis he even goes so far as to deny the existence of the term 
Ghakravartin in the treatise. But every student of the Arthatdstra knows that Kautilya 
distinctly refers to this term. Thus Kautilya says ; 

De$ak prthivt : tasydrii HimavatetmudrdntaramudfcMnath y^anasaMsraparimdnama- 
tiryakcJialcravartiksetram. 1 * 

[DeSa, (country) means the earth ; in it the thousand yqjanas of the northern portion of 
the country that stretches between the Himalaya** and the oceans form the dominion of 
Cfiakravartin or Emperor.] 1 * 

It is clear therefore that Kautilya expressly refers to Northern India (udtcM) as the seat 
of a big empire (cliakravartiksetra), which is inconsistent with the supposition of Mr. Nag 
that the Kauti&ya reveals the picture of a decentralised feudalism. Clearly Mr. Nag has 
been misled by those chapters in which Kautilya discusses the theories of inter-State relations 
and war. In explaining these theories Kautilya has to assume the grouping of states ; but 
nowhere does he say that these states were all small. No one a#uu will deny the existence 
of big states like Russia and France in modern Europe, merely from the fact- that there is 
conflict I might almost say perpetual conflict amongst the states for hegemony. Yet the 
theories of inter-state relations of Kautilya can be applied substantially to modern Europe, 
with its great states like Russia and IVance and tiny states like Belgium and Greece. Kautalya 
truly remarks ; 

tqo hi sandhdnakdranam : ndta/ptam lauharii lohena sandhafia tii. 

(It is power that maintains peace between any two kings : no piece of iron that is not made 
fad hot will combine with another piece of iron.) 17 
_____ __ ^ (To be continued.) 

14 Les Theories Diplomatiques De L'l-nde Ancienne et L'Arthasastra, Paris, 1923. pp, 114-121- 

a, 2nded., p. 340. i Trans., 2ndcd.,p. 396. 

f At ed., p. 239. ?W^,2Bded,;p. 822, 




KECORDISD BY H. A. ROSE, I.C.8. (Retired). 

Prefatory Note. 


THIS rough Paiijabi ballad is of interest to show how deeply the talc of Hir and R&niha 
lias eaten into the minds of the people. It is not a high class poem or even a well-told tale 
but its main interest is that it was composed by one A.S& Singh, keeper of a " sweets " shop 
in the Sadar Bazaar in Jhang, who was a native of Magliiiliia, a village in that district. This 
we learn from the last stanza. 


Ake Rabb nun yM kariye : 
Devi H&tft do sahiba loriye, ji, 
Mere andaron uthyA Ch&r-yftron ; 
" Kissa Hir te R&njheb joriye, ji, 
W4ris Shah da hai b&y&a jehra, 
Phog-satte 'atar na choriye, ji, 
Asa, Singhan&n hal kuchh gum howe, 
Apo-ap matlab sftrft phoriye, ji." 


Come and celebrate the praises of the Lord, . 

And ask the help of Mother Devi. 

Within me have arisen the Four Friends (saying) : - 

* : Construct the tale of Hir and Ranjha 

As Waris Shah* has told it. 

Do not leave out the sprinkling of the scents ; 

And if any point is missed by Asa Singh 3 

Disclose the meaning of it thyself." . 

Alif 2. 

Awwal da e bftyan, y&ro. 
R&njhihan bhire zamindar lokoji. 
Manjfl Takht-Hazare da Chaudhri si ; 
Bete ath, jainde w^ldf kar lokon. 
Satin nftl oh rakhie anjor boti : 
Dhldo nal si usda pyar lokon. 
Asa Singha, jeda Manjfi faut hoia, 
Bhai nai Rartjha karan khar lokon. 

l The poem is arranged in 34 stanzas numbered by letters of the Araba-Persian Alphabet 
generally in tho order of the letters. Each stanza commences with the letter indicating it. 

* Author of the moat celebrated version of the story, translated by G. C. TJsborne, and published 
ante, VoL L, as a Supplement. 

8 The present anthor. 



This is the beginning of the tale, my friends ! 
R&njh& came of zamfoiddr folk (Jats), 
Manju was Chaudhri of Takht Haztet, 
And had eight sons pf whom we know. 
With seven he was on bad terms, 
But Dhido he loved greatly. 
When Manjti died, As& Singh 

There was disagreement between R&n;jh& 4 and his brethrea. 

Boliy&n m&rde R&njhaneii nun 
Sat bh&i jeh^e usde ban, M$n : 
Ghar jawe te b&viftn l&nt'ane, 
Nl tuhmat&n de qadhan jfi,n, Mlftii : 
" Nacihf Hir Sy^l di paran leaven, 
Tadl<n jAnl taiii-nuij jawftn, Mi^n." 
As& Singhkahnda : gharon vak hoke 
Rtojhft tarak luta pin khan, Mi^n. 


With (vile) words to Rftnjhft 

His seven brothers abused him. 

They turned him cfut of the house with scorn and curses, 

On hearing these words from a traveller : 

" Go and get the troth pledge of Hfr the Sy&l. 

She is fit lover for a youth like you," 

As& Singh says, R&njhft left his home, 

And gave up eating and drinking. 


Tarak Haj&re-nfii kar RtajM 
Jhang chaJi&, Rabb di &s.karke. 
CM! vanjll kjifindi te ;nftl thtoft, 
GharoA turiA, Hir dH, qiyte karke. 
R4t!n vioh mas!t vaj^l vanjli. 
Mull&n ka<Jhia, 'ishq di pfe karke. 
,Kamm Rabb de dekh tto, Asa Singhft ; 
Baith. nad! tei, chit ud^s karke. 

Translation. . : 

Abandoning Takht Hazto/ RAnjh4 

Went to Jhang, trusting in God. 

He took his flute brown with use, 

He started from his house dreaming 

At night he rested in a mosque and played his flute. 

The Mullas turned him away taking the side of love* 

Behold God's work, As& Sir^h. : 

He came and sat on the river bank, gad at heart, 

* B4njha is really the tribal name of the bero, but it is abvay* used .as tie 



gabili sidq de nai kahnda : 

k Main-nun jhab de par utftr, Mitti}." 

Ghusse ho muhfine jaw&b ditta : 

'* Paibd leke kar&Dge pto, MIftii." 

Banjha kahia : *" Faqir gharlb-hAfi, Mian, 

Hathfin saknft be rozg4r, Mian." 

Asa Singha, tam&8h& e deldi, tfin b! : 

Kehri karegft ag4n kaltdr, Mi&n. 


With firm trust he says [to the boatman] : 

" Take me to the other side of the stream, Sir." 
Angrily the boatman replied : 
* c I will take you over on payment, Sir." 
R&njh& said : " I am a poor man, Sir ; 
Without a livelihood save by my bands, Sir." 
Asa Singh : behold thou too this wonder : 
What commands the Creator will &ivc, 


Jadan muhano jaw&t ditta, 
Ranjha howe khaia harian jehfi.j 
Pichhoh Mulia kacjh-ditta matft vichon ; * 
Agfiti haur milia be4man jeha, 
Banjha " bismiliaiii " karke let vanjii ; 
Bag gawian ruh-parchhan jehft. 
Asa Singh, us niuijhi&nl mard raun&n 
Sohna gabru, part de shan, jehd. 


When the ferryman had refused to take him across, 
B&n]ha was left alone and perplexed. 
Behind the Mulla had turned him out of the mosque, 
And in. front of Mm he met another rascal. 
Banjha saying " Waatf'Kak," took his flute 
And sang a soul-entrancing ditty. 
Asa Singh [says], he enchanted both men and women, 
This beautiful youth who was like a fairy. 


Charneu Banjhe-nftn beri uthe ; 
Bannau dceu jhabel diftfi ut 
Be^i vich charae bahaiiane ; 
Girdi bai^h bhartndiau 
Ludhfin samajhia : " Merian do 
Is Jatt dl vanjii kuthienl. 
Asfi, Singh : Banjhe ten te mast 
Ghax chhor, khawind kolon ruthient. 



Two women from the boatmen's hamlet arose 

And took him into the boat. 

They took him into the boat and made him sit down, 

And they sat down and began to pound grain. 

Ludh&n understood that his two wives 

Had been captivated by the Jatt's flute. 

Asa Singh [says] : They were mad for R&njh& 

Left their house, and quarrelled with their husband. 


Haqq d! puchhda bat Ranjha : 
" Beri vioh kehra palang kasiyae ? " 
fi E tan Hir Saleti di sej, Miau, 
Qisse Bhagbhari feolou dasiy^e," 
Sunke Hir d& nahte khush! hoia : 
Sutta palang ten ghar&n da nasiyde- 
Asa Singh: Kahin Hir nftn jahe kaM& ; 
4 * Tera palang kise Jatt kasiyae." 

Ranjha asks for a true account : 

66 Whose bed is that spread out in the boat. ? " 

" This is the bedding of Hir the SyW girl, Sir, 

Whose tale is told with that of Bh&g-bh&ri." 

Hearing Hir's name he was delighted 

And he who had fled from his home lay down on the bed. 

Asa Singh [says] : Some one went and told Hir : 

" Some Jat-t is stretched upon thy bed." 


Khabar je itni pai us-nft", 
Vich gham de Hir Sy&l hftl, 
tf6 Mere sej uthe sutta kaun ake ? " 
Rawan nadS ten sSyau de nil hfll 
Pahle mar muhane n^in ch^r k!ta : 
Pher Ranjhe de an kMyai hfit 
Singha : Hir di dil vika-chukl, 
Jadaii nainan di naiuan ten jhai hitt. ; 


When she heard this news 
Hir the Syai was vexed : . . 

" Who has lain down on my bed 1 *V . . 
Coining to the river with her companion, 
First she began to scold the boatman. ; 
Then she came and looked at.Rtoiha, . 

[Says As&] Singh : Hfr'0 heart was eooqt^ed 
When eye with eye sxcbanged Its gtenccs. 
(To be 




(Vol. XI of the Linguistic Survey of India 

edited by Sra GEORGE GBIEHSON, K.C.I.E., 

D.LITT.) HXlOi, VIII, 213 pp, Calcutta. 

Government Press. 

The word " Gipsy " is here used in the sense 
of "nomad.*' Its use is not intended to suggest 
any connection with the Romani Ohals of Europe. 
Throughout the length and breadth of India mi- 
gratory tribes are to be found, some settling down 
in towns and villages, others still moving from 
place to place in pursuit of their ordinary avoca- 
tions. All or nearly all wandering tribes in India 
have dialects or argots of their own. Some of 
these forms of speech are closely connected 
with well-known languages, and have already 
been described in the course of this Series. Thus 
six are dealt with in Vol. IV, along with Dravidian 
languages, and seven in Vol. IX as belonging to 
the Bhil languages. In the volume before us 
six dialects and ten argots are discussed. The 
dialects are ssi Beldari, Bhami, Ladi, Odkl and 
Pendharij the argots need not be specified. Say 
is said on p. 5 to be a mere argot, but on p. 41 , 
to be a distinct vernacular. The latter statement 
is correct. It is a real dialect with its own 
declensions, conjugations, phonetic law and 
syntax, and is as independent as any non-noma- 
dic, non-criminal dialect which, spoken by few 
people, lies open to the influence of more powerful 
neighbours. Dr. Konow, however, on p. 5 was 
perhaps thinking of the Criminal Variation which 
may be described as an argot based upon the 


The author's main thesis is one of intense inter- 
est. He argues on both ethnological and 
linguistic grounds that all these nomads had a 
common Dravidian origin, and that for many 
centuries they have roamed over India. In fact, 
he hints that they are indirectly referred to in 
the Mahabharat, where Yudhishthira is warned of 
impending treachery in a jargon understood only 
by himself and" the speaker. We can but wish 
that the limitations of space had not prevented 
the production of more evidence and . precluded 
a fuller discussion of the whole problem. We 
should like to know how these tribes differed 
from other Dravidians, why they separated from 
them, whether they were ever a united, though 
separate, whole, how and why they split into diverse 
elements, and most important of all, what their 

he may perhaps say in the famous words of the 
student, asked after an examination if he* had 
succeeded in demonstrating Euclid Bk. I Prop. 
5, " I should not like to say that I proved it, but 
I think I made it seem very probable." 

Though supposed to be Dravidians, these 
nomads now speak Aryan dialects, generally con- 
nected with Rajputani, Gujarati or Marathi. A 
number of the secret words used in their special 
argots are common to several different tribes, 
and of these a few are found among Euro- 
pean Gipsies. Thus the word kajfa or kaja employ- 
ed by Sasis and Nats, (also, it may be remarked 
by Churas who are not discussed at all in this 
volume) is like the Komani gajo ( ? English 
codger). It does not however mean, as here sta- 
ted, " man " pur et simple. It always mean 
a man not belonging to the tribe. This is true 
also of gctjo. In India there is a further limitation 
of meaning. The word means a man of ordinary 
respectable society. Thus Sasi would not call 
a Chui-a or Gaggra " Kajja" but a Hindu, Musal- 
man or Englishman would be so called. Other 
Romani words are jukela, jhukil, chukal chuk 
or dhokal, dog (Rom. jukel), and rhaJdo, bey 
(Rom. raklo). In addition to these there are 
of course the numerous Romani words which are 
common to all Sanskritic languages. 

Prof. Konow is much to be congratulated on 
his contributions to the Linguistic Survey, 
Of the 16 volumes now before us he has written 5 
and Sir George Grierson 11. It^is 
of great satisfaction to find distin- 
B ^_- foreign scholars, like him and Prof. 
Bloch of Paris, devoting themselves to modern 
Indian vernaculars, thus showing that import- 
ance does not depend on a remote past. The 
views expressed in the present work will command 
general acceptance, except those (occupying only 
half a page in all) which relate to the connection 
of Romani with Indian languages. These should 
be reconsidered. 

The treatment of the similarity between 
dialect* widely separated geographically, a ma* 
laxity which shows itself not so much m r - 
vidual words as in methods of word-building, 
particularly of secret word^building, is 
in itself and leads to important results, ine 
picture of this great tribe with the tmoM 
1 its veins, a band of people much larger in 
past than today, fascinates the 
the possibility of their being of 

in all, 


comwefcon is with the true Gipsies of Asia Minor e poss ^ 

and Europe, lie arguments pointing to original the real Gipsies should attract tne 


unity are well put together, and -a good case is 
made out. The author will not himself claim 
completely to have established his position, but 

Orientalists and nil with joy the 
founders and supporters 


31. Bahadapura. 

Udayana, the famous minister of Kum&rap&la, had two sons, Bah&da and Ambaka. 
The father, being mortally wounded in battle, entrusted to his sons the task of carrying 
ut his wish of repairing and constructing temples at several places in Gujarat. At 
the time of building, as the father had wished, tho Nemin&tha temple at Satrunjays, 
the brothers also founded a town in the vicinity, named Bah&dapur, after the elder one. 
No extant village in the surrounding region can be identified with the place. Dr. Bhagw&niai 
Indraji thinks that its site may be close to the ruins east of Paltana, where large quantities 
of conch shells and bangles are still to be found 129 . 

32* Bahuloda. 

Jayakesin, king of Karnataka, had a daughter named Miyatialladevi. She 
longed, so goes the story, f or the hand of the Solanki king Karna [10641094], although 
he was very old, because she hoped siiccessf ally to iise her queenly influence for abolishing 
the pilgrim tax levied at Bahuloda on pilgrims to Prabhisa. Forbes suggests 13 ^ that 
this B&huloda mast be the same as BMloda, a ford on the Narrnad& river near its 
mouth, a little above guklatirtha. This suggestion cannot be accepted; for in the 
time of Karna I, the Aiiahilapattana kingdom did not extend much to the south of 
Ahmadabad ; it was king Karna himself who was first to capture Asapalli or Ahmadabad, 
and Suklatirtha and Bhaloda are more than 100 miles to the south of that city. Besides, as 
the pilgrim tax was on the pilgrims going from Anahilapattaiia and northern Gujarat to Pra- 
bhto, it is clear that this B&huloda must have been somewhere on the boundary between 
Northern Gujarat and Kathiawad ; for pilgrims from Ajiahilapattana could hardly be expect- 
ed to pass through BMloda near Suklattrtha on their way to PrabMsa. And yet we are told 
that when, after her marriage, MiyanaUadevi proceeded from Aiiahilapattaim to Prabhisa, 
she had to pass through Bahuloda 131 . 

This Bahuloda is most probably the village Bholadfc, about 20 miles south-west of Dholka. 
For it is on the boundary line above referred to ; besides, it presents no philological difficul- 

ties in identification. 

This village Bholada must have been axi important town during the eleventh, 
twelfth and thirteenth centuries ; for the annual pilgrim tax received there amounted to 
72 lakhsisi. The amount of the tax may be an exaggeration ; but it is a good indication of 
the traffic of th place. 

33. Bhamkaehehha. 

Bharoch or Bhroach is a town of hoary antiquity ; it was known as Bhrgupura, 
Bhygukachchha and Bhrgukshestra in ancient times ; the port of Barugaza,' 33 Barygassa 
or Bargosa 134 of the Greek writers refers to the same place. ; 

The importance of Bhrgupura in ancient times was due to two causes; firstly, to its being 
a holy place, and secondly^ its being the port of export and import of the whole of northern 
India. Itssanctityasa'tirtha' is recognised in the Pur&nas ;" and no woader j for here king 
Bali is said to have performed the famous sacrifice, in which he gave away Jus whofe empire 

129 *<?., I 1. p. 188. lo RAs Mdl& 9 p. 84, l31 Pbc P- * 

an ladian, a native of Bargdsa who i 


to Vishnu in the form of V&mana. As early as the first century A.D., if not much earlier 
it was a well-known * tirtha ' ; for UsabhacUta is known to have constructed several tanks' 
wells, and rest houses at this place for the use of pious pilgrims w. 

But the fame, prosperity and wealth of ancient Bhrgupxira were due almost entirely to 
its extensive maritime commerce. When precisely its maritime activity commenced, we do 
not definitely know; but it existed even in pre-historic times. The discovery of articles 
of exclusively Indian origin in the ruins of Babylon has made it absolutely certain that 
as early as the third millennium before the Christioai era, if not much earlier, India was 
carrying on extensive trade with Babylon ; but as tho Babylonian words for the Indian 
articles are of Tamil origin, it is clear that it was the Dravidian south rather than the 
Aryan north which was chiefly engaged in that trade. But the prosperity of the 
southern ports must have soon induced Bhrgupura to copy their example ; wo may therefore 
approximately assign the commencement of the maritime activity of Bhrgupura to the 
middle of the second millennium B.C. 

And for this, there is ample evidence. Baudh&yana Smrti, which is assigned by Buhler 
to the fifth century B.C., states that northerners [i.e., people of Gujarat, Kathiawacl and 
Sindh, f or Baudhay ana himself was a southerner] being long accustomed to sea voyages are 
not to be condemned on that account. 137 Maritime activity in the Aryan north must then 
have existed long enough to be considered an established fact even by the orthodox 
Smrtik&ras. Then there is the evidence of the Buddhist Jdtakas. The book belongs to the 
fifth century B.C., but the folk stories on which it is based must be much earlier. The con- 
elusion of Dr. Buhler, based upon statements like these ^sg^&T TOf^R 37% *TFt 

*rnrro f*rw&nQ-..(Stippdraka Jdt., IV, p. 140) <&$ ^ HFf^^r wprw *rnrR $sr* 

(Sussondi Jdt,, III, p, 188) that this maritime activity existed in the eighth century B.C., 
is indeed well-founded. If it was in full swing in the eighth century B.C., it must have 
commenced much earlier, 

Bhrgupura was not a convenient port. How dangerous was the approach to and depar- 
ture from it, is graphically described in the Periplus. 1 ^ Nevertheless, by the beginning of the 
Christian era it had monopolised all the export and import trade of northern and central 
India. The Periplus informs us: * From Ozene is brought down to Barugaza for the supply , 
of the country and for the export to our own markets onyx stones, porcelain, fine muslin,' 138 
But it was not Ujjayini alone, but the whole of the northern India, which was using this 
port for export trade ; the importance of places like Kpadwanj, S&nchi, Bhils&and others 
was primarily due to their being on, the route between P&taJiputra and Bharooh. In 
fact, there was no other port which could be conveniently used in, those times by P&taliputra, 
Var&nasJ, Kanouj and other northern cities. In the first century A.D. it ha,d become such an 
important port that even Kabul was sending its merchandise to Bhrgupura. for export. 3?or 
the Periplus says * At the same time there is brought to it from the upper country by way of 
Proclais for transmission to the coast Kallybourine, Patropapigic and Kabalitic spikenard, 
and another kind which reaches it by way of Skuthia.' Now what places are indicated by 
the first two names is not known, but the last points undoubtedly to the region round Kabul ; 
for Ptolemy calls its inhabitants Kabolitai. 139 

186 Ho*n**& TO3^ *ffa^ :^*F?^*TfH 3 ararf^r 3fl <[ H d* Mid ^Rg^^T Nasik cave No. 10 

Translation in Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 161. 

ransaon n n. nt., Vol. VIII, p. 161. 

139 It would seem that the export trade of the Dec can also passed through this port, For tba 
Periplus says * From these marts, Paithana and T&gara, goods are transported on waggons to Barugasa, 
through difficult regions that have no roads worth calling such.' 


How rich was this extensive trade may be inferred from the fact recorded by Pliny, 
that there was no year in which India did not drain the Roman Empire of a hundred million 

L _____ , 140 

Being such a flourishing port, it is natural that Bhrgupura should hav& been the capital 
of a local kingdom. 14t In this connection the epithet c Pattana ' attached to it in the Jdtaka 
is significant, for Yashodhara observes, as stated already, tprFf ^ tranrnft f^TT I. This 
Bharukachchha kingdom probably comprised the territories between the Narmada and 
the Mahi ; for the Pur&nas always refer to it, when enumerating the names of countries, as 
.yp ^HTt^rr:. Being a capital, it was a well fortified place, for its ramparts are re- 
ferred to in a grant of Dadda II. When not the capital of an independent kingdom, it was the 
headquarter of the province. During R&shtraklita rule it was a capital. With the 
rise to power of the Solanki dynasty, the port passed into its possession. The Salunika 
Vihte* at Bharoch was built by BahMa, at the desire of his dying father Udayana. 

The maritime activity of the place was in full swing in the second century, as is clear 
from the account of the port given by the Periplus ; it continued unabated to the seventh 
century when Hiuen Tsiang visited it in the course of his Indian tour ; for the observant 
pilgrim has noted that the riches of the town were entirely due to its extensive maritime 
trade. 142 . The trade probably declined considerably during the next two centuries owing 
to Arab piracy, which became rampant at that period. 

34. Bhumillika. 

The dilapidated fort of Bhumli or Ghumli, situated in the Barada hill, 25 miles 
north-west of Porbundar, is the site of ancient Bhteiillika. Once the capital of fairly 
powerful principality, it is uow nothing but a heap of ruins. 'All is now jungle 
where a multitude of human beings resided ---- Nothing remains as witness of its former 
glory save an insignificant temple near its western wall, the arch of a royal palace, and a 
large bathing reservoir.' 143 

Bhtimillika was the capital of the Mers for four centuries. The original home of the 
Mers was in the northern part of Kathiawad, where they ruled contemporaneously with the 
Valabhis ; but on the fall of Valabhi, they extended their sway over southern Kathiawad and 
traoisferred their capital to BhumilUksb, which with its natural defences must have appeared 
very suitable for their purpose. 

Only two inscriptions refer to Bhumillik^; one of them is fragmentary and the other 
is spurious. The former is dated 585 G.E., but suppUes no information whatever about the 
place ; the only information we obtain from it is that Bhtoittia existed before the end of 
the ninth century A.D. 

The Dhinkini copper-plate "* is spurious, because there was no solar eclipse on Jyeshtna 
30 Vm. SAM. 794, as the plate alleges. Nevertheless, from the statement in the plate that 
king Jaikadev was ruling at Bhtoullika in VIK. SAM. 794 or 738 A.P., we may <^ *t 
in the twelfth century (to which the forged grant seems to belong, to W.^~ 
character), there existed a tradition of Bhftmillikft having been the Ite mpifcU iraoe v^y 
early times. We may therefore conclude that by the beginning of the nmth eenfcqry 

was a capital, .. 

In the tenth century, however, an AMr kingdom was founded at Junagad and as a conse 
quence, the forces of Bhtonmika began to decline. The Jaxtwas 
doned their capital Bhfcnillika and shifted their place of residence to 


1*0 May, Natural History, XII, p. 18. \ *" *****' P ' 

MS Seal, II. p. 259 ; Their solo profit is from the sea.' ^ ^^ 161 

W8 Ant. K., p. 181 S. .; --"' ' 


Porbunder. Bhumillika, however, continued to be the principal fort and centre of def 
of the principality till the year A,D. 1313, when it feU before a desperate sieee bv a u? T* 
army from Sindh. 5 y a Moslem 

According to a locallegend narrated by General Jacob^thefallof Ghurali was due t 
curse pronounced by Sun K&sarin, a coppersmith's daughter, upon the ruling king for * 
dering her bridegroom-elect with a view to violate her chastity. She first threv herself^ 
the protection of the local Br&hmanas, who gladly espoused her cause ; no less than 125 
of them performed self-immolation for her sake, but to no purpose. Nothing would softs 
the tyrant's heart, and finding no way of escape, the virgin bride uttered a fearful curse, that 
the city and its king would be destroyed, and she then escaped in flames, ' a, victim of 
tyranny, love and superstition.' Soon after occurred the Sindh invasion, and the town afte 
a prolonged siege and desperate battle, fell. ' r 

This tradition seems to be not altogether imaginary. It is true that it assigns the Sindh 
invasion of 1313 to the eleventh century, but such mistakes of dates are common even to true 
traditions. The tradition seems to be true ; firstly, because there still exists on a hill near 
Ghumli a temple dedicated to the heroine of the above legend, and secondly, because the fact 
that even after the withdrawal of the Muhammadan army, the Jaitwas did not attempt to 
rebuild the fort and restore the city, seems to show that they were influenced by the supersti- 
tion about the curse of the dying virgin. 

To judge from the extent of the ruins, Bhfimillika was about a mile in length and half a 
mile in breadth ; its population therefore might well have been about 15,000. The ground 
plan of the town resembles * widespread fan. The ramparts of the fort were strong and 
massive and were surrounded by a deep ditch. 

35. Mangrol or Mafigalapura Pattasa. 

The port of Mangrol, situated a little below Navibunderin Kathiawad, is a very ancient 
place, widely famous even in the first century as a good port. For Monogl&sson, mentioned as 
a mait in Kathiawad or SyxastrSnS by Ptolemy*** , is no other than this very port. It cannot 
be Mangalore on the Malabar Coast, for Ptolemy distinctly says that it is in Syrastr&n6. 
Gohils were ruling here in the twelfth century as feudatories of the Solaoikis. 

36. Matri. 

Mfttri is referred to as the name and headquarter of a sub- division in the S&mangad 
grant of Dantidurga ; 14 ? and tradition, apparently based upon the verse 

in this grant asserts that the sub -division was so named, because in every village thereof a 
grant to Br&hmanas was made by the mother of king Dantidurga. 

M&trf, here mentioned, is the same as modern Mfttar Tfiluka with its headquarter at Mfttar, 
five miles south of Kaira. From the verse : 

occurring in the above plate, it is clear that Bant iduxga's sway extended even to the north of 
Kaira, so there is nothing improbable in Matri of the plate being M&tar above referred to, 
especially as the new name is an obvious modification of the old one. 

37. Mottatau * 

MotS, five miles north of B^rdoli, is an ancient town ; for it is the same as Mottaka, 
mentioned in the grant of Dhruva III, dated gaka 789. The grant states that Mottaka was 
situated in tke Kaimftntapura district ; and Mot&, the modern counterpart a Mottakft, k 
Ui JRAS,, V, p. 78. U6 P. 38. U7 Ind. Ant,, XI, 110 fi. 


but 20 miles from Kattargain, the modern counterpart of Karin&ntapura. Besides, the 
grant refers to the place as H7rrK > rf*r^T 5 f srFWTWFF, 148 and modern Mot& is even now famous 
as the home of MotHia Br&hmanas, There can be, therefore, no doubt about the identifi- 


There exists, as far as we know, 110 other references to the place earlier or later, inscrip- 
tional or literary ; so no more information about the place is available. 

38. Modhera. 

The village Modhera, 18 miles south of P&tana, was in early times a fair-sized town ; 
the brick remains and occasional fragments of sculptured stones that are scattered round 
the present hamlet justify this inference. 

It was formerly a centre of solar worship. The present dilapidated temple of the sun 
was one of the most beautiful and splendid temples in Gujarat. From its style and structure 
the temple appears to belong to the eleventh century and the inscription dated 

on one of its stones confirms this view. But the temple must have been a centre of solar 
worship for a long time ; otherwise the necessary funds for the erection of such a beautiful 
and grand temple would not have been forthcoming. Temples of the sun were common in 
ancient India as early as the fifth century. The famous Mandasor inscription of Bandhu- 
varman and Kum^ragupta records for example the building of a sun-temple* 49 at Dafopura 
in 529 A.D. Our Modhera solar worship may not perhaps be as old as the sixth century ; 
but it must be much earlier than the eleventh. 

There existed for about eight centuries near Modhera a very big reservoir of water, formed 
by a dam constructed across the Rfipen. The lake was named Karnas&gara, after Karna 
Sol mki [1063-1094] who built it. The dam was strong enough to last for about 750 years, 
for it gave way only in 1814 A.D. The area covered by the lake was about 10 sq. miles. 

Siddhar&ja Jayasimha converted, the place into a fort during the twelfth century, 
thus enhancing the importance of the town. 

39. Vatapadrapura. 

Vatapadraka or Vatapadrapura is the ancient name of modern Baroda. The change 
of Vatapadra in Skt. into Vadoda.r& in Prakrit has many parallels, like M&yor, Dabhoi, 
Dholka, etc., which are already referred to under Ntodlpurf. 

Vatapadra was the name of several villages inKathiawad and Gujarat in ancient times, 
but the one referred to in the Baroda plates of Karkar&ja II [dated {aka 734] ie the modern 
Baroda itself. For the grant informs us that to the east of Vatapadra was Jambuv&vikft, 
which is the same as Jambuwada to the east of modern Baroda ; to the west Ankotaka, which 
is the same as modern Akota, west of Baroda ; to the north V&ghghachcha, whichisthe same 
as Vaghodia, north of Baroda, 

During the ninth century, however, Baroda was only a village ; for the grant of Kadte- 
r&ja above mentioned confers' the whole revenues of V*tap*dra on the l&t&bBW& douse. 
This would hardly have been the case, had the place been an im jKtaat town lite modem 
Baroda. Besides, the plate itself says that it was a village of up*. 

During the course of the next three centuries the village seeaas to haw developed into a 
town ; for Merutuiga calls it a ' pura/ when he mentions it as oa0f tte pfaoee wfeere Ktun^ 
rapMa had stopped for a while, on his flight from Cambay to Bfeaarooh wfeen pursued by Ski- 
dhar&ja. Now as Baroda is situated just on this road, Vatapadrapura of Merutuuga must 
be Baroda itself. 

During tke thirteenth century the town seems to have been a centre of trade ; some 
merchants from it are known to have defrayed the expenses of a temple of Aditya at 
during the reign of Kumtoap&la. The town, however, was not very important; 

.. XI, 


had it been so, the Girnar inscription of 1222 A.D. would have mentioned it along with Ana 
b, Dhavalakka, Stambhatirth and others. 

According to tradition the place bore in ancient times the name Chandan&vati, which 
was subsequently changed to Var&vati. 160 There is no inscriptional or literary evidence to 
support the tradition. From the ninth century, at any rate, the name of the place was 

40. Vardhamana. 

Wadhwan, the headquarter of Wadhwan prant in northern Kathiawad, has a historvof 
several centuries behind it. For it is the same as Vardham&na, which is mentioned as the 
headquarters of a ' bhukti ' or taluka, in the grant of SilAditya' IV, dated 403 as. 18 * 

In the eighth century, however, it was only a f air-sized village, being simply the headquar- 
ters of a taluka, as the absence of the epithet ' pura ' after it would seem to indicate ; but soon 
its importance increased. The Anahilapaftana CMvotakas, it would seem, had permitted 
the establishment of a branch of their family at Vardhamna in feudatory relation to them- 
selves ; for in the Haddal copperplate a Chap king says of himself : 'TOj^lf^ 

^ * ? ' ?!1 ' * 6 2 

In the beginning of the tenth century (for the above grant is dated {aka 839), Var- 
dhamftna had developed into a feudatory capital. It was probably at this time that it was 
transformed into a fort by the construction of strong ramparts. 

With the rise of the Solankis at Artahilapattana, the Chftpa rule at Vardham^na 
came to an end. Nevertheless the importance of the town did not diminish ; for it now be- 
came a frontier fort of the Solanki Empire. It was a military camp where the army used 
to be mobilised and concentrated, when the Solankis had to take action against their 
southern neighbours. Merutuiga informs us that when Siddharja proceeded to subdue 
the Abhir king of Junagad, his army was encamped at Srivardham&aapura, whence it com- 
menced its march southward, 163 along the new road across the peninsula specially construc- 
ted for military purposes by Siddhar&ja. [Before the construction of this road, the way to 
S6man&tha from Anahilapura was along the coast via Valabhi, GhoghA, Hastakavapra and 
Dwipa. Direct route across the peninsula was rendered difficult Iby the dense forests with 
which it was covered.]' The construction of the new route resulted in the importance of 
Vardham&na being considerably enhanced. 

In ancient India Vardham&na was a common name of towns, several of which were known 
by that name. But Vardhamtaa, referred to in the two inscriptions above, is Vadhwan in 
Kathiawad. As the inscriptions state clearly that it was situated in Saur&sHra, this Vardha- 
mSua can*** be neither the Vardham&na situated in Bihar, * nor the Vardhamtoakoti in 
Dinajpur District (where Harshvardhana had encamped in 638 A.D.), nor the Vardhamdna 
situated apparently between Allahabad and Benaras, nor the one situated in Malwa. 18T 

The town is named after Vardham&na, Swftmin, the 24th Jain Tirthaiikara, who is 
said to have relieved it from the ravages of a cannibal Yaksha. The Jain Tirthankara in 
question is a historic personality, but whether he flourished here is extremely doubtful, 
The legend only shows that the town was, in early times, a centre of Jairusm ; and we know 
that Merutunga, the famous Jain priest and author, was a native and inhabitant of this 
plafce. All his books, which are so valuable for reconstructing the ancient history of 
Gujarat, were composed at this place. 

150 Barod* Qgp. 1 ^^PTPT^T^t*^^ X, 335, 

1W IwL AOL, XII, 193. 153 pfo. f p, 95. 

. - - 

. 24, 26. 167 JAS. 9 Bengal, 1883. 



41. Valabhu 

Col. Tod was the first scholar to identify ancient Valabhi with modern Vala 18 
miles west by north of Bhavnagar, and the capital of a third class chief in KathiawM 
In the local slang, the town is still called Valen ; in documents two centuries earlier it is 
spelt as Valeh or Valhe, which is a corruption of Valahi of Jain and Valabhi of Sanskrit 
writers. It is true that modern VaU is not a port, while Alberuni's statement that the town 
was destroyed by a naval expedition from Sindhiss shows that ancient Valabhi was a 
port; but this discrepancy does not make the above identification untenable ; for the 
creek which once united Valabhi to the sea has since been choked up with silt. 18 ' 9 

Valabhi was founded by Bhattaraka, the Gupta general in Saur&shtra, who over- 
threw Parnadatta, the imperial viceroy, at Girinagara. At first Bhatt&raka professed 
allegiance to the imperial house, but soon after the death of Skandagupta [c. 482] he 
became independent, transferred his capital to Valabhi, a new city which he had founded 
leaving a Governor at Junagad to look after his afeirs there. 

Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji observes : ' the ruins of Valabhi show few signs of greatness.' 
With due deference to the learned doctor, we must beg to differ from him. In the first place 
we cannot expect to find any imposing ruins at Valabhi, for it was destroyed about 770 
A.D., while stone buildings were introduced in Gujarat only in the ninth century. A 
city built of mud and wood cannot be expected to preserve imposing traces of its 
greatness eleven centuries after its fall. Secondly, from Hiuen Tsiang we know that its 
circumference was six miles and that its population was numerous and wealthy. * There 
are a hundred, ' he says, c whose wealth amounts to a million. The rarest merchandise 
from distant countries is found there in abun dance. ' 18 

Valabhi then must have been a flourishing city of great importance. Nor was the 
dominion, of which it was the capital, as insignificant as Dr. Bhagwanlal thought. There is 
undisputed inscriptional and historic evidence to prove that even in 760 A.D., the sway 
of Valabhi extended to Wsudnager in the north, 1 * 1 Godhra in the east 183 and Junagad in 
the west. lft 3 

Besides being capital and port, Valabhi was also a famous centre of Buddhistic schol- 
arship. Hiuen Tsiang attests the existence of one Buddhistic 'vihara * at a little 
distance from the town, but the copperplates show that there was also another located 
in the city itself. Hiueii Tsiang's statement that the former was founded by Sthiramati 
and Gunamati is confirmed by a copperplate grant of Dharasena I, dated 269 Q.E., which 
states that the monastery was founded by Sthiramati, 184 The city monastery, which 
is usually described as ^*f^rs*r?rHf%f^ ^as founded by DuddH who was a daughter of the 
sister of King Dharasena I 166 > and who is therefore referred to as Queen Dudd& in 
inscriptions. 188 

These monasteries which were very liberally endowed by the reigning house ** were 
centres of Buddhistic learning. Sthiramati, the founder of the first Vihara, was a deep 
and famous scholar ; he had, written .several commentaries upon the works of his * guru ' 
Vasubandhu, which were well known in the days of Hiuen Tsiang. "8 His monastery had 
* splendid library of sacred books; a fragmentary grant of Guhasena I, dated 24Q G.H., 
provides, inter alia, for the purpose of the purchase of holy books. * 9 


Sachau's t ra v. I, p. 192. 159 BQI., 1. p 

Alina copper plates, Gupt. Vol., p. 171 

. . .. 

162 SUaditya. V, grant rt, ' Anf " 

Beat, ii, P . 7. 

Dharasena grant, Iwl. Ant., IV, p. i 15. 

166 ^^Pm^Prft^ JT^ftar^fTC Pliruvasena II, grant of, 310 
"' Bhruvaaenall, ^Int of, 310; Guhasena, grant of, 240 a. B ; Dhara*ma 

E. * 


The Valabhi kings were patrons of learning. They valued science just as thev 
enced religion. 1 Like ascetics, scholars also flocked to their court. Valabhi had l*?^*' 
during their dynasty as famous a centre of Buddhistic learning and scholarship as Nfll T e 
For It-Sing tells us that in his time (671-695 A.D.) N&landa and Valabhi were thel 
two places in India, which deserved comparison with the famous centres of learning 
China. Advanced students, instructed by their teachers and instructing others * *d 
to pass two or three years at these centres. Eminent and accomplished men also used t 
assemble in crowds ' to discuss possible and impossible doctrines.' We may here m f 
that Bhartihari, the author of Bfat&kdvya, flourished in this city under the patronig! 

The city was a fortified place; the gates of ramparts are referred to in one inscription " 
There was ample open space outside the ramparts where, the army could be encamped and 
fairs held. Some of the space was reserved for gardens and orchards, which answered the 
needs both of recreation and religion. An inscription of Guhasena I, dated 240 GE 
records the grant of several gardens in the city to the Vih,ra founded by Dudda. 

Valabhi rulers were quite catholic in their charity ; hence all sects flourished in the 
capital. Hiuen Tsiang records that there were temples of Jains and several hundreds 
of the heretics. Valabhi must therefore have attracted in its days of glory several BrSh- 
mana immigrants, an inference which is supported by inscriptional evidence. 173 

The prosperity of Valabhi lasted only for about three centuries. Several legends are 
told regarding the cause and manner of destruction of Valabhi ; but being mutually in- 
consistent, they are of little historic value. The conjectures of early scholars, who assigned 
its destruction to Scythian or Baktrian invasions, have now to be rejected, as the city was 
existing in a flourishing condition about 640 A.D., when Hiuen Tsiang visited it. 
As the Valabhi copperplates bring the dynasty down to giiaditya VII and to the year 
766 A.D.,17* the fall of Valabhi must have taken place during the reign of his successor 
Dhruvabhatta. The local tradition, which assigns the event to the year 523 A.D., as 
well as the Pmbandhachintamani statement' that it took place in 376 VIK. SAM.'"*, 
must be summarily rejected. ,, *', 

The legend, which assigns the dilapidation of Valabhi to an earthquake, caused by the 
curse of an enraged Br^hmana ", will;be acceptable only to those who believe in sudden 
supernatural interference in human affairs. The story told by Merutunga of Rauka, a 
disaffected merchant prince of Valabhi, financing a Muhammadan invasiori- irfe)^ Sindh, 
embodies a historic fact ; for, it is confirmed by Alberuni.i 

At the instigation, then of this R&iika, \yho was somehow enraged with the Valabhi 
king, whether it was for taking forcibly the jewelled comb of his beloved daughter for the 
princess' use or for wishing to occupy the villa dearly bought by him, we need not stop 
to enquire. The Sindh ruler sent an expedition by sea. The naval detachment made a- 
surprise night attack, in which the king was killed; the city was afterwards piUaged4n4 
destroyed. Now as Man sura, the capital of the Moslem king who sent the expedition, was 
not founded till about 750 A.D., and as the latest ValaTbhi copperplate is of the year 766, , 
we may assign the fall of Valabhi to about 775 A.D. ; 

The Arab historians admit tha,t the victor could not impose his terms upon the van- 
quished ; the B&jputana tradition, which states that a branch of the local family con- 
tinued to rule at Valabhi till its subjugation by Mular^ja at the end of the tenth century 
appears to be based upon a historic fact. 

IS r^^ - m ^^^TOrT^r^n^^^ 

17* F^^^I!5^ fr ^ r ^ r ' 7 ^ T ^ SiHditya, grant of, 290 CJ.H. 

*> W^^Pftfara. -WflrtraWWr Grant of Sittditya II, 352 a.E. 

' 175 Pfc., . 176. 



FOB a very long time there has been prevalent among both Indian and Western scholars 
a genuine confusion as to the exact signification of the names of the two trees, * Sarala * 
and ' *. Some have boldly identified the * Sarala ' with the * Devad&ru * ; others 
have shown diffidence as to the identity, but have not been able to draw a satisfactory line 
of demarcation between the two ; while still others have maintained a sceptical silence. 
As a matter of fact the actual difference between the two trees is too wide to have given rise 
to any real difficulty. This will be evident from the following article. The various lexi- 
cons works on Rhetoric, poems, treatises on Ayurveda, works on Botany, Pharmacopsea, 
popular and scientific nomenclature, books on economic and commercial products, all agree in 
speaking to the same effect, and thus confirm what I have just now said. Even a careful exam- 
ination of the various passages of Raghuvamsam,Kumdrasamb?iavama,n.& Meglutduta, in. which 
the words occur, would show that the poet K&lidAa was also quite aware of this difference. 

Let me, first of all, discuss the theme from the side of Lexicons : 

(1) Amarasimha speaks clearly enough. He has not only given the names of the 
two trees in two different places, but has inserted the names of various other trees 
between them. He has given seven other names for ' Devadtoi ', and two other 
names for c Sarala/ 

IPjr. (a) ............ Sakrapddapah pdribhadrakah 

Ehadrad&ru, drukilimarn pitaddru ca ddru ca, 

PtitikdstTianca sapta syurdevaddruni. (SI. 54.) 
(&) Pltadruh Saralal ptitikdttham. (SI. 60.) 
It is apparent* from the quotation that Putikastfa is a common name for both 

trees. But this is no argument in favour of identifying them. To cite an instance, 

'Dvija* means both a 'twice-born caste' and 'tooth', but this does not imply 

that a twice -born caste is a tooth. 

(2) The VVwxpnhAta lexicon points out the actual difference between the two, 
by placing them side by side, while giving the Carious meanings of the word 

Cf. DevakdstTiantu Sarala-devad&ru-wa^ ruhdh . _ 

(3) The leicon JfWM also very ^ similarly draws a distinction, whale giving the 
various meanings of ' Puti-kastha .' 

Of. Putikdsthantu Sarala-devadaru-moAgrM^. 

(4) Even the lexicographer Ke^avasvamin seems to have recognised the distinction ; 
when giving the various meanings of the word Ddru, he writes j. -^ f 

"Ddru the ia ^ aaa ^ of 

But whe, gi^Mg . me^ung of 

, he identifies the tree with 

Brom the above it will be evident that of all the .names 

^to; Awra-pMapa, etc., < Devadaru ^^JJJrf other names of 
commonly used. This is the reason why in P>^^ g^^Lt the same tree as 
the tree, the term Devadaru ' has always been used. JUE_ ,fr jasaai &. aa it is the most 

'Devadaru,' our lexicographer must have chosen that ^ ^ ^ ^iMftha, which, 

popular of all its synonyms), instead of such an am01 ^* b v fll garaia.' and ' Deva- 
aceording to Amarasiniha and a few other le ^^^ Y^ tises Putikas^ia ' is exclu- 
daru '. (Vide above.) Besides, in a ^ el ^^^^6 aMtt ^ (t ^ r m f for example, give* 
atoly uBedfor the' Sarala ' treealone. The author of *fce3W*^ 


[ OOTOBEH, 1925 

f Pdtik&stha ' as a name for e Sarala,' but he does not mention it as a synonym of ' Devad&ru * 
Moreover, the singular termination in Ptitikfothahvaya-drum$ is significant, and sh 
that the author must have meant only one, and not two trees by P^tikdstMhvdya, Ev 
if we take for granted that a singular case-affix has been used to mean both the trees it 
stands to reason that the use of the rather ambiguous term Putiktyha would have bee 
avoided by the lexicographer, in view of the fact that definiteness and clearness are essential to 

Further, if we go to the etymology of the word Putikastha, we find that there is a 
significant reference to ihe malodorous principle contained in the wood of the tree, Now 
'turpentine,' which is the oleo-resinous product of 'Sarala/ and is known as Sarakdraw 
fcrivesta, $rU-fe, VrfaadMpa, etc., is decidedly more pungent and offensive in smell 
than Devaddru oil, or kelon-kd-tel as it is popularly known. All these would go to 
support the view taken by me, viz. 9 that the lexicographer Kesava-sv&min must have been 
aware of the difference between the two trees. 

(0) The lexicographer Hemacandra explains Saraladrava &srivesta 3 Pdya8a,Vrhadhtim. 
(Vide. Martyakanda. 7th Paryy&ya). It is a point of much importance* that the 
oleo-resinous exudation from the 'Sarala' tree has so many technical names, 
while the oleo-resinous exudation from the * Devadtai ' tree has no technical 
appellation, This also goes far towards pointing out the initial difference between the 
two trees. 

As to works on Rhetoric, Bagbhata in his work Kdvydnutdsam, ch. 1, very clearly 
points out the difference. 

Of. Sarafa'dewddru-drdfad-kunkuma-camardjina , , , 

turangamdndmuipddah (p. 4. 1. 25. Nirnaya Sdgara Edition). 

Even a work on Biography, viz., Balldla Caritam, a composition of the sixteenth 
century, draws the distinction. 

Cf. Saralam deva-kdsthanca (ch. 14, si. 23). 

The works on the Ayurveda most pointedly mark the difference between the two trees 
and dwell at length upon their different medicinal properties. I quote below passages from 
the most eminent works on the Ayurveda, where 6 Sarala ' and ' Devad&ru * (or D&ra) have 
been mentioned side by side . 
I. Caraka : 

(1) Agurukustha ....Sarala SaUaM* devaddrvagtwnant'ha 

(vide Agwvddi Taila, ch. 3r~Jvara-cikitsita7^secTl76). 

(2) Devaddruhwidre dve jfa<Mtwi&i vacdm (vide Udara-cikM, 13 ch. 

(Bangabasa ed., 18 ch. ) sec. 77 (or 104, Bangabasi ed.) 

(3) Dv& pancanuU Sarafan DevaMru Sa-ndgaram (vide <?rakn* cikiteA ; 

ch. 15 or (ch. 19, Bangabasi); sec. 32 or (sec. 53, Bangabasi ed.); J>akw^df/om 

QHrtam.) , . ', . 

(4) SartOam ddru kesaram (ch. 27, ftrwtamblia cikitsd, sec, 16. or (29) aec, 

to Bangabasi"ed.) ; 

(5) ^^qrcrf(^^^e^--^n^nj^^ (vide ch. 28, V dtavyddhi <&&&> 

sec. 53 or sec. 110, Bangabasi ed.); 7 aid taifa. 

(6) SwaM kilimam Uhgu, ..(vide Kalpasffidnam, ch, 7, sec. 8 

or si. 12, Bangbasi ed.). 

H. S^ruto : 

. (1) tomfar-^ (vide S&trastMnam, ch* 45, 109). 

(2) Taft%r*w Sarjwasam Sardam devdMm ca (vide CifcWM^TMWW, ch. 15 j 

seA.15). " ^ ^ " 


(3) . . . K-ustTia-ddrubhih. Sarald-guru- rdmdbMh (vide CikiteitastMnam, ch. 19, sec. 15), 

(4) Madhukam K&rasukld ca Saralam devaddru ca (vide Cikiteitasthdnam, 

ch. 24, sec. 14). 

(5) Eld trikatukam rcisnd Saralam devadaru ca (vide Cikitsitasthdnam, ch. 38, sec. 9). 

(6) Prapdun&arikarn naladam Saralam devaddru ca (vide Ealpasthdnam, ch. 7, 
sec. 6). * 

III. SdgbJiata 

(1) r^vesfaka-nakha'8prkkd'devaddrU'pnyangiibhih (vide ch. 17, Svayathu 


(2) Nirgund,yuruskara-Surdhva-Suvarna*dugdhd Srfoesta-guggulu {vide 

ch. 19, Kustha cikitsd, Mahavajrakam.) 

(3) SarcMmaraddrub'hydm Sddhitam (vide Kalpasfhdnam, ch. 5). 

(4) Sa-bMrg$-ddru-Sarala- (vide Uttarasthdnam, ch. 2. V ' dlaroga-ciMtsd.) 

(5) Rajarfi ddru-Sarala- (vide Uttarasthdnam, ch. 2, Vdlaroga-cikitsd.) 

(6) .... *>"'' -'^ '"'' i'''-^' *'://. . : Mayurapa tra -Srtvdsayn (vide UUarasthdnam^ 

ch. 3, i",7''/-f//-'/.v"'?7.-".'^.) 

(7) .... SarcAa %>ippaU devaddrubhih (vide Uttarasfhdna, ch. 13, Timira 

. (8) Tojyascdivatn bTiadra-MstMt kustMt KfotMcca Saraldt. (vide Uttaratthdnam, 

ch. 18, Karha-r6ga cikitsd.) 

(9) Aguru,-Candana-Kunkuma-dribd-j^^ (vide Utlara*- 

tMnam, ch. 27, BTutnga-roga-cikited ; Gandha-Tailam.) 

IV. Cakradatta 

(1) E&m# V*k$ddan$ ddru Saralam Sailavdlukam. (Jvarddhikdrah,GBc. 52.) 

(2) Ma mw(* /SomZa ailaja-ddrw-Kaunti ---- ... . (VdtavyddhyadMkdmh ; sec. 51; Elddi- 

(3) . . , .gfanasdra-kunda-Sarald. . ........ Srtvdsd-maraddru camfan ......... (Vdtavyd- 

dkyadhikdrah ; sec. 73, Ekddafa-fatikain $[a,ML<prasdra,ni tailam.) 

(4) ____ devaddru. ..... Srfvdsanca Saketakam. (toe. cit. t sec. 74.) 

(6) Mdmsi-ddriwald-Calam. Srivfoo.. ..... (Zoc. cit., sec. 75). 

(6) Jintf-coraka-devaddru-Sarala,-Vyd g hrt ......... (loo. cit., sec. 75). (MaMsugandhi- 


(7) ....Saralam ddru k-esaram ..... ...(VrusihambMdMhdrah, sec. 7. KmiUdyam 


(8) SMUyv-teHthd-gnru-ddr^. ...... /Srfoegto^. ...... . (&oihMhik&nh ; 


(9) Sar a ld-guni.ku*thdni devaddru -adfiam. rya* , e.-> 
~ ~ 


ts&rah, sec. 3). 
(11) \;..a<toMi-jSMiriato-^MrtUto^ 




sec 8^ - 

(15) .. . .SuraMt"^* 6 **- (VifMhikdnk, sec. 18.) 




V, Bhdva-prakdsa : 

(I) Devaddru Smrtam d&rubhadraw ddrvindm-ddru ca. 
Masta-ddru dru-kilimam kilimam Sura bJiurukak* 
Devaddru laghu snigdham tiktosnam Katupdki Ca. 

(2) " Samfah pttavrksah sydUatM Surabhi-ddrukah. Saralo madhurastiktah 
raso laghuh. SnigdM&nah karna-kantMksi-roga-raksdliarah smrtah. 

Another reading has : 

Snigdhdsnah kwna-kantMfai-kandu-roga-harah smrtah. KapMma-Svedarug-ddha- 

Kdmaldksi -vrandpahafi. 

Thus B.P. not only differentiates them but gives -a list of diseases which they cure 
respectively. So also the author of Madana-pdla-nighantu fully differentiates them. 

VI. Madana-pdla-nighantu : 

(1) Devad&ruh Surdhvah Sydd bT&adraddruh Suradrumah. ShadraMstJuim Sn&ha- 
vrksah Mlimam &akra-ddru . ca. Devaddru kabu Snigdham tiktdsnam laghu nfaayet. 

(2) Sarald bhadraddrusca nandanah dTvupa (d$pa)-vrksakah. Pttaddruh 
mahddirghah. Kalidrumah. Saralah Icatukah PdJce rasato madhurd laghuh. 
Usnah Snigdhah^Sam^rdk^kan^ha'karnd-mai/d'pahah (vide Abhayddivargah). 1 
I give below an almost exhaustive list of the various names of ' Devad&rti' and ' Sarala' 
in two columns, so that they may readily be compared. The names common to both are 

Devgddru (Synonyms). 

Sarala (Synonyms). 


Amara-d&ru (Sura-d&ru), etc. 


Sriv&sa (its oil also). 


Indra-d&ru (Sakra-d^ru), (Indra- 


Sri- ve^ta (its oil also). 

vrkga, Sakra-padapa.) 


Dhupa-vrkga (Dhuma-Vrk&a). 








PStaMru (Pita-dru) (pta-^ka) (pita). 
















Snigd'ha-ddru- (Snigdha) Samjnah. 


J5te^m-(^rw-(bhadra kd^tha). 












Devadaru (Deva-katha). 










D&ru (Darukam), 




j^yi6rii^ f ^ > f'i^gg f 


iJtlL *tta n fliT^ . 










X "RVmvn (\TTT\ T>Aln "VA~*j. f ~. -L__ . _ ~_i _ ovO~nO ._ __._. ,. .-r^ _i in' 1 , 

OOTOBEB, 1926 



Herewith are two tabulated statements of the diseases which they are reputed to 
cure ; the ailments for which both are specifics are italicised : 

Sarala (cures) 
Ear diseases. 
Throat troubles. 
Eye diseases. 
Lichens, etc. 
Boils, buboes, etc. 

Skin diseases of every category. 
Dropsy, Intumescence (tumours, etc.). 

Phlegm and disorders of the nervoua 
system in general. 
Undue perspiration. 
Swoons, etc., (Syncope, etc.). 

Devaddru (cures ) 

1. Suppression or retention of urine or 1. 

faeces. 2. 

(Ischuria, Intussusception of the 3. 

bowels, Constipation, etc.) 4. 

2. Flatulence (Tympanites). 

3. Dropsy. 6. 

4. Dysentery. 7. 

5. <c Rakta-pitta"==Hcemoptysis, Hoe- 8. 

mat erne sis, etc. 9. 

6. Urinary troubles. 10. 

7. Cold in the head (Coryza). 11. 

8. Cough, (Asthma also). 

9. Itches. 12. 

10. Untimely sleep. 13- 

11. Hiccough. 14. 

12. Fever. 15. 

13. Piles (Haemorrhoids). 

14. General biliousness and peevishness. 

15. Troubles of the Nervous system. 

16. Gravel (Calculus). 

17. Paretic affections. 

18. Fistula. 

19. "V&ta-rakta" (Leprosy, etc.) 

20. Syphilis. 

21. Gonorrhoea* 

22. Phthisis pulmonalis. 

23. Insanity, 

24. Jaundice. 

25. Worms, etc. 

26. Goitre. 

27. Rheumatism. 

28. Imparts good complexion and grace. 

That Devaddru is a great stomachic and a great digestive drug, will be apparent from 
its wide use in the preparation of various * Digestion '-drugs (cf. Vrhadorgnimi&ha^wrna), etc. 
For its power to kill worms, vide Cakradatta Krmirdg&dhiMra. Asa remedy for * Insanity,' 
compare Cakradatta Unm&dqdhilcara. As an icteric, its reputation staads vety falgb 
(cf. TryOsanddimanduram ; Mandura-vajra vataka, etc.). In aubduipg %lcutefi' its 
power is very great (cf. c Varunddi ghrta* etc.)., *a a remedy for 'CMtre* it occupies 
a very high position (cf. Vyos&dyam Tailam). 'in paretic affections both fibmfo and 
Devaddru are used (cf. Mahdsugandhl Taila in VdtavyddM-Cafaradatta). But Devaddru 
has a far greater reputation as an anti-paralytic drug than Sarala. The former 
enfers into the preparations of N&rdyanaTaila, MaMmfoa Tatta, Kubja-pra*r*S TaXa* 
Astddasd-'satika-prasdrM Taila, etc., all of which are great anti-paralytic remedies. Devad&u 
is so effective a drug for Rheumatism that almost all the reputed preparations for removing 
the disease contain it (cf. Rdsnddasa-mulaka, Xdsnd-pancaka, R&8*A-8aptaka, Yogardja- 
Ajamodddya vatafa, etc.). It is a famous drug for Phthtea &ten*m*hs (tf, 
). In the Ayurveda, Devaddru enjoys a singular reputation as a curativo for 


Leprosy and various other diseases resulting from an impure condition of the blood (cf, 
Amrtfdydm gfatam, etc.). Dr. Gibson also recommends the use of the oil of Devadttru, in 
large doses as highly efficacious in Vatarakta Leprosy, malignant abscesses, etc. Dr. J. 
Johnston is said to have cured a severe case of " Lepra mercurialis " by treating externally 
and internally with Deodar oil. (Vide Sir G. Watt's Economic Products of India.) Sarah is 
described in the Ayurveda as a great remedy for boils and buboes. The same view 
is confirmed by a number of European physicians, who discovered its efficacy clinically. 
Surgeon D. Hcachy of Purnea wrote, " I have used it externally, to ripen boils, abscesses, 
and buboes with good effect." S. M. Shircore, late Civil Surgeon of Murshidabad, writes, 
" Gondh-biroza " (oil of the Sarala tree) certainly promotes suppuration when externally applied 
and is specially useful in indolent abscesses and buboes." I\ Mallone, late Civil Surgeon of 
Gauhati, writes " I have found Gandka-biroza to be an excellent application for the ulcers 
known as Frontier Sores in the Punjab. " ( Vide Sir G. Watt's Economic Products of India. ) 
It will, I hope, be quite evident from what I have shown above that the two trees ' Sarala, ' 
and 'Devadaru' are not only different specifically, but have widely different 
medicinal properties. 

I shall now discuss the matter from the standpoint of Botany. All Western botanists 
have very pronouncedly distinguished the two trees. Indeed, one (Devadam) is a cedar, 
while the other (Sarala) is a pine, Even so old-styled a botanist as Bo xburgh, who calls both 
of them ' Pine ', distinguishes them very clearly by giving widely different characteristics 
to the two trees. He calls e Devadaru, ' Pinus Devadaru and ' Sarala, ' Pinus longifolia 
(vide Flora Indica). The more modern botanists have called 'Devadaru,' Ced-rus Libani 
Deodar, and * Sarala/ Pifaus longifolia. Indeed the latter is very easily distinguished from 
the former by its pale green tint, brown corky bark, three-fold leaves, and the absence of any 
distinct heartwood. The Himalayan Deodar has tufted leaves like the European larch. 
Its timber is most durable, and from it the highly fragrant resin never disappears, no matter 
how long it may have been cut. 

To make confusion worse confounded, the people in Bengal call a tree by the name of 
' Devad^ru ' which is neither ' Sarala ' (Pinu$ longifolia) nor the Cedrus Deodar. This is a 
tree which is not a member of the coniferae at all, not even a gymnospermous plant. It is 
an angiospennous plant and belongs to the same family as the custard apple, i.e., Anonaceae 
N. 0. Indeed, the cedar and the pine, although very different, belong to the same family of 
plants, and their points of affinity are not a few, But this so-called ' Devadaru,* i.e., * the Deva- 
daru of Bengal' differs from both of them very radically. It is curious that the 
people shotild have applied such a well-known name to the tree, by ignoring the difference 
which actually exists between this pseudo-Devadaru and the true Himalayan Deodar. This 
tree is botanically known as Polyalthia longifolia, or Uvaria longifolia or Guatteria 
longifolia. Very probably the origination of such a name for the tree can be traced to the 
fact, (as Sir George King also suggests in; A Guide to the Royal Botanical Gartens, 
Calcutta), that this tree is very often planted in Bengal in the neighbourhood of temjles 
or in the avenues leading to temples, and is regarded as a sacred tree. This tree is kno'wn 
in Orissa as ' Asoka,' in the Telugu countries as * Putra-jiva/ and in Tamil countries also as 

I Asoka.' It flowers in February. Its fruits ripen during the rainy season and are very 

largely devoured by birds. They look purple and are either ovoid or oblong in shape. 

To ^make the general reader fully recognise the actual difference between these three 

trees, t*z. ? (1) pinus longifolia, (2) Cedrus Deodar, and (3) Polyalthia longifolia,! shall give 

below a taWe showing their mutual relation at a glance ? 

OOTOBEB., IP 2-5-] 





- ^, ^___ I 



e Gnetacoae Monocotyledons 



Calycifloras CorolUQorae IwrmiplHiu- 

| 1 

Uycas Zamia 

Dion Encephal- 
artos etc 

Tuinboa Onetum Bphodra, 

Anonaceae (2^.0.) 
(Secies- Polyalthla longifolia) 

A. Pinaccae. 

B. Tasaccac (ew family). 

(1) Rims (2) 
(Pino) ( 
('Scotch fir' 
is a plnns 
while white 
fir is a 

Cedrus (3) Abies (4) Tsuga (5) Sequoia (6> La 
:odar) or Picea (Hemlock {larch) 
(Spruce) Spruce) 
Silver fir. 

ri (7 ?i3S ia ^>J^iper U9 (> CupreLs 
C 4ffif <R 1tc. e ) dar iC ^ 

-*Sarala' Specics-*Devadaru', 

I give below, the different characteristics of the three trees : 
The so-called * Devadaru 'of Bengal, 

I. Polyalthia Longifolia. 
Uvaria lonyifolia (Indian fir or Mast tree). 

Habitat A large erect evergreen glabrous tree, wild in the drier parts of Ceylon and 
Taujore, cultivated throughout the hotter parts of India, It is commonly planted in avenues 
along roadsides in Bengal and S. India. 

Stem Has 'got good bast fibre. 

Branches Glabrous. 

Leaves Narrowly lanceolate, taper-pointed, undulate. 5 to 8 by 1-2 inches. Base 
acute ; petiole about inch long. 

Flowers Numerous 3 dense; yellow-green in fascicles, 1-1 J inch across. Peduncles | 
inch or less ; hoary. Pedicels y 1-2 inch densely racemose. 

Bracts Minute, linear ; pubescent, deciduous, about or above the middle. 

Sepals & inch long, triangular. 

Petals Narrow, linear spreading tapering to a point. 

Carpels When ripe f inch long ; are numerous, stalked, ovoid, obtuse at both ends. 

Fruit -Ovoid or oblong, one-seeded and purple. Favourite food of birds. The fruits 
ripen during the rainy season. 

N.(X Anonaceae (the same family to which custard apple belongs). 

(7ide. Hooker, vol. I, p. 62 ; Theodore Cooke's Flora of ihe Bombay Pteeidettcy; 
Train's Bengal Plants, p. 204.) 

II, Piuus Longifolia. 
(True 'Safala.') 

Habitat A large gregarious tree of the outer and drier Himalayan dopes, from the 
Indus to Bhutan, met with as low down as 1500 feet and ascen(iiiig to 7600 feet, A more or 
less deciduous tree of the Siwalik range and outer Himalayas and also valleys of the princi- 
pal Himalayan rivers ; attaining usually 100 to 120 feet height, but is very often stunted and 
gnarled. Trunk usually naked, rarely with 12 feet girtfe. 

Stem Bark is brown o* yellowish-reddish and corky ; furrowed ; no distinct heartwood 

is noticeable. 

Leaves {Three-fold, filiform, from 12 to 18 inches long; pendulous, with the margins 
a littte scabrous ; 9 to 12 fe slender triquetrons, back obtuse, sheaths persistent. 


Flower The female cones are globose or ovoid. The cones are shorter than the leaves 
are solitary or clustered, 4 to 7 inches by 3 inches in diameter ; have got scales at the base ' 

Scales The scales are 1 \ to 2 inches by f inch are ovuliferous, much -larger than the 
bracts, with thick recurved apices. The scales are persistent. Ovules two at the base of 
the scales, reflexed. 

Male flowers Antheral racemes, numerous at the extremities of the branchlets. 

Bracts Solitary, one to each raceme. Filaments Scarcely any. 

Anthers Clavate, opening on each side and crowned with a large roundish scale. 

Cotyledons About 12. 

Oleo~resinr~ Theoleo-resinous exudation of the tree is * Turpentine oil.' Sarakniryydsa 
jri-Vdsa, Olrivestalca, Pdyasa, Tavdsa, Ghvtdhwya, K&rfiJivaya, etc., are the Sanskrit names 
for it. It is popularly known as ' Gandha-biroza ' in Upper India. 

(Vide Roxburgh, Hooker, Watt in his Economic Products, Theodore Cook, Sir G. King 
in his A Guide to the Royal Botanical Gardens, Calcutta, W, A. Talbot's Systematic lists 
of the Trees and Shrubs, etc.) 

III. Cedrus Libani Deodar. 

Himalayan Cedar. (The true * Devaddru. ') 

Habitat A. very large evergreen tree, (often 250 feet), of the Western Himalayas, 
extending westwards to the mountains of Afghanistan and eastward to the DauU river (a 
tributary of Alakanand&) in Kumaon, Most common at 0,000 to 8,000 feet altitude, but in 
more eastern section of its area ascends to 10,000 feet altitude. It prefers alight soil and 
gneiss granite or even lime-stone sub-soil, but in the Himalayas it seeks the northern and 
western slopes thus avoiding the rain. It is especially abundant in the forests of the 
Punjab proper (Chamba, Kullu, Kangra, etc.) , of Kashmir and Afghanistan, From 
Kumaon westwards generally 3,500 to 12,000 feet. 

The geographical range of Deodar specially in altitude is very wide. In Brandis' forest 
Flora of North-Western and Central India, pp. 520-24, three deodar zones have been differ- 
entiated. (1) Those in a dry climate in the vicinity of the arid zone of the inner Himalaya 
having usually the age of trees, 6 feet in girth, above 140 years. (2) Those in the intermediate 
ranges and valleys having 6 feet girth for an age between 110 and 140* (3) Those in the 
outer ranges under the full influence of monsoon and having the age of trees 6 feet in 
girth below 110 years. [Fide Sir. G. Watt's Economic Products of India and Commercial 
Products of India.] 

Stem Light yellowish brown, scented and moderately hard. Sometimes the girth of 
trunk is 36 feet (usually 30 to 45 feet) and age even 600 years. Bark thick, furrowed 
vertically and cracked transversely. The Eeartivood is light yellowish. Medullary rays 
are very fine, unequal in width. No vertical resinous duct as in Pinus but the resin exudes 
from cells which are not visible to the naked eye. Deodar has well-marked anmcd rings, 
each of wMch re/preaents one year's growth. 

Branches Ii& branches are drooping, being more drooping than the Atlas or Lebanon 
cedars. Tips are drooping. . '' 

LeavesUsually glaucous green, acute persistent for 3 to 5 years, in approximated 
fascicles of about 40 ; rigid acute ; sheaths very short, 

Flower The strobilus or cone is erect, oval, 4 to 5 by 3 to 4 inches ; top is romded. 
Scales very numerous ; thin, smooth even edged, transversely elliptic. Is destitute o 
bracts projecting beyond the scales of the cone. Cedrus has (he cone of Pinus but the Scales 
are deciduous. 

Seeds :-- inch ; wing longer, broadly triangular with rounded sides. Cotyledons 10 ; 
leaving a columnar axis. 



Oleo-resinThe oleo-resin or gum is called ' MonJca-td ' in the Punjab and TJ. P. A 
true oleo-resin which resembles turpentine. No technical Sanskrit name for it. 
(Vide Roxburgh, Hooker, Watt, King, Royle, etc.). 

The various and widely different characteristics of the three trees, as given by me above, 
will afford a true insight into the actual difference between them. 

Turning to the works of the great poet Kaiidftsa, I shall show that our poet was thoroughly 
aware of the difference between a ' Sarala ' and a ' Devad&ru tree.' In the first place, it Avill 
be seen that wherever EL&lidasa refers to * Sarala,' he mentions some sort of friction or rubbing 
with its trunk, tho result being either a conflagration or the diffusing of the smell of its oleo- 
resin (c/. Meghaduta's Purvameghct,, si. 54 ; Kuw&ra, I. 9 ; c/. QandM-blroza, the popular 
name of it). Even ' ' is sometimes described as having its trunk rubbed by 
elephants (cf. Raghu, 2. 37 ; and 4. 76), but in such cases there is no mention of any 
odoriferous oil or resin exuding and diffusing its scent in the air. jln the second place, 
Devadaru is in many places placed in proximity to some waterfall or hill -rivulet, its base 
thus affording a good place for rest. The Himalayan hunters repose either under or very 
near a Devadaru grove, where the breeze is still more refreshing on account of being the 
carrier of the cool particles of a fall of the Bhagirathi. (Cf. Kumdra, 1. 15.) Thus we find 
that Mahadeva (Siva) himself chooses a place for his meditation at the foot of a Devadaru 
tree. (Gf. Kum&ra> 3. 44.) In the third place, had f Devadaru ' meant to Kaiidasa the same 
thing as e Sarala,' he could have chosen f Sarala * as a substitute for e Devadaru '. But on the 
contrary, we find that the poet is very careful about his vocabulary in this respect. The 
" Putrikrta Devadaru " of Vrsabhadhvaja, of which we read in Raghu, 2. 36, is again mentioned 
as Devadaru in EagJiu, 2. 66. Fourthly, the poet compares the long arms of such a mighty 
individuality as Himalaya to the tall Devadaru, and not to Sarala, (Vide Kumdra,, 6. 51.) 
Now,theusualheightfor a Sarala tree isfrom 100tol20 feet, while the Devadaru tree often 
attains to a height of from200to250 feet. We all know that Kaiidasa is specially reputed for 
his similes or comparisons (Upxmd KAlid&sasya) ; and here we find how accurately his 
comparison tallies with actual fact. - Fifthly, while describing the grandeur of a Himalayan 
glen or slope, the very favourite flora of our poet seem to be six, viz. (1) the phosphore- 
scent herb Which emits light at night ; (2) the ' Bhfirja ' or (birch) tree ; (3) the ' Klcaka ' 
bamboo; (4) the 'Nameru' (aa2Bwofptw)iaree; (5) the ' Sarala' tree; (PinuslongifolM) and 
(6) the ' Devadaru' tree (Cedrus deodar). Of these six, yometimes he mentions all, sometimes 
five, sometimes even two or one only. In Kumdra, canto. I, when the Himalaya is being 
described, we find nearly the complete set excepting 'Nameru '. (Vide sfokas 745.) In 
Kvm&ra, canto. I, sloka 55, we find mention of two only of these plants, tnz., Nameni 
aaxd < BhfirjV together. In JBnndm v canto 3, slokas 4=3-44, we find reference to two 
*: (irNameru'and(2) 'Devadaru.' In the description of the ^^ Me 
(Pttrvamegfe) we hear mention of two only, viz :-(!) < Sa*d* ' and (2) < 
(Ato54aad57). The description of the Himalaya during the course -^ 
bgb* conquest, as given in BagM s canto 4, gives us the complete set. (1) *"*^ 
(2) Ktcak* bLboo are mentioned in si. 73, SL 74 mentions (3) < Namer*. 
(4 'Sarala and (5) the phosphorescent herb which serves as a lamp. SL 
^vadaru,' This mention of ^Sarala ' and * Deva^u almost side Had 'Sarala > meant to KWid to the same tree as 
have been no necessity for mentioning it again in the very 
if we take for graated that the poet meant identical trees by 
tte rhetorical faiS of " Sam^ta^pumrmaiA ! occoxs, which is too broad and 
feluncter to be committed by so great a'poek 


is the Latinised form of Gioln Uchlani. " The Book of Leinster (the Book of Dm) 1 ' ]] 
Part-olon the ' Son of Sera or Sru/ thus " attesting the remarkable authenticity of the td' 8 
tion of the Irish-Scots " in preserving " the favorite form of the ancestral Barats' 
selected by the founder of the First Phoenician Dynasty in Mesopotamia, who regularly ti^ 
himself the ' Son (or descendant) of Sar.' " The migration of Part-olon from Cilicia to S * 
Ireland and Scotland was "probably owing to the massacring invasion and azmexatio^f 
Oilicia and Asia Minor by the Spartan Greeks in B.C. 399." If so, his Newton Stone can n? 
be dated as about B.C. 400. It must have been inscribed considerably later. 

Such is Waddell's method of identifying Bart-olon, on which so very much depends 
in the whole argument, Having " established " this Waddell goes on by philological ^ana 
to ' disclose * a Phoenician origin for several names in the neighbourhood of the Newto 
Stone: e.g., Wartle, Wast-hill, Bourtie, Bartle, Barthol, and Bartholomew, which he finds 
is actually Bart-olomus, Bart-olon. The Brude title also of so many of the ancient historical 
kings of the Picts in Scotland (this people, by the way, being non- Aryan) " now appears clearly 
derived from Prwt or Prat, with variant Brut, as a title of Part-olon." Waddell, however 
explains at length that the " kings entitled Brude, Bruide or Bride," ruling over the Picts* 
" themselves appear to have been not Picts in race but Bart-ons or Brit-on Soots, i.e.* 
Aryans " and Phoenicians by origin, like Bart-olon, the Soot of the Newton Stone.' Thfa 
explanation, however, raises a difficulty. If the ruling race was so entirely foreign, it is not 
primd facie apparent why the present race of the British Isles should have that ruling race 
as its principal ancestors. We shall sea how Waddell deals with this question. 

5. The Vans, the Picts and the Scots. 

In order to clear the ground for " the great and hitherto unsolved question as to how 
and when the Aryan language and civilisation were first introduced into Britain and by what 
racial agency," Waddell dives into three questions : 

(1) Who were the aborigines of Ireland on Partolou's arrival ? 

(2) Who were the Picts ? 

(3) Who were the Celts ? 

As these three race& the Wans, Vans or Fens <c presumably the JTene or Fein title of the 
early Irish," the Picts of Scotland, and the Celts, are non-Aryan, Waddell's lucubrations do 
not here demand the same close attention as when he is considering the " Phoenician Britons." 
He only deals with them to clear the ground, but he does so in the flame manner and with the 
same wealth of enquiry and decisions as he employs in the case of the Phoenicians. 

Firstly he discloses the " Van or Fain origin of Irish aborigines and of their Serpent- 
worship of St. Brigid, and of the matrilinear customs of the Irish and the Picts." The first migra- 
tion into Erin is " stated in the Irish records to have been led by a woman, Ceasair or Cesair," 
who, as the matriarch, landed at Duna-mark in Bantry Bay, " adjoining Part-olon's traditional 
landing place at Scene in Kenmare Bay." Now, the term ' Bantry Bay' means " the Bay 
of the shore of the Bans [Vans]. " I may remark here that he has seen Maoalister's work on 
the ancient days, but his opinion is " in no way modified by it." 

Waddell then at great length leads us right across Europe to Asia Minor and to India 

in his search for Ceasair's people, the Vans. To him the evidence of their existence in the 

British Isles is broadcast in place names, suggesting that" the whole of Britain was formerly 

k*p*n as the Land of the Peats, Venets, Bans, Fins or Vans," while the oldjname for anoieiri 

.JSnt&rn as Al-Ban [whence Albion] means probably ' the Rooky Isle of the Vem 0* Bap/' 

Mter going through Europe and Asia Minor and finding the Vans everywhere, Wadtjejl 

says : " these Vans or Biani were clearly, I find, the Paai aborigines of tiue Indian Vecjto 

y^ *& epics, who opposed the early Aryans in establishing their liigher solar 

^ore the departure of the Eastern branch of the Aryans to India/' This remark 

aae to JUB denM, already alluded to, of the Vedas and the Epios referring to India : 


referred to would bo, in his view, tribes in Asia Minor. Then Waddell adds : " they wore 
possibly also, / think, the remote prehistoric originals of the Fan barbarians, as the Chinese 
still term generally the barbarous tribes on the Western frontiers of the Celestial Empire, as 
far at least as Asia Minor." 

Waddell thinks that " primitive matriarchist dwarfs " from Van [Armenia] penetrated 
to Britain at the end of the old Stone Age vid Gaul. They brought with them two fetishes 
of the Serpent-cult : (1) the Magic Oracle Bowl or Witches' Cauldron or Chura of Fire, and 
(2) Fal's Fiery Stone (Lia Fail). Later the female patron Saint of the Irish was Brigid, Bridget 
or Bride, an old pagan goddess, admitted into the Church and canonized for proselytising 
purposes. The tribal name Fomor, Timor, of the descendants of the matriarch Ceasair. 
Waddell traces to the name " of a chief of a clan of the dwarf tribes of the Vans, called in the 
Gothic EddaBaombur,"-* probably Virnur, the Upper Euphrates, separating the ancient 
territories of the Vans and the Goths, Baombuo's tribe Vans. Thus, roughly speaking, does 
Waddell deal with the aborigines of Ireland, and in the course of his discourse the Picts are 
often mentioned as being mixed up with the Vans. He, therefore, proceeds to enquire 
into the Picts, whom he finds to be " non- Aryan in racial nature and in affinity with the 
Matriarohist Van, Wan or Fian dwarfs, and as aborigines of Britain in the Stone Age." 

The Picts "have hitherto baffled all enquiries. Their name does not appear in Latin 
authors bef ore A.D. 296, presumably because .... that was not their proper name, but 
a nickname." They next appear with the Scots (Irish Scots) in A.D. 360 as " breaking 
through the Antonine Wall between the Forth and Clyde." They then harried the Britons 
till the arrival of the Anglo-Saxons, when they joined with the Britons against them. They 
dwelt in caves and were associated with the ' Pixies/ were matriarchal and connected with 
the Feins of Ireland, i.e., with the Vans, and disappeared historically on being finally conquered 


Pett, Peith, and so on, to their sinallness (ef. English, petty ; Welsh, pitiw ; French, **). 
is also the Pit, Pet, connected with many place names. " On a review of all the new avaalaWe 
evidence" Wadell thinks that their propername was "Khal-des or Kbal-tis - - applied 
to tie aborigines of Van in Asia Minor . . . . in the ninth century B.o'> This name* 
preserved, he also thinks, in Caledon, Clyde, Caldor, Chiltern and many other names. let* 
(Veetis) for the Isle of Wight is also, according to him, another form of the name. On aU 
theeviLncehelooksonthe Pictsasa primitive small-statured people . jnkty from the Van 

Aryan, wraritag to Mrftoopologif. He oartltt. the Odte Kdte or Ouktae to .to <* 

types of one and the same race ; but unless ttie ueira are i_- f _{ 

*e vezed question of tke origin of the Britons and the Aryan question m Bnfaun. 

i.e. t Gaul, but were never spoken of as being in Britain, ineir nrs* pp ,., . . 

*MM. W in ..**. 1706, ^"*~ttZ " 

1757 onwards. Tfcfl " the so-called h Celts were 


Who then were the Celts 1 Waddell answers that they were ee early Picts calling 
themselves Kholdis or Khattis, an early primitive people," who, he finds on a mass of evidence, 
" were the early Chaldees or Galat-i or Gal-li of Van. and Eastern Asia Minor and Mesopotamia 
in the Stone Age. 1 ' Anyhow, they were not Britons. 

6, Brutus the Trojan and British Civilisation. 

The way is now clear to go on with " the hitherto unsolved question as to how and when 
the Aryan language and civilisation were first introduced into Britain and by what racial 
agency.'* Let us begin with Brutus the Trojan. " e At length he came to this island named 
after him Britannia, dwelt there and filled it with his descendants ' : Nennius (Ninian)," 
And then Waddell goes on : " this earlier portion of the Chronicles records circumstantially 
the first arrival of the Britons by sea in Albion under King Brutus the Trojan about 
the year B.C. 1103, and his colonisation and first cultivation of the land, and his bestowal 
thereon of his Trojan (Aryan) language and his own patronymic name Brit in the form of 
Brit-ain or the Land of the Brit-ons." Brutus the Trojan is not mentioned in the Latin 
classics, and Waddell explains this omrodssion at some length, rehabilitating the early 
British Chronicles. Brutus' traditional birth-place was " in the Tiber province of Latium," 
which Waddell "connects directly both with Troy and Ancient Britain." 

The story of Brutus is succinctly as follows : After the Trojan War CEneas with Ascanius 
fled to Italy, obtained the kingdom of Italy (Latium) and Lavinia, the daughter of king 
Latinus. He was succeeded by Ascanius, who was the father of Brutus. Here Waddell 
has a characteristic note : " King Latinus of Mid-Italy is stated in Nennius' version to be 
the son of Faunus [? Van ], the son of Picus [? Pico], the son of Saturn. ' ' Brutus accidentally 
killed his father and fled the country, going to Greece, whence he took a large fleet with men 
and treasure to Gades (Cadiz), and thence again to Albion, where he arrived about B.C. 1103. 
Here the Chronicle says : " Brutus called the island after his own name Britannia and his 
companions Brit-ons .... from whence afterwards the language of his nation, which at 
first bore the name of Trojan [Doric Greek] or rough Greek, was called Brit-ish . . - . , But 
Corineus, in imitation of his leader, called that part of the island, which was given to him as 
Duke, Corinea and his people Corinene [Cornish men]." About B.C. 1100 " Brutus founded 
on the Thames a city [London]/' which he called "New Troy," by corruption afterwards known 
as Tri-Novantum, until c< Lud, the brother of Cassi-vellaun, who made war against Julius 
Csesar, obtained the government of the kingdom . . , . and called it after his own name 
Kaer-Lud, that isthe City of Lud [or Lud-Dun corrupted into Lon-don]." Brutus died about 
B.C. 1080, and his kingdom was divided among "three famous sons named Locrin 
[England], Albanact [Scotland], and Kamber [Wales]." Waddell avers that the whole 
account of the wanderings of Brutus is credible, finding Grseco-Phcenician Colonies under 
Corineus, who bore a Grseco-Phoemcian name, at Gades, and also where he landed in Britain 
Totnes, with a Brutus Stone still shown, not far from the tin mines &f Cornwall. At tins last 
plaoe "descendants from the Romans [properly Trojans from Alba oh the Tiber] under 
Sylvius Posthumus [maternal great-uncle of Brutus] " were already settled. "The date 
of the invasion of Alban [Britain] by Brntus and his associated Phoenicians is fixed directly 
by totalling up the reported years of reigns in Britain of Brutus and his continuous line of 
descendants and successors down to Cassivellaunus and his successors in the Roman period." 
Haying ia such fashion dealt with the first invasion of Albion by " Trojan and Phoenician 
rrfug^eefcoDi Asia Minor and Phoenicia." Waddell launches on the " Aryanising civilisation 
9! the Pfcte && Celts of Britain by Brutus and his rito~phceiiiciatt Ctptjis," and in %> cotuss 



of his remarks, he discloses " the Phoenician origin of the Celtic, Cymric, Gothic and English 
languages, and the founding of London in the Bronze Age." He commences with a quotation 
from the Rig Veda : " the tribes subject to the Cedi [Ceti or Getce, Goth Phoenicians] are 
skin-clad." Cedi here would, however, in ordinary English script, be written Chedi, and Ceti 
Keti. This consideration immediately raises a question ; can we legitimately equate Chedi 
with Keti or Getae ? 

The Chronicles describe an opposition to the invasion of Brutus by e giants,' and this 
introduces a new people as inhabitants of Britain, whom Waddell calls " an earlier trading 
branch of the Aryans and Phoenicians the Muru or Amuru or Amorite giants and erectors 
of the Stone Circles and the Giants' Tombs" old exploiters of the Cornish tin-mines centuries 
before Sylvius and Brutus." The higher Aryan civilisation " was, however, introduced by 
Brutus, who set to work at once on landing " to till the ground and build houses." The 
houses he built were of timber ; i.e., they were Hitto-Phoenician, as is seen from " the common 
Briton affix for towns ai-bury, -boro, -burg (as well as brock), and Sanskrit, pura, 
derived from the Hittite and Catti buru, a Hittite town, citadel or fort." He travelled across 
England from Totnes to the estuary of the Thames, giving names to the chief rivers, which 
Waddell finds, including the name of the Thames itself, to be " clearly transplanted namesakes 
from the rivers of Epirus, whence Brutus sailed, and rivers of Troy and Phoenicia," in a style 
common to all time. He instances, inter alia, the Exe, the Axe, the Avon, the Ouse, and the 
Thames, which last is " clearly named after the Thyamis, the great river of Epirus, the Phoeni- 
cian origin of which seems evident by its chief tutelary being named Cadmus, the name of 
the famous colonising and civilising sea-king of the Phoenicians." On the Thames Brutus 
founded Tri-Novantum (London) three centuries or more before the foundation of Rome. He 
prescribed laws, which " involves writing in the Aryan Phoenician language and script , , , . 
the form of which . , . f we have seen inabout B.a 400 on the Newton Stone." As has 
already been said, Tri-Novantum also became later Kaer-Lud. This leads Waddell to make 
a typical note : <e Kaer, the Cymric for fortified city, is now seen to be derived from 
Sumerian gar, to hold, establish, of men or places : cognate with Indo-Persian garh, fort 11 ; 
Sanskrit, grih, house ; Eddie-Gothic, goera, to build, and gard or garth" 

What was the language that Brutus introduced and imposed on the aborigines of Albion 
and on the names of very many places, rivers and mountains ? It could not be Celtic or 
classic Greek or Roman. It was obviously Trojan, which the Chronicle says " was roughly 
Greek which was called British." This Trojan was Doric Greek, "contemporary specimens 

of which fortunately still exists from the twelfth to the tenth centuries B.C inSchlie- 

mann's excavations at Hissarlik." Waddell finds the Trojan script and language clearly 
akin to those of the later Aryan Phoenicians, and of the runes of the Goths, and of the legends 
stamped on the pre-Roman British Coins of the Catti, and the parent of the language and 
writing of the present day in Britain "the so-called English language and script." The 
Goths Waddell has already " disclosed "to be Hitt-ites, who were " primitive Goths," and 
their runes have to him an obvious "affinity " to Hitt-ite script. The Anglo-Saxons are 
much later on the scene, so it is "evident that the so-called Celtic and the Brithyonic Celtic 
languages in the British Isles are merely provincial dialects derived from the Aryan Trojan 
Boric introduced by King Brutus the Trojan." 

This great man .also introduced Law, Art and Roads, so that the early Britons wefle 
anything but savages. Bronee was introduced by the Phoenician Morite or Amorite exploiters 

U This word is a however, properly ga$h, and the r is not at all tiw letter r of Par siao* 


of the tin mines centuries before Brutus, but he popularised it. In Religion he introduced 
an " exalted monotheistic religion with the idea of One God of the Universe, symbolised by 
his chief visible luminary, the Sun," that is Bel, in contradistinction from the aboriginal 
matriarchal serpents and the bloody sacrifices of the Druids. In fact Brutus created in th 
Britons a highly civilised, proud, powerful, refined race, who soon founded a colony on the 
Rhine (B.C. 970), so that there is " disclosed a hitherto unobserved British origin of the 
Anglo-Saxons and the Anglo-Saxon Language." This opens up a vista for Waddcll of many 
" British " remains in Denmark, France, Germany and Moravia up to the Russian borders 

Thus does Waddell show the Amorite-Gatti- Phoenician origin of ' Things British.' The 
Brito-Phcenicians, he says, have left their marks broad-cast on place-names of all sorts all 
over the British Isles. Quoting from the VisJinu-Purdna that " the principal nations of the 
Bh&rats are the Kurus [Syrians] and the able Panch [Phoenicians], " Waddell (the ascription 
of the Bkdrata and Panchdla of the Vishnu Purdna are his) gives a large number of names 
all over the country containing Barat in some form or other, or Sumer 9 on the ground that 
"Cymry (pronounced Cumri) or Cumbers is derived from Burner, '* the alternative tribal 
epithet of the Phoenicians. The reader will find many surprising facts stated, and then 
Waddell passes in the same vein to " Catti, Keith, Gad and Cassi, titles in old ethnic and 
place names." He commences again with a quotation from the Vishnu Purdna: _ "his 
[the Khattiya's] 12 sources of subsistence are arms and the protection of the earth. The 
guardianship of the earth is his special province .... By intimidating the bad and 
cherishing the good, the [Khattiya] ruler, who maintains the discipline of the different tribes, 
secures whatever region he desires." WaddelTs ascription of ' Khattiya ' to the people 
spoken of is explained in a foot-note : " the old Indian Pali form of this tribal name wa& 
Khattiyo, which is spelt Kshatriya in the later Sanskrit ? " But this statement raises the 
questions : what has Pali to do with the Vishnu Purdna 1 Is Pali older than Sanskrit ? 
Whatever the answers may be, Waddell finds Khatti and its allied terms spread every where 
in Britain. 

Beginning with the classical Cassiterides of the Cornwall " tin islands," which name 
finds spread wherever tin " the cassiteros [so he spells it] of Homer and the classic Greeks 
and the Sanskrit kas&m" was taken "by the Cassi .... the leading clan of the sea- 
going Phoenicians." Here he says some remarkable things : " the Attic Greeks wrote ' katti- 
teros and Katti-terides/ thus showing the same equivalency as was used in Britain for the 
Cassi and Katti tribes and coins. In .... Sanskrit tradition kasfira is tin and the 
place-name KSstira, or place of kas&ra or tin, was located in the land of the B&hfkas, a despised 
out-cast tribe, who also gave their name to a sheet of water, and who now seem to be Pealits 
or Picts of the Sea of Victis or Icht in Cornwall, The Arabs called tin kaz-dir, and the 
Assyrians and Sumerians .... kizasadir, Jcasduru and kazduru." So the Cornish tin 
niinea belonged to the Cassi tribe, and Waddell gives a number of place-names containing 
reference to the Casfci all over England and Scotland, stating that there are a similar number 
in* Ireland* 

He next observes that there are many Cassi-Catti " pre-Roman Briton " coins, and 
Ifcen he goes on to say : " the current notion that the early Britons derived their coinage 
by imitating a ateter of Philip II of Macedonia (B.C. 366360) can uo longer be maintained, 
Indeed one qf tae chief advocates of the old theory was latterly forced to confess, on further 

Bo* uithe VtihyuPurfina surely the term would be- the Kshatriy&'s.' 


observation, that the Macedonian stater could iiotbe the sole prototype from which the early 
Briton kings modelled their coinage." Waddell's view is that the coin is Phoenician in origin. 
Finally, Waddell gives a number of English surnames, despite their known late origin, 
which " clearly " preserve " vestiges of the name of the Catti, Khatti or Gad tribal title of 
the Aryan-Phoenician citizen of Britain .... presumably in patrilinear descent." 

7. Morite Phoenician Stone Circles. 

Having thus dealt with the revival and distribution of the Phoenicians in -waves over 
Britain, Waddell discusses the prehistoric stone circles still found there and elsewhere. Here 
his views are as subversive as ever, and he openly follows the theory of distribution by Phoeni- 
cians propounded by Elliot Smith and Perry. To give the trend of this argument, it is 
necessary to quote him at length. " The great prehistoric Stone Circles of gigantic unhewn 
boulders, dolmens (or table-stones), and monoliths, sometimes called Catt Stones, still standing 
in weird majesty over many parts of the British Isles, also now appear to attend their Phoeni- 
cian origin. The mysterious race, who created these cyclopean monuments, wholly forgotten 
and unknoAvn, now appears from the new evidence to have been the earlier wave of immigrant 
mining merchant Phoenician Barats, or Catti Phoenicians of the Muru, Mer, or Martu clan 
the Amorite Giants of the Old Testament tradition ; and from whom it would seem that 
Albion obtained its earliest name (according to the First Welsh Triad) of CIAs Myrd-in 
(Merddin) or ' Diggings of the Myrd * . . . . about B.C. 2800." To this statement he 
appends the f olio wing remarks : This early Phoenician title of Muru, Mer, Marutu or Martu 
meaning the ' Western Sea * or c Sea of the Setting-Sun, 9 which now seetns obviously the 
Phoenician source of the names Mauret-ania or Morocco . , . . Mor-bihan or Little Mor, 
is found .... in Britain associated with Stone Circles and megaliths, and 

mostly on the coast ; e.g., Mori-dunum several More-dun, Mor-ton and Mar-tin, Ccer 

Marthen, West Mor-land, More-cambe Bay, Moray, etc/' 

Waddell then brings arguments to show that the Phoenician remains in Egypt, Spam, 
Portugal Sardinia, are identical with, or similar to those in Britain, and that these last 
date long before Brutus the Trojan. He next states that " the purpose of the great Stone 
Circles now appears, somewhat more clearly than before, from observations now Corded, 
to have been primary for solar observation ; whilst the smaller circles seem mainly septrfcbraL 

On the first of these points Waddell found something for himself " which has hitherto 
escaped the notice of previous observers." He found - by P^ ?^^ * ^ 
henge, Keswick, Peixrith, etc, that the point of observation was not at the centre of the circle 
but at the opposite or south-west border, where I found a marked observation Stone, .A* 
Keswick where the fine circle is locally called Castle Rigg, or Castle of the Rig, a, 

title of the Gothic kings, cognate with the Latin Bex, Regis and the 
Indo-Aryans, and the Eicon of the Briton coins . . . '^^ 
with mSks on it, inscribed in Sumeria* linear script readmg 
was presumably " ^eing the sun on the horizon." He then found a 
Stonehenge and in several other circles. 

Orv these purely personal observations he builds ^. 

"the Harri or Heria title of the ruling Goths of the *V *" " 

tie Hittite title of Harri or Am or Aryan." The name 

Abode of the Kes, .,, the Oassi clan of the Hittrtes. 

(To be continued.) 



[ OCTOBEE, 1925 



GTRIERSON, K.C.I.E., Memoirs of Asiatic Society 

of Bengal, Calcutta, 1920. 

This is another of Sir George Griorson's invaluable 
notes on Indian philology. A dhdtvddtea is 
a Prakrit root-substitute for a Sanskrit root : such as 
whereby Prakrit hoi can be an equivalent for 
Sanskrit bhavati. Sir George then points out 
that Prakrit roots are (1) identical with the corres- 
ponding Sanskrit roots, (2) regularly derived from 
them, (3) unconnected by any admitted phonetic 
rule, e.g., where Skr. root cal- equals Prak, root call- 
(4) derived from Skr. roots but having changed 
their meaning, are substituted from some other 
Sanskrit root with a meaning more nearly akin. 
The last two classes from tho dd4as. 

Sir George then gives 1590 Prakrit forms collected 
from five standard works. His lists, however, go 
beyond the true dd&das and include " many perfectly 
regular Prakrit words." In discussing the last of the 
classes of Prakrit roots abovo described, Sir George 
makes a very valuable remark : " there was never 
one uniform school of Prakrit Grammarians for 
the whole of India. There were certainly at least 
an Eastern and a Western school, which had marked 
variations in their teachings .... each school 
developed independently of the other, so that after 
the lapse of centuries the divergences became 
very wide." All this is well worth bearing in mind, 

As a matter of detail Sir Goorgo points out that tho 
nasalisation of words in modern Indian vernaculars 
is no modern innovation, nor is it accidental, but 
as a development it is at least as old as the dhdtv 
dd&t#. Here again we have a very valuable 

B. C. 

HINDU AsTHOBroMTe-, by G. B. KAYE. Memoirs of 
the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 18. 

Of this most useful compilation Mr. Kaye writes 
in hie Preface that * although this summary account 
goes over old ground it is all based upon original 
texts." I would like to add that when an expert 
goes to the original texts it matters nothing how 
much his subject covers old ground. In his In- 
troduction Mr. Kaye carefully scrutinises the history 
of the examination of Hindu astronomy by Eu- 
ropean students in, a scholarly manner and winds 
up with this pregnant paragraph s * e In the fol- 
lowing chapters considerable attention is paid to 
the earlier Greek period of Hindu astronomy, and 
the later material might, with some propriety, 
have /v been excluded altogether. However, not 
only has this later period a sort of traditional 
claim to attention, but its study often helps to 
elucidate obscure points of the earlier period. 

For the Hindus, when they absorbed Western ideas 
often gave them an Indian setting ; and also the* 
period of absorption is one of such extreme interest 
in tho history of civilization that any light thrown 
on it from the east is valuable. Therefore this 
later system has been analysed in some detail and 
a brief account of tho chief Hindu astronomers 
who expounded tho Western astronomy has been 
included," (may I add ? ) to the very great benefit 
of all student'*. 

Mr. Kayo ihen goes into the earliest works dealing 
in rtomo way or other with astronomy, and these 

3 10 cIaU.*g from u.c. 1200 to A,D. 200 all eaily 

Hindu dates tiro however still controversial and 
cuIU them tho Periods of tho Vodas, Brahmanas 
and Upanistluids, S&lras and Vedangas, The Jkfa- 
h&bhhrata* &ewdyana and the Puranashe considers 
npavtr ; aud finally ho calls the whole of the oldest 
works Poriod A, which ho divides into Vedic (Al), 
ami Post-Vodic (A2). Ho then divides the other 
early writings into Poriod B (B.C. 400 to 1000), 
und subdivides them into the Gupta (Bl) and 
Hhawkaru, (B2). In this Poriod B wrote Pulifia, 
Aryabhufto, Vur&ha Mihirn, Brohmagupta and 
Bhaskara. lu tbo Vcdio times tho year had 360 
ditys with occasional intercalary months, in Post- 
Votlic timcff there was a five-year cycle of 5 X 366 
clays, in t ho Gupta times came knowledge cf 
tlf piano-la tinci odipscB of formal astrology and 
utHor details. Li tho Bhaskara times there was 
ii further development of these latter matters, 

Mr. Kayo then examines tho texts under the 
Poriod AL including tho JtUakus and passes on to 
oarly formal astronomy, *.P., Period A2, "the 
main astronomical features of which are (a) the 
five-yaar cycle* of 5 X 30$ clays, and (6) the omission 
of all roforoixcos to planetary astronomy." Here 
ho again oxummot* tho texts. This starts him on 
tho discussion of eta finite, astronomical subjects, 
such as tUo Naktfhatrau, Stars and Constellations, 
Years and Seasons, Solstices and Equinoxes, and 
Procession* All this leads him to consider the 
important aubjoct of Vedic Chronology and "a 
number of arguments that have been employed 
to fix the chronology of the earliest Hindu works. 
Tuase are tainy stated and the reader can form his 
o-wn opinion of their value. Mr. Kaye then consi- 
ders the Hanets and the week days subjects on 
which bo is very informing. 

He is tben taken to the introduction of Greek 
astronomy about 400 A.D., and its dominating 
influence on Hindu astronomical teaching, which 
is admirably exhibited. This brings him to his 
(second) Period B the study of Hindii-Ckeefc 
astronomy and the gteat astronomers wno pre- 
sented it, Mr. Kaye subjects them to a searching 
criticism, and then passes on to Htadu Astronomical 

1925 ] 



"The only instruments of practical 
astronomical purposes described in 
adu works are the sun-dial and the 
An arxnillacy sphere is also described 
JTstrument for purposes of demonstration. 
only Hindu instrument of any antiquity 
tuaUy found is the clepsydra, consisting of a 
tal bowl floating in a vessel of water. 7 ' A 
Ttnote adds : " It is the only instrument des- 
bed in the Mn-i-AKbari," and to this it may be 
wLd that time was kept in the Royal Palace at 
Mandalay by a clepsydra, when the British took 
possession in 1885. 

MJ Kaye then attempts "to summarise, with 
the aid of modern mathematical formula, the more 
technical portions of the classical Sanskrit astro- 
aomical tests "and this "to aid the study of a 
particular intellectual phase" of a period 
"characterised by a remarkable renaissance of 
literature, art and science in India." (A.D. 500 
1000.) And thus Mr. Kaye is drawn to certain 
"conclusions," which all students of things Indian 
should study and digest, and he winds up his very 
valuable monograph with remarkable observations 
on Hindu astrology (Appendix I). He adds a further 
Appendix on Hindu Astronomical Deities, which 
has, however, already appeared in JASB. 9 1920. 
Altogether, Mr. Kaye has produced here a most 
important monograph, of which the only criticism 
Ihave to offer is as to the form in which it is printed. 
It would be so much more handy > and therefore more 
useful to students generally, if it were printed in 
octavo form. This would bo quite feasible as there 

are no plates. 

R. 0. TEMPLE. 


1603-1721, by 0. WESSELLS, S.J., Mnrtinus 

Nijhoff, the Hague, 1924. 

This is a work of real value to all occupied in 
historical research. It gives accounts in detail 
of those early missionaries, whom the Jesuits sent 
into Central Asia in the 17th century, and of whom 
we have had but the scantiest knowledge hitherto, 
and that not by any means accurate. Father 
Wessdla has now, however, written a scientific 
and authoritative book, based on documents in 
actual existence, though they are difficult to get 
at, and he has thus not only done justice to a most 
worthy series of old travellers, but has dug a well of 
sound knowledge for those who would appease their 
thirst for it at the original sources. One can hardly 
speak too highly of a work of this description. 

The old Jesuit fathers thtis resuscitated are 
firstly Bento de Goes (15621607), who became 
ft Jesuit in 1684 at Goa and started travelling for 
the Society in 1,595, continuing to do so till his 
death twelve years later. In this short perioc 
he went first to Lahore and Agra, Then he returned 
to 'Lahore 1 on his journey to "Jdathay," via Kabul 

to Yarkand and Khotan. Two years later he 
started for China from Yarkand, going to Aksu, 
Turfan, Cham : and then