This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at |http : //books . google . com/
NYPL nE3£ARCH LIBRARIES
3 3433 08174941 2
1
Digitized bKoOgle
^ ^ Vic's ^
D igtfized by Kj V ^^^^^^
Digitized b/GoOgle
' Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY,
OE,
AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
OF THOSE
I1IDI7IDUALS WHO HATE BEEN DISTINOITISHED AMOS 8
THE NORTH AMERICAN NATIVES
- AS
ORATORS, WARRIORS, STATESMEN,
AND
OTHER BEMARKABLE CHABACTBRi*
B. B. TgATCHER, ESQ,
IN TWO TOLUMES.,
VOL. IL
NEW-YORK:
PUBLISHED BT HABPBB * BROTHBBI^
Na 82 CLIPF-STEIBT.
1843.
^^y lOf 1 / digitized by Google
A
THE NEW YORK
PUBLIC L:B;-.AUY
4OO6I0
ASTCR, LENOX AND
TiLt3tf, •'NATIONS.
1907
Digitized by LaOOQ iC
CONTENTS.
DC
o
I
.S
CHXP. I.— NoticM of Indiani who iabmitted to Muaaebtuetti
contimied—The S^vaw-Sachkm of Medford— Her history, fkm*
ily, 4bc.^-Sanmore Johh and Sagamore JAMEi—Their inter-
course with the English— Anecdotes of them— ComplainU, ser-
vices, death and character— Chiokatabot. Sachem of Nepon-
let— His war with the Squaw-Sachem— visits Poeton several
times— Appears in coart against Plastowe— Anecdotes of his
Ooyemment-^ndian policy of Massachusetts compared with
that of Plymouth— Anecdotes of ChickaUbot— His death, page 9
CHAP, n.— Farther account of Master Weston's settlement, and
the movements of the Indians against him— Aipiickt, the Nail-
set. supposed to hn engaged In that affkir— His tribe and power
—Provocations firom the English— Magnanimous revenge of the
Sachem — His hosplulity and kindness — Friendly intercourse
with Plymouth— Is visited by Governor Bradford— By Captain
Btandisb— Is suspected of hostility by Plymouth, and pursued
by Standish— His death— Career and character of Itanootoh, the
* Courteous Sachem of Cummaquid'— Is suspected and pursued
—His death. 94
CpAP. in.— Nummary account of the Pivb NAxioiri — ^Their
early history— Oovernmeat^-Conquests---Popnlation— Territory
—Intercourse with the European Colonies— Their war with tlie
Adirondacks— Adventures of PiiKAaar —Their negotiations
with the French, in 1684— Anecdotes of the Onondaga Chief,
Gakanoula— His speech at the Council, and effects of it— Re-
marks on his character-*History of the Five Nations continued
to the time of Aoario— His exjdoits— Their object and results
—War between the Confederates and the French— Adventures
of Bl.ACK-K«TTM. ........34
CHAP. rV.— FiTB Natioiti continued— Remarks on theiroratcny
—Circumstances ikvorable to it— Account of a council of th«
Confederates at Onondaga, in 1690— Anecdotes of various pei^
sons who attended it — Speeches of Saobkan atib and other or-
ators— Aoabahta— The history and character of DscAifBtoBA—
His speeches at the Albany council of 1694— Style of his elo-
• " er— Other speecha*
fiuence— His personal and political character-
•nd HBfotiatioiu— Anecdotes of Saobkab atib.
A2
d by Google
▼1 C0NTIRT8.
OHAP. v.— Aceoimt of the (Ottawa*— Their tint Chtef-Saehea
known to the English. Pohtiac— Hij interview with Bfajor Ro-
gers—Protects that officer and his troops— Saves Detroit from an
army of Indians— Hostility of the northern tribes to theEn^ish,
after tlie conquest of Canada— Adventures of UairBt— Anecdotes
of MiHATATANA— Supposed feollngsof Pontlac towards the Bn-
glisb— His great project of eombin^tlpn. « • • - 70
CHAP. VI. — ^PoNTiAc*! plan of campaign— He ccnnmences activa
—Commencement of the war— Snrprisal of nine English posts
—mode of surprisal — Artifice adopted at MichilimacKinae, and
rasttit— RedncUon of DetroU iindertsken hy Pontlac in person
—His interview with the Commandant— His j>laa discovereo.
and the surprise prevented— Letter fiom Detroit. . . 83
CHAP. VIl.— Siege of Detroit maintainad by Pontlac— The Com
mandant meditates a retreat— The French propose a conferena
with Pontlac, wliich takes place — ^Tbe latur demands the
mandant meditates a retreat— The French propose a conference
with Pontlac, which takes place — ^Tbe latur demands the
surrender of the fort, which the Commandant reAisea— Vigor-
ous renewal of hostili ti es Advantagea gained Inr the Indkui
army— arrival of succor to the English— Battle of Bloody Bridge
-Pontlac at lenath raises the siafs— Causes of it— The Indians
make peace— Hu subsequent career until ^is death— Anecdotes
illustrating his influence, energy, magnanimity, integrity and
mnius— His autliority as chieftain— His talenta as an oiator—
His traditionaiy fkme. ....^.. 96
CHAP. VIII.- Accoont «r the Delaware*— Their ancient great
men, including TAMavaifo—Historv during the Revolutionary
^ar— Two Purties among them— Whitb-Etsi, leader of one,
and Captain Pira, of tlie other-^Bfanflsuvres, speeches, |riots
and counter-plots of these men, tiieir parties, and foreigners
connected wkh both— -Anecdotes— 'Death ol^ White-Eyes in
1780— Tribute of respect paid to his memory. . « 190
CHAP. IX.— Observations on the character of WUte-Eves —
Pipe's comment on his death— The latter gains and sustains an
ascendancy in tlie Delaware nation— OucKHic^iif, Nbtawat-
wBBi and WiNOBMUiTD— Subeequent career ot Pipe— Joins the
British and fights against the Americans— Grand Indian coun-
cil at Detroit— Pipe's spirited speech on that occasion— Make*
charges acainst the Missionaries, l^ut ftdls to prove them— Re-
marks on his habits, principles and talents. <• - - 138
OHAP. X.— atate of several Southern tribes during the last ean-
tury— The English send deputies to the Chebokbbi, In 1756—
Their lives threatened, and saved by Attakvixabvixa— Ae-
eount of that Chieftain and his principles— l*he party opposed
to him headed by OocoifoiTOTA— War with the Colonies in
1790 and two yean following— A n e cdotes of both tbpm Chlefli
d by Google
C0NTBHT8* Ttt
— SixouBR, Fiyroa, and oUie»->SeTtral IntUet— Peace torn-
cIuded—AttakaUakiula yisita Charleston— Hli subsequent ca-
reer, and tliat of Ocomostota— Remarlui on their character. 150
CHAP ZI.— The Cayuga Chief, Looaic— Some accoimt of hie
Ikther, Shiksiximui — ^Residence of Logan — His friendship tot
the whites jntermpted by their provocations — His family misfor-
tunes—The Sliawanee Siltbe-Ubbu — Ijogan Joins in a war of
revenge aminst the * Long-Knives'— Battle of the Kenhawa—
Treaty of Peace with Governor Dunmore— Logan*s celebrated
Speech — His history completed— BucKONGi.HXLA», the Delaware
head War-Chief— His intercourse with the Christian Indians-
Part which he takes in the Revolution— Defeated by Wayne,
inl794— Anecdotes of him— Death and character. - - 166
CHAP. Xn.— Some accouBt of the Shawaaaee, the tribe of Tx-
ovmBH— Anecdotes illustrative of their character— Early histo-
ry and lineage of Tecunueh — His first adventures as a warriw
—His habits and principles— His brothers Kumshaxa and Euk-
Wi.Ti.wA— The first open movements of the latter, in 1806— He
assumes the character of Prophet— His doctrine»-.-Hi8 mode of
(^ration upon his countrymen* -Other Indian pretenders— An-
ecdote of a Shawanee Chief, at Fort Wayne— Tanner's account
of the ministry of the Elskwatawa's Agents— Concert traced be-
tween them— Witchcraft-superstition- Anecdotes of Txtxbox-
Ti, Tub CaAirx, LxATasii-Liri, and others. - - - 181
CHAP. Xni.— History of Tecnmaeh and the Prophet continued
—The latter encamps at Tippecanoe— Sends a message to Gov-
ernor Harrison— VlBita him at Vincennes— Increase of his for-
eee— Attention of the General Government aroused- Tecumseh
visits the Governor— His speech, and journey southward— Battle
of Tippecanoe. November, 1811— Consequences of it— Indian
Council at Mississiniway— Council at Maiden— Speeches and
Anecdotes of the Cbaitb, WALic-iif-THs-WATxa, Rovnd-Hxad,
and other Chiefs— Sequel of the history of the two brothers— Fi-
nal exertions of Tecumseh— His deathr— Death of the Proph-
et. --...--Soa
CHAP. Xrv.— Remarks on the character of Tecumseh and the
Prophetr-Their focillties for co-operation— DiiBculties the latter
had to overcome— His perseverance and insenuity— Means by
which he protected his Person— Anecdotes of the Battle of Tip-
pecanoe— Frankness of Tecumseh in disclosing his scheme»—
Causes of his hostility to the Americans— Trespasses of the
whites, and other abuse*— Object of the belligerent combination
—Anecdotes of Tecumseh's first visit to Vincennes, in 1S1&—
His dignity, independence and courage— His ideas of the British
pcrticy— His speech to General Proctor, and remarks on his wa-
toiy— His humanity— His genius. - - - 996
OHAP. XV.— MicHixiiTAqwA, or the Littlb-Turtlx— Early his-
tory— Engans in a combination of the Indians against the Uui-
ted Statee JBwn^AonnT— The Turtle defiMts two detachment!
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
tfii coirmml.
of AmMrlcaa troMW— iome aecovnt of the Nortb-WiMtam vtr
ih>in 1791 to 1795---TIie Turtle defeated by General Wayne— H«
iMComes unpopular after the peace— Some of the charges againat
Jiim examined—- Anecdotes or his intercourse with distinguished
Americans— His ietter to GAoenl Hanisou— His death in 1815^
His character. 843
0HAP. XVI.— The Aooeea Chief, Rbo-Ja^jebt— Ofrcumstancef
under which he succeeded Coaif-PLAifTKB in his influeoce — An*
ecdotes of the latter— Red-Jacket's earliest oratoilcal triumph-*
Bis speech at the Treaty of Canandaigua— Account of Farmss*!*
BaoTHBB, Abd Bbandt— Red-Jacl(et*s political and religioua
Principles— Speech to Mr. Alexander, in 1811— Speech to Mr.
lELichardson— Remarks on the causes of his heathenism in the
^conduct of the whites— His military career— Speech in favor of
Heelafing war agaiast the British, im 181»<i-SeBeca Manifesto^
Red-JacketHi interview with Washington— His interview with
Lafavette— His Memorial to the New-York Legislature — Speech
io a Missionary in 1835— His deposition and restoration in 1827
-—Visits to the Atlantic citiea— Death and fUneral obsequies —
' • 870
AFPENDIX.
Jffo. I. GeaealoorofUircAs. - - - - 3M '
Wo. n. General Wayae'e >OoBe«pondeBce with M«|or
Campbell. MS
We. ill. CoBii^Fi.A.irvBB*s letter to the Govemor of Pean-
eylvaaia. 809
Wo. IV. Speech of the same at Warrea Court-House. 819
Wq> V« Littub Fabmeb'i letter to the Hon. W. Eustis. 814
K9 VL Obituary Notice of Bbahot. - - - 814
/N»> yU Craarli»cd*jJatt«r 10 iheGovamatAf Canada. Mm
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
CHAPTER L
Notices of Indians who submitted to MMsachnsetts,
continued — ^The SquAW-SACHEM of Medford — Her
history, family, Ac, — Her sons, Sagamore John and
Sa^ramore James — ^Their intercourse with the Engr.
lisC — Anecdotes of them — Complaints, serTices,deaSi
and character— Chickatabot, Sachem of Neponset^
His war with the Squaw-Sachem— -Yisits Boston sey-
en4 times — ^Apoears in court against Plastowe— An-
ecdotes of his Grovemroent— Indian policy of Massa-
chusetts compared with that of Plymouth— Anecdotes
of Chickatabot— His death.
Having heretofore had occasion frequently to intro-
duce the names of Indians who subjected themselves,
more or less, to the Government of Massachusetts,
we propose in this chapter to no^ce a few of the
most prominent of that class, who have not yet been
mentioned.^
Some years previous to the arrival of the English,
the various Massachusetts tribe^ properlv so called,
are believed to have been confederated, like the Po-
kanokets and others, under the government of one
great Sachem, whose name was Nanefashebiet
or the New-Moon. His usual residence was in Med-
ford, near Mystic Pond. He was killed in 1619, —
by what enemy is unknown. Twp years afterwards, a
* See a sl^etch of Cutchamequin, of Braintee.in Chap-
ter XI, Vol. I.
d by Google
10 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
Plymou^ party viaited this flection ; and ^ey then dift-
fiovered the remains of one of Nanepashemet's forts.
It was built in a valley. There was a trench about it^
breast-high, with a peripheiy of palisades reaching up
more than thirty feet It was accessible only in one
direction, by (i narrow bridse. The Sachem's grave
had been made under the frame of a house within
the enclosure, which was sdll standing; and another,
upon a neighboring hill, marked the ^t where he
fell in battle. His dwelling-house had been built on
a large scaffold, six feet high, also near the summit
Af a hilL* It is evident mat Nanepashemet was a
rhieflain of very considerable state and power.
His successor, to a certain extent, was his widow,
w^ known in historv as the Squaw-Sachem, and
otherwise called the Massachusetts Queen. It is prob-
ably from the latter circumstance, in part, that some
modem historians have described her as inheriting
the power of her husband ; but this is believed to be
incorrect. We find no evidence of it among the old
writers ; though it appears, on the other hand, that
some of the other Massachusetts tribes were a.t'war
ivitb bar's, when the English first made her acquaint-
ance. It seems highly probable, that these were
the enemy^-rebels, we should perhaps sav — ^whom
Nanepashemet fell in attempting to subdue. His
^lure and death were sufficient, without the aid of
that terrible pestilence which reduced the number
of the Massachusetts warriojs fit>m three thousand
to three himdred, to prevent any attempts on the part
of his widow, for recovering or continuing his own
jancient dominion.
Still, the S<}uaw-Saicfaem governed at least the
remnants of one tribe. She. also laid claim to ter-
ritory In various places, and among the rest to what
IS now Concord, arrant of which place she joined
with two or three other Indians in conve3ring to the
original settlers, in 1635. Previous to th& date, 9he
• Prince.
Digitized by Google
UTDIAN BI06IUPHT« 11.
had taken a second husbuid, Wafpacowxtv the ehief
priest of her tribe, he being by custom entitled to die
nand of his Sachem's widow. The land was paid
£>r in wampum, hatchets, hoes^ knives, cotton ck>A.
and chintz ; beside which, Wappacowet, who figured
only as an evidence in the case, received a gratuinr
of a suit of cotton cloth, a hat, a white linen bano^
shoes, stockings, and a great coat*
Several years after the BBJe of Concord, the Squaw->
Saohera visited Boston, for the purpose of subjecting
herself to the Massachusetts Government. That ob«
Ject she efiected. Whether the priest was included
m the submj88i(»i, or what waa tne sequel of his his*
tory, or even her's, does, not appear.
The Squaw-Sachem, like her husband, the New
Moon, has maintained her principal dignity in our ear-
ly annals, as the parent of Wonohaquaham and Mon-
towampate, better known as Sagamore John and Sa-
eAMORE JAM£s.f The former lived, before the Bnglish
came, at the old residence of his &ther, in Medrord ;
subsequendy, at Winneamet, anciently called Rum-
ney Marsh, and situated partly in Chelsea, and pardy
in Saugus. James, who was Sachem of the Saugus
Indians, and had jurisdiction of Lynn and Marble-
head, resided on Sagamore hlD, near the eastern end of
Lynn beach.
John was one of the best, as weU as earlier friends
idle setders of Boston ever had among the natives ;
and by their desoendants his memory should be cher-
ished for that, if for no other reason. On all occa-
8k>ns, he was courteous, kind and frank. Soon afler
dieir coming, he engaged vnth the governor to make
* Depositions on Concord Records.
f There htts been a controversy abont the meaning of
ihia tide, and the difference lietween Sagamore, (or
Sagamo) and Sachem. We a^ee with Mr. Lewis (from
whose accurate history of Lynn we have borrowed
above,) in conndering them diffezentpronnaciations of
the same word*
d by Google
fSi INDIAN BKHSRA^Bti
compensation for damages done by his sul^lsctSyaB^
to fence in his territories, both which he did. Dur-
ing the same year, 1630, he seasonably gave warning to
tiie Charlestown people, of a plotibrmed against them
among some of the neighboring Indians,— ^an act on
the mention of which an old writer pays him the de«
served compliment of having 'aiimys lovtsd thd En^
glisb.'
His attachment itea justified bv the conduct of bis
new ally and friends, for though be often brought
complsdnts before the Massachusetts authorities, it was
siB rarely without effect as it w%is without cause.
At one time, two of his wij^ams were careleaslT
ifet on fire by some English rowlers, and desthiyed.
'The chief offender was a servant of Sir Richard Sal-
tonsta^I, and the Court ordered him to give satidlkc^
tlon, which he did, being mulcted in seven yards <^
cloth, valued at fifty shillings sterling. The act of
firing one of the buildings, was not very easily
proved ; but, say the Court. ** lest he should d»nk uS
not sedulous enough to fiind it out, and so should de-
part discbntentedly from us, We gave both him and
nis subject satisfaction for them both.^
So when he and his brother Jam^ a few weeks
afterwards, applied to the <}ovemor for an order, to
procure the return of twenty beaver-skins which had
been obtained unfairly fl*oni l^em by an Englishman,
*the governor entertained them fctndly, and gav6
them his lettet", fcc.*^ Jbhtt must have beeti per-
mitted to manaige his relations With dilhcir IsachemS
also, as he pleased ; for When Chickatabot fbu^
for Canonicus in 16^ as We shall soon see, Ae fdB6
joined him at the head dT thirty men, and thefitctlft
recorded not only without censure, biit without Com«
ment.
James was a more troqbiesoaie personage, and
inm more Utah once m difficulty With both ladiaiui
and Eni^liBb. A fMrQr of that foiUmkble Eastern
■ iwnwy mmmm am
* New-England Chronology, 1631.
Digitized by Google
IlfDiJUf BIOORAPHT. 13
pe(^>le, the Turadikefl, attacked him in 1631, riew
seven of his men, wounded both him and his broth-
er John, and carried off his wife captive. Hubbard
observes, that he had treacherously killed some o(
the Tarratines before this, ** and was therefore the less
pitied of the English that were informed thereof:"
but the latter nevertheless procured the redemption
of his wife. The foUbwing extract from Mr. Win-
tiiirop's Journal, throws some light, both on the au-
thority which be exercised upon his own subjects,
and the liberties he took with the English. The
Government, it must be observed, had noAde a pru-
dent regulation, forbidding the sale of arms to the na-
tives:
** September 4th, 1633.
''One Hopkins of Wateitown was convict for
selling a piece and pistol, with powder and shot, to
James Sagamore, for which he bad sentence to be
whipped and branded in the cheek."— It was discov-
ered by an Indian, one of James's men, upon [uromise
of concealinff him, or oiherwiae he was sure to be kiUecL
It was probd[>ly for some ofTence of this description
that James was once forbidden to enter any English
Elantation under penalt}r often beaver-skins; a much
etter dispensation of justice) clearly, than to have
sent an armed force, as the good people of Plymouth
had been in the habit of doing on such occasions, to
punish him in person.
The following is an item in the account of Treas-
urer Pyncheon, stated to the General Court for 1633,
under the head of Payments out of the Common
Treasury. /
<< Paid John Sagamore^ $ hroUur^ the 9th Oct 1633,
for killing a wolf, one coat at £0. 13^. 0."
This account of James indicates that he was much
less known among the Englirii than his brother ; and
Digitized by Google
14 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY*
as it appears in company of several chaises ISkm
these, —
."To Jack Straw, one coat, by a note
from the Governor, ISff.
To Wamascus' Son, two wolves,
two coats, £1 : ^^ <
It may be fiiirly inferred that the Sagamore hesi-
tated not to put his dignity, so far as he uxu known,
on a level, in the eyes of the English, with the low*
est of his countrymen.
John and James died about the same time, in
1633, of a mortal epidemic then prevalent among
the Massachusetts Indians. Hubbard says, that both
E remised, if they recovered from their sickness, to
ve with the English and serve their God. The
reason why John, at least, had not already taken
such a course, may be gathered from some expres-
sions in that curious tract. New ENeiiANn's First
Fruits, which we cite the more willingly because
it places the character of John in its true light
" Sagamore John," says the learned author, " Prince
of Massaquesetts, was from our very first landing,
more courteous, ingenious, and to the Enelisb more
loving than others of them ; he desired to leame and
speake our language, and loved to imitate us in our
behaviour and apparell, and began to hearken after
our Grod and his ways. * * And did resolve and
promise to leave the Indians and come live with us ;
but yet, Jctpt down lyftart ^Hvt seqffin (^ the IndianSf
had not power to make good his purpose, &c."
The same writer thus refers to the poor Sagamore's
last mon^ents. Being struck with death, we are told,
he began fearfully to reproach himself that he had
not hved with the English, and known their God.
*« But now," he added, *^1 must die. The God of the
J^glish is much angry with me, and will destroy me.
Ah ! I was afraid of the scoffi of these wicked In-
diana. But f»^ cMi shall live with the En^ish^ to
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOQRAPHT. 15
know thek God, when I am dead. I'll give him to
Mr. Wilson — ^he much good man, and much love
me." Mr. Wilson, (clergyman at Boston,) was accor-
dingly sent for, and when he attended, as he did
promptly, the Sagamore ^ committed his only child
to his care, and so died." — In confirmation of this
honorable testimony, the author of the Wonder
Working Providence may be cited. He observes,
that the English clergymen were much moved to see
the Indians depart this life without the knowledge of
God in Christ^ "and therefore were very frequent
among them, for all the Noysomness of their Disease,
entering their Wigwams, and exhorting them in the
name of the Lord." John is said to have given some
good hopes, as being always very courteous to them.
Then follows the request to Mr. W ilson : " Quoth hee,
*by and by mee Mattamoy, [dead]— -may bee my
sons live — ^you take them to teach much to know
God.'"*
Mr. Cotton, himself a preacher also at Boston, at
the same period, and probably an eye-witness, fur-
nishes a more particular and interesting account of
this scene, with which we shall conclude our notice
" At our first coming hither John Soffcmore was the
chiefest Sachim in these parts. He falling sick, our
Pastor Mr. Wilson hearing of it (and being of some
acquaintance with him) went to visit him, taking one
of the deacons of our Church with him, and withall,
a little Mithridate and strong water. When he came
to his lodging, (which they call a Wigwam) hearing a
noyse wimin, hee looked over the mat of the door, to
discerne what it meant, and saw many Indians gath-
ered together, and some Powwatos amongst them,
who are their Priests, Physitians, and Witches. They
by course spake earnestly to the sick Sagamore, and
to his disease, (in a way of charming of it and him)
* Johnson speaks as if there were several sons, and
therein is clearly incorrect. Mr. Cotton is much better
authoritv in this caae.
d by Google
16 ' INDIAN BIOGRAPHT
and one to another in a kind of Antiphonies. When
they had done, all kept silence, our Pastour went in
with the Deacon, and found the man farre spent, his
eyes set in his head, his speech leaving him, his
mother (old ^vnuiw-SaMnC) atting weeping at his
bed's head. Well (saith our Pastour) our Gk)d save
Soigamart /o/bi, Powwrno Cram (that is, kill) Sara-
more John; and thereupon hee fell to prayer with nis
Deacon, and after prayer forced into the nek man's
mouth with a spoon, a little Mithridate dissolved in
the strong water ; soon after the Sagamore looked up,
and three dayes after went abroad on hunting. This
Erovidence so fture prevailed with the Sagamore^ that
e promised to look after the English man's God, to
heare their sermons, to weare iSigUsh apparell, &c
But his neighbor huUans^ Sagamorea', and Pmnoaws^
hearing of this, threatened to Cram him (that is, to
kill him) if he did so degenerate fiom his CounU^
Gods, and Religion, he thereupon fell off, and UxJk
up his Indian courM of life again. Whatsoever fa-
cility may seeme to ofter itself of the converaon of
the Indians, it is not so easie a matter for them to
hold out, no not in a semblance of profession of the
true Religion. Afterwards God struck John Saga-
more againe, (and as I remember with the Small Pox :)
but then when they desired like succour from our Pas-
tour as before, he told them now the Lord was angry
with Sagamore Johoy and it was doubtful hee would not
60 easily be intreated. The Sagamore blamed himsetf
and justified God, and confessed, ' he should not have
been discouraged by their threats from seeking our
God : for those Sagamores and Powwows who did most
terrific him, hee had seene God sweeping them awfi^
by death, before himself; in a short time after. And
therefore, when hee saw hee must die (for he died of
that sickness) he left his sonne to the education of our
Pastour, that he might keep closer to the English,
and to their God, than himself had done. But his
Sonne also died of the same disease soon afier."*
* The Way of Congregational Churches clear
XD : Iiondon; 1648.
INDIAN BIOORAFHY. 1^
Another Sachem carried off by the pesdlence was
Chickatabot, otherwise called Chickataubut and
Chickatalbott ; and whose name, under the form of
Chickatabak, is appended with those of eight other
sachems, to the deed of submission to King James,
dated 1^22^ which has already been mentioned in the
life of Massasoit Some writers call hhn the Chief
Sachem of the Massachusetts. But so Sagamore
John, and his mother, if not sqme others, were vague-
ly entided ; nor can any thing more be inferred from
the expressions, we conceive, than that he was one of
the principal chiefs. That conclusion might be
drawn also from the fact, that when the English
first knew him (in 1621,) he was at war vsith the
Squaw-Sachem of Medford. No doubt he had been
subject to her husband, and probably she was now
struggling to continue and enforce the dominion.*
The same causes which enabled Chi<;:katabot and
other sagamores of his section of the country, tO
maintain their independence of each other, probably
induced them to submit so readily to whatever au-
thority appeared able and willing to protect them.
King James, Massachusetts and Plymouth, were the
same to him, in this particular, with Massasoit and
Canonicus ; &nd he submitted with an equal grace to
all or either, as the case might require. No doubt j^t
* "Since writing the above, we have availed ourselves
of Mr. Shattuck's researches. He beUeves that Chick"
atabot was subject to Massasoit. One of his reasons is
the improbability of his contending against Iiis superior
Sachem ; and another, the circumstance that all his re-
corded conveyances of land are south of Charles River,
wbich Mr. S. considers the southern boundary of the
Massachusetts. With deference to an accurate writer,
we shall leave the question without an argument— only
reminding the reader that Chickatabot fouffht for Ca-
nonicus in 1632, that being about the time when the lat-
'ter made sundry attacks on Massasoit — and also that the
case of Sassacus and Uncas, (not to refer to Powhatan '0
history,) in a precedent exactly in point.
B2
Digitized by Google
IS UmiAN BIOORAPHT.
- was the influence of the Pokaaoket Sachem that in-
duced him to visit Plymouth for the purpose of
subscribiag theaubmission — ^which he probably nei-
ther knew nor cared any thing about, except in re-
lation to the p^romised consequences of the act
of signing. With the same accommodating dis-
positioUf or rather from the same necessity, he turned
out with all his men, in 1632— to fight against the
same Massasoit, we suppose-— the Narragansett Chief^
Canonicus, having < sent for him' to that end.* This
movement, together with the absence of all comment
upon it in hbtory, illustrates sufficiently the sense
which, notwithstanding the submissions alluded to,
both himseR*and his English neighbors still entertain
ed of his independence.
The Sachem took no advantage of the freedom
thus silently allowed him. Nor does the liberality,
and even courtesy, with which he was on all other
occasions treated by the Massachusetts Orovemment^
appear to have had any other than the happiest ef>
feet upon him. On the contrary, he judged them as
they judged him ; and being seldom if ever suspect-
ed, was rarely exposed to suspicion by his conduct.
He esteemed his own dignity at least enough to ap-
preciate their politeness.
Residing near Nepooset river, in Dorchester, he
made hinwelf familiar with the settlers of Boston very
seon after th^r arrival, and that in a manner which
discredits n^dier of the parties. As early as March,
1631, (the settlement having commenced in the pre-
ceding September,) he went into Boston, attended by
quite a company of men and women of his tribe, and
carrying widi him a hogshead of Indian corn as a
present for the Grovernor. When the latter had provi-
ded a dinner for his visitors, with the much esteemed
accompaniment of ^tobacco and beer,* the Sachem
aent his escort all home, with die exception of one
aanop and one squaw, akhough it rained, and the
• Winthrop.
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 19
Governor rather urged that they might be permitted
to stay. He, and the other two who remained, tarri-
ed until aflernooQ of the next day biH one. As he had
before this time accustomed himself to wear £n^*
lish clothes, we are informed that ^ the Grovemor set
him at his own table, where he behaved himself as
soberly as an Englishman." His host gave him at
parting, *< cheese and pease, and a mug and some
other things ;" * and no doubt he returned to Nepon-
set exceedingly gratified with the well-timed munifi-
cence of his new friend.
Accordingly, he made his appearance acain within
a month, on which occasion he requ^ed Mr. Win-
throp to negotiate with some tailor, on his behalf for
a suit of English clothes. The Governor civilly gave
him to understand, that English Sagamores were not
accustomed to truck in this way— 4)ut he called his
own tailor, and dhrected him to make the proposed
suit Chickatabot presented his host with t\i'o large
skins of coat-beaver, so called, paid the proper hon-
ours to a dinner prepared for him and his attendants,
and took his leave, promising to return for his clothes
in three days. This was the 13th of April On the
15th he came again, and the Governor then arrayed
him in the new sui^ which had been promptly made
ready for his use, and also entertained him at dinner.
If the Sachem had behaved soberly on his first visit,
he deserves still higher praise for the improvement
which is evident in his manners since that time. He
would not eat now — savage as he was — at the hospi-
table boar^ of his Christian host, until the latter had
craved the customary blesong which attended his
own meals ; and, * after meat, he dedred him to do the
like, and so departed. ' ^
Nor did Chickatabot receive only compliments and
new clothes from his Boston ally. Substantial jus-
tice was rendered to him and his subjects, whenever
emergency required ; and an Englishman was pun-
•Wiathwp.
Digitized by Google
so INDIAN BIOOBAPBT.
Ished, at least as promptly and severely for a trespaaa
upon him or them, as an Indian would have beea
expected to be punished for the same offence against
the whites. To illustrate by an instance, — ^in the lat-
ter part of 1631, Chickatabot appeared in Court at
Boston, and complained of one Josias Plastowe, for
stealing a quantity of his com. Evidence of the
charge having been produced, sufficient to convict
the offender, me Court gave judgment as follows :
'^ It is ordered, that Josias I^lastowe shall, for steal-
ing four baskets of corn from the Indians, return them
eight bai^ets again, be fined five pounds, and hereaf-
ter be called by the name of Josias, and not Mr. as
formerly as he used to be; and that William Buck-
land and Thomas Andrew, [servants] shall be whip-
ped for being accessary to the same offence."
Chicatabot knew how to value this honorable pol-
icy of the Government, and was grateful for it But
even earlier than the date of the transaction last re-
ferred to, he had himself set the example which that
Government, so far as regarded him, did but follow.
The following single paragraph, taken from the same
authority which reconds the sentence of Plastowe, is
among the evidence to this effect :
^ At a Court, John Sagamore and Chickatabot, be-
ing told at last Court of some injuries that their men
did to our cattle, and giving consent to make satis-
faction, &;c. now one of their men was complained
of for shooting a pig, &c for which Chickatabot was
ordered to pay a smsJl skin of beaver, which he pres-
ently paid.'* So in August of the next year, two of
the Sachem's men havinff been proved guilty of as-
saulting some of the settlers at Dorchester in their
houses, were detained in the bilboes, until Chickatabot
could be notified of the fact, and requested to beat
them, * whkh ht did,^
**< The most usuall custome amongst them," 8a;p8 Rog*
er WilUams, of the Indians, <' isfcr the Sacbim either to
beate, or whip, or put to death with his owne hand, to
Digitized by Google
4 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. .. " 21
It is obvious to remark, how mach more satisfiic-
tory this course must have been to him, than the
morr violent mode of doing themselves justice, would
have been, which was pursued by many English au-
thorities on most occasions of a similar description.
It was dealing with him, as they wished to be dealt
vnth ; which policy, whether under the circumstan-
ces required by strict justice or not, was unquestion-
ably best calculated to effect the end proposed in
each particular case, as well as to secure the general
affection and respect of the Indians. It may be re-
marked here, without impropriety, that the conduct
of the Massachusetts Grovemment towards Chickata-
bot is no more than a just specimen of the course
they usually pursued towards his countrymen. The
exceptions are few and far between.
It is specially worthy of notice, that Chickatabot
was nev^ called to account for the part which he
took in the combination of the Indians against Mas-
ter Weston's infiunOus s^lement at Weymouth, of
which we shall presently have occasion to make fur-
ther mention. And yet, there was not only some
reason for su^ecting him, on account of his vicinity
to the residence of Uie chief ringleaders ; but it ap-
pearp clearly, that he was known to be encaced, and
tiiat to such an extent, as to be considered by some
the instigator and manager of the whole bunness.
Wimess, for example, the following extract from a
letter written by Governor Dudley to the Countess of
Lincoln, in England, and bearing date at Boston,
March 12th, 1630 :
^ There was about the same time, one Mr. Weston,
an English merchant, who sent divers men to plant
and trade who sate down by the river of Wesagus-
cus ; but these coming not for so good ends as those
of Plymouth, sped not so well ; for the most of them
dying and languishiog away, they who survived wen
which the common sort mogt quietly submit." Key to
THV Ind. Lanouaojes
Digitized by Google
!S2 INDIAN BIOGRAPHir. y
rescued by those ofPlymoutk out of the hands o/'Chick-
ATALBOTT, ttTid kis huHons, who oppressed those xoeak
EngUsh, dad intended to have destroyed them^ &c.
The writer then goes on to mention a settlement soon
After attempted near the same place by one Wollas-
ton, and a company of some thirty men, whose history
may be profitably noticed very briefly, for the purpose
of comparing the Plymouth with the Massachusetts
policy.
One of the Wollaston crew, mentioned by Prince,
in 1625, as having been a kind of pettifogger in Eng-
land, was Thomas Morton. This person became a
notable disturber of the peace ; cheating the Indians
in trade, and spending the profits with his compan-
ions in rioting ; drinking, as the annalist just cited
specifies, ** ten pound worth of wine and spirits in the
morning," besides setting up a may-pole for the Indian
women to dr^nk and dance about, *^ with worser prac-
tices."
But although Thomas changed the name of Wol-
laston to Merry Mouni,\ his jollity was not to last for-
ever. Mr, Endecott, of the Massachusetts Company,
who landed at Salem in the summer of 1628, visited
Master Morton within two months from his arrival,
and changing Merry Mount to Mount Dagon, took
active measures for correcting that riotous settlement.
These were not entirely successful, and even when
Morton was at length arrested and sent to England
for punishment, he was not only liberated, but sent
back again : ** upon which," as Prince writes, " he
goes to his old nest at Merry Mount" This was in
JL629. In the summer of the next year, the Massa-
chusetts colonists came over with Winthrop and Dud-
ley ; and ds early as September of that season, we
find the following order taken upon Master Morton's
case by tlie Court of Assistants : —
" Ordered, that Master Thomas Morton of Mount
Wollaston shall presently be set in the bilbows, and
* Mass. His. Coll. t Prince's Annals, 1625.
Digitized by Google
IKDIAN biogKafby; S3
after sent prisoner to England by the ship called the
Gift ; that all his goods be seized to defmy the charge
of his transportation, payments of his debts, and to
give satisfaction to tke Indians for a canoe he took un^
jtisUy from them ; and that his house be burnt down to
the grotmd in sight of the Bidians,for their satisfaction
for many wrongs he has done themJ^
If this summary course had been taken with Wes-
ton and his banditti, there might have been, as we
shall see, the saving of the lives of many innocent
men. If it could not be taken by the English, who
were appealed to, some allowance at least might have
been made for those who were finally compelled to
assume the administration of justice.
In the case of Chickatabot, though not in all, such
allowance was made. It also appears, that no evil
consequences arose from this pdhcy, but much the
reverse. The sachem was uniformly the more ready
to give all the satisfaction in his power, and no doubt
partly because it was rather requested of him than
required. When the Indians were said to be plotting
against the English in 1632, and much apprehension
was excited in consequence, ** the three next Sagamores
were sent for,*^ says Wintlirop, " who came presently
to the Governor," and this is the last we hear of the
Riatter. Chickatabot must have been one of them,
and he explained away the causes of suspicions at
once. Pursuingthis course, the Massachusetts Govern-
ment continued upon good terms with him until his
death, which was occasioned by the prevalent epi-
demic, in the latter part of 1633.
His descendants, to the thiixl generation at least, sev-
eral of whom were persons of note, followed his own
peaceful and firiendly example. Among the Suffolk
records, there is still to be seen, a quitclaim deed from
his grandson Jostas, — of Boston, the islands in the
harbor, &c. ^ to the proprietated inhabitants of Bos-
to^•''
d by Google
S4 UTDIAN BIOGEAPffr*
CHAPTER IL
Ftrther acicount of Master Weston's settlement, andtlM
moyements of the Indians against him— AtriNET, th«
Nauset, supposed to be en^raged in that aifair-^His
tribe and power — Prpyoci^tions from the English-
Magnanimous re^irefige of the Sachem — His hospitality
and kindness— Friendly intercourse with Plymouth-
Is visited by ffOTernor Bradford — By captain Standish
— Is suspected of hostility by Plymouth, and pursued
by Standish — His death — Career and character of Ir-
▲irouGH, the * Courteous Sachem of Cummaquid*— !•
suspected and pursued — ^Hls death.
Having neceflsarily, inthecouneof jiudce to some
indiyiduals heretofore noticed, animadyerted on the
early Indian policy of Plymouth, we shall deyote this
chapter to the further conflideration of certain fiiots
bearing upon that subject, and especially as connected
with the case of Weston. These fiicts cannot be bet-
ter set f<Mth, than they are in the liyes of two among
the most remarkable natiyes who held mteroourse
with the Goyemment in question.
One of them was Aspiust, ihtJbrH open enen% as
the Pokanoket Sachem was the nrst ally, whom the
Plymouth settlement had the fortune to meet with.
He ruled oyer a^ number of petty tribes, settled in ya-
nous parts of what is now the county of Barnstable,
all of whom are said to haye been ultimately subject ,
or at least subsidiary, to Massasoit. The principal
among them were the Nausets, at Namskeket,* with-
in the present limits of Orleans, and round about
* A spot chosen with the usual sagacity of the Indians,
and which at some period probably subsisted a large pop-
ulation with its immense stores of the siekislmoi, or
clam. A thousand barrels annually are said to haya
been taken there in modem times, merely for fish-bait
Mass, His. CoU.
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAIVr. . 25
the cove whicli separates that town fit)ni Easdiam.
With this tribe Aspinet had his residence.
Aspinet, we have observed, was the first open ene-
my of the colonists ; and it will be admitted, that his
hostility was not without cause. Of the twenty-four
Indians kidnapped by Hunt, in 1614, twenty belonged
to Patuxet, (or Plymouth,) and the residue were the
subjects of the Nauset chieftain. When the Pilgrims
came over, ak years aAer this abominable outrage,
it happened, that upon landing in the harbor of Cape
Cod, before reaching Plymouth, they sent out a small
party in a shallop, to discover a proper place for a set-
tlement. These men went ashore a little noith of
the Great-Pond, in Eastham, and there they were
suddenly attacked by the Nausets. The assailants
were repulsed, but the English retreated in great
haste.
Unquestionably, these men acted in obedience to
the orders of Aspinet, instipted, as he must have
been, by the remembrance of Hunt's perfidy. Wins-
low, in his Relation, gives an anecting incident
which occurred subsequently at this place, going to
illustrate, very forcibly, the effect of such atrocious
conduct cm the disposition of the natives. ^ One
thing," he says, ** was grievous unto us at this place*
There was an old woman, whom we judged to be no
less than a hundred years old, which came to see us, be-
cause she never saw English ; yet could not behold us
without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and
ciying excesEnvely. We demanding the reason of it ;
they told us she had three aons^ who, when Master Hunt
was in these partSy went aboard his ship to trade with
him, and he carried them captives into Spain, hy which
means she watt deprived of me comfort of her children in
her old age /" The ^English made what explanation
they could of the affair, and gave her a few " small
trifles, which somewhat appeased her."
The expedition alluded to in this case, which took
place in the summer of 1621, was occasioned by the
absence of an English boy, who had strayed aw^y
II.— C
Digitized by Google
96 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
(rom the colony at Plymouth, and was underatood t»
have lalien into Aspinet's hands. The accident gave
that sacnem an opportunity of gratifying his revenge,
which to him might have appeared providentiai
But he was too intelligent a man to confound the in-
nocent with the guilty ; and too noble to avail himself
of a misfortune, even for humbling the pride of an
enemy. When, therefore, the English party, on this
occasion, havin^^ landed on his coast, s^nt Squanto to
inform him amicably of the purpose for which they
had come, — and with instructions perhaps to appeal
to his better feelings, — ^he threw down his enmity at
once with his arms. "After sun-set," — is the minutt
but touching description given of this singular scene i-^
" Aspinet came with a great train, and brought the
boy with him, one bearing him through the water.
He had not less than an hundred with him, the half
whereof came to the shallop-side unarmed with him ;
the other stood aloof with their bows and arrows
There he delivered up the boy, behung with beads,
and made peace with us, we bestowing a knife on
him ; and likewise on another that first entertained
tlie boy, and brought him thither. So they departed
from us."* It was indeed a magnanimous revenge.
After this auspicious interview, a friendly inter-
course was maintained for more than a year between
the English and the Nausets. Supphes of com, beans
and other provision, were obtainea of them to a large
amount, at a period when the colonists were reduc^
almost to famine. The trade was conducted on both
sides with justice, and therefore with confidence.
GU)vemor Bradford, when he touched at Nami^kekeC,
was treated with the highest respect On one occa-
sion, his shallop beine stranded, it viras necessary to
stack the com which had been purchased, and to
leave it, covered with mats and sea^, in the care of
the Indians. - The Govemor and his party travelled
home, fifty miles, on foot. The com remained as he
* Journal of ▲ Plavtatiom.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 27
left it, from November to the following January, and
when another shallop touched at Nauset, it was found
in perfect safety. All this is auributed to Aspinet ;
** Tht Sachim," we are told, " used the Goveraor very
kindly.** The Indians were promised a reward for
taking future good care of the com ; " which they
undertook, and the Sachim promised to make good !"
And again, ^the Sachim sent men to seek the shal-
lop," and then sent the shallop to Plymouth within
three days.
He manifested the same good feeling and good
faith at other times. When Standish landed at Nau-
set, in the winter of 1622-3, an Indian crawled into
his shallop about dusk, as it lay in a narrow creek,
and carried off some beads, scissors and other small
articles. The captain soon discovered the theft, and
taking some of his crew with him, he went imme-
diately to Aspinet,, made his complaint, and demanded,
with some bravadoes, that either the articles or the
criminal should be delivered to him forthwith. The
Sachem took no ofience at his plainness of speech ;
but not being prepared to give satisfaction on the in-
stant, very composedly offered his visiter the hospi-
talities of his wigwam till the matter could be settled
as it should be. These were rejected, and Standish
returned to his < rendezvous ' on the shore. The next
morning, Aspinet made his appearance. Jle came
marching down to the shore, with considerable pomp
and circumstance, attended by an escort of his subjects,
Erobably numerous enough to have overwhelmed the
ttle party of Standish, and never at any former time
found wanting in courage. But the object was to do
justice, and not to enforce wrong. He approached
the captain and saluted him by thrusting out his
tongue, ** that one might see the root thereof, and
therewith licked his hand fi"om the wrist to the fin-
ger's end, withal bowing the knee, to imitate the
English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by
Tisquantum." His men followed the example as wen
M they were able, but so awkwardly, with all their
digitized by Google
S8 INDIAN BIOGRAeHT.
zeal, as to furnish nolihle amaiMinent for the civilized
cpectators of the scene. Aspinet now gave up the
stolen artides, observing that he had beaten the thief
soundly, and '^ seeming to be very sorry for the fact,
but glad to be reconciled.^ The interview closed
with a liberal provision of excellent bread upon his
part, which he had ordered his women to bake and
imng in whatever quantities it was wanted.
But notwithstanding all the pains which the chief
of the Nausetstook to maintain a good understanding
with his new neighbors, he was destined to incur their
suspicion, and to m'eet with a miserable ruin under
the weight of their hostility. When the English
visited Afassasoit, in his sickness, early in 1623, that
chiefhun disclosed to them, by the medium of Hoba-
mock, the particulars of an extensive combination,
reported to be formed among the Indian tribes,
^against Master Weston's cok)ny at Weymouth," as
Winslow expresses it, " and so against usJ* The Mas-
sachusetts Indians were ringleaders in the affair, it
was said ; but Aspinet, and the sachems of many
other settlements, including even Capawack, (Martha's
Vineyard) were charged with being privy to it
Whether they v/ere so or not, need not be discus-
Bed, and cannot be decided. It is observable, however,
in relation to Aspinet, that the evidence of Massasoit,
which was the only evidence in the case, went to
show, that "^ men of Massachusetis,^ were the au*
ihofs of the intended business." This very much
confirms our conclusion to the same effect, in the Life
of Chickatabot But, ffranting all that is charged, it
may easily be imagined how much provocation the
Indians had received from Weston's notorious ban-
ditti, and how much reason they had to make com-
mon cause against them in then* own self-defence.
Winslow himself t>ear8 Mritness, that immediately after
Weston's settlement was commenced, ** the Indians
filled our ears vnth clamors against them, for stealing
tkieir com, and other abuses ;^ as also that the Plym<*
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 29
.0U& Gorernment *^ knew no way to redress those (dnh
ses, seme reproof,^
It seems^ to have been hardly considered, — when
the English undertook to wage a preventative or pre-
cautionary war, as they did, upon all the parties ac-
cused by Massasoit, — not only that the good Sachem
might be misinformed by rivals or enemies of those
parties ; and that there might be a fault upon their
own side ; but also that the Indians might well be
disposed to punish the Weymouth ruffians, without
necessarily carrying their hostilities any farther.
They looked upon Weston's clan as one tribe, and up-
on the Plymouth people as another; and the con-
duct of the two settlements respectively had hitherto
given good cause for the distinction.
' But whatever was the truth or justice of the case,
the result is a matter of no uncertainty. Captain
Standish proceeded to ^ try his conclusions,^ according
to the phraseology of the times, much as John Smith
would have done in his stead, upon such of the sav-
ages as were most suspected. Several were killed,
wounded and captured, ** and this sudden and unex-
pected execution,'' writes our historian, "together
witli the just judgement of God upon their own guil-
ty consciences, so terrified and amazed the other peo- •
pie who intended to join with the Massachuseuks
against us, as in like manner they forsook their hou-
ses, — running to and fro like men distracted, — living
in the swamps, and other desert places, — and so
brought manifold diseases amongst themselves, where-
of very many are dead." Among these unfortunate
persons was the Sachem of Nauset: and tlius miser-
ably perished a man at least deserving the credit of
having rendered numerous and generous favors to a
people, who had been in tlie first instance flagrant
trespassers upon his dominion, as they were finally
the cause of hb death.
iTANOueH, sometimes «ntitled the 'Courteous Sa-
chem of Cummaquid,' ruled over the Indians at that
place, which was otherwise called Mattak e ea^ or
C
Digitized by Google
30 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT>
Mattakiest, and. was included in what has since been
the eastern part of the township of Barnstable and
the western part of Yarmouth.
The kindness of the Sachem and his subjects to-
wards such of the English as first made their ac*
quaintance, amply accounts for the compliment im-
plied in his title. The same party which, as we have
seen, went in pursuit of the Plymouth boy, put in at
Cummaquid for the first night, and unfortunately an-
chored in a situation, where at low water they found
themselves aground. In the morning they espied
savages near the shore, looking for lobsters. Squanto
was sent to inform them of the object of the visit of
the English, and to assure them of their friendly dis-
position. Thus addressed, the Indians answei'ed that
the boy was very well, but at Nauset ; yet, since the
English were so near their territory, it was^ hoped
they would take the trouble to come ashore and eat
with them. The invitation was accepted by six of
the party, who landed as soon as their shallop was
afioat, leavuag four of the Indians voluntary hostages
with the residue of the crew.
, They were conducted to the residence of lyanough;
a man described as not exceeding twenty six years of
age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, rair-con-
dltioned, and indeed not luce a savage, save for his
attire.^ This entertainment is said to have been an-
swerable to his ' parts,' and his cheer plentiful and
various. The Enghsh tarried with him until afler
dinner, and then reembarked for Nauset ; lyanough
and two of his men going with them on board the
shallop. The latter retunied on foot, when the de-
sign of the expedition was accomplished. The Eng-
lish sailed' for Plymouth with a head wind, but were
obliged to put in again for the shore, where they met
with their fellow-passenger, the Sachem. He came
out to greet them, with most of his subjects, in com*
pany, men, women and cliikiren: ^and being stiL.
«' I I I I I ■ m i I I >
'JoyRVAL OF ▲ PLAHTATlOir.
Digitized by Google
/IKDIAN BIOORAPnr. 31
willing to gratify us," says the historian, " took arund-
let, and led our men in the dark a great way for wa-
ter, but could find none cood ; yet brought such as
there was on his neck with them." In the meantime,
the women joined hand in hand, and began to dance
and sing upon the stand near the shallop ; the men
showed all the kindness in their power; and the
interview ended with lyanough himself taking a
bracelet from about his neck, and han^ng it upon
that of the person who acted as the leader of the
English. His visitors took their leave of him, and
**by God's providence came safely home that night"
All that we hear of lyanough, afler this, ^oes to
confirm the estimate which these particulars induce
one to form of his character. He supplied the colo-
ny with a large quantity of provisions, in a period of
great need ; and as late ae February 16^ when Stan-
dish went to Mattakiest on a similar entrnd, it is ad-
mitted that he not only < pretended' his wonted love,
but spared a good quantity of com to confirm the
same.^ The account given of that meeting closes
"with the following language. It is the more noticea-
ble as illustrating the temper of Standish in cases of
excitement and the kind of evidence a^inst the In-
dians, by which, through him, the colonists were like-
ly to be satisfied.
" Strangers," writes the historian, " also came to this
place, pretending only to see him (Standish,) and his
company, whom they never saw before that time,
,but tntending to join with the rest to kill them, as af-
ter appeared. But being forced through extremity [of
weather] to lodge in their houses, which they much
pressed, God possessed the heart of the Captain with
just jealou^, giving strait command, that as one part
of his company slept, the rest should wake, declaring
some things which he understood, whereof he could
make no good constructions." We are then informed,
that some beads were stolen from him in the night
* Winalow's Relatiov.
Digitized by Google
\
82 II^DIAN BIOGRAPHY^
Upon this, lie drew out his men, and stationed them
around the wigwam of lyanougb, wliere many of his
people were collected. He threatened to fall upon
them forthwith, unless satisfaction should be made ;
and seated his indignation upon the Sachem with an
especial emphasis. lyanough exerted himself to dis-
cover the criminal. An adjustment of the difficulties
was at length effected ; and then the Indians good
faumouredly brought in com enough to fill the shal-
lop. ** Finally, this accident so daunted their courage,
as they durst not attempt any thing against him ; so
that through the good means and providence of God
they returned in safety.**
It is not difficult to be seen that there was more
prejudice against lyanough and his subjects, than
proof. Their hospitality only made them suspected.
On the other hand, the real hostility which they may
or may not have felt towards the scoundrels and
thieves who composed Master Weston's settlement at
Weymouth, was firet taken for granted, and then
amplified into a cause of premature retaliation on the
part of the people of Plymouth, It was about this
very time, that the Indians were making the most ur-
gent complaints against Weston — ** how exceedingly,"
to quote again from the Relation itself, "that
company abased themselves by undirect means to
get victuals from the Indians ;" and how " others by
night robbed the Indians' store, for which they had
been publickly stocked and wliipped, and yet there
was little amendment," &c.
If lyanough had indeed shown himse!f a little shy
of his old acquaintances in the case last alluded to, it
were not much to be wondered at ; especially consid-
ering the violence of the worthy but warm-blooded
captain, and also the fact that Plymouth, though
duly and distinctly appealed to, had given the Indians
no redress. It is somewhere intimated in the ancient
J'oumals, that certain Indians, — and testimony of this
cind seems to have been received without much sus-
picAODy-Hstated that lyanough had been soUcUedXo join
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. v 83
the Massachusetts against the whites. But this cer-
tainly, if true, was no crime. MaSsasoit himself ac-
knowledged, that he was solicited.
On the whole, not to enlarge on the minutiae of a
case, which at best can afford no pleasure to those
who feel their own honor involved in the memory of
Standish and his Plymouth brethren, we can hardly
record the fate of the kind and gentle lyanough, the
Courteous Sachem, on his own soil, in the prime of his
days, without a blush and a sigh together for the mis-
take and the misfortune. Insulted, threatened, pur-
sued, by an enemy whom no restitution could satisfy,
and who suspected equally his caresses and fears, he
fled in consternation and died iu despair.
d by Google
34 INDIAN BIOORAPHT,
CHAPTER HI.
ISaminary account of the Five Nations — ^Their early
history — Go vemment — Conquests — Population — Ter-
ritory — Intercourse with European ^ Colonies — Their
war with the Adirondacks — Adventures of Piskaret
— ^Their negotiations with the French, in 1684 — Anec-
dotes of the Onondaga Chief, Garangula — His speech
at the Council, and effects of it — Remarks on his
character — History of the Five Nations continued to
the time of Adario- -His exploits — Their object and
results — War between the confederates and the
French — Adventures of Black-Kettle.
Having concluded our notices of the most eminent
Indians of New-England, it now becomes proper,
following merely the progress of history, to turn our
attention to another section of country, and to a peri-
od of time which has not yet furnished us any con-
siderable share of its abundant material. We refer
to the Middle States, and particularly to a large por-
tion of the State of New- York, which, with other
neighboring territory, was formerly occupied by that
famous confederacy commonly called, by the Eng-
lish, the Five Nations. Owing to circumstances
not necessary here to be detailed, these tribes — and,
as an almost necessary consequence, all the dis-
tinguished individuals they produced — came forward
in their intercourse with the foreign colonies around
them, to fill the prominent station before filled by the
Indians of New-England, much as the latter bad, in
their turn, succeeded the red men of the South.
The Five Nations were the Mohawks, the Onei-
das, the Cayugas, the Onondagas and the Senecaa.
The Virginian Indians gave them the name of Mas
sawomekes ; the Dutch called theih Maquas, or Ma«
kakuase ; and the French, Iroquois. Their appella
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 86
tion at home was the Mingoes, and sometimes the
AgaDuschion, or United People.*
When the French settled in Canada, in 1603, tliey
found the Iroquois living where Moiitreal now stands.
They were at war with the Adirondacks, — a power-
ful tribe residing three hundred miles above Trois-
Rivieres, — ^in consequence of the latter having treach-
erously murdered some of their young men. Pre-
vious to this date, their habits had been more agricul-
tural than warlike ; but they soon perceived tJie ne-
cessity of adopting a different system. The Adiron-
dacks drove them from their own country, and they
retreated to the borders of the lakes, where they have
ever since lived. This misfortune it was, — ostensibly
at least a misfortune, — which gave the earliest im-
pulse to the subsequent glorious career of these Ro-
mans of the West.
Fortunately for them, their sachems were men of
a genius and spirit which adversity served only to
stimulate and renew. They, finding their countiy-
men discouraged by the discomfiture suffered on the
banks of the St. Lawrence, induced them to turn
their arms against a less formidable nation, called the
Satanas, then dwelling v^ith themselves near the
lakes. That people they subdued, and expelled fi*om
their territory. Encouraged by success, and strength-
ened by discipline, they next ventured to defend
themselves against t{ie inroads of their old conquer-
ors on the north ; and at length the Adirondacks were
even driven back, in their turn, as far as the neigh-
borhood of what is now Quebec.
But a new emergency arose. The French made
common cause with the nation just named against
their enemies, and brought to the contest the important
aids of civilized science and art. The Five Nations
had now to set wisdom and wariness, as well as cour-
age and discipline, against an alliance so powerful
• Governor Clinton's Discourse before N. Y. H» Soci-
ety: 1811.
d by Google
80 INDIAN BI06RAHT.
Their captains came forward again, and tauffht them
the policy of fighting in small parties, and of making
amends for inferior force, by surprisal and stratagem*
The result was, that the Adirondacks were nearly ex«
terminated, while the Iroquois, proudly exalting
themselves on their overthrow, grew rapidlv to be
the leading tribe of the whole north, and finally of
the wliole continent
The efibrts necessary to attain that ascendant, may
be fairly estimated from the character of the first van-
quisher and the first victim. The Adirondacks fought
long and desperately. In the end they adopted their
adversaries' plan of sending out small parties, and of
relying especially on their captains. Five of these
men, alone, are said, by their astonishing energy and
bravery to have well nigh turned the balance of the
war.
One of the number was Piskaret, in his own day
the most celebrated chieftain of the north. He and
his four comrades solemnly devoted themselves to
the purpose of redeeming the sullied glory of the na«
tion, at a period when tl^ prospect of conquest, and
perhaps of defence, had already become desperate.
They set out for Trois Rivieres in one canoe ; each
of them being provided with three muskets, which
they loaded severally with two bullets, connected by
a small chain ten inches in length. In Sorel River,
they met with live boats of the Iroquois, each having
on board ten men. As the parties rapidly came to-
gether, the Adirondacks pretended to give themselves
up for lost, and began howfingthe death-song. This
was continued tin their enemy was just at hand.
They then suddenly ceased singly, and fired simul-
taneously on the iye canoes. The charge was re-
peated with the arms which lay ready loaded, and the
sHght bhrhes of the Iroqums were torn asunder, and
the frightened occupants tumbled overboard as fast
as possible. Piskaret and his comrades, after knock-
ing as many of them on the head as they pleased, re-
lerved the remainder ta §M their revenge, wbiefa
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
INDIAN BI06RAPHT. 37
irasttxm afterwards dcme by burning them alive in
the most cruel tortures.
This exploit, creditable as it might be to the actors
ID the eyes of their countrymen, served only to shar-
pen the fierce eagerness for Wood which still raged
m the bosom of Piskaret. His next enterprise was
far more hazardous than the former: and so much
morc'so, indeed, even in prospect, that not a single
warrior would bear him company. He set out alone,
therefore for the country of the Five Nations, (with
which he was well acquainted,) about that period of
the spring when the snow was beginning to melt.
Accustomed, as an Indian must be, to all emergencies
of travelling as well as war&re, he took the precau-
tion of putting the hinder part of his snowrshoes for-
ward, so that if his footsteps should happen to be ob-
served by his vigilant enemy, it might be supposed he
was gone the contrary way. For further security he
went along the ridges and high grounds, where the
mow was melted, that his track might be lost.
On coming near one of the villages of the Five Na-
tions, he concealed himself until night, and then en-
tered a cabin, while the inmates were fast asleep,
murdered the whole family, and carried the scalps
to his lurking-place. The next day, the people of
the village sought for the murderer, but in vain. He
came out ai^in at midnight, and repeated his deed
gf blood. The third night, a watch was kept in every
liouse, and Piskaret was compelled to exercise more
caution. But his purpose was not abandoned. He
bundled up the scalps he had already taken, to carry
home with bim as a proof of his victory, and then
stole warily firom house to house, until he at last dis-
eovered an Indian nodding at his post This man he
despatched at a blow, but that blow alarmed the
■eighborhood, and he was forced immediately to fly
for his life. Being, however, the fleetest Indian then
alive, he was under no apprdiensioB of danger firom
the chase. He suffered his pursuers to approach him
fi'om time to time, and Uien suddenly darted away
U.— D
Digitized by Google
88 INDIAN BI06KAPHT.
from them, hoping in this manner to dicNHnirage m
well as escape them. When the evening came on, he
hid himself, and his enemies stopped to rest. Feel-
ing no danger from a single enemy, and he a fugitivoi
they even indulged themselves in sleep. Piskaret^
who watched every movement, turned about, ^ock«
every man of them on the head, added their scalps to
his bundle, and leisurely resumed his way home.
To return to the Five Nations. The career of vic-
tory, which began with the fall of the Adirondacks,
was destined to be extended beyond all precedent in
the history of the Indian tribes. They exterminated
the Eries or Crigas, once livui£ou the south side of
the lake of their own name. They nearly destroyed
the powerful Anderstez, and the Chouanons or Show-
anons. They drove back the Hurons and Ottawass
among the Sioux of the Upper Mississippi, where
they separated themselves into bands, ^ procls^minjg
wherever they went, the terror of the Iroquois.***
The Illinois on the west also were subdued, with the
Miamies and the Shawanese. The Niperceneans of
the St. Lawrence fled to Hudson's Bay, to avoid -
their fury. ^ The borders of the Outaoius," says an
historian, " which were long thickly peopled, became
almost deserted."! The Mohawk was a name of ter-
ror to the farthest tribes of New-England : and though
but one of that formidable people should appear for
a moment on the hills of the Connecticut or Massa-
chusetts, the villages below would be in an uproar of
confusion and fear. Finally they conquered the tribe
of Virginia, west of the Allegbanies ; and warred
against the Catawbas, Cherokees, and most of the
nations of the South.
The result of this series of conquests, was, that the
Five Nations finally became entitled, or at least laid
claim, to all the territory not sold to the English, from
the mouth of Sorel River, on the south side of lakes
Erie and Ontario, on both sides of the Ohio, until il
* Herriot's History of Canada. tibid.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOORAPHT, 39
fills into the Mississippi ; and on the north side of
these iakes, the whole tract between the Outawas riv-
er and lake Huron.* The historian, Douglas, esti-
mates their territory at about 1200 miles in length,
from north to south, and from 700 to 800 miles in
breadth.
The most moderate account of their population we
have seen, was published by an Agent of Virginia,
who held a conference at Albany with their chiefs,
in 1677. The warriors were then numbered as fol-
lows;
Mohawks, 300
Qneidas, aOO
Onondagas, ------ 350
Cayugas, 300
Senecas, 1000
Total, 2150
This would make the whole population about 7000.
Even so late as the Revolutionary war, the British
had in their service, according to the calculation of
their own agents,
Mohawks, 300
Oneidas, - ----- 150
Onondagas, ------ 300
Cayugas, 230
Senecas, ------ 400
To which must be added 200 Tuscaroras — a tribe ex-
pelled from North Carolina in 1712, and received by
the Five Nations, to constitute a sixth member of the
Confederacy. We must also add 220 warriors who
adhered to die United States. The whole number
actually engaged in the contest would then amount
to 1800.
. The Five Nations entered into a treaty of peace
• Smith's History of New- York.
Digitized by Google
40 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
with the Dutch soon after their settlement in New-
York. They treated with the English subsequently
on the same terms ; and this memorable engagement
remained inviolate for more than a century, during
all the revolutions and machinations of the French
and English governments, on either side. With the
former of these people they were often at war.
About the year 1684, the French availed themselves
of a peace with the Five Nations, to build forts at
several important places on the northern waters, and
to make many arrangements for extending their do-
minion and commerce among the numerous tribes of
the north and west. Their only opposition came
from the Confederates. The Senecas who were the
most numerous and the nearest, were particularly
troublesome in cutting off supplies of anununition,
sent by the French among their tribes, who hunted
for them. At lenf:th, M. De la Barre, the Grovemor
of Canada, comnlained of these injuries to the Eng-
lish, who were known to have great influence over
their Indian allies. Meanwhile he took vifforous
measures for frightening the Five Natrons into friend-
ship. He ordered his vessels on the lakes to be re-
paired ; and collected at Cadaraqui fort all the forces
of Canada. But the nature of the soil at this station,
where he was detained six weeks in the heat of sum-
mer, occasioned sickness and embarrassment in his •
army, and he found the prospect utterly hopeless of
effectingany thins, unless it might be by treaty. He
sent messengers, therefore, to some of the Five Na-
tions, to induce a negotiation.
These movements the En^ish Comnnander at Al-
bany, Colonel Dungan, exerted himself to counteract
The Mohawks and Senecas promised him that they
would not go near the French. But the remaining
three tribes would not even hear the messages he sent
them, except in presence of the priests and other dep-
uties who had already brought an invitation ftom the
French GoveAior to meet him in Council, at Kaiho-
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 41
hage.* ^ Should we not go to him after all thifl en
treaty,'* said they in answer to the English, " when h^
is come so far, and so near to us ? Certainly. If we
do not, we shall deser\'e no favour. You say we aro
subjects to the King of England and the Duke oi
York. We say we are brethren, and take care of oujp
selves." t •
The event justified tills independence. The moM
distiuguished of the confederate chieftains was Ga-
liANouiiA, the )Mide of the Onondaga tribe. He w(M
now advanced in years, but had lost nothing of hia
energies. Taking thirty warriors with him, he went
with La Maine, the French Deputy, to meet the Cana-
dian Governor at Kaihohage. At the end of two
days afler reaching that place, a Council was held.
The French officers formed a semi-circle on one side,
which the Indians completed on the other ; and the
Governor then addressed himself to Garangula.
" The kiug, ray master," he began, " being inform-
ed that the Five Nations have often infringed the
peace, has ordered me to come hkher with a guard,
and to send Ohguesse (La Maine) to the Onondagas,
to bring the Chief Sachem to my camp." He then
went on to require Garangula, — as a condition prece-
dent to the treaty which might be granted him, — to
promise, in the name <^ the Five Nations, that
entire reparation should be given the French for
the past, and entire security for the future. In case
of refusal, they were threatened with war. Again,
they were charged with violence committed upon the
French traders, and upon Indian nations under French
protection ; and with having introduced the English
-to trade in the neighborhood of the lakes. This also
was cause of war. ' Finally, said the Grovernor, with
no very scrupulous regard to truth, upon one point at
least, *' I shall be extremely grieved if my words do
not produce the effect I anticif late from them ; for
* On I^ake Ontarib, and called by the French La^
Famme.
i Colden*s History of the Five Nations.
Digitized by Google
42 INDIAN BIOGKAFHT.
then I shall be obliged to join with the Goremor of
New- York, who is commanded by his master to assist
me, and bum the casdes of the Five Nadons, and de-
gtroy you.**
This crafty speech was designed to strike a terror
into the Indians; and Garangula was undoubtedly
surprised by a style of expression which contrasted so
strongly with the smooth and soft words of La Maine
and the priests. But fear never entered his bosom ;
and he had the additional advantage of good informa-
tion respecting the true state of the French Army.
He knew that the Governor's insolence proceeded in
fiict from his impotence ; bravado was his last resort.
Durin|[ the speech, hoWever, he manif^ted no emo-
tion of any kind, but kept his eyes composedly fixed
on the end of his own pipe. But the moment the
Grovernor had ceased, he rose up, walked ^ye or six
times about the council'K^ircle, and then returned to
his place, where he spoke standing, while La Barre
remained in his elbow-chair.
" Yonondio !" he began — addressing the Governor
by the dtle always given to that Canadian officer by
the Five Nations — ^** Yonondio! — I honor you, and
the warriors that are with me all likewise honor you*
Your interpreter has finished your speech; I now
be^n mine. My words make haste to reach your
ears. Hearken to them.
"Yonondio! — You must have believed when you
left Quebec, that the sun had burnt up all the forests,
which render our country inaccessible to the French,
or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that
they had surrounded our casdes, and that it was im-
possible for us to get out of them. Yes, surely you
must have dreamed so, and tlie curiosity of seeing so
great a wonder, has brought you so far. JSToto you
are undeceived. I and the warriors here present, are
come to assure you, that the Senecas, Cayugas, Onon-
dagos, Oneidas and Mohawks are yet ahve. I thank
you in their name, for bringing back into then* coun-
try the calumet, which your predeceaior xecei?ed from
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGSAPHT. 48
their hands. It was hai^ for you, that jou left uo*
der ground that murdering hatchet, so oiten dyed in
the blood of the French.
^ Hear, Yonondio ! — I do not sleep. I have my *
eyes open. The sun, which enlightens me, discov-
ers to me a great captain at the head of a company
of soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. Ho
says, that he only came to the lake to smoke on the
great calumet with the Onondagas. But GarangtUa
says, that he sees the. contrary ; that it was to knock
them on the head, if sickness had not weakeped the
arms of the French. I see Yonondio raving in, a
camp of sick men, whose lives the Great Spirit has
saved by inflicting this Edckness on thedi.
" Hear Yonondio ! — Our women had taken their
clubs, our children and old men had carried their
bows and arrows into the heart of your camp, if our
warriors had not disarmed them, and kept them back,
when vour messenger came to our castles. It is dcme
and I have said it.
Hear, Yonondio! — ^We plundered none of the
French, but those that carried guns, powder and balls
to the Twightwies and Ghictfi^icks, because those
arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow
the example of the Jesuits, who break all the kegs of
rum brought to our castles, lest the drunken Indians
should knock tbem on the head. Our warriors have
not beaver enough to pay for all the arms they have
taken, and our old men are not afraid of the war«
This belt preserves noy words.
« We carried the Englbh into our lakes, to trads
there with the Utawawas and Quatoghies, as the Adi*
rondacks brought the ifrench to our castles, to carry
on a trade, which the English say is theirs. We ars
bom fnse. We neither depend on Yonondio nor
Corlear.* We may go where we please, and carry
with us whom we please, and buy and sell what wo
|dease. If your aUies be your slaves, use them as
* The name thaj gave (he Govemom of New-Y<Mrk.
Digitized by Google
44 INDXAN BIOORAPBT
Micfa, comrnaBd them to receive no other but your
people. This beU preserves my words.
** We knock the Twightwies and Cbictaghicks oa
Ihe head, because they had cut down the trees
of peace, which were the limits of our country*
They have hunted beaver on our lands, lliey have
acted contrary to the customs of ail Tndtans, for they
iefl none of the beavers alive, — they killed both male
and female. They brought the Satanas into their
country, te take part with them, after they had con-
certed ill designs against us. We have done less
than either the En^ish er French, that have usurped
the lands of so many Indian nations, and chas^ them
£rom their own country. This belt preserves my
words.
** Hear, Yencmdio-I-T-What i say is the voice of aH
the Five Nations. Hear what they answer. Open
your ears to what they speak* The Senecas, Cayu-
gas, Onondagas, Oneidas aiMl Mohawks say, that
when they buried the hatchet at Cadarackui, in the
presence of your predecessor, in the middle of the
fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same place,
to be there carefully preserved : That in the place of
aretreat for soldiers, chat ^>rt might be a rendezvous
for meiv^hants : that in place o€ arms and ammuni-
tion of war, beavers and merchandize should only
enter there.
" Hear, Yonoodio ! — ^Take «are for the future that
BO great >a number ^f soldiers as appear there, do not
choke the tree of peace planted in so «maU a fort .It
willbeagreoit 4os8, af, afler it had so easily taken
root, 3^)u should .stop ilB growth, and prevent its cov-
ering your eountiy and ours with its branches. I as-
sure you, in die name of the Five Nations, that our
warrioM ehall ^anceto the^umet of peace under its
leaves. They shall iremttin quiet on their mats, and
shall never dig up 4he batebet, till iheir brother Yo-
nondio, or •Corlear, shall either joinUy or separately
endeavor to attack the country, which the Great Spir-
it ^^m ^ivfifi to our jaooeBtanL This belt preserves
Digitized by Google
INDIAN. BIOGRAPHT. 45
Ri^ woi^ and this odier ihe autfaonty which the
Five Nations have given me."
Here the orator paused for a moment, and then ad-
dressed himself to Monsieur Le Maine, who stood near
him, acting as interpreter. ^' Take courage, Ohgues-
86 !" said he, " You have spirit — Speak ! Explain my
words. Forget nothing. Tell all that your brethren
and friends say to Yonondio, your Governor, by the
mouth of Garangula, who loves you, and desires yon
to accept of this present of beaver, and take part with
me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present
of beaver is sent to Yonondio, on the part of the Five
Nations."
Wlien this harangue was explained to the Grovem-
or, he quietly left the council, and withdrew to his tent,
disappointed and much incensed. Garangula, on the'
other hand, feasted the French officers, and then went
home. Nothing more was heard of the treaty ; and
the French troops^ who had been ordered out, soon
after made the best of their way to their own habita-
tions.
The genuineness' of the speech we have given
above, seems to be past dispute. It was recorded cm
the spot by that enlightened historian. Baron La Hon-
tan, m>m whom Golden and other subsequent wri-
ters have borrowed it. Considering the circumstan-
ces under which it was delivered, and esp^ially the
surprise practiced by the Governor, it may certainly
be regarded as an evidence of astonishing sagacity,
spirit, and self-possession. Its proud courtesy, so
different from the Frenchman's boisterous parade of
idle threats, only adds to the sting of its saxfxem, as
the imageiy gives weight to the argument An illus-
trious statesman and scholar has placed it in the same
rank with the celebrated speech of Logan.* But &6
fame of Garangula must, at all events, rest upon this
effort, for history makes no mention of him subsequent
to the council of Kaihohage.
* Discourse of Gk>v. Clinton.
Digitized by Google
46 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
About tbree jeaxB after that transactioD, another
personage distinguished himself as much as the Onon-
daga Chie^ though in a very dififereot manner. This
was Adario, Ch^f Sachem of the Dinondadies, a tribe
generally found among those in the French interest^
and opposed both to the Five Nations and the £ng-
lish. The former Governm^it had consequently
treated them with favor. But, notwithstanding these
circumstances, they had latterly shown a strong dis-
position to trade with the EngUish-^-and e^)ecially up-
on one occasion, when the latter, guided by the Five
Nations, had opened a commerce on the frontiers of
Canada. That afidr, as Adario now observed, made
ihem obnoxious to their ancient ally, the French ;
and he therefore resolved, by some notable exploit, to
redeem the character of his nation.
FuU of this purpose, he marched from Micbilimack-
inac, at the head of a hundred men ; and to act with the
greater security, he took Cadaraqui fort in his way,
for intelligence. The Commandant there inibfmed
him, tliat the (Jovemor was now in expectation of
concluding a peace with the Ffve Nations, and of re-
ceiving a visit from their ambassadors in eight or ten
days, ajt Montreal He desired him to retmrn home^
without attempting any thing which might obstruct so
good a design.
But Adario had another project in view. The
Commandants information convinced him of the dan-
ger theie was that his own nation, in the new ar-
rangement, might be sacrificed to the French interest.
DeUberajdng on the means proper to prevent such a
result, he look iea«re of the officer, but not to return
home. Knowing the route by which the Iroquois
must necessarily come, he lay wait for them, with his
company, at one of the falls of Cadaraqui river.
Here he had patiently waited four or five days, when
the Deputies made their appearance, guarded by for-
ty young soldiers. These were suddenly set upon by
the ambuscade, and all who were not killed were tak-
en prisoners. When the latter were secured, Adario
artfully told them, that, having been informed qf {heir
INDIAN BIOGEAPHT. 47
Mproach hy ikt G&vemor tf Canada, he had secured
this pass with the ahnost certain prospect of intercept-
iDgthem.
The Deputies were of course very much surprised
at the Governor's conduct; and they finally express-
ed themselves with such freedom, as to declare the
whole object of their journey. Adario was, in his
turn, apparently amazed and enref^ed. He swore re-
venge upon the Grovemor, for having, as he said,
made a tool of him, to commit his abominable treach-
ery. Then, looking steadfastly on the prisoners, he
said to them, *♦ Go, my brothers ! — I untie your band&
I send you home again, though our nations be at war.
The French Governor has made me commit so black
an action, that I shall never be easy after it, till the
Five Nations shall have had full revenge.** The
Deputies, fbmished with ammunition and arms for
their journey, and completely satisfied of the truth of
Adario's declarations, returned to their own country,
ailer having assured him that he and his nation inigbt
make their peace when they pleased.
This master-strdce of poHcy was seconded by an
incident which occurred soon afterwards, and which
the same cunning and vigilant spirit profited ^y to
promote his design. In th6 surprisal or ^e Deputies^
Adario had lost one man, and had filled his place
with a Satana prisoner, who had been before adopted
into the Fivemtidns. This man he soon afterwards
delivered to the French at Michilimackinac, probably
at their request j and they, for the purpose of keeping
up the enmity between the Dinondadies and Five
Nations^ ordered hhn to be shot. Adario called one
of the latter people, who had long been a prisoner, to
be an eye-witness of his countryman's death. He
then bade him make his escape to his own country,
and there to give an account of the ferocious barbar-
ity from which he had been unable to save a captive
belonging to himself.
The Five Nations hod already been upon the brink
of war, IB eoBBequence of the r^^^esentations of tb^
Digitized by Google '
48 ' INDUN BIOGRATHT.
Dqnities. Their rage was now beyond all tioundBi
The Grovemor, having obtained some information of
the state of things, Sent messengers to disavow and
expose the conduct of Adario; iKit they would listen
to no messages; their souls thirsted for revenge.
The war was undertaken immediately, and never
was one more disastrous to Canada. Twelve hun-
dred of the Iroquois invaded the province, while the
French were still uncertain whether hostilities would
commence. In July, 1688, they landed at La Chine,
on the south side of the island of Montreal; and,
keeping the Grovemor himself^ with his troops^ con*
fined within the walls of the to¥m, they sacked all
the plantations, and indiscriminately massacred men,
women, and children. More than one thousand of
the French were killed, and many were carried off
captive, who afterwards shared the same fate. The
Indian army lost but three men during the whole ex*
pedition.
The most distinguished of the Iroquois warrioni
about this time, was one vrfaom the English called
Black-Kettls. Golden speaks of him as a ' &mous
hero ;' but few of his exploits have come down to these
tun^ It is only known that he commanded laige*
parties of his countrymen, who were exceedingly
troublesome to the French. In 1691, he made an ir-
ruption into the country round Montreal, at &e bead
of several hunared men. He overran Canada, (say
the French anna]ist8,)as a torrent does the low lands,
when it overflows its banks, and there is nowith*
standing it. The troops at the stations received or*
dersto stand upon the defensive ; and it was not until
the enemy were returning home victorious, after hay*
inff desolated all Canada, that a force of four hundred
soldiers was mustered to pursue them. Black-Kettle
js said to have had but Mf that mirab^r with him at
this juncture, but he gave battle, and fought cieflqf>er«
ately. After losing twen^ naen slain, with some
prisoners, he broke through the French ranks and
inarched off, leaving a conadenihlemuiilMroftheea
amy wounded and killed.
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 49
CHAPTER IV
Five Nations continued. Remarks on their oratoiy— >
Circumstances favorable to it — ^Account of a coun«
cil of the Confederates at Onondaffa, in 1(>90 — An-
ecdotes of various persons who attended it^— Speeches
of SAoxKANAtis and other orators — ^Adarahta—
The history and character of Dec anesora — His speech-
es at the Albany council of 1694— Style of his elo-
quence — His personal and political character — Other
speeches and negotiations — Anecdotes of Sadekan-
Enough perhaps has already appeared respecting
the Five Natiotis to justify the observation of an em-
inent v^riter, that they were no less celebrated for elo-
quence than for military skill and political wisdom.*
The same obvious circumstances prompted them to
exce ence in all these departments ; but in the form-
er, their relations with each other and with other
tribes, together with the great influence which their
reputation and power attached to the efforts of their
orators abroad, gave them peculiar inducements, facili-
ties and almost faculties for success. Among the
Confederates, as among the Indians of all the East and
South, a high respect was cherished for the warrior's
virtues ; but eloquence was a certain road to popular
favour. Its services were daily required in consulta-
tions at home and communications abroad. The coun-
cil-room was frequented like the Roman forum and
the senate-house of the Greeks. Old and young
went there together ; the one for discipline and dis-r
tinction, and 3ie other "' to observe the passing scenes,
and to receive the lessons of vnsdom.^f
The kind of oratory for which Garangula and otili<?
•Governor Clinton. tibid.
n.— E
Digitized by Google
M INDIAN BIOORAPHT.
er public speakers of his Confederacy were disdn-
guished, it cannot be expected of us to analyse with
much precision. Indian oratory is generally pointed,
direct, undisguised, unpolished; but forcible in ex-
pression and delivery, brilliant in flashes of imagery,
and naturally animated with graphic touches of hu-
mor, pathos, or sententious declaration of high-toned
principle, — according in some measure to the occasion^
but more immediately to the momentary impulse of
the speaker as supported by his prevalent talent. (^ If
die orators of the Five Nations differed much from
this description, it was in qualities which they owed,
independently of genius, to their extraordinaty
opportunities of practice, and to the interest taken
in their efforts by the people who heard, employed
and obeyed them.
^The speakers whom I have heard," says Mr. Col-
den, *^ bad all a great^umcy ofwordsy and much mora
grace in their manner y than any man could expect,
among a people entirely ignorant of the liberal arts
and sciences." He adds, that he had understood them to
be — (not knowing their language himself)— very nice
in the turn of their expressions ; though it seems but
few of them were such masters of the art as never to
offend their Indian auditories by an unpolite expres-
sion. Their greatest speakers attained to a sort of
tarbamku or cMicism.*
For the purpose of better illustratinff some points
which are barely alluded to in these observations, as
well as to introduce several new characters, not easi-
ly appreciated without th6 context of circumstances
in which they appeared, we shall furnish a somewhat
detailed account of a General Council of the Confed-
erates holden at Onondaga, in January 1690. The
object of it was to take order upon a message sent
them firom the Count de Frontenac, Governor of Can
ada, the purport of which will appear in the proceed-
ings. It may be premised, that the Onondaga coun«
* Histoiy of the Five Nations
digitized by GC)Ogle
INDIAN BIOGRAPHT. 51
cal-house was commonly preferred on these oecacooni,
OB account of the central position occupied by that
tribe in regard to the other four.* The English au-
thorities at Albany were formally invited to attend ;
but they contented themselves with sending their
public Interpreter, to take note of what passed, to-
gether with three Indians instructed in their name to
dissuade the Five Nations from entertaining thoughts
of peace, or even consenting to a cessation of arms.
The Council opened on the 22d of the month, eighty
cnchems being present In the first place Sadekait-
ATiE, an 9i30Ada^, rising^ in his place, addressed
himself to one of me Enslish messengers from Alba-
ny. He informed him, that four deputies were pres*
«nt from the Canadian €k>vemor, viz. : three Indians
who had formerly been carried prisoners to France,
and a sachem of the Praying Indians in the French
interest who lived near Montreal ; and that Governor
Frontenac had notified them of his appointment, and
fif his having brought over with him from France
TAWERAHETand twelve other Indians^lformerly car-
ried prisoners to that country. Then taking in his
hand the wampum-beltf sent by the Count, and hold-
ing it by the middle, he added : —
^ What I have said relates only to one half of the
belt The other half is to let us know that he intends
to kindle his fire again at Cadaraqui next spring. He
therefore invites his children, and the Onondaga
Captain Decanesora, in particular, to treat there with
him about the old chain."
Adarahta was Chief Sachem of the Praying In*
* It is impossible to say how much influence this cir-
cumstance miffht have on the ambition of the Onondaga
orators. It wUl be observed, that the tribe enjoyed ram^
er more than its equal share of rhetorical distinction.
t The practice of confirming stipulations and making
proposals by belts, so commonly adopted among tiie In-
dians, cannot be understood in any way better than hf
observing the various instances mentioned in the text^
\ Digitized by Google
€2 INPIAN BIOGRAPHY.
dians, a community principally made up of meok-
bers of several tribes, including the Five Nations,
who bad been induced by the French to settle them-
selves upon their territory, and were serviceable to
them in various capacities. << I advise you," said Ada-
rahta, holding three belts in his hand^ "to meet the
Governor of Canada as he desires. Agree to this if you
would hve." He then gave a belt of wampum. "Taw-
erahet," he proceeded, " sends you this other belt, to
inform you of the miseries which be andtbe rest of
bis countrymen have suffered in captivity ; and to
advise you to hearken to Yonondio, if you desire to
live. This third belt is fi:om Thurensera, Ohguesse,
and Ertel,^ who say by it to th^ir brethren : ^ We have'
interceded fi>r you with your order, and therefore ad-
vise you to meet him at Cadaraqui in the sprii^* It
. will be well for you.* "
A ]V(ohawk chief, one of those instructed by the
Albanjir magistrates to represent their wishes at the
council, now delivered the message they had given
him. He had treasured it up wonl for word. , The
Interpreter, who had the same message in writings
followed him while he spoke, and found him correct
to a syllable.
Caivn BHOOT, a Seneca sachem, next proceeded to
Sive the Council a particular account of a treaty made
uring the summer previous, between his own tribe
and some Wagunha messengers, one of the Canadi-
an nadons, on the river Uttawas. The latter had act-
ed on the behalf of seven other tribes ; and be wished
the other four members of his own Confederacy to
ratify what had been done by the Senecas.^ The ar-
ticles proposed by the Wagunhas were as follows:
1. " We are come to join two bodies into one,"— de- »
liverinff up at the same time two prisoners.
2. "We are come to learn wisdom of the Senecas^
• Indian names — meaning Dav-Daton, Partridge, and
Rdse, given to Frenchmen well known to the Five Na-
tions. The policy of pending such messages is sufficient-
ly obvious.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAraT. W
wid of the other Fiv^ Nations, and of your breth*
ren of New-York ;" — ^giving a belt '
3. "We by this belt wipe away the tears from the
eyes of your friends, whose relations have been killed
in the war. We likewise wipe the paint from your
soldier's faces*^" — giving a second belt.
4. "We throw aside me axe which Yonondio put
into our hands by this third belt."
5 " Let the sun, as long as be shall endure, alwajTS
shine upon us in friendahipr;" — ^giving a red marble
sun, as large as a plate.
6. " Let the rain of heaven wash away all hatred,
that we may again smoke together in peace ;" — giv-
ing a large pipe of red marble.
7. "Yonondio is drunk — we wash our hands clean
from his actions f — giving a fourth belt.
8. " Now we are clean washed by the wgter of
beaven ; neither of us must defile ourselves by heark-
ening to Yonondio."
9. "We have twelve of your nation prisoners; thev
shall be brought home in the spring ;" — giving a belt
to confirm the promise.
10. "We will brinff your prisoners home when the
strawberries shall be m blossom, at which time we in-
tend to visit CoRLEAR, [the Governor of New-York]
and see the place where the wampum is made."
When Cannehoot had done, the Wagunha presents
were hung up in the council-house, in sight of the
whole assembly. They were afterwards distributed
among the several Five-Nations, and their acceptance
viras a ratification of the treaty. A large belt was also
^ven to the Albany messengers, as Uieir share. A
Wampum belt sent from Albany, was in the same
manner hung up, and afrerwards divided. The New-
England colonies, called by the Confederates Kin-
sHONy sent the wooden model of a fish, as a token of
* The Indians universally paint their faces on going
to war, to make their appearance more terrific to t& 69?
•my. To toipe off the paintj was te make pea^.
£2
Digitized by Google
64 INDIAN BIOGftAPHT.
their adhering to die general covenant This
handed round anaong the sachems, and then laid aside
to be preserved.
At the end of diese ceremonies, Sadekanade roue
again. *^ Brothers i" he s^d, ^ we mqst sdck to our
brodier Quider, and re^rd Yonondio as our enemy ;
he is a cheat." By ^tdtr he meant Pefer, referring
to Peter Schuyler, Mayor of Albany J a gendeman
much esteemed by the five tribes, but whose name,
^ving no labials in their language, they were unable
to pronounce.
After some fiuther proceedings, the English Inter-
preter was desired to deliver his message fh>m Alba-
ny. He told them that a new Governor had arrived
m the province, with a large number of fresh troops ;
that England was at war with France ; and that the
people of New-England were fitting out an expedi-
tion against Canada. He advised them not to treat
with the French, but at all events only at Albany.
That people, he said, would keep no agreement made
anywhere else.
The sachems now held a consultation together for
some dme, the result of which, was thus declared by a
speaker chosen for the purpose, and who is supposed to
hiave been Sadekanade. The different passages were
addressed, respectively to the deputies of ths parties
referred to.
" Brothers I Our fire bums at Albany. We will not
send Decanesora to Cadaraqui. We adhere to our
old chain with Oorlear — ^We will prosecute the war
with Yonondio — We will follow your advice in draw-
ing off our men from Cadaraqui. Brothers ! We Bfe
glad to hear the news you tell us — but tell us no lies !"
^ Brother Kinshon ! We hear you design to send
soldiers to the eastward against the Indians there.*
But we advise you, now so many are united against
* New-Hampshire and Maine tribes, at war with the
Colonies, and known to be instigated and assisted by
the French.
Digitized by Google
INDIAlf BIOGRAFHT. 5i
tiie French, to .&H immediately on Gtem. Strike at the
root; when theirunk skedl be cut down, the hrancheawiU
faU of course."
" Coriear and Kinshon, — Courage ! Courage ! In
the s|Mring to Quebec ! Take that place — ^Icou will
have your feet on the necks of the French, and all
their friends in America."
Another consultation terminated in the adoption of
the follomng answer to be sent to the Canadians.
1. "Yo'nondio! You have notified yoin* return to us,
and that you have brought back thirteen of our people
who were carried to France— We are glad of it You
desire us to meet you at Cadaraqui next spring, to
treat of the old chain. But, Yonondio ! how can we
trust you, who have acted deceitfully so often ? Wit-
ness .what was done at Cadaraqui — the usage our
messengers met with at Uttawas, and what was done
to the Senecas at the same place." Here a belt was
given, indicating a willingness still to treat.
2l *'Thurensera, Oghuesae and Ertel ! Have you
observed friendship with us ? If you have not, how
came you to advise us to renew friendship with Yon-
ondio ?" A belt also was attached to this answer.
3. ^ Tawerahet ! The whole Council is glad to hear
of your return with the other twelve. Yonondio ! —
You must send home Tawerahet and the others this
present winter — before spring. We will save all the
French we have prisoners tiU thftt time."
4. Yonondio ! — ^You desire to speak with us at Ca-
daraqui ; — ^Don*t you know that your fire there is ex-
tinguished? It IS extinguished with blood. You
must send home the prisoners in the first place."
5. " We let you know that we have made peace
with the Wagunhas."
6. ^ You are not to think that we have laid down
the axe, because we return an answer. We intend
no such thing. Our Far-fighters shall continue the
war till our countrymen return.
7. ^ When our brother Tawerahet is returned, then
we will epeak to you of peace."
digitized by Google
66 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
Sueh was the result of the great exertions made at
this time by the Canadian Grovemment to overawe
the Five ff ations, and to draw them away from the
English alliance. The whole proceeding, thoush in-
deed it furnishes no extraordinary specimens of their
eloquence, illustrates in the plainest manner the very
favorable circumstances under which their orators
came forward, and the inducements they had to de-
vote their genius to the council-house, even in pref-
erence to war.
Sadekanatie, who acted a prominent part in the
Onondaga Council, and was himself of that tril>e,
appeared to great advantage upon several other occa-
sions. The favorite orator of the Cohfederates, ho wt-
ever, during most of the period in which he flour*
ished, was Decajecesora, whose name has already
been mentioned. That Sachem was for many years
almost invariably employed as the Speaker in their
negotiations with both French and English. He vrsa
one of the deputies who fell into the hands of Adario;
and we have seen that in the message of Count Fron-
tenac to the Onondaga Council, he invited '* his chil-
dren,and Decanesora,the Onondaga Captain, in partic-
ular," to treat with him at Cadaraqui. The Confeder-
ates, on the other hand, signify their disposition to con-
tinue the war by saying, ^^ we will not send Decane^
sora."
Mr. Colden, who knew this orator well, and heard
him speak frequently, gives him credit for a perfect
fluency, and for ^ a graceful elocution that would have
e leased in any part of the world." He was tall, and
is person well made ; and his features are said to
have borne a resemblance to the busts of Cicero. It
is much to be regretted in his case, as in many oth-
ers, that but very slight indications of his eloquence
are preserved to these times. Such as are preserved,
probably do him very imperfect justice. Some of
them, however, at least indicate the sagacity, the cour-
tesy, the undaunted courage, and the highminded sense
of honor, which, among the countrymen of Deea»
uigitized by Google
IHDIAN BIOORAPHT. 57
esora as among those of Quintillian, were no less
recommendations of the orator than they were vbrtues
of the man.
In the winter of 1693-4, after a long series of hos-
tilities between the Confederates and the French, — at-
tended on both sides with alternate suffering and in-
jury, until: both were heartily weary of the war, — cer-
tain artful proposals, artfully set forth by Jesuit mes-
sengers, were at length so well received by all the Con<
federates excepting the Mohawks, that a council was
summoned at Onondaga to act upon them. The
En^ish were civiUy invited to attendl ; imd although
both they and the Mohawks neglected to do so, no
measures were adopted in council, except with the
understanding that they should not be final without
being first submitted to the examination of both those
parties. With this view, several sachems were sent
to Albany, and of these Decai^esora was the principd
and the speaker. The account which he gave to Ma-
jor Schuyler and the Albany magistrates of the nego-
tiation now pending, including its origin, is a fine
specimen, as Mr. Colden observes, of his ait, npt only
in smoothing over an affair undeitaken against the
English interest and advice, but also in introducing
and enforcing his own views of the sovereign dignity
of the Five Nations. '
" Brother Cayenguirago,"* he began, ** we are come
to acquaint you, that our children, the Oneidas, having
of themselves sent a messenger to Canada, he has
brought back with him a belt of peace from the Gov-
ernor."
" As soon as Tariha [the messenger] arrived at Can-
ada, he was asked, where the six hundred men were,
that were to attack Canada, as they had been informed
* An Indian appellation, ngnifying a stoift arrow, giv«
en to Governor Fletcher in consequence of the prompt
■uceor he h&d once rendered the Five Nations, in an
emergency occasioned by a French invasion. Schajler
is^adc&essed as representing the Governor.
digitized by Google
58 INDIAN filOGEAPHT.
by Oariokese, a Mohawk Deserter ? He assured them
there was no such design."
** He was carried to Quebec, where he delivered his
belt, with the following proposition. ' Yonondio, if
you would have peace bq to Albany, and ask it there,
for the Five Nations will do nothing witliout Cayen-
guirago.' The Governor of Canada was angry at this,
and said, he had nothing to do with the Grovemor di
New York ; he would treat only with the Five Na-
tions ; the peace between the Christians Aiust biB made
on the other side the grei^ lake. He added, he was
sorry to see the Five Nations so far degenerated as to
take a sixth nation into their chain, to rule over them.
^ If you had desired me to come and treat in any of
your casdes, I would have done it ; but to tell me I
must go to Albany, is to desire of me what I can by
no means do. You have done very ill, to suffer the
people of New York to govern you so far, that you
dare do nothing without their consent. I advise you
to send two of each nation to me, and let Decaneso-
ra be one of them. I have orders from the King my
master, to grant you peace, if you come in your prop-
er persons to ask it.' ThO'Crovemor of Canada afbr«
wards said,
^ * Children of the Five Nations, I have compassion
for your litde children, therefore come speedily and
speak of peace to me, otherwise I'll stop my ears for
the future : by aU means let Decanesora come ; for if
the Mohawks come alone, I will npt hear them ; some
of all the Five Nations must come. Now,Tariha, re-
turn home, and tell the Five Nations, that I will wait
for their coming till the trees bud, and the bark can be
parted from the trees. I design for France in the
spring, and I leave a gentleman to command here, to ,
whom I have given orders to raise soldiers, if you do
not come in that time. And then what will become of
you ? I am truly grieved to see the Five Nations so
debauched and deceived by Cayenguirago, who is
•Golden. ,
, Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOORAPHT. W
ktely come to New-York, and by Quider. Fonnerly
the chief men of the Five Nations used to convene
with me ; but this Grovernor of New York has so delud*
ed you, that you heai^en to none but him ; but take
care of what will follow, if you hearken to none but
him.'"
Here the orator took occasion to explain, very
shrewdly, why the deputation to which he belonged
bad been delayed so long, with some other matters of
the same kind. He then reported the following res*
olutions agreed upon by the Council to be sent to the
Governor of Canada. They were probably his own
composition, the Council having been called, and the
whole transaction in a great measure managed by
himself
1. *< Yonondio! — You have sent for me often, and
as often asked, why I am afraid to come ? The great
kettle of war that you have hung over the fire is the
reason of it" Here Decanesora said he was to lay
down a belt, and ask the Governor's consent to the
other two which he b^ in his hand.
2. "We now not only throw down the kettle, and
thereby throw the boiling water out of it, but like-
wi^ break it to pieces, that it may never be hung up
again, — ^by this second belt"
3. "Hearken Yonondio! — You are sent from the
French King, your master. So is Cayenguirago fix>m
the Great King and Queen of England. What I am
now about to speak to you, is by inspiration from the
Great Spirit You say that you will have nothing to
do with our brethren of Cayenguirago. But I must
tell you, that we are inseparable. We can have
no peace with you so long as you are at war with
them ;" — which, added Decanesora, is to be confirm-
ed by the third belt
The noble fidelity to engagements here set forth
as a sacred principle, was far from beinff the result ot
either fear or mere aftection ; and this Schuyler him-
self had the opportunity of testing, before me depu-
tation left Albany.
Digitized by Google
60 INDIAN BIOGRAPRT.
7. "The Governor of Canada^ words^ and the
Resolutions of the Five-Nations,'' said the orator in
conclusion, ** are now before you. Consult, therefore,
what is to be done. If it be necessary for the Breth*^
ren to go to our castle, to advise ur farther, be not un-
willing." Here he laid down a large belt, eleven rows
deep, and Seven fiithoms of wampum. This signi*
ficd an amicable disposidon ; but when, on the ensu-
ing day, Major Schuyler replied that he would con-
sent to no treaty with the French, and proposed that the
deputation, and Decanesora in particular, should visit
him again at theend of seventy davs, the reioinder was^
after consultation, that ihey would visit him. ^ But
as for myself," said the old Sachem, <* I cannot dispose
of myself without their directions. If they order
me, I shall willingly return. We did not expect to
hear such positive prohibition of keeping any corres-
pondence with the French. - If any mischief happen
within the seventy days, let us not blame one another.
Consider again what is most for the public good— and
let it be spoken before we part."
This was confirmed with a hirge belt of fourteen
deep. Major Schuyler afterwards asked, a second
time, whether thev would wholly suspend correspon-
dence with the French, for the term last mentioned.
^ 1 have no authority," said the orator, ^ to answer this
question. I shall lay the belt down in every one of
the castles, and say, that by it all correspondence is
desved to stop with the French. / cannot promise that
this tmU he complied ufith.^
The conference did not end here. On the sixth
day, Schuyler called the- deputation together, for the
purpose ot making a new and vigorous effort How
much influence his assertions or arguments, alone,
mi^ht have had, cannot be determined, for a fortunate
incident occurred which materially altered the aspect
of afiairs, being just in season to enable him to car-
Shis point for the time. The stipulation attached to
ecanesora's final consent does him high honor.
"You have at last shut up the way to Canada," he
uigitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. fil
Mttd ; '^but we have one thing to ask, after mature de-
libatttioD) which we expect will not be refused us,**
The Major observed, that every thing should be gran-
ted whkb he thought essential to the character or the
•ecurity of the nation. He then proceeded to request,
that an Englisli messenger mi^ht be permitted to ac-
company eoe to be sent by himself to the Praving
Indians in Capada. The objects were first, to inlorm
those Indians of what he had ascertained to be the
true character of the Jesuit who had been among the
Five Nations; secondly, to notify them of the meet-
ing appointed at Albany, and of the consequent iua-
tuBty of the deputies to visit them at the same time,
as had been pro^^osed ; and thirdly, to agree upon a
continued cessation of arms until they might be able
to visit thenEL Decanesora further desired, that if
Schuyler ^M>uld not send a mess^tger, he would at all
events put these propositions in writing, as a token of
lus assent to th^m.
After aU, events took place, owing in no small de-
gree, as we shall find, to the £n§[lish themselves,
which determined the chieftains to visit the Canacyan
Governor in the spring. Some explanation of these
events is fiimishea by the foUovnng speech of Sade-
kanatie. He, with his fellow deputies, visited Gover-
nor Fletcher at Albany, in May, (1694,) and in the
course of the conference which misued, delivered his
Bentim^its in the following manly and forcible style :
*^ Brother Cayenguirago ! — Some of our sachenos
agreed, last winter, tmt we should keep no correepon*
<£Dee with the French. We confess we have broken
that promise. We have received a messenger from
Canada. We have sent our deputiea to Canada in
Tetur% [Deeanesoca being one.] The bek is not yet
airivedby which we are to acknowled^ our feult in
the ofMttter. The reeieon of our doing it is truly thi%
TH^e an q/raid of the emmy.^
<* When a messenger came last year from Canada
to Onondaga, our brother Ci^enguirago discharged
our meeting in General Codicil at Onondaga, to con
II.— F
digitized by Google
62 INDIAN BIOOIUPHT.
Bult on that message, and ordered us to hold our Gen
eral Council here at Albany on that afiair. The priy-
ilege of meeting in General Council when we please,
is a privilege we always have enjoyed ; no former
Governor, of the name of Corlear, ever obstructed
this privilege. We planted a tree of peace in this
place with them. Its roots and branches extend as far
as Virginia and New-England, and we have reposed
with pleasure under its shade. Brother, let us keep
to that first tree, and let us be united and unaninM)us ;
such prohibition of our assemblies will be df ill con-
sequence, and occasion differences between us.
*^ We acknowledge, I say, our sending agents to
Canada for peace. We were encouraged iq doing this
by the knowledge we have of the Governor of Cana- ^
da. He is an old man, and was formerly Governor
of that place. He was always esteemed a wise peace-
able man, and therefore we trust our message wiH
have a good issue. We did not take it amiss that
you sent to the Dewagunhas, nor that Amout was
sent to the Satanas, boSi of tliem our enemies ; and,
for the same reason, our brother Cayenguirago ought
not to be displeased with our sending to the FreiM^
for peace.
** We, Onondagas, acknowledge ourselves to have
been the chief promoters of this Message. We have
sent in all nine sachems with nine b^ts. It is true
we are now under much uneasiness in having trusted
so many sachems in the French hands, being almost
half the number we have in our nation, but we were
in haste to prevent the designs the French had against
our countries and yours, by the peat warlike prepar-
tions they were making in Canada."*
He concluded with specifying the instructions their
deputies had received, and presented a beh in con-
firmation of all he had said. Colonel Fletcher re-
];)lied, that he would not discuss any other subject un-
til he was satisfied what reason there was for chal^g
*Colden.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGEAraT. 03
him with having forbidden die Council, and made
peace with the Indian tribes, as alleged l^ the ora-
tor. This appears to have been a mistake ; and ac-
cordingly, on the ensuing day, it was frankly acknowl-
edged to be such, and that in terms which left no oc-
casion to doubt the speaker's sincerity. ^ We assure
you," he said, " we will never separate from you. We
still have one head, one blood, one soul, one heart
with you." This was said in reference to the alleged
prohibition of the CoupciL ''Aa to the Dewagun-
has and Shawanons," added the speaker, ^ we are ccm-
fid^nt Cayenguhago will not admit them into his gov-
ernment, till they have made peace with us. That
we shall willingly grant. When our enenoues are
humbled, and beg peace, why should they not have
it ? Let them come! and Hveiinthus. It vnll strengthen
owr cotqutry/^ He then proceeded thus : —
"Brother Cayenguirago ! — When the Christians
first arrived in this country, we received them kindly.
When they were but a small people, we entered into
a league with them, to guard them from all enemies
whatsoever. We were so fond of their society, that we
tied the great canoe which brought them, not with a
rope made of bark to a tree^ but with a strong iron chain
fastened to a great mountain. Now, before the Chris-
tians arrived, the General Council of the Five Na-
tions was held at Onondaga, where there has been,
from the beginning, a contmual fire kept burning; it
is made of two great logs, whose flange never extin-
guishe& As soon as the hatchet-makers [their general
name for Christians,] arrived, the General Council at
Onondaga planted this tree at Albany, whose roots
and branches have since spread as far as New-Eng-
*A Roman principle, recognised in the practice
as well theory of the Five Nations. Golden says,
" they encourage the people of other nations [including
captives] to incorporate with them ?" Thus, for exam-
ple, the Sixth Nation was added to the Confederacy la
1712.
Digitized by Google
64 INDIAN BIOOPAPHT
land, Coonecticiit, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Vir>
ffinia ; and under the shade of this tree all these Enf*
fish colonies have frequently been sheltered."
Here the orator gave seven fathoms of wampunii
to renew the chain ; and promised, as he declared his
expectation of receiving, mutual assistance in case of
an attack from any enemy.
" The only reason, to be plain with you," he con-
tinued, << of our sending to make peace- with the
French, is the low condition to which we are reduced^
^niiile none of our neighbors send us the least assist-
ance, so that the whole burthen of the war lies on ui
alone. Our brethren of New-England, Connecticuti
Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, of their own
accord thrust their arms into our chain ; but since the
war began we have received no assistance from them.
We, alone, cannot continue the war against the French^
by reason of the recruits they daily receive from the
other side the great lake.
* Brother Cayenguirago ! — Speak fkrni your heart
Are you resolved to prosecute the war vigorously
aeainst the French ; and areyour neighbors of Virdnia,
Maryland, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and New-Eng-
land, resolved to assist us ? If it be so, notwithstanding
liny treaty hitherto entered into, we will prosecute the
war as hotly as ever. But if our neighbors will not
assist, we must make peace, and we submit it to your
consideration, by' giving this great belt fifteen deep.
"Brother Cavenguirago ! — ^I havetraly tokiyou the
reatotts which have induced us to offer peace to the
French ; we shall likewise, fh>m the bottom of ouf
hearts, inform you of the design we have in this trea-
ty. When the Governor of Canada shaU have ac-
cepted the nine belts, of which I have just now told
vou, then we shall have something more to say by two
large belts, which lie still hid in our bosom. We
shall lay down first one and say, < we have a brother
Cayenguirago, with whose people we have been uni-
ted in one chain from the beginning. They must be
included in this treaQr ; we cannot see them involved
INDIAN BlOOmkWBY, §&
m bloody war, while we sit in easy peace.' If the
Governor of Canada answer, that he has made a sep-
arate peace with us, and that he cannot make any
peace with Cayenguirago, because the war is from
over the great lake ; then we shall lay down the sec-
ond great broad belt, and tell the Grovemor of Can-
ada, 'If you will not include Cayenguirago's people,
the treaty will become thereby void, as if it had nev-
er been made ;' and if he persists, we will absolutely
leave him."
While the conference' viras going on at Albany, De-
canesora and his fellow deputies arrived at the castle of
the Praying Indians, near the falls above Montreal.
Thence they were conducted, by the Superior of the
Jesuits, to Quebec. They had their audience of the
Governor of Canada with great solemnity, in the
presence of all the ecclesiastics and officers of dis-
tinction, and of the most considerable Indians then
in the place. Every day, while-they remained, they
were entertained at the Governor's table, or at those
of the principal citizens. On the other side, it is said
of the veteran Decanesora, that shrewdly accommoda-
ting his coat to his company, he made himself still
more personable than usual, by the aid of a splendid
arrangement which might have done credit to a mod-
em ambassador. He was clothed in scarlet, trim-
med with gold ; and his. reverend locks were covered
with a laced beaver-hat| which had been given him
by Colonel Fletcher a few months before. Neither
ceremony nor decoration, however, nor even good
dinners, mitigated the old orator's firmness.
" Father I"* — ^he said to the Governor, after men-
tioning the objects of the deputation, — ^** If we do not
conclude a peace now, it will be your fault. We have
already taken the hatchet out of the River Indians
• * A term used in mere courtesy, and becaase the Gov-
esmor chose to call the Indians his children.' So a Sa-
chem explained it to one of th6 New York Governors,
that it << signified notiung.''
Digitized by Google
W INDIAN BIOCFRAPRY.
[Hadion*8 river] whom we incited ta the war. But
we must tell you, that yeu are a bad man. You are
iMOonstant Yon are not to be trusted. • We have had
war together a long time. . Still, though you occa
BioBed the war, we never hated the house of Oghuesse
[the Montreal gentleman.] Let him undertake the toil-
some journey to Onondaga. If ^ will come, he shall
be welcome.
" Father !"— he continued,—^ We are nowspeaking
of peace, and therefore I must speak a word to the
Praying Indians, and first to tnose of Cahnawaga
[chiefly Mohawks.] You know our customs and man-
ners. Therefore make Yonondio acquainted with
them. — As«8t in the good work of peace. As for you,**
addressmg a party of praying Indians most of whom
had once been Onondagas,) " you are worse than the
French themselves. You deserted from us, and sided
¥rith our enemies to destroy us. Make some amends
now by forwarding peace.'* He then resumed hia
address to the Governor.
*^ You have almost eaten us up. Our best men am
killed in this bloody war. But we forget what is past.
Befe^ this we once threw the hatchet into the river
of Kaihobage,* but you fished it up, and treacher-
ously surprised our people at Cadaraqui. After that
you sent to us to have our prisoners restored, Thea
the hatchet was thrown up to the skv, but you kept a
string fiistened to the helve, and pulled it down, and
fell upon our people again. This we reveneed to
some purpose, by the destruction of your people and
houses in the island of Montreal.
"Now we are come to cover the blood from our
sight, which has been shed by both sides during this
ong war.
** Yonondio! — ^We have been at war along time.
We now give you a medicine to drive away all ill
thoughts from your heart, to purge it and make itoleaoy
and restore it to its former state.
*Near Oswego, on Lake Ontario, whtfe the tieatv
with Ji. De la Bam was negotiated.
.,„,..,u/L,oogle
IN]>IAN DIOOBdkFSY. 67
<* YoiKmdio !— We wiB not permit oAf s^Ulefntat «t
Cadaraqui. You have had yotir fire there thrice ex-
tinguished. We will not consent to your building thtt
fort ; but tlie passage through the river shaU be free
and clear. We make the sun clean^ and dri>ve awaj
all clouds and darkness^ that we may sed the Kgfal
without interruption.
^ Yonondio ! — ^We berve taken toMj pr&Onen finm
ODe another^ during the war. The ptwowsn we tof^
have been delivered, aceofding to our cusiom^ to the
families that have lost any in &e war. They no Ion-'
ger belong to the public. They may give them back if
Ihey please. Your people mby do the samar We
have brought back two prisonei^ and restore thenar to
you.'**
In the course of his reply to ikS» speeob, the^ QoY'*
ernor observed, that he i^uld not make peace with
Cayenguirago. But Decanesoray nobly and fearlessly
true to every engagement as^to his own honor, prompl-^
ly declared that he never Would i^ree to w peabe for
Pae Conlederates, except on condition of a truce for the
English. " Ail the country," said he, ^ will Ibok upon
me as a traitor ;r I can ti*eat with yoiirno longef. " And
undoubtedly, anxious as he wad to effect' meobjectof
6is embassy, he would have Returned iwme distip«
pointed, had not the Governor, afler a discussion of
three days^ finally yielded, by agreeing to undertake
no enterprise against New York during th^ 8timnier.r
Another difficulty arose upon the Govemor's insistuig
on having hostages lefi; witfi hiBoi, wftieh* the Sa-
chem would' not consent to. The ildHttei' was adjnst'-
ed by the voluntary proposal' of two Indians in his
company to remain.
After the return of the Deputation to the country <A
die' Five Nations, a conference vniM held at Albany
between a new deputation on their part,and tbo Govu
enior of New- York* The lattei*, wefl knowing hoW
much the neighboring colonies v^re interested ui tfa»
■ II I I > II 1 I I ■■ III I I nit I I II r tii Tt i m
• CoUea.
; Digitized by Google
W INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
resalt of the French uegodation, invited several of
them to send representatives, which they accordingly
did. Among those present were the Grovemor of
New-Jersey, and five commisnoners from Massachu-
setts and Connecticut On the . other handjDecane^
sora and Sadekaoatie both attended in the name of
the Five Nations. The former gave an exact account
of every thing which passed at Quebec; The latter, —
who seems rather to have coveted opportunities of
declaring the freest sentiments in the freest manner,
which his colleague indeed never declined, — opened
the conference with a long speech upon the history
of the English and Indian intercourse; how the
league had l^gun, and had been enlarged and strength*
ened ; and finally ,^what was the chief aim of his
argument, — ^how ofher colonies, as he said, had thrust
their arms into the chmn, but had given little or no
assistance against the common enemy. There was
some cause for this complaint, and the orator was re-
solved that he would not be misunderstood when he
stated it "Our brother Cayenguirago's arms;" he
continued, "and our own are stiff, and tired with,
holding fast the chain. Our neighbors sit still and
•moke at their ease. The fat is melted from our fiesh,
and fallen on thenL They grow fat While we grow
lean." .
" This chain made us the enemy of the French. If
all had held as fast as Cayenguirago, it would have
been a terror to them. If we would all heartily join,
and take the hatchet in hand, our enemy would soon
be destroyed. We should forever after live in peace
and ease. t)o but your parts, [probably addressing
the Commissioners] and thunder itself cannot break
the chain." • /
Thus closely did the orators, who were in other
words the statesmen of the Five Nations, investififate
the conduct alike of their enemies and their allies,
and thusfi-eely and fearlessly did they in all cases ex-
press themselves as diey felt Characters of every
description came under their cognizance. MaooBU-
digitized by Google
INBIAN BiOOSAPHT. W
vres and machinations, political and personal, were
brought to bear, upon them on all sides. The French
emissary plied them at one turn, and the English ped-
ler at the next ; and they talked and traded with ei-
ther or both, as the case might be, with the same indo-
lent imperturbable gravity. Each piuty went away,
perhaps, chuckling over the ease with which he had
miposed upon savnge simfrfioity, and flattering him-
self that their opinion of his honesty was at least ade-
quate to his own opinion of his shrewdSness. But the
event proved ptherwise.
Decanesora once said to Major Schuyler, in reply
to the latter^s suggestion of fraud on the part of a
Jesuit messenger of the French, — *< We know that the
priest favors his own nation. But it is not in his pow-
er to alter our affection to our brethren. We wish
you would bur^ all the misunderstandings you have
conceived on his account,^-H»uf we likewise wish you
gave less credit to the rum-carriers than you do?*
This was a palpable hit, truly, and a deserved one.
And thus, generally, were the Barbarian Orators, afb«r
all, upon the safe side. Nothing daunted their spirtt.
Nothmg deceived their sagacity.
d by Google
70 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
CHAPTER V.
Account of the Ottawas— Their first Chief-Sachem
known to the English, Pontiac — His interview with
Major Rogers — Protects that officer and his troops—
. Saves Detroit from an army of Indians — ^Hostility of the
northern tribes to the English, afler the eonauest of
Canada — ^Adventures of HEMRj-Anecdotes of Mina*
VATANA — Supposed feelings or Pontiac towards the
English — His great project of combination.
Having arrived regularly, according to the order
observed in this vrork, at the commencement of the
eighteenth century, we shall now turn our attention
to a section of the continent hitherto mostly unnotic-
ed, but which at that period began to be the theatre
of importan¥ievents, and to be illustrated by at least
one character comparable to any in the whole com-
pass of Indian annals. We refer to the vicinity of
the Northern Lakes, to the numerous and powerful
tribes resident in that region, and particularly to Pon-
tiac.
It has been stated by respectable authority, that this
celebrated individual was a member of the tribe of
Sacs, or Saukies ; but there appears to us no sufficient
reason for disputing tbe almost universal opinion
which makes him an Ottawa. That tribe, when the
commerce of the early French colonists of Canada
first began to extend itself to the Upper Lakes, was
found in their vicinity, in connection with two
others, the Chippewas and the Pottawatamies. All
three are supposed to have been originally a scion of
the Algonquin stock, — that being the general name
of the nation, which, in Champlain's time, was settled
along the north banks of the St Lawrence, between
QAiebec and Lake St. Peters. According to theur
own traditions, preserved to this day, the three tribes
(as they aflerw^ard^ became;.) in their flight or emigm*
INDUN BIOGBAPHT. 71
ttoii» went together from the East, as far as Lake Ho*
ron. A separation afterwards took place, the re-
sult of which was, that the Ottawas, being most in-
clined to agriculture, remained near what has ance
been Michilimackinac, while their companions pre-
ferred venturing to still more distant regions of the
North and West.
Detroit was founded by the French in July, 1701,
and from that time the Ottawas began to give frequent
manifestations of a spirit which frnally made them,
respectively, an ally or an enemy of the first impor-
tance to the dififerent civilized parties with whom they
held intercourse. Only three years after the French
settled in their vicinity, several of their chiefs
were induced to visit the English at Albany. The
almost inevitable consequence of the interview was,
that they returned home with a firm persu&sion that
the French intended to subdue them. They attempt-
ed to fire the town, therefore, in one instance ; and
about the same time, a war-party, on their return from
a successful expedition against th^ Iroquois, — ^whom
they were bold enough to attack in their own coun-
try,-— paraded in front of the Detroit fortress, and of-
fered battle. After some hard fighting, diey were de-
feated and driven of&
But the French have always eftected more among
the Indians in peace than in war, and thus it was with
tne Ottawas ; for, fit>m the date of the skirmish just
mentioned, they were almost uniformly among the
best fiiends and even protectors of the colony.
" When the French arrived at these falls,'^said a Chip-
pewa Chief at a Council held but a few years since,
" they came and kissed us. They called us children,
and we found them fathers. We lived like brethren
in the same lodge," &c.* Such was the impresaon
* See a Discourse delivered before the Michi^n His-
torical Society, in 1830, by Mr. Schoolcraft. We also
acknowledge our obligations, in preparinfi^ our notice of
Pontiac, to Governor Cass's Discourse of the yeax pre-
vious, before the same body.
Digitized by Google
73 INDIAN BIO««APar.
made also upon die Ottawas ; and we accordingly
find them, in conjanction witli the Chippewas^ aiding
the Frencli on all ooc^isions, until the latter 8urren<*
dered the jurisdiction of the Canadas to the English*
JSeveval hui^ired of their warriors distingiiished them"
selves at the disastrous defeat of Braddock.
Pontiac was probably at the head of this force.
Several years before, he was known as a warrior of
high standing and great success ; and as <)arly as 1746^
be commanded a powerful body of Indians, mostly
Qttawass who gallantly defended the people of De-
troit against the formidable attack of a number of
combiaed Northern tribes. But a far more important
trial) both of his principles and his talents, was yet to
eome, in the transfer of power from the French to
tiie fhigHsh, which took place at the termination of
the long war between those nations, ending with the
peace <m 1761. The stations upon the Lakes were
given up in 1760l The first detachment of British
troops which ever penetrated into that region, was
sent, during thi&year^ for the purpose of taking formal
possession. Thatf<Mrce was commanded by Major
Rogers, and fi*om the ^Concise Account of North
Ametnoa,"' writis» by^ him,* we obtain our knowl-
edge of the earliest interview between Pontiac and
tJie Enptish. It is aHowed to have the merit of
authenticity ; and although not so definite as might
be desired^ it furnishes a variety of characteristic and
•ingular fects!^
Major Rogers si^s, that * on the way,' — ^meaning
generally the route from Montreal to Detroit^ — ^he was
met by an embassy fi^m Pontiac, consisting of some
of his. own wanriors^ together with several chiefs be-
longing to sub^inate tribes. The object was, to in-
form him that Pontiac, in person, proposed to visit
him ; ^t he was then not rar distant, coming peace-
ably ; and that he de^red the Major to halt his de-
* Published in London : 1765. We have^* Jounwd'
of the^same expedition, firom^e sfune pen/
.,„,..,u/Google
iNmAir KocHRAPHir. 73
tadimeiit, <till mieh time «• he could see him with his
«WD eyes.' The Deputies were also directed to
represent their master as the King and Lord of the
countiy which the English had now entered.
The Majcnr, drew up his troops as requested, and
before long the Ottawa Chieftain made his appear-
«Dce. He wore, we are told, an air of majesty and
princely grandeur. After the nrst salutation, he stem-
ly denMtnded of the Englishman his buaness in kk
territory, and how hehad dured to venture upon it
unthout his permission. Rogers was too prudent and
too inteltigeDtto take oftence at this style of reception.
Nor did he undertake to amie any question of actual
or abstract right He said that he had no design
ogmnH the Indiaas, but, on the contrary, wished to
lemoFe firom their country anaition who had been an
obstacle to mutual ftiendship and commerce betweeii
them and the English. He also made known his
commission to this effect, and concluded with a pres-
ent of scTeral belts of wampum. Pontiac received
them with the nngle observation, — *^ I shall stand ni
the path you are wa&ing till morning," — and gave, at
the same time, a small string 'of wampum. This^
writes the Major, was as much as <o say, ' I must not
BMffch farther without hia leave.'
Such^ undoubtedly, was -the safest construction ;
and the sequel shows that Pontiac centered it the
most civil. On depaiting for the night, he aeked
Rogers whether be wanted any thing which ^19 coun-
try afforded; if so, has wnrriors should bring it for
him* The reply was discreet as the o^r was gener-
ous, — that wlmtever provisions might be brought in,
rtuNild be weft pmd for. ProbaWy they vrere ;.but the
EngHsh were at att eveiktssuppUed, the next morning,
yrmi several bags of parched com and other necessa-
ries. Pontiac himsetf, at the second meeting, offered
the pipe of peace, and he and the English officer
smoKed it by tarns. He decfeivd that he thereby
made peace with the Englishman and bis troops ; ana
that they flbonld pass thnMigh his dominions, noioaif
n.— G
.Digitized by Google
74 XNDTAN BIOGKAPHT.
unmolested by hk subjects, but protected by them
from all other parties who might incliue to be hos-
tile.
These were no idle promise. Pontiac remained
in company with his new friend constantly after the
&^ interview, until he arrived at Detroit He em-
ployed one hundred of his warriors to protect and as-
sist a corps of soldiers, in driving a large number of
frit cattle which had been sent on for the use of the
troops, from Pittsburgh, by the way of Presqu'Isle.
He also despatched ipessengers to the several Indian
towns on the south side and west end of Lake Erie,
to inform them that Rogers had his consent to march
through the country. Under such auspices, th^ Ma*
jor might reasonably have felt himself safe, after
reaching his destination. But the chieftain under-
stood his situation better than himself. He kept near
him so long as he remained at Detroit ; and Rogers
acknowled^s that he was once at least * the means
of preserving the detachment ' from the fury of a
body of Indians, who had assembled with sinister
purposes at the mouth of the Strait
This incident leads us to remark, that almost all the
tribes on the Northern waters who had associated
and traded with the French during the term of thrar
iurisdiction, — and but few of them there were who
had not, — dncerely lamented the change which had
occurred in public affiurs. They were very generally
prejudiced against the new comers, as they were at-
tached to the old residents. Perhaps the latter, individ-
ually,if not otherwise, fomented the spirit of discontent
But, however this might be, there were reasons
enough in the ancient relations maintained between
the French and the Indians, independently ef argu-
ment or comment, why such a spurit should manitest
itself under the circumstances we have mention-
ed.
The fact itself is indispntable. It is psoved hv facts,
■ubsequent and consequent It is also proved by ma-
ny refi^ieC'table authorities, only one of which will h%
here refened to^ for the take of iUuBtratioiL
INDIAN BI06BAFHT. 75
BIr. Henry, tl^e well known author of "Traveto
and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Ter-
ritories, betweenr the years 1760 and 1766," speaks
of an affair in point, which happened at the
little island of La Cloche,* in Lake Huron, on his
Yoya^, in the spring of 1761, from Mondreal to
Michilimackinac He found a large village of In-
dians at this place, who treated him in the kindest
manner, until * diacoverif^ tJuxt he was an EngHskman,*
they told his men that the Michilimackinac In-
dians would certainly kill him, and that (hei/ might
therefore as well anticipate their own share of the
pillage. On this principle they demanded a part of
his ^ores, and he deemed it prudent to make no re-
nstance. He observes, afterwards, that his mind was
* oppressed'^ with the repeated warnings he received
of sure destruction where he was going. Again,-^
*<the hostility of the Indians was exclusively Bgatnst
the English ;" and this circumstance suggested to Hen«>
ry a prospect of security in assuming a Canadian dis-
guise, which fortunately enabled him to complete his
expedition.
But the difficulty did not cease here. He was now
in the neighborhood of Pontiac, and among the tribes
subject to his influence. What manner of men they
were, and how far the master-s^nrit may be supposed
to have filled them with the fire of his own soul, will
appear fix>m a speech of one of the Chippewa Chiefs
MiRAVAVANA, who, with a band of his own tribe, vis-
ited the newly arrived trader at his house in Michili-
mackinac. The courage and the eloquence of this
man, blended as they are with the highest degree of
savage chivalry, almost make us suspect his identity
with the Ottowa Chieftain himself. The name is by-
no means conclusive against such a conjecture, for it
would be an extraordimry fket in Indian Histoiy, if
* So named by the Freiusfa, firom a rock on the island,
which, being struck, rings like a bell.
Digitized by Google
76 INDIAN BIOORAPST.
*flo diednguished a, man a» Ponfiae were kaoiim only
by one appellation, and espeeially when he associated
with a large number of tribes^ speakiog as many dif-
ferent languages.
Henry describes his hero as a person of remarkabW
i^peanincey of commanding stature, and widi a siiiguw
laiiy fine countenance* He entered the room wime
the traTetljer was. aiudously awaiting the reanlt of hi*
risit, followed by nuty warriors, drrased and decora-*
ted in the most formal and imposing fadiion of wafr
Not a word was spoken as they came in, one by «m^
seated themselves on the floor at a ngnid from ^b»
Chief, and began composedly smokiaig their pipesu
Minavavana, meanwhile, looking steadfaetly at Henryy
made various enquiries of hia beEwl-boatman, a Cana'-
dian. He then cooUy observed^ that ^ the Englidi'
were brave men, and liot a&aid of deaths nttce they
dared to come thus fearlessly amoti^thei^ mslnms.^
A solemn psAise now ensued for some time, until tlstf
Indians having finished their pipes, thv CfaiefkiiB
took a few wampttm^scrings in his hand, and cobh'
menced the following harangue :
^ Englishman ! — ^It is to you that I speak, and i de-
mand your attention !
^ Englishman !— You know that the Fiench Kjugp
is our fether. He promised te be such^ and we, iw
retunv promised to be his dnlcbeft This promise w«
have kept. ^
^ Englishman ! — ^It is you that havemade wav with
this our father. Yon are his enemy ; and how then
could you have the boldness to venture among as, hiv
children ? You know that his enemies are ookl
^ Englishman I — We ace informed that our fether
the kinff of France, is old and infirm ;. and that beingr
&tigued with making war upon your natinsy he i0
fallen asteep. During hl»sleep» you have taken wi^
vantage of hinit and possessed y our se lv es of Ganadai
But luB nap is dmost at an end; I think I hear him
already stirring, and inquiiing:for Im childventhe fil«
d by Google
mOlAN BIOGRAPHY. 77
diaxur^-^nd, wbeii he does awake, what must be
come of you ? He will destroy you utterly !
" Englishinan ! — Although you have conquered the
French, you have not yet conquered us ! We are not
your slaves. These lakes, these woods and moun-
tarns, were left to us by our ancestors. They are our
inheritance, and we will part with them to none.
Your nation supposes that we, like the white people,
cannot live vdthout tn-ead, and pork, and beef! But,
you ought to know, that He,--the Great Spirit and
Master of Life, — has provided food for us, in these
broad lakes, and upon these mountains.
" Englishman !-^Our father, the king of France, em-
ployed our young men to make war upon your na-
tion. In this warfare, many of them have oeen kill-
ed ; and it is^ur custom to retaliate, until such time
as the spirits of the ^ain are satisfied. Now the spir-
its of the slain are to be satisfied in either of two
ways. The first is by the spilling of the blood of the
nation by which they fell ; the other, by covering the
hodie^ of the dead, and thus allaying the resentment
of their relations. This is done by making presents.
<< Englishman ! — ^Your king has never sent us any
presents, nor entered into any treaty with us. Where-
fore he and we are sdll at war ; and, until he does
these things, we must consider that we have no other
fiither, nor friend, among the white men, than the
king of France. But, for you, we have taken into
consideradon, that you have ventured your life among
us, in the expectation that we should not molest you.
You do not come armed, with an intention to make
war. You come in peace, to trade with us, and sup-
ply us with necessaries, of which we are much m
want. We shall regard you, therefore, as a brother ;
Mid you may sleep tranquilly, without fear of the
Chippewas. As a token of our firiendshlp, we pre
ient you vrith this pipe, to smoke.^
The interview terminated in a manner which re
minds us of Pontiac's meeting with Rogers. Mina-
vavana gave the Englishman hi» hand — ^his compan
G2
digitized by Google
78 IHBiAit BIOCBAFBr.
ioiM followed his esample — ^the pipe went Found in
due order-— and) afler being politely entertained, all
qpietly departed. Iftliis was^not the Otto wa hitn-
eelf, he was certainly a kindred spirit ; and if the for-
mer exercised authority over many such charaetem^'^
as he probably did^*— it is not diffloult to Account foe
the confidence which dictated the^ design, or for the
measure of success which attended the proascution of
one of the mightiest projects ever conceived in tho
Brain of an Americaa sav^e. •
This project was a comtSnation of-all the tidbes on
and about 'the Northern waters, perhaps partially)
with an ultimate view totherestorationof the Fvench
Government, but directly and distinctly to- the com-
plete extirpation of the English.
It has been observed by a writer ^o. has done sig<-'
nal justice to the genios of Pontiac, << that we are no-
where told the causes of disaCeetion which separfOtd^
him from tht- BriHsh interegt*** * There is- an allusion
here. to the informatioa fbmished by Rogers, who in-^'
deed states that Pontiao ** often intimated to -him that:
Ke should be content to reigi:! in bis country, in siib^^
ordination to tho king of Great BHtain, and was wil-
ling to pay him such aanamoL adcnowletk^immt^tU'he war
ahie, injurs^ and to caU km hia Underf But, without
in the feast disparaging the honesty of Rogers, we are
inclined to dispute the propriew of vrhat we suppose
to have been rather his own inlJereoce than the Chief-
tain's declaration. A disregard to «eetie» g£ express
sbn, on the part of both speaker' and hearer^ wa»no
uncommon thing at interviews of this kind,-rone par-
, ty being always eager, and both frequently ignorant
enough, had they even tolerable means of'^commmii-
cating together in langoaffe at all.
The context confirms mis opinion. It appears sin- -
gUlar, . at first glance, that Pontiae should propose^
calling the British king his UruU, An appeUation^.
■ ■ ■ 1 — ' ■ ■ " '■ '—
** Discourse of Governor Cass.
t Rogers' Account, p. 242 : London Edition.
digitized by Google
u^fA^ nioomuBBY* 19
indeed,^-«B tke Iroquoid oratonr told the Enjiirit at
Atiiaoy, — * signified nothing,' in itself; and yet, mr^
ferriDg-. to the temi* i)j(Aer, applied b^r Minatvuivcitiat
and' the Northern Indians generally, to hi^ €hri8tiaai
Magestyyit did signify, at least, that' Pontiac meahtto'
pay a shghter deference to the Britiriii kin^ than tCP
the< French. No aU^iance was acknowledged^ to el^
then As Minavavatia said, ^^the Inchans' had' nb>
Father ani«ng(the white men^-^passirigthat oouft6sV
for what is was worth — **'bot the king: of Frpmce."
That; however^ did tiot prevent them fitom owninjf cttid
duming their own wooda abd motintains* It did not<
entitle the French hin^ to command the services^ in-
stead of * employing' the assistance of their >toung'
men; It did not'blind them tothe faet^ that althod|rh
the 'English had oonquered the Fredcfa,' thdy had not'
conquered them,* It ''makes- the matted still more*
clear, in regard to what wasihe imde^staBdiftg of
I^ontiac, and whalt-ought to hare been that of Rogers, •
that, according to his owta s tate men t, the ChieAain'
^assured him [on tb6 sameoeoasibn when the lan-
guage last referred to is said to have been uttered,]
Siat h» was indined'to liife peaceabfytrifft the Bf^ishf >
while thm uaedhim as- he - deserijed, emd to eneovmgt
iheir settUag in hMCowntnfi hast iniimakd that ifmeyf
treated Hm toitiine^e^he liwM shut upihe tooy, and'
exclude them from it^ In short, conenides the same *
writer, ^ his whole conversatiott sufficiently indicated
that he was far from consldenng himself a icouquered
Prince, and that h« expected to bb treated withtho'
respect and honor due to a King or Emperor, by all
who came into hia country or treated with him."!
On the whole, we hare seen no evidence^ and wa '
know of no reason for presuming,' that he Was ever
any farthfer attached to *the British ititerest;' or rather
any^othen/nse affected towards the idea of becoming
attaehed/than is indicated by the v^ independent'
declaration made as above' staled; In regard to tl0i
* Speech of MnavbTaiMi t Bogem' Account, p. 243.
/
digitized by Google
80 UfNAN BIOORAPHT.
Siiestion wh^ he never did become attached to the
ritish interest, — ^taking that for the correct represen-
tation of the flsMSt, — history is silent, as unfortonateiy it
is in regard to most of the remarisable occurrences on
the frontiers which aocompsinied and followed his
enterprise. The conjectures of any one man, who
has intelligently investigated and reflected upon such
history as there is^ may be worth as much as those
of any other. It seems to be probable, however, that
although hostilities might have been prevented by a
eystem of food management on the part of the £ng-
W), (in which their predecessors could have given
them a lesson,) they did not arise fit)m any particular
acts of aggression.
Pontiac reasoned as well as felt He reasoned as
Philip had done before him, and as Tecumseh will
be found to have done ance. He had begun to appre-
hend danger from this new government and people;
danger to his own dominion, and to the Indian inter-
est at lar^e ; danser from their superiority in arms,
their ambition, their eagerness in possessing them-
selves of every military position on die Northern wa-
ters 'f^-and we may adid also, their want of that osten-
sible cordiality towards the Indians, peraonallv, to
which the latter had been so much accustomed and
attached in the golden days of the French, and which
they were apt to regard as a necessary indication of
ffood faith as of good will. In the language of the
Chippewa orator, the French had lived in the same
lodge with them. They had sent them misnonaries ;
and invited them to councils, and made them pres-
ents, and talked and traded with them, and manifested
an interest in their afiairs,* — always suspected by the
Indians less, and yet always eflecting their own pur*
poses better and farther, than any other people.
The £R|fliah, on the other hand, if they committed
no aggreesions^^the expedition of Rogers was per-
haps coi|sidered one ; bat tiwt Pontiac forgave,)— yet
< * Difloouraa of Sohooknft,
digitized by Google
INBIAN iM^GRA^tfr. 81
toamfftsfed f>tit a slight (fispo^tio^ f6t tittdonal aoun^
*y, w for itidividuca inte^e<mtde, or for a b^^fl^^kl
^onMnerce of thy de^ription. Iti crthefi' words, ih&f
'iieglected'— to use l^ontiac's phrase,— all thftfi* eir-
cumstande^ wlifieh made the dclfghbbrbood' of thd
French agreeiA)]^, and whkh might baf)& md^ ffaM#
own at least tolerable. Thel tottAiict of Ilie ItUct^
never gave rise to suspicion. Theirs never gave rest
to it
Thus, we suppose, the case might present itself to
the mind of the Ottawa Chieftain. And while such
was the apparent disposition, or indifterence to any dis-
position in particular, of the English towards the In-
dians, — and such the consequent liability, if not the
reasonable prospect on the part of the latter, if the for-
mer should occupy Canada^ — ^Pontiac was not likely
to forget that they had conquered the French. He
saw too that they were rapidly and firmly establish
ing their new dominion, by movements which, at all
events, did not purport to promote the interest of the
Indians. And he knew, no doubt, — certamly he soon
ascertained, — that whereas the French of Canada and
the Colonies of New-England had hitherto, by thek
action upon each other, left the third party in a good
measure disengaged, — the new comers were them-
selves from Old England, if not New ; — speaking the
same languaffe (and that a strange one to the natives ;j
subject to me same government ; and ready at all
times to be very conveniently supplied and supported,
to an indefinite extent, by those powerful Southern
Colonies which had Ion j; before destroyed or driven
off the Indians ftom then: own borders.
. So Fontiac reasoned ; and he looked into fiituri^
far enouffh to foresee that ultimate fatal result to his
race, which now was the only time, if indeed there
was yet time, to prevent Immediate occasions of
hostiUtjr there might be besides ; but these must be
the subject of mere speculadon. Af^ctions which do
him honor, predisposed him to believe that the Eng-
lish had done injustice to his old fiiendsthe French j
»S INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
and the French might further endeavor to povuade
him that they had also done injusUce to himselfl But, it
was certain, * they had treated him with neglect' And
thereforty following his own principle, as well as die
impulse of pride, he revived to *■ shut up the way.'
How fo he succeeded, and by what means, will m
our next cnilijects of consideration*
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
CHAPTER VL
Foiitiac*8 plan of campaiffn-^He commences active pie-
parations — Council of ue Ottawas — Grand Council (^
the Northern tribes — Dream of the Delaware— Maxims
promnlgated by Pontiac — Estimate of the number
and force of his allies — Commencement of the war —
Surprisal of nine English posts — ^Mode of surprisal—
Artifice adopted at Imchilimackinac, and result — Re-
duction of Detroit undertaken by Pontiac in person—
His interview with the commandant — His plan discov-
ered, and the surprise prevented — Letter from Detroit.
The plan of operations adopted by Pontiac, for ef^
fecting the extinction of the Engli^ power, evin-
ces an extraordinary genius, as well as a courage
and energy of the highest order. This was a sudden
and contemporaneous attack upon all the British
posts on the lAkes — at- St. Joseph, Ouiatenon, Green
Hay, Michilimackinac, Detroit, the Maumee, and
the Sandusky — and also upon the forts at Niagara,
Presqu'Isle, Le Bceuf, Veraneo and Pittsburg. Most
of the fortifications at these places were slight, being
rather commercial dep6ts,than militaiy establishments.
Still, again^ the Indians they were strong-holds ; and
the positions bad been so judiciously selected by the
French, that to this day they command the great ave-
nues of communication to the world of woods and
waters in the remote north and west It was mani-
fest to Pontiac, familiar as lie was with the geographv
of this vast tract of countiy, and with the practical,
if not technical maxims of v^r, that the possession
or the destruction of these posts, — saying nothing of
their garrisons, — would be emphatically < shutting up
the way.' If the surprise could be simultaneous,
•o that every English banner which waved upon a
line of thousands of miles should be prostrated at
the same moment, the garrisons would be unable
04 im^AN 9IOaKAF9V.
to exchange assistaiice, while, on the other hand« the
feUure of one Indian detachment would have no effect
to discourage another. Certainly, some might succeed*
Probably, the war might begin and be terminated
with the same angle bbw ; and then Pontiac would
again he the Lord and King of the broad land of hii
•nciestois.
The n^eavures taken in pursuance of these eakula- i
tions, were worthy of the magnificent scheme. The
chieftain fblt confident that swctss would multiply
friends and allies to his cause. But he knew equally
well, that friends andalliestohiscause wereas necessary
to obtain success. Some preliminary principles must
be set forth, to show what his cause was ; and however
plausible it might appear in theory, exertions must
also be ipa^^ to give assurance of its feasibility in
pr^^tice. A belligerent combination of some kin4
must be fpnned in the outset ; and the more exten-.
aive, the better.
Pontiac comn^ien^d operations with his owg^
tpbe ; the Ott^wsEis being, for several reasons^ pecu*
harly under h^ control, at the same tiibe that their
mfluence over other tribes was hardly inferior to hia
Qwn influence over themselves. Some of theee
tribeg had $>u«^( with them against the Epghsh, nol
many yei^» Eefi^re; and the conneotion between
ibei^ wan 90 appasent in the time of Major Rogeiisi»
th^ he considered them as ^< formed into^a sortql
en^Hre." Ha expressly statea» ajso, that the Emjn^
HQr, a9 hp supposed Fontiac then to be, waa " elected^
tcom the eldest tribe— which is the Ottawawa^, mnm
of whom inhf^bU^ n^ar our fort a^ Detroit, but are most-
ly fu^her westward, towards the Mississippi.'' I{^
might well anjbd, that Pontiac ^ had th^ largest eippire
and greatest i^uthority of any Indian obief that hm
appeared on the continent sinoe our acquaintance
vfith lU^ The truth probably wa% that the tribet
l^iie desQiibed as confederates, were moat of tbm
* B^9ger'a accoont, f . S40.
digitized by Google
IIHOIAN BIOORAPHir* i||
tekted to each other by descent, more or less retnot^*
ly. Some were intimately associated. All would be
luther disposed to act together in any great project, ^
they already had done, (and as most of theni hav^
9ince, during the American ^.evolution, and duripff
the last war with Great Britain.) Still such was anq.
is the nature of Iridian government, that it wan
necessary ibr Pontiac to obtain the separate concur-
rence and confidence of each. To gain over the Otta-
was first, was not to strengthen his authority, i^deedy
but it was adding much to his infiuence.
The Ottawa^, then, wep called toother, and the
plan was disclosed^xplained and enforced, with ^
the eloquence and cunning which Pontiac could
bring to his task. He appealed to the fears, the
^opes, the ambition, the cupidity of his nearers-^
their regard for the common interest of the race,
their hatred of the English, and their gratitude and
love for the French. We are told by a modem his-
torian, that some of the Ottawas had been disgrade^
by blows.* Such a suggestion, whether weU found-
ed or not, might probably be made, and would of
course have its e^ect. So would the display of a
belt J which the chieftain exhibited, and which he pro«-
fei^sed to have received fiwn the King ^ France,
urging him to drive the British fit)m th« country, mi
to open the paths for the return of the French.
These topics having been ^sJdlfully managed, and
the Ottawas warmly eng^if^ in the cause, a grand
council of the neighboviHng tribes was convened at
the river Aux iJcorccs. Here Pontiac again exerted
)ajs talents with distinguished effect. With a pro-
found knowledge of the Indian character, and espe-
cially aware of the great power of superstidon upon
jtheu- minds, he related, among other things, a dream,
in which the Great Spirit, (the orator said,) had se-
cretly disclosed to a Delaware Indian the conduct
j^ c^l^pected f^is red children to pursue* |lli-
n.— H
digitized by Google
65 INDIAN BiOGRAF^T.
nute instructions had been gracioue^j given, suit-
able to tbe existing crisis in their fortunes, and re-
markably coincident, it will be observed, with the
principles and projects of the chieftain himselE
They were to abstain from the use of ardent spir-
its. They were also to abandon the use of all En-
glish manufactures, and to resume their bows and
arrows, and tlie skins of the animals for clothing.
It is needless to eulogize the sagacity which dictated
both these proposals: "and why,** the orator conclu-
ded, " why, said the Great Spirit indignantly to the
Delaware,---do you suffer these dogs in red clothing
to enter your country, and take the land I have given
you? lirive them from it! — Drive them! — ^When
you are in distress I will help you !"*
It is not difficult to imagine the effect which this
artful appeal to prejudice and passion might have
on the inflamable temperaments of a multitude
of credulous and excited savages. The name of
Pontiac alone was a host ; but the Great Spirit was
for tbem, — it was impossible to fail. A plan of cam-
paign was concerted on the spot, and belts and
speeches were sent to secure the co-operation of the
Indians along the whole line of the fronjieh
Neither the precise number nor power of those
who actually ioined the combination can now be de-
termined. Ihe Ottawas, the Cbippewas, and the
Pottawatamies were nmong the roost active. The
two former of these had sent six hundred warriors in
one body to the defence effort Du Quesne. The
Ottawas of L'Arbre Croche, alone, mustered two
Bundled and fifty fighting men. The Miamies were
engaged.f ' So were the Sacs, tiie Ottagamies (or
Foxes,) the M enomlnies, the Wyandots, tbe Missis-
sagas, the Shawanees ; and, what was still more to
the purpase, a large number of the I'ennsylvania and
Ohio Delawares, and of the Six Nations of New York.
The alliance of the two last-named parties, — in itself
*Di8C0Qne <^ Governor Cass, t Ibid.
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
IN1>IAN BIOGRAPHT, «f
the reafilt of a master^piece of policy, was necessaiy
to complete that vast system of attack which compre-
hended all the British positions &om Niagara to Green
Bay and the Potomac
The plan was at length thoroughly matured. The
work of extirpation commenced on or about the same
day, from north to south, and from east to west.
Nine of the British forts were captured. Some of
the garrisons were completely surprised, and massa-
cred on the spot ; a few individuals, in other cases,
escaped. The officer who commanded at Presqu'-
Isle, defended himself two days, during which time,
the savages are said to have fired his block-house
about fifty times, but the soldiers extinguished the
flames as often. It was then undermined, and a
train was laid for an explosion, when a capitulation
was proposed and agreed upon, under which a part
of the garrison was carried captive to the north-west.
The officer was afterwards g^ven up at Detroit.
A ^reat number M)f English traders were taken,
on their way, from all quarters of the country, to the
different forts ; and their goods, as well those of the
residents at such places, and the stores at the dep6ts
themselves, of course became prize to the conquer-
ors. Pittsburgh, with the smaller forts, Ligonier,
Bedford, and others in that neighbourhood, were
closely beset, but successfully defended, until the
arrival of large reinforcements. The savages made
amends for these failures by a series of the most
horrible devastations in detail, particularly in New
York, Pennsylvania, and even in Northern Virginia,
which have ever been committed upon the continent.
In case of most, if not all of the nine surprisals
first mentioned, quite as much was effected by strata-
gem as by force, and that apparently by a preconcerted
Sjrstem which indicates the far-seeing superinten-
ence of Pontiac himself. G^erally, the com-
manders were secured in the first instance, by parties
admitted within the forts under the pretence of bu-
) or fiiendahip. At Maumee^ or the Miami^ (af
digitized by Google
W3 INDIAN BIOGRAPHr.
ffie Station among that tribe was commonly dengna-
ted,) the oflScer was betrayed by a squaw, who by
piteous entreaties persuaded him to go out with her
some two hundred yards, to the succor, as she said,
of a wounded man who was dying ; the Indians
wavledd and shot him.
A more subtle policy was adopted at Michilimack-
inac, and surer means were taken to e&ect it That fort,
standing on the south side of the strait, between Lakes
Huron and Michigan, was one of the most important
Positions on the frontier. It was the place of depos-
it, and the point of departure, between the upper and
lower countries ; the traders always assembling there,
on their voyages to and from Montreal. Connected
with it, was an area of two acres, enclosed with
jcedar-wood pickets, and extending on one nde so
bear to the >Vater'is edge, that a western wind alwayl^
drove the waves against the fbot of the stockade.
There were about thirty houses within the limits,
inhabited by about the same number of fkmilies. The
only ordnance on the bastions were two small brass
pieces. The garrison . numbered between ninety
and one hundred.
The capture of this indispensable station was en-
trusted to the Chippewas, assisted by the Sacs, and
those two tribes in concert adopted the following
plan. The Kwg*8 hirth-dcnf having arrived, a game .
of baegatiway was proposed by the Indians. This is
played with a bat and ball ; the former being about
four feet long, curved, and terminating in a sort of
racket Two posts are placed in the ground, at the
distance of half a mile or a mile from each other,
Each party has its post, and the game consists in
throwing up to the adversaiy's post the ball which
at the begmning ia placed in the middle of |ht
course.
Hie policy of this expedient for surprising the gar
risen will cleariy appear, when it is understood, that the
game is necessarily attended with much violence and
noijse ; diat, in the ardor of contest the ball, if it c«ci*
.,„,..,u/Google'
INDIAN BIOORAPHT. W
not be thrown to the goal desired, ia struck in any
direction by which it can be diverted from that de-
sired by the adversary ; that, at such a moment, noth-
ing could be less likely to excite premature alarm
among the spectators of the amusement, than that
the ball should be tossed over the pi(^et8 of the fort;
or that having fallen there, it should be instandy fol-
lowed by all engaged in the game, — struggling and
shouting, in the unrestrained pursuit of a rude ath-
letic exercise.
Such was precisely the artiSee ejpfiployed ; and to
be still more sure of success, the Indians had persua-
ded as many as they could of the garrison and set-
tlers, to corne voluntarily without the pickets, for the
purpose of witnessing the game, which was said to
' be played for a high w^er. Not fewer than four hun-
dred w6re engaged onooth sides, and consequenUy,
possession o^tbe fort being once gained, the situation
of the English must be desperate indeed. The par-
ticulars of the sequel of this horrid transaction, fur-
nished by Henry, are too interesting to be wholly
omitted.
The match commenced* with great animation, -
without the fort. Henry, however, did not go to
witness.it, being engaged in writing letters to his
Montreal friends, by a canoe which was just upon
the eve of departure. He had been thus occupied
something like half an hour, when he suddenly
heard a loud Indian war-cry, and a noise of general
confusion. Going instantly to his window, he saw a
crowd of Indians within the fort, furiously cutting
down and scalping every Englishman they found;
and he could plainly witness the last struggles of
some of his particular acquaintances.
He had, m the room where he was, a fowling-piece
loaded with swan-shot. This he immediately seized,
and held it for a few minutes, expecting to hear the
fort-drum beat to arms. In this dreadml interval, he
saw several of his countrymen fall ; and more than
caie struggling between the knees of the savages, who^
K2
Digitized by Google
90 ^INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
holding them in this manner, scalped them while yet
alive. At length, disappointed in the hope of seeing
any resistance made on the part of the garrison, and
'sensible, of course, that no effort of his single arm could
avail against four hundred Indians, he turned his at-
tention to his own safety. Seeing several of the Ca-
nadian villagers looking out composedly qpon 'the
Bcene of blood — ^neither opposing the Indians not
molested by them — he conceived a hope of finding
security in one of their houses.
He immediately climbed over a low fence, which
was the only separation between the yard-door of
his house, and that of his next neighbour. Monsieur
Langlade. He entered the house of the latter pre-
(jipitately, and found theivhole family gazing at the
horrible spectacle before them. He addressed him-
self to M. Langlade, and begged that he would put
hitn in some place of safety, until the heat , of the
affair should be over — an act of charity which
might preserve him from tjie general ma^cre,
Langlade looked for a moment at him while he
spoke, and then turned again to the window, shruff-
ipng his shoulders, and intimating that he could do
nothing for him — " Que votuiriez-^Hyus que Ten fe*
taxsV
Henry was now ready to despur; but at this mo-
ment, a Patii woman,* a slave of M. Langlade, beck
oned to him to follow her. She guided him to a
door, which she opened, desiring him to enter,
and telling him that it led to the garret, "where he
must go and conceal himself. , He joyfully obeyed
her directions ; and she, having followed him up to the
garret-door, locked it afler him, and with great pres-
ence of mind took away the key. Scarcely yet
lodged in this shelter, such as it was, Henry felt an
eager anxiety to know what was passing without
His desire was more than satisfied by his finding an
aperture in the loose board walls of the house, which
* Siud to belong to an Indian nation of the ^oathr*-
BO donbt the same now generally called Pawnees.
.,y,u..u uy Google
fNBIAN Bl06RAt»HT^ M
"ft^ordecl him a Mi view of the atea 5f the fort.
Here he beheld with horror, m shapes the foulest
aind most terrible, the ferocious triumphs of the
isavages. The dead were scalped and mangled ; the
dying were writhing and shrieking under the unsati-
ated knife and the reeking tomahawk; and fh>m
Ihe bodies of some, ripped open, their butchers were
drinking the blood scooped up in the hollow of joined
hands, and quaffed amid shouts of rage and victory.
In a few minutes, which to Henry seemed scarcely
one, every victim who could be found being de-
stroyed, there was a general cry of, " all is finished" —
and at this moment Henry heard some of the sava*
ffes enter Langlade's house. He trembled and grew
faint with fear.
As the flooring of his room and the ceiling of the
room beneath consisted only of a layer of boards, he
noticed every, thing that passed ; and he heard the In-
dians inquire, at their entrance, whether thete was
any Englishman about M. Langlade replied, that
«* He could not say:— he did not know of any" — as
in fact he did not — " they could search for themselves
(he added) and would soon be satisfied." The state
of Henry's mind may be imagined, when, immedi-
litely upon this reply, the Indians were brought to
,the garret door. Luckily some delay was occasioned
--^through the management of the Pani woman —
perhaps by the absence of the key. Henry had suf-
ficient presence of mind to improte these few mo-
ments in looking foV a hiding place. This he found
in the eomer of the garret, among a heap of such
birch bark vessels as are used in making maple-su-
gar ; and he had not completely concealed himself
when the door opened, and four Indians entered, all
, armed with tomahawks, and all besmeared with blood
from head to foot.
The die appeared to be Oast Henry could scaree-
•ly breathe, and he thought thdt the throbbing of his
heart occasioned a noise loud enough to betray hhn.
^he Indians walked about ^tiie garret in every direc-
tion; and one of them approaidied ^im to «daieiy
92 INBIAN BIOGRAPHY.
that, at a particular moment, bad he put forth hli
hand, he must have touched him. Favored, hov^ev-
er, by the dark colour of his clothes, and the want of
light in a room which had no window, he still re-
mained unseen. The Indians took several turns
about the room— enteitaining M. Langlade all the
while with a minute account of the proceedings ci
the day — and at la^t returned down stairs.
Such is the traveHei-'s account of the fall of Mich
ilimackinac. The fate of Detroit remains to be told,
a more important position than even Michilimackinac
An inmiense quantity of valuable goods,— one account
says, to the amount of five hundred thousand pounds,^-
was kuovni to be there stored. What w^ of more
moment, its capture would release the French, inhab-
itants of the Strait from their temporary allegiance
to the English, and would consequently unite the
hitherto separate lines of operation pursued by the
.Indian tribes above and below. Under these cir-
cumstances, its reduction was in person undertaken
by Pontiac.
The town is supposed at this period to have been^
enclosed by a single row of pickets, forming nearly
four sides of a square ; there being block-houses at
the comers and over the gates. An open space in-
tervened between the houses and the picket^ which
formed a place of arms and encircled the village.*
The fortifications did not extend to the river, but a
sate opened in the direction of the \6tream, and not
&r from it, where, at the date in question, twb armed
vessels, fortunately for the inhabitants, happened to
lie at anchor. The ordnance of the fort consisted of
two six-pounders, one three-pounder, and three mor-
tars; all of an indifferent quality. The garrison
numbered one hundred and thirQr, mcluding oflicers,
besides whom there were in the village something like
forty individuals who were habitually engaged in the
fur-trade. The inadequate proportion of this force,
even to the size of the place, may be inferred from
the &ct, that the stockade which formed its periphe*
ly was more than one thousand feet long.
.,„,..,u/Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHf • 98
Such was the situation of Detroit, when the Otta-
wa chieftain, having completed his arrangementSj on
the 8th of May presented himself at the gates of the
town, with a force of about three hundred Indianp,
chiefly Ottawas and Chippewas, and requested a
council with Major Gladwyn, the Commandant He
expected, under this pretext, to gain admission for
himself and a considerable number of attendants, who
accordingly were provided with rifles, sawed off so
short as to be concealed under their blankets. At a
given signal,^which was to be the presentation of a
wampum-belt in a particular manner by Pontiac to the
Commandant, during the conference, — ^the armed In-
dians were to massacre all the officers; and then,
opening the gates, to admit a much larger body of
warriors, who should i)e waiting without, for the com*
pletion of the slaughter and the desd-uction of the
fort.
Fortunately, Major Gladwyn obtained a knowledge
of the scheme, before an opportunity occurred for its
execution. One of the French residents in ^e vicini-
ty, returning home on the morning of the day last
mentioned, is said to have met Pontiac and his party
upon Bloody Bridge. This place, which still retains its
name, is between one and two miles from the vil-*
lage. The last warrior in the 'file, being a particular
friend of the white man, threw aside his blanket, and
significantly exhibited the shortened rifle beneath*
Whether his disclosure was communicated to Major
Gladwyn, cannot be determined.
Carver states, — and his account is substantially con-
firmed by tradition, as well as by other authorities,—
that an Indian woman betrayed the secret She had
been employed by the Commandant to make him a
pair of mocassins out of eik-e^n ; and having com-
pleted them, she brought them into the foiH, on the
evening of tfie day when Pontiac made his appear-
ance, and his application for a council. The Major
Was pleased with them, directed her to convert the
Midue of the skio into articles of the saine deseriptioy^
digitized by Google
M INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
and ha^ng made a generous paymeDt, dismissed her.
She went to the outer door, but there stopped, and for
sometime loitered about as if her errand was still un-
performed. A servant asked her what she wanted, but
she made no answer. — ^The Major himself observed
her, and ordered her to be called in, when, after some
hesitation, she replied to his enquiries, that as he had
always treated her kindly, she did not like to take
away the elk-skin, which he valued so highly ; — she
could never bring it back. The Commandant's curiosi-
ty was of course excited, and he pressed the examina-
tion, until the woman at length disclosed every thing
which had come to her knowledge.
Her Information was not received with implicit cre-
dulity, but the Major thought it prudent to employ the
night in taking active measures for defence. His
arms and ammunition were examined and arranged ^
and the traders and their dependants, as well as the
garrison, were directed to be ready for instant service.
A guard kept watch on the ramparts during the night,
it ^ing apprehended that the Indians might antici-
pate the preparations now knovm to have been made
for the next day. Nothing, however, was heard after
dark, except the sound of singing and dancing, in
the Indian camp, which they always indulge in
upon the eve of any great enterprise. The particu-
lars of the council of the next day, we shall funiisl^
on the authority of a writer ah'eady cited.
In the morning, Pontiacand his warriors sang their
war-song, danced their, war-dance, and repaired to
the fort They were admitted without hesitation,
and were conducted to the council house, where Ma*
jor Gladv^n and his officers were prepared to receive
them. They perceived at the gate, and as they pas-
sed through the streets, an unusual activity and move-
ment among the troops. The garrison was under
arms, the ffuards were doubled, and the officers were
armed with swords and pistols. Pontiac enquired of
the British commander, what was the cause of this
iwusual appearance. He was answered, that it was
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BtOORAPHT. 1^
)>roper to keep the young men to their duty, lest they
should become idle and ignorant The ousiness of
the council then commenced, and Pontiac proceeded
to address Major Gladwyn. His speech was bold and
menacing, and his manner and gesticulations vehe-
ment, and they became still more so, as he approach<^
ed the critical moment. When he was upon the point
of presenting the belt to Major Gladwin, and all was
breathless expectation, the drums at the door of the
council house, suddenly rolled the charge, the guards
. levelled their pieces, and the British officers dl^w their
swords from their scabbards. Pontiac was a brave
pan, constitutionally and habitually. He had fought
in many a battle, and often led his warriors to victo-
ly. But this unexpected and decisive proo^ that his
treachery was discovered and prevented, entirely dis-
concerted him. Tradition says he trembled. At
all events, he delivered his belt in the usual man-
ner, and thus failed to give his party the concerted
signal of attack. Major Gladwyn immediately ap-
proached the chiei^ and drawing aside his blanket,
discovered the shortened rifle, and then, after stating
his knowledge of the plan, and reproaching him for hia
treachery, ordered him from the fort. The Indians
immediately retired, and as soon as they had passed
the gate, they gave the yell, and fired upon the gar-
rison. They then proceeded to the commons, where
was lying an aged English woman with her two sons.
These they murdered, and afterwards repaired to Hog
Island, where a discharged Serjeant resided with his
family, who were all but one immediately massacred.
Thus was the war commenced.*
As to leading facts, this account is without doubt
correct Perhaps it is in all the minutise. We have
however seen a somewhat different version, which,
as the affair is one of great interest, we shall here
annex without comment It was orisinally furnish-
ed in a letter from a gentleman residing m Detroit
* Discourse of €rov. Cass.
Digitized by Google
90 INDIAN BIOORAPHT.
«t me time of the attack, addressed to a fHetid
in New- York, and dated July 9, 1763. It may
be seen In the most respectable papers of that period,
and is believed to be unquestionably authentic. As
to. many circumstances the writer's statement agrees
with that just given, although the conference (per-
haps another one) is said to have taken place on the
7th of the month. The sequel is thus :
At the close of the interview, the Indians retonied
disconcerted, and encamped on the farther side of the
river. Pontiac was reproached by some of the young
warriors for not having given the signal (the appear'*
ance of the garrison having surprised him.^ He told
them, that 1^ did not suppose they were willing to lose
any of their men, as they must have done in that case ;
if they weie, he would still give them an opportunity,
whether the flarrison should be under arms or not All
were satisfied vrith this proposition — ^" in consequence
of which,"— -proceeds our informant, — ^ Pondiac, with
some others of the chiefe, came the next day, be- .
ing Sunday, to smoak the Pipe of Peace with the
dityor, who despised them so much in consequence
of their treachery, that he would not go nigh them ;
but told Captain CampbeU* if Ae had a mind he might
speak with them. Tne Captain went, and snooaked
with them, when Pondiac told him he would come
the next day and hold a conference with the Major,
imd to wipe away aU cause of mtspvcUm he toovldbring
gUhisold and yourur^men^ to take him by the hand in
a fiiendly manner.^
Tins certainly looks much Dke a genuine Indian
artifice. The writer then says, Aat " after repeating
several pieces of sudi stuf^ he withdrew with his gang
to his camp." The next morning, (Monday, the QthJ
«Mi many as sixty-four canoes were discovered, all of
them full of Indians, crossing the river above the fort
A lew of them came to the gates and demanded per«
* The immediftte predeceisor of -Gladwyn in the com^
mandof thepost
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGBAPHT. 07
nyarfon far the whole company to be admitted, 'fi>r a
council' The Commandant refused this request, but
expressed his willingness that some forty or fifty
should come in, that being quite as many as was usu-
al in such qases The messengers returned to their
comrades, who were lying and standing all around
^e fort, at the distance of two hundred ^ards. A
consultation now took place, and then, we are told,
*< they all got up and fled off yelmnglike so many Der-
ils.— *They instantly fell upon Mrs. Tumbell, (an Eng-
lish woman to whom Major Gladwyn had given a
Bmall Plantation, about a Mile from the Fort,) and mur-
dered and scalped her and her two sons ; from thence
they went to Iiogs Island, about a league up the River
from the Fort, and there murdered James Fisher and
his wife, also four Boldiers who were with them, nod
carried off his Children and Servant Maid jmoiiers ;
Sesame evening, being the 9th, had an account, by
ft Frenchman, of the^defeat of Sir Robert Davers ana
Capt. Robertson." The sequel of the war, and of
Ibe history of Pontiac, will iorm the subject of our
Mait chapter.
IL— I
d by Google
96 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
CHAPTER VII.
Siege of Detroit maintained by Pontiac — ^The Commaii*
dant meditates a retreat — The French propose a con*
ference with Pontiac, which takes place-^The latter
demands the surrender of the fort, which the Com*>
mandant refuses — Vigorous renewal of hostilities-^
Advantages gained by the Indian army — ^Arrival of
succor to the English — Battle of Bloody Bridge — •
Pontiac at length raises the siege, — Causes ot it—
The Indians m3s.e peace — His subsequent career until
his death — Anecdotes illustrating his influence, ener
gy, magnanimity, integrity and genius — His authority
as chieftain — ^His talents as an orator — ^His tradition*
ary fiune.
We have now to furnish the details, of one of the
most anffular transactions which has ever distin-
Suished the multifarious warfare of Uie red men witk
le whites— the protracted siege of a fortified civ-
ilized garrison by an army of savages. We shall
still avail ourselves of the diary contained in the let
ters already cited, and of other information from the
same source.
** The 10th, in the Morning, (Tuesday) they attack-
ed the Fort very resolutely. There contmued a very
hot Fire on both Sides ui^til the Evening, when they
ceased firing, having had several kUled and wounded.
They posted themselves behind the Garden-Fences
and Houses in the Suburbs, and some Bams and Out-
houses that were on the Side of the Fort next the
Woods, to which we immediately set Fire by red-hot
Spikes &c. from the Cannon." In this n^anner, and
by occasional sorties, the enemy was dislodged and
driven back, until they could only annoy the fort by
approaching the summit of the low ridge which over-
looked the pickets, and there, at interras, they con-
timied their fire.
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. W
little damage was done in this way, nor did th^
Indians at any time undertake a close assault The
Commandant, however, ignorant of their style of war-
fare, apprehended that movement ; and he believed
that in such a case, — ^their numbers being now, ac-
cording to some estimates, six or seven hundred,
and according to others, about twice as many, — the
situation of the garrison would be hopeless. Besides,
he had but three weeks' provision in the fort, "at a
pound of bread and two ounces of pork a man per
da3%'' Under these pircumstances he immediately
commi need preparations for an embarkation on board
the two vessels which still lay in the stream, with the
intention of retreating toNia^ra.
He was dissuaded from this course by the French
residents, who positively assured him that the ene-
nay would never think of taking the fort by storm. A
truce or treaty was then suggested. Some of the
French, (who were the chief medium of communi-
eation between the belligerent parties,) mentioned the
circumstance to Pontiac ; and the latter, it is said,
soon afler sent in five messengers to the fort, propos-
ing that two of the officers should go out and confer
with him at his camp.' He also requested, that Major
Campbell might be one of them. That gentleman
accordingly went, with th^ permission though not by
the command of Major Gladwyn, in the aflemoon of
Wednesday, the 11th. Campbell took Lieutenant
McDougall with him, and both were attended by five
or six of the French.
Whether the latter had meditated a treachery or
not, does not appear. The French residents general-
ly, at all events, cannot be fairly charged with improp-
er conduct between the contending parties during the
siege. They were naturally enough suspected and
accused, but we have seen nodiing proved against them.
The two ofiicers were, however, detained by the
Indians ; and Pontiae, who is generally supposed to
have conceived this scheme for obtaining an advantage
over the garrison, now sent in terms of capitulation*
4(io6i^
-^.
100 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
These were to the effect, that the troops should Im
mediately surrender, " lay down their arms, as thew *
fethers, the French, had been obliged to do — Cleave
the cannon, magazines, and merchants' goods, and
the two yessels---and be esconed in batteaux by In-
dians to Niagara." The Major promptly made an-
swer, that " his conunanding oflScer had not sent him
there to deliver up the fort to Indians or any body
else, and he would therefore defend it so long as a
single man could stand at his mde."
Hostilities now recommenced, and were so vf^r-
ously sustained on the part of Pontiac, that for some
months, (says the diary,) "the whole Garrison, Offi-
cers, Soldiers, Merchants and Servants, were upon
the Ramparts every Night, not one' having slept in a
House, except the sick and wounded in the Hospital.*
Three weeks after the commencement of the
siege,— on the 30th o€ May, — ^the English sentinel on
duty announced, that a fleet of boats, supposed to
contain a supply of provisions and a reinforcement of
troops from Niagara, was coming round * the point,' at
a pkce called the Huron Church. The garrison
flocked to the bastions, and for a moment at least hope
shone upon every countenance. But presently the
death-cry of the Indians was heard, and the fate of
the detachment was at once known. Theii approach
having been ascertained, Pontiac had stationed a body
of warriors at Point Pel^. Twenty small batteaux,
manned by a considenible number of troops, and
laden with stores, landed there in the evening. The
Indians watched their movements, and fell upon them
about day-Kgbt One officer, with thirty men, escaped
across the lake ^ but the others were either killed or
captured ; and the line of barges ascended the river
near the opposite shore, escorted by the Indians on
the hanks and guarded by detachments in each boat,
in full view of the garrison and of the wholo French
•etdement
The prisoners were compelled to navigate the
boats. A»the fine baoeanz arrived oppoaite tatho
.,„,..,u/Google
INDIAN BIOeRAPHT. 101
town, ibur British soldiers determined to efiect .
their liberatioD, or to perish in the attempt They
suddenly changed the course of tlio boat, and by loud
cries made known their intention to the crew of the^
vessel. The Indians in the other boats, and the es-
cort on tlie bank, fired upon the fugitives, but they
were soon driven from their positions by a cannonade
from the armed schooner. The guard on board this
boat leaped overboard, apd one them dragged a sol-
dier with him into the watelpy where both were drown-
ed. The others escaped to the shore, and the boat
reached the vessel, with but one soldier wounded.
Lest the other prisoners might escape, they were im-
mediately landed, and marched up the shore, to the
lower point of Hog Island, where they crossed the
river, and were immediately put to death, with all the
horrible accompaniments of savage cnielty.
During the month of June, an attempt to relieve
the garrison proved more successful A vessel
which had been sent to Niagara, arrived at the mouth
of the nver, with about fif^ troops on board, and a
supply of stores. The Indians generally left the
siege, and repaired to Fighting Island, for the purpose
of intercepting her. They annoved the English
very much in their canoes, till the latter reached the
point of the Island, where, on account of the wind fail-
ing, they were compelled to anchor.
The captain had concealed his men in the hold,
60 that the Indian? were not aware of the strength of
the crew. Soon after dark, they embarked in their
canoes, and proceeded to board the vessel. The men
were silentiy ordered up, and took their stations at the
guns. The Indians were suffered to approach close to
3ie vessel, when the captain, by the stroke of a ham-
mer upon the mast, which had been previously con-
certed, gave the signal for action. An immediate dis-
charge took place, and the Indiana precipitately fled,
with many kill^ and wounded. The next morning,
the vessel dropped down to the mouth of the river,
where she renMimed six days, waiting for a wind. On
12
Digitized by Google
103 INBIAN BfOORAPSr.
tfie thirteenth, i^e succeeded in ascending the ifvei;
and reaching the fort in safety.
Pontiac Mi the necessity of destroying these yes*
#els, and he therefore constructed raits for that pur«
pose. The bams of some of the inhabitants were
demolished, and the materials employed in this work.
Pitch and other combustibles were added, and the
whole so formed, as to bum with rapidity and in-
t^inty. They were of considerable length, and were
towed to a proper position, above the vessels, when
fire was applied, and they were lefl to the stream, ia
the expectation that they wouhl be carried into con-r
tact with the vessels, and immediately set fire to them«
Twice the attempt was made, without success,
The British were aware of the deengn, and took their
measures accordingly. Boats were constructed, and
anchored with chains above the vessels, and every
precaution was used to ward off the blow. The bla-
zing rafbs passed harmlessly by, and other incidents^
soon occurred to engage the attention of the Indians.*^
A week subsequent to this date, we find various let-
ters from Detroit published in Atlantic papers, of
which the following passages are extracts. They
will fumi^ the reader with an idea of the true mtua-
tion of the garrnon at this time, much better than
could be derived fix>m any description of our own.
"Detroit, July 6, 1763.
We have been beaeged here two Months, by Six
Hundred Indians. We have been upon the Watc^h
Night and Day, fi'om the Commanding Officer to the
lowest Soldier, fh>m the 8th of May, and have not had
our deaths o^ nor slept all Night since it began ; and
shall continue so till we have a Reinforcement up.
We then hope soon to give a good Account of the Sav-
agea Their Camp lies about a Mile and a half from
the Fort ; and that's the nearest they choose to come
now. For the first two or three Day& we were attack*
* DxsoMUM of Got. Cass*
• Digitized by VjOOQ IC
Ilf0IAIf BIOGRAPIiT. 108
•d by three or ibur Hundred of tbeni, but W6 gtf«
them so warm a Reception that they don't care for
coming to see us, tho' they now and then get behind
a Houde or Garden, and fire at us about three or four
Hundred Yards' distance* ,The Day befi>re Yesterday,
we killed a Chief and three others, and wounded
some more ; yesterday went up with our Sloop, and
battered their Cabins in such a Manner that they are
glad to keep farther ofi^"
Th« next letter is under date of the 9th.
"You have long ago heard of our pleasant Situa-
jllion ; but the Storm is blown over. Was it not very
Hgreeable to hear every Day, of their cutting, carving,
boiling and eating our Companions ? To see every
fy^y dead Bodies floating down the River, mangled and
disngured. But Britons, you know, never shrink ;
we always appeared gay, to spite the Rascals. They
boiled and eat Sir Robert Dtevers ; and we are in-
formed by Mr, Fauly, who escaped the other Day
from one of the Stations surprised at the breaking out
of the War, and commanded by himself, that he had
deen an Indian have the Skin of Captain Robertson's
Arm for a Tobacco-Pouch !"
" Three Days ago, a Party of us went to demolish a
Breast- work they had made. We finished ow Work,
and were returning Hom^ ; but the Fort espying a Par-
ty of Indians coming up, as if they intended to fight,
we were ordered back, made our Dispositions, and ad-
vanced briskly. Our Front was fired upon warmly,
and returned the Fu-e fbr about five Minutes. In the
mean time, Captain Hopkins, with about twenty Men,
filed oif to the left, ana about twenty French volunteers
filed off to the Right, and got between them and their
Fires. The Villains immediately fled, and we return-
ed, as was prudent, for a Centry whom I had placed,
rnfi)rmed me he saw a Body of them coming down
firom the Woods, and our Parly being but about eighUr,
was not able to cope with their united bands. In
short, we beat them handsomely, and yet did not
much Hurt to thenit ^or they ran extremely welL We
IfM INDIAN BI06RAPHT.
only killed their Leader, and wounded three othenk
One of them fired at me at the Distance of fifteen or
twenty Paces, but I suppose my terrible Visage mado
him tremble. I think 1 shot him."
This * leader* was, according to some accounts, an
Ottaw^a Chief; according to others, the son of a
Chief. At all events, he was a popular if not an im-
portant man ; and his death was severely revenged
mr one of his relatives, in the massacre of Captain
CfampbelL That gentleman had been detained a pris-
oner ever sinc^ the proposal of a capitulation, togeth-
er with his fiiend McDougall. The latter escaped a
day or two before the skirmish ; but his unfortunate
comrade was tomahawked by the infuriated savage.
One account says, *^ they boiled his heart and ate it,
and made a pouch of the skin of his arms !" The
brutal assassin fied to Saginaw, apprehensive of the
▼engeance of Pontiac ; and it is but justice to the
memory of that Chieftain to say, that be was indig-
nant at the atrocious act, and used every possible exer-
tion to apprehend the murderer.
The reinforcement mentioned above as expected,
arrived on the 26th of July. It was a detachment of
three hundred regular troops. Arrangements were
made the same evening, for an attack on the Indian
camp. But by some unknown means, Pontiac ob-
tained information of the design ; and he not only
removed the women and children from his camp, but
seasonably stationed two strong parties in ambuscades^
where they were protected by pickets and cord-wood,
and concealed by the high grass. Three hundred
men left the fort, about an hour before day, and
marched rapidly up the bank. They were suffered
to reach the bridge over Bloody-Run, and to proceed
about half way across it, before the slightest move*
ment indicated that the enemy was aware of their ap-
proach. Suddenly a volume of musketiy was pour-
ed in upon the troops ; the commander fell at the first
<!hscharge, and they were thrown into instant confu-
■ioD. A retreat was mih 9ome difficult effected by
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
INDIAN BIOGRAPHT. 105
dnving ibe Indians from all their positions at the bay*
onet's point, but tbe English lost seventy men killed,
and forty wounded.
This was the last important event attending the
prosecution of the siege. A modem author observes^
that Pontiac relaxed in his efforts, that tbe -Indians
bOoo began to depart for their wintering-gronnds, and
that the various bands, as they attived in ike springs
vrofesstd Pidr desire for peace. Such seems to have
been the case at a much earlier date ; for we find it
stated under date of the 18th of August (1763,) that
"the Hurons, who begin to be wearied of the war,**
had brought in and given up eight prisoners. Tbe
writer adds, tliat *^ the Hurons and Pouteouatamies,
who were partly forced into the war by the menaces
of the Ottawas^ begin to withdraw." Pontiac had
been so confident of success as to have made some
arrangements, it is said, for dividing the conquered
territory with the French ; and 5''^eral Indians planted
fields of com. But his "»varrio»t, grew weary of the
oege, and liis army wasui this time reduced to about
&ye hundred.
Where or how he pussed the winter, we are not
told. But his movements were still watched with
anxiety, and the garrison at Detroit, especially, seem
not to have thought themselves safe from his opera-
tions, from day to day, "We have lately been very
busy," says a respectable writer, under date of De-
cember 3, 1763, — "in providing Abundance of Wheat,
Fk>ur, Indian Com and Pease, from the Country, in
which we have so far succeeded as not to be in Dan-
ger of being starved out." It further appears, that de-
tachments of the enemy were still in the neighbor-
hood : "The Api»roach of Major Wilkins* Party had a
very good effect ; the Enemjr moved farther oft ^IHa
said wai Ponbiac and his tribe have gone to ihe Missis^
sippij but tw donH believe UP Again, — ^ The Wyan-
dots, of Smtdusky, are much animated against us ;
they have been reinforced lately by many villains
fBOxa all the nai&ons eoncemed in the war.'' So lato
.,„,..,u/Google
106 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. '
as March 25th, we are told that <* about twelve Daya
ago, several ecalping-Parties of the Potewatamies
came to the SettlemcDt, &c. Wt now sleep in our
Clothes, expectir^ an Marm every NighL^
.* But the reign of terror mainta'med by the move-
ments of Pontiac was drawing to its close. '^The
Cower of the civilized party was too much for a com-
ination like his. General Bradstreet, with n force of
three thousand men, proceeded to Niagara early in
the summer of 1764,' on his way to the north-west.
Here a grand council was held, at which nearly two
thousand Indians attended. One account says there
were i^presentadves present from twenty-two different
tribes, including eleven of the western, — a fact strik-
ingly indicating the immense train of operations
managed by the influence of Pondac. Many of his
best allies had now deserted the chieftain. The trav-
eller, Henry, who was under Bradstreet's command,
mentions that he was himself ap|K)inted leader of
ninety six Chippewas of the Sault de Sainte-Marie, and
other savages, under the name of the Indian Battal-
lion ; — ^" Me," he adds, " whose best hope it had very
lately been, to live through theur forbearance." It
ought to be observed, however, in justice to the men
who were thus led against their own countrymen
and kinsmen, that by the time the army reached Fort
Erie, their number was reduced to fourteen by deser
tion.
On the arrival of the army at Detroit, which they
reached without opposition, all the tribes in that re-
gion came in and concluded a peace, with the excep-
tion of the Delawares and Shawanees. But Pontiac
was no more seen. He not only took no part in the
pending negotiation, but abandoned the country, and
repaired to the Illinois.
We find no authority for the assertion of Carver,
that henceforward he laid aside his animosity for the
English ; and still less, that ^'to reward Uds new ot-
tadment, Government allowed him a handsome pen-
non." Even this Writer admits that his conduct **at
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHT. 107
length grew suspicioua^ Rogers, on the other hand,
who had good opportunities of knowing the facts,
says, that while ^some of the Indians left him, and
by his consent made a separate peace, he would not he
fersonaUy concerned in U, saying, that when he made
a peace, it* should be such a one as would lie useful
and honorable to himself, and to the King of Great
Britain. Bvi he has not as yet proposed his terms.^
This account bears manifest marks of correctness,
it i agrees with many other illustrations of a magna-
nimity which might havo'made Pondaca fit comrade
for the Knights of the middle ages» But confirma*
dons of it mav be found elsewhere. It was the com-
mon belief of the times, that he had gone among the
Illinois, with a view of there holding himself in rea-
diness for whatever might happen to the benefit of the
mat caus^ for which he was resolved to live and
die; and probably, also, to use active measures as
fast and as far as might be advisable. The following
passage occurs in an authentic letter from Detrdt,
dated May 19, 1765.
*^ PoNDiAC is now raising the St Joseph Indiana,
the Miamies, the Mascontins, the Ouiattenons, the
Pians^and the Illinois, to come to this place the be-
ginning of next month, to make what enbct they can
against us ; for which purpose he has procured a large
belt for each nation, and <»e larger than the rest for a
* hatchet^ for the whole. They are to be joined by
some of the northern Indians, as is reported. Thi%
they say, is to be an undertaking of their own, as
they are not to have any assistance from the French.
• * When Pondiac left the Miamies. he told them
to remiun quiet till he came back ; it should then be
*all war, or all peace.' • • I make no doubt of
their intention to perform what we have heard of,
^ough I don't think it will come to any head. I am
likewise well convinced, {f Pondiac be made to believe
he vfotdd be toeU received at this place, he wovHd desisi
* Rogers* Acooonti p* 344.
.,y,,..,u/Google
Ibd INDIAN BIOGRAPHIC.
Jiym any wUniion he mmf Tume ; but it wIH be impM
flible to convince him of that, while there are such a
number of traitorous villains about him. You cant
imagine what most infamous lies they tell," &c.
It appears from this testimony, that Pondac had at
this period re-engaged in his plan of combination. It
would also appear, that he was instigated by some of
the French ; for it is believed that only indimdwdi
among them were guilty of the practices alleged^
Those at Detroit conducted themselves amicably,
even during the war ; and some of them, we have
«cen, volunteered to fight against the Indians^ 8til]^
where PontiaC now was, there would be the bestpos^
Bible opportunity of exerting a sinister influence over
him, there being many Frenchmen among the Illi*
nois, and they not of the most exemplary character
in all cases. On the whole, it seems to us probable^
that while the last mentioned comlnnadon was really
<an undertaking of his own,' it might have been
checked at any moment, and perhaps never would
have been commenced, had not Pondac been renew*
edly and repeated^ prejudiced aminst the English
interest by the artmce of some of the French, and
perhaps some of the Indima. However his pimei*
pkfi ii^ regard to that But(|ect might remain unchang*
ed, no attract inducement, we think, would have
urged him to his present measures under the circum*
stances to which be was qow reduced. But, be that
as It may, the principles themselves need not be
doubted ; Bor can we forbear admiring the energy of
the man in pursuing the exemplification and vindiea*
djon of them io practice. Hii^ertions grew only the
more daring, as bis prospects became more dcspmte*
But his death at length ended at once his disap^
poiotmevts and hopes, together witii the fears of lus
enemies. This event is supposed to have taken phice
in 1767. He was aasasainatedy at a eouoeil held
»XB00g the Illinois, by an Indian of the Peoria tribe»
Carver says, that ^ eimer commisnoned bjr one <^the
English Goreinorsi or iiarigated b^tbe love he bore
.,„,..,u/Google
INDIAN BIO^RAPfiY, lOft
tbB English nation, the sayage attended him as a c^r,
"and being convinced from the speech Pontiac made
in the council, that he still retained his former preju-
dices against those fir whom he now professed a friend-'
skip, he phmged his knife into his heart, as soon as he
had done sp^idng, and laid him dead on the spot/'
As to what is here said of professed friendship, the
writer evidently alludes to his own previous assertion,
which we have shown to be unfounded, and for
which we are still unable to perceive the slightest
grounds. Still several of these suppositions, though
only to be received as such, are probably true. There
is little doubt that Pontiac continued firm in his orig-
inal principles and purpose ; that he expressed him-
self without diavuise ; that he endeavored to influ-
ence, and did influence, a large number of his coun-
trymen ; and that the Peoria sawige, whether a per-
sonal enemy or a * i^'— or what is most probable, both,
(a spy because an enemy, )^-did assassinate him with
the expectation, to say tibe least, of doing an accepta-
ble service to some foreign party, and a lucrative one
for himself. We need not assert that he was < com-
missioned by an English Ooverrwr.^ Pontiac was an
indefatigable and powerful men, and a dangerous foe
to the English. He was in a situation to make ene-
mies amoil^g his countrymen, and the English virere
generally in a situation and diiq[K>sition to avail themt-
■elves oi that dreomstance.
From the manner of Ma adopted by the chieftain
subsequent to the treaty at Detroit, it might be infeiv
Kd, perhaps, that he became alienated from the North-
ern tribes^ induing his own, who had been his best
fiiends, or that they became alienated fiwm him. We '
are inclined to believe, on the contrary, that their ne-
gotiations took f^ee <by hieoonsent,' as has been
Slated heretofbve ) and that he retnoved southwim],
as well with a view to their good (as redded
the friendship of the English,) as at the same time
for -the pisrpose of reoommencmg his own operations
UfMii a new thea(tt«, and with fiesh actors. Hewoold
II.— K
110 INDIAN BIOGRAFHT;
thereby gain new influence, while he would lose littlt
or none of the old.
This supposition is confirmed by the well-authen-
ticated fact that the Ottawas, the Chippewas, and the
Pottawatamies — some writers add the Sacs and Fox*
es — made common cause in the revenge of his death.
Following that prindple with the customary Indian
latitude of application, they made war upon the Peo-
ria tribe. The latter associated with themselves, in
defence, the Kadcaskias, the Cahokias, and the Illi-
nois ; but to no purpose. The two latter tribes are be-
lieved to have been wholly exterminated, and of the
former only a few families remain. "The memory
of thQ great Ottawa Chief," says a distinguished his-
torian of that section, ^^iayet held in reverence among
his countrymen : and whatever is the fate which may
await them, his name and deeds will live in then: tra-
ditionary narratives, increasing in interest as they in-
crease in years."
The astonishing influence exerted by this remarka*
ble man so long as he lived, may be inferred from
the period of peace which succeeded his death and
the pumshment of his murderer, still more forcibly
than from any circumstances we have noticed. It
has been seen, that more than twenty tribes, who had
engaged in his combination, appeared at the Ni-
agara Council His movements are believed to have'
been felt as far east as among theMicmacks of Nova-
Scotia. As far south as Virginia, they were not only
perceptible, but formidable in the highest degree*
The adtation produced among the inhabitants of a
part of our Western territory, within a few months^
by Black-Hawk and his associates, scarcely illus-
trates the similar excitement which, in 1763, prevailed
over a much larger portion of the continent A few
passages from periodical publications of that dale
will give a better conception of the truth.
" "New York, June 13tb, 176a
We hear that on Monday last amved an Bsfirtm
.,„,..,u/Google
INDIAN BI06RAPHT. Ill
fit>m Pittsburefa, advising that a "PnxW of Indians had
murdered CoL Clapham and all his Family." ^ ^
"Fort Pitt, May 31st.
There is most melancholy News here. The In-
dians have broken out in divers Places, and have mur-
dered Col. C. and his Family. An Indian has brought
a War belt to Tusquerora, who says Detroit was invest-
ed, and St Dusky cut off. All lievy's goods are stop-
ped at Tusquerora by the Indians ; and last Night
eight or ten Men were killed at Beaver Creek. We
bear of scalping every Hour. Messrs. Cray and Alli-
son's Horses, twenty-five, loaded with Skins, are all
taken." # • #
« Fort Pitt, June 16th.
We have destroyed the Upper and Lower Towns, and
by Tomorrow Night shall be in a good Posture of De-
fence. Every Morning, an Hour before Day, the whole
Garrison are at their Alarm-posts. Ten Days ago,
ihey killed one Patridi Dunn, and a man of Major
Smallman's ; also two other men. Capt. Callendei^s
people are all killed, and the ^oods taken. There is
DO account of Mr. Welch, &c. Mr. Crawford is
made prisoner, and his people all murdered. Our
small posts, I am afiiaid, are gone." • • •
" Fort Bedford, June 8th.
On Tuesday, one Smith was attacked, and by an
Indian without arms, at Beaver Creek, who endeav- -
ored to put him under water ; but Smith proving too
strong tor him, put the Indian under water, and
brought off a piece of his ear, and left him. • •
We n&ve a numerous militia who are under arms al-
most continually. Regular piquets, town-guards^
fort-guards, centinels, &c. are observed." « * #
"Albany, June 16th.
You must have heard of the^many murders com
netted on the English, by different tribes of In
.,„,..,u/Google
112 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
dians, at difl%rent places, which makes many fear the
rupture is or vnW become general among the sovihem
trAes, We have accounts, &c. * * Lieut Cuy-
ler, wjth a party of Green's rangers, consisting of
ninety-seven men, set out from Niagara, with provis-
ions for Detroit On the evening of the 4th, they
went on shore to encamp, within fifty miles of Detroit
Cuyler sent his servant to gather greens, and the lad
being eone so long, a party was sent for him, who
found him scalped. He put his men in the best posi-
tion for a sudden attack. The Indians fell upon
them, and killed and tods all but the Lieutenant and
thirty of his men, who retreated back to Niagara,
leaving near two hundred barrels of provision Yfith
the enemy." • « *
" Philadelphia, June 23d.
By an express just now from Fort Pitt, we leam
Chat the Indians are continually about that place ; that
out of one hundred and twenty traders out two or
three escaped," &c. • * It is now out of doubt it
is a general insurrection among all the Indians." ^
^ Winchester, (Virginia,) June 22d.
Last ni^t I reached this place. I have been at
Fort Cumberland several daye^ but the Indians having
killed nine people there, made me think it prudent to
remove from those parte, frwh which 1 suppose near
five himdred families have nm axoay unthvn ffds week.
It was a roost roelancboly sight to see such numbera
of poor people, who had abcmdoned their setdement
in such consternation and hurry, that they had scarce-
ly anything Vfdth them but their children." ^ ^
^ Carlisle, July 3d.
Ligonierwas attacked on the 23d, by the Savage%
for a day and a night, but they were beat off; this we
bad from an Indian. We killed one of the Scoun-
drel's fi^m the Foit, who had trusted himself a little
loo near." • • «
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOCfRAPHT. 113
«
*^ Philadelphia, July 27th.
I returned home last night. ♦ * There has been
& ffood deal said in the papers, hut no^ more than is
Btnctly true. Shippersburgh and Carlisle are now he-
come our frontiers, none living at their plantations but
such as have their houses stockaded. Upwards of
two hundred women and children are now living in
Fort Loudoun, a spot not more than one hundred
feet square. I saw a letter from Col. S. late of the
Virginia Regiment, to Col. A. wherein he mentions
that Great-Brier and Jackson's River are depopulated—
uj) wards of three hundred persons killed or taken
prisoners ; that for one hundred miles in breadth and
three hundred in length, not one family is to be found
in their plantations ; by which means there are near
twenty thousand people left destitute of their habita^
tions. The seven hui^idred men voted by the assem-
bly, recruit but very slowly, &c." « # #
« Goshen, N. Y. August 5th.
- Last week the following accident happened in this
place. Several men having been out upon the hills
hunting for deer, in their return they met with a flock
of partridges, at which four guns were dischiu^d,
three of them pretty quick after each other. This,
being an uncommon accident in the Place, was mista-
ken by some of the inhabitants of the Wall-Kill for
firing of Indians. Immediately alarm-guns were
fired and spread over the whole Place, which produc-
ed an amazing panic and confusion among the peo-
ple, near five hundred families. Some for haste cut
the harnesses of their horses from their ploughs and
carts, and rode off with what they were most con-
cerned to preserve. Odiers, who had no vessel to
cross the river, plun^ through, carrying their wives
and children on their backs. Some, we have already
heard, proceeded as far as New-England, spreading
the alarm as they went, and how far they may go ii
uncertain.^* « «» ^^
K2
Digitized by Google
114 INDIAN BIOGRAPHt/ ' ^
"Bethlemem, (Penn.") OctOdu
I cannot describe the deplorable condition this poor
country is in. Most of the iniiabitants of Allen'»-
town, and other places, are fled from their habita-
dons. I cannot ascertain the number killed, but think
it exceeds twenty. The people at Nazareth, and the
other places belonging to the [United] Brethren, have
put themselves in tfa^ best posture of defence they '
can ; they keep a strong watch every night, and hope,
by the blessing of God, if they are attad^ed, to make
A stand."
Nothing can be added, to enSbrce the impression
which these various descriptions must naake upon
the mind of the reader. They shew that the appre-
hension excited by the movements of Pontiac, though
the ChieHain himself was not yet thoroughly appreci-
ated, exceeded every thing of the kind which has oc-
curred on the continent since the days of King Philip.
It is mainly from his actions, of necessity, that the
character of such a man, in such a situation, must be
judgeo. There are, however, some items of person-
al information respecting him, and these all go to
ecmfirm the opinion we have already expressed. Hi9
anxiety to learn^tbe English methods of manufactur-
ing cloth, iron and some other articles, was such that
he offered Major Rogers a part of his territory, if he
would take him to England for that purpose. He al-
so endeavored to inform himself oi the tactics and
discipline of the En^ish troops. Probably it was in
consequence of suggestions made by R^rs at some
of the conversations he had with that officer, (and at
which the latter albws that <<he discovered great
strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledge,")
that afterwiurds, in the course of the war, he appoint-
ed an Indian Commissary, and began to issue bills of
credit These, which are said to have been punctu-
ally redeemed, are described as having the figure of
whatever he wanted in exchange for them, drawn
upon them, with the addition of his own stamp in the
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGBIFHT. 1^6
shape of an otter. The sjrstem was set hi operaticm
partly for the benefit of the French. They had been
subjected, occasionally, to indiscriminate pillage, but
Pontiac become satined, that such a process would
soon put an end to itself besides doing no honor to
his cause. The supplies which they subsequently
furnished, were regularly levied through the medium
of his commissariat department
The authority Pontiac exercised over the combined
tribes, seems to have been Uttle less than that of
a complete Dictator. In the Detroit diary, heretofore
cited, we are informed that about the commencement
of the siege, a Mr. Rutherfi>rd ^^fell into the hands of
the savages. One of the garrison afterwards employ-
ed a Frenchman to redeem him from his Indian mas-
ter, and furnished eighty pounds worth of goods for
that purpose. The bargain was effected, bqt the gen*
tleman had been Uberated but one day and one night,
when Pontiac, whose notice nothing escaped, sent a
band of fifty Indians to take him away by force. JVb
nation,^ he said, ^^ufvld have liberty to sell their prison-
traiMihe wear was over,"
As the notice we have given of the fate of Camp-
bell may leave an unfavorable impression in regard to
the Chieflain's good faith, it should^ be ob^rved^
that the Indian maxims on the use of artifice
in war are universally different from those of
most civilized nations. Nor can we expect to know
what circumstances might have occurrcNJ, subsequent
to the visit of Campbell to the Indian camp, which
would justify his detention, though contrary to the
expectation of all parties. It appears, however, from
the Diary, that he was first induced to go out, not by
Pontiac, (as we have seen it stated,) but by some of
the French, who <* told him there was no Risque in
going out ; they would answer Life for Life, that ha .
^ouM return safe into the Fort."
It is weU settled that the detention — ^whether in pur*
tuance of a scheme of Pontiac, thereby to induce a
capitulation, or for other reasons unknown-^was by
Digitized by Google
116 INDIAN BIOOEAPHV.
no means intended to ^«8u1t as it unfortunately did.
The same writer who states that Pontiac solemnlj
pledged his word for the Captain's safety, states that
the assassin fled to Saginaw, apprehensive of liis yen-
ffeance ; and that he used every exertion to appre-
hend the murderer, who would no doubt have paid
for his temerity with his life.*
No act has ever been ascribed to Pontiac which
would lead us to doubt this conclusion. Nothing like
sanguinary disposition, or a disposition to tolerate
cruelty in others, belonged to his character. We
have observed his treatment of Rogers, at a time
when he had no doubt resolved upon war, and when
he already felt himself to have been ill-treated by the
English. That gentleman relates an anecdote of
him which occurred during the war, still more hon-
orable to the chieflain. As a compliment, Rogers
sent him a bottle of brandy, by the hands of a French-
man. His Councillors advised him not to taste it ; it
must be poisoned, said they, and sent with a design
to kill him. But Pontiac laughed at their suspicions.
^ He cannot," he replied, "m carmot take my l\fe, 1
have saved ki$ P*
In 1765, an English officer. Lieutenant Frazer,
wi& a company of soldiers, went among the lUinois^
where was a French station, at which Pontiac then
was, — probably with a view of observing the chieftain's
movements. He considered it an aggression, and
called upon the French Commandant to deliver his
visitors into his hands. The Officer attempted to
pacify him, in vain. "You," [the French,] said he,
^ were the first cause of my strikmg the English.
This is your tomahawk which I hold in my hand."
He then ordered his Indians, whom by this time he
had mustered in large numbers irom the neighbor-
hood, to seize upon the English at once. The order
was generally obeyed, but Frazer escaped. The In-
dians threatened to massacre all the rest, unless he
* Governor Cam.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 117
fhould be given up, upon which, he gidlandy came
forward, and surrendered to Pontiac,
The sequelis worthy of notice. ^^WUh the interest qf
Pondiac^"' say the papers of the day, "he [Frazerlgot
himself and his men back again." On the arriyal of
another Indian chief, with a white woman for a wife,
who did all in their power to exasperate the savages^
they seized upon the English again. " But Pondiac
ordered them to give the men back," and tlie order
was again obeyed. Frazer wished to stay longer, and
Pontiac promised to protect him. He however ad-
vised him, considering the disposition of the Indians,
to leave the country, and he accordingly went down
the river in a batteau, and at length made his way to
Ne w-Orlean& ** He says, Ponmac %$ a clever feUoWf
and had U not been for kimy he should never hive got
mooy aiive.^
Of the oratory of the Ottawa Chieftain there re-
main but few and scan^ memorials. Like Philip,
he has derived his distinction more^ from actions than
words, and that (as also in Philip's case,) without the
aid of any very signal renown as a mere warrior.
The only speech of his we have met with, was made
on^the occasion of a conference with the French at
Detroit, held upon the 23d of May, 1763, in the hope
of inducing thera to join him in the reduction of the
fort The style of delivery caimot now be ascertain-
ed ; but the reasoning is close and ingenious.
*^ My Brodiers !'* he said, " I have no doubt but this
war is very troublesome to you, and that my warriors,
who are continually passing and re-passing through
^our settlements, fi^quently kill vour cattle, and in-
jure your property. 1 am sorry for it, and hope you
do not th^ik I am pleased with this conduct of
my young men. Andf as a proof of my friendship,
recollect the .war you had seventeen years ago,
[1746] and the part I took in it. The Northern na-
tions combined together, and came to destroy you*
Who defended you ? Was it not myself and my
young men? The great Chie^ Mackinac, [the Turtle]
118 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
said in CouDeil, that he would carry to his native vil-
lage the head of your chief warrior, and that he
would eat his heart and drink his blood. Did I not
then join you, and go \o his camp and say to him, if
he wished to kill the French, he must pass over my
body, and the bodies of my young men ? Did I pot
take hold of the tomahawk with you, and aid you in
fighting your battles with Mackinac, and drivlnc
him home to his country ? Why do you think I
would turn my arms' against you ? Ana I not the
same French Pontiac, who assistecf you seventeen
years ago ? I am a Frenchman, and I wish to die a
Frenchman."
After throwing a war-belt into the midst of the
council, he concluded in the following strain :
'^ My Brothers ! I begin to grow tired of this bcul
meat, which is upon our lauds. I begin to see that
this is not your case, tbr instead of assisting us in our
war with the English, you are actually assisting them.
I have already told you, and I now tell you again,
that when I undertook this war, it was only your in*
terest I sought, and that I knew what I was about. I
yet know what I am about. This year they must all
perish. The Master of Life so orders it His will is
known to us, and we must do as he says. And you,
my brothers, who know him better than we do, wish
to oppose his will ! Until now, I have avoided urff
ing you upon this subject, in the hope, that if you could
^ot aid, you would not injure us. I did not wish to
ask vou to fight with us against the English, and I did
not believe you would take part with them. You will
say you are not with them. I know it, but your con-
duct amounts to the same thing. You will tell them
all we do and say. You carry our counsels and plans
to them. Now take your choice. You must be en-
tirely French, like ourselves, or entirely English. If
yoi;i are French, take this belt for yourselves and your
• young men, and join us. If you are English, we de-
clare war against you.'' * *
The man who had the ability and the intr^id]^ to
IIIDIAH BIOeaAPHT. 110
•xpress himself in this maDner, hardly needed d*
ther the graces of rhetoric or the powers of the war«
nor, to enforce that mighty influence which, amonff
every people and under all circumstances, is attached^
as closely as shadow to substance, to the energies of a
miffhty mind. Those energies he exerted, and that
innuence he possessed, probably beyond all precedent
in the history of his race. Hence it is that his memo-
Sis still cherished among the tribes of the north.
isTORT itself, instead of adding to his character in
their eyes, has only reduced him to his tnie propor-
tions in our own; Tradition still looks upon him at
it looked upon the Hercules of the Greeks.
Digitized by Google
IdO ' IlfDIAN BlOGKAFfitr.
CHAPTER Vra.
Aeconnt of the Delawares— Their ancient great mea,
including Tamknend — Histoiy during the Reyola
tionary W^ar — Two Parties among them — WerrB
Eyes, leader of one, and Captain Pipe, of the other*
ManoBuvreS) speeches, plots and counter-plots of these
men, their parties, and foreigners connected with both
— Anecdotes — Death of White-Eyes in 1780 — Trib
ute of respect paid to his memory.
The most formidable antagonist the Five Nadona
ever had to contend with, were the Delawares, as
the English have named them (fVom Lord de la War)
but generally styled by their Indian neighbors, Wa-
panachi, and by themselves Lenni Lenape, or the
Original People. The tradition is, that they and the
Five Nations both emigrated from beyond the Missis-
sippi, and, by uniting their forces, drove off or destroy-
ed the primitive residents of the country on this side.
Afterwards, the Delawares divided themselves into
three tribes, called the Turtle, the Turkey; and the
Wolf or Mousey. Their settlements extended from
the Hudson to the Potomac ; and their descendants
finally became so numerous, that nearly forty tribes
honored them with the title of Grand-father, which
8ome of them continue to apply at the present day.
The Delawares were the principal inhabitants of
Pennsylvania, when William Penn commenced his
labors in that region ; and the memory of MiquoN,
their Elder Brother, as they called him, is still cher-
ished in the legends of all mat remains of the nation.
That remnant exists chiefly on the western banks of
the Mississippi, to which ancient starting-place they
have been gradually approximating, stage by stage,
ever ance the arrival of the Europeans on the coast.
Their principal intermediate settlements have been in
OhiO| on the banks of the Muskingum, and other
.,„,..,uy Google
INDIAN BI06RAPHT. VZl
sraall rivers, whither a great number of the tribe re-
moved about the year 1760.
The Dela wares have never been without their great
men, though' unfortjunately many of ihem have lived
at such periods and such places, as to make it impos-
sible for history to do them justice. It is only within
about a ceutuiy last past, during which they have
been rapidly declining in power and diminishing iu
numbers, that a series of extraordinary events, impel-
ling them into close contact with the whites, qs well
as with other Indians, has had the effect of bringing
forward their extraordinary men.
Among the ancient Delaware worthies, whose ca-
reer is too imperfectly known to us to be the subject
of distinct sketches, we shall mention only the name
of the illustrious Tamenend. This individual stands
foremost in the list of all the great men of his nation
in any age. He was a mighty warrior, an accomplish-
ed statesman, and a pu re and high-minded patriot In
private life he was still more distinguished for his
virtues, than in public for his talents. His country-
men coidd only dccount for the perfections they as-
cribed to him, by supposing him to be favored with
the special communications of the Great Spirit
Ages have elapsed since his death, but his memory
was so fresh among the Delawares of the last century,
that when Colonel Morgan, of New-Jersey, was sent
as an a^nt among them by Congress, during the
Revolution, they conferi-ed on him the title of Tamen-
end, as the greatest mark of respecfthey could show
for the manners nnd character of that gentleman ; and
he was known by his Indian appellation ever after-
wards.
About this time, the old chieflain had so many ad-
mirers among the whites also, that they made him a
saint, inserted his name in calendars, and celebrated
his festival on the first day of May, yearly. On that
day a numerous society of his votaries walked in pro-
c^Msion through the streets of Philadelphia, their hats
decorated wiSi bucks'-tails,and proceeded to a sylvan
.,y,,..uuy Google
146 INDIAN 0IOGRAPHT.
two divisions of Indians, held a stick in his hand, of
three or four feet in length, strung with scalps which
they had taken in their last foray on the American
jQrontier.
The Council was opened by the Commandant's sig-
nifying to Captain Pipe, that he might make his re-
port, when the latter rose from his seat, holding a
stick in his left hand :
" Father !" — he began ; and here he paused, turned
rounds to the audience with a most sarcastic look, and
then proceeded in a lower tone, as addressing them, —
** I have said father, though indeed I do not know
why I should call him so— I have never known any
fether but the French — I have considered the English
only as brothers. But as this name is imposed upon
us^ I shall make use of it and say—
" Father " — fixing his eyes again on the Comman-
dant — " Some time ago you put a war-hatchet into
my hands, saying, * take this weapoa and try it on the
heads of my enemies, the Long-Knives, and let me
know afterwards if it was sharp and good.'
" Father ! — At the time when you gave me this
weapon, I had neither cause nor wish to go to war
against a foe who had done me no injury. But you
say- you are my father — and call me your child — and
in obedience. to you I received the hatchet I knew
that if I did not obey you, you would withhold from
me* the necessaries of life, which I could procure no-
where but here.
" Father ! You may perhaps think me a fool, for
risking my life at your bidding — and that in a cause
in which 1 have no prospect of gaining any thing. For
it is your cause, and not mine — ^you have raised a
quarrel among yourselves— and you ought to fight it
out — ^It is your concern to fight the Long-Knives — •
You should not compel your children, the Indians, to
expose themselves to danger for your sake.
"Father! — JMany lives have already been lost on
m. I I w ■- IT
' * Meaning his tribe.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BI06RAPH7. 147
fntr account — ^The tribes have suffered, and been
weakened — Children have lost parents ana brothers —
Wives have lost hpsbands — It is not known how
many more may perish before your war wtt be at an
end.
** Father ! — I have said, you may perhaps think me
a fool, for thus thoughtlessly rushing on your enemy !
Do not believe tliis, Father : Think not that I want
sense to convince me, that although you now pretend
to keep up a perpetual enmity to the Long-Knives,
you may, before long, conclude a peiice with them.
" Father ! You say you love your children, the In-
dians.— -This you have often told them ; and indeed
it is your interest to say so to them, that you may have
them at your service*
** But, Father ! Who of us can believe that you can
love a people of a different colour fix>m your own,
better than those who have a ^hite skin, like your-
selves ?
" Father ! Pay attention to whet I am going to say.
While you. Father, are setting me * on your enemy,
much in the same manner as a hunter sets his dog
on the game ; while I am in the act of rushing on
that enemy of yours, with tlie bloody destructive
weapon you ffft^s me, I may, perchance, happen to
look back to t^3 place from whence you started me,
and what shall i see ^ Perhaps, I may see my father
shaking bands i»'idi :he Long-Knives ; yes, with those
very people he now calls bis enemies. I may then
see him laugh at mj folly for having obeyed his or-
ders ; and yet I am now risking my life at his com-
mand ! — ^Father ! keep what I have said in remem-
brance.
^ Now, Father ! here is what has been done with the
hatchet you gave me," [handing the stick with the
sc4i]ps on it.] "• I have done with the hatchet what you
ordered me to do, and found it sharp. Nevertheless,
* Meaning his nation.
«
Digitized by Google
134 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY
fiom him ; and making up a small pack, bade him cah
ry it for him. The hoy cheerfully takes this ^ck, fol*
lowing bis father with it. The father, finding the boy
willing and obedient, continues in this way ; and as
the boy grows stronger, so the (hther makes the pack
in proportion larger — ^yet as long as the boy is able to
carry the pack, he doos so without grumbling. At
length, however, the boy having aiTived at manhood,
while the father is making up the pack for him, in
comes a person of an evil disposition, and learning
who was the carrier of the pack, advises the father to
make it heavier, for surely the son is able to carry a
large pack. The father, listening rather to the bad
adviser, than consulting his own judgment and the
feelings of tenderness, follows the advice of the hard-
hearted adviser, and makes up a heavy load for his
son to carry. The son, now grown up, examining
the weight of the load he is to carry, addresses the
parent in these words : ' Dear father, this pack is too
heavy for me to carry, do pray lighten it ; I am wil-
ling to do what I can, but am unable to carry this
load.' The father's heart having by this time become
hardened — ^and the bad adviser calling to him, ' whip
him if he disobeys and refuses to carry the pack,' now
in a peremptory tone orders his son to take up the
pack and carry it off, or he will whip him, and alrea-
dy takes up a stick to beat him. ^ So ! ' says the son,
'am I to be served thus, for not doing what I am una-
ble to do ! Well if entreaties avail nothing with you,
father — and it is to be decided by blows, whether or
not I am able to carry a pack so heavy — then I have
no other choice left me, but that of resisting your un-
reasonable demand, by my strength ; and so, by strik- ,
ing each other, we may see who is the strong^t.' "
But this doctrine, however sound, did not prov«
wholly effectual against the exertions of Pipe, who
was continually either making movements, or taking
advantage of such as occurred, to disparage the influ-
ence of his rival, and, of course, to extend and estab-
lish his own. He contradicted whatever was sakl.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY 125
and counteracted whatever wasdoneby WhitOrEyes,
until the whole system of intercourse of the Dela-
wares with each other and with other nations, be-
came a labrynth of inconsistenoies and counter-
plots.
About the commencement of the war, White-Eyes^
with some of his tribe, visited the Americans at Pitts-
burg, where they met in conference with a number
of the Seneca tribe, a people particularly attached to
the British interest at that time. The object of (htir
visit probably was to ascertain and perhaps influence
the politics of the Dela wares; and they reUed much
on the power of the great confederacy to which they
belonged. Not only, however, did they fail to over-
awe White-Eyes, politically or personally ; but they
could not prevent him from publicly advocating the
principles he avowed. So angry were they at a
speech he addressed to the meeting at Pittsburg, that
they undertook to check him by hinting, in an inso-
lent and sullen manner, that it ill became him to.
express himself thus independently, whose tribe were
but women, and had been made such by the Five
Nations — alluding to an old reproach which had of-
ten before this been used to humiliate the Dela-
wares.
Frequently it had that effect But White-Eyes was
not of a temper to brook an insult, under any circum-
stances. With an air of the most haughty disdain, he
sat patiently until the Senecas had done, and then
rose and replied :
" I know," 8€dd he gravely, " I know well, that you
consider us a conquered nation — as women — as your
inferiors. You have, say you, shortened our legs, and
put petticoats on us ! You say you have given us a hoe
and a corn-pounder, and told us to plant and pound for
you — ^you m^en — ^you warriors ! But look at ttm;. Am
I not fuU-gipwn, and have I not a warrior's dress ?
Aye, I am a roan, and these are the arms of a man,
[showing his musket] — and all that country, [waving
Bis hand proudly in the direction of the AUeghaiigf
L2
Digitized by Google
138 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
When we hear once more of you, and we join togetb-
er, rhen the day will be still, and no wind, or storm,
will come over us, to disturb us.
"Now, Brethren, you know our hearts, and what
we have to say ; be strong, if you do what we have
now told you, and in this peace all the nation^ agree
to join. Now, Brethren, let the king of England
know what our mind is as soon as possibly you can."
Among the subscribers to this speech appears the
name of White-Eyes, under theformof the Indian
term Cochguacawkeghton ; nor have we met with
any proof that he ever from that time wavered for a mo-
ment in his attachment to the American interest, as
opposed first to the French, and afterwards to the En-
glish. Post himself, in 1762, was permitted to build a
house on the banks of the Muskingum, where he had n
lot of land siven him, about a mile distant from the
village of White- Eyes ; and so, when Heckewelder
first visited that countiy, during the same season, he
informs us that, * the War-Chief Koguethagechtan,'
kindly entertained and supplied him and his party.
About the beginning of the Revolutionary war, when
someof the Indianswere much exasperated by murders
and trespasses which certain civilized ruffians com-
mitted on the frontiers, an Ohio trader was met and
massacred in the woods by a party of Senecas, who,
having in their rage cut up the body and garnished
tfie bushes with the remains, raised the seal p-y ell and
marched off in triumph. White-Eyes being in the
vicinity and hearing the yell, instantly commenced a
search for the body, the remnants of which he col-
lected and buried. The party returned on the fol-
lowing- day, and observing what had been done, pri-
vately opened the grave, and scattered the con-
tents more widely than before. But White-Eyes was
diis time on the watch for them. He repaired to the
spot again the moment they left it, succeeded in
nnding every part of the mangled body, and then
carefully interred it in a grave dug with his own hands,
where it was at length suffered to repose unmolested.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BI06RAPBT. 130
It was about the same time 'When this afMr hap*
pened, that the Chieftain saved the life of one Duncan,
an American peace-messenger, whom he had und<ir-
taJsen to escort through a section of the wilderness. A
hostile Shawanee was upon the point of discharging his
musket at Duncan from behind a tree, wheii White-
Eyes rushed forward, regardless of his own peril,
and compelled the savage to desist. In 1777, Hecke-
welder had occasion to avail himself of a similar kind*
ness. Rather rashly, as he acknowledges, he that year
undertook to traverse the forests from the Muskingum
to Pittsburg, wishing to visit his English friends in that
quarter. White-Eyes resided at a distance of seven-
teen miles, but hearing of his intended journey, he im-
mediately came to see him, accompanied by another
Chief named Wingemund,* and by seve^ of his
young men.
These, he said, his good friend, tlie Missionary,
should have as an escort. And moreover he must
needs go himself: '' He cotdd not suffer me to go,'' says
that gentlemen, ** while tlie Sandusky warriors were
out on war-excursions, without a proper escort and
himself at my side." And it should be observed, that
besides the Sandusky savages, there were several other
tribes who had already engaged on the British side, and
were spreading death and desolation along the whole
of the American frontier. The party set out together,
and reached their destination in safety. An alarm
occurred only on one occasion, when the scouts dis-
covered a suspicious track, and report was made ac-
cordingly. White-Eyes, who was riding before h^s
friend, while Wingemund brought up the rear, turned
about and asked if he felt afraid ? ^ No !" said the Mis-
sionary, " not while you are with me." " You are right,**
quickly rejoined White-Eyes ? "You are right ; no man
shall harm you, till I am laid prostrate." "Nor even
then," added Wingemund, "for they must conquer me
aiso---they must lay us side by side." Mr. Hecke-
« *A noted reli^ous impottor.
Digitized by Google
128 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
to a mani to a warrior, to a Delaware, — if you insist up-
on fighting the Americans, — go! and I will go with you.
And I will not go like the bear-hunter, who sets his dogs
upon (he animal to he beaten about unih his paws, while
M keeps himself at a safe distance. No ! I will lead
you on. I will place noyself in the front. I will fall'
with the first of you ! You can do as you choose, but
as for me I will not survive my nation. I will not
live to bewail the miserable destruction of a brave
people, who deserved, as you do, a better fate.**
This spirited harangue had the desired effect
The assembly declared, with all the enthusiasm which
a grave Indian council are ever willing to manifest,
that they would at least v^ait the ten days, as he wish-
ed. Some added that they would never fight the
Americans, but with him for a leader.
But Pipe and his party redoubled their efforts, and
before the appointed term had expired, many of the
Dela wares had shaved their heads in readiness for the
war-plume ; and White- Eyes, though his request for
delay was still attended to, was threatened with a vio-
lent death if he should say one word for the Ameri-
can interest. On the ninth day, vigorous prepara-
tions were made for sending out war-parties, and no
news had yet arrived to abate the excitement
At this critical juncture it happened that the Ger-
man missionary, Mr. Heckeweider, with some atten-
dants, had arrived among the Christian Delawares in
the neighborhood of Groschocking, the settlement of
White-Eyes, from Pittsburg. Be became an eye
and ear witness of the sequel of the affair, and we
shall therefore avail ourselves of his narrative.
^ Finding the matter so very pressing, and even not
admitting of a day's delay, I consented, that after a
few hours' rest and sleep, and furnished with a trusty
companion and a fresh horse, I would proceed on,
when between three and four o'clock in the morning, i
the national assistant, John Martin, having called on
me for die purpose, we set out, swimming our horses
across tlie Muskingum riv>4r, and taking a circuil
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BtOGRAPHY. 129
through the woods in order to avoid the encampmeiit
of ihe war-party, which was close to our path. Arriv-
ing by ten o'clock in the forenoon within sight of the
town, a few yells were given by a person who had
discovered us, intended to notify the inhabitants
that a white man was coming, and which immediate-
ly drew the whole body of Indians into the streets,
but although I saluted them in passing them, not a sin-
gle person returned the compliment, which, as my con*
ductor observed, was no good omen. Even Captain
White-Eyes, and the other chiefs who always had
befriended me, now stepped back when I reached out
my hand to them, which strange conduct howevw
did not dismay me, as I observ^ among the crowd
some men well known to me as spies of Captain Pipe's,
watching the actions of these peace-chiefe, where-
fore I was satisfied that the act of refusing me the
hand, had been done from policy, and not from any
ill will towards my person. Indeed, i^ looking around,
I thought I could read joy in .the countenances of
many of them, in seeing me among them at so criti-
cal a juncture, when they, but a few days before, had
been told by those deserters, that . nothing short of
their total destruction had been resolved upon by the
Mong knives' (the Virginians, or new American peo-
ple.) Yet as lio one would reach out his hand to me,
I inquired into the cause, when Captain White-Eyes
boldly stepping forward, replied; * that by what had
been told them by those men, (M'Kee and party,)
they no longer had a single friend among the Ameri-
can people ; if therefore this be so, they must consider
every white man who came to them from that side, as
an enemy, who only came to them to deceive them,
^nd put them off their guard, for the purpose of giving
the enemy an opportunity of taking them by (Sur-
prise.* I replied, that the imputation was unfounded,
and that, were I not their friend, they never would
have seen me here. *Then, (continued Captain
White- Eyes,) you will tell us the truth with regard to
what I state to you I ' — ^Assuring him of this, he, in e
Digitized by Google
154 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
he would graciously allow the term of tweuty-fbor
hours.
The Little-Carpenter very calmly replied : — ^He re*-
membered the treaties alluded to by the Governor,
because he had helped to make them. He owned the
good conduct of South Carolina, as also alleged, but
complained of Virginia, as having caused the present
misunderstanding. He could not forbear adding, that
the Grovemor did not treat all the tribes alike, any
more than all the whites treated the Cherokees alike ; he
remembered that, when several Carolinians were kil-
led a few years before by the Choctaws, satisfaction
was neither demanded nor ^ven. Finally, he desir-
ed the release of some of the Deputies, that they might
assist him in endeavoring to procure the performance
of the Governor's terms, though he was by no means
confident that they either would or could be complied
with.
Agreeably to this suggestion, the Governor released
the Great-Warrior, together with Fiftoe and Sa-
i^ouEH, the Chief-Men of the towns of Keowee and
Estatoe. The latter, on the day ensuing, surren-
dered two Indians, who were immediately put in
irons. But all ih« Cherokees in the vicinity now fled,
through fear of the same fate, and it became impossi-
ble to cc'inplete the required number. AttakuIlakuUa
abruptly commenced bis return home in despair ; but
the moment the Governor ascertained his departure,
messengers were sent to induce him to turn back.
The good Chief again obeyed the summons. A trea-
ty was negotiated, the result of which was that twen-
ty-six of the deputies were detained " until as many
of the murderers should be given up," nominally by
their free consent, but in fact by force. One more
Indian was surrendered, making three in all, and all
three soon after died in confinement at Charleston.
The small-pox breaking out in the army about the
same time, the troops dispersed in disorder, — ^the ex-
pedition having already cost the province £25,000, —
and the Grovemor returned ^in triumph' to his capitaL
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 155
But the rejoicings on account of the peace were
icarcely over, when news arrived that the Cherokees
had killed fourteen whites within a mile of Fort
Greorge. The Commandant at that station', Captain
Coytraore, had become peculiarly odious to the In-
dians, and the continued imprisonment of the Depu-
ties, above all, incensed them beyond endurance. From
this moment, indeed, Occonostota was the fierce enemy
of the Province ; and he resolved, much as he despis-
ed treachery, to avait himself of the first opportunity
of revenge. With a strong party, he surrounded
Fort George, and kept the garrison confined ; but
finding that no impression could be made on the
works, he resorted to stratagem. •
He placed a party of savages in a dark thicket by
the river-side, and then sent an Indian woman, whom
he knew to be always welcome at the fort, to inform
the Commander that he hdd something of conse-
quence to communicate and would be glad to speak
with him near the water. Coytmore imprudently
consented) and without any suspicions of danger walk-
ed down towards the river, accompanied by Lieuten-
ants Bell and Foster. Occonostota, appearing
upon the opposite side, told him he was going to
Charleston, to procure a release of the prisoners, and
would be glad to have white men accompany him as a
safeguard. To cover his dark design he had a bridle
in his hand, and added he would go and hunt for a
horse. Coytmore replied that he should have a guard,
and wished he might find a horse, as the journey was
▼eiy long. Upon this, the Indian, turning about,
swung the bridle thrice round his head as a signal to
the savages placed in ambush, who instantly fired on
the ofiScers, shot the Captain dead, and wounded his
two companions. Orders were given to put the hos-
tages in irons, to proTent any further danger fix>m
them, which, while the soldiers were attempting to
execute, the Indians stabbed one and wounded two
more of them. The garrison then fell on the unfor-f
d by Google
IW INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
iented in the Delaware tribe, and throughout a wide
i:egion in their vicinity. The intelligence was sent to
Tarious confederate or relative tribes, at the distance
of hundreds of miled, and counter deputations of con-
dolence soon came in from all quarters. We shall
close this chapter with Mr. HeckeweJder's account
of the embassy of the Cherokees, whidh strikingly in-
dicates the reputation acquired by White-Eyes dur-
ing his life, as well as the great respect subsequently
paid to hia memory. *
The deputation, consisting of fourteen men, of
whom two were principal chiefs, were accompanied
from their countiy to Goschocking, by a nephew of
the late Captain White-Eyes, who, soon after the
Qommencementof the American revolution, had been
despatched thither by the Delaware Chiefs, for the
purpose of usin^ his endeavors in keeping that na-
tion at peace. When this deputation had arrived
within three miles of Goschocking, and within one
of Lichtenau, they made a halt for the purpose of
having the customary ceremony performed on them.
This was done by one of the councillors from the
village, who, by an address and with a strii2g of wam-
pum, drew the thorns and briars out of their legs and
feet ; healed the sores and bruises they had received
by hitting against logs ; wiped the dust and sweat off
their bodies ; and cleansed their eyes and ears, so that
they might both see and hear well; and finally
anointed all their joints, that their limbs might again
become supple.* They were then served with vic-
tuals brought from Lichtenau, and they continued
there tha remainder of that day.
On the next morning, two of the councillors from
Qoschocking, deputed for the purpose, informed the
missionary and \iational assistants at Lichtenau, that,
by order of their Chiefs, they were to conduct the
Cherokee deputation into their village, from whence
they were expected to join iu the procession to Gob-
* AU which ceremonies are performed fi£;urativelj.
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPflT. 133
chocking, and there attend the condoling ceremo-
nies; allwhich being affreed to, these soon brought
them on, one leading them in front, and the otuer
bringing up the rear.
Ai-riving within about two hundred yardd of the
town, and in sight of it, (all marching Indian file), they
fired oli* their pieces, which compliment was instant-
ly returned by the youn^ men of the town, drawn up
ror the purpose : then raising a melancboly song, they
continued singing, until they had reached the long
house, purposely built for their reception; yet not
without first baring lodged their arms against some
trees they had passed, at a small distance from the
town. Being seated on benches prepared for the pur-
pose — (the deputies on the opposite side,) — a dead si-
lence prevailed for about half an hour, and all present
cast their eyes on the ground. At length one of these
Chiefs, named the Crow, rose, and with an air of sor-
row, and in a low voice, with his eyes cast up to hea*
ven, spoke to the following effect :
^ One morning, afler having arisen from my sleep,
and according to my custom, I stepped Out at the
« door to see what weather we had. I observed at one
place in the horizon a dark cloud projecting above
the trees ; and k)oking steadfastly for its movement or
disappearance, found myself mistaken, since it neither
disappeared nor moved from the spot, as other clouds
do. S»'«ing the same cloud successively every mor-
ning, and that always in the same place, I began to
think what could be the cause of tnis singular phe-
nomenon ; at length it struck me, that as the cloud
was lying in the direction that my grandfather dwelt,
■omething might be the matter with him, which caus-
ed him grief. Anxious to satisfy myself, I resolved
to goto my grandfather, and see if any thing was the
matter with him. I accordingly went, steering a
course in the direction I had ob^rved the cloud to be.
1 arrived at ray grandfather's, whom I found quite
disconsolato, hanging his head and the tears running
dewn bis cheeks? CaatmgajejtB ttoood in tte
digitized by LiOOgle
123 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
rendezvous out of town, which they called the W^-^
warn, where, afler a long talk or speech had been
delivered, and the Calumet of friendship passed
around, the remainder of the day was spent in high
festivity. A dinner was prepared, and Indian dances
performed on the green. The custom ceased a few
years afler the conclusion of peace, and though other
' Tammany' associations have since existed, they retain
little of the model they were formed upon but the
name.
The commencement of the Revolutionary war was
among the Dela wares, as among their more civilized
neighbors, a period of great excitement. Strong ef-
forts were made by the Sritish authorities on the north-
ern frontier, and yet stronger ones by individual refu-
cees and vagabonds in the British interest, to preju-
dice them against the American people, and to induce
them to make common cause with their * Father*
over the * Big Water,* in correcting the sins of his dis-
obedient children. Congress, on the other hand, con-
tented itself with keeping them, as far and as long as
possible, in a state of neutrality. In consequence of
these opposite influences, and of old prepossessions
entertained by various parties and persons in the na-
tion, a violent struggle ensued, — ^for war on one side,
and for peace on the other — ^in the course of which
were developed some of the most remarkable individ-
ual traits and diplomatic manoeuvres which we have
yet had occasion to notice.
The leader of the peace-party was Koguethagech-
ton, called by the Americans Captain White-Etes.
He was the Head-Chief of the Turtle tribe in Ohio;
while Captain Pipe, of the Wolf tribe, living and
having his council-fire at the distance of fifleen miles
northward from the former, devoted his talents to pro-
moting the plan of a belligerent union with the Brit-
ish. Accidental circumstances, — such as old v^rrongs,
or at least imagined ones, from the Americans, on
one side, and old favors on the other, — ^no doubt had
their effect in producing thisdiyersity of feeling ; but,
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHT. 133
the ambition and jealousy of Pipe, — ^whose spirit, oth-
en¥ise noble, was of that haughty order, that he
would not *have served in heaven' when he might
* reign' elsewhere in the universe — are believed to have
gone fartli€?r than any other cause, both to create and
keep up dissensions among the Dela wares, and dis^
turbances between them and the whites. Pipe, as
even the good Heckewelder allows, was certainly a
great man, but White-Eyes was still both his supe-
rior and his senior, besides having the advantage of a
clean cause and a clear conscience.
Pipe, like other politicians, uniformly professed his
readiness, from time to time, to join in any measures
proprt" to * save the nation ;' but the diflSculty as uni-
formly occurred, that these were precisely the same
measures which White- Eyes thought would destroy
it The former, like most of the Wolf tribe, whose
temperament he had studied, was warlike, energetic,
and restless. Jle brooded over old resentments, — ^he
panted for. revenger, — he longed for the coming of an
era which should turn * rogues' out of office, and
bring * honest men ' in. With these feelings, his in-
genuity could not be long without adequate argu-
ments and artifices to operate on the minds of his
countrymen. Their- most remarkable effect, how-
ever, it soon became manifest, was to attach ibem to
himsejf rather than to any particular principles. They
were as ready to fighl as men need be ; but Pipe was
expected to monopolize the thinking and talking.
For the better uijderstanding of the principles of
the Peace-party, we shall here introduce the exposi-
tion made by White-Eyes and others, of the charactei
of the contest between the English and the Ameri-
cans. Its effect was to convince the Indians, that
they had no concern with either, while. their welfare
clearly suggested the policy, as well as propriety, of
maintaining amicable terms with both.
"Suppose a father," it was said, "had a little son
whom he loved and indulged while young, but growing
up to be a youth, began to think of having some help
196 IKDIAN BI06RAPHT.
CHAPTER IX.
Observations on the character of White-Eyes— P?pe*g
comment on his death — The latter gains and sustains
an asce^ndancy in the Delaware nation — Glickkican.
Netawatwees and Wingemund — Subsequent career of
Pipe — Joins the British and fights against the Ameri-
cans — Grand Indian council at Detroit — Pipe's spirit-*
ed speech on that occasion — Makes charj|es against
the Missionaries, but fails to prove them — Remarks on
his habits, principles and talents.
The fsct that Captain Pipe and his associates began to
Sm the ascendancy in the Delaware nation imme-
ately on the death of his great antagonist, and that
they afterwards supported it with ahnost uninterrupt-
ed success, is alone sufiicient to indicate the influence
and character of White- Eyes. Indeed, Pipe himself
paid, to bis memory the compliment of declaring,
. with a solemn air, that " tJk Great Spirit kadprobablv
put him out of the way, that the nation might he savedf*
That sagacious personage w^s well aware t^iat nei-
ther KiU-Buck, nor Big-Cat, nor "^Glickkican, nor even
1 ' — — — ,
** The sight of a gtm-barrdf' and ajflerwards baptised by
the Moravians, and named Isaac. He was Chief Coun-
cillor and Speaker of the old Sachem, Pa kanke, who rul-
ed over the Delawares at Kaskaskunk (in Ohio,) and
was a man of uncommon military and oratorical talent.
After his own christianization, he was a highly efficient
advocate and patron of the Christian party. Having
therebj, as well as by bis spirit and induence, become
obnoxious to their enemies during the Revolution, sev-
eral attempts were made to overawe, bribe and destroy
him ; but they all failed. At len^h a considerable par-
ty was fitted out, in 1781, for the express purpose of tak-
ing him prisoner. They found him at Salem, but doubt-
ing whether the old warrior's pacific principles would as-
iure their safety, they dared not enter lua hut. He saw
"* Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGliASfiT. 187
aD together, would adequately occupy the^ station of
the deceased Chieftain.
White-Eyes was distinguished as much for his
milder virtues as for his courage and energy ; and as
to his friendly disposition towards the Americans,
particularly, on which some imputations were indus-
triously thrown by his enemies, we could desire no
better evidence of its sincerity than are still extant.
In that curious document, the Journal of Frederic
Post,* who, as early as 1758, was sent among the Ohio
Dela wares by the Governor of one of the States, for the
purpose of inducing them to renounce the French
alliance, is recorded, the * speech' which Post carried
back, and the closing paragraphs of which were as
follows : —
" Brethren, when you have settled tliis peace and
friendship, and finished it well, and you send the great
peace-belt to me, I will send it to all the nations of my
colour ; they will all join to it, and we all will hold it fast.
" Brethren, when all the nations join to this friend-
ship, then the day will begin to shine clear over us.
some of them before long from a window, and instantly
stepped out, and called to them. * Friends !* said he, * by
your manoeuvres I conclude you are come for me. If
80, why do you hesitate ; — Obey your orders ; I am ready
to submit. You seem to fear old Glickkican. Ah!
there was a time when I would have scorned to submit
to such cowardly slaves. But I am no more Glickkican,
I am Isaac, a believer in the true God, and for his sake
I will suffer anything, even death.' Seeing them still
\ hesitate, he stepped up to them with his hands placed
upon his back. * There !' he continued, * you would tie
me if you dared — ^tie me, then, and take me with you —
I am ready.* They now mustered courage to do as he
directed. Soon after, Glickkican was murdered, with a
large number of his Christian countrymen, by a banditti
I of American ruffians who suspected, or pretended to sus-
pect them, of hostile designs. Probably the result waa
brought about by the machinations of his Indian enemies.
• In Proud's History of Pennsylvaiua.
M2
Digitized by Google
IM INinAK BioGiuraY.
CHAPTER X.
State of several Soathern tribes daring the last een*
tur^ — ^The £n|rli8h send deputies to the Chxrokxks, in
1-7^-Their lives threatened, and saved by Attakul*
LAKDLLA — Account of that Chieftain and his princi*
pies — ^The party opposed to him headed by Occonos*
TOT A — War with me Colonies in 1 759 and two years
following — Anecdotes of boih these Chiefs — Saloueh.
FiFTOE,and others — Several battles — Peace concluded
— AttakuUakulla visits Charleston — His subsequent
career, and that of Occonostota — Remarks on their
character.
Cotemporary with the individuals who hate just
been mentioned, were a number of noted chieflaimi
among the more Southern tribes. Of them we may
take this occasion to say, that the Cbickasaws gener-
ally affected the English interest; and the Creeks^
the French ;— so that the friendship or the hostility of
Great-Mortar, the Staetoino-Turket, the Wolp-
KiNG, and the other leading men among the latter
tribe was nearly neutralized, as regarded the several
civilized parties, by the counteraction of the former.
The Cberokees had been friendly to the English
ever since the treaty of 1730 ; but, owing partly to the
influence of the Mortar, and partly to the direct exer-
tions of the French, they had now become wavering
and divided in sentiment In 1756, deputies were
sent among them, to secure their aid against the
French. A cotmcil was convened, and was likely to
terminate favorably, when tidings suddenly came that
a party of Cberokees, who had visited the French on
the Ohio, were massacred by some of the Virginians
on their return home. The Council was in an uproar,
as much as an Indian Council could be, — \he gravest
political assembly on earth,— at once. Many cried
aloud that vengeance should be taken on the peraorai
d by Google
UOnAN BtOGRAFHT. 151
•f the Deputies ; and it was not without a gr^tezef*
tion of influence, that they were at length rescued by
Attaxullasulla, or the Little-Carpenter.
This is the earliest appearance of that renowned
Chieftain in history, though he is said to have been
already famous both among the Cherokees and the
English, especially for his magnanimity, wisdom, and
moderation. Nor has there ever been, upon the conti-
nent, a more faithful or useful friend to the English
eause. We cannot better illustrate his career or his
character than by comparing both with those of While-
Eyes ; and indeed, some of the incidents related of
that chief, independently of other circumstances,
make it highly probable, that a diplomatic and person-
al good understanding was constantly maintained be-
tween them.
Like White-Eyes, too, Attakullakulla was opposed
by a war-party, the chief difference beinff that it was
less iQ^rmally organized, and that it genenuly operated
in favor of the French. At the head of it was Oc-
eoNOSTOTA, or the Great- Warrior, a man whose
extraordinary prowess procured him his title, and
whose memory is to this day warmly cherished among
his countrymen. Pursuing our comparison, he should
remind us of Pipe ;• but the suggestion does him in-
justice. He was not only for war, but a warrior — ^in
truth, SL^ great warrior.' He fought, and bled, and
led on, where the other appeared only in that capaci-
ty of bear-hunter with dbgs, which White- Eyes im-
puted to him. He was sincere to enthusiasm in his
principles, and frank and fearless almost to fool-hardi-
ness in professing and pursuing them. He had as
much talent as Pipe, and far more viitue.
" Oucannostota," says a respectable authority of a
date a little subsequent to that just mentioned, " is re-
turned again frona the French fort with powder and
ball, accompanied with some Frenchmen — how many
I cannot learn." And again, soon afterwards, — "Since
Oucannostota returned from the French with the
goods and ammunition, and has Lad those assuiancei
d by Google
140 iin>IAN BI06RAFHT.
welder certainly did them but justice in believing thai
both would have redeemed their promises.
The other Moravians, and the Indian Congreffation
under their charge in Ohio, were still more indebted
to the good Chieftain. Loskiel states,* that in 1774^
the Christian party had become obnoxious to a major-
ity of the Pagan Delaware chiefs, and it was several
times proposed to expel them by force. But God
brought their counseJ to nought, he adds, ''and aiK
pointed for this purpose the first Captain among me
Ddawares, called nhiU'Eyts^ who kept the diiefii
and council in awe, and would not suffer them to injure
the Missionaries. Finding his efforts still unavailing,
he at length went so far as to separate himself wholly
from his opponents, resolved to renounce power, coun*
try and kindred for the sake of these just and benevo-
lent men whom he could not bear to see persecuted.
His firmness met with a deserved success. Even
the old Chief Netawatwees, who had opposed, him
most fiercely, acknowledged the injustice which had
been done him ; and not only changed bis views in re-
gard to the Christians, but published his recantation in
presence of the whole council. White-Eyes then again
came forward, and ;'epeated a proposal for a national
regulation to be made — whereby the Christians should
be specially put under the Delaware protection—
which had formerly been rejected. It was prompt-
ly agreed to, and the act was passed. The old Chief-
tain expressed great joy on that occasion ; — ^" I am an
old man," said he, " and know not how long I may live.
I therefore rejoice, that I have been able to make this
act Our children and grand-children will reap the
benefit of it, — and now I am ready to die whenever
God pleases."f
* History of the Missions of the United Brethren^ &c
London, 1794.
t He died at Pittsburg in 1776, much lamented by the
Delawares and many neighboring nations. '' This wise
man^*' says Loskiel, spared no pains to conciliate the
aifo(vti<»i of all his neighbors. He sent fireqaent embaa*.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BX06RAPHT. l4t
Lo&kiel states, that White-Eyes was in his own
heart conyinced of the truth of the gospel ; that tliis
Was evident in all his speeches in behalf of the Chris-
tians, during which he was fi-equently so moved that
tears prevented his words ; and that he likewise de-:
Glared with confidence, that no prosperity would at-
tend the Indian affairs, unless they received and be-
lieved the saving gospel sent them from Grod, by means
of the Brethren. Not long before his death he took
public occasion to repeat the last will and testament
of Netawatwees, — " That the Delawares should hear
the word of God." He held the bible rind some spel-
ling-books in his hand, and addressed the Council in a
strain of the most animated and moving eloquence.
** My friends !" he concluded, " You have now heard
the dying wish of our departed Chief. I will therefore
gather together my young men, and their children —
I will kneel down before that Great Spirit who creat-
ed them and me — I will pray unto him, that he may
have mercy upon us, and reveal his will unto us,—
And as we cannot declare it to those who are yet un-
born, we will pray unto the Lord our God, to make it
known to our children and our childrens' children."
Sull, White-Eyes regarded Christianity more as a civil
than a religious system. He was a roan of enlarged
political views, and no less a patriot than a statesman.
The ends he aimed at were far more his country's
than his own. He observed the superiority of the
white men to the red ; and nearer home, the prosperity"
and happiness of the Christian Delawares ; and he con-
vinced himself thoroughly of the tnie causes of both.
He therefore earnestly desired, that his whole nation
might be civilized, to which result he considered
siea to his Graiid' Children, admonisbinff them to keep
peace, and proved in truth a wise Grandfather to them.
Being the Senior Chief of the nation, his opinion was
of great weight, and he declared himself warmlv in favor
of the Christians, and first invited them to settle on the
Lnd son and "
d by Google
Muskingum. His grandson, nephew, and son and fam-
ily, also joined them.
130 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
Strong tone, asked me : ' Are the American armies all
cut to pieces by the English troops? Is General
Washington killed ? Is there no more a Congress,
and have the English hung some c^them, and Uiken
the remainder to England, to hang them there ? Is the
whole country beyond the mountains in the posses-
sion of the English ; and are the few thousand Amer-
icans who have escaped them, now em bodjring them-
selves on this side of the mountains, for the purpose
of killing all the Indians in this country, even our wo-
men and children? Now do not deceive us, but
speak the truth' (added he ;) Ms this all true, what I
have said to you r ' j I declared before the whole as-
sembly, that not one word of what he had just now
told me was true, and holding out to him, as I had
done before, the friendly speeches sent by me for
them, which he however as yet refused to accept, I
thought by the countenances of most of theby-stand-
ers, that I could perceive that thfe moment bid fair
for their listening at least to the contents of those
speeches, and accidentally catching the eye of the
drufnmer, I called to him to beat the drum forthe As-
sembly to meet for the purpose of hearing what their
American Brethren had to say to them ! A general
smile having taken place, White-Eyes thought the
favorable moment arrived to put the question, and
having addressed the assembly in these words : * Shall
we, my friends and relatives, listen once more to
those who call us their brethren ? ' Which question,
being loudly and as with one voice answered in the
affirmative, the drum was beat, and the whole body
quickly repairing to the spacious council-house, th«
speeches, all of which were of the most pacific nature
were read and interpreted to them, when Captaii*
White-Eyes rose, and in an elaborate address to the
Assembly, took particular notice of the good disposi-
tion of the American people towards the Indians, ob-
serving, that they had never as yet, called on them to
fight the English, knowing that wars were destruc-
tive to nations, ajid thev had from the beginning of
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 131
Ae war to the present time, always advised them
(the Indians) to remain quiet, and not take up the
hatchet against either side. A newspaper, containing
the capitulation of General Burgoyne's army, being
found enclosed in the packet. Captain White-Eyea
once more rose up, and holding this paper unfolded,
with both his hands, so that all could have a view of
it, said, * See, my friends and relatives, this document
containeth great events, not the song of a bird, but
the truth ! ' — then, stepping up to me, he gave me hia
hand, saying, * you are welcome with us, brother ; '
when every one pi^aent followed his example."
Thus White-Eyes again triumphed over his rival ;
and the chagrin of the latter was the more keen, be
cause, relying on the improved prospects of his par
ty, he had recently committed himself more openly
than ever before. But the spies whom he kept con-
stantly at Goschocking, now brought him the doleful
news that the predictions of White-Eyes were all ver-
ified. That Chieftain himself completed his success
by sending runners, immediately afler the Council
broke up, to the Shawanese towns on the Scioto,
where the tories had already gone for the purpose of
trying their game upon that tribe. " Grand-children !"
was the laconic message, " ye Shawanese ! Some days
ago a flock of birds from the East lit at Goschock-
ing, singing a song here which had well nigh proved
our ruin. Should these birds, which, on leaving us,
took their flight towards Scioto, endeavor to impose
their song on you, do not listen to tliem, for they
lie/"
But White-Eyes was not destined to enjoy the re-
sult of his labors. In the winter of 1779-80, he visit-
ed Pittsburg, for the purpose of consulting with the
Indian Agent on the means suitable for preserving
peace. He accompanied General Mcintosh and hia
army to Tuscarowas, (where a fort was to be built
for the protection of the neutral Indians,) took the
8tnall-pox at tlmt place, and soon died.
The event produced a aensation almost unprece-
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
144 INDIAN BIOGRAPHir. ,
tod perhaps many of us perish for want Pip6 and
the Monseys, we are told elsewhere, were those who
were most dreaded, and the effect of his operations
was such, but one year after the decease of White-
Eyes in the midst of his triumphs, that in 1781, the
Peace-Chiefs had for their own safety to withdraw
themselves from their several nations, and take refuge
at Pitttsburg.
Jn regard to the personal habits of Pipe, it may bo
doing him, as well as several other Indians of some
distinction, no more than justice, to allude in extenu-
ation to the well known nature of the temptations to
which they have sometim -s been exposed, and espe-
cially on the frontiers, during war, and the excitement
of an attempt by one civilized party to engage their
services against another. The peculiar physical cir-
cumstances which, together with the character of their
education, go to diminish their power of self-control,
need not be enlarged on. It is sufficient to say, that
it would be a task more easy than gratifying to prove,
that their misfbrtune in this particular has only follow-
ed after the foult of their civilized neighbors. ** Who
are you, my friend ?" said a gentleman in Pipe's time
to an Indian at Pittsburg, who was not so much in-
toxicated as not to he ashamed of his situation. ** My
name is Black-fish,** he replied ; " At home 1 am a
clever fellow — Here, I am a hog.***
* Mr. Uecke welder's anecdote of the Indian who came
into Bethlehem (Penn.) to dispose X)f his peltry, throws
light on a ffreat source of the evil not alluded to in
the text, and the effects of which, among the Western
tribes to this day are beyond calculation. " Well Thom-
as," said a trader to him, "I believe you have turned Mora-
vian." ** Moravian !" answered the Indiah," what makes
yt)n think so .^" — ^* Because," replied the other, " yon
used to come to us, to sell your skins and peltry, and^ now
you trade them away to the Moravians." '* So !" rejoin-
ed the Indian, <* now I understand you we!!, anS I know
what you mean to say. Now hear me.— See, my friencf !
when I come to this plaee with my skias and peltiy to
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 145
But we are not under t)ie disagreeable necessity <^
apologising for every thing we relate of Captain
Pipe. He gave many evidences of a natuial honor
and humanity, even amid the bloodiest scenes of the
Revohition, and contrary to the dictation of those
who were qualified, by every thing but feelings, to un-
derstand his duty better than himself. Under strong
excitement he attached himself to the British interest,
and towards the close of the war scalping-parties went
out from his settlement He was also prejudiced
against the Christian Indians, and molested them much*
But none of these things were done in his cooler mo
ments ; and what is more creditable to him, there is
good reason to believe that he repented of all. The
evidence of this fact appears in a transaction which
took place at Detroit in November, 1781, with the par-
ticulars of which, as furnished by Lo^iel and othera^
we shall conclude this narrative.
On the occasion refen^d to, a grand Indian Coun-
cil was convened at Detroit, at which were preaeiA
large numbers of various tribes, including Captain
Pipe's Wolf warriors, who had just returned from a
scalping expedition. Four of the Moravian Mia-
fiionaries were also there, having been summoned to
attend, at the suggestipn of Pipe and others, for the pur-
pose of deciding upon several charges alleged against
them. The hall was filled with the concourse, the
tribes being separately seated all around it, on the right
and left hand of the Commandant, while the Dela-
wares, with Pipe and his Councillors at their head,
were directly in front. A war-chief of each of the
trade, the people are kind ; they give me plenty of good
victuals to eat, and pay me in money, or whatever I
want, and no one says a word fb me about drinking
rum — neither do I ask for it ! When I come to your place
with my peltry, all call to me : * Come, Thomas ! here's
rum, drink heartily, drink! it will not hurt you.' AU
thisis done for the purpose of cheating me. When yon
have obtained from me all you want, you call me a
firunken dog, and kick me out of the room.*'
II.-N
digitized by Google
134 INDIAN BIOGRAl^T.
hopes of discovering the cause of his fp^e£, I observed
yonder a dwelling closed up, and uom which no
smoke''^ appeared to ascend ! Looking in another di-
rection, I discovered an elevated spot of fresh earth,t
on whi^h nothing was seen growing; and here I
found the cause of my grandfather's grief. No won-
der he is so grieved ! No wonder he is weeping and
Bobhmg, with his eyes cast towards the ground !—
Even I cannot help weeping^ with nay grandfather,
seeing in what a situation he Is ! I cannot proceed
for grief !"
Here, after having seated himself for about twenty
minutes, as though deeply afflicted, he again arose,
and receiving from the principal chief, who was seat-
ed by his side, a large string of wampum, said:
" Grandfather ! Lift up your head and hear what your
grand-children have to say to you ! These having
discovered the cause of your grief, it shall be done
away ! See, grandfather ! I level the ground on yon-
der spot of yellow earth,f and put leaves and brush
thereon to make it invisible ! I also sow seeds on that
spot, so that both grass and trees may grow thereon I**
(Here handing the string to the Delaware Chiefs in
succession, and taking up another, he continued :)
" Grandfather! — The seed which I had sown has al-
ready taken root ; nay, the grass has already covered
the ground, and the trees are growing ! " (Handing
this string, likewise to the Delaware Chief, and taking
up a third string of wampum, he added :) "Now,
my grandfather, the cause of your grief being remov-
ed, let me dry up your tears ! I wipe them from your
eyes ! I place your body, which, by the weight of
grief and a heavy heart, is leaning to one side, in its
proper posture ! Your eyes shall be henceforth clear,
and your ears opeif as formerly ! The work is now
finished ! " Handing this string likewise to the Del-
aware Chief, he now stepped forward to where the
* Meaning no person occupying the house,
t The grave.
d by Google
IKDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 135
Cbief and his Councillors were seated, and having
first shaken hands with these, he next did the same
with all present, the whole embassy following his ex-
ample. This being done, and all again seate? as be-
fore, the Delaware Chief, Gelelemend,* replied :
" Grand-children ! — ^You did not come here in vain !
Vou have performed a good work, in which the
Great Spirit assisted you ! Your Grandfather makes
you welcome with him."
.The meeting, having continued nearly three hours,
then broke up. On the day following, the Chiefs of
both nations entered on business relating to their na-
tional concerns, and finally made a mutual covenant
for the continued maintenance of the party and prin-
ciples of White-Eyes.
It is honorable to the American Congress that after
the decease of their best friend among the Indians,
tiiey took measures for the maintenance and educa-
tion of his son. On the journals of that body, under
date of June 20th, 1785, is the following passage :
" JResolvedf That Mr. Morgan [Tamenend, proba-
bly,] be empowered and requested to continue the
care and direction of Greorge White-Eyes for one
year, and that the Board of Treasury take order for
the payment of the expenses necessary to carry into
execution the views of Congress in this respect"
The journal of December, 1775, records an inter-
view of Congress with the father.
* Commonly called Kill-Buck
d by Google
148 INDIAN BIOGRAPflT.
I
I did not do all that I might haye done. No, I dliS
not My heart failed within me. I felt compasaioii
ibr your enemy. Innocence* had no part in your
quarrels; therefore I distinguished — ^I spared. I took
some live fle8h,f which, w hile I was bringing to you^ •
I spied one of your large canoes, on which I put it
for you. In a few days you wilf receive this flesh,
and find that the skin is of the same color with your
own.
^ Father ! I hope you will not destroy what I haye
saved. You, Father, have the means of preserving
that which would perish with us from ^ant Tbe
warrior is poor, and his cabin is always empty ; but
your house, Father, is always full."
During the delivery of this harangue, which is said
to have produced a great effect on all present, and
especially on those who understood the language in
which it was spoken, the Orator two or three times
advanced so fur towards the Commandant, in the
heat of his excitement, that one of the officers
K resent thought proper to interfere and request
im to move hack. The other war-chiefs now
made their speeches, and then the Commandant
(an honorable and humane man, notwithstanding the
Orator's strictures on his Fo^Aer,)— called upon hira
to substantiate his charges against the Missiona-
ries. Pipe, who was still standing, was unwilling to
make the attempt, but felt embarrassed. He began
to shift and shuffie, (says Lo8kiel,)and bending to-
wards his Councillors, asked them what he should say.
They all hung their heads, and were silent Sud-
denly, recollecting himself and rising up, he addressed
the Commandant. "I said before that some such
thing might have happen 3d, but now I will tell you
the plain truth. The Missionaries are innocent. What
they have done, they were compelled to do. [alluding
to their having interpreted letters which the Dela^
ware Chief received from Pittsburg, &c.] We were
* Meaning women and children. t Prisoners.
Digitized by Google
Iia>IAN BIOGRAPHY. 149
to blame — ^We forced them to it, when they refused."
After some farther conversation the Commandant
declared the Missionaries to be acquitted of all the
accusations brought against them.
Pipe expressed his satisfaction at the.result, and
on returning from the council-house, he asked some
of the Delaware Chieftains who were present how
they liked what he said. He observed, that he
knew it was true, and added ; " I never wished your
teachers any harm, knowing that they love the In-
dians; but 1 have all along been imposed on, and im-
portuned to do what I did by those who do not love
them ; and. now, when these were to speak, they
hung their heads, leaving me to extricate myself,
after telling our Father things they had dictated and
persuaded me to tell him." This declaration has de-
cidedly the air of candour and truth ; and the Cap-
tain's subsequent conduct was much more in accord-
ance with the spirit of it than it had been before. He
did not however distinguish himself particularly after
the close of the war, and even the time of his death
has not come within our knowledge, although we
have reason to believe that he was living, and able
to visit the City of Washington, as late as 1817.
d by Google
126 im>IAN BIOGRAPHY.
river] all that country, on the otherside of tliat water,
is mtnc." *
A more courageous address was perhaps never
made to any Council of Indians. Indeed, it went so
beyond the spirit of his tribe, apprehensive as they
were of the indignation of the powerful people he
had thus bearded, that, although many were gratified,
many others were frightened,— or, perhaps, at Pipe'a
instigation, pretended to be frightened, — out of the
ranl« of the Peace-party into those of the War. The
Mouseys took the lead in that movement, and they
even humiliated themselves so much as tos«nd word
to the Five Nations that they disapproved of what
White-Eyes had said. Pipe, about the same time,
left off attending the councils of the Turtle tribe,
which he had hitherto done regularly, — ^probably from
a conviction that his intrigues were becoming daily
more manifest, — and he also endeavored Co circulate
an impression that White- Eyes hnd made secret en-
gagements with the Americans, with the view of ag*
grandizing himself at the expense of his country-
men.
The latter, meanwhile, was laboring, night and day,
to preserve peace among the tribes, by sending em-
bassies, and by other energetic measures.^ In some
E laces, he succeeded, but in others the manoeuvres of
is adversary prevailed. A message sent to the San-
dusky Wyandots, in 1776, was insolently answered
by a hint to the Dela wares, " to keep good shoes in,
readiness for joining the warriors." White-Eyes
himself headed a deputation to a settlement of the
same people near Detroit. . They however refused to
receive his peace-belts, except in presence of the
British Governor at that station ; and he, when they
were tendered in his presence, seized them violently,
cut them in pieces, threw them at the feet of the Dep-
uties, and then told White-Eyes, that "if he set any
^Speaking, according to^ommon cuttom, in the naxxM
of the notion.
d by Google
INDIAN BIOORAPHT; 1ST
value on his head, he must be gone witMn half ad
hour."
Such indefatigable efforts were made by the war
party, and by those foreigners who co-operated with
them, especially in circulating reports unfavorable to
the American character and cause, that White- Eyes
was very near being sacrificed to the hot-headed
rashness of his own followers. In March, 1778, a
number of tories of infamous character, having escap-
ed from Pittsburg, told the' Indians, wherever they
went, that the Americans were coming upon them
from all quarters ; and that now was the time, and the
only time, for saving themselves, by commencing ac-
tive hostilities. The Delawares were filled with con-
sternation, and, for a day or two, White-Eyes was
unable to stem the torrent of popular feeling. But ho
recovered his influence as they recovered their com-
posure : and well knowing that his conduct in this
affair would be closely watched by his rival, ho call-
ed a general council of the nation, in which he pro-
posed to delay committing hostilities against the
American people for ten days, during which time
they might obtain more certain information as to the
truth of the assertions of these men. Pipe, consider-
ing this a proper time for placing White-Eyes in the
hack-ground, construed his wise and prudent advice
as^though he was in the secret, and now proposed to
his own council, ** to declare every man an enemy to
the nation, that should throw an obstacle in the way,
that might tend to prevent the taking up arms in-
stantly against the American people."
White-Eyes perceived that the blow was aim-
ed at himselfp but he parried it by immediately
assembling and addressing his party by themselves :
** If you tmll go out in tliis war," said he, observing the
preparations of some of them, " you shall not go
without me. I have taken peace measures, it is true,
with the view of saving my tribe from destruction.
But if you think me in the wrong, if you give more
credit to runaway vagabonds tha^ to your own fiiendfl^
Digitized by Google
152 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
from the Creeks, he says, " What nation, or what peo»
pie am I afraid of? I do not fear all the forces which
the great King George can send against me among
these mountains.'^ And yet the Great- Warrior was
not rash, as we shall soon learn from the sequel
A strong excitement followed the provocation al-
ready mentioned ; and although the elder part of the
nation remained calm, and Attakullakulla and Occon-
nostota were both against instant war, the French emis-
saries yirrought so effectually on the younger warriors,
that parties of them took the field, ond the English
frontiers became the scene of a horrid series of de-
vastation and massacre. The Governor of South
Carolina prepared for active hostilities, and the mi-
litia of the whole Province were summoned to meet
at Congarees.
But no sooner did theCherokees hear of this move-
ment than they sent thirty^two of their chief men,
among whom was the Great- Warrior, to settie all dif-
ferences at Charleston. A conference ensued, the
burthen of which however was assumed by the Gov-
ernor alone ; for when, — afler he had made a long
. speech of accusations, and concluded with saying
that the Deputies must follow his troops, or he would
not be answerable for their safety, — Occonnostota
gravely rose to reply, the Grovemor interrupted him and
forbade him to proceed. He was determined that,
nothing should prevent his military expedition ; and
at all events " he would hear no talk in vindication of
the Orator's countryhien, nor any proposals with re-
gard to peace.*'t
The Great- Warrior was indignant, and his com-
panions were still more so than himselC It must be
allowed, that the Governor's deportment on this occa-
sion, independently of his treatment of the Deputies
out of Council, was in the highest degree insulting.
The Warrior felt it the more keenly, because he had
. * We refer to Charleston, (S.<J.) papers.
1 Ramsay's History of South CaroUna.
d b^Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 1^
be^ appointed to speak, and h^d prepared himse1€
The Cherokees were conscious, too, that the English
had originally occasioned the war. The sacred respect
attached in tfieir view, — as it is in that of the Indians
quite generally even now, — ^to the dignity of their or-
ators, may be gathered from the well-authenticated
anecdote of the Virginian Chieflain who was rashly
mternrpted in a Conference with the English by one
of his own subjects. He split the offender's head
with a tomahawk at a single blow, and then calmly
proceeded with his speech.*
The Deputies were detained several days, at the end
of which they accompanied the Governor and his
troops to Congarees, where were collected fourteen
hundred men. Accompanied, we say, — but not free-
ly : they were even made prisoners, to prevent their
escaping, (as two had already done,] and a Captain's
guard was set over them. No longer, says the histo-
rian, could they conceal theu* resentment ; sullen and
gloomy countenances showed that they were stung
to tlie heart To make the matter worse, on reaching
Fort Prince-George, on the borders of their own ter-
ritory, they were all confined in a miserable hut,
scarcely sufficient to accommodate a tenth part of
their number.
But the troops becoming discontented and mutinous,
the Governor dared not advance any farther against the
enemy. He therefore sent for Attakullakulla, as be-
ing ^esteemed the wisest man in the nation, and the
most steady friend to the English."! The summons
was promptly obeyed, and a conference took place on
the 17th of December, (1759.) The Governor made
a long speech as before, to the effect that the Great
Kino would not suffer his people to be destroyed
without satisfaction ; that he was determined to have
it ; and that twenty-four Cherokee murderers, whom
he named, must be given up in the outset, for which
• Beverly. t Ramsay.
Digitized by Google
142 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.'
Christianity, as he had seen it taught hy the good Mck
ravians, the best posibsle promotive, as undoubtedly
it was.
But in this noble solicitude for his countrymen, he
forgot himself. Hence even Loskiel, on mentioning his
decease, states, with an almost reluctant honesty, that
"Captain White-Eyes, who bad so often advised other
Indians, with great earnestness, to believe in the Gospel
of Jesus Christ, hiU had always postponed joining the
believers himself on account of being yet entangled in po-
litical concerns, was unexpectedly called into eternity ;"
adding, affectionately, that the " Indian Congregation
to whom he had rendered very essential services, was
much affected at the news of his death, and could
not but hope, that Grod our Saviour had received his
soul in mercy." Mr. Heckewelder sums up the mat-
ter by saying — " His ideas were that unless the In-
dians changed their mode of living, tliey would in
time come to nothing ; and to encourage them towarls
such a change, he told them to take the example of
the Christian Indians, who by their industry had ev-
ery thing they could wish for." In a word, there was
more philanthropy and more philosophy in the reli-
gion of White-Eyes, than there was piety. Hence
his eloquence, his energy, his strong affection for the
Missionaries, and his sacrifices and services for them
and for his countrymen. He was a good man, we
beUeve, by the force of native conscience, as he was
a great man by the force of native sense ; and though
to have learned Christianity, in additi?^ to loving
some of those who professed it, might have made him
both better and greater than he was, we cannot but
hope, as it is, with the Christian Dela wares, " that God
our Saviour has received his soul in mercy. -
It would give us very sincelre pleasure to be able
to say as much for the Paganism of Captain Pipe, who,
on the contrary, was opposed to the i^ligion of the
whites asinveterately asany of the New-England Sa.-
chems of the seventeenth century, and apparently for
nmUar reasons. " The Sachems of the countiy were
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 143
generally sei against us," wrote Mr. EUiot in 1650,*—
"and counter- work the Lord by keeping off tbeir
men from praying to God as much as they can : and
the reason of it is this ; they plainly see that religion
will make a great change among them, and cut them
off from their former tyranny, &c." Pipe, too, with
all bis talent, was obnoxious to some very plain stric-
tures regarding his own morality, and of course had
no theoretical partiality for lectures upon that sul^ect.!
He was inimical to White-Eyes, especially,because the
latter supported the cause of reform ; and rather than
stand second to him, and. at the same time surrender
his own bad habits, he determined at all hazards to
array a party in opposition. It was both a personal
and a poUtical movement, the objects being self-de-
fence, in the first place, and in the secon^j, distinction.
. Such being the character of the scheme, it must
still be admitted that he exhibited great energy^ and
great ingenuity in promoting it. Some of his manceu- .
vres have been noticed ; and after his rival's decease,
bis own declarations, particularly, were much more fire^
quent and fearless, and therefore more effectual than
they had been before. " Thus," says Heckewelder,
" when a young man of his tribe, who had received his
education in Virginia, under the influence of Dr.
Walker, on his return into the Indian country in 1779,
spread unfavorable reports of the Virginian people ;
representing them as exceeding the Indians in vicious
acts — their beating the negroes so unmercifully,- &c.
&c. Pipe would mockingly enumerate such vicious
and cruel acts, as the benefits of civilization." He
could at the same time, with truth, set forth the pover-
ty of the United States, in not having even a blanket,
a shirt, or other article of Indian clothing, to give
Ihem in exchange for their peltry ; whereas, (said he)
were it not for tfie Enghsh, we should have to suffer,
^'Ths LIGHT APPEARING, &c. London, 1651.
f Narrative, p. 286 and passim : •* We were obliged to
.wait for Pipe's becomingsuSficiently sober,"— &c.
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
156 INDIAN BIOORAPRT.
tunate hostages, and butchered all of them in fi n]fd»-
ner too shocking to relate.
There were few men -in the Cherokee nation that
did not lose a friend or rotative by this massacr^
and therefore with one voice all immediately declared
for war. The leaders in every town seized the hatch-
et ; <* the spirits of their murdered brothers were ho-
vering around them and calling out for vengeance ob.
their enemies." Large parties of warriors took the
field. Burning with imptuience to imbrue their
hands in the l^ood of their enemies, they rushed
down among innocent and defenceless families on the
frontiers of Carolina ; and there men, women and chil-
dren, without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their mer-
ciless fury. Such as fled to the v^oods and escaped
the scalping-knife, perished with hunger ; and those
whom they made prisoners were carried into the wil-
derness, where they suffered inexpressible hardshipSL
Every day brought fresh accounts of their ravages
and murders.
Great alarm prevailed throughout the Province, and
corresponding efforts were made for defence. Seven
troops of rangers were raised to protect the frontiers.
Application was made to Virginia and North Caroli-
na for aid ; as also to General Amherst, Comman-
der-in-Chief of the British forces in America, who
immediately despatched twelve companies to the the^
atre of hostilities. The various detachments muster^
cd at Congarees in May, 1760, and the campaign be-
gan with a rapid invasion of the Cherokee territory.
Considerable ravages were speedily made, including
the destruction of Estatoe and Keowee, (the latter
of which contained two hundred houses,) and the
army then marched to relieve Fort George.
And now the war grew fervid. Saloueh and Fif-
toe had sworn vengeance over the ashes of their
homes, and t!ie soul of the Great- Warrior was hot
within him. The invaders were su^red to pursue
their hazardous and difficult march, through dark
thickets and daep defiles, and ever mountaias^ nwvm
digitized by Google
INIiXAN BIOORAFHT. 157
tnd swamps, till they came within fire miles of
Etchoe. Here was a low valley, covered so thick with
bushes that the soldiers could scarcely see three yards
before them. The army was obliged to pass through
it, and that in such a manner as to permit but few of
the troops to act together. An officer was ordered to
advance, and scour the thicket witli a company of
rangers. He obeyed, but a sudden discharge from
unseen fire-arms laid him dead on the spot, with sev^^
eral of his soldiers. The light-infantry and grena^
diers now charged their enemy, — a heavy fire com-
menced on both sides, — and the woods aromid rang
with the warrior's whoop, the shouts of the soldiery,
and the cries of the dying. The action lasted more
than an hour, — the English losing about twenty men
killed and eighty wounded, — when the Indians slow-
ly retreated and disappeared, carrying off the bodies
of their slain. " Upon viewing the ground," (says our
historian,) "all were astonished to see with what judg-
ment they had chosen it Scarcely could the most
experienced officer have fixed upon a spot more ad-
vantageous for attacking an enemy." Orders were
immediately given for an expeditious retreat
Thus Occonnostota succeeded in the field. But his
heart still thirsted for blood, and be found means to
gratify his revenge in another quarter. Fort Loudon,
(built, like Fort George, on the fi^ntier,) with a gar-
rison of twenty men, was surrounded by the enrag-
ed enemy, and reduced to the extremities of ftmine.
Under these circumstances Captain Stuart, a gentleman
well known to the Cherokees during a long official and
private intercourse with them, obtahied leave to go to
Choteh, the town of the Great- Warrior,— who was
sometimes called ^Prince of Choteh.' A capitulation
was agreed upon with him. The arms of the garrison
were surrendered on the faith of it ; and they march
ed out, on their way towards Fort Creorffe, under the
escort of an Indian detachment headed by the Prince
himself. Having ffone fifteen miles, they encamped
dt night near an Indian town. All the escort left
U,—
Digitized by Google
i 156 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
them, but still they remained UDmolested* At lengtiH^
about day-break, a guard came running in with intel-
ligence that the woods and bushes around them were
full of hideously painted savages, who had already
enclosed them. In a moment afler, the enemy
rushed upon them, and fired, and thirty of their num-
ber fell dead. The residue eidier fled or were cap-
tured ; and the latter, including Stuart^ were pinioned
and sent back to Fort Loudon.
J^nd oow AttakullakuUa came forward. He had
taken no part in the war, on either side ; but Stuart
had been his best friend in former times, and he could
not think of seeing him a prisoner and in peril of his
life. He hastened to the fort, and purchased him of
bis Indian master, giving his rifle, clothes, and all he
could command as a ransom ; and then took him
into his own familv, and shared with him the provis-
ions which his table afforded.
Occonostota, meanwhile, had formed the design of
attacking Fort George, and sent messengeris throughout
the Cherokee country to collect his warriors for that
purpose. At this juncture, a quantity of ammunition
was found in Fort Loudon (where the English cap-
tives were still confined J which the garrison had bu-
ried before leaving it. Tne discovery had nearly cost
Stuart his life, but his protector again rescued him.
The Indians, indeed, found occasion for his services*
At a great Council held at Choteh, whither he waa
carried, the warrior told him they had resolved to
march against Fort George vnth a quantity of Eng-
hsh cannon, to be managed bv men under his f Stu-
art's) command, and they wished him previously to
write letters for them to the Commandant, demand-
ing a surrender. If he refused, they intended to bum
his companions, one by one, before his face.
Captain Stuart waa now really uneasy In his situ-
ation, and he determined from this moment to make
his escape or perish in the attempt. He private-
ly communicated his feelings to Attakullakulla, and
appealed to his magnanimity. Tiie old Warrior took
. Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 159
him by the hand. « Be calm," said he, ** be eakn, my
Bon ; I am your friend — ^trust me." He went forward,
and claimed the Englishman for hia prisoner; and
then gave out word amon? his countrymen, that he
intended to *go a-hunting,* for a few days, and to take
his Englishman with him.
They set out together, accompanied by the war-
rior's wife, his brother, and two others. For provis-
ions they depended on what they might kill by the
way. The distance to the. frontier settlements was
great, and the utmost expedition necessary to prevent
any surprise from Indians pursuing them. They
travelled nine days and nights through a dreary wil-
derness, shaping their course for Vii^nia, by the light
and guidance of the heavenly bodies. On the tenth
they arrived at the banks of Holstein river ; where
they fortunately fell in with a party of three thousand
men, sent out by Colonel Bird for the relief of such
soldiers as might make their escape that way from Fort
Loudon.
Here the Chieftain was content to relinquish his
charge. He bade his friend farewell, and, as com-
posedly as if the whole transaction were a matter of
course, turned back into the wilderness, and retraced
his long and wearisome journey.
Such was the issue of the first campaign. The
spring of 1761 opened with new efforts on the part
of Carolina. A new provincial regiment was raised ;
fresh reinforcements of regulars arrived from the
north ; and numbers of the Chickasaw and Catawba
Indians were induced to give their assistance — ^so that, -
on the 27th of May, an army of two thousand six
hundred men mustered at Fort George.
Latinac, a French officer, was at this time among
the Cherokees, and he proved an indefatigable insti-
gator to mischief. He persuaded them, that the En-
glish would be satisfied with nothing less than to ex-
terminate them, man, woman, and child, from the
face of the earth. He gave them arms, too, and
urged them to war. At a granc^ meeting of the na-
.,y,,..uuy Google
100 INDIAN BI06RAPHT.
tioD, he brandished his hatchet, and, striking it fun*
ously into a loff of wood, cried out — ^ Who is the man
that will take ttiis up for the King of France ? Where
is he? Let htm come forth I" Saloueh, the young War-
rior of Estatoe, instantly leaped forward, laid hold of
it, and cried out — **I will take it up. I am for war
The spirits of the slain call upon us ; I will avenge
them ; and who will not? he is no better than a wo-
man that refuses to follow me." Many a fierce look^
and many a lifted tomahawk answered the appeal of
the Orator, and again did the war-torrent rush down
upon the frontiers.
The Great- Warrior too, more a general, and not less
a soldier, was again reaiiy for his enemy. They com-
menced their march into the interior on the 7th of
June, and advanced unmolested as far as the well re-
membered battle-ground of the year previous : but
there, the Indian scouts in fi'ont oliservea a large body
of Cherokees posted upon a hill on the risht flank oi
the army. Immediately the savages, rushing down,
began to fire on the advanced gutird, which being
supported repulsed them ; but they recovered their
beighta Colonel Grant ordered a party to march up
the hills, and drive the enemy from them. The en-
gagement became general, and was fought on both
sides with great bravery. The situation of the troopi
was in several respects deplorable— fatigued in a te-
dious march in rainy weather — surrounded with
woods so that they could not discern the enemv-^
galled by the scattering fire of savages who when
pressed always fell back, but rallied again and again,
no sooner was any advantage gained over them in
one quarter than they appeared in another. Whil^
the attention of the Commander was occupied in driv-
ius the enemy from their lurking-place on the river's
side, his rear was attacked, and so vigorous an effort
ma^e for the flour and cattle, that he was obliged to or-
der a party back to the relief of the rear-guard. From
eight o'clock in the morning until eleven, the savages
continued to keep up an irregular and incessant fire,
> Digitized by Google
INDIAN BI06RAPHT. « 161
•ometimes from one place and sometimes from another,
while the woods resounded with hideous war-whoops
frequently repeated, but in different directions. At
length the Cheroke«e gave way and were pursued.
Such is the account of this famous engagement giv-
en by history. The English lost between fifty and
sixty killed and wounded. The loss of the Chero-
kees was uncertain, as that of an Indian army always
is, — ^they carried off the slain.
And now commenced a scene of devastation scarce-
ly parallelled in the annals of the continent For
thirty days, the English army employed themselves
in burning and ravaging the countrjr and settlements
of the enemy. " Heaven has blest iw," says a letter-
writer from the camp, under date of July 10th,* " with
the greatest success ; we have finished our business as
completely as the most sanguine of us could have
wished. All their towns, fifteen in number, beside
many little villages and scattered houses, have been
burnt ; upwards of fourteen hundred acres of corn,
according to a moderate computation, entirely de-
stroyed ; and near five thousand Cherokees, men, wo-
men and children, driven to the mountains to starve
— ^their only sustenance for some time past being horse-
flesh.''*
The result of these measures was decisive. A great
part of the Cherokee nation became desirous of pro-
curing peace upon any terms; and the army had
no sooner reached Fort George, than a deputation of
about twenty chiefs visited the camp. Neither the
Great- Warrior nor his staunch aid-de-camp, Saloueh,
was among them ; but the Man-Killer came, and
the Raven, and Old Cesar of Hy wassih, and at the
head of all the Little Carpenter himself.
On the 28th of August they waited upon Colonel
Grant, who had prepared a bower for their reception*
Having seated themselves in grave array, the Little-
Carpenter was asked, if he had come to sue for peace.
He answered in the affirmative. ^' Have you author-
Charleston Paper of 1761.
■, ^^ .,„,..,u, Google
ifSt UnajkM KIOGRAPHT.
it7 fi>om {he vliole nvtioii ?** demanded the Colonel;
to which all the chiefs replied that they would confinn
whatever the Carpenter should agree to. The latter
then delli^ered his talk.— ,
^ You live at the water-side," said he, ^and are la
iight We ,are in darkoess ; but hope all will yet be
4clear. I have been eonstautly going about doing
^ood^ and though I am tired, yet I am come to see
what can be done for ray people, who are in great dis*-
stress,** Here he produced the strings of wampum ha
}iad received from the difierent towns, denoting their
earnest desire of peace, and added, — ** As to what haa
happened, I believe it has been ordered by our Father
fibove. We are of a different color from the white
people. Thev are superior to us. But one God ia
father of us alt and we hope what is past will be for-
gotten. God Almighty made all people. There ia
not a day but some are coming into, and others going
out of the world. The Great King told me the path
sfihould never be crooked, but open for every one to
fH8s and repass. As we all live in one land, I hope
we shall all love as one people.**
This account is taken partly from news-papers of the
period under consideration. Ramsay only adds, that
pe&ce was formally ratified ; and that the ancient friend-
i^hip of the parties being renewed, both expressed
their hope that it would last as long as the sun might
-^hine and the rivers run. Some litde difficulty ap-
rrs to have occuii'ed in the adjustment, which should
mentioned to the credit of Little-^CariJenter.
fie consented to every requisition eKccpting that
which demanded the JBurrender of four Cherokees,
to be put to death in front of the camp. This he
would not promise. The Colonel gave him a day to
think 40if it, but he «tiH refused. Finally, it was
thought advisable to refer him to the Governor, and
he undertook a journey to Charleston, several hun-
dred miles distant, for the express purpose of procu-
ring a mitigation of the treaty of peace in regard to
iheiiinj^levabnozious provision.
Digitized by Google .
INmAN BIOeHAPHT* 163
H*a perseYerence and fimmeBB wete i«waided as
they deserved. " This day," aaya a Charleston pa-
per of September 33d, ** Attaki^llakulla had his last
public audience, when he signed the treaty of peace,
and received an authenticated copy under the great
seal * • • * ffe eameiUy requested thai
Captain John Stuart fmght be made Chid' ffhUe-Man
gndian Agent] in their nation. He smd, *all the In-
ans love him ; and there would never be any unea-
siness if he Were there.' This faithful Indian after-
wards dined witli his Honor the Grovemor, and to^
morrow sets out for his own country. He has receiv-
ed several presents as a mark of the regard this gov-
amment has for him."
Thus ended the Cherokee war. That its conduct
did no discredit to the talents of the Great- Warrior,
we need not argue. As to the principles upon which
It was fought, we may content oursdves with the
comment of an impartial historian. " In the review of
the whole," ^ays lUmsay, ^ there is much to blame, and
m^re to regret The Cherokees were the first aggres-
sors by taking horses from the Virgioiana; but by kil-
ling them for that offence the balance of injury was
on their ade. Then treachery begat treachery, and
murder produced murder. The lives of those men
who came originally as messengers of peace, though
afterwards retained as hostages^ were barbareusJy
taken away without any ^It of theirs, other than
their obeying the laws of nature in resisting a militaiy
order for putting their persons in irons. A deadly ha-
tred and a desolating war was the consequence."
We do not meet with fi^uent mention of either of
the Chieftains nanaed in this chapter, after the cam-
paign of 1761. They ftHight against the neighbor-
ing tribes occasionally, but with the English they pre-
served a firm peace of at least fifteen yeai^. The
character of the eontest between England and the
Colonies appears to have confused them, and thekr
embarrassmentwas not at fUr relieved by the ujisparing
bftbrts made to instigate them to kostiUties against tho
Digitized by Google
164 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
latter. The result was a dmsion of opmion, and u ^yer-
sity of practice, as in the case of their Northern neigh-
bors. A part of the nation took up arms for the Eng-
lish, — ^probably the younger warriors ; — ^but the whole
were compelled to suffer in consequence. A powerful
army from South Carolina invaded their territoiy, and
afler a severe struggle, peace wasonce more enforced
at the point of the bayonet
It is doubtful whether the Great-Warrior was living
at this period, for his name does not appear in the his-
tory of the conflict or the treaty. Little-Carpen-
ter still survived, but, as usual, took no part in the war.
Indeed he must now have been nearly disabled from
very acdve service by his advanced age, — as well as
disinclined for better reasons, — ^for he is believed to
have been one of the seven Cherokees who visited
England and were introduced to George II, as early
as 1730. But this cannot be affirmed with certainty.
We shall close our imperfect sketch of this virise
and worthy Chieflain, with the characteristic account
of an interview with him, given by Bertram, author
of the well-known Southern Travels. It occurred
early in the Revolution : —
^ Soon afler crossing this large branch of the Ta-
nase, [in Upper Georgia,] I observed, descending the
heights at a distance, a company of seven Indians, all
well mounted on horseback. They came rapidly
forward. On their nearer approach I observed a
Chief at the head of the caravan, and apprehending
him to be the Little Carpenter, Emperor or Grand
Chief of the Cherokees, as they came up I turned- off
from the path to make way, in token of respect The
compliment was accepted, and returned, for his High-
ness, with a gracious and cheerful smile, came up to
me, and clapping his hand on his breast, offered it to
me, saying, * / am MakuUacuUa,^ and heartily shook
bands with me, and asked me ^Iflknew if.' I answered,
that the Qoed Spirit who goes before me, spoke to me
and said, < That is the great Attakullaculla,' and added
y Google
niBIAN BIOeRAPST. 165
that I was of the tribe of the white men of Pennsylva-
nia, who esteem themselves brothers and friends to the
Red Men, but particularly to the Cherokees, and that
the name of AttacullacuUa was dear to his white
brethren. After this compliment, which seemed to
be acceptable, he inquireid *if I came lately from
Oharieston, and if John Shuui uhu toeUj^ [the agbnt,]
saying that he was going to see hSm. I replied that I
had come lately from Charleston, on a friendly visit
to the Cherokees ; that I had seen the Superintend-
ant, the Beloved Man, &c. The Great Chief was
pleased to answer, that I was welcome in their coun-
try, as a friend and brother, and then shaking hands
heartily he bade me farewell, and his retinue confirm-
ed it by a united voice of i
d by Google
166 INDIAN BIOORAPHT
CHAPTER XI.
The Cayuga Chief^ Looan — Some account of his father,
Shikellimus — Ileaidence of Logan — Hisfriendihip for
the whites interrupted by their provocations — ^His fami-
ly misfortunes — The Shawanee Silver-H«ils— Lo-
gan joins in a war of revenge against the 'Long-Knives'
— Battle of the Kenhawa — Treaty of Peace with Gov-
ernor Dunmore-^Logan's celebrated speech — His his-
tory completed — Buckongahelasi tho Delaware head
War-Chief— His intercourse with the Christian In-
dians — Part which he' takes in the Revolution — De-
feated by Wayne, in 1794 — ^Anecdotes of him — Death
and character.
Few Indians Dames have been ofiener repeated than
that of Logan, and yet of scarcely any individual of
his race is the history which has reached us less com-
plete. He was a chief of the Six-Nations — a Cayu-
ga — but resided during most of his life in a western
settlement, either at Sandusky or upon a branch of the
Scioto— there being at the former location, a few
years before the Revolution, about three hundred war-
riors, and about sixty at the latter. ^
Logan was the second son orSfukeUimus; and
this is the same person whom Heckewelder describes
as ^a respectable chief of the Six Nations, who
resided at Shamokin (Pennsylvania,) as an agent, to
transact business between them and the Grovernment
of the State." In 1747, at a time when the Moravian
Missionaries were the object of much groundless ha-
tred and accusation, Shikdlimvs invited some of them
to setUe at Shamok]n,and they did so. When Count
Zinzendorff and Conrad Weiser visited that place,
several vears before, they were very hospitably en-
tertained by the Chief, who came out to meet them
(says Loskiel,) with a large fine melon, for which the
Count politely gave him his fiir cap in exchange ; and
UffmAN BIOGRAPHY. 167
tfa'iis eommencQd an intimate ficqufuntatice. He was
a shrewd and sober man, — ^not addicted to drinking^
like most of his countrymen, because ' he never wished
to become a fool.' Indeed, he built his house on pil*
lars for security against the drunken Indians, and used
to ensconce himseii* within it on all occasions of riot
and outrage. He died in 1749, attended in his last
moments by the good Moravian Bishop Zeisberger,
in whose presence, says Loskiel, <he fell happily
asleep in the Lord.' /
Logan inherited the talents of his l&ther, but not his
prosperity. Nor was this altogether his own fault.
tie took no part except that of peace-makiug in the
French and English war of 1760, and was ever belbre
and afterwards looked upon as emphatically the friend
of the white man. But never was kindness reward-
ed like his.
In the spring of 1774, a robbery and murder occur*
red in some of the white settlements on the Ohio,
which were charged to the Indians, though perhaps
not justly, for it is well known that a large number of
civilized adventurers were traverdng the frontiers at
this time, who sometimes disguised themselves as In-
dians, and who thought little more of killing one of
that people than of shooting a buf&lo. A party of
these men, land-jobbers and others, undertook to pnn-
ish the outrage in this case, according to their custom^
as Mr. Jetferson expresses it, in a summary way.*
. Colonel Cresap, a man infamous for the many
murders he had committed on those mueh injured peo-
ple, collected a party, and proceeded down the Ken-
hawa in quest of vengeance. Unfortunately, a ca-
noe of women and children, with one man only, was
seen coming firom the opposite shore, unarmed, and
not at all suspecting an attack from the whites. Cre-
sap and his party concealed themselves on the hank
of the river, and the moment the canoe reached the
shore, singled out tbek objects, and, at one fire, killed
* Notes on Virginia.
digitized by Google
108 mmAN BiOGRAPar^
every person in it. TMi biq^iened to be the fiimHy
It was not long after this that another massacre
took place, under still more aggravated circumstances^
not far from the present site of Wheehng, Virginia,—
a considerable party of the Indians being decoyed by
the whites, and all murd^^d, \^ith the exception of a
little girl. Among these, too, was both a brother of
Logan, and a sister, and the delicate situation of th«
latter increased a thousand fold both the barbarity'of
the crime and the rage of the survivors of the family.
The vengeance of the Chieftain was indeed pro-
Toked beyond endurance; and he accordingly distin-
guished himself by his daring and bloody exploits in the
war which now ensued, between the Virginians on the
one sfde, and acombinatioii mainly of Shawanees,Min-
goes and Delawares on the other. The former of these
Hibes were particularly exasperated Iw the unprovoked
murder of one of their favorite ehiera, Silver-Heels,
who had in the kindest manner undertaken to escort
several white traden^ across the vroods from the Ohio
to Albany, a distance of nearly two hundred miles.t
The civilized party prevailed, as usual. A decisive
battle was fought upon the lOch of October, of theyear
last named, on Point Pleasant at the mouth of the Ureat
K^ihawa in West* Virginia, between the Confederates,
commanded by Logan, and one thousand Virginian ri-
flemen constituting the left winff of an army led by Gov-
ernor Dunmore against the Indians of the North- West.
This eiqiageraent has by some annalists, — who howcT-
er have rarely given tfaie particulars of it*— been called
the risost obstinate ever contested with the natives, and
we therefore annex an official account of itwhich has
fbrtunately been brought to light within a few years.
^ Monday moroing, [the l&h,^ about half an hour
before sun^-nse^ two of Capt. Russell's company dis*
covered a larae party of Indians about a mile from
cftmp; one (» which was shot down by the Indhins.
* Jefferson. t Hedbewelder's History.
Digitized by Google
lll0tAM BI06EAPHT. 160
Hie mher made hk escape^ and broogfat in the intelE-
cetice ; two or three minutes after, two of Capt Shel-
Ey'a men came in and coniirnied the account
Col. Andrew Lewis being informed thereof imme-
diately ordered out CeL Chailes Lewis to take tl)e
command of one hundred and My men, of the Au-
«]8ta troops ; and with him went Capt Dickinsony
Capt I&urison, Capt Wilson, Capt John Lewis of
Aujgusta, and Capt Locknd^, which made the first
divitson; Coh Fleming was ordered to take com-
mand of one hnndred and fifty more, consisting of
Botetrout, Bedford and Fincastle troops—- viz : Capt
Bufort of Bedftvd,. Capt Love of Botetrout, and
Capt Sh^by and Capt Russell of Fincasde, which
Buule the second division. Col. Chark» Lewis's di-
Tision marched to the right some distance from the
Ohio ; Col. Fleming, wiUi his division, up the bank
of the Ohio, to the left. CoL Lewis's divioon had not
marched quite hatf a mile from camp, when about
sun-rise, an attack was made on the ftont of his divis-
ion, in a most vigorous manner, by the united tribes
of Imyans, Shawanees, Delawares^MingoeSj'Iaways,
and of several other nations, in number not less than
eight hundred, and by many thought to be a thon-
aand. In tins heavv attack Col. licwis received a
wound which in a few hours occasioned his death,
and several of his men fell on the spot ; in fttct the
Augusta division, was forced to give way to the heavy
fire of the enemy. In about a minute after the at-
tack on CoL Lewis's division, the enemy enniged
the front of CoL Fleming's diviaon, on the Ohio ;
and ip a short time the Colonel received two balls
through his left arm, and one through his breast, and
after ooimating the offioersand soldiers, in aspirked
BiaBner,tothe pursuit of victoiy, retired to camp.
The kas of the brave ColoncJs ftom the field was
■ansibly Mt by the ofikers in particular ; but the An-
gusta troops Mam shortly after reinforced finom
camp bytCoL Field, with bis compfuiy, together with
Capt M'Opwely Capt Mathews and Capt Stuart,
11.-^?
Digitized by Google
170 INDIAN BIOGEAPBT.
from Augusta, and Capt Aibuckle and Capt AfCleil-
iiJiaD, from Botetrout, the enemy, do longer able to
maintain their ground, was forced to give way tiH
they were in a Ime with the troope of Col. Fleming,
eft in action on the bank of Ohio. In this precipi«
tate retreat CoL Field was killed. Capt Shelby was
then ordered to take the command. During this time,
it being now twelve o'clock, the action continued
extremely hot. The close underwood, and many
steep banks and logs, greatly fiivored their retread
and the bravest of their men made the best use of
them, whilst others were throwing their dead into
the Ohio and carrying off* their wounded.
After twelve o'clock the action, in a small decree^
abated ; but continued, except at short intervals, nbaip
enough till after one o'clock. Their long retreat save
them a most advantaseous spot of ^ound, from
whence it appeared to the officers so difficult to dis*
lodffe them that it was thought most advisable to stand
as Uie line was then formed, which was about 'a mile
and a quarter in length, and had till then sustained a
constant and equal weight of the action, from vring to
win^. It was till about half an hour of sunset they
continued firing on us scattering shots, which we re<^
turned to their disadvantage ; at length night coming
on, they~found a safe retreat They had not the sat*
isfaction of carrying off any of our men'is scalps, save
one or two stragglers, whom thev killed before the
engagement Many of their dead they scalped rath-
er than we should have them ; but our troops scalped
upwards of twenty of those who were first killed.
It is beyond a doubt their loss in number ftr exceeds
ours, which is condderaUe."*
The Virginians lost in this action two of their Co*
lonels, four Captains, many subordinate officers, and
about fifty privates killed, besides a much larger num-
ber wounded. The Governor himself was not ea-
gaged in the battle, being at the head of the right wing
* Niles's Kegifter, Vol. XU.
Digitized by Google
IITDIAN VIOGRAPHT. 171
of the same army, a force of fifteen liundrod moD,
who were at this time on their expedition against the
towns of some of the hostile tribes in the North-West.
It was at the treaty ensuing upon this battle that
the following speech was delivered, — sufficient to ren-
der the name of Logan famous for many a century.
It came by the hand of a messenger, sent, (as Mr.
Jefferson states,) that the sincerity of the negotiation
might not be distrusted on account of the absence of
80 distinguished a warrior as himself
" I api^ to any white man to say, if he ever en-
tered Loean's cabin hungry, and he gave him not
meat ; if ne ever came cold and naked, and he cloth-
ed him not During the course of the last long and
bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an ad-
vocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites,
that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said,
' Logan is the friend of white men.* I had even
thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of
one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold
blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations
of Logan, not sparing even my women and chil-
dren. There runs not a drpp of my blood in the veins
of any living creature. This called on me for revenffe.
I have sought it^I have killed many: I have fully
glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at
the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought
that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear.
He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who
Is there to mourn for Logan ? — ^Not one."
Of this powerful address, Mr. Jefferson says, ** I
may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes
and, Cicero, and of auy more eminent orator, if Europe
has furnished more eminent, to produce a single pas-
sage, superior to the speech of Logan" ; and an Amer-
ican statesman and scholar, scarcely less illustrious
than the author of this noble eulogium, has expressed
his readiness to subscribe to it.* It is of course un-
l^ecessary for any humbler authority to enlarge upon
* Clinton's Historical Disoourse : 1311.
digitized by Google
172 INDIAN BIOOiUPHt.
Its merits, bideed, diey require bo eicpoeitkm : they
strike home to the souL
The melancholy history of Logan must be did-
miBsed with no relief to its gioomy colors. He was
himself a victim to th6 same ferocious cruelty which
had aheady rendered him a desolate man.* Not long
after the treaty a party of whites murdered him, as he
was returning from Bettott to his own country. It
grieves us to add, that towards the close of his life, mis-
ery had made him intemperate. No security aiid no
solace to Logan, was the orator^ genius or the war-
rior's glory.
Campbell, in his Ckrtnide of Wycming, has appro*
priated the affecting sentiment of Logan to an In-^
dian hero of his own, but ^e sm of the transfer may
be excused for its skik
^«*H« kftof ill my tribe
Nor man nor child, nor thing of living birth :
No ! not the do^, that watched my household hearth,
Escaped, that night of blood, upon our plains I
All perished ! I alone am lefl on Earth !
To whom nor relative nor bbod remains.
No ! — ^not a kindred drop that runs in human veins I*
A more noted personage in his own time than
even Logan, was the Delaware Buckon eAHEi.AS, who
rose from the station of a private warrior to be, as
Heckewelder calls him, the head war-chief of his
nation. That writer speaks of meeting him at Tusca-
roras as early as 1763 : and the Cbiefudn accordingly
reminded him of the fact when, in 1781, he visited 3ie
settlement of the Christian Indians in Ohio. His de-
portment on that occasion was singularly characteristic
of the man ; for all writers agree in representing him
as feariesB, frank and magnanimous. It should be pre-
mised, that he lived on the Miami, and being rather in
the British interest, vnis disposed to watch quite close-
ly the movements of the peace-party. Whathecfid^
" Drake's Biography.
d by Google
INBIAK BIOGRAPRT. 173
however, he did openly, and he never herniated to ex-
plain himself with the same freedom.
One morning, late in the season last named, two
Christian Indians of Gnadenhutten having gone out
to look in the woods for strayed horses, were met by
a chieflain at the head of eighty warriors, who without
ceremony made them both captives. "Then," says
Heckewelder, " taking a course through the woods, un-
til they had come within a short distance of Gnadenhut-
ten, they rested until nearly break of day, yarding the
Brethren, th^ they might not escape and give informa-
tion of them. The day approacKing, they moved on,
and having' surrounded the town completely, hailed
the inhabitants, to deliver into their hands the chie^
Gelelemend, (Kill-Buck) with the other chiefs and
councillors: whom they must have either alive or
dead.^ The party being informed, that not one of
those they were in search of, was here at the time, but
had all gone to Pittsburg some time past, they then
searched every house, stable and cellar ; and being
finally satisfied that they had been told the truth, they
demanded that deputies, consisting of tlie principal
men <^ the tbkree towns, should be called together, to
hear what diey had to say to them. The principal
men assembled Urom Salem and Shonbrun; and
Buckongahelas, for such they discovered him to be,
addressed them as follows:
** Friends! — ^Listen to what I say to you ! You see
a ffreat and powerful nation divided ! You see the
father fighdng against the son, and the son against the
father ! — ^The father has called on his Indian children,
to assist him in punishing his children, the Americans,
* Their object was, to take these off to a place where
they would nave them under their control, and prevent
them firom governing the nation while the war lasted ; it
being a custom with ^e Indians, that as soon n
the peace-chief has gave his consent to war meapuree, hi
office ceases, and the power is vested in the head cap-
tains of the nation, iintil his services, in making pea ,
ftie again wanted.
Digitized by Google
174 INDIAN BIOGBAPHT*
who have become refractory !— I took timeto oonod
er what I should do— whether or not I should receive
^e hatchet of my father, to assist him! — ^At first I
looked upon it as a family quarrel, in which I was
not interested — ^However, at length it appeared to me,
that the father was in the right ; and his children de-
served to be punished a little! — That this must be the
case, I concluded fi'om the many cruel acts his off*
Bpring had committed fix>m time to time, on his Indian
children ; in encroaching on their land, stealing their
property, diooting at, and murdering without causci
men, women and children — ^Yes! even murdering
those, who at all times had been friendly to them, ana
were placed for protection under the roof a£ their
father's-bouse — ^The father himself standing centry
at the door, at the time."
The writer here referred to a number of Pennsyl-
vanian Indians, murdered in a jaU, where they wera
placed for security, against the whites. The stfntiy /
was the jailer. He continued thus :
" Friends ! Often has the father been ol^ged to set*
tie, and make amends for the wrongs and mischiefli
done to us, by his refiractiory chikiren, yet these do not
grow better! No! they remain the same, and will
continue to be so, as long as we have any kbidloft us!
Look bade at the murders commatted by the Lone*
Knives on many of our relations; who HviA peaoeabw
nekbbors to them on the Ohio ! Did they not kill them
without the least provaeation ?— Are they, do you
think, better now tmn they were then ? — ^No, inctoed
not ; and many days are not elapsed mnoe you had
a number of mese very men at your doors, who
panted to ktU you, but fortunately were prevented
from so doing by the Greca Sun,* who, at that time,
bad been or&ined by the Great Spirit to protect
you!"
* The name the Indians had given to Col. Daniel Bzoad*
ihead.
d by Google
* fViendii irnd r^dves !-«Now liiten to me, and hear
what I have to iay to you. — ^I em myself coirie to bid
you rise and go with me to a secure place ! Do not,
n^ fiiends, coret the land you now hdd tinder culti-
vation. I will conduct you to a country* equally
good, where your fields shall yield you abundant
uurops, and where your cattle shall find sufficient pas-
ture ; where there is plenty of game ; where your
woRien and children, together with yourselves, will
live in peaceand safety ; where no Long Knife shall
£ver molest you!— -Nay ! I will live between you and
them, and not even suffer diem to frighten you ! —
There, you can worship your God without fear!-^
Here, where you are, you cannot do this ! — ^Think on
what I have now said to you, and believe, that if you
stay where you now are, one day or another the
ijonfr-Knives will, in tbetr usual way, speak fine
worSs to you, and at the same time murder you V*
To this speech the Bfethren replied by civilly de-
clining die propontion of the Orator ; and he then of-
fered a new one,— that they i^ould permit all who
wished to leave them, to do so. Thus the matter was
aetded. Budtongahelas then proceeded to another
village of the Cluistian Ddawares, Salem, before en-
tering wti^ place be cautioned his warriors to leave
their arms behind diem, ** lest the women and chil-
dren «he«tld be .frightened." *' And destroy nothing,"
he added, " which belongs to our fiiends ; no, not even
•Be of th^ ckdokeMj* The conference which en-
sued with the Salem authorities is thus stated by Mr.
Heckewelder, who waA present
^ The Christian Indians," eaid the Chieftain, *^ wers
ft hapf^ people ; and be would .never trouble them on
tooouftt of their not joining in tlie war. — ^Indeed, diey
eould not with propriety loin in wars, without first
Ksnouncing praying, [meaning Christianity]. — ^And ev<*
ery Indian, or body of Imlians, had a right to chooso
fiir themselves, whom they would serve !— For him,
* The Miami country.
Digitized by Google
176 INDIAN BIOQRAPHr<
he bad hired himself to his ikther, the king of Cog*
kind, for the purpose of fighting against his refinctoiy
children, the Long-Knives ; yvhim his friends and re-
lations, the Christian Indians, had hired themselves
to tlie Great Spirit, solely for the purpose of performins
prayers !" [meaninff, attending to religion] — ^He added,
that both were right in their way, thoqgh both em-
ployments could not be connected together. .And
only yesterday they were told, whilst at Ghiadenhut-
ten, that God bad instructed aH Qhristian people to
love their enemies — and even to pray for them !— ^
These words, he said, were written in t;he large book
that contained the words and commandments of God I
— ^Now, how would it appear, were we to compel
our friends, who love and pray for their enemies, to
fiffht against them !— compel them to act contrary to
vniat thev believe to be right ! — ^force them to do that
by which they would incur the displeasure of the
Great Spirit, and bring his wrath upon them ! — ^That it
would be as wrong in him to compel the Christian In-
dians to quit praying and turn out to fight and kill
people, as it would be in them to compel him to lay
fighting aside, and turn to prajrin^ only ! — ^He had of-
ten h^ud it stated, that the beheving Indians were
slaves to their teachers, and what these commanded
them to do, they must do, however disagreeable to
them 1 — Now, (said he) how can this be true, when
every Indian is a fi'ee man, and can go where he
pleases ! — Can the teacher stop him from going away ?
— ^No! he cannot ! — well ! how can he then he made
a slave by the teacher! — ^When we come here among
our friends, we see how much they love their teach-
ers.— This looks well ! — Continue, my friends, (said he
to the national assistants) in loving your teachers, and
in doing alkgood things; and when your friends and
relations come to see you, satisfy their hunger as
you have done to us this day ?**
Having taken leave of all who were in the houao,
* Narrative ef the Christian Indians.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN NOGiunir. 177
he proceeded' to the middle of the street, firom wheoee
he addi^essed the inhabitants of the place and thanked
them for their hospitality, assuring them of his regard
and good wishes for them, and adding, that ^ If at any,
time they should hear it said, that Pachgantschihilas
was an enemy to the believing [Christian] Indians ;
they should consider such words as lies !"
The reasoning of the Chieftain speaks for itselC
His predictions in regard to the fate of the Christian
Belawares, were but too speedily accomplished. But
It was no fault of his ; and indeed, in 1783, when
Captain Pipe sent word to htm not to suffer any of
them to leave his territory^ he returned answer, with
his usual spirit, that he never would prevent them from
going to their teachers. ^And why did you expect
them ?" he added. <<Did I not tell you beforehand,
that bf you drove the teachers oE, the believing In-
dians would follow them ? But you would not listen
to me, and now we lose both! Who, think you,
is die cause of att the disasters, which have befallen
these people ! /say you ! — Yim I who threatened them
with destruction! Fou, who instigated the Wyan-
dots to act the treacherous part they did,— agreeing
with them, that, as a recompense for their servioeau
they should be entitled to all the plunder they couki
lay hold of!"
In Dawson's Memckn of Harrison, BiM^kongaheks
is mentioned as being present at a council of the
diie& of various tMea, called at Fort Wayne
in 1803, for the purpose of ratifyifig a negotiation for
land, already pr^>o8ed in a former one which met at
Viocennes. The Grovemor carried his pdnt, chiefly
by the aid of en influential Miami chief, and by being
^ boldly ieeonded in tvery propofkion by the Pottawata«
nies* who (as Mr. Dawson states,) ^ were entirely devoted
io the Go9emor.^ It is not our intention here to discuss
at length the character of this transaction, which rath-
er belongs to the general history of the period. How
the Delaware Ch^f and the Shawanees undarstood it|
d by Google
178 INX^IAN BIOORAPHT.
and how they expressed their sentiments, may be in- ^
ferred from the following statement of Dawson : —
'^ When the transaction at the council of Vincen-
nes was mentioned, it called forth all the wrath of the
Delawares and the Sbawanese. The respected Buck-
ingehelos so far forgot himself that he interrupted the
Crovemor, and declared with vehemence, that nothing
that was done at Vincennes was binding upon the In-
dians; that the land which was there decided to be
the property of the United States, belonged to the
Delawares ; and that he Had then with him a chief
who had been present at the transfer made by the Pi-
ankishaws to the Delawares of all the country be-
tween the Ohio and White rivers, more than thirty
years before. The- Sbawanese went still further, and
behaved with so much insolence, that the Governor
was obliged to tell them that they were jindutiful and
rebellious children, and that he would^nthdraw his
protection from them until they had learnt to behave
themselves with more propriety. These Chiefi im-
mediately left the council house in a body."
Sbbsequently the Shawanees submitted, though it
does not appear that Buckongahelas set them the ex-
ample : and thus, says the historian,^ the Govemor
overcame all opposition, and carried his point
But he did not gain the good will, or subdue the
haughty independence of the War-Chief of the DeU
awares, who, as long as he lived, was at least conas-
tent with himself in his feeling towards the Ameri-
can people. Nor yet was he m the slightest degree
BervUe m his attachment to the British. He was not
their instrument or subject, but their ally ; and no lon-
ger their ally, than they treated him in a manner suit-
able to that capacity and to his own character.
Ue was indeed the most distinguished warrior in the
Indian confederacy; and as it was the British interest
which had induced the Indians to commence, as well
as to continue tlie war, Buckongahelas relied on their
fuppoit and protection. This support had been giv-
en, so far as recites to provisions, armsi and ammunU
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOORAPHT 179
tion ; anci.in the celebrated enffagement, on tl^e 90th
of August, 1794, which resulted in acosai^ete victory
by General Wayne over the combined hostile tribes,
there were said to be two companies of British mili-
tia from Detroit on the side of the Indians.* But
the ^tes of Fort Mimms being shut against the re-
treating and wounded Indians, after the battle, opened
the eyes of Buckongahelas^ and he determined upon an
immediate peace with the United States, and a total
abandonment of the British. He assembled his tribe
and embarked them in canoes, with the design of
proceeding up the river, and sending a flag of truce to
rort Wayne. Upon approaching the British fort, he
was requested to land, and he did so : ** What have
you to say to me ?^ said he, addressing the officer of
the dav. It was replied, that the commanding officer
wished to speak with him. ^Then he may come
here," was the reply. *^ He will not do that," said the
officer, ^and you will not be suffered to pass the fort
if you do not comply." " What shall prevent me ?^
said the intrepid Chief. ''These," said the officer,
pointuig to the /cannon of the fort. ^ I fear not your
cannon," replied the Chief. ''After suffering the
AmericansXo defilef your spring, without daring to fire
on them, you cannot expect to frighten Buckongahe-
las f and he ordered the canoes to push off, and passed
the fort
Never after this would he, like the other chiefi^
visit the British, or receive presents fit>m them. " Had
the great Buckingehelos lived," says Mr. Dawson, al-
luding to these circumstances, "he would not have
Buffered the schemes projected by the Prophet (broth-
er of Tecumseh) to be matur^." And the same
writer states, that on his death-bed he earnestly ad-
* Dawson's Memoirs.
t This was spoken metaphorically, to express the con-
tempt and insult with which the garrison had been treat-
ed by the Americans, for their txeacheiy towards the In-
dians who had been their allies.
Digitized by Google
180 IKMAN BIOOaAPHY.
Vised bis tribe to rely en the fiiendship of tbe United
States, and desert thecause of the Brididi. This waa
in 1804.
It is said of Buckongahelas, diatno Christian knight
ever was more scrupulous in performing all his engage-
ments. Indeed he had all the qualifications of a jpeal
hero. His perfect Indian independence, — the inde-
pendence <^ a noble natwre^ unperceived to itself and
unatfbcted to others, — is illustrated by an authentic
anecdote which will bear repetition.
In the jear 1785, be was present, with manj (Ji^iKir
chiefs of various tribes, at a treaty negotiated by ordev
of Coi^ress at Fort Mc'Intosh on the Ohio river;.
When the peaoe-chiefii had addressed the CMnmis^
sioners of the United States, who were Geoi^e Bogerv
C^ark, Arthur Lee, and RIchard'Butler, the two latter
of whom he did not dei^ to notice, approaching Gen-
eral Clark and taking him by the hand, he thus ad-
dressed him: '^I tirank the Great Spirit for havmg
this day brought together two such i^eat warriors td
Buckongahelas and General Clark.'^ The sentiment
reminds one ef the Uttte-^^Jinpenter^ address to Mr*
Bertram :— ^ I am Attakullakufla ^— did yon know it ?*
* Dawson's MsnwMW^
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHT. 181
CHAPTER XII.
Bome account of the Shaw^uiees, the tribe of Tkcummeh
— Anecdotes illustrative of their character-^Eaily his*
tory and lineage of Tecumseh — His first adyentures
as a warrior — ^His habits and principles — His brothers
KuMSHAKA and Elskwata wa — The first open move*
ments of the latter, in 1806— He assumes the charac-
ter of Prophet — His doctrines — His mode of operation
upon his countrymen — Other Indian Pretenders — An-
ecdote of a Shawanee Chief, at Fort Wayne — Tan-
ner's account of the ministry of the Elskwatawa^s
Agents — Concert traced between them — Witchcraft-
superstition — Anecdotes of Tetzbozti The Cr^nb,
LsATHER'LiPs, and others.
As the distinguished "perBonage whose history now
claims our attention, was a member of the Kish6-
poke tribe of the Shawanee nation, a brief account of
that somewhat celebrated community may not be h>
relevant in this connection.
As their name indicates, they came originally
from the South, (that being the meaning of the Dela-
ware word Shawaneu;) and the oldest individuals of
the Mohican tribe, their elder irMtr^ told Mr. Heck-
ewelder, they dwelt in the neighborhood of Savan-
nah, in Georgia, and in the Fioridas. ^They were
a restless pec^,'' we are further informed, ** delight-
ing in wars;" and in these they were so constantly
engaged, that their neighbors,--the Cherokees, Choo-
taws. Creeks, Yajnassees, and other powerful tribes,-*
&ially &rmed a league, offensive and defensive, fat
* So called, becande their separation from the parent
stock was one of the most ancient of which the tradition
was distinctly preserved. Following the same prinei*
^le, the Delw&res themselves have unilbniily given th*
m^oi UmU to tie Wjandotf.
Digitized by Google
188 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY
the express purpose of ezpeUiogthem from the cotm-
try. But the Shawanees were too wise to conteiKi
with such an enemy, and they adopted the more pru<
dent policy of asking permission to leave their ter-
ritories peaceably, and migrate northward. This fa-
vor being grant^ them, their main body settled upon
the Ohio ; some of them as far up as where the French
afterwards built Fort Duquesne, — now Pittsburg, —
others, about the forks of the Delaware, and a few
even upon the site of what is now Philadelphia.
Those who remained on the Ohio becoming nu«
merous and powerful, It was not long before the|
crossed tbe Alleghany mountains, and fell upon a set-
tlement of the Dela wares, on the Juniata,— of which
very people, their grandfather^ they had sohcite4
peace and protection, through the interposition of the
Mohicans, on their first arrival in the country. Mur-
ders were committed, plunder was carried oS", and a
war ensued. As soon as this could, be disposed
of, they engaged in the French war, which broke
out in 1755, against the English. That being tenni*
Dated in 1763, and the tribe being elated by its in-
creased numbers, and by the strong confederacy now
established between themselves and the Delawares,
they comnaenced hostilities against the Cherokeea
In the course of this war, the latter occasionally pur-
Bued the aggressors into the Delaware territories, and
thus that natiop was aroused again. The union of
jR>rce8 which ensued, added to the already existing
hostility of the Five Nations, proved too much for the
Gherokees, and in 1768, they solicited and obtained
a peace. Owing chiefly to the influence of the Del-
awares, the Shawanees were now kept quiet for the
uniisuidly long term of six years, when they were in-
volved in a war with the people of Virginia,— then
comprising Kentucky,— K>cca8ioned by the noted nnir-
ders committed upon Lo^'s relations and others, by
white people. The burmng of some of their villages
had scarcely driven them to a sort of truce with this
D^w enemy, when the war of the Revolution com-
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
INDIAN BIOORAPH7. ' 183
menced, in which they allied themselves with the
English, and continued openly hostile, notwithstand-
ing the peace of 1783, until the femous victory of
Greneral Wayne, in 1795.
Their reputation as warriors suffered nothing dur-
ing all this long series of hostile operations. The first
settlers of Kentucky were molested and harassed by
them, more than by any other tribe. Boone, who
was taken captive by them in 1778, saw four hundred
and Gfty of their warriors mustered at one place, —
Btill called Chilicothe, — ^ready for a foray among the
white settlements, which soon after ensued. Mar«
fihall, in his History of Kentucky, gives the particu-
lars of an expedition against them, the season after
ihis, in which " many of the best men in the coundy
were privates ;" the invaders were defeated and driv-
en oft, and nearly two hundred of them pursued with
eonsiderable loss, by about thirty of the Shawanees.
^ Of all the Indians who had been marauding in the
country," the same writer observes elsewhere, "the
Shawanees had been the most mischievous, as they
were the most active." Loskiel represents the tribe
in question as ^the most savage of the Indian oa-
tions."
An incident, showing the disposition which they
manifested, even at this period, (1773,) towards their
American neighbors, may throw some light upon
their character, and upon subsequent events. The
celebrated missionary, Zeisberger, viated some of
their settlements, during the year last named, in the
hope of establishing a mission among them. At one
of their villages, he met with the head-chief of the
tribe. The latter gave him his hand and addressed
him : " This day," said he, " the Great Spirit has or-
dered that we should see and speak with each other,
ihce to face." He then entered into a long detail of
the practices of the white people, describing their
manner of deceiving the Indians, and finally aftirm*
ed that they were all alike, — all hypocrites and knaves.
The Missionary made some reply to these charges,
Digitized by Google
IM INDIAN nOCatAFHT.
but the Chief was ** so exceedingly exasperated against
the white people," adds Loskiel, ''that brother Zeis-
bergers exhortation seemed to have litde weight with
him." He at length gave the Preacher permission to
▼isit the other Shawanee towns, taking care to sug-
gest, as a parting word of comfort, that he must rely
upon having his brains beat out very speedily. Thir-
ty years previous to this, when Count Zinzendorff
himself went among the Wyoming Shawanees, to
convert them, they rewarded that pious pilgrim for
his labor of love, by conspiring to murder him ; but,
by a fortunate accident, he escaped safe from their
bands.
On the whole, setting aside for the^ present the his-
tory of this natbn for the last diirty years, during
which we have suffered most from them, it would
seem that a more warlike or more hostile people has
scarcely existed upon the c<mtinent. Where, rather
than here, should we look for the birth and education
of Tecumsbh,* the modern Philip, and when, rather
than at the stormy period of the Revolution ? Prob-
ably, at the very time when the troops of our Con-
gress (in 1780,) were expelling them westward from
me river Scioto, and burning their villages behind
them, the young hero, who afterwards kindled the
flame of war upon the entire frontier of the States, by
the breath of his own single spirit, was learning his
fiiBt lessons of vengeance amid the ruins of his native
land, and in the blood c^his countrymen.
.His native land, we say, for it is tolerably well as
certained that he was bom on the banks of the Scio
to, near Chilicothe. His father, who was a noted
Shawanee warrior, fell at the batde of Kenhawa,
while Tecumseh was yet a mere boy. His mother is
said by some to have been a Shawanee, and by oth-
ers a Creek ; but he is understood himself to have told
a gentleman at Vincennes, in 1810, that she was a
* Pronounced by the Indians TecunUhi, and some-
times so written.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 185
Cherokee, who had been taken prisoner in a war be-
tween that nation and the Shawanees, and adopted,
according to Indian custom, into a family of the lat-
ter nation which resided near the Miami of the Lake.
This account is confirmed by the circumstance of
this woman having migrated into the Cherokee terri-
tory in advanced age, and died there. The totem of
her tribe is said to have been a turtle, and that of the
father's a tiger.
From all the information which can now be gath-
ered respecting the early years of Tecumseh, it ap-
pears that he gave striking evidence in his boyhood
of the singular spirit which characterized him through
life. He was distinguished for a steady adherence to
principle, and generally to that of the best kind. He
prided himself upon his temperance and his truth,
maintaining an uncommon reputation for integrity,
and, what is still rarer among his countrymen, never
indulging in the excessive use of food or liquor. He
would not marry until long after the customaty peri-
od; and then, as a matter of necessity, in consequence
of the solicitations of friends, he connected himself
with an elderly female, who was, perhaps, not the
handsomest or most agreeable lady in the world, but
nevertheless bore him one child, his only offspring.
With this exception, he adopted in his matrimonial
Kfe, the practices of the sect of Shakers, whose
frineiplesy as is well known, were afterwards so strenu-
ously promulgated by his brother, the Prophet, that a
certain prime functionary in that denomination gave
him the credit of being as good a disciple as himself.*
Whether there was an express concert or actual co-
operation between the two, at this early period, re-
specting this or any other project or policy in which
they subsequently engaged together, does not appear
to be positively ascertained.
It IS not to be supposed, that any remarkable
* See an aathority cited at large ia the following p»>
gM.
Digitized by Google
186 IVDUH BIOGRAPirr.
•chieTdmenti of the young 'wbitiot in his firet batttoii
should be preserved on record. Some Shawonees
ha?e said that he made his debid in an engagement with
the Kentucky troops, which took pkce on tlie banks
of Mad River ; that in the heat of the skirmish he most
unsallantly turned right-about-face, and made tlie best
of his way from the&Id, with all possible diligence, —
and that too while one of his brothers stood his
ground witli the other Indians, and fought till he v^aa
wounded and carried o£ It must be admitted,
this was not so creditable a proceeding as may be
conceived ; but the extreme youth of the parQr goes
some way to explain, as his subsequent conduct did
to excuse it.
But from this time, whatever might be his animal
courage, he was never known to shrink. Indeed,
Ereviously to the treaty of Greenville, (in 1795) when
e was probably about twenty-five years of age, be is
said to have signalized himself so much,, as to have
been reputed one of the boldest of the Indian warri-
ors. No individual was more r^larly engaged iu
those terrible incursions bv which the first settlers
of Kentucky were so much harassed ; and few could
boast of having intercepted so many boats on the
Ohio river, or plundered so many houses on the civ-
ilized shore. He was sometimes pursued, but never
overtaken. If the enemy advanced into his own
country, he retreated to the banks of the Wabash,
until the storm had passed by ; and then, just as they
were laying aside the sword ^r the axe and plough-
share, swooped down upon them again in their own
settlements. It goes to show the disinterested sener-
osity always ascribed to him, that, although^ the
booty collected in the course of these adventures
must have been very considerable in quantity and
value, he rarely retained any portion of it for his own
use. His ruling passion was tlie love of glory, as
that of uis followers was the love of gain; and, of
course, a compromise could always be effected be-
tween them, to the perfect satis&cdon of both par-
Digitized by Google
INDIAN B10GRAF«r> 197
tiea Be was a feudal baron among boon* It re-
mained for subseijuent occasions, then little dreamed
of, to show that his temperament, like his talent, was
even better adapted to the management of a large en-
gagement, than to the rneli^ of a small one.
We have now arrived at an epoch in his life, when
it is no longer possible to give his own history to
much advantage, but by connecting it with diat of his
celebrated brother, the Prophet already mentioned.
The name of this personage wosElskwatawa.* He
and Tecumseb, and still another, Kumshaka, were
the offspring of the same mother at the same birth,
probably there was an understanding between the
three, at an early date, respecting the great plans
which the prophet and the orator afterwards carri^
into execution ; but as we hear litde or nothing of
the subsequent co-operation of Kumi^aka, it may be
presumed that he did not live, — employment would
^certainly have been found for him, if he had.
It is said to have been about the year 1804, when
the two brothers, who a^rwards acted so prominent-
ly together, first conceived the ][Nroject of uniting all
the western Indians in a defensive and perhaps belli-
gerent combination «|[ainst the Americans. The
probable inducements m their minds to the adoption
of that policy, being rather a matter of speculation
than history, will be left for subsequent comment.
The course actually taken to effect the proposed ob-
ject admits of Uttle controversy. Elskktawa summa-
rily undertook to personate a religious . character,
and began preaching in the sunmier of 1804.
He inculcated, in the finst place, that a radical re<^
ferm was necessary In the manners of the red people.
This was proved, by enlarging upon the^ evils wbick
* Meaning, says Mr. Schoolcraft, a fire that is movtd
from place to pUiee. Elsewhere we find him called OUi-
waysnila, on good authority. A compromise may be e&
fected, by suggesting that he assumed various names at
VaTiQus periods.
Digitized by Google
i86 INDIAN BiOGEAJ^HT.
Iiftd ensued from the neighborbood of the ^ites,-
ihe imitation of their dress and mannerB, the intro-
duction of ardent spirits, diseases, oootentions, and
wars ; by the vast diminution of the means of subsis-
tence, and the narrowed limits of territory to which
they were W)w hemmed in ; and by other considera-
^ns of die most irritating, as well as plausible kind,
4he force of which was not at all lessened by occa-
sional comment on particular transactions, and glow*
ing references to the long, peaoefiil, and happy lives
4>f their forefathers. That point being gained, and a
jfavoraUe excitement produced, the next thing in or-
4lef was his own commission from the Great Spirit.
This was authenticated by the astonishing miracles
he was able to perform, and still more by the great
benefits he proposed to confer on his followers.
The budget of reform was then brought forward.
Thei^e was to be no more fighting between the tribei^
^-they wens bnethrea. They were to abandon tlie
iise of ardent spirits, and to wear ^ins, as their an-
cestors had done, instead of blankets. Stealing, quar-
relling, and other immoral modern habits were de-
nounced. Injunctions of minor importance aeem to
have been enforced merely with a view to test the
pliability of ravage auperstition, to embarrass the jeaW
jous scrutiny of those who opposed or doubted, and to
establish a superficial uniformity whereby the true
believers shoukl be readily distinguished. The poli*
cy of .the more prominent tenets cannot be misteken,
Justin proportion to their observance, tliey must in-
evitably promote the independence of tlie Indian na»
tions, drst, by diminishing their dependence upon the
>vhite«, and, secondly, by increasing their intefcoursa
and harjYinny with ^ach other.
In addressing himself to such subjects, with such a
^stem, Elskwatawa could hardly fiiU of auccess.
For some years, indeed^ his converts were few; for,
great a^ the influence is which a man of his preten-
tions exercises over his ignorant countrymen, when
im reputation is once j£irly acquiredt U is fay no
«
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOOSAPHY. 180
means so etejr ^an usdertakiog to estdilish k in tiie
outset.
The means used by Ekkw&tawa, or by hip and Te-
curnseh in concert, to efiect the object in his own
case, are more indicative of the talent of both, than
the conception of the policy itself, which was com-
paratively common-place. A prophet is a familiar
character among the Indians, and always has been.
''The American impostors,'' said Charlevoix, ''are
not behind-hand with any in this point ; and as by
chance (if we will not allow the devil any share in it,)
they sometimes happen to divine or guess pretty
light, they acquire k^ this a great reputation, and are
reckoned gemi of the first oider." Mr. Tanner, who
has recenuy published a narrative of his thirty years'
residence among the Indians, gives incidental ac-
counts of as many as three or four pretenders, who, in-
deed, judging from the time of their appearance, may
fairly be considered as emissaries of Elskwatawa
«Qd Tecumseh. The former had an immediate pre-
decessor among the Delawares, a notorious preacher
named Wajioomend,* who began his career in 1766.
This man wholly /ot/ed^ as did most of the others;
and the result is so conunon m similar cases, that it
becomes the more interesting to ascertain how the
inspired candidate now und^ consideration ituxeed-
Tecumseh was, of course, his first convert and most
devoted disciple, but some of their relatives or partic-
ular friends soon followed in his train. The wary in^
triguant then most wisely commenced operations up-
on the residue of his own tribe. Previous to any vi-
olent promulgation of the doctrines aheady stated, he
gained their attention and flattered their pride, by re-
viving a favorite tradition which made them the most
ancient and respectable people on the globe. The
* Or WiNosMUKD ; the same man mentioned in tha
life of White-Eyes, as having protected Mr. ELecke wel-
der on his journey through me woods
Digitized by Google
190 INDIAIC BIOGRAPHr.
pftrtiealare cannot bo better understood than fhHn die
representation of an old Shawanee Chief^ who, in
ISO^ hai^mgued a council at Fort Wayne upon the
fiubject
" The Master of Life," said he, very proudly, « who
was himself an Indian, made the Shawaneese before
any others of the human race, and they sprang from
his brain." He added, that the Master of Life ** gave
them all the knowledge which he himself possessed ;
that he placed them upon the great island ; and that
all the other red people were descended fit)m the
Shawaneese :^-^hat after he had made the Shawa-
neese, he made the French and English out of his
breast, and the Dutch out of his feet ; and for your
Long-Knives kind," said he, addressing himself to the
Oovemor, <' he made them out of his hands. AH
these inferior races of men he made White, and plac-
ed them beyond the great lake,"-— meaning the Atlan-
tic Ocean.
^ The Shawaneese for many ages continued to be
masters of the continent, using the knowledge which
they had received from the Great Spirit, in such a
manner as to be pleasing to him, and to secure their
own happiness. In a great length of time, however,
they became corrupt, and the Master of Life told
them he would take away firom them the knowl-
edge they possessed, and give it to the white people^
to be restored when, by a return to good principles,
they would deserve it Many years after that, they
aaw something white approaching their shores; at
first they took It for a great bird, but th^ soon found
it to be a monsoous canoe, filled with the very people
who had got the knowledge which belonged to the
Shawaneese. After these white people landed, they
were not content with having the knowledge which
belonged to the Shawaneese, but th^ usurped their
lands also. Thev pretended, indeed, to have pur-
chased these lands ^ but the very goods which they
gave for them was more the property of the Indiana
than the white people, because the knowledge which
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOeRAPHT. 191
enabled them to manufiicture these goods actuallT
belonged to the Shawaneese. But tbeee things wifi
soon have an end. The Master of Life is about to re-
store to the Shawaneese both their knowledge and
their rights, and he will trample the Long-Knives m>*
der his feet."
This speaker was supposed to be in the British in*
terest, and to have been sent to Fort Wayne for the
purpose of preventing a negotiation expected to be
there settled. The probability is, that he derived his
ideas of Shawanee dignity from the preaching of
Elskwatawa. But the latter had noore good sense
than personally to continue the same strain, afler hav«
ing secured about one hundred followers by the use
of it. Jt was then abandoned, and other inducements
and arguments brought forward, of a wider applica-
tion. Some of the Shawanees grew cool and desert-
ed him, but he still persevered. His brother was in-
defatigable in his cooperation ; other agents and in-
struments were set to work ; and stra^lere of various
tribes soon flocked to his quarters at Green^le from
every direction.
The minutiae of this proselyting or electioneering
system are so well developed in the faithful and sim-
ple narrative of Tanner, as to justify extracting his
account at length. It cannot fait to give a much
clearer idea of the mode of operation, than any expo-
sition whatever in general terms. The locality, it
will be observed, is a quite remote one : —
** It was while I was Uving here at Qreat Wood
River, that news came of a great man among the
Shawaneese, who had been ravoved by a revelation
of the mind and will of the Great Spirit. I was hunt-
ing in the prairie, at a great distance from my lodge,
when I saw a stranger approaching ; at first I was ap-
prehensive of an enemy, but, as he drew nearer, his
dress showed him to be an Ojibbeway [Chippeway ;]
but when he came up, there was something very
■trange and peculiar in his manner. He signified to
me tbsx I must go home^ but gave no ejqdanatioii oi
digitized by Google
102 INDIAN BIOORAPHT.
the cause. He refbsed to look at me, or enter into
any kind of conversation. I thought he must be cra-
zy, but nevertheless accompanied him to my lodge.
When we had smoked, he remained a long time si-
lent, but it last began to tell me he had come with a
message from the prophet of the Shawueese.
<^ Henceforth,^ said he, *^ the fire must never be suffer-
ed to go out in your lodge. Summer and winter, day
and night, in the storm, or when it is calm, you must
remember that the life in your body, and the fire in
your lodge, are the same, and of the same date. If
you suffer your fire to be extinguished, at that mo-
ment your life will be at its end. You must not suf-
fer a dog to live. You must never strike either a man,
a woman, a child, or a dog. The prophet himself is
coming to shake hands ^nth you ; but I have coma
before, that you may know what is the will of the
Oreat Spirit, communicated to us by him, and to in-
form you that the preservation of your life, for a sin-
gle moment, depends on your entire obedience. IVom
ihis timeforwtard, we art neUker to be dnmk, to wtealy to
lie, or to go tigaiiut our enemies. While we yield an
entire obedience to these conomands of the Great
Spirit, the Sioux, even if they come to our country,
vn\[ not be able to see us ; we shall be protected and
made happ^." I listened to all 1m had to say, but
told him, m answer, that I eoald not believe we
should all die, in case our fire went out ; in many in-
stances, also, it would be difficult to avoid punishing
our children ; our dogs were useful in aiding us to
hunt and take animals, so that I could not believe the
Oreat Spirit had any wish to take them from u& He
continued talking to us until late at night ; then he
Jay down to sleep in my lodge. I happened to wake
first in the morning, and perceiving the fire had gone
<»ut, i called him to get up, and see how isany of ua
were living, and how many dead. He was prepared
lor the ridicule I attempted to throw upoa his dee-
Irine, and tokl me tnat I had not yet abaken haii4a
witli the psoohaL His vaiit had beep «o pvepwa «it
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 193
for this important eyent, and to make me aware of
the obligations and risks I should incur by eQterin^
Into the engagement implied in taking in my hand
the message of the prophet. I did not rest entirely
easy in my unbelief The Indians, generally, receiv-
ed the doctrine of this man with great humility and
fear. Distress and anxiety were visible in every
countenance. Many killed their dogs, and endeavor-
ed to practice obedience to all the commands of this
new preacher, who still remained among us. But, as
was usual with me, in any emergency of this kind, I
went to the traders, firmly believing, that-if the Deity
bad any communications to make to men, they would
be given, in the first instance, to white men. The
traders ridicnled and despised ^e idea of a new rev-
elation of the Divine will, and the thought that it
should be given to a poor Shawnee. Thus was 1
confirmed in my infidelity. Nevertheless, I did not
openly avow my unbelief to the Indians, only I re-
fused to kill my dogs, and showed no great degree of
anxiety to comply with his other requirements. As
k>ng as I remained among the Indians, I made it my
business to conform, as fiu* as appeared consistent
with my immediate conyenienoe and comfort, with all
their custonas. Many of their ideas I have adopted ;
but I always found among them opinions which I
could not hold. The Oiibbeway whom I have men-
tioned, remained some time among the Indiane in ray
nei^borhood, and gained the attention of the prioei-
pal men so effectuaUy, thata time was appointed, and
a lodge prepared, for the solemn and public espous-
ing of the doctrines of the prophet When the peo-
{)le, and I among them, were brought into the long
odge, prepared for this sotemnity, we saw something
carefiilly concealed under a blanket, in ^gore and di-
mensions bearing some resembtance to the form of a
man. This was accompanied by two young men,
who, it was understood, attended constantly upon it,
made its bed at night, as for a man, and slept near it.
But while we remained, no one went near it, or i '
II.— R
digitized by Google
194 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
ed the blanket which was spread over its unknown
contents. Four strings of mouldy and discolored
beans were all the remaining visible insignia of this
important mission. After a long harangue, in which
the prominent features of the new revelation Were
stated and urged upon the attention of ail, the four
strings of beans, which we were told were made of
the flesh itself of the prophet, were carried, with
n^uch solemnity, to each man in the lodge, and he
was expected to take hold of each string at the top,
and draw them gendy through his hand. This was
called shaking, hands with the prophet, and was con-
sidered as solemnly engaging to obey his injunctions,
and accept his mission as from the Supreme. All
the Indians who touched the beans, had previously
killed their dogs ; they gave up their medicine-bags,
[a charm,] and showed a disposition to comply with
all that should be required of them*
We had already been for some time assembled in
considerable numbers ; much agitation and terror had
prevailed among us, and now famine began to be felt.
The faces of men wore an aspect of unusual gloomi-
ness ; the active became indolent, and the spirits of
the bravest seemed to be subdued. I started to hunt
with my dogs, which I had constantly refused to kill,
or suffer to be killed. By their assistance, I found
and killed a bear. On returning home, I said to some
of the Indians, ** Has not the Great Spirit given us our
dogs to aid us in procuring what is needful for the
support of our lite, and can you believe he wishes
now to deprive us of their services ? The prophet,
we are told, has forbid us to suffer our fire to be extin-
guished in our lodges, and when we travel or hunt,
he will not allow us to use a flint and steel, and we
are told he requires that no man should give fire to
another. Can it please the Great Spirit that we should
lie in our hunting-camps without nre ; or is it more
agreeable to him that we should make fire by rubbing
together two sticks, than with a flint and a piece of
steel ?" But they would not listen to me, and the se-
Digitized by VjOOQ iC
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 195
rious enthusiasm which prevailed among them so far
affected me, that I threw away my flint and steel, laid
aside my medicine-bag, and, in many particulars,
complied with the new doctrines ; but I would not
kill my dogs. I soon learned to kindle a Are by rub-
bing some diy cedar, which I was careful always to
carry about me ; but the discontinuance of the use of
flint and steel subjected many of the Indians to
much inconvenience and suflering. The influence
of the Shawnee prophet was very sensibly and pain-
fully felt by the remotest Ojibbeways of whom I had
any knowledge ; but it was not the common impres-
sion among them, that his doctrines had any tenden-
cy to unite them in the accomplishment of any hu-
man purpose. For two or three years, drunkenness
was much less frequent than formerly ; war was less
thought of, and the entu*e aspect of affairs amons
them was somewhat changed by the influence of
one man. But gradually the impression was obliter-
ated ; medicine-bags, flints and steels were resumed,
dogs were raised, and women and children were beat-
en as before."
The following passage occurs in a subsequent part
of Tanner's volume, referring to a date about two
years later than the one just quoted. The writer evi-<
dently had but little suspicion of a connection between
the second impostor and the first, and we have as lit-
tle doubt of it. The Prophet renewed his labors in
another form, as fast as the former impression, to use
Tanner's words, was * obliterated.' The unpopular
injunctions, only, were omitted in the second edition,
while all the^ubstantial ones, it will be observed, were
retained : —
*^ In the spring of the year, after we had assembled
at the trading-house at Pembinah, the chiefs built a
great lodge, and called all the men together to receive
some information concerning the newly reveled will
of the Great Spirit The messenger of this revela-
tion, was Manito-o-geezhik, a man of no great fame,
but well known to most of the Ojibbeways of that
digitized by Google
196 INDIAN BIOGR.\rHY.
countty. He bad disappeared for about one y ai^
and in that time, he pretended to have visited the
abode of the Great Spirit, and to have listened to his
instructions, though some of the traders informed me,
he had only been to St. Louis, on the MississippL
^^The Littie Clam took it upon him to explain the
object of the meeting. He then sung and prayed,
and proceeded to detail the principal features of the
revelation to Manito-o-geezhik. The Indians were no
more to g^ against (hdr enemies ; they must no longer
steal, d^aiM, or lie ; Uieu must neiSur be dmtnky nor
eat their foodf nor drink their broth when it was hot,
Fetvjqf the imunctions of Meardto-o-geezhik were trovih-
lesomef or difficult of observanse, like those of the Shaw*
nee prophet. Many of the maxims and instructions
communicated to the Indians, at this tiixie, were of a
kind to be permanently and valuably useful to them ;
and the effect of tiieir influence was manifest for two
or three years, in the more orderly conduct, and some*
what amended condition of the Indians."
Disaffection and indiflference Were not»the only ob-
stacles the Prophet and his brother were obliged to
surmount. The chiefs of most of the tribes were
their resolute opponents. They were jealous or sus-
picious of the new pretenders, ridiculed and reproach-
ed, them, and thwarted their exertions in every possi-
ble way. What was to be done with these persons?
Elskwatawa availed himself of a new department of
that un&iling superstition which had hitherto be-
friended him ; and a charge of untchcrqft was brought
up. His satellites and scouts being engaged in all di-
rections in ascertaining who were, or were likeiy to
be, his fiiends or his enemies, it was readify deter-
mined, at head-quarters, whe should be accused.
Judge, jury and testimony were also provided ^with
the same ease. He had already taken such means of
gaining the implicit confidence of his votaries, that
his own suggestions were considered the best possible
evidence, and the most infallible decision ; and the
optics of his followers becoming every day more ke€»i|
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 197
Upon his authority, there was no want of the most
suitable convicts.
When the excitement had grown to such a height
as to ensure the success of his scheme, he went the
length of declaring, that the Great Spirit had directly
endowed him with the power of pointing cut, not
only those who were in full possession of the diaboli-
cal art, but those who were impregnated with the
least tincture of the diabolical disposition, — let them
be old or young, male or female. This convenient
arrangement proving perfectly satisfactory, he had
only to speak the word, — or, as Heckewelder express-
es it, even to nod, — and the pile was prepared for
whomsoevfer he thought proper to devote. The In-
dians universally have an extreme horror of a wizard
or a witch, which no reputation, rank, age, or servi-
ces, are sufficient to counteract; and of course, resist-
ance or remonstrance on the part even of an accused
chieftain, only went to exasperate and haste^ the sure
destruction which awaited him.
Among the suflTerers were several noted Dela wares,
including the venerable Chief, Teteboxti, vvhose
head had been bleached with more than eighty win-
ters. On being brought to the place of execution, he
was toM that if he would confess his crime, and give
up his medicine-bag,* he would be pardoned. Upon
this he ^ confessed,^ and said his medicine-bag would
be found under a certain stone which he described.
The stone was examined, but nothing was found.
Other places were named in succession, and search
made to as little purpose. It therefoi*e became evi-
dent that he only wished to procrastinate. He was
bound, and the fire about to be kindled, when a
young man, more merciful than the rest, terminated
his existence with the tomahawk.
*This was supposed to contain tobacco, bones, and
other simple matters necessary to the incantations
of the sorcerers ; and when tney were deprived of
thpjn, they were supposed to be incapable of fiirthet
mischief. R 2
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
198 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
Another of the accused was named Biixt Pattsr*
SON. He had resided many years Mrith the whites^
and learned so much of die business, of a gun-smith,
as to be enabled to repair the guns of the Indians;
but neither his usefulness nor his irreproachable life
could save him. The same offer was made to him
which was made to Teteboxti. He boldly answered
that he had nothing to confess^-^that he was a chris-
tian, and had no connexion with the devil. ** You
have," said he, " intimidated one poor old man, but
YOU cannot frighten me ; proceed, and you shall see
how a christian and a warrior can die ;" and, with a
small hymn-book in his hand, he continued to sing
and pray till his voice was stifled by the flkmes.
Another eminent victim was the Wyandot Chief
known by the English name of Leather^Lips, whose
Indian appellation, Shatetaronrah, appears among
th^ signatures to Wayne's famous treitfy of Green-
ville. He was sixty-three years of age, had sus-
tained a most exemplary moral character, and wsa
particularly attached to the American cause, as op-
posed to the English. The laKer circumstance throws
some light upon his fate. But whatever the accusa-
tion orSie evidence was, — and probably the one con-
stituted the other,— orders were given to an influential
chief,* of the same nation with the convict, in the
Prophet's service, who, with four other Indians, im-
mediately started off* in quest of him. He was found
at home, and notified of the sentence whk:h had been
passed upon him. He entreated, reasoned and prom-
ised, but all in vain. The inexorable messengers of
defith set about digging his gmve, by the side of hi»
wigwam. He now dressed himself with his finest
* "ITarhe, or The Crane, said to be the oldest Indian^
at this time in the western country. He lived at Upper
Sandusky, about one hundred miles fironi the mouth of
Detroit river, and was principal chief of the Porcupine
Wyandote, who resided at that place. More will be seen
of him hereafter.
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 199
war-clothes, and, having refreshed himself with a has-
ty uieal of venison, knelt down on* the brink of the
grave. His executioner knelt with him, and offered
up a prayer to the G»eat Spirit in his behalf. This
was the last ceremony. The Indians witlidrew a few
paces, and seated themselves around him on the
ground. " The old Chief," says the original describer
of this horrid soene,^ ^inclined forward, resting his
fiice upon his hand, his hand upon his knees. While
thus seated, one of the young Indians came up, and
struck him twice with the tomahawk. For some
time, he lay senseless on the ground, the only re-
maining evidence of life being a faint respiration.
The Indians all stood around in solemn silence.
Finding him to breathe longer than they expected,
they called upon the whites (one or two of whom
were spectators,) to take notice how hard he died ;
pronounced him a wizard, — ^no good, — then struck
him again, and terminated his existence. The office
of burial was soon performed." We have given these
particulars, disagreeable as they are, to illustrate more
clearly the astonii^ing'influ^ce of the Prophet, as
well as the means by which he obtained it. The ex-
ecutioners in thk case were apparently i^ncere and '
C(»ueieiitiou8 men; and one of the party Was a
ftrol^roftlie victim.
It is not to be presumed, that the Prophet was, in
all these instances, without the assistance of his broth-
er, though the latter was for the present acting his
part chiefly behind the curtain. But Tecumseh
seems rather to have favored a different system, if he
did not oppose this ; and accordingly we find that
about the time when most of the Kickapoos joined
the IncKan Confederation, one of their leading men, a
cliieflain, opposed to the new-fangled doctrine and
p<^cy, was quietly disabled by being reduced to a
private capacity. Again, an Indian scout, sent to the
* A correspondent cited in the History of ilie Indian
VaUom,
Digitized by Google
200 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
Propbet^s eDcampment^in 1810, by an American ait^
thorit}', to gaiQ informatian of his designs, reported
that the sanne course had been taken among that pro-
verbially warlike tribe, the Winnebagoes; and that
one of their old chiefs had told him, with tears in his
eyes, that the other village sachems were divested ^
their power, and that every tiling was managed by the
warriors. A more audacious proposal, to murder all
the principal chiefs of several tribes, was covertly cir-
culated at one time. These were the men, it was
said, who had bartered the Indian territory away for
a song, and had traitorously connived at Uie inroads
and trespasses of the settlers.
This suggestion bears marks of the energy and
courage of Tecumseh, as decidedlv as the witchcraft
policy does of the cunning and ingenui^ of the
prophet There is an anecdote recorded of the for-
mer, which would lead us to the same inference re-
specting his character.
Two or three years after the bloody transactioDS
just detailed, which happened chiefly in 1807, Te-
cumseh had a conference, (to be noticed more ftilly
hereafter) with Governor Harrison of Indiana, at Vio-
cennes. On that occasion, being charged with hos-
tile designs against the AnAericans, he disclaimed
them. A Potawatamie, called the Dead Chief, from
being deaf, was present but did not learn what pass-
ed until the next day. He then came to the Gov-
ernor, and asked him why he had not been called
upon to confront Tecumseh, in relation to those char-
ges. He said he should have been very willing to
assert the truth in the presence of the brothers and
their followers. This declaration being made in the
presence of several Indians, soon came to the knowl-
edge of Tecumseh, who gave directions to his broth-
er, to hpve the Potawatamie killed on his return home.
A friend of the latter informed him of his dan^r,
but; no way alarmed, the intrepid Chief returned to
his family, who were encamped on the bank of the
Wabash, opposite Vincennes, and having put on hm
.,„,..,u/Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 20}
war-dress, and painted himself in the best style of a
warrior, he seized his rifle, his tomahawk, war-club,'
and scalping-knife, and thus equipped, paddled* over
in his canoe to the camp of Tecumseh. The Gov-
ernor's interpreter, Mr. Baron, was at that time in the
tent of the latter. As soon as the Potawatamie camd
near it, he upbraided Tecumseh for having given the
order to assassinate him, as cowardly, and unworthy
of a warrior; "but here I am now," said he, "come
and kill me." Tecumseh made no answer. "You
and your men," he added, " can kill the white people's
hogs, and call tbem bears, but you dare not face a
warrior." Tecumseh still remaining silent, he heap*
ed upon him every insult that could provoke him to
fight. He reproached him with being the slave of
the * red^coats,' (the British,) and finally applied to him
a term of reproach which can never be forgotten by
an Indian. During the whole time, Tecumseh seem-
ed not in the least to regard him, but continued to
converse with Mr. Baron. Wearied, at length, with his
ueelees efforts to draw out his adversaiy, he ^ve the
war-whoop of defiance, and paddled on in his canoe.
There is reason, adds our authority, to believe that the
order of Tecumseh was obeyed. The Dead Chief
tpof fto more seen at Vincennea.*
* Dawson's Memoirs of Harrison.
d by Google
S02 INliIAN BIOGRAPHY
CHAPTER Xm.
History of TecmnBeh and the Prophet continued — ^The
latter encamps at Tippecanoe— Sends a message to
Governor Harrison — Visits him at Vinoennes — ^In-
crease of his forces — Attention of the General Goy-
ernment aroused — Tocumseh visits the Governor —
His speech, and journey southwaird — Battle of Tippe-
canoe, November, 1811 — Consequences of it — Indian
Coancil at Mississiniway — Council at Maiden —
Speeches and Anecdotes of the Crane, Walk*in-the
Water, Round-Head, and other Chiefs — Sequel of
the history of the two brothers — ^Final exertions of
Tecumseh— His death— The death of the Prophet
To resume our narratiye ; — such reports came to
the eans of Governor Harrison, during the year 1807,
respecting the movements of the InSans, and espe-
cially those' of the Prophet in pursuit of hH victims,
that he thought proper to send a * speech' to the Sha-
wanese chiefs, couched id reiy severe terms. Most pf
those addressed being absent, the necessity of reply-
ing devolved on the Prophe% and he requested the
messenger to indite for him the fdlovnng address:
<« Father!
** I am venr sorry that you listen to the advice of
bad birds. You have impeached me with having
correspondence with the British; and with calling
and sending for the Indians from the most distant
parts of the country, <<to listen to a fool that speaks
not the words of the Great Spirit, but the words of
the devil." Father ! these impeachments I deny, and
say they are not true. I never had a word with the
British, and I never sent for any Indiana They
came here themselves, to listen and hear the words of
the Great Spirit.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 203
"Father ! I wish you would not listen any more to
the voice of bad birds ; and you may rest assured that
it is the least of our idea to make disturbance, and we
will rather try to stop such proceedjngsthan encour-
age them."
The year 1808 opened with inmiense numbers of
Indians from the lakes crowding round the neighbor-
hood of Fort Wayne. Their attendance on the
Prophet, the year previous, had induced them to neg-
lect raising com, and they now found themselves iu
. a state of starvation. It was considered necessary by
the Governor, to supply them with food, lest hun-
ger might drive them to extremities, and to ma-
rauding upon the frontier settlers of the United
States ; and he therefore sent orders to the Agent at
Fort Wayne to allow them provisions firom the public
stores.
In May or June of the season just mentioned, the
Prophet selected, for his future and permanent resi-
dence, a spot on the upper part of the Wabash, which
was called Tippecanoe. He removed thither, and hia
motley forces moved after him. These now consist-
ed of some thirty or forty Sbawanees, with about
one hundred Potawatamies, Chippewas, Ottawas and
Winnebagoes. The manoeuvre met vnth no little
opposition. Some of the Miamies, and Delawaresin
particular,^had been determined to prevent it, and
they sent a deputation of chiefs to effect that purpose ;
but the Prophet would not even see them, and Te-
cumseh, who encountered them on the way, gave
them such a reception as at once altered their dispo-
sition to advance any farther in the business.
In July the Prophet sent a pacific message to Gpv-
empr Harrison, complaining bitterly of the manner in
which he had been misrepresented, and proposing to
visit the Grovemor in person. He fulfilled this prom-
ise during the next month, and spent a ionnight at
Vincennes. Long conferences and conversations en-
sued, but it could not be ascertained that his politics
Digitized by Google
204 ' INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
were particulariy British. His denial of bis being
under any such influence, was strong and apparently
candid. He said that his sole object was to reclaim
the Indians from the bad habits which they had con-
tracted, and to cause them to live in peace and friend-
ship with all mankind, and that he was particularly
apix)inted to that office by the Great Spirit. He fre-
quently, in presence of the Governor, harangued his
followers, and his constant theme was the evi» ajrising
from war and from the immoderate use of ardent
spirits. His farewell speech exhibits the view of his
system which he chose to promulgate at Vincennes:
« Father!
^'It is three years since I first began with that sys-
tem of religion which I now practice. The white
riople and some of the Indians were against me ; but
had no other intention but to introduce among the
Indians those good principles of religion which the
white people profess. I was spoken badly of by the
white people, who reproached me with misleading
the Indians ; but I defy them to say that I did any
thing amiss.
** Father ! — ^I was told that you intended to hang me.
When I heard this, I intended to remember it, and
tell my father, when I went to see him, and relate to
him the truth.
** I heard, when I settled on the Wabash, that my
father, the Governor, had declared that all the land
between Vincennes and Fort Wayne was the proper-
ty of the Seventeen Fires.
" I ilso heard that you wanted to know, my father,
whether I was God or man ; and that you said, if I
was the former, I should not steal horses. I heard
this from Mr. Wells, but I believe it originated with
himself,
^ The Great Spirit told me to tell the Indians, that
he had made them and made the world — that he bad
placed them on it to do good, and not evil
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGSAPHY. 205
''I told all the red-skins that the way they were in
i^ras not good, and that they ought to abandon it I
paid that we ought to consider ourselves as one man,
but to live agreeable to our several customs, the red
t)eople after their mode, and the white people af-
ter theirs. Particularly that they should not drink
whiskey — that it was liot made for them, but the white
people, who alone know how to use it — that it is
the cause of all the mischiefs which the Indians suf-
fer ; and that they must always follow the directions
of the Great Spirit, and we must listen to him, as it
was he that has made us.
'^Brothers! — Listen to nothing that is bad. Do
not take up the tomahawk, should it be offered by the
British, or by the Long-Knives. Do not meddle with
any thing that does not belong to you, but mind your
own business, and cultivate the ground, that your wo-
men and your children may have enough to live on.
I now inform you that it is our intention to live in
peace with our father and his people forever.
"^My father ! — I have informed you what we mean
to do, and I call the Great Spirit to witness the truth
of my declaration. The religion which I have es-
tablished for the last three years, has been attended .
to by the different tribes of Indians in this part of the
world. Those Indians were once different people ;
they are now but one ; they are all determined to
practice what I have communicated to them, that has
come immediately from the Great Spirit through
me.
" Brother ! — ^I speak to you as a warrior. You are
one. But let us lay aside this character, and attend
to the care of our children, that they may live in
comfort and p^ce. We desire that you will join us
for the preservation of both red and white people.
Formerly, when we lived in ignorance, we were fool-
ish ; but now, since we listen to the voice of the
Great Spirit, we are happy.
^ I have listened to what you have said to us. You
have promised to asost us. I now request you, in
II -s
digitized by LiOOgle
206 INDIAN BIOCRAPHT.
behalf of all the red people, to use your exertions to -
prevent the sale of liquor to us. We are all well
pleased to hear you say that you will endeavor to pro-
mote our happiness. We give you every assurance
that we will follow the dictates of the Great Spirit
"We are all well pleased with the attention that
you have showed us ; also vnth the good intentions
of our father, the President If you give us a few ar-
ticles, such as needles, flints, hoes, powder, and oth-
er things, we shall be able to take the animals that
afford us meat with powder and ball,"
After this affair, nothing material occurred till the
latter part of April, 1810, when the Governor received
information that the Prophet was again exciting
the Indians to hostilities against the United States.
A trader, of undoubted veracity, who had been
for some time at the residence of the impos-
tor, assured him, (the Governor,) that the Pro{^-
et bad at least a thousand souls under his control-
perhaps from three hundred and fifty to four hundred
men — ^principally composed of Kickapoos and Winne-
bagoes, but with a considerable number of Potawata*
mies and Shawanees, and a few Chippewas and Ot-
tawas. About the middle of May, rumor magnified
this force to six or eight' hundred warriors, and the
combination was said to extend to all the tribes be-
tween Illinois river and Lake Michigan, — the Wyan-
dots, and the Sacs and Foxes being among the num-
ber. Still, nothing could be distinctly proved against
the Prophet Governor Harrison sent for the leading
member of the Shaker society, who resided about
twenty miles from Vincennes, and endeavored to pre-
vail on him to take a speech to the Prophet, who af-
fected to follow the Shaker principles in every thing
but the vow of celibacy ; and thip leader of the Sha-
kers had no hesitation in asserting that the Shawa-
ne was under the same divine inspiration that he
himself was, although, for reasons growing out of his
situation as a savage, he and his immediate fol-
lowers were permitted to cohabit with their women.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 207
But this was not the general feeling. Much alarm
existed on the frontiers, especially as some lawless
acts had been committed by individuals nominally
under the Prophet's management. The Govemof
made active preparations for open hostilities ; and the
attention of the General Government itself had at
length become so much aroused, that an order from the
President to make prisoners of both Tecumseh and
his brother, was suspended only that a last effort
might be more advantageously made for a compro-
mise with the disaffected tribes. Early in 1811, the
Indian force mustered at Tippecanoe was larger than
Governor Harrison himself could easily collect ; and
the body-guard of Tecumseh, on the visit which he
paid the former at Vincennes, in July of this season,
consisted of more than three< hundred men.
This meeting took place ostensibly in consequence
of a speech which the Governor had sent to the broth-
ers at their encampment on the Wabash, in June.
He had taken that occasion to repeat his former com-
plaints of the insults and injuries he supposed to have
been offered to American citizens by Indians under
their influence ;. to inform them that he had heard of
their recent attempts to hasten hostilities between the
Union and various Indian tribes ; and, finally, to re-
mind them, in strong terms, of the consequences of
persisting in such conduct ^ Brothers ! " — was one
of the expressions in this address, — lam myself of the
Long-Knife fire. As soon as they hear my voice, you
will see them pouring forth their swarms of hunting-
shirt men, as numerous as the mosquitoes on the
shores of the Wabash. Brothers ! take care of their
stings.'' Tecumseh promptly replied to this commu-
nication, by promising to visit the Governor in pre-
cisely eighteen days, for the purpose of < washing
away all these bad stories.'
Some delay occuiTed ; but upon Saturday, the 27th
of July, he made his appearance at Vincennes, with
his three hundred followers. As neither the Govern-
or nor the inhabitants generally were desirous of pro-
.igitized by Google
208 INDIAN BIOGRA7HT.
longing his entertainment, it was proposed to com
mence the negotiations on Monday ; but this he de-
clined doing, and it was late on Tuesday before he
made his appearance at the arbor prepared for the
occasion. Nor did he then come, without taking the
precaution to ascertain previously, whether the Gov-
ernor was to be attended by armed men at the coun-
cil, — if so, he should adopt the same etiquette. Be-
ing left to his own option, and given to understand
that his example would be imitated, he came with a
ffuard of nearly two hundred men, some armed with
bows and arrows, and others with knives, tomahawks
and war-clubs. The Governor, on the other hand,
was attended by a full troop of dragoons, dismounted,
and completely furnished with fire-arms ; and he had
taken care, on Tecumseh's first arrival, te secure the
town, by stationing two foot companies and a detach-
ment of cavalry in the outskirts. He placed himself
in front of his dragoons ; Tecumseh stood at the head
of his tawny band, and the conference commenc-
ed with a speech on the part of the Governor. This
was biiefly replied to ; but a heavy rain coming on,
matters remained in statu quo^ undl the next day,
when Tecumseh made a long and ingenious har-
angue, both expoang and justifying his own schemes
much more openly than he had ever done before.
Respecting the demand which the Governor had
made, that two Potawatamie murderers should be
riven up to punishment, who were stated to be rea-
dent at Tippecanoe, he in the first place denied that
they were there ; and then went on very deliberately
to show, that he could not deliver them up if the¥
were there. ^It was not right,'' he said, ^ to punish
those people. They ought to be forgiven, as wtU. as
those who had recently murdered his people in the lUi"
nois. The whites should follow his own example of
forgiveness ; he had forgiven the Ottawas and the Os-
ages. Finally, he desired that matters might remain
in their present situation, and especially that no set-
tlemeiirs should be attempted upon the lands recently
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHV. 209
purchased of certain tribes, until he should return
from a visit among the Southern Indians. T%en he
would go to Washington, -and settle all difficulties
with the President ; and meanwhile, as the neighbor-
ing tribes were wholly under his direction, he would
despatch messengers in every quarter to prevent fur-
ther mischief." He coucluded with offering the Gov-
ernor a quantity of wampum, as a full atonement for
the murders before niieutioned. The latter made an
indignant rejoinder ; the meeting was broken up ; and
Tecumseh, attended by a few followers, soon after-
wards commenced his journey down ihe Wabash
for the Southward.
Such was his last appearance previous to the
war. The popular excitement had now become
greater than ever. Numerous meetings were held,
and representations forwarded to the Federal Execu-
tive. But before these documents could reach their
destination, authority had been given to Grovemor
Harrison to commence offensive operations at discre-
tion, and forces, in addition \o those virithin his terri-
torial jurisdiction, were placed at his disposal. ^ The
Banditti under the Prophet," wrote the Secretarv of
War, Mr. Eustis, in a communication of July SOth,
^ are to be attacked and vanquished, provided such a
measure shall be rendered absolutely necessary."
It id not our purpose to detail the subsequent mea-
sures of Governor Harrison, which terminated in the
celebrated battle of Tippecanoe ; and much less,1to
agitate the question heretofore so inveterately contest-
ed, respecting the general propriety of the offensive
operations he commenced, or his particular system
or success in conducting them. The battle took
place pn the 7th of November, 1811 ; the Governor
having previously sent Indian messengers to demand
of the various tribes in the Prophet's encamj^ment,
tliat they should all retugi to their respective territo-
ries ; that the stolen horses in their and his posses-
sion, should be given up ; and that all murderers, then
sheltered at Tippecanoe, should be delivered over t^
S2
210 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
justice. The first messengers, about the last of Se[>
tepnber, had the efiTect of bringing out a friendly dep«
utation from the Prophet, full of- professions of
peace. But fresh outrages were committed by his
followers about the same time ; and, when suntdry
head-men of the Delaware tribe undertook, in Octo-
ber, to go upon a second mission, they are said to
have been abruptly met by a counter deputation from
the Prophet, requiring a categorical answer to the
question, ' whether they would or would not join Mm
against the United States ? ' The Delawares^ never-
theless, went on, and having visited the Prophet's
camp, returned to Governor Harrison, now on his
march, with the report of their having been ill treat-
ed, insulted, and finally dismissed wiSi contemptuous
remarks upon themselves and the Governor. Twen-
ty-four Miamjes next volunteered to go upon this
thankless business. They seem to have been better
entertained, for the good reason, that they decided
upon raising the tomahawk against their employer.
At all events, these serviceable diplomatists spared
themselves the pains of returning.
The particulars of the battle are well known. The
(Governor having entered into the heart of the territo-
ry- occupyed by the Prophet, — but claimed by the
United States, as being purchased of those tribes who
had the least-disputed claim to it, — he encamped, on
the night of the 6th, in the vicinity of the Prophet's
force ; and a suspension of hostilities was agreed up-
on between the two parties, until a conference codld
take place on the ensuing day. Whether, as the
Prophet affirmed on this occasion by his messengers,
he had sent a pacific proposal to the Governor, which
accidentally failed to reach him ; or whether he was
now actually < desirous of avoiding hostilities if possi-
ble,' but felt himself compelled to comlnence them,
need not be discussed. Hisi forces, supposod to num
ber from ^ve hundred to eight hundred warriors^
made a violent attack on the American army, early
on the mDraing of the 7th; and one of the most des*
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 211
perate struggles ensued, of which we hkve any re-
cord in the history of Indian warfare. The enemy
was at length repulsed, leaving thirty-eight warriors
dead on the field. The Americans lost about fifty
killed, and about twice that number wounded. The
Prophet's town was rified, and the army commenced
its return to Vincennes.
Tecumseh, who was absent when the battle took
place, returned soon afterwards from the South, and,
without doubt, was exceedin'gly surprised and morti-
fied by the conduct of the Prophet From this time,
while the latter lost much of his infiuence, the for-
mer took a more independent and open part. It can-
not be positively decided whether be had previously
maintained a special understanding with tlie British ;
but his subsequent course admits of little controversy.
He proposed to (Jovernor Harrison, to make the
contemplated journey to Washington ; but, as the
Governor expressed a determination that he could
not go in the capacity which he deemed suitable to
his standing, the idea was abandoned. Thenceforth,
whatever his intentions had been, he determined up-
on the necessity of fighting; and it naturally follow-
ed, whatever had been his disposition towards the
British authorities, — theirs towards him was sufilicient-
ly plain, — that he should no longer hesitate to avail
mmself of every &ir opportunity of cooperation.
Still, it was necessary to preserve appearances until
matters were ready for disclosure: and, of course,
-—such were the consequences of the recent defeat,
and such the disposition of many vacillating or op-
ponng tribes, — ^there was an extremely difficult part
to be acted. Some of the speeches made at a grand
council of twelve tribes, held in May, 1812, at Missis-
sinniway, will throw light upon the subject. The
Wyandots began— a tribe universally regarded as the
head of the great Indian family :
** Younger brothera I" — s?dd the speaker — ^^ You that
reside on the Wabash, listen to what we say ; and in
. ^ ' digitized by Google
2t2 INDIAN BIOORAPHT.
order that you may distinctly bear and clearly under-
stand our words, we now open your ears and place
your heaits in the same position they were placed in
by the Great Spirit when he created you.
" Younger brothers !— We are sorry to see your path
filled with thorns and briars, and your land covered
with blood. Our love for you has caused us to come
and clean your paths and wipe the blood off your
land, and take the weapons that have spitted this
blood from you, and put them where you can never
reach them again.
"Younger brothers! — ^This is done by the united
voice of aJ] your elder brothers, that you now see pres-
ent, who are determined not to be disobeyed. Thia
determination of your elder brothers, to put an entire
stop to the effusion of blood, has met with the appro-
bation of our fathers, the British, who have advised
all the red people to be quiet and not meddle in quar-
rels that may take place between the white people."
Tecumseh, who found himself in a small minority
on this occasion, replied thus :
" Elder brothers ! — We have listened with attention
to what you have said to us. We thank the Great
Spurit for inclining your hearts to pity us ; we now
pity ourselves ; our hearts are good ; they never were
bad. Governor Harrison made war on my people in
my absence : it was the Great Spirit's will he should
do so. We hope it will please Him that the white
people may let us live in peace. We will not disturb
them ; neither have we done it, except' when they
come to our village with the intention of destroying
us. We are happy to state to our brothers present,
that the unfortunate transaction that took place be«
tween the white people and a few of our young men
at our village, has been settled between us and Gov-
ernor Harrison ; and I wiU further state, that had I been
at hom^, there would have been no blood shed at that
time. ^
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIO&RAPHF. 213
*We are sorry to find that the same respect has not
been paid to the agreement between us and Governor
Harrison, by our brothers, the Potawatamies. How-'^
ever, we are not accountable for the conduct of those
over whom we have no control. Let the chiefs of
that nation exert themselves, and cause their warriors
to behave themselves, as we have done and will con-
tinue to do with ours.
" Should the bad acts of our brothers, the Pota-
watamies, draw on us the ill will of our white broth-
ers — and the^ should come again and make an unpro-
voked attach on us at our village — we will die like
men — but we will never strike the first blow.''
The Potawatamies could not overlook such an at-
tack, and their speaker noticed it in terms which re-
flected severely -on the* pretended Prophet,' who was
said to have caused all the di^culty among their
young men. He added, — ^ We have nocouti'ol over
these few vagabonds, and consider them not belong-
ing to our nation ; and will be thankful to any people
that will put them to death, wherever they are found.
As they are bad people, and have learnt to be so from
the pretended Prophet, and as he has been the cause
of setting those people on our white brothers, we hope
he will be active in reconciling them. As we all hear
him say, his heart is inclined for peace, we hope we
may all see this declaration supported by his future
conduct, and that all our women and children may
lay down to sleep without fear."
Tecumseh then addressed the council once more:
"It is true we have endeavored to give all our
brothers good advice ; and if they have not listened
to it, we are sorry for it. We defy a living creature
to say we ever advised any one, directly or indirectly,
to make war on our white brothers. It has constant-
ly been our misfortune to have our views misrepre-
■ented to out white brethren. This has been done by
214 INDIAN BI06RAPHT.
Eretended chiefi of the Potawatamies and others, that
ave been in the habit of selling' land to the white
people that did not belong to them."
Here he was called to order by the Delawares.
" We have not met," said they, " to listen to such
words. The red people have been killing the whites.
The just resentment of the latter is raised against the
former. Our white brethren are on their feet, with
their guns in their hands. There is no time to tell
each other, you have done this, and you have done
that If there was, we would tell the Prophet that
both red and white people had felt tfte bad effects of
his counsels. Let us all join our hearts and hands
together, and proclaim peace through the land of the
red people. Let us make our voices be heard and
respected, and rely on the justice of our white breth-
ren."
The Miamies and Kickapoos afterwards expressed
themselves much to the same effect, and the confer-
ence then closed.
The most distinguished chiefs opposed to the two
brothers, were the Crane, his Counsellor Between-
THE-LoGS, the Potawatamie Winemack,* and the
leader and orator of the Wyandots on the American
side of the river Detroit, Walk-in-the- Water. The
latter was afterwards forced by circumstances to fight
with the British, but at this time he and the Crane
were particularly active in persuading various tribes
to ' sit still ' while their two Fathers should fight out
the war, — which was their own business, — ^in their
own way. The British at length took measures to
counteract their influence. A council was convened
* A war-chief of some distinction. He repeatedly vis-
ited Washington after the war, and some characteristic
anecdotes — which, however, will hardly bear repetition-—
are recorded of him. He was always openly friendly to
the Americans, and though accused of fighting for the
Prophet at Tippecanoe, by no means convicted of that
abberration. He died in the summer of 1821 .
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 215
at MaldeD, at which Elliot, the Indian Agent, and
the British Commanding Officer were present '
The former demanded of the Wyandots whether
they had advised the other tribes to remain neutral.
To this, Walk-in-the- water answered: "We have,
and we believe it best for us, and for our bretliren.
We have no wish to be involved in a war with our
father, the Long-Knife, for we know by experience
tliat we have nothing to gain by it, and we beg our
father, the Brifish, not to force us to war. We re-
member, in tlie former war between our fathers, the
British and the Long-Knife, we were both defeated,
and we the red men lost our country ; and you, our
&ther, the British, made peace with the Long- Knife,
without our knowledge, and you gave our country to
him. You still said to us, * my children, you must
fight for your country, for the Long-Knife will take it
from you.' We did as you advised us, and we were
defeated with the loss oi our best chiefs and warriors,
and of our land. And we still remember your con-
duct towards us, when we were defeated at the foot
of the rapids of the MiamL We sought safety for
our wounded in your fort. But what was your con-
duct? You closed your gatea against us, and we
had to retreat the best way we could. And then we
made peace with the Americans, and have enjoyed
peace with them ever since. And now you wish us,
your red children, again to take up the hatchet against
-our father, the Long-Knife. We say again, we do
not wish to have any thing to do with the war. Fi^ht
your own batdes, but let us, your red children, enjoy
peace."
Elliot here interrupted the speaker, and said:
('That is American talk, and I shall hear no more of
It, If you do not stop, I will direct my soldiers to
lake you and the chiefs, and keep you prisoners, and
. will consider you as our enemies." Walk-in-the-
water then took his seat, to consult the other chie& ;
tnd Round-Head, ^ho had openly edpoused the
British interest, ^d who was the chief of the small
«
$16 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
party of Wyandots living in Canada, imraediateff
rose and said : ^ Father ! listen to your children. You
say that the talk just delivered by my fiiend Walk-
in-the- water, is American talk, and that you cannot
hear any more of it ; and, if persisted in, you will take
the chiefs prisoners, and treat them as enemies. Now
hear me. I am a chief, and am acknowledged to be
such. I speak the sentiments of the chiefe of the
tribes, assembled round your council-fire. I now
come forward, and take hold of your war-hatchet^
and will assist you to light againet the Americans ! ^
He was followed by Tecumseh and the Prophet^
and by two Wyandot chiefs, Worrow and Split-
log ; but Walk>in-the- water and his associates still
declined the invitation. Elliot then made some
menacing observations, which induced them to leave
the council-house, recross the river to Brownstown,
and communicate the result to the Crane, who was
there with his attendants. The latter immediately
returned home to Sandusky. The Brownstown Wy-
andots sent a deputation to the American Greneral at
Detroit, headed by Walk-in-the-water, to represent
their exposed state, and request protection. For some
unknown reason it^as not granted, and these In-
dians were a few days afterwards taken into custody
by a large British and Indian detachment, attended, if
not commanded, by Tecumseh and Round-Head.
The sequel of these proceedings is too chajracteris-
tic of several of the individuals we have named, to be
omitted in a connection which allows and requires so
much collateral light.
Some eight or ten months after the forced acces
sion to the British just mentioned, the Crane propose;.-
to General Harrison, who was then encamped with
his army at Seneca, that a formal embassy should be
sent by the Wyandots, to their brethren in the British
camp, and to all the Indians who adhered to the Brit-
ish cause, advising them to consult their true interest
and retire to their own country. The proposition
was approved by Qeneral Hamson, and the 'Otwv^
.,„,..,uy Google
INDIAN brOGRAPHT. 217
Iras requested to take such measures as appeared
most proper to give it effect
Betweeu-tbe-logs waf appointed the ambassador,
find a small escort of eight warriors, commanded by
SKOOTASH,the principal war-chief of the nation, was
selected to accompany him. Two speeches were
sent by the Crane, one to be delivered privately to his
own people, and the other publicly to the British In-
dians.
The Wyandot embassy arrived at Brownstown in
safety, and the following morning a general council
assembled to hear the message from their uncle.
The multitude Was prodigious, and Elliot And M'Kee,
the British agents, were present We have been told
that Between-the-logs arose in the midst of this host
of enemies, and delivered with unshaken firmness
the following speech from the Crane, which had been
entrusted to him :
" Brothers ! — ^the red men, who are engaged in fight-
ing for the British king — ^listen ! These words are
from me, Tarh6, and they are also the words of the
Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanees, and Senecas.
*< Our American father has raised his war-pole, and
collected a large army of his warriors. They will
soon march to attack the British. He does not wish
to destroy his red children, their wives, and families.
He wishes you to separate yourselves from the Brit-
ish, and bury the hatchet you have raised. He will
be merciful to you. You can then return to your
own lands, and hunt the game, as you formerly did.
I request you to consider your situation, and act wise-
ly in this important matter ; and not wantonly de-
stroy your own people. Brothers! whoever feels
disposed to accept this advice, will come forward and
take hold of this belt of wampum, which I have in
my hand and offer to you. I hope you will not re-
iiise to accept it in presence of your British father,
for you are independent of him. Brothers ! we have
done, and we hope you will decide wisely.^
' "•"''' „.,„„.„, Google
SIS INI^IAN BIOGRAP^T.
Not a band moved to accept the offered pledge of
peace. The spell was too potent to be broken bj
charms like these ; but Roimd-Head arose and ad-
dressed the embassy :
"Brothers! — ^the Wyandots from the Ameiicans —
we have heard your talk, and will not listen to it. We
will not forsake the standard of our British father, nor
lay down the hatchet we have raised. I speak the
sentiments of all now present, and I charge you, that
you faithfully deliver our talk to the American com-<
mander, and tell him it is our wish he would send
more men against us ; for all that has passed between
us 1 do not call fighting. We are not satisfied with
the number of men he sends to contend against us.
We want to fight in good earnest"
Elliot then spoke. " My children ! — ^As yon now
see that my children here are determined ilot to for-
sake the cause of their British father, I wish you to
carry a message back with you. Tell my wife, your
American father, that I want her to cook the provi-
sions for me and my red children, more faithfully than
she has done. She has not done her duty. And if ,
she receives this as an insult, and feels disposed to
fight, tell her to bring more men than she ever
brought before, as our former skirmishes I do not
call fighting. If she wishes to fight with me and my
childien, she must not burrow in the earth like a
ground-hog, where she is inaccessible. She must
come out and fight fairly."
To this, Between-the-logs replied. "Brothersi — ^1
am directed by my American fether to inform you,
that if you reject the advice giv«n you, he will march
here with a large army, and if he should find apy of
the red people opposing him in his passage through
this country, he will trample them under his feet
You cannot stand before him.^
"And now for myself, I earnestly intreat you to
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 219
eonmder the good talk I have brought, and listen to it.
Why would you devote yourselves, your women, and
your children, to destruction ? Let me tell you, if
you should defeat the American army this time, you
have not done. Another will come on, and if you
defeat that, still another will appear that you cannot
withstand ; one that will come like the waves of the
ffreat water, and overwhelm you, and sweep you
from the face of the earth. If you doubt the account
I give of the force of the Americans, you can send
some of your people in whom you have confidence,
to examine their arm3^and navy. They shall be per-
mitted to return in safety. The truth is, your British
father tells you lies, and deceives you. He boasts of
the few victories he gains, but he never tells you of .
his defeats, of his armies being slaughtered, and his
vessels taken on the big water. He keeps all these
things to himself.
*• And now, father, let me address a few words to
you. Your request shall be eranted. I will bear
^ your message to my American father. It is true none
of your childrea appear willing to forsake your stan-,
dard,and it will be the worse for them. You com-'
pare the Americans to ground-hogs, and complain of
their mode of fighting. I must confess that a ground-'
hog is a very difficult animal to contend with. He-
has such sharp teeth, such an inflexible temper, and
such an unconquerable spirit, that he is truly a dan-
ferous enemy, especially when he is in his own hole,
lut, father, let me tell you, you can have your wish.
Before many days, you vnll see the ground-hog float-
ing on yonder lake, paddling his canoe towards your
hole ; and then, father, you will have an opportunity
of attacking your formidable enemy in any way you
may think best"
This speech terminated the proceedings of the
council. All the Indians, except the Wyandots, dis-
persed, and they secretly assembled to hear the me8«
•age sent to them by their own chief
digitized by Google
220 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
The Wyandots were directed to quit Skorah^ infr-
mediately. They were said to be liars and deceivers,
and that they had always deceived the Indians. And
facts, in evidence of this, Were quoted. The building
of Fort Miami was particularly referred to. It was
said to be erected as a refuge for the Indians, but
when they were overpowered by Wayne, the gates
were shut against them.f Tl^ comparative strength
of Greneral Harrison's army and of the British forces^
was concealed from them, and they were in a veiy
dangerous condition.
This message was faithfully delivered to the Wy-
andots, and produced its full effect upon them. They
requested Between-the-logs to inform the Crane, that
they were in fact prisoners, but that they had taken
firm hold of his beh of wampum, and would not fire
another gun. They promised, tbat on the advance'
of the American army, they would quit the British
troops, as soon as it was safe to take that decisive
measure. And such in fact was the result. When
Proctor left the country, his Wyandot allies abandon-
ed him, a few miles from the mouth of the river
Tranche, and retired into the forest Thence the^
sent a message to General Harrison, imploring his
mercy.^
Teciimseh and Elskwatawa were seen for the last
time previous to their joining the British, at Fort
Wayne. The former passed that way to the Maiden
council, and he then explicidy stated to the Com-
mander of the station, that he was going "to receive
from the British twelve horse-loads of ammunidon
for the use of his people at Tipp^ecanoe." The
visit of the Prophet, which took place immediately
* The Britishj in the Huron dialect.
t The Crane was wounded in this action, and the loss
fell heavily upon the Wyandots.
t We have given oar a,ccount of the MaMen Council
on the authority of Governor Cass, whose sources of
information may be learned from his able essay on the
LaU War on the Frontiers. See N. A. Rev. Vol. XXIX,
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 221
after, is referred to in the following communication
from the Commander to an American authority :
«* On the 12th [July, 1812,] the Prophet arrived at
this place, with nearly one -hundred Wiuuebagoes and
Kickapoos, who have ever since been amusing the
Indian agent at this place with professions of friend-
ship, and it is now evident that he has completely
duped the agent, who had suffered him to take the '
lead in all his councils with the Indians, giving him
ammunition, &c. to support his followers until they
can receive a supply from Tecumseh.
^* On the 19th instant an express arrived in the
Prophet's camp from Tecumseh, In order that it
should make the better speed, the express stole a
horse from some of the inhabitants of the river Rai-
sin, and rode night and day. The horse gave out with-
in twenty miles of this place. This messenger was
directed by Tecumseh to tell the Prophet to unite the
Indians immediately, and send their women and chil-
dren towards the Mississippi, while the waniors
should strike a heavy blow at the inhabitants of Vin-
cenne8;.and he, Tecumseh, if he lived, would join
him in the country of the Winnebagoes.
" The Prophet found no difficulty in keeping this
information to himself and one or two of hiscounden-
tial followers, and forming a story to suit the palate of
the agent here ; and, on the 20th instant, he despatch-
ed two confidential Kickapoos to eflfect the objects
Tecumseh had in view. In order that these two In-
dians might make the better speed, they stole my two
riding-horses, and have gone to the westward at the
rate of one hundred miles in twenty-four hours, at ""
least To keep the agent blind to his movements,
the prophet went early in the morning yesterday, and
told the agent that two of his bad young men were
missing, and that he feared they had stole some hor-
ses. The agent found no difficulty in swallowing
the bait ofieiid him, and applauded the Prophet for
T 2
Digitized by Google
222 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
his honesty in telling of his bad men, as he called
them, stealing my horses.
** To keep up appearances, the Prophet has this mor-
ning despatched two men,on foot^ as he tells the agent,
to brkig back my horses, &c. He says he and all his
party will certainly attend the Commissioner of the
United States next month at Piqua.
^ This he will do, if he finds he cannot raise the
western Indians affaiust the United States ; but if he
finds the western Indians will join him, you may re-
ly on it, he will strike a heavy blow, as Tecumseh
says, against the whites in that quarter. You may
rely on the correctness of this statement, as I receiv-
ed information relative to the views of Tecumseh,
last night, from a quarter that cannot be doubted.
The conduct of the agent towards the Prophet, 1
have been an eye-witness to."
The most remarkable passage in this graphic oar-
ration, refers to the exertions Tecumseh was now
making for the promotion of the great cause which
lay BO near his heart There was occasion indeed
for a mighty effort,, to regain the ground which his
brother had lost. The battle of Tippeeanoe was a
premature explosion, and a most unfortunate one for
his interests. It intercepted the negotiadons for new
allies, diminished the moral power of the Prophet,
and frightened and forced many, who Were or would
have been his adherents, into neutrality in some cases,
and open hostility in others. The vast scheme of
Tecumseh, the object so long of all his solicitude and
his labor, was thrown into confusion, on the very
brink of success. He was exasperated, humiliated,-
afflicted. He could have wept, like Philip, whea
his projects were thwarted in mid career by the rash-
ness of bis warriors. But here was the trial of bis
noblest qualities. He came forward and made every
proposition, looking like compromise, which he deem-
ed consistent with his dignity, — ^perhaps necessary tp
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 223
ki — but in vaiii. He saw then, plainly, that the battle
must be &ught, and his soul grew strong. The
wrongs and woes of his race, and the power and
pride of the white men, passed before him. The_
mortification of ftilure and exposure on his own part,
the dishonor brought upon his brother's name, the ig-
nominy of submission, the censure and scorn of his
savage rivals, the triumph of his civilized enemy, all
were daggers Tn his bosom. Then boiled within him
the frenzy of despair. Fear and hope struggled for
the mastery. Pride, revenge, ambition, were roused.
* Let them come, then' — thought he—* I hear them and
see them, in the South aqd in the East, like the sum-
mer leaves rolling and rustling in the breeze. It is
well. Shall Tecumseh tremble? Shall they say
that, he hated the white man, and feared him ? No !
The mountains and plains which the Great Spirit
gave, are behind and around me. I, too, have nof
warriors, and here, — where we were bom and where
we will die,— on the Scioto, on the Wabash, on the
broad waters of the North, my voice shall be heard.'
« And it was heard, indeed. At the date of the com-
munication laA cited, he had scarcely a hundred fol-
lowers; and the irUentions of the Wtstem Indians^
we have seen, were not then ascertained. But from
the time of the Maiden Council, Tecumseh girded
himself to -his tadc, like a strong man for battle. He
set his brother and all his emissaries, and at the same
time devoted himsdf night and day, to the business
of recruiting. Repeate<ily, before this, he had visited
all the tribes on the west banks of the Mississippi, and
upon Lakes Superior, Huron and Michigan. He
now travelled over the route once more. From north
to south, and from east to west,^ he ranged the conti-
nent,- -threatening, flattering, rousing resentment,
alarming superstition, provolung curiosity. No labor
fatigued, no disappointment discouraged, no dang^
^rmed, no emergency surprised him.
The result, with the entb*e sequel of tlie history of
ifae two brothers, may be stated in the most general
digitized by Google
234 INDIAN B106IVAPHY.
terms. Those who know any thinff of the histoiir
of the last war, need not be informed, that Tecumseh
was substantially, as well as nominally, the head and
life of the Anglo-Indian Department, and that greater
forces Were collected by his influence, «nd embodied
under his command, than in any other instance from
H the first settlement of the country. He brought in
six hundred Wabash recruits in on^body, early in
1813. In the attack made upon Fort Stephenson, in
the summer of the same year, the enemy numbered
but five hundred British regulars, for eight hundred
Indians, (under Dickson,) while Tecumseh was at
the same time stationed on. the road to Fort Meigs
with a body of two thousand more, for the purpose
of catting ofif the American reinforcements on that
route.
In the decisive batde of the Moravian Towns, he
commanded the right wing of the allied army, and
was posted in the only part of it which was engaged
with the American troops. Here was his last struggle.
Disdaining to fly, when all were flying around him
but his own nearest followers, he pressed eagerly into
the heart of the contest, encouraging the savages by
his voice, and plying the tomahawk with a tremen-
dous energy. He appeared to be advancing, it is said,
directly upon Colonel Johnson, who was hastening
towards him on the other side, at the head of his
mounted infantry. Suddenly a wavering was per-
ceived in the Indian ranks ; there was no longer a
cry of command among them. Tecumseh had fallen,
and his bravest men, still surviving, were defeated by
the same blow. They fled, leaving thirty-three lead
on the field, most of whom were found near Tecum-
seh.
Upon the question, who had the honor of ishooting
the great chief, — as all the world admits he was shot,T-'
we shall spend but few words. In the language of
another, " there is apossibUiiy that he fell by a pistol-
shot from the hand of Colonel Johnson. He was
certainly killed in that part of the line whene the Col
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 9M
onel was himself wounded f and this is all that can
well be said upon a subject which has occasioned so
much controversy. The British GoTemment granted
a pension to his ividow and family, which probably
continues to this tlay. The Prophet, who survived
the war, and was little exposed in it, was supplied in
the same manner until his death, which took place a
few years since. He is believed to have been older
than his brother, who died about forty-five.
The grave, in which Tecumseh's remains were de-
posited by the Indians after the return of the Ameri-
can army, is still visible near the borders of a willow
marsh, on the north line of the battle-ground, with a
large fallen oak-tree lying beside. The willow and
wild rose are thick around it, but the mound itself Is
cleared, of shrubbery, and is said to owe its good con-
dition to the occasional visits of his countrymen.*
Thus repose, in solitude *and silence, the ashes of the
Inoian Bonapakte.' In truth have they
— >* Left him alone with his glory.*
* Western Paper.
d by Google
3S6 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
CHAPTER XIV.
Remarks on the character of Tecumseh and the Prophet—
Their facilities for cooperation — Difficulties the latter
had to overcome — His perseverance and inffenuity —
Means by which he protected his person — Anecdotes
of the BatUe of Tippecanoe — Frankneiss of Tecumseh
in disclosing his scnemes — Causes of his hostility to
the Americans — Trespasses of the whites, and other
abuses — Object of the belligerent combination — An-
ecdotes of Tecumseh's first visit to Vincennes, in
1810 — His dignity, independence and -courage — ^His
ideas of the British policy — His speech to General
Proctor, and remarks on his oratory — His humanity —
His genius.
The reputation of the Prophet has suffered from
the complete ultimate failure of his plans. It baa
suffered the more from the very circumstances which
mark him as an extraordinary man, — ^his career as a
prophet. Tecumseh knev^ his own talent better than
to play a game like this ; but he also knew, without
doubt, that Elskwatawa was capable of doing more
for the advancement of their common object, by act-
ing this coordinate or subordinate part, than by
adopting the same course with himself, even had he
possessed the same species of ability. Together, they
were endowed with a complete system of qualities
necessary to accomplish their design ; but neither could
act alone. Tecumseh was frank, warlike, persuasive
in his oratory, popular in his manners, irreproachable
in his habits of life. Elskwatawa had more cunning
than courage ; and a stronger disposition to talk, than
to fight, or exert himself in any other way. But he was
subde, fluent, persevering and self-possessed ; and this
was enough. He became an inspired man, and Te-
cumseh was his first convert. Others of the tribe
might be intrusted with the secret. They had, at all
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 227
events, a great respect for these men ; and b^ingboth
a proud and warlike people, they received with avid-
'ty the well-contrived doctrine of their superiority
over other tribes, and entered upon a course of pro*
jects likely to produce war, — though of war nothing
might yet be seen or said, — ^with the fury of blood-
hounds upon a track.
Hence the murders and robberieg which so much
alarmed and irritated the frontier settlers, and whicb
we have very little doubt were generally committed
.by individuals of the Prophet's * banditti,' without
his authority, and perhaps against his wishes. His
^oungmen, especially, like those who brought on Phil-
ip's war, were wrought'up till the master-spirit himself
lost his control over them ; and to make the matter
worse, most of them were of such a character, in the
first instance, tliat horse-stealing and house-breaking
were as easy to them as breathing. Like the refugees
of Romulus, they were outcaists, vagabonds and crim-
inals, — in a great degree brought together by the novel-
ty of the preacher's reputation, by curiosity to hear
his doctrines, by the fascination of extreme credulity,
by resdessness, by resentment against the whites,
and by poverty and unpopularity at home.
These things should be taken into consideration,
when the success of the Prophet is estimated. His
ingenuity was tasked to the utmost, in getting and
keeping these people together jn the first place.
Then it was necessary to instruct them just so far, as
to put them in the way of preparing themselves for
what might happen, and to make them serviceable in
collecting and convincing others, without committing
the cause 'too unreservedly to noisy tonffues, and to .
rash hands. Then complaints were made by Ameri-
can authorities, and these must be pacified. Offers
of assistance came in from other quarters, and these
must . be kept secret. At other times, the banditti
were reduced to an extreme scarcity of provisions
as might be expected from the numbers collected
together, and the kind of life which they led. At
• digitized by Google
228 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
first, they were given to understand that com and
bumpkins would be raised for tliem supematurally ;
out the Prophet deemed i( easier on the whole to pro-
duce these essentia] articles by other means, — and here
was another reason for maintaining a good understand*
iiig with his American neighbors. Hence he gave out
that he proposed visiting the Governor at Vincennes,
with th^ view of begging provisions, — ^* for the white
people had always encouraged him to preach the
word of God to the Indians.' Ttiis purpose was
carried into execution; and on that occasion it
was, that the Governor was * completely deceived,'
by the Prophet's appearance and language. 80
late as 1811, a quantity of salt was sent up the Wa-
bash for the Prophet's use, together with another
quantity intended for the Kickapoos and other Indi*
ans. He seems to have balanced some time between
necessity and policy before this tern plation, but fuially
adopted the middle course of detaining the entire
cargo, and sending a veiy civil apology to the Grov-
emor in payment
On the whole, we are inclined to put small faith in
the popular theory which represents the Prophet aa
a fool. Possibly he assumed that character on some
occasions, knowing the proverbial reverence of the
Indians for an idiot Allowance should be made also
for the reaction produced by his failure at Tippeca-
A noe, although his influence was in some degrperestor*
ed after that event, — the misfortune being sagely at-
tributed by many to the important circumstance of
his wife having tonched some of his sacred utenmla.
Nothing but a series of triumphs on the part of the
American forces, the death of his brother, a'hd the losv
of all his best friends of his own tribe, (for the Kish-
opokes were reduced to about twenty warriors dur-
ing the war,) finally destroyed his character as a
Prophet. When this was effected, it was human na-
ture to degrade him below the level of a man.
It might have been expected, that a person of his pre-
tensions, with so many rivals and enemies, would be
" digitized by GK)Ogle
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. ft20
•zpNOsed to the hazard of assassinatioiL But hem
ftgaio he was on his guard ; for it was always one of
has strong positions, that the least violence offered to
him or his followers, would be punished by the im-
mediate interposition of the Great Spirit. The re-
ligious character, indeed, was sustained to the last.
The Delaware messengers already mentioned found
his forces at Tippecanoe in the highest state of ex-
citement, owing to his magical rites, his harangues^
and the war-dance which he performed with Siern
day and night, (fence the unexampled bravery man-
ifested in the attack upon the American army. They
rushed on the very bayonets of our troops ; and in
some instances, pressing aside the soldier's musket^
they brained him with the war-club. The Prophet,
mean while, is said to have been comfortably seated
on an adjacent eminence, singing a war-song. He
had assured his followers, that the American bullets
would do them no harm ; and that, while they should
have light, their enemies should be involved in thick
darkness.* Soon after the battle commenced, he
was told that the Indians were falling. < Fight on!
fight on !' cried he, never at a loss, * It will soon be
as I predicted ;' and he howled his war-song louder
than ever.
The character of Tecumseh appears so fully in the
course he pursued, as to require but brief com-
ment. While the Prophet resorted without hes-
itation to all the wiles of Indian cunning and strata-
p[em, for effecting his own purposes, and for thwart-
ing those of his opponents, his course was as manly
and dignified as it was prompt He was certainly un-
der no obligation to disclo^ his schemes, and yet he
appears never to have taken much pain^ to conceal
them. We knpw that he was suspected, and ac-
*He was not so much oat of the way in this predic-
tion, as in sonae others. McAfee observes, that the camp*
JlreSt so long as they remained burning, were * more far*
Ticeable to uie Indians than our men
II.— U
Digitized by Google
S30 INDIAN BIOOBAPHT.
cused, of haying actively enga^ in inducing gbd«
eral hostility, as well as instigating particular outraget
among the frontier tribes, for several years before
much was actually known of him. This may have
been the case, and it may not ; the evidence amounti
to nothing, and the suspicion and accusation alluded
to, like the offences themselves, are veiy easily
accounted for upon other and obvious grounds.
There is no necessity, then, of going at length into
the history of the Western country for the last half
century, to point out the real grounds of complaint
and the real provocations to hostility, which Tecum-
seh, or his brother, or any other Indian of informa-
tion and reflection, might have sieged on the part of
the tribes, against the American Government or
the American people. This would be justifying what
we do not admit. It is sufficient to observe that quite
enough had occurred, to furnish plausible pretexts for
all that the Chieflain is known to have doine or at-
tempted to do.
Governor Harrison stated in his annual message,
for 1809, to the Indiana Legislature, that owing to
defects in the Federal law, * every person has been al-
lowed to trade with the Indians that pleases ; ukich
f roves a nource of numberless abuses, of mischievous
effect both to them and ourselves.' . Two years be
fore, we find an opinion advanced by the same ex
eellent authority on a similar occasion, that^ * the ut
most efforts to induce them (the Indians) to take up
arms would be unavailing, if one only, of the mamy
versons who hccve commitUd murders on meir people^
could be brought to punishmenL^ To illustrate the
truth of this remark, we may mention the murder of
Creek Indian at Vincennes, early in 1810, and of
eourse subsequently to the particular transactions al-
tided to in the message. He was shot by a white
inan, an Italian trader, upon the pretext that the In-
dian, who was intoxicated, had shown a disposition
to do him some injury. The Governor discharged
Ms duty by causing the Italian to be arrested and tri-
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOORAPHT. 331
ed ; but, in the language of our informant, < as in too
many other cases, acquittal was the consequence.**.
We are farther told, that about the same time, two In-
dians were wounded by a white man, at a few miles'
distance from Vincennes. The occurrence of cir-
cumstances of this nature is said to have been a
source of great embarrassment and vexation to Gov-
ernor Harrison ; but in this case, he could only send
out, — ^not a ^constable for the aggressor, for that course
had been sufficiently tried, — but a surgeon for the
wounded men, who both finally recovered.
It cannot be doubted, that llie character of these
proceedings was well understood, and indignantly re-
sented by all the tribes whidi obtained knowledge
of them, — as most of them did in the course of their
own experience. The house of a white man in Ohio
was robbed, during this same summer, bv a member
of the Delaware tribe, so femous for its mithful, and
more than faithful adherence to the American cause.
According to the stipulations of Wayne's treaty, ex-
pressly provided for giving up criminals to the par-
ties respectively injured, — and scrupulously observed
up to this date, we should add, on the part of the In-
dians, — the robber in the pres^^nt instance was de-
manded of the Delawares. The answer was, that
the nation never would give up another man, until
some of the white people were punished, who had
murdered members of their tribe ; they would how-
ever punish him themselves. And they did accord-
ingly put him' to death.
But all these were trifling causes of irritation, com-
pared with those which had occurred at various peri-
ods, in the treaties and other negotiations, public and
private, whereby immense quantities of territory had
been obtained of the Indians. It is not intended to
inmnuate, that the Government was in fault upon any
of these* occasions. But in the transaction of affairs
of this nature, to such an extent, at such a distance,
* Dawson's Narrative.
digitized by Google
29S INDIAN Biocourarr.
hf the instrumentality of agentSj-^-as 13ce1y as any
other men to be sometimes ignorant, insolent, and ay*
aricious, — oflTences must needs come. On the other
hands, in cases wherein the Goyemment was not eren
nominally concerned, (whatever the understanding of
the vendors might be upon that point) the most fla-
gitious deception had been practised. In still other
mstances, where the conduct of the purchasers was
unobjectionable, there were conflicting claims to tw-
ritory, which one or more tribes, or portions of tribes,
or perhaps individual cbiefi, nevertheless undertook
lo convey. Owing to these and similar causes, the
Indians bad very generally become e:ltremely suqH*
^ou8 of proposals for the purchase of land.
They perceived, too, independently of any un&ir
dealing upon either side, that the white population
was advancing upon them with the most formidable
rapidity. Something must be done, then, in self-de-
fence. Setting aside past impositions, it was abso-
lutely necessary to prevent them for the future ; and
s^ng aade all imposidon, it was necessalry to raise
Borne universal and effectual barrier against inroads
of any kind, in any quarter. It is recorded, ac-
cordingly, by an historian already cited, that the agita-
tion among the Indians at this time was accounted t
for by some of them, by saying, that they were en-
deavoring to effect what had fi^quendy been recom-
mended to them by the United States^ viz ; a tnore
eoriRal union among the various tribes. The writw
considers this an * attempt at deception;' but yet
iis facts would seem to outweigh his opinion. War
might or might not be anticipated as an ulti-
mate resort, in ofience or defence ; and f Britidb agi-
tators* might or might not be actually engaged, as
certainly they were interested, in producing that result,
and preparing the tribes for it. But it appears to ui^
there can be no reasonable doubt, that an eflec-
tive and cordial union of the tribes, for the purposet
just mentioned, was actually the predse object in view.
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. %d3
It certainly was the leading principle in tki schemes
of Tecuinseh.
That principle he never disavowed. He declared
it in the most open manner^ on every suitable occa-
sion ; and with it, the cogent I'easoning upon which
in his mind it was founded. In July 1810, he con«
versed very fully upon the subject with a person sent
to bis brother by the Governor of Indiana, to dissuade
him from war and to gain information of his views.
He said that the Great Spirit had giv^i diis great
island, — meaning the American continent, — ^to his red
children ; but the whites, who were placed on the
other side, of the big water, not content with their
share, had crossed over — seized upon Ae coast-
driven the Indians from the sea to the lakes — and un-
dertaken to say that this tract belongs to one tribe, this
to another, and sa on — when the Great Spirit had
made it the common property of them aU. *They had
retreated far enough, — ^tbey would go no &ither.'
He at the same time disclaimed having intended to
make war, but expressed his opinion that it would not
be possible to preserve peace, unless the Indian prin-
ciple of common property should be recognized, and
the progress of the white setdements discontinued.
He then proposed going to Vincennes, for the pur-
pose of convincing the Governor that matters had
been mis-represented to him.
The visit accordingly took place in August ; and
he then^tates most dlitincdv, — Mr. Dawson's phrase
is, ' in the broadest manner,'— -that his policy had been
to establish and extend the principle of common prop-
elty as a means of necessaiy self-defence ; that- the
tribes were afraid of being pushed back into the lakes,
and were therefore determined to make a stand where
they now were. At the formal interview which en-
sued, Tecumseh, who was attended by a body of fol»
lowers, manifested so much irritation, that the Gov-
ernor a]|>prehended an attack upon the spot ; the cit-
izens were alarmed ; troops were called in ; and a
scene of great confusion ensued. But although th«
U2
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
384 INDIAN BIOOBAPHT.
proud Chieftain apologized for this demonstration of
spirit at the next conference, and then appeared per-
lectiy cool, he still persisted in the statements made
in the outset. When asked by the Governor, wheth-
er it was his intention to prevent the surveying of a
eertain territory, recently purchased, he answered,
'that himself and those who were joined with him
were determined that the old boundary should con-
tinue.'
The Governor afterwards visited him at bis camp»
fer the purpose of sounding him privately. Being
' asked if his intentions were really what he had open-
fy avowed, he replied that they were. He had no
eomplatnt to make against the United States, but their
purchasing the Indian land as ihey did ; and he should
▼ery much regret the necessity of making war for this
i^gle cause. On the contrary, he was, anxious to b9
upon good terms with them. If the President woukl
give up the late purchase, and agree to make no more
ki the same manner, he would even become their al-
ly, and woxdd JigfU with them againgt the English;
u these terms could not be complied with, he should
be obliged to ftght with the English against ihem.
The Grovemor assured him that the President should
be informed of his views, but also expressed his opin-
ion, that there was no prospect of their being acced-
ed to. * Well !' answered the warrior, * as the Great
Chief is to determine the matter, I hdpe the Ghreat
Spirit will put sense enough in his head, to induce
him to give up the land. True, he is so farofl^ that
^e war will not injure him. ^ He may sit still in his
town and drink his wine,, while you and I will have
to fight it out'
At the last conference Which took place previously
to the batde of Tippecanoe, it is stated that his designs
were more completely developed, than ever before.*
And this, it should be observcMi, was his own voluntas*
ry and deliberate disclosure. < The States had set the
* Dawson's Narrative, p. 182.
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOURAPflf. 335
example,' be said, <of fbrming a union among all the
fires, — why should they censure the Indians for fol-
lowing it r He had now succeeded in combining the
Northern tribes, and he was about visiting the ^uth,
for the purpose of completing the scheme. But war,
if it ensued, would be no fault of his. He hoped that
the (Governor would prevent settlements from being
made on the new purchase till he returned from bis
journey in the Spring. He would then visit the Pres«
ident himself at his leisure, and the matter should be
•ettled with him.
This speech has been called < an artful evasion, easi-
ly seen through.' It appears to us, on the condrary,
to be a model of manly fiankness. The Orator did
not expressly state, indeed, that the combination id-
luded to, anticipated tlie possibility or probability of
war. But this was unnecessary. It was the natural
inference in any reasonable mind. It had been fiie-
quently so stated and so understood ; and repetition
could only exasperate. On the whole, Tecumseh
seems to have manifested a noble digniw in the avow-
al and discus^on of his policy, equaled only by the
profound sagacity in which it originated, and the in-
telligent enersy which conduct^ it, against every
S)position and obstacle, so nearty to its completion,
e might be wrong, but it is evident enough he
Was nncere.
As for British instigation, we need not suggest the
distinction between a disposition upon their part, and
a counter disposition upon his; or between himself and
the motley multitude of fanatical and ferocious vaga-
bonds, who, unfortunately, formed a large part of the
Prophet's first congregation, and some of whom were
as troubiesome to ea(£ c^er and to him, tjfi they were
to the white settlers. Outrages were committed, as
we have «een, on both ndes, — and criminals refused to
be given over to justice by both, — the Indians copy-
big, in this respect, the example of the American au-
tlionties. But we need not pursue the subject. The
beet ezistiiif evidence with regard to Tecumseh^
digitized by Google
!!36 INDIAN BIOORAPBT.
particular intereirt in it, seems to be his own, whidi
has been ^ven.
Nor can it be doubted, that he perfectly understood
the policy of the English. He told Governor Harri-
son, when he declared the necessity which might arise
of an alliance with thera, that he knew they were
always urging the Indians to war for their own ad-
vantage, and not to benefit his countrymen. *And
here,' we are told,* *he clapped his hands, and
imitated a person hallooing at a dog, to set him fight-
ing with another, thereby insinuating that the British
thus endeavored to set the Indians on the Americans.'
The truth is, he was too proud for a «ubordinate
part His confederates might do as they chose,
but for himself, he would maintain the dignity of a^
fi*ee man, and a warrior. He abandoned his plan
of visiting the President, because he could not
be received as the head of the deputation. It is
said, that, in the last conference at Vincennes, he
found himself, at the end of a long and energetic
speech, unprovided with a seat Observing the neg-
lect, Governor Harrison directed a chair to be placed
for him, and requested him to accept it * Your
Father,' said the interpreter, ' requests you to take a
chair.' * My Father !' — ^replied the chief,—* The sun is
my father, and the earth is my mother ; I will repose
upon her bosom.' And he adjusted himself on the
ground in the Indian manner,
A qualified remark has been made upon his cour-
age; but his uniform conduct during the war, is
certainly 8uj£cient to establish this point beyond
controversy. The same may be said of the fear-
lessness shown in his visits to Vincennes; and
especially in bis exposure of himself on that occa-
sion^ though he must have perceived that he was
feared, suspected, and even guarded by large bodies
of troops, drawn out for that express purpose. It is
very illustrative of the apparent diversity in the char-
acter of Elskwatawaand his own in this respect, that
* Dawson's Narrative, p 159.
.,„,..,uy Google
inrDIAN BIOGRAPHT. 237
when the Delawares sent a deputadoB of «hie& to break
up the Prophet's settlement at Tippecanoe, the latter
would not deign, as Mr. Dawson expresses it, to give
them an interview ; but despatched his brother to them,
' whose threats or persuasions were Bufiicient to drive
back the chiefs, w^th strong indications of terror.'
When General Proctor began to prepare for
retreating from Maiden, Tecumseh, having learned
his intention, demanded an interview, and, in the
name of all the Indians, delivered an animated speech.
If the spirit, which it manifests, could have had
its intended effect in inducing the Greneral to fight
before he retreated, the result must at least have
been more glorious, if not more favorable to his
cause.
" Father ! — ^Listen to your children ! You have them
now all before you.
^ The war before this, our British father gave the
hatchet to his red children, when our old chiefs were
alive. They are now dead. In that war our father
was thrown flat on his babk by the Americans, and our
father took them by the hand without our knowl-
edge. We are afiraid that our father will do so again
at wis time.
" Summer before last, when I came forward with
my red brethren, and was ready to take up the hatch-*
et in favor of our British father, we were told not to
be in a hurry — ^that he had not yet determined to fight
the Americans.
"Listen! — ^When war was declared, our father
stood up and gave us the tomahawk, and told us that '
he was then ready to strike the Americans- - that he
Wanted our assistance— and that he would certainly
eet us our lands back, which the Americans had ta-
Ken from us.
" Listen ! — ^You told us, at that time, to bring for-
ward our families to this pbce, and we did so. You
also promised to take care of them — they should
want fi)r nothing, while the men would go and fi§^t
the enemy — ^that we need not trouble ouiselves about
k
S38 INDIAN BIOGBAPHT*
the enemy's gaitisoD — that we knew Dothinj^ about
them — and that our father would attend to that part
of the busioess. You also told your red childreB that
you would take good care Af your garrison here,
which made our hearts glad.
** Listen ! — When we were last at the Rapids it is
true we save you little assistance. It is hard to fight
people who live like ground-hogs.
" Father, listen ! — Our fleet has gone out ; we know
they have fought; we have heard the great guns;*
but we know nothing of what has happened to our
father with one ai'm.f Our ships have gone one way,
and we are much astonished to see our fatlier tying
up every thing and preparing to run away the other,
without letting his red children know what his inten-
tions are. You always told us to remain here, and
take care of our lands ; it made our hearts glad to
hear that was your wish. Our fjreat father, the king,
is the head, and you represent him. You always told
us you would never draw your foot off British ground.
But now, father, we see you are drawing back, and
we are sorry to see our &ther doing so without see-
ing the enemy* We must compare our father's con-
duct to a fat dog, that carries its tail upon its back, but
when affrighted, jt drops it between its legs and runs
off. ^
" Father, listen ! — ^The Americans have not yet de-
feated us by land — ^neither are we sure that they have
done so by water — we therefore wish to remain here^
and fight our -enemy, should they make their appear-
ance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat with
our father.
'^ At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Ameri-
cans certainly defeated us ; and when we returned to
our father's fort, at that place the gates were shut
against us. We were afraid that it would now be the
case ; but instead of that, we now see our British
fyther preparing to march out of his garrison.
fAUuding to Perry's Victory. t Commodore Barclay.
J Digitized by Google '
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 239
* Father ! — You have got the arms and ammuni«
tion which our ^at father sent for his red children.
If you have an idea of going away, give them to us,
and you may go and welcome for us. Our lives are
in the hands of the Great Spiri^ We are determined
to defend our lands, and if it be his witi, we wish
to leave our bones upon them."
This celebrated speech is probably as good a speci-
men as any on record, of the eloquence of Tecum-
Sxih. It was a natural eloquence, characteristic, as all
natural eloquence must be, of the qualities of the man.
As Charlevoix says of the Canadian savages, it was
' such as the Greeks admired in the barbarians,' —
strong, stem, sententious, pointed, perfectly undis-
guised. It abounded with figures and with graphic
touches, imprinted by a single effort of memoir or
imagination, but answering all the purposes of de-
tailed description, without its tediousness or its weak-
ness. The President w^s * drinking his wine in his
town,? while Tecumseh and Harrison were fighting it
out over the mountains. The Indians were hallooed
upon the Americans, like a pack of starved hounds.
The British nation was our sreat Father, and our
great Father was laid flat on his back. So the poli-
cy of the United States, in extending their settlements,
was a mighty water, and the scheme of common prop*
erty in the tribes, was a dam to resist it.*
Tecumseh belonged to a nation ' noted,' as Mr.
Heckewelder describes them, * for much talk,' as well
as for hard fighting ; and he was himself never at a
loss for words, though he used them with a chariness
which ^ might be imitated without disadvantage by
some of our modem orators. It was only when he
spoke for the explanation or vindication ojf that great
cause to which his whole heart and mind were devot-
ed, that he indulged himself in any thing beyond the
laconic language of necesaty. His appean^ce was
always noble — his fomi symmetrical — his carriage
"McAfee's History, p. 17.
digitized by Google
d40 INDIAN BIOGRAPRT.
erect aod lofty — ^hie motions comniaDding'-*4>ut uii«
der the excitement of his favorite theme, he be-
came a new being. The artifice of the politician, the
diffidence of the stranger, the demure dignity of
the warrior, were cast aside like a cloak. His fine
countenance lighted up with a fiery and haughty
pride. His frame swelled with emotion. Every pos-
ture and every gesture had its eloquent meaning. And
then language, indeed, — ihe irrepressible outbreak-
ing of nature, — ^flowed glowing from the passion-
fountains of the soul.
, We have drawn the portrait of this eminent chief-
tain hitherto, only so far as to sketch some of those
strongly-marked lineaments by which he was best
known to his contemporaries, and by which he will
be longest remembered. But there was something
more in his character than strong savage talent and
savage feelinff. Injured and irritated as he oflen was,
and coiistanthr as he kept himself excited by an in-
terest in the mte of his countrymen, and by the agi-
tation of his own schemes, there is no evidence eiSi-
er of coarseness in his manners, or of cruelty jn his
conduct. For reasons easily to be imagined, be re-
garded Governor Harrison with less partiality, than
most other individual Americans; and hence, the
British General is said to have stipulated early in the
war, that the Grovemor, if taken prisoner, should be
his captive. But he is understood to have always
treated that gentleman with such courtesy, that we
apprehend, had this casuB-faderis unfortunately oc-
curred, he would have gloried only in conveying him
off the battle-field in the manner of the Black-Prince,
and in setting before him, with the royal munificence
of Massasoit, all the dry pease in his wigwam.
When the Governor proposed to him, on his fint
visit to Vincennes in 1810, that, in the event of a war,
be would as fiir as possible put a stop to the cruelties
which the Indians were accustomed to inflict upon
women and children, and others no longer in a situa-
tion to resi8t,«4ie readily gave his assent to thd
Digitized by Google
XNDUK BIOGRAFHt. " S41
fNrqx)dtioQ, and Tohmtarily fledged bimself to ad*
nere to it There is reason to believe, that he^remem*
bered this promise ; and that amidst temptations and
provocations,— «nd, many would be inclined to add,
examples, from an authority he might have been sup-
posed to respect,-~Tof a most extraordinary nature.
In one of the sorties from Fort Meigs, a hundred
or more of the American garrison were taken pris-
oners, and put into Fort MiamL Here, McAfee
and others relate that the British Indians garnish-
ed the surrounding rampart, and amused them-
selves by loading and firing at the crowd within, or
at particular individuals. This proceeding is said to
have continued nearly two hours, during which time
twenty of the unfortunate prisoners were massacred.
The-diie& were at the same time holding a council,
to determine the &te of the residue. A blood-thirsty
mob of cut-throat Pottawatamies were warmly in fa-
vor of despatching them all on the spot, while the
Wyandots and Miamies (^posed that course. The
former prevailed; and had already svstematically
commenced the worii of destruction, when Tecum-
seh, descrying them from the batteiies, came down
among them, reprimanded the ring-leaders for their
dastardly barbarity in murderinff defenceless cap-
tives in cold blood, and thus saved the Hves of a con-
siderable number. That all this was done by express
permission of the English commander, and in pres-
ence of the English army, as is farth^ stated, it does
not belong to us, in the pursuit of our present sub-
ject^ either to assert or prove. If there be any truth
m the charge, or In a tidie of those of ^e same char-
aeter which have been brought agaiest the same par-
ty, the sooner the veil of oblivkm is droj^ied over
them, the better.
In fine, the chaincter of Teounweh, in what-
ever lieht it be viewed, must be regarded as re-
markable in the highest degree. That he proved
himself worthy of his rank as a general oiffioerm the
army of his Britaniiie Mtteity. «r evan of bis ,wpii
II.— X
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
S4& tNDUN BIOGRAPflY.
tation as a great wamor among all the IndiatiS of the
North and West, is, indeed, a small title to distinction.
Bravery is a savage virtue ; and the Shawanees are
a brave people, — as too many of the American na-
tion have ascertained by experience. His orato-
ry speaks more for his genius. It was the utterance
of a great mind, roused by the strongest motives of
which human nature is susceptible, and developing a
power and a labor of reason, which commanded the
admiration of the civilized, as justly as the confi-
dence and pride of the savage. But other orators,
too, have appeared among his countrymen, as elo-
quent and as eminent as Tecumseh, wherever the
same moving causes and occasions could give birth
and scope to the same emulous effort. And the mere
oratory, in all these cases, was not so much an abso-
lute vindication, as a naked and meagre index of the
mighty intellect and noble spirit within. Happily
for the feme of Tecumseh, other evidences exist in
his favor, — such as were felt as well as heard in his
own day, — such as will Hve on the pages of civilized
history, long after barbarous tradition has forgotten
them. He will be named with Philip and Pontiac,
* the agitators' of the two centuries which preceded
his own. The schemes of these men were, — fortu-
nately for the interest which they lived and labored
to resist, — alike unsuccessful in their issue ; but none
the less credit should for that reason be allowed to
their motives or their efforts. They were still states-
men, though the communities over which their influ-
ence was exerted, were composed of red men instead
of white. They were still patriots, though they
fought only for vrild lands and for wild liberty. In-
deed, it is these very circumstances that make these
very efforts, — and especially the extraordinary de-
gree of success which attended them, — the more hon-
orable and the more signal ; while they clearly show
the necessity of their ultimate failure, which existed
in the nature of things. They are the best proofi, ol
OQCOi of genius and of principle.
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHT, 343-
CHAPTER XV.
MicHiKiiTAqwAyOr the Little Turtle — Early History—
Engages in a combination of the Indians against the
United States — Blue-Jacket — ^The Turtle defeats two
detachments of American troops^-Some account of the
North- Western war from 1791 to 1795— The Turtle
defeated by General Wayne — He becomes unpopular
after the peace — Some of the charges against him ex-
amined — Anecdotes of his intercourse with distin-
guished Americans — His letter to Gren. Harrison — His
death in 1812 — ^His character.
In the Life of Buckongabelas, we have alluded to
the powerful influence of 'one individual/ as having
enabled Governor Harrison, despite the exertions of
that chieftain, to effect the important negotiations con-
cluded at Fort Wayne in 1803. That individual
was the Little Turtle, a personage of both tal-
ent and celebrity, second in modem times only to
those of Tecumseh. Indeed, he may be considered
in some respects one of the most remarkable Indians
of any age; and although he has been deceased
about twenty years, bis grave, in the neighborhood of
the station just named, is not only still shown, but still
visited by Indians from various quarters, who cherish
the memory of the old warrior with the deepest ven-
eration.
The vernacular name of the Turtle was Michikiw-
AqwA or Mechecunaqua. He was the son of a Miami
chief, but his mother was aMohegan woman ; and as
the Indian maxim in relation to descents is generally
the s^me with that of the civil law in relation to
slaves-— that the condition of the offspring follows the
eondition of the mother* — the Turtle had no advan*
* * Partus seouitur ventrem.'
Digitized by Google
5M4 INDIAH BIOGRAPHY.
tage whatever from his father's rank. He however
b^ame a chief at an early ase, for his extraordinaiy
talents attracted the notice of his countrymen even in
boyhood.
His first eminent services were those of a warrior
in the ranks of his tribe. It is well known that lone
after the conclusion of the peac^ of 1783, the British
retained possession of several poets within o(ir ceded
limits on the north, which were rallying-pointsfor the"^
Indians hostile to the American cause, and where
they were supplied and subsisted to a considerable ex-
tent, while they continued to wage that war with ua
which their civilized ally no longer maintained. Our
Government made strenuous exertions to pacify all
these tribes. With some they succeeded, and among
others with the powerfhl Creeks, beaded at this time
by the famous half-breed Mc'Oillivrat. But the
savages of the Wabash and the Miami would consent
to no term^. They were not only encouraged by for*
eign assistance — ^whether national, or simply individ-
ual, we need not in this connection di8cuss---but they
were strong in domestic combination. The Wyan-
dots, the Potawatamies, the Delawares, the Shawa-
nees, the Chippewas, the Ottawas, not to mention parts
of some other tribes, all acted together : and last, but
by no means least, the Miamies, resident where Fort
Wa3me has been nnce erected, inspired the whole
confederacy with the ardor which they themselves
bad but to imitate in their own fearless chieflaina
These were generally the same parties who bod
thirty years before been united against the whites
under Pontiac ; and the causes of their irritation were
now mainly the same as they had been then, while both
the cordiality and fkciliiy of cooperation were increas-
ed by confidence and experience derived even from
former failures. ^ These causes have been already su^
ficiently experienced. They arose chiefly firom the
frontier advances of the white population on the In-
dian lands-Hilways and almost necessarily atten-
ded with provocations never discovered, and of con-
.,„,..,u/Google
INDIAN BI06EAPHT. 245
■equence never atoned for, by tlie proper autliorities.
National claims were also brought forward, which,
BO &r as founded on the representations of persons in-
terested, were likely enough to be abuses. In fact
here was an exact precedent for the combination of
Tippecanoe. The Turtle was politically the first fbl-
lower of Pontiac, and the latest model of Tecumseb.
The Turtle, we say, but the zealous assistance
he received from other chieftains of various tribes,
ought not to be overlooked. Buckongahelas com-
manded the Delawares. Blue-Jacket was at this
time the leading man of the Shawanees — a warrior
of high reputation, though unfortunately but few par-
ticulars 01 bis history have been recorded. The Mis-
sissagas, a Canadian tribe on the river Credit^ some
remnant of which still exists, contributed not a little
to the power of the confederacy in the talents of a
' brave chie^ whose very name is not preserved, though
his movements among the more northern Indians
were felt on the banks of the St. Lawrence, as far
down as Montreal itself.*
On the 13th of September, 1791, -—all attempts to
eonciliate tbe hostile tribes who were now ravaging
the frontiers, having been abandoned, — General Har-
mer, under the direction of the Federal government,
marched against them from Fort Washington (the
giresent site of Cincinnati) with three hundred and
twenty regulars, who were soon after joined by a body
of militia, making the whole force about fifteen hun-
dred men. Colonel Hardin, at the head of six hun-
dred Kentucky troops, was detached in advance to
reconnoitre. As he approached the enemy's villages^
tiiey fied. The villaj^es were destroyed, and a lighr
force again detached m the pursuit. These men were
met by a small Indian party, led on by the Turd^
* A respectable Montreal publication, of 1791, notices
one of this person's visits to the tribes in the vicinity of
that town ; — describing him as " forty-five years old, six
feet in height, of asour and morose aspect, and appv
Kntlv very «my and snbtle '
Digitized by Google
S46 INSIAlf BIOORAFBT.
wbo attaeked them furiooBly, and fougiit them whh
•uch elTect, that of thirty regulars twenty-three wefe
killed^ while all the militia of the detachment sought
safety in flight
Notwithstanding this check, the enemy's only fo*
mainiDg town in the section of the countiy near the
batde-ground was laid waste, and their provisions de«
stroyed. General Harmer then returned to Fort
Washington, unpursued, but disgraced and deeply
chagrin^. Under these circumstances he resolved
to hazard another action. He halted eight miles from
Chilicothe, and late at night detached C<^nel Hardin
with orders to find the Indians, and firht them. Har*
din succeeded in his search about daylight The sav«
ages fi>ught with desperation, for they were maddened
by the aaeht of their flaming villages and their uncov
ered dead, and the war-cry of the Turtle again urged
them to the onset. Some of the Americans fled, but
a greater number, includinr fifty reeulars and one
himdred militia, -with several officers of note, feU upon
the field of batde, bravely discharging a fruitless and
fktal duty. Qeneral Harmer claimed the victory,-*
v^th how much propriety may appear^irom tbeso
&cts. The Turtle however soflered so severely in die
engagement, that he permitted him to march home
mimolested.
Harmer's disasters were followed by the most d^
piorable consequences, fbr the savaffes renewed their
devastations to such a degree that the situation of the
fW)ntiers became truly alarming. Congress directed
the organization of a strong military force, and mean**
while two volunteer expeditions from Kentucky, un-
der Qenerals Wilkinson and Scott, were fitted out
against the enemy. ConsiderablA damage was done
to them on the Miami and Wabash, though without
much loss of life on either side.
The campaign of the Federal troops,-*mu8tering
about two thousand, besides garrisons in two or three
newly erected forts,— commenced late in the summer
of 1791. Desertion reduced the number to f^tuteea
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOCMUPHT^ 947
Irandred, he&ire the eomniander, General St. CHaur,
bad advanced far into the hostile territory. Contin-
uing his march, however, on the third of November
be encamped on a piece of commanding ground,
wkljin fifleen mUes of the Miami villages. An mterval
of only seventy paces was left between the two wings
of his army. The right was in some degree protec-
ted by a creek^ and a steep bank ; the left, by cavalrv
and picquets. . The militia, about three hundred fiesk
Kentuckian recruits, \^ere permitted to cross the creeky
Aod draw up in two lines on the first rising ground bcH
yoad it, at the distance of a quarter of a mile from
$hm main body, from which they were separated also
Jbj a rich sugar-tree ^ bottom.'
The enemy had apparently anticipated a movement
of this kind. The chieftains had collected a force of
from one tboosand to fifteen hundred men, upon the
Bfiami territories; and for several days previous to
the halt, numbers of them had been hovering round
and evidently watcjiing the movements of the troop*.
I>uring the night of the 3d, shots were occasion^
My exchsxiged between them and the American sen-
tries, and small parties were sent out in different di-
rections to prevent their too near approach.
Meanwhile the Indians were holding a grand coun-
d\ of war. The plan of attack was agreed upon, and
the ord^ and rank of the various tribes settled wkh
a precision aa punctilious as that oi the ancient Greeka
The Wyandots stretched to the west; the Dela wares
were stationed next to them ; the Senecas third, and
00 OIL The Turtle, acting as conm)ander-in-chie£
superintmided and stimulated the whole, but headed
no particular detachment; the arm of the warrior
was to do much, but the eye and xoice of the chie^
tain, miN^h more. Nothing happened during the night
to alarm the Americans, and indeed the noise and stir
-of the outskirts in the early part of the evening grad-
ually subsided* All at length was silent, and it might
well be supposed, as it probably was, that the enemy
had taken advantage of the darkness ci the night to
348 INDIilN BIOGRAnBT.
make good a precipitate retreat, or that their -vHiolc
force as yet consisted only of a few scouting and
scalping parties. But the mistake was of short du-
ration. The militia were* violently attacked between
dawn and sunrise of the fourth, by a powerful body
of the Indians, who, with a terrific yell, poured in a
volume of musketry along the entu« length of the
two lines. Never was surprise more complete. The
ranks of the militia were thrown into confu«on at
once ; and although the battle was hotlv contested for
three hours at least, no efforts of the omcerB, or of the
regular troops of the main body, proved sufficient to
recover the lost ground. The former, intleed, were
picked off by the enemy's sharp-shooters so rapidly,
that very little cou)d be expected from the aggregate
of their exertions.
Besides, the savages generally fought under shelter
of the woods. " The Indians wfere very numerous,"
we are informed by one who was present, " but we
found it out more from their incessant heavy fire, than
from what we could otherwise discover of them.
They fought under cover, though they would fie-
quently advance very close under the smoke of the
cannon ; and as soon as it began to clear away, the
fire became very fetal."* Emboldened, however, by
success, they sometimes charged the Americans tom-
ahawk in hand, drove them Imck on their lines, kept
possession of their tents for some minutes, and though
repulsed, continually returned to the contest with re-
doubled fury.
The Americans were atleneth compelled to retreat;
and this retreat, — as St Clair himself confessed, in hie
despatches, " was a precipitate one, in fact a JiigktJ*
The camp and artillery were abandoned. Most of
the militia threw away theif arms and accoutrements.
All were closely pursued by the savages firom half-
past nine, when the route coiftmenced, until after sun-
set, when th ey gained Fort Jefferson, at a distance of
'New-Tork and other news-papers of December, 1791.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BlOGBAPinr. 51^
twenty-nine miles. Thirty-eight officers, and fire
himdred and ninety-three men, were slain or missing ;
mnd twenty-one officers and two hundred and forty-
two men wounded^many W whom died afterwards;
BO that no fewer than eight hundred and ninety-fbinr
were lest or disabled, out of an army of fourteen
hundred. General Butler, second in command, was
among the slain.
General St Clwr sj^s he was overpowered by num-
bers : but as no English historian makes the enemy
more numerous than the Americans, some credit
should be given to them upon other grounds than the
pretext of numerical superiority. Iixleed, their attack
was conducted with astonishing intrepidity. AAer a
Bingle volley of fire-arms they fought every inch of the
field, band to band. There is no other instance in the
history of the continent, of a slaughter to be com^fMired
to this, with the exception of the fnemoraUe defeat of
Braddoek. ^ Nearly in the space of three hundred and
fifiy yard8,"-^-8aid General Scott, who visited the bat-
tle-field soon after, — ^^lay five hundred skull-bones,
three hundred of which were buried by my men.
From thence five miles on, the woods were strewed
with skeletons, muskets," &c.^ The loss of the Tur-
tle's army was never ascertained upon indisputable
authority, but no account makes it at all proportionable
to that of St. Clair. The Mississaga chie^ mention-
ed above, who visited Montreal a few months after the
action, rated the American loss at several hundreds
more than the official bulletin just cited, and that
of the Indians at only nine ; f but some allowance
4>ught probably to be made for extenuation in the
latter case, as for exaggeration in the former. An
Anoerican officer, who encountered a party of thirty
Indians near the battle-ground, a day or two after the
defeat, (and was detained by them till they were made
to (relieve him a friend to their cause, from Canada,)
I informed that the number of killed was fifty-six.
* Metoalf B Indiav Wars. t Montreal pap«i«*
.,„,..,u/Google
250 INDIAN BIOORAFHT.
I
These savages were returning home with their
share of the plunder. • One of them had a hun-
dred and twenty-seven American scalps, strung on a
pole, and the rest were laden with various other ar-
ticles of different values. They had also three pack-
horses, carrying as many kegs of wine and spirits as
could be piled on their backs. According to their
statement, there were twelve hundred Indians in the
battle, the larger proportion of whom were Miamies.*
We have alluded to the expedition of General
Scott, who made a most successful incursion against
the savages a few weeks subsequent to the action of
the 4th. A considerable body of them wef^ found
by his scouts on the field, still revelling among the
spoils of the camp, and diverting themselves in high
glee. Scott attacked them abruptly with three de-
tachments, in as many directions, at the same mo-
ment They were completelv surprised and routed.
At least two hundred were killed on the spot ; the re-
mainder fled, and Scott's force returned triumphandy ,
to head-quarters, carrying home seven pieces of St
Clair's cannon.
The effect of this defeat upon the Turde's mind
and upon those of his countrymen generally, was
abundandy sufficient to exasperate, without having
the slightest tendency either to intimidate or discour-
age.
« A few dajrs ago,**— says, in the summer of 1792, a
letter-writer from Fort Knox, cited in the principal
journals of the day, — *< several chiefs came in from
Opee, a place high upon the Illinois river, and in their
speech to Major Hamtranck told him they were fre-
quendy invited and threatened by ^ Miamies^ to in-
duce them to go to war with us, that we must keep good
heart, for we shall have a great many more to fight
this year than last ; and that they wished us success,
* New-York papers. Most of the statements in the
text are corroborated by all the standard histories of tb»
war.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOG&AFHT. 251
and hoped vv-e ^ould give them a hearty drubbing,'*
Something is suggested about British instigation, and
the writer concludes thus. "Indeed every intelli-
gence we have received from the Miami vUlageSj cor-
roborates this, so far as to convince us that there will
be twice as many Indians in the field this year as there
were last,— so that I think a few of us will be apt to
lose our hair."
It will be observed that the Miamies are here re-
IpEurded as the leadingtribe in the hostile combination.
So undoubtedly they were, and that alone sufficiently
indicates the influence exorcised by the Turtle. Hence
it was, in no small degite, that the predictions of the
Indians at Fort Knox, were but too accurately and
speedily fulfilled. During 1792, the depredations of
the savaffe» became noore furious and ferocious than
ever before ; and some of the most tragical scenes
recorded in history took place on the long line of the
frontiers. We shall detail a single well-authenticated
instance, to illustrate the exposure of the citizens in
what was then perhaps the most populous section of
tlie West.
A dwelling-house in Kentucky was attacked by a
party of Indians. The proprietor, Mr. Merrill, was
alarmed by the barking of his dog. On going to
the door he received the fire of the assailants, which
broke his right leg and arm.. They attempted to
enter the house, but were anticipated in tlieir move-
ment by Mrs. Merrill and her daughter, who closed
the door in so effectual a manner as to keep them at
bay. They next began to hew a passage through the
door, and one of toe warriors attempted to enter
through the aperture ; but the resolute mother seizing
an axe, gave him a fatal blow upon the head, and then
with the assistance of her daughter, drew his body
in. His companions without, not apprized of his fate,
but supposing him successful, followed through the
same aperture, and four of the number were thus kill-
ed before their mistake was discovered. They now
retired a few momenta^ but soon returned, and xo«
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOQRAnir,
newed their exertions to force the house. Despairioff
of entering by the door, they climbed upon the roo^
and made an effort to descend by the chimney.
Mr. Merrill directed his little son to empty the con-
tents of a large feather-bed upon the fire^ which soon
caused so dense and pungent a smoke, as nearly to
suffocate those who had made this desperate attempt^
and two of them fell^ into the fire-place. The dmh
ment was critical ; the mother and daughter could iioC
Suit their stations at the door; and the husbandf
lough groaning with his broken leff and arm, rous«
ing eveiy exertion, seized a billet of wood, and wi^
repeated blows despatched the two half«moCbere^
Indians. In the meandme it^ mother had repeHed
a frerii assault upon the doer, and severely wounded
one of the Indians, wlio attempted mmultaneousiy to^
enter there, while the o^rs descended the chiixH
Bey.*
We find no particukr evidence that the Turde was
concerned in any of these petty forays, which indeed
were certainly attended with no honor, while they in-
flicted more damage and alarm than any other events
of this memorable war. He however commanded, a
iwdy of Indians who, in November, 1792, made a vi-
olent attack on a detachment of Kentucky vohinteers^
headed by Major Adair, (mnce Governor) under the
walls of Foit St. Clair. The contest was sevei^ and
sangtiinary. The savages were at length repulsed-^
with coQsidenible loss, according to some accounta— >
but Marshall, who is sufficiently careful of the honor
of his countrymen, ailowa that the Major, ajfter a gal-
lant resistance, was compelled to retreat to the n»t,
(about half a mile) with the loss of six men kiHed, and
the camp-equipage and one hundred and forty pacfe-
hoTMs taken. The IncHans lost but two men. The
Turde was also in the action of Fort Recovery, which
look phMse In June, 1794, and in whidi alarge deiadi-
*Matodf'«^idi«i^i|^».
d by Google
UfDIAK BIOORAPHT. 525d
ment of Ametiean troops, under Major MclVIaboiii
was defeated.
Repeated efforts were madel>y the American Gror--
emment, during these three years, for the conclusion
of a treaty of peace. Several of the Senecas, and other
New-Yoik Indians were employed as mediators to
this dnd. To some extent they succeeded, or at least
were thought to have done so, — it being announced,
late in the fail of 1792, that the Miamies had consent-
ed to a truce till the next spring ; but at the end of
that term, if not before, hostilities were renewed with
as much vigor as ever. Only a few months previous,
three Americans, sent to the enemy vrith nags and
proposals of peace, were murdered in cold blood,—
an act for which M>me palliating provocations were
alleged by those wno committed it, but which never
was deliberately justified by their leaders.*
But the successes of the enemy were drawing to A
close. General Wayne had been appointed to the
command of the American army, than whom per*
haps no man in the country was better qualified to
meet the emergencies of an Indian virarmre in the
woods. The Indians were themselves, indeed, sensi*
Me of tfiis fact, and the mere intelligence of h)s ap-
proach probably had its effect on their spirits. They
universally called him the Black Snake, firom the su-
perior cuiining whidi they ascribed to him ; and even
allowed him the credit of bein^ a fair match for
Buckongahelas, Blue-Jacket, or the Turtle himself
Wayne prosecuted the decisive campaign of 1794
vdth a spint which justified the estimate of his ene-
my, although, owing to the difficulties of transport-
*** When the news Was carried to the toWn (a Sha-
wanese village) that a white man with a peaoe-taik had
been killed at the camp, it excited a great iertnent, and
the murderers were much censured/' Ae. — MurskaU*9
Kentucky. The brave Colonel Hardin, ^ Kentucky,
was one of the meafi6ng6T9.
TL-r
Digilized by Google
254 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
ing itores and pro^sions through a wUdernesa which
at that time could oot be traversed by wagons, be
was unable to commence operations until near mid-
summer. He had already, in the fall of the previous
season, erected Fort Recovery on the site of St Clair's
defeat ; and early in August, he raised a fortification
at the confluence of the An-Glaize and Miami, which
he named Fort Defiance. His whole force wastiow
nearly two thousand regulars, exclusive of eleven hun-
dred mounted Kentucky militia under (General Scott*
Here he had expected to surprise the neighboring vil-
lages of the enemy ; and the more effectually to en-
sure the success of his coup-de-main, he had not only
advanced thus far by an obscure a. ^ very difficult
route, but taken pains to clear out twu- roads from
Greenville in that direction, in order to attract and di-
vert the attention of the Indians, while he marched
by neither. But his generalship proved of no avaiL
The Turtle and his comrades kept too vigilant an eye
on the foe they were now awaiting, to be easily sur-
prised, even had not their movements been quick-
ened, as they were, by the information of an American
deserter.
On the 12th of the month, the General leame4
from some of the Indians taken prisoners, that their
main body occupied a camp near the British garrison,
at the rapids of the Mianii. But he now resolved,
before approaching them much nearer, to try the ef-
fect of one more proposal of peace. He had in his
army a man named Miller, who had long been a cap-
* Therei were some friendly Indians, mostly from south-
em tribes, who fought under Wayne and Scott during
the season of 1794 ; and among the rest about sixty
Choctaws, commanded by a brave chief commonly
called GxNERAL Hummingbird, who more recently dis-
tinguished himself in the last war against the Creeks, (as
the allies of the British.) He died December 23d, 1828
aged seventy-five, at his residence near the Choctaw
agency, where he was buried with the honors ef war.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGftAPHT. 255
tire with some of the tribes, imd he select^id him for
the hazardous enterprize.
Miller did not like the scheme. It was his opinion,
from what he had ob|ierved, that the Indians were unal-
terably determined on war, and that they would not re-
spect a flag, but probably kill him : in short, he declinM
being the ambassador. Greneral Wayne, however,
could think of no other as well qualified ; and being
anxious to make the experiment he assured Miller
that he would hold the eight prisoners then in his cus-
^ tody, as pledges for his s^ety, and Uiat he might take
with him any escort he desu^. Thus encouraged,
the soldier consented to go with (he message ; and to
attend him, he selected m>m the prisoners, one of the
men, and a squaw. With these he left camp at 4
o'clock, P. M. on the 13th ; and next morning at day-
break, reached the tents of the hostile chiefi, which
were pear together, and known by his attendants^
without being discby^red. He immediately dis-
played his flag, and proclaimed himself ^a messen-
ger." Instantly he was assailed on all sides^ with a
hideous yell, and a call, to *^ Kill the runner ! Kill the
spy !" But he, accosting them in their own language,
and forthwith explaining to them his real character,
they suspended the blow, and took him into custody.
He shewed and explained the General's letter; not
omitting the positive assurance, that if they did not
send the bearer back to him by the 16th of the month,
he would, at sunset of that day, cause every sol-
dier in his camp to be put to death. Miller was close-
ly confined, and a council called by the chiefs. On
the 15th, he was liberated, and flemished with an
answer to Greneral Wayne, stating, " that if he wait-
ed where he was ten days, and then sent Miller for
iiera, they would treat ^vith him; but tljat if he ad*
fanced, they would give him battle." The General's
tnpatience had prevented his waiting the return of his
Ainister. On the 16th, Miller came up with the ar-
my on its march, and delivered tbeanswer; to which
lie added, that ^^fix>m the manner in which the In-
Digitized by Google
S56 INMAN BIOGRAPHT.
dians wtm d ro a wd and painted, and the eoBftant aF-
rival of parties, it was bis opinion, they had de-
termined on war, and only wanted time to muster their
whole force."*
This intelligence of couise did not serve to check
theea^mess of the General, and he rapidly contin-
ued his march down the Miami. On the 18th he
reached the rapids. On the 19th he halted to recon-
noitre, within a few miles of the enemy's camp, and
threw up a temporary woit, which he called Fort De-
poaite, Elarly m the morning of the 20th he re-^
eumed his march in that direction, and about 10 o'clock
his spies, a mile in advance, were fired on. The ar-
my was halted, and put in order of battle, and then
moved forward in three columns. ' Wayne's legion,
occupying the right, had its flfink upon the river; one
brigade of mounted volunteers, under General Todd,
occupied the left; and the other, under General Barbee^
the rear. Major Price, with a select battallion, nioved
m front, to < feel* the enemy, and to give the troops
timely notice to form. After penetrating about five
miles, he received a tremendous fire from an ambus-
cade, and fell back upon the main ^ce.
The Indians were advantageouslv posted in the for-
est of Presqu'-Isle ; having their left seciuied by the
rocky bank of the river, and their front by a kind of
breast-work of fallen trees, which rendered it imprac-
ticable for cavalry to advance. -They were formei^
in three lines, witbin supporting distance, and exten-
^ ding nearly two miles into the woods.
Wayne's legion immediately advanced in two col
umns, with trailed arms, expecting to rouse the en-
emy from the covert with the bayonet ; and when up^
to deliver a close fire upon their backs, and press them
so hard as npt to give them time to reload. He soom
saw, from the weight of their fire, and the extent of
their lines, that the Indians were in full force, in pos-
' "I of their favorite ground, and endeavoring ta
•MarahaU. "
Digitized by Google
t t lAN BIOOftAPfiY. 257
tum his left flaok. He instantly ordered Genera] Scot^
with his whole force, to make a coDsiderable circuit
with a view to outtoik them ; but the legionaiy in-
fimtry executed their orders with such promptitude,
that ooly a part of the second column, and of the
mounted yolunteers, could be brought up to partici-
pate in the action. The Indians flying from their
concealment, only confused each other by their num-
bers; and they were driven mok^ than two miles
through thick woods, in the course of an hqur, until
the pursuit terminated under the guns of F6rt Mau-
mee.* ''Great slaughter was made by the legionary
cavalry in the pursuit, so many of the savages being
cut down with the sabre, that the title of Long-Knives^
long before given to the Americans, is said to have
come again into general use at this period. General
Wayne stated his loss at one hundred and thirty-three
killed and wounded. That of the Indians was never
ascertjyned, but was supposed to be much greater.
. As Inany as seven tribes were engaged in this
action — the Miamies, the Potawatamies, Delawares,
Shawanees, Cjnippewas, Ottawas, and some Senecas.
During the mght preceding the battie, the chie&
of the different nations h^ assembled in council,
and it w^ proposed by some, to go up and attack
General Wayne in his encampment The proposi
tion was opposed, and^the council did not determine
to attack him that night ; but all acceded to another
suggestion, to wait until the next day, and fight the
G^eral at Presqu'-Isle. The Turtie alone disap-
proved of this plan, while Blue-Jacket was warmly m
iavorof it. The fonner disliked the idea of fighting
Wayne under present circumstances, and was even in-
clined to make peace. <<We have beaten the en-
emy," said he at the council, "twice, under separate
jcommanders. , We cannot expect the same good fortune
always to attend us. The Americans are now led by
a chief who never sleeps. The night and the day are
* MarshaU And see Appendix II.
Y2
digitized by Google
3ff8 UfPUX BIOOSAPHT.
alike to him : and during all the time that he has been
marching upoa our villages, notwithstandiog the
watchfulness of our young men, we have never been
able to surprise him. Think well of JL Thereis some-
thing whispers me, it would be prudent to listen to his
offers of peace.'' On this, he was reproached by one
of ^e chiefs with cowardice, and that ended the
conference. Stung to the quick by a reproach which
he was conscious be never merited, he would have
laid the reviler dead at his feet ; but his was not the
bravery of an assas^n. He took his post in the action,
determined to do his duty ; and the event proved that
he had formed no very erroneons estimate of the
character of General Wayne.*
The treaty of Greenville, consequent upon the
•uccessful termination of this campaign, pr what is
firequendy denominated Waynt^s Wwr^ was conclu-
ded on the third of August, A. D. 1795. This trea-
ty, the basis of most of our subsequent treaties with
the northwestern Indians, was attended by' twelve
tribes ; some of whom, it is believed, had never be-
fore entered into treaty with the United States. They
ceded an extensive tract of country, south of the lakes,
and west of the Ohio ; together with certain specific
tracts, including the sites of all the northwestern posts^
as an indemnification for the expenses of the war. Th^
atipulatioas of the treaty of Greenville continued un-
broken till the battle of Tippecanoe, a period of six-
teen years.
Dawson, in his memoirs of General Harrison, (who
was educated in General Wayne's fiimily,) has given
some interesting reminiscences respecting the conclu-
sion of tliis peace. He states, that the Turtie took a
decidcKl part a^nst the giving up of the large tract
of country which General Wayiie required on the
part of the United States. This circumstance, how'^
ever, was not unfavorable to the attainment of the ob •
ject, as it was evident there was a violent jealousy
^Sohookiaft.
Digitized by Google
U99IAN BiC¥3SAPHr. 99
of th)3 Turtle, among most of .the Ottawas, Chip-
peWas, ami Potanratamies, so that they invariably
opposed every thing which he advocated. And as
they and their friends constituted the majority of the
council, the Turtle was always in the minority. The
superiority of his mind was conspicuous not only
in their company, but in hia measures and deport-
ment in the society of white people. The other chie&
were all invited, in their turns, to the General's tabl^
and on these occasions showed themselves still sav-
age, though many of them appeal^ much at their
ease, and disposed of the good things of the Gener-
al's table with evidentt satisfaction. The drinking^
however, was the most popular part of the entertain*
ment, and indeed, theWThite Pigeon, a Potawalamie
chie( could iipt refrain from expressing his gratitude
to the Great Spirit for this, as he conceived, the best
gift to man^ Upon being asked for a toast by Creneral
Wayne, he rose and said, " I will give you the Great
Spirit, and I am much obliged to him far putting so
much sense into that man's head who first made rum."
After the peace^was concluded, the Turtle settled
upon Eel-River, about twenty mijes from Fort Wayne^
where the Americans erected for him a comfortable
house. He frequently visited the seat of Govern-
ment both at Philadelphia and Washington. His taste
for civilized life being observed, the Indian agents were
desired by the Government to furnish him with every
reasonable accommodation for bis decent subsistence,
— supposing that the ejKample might prove beneficial ia
their exertions to civilize the other Indians.
These indulgences, however, entirely destn^ed—
for a time, at least — the Turtle's influence among the
savages ; for some envied his good fortune, and othem
suspected his honesty. Beinff perfectly sensible of
this, and not a Httle chagrined by it, we may fairly
presume that he made various attempts to recover his
pQpularity. This was probably the secret of his op^
position to the interest of the United States on more
occasions than one where it was not altogether indis-
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
900 INBIAN BIOORAFST.
pensable. But we certainly need not deiay him ok
that account the credit of real patriotism which ha
manifested at all times. The truth is, that, in some
indifferent cases, whep he might have yielded to the
demands of the American authorities without dis
prace, he opposed them chieHy for the sake of retain
mg or regaining his influence with his countrymen.
Under these circumstances, however, he was of
course liable to accusations which he did not deserve,
— by the Indiana, of being bribed by the Government,
and by the Americans, of thw«utiBg their purposes
' fix^m a puerile regard to the whims ra^er than the in-
terest of the Indians. As an instance of the lat^r,
we may refer to the Indian Councils of 1802 and 1803;
at Vincennes and at Fort Wayne, the result of which
was. the convevance of an immense territonr to the
United States from the Potawatamies, Piankishaws^
Weas, Eel-River Miamies^ and some other tribes or
parts of tribes.
Mr. Dawson states that the former of these councils
had been recommended by the Turtle, but that when
the time came, he refused to attend, — alleging as his
reason, that ^the jealousy with which the chiefi
viewed the footing he stood upon with the United
States, would make his presence rather more injurious
than serviceable." Now, this would seem to be a suf*
ficient explanation; and yet the historian does not
hesitate to say, that the Turtle had just before been
visited, bribed and gained over by the British-Indian
agent, Mc'Kee. This is asserted without qualifica-
tion, although the same paragraph shows that the testi-
mony in the case was nothing more than the ^ opinion'
of a *Mr. Wells.* It is added Uiat, ** however that mi^ht
be'* — ^implying a doubt after all — ^the Turtle certain-
ly used his influence to prevent the other chiefs from
attending the Council. This might be true, but it
]>roves at best, only that he made some farther exer-.
tion to clear himself of that suspicion amcHig the In-
dians which he gave as his reason for not attending
V Digitized by Google
nmiAM miooRAPHT. 9Sl
the council, and at the same time to obviate the ne-
cessity itKlf of attending.
The result proves the correctness of his judgment
Those who did attend were at first extrem^y op-
posed to Governor Harrison's propositions ; but after
considerable discussion they determined to refer the
whole matter^^nd it was one of no small moment to
the Indian interest — ^to fiur chiefs of the various tribes
represented, or a majority of them, " to finaUy settle
and adjust a treaty " with the Agents of the Govern-
ment At the head of the commission was the Turtte
himself; and his nephew, Richa&ville, a member of
the same tribe, was another.
Had any other courle been taken than this, for
which the Turde is accused of corruption, it is prob-
able that the treaty would never have been auti^ov-
ized, notwithstanding the tribes were deliberately con-
vinced of its policy,— for the ptetenee of the Turde
would have been an argument to counteiiNilance all
others. The historian does the Chieflain better justice
in the sequel A meedng of the Commissioners with
the Governor having been appointed for the spring of
1803, to be held at Fort Wayne, the latter, on arriving
there, was ai^oni^ed to find that all who had agreed
to attend, were still absent, while the Turtle, who had
only been auOunized to act in the premises, was on
&e spot, together vrith the Potawatamie Chiefi. It
■eems they had by this time grown jealous again; and it
comes out in evidence, that the Owl, or Lono-Beard,
had been Inisily employed in dissuading the Indians
from meeting him, and that his representations had
been efj^tuad in many cases. The Owl, dei^ite his
name, was as subUe as he was wicked, and he
found means to detach the Miami nation almost en-
tirely from the interests of the Turde and Rieb-
arvifle, who were the real chieis of the tribe. This
he effected by asserting that the former had sold to
the United States the whole country, and that it would
be claimed as it might be wanted. He earnestly ad-
vised them not to iiccept any annuities in fiiture, at^
362 imOIAN BIOGRAPBT.
simng them that the United States would at a ibtare
day claim a large tract of land for every annuity
which they- might pay to the Indians.
We have before mentioned that when Buckongahe-
las and other chiefs finally attended at Fort Wayne,
and opposed the treaty, it was efieoted, according to
the historian's statement, principally by the influence
of the Turtle. It appears to have been on the whole
a measure mutually beneficial to the two contracting
parties ; but tlie Turtle no doubt thought that an agree-
ment once made should be ratified at all- events, .what-
ever the effect might be on his own popularity.
There is probably more justice in the chai^ge brought
against him in regard to the treaty concluded with the
Piankashaws and Delawares, in 1804, — though per-
haps not in the sense intended by the accuser. The
Miamies were not consulted in this instance, it ap-
pears, nor were the Potawatamies. They. belieVed
themselves entitled to a voice in the mattes*, and were
therefore dissatisfied, and openly expressed their dis-
pleasure at the result It is alleged, however, that
^no claim would have heen set up by them, had the
Turtle been consulted wh^i the treaty was made."
This may be true, — ^for, setting aside courtesy, he
and his countrymen might at least have been pre-
possessed in favor of the h(»ie8ty of the transaction,
by an appearance of entire fi'ankness on the part of
the whites. Not that the treaty was in fact un-
principled ; but the manner of concluding it might
well appear to the Indians somewhat exclusive.
They claimed an interest in the lands conveyed, and
a consequent right to be consulted as parties ; and
they wished that, even if the case admitted of no ar-
gument, they might be allowed to hear what was said,
and to see what was done. Their anxiety was cer-
tainly the more pardonable, inasmuch as the tract thus
conveyed included "all that fine country between
the Ohio and the Wabash rivers (as high up as the
road leading from Vincennes to Louisville,) with a
fxoDt of three hundred miles on the one and near^
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHT, 263
htif as much on the other." It further appears, that at
a general council of the tribes at Vincennes, in 1805,
a treaty was negotiated, which ** settled the dispute re-
specting the purchase made of the Delawares the
year before,'' — ^the Miamies and the other claimants
being present There was really a dispute, then — and ,
it was settled — and that formally, by all the parties con-
cerned. Ic should have been prevented, we conceive,
instead of being settled ; and in that case, the Turtle
might have been spared the charge of' manoBuvring*
and ^intriguing' with the British Agents.
He opposed the designs of Tecumseh and the
Prophet, from the time of their first appearance on
the political stage, and it was owing to his influence
that very little was efiected by them among the Mia-
mies, as well as other tribes, for a long time. Had he
lived through the war with England, he would un-
doubtedly have exerted himself more energetically
for the American interest than ever before. The fol-
lowing communication indicates the part he was pre-
^u%d to take, subsequent to the battle of Tippecanoe*
The < witness ' probably acted as amanuensis : —
IM Waynt^ 25th January, 1812.
* Governor Harrison : •
"My friend — I have been requested by my nation
to speak to you, and I obey their request with pleas-
ure, because I believe their situation requires all the
aid I can afford them.
" When your speech by Mr. Dubois was received
by the Miamies, they answered it, and I made known
to you their opinion at that time.
" Your letter to William Wells of the 23d Novem-
ber last, has l)een explained to the Miamies and Eel-
River tribes of Indians.
" My fiiend — ^Although neither of these tribes have
bad any thing to do wiui the late unfortunate afSur
which happened on the Wabash, still they all rejoice
to hear you say, that if those ftK)hsh Indians which
were engaged in that action, would ntum to their
-^—'- ^-
t64 INBIAN BIOGRAPHY.
ieTenl homes and remain quiet, diat they "wotild be
]MLrdoiied, and again received by the President as his
children. We ^lieve there i» none of them that wiU
be so foolish, as not to accept of this friendly ofier ;
whilst, at the same time, I assure you, that nothing
tfiail be wanting on my part, to prevail pn them to
accept it
*< All the pro[^ef s followers have left him, (with the
eicception of two camps of his own tribe.) Tecum-
seh has just joined him with eight men only. No
danger can be apprehended from them at preseht.
Our eyes iriW be constantly kept on them, and should
^y attempt to gather strength again, we will do all
m our power to prevent it, and at the same time give
you immediate information of their intentions.
^We are sorry that the peace and friendship which
has so long existed between the red and white people,
could not be preserved, without the loss of so many
good men as foil on both sides in the late action on
the Wabash ; but we are satisfied that it will be the
means of making that peace which ought t6 exist be-
tween us, more reBpe<^ed, both by the red and the
white people.
*fWe have been lately told, by different Indians
from that quarter, that jrou wii^ied the Indians from
this country to visit you : this they will do with pleas-
ure nvhea you give them information of it in writing.
'^My friend i-r-The. clouds appear to be rising in a
different quarter, which threatens to turn our Kgfat
into darkness* T6 prevent this, it may require the
united efforts of us alL We hope that none of us
will be found to shrink from the stonn that threatens
to burst upon oilr nations.
Your friend,
X MiscnlCANocquAR^
or LITTLE TURTLE.
For the Miami and Eel-River tribes of Indians.
Witness,
Wm. TmiifKii, JSwgiona Mate^ U. S. Jimw.
I eartify that tiw above is ft true tvtiidetSoik..
W.WELLa*
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. Q^
But the Turtle was destined to take no part in the
conflict. He died -at Fort Wayne — ^probably on a
visit to the Commandant — July 14, 1812, of a disorder
which the army surgeon announced to be the gout He
endured the pains of his disease, it is stated, with great
firmness, and came to his death, on the turf of his
open camp, with the characteristic composure of his
race. His friend, the Commandant, buried him with
the honors of war.
He was said to be sixty-five years of age, by those
who had the opportunity pf learning the fact from
himself. That account would make him forty-five,
— the same age with the Mississaga chieflain, — at the
date of his great victory over St. Clair; and about
thirty at the breaking out of the American Revolu-
tion, during which he no doubt laid the foundation
of his fiime. The Miamies are understood to have
givep as much trouble during that period -as any other
tribe on the continent ever did in as few years.
Mr. Schoolcraft, who speaks of the Turtle in very
handsome terms, gives him the credit of doing at
least as much as any other individual on the continent
«to abolish the rites of human sacrifice." The exis-
tence, certainlv the prevalence, of the custom appa-
rently referred to here, is not, we apprehend, perfect-
ly well authenticated ;^ but that circumstance itself
may perhaps be attributed to the successfiil efibrts
made in modem times to put an end to the practice.
If the language we have quoted is intended to in-
clude generally all wanton destruction of hfe — such
as tohture of prisoners, for example — ^there can be lit-
|]e doubt of the justice of the praise, for the Turtle
imiformly enjoyed the reputation of being as humane
B» he was brave.
Nor was this the only case in which he acted the
part of a reformer, so much needed among his coun-
trymen. He was the first man to originate an efii-
cient system of measures for the suppression of in-
temperance among them. And never was a similar
system so loudly called for the condition of any peo-
XL— Z
Digitized by Google
266 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
pie. Their appetite for ardent spirits is stronger tiian
that of the whites — owing in a great measure to their
manner of living, and especially to their diet They
have also fewer and feebler inducements to counteract
the propensity ; and by pvblic opinion and fashion —
as expressed in common practice, and in the decla-
rations of the leading men — they are confirmed in the
evil quite as much as our citizens are restrained by
similar causes. But worse than all, their ignorance,
their indolence, and their poverty have made them
the prey of legions of civilized scoundrels, — partic-
ularly traders in peltry, — who have supposed them-
selves interested in making them as sordid and stupid
as possible, to induce them to hunt in the first instance,
and to rob them of their furs in the second.
The Turtle was no less mortified than incensed by
these abuses. He saw his countrymen destroyed and
destroying each other every day in peace — and no
tribe was more besotted than the Eel- River Miam-
ies — and he saw hundreds of them in war, at
one time, surprised and massacred in their cups with-
out resistance, on the very ground still ^d and wet
with his victories. Possibly chagrin was as strong a
motive with him as philanthrophy. But however
that might be, he devoted himself with his usual en-
ergy to the correction of the evil. In 1802 or 1803,
he went before the legislature of Kentucky, attended
by his friend and interpreter. Captain Wells, and made
iiis appeal to them in person. A committee was rais-
ed to consider the subject, and we believe a law pass-
ed to prevent the sale of whiskey to the Indians, as
he desired. He also visited the Legislature of Ohio,
and made a highly animated address, but in that case
obtained nothing but the honor for his pains. His der
seri piion of the traders was drawn to the 11 fe. " They
stripped the poor Indians," he said, " of skins, gun,
blanket, every thing, — while his squaw and the chil-
dren dependent' on him lay starving and shivering in
/lis wigwam.*^
» .11 ■ — t
* Mas. Documents.
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 367
^'rom the followiog passage in the European (Lon-
don) Magazine of April, 18^ compiled from Ameri-
can papers, we ascertain that the Turtle was also
the first to introduce the practicie of inoculation for
the small pox among the Indians, — a scourge second
only to the one just mentioned. " Last winter," we aro
told, ^'there was a grand embassy of Indians to the
Pcesident and Congress at Washington. Little Turtle
was the head-warrior. The President had supplied
them with ploughs, spinning-wheels, &c. and to
crown all he explained to them how the Great Spirit
had made a donation to the white men — ^first to one in
England, (Dr. Jenner) and then to one in America,
JJ)r. Waterhouse, of Boston,*)— of a means of prevent-
ing the small pox. Such a confidence had the cop-
per-colored king in the words of his * Father,' that
he submitted to be inoculated, together with the rest
of the warriors." It further appeaf^ that he took a
quantity of vaccine matter home with him, which he
probably administered in person ; and that not long
afi;erwards, fifteen more of his tribe visited the seat
of government in pursuit of the same renaedy.
We shall conclude our notice of this eminent chief-
tain, with a few anecdotes preserved by Mr. Dawson.
What distinguished him most, says- that writer, was
bis ardent desire to be informed of all that relates to
our institutions ; and he seemed tq possess a mind ca-
pable of understanding and valuing the advantages
of civilized life, in a degree far superior to any other
Indian of his time. ^During the frequent visits
which he made to the seat of government, he exam-
ined every thing he saw with an inquisitive eye, and
never failed to embrace every opportunity to acquire
informadon by inquiring of those with whom he could
take that liberty."
Upon his return from Philadelphia, in 1797, he
visited Governor Harrison, at that time a captain
in the army, and commander at Fort Washington.
* Now of Cambridge.
Digitized by Google
266 INDIAN BI06RAPBT.
He told the Captain he had seeti many things, which
he wished to have explained, but said he was afiuid
of giving o^ence by asking too many questions. " My
fiiend here,*' said he, meaning Captain Wells, the
interpreter, ^ being about as ignorant as myself, could
give me but little satisfaction." He then desired the
Captain to inform him how our government was form-
ed, and what particular powers and duties were exer«
cised by the two houses of Congreas, by the Prea-
dent, the Secretaries, &c. Being satisfied on this sub-
ject, he told the Captain he had become acquainted
with a great warrior while in Philadelphia, in whose
fate he was much interested, and whose history he
wished to learn. This was no other than the immor-
tal Kosciusko : he had arrived at Philadelphia a short
time before, and hearing that a celebrated Indian chief
was in the city, he sent for him. They were mutu-
ally pleased with each other, and the Turde's visits
were often repeated. When he went to take his final
leave of the wounded patriot, the latter presented the
Turtle with an elegant pair of pistols, and a splendid
robe made of the sea-otter's skin, wcuth several hmi-
dred dollars.
The Turde now told his host that he wished very
much to know in what wars his friend had received
those grievous wounds which had rendered him so
crippled and infirm. The Captain shewed him upon
a map of Europe the situation of Poland, and ex-
plained to him the usurpations of its territory by the
neighboring powers — the exertions of Kosciusko to
fi-ee his country fi*om this foreign yoke— 4iis first vic-
tories — and his final defeat and captivity. While he
was describing the last unsuccessful battle of Kosci-
usko, the Turtle seemed scarcely able to contain him-
self. At the conclusion he traversed the room with
great agitation, violently flourished the pipe toma-
hawk with which he had been smoking, and exclaim-
ed, "Let that woman take care of herself" — mean-
ing the Empress Catharine— " this may yet be a dan-
gerous man!"
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BI06RAFQT.
The Captain explained to the Turtle sonae anec-
dotes respecting the Empress arid her favorites, one
of whom, — the king of Poland, — ^had at first been
by her elevated to the throne, and afterwards driv-
en from it. He was much astonished to find that
men, and particularly warriors, would submit to a wo-
man. He said that perhaps if his friend Kosciusko
had been a portly, handsome man, he might have
better succeeded with her majesty of all the Russias,
and might by means of a love-intrigue have obtained
that independence for his country, to which his skill
and valor in the field had been found unequal.
The Turtle was fond of joking, and was possessed
of considerable talent for repartee. In the year 1797,
he lodged in a house in Philadelphia, in which was
an Irish gendeman of considerable wit, who became
much attached to the Indian, and frequently amused
himself in drawing out his wit by good-humored
jests. The Turde and this gentlemen were at that
time both sitting for their portraits — ^the former by or-
der of the President of the United States, the picture
to be hung up in the war-office — to the celebrated
Stewart The two meeting one morning in the paint*
er's room,- the Turtle appeared to be rather more
thoughtful than usual. The Irishman rallied him upon
it, and affected to construe it into an acknowledgment
of his superiority in the jocular contest *' He mis-
takes," said the Turtle to the interpreter, " I was just
thinking of proposing to this man, to paint us both on
one board, and here I would stand face to face with
him, and confound him to all eternity."
Z2
d by Google
270 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT^
CHAPTER XVI.
The Seneca Chief, Red-Jacket — Circumstances under
which he succeeded Corr-Plaittbr in his influence"
Anecdotes of the latter — Red- Jacket's earliest oratorio
ctH triumph — His speech at the Treaty of Canandai*
ffua — Account of Fabmer's-Brother, and Rrandt—
Red- Jacket's political and religious principles — Speech
to Mr. Alexander, in 1811 — Speech to Mr. Richard-
son — Remarks on the causes of his heathenism in the
conduct of the whites — His militaiy career — Speech
in favor of declaring war against the British, in 1812
— Seneca Manifesto— Red-Jacket's interview with
Washington — His interview with Lafayette — His Me-
morial to the New- York Legislature — Speech to a Mis-
siona^ in 1825 — His deposition and restoration in
1827 — Visits to the Atlantic cities — Death and funeral
obsequies — ^Aneodotes.
The Indian orator of rood^n times, p€tr exceUencCf
was the New-York Chief, Saguoaha, or the Keeper-
Awake, but by the whites commonly called Red-
Jacket ; — a man who, with whatever propriety he
might hie entitled *the Last of the Senecas,' has at
least transiently renewed, in these latter days, the an-
cient glory of the Mingoes. " Thy name is princely,**
•*-a popular writer has said of him,—
Though no poet's macic
Could make Red- Jacket grace an English rhyme.
Unless he had a c^enius for the tragic,
And introduced it in a pantomime ;
Yet it is music in the language spoken
Of thine own land ; and on her herald-roll,
As nobly fought for, and as proud a token
As CcBur-de-Lion*s of a warrior's soul.*
»■■ J
* Talisman for 1830.
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 271
This, by the way, is coDi^erably nearer the truth
than the statemect in a precediDg stanza:
^Tradition's pages
Tell not the planting of thy parent tree ;
But that the forest tribes haye oent for ages,
To thee and to thy sires the subject knee.
Better historical, if not poetical authority informa
us, that the Seneca literally ^ fought ' for his rank, if
not for his name ; and that, like the subject of our
last notice, he owfed nothing to the advantages of il-
lustrious birth.* We should add, however, that the
struggle was in the council-house as well as in the
field of battle. " A warrior I" — he once (and probably
more than once) had the modesty to say of himsel]^
with a smile of contempt, when some enquiries were*
made respecting the deeds of blood which are some-
times supposed to constitute the chara6ter of an In-
dian ; — ^** A Warrior ! I am an Oraior. I was horn
an Orator!"
The predecessor of Red-Jacket, in the respect of
the Senecas, and of the Confederacy at large, was a
celebrated chief named by the English the Corn-
Plaxvter, a personage also well known for his elo-
quence, and worthy on that account to be distinctly
commemorated, were there on record any definite and
well authenticated sketches of his efibrts. Unfortu-
nately, there are not The speeches commonly as-
cribed to him, are believed to have been mosdy com-
posed by some of his civilized acquaintances, rath-
er on the principle of those efiusions usually at-
tributed to popular candidates for the gallows. Still,
there is less reason, we apprehend, for doubting hia
real ^nius, than for disputing his nationality. He
considered himself a half-breed,f his father being an
* Governor Clinton's Discourse before the New- York
Historical Society : 1811.
i Appendix, III. and Yl.
Digitized by Google
372 INDIAN BIOQRAPHT^
Indian, according to his own account, and his mother
a white woman.
By a singular comhination of circumstances, Red
Jacket was brought forward into public Ufe, and that
to great advantage, mainly in consequence of the
same incident which destroyed the influence of Com
Planter. This, indeed, had been rather declining for
some time, owing partly to his agency in effecting a
large cession of Seneca land to the American Gov-
ernment, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1784.
His loss of popularity, in fine, bitterly chagrined
him, and he resolved on a desperate exertion to
restore it. With this view, he undertook to prac-
tice upon the never-failing superstition of his coun-
trymen, by persuading his brother to announce him-
self as a Prophd,^-6? course commissioned by the
Great Spirit * to redeem the fallen fortunes of hisrace,'
— that is, his own.
The savages listened to the new pretender with all
the veracious credulity which characterises the race.
Among the Onondagas, previously the most drunken
and profligate of the Six Nations, he acquired such
an ascendancy, as to induce them to abandon the use
of spirituous liquors entirely, and to observe the com-
mon laws of morality and decency in some other re-
spects, wherein they had before been grievously defi-
cient. Indeed, among the Confederates generally, he
obtained a supremacy equal to that of the same char-
acter obtained by Elskwatawa among the western
tribes, not far from the same time. The Oneidas
alone rejected him. ""
Like that notorious impostor, too, he soon availed
himself, for evil purposes, of the confidence gained by
the preliminary manifestation of good. A cry of
*witchcrafl*was raised, and a sort of examining com-
mittee of conjurors was selected to designate the
offenders. And that duty was zealously discharged.
The victims were actually sentenced, and would
doubtless have been executed, but for the interference
d by Google
INDIAN BIOORAPHT. 373
of the magistrate? of Oneida and the officers of the
garrisoEf at Niagara.
But neither the Corn-Planter nor his pious coadju-
tor was yet discouraged. Nothing hut an accident
had prevented success, and the fiiilure only made it
tlie more imperatively necessary to try the experi-
ment again. Red-Jacket was publicly denounced,
dis accusers came forward at a great Indian council
held at Bufialo Creek. *<At this crisis," says an emi-
nent writer, *^ he well knew that the future color of
his life depended upon the powers of his mind. He
spoke in his defence for near three hours. The iron
brow of superstition relented under the magic of his
eloquence; he declared the Prophet an impostor and
a cheat ; he prevailed ; the Indians divided, and a
small majority appeared in his fiivor. Perhaps the
annals of history cannot furnish a more con^icuous
instance of the triumph and power of oratory, in a
barbarous nation, devoted to superstition, and looking
up to the accuser as- a delegated minister of the Al-
mighty." *
If -this anecdote be true, — and we are not aware of
its having been doubted^ — ^the Orator, whatever be
said of his genius as such, hardly deserved the precise
compliment which is paid him by his eulogist in
verse. " Is eloquence,** he asks, $» a monarch*s merit ?"
^Her spell is thine that reaches
The heart, and maked the wisest head its sport,
, And there's one rare, strange virtue in thy speeches.
The secret of their mastery — thfy are short.
But the Seneca's case, it must be allowed, was one
of clear compulsion; and he probably felt, on the oc-
casion in question, very little of the impatience which
induced Home Tooke to say, after a noble friend's
plea of eleven hours in his behalf before the Com-
mons, that ** he would rather be hanged, another time^
than defended.**
* Discourse of Governor Clinton.
.,y,u..u uy Google
274 INDIAN BIOQRAPHT.
Such Was die Orator's finit triujnph. It was not^
however, his first effort ; for niany years before the
traDsaction just referred to, as we suppose, when
Red-Jacket was probably about thirty years of ase, —
aud at a period when our relations with all the Indians
are well known to have been continually wavering, —
a treaty was held with the Sjx Nations on the beauti-
ful acclivity which overlooks the Canandaigua Lake.
Some reminescences of it, bearing a high interest,
have reached us, on the authenticity of which ive do
not hesitate to rely.
** Two days," says our authority,* " had passed away
in negotiation with the Indians for a cession of their
lands. The contract was supposed to be nearly com-
pleted, when Red-Jacket arose. With the grace and
dignity of a Roman senator, he drew his blanket
around him, and, with a piercing eye» surveyed the
multitude. All was hushed. Nothing interposed to
break the silence, save the gentie rusthng of the tree-
tops, under whose shade they were gathered. After
a long and solemn, but not unmeaning pause, he com-
menced his speech in a low voice and a sententious
style. Rising.gradually with his subject, he depicted
the primitive simplicity and happiness of his nation,
and the wrongs they had sustained fit)m the usurpa-
tions of white men, with such a bold but faithful pen-
cil, that every auditor was soon roused to vengeance,
or melted into tears.
The effect was inexpressible. But ere the emo-
tions of admiration and sympathy had subsided, the
white men became alarmed. They were in the heart
of an Indian country, surrounded by more than ten
* The writer of a communication on * Indian Biogra-
phy,' for the New-York American, about ten years
since. We give him credit for his statements of facts,
though we cannot concur with him in charging Red-
Jacket with * cowardice.' He adds, " It was only at th«
• Council-fire * he shone pre-eminent. There, indeed, fas
was great. The belittlinff simplicity of his name dii
not seem to detract from t£e splendors of his eloquenoA '
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
INDUN BIOGRAPHY. 275
dmet thdr number, who were inflamed by tbe re
membrance of their injuries, and excited to indigna*
tion by the eloquence of a favorite chief. Appalled
and terrified, the white men cast a cheerless gaze up-
on the hordes around them. A nod from the chiefs
might be the onset of destruction. At that porten-
tous moment, Farmer's-Brother interposed. He re-
plied not to his brother chief; but, with a sagacity tru-
ly aboriginal, he caused a cessation of the council,
introduced good cheer, commended the eloquence of
Red-Jacket, and, before the meeting had re-assem-
bled, with the aid of other prudent chiefs, he had
moderated the fury of his nation to a more salutaiy
review of the question before them."
The council came together again in cooler blood,
and the treaty was concluded. The Western District
at this day, it is added, " owes no small portion of its
power and influence to the councils of a savage, in
comparison with whom for genius, heroism, virtue, or
any other quality that can adorn the bauble of a dia-
dem, not only George the IV. and Louis le Desir6,
but the Grerman Emperor jand the Czar of Muscovy,
alike dwindle into insignificance."
This somewhat warmly expressed compliment, —
the extravagance of which in an old fiiend of the sub-
ject, may be excused in its good feeUng,- — ^reminds us
of the consideration feally due to a man distinguished
not alone as a competitor with o^r hero for savage
glory.
Except as related to oratory^ he was a competi-
tor in the same course. The name of Farmer's-
Brother was merely arbitrary. He was a warrior in
principle and in practice, and he spumed agriculture
and every other civilized art, with the contempt of
Red-Jacket himself. In the war between France
and England, wl^ch resulted in the conquest of Can-
ada, he fought against the latter, and probably under
the remote command of the great Ottawa * Emperor*
of the north. One of his exploits in the contest is
■till told to the traveller who passes a noted stream
Digitized by VjOOQ IC
276 INDUN BIOGRAPfiT.
not very far from the aneient Fort Niagara, in the
vicinity of which it occurred. The particulars come
to us authenticated by one to whom they were fur-
nished by the Farmer himself on the site of the ad-
venture.
There, with a party of Indians, he lay in ambush,
patiently awaiting the approach of a guard that ac-
companied the English teams employed between the
fells of Niagara a^ the garrison, which had there
lately surrendered to Sir William Johnston. The
place selected for that purpose is now known by the
name of the Devil's Hole, and is three and a half
miles below the famous cataract upon the American
side of the strait The mind can scarcely conceive a
more dismal looking den. A large ravine, occasion-
ed by the falling in of the perpendicular bank, made
dark by the spreading branches of the birch and ce-
dar, which had taken root below, and the low mur-
muring of the rapids in the chasm, added to the sol-
emn thunder of the cataract itself, conspire to render
the scene truly awful. The English party were not
aware of the dreadful fate that awaited them. Un-
conscious of danger, the drivers were gaily whistling
to their dull ox-teams. Farraer's-Brother and his
band, on their arrival at this spot, rushed from the
thicket that had concealed them, and commenced a
horrid but(;hery. So unexpected was such an event,
and so conipletely were the English disarmed of their
presence of mind, that but a feeble resistance was
made. The guard, the teamsters, th6 oxen and the
waggons, were precipitated into the gulf. But two
of them escaped ; a Mr. Stedman, who lived at Schi-
oper, above the falls, being mounted on a fleet horsey
made good his retreat ; and one of the soldiers, who
was caught on the projecting root of a cedar, which
sustained him until assured, by the distant yell of the
savages, that they had quitted the ground.— It is the
rivulet, pourine itself down this precipice, whose
name is the only monument that records the massft-
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHT. 877
ete* It is said to have been literally colored with
the blood of the vanquished.
In the Revolutionary War, Farmer's-Brother
evinced his hostiUty to the Americans upon every oc-
casion that presented itself; and, with the same zeal,
he engaged in the late war against his former friends,
the English.
Another anecdote of this Chief will show, in more
glowing colors, the real savage. A short time before
our army crossed the Niagara, Farmer's-Brother
chanced to observe an ^dian, who had mingled with
the Senecas, and whom he instantly recognized as
belonging to the Mohawks, a tribe Uving in Canada,
and then employed in the service of the enemy. He
went up to him, and addressed him in the Indian
tongue — ^ I know you well — ^you belong to the Mo-
hawks — ^jrou are a spy — here is my rifle — ^my toma-
hawk — my scalpmg-knife. I give you your choice
which I shall use, but I am in haste." The young
warrior, finding resistance vain, chose to be put to .
death with a rine. He was ordered to lie down up-
on the grass, while, with his left foot upon the breast
of the victim, the Chief lodged the contents of his rifle
in his head.
With so much of the savage, Farmer's-Brother pos-
sessed some noble traits.' He was as firm a friend
where he promised fidelity, as a bitter enemy to those
against whom he contended ; and would lose the last
drop of blood in his veins sooner than betray the
cause he had espoused. He was fond of recounting
bis exploits, and dwelt with much saticrfaction upon
the number of scalps he had taken in his i^irmishes
with the whites. In company with several other
chiefi, he once paid a visit to General Washington,
who presented him with a mlver medal. This he
constantly wore suspended from his neck ; and so
Erecious did he esteem the gift, that he was oflen
card to declare he would lose it only with his life.
Soon after the battles of Chippewa and Bridgewa-
ter, this veteran warrior paid the debt of nature, aged
IL— A a
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
278 XNBIAN BIOGKAPHT.
more than dgfaty years, at the Seneca Tillage, where, as
a mark of respect for his disdnguished Dravenr, die
fifth regiment of United States Infantry interred hiun
with military honors.*
Another elder contemporary of Red-Jacket was
the Mohawk chief Brandt, * the accursed Brandt' of
Gertrude of Wyoming^ whom, however, we think it
the less necessary to notice at much length, from hia
being, Uke the Uom-Planter, only a half-breed. In
the French and English war, he rendered some ser-
vices to the former. In the Revolution, he was com«-
missioned Colonel in the English army, and distin-
guished himself in the horrid massacre at Wyoming.
His services were rewarded by the present of a fine
tract of land on the western shores of Lake Ontario.
One of his sons, an iutelligent, high-minded man,
quite civilized, and much esteemed by his American
acquaintances, a few years since laudably undertook
the vindication of his father's memory from the often
repeated charges of treachery and cruelty, but we
apprehend wiSi rather more zeal than success. The
father deceased m 1807 ; the son, only a month or
two since.*
To return to Red- Jacket After his first oratorical
triumph, he rose as rapidly as the Com-Plantef de-
clined in the esteem oi his countrymen. The lattor
withdrew fipom the rivalry,f but the ambition of his suc-
cessor was thoroughly aroused. He burned to be,
and to be called, the Great Speaker of his nation and
his age ; to renew that glorious era when the white
men trembled at the breath of Garangula ; to feel and
to make felt
The monarch mind — themysterv of commanding —
The godlike power — ^the art Napoleon^
Of winning, fettering, moulding, wielding, banding
The hearts of milhons, till they move lue one.
* See Village Register, American, and other New-
Tork papers of about 1820.— Also, Appendix, V and YL
t The Prophet died in 18X6
Digitized by Google
INBIAN BIOORAPHT. S79
And he succeeded as far perhaps as could be expect-
ed in the circumstances of the modem Seneca, as
compared with those of the orator who bearded the
Canadian ]ion in his den. More than a century had
since elapsed, during which the proud confederacy
that had kept all other nations on the continent at
bay was reduced to a few lingering, scattered set-
tlements, — surrounded and crowded by civilization, —
perhaps besotted in vice, — ^where the very ground of
their ancient council-halls scarcely was sought for.
With such discouragements in his way, the young
Orator deserves some credit for making t^ie exertions
he did, and his countrymen for rewarding them as
they were able. They elected him a chief; and then
upon all occasions obeyed him in peace, and followed
him in war.
Red- Jacket justified their confidence by a strict ad-
herence t© principles which on the whole are equally
creditable to his heart and head, although either the
policy itself, or his singular pertinacity in maintaining
it, no doubt made him many adversaries and some
enemies, even with his own people. He had early
reflected upon and fell deeply the impotent insignifi-
cance to which the tribes were reduced ; — and 1^ re-
solved, if he could not restore them to their primitive
position, at least to stay the progress of ruin. How
should, this be done, — was the great question, — by re-
ceiving civilization, or by resisting it ?
He determined on the latter ahemative, and firom
that hour never in the slightest degree swerved from
his resolution to drive away and keep away every in-
novation on the character, and every intrusion on the
territory of the nation. Traders, travellers, teachers,
missionaries, speculators in land, were regarded with
the same jealousy. In a word, he labored against
circumstances whose force had now become inevita-
ble and irresistable, to maintain a system of complete
Indian Independence, which few of his countiymen
understood, and still fewer were willing to practice.
Digitized by Google
^80 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
And this is the trait which distiDguishes his char*
acter fit>in the majority of those we have hereto-
fore sketched. Some of the most emlDent of the
number, like Pontiac and Little-Turtle, were anx-
ious to avail them^elres of the arts of civilization at
least, were it only for purposes of offence and defence
against the race whom they borrowed from ; and
scarcely any were opposed,.other than incidentally, to
their introduction into Indian use. But Red-Jacket
was a Pagan in principle. He advocated as well as
acted Paganism on all occasions. He was prouder
pf his genuine Indiamam, if possible, than he was of
his oratory. His bitterest foe could not deny him tho
merit of mmkness.
One of his clearest manifestoes, in explanation of
his system, was delivered as long ago as May, I8II9
before a council of the Senecas, held at Bufialo
Creek, in the form of a speech to the Rev. M(. Alex
ander, a missionary from a Society in the city of New •
York, whose commission the address itself sufficient •
ly explains.
** Brother !" — the Orator began, with a complaisance
which never, under any excitement, deserted him, —
"Brother! — ^We listened to the talk you delivered us
from the Council of Black-Coats,* in New- York.
We have fully considered your talk, and the ofiers
you have made us. We now return our answer,
which we wish you 9\bo to understand. In making
up our minds, we have looked back to remember
what has been done in our days, and what our &th-
ers have told us was done in old times.
"Brother!— Great numbers of Black-Coats have
been among the Indians. With sweet voices and
smiling faces, they offered to teach them the religicm
of the white people. Our brethren in the East listen-
ed to them. They turned from the religion of their
Others, and took up the religion of the white peofde.
* His usual designation of Clergymen.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPRT SS81
What good ha& it done ? Are they more friendly one
to another than we are ? No, Brother ! They are a
divided people ; — we are united. They quarrel about
religion ; — we Uve in love and friendship. Besides^
they drink strong waters. And they have learned
how to cheat, and how to practice all the other vices
of the white people, without imitating their virtues.
Brother ! — If you wish us well, keep away ; do not
disturb us.
" Brother ! — ^We do not worship the Great Spirit as
the white people do, but we believe that the forms of
worship are indifferent to the Great Spirit. It is the
homage of sincere hearts that pleases him, and we
worship him in that manner.
" According to your religion, we must believe in a
Father and Son, or we shall not be happy hereafter.
We have always believed in a Father, and we wor-
ship him as our old men taught us. Your book isays
that the Son was sent on earth by the Father. Did
all the people who saw the Son believe him ? No !
they did not. And if you have read the book, the
consequence must be known to you.
"Brother ! — ^You wish us to change our religion for
yours. We like our religion, and do not want anoth-
er. Our friends here, [pointing to Mr. Granger, the
Indian Agent, and two other whites,*] do us great
good ; they counsel us in trouble ; they teach us how
to be comfortable at all times. Our friends the Qua-
kers do more. They give us {^loughs, and teach us
how to use them. They tell us we are accountable
beings. But they do not tdll us we must change our
religion. — We are satisfied with what they do, and
with wha^ they say.
"Brother'— For these reasons we cannot receive
your offers. We have other things to do, and beg
you to make your mind easy, wiuiout troubling us^
* An Indian Interpreter, and an Agent of the Society
of Friends for improving the condition of the Indians.
Aa2
Digitized by Google
38S IKBIAN BIOGRAPHY.
lest our heads should be too much loaded, ami by and
by burst,'*
At the s^me Council, theibllowmg reply was made
by Red- Jacket, in behalf of his tribe, to the applica-
tion of a Mr. Richardson, to buy out theu* right to
the reservations lyinff in the territory commonly call-
ed the Holland Purchase.
"Brother! — ^We opened our ears to the talk you
lately delivered to us, at our council-fire. In doing
important business it is best not to tell Ipng stories^
but to come to it in a few words. We therefore shall
not repeat your talk, which is fi'esh in our minds.
We have well considered it, and the advantages and
disadvantages of your offers. We request your atten-
tion to our answer, which is hot from the speaker
alone, but from all the Sachems and Chie& now
around our council-fire.
"Brother. — ^We know that great men, as well as
great nations, have different interests and different
minds, and do not see the same light — ^but we hope
our answer will be agreeable to you and your em-
ployers.
" Brother! — Your application for the purchase of
our lands is to our minds very extraordinary. It has
been made in a crooked manner. You have not
walked in the straight path pointed out by the great
Council of your natioq. You have no writings from
your great Father, the rresident. In making up our
minds we have looked back, and remembered how
the Yorkers purchased our lands in former times.
They bought &em, piece afler piece,— ibr a little
money paid to a few men in our nation, and not to all
our brethren,— until our planting and hunting-
grounds have become very small, and if we sdl
theniy we know not where to spread our blankets.
"Brother! — ^You tell us your employers have pur-
chased of the Council of Yorkers, a right to buy bur
lands. We do not understand how this can beu
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 283
»
The lands do not belong to the Yorkers; fhey are
ours, and were given to us by the Great Spirit*
"Brother! — ^We think it strange that you should
jump over the lands of our brethren in the East, to
come to our council-fire so far off, to get our lands.
When we sold our lands in the East to the white peo-
ple, we determined never to sell those we kept,
which are as small as we can comfortably live
on.
"Brother! — You want us to travel with you and
look for new lands. If we should sell our lands and
move off into a distant country towards the setting
sun, we ^should be looked upon in the country to
which we go, as foreigners ana strangers. We should
be despised by the red, as well as the white men, and
we shodd soon be surrounded by the White people,
who will there also kill our game, and come upon
our lands and try to get them from us.
"Brother! — ^We are determined not to sell out
lands, but to continue on them. We like them. They
are firuitflil, and produce us com in abundance for the
support of our women and children, and grass and
herbs for our cattle.
" Brother ! — ^At the treaties held for the purchase
of our lands, the white men, with sweet voices and
smiling faces, told us they loved us, and that they
would not cheat us, but that the king's children on
the other side of the lake would cheat us. When we
go on the other dde of the lake^ the king's children
tell us your people will cheat us. These things puz-
zle our heads, and we believe that the Indians must
take care of themselves, and not trust either in your
people, or in the king's children.
"Brother! — ^At a late council we reauested our
agents to tell you that we would not sell our luids,
and we think you have not spoken to our agents, or
they would have told you so, and we should not have
met you at our council-fire at this time.
"Brother! — ^The white people buy and sell fiJse
rights to our lands, and your en^loyen have, yon
digitized by Google
284 INDIAN BI06R1FHT.
flay, piud a great price for their rights. They rnuil
have a plenty of money, to spend it in buying false
rights to lands belonging to Indians. The loss of it
vnH not hurt them, but our lauds are of great value to
us, and we wish you to go back with our talk to your
employers, and tell them and the Yorkers that they
have no right to buy and sell false rights to our
lands.
" Brother ! — ^We hope you clearly understand the
Ideas we have offered. This is all we have to say."
It is not surprising that Red-Jacket should mis-
understand, or not understand at all, the right to buy
Indian land, which Richardson said his- employers
had obtained of the * Council of Yorkers.' It was the
right of preemption, in plain English — by which bet-
ter read jurists than the Seneca have been perplexed.
He naturally enough mistook ihe * right ' of the State
for a right, whereas it amounted to nodiing but the
privilege of preventing all other parties from acquir-
ing a right It was a prerogative — as against the
^^i^ alone — ^the legal effect of which was to incapa-
citate, not the Indians firoiu selling, but themselves
^'om buying.
There certainly can be no mistaking the shrewd
independent reflection and plausible reasoning in the
address^ however much the pervereion of such ability
and spirit may give occasion for regret. Several of
the arguments, too, are clearly founded in reason, as
several of the statements are fortified by truth. lo
regard to the Indians being cheated by the whites^
particularlv, the only error of Red- Jacket, and that a
perfectly obvious one, was in ascribing to the whites
at large, and consequently to Christianity, the credit
which in fact belonged to a few unprincipled traders
and greedy speculators in land, who had indeed car-
ried their manoBuvres to an aggravated extent.
There is good reason to believe that Red- Jacket,-^
whose military career it is time to allude to, — took hia
earliest lessons in the art of war during the Revolu
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHY. 385
tion, in tbe rkuka of those Senecas who so signally
distinguished themselves by their ravages on the
frontiers of New- York, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey
and Virginia.* The only reference, however, which
he ever himself made to that part of his history, so
far as we know, was latterly at Bufialo, when he was
introduced to Greneral Lafayette, then on his tour
through the country. He reminded the latter of a
Council at Fort Stanwiz in 1784, where both were
present, and which had been called with, the view of
negotiating a treaty with some of the Six Nations.
" And where," asked Lafayette^ "is the Young War-
rior who so eloquently opposed the bur3ring of the
tomahawk ? ^Hei» hefort you^ answered the chief.
** Ah 1" — ^he added with a melancholy air, and strip-
ping off a handkerchief from his baki head, — ^Time
has made bad work with me. But you, I perceive,**
— and here he narrowly reconnoitered the General's
wig — ^** You have hair enough left yet I^f At the
date of this interview, seven years ance, he was at
least sixty-five years of age, and therefore must
have been about twenty-five at the time of the treaty.
A few years subsequent to the negotiation referred
to on this occasion, Red-Jacket had an interview with
Greneral Washington, who gave him a silver medal,
which he wore ever afterwards, and is said to have
named him * the Flower of the Forest.' But the Sene-
eas were again hostile soon afterwards, and it was only
at the expense of an expedition which ravaged their
territory &r and wide, that this haughty people
were at length subdued into any thing like a state of
composure. Red-Jacket is believed to have been
second to none of his countrymen in his opposition
to the American interest down to that period ; but a
peace was granted upon liberal terms-Msome com-
plaints of me Indians were adjusted — a system of
protection was devised for their benefit — andthence-
^rth, both they and he were quite inendly in most
• App. No. VII. t Levasseur's « Tour of Lafayette.*
Digitized by Google
286 INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
Instancefli, and faithful to their engagements in
aU.
As early at least as 1810, Red- Jacket gare informa-
tion to the Indian Agent of attempts made by Te-
cumseh, the Prophet and others, to draw his nation
into the great western combination ; but the war of
1812 had scarcely commenced, when they volunteerr
ed their services to their American neighbors. For
some time these were rejected, and every exerdon was
made to induce them to remain neutral. They bore
the restraint with an ill-grace, but said nothing. At
length, in the summer of 1812, the English unadvis-
edly took possession of Grand Island, in the Niagara
river, a valuable territory of the Senecas. This was
too much for the pride of such men as Red- Jacket
and Farmer's-Brother. A council was called forth-
with — the American Agent was sunmioned to at-
tend — and the orator rose and addressed him*
" Brotheri" — said he, afler stating the information
received, — ^^'you have told us we had nothing to do
with the- war between you and the Irtish. But the
war has come to our doors* Our property is seized
upon by the British and their Indian friends. It is
necessary for us^ then, to take up this'^usiness. We
must defend our property ; we must drive the enemy
from our soiL If we sit still on our lands, and take
no means of redress, the British, following the cus-
toms of you white people, will hold them by conqwst;
and you, if you conquer Canada, will claim them, on
the same principles, as conquered from ihe BrUisk,
Brother! — ^We wish to go, with our warriors, and
drive off these bad people, and take possession of
those lands."
The effect of this reasonable declaration, and es-
pecially of the manner in which it was made, was
such as might be expected. A grand council of the
Six Nations came together, and a manifesto, of which
the following is a literal translation, issued against the
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAFHT. 287
British in Canada, and signed by all the grand Coun-
cillors of the Confederation.
"We, the Chiefs and Councillors of the Six Na-
tions of Indians, residing in the State of New-York,
do hereby proclaim to dl the war-chiefs and warri-
ors of the Six Nations, that war is declared on our
part against the provinces of Upper and Lower Can-
ada.
Therefore, we do hereby command and advise all
the war-chiefe to call forth immediately the warriors
under them, and put them in motion to protect their
rights and liberties, which our brethren, the Americans
are now deferfding."*
No speech of Red-Jacket at this memorable meet-
ing of die tribes is preserved, but from the address of
one of the oldest warriors it appears that they ex-
pected to raise as many as three thousand fighting-
men. But this must be an exaggeration. In 1817,
there were supposed to be only seven thousand
Indians of all descriptions within the State of New-
York, on a liberal estimate, and the usual proportion
of warriors would be in that case about two thousand.
It is improbable that more than half this number were
actually organized for service at any period during
the war. — ^Those who engaged, however, cannot be
accused of want of zeal, for although the Declaration
was made quite late in 1812, we find a considerable
body of them taking a spirited part in an action near
Fort George, of which an official account was given
by Generd Boyd, under date of August 13th. The
enemy were completely routed, and a number of
British Indians captured by our allies.
" Those," adds the General, " who participated in
tiiis.contest, particularly the Indians, conducted with
great bravery and activi^. General Porter volun-
teered in the afiair^ and Major Chapin evinced his ac«
*NileB»B Register, Vol IV. "
Digitized by Google
288 INDIAN BI06RAPHT.
customed zeal and courage. The legulani under
Major Cummings, as far as they were engaged, con-
ducted well. The principal chie& who led the war-
riors this day, were Farmers-Brother, Red-Jack-
et, Little-Billey, Pollard, Black-Snake, Johnson, Sil-
ver-Heels, Captain Halftown, Major Henry O. Ball,
(Corn-planters son,) and Captain Cold, who was
wounded. In a council which was held with
them yesterday, they covenanted not to scalp or
murder; and I am happy to say that they treated
the prisoners with humanity, and committed no wan-
ton cruelties on the dead.
Of the chiefs here mentioned, we belieye aU were
Senec^ except Captain Cold. The General re-
peats, in his next bulletin, — ^"The bravery and hu-
manity of the Indians were equally conspicu-
ous;" and another authority says, — ^"They behaved
with great gaOantryand betrayed no disposition to
violate the restrictions which Boyd has imposed." •
These restrictions, — it should be observed in jusdce
to Red-Jacket and his brave comrades, — had been
previously agreed upon at tiie Grand Council, and
the former probably felt no humitiation in departing
in this particular mm the usual savagery on which
he prided himself. We have met with no authentic
charges against him, either of ^ruelty or cowardice,
and it is well known that he took part in a number
of sharply contested enga^ments.
After the conclusion of peace, he resumed, with his
accustomed energy, the superintendance of the civil
interests of the Senecas. The division of the tribe into
parties, — the Christian and Anti-Christian, — ^was now
completely distinct: the former being headed bv Ut-
de-Billey, Captain Pollard, and other noted chiefi ;
and the latter by Red- Jacket, with young Corn-planter
and several more spirited assistants, whose names
are appended to the following memorial to the Gov-
ernor of New- York. This was the composition of
* Niles'i Register.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BI06RAPUT. 380
Red-Jacket Ithad been preceded by a private let-
ter from himself to the Grovemor, which had probably
produced little or no effect
" To the Chief of the Council-fire at Albany.
"Brother!
'* About three years ago, our friends of the great
council-fire at Albany, wrote down in their book that
the priests of white people should no longer reside on
our lands, and told their oficers to move them off
whenever we complained. This was to us good
news, and made our hearts glad. These priests had
a long time troubled us, and made us bad friends and
bad neighbors. After much dL£culty we removed
them firom our lands ; and for a short time have been
quiet and our minds easy. But we are now told that
the priests have asked hberty to return ; and that our
fiiends of the great council-nre are about to blot firom
their book the law which they made, and leave their
poor red brethren once, more a prey to hungry
" Brother ! — ^Listen to what we say. These men
do us no good. They deceive everv body* They
deny the Great Spirit, which we, ana our fathers be*
fore us, have looked upon as our Creator. They dis-
turb us in our worship. They tell our children they
must not believe like our fathers and mothers, and
tell us many things that we do not understand and
cannot believe. They tell us we must be like white
people — but they are lazy and wont work, nor do
they teach our young men to do so. The habits of
our women are worse than they were before these
men came amonest us, and our young men drink
more whiskey. We are willing to be taught to read,
and write, and work, but not by people who haire
done us so much injury. Brother! — we wish you to
lay before the council-fire the wishes of your red
brethren. We ask our brothers not to blot out the
law which has made us peaceable and happy, and not
to force a strange religion upon us. We ask to be let
II.— Bb
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
290 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
olone, and, like the whhe people, to worship the
Great Spirit as we think it best We shall then be
happy in filling the little Bp&cem life which is left ua,
and shaU go down to our rathersin peace.***
This unique document was subscribed with the
Hiaik of Red- Jacket iirst, and then followed those of
Corn-Planter, Green-Blanket, Big-Kettle, Robert Boh^
Twenty-Canoes, senior and junior, Two-Guns, Fish-
Hook, Hot-Bread, Bare-Foot, and many other staunch
advocates of the same principlea It was presented to
the Assembly, but we have not learned that any eflB-
cient order was taken upon it. About the same time,
Ked-Jacket made an earnest appeal to his Quaker
neighborsj^-a people always beloved by the Indians,
—with the same design. He told them that those
whites who pretended to instruct and preach to his
people, stole their horses and drove off their cattle,
while such of the Senecas as they nominally convert-
ed from heathenism to Christianity, only disgraced
themselves by paltry attempts to cover the profligacy
of the one with the hypocrisy of the other.
The Pagans were generally opposed to the cession
of land, but foreign influence, united with that of
their antagonists at home, sometimes proved too
strong for them. At a treaty held with the tiibe in
1826, eighty -two thousand acres of fine territory were
given up. Red- Jacket opposed the measure in an el-
oquent appeal to the Indian feelings of- his country-
men, but the effort gained him but few votes.
The speech which has perhaps added most to hia
reputation was a thoroughly Pagan one, delivered not
long previous to the affair just mentioned to a councl
at Buffiilo, convened at the request of a missionary
from Massachusetts, with the view of introducing and
recommending himself to them in his retigions ca-
pacity. The Missionaiy made a speech to the In-
dians, explaining the objects for which he had called
* Nilet'i Register, VoLXXVIII; 1828.
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
INPIAN BI0GRAPH7.
^1
them together. It was by no means, be said, to get
away their lands or money. There was but one re-
ligion, and without that they could not prosper. They
had lived all their lives in gross darkness. Finally he
wished to hear their objections, if any could be made ;
and the sooner, the better, inasmuch as some other
Indians whom he had visited, had resolved to reply
to him in accordance with iheir decision.
At the close of this address, the Senecas spent sev
eral hours in private conference, and then Red-Jacke
came forward as speaker.
" Friend and Brother !" — ^he hesan — ^" It was the veill
of the Great Spirit that we should meet together this
day. He orders all things, and he has given us a fine
day for our council. He has taken his garment from
before the sun, ahd caused it to shine with brightness
upon us. Our eyes are opened that we see clearly.
Our ears are unstopped that we have been able to
hear distinctly the words you have spoken. For all
hese favors we thank the Great Spirit, and him only.
" Brother ! — ^This council fire was kindled by you.
Jt was at your request that we came together at this
time. We have listened with attention to what you
have said. You requei^ed us to speak our minds
finely. This gives us great joy, for we now consider
that we stand upright before you, and can speak what
we think. All have heard your voice, and all speak to
you as one man. Our minds are agreed.
" Brother !-^You say you want an answer to your
talk l>efore you leave this place. It is right you should
have one, as you are a great distance from home, and
we do not wish to detain you. But we' will first look
\>ack a Uttle, and tell you what our fathers have told us,
and what we have heard fix)m the white people. ^
^Brother ! — Listen to what we say. There was a
ime when our forefathers owned this great island.*
* Meaning the Cpntiiient — 9. common belief and ex-
pression amoncr the Indians. *
Digitized by Google
S292 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
Th^ feats extended from the rising to the settmg
Bun. The Great Spirit had made it for the use of In-
dians. He had created the buffido, the deer, and
other animals for food. He made the bear and the
beaver, and their skins served us for clothing. He
had scattered them over the country, and taught us
how to take them. He had caused the earth to pro-
duce corn for bread. All this he had done for bis
red children because he loved them. If we had any
disputes about hunting-grounds, they vrere generally
settled without the shedding of much blood. But an
evil day came upon us. Your forefathers crossed the
great waters, and landed on this island. Their num-
bers were small. , They found friends and not ene-
mies. They told us they had fled from their own
country for fear of wicked men, and come here to en-
joy their religion. They a!»ked for a small seat. We
took pity on them^ granted their request, and they sat
down amongst us. We gave them com and meat.
They gave us poison* in return. The white people
had now found our country. Tiding were carried
back, and more came amongst us.> Yet we did not
fear them. We took them to be friends. They call-
ed us brothers. We believed them, and gave them a
larger seat. At length their numbers had greatly in-
creased. They wanted more land. They wanted
our country. Our eyes were opened, and our minds
became uneasy. Wars took place. Indians were
hired to fight against Indians, and many of our peo-
ple were destroyed. They also brought strong li-
quors among us. It was strong and'po werful, and has
slain thousands.
" Brother ! — Our seats were once large, and youra
were very smalL^ You have now become a great peo-
ple, and we have scarcely a place \eh to spread our
blankets. You have got our country, but are not sat-
isfied. You want to rorce your religion upon us.
* Spirituous liquor.
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHr. 293
« Brother !— Continue to listen. You say that you
are sent to instruct us how to worship the Great Spir-
it agreeably to his mind ; and if we do not take hold
of the religion which you white people teach, we
•hall be unhappy hereafter. You say that you are
right and we are lost How do we know this to be
true ? We understand that your religion is written in
a book. If it was intended for us as well as for you,
why has not the Great Spirit given it to us ; and not
•nly to us, but why did he not give to our forefathers
the knowledge of that book, with the means of under-
standing it rightly ? We only know what you tell us
about it. How shall we know when to believe, be-
ing so often deceived by the white people.
" Brother ! — You say there is but one way to wor-
ship and serve the Great Spu*it. If there is but one
religion, why do you white people differ so much
about it ? Why not all agree, as you can all read the
book?
"Brother! — ^We do not understand tliese things.
We are told that your religion was given to your fore-
fiithers, and has been handed down from father to
son. We also have a religion which was given to
our forefathers, and has been handed down to us their
children. We worship that way. It teaches us to
be thankful for all the favors we receive, to love each
other, and to be united. We never quarrel about re-
ligion.
" Brother ! — ^The Great Spirit has made us all. But
he has made a great difference between his white and
;red children. He has given us a different complex-
ion and different customs. To you he has given the
arts ; to these he has not opened our eyes. We
know these things to be true. Since he has made so
great a difference between us in other things, why
may we not conclude that he has given us a different
religion, according to our understanding ? The Great
Spirit does right. He knows what is best for his
children. We are satisfied.
Bb2
Digitized by Google
294 INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
"Brocher! — ^We do not wish to destroy your reli-
gion, or take it from you. We only want to enjoy
our own.
" Brother ! — ^Youflay you have not come to get our
hmd or our money, but to enlighten our minds. I
will now tell you that I have been at your meetings
and saw you collecting money from the meeting. I
cannot tell what this money was intended for, but
suppose it was for your minister ; and if we should
conform to your way of thinking, perhaps you may
want some from us.
** Brother ! — W^are told that you have been preach-
ing to white people in this place. These people are
our neighbors. We are acquainted with them. We
will wait a little while, and see what effect your
preaching has upon them. If we find it does them
good and makes them honest and less disposed to ^
cheat Indians, we will then consider again what you
have said.
" Brother ! — ^You have now heard our answer to
your talk, and this is all we have to say at present
As we are going to part, we will come and take you
by the hand, and hope the Great Spirit will protect
you on your journey, and return you safe to your
fiiends."
The speech being finished, Red-Jacket and several
others, intending to suit the action to the word, came
forward to exchange a farewell greeting with their
visitor. This however he declined, and the Indiaiui
quietly withdrew.
The civility of the old orator was in somewhat sin-
gular contrast with his obstinacy on many other oc-
casions. A young clergyman once made a strong
effort to enlighten him, through the medium of an
Indian interpreter named Jack Berry*— for Red-Jack-
* Jack called himself a chief, too, though his impor-
tance was owing mainly to his speaking oad Engush,
and to a bustling shrewdness which enabled him to play
digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHr. 995
et spoke very little of the English language. Hie re-*
6ult was discouraging. ^Brother!" — said Jack, at
length, for the Chie^ — ^ If you white people murder-
ed * the Saviour,' make it up yourselves. We had
nothing to do with it. If he had come among us we
should have treated him better." This was ^oss
heathenism, truly, but it was not aggravated by mso-
lence. The Chieftain made a sincere acknowledge-
ment of the clergyman's kindness, and paid him some
deserved compliments upon other scores.
During the last war with England, a gallant officer
of the American Army,^ stationed on the Niagara
frontier, shewed some peculiarly gratifying attentions
to Red-Jacket. The former being soon afterwards
ordered to Governor's Island, the Chief came to bid
him farewell. ** Brother," — said he, " I hear you are
going to a place called Governor's Island. I hope
you will be a Governor yourself. I am told you
whites consider children a blessing. I hope you will
Jbave one thousand at least. Above all, wherever you
go, I hope you will never find whiskey more than two
shillings a quart."
The last of these benevolent aspirations was per-
haps the highest posfflble evidence which Red-Jack-
et could give of his good will, for we are under the
mortifying necessity of placing this talented Chieftain
in the same class, as relates to his personal habits,
vndi Uncas, Losan, and Pipe. In a word, he gradu-
ally became, in his latter days, a confirmed drunkard.
Temptation and association proved too strong for him,
and the pride of the Confederates made himself but
too fi^uently a laughing-stock for the blackguards
of Bufifalo.
the factotum to some adyantage. Jack made himself
first marshall at the fiineral of Fanner 's-Brother.
* Colonel Snelling. For several of the anecdotes in
the text we are under obligations to the author of '< Taletf
of the North- West." He was present at the interview
when Berry acted as Interpreter.
Digitized by Google
S96 INDIAN BIOGEAPHT.
Unfortunately for his political as well as personal
interests, he indulged his weakness to such an extent
as not unfrequently to incapacitate him for the dis-
charge of his public duties. This wbb an advantage
which his opponents shrewdly considered, and, in
1827, they took a favorable opportunity to deprive
him of his civil rank. The document issued from
the Seneca council-house on this singular occasion,
under date of September 15th, is too extraordinary to
be omitted. The following is a literal translation,
made by an intelligent American who was present
« We, the Chiefs* of the Seneca tribe, of the Six
Nations, say to you, Yaugoyawathaw,t that you have
a long time disturbed our councils ; that you have
procured some white men to assist you in sending a
ereat number of false stories to our father the Presi-
dent of the United States, and induced our people to
sign those falsehoods at Tonnawanta as Chiefs of our
tribe, when you knew that they were not Chiefs ; that
you have opposed the improvement of our nation,
and made divisions and disturbances among our peo-
ple ; that you have abused and insulted our great fa-
ther the President ; that you have not reganled the
rules which make the Great Spirit love us, and which
make his red children do ^od to each other ; that
you have a bad heart, because, in a time of great dis-
tress, when our people were starving, you took and
hid the body of a deer you had kuled, when your
starving brothers should have shared their proportion
of it with you ; that the last time our father the Presi*
dent was fighting against the king, across the great
waters, you divided us, you acted against our father
the President and his officers, and advised with those
who were no friends ; that you have always prevent-
ed and discouraged our children from going to school,
>' I ■ I I « ■ l i I I I I I I J i » l« 11 I
* Several of them were soi-disant functioDaries,
t A variation of Saguoaha, which is the orthography
adopted by Governor Clinfcoi*
Digitized by Google
INDIAN BIOORAPnr. 297
where they could learn, and abased and lied d)out
our people who were willing to learn, and about thoie
who were oflTering to instruct them how to worship
the Grreat Spirit in the manner Christians do ; that
you have always placed yourself before those who^
would be instructed, and have done all you could to^
prevent their going to schools ; that you have taken
^oods to your own use, which were received as annu-
ities, and which belonged to orphan children and to
old people ; that for the last ten years vou have often
said the communications of our great mtherto his red
children were forceries, made up at New- York by
those who wanted to buy our lands ; that you left
your wife, because she joined the Christians and wor-
shipped the Ghreat Spirit as they do, knowiuj? that she
was a good woman ; that we have waited u>t nearly
ten years for you to reform, and do better; but are
now discouraged, as you declare you nevei' will re-
ceive instruction from those who wish to do us good,
as our great father advises, and induce others to hokl
the same language.
** We ,might say a great many other things, which
make you an enemy to the Great Spirit, and also to
your own brothers, — but we have said enough, and
now renounce you as a chie^ and fix>m this time you
are forbid to act as such. All of our nation will
hereafter regard you as a private man ; and we say to
them all, that every one who riiall do as you have
done, if a chief, will, in like manner be disowned, and
set back where he started from by his brethren."*
Seyerri of these charges, it is ftdr to presume, were
dictated by party spirit, and those who subscribed the
deposition cared but httle about proving them, could
they but prostrate their great antagonist The t^gna-
tures are twenty-six, and most of them are well-
known Anti-Pa^ns ; though with Young-King, Pol-
lard, and little-Billey, who led the subscription, we
* BoflUo Emporium.
digitized by Google
29& INDIAN BIOGRAPHY.
also find the names of Twenty-Canoes, Doztateiv
Two-Guns, Barefoot, and some other partizans of the
&llen orator in his better days.
But Red-Jacket was not yet prepared to submit
patiently to his degradation, especially when he knew
so well the true motives of those who effected it.
Not wa9 he by any means so much under the con-
trol of his bad habits as not to feel occasionally, per-|
haps generaliy, both the consciousness of his power,
and the sting of his shame. ^ It shall not be said of
me,^ — thought the old Orator, with the gleam of a fiery
soul in his eye, — *< It shall not be said that Saguoaha
lived in insignificance and died in dishonor. Am I
too feeble to revenge myself of my enemies ? Am I
not as I have been ? " In fine, he roused himself to
a great effi>rt Representations were made to the
neighboring tribes, — for he knew too well the hope-
lessness of a movement confined to his own^—and
only a month had elapsed since his deposition^ when
a Grand Council of the chie& of the Six Nations as-
sembled together at the upper council-house of the
S^eca-viUage reservation.
The document of the Christian party was read, and
then Half-Town it)se, and, in behsJf of' the Catterau-
gus (Seneca) Indians, said there was but one voice in
his nation, and that was of general indignation at the
contumely cast on so great a man as Red-Jacket.
Several other chiefe addressed the council to the
same effect The condemned orator rose slowly, aa
if grieved and humiliated, but yet with his ancient
air of command.
**My Brothers!" — ^he said, after a solenm pause,-—
Vou have this day been correctly informed of an at-
tempt to make me sit down and thipw off the au-
thority of a chief, by twenty-six misgijided chiefs of
my nation. You have heard the statements of my
associates in council, and their explanations of the
foolish charges brought against me. I have taken
^e legal and proper way to meet these charges. It
B the onlv wav in which I could notice them
d by Google
INDIAN BIOGRAPHT.
Charges which I despise, and which nothiBg^ would
indiice me to notice but the concern which many re-
spected Chiefs of my nation feel in the character of
their aged comrade. Were it otherwise, I should not
be before vou. I would fold my arms, and sit quiet-
ly under these ridiculous slanders.
' " The Christian party have not even proceeded le-
gally, according to our usages, to put me down. Ah !
it grieves my heart, when I look around me and see
the situation of my people, — in old times united and
powerful, now divided and feeble* I feel sorry for
my nation. When 1 am gone to the other world, —
when the Great Spirit caDs me away, — who among
my people can take my place ? Many years have 1
guided the nation."
Here he introduced some artful observations on the
origin of the attack made upon him. He then alluded
to the course taken by the Christians, as ruinous and
disgraceful, especially in their abandonment of the
religion of their fathers, and their sacrifices, for paltry
considerations, of the lands given them by the Great
Spirit As for the ^ Black-Coats,^ Mr, Colhoun had
told him at Washington, four years before, that the
Indians must treat with them as they thought prop-*
er; the Government would not interfere. "I will
not consent," — he ccmcluded, sagaciously identifying
his disgrace with his opposition to the Christians,-—
^ I vnllnot consent silendy to be trampled under foot
As long as I can raise my voice, I wUl oppose such
measures. As long as I can stand in my moccasins^
I Will do all that I can for my nation," It is scarcely
necessary to add, that the result of the conference
was the triumphant restoration of the Orator to bis
former rank.
Red-Jacket visited the Atlantic cities repeatedly
and for the last time, as late as the spring of 18^
He was, on these occasions, and especially on the lat-
ter, the object of no little curiosity and attention.*
* Of more indeed than he was probably aware. Wit-
.igitized by Google
300 INDIAN BIOORAPHT.
He enjoyed both, and was particularly careful to de-
mean himself in a manner suited to the dienity of his
rank and reputation. His poetical friend does him
but justice in thus alluding to his Washington medal,
his forest costume, and the fine carriage which the
Chieftain still gallandy sustained.
Thy garb— though Austria's bosom-star would frighten
That medal pue, as diamonds, the dark mine,
And George the Fourth wore, in the da^ce at Brighton^
A more becoming evening dress than thine :
Yet 'tis a brave one, scorning wind aiid weather.
And fitted for thy couch on field and flood,
As Rob Roy's tartans for the highland heather,
Or forest green for England's Robin Hood.
Is strength a monarch's merit ? — ^like a whaler's —
Thou art as tall, as sinewy, and as strong
As earth's first kings — the Argo's gallant railors —
Heroes in histpry, as^l gods in song.
Those strictly personal attractions which most sub*
served his forensic success, are not unfairly delinea-
ted by the same elegant observeK And this is not the
mily civilized authority to the san^ efiect, for one oi
the most distinguished pubUc men of the State in
which the Chieflain resided, was wont to say that the
latter reminded him strongly of the celebrated orator
of Roanoke, in his best estate, and that they two were
ness the following advertisement in the Boston pa-
Jjers : —
" Red-Jacket. — ^This celebrated Indian Chief, who
has recently attracted so much attention at New- York
and the Southern cities, has arrived in this city^and has
accepted an invitation of the Superintcndant to visit the
New-Enolano Museum, this evening, March 21, in his
foil Indian costume, attended by Captain Johnson, hid
interpreter, by whom those who wish it can be introduc*
td and hold conversation with him."
d by Google
IKDUlf BIOGBAMrr. Ml
Ibe only •niiora of natwe he had ever heud or seea
^ Who will belieye ?"*--adu the poet*-
— o^that) with a mule whom bkinnf
Would, lik^ the patriarch'% looth a djring hour ;
With voice as low, as gentle, and caresfiiig,
As e'er won maiden s lip in moonlight Sower)
With look, like patient Job's, eschewing evil ;
With motions, graceful as a bird's in air ^
Thou art, in sober truth, the veriest devil
That e'er clenched fingers in a captive's hau: !
That in thy veins there springs a poison fbuntaiUi
Deadlier than that which bathes the Upas tree ;
jLnd in thy wrath a nuruag cat o'raoOntaia
Is calm as her babe's ideepi eomparad with tbeef
And underneath that fkce^ like fmamer's oee«a'»M-
Its Up as moveless, and its cheek as dear^^
Slumbers a whirlwind of the heart's emotions,
Xiove, hatred, pride, hope, fK^ow*— all) save ^ar*
Xiove-^for thy land, as if she were thy daughter}
Hot pipes m peace, her tomah^i^wk in wars j
Hatred— of missionaries and cold water ;
Pride— in thy nfle-trophies and thy scars;
Hope— that thy wrongs will be by the Qi^at Spirit
Kememberee and revenged, wnen thoU art gone ;
fienow^^that none are left Utee to iiih»it
Thy naaae, thy fame, thy pastbns, and thy throoeb
In the last ;of theM BtaoBaffisan aflaakm to ttie inel*
mch^ domeetiG eirauniiianoee of the mibject of
them. He had been the fi^er of thirteen cfaildrei^
duriiMr hia lifeHime, mid bad buiaed them all.
Rea*JAehet b said to have andentood Englisk
i|ftiite wellf although he would never eonv^ae In iL
We have otoi beard it firoraji geodeman well ac-
quainted with him^tbatiie once met him hastening
md of Biiffiik) when all tb^neighbOTiBg oonntty wii
• 11.-^ o
Digitized by Google
888 niBIAN BIOGRAFHT.
eaaerly ruahiiiff in to witQen the ezeciitioii of ihn^
culprits ; and mat the Chiefiain recognized him, and
made him understand by signs, that he was hurrying
awav Gcom the horrid spectacle which so many thou«
sands had already assembled to enjoy. Levasseur
states, that, in his conference with Lafayette, he evi-
dently comprehended eveiy thing uttered in his pres-
ence, while he would speak only Indian ; and that his
former high opinion of the General seemed to be
much increased bv a few chance-medley Seneca
words, which the fatter had the good fortune to re-
member, and the courtesy to repeat We also have
been informed jthat, many years since^ when the notc^
lious Jemima Wilkinson compassed the country in
&e business of making proselytes to her doctrinei^
•he invited some of the Senecas to a eonfereDce.
Red-Jacket attended, and listened patiently to the
end of a long address. Most of k be probably un-
derstood, but instead of replying to the wgument in
detail, he laid the axe at the root of her authority. .
Having risen very gravely, and spoken a few words
m Seneca, he observed his adversary to enquire what
ke was talking about ? ** Ha !" — he exclaimed, with
an arch look, — ** She inspired, — she Jesus Christ,—-
and not know Indian T* The solidity of her preteiv-
sions was at once decided in the minds of at least the
heathen part of her audience*
At the date of his last-mentioned visit to the Atlan-
tic cities, the Chieftain was noore than seventy yean
of age, and though then haUtualh^ temperate, excess
had already hastened the woi^ of time. He died in
January, 1830, at the Seneca viHage, near Buffido,
Where his funend took place on the 21st pf the mootli.
It was attended by aU parties of his oWn trib^ and
by many Americans^ drawn together by a curiodty to
witness the obsequies. His b(Sy yhM removed iota
his cabin into the mission-bQi^ where religions ser-
vices were performed. In these the Pagans took but
Utde interest Wrapped in profound and solemn
lliou^tytheyhowsver pstisndlyawsiled thsirt
Digitized by LjOOQ iC
IVDIAN BIOGRAPHY. SOS
Btdon. Some of them then arose, and successive^
addressed their countrymen in their own langua^
They recounted the exploits and the virtues of him
whose remains they were now about to bear to his
last home. They remembered his own prophetic ap-
peal — ^ Who shall take my place amone my people ?*
They thought of the ancient glory of their nation,
and they looked around them on its miserable rem-
nant. The impression was irresistible. Tears trick-
led down the cheeks t^ the grave comrades of the
dead.
Well might they weep ! He that lay before them
was indeed the 'Last of the Senecas.^ The strong
warrior's arm was mouldering into dust, and the
eye of the orator was cold and motionless foreyer.
d by Google
APPENDIX.
NO. L
U9CAg.*^The author if indebted to tke Co mm i tte e of
Ihe Hiftorical Socie^ of Massachusetts for an opportn^
ftity to examine a valuable document recently forwarded
lo them by Mr. Williams^ of Lebanon, Connecticut, and
originally, we believe^ a part of the Trumbull collectioii.
Accordmi^ to this account, which uurports to havo
been ' made by Uncas' himself, that Cnieftain was whol*
ly of the royal blood of the Pequots. TATOBAMwas-an«
4>ther name ror Sassacus, and Uncas married the daughter
of that Sachem (from whom he afterwards revolted,) about
len years before the Peauot War. The Pequote and
' Moheags,' as they are nere called, jointly agreed to
this match in a grand Indian Council, for the purpose
of keeping their land entire. << Upon this his riffht to
the Peqtuft Country idom good and unquestionable." * *
^ Quinebauge [New^Haven] Indians and Nipmugs [in
Worcester County, Massachusette] not allowed to mar-
Sr in the Royal Blood. — Agreed to keep the Royal
lood within the Realm of y« Mohegan and Pequote."
In this genealogy, which is regularly derived, as ac-
curately as possible, from remote ancestors on both sides,
Uncas himself is styled the Sachem of Mohegan, and
Mohegan is said to have been the Sepulchre cir Burial
Place of both the Peauot and Mohegan Sachems.
The fa^r of Tatobam was the Sachem Wopegwosit.
The father of .Uncas was Oweneco; his fkther, W<»e-
quand, a Pequot Sachem. His mother and grandmotner
were both named Mukkunump; and the latter wae
daughter of Weroum, a great Jfarragansett Sachem, end
x>f a Squaw of the royal Pequot Blood named Kis*
l&bechoowatmakunck. One of his great-ffrandfathers,
fVuckquuntdowaus, was Chief-Sachem of Uie Pequote*
d by Google
APPENDIX. SOS
md ene of hii great-grandmothera, Att-eomp-pa-hang^
•ug-ga-mack/' (as nearl/ as we are able to decipher IQ
was ** a Great Queen, and lived at Moheage.*'
The son of Uncas, (mentioned in the text,) was Owen-
eco. Several of his other descendants who inherit-
ed the Sachemdom were named Ben Uncas,-M>ne of
them Major Ben. Hie last of the Sachems (also men«
tioned in the text,) was Isaiah^ — a grandson of Oweneco
or Oneco. (He was a pupil m Dr. Wheelock's Charity
School, — " a fat fellow, of dull intellectual parts."-—
Mass. His. CoU.)
^ The document before us gives an account of the ces-
vion of the Pequot Country firom Uncas by deed, dated
Sept 28, 1740. The following remarkable passage
ought not to be cmiitted, as it adds new confirmation to
the estimate of the Sachem's character which the au-
thor has given in the text.
" Afterwards sufficient planting ^ound was provided
for him, being friendly ta ike EngU^, though only to
mne his own purposes.*
NO. n
Carrespondenu between Oeneral Watvx and M^of
Campbell.
(O
MiAMU Bivx&y Aug. 21, 1794.
Sir,
An army of the United States of America, said to be
under your command, having taken post on the banks of
the Miamis, for upwards of the last twenty^fonr honrs,
almost within the reach of the guns of this fort, bein^ a
post belonging to Hi i Majesty the King of Great Britain^
oceupied by His Majesty s troops, and which I have th«
honor to conmiand,^ it becomes me to inform myself, at
■peedily as possible, in what light I am to view your
making raeh near approaches to this garrison.
Cc3
Digitized by Google
00 war exiitiog between Crreat BciUia and Amane%
I k^vfi ike koBot to he. 4ms.
WIJUUAM CAMPBELL,
M^ot 2^ Eeg^t commandiq^ a JBkUiab pok q»
tha haAka of tbe i^fiamifl.
iTo Miyor Qetrnxtl Wiijiia» 4Mb> A^*
Cakp ov rss Bavks op ««ii ]fi4Kta» >
I h/vre wHu^Atqvx iHta^ of thiia data^raquiriaff ft«»
jne t^ i»otijraa woioh liara moyc^ tbe araoy under my
^cawiaisd tolbepoaltioa Ibaj at pveaent oeou^y, ^ with-
in tha ackaowJedged juriadietioa of iha UaitiMl Sltatasof
AmriaHi
Without fuaatumitig the autkori^, or tke pjopnetf,
«^, of jonr interrogatory, I think I maf , witkcmt oraaoa
4of deeorunif obaefve to yon, that ware you iatitled to an
janawfar, tke most taU. and i«^£ietory one waa announc-
ed to you irom tke muzzles of my small anns y^esterday
morning in tke action a|r{iipgt hordes of savages in the
fricinity of your post, wnich terminated gloriously to the
American arms. But had it continued until the Indians,
^. w^^ dsiyan ondier tka nfluenoe af tba peat aud ffuna
^oa mention, they woiild not kare muck impedea the
process of the yictorious army under my command ; aa
Ao such post waa established at the commencement of
•the present war between iha Indians and tke United
I hvre ^ke kouor io bit. ik, 4be.
j^igned) ANTHOmr WAYNB,
Afor ^nahd aad Goouoaiidar i» Ckiaf of tka
f^Bdaral amy.
^ JiI^Qr W«. iau»i*iU, 4s4u
<«»
Although yoBT letter of yeaterday'aiXate ftHy anthori
saajnaioMi/jwa ofjiottm^ ai^iiiigt the army of Um
Digitized by Google '
UaiUd StetM of Ameriea in this ]if6igiib<«hood under
your eommand, yet, stiU anxious to |>revent that dread-
ful decision, which perhaps is not intended to be appeal-
ed to by either of our countries, I have forborne for
thesA two days past to resent those insults which you
have offered to the British flag flying at this f<Mrt, by ap-
proaching it within pistol-shot of my works, not only
singly, but in numbers, with arms in their hands.
iSeither is it my wish to wa^e war with individuals
But should you aiter this continue to approach my post
in the threatening manner you are at this moment doing,
my indi^ensable duty to my King and Country, and the
honor ormy profession, wiU oblige me to have recourse
to those measures which thousands of either nation may
hereafler have cause to regret, and which I solemnly
appeal to God I have used my utmost endeavors to ar
rest
I have the honor to be, sir, d^.
(Signed) WM. CAMPBELL.
To Major General Wayne, &c.
[No other notice was taken of this letter than what is
expressed in the fbllowing letter. The fort and works
were however reconnoitered in every direction, at some
points possibly within pistol-shot, tt was found to be a
Tegular, strong work, tne front covered hv a wide river,
with four guns mounted in that face. The rear, which
was the most susceptible of approach, had two regular
bastions furnished with eight pieces of artillery, the
whole surrounded with a wide deep ditch. From ^e
bottom of the ditch to the top of the parapet was about
twenty feet perpendicular. The works were also sur-
rounded by an abbatit , and fhrtilshed with a strong gar-
rison.]
(rr)
In yowr letter of tiie 21«t Inst, yem declare, " I have
no hesitation on mr part to say that I know of no war
existing between Great Britain and America."
I, on my part, declare the same ; and the only cause
I have to entertain a contrary idea at prsient is, the hos^
tile act 3FOU are now in oomnusion 0Sy--thaj| is, veeentlf^
digitized by Google
SOS
taldng poft fiur within the welMmown and adnowledged
limitf of the United States, and erecting a fortification in
the heart of the settlements of the Indian tribes now at war
with the United States.
This, sir, appears to be an act of the highest affgression^
and destnictive to the peace and interest of the Union.
Hence, it becomes my duty to desire, and I do hereby de»
sire anid demand, in the name of the President of the United
States, that you immediately desist from any further act of
hostility or aggression, by forbearine to fortify, and by
withdrawinff the troops, artillery, and stores under your
orders and direction, forthwith, and removing to the nearest
poet occupied by His Britannic Majesty's troops at the peace
of 1783--and which you will be permitted to do unmolested
by the troops under my command.
I am, with very great respect, dec
(Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE.
To Major William Campbell, dbc
(▼)
FotT MiAKis, 22d Aug. 1794.
SiK,
I have this moment the honour to acknowledge the le
ceipt of your letter of this date. In answer to which I have
only to say, that being placed here in the command of a
British post, and acting in a military capacity only, I cannot
9nter into any discussion either on the right or impropriety
of my occupying my present position. Those are matters
that I conceive will be best left to the ambassadors of our
different nations.
Having said this much, permit me to inform you, that I
certainly will not abandon this post at the summons of any
power whatever, until I receive orders from those I have
the honour to serve under, or the fortune of war should
oblige me.
. I must still adhere, sir, to the purport of my letter thit
morning, to desire that your army, or individuals belonging
to it, will not approach within reach of my cannon without
expecting the consequences attending it.
Although I have said in the former part of my letter
that my situation here is totally military, yet let me add,
«i^ that I am much deoebed if His M«^esty the King
Digitized by Google
of Graat Btitain had not a post on thn ri^or at and prior
to the period you mention.
I have the non^^ to be, dec.
(Siffued) WM. CAMPBELL,
lilajor of the 34th Regunent, commanding at Fort
Miamifl.
To IM^jor General Wayne, &e.
[The onlj notice taken of thia letter was in immedi*
ately setting firt to and destroying evenr thing within
fiew of the fort, and eren under the mnz^s of the gnns.}
Bwten Chromdei OOohar 13, 1774. *
NO. III.
CoiiifvPi.A!iTER*s Letter to the €h>Temor of Pennsyl-
rania, dated <' AUeghanjr riyer, dd mo. 2d, 1822/' and
probably written by his interpreter. From Buchanan's
Sketches.
" I feel it my duty to send a speech to the goyernor of
Pennsylyania at this timei ana infbrm him the place
where I was from^— which was Conewangus, on the
Qendsee river.
" When I was a child, I played with the butterfly, the
grasshopper and the frogs. As I ?rew up, I began
to pay some attention and play with Sie Indian boys in
Hie neighborhood, and they took notice of my skin being
a different color from theirs, and spoke about it. I en-
ouired of my mother the cause, and she told me that my
niiher Was a residenter in Albany. I eat still my vict-
als out of a bark dish — I grew up to be a young man,
and married me a wifb. hm 1 had no kettle or gun. I
then knew where my rather lived, and went to see him,
and fbund he was a white man, and spoke the English
language. He gave me victuals while I was at his house,
but when I started to return home, he gave me no pro-
vision to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle
nor gun, neither did he tell me that the United States
were about to rebel against the government of Eng-
land.
" I win now tell you, brothers, who are in session of
tile legislature of Pennsylvania, tiiat the Great Spirit har
310 APPENDIX.
made known to me that I hare been wicked ; and the
cause thereof was the revolutionary war in America.
The cause of Indians haying been fed into sin, at that
time, was that man^ of them were in the ]>ractice of
drinking and getting intoxicated. Great Britain request-
ed us to join with them in the conflict against the Amer-
icans, and promised the Indians land and liquor. I, my-
self, was opposed to joining in the conflict, as 1 had noth*
ing to do with the •difficulty that existed between
the two parties. I haye now informed you how
it happened that the Indians took a part in the Reyolu*
tion, and will relate to you some circumstances that oc-
curred afler the close of the war. Gen. Putnam, who
was then at Philadelphia, told me there was to be a coun-
cil at fort Stanwix. and the Indians requested me to at-
tend on behalf of the Six Nations, which I did, and
there met with three commissioners, who had been ap-
pointed to hold the council. They told me they would
mform me of the cause of the reyolution, which I re-
quested them to do minutely. They then said that it had
originated on account of the heayy taxes that had been
imposed upon them by the British goyemment, which
had been for fifty year* increasing upon them ; that the
Americans had grown weary thereof, and refused to pay,
which afironted the king. There had likewise a diin-
culty taken place about some tea^ which they wished
me not to use, as it had been one of the causes that many
people had lost their liyes. And the British goyem-
ment now being affironted, the war commenced, and the
cannons began to roar in our country. General Putnam
then told me at the council at fort Stanwix, that by the
late war the Americans had gained two objects : they
had established themselyes an independent nation, and
had obtained some land from Great Britain to liye upon,
the diyision line of which ran through the laiaes. I
then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for the In-
dians to live on, and General Putnam said that it should
be ffranted, and I should haye land in the state of New
ToriL, for the Indians. Gen. Putnam then encounured
me to use my endeayors to pacify the Indians generafly *
and as he considered it an arduous task to perform
wished to know what I wanted to pay therefor ? I re-
plied to him, that I would ua& my endeayors to do as
ne had requested with the Indians, and for pay thereof
Digitized by Google
APPENDIX. 311
I wouM take land. I told him not to pay me money or
dry ^oods. but land. And for having attended thereto I
received the tract of land on which I now live, which
was presented to me by governor Mifflin. I told general
Putnam, that I wished me Indians to have the exclusive
privilege of the deer and wild game, which he assented
to.
"The treaty that was made at the aforementioned
council has been broken by some of the white people
which I now intend acquainting the governor with
Some white people are not willing that Indians should
hunt any more, whilst others are satisfied therewith,
and those white people who reside near our reserva-
tion, tell us that the woods are theirs, and they have ob-
tained them from the governor. The treaty has been
also broken by the white people using their endeavors
to destroy all the wolves, which was not spoken about
in the council at fort Stanwix, by General rutnam, but
has originated lately.
" It has been broken a^kin, which is of recent origin.
White people wish to get credit from Indians, and do
not pay them honestly, according to their agreement.
In another respect it has also been broken by white
people, who resiae near my dwelling ; for when I plant
melons and vines in my field, they take them as their
own. It has been broken again by white people using
their endeavors to obtain our pine trees firom us. We
have very few pine trees on our land, in the state of
New York ; and white people and Indians oflen get in-
to dispute respecting them. There is also a great quan
tity of whiskey brought near our reservation by white
people, and the Indians obtain it and become drunken.
** Another circumstance has taken place which is very
trying to me, and I wish the interference of the Govern-
or. The white people who live at Warren, called upon
me sometime ago, to pay taxes for my land, which I
objected to, as I had never been called upon for that pur-
pose before ; and having refused to pay, the white peo-
{»le became irritated, called upon me frequently, and at
ength brought four guns with them and seized our cat-
tle. I still refused to pay, and was not willing to let
the cattle go. Afler a long dispute, they returned
home and lunderstood the militia was ordered out to
enforce the collection of the tax. I went to Waireni
Digitized by GoOgfe
818 AmBNDlX.
and, to avert the impendiiig diffienltjr, was obliged to
give my note for the tax, the amount of which was for-
ty-three dollars and seventy-nme cents. It is my desire
that the governor will exempt me from paring taxes for
my land to white people ; and also cause that the money
I am now obliged to pay, may be refunded to me, as I
am very poor. The governor is the person who attends
to the situation of the people, and I wish him to send a
person to Alleghany, that I may inform him of the par-
ticulars of our situation, and he be aathorised to instruct
the white people in what manner to conduct them-
selves towards the Indians.
** The governor has told us that when any difficulties
arose between the Indians and white people, he would
attend to having them removed. We are now in a try-
ing situation, and I wish the governor to send a persoit,
authorised to attend thereto, the fore part of the next
summer, about the time that grass has grown big enough
for pasture. ^^
^ '* The governor formerly requested me to pay atten-
tion to me Indians, and take care of them. We are
now arrived at a situation that I believe Indians cannot
exist, unless the governor should comply with my re-
quest, and send a person authorised to treat between us
and the white people, the approaching summer. I have
now no more to speak."
NO. IV.
Cobn-Plavtxr*s Spkxch at the Court-House at War
ren, (N. T.) June 4th, 1822, afler an explanation, by two
«tate Commissioners, of a law exonerating him fiom the
payment of certiun taxes. From the Venango Herald.
*' Brothers ! — ^Yesterda^ was appointed for us all to
meet here. The talk which the Goremor sent us pleaa
ed us very much. I think that the Great Spirit is very
much pleased that the white people have been induced
so to assist the Indians as they have done, and that bo
is pleased also to see the great men of this State and of
the United States so friendly to us. We are much pleas
•d with what has been done.
Digitized by Google
APPBNDIJf.
' * ** The Great 8|nrit first made the worid and next the
flying animals, and fbund all things good and prosfier*
ous. He is immortal and everlasting. After finishing
the fijing animals, he came down on earth and there
stood. Then he made different kinds of trees, and weeds
of all sorts, and people of every kind. He made ^le
spring and ot^er seasons, and the weather suitable for
plantmg. These he did make. But stills, to make whis-
key to be given to Indians, he did not make. The
Great Spirit bids me tell the white people not to give
Indians this kind of liquor. When the Great Spirit nad
made the earth and its animals, he went into the great
fakes, where he breathed as easily as any where else,
and then made all the different Kinds of fish. Tha
Great Spirit looked back on all that he had made.
The difierent kinds he made to be separate, and not to
mix with and disturb each other. But the white peo-
pie have broken his command by mixing their color
with the Indians. The Indians have done better by not
doing so. — ^The Great Spirit wishes that all wars and
fightmgs should cease.
** He next told us that there were three things for peo-
ple to attend to. First, we ought to take care of our
wives and children. Secondly, the white people ought
to attend to their farms and cattle. Thirdly, the Great
Spirit has given the bears and deers to the Indians. He
is the cause of all things that exist, and it is very wick-
ed to ffo against his will. The Great Spirit wishes me
to inform the people that they should quit drinking in-
toxicating drink, as being the cause of diseases and
death. He told us not to sell any more of our lands, for
he never sold lands to any one. Some of us now keep
the sevenUi day ; but I wish to quit it, for the Great
Spirit made it for others, but not for the Indians, who
ought every day to attend to their business. He has or-
dered me to quit drinking any intoxicating drink, and
not to lust after women but my own, auu informed me
that by doing so I should live the longer. He made
known to me that it is very wicked to teU lies. Let no
one s«ppose this I have said now is not true.
*^ I have now to thank the Governor for what he has
done. I have informed him what the Great Spirit has
wdered me te eeaoe firom, and I widi the Governor t#
Digitized by Google
314 APPBNDIZ.
infbnn otiien of what I have commmdcated Thiv 10
all I have at present to eay."
NO. V.
Mr. Brandt, whose death has been recently aRnonnff-
ed, was the son of the celebrated Indian chief of that
name, and distinguished himself as a lieutenant in our
service durin? the late war. Some years ngo he visited
England, andunder the patronafire 01 the DiULe of North-
umberland, was introduced to the Duke of Wellington^
Lord Teignmouth, and other influential personages, and
from his peculiar urbanity of manners and highly cultiva*
ted acquirements, speedily became known and esteem*
ed. His exertions, upon that occasion, in vindicating
the humanity of his father^s character from the unjust
aspersions cast upon it by the author of ^* Gertrude of
Wyoming,' * were acknowledged by the accomplished
poet, anathe next edition of mat work rectified the er-
ror Mr. Campbell had acknowledged. As a gentleman
of strict honor and morality, Mr. Brandt has left but
few equals ; and as head-chief and superintendant of
the Six Nations, his loss will be seriously felt by the nu-
merous tribes to whose civilization and moral improve-
ment he had devoted his time and talents. — KmgsUm, Ui
C. Chronicle,
NO. VI.
Letter of Farmer* s-Brothsr, and others, to the Hon.
W. Eustis, Secretary of War. Niles* Register, Vol. IL
'^Brother !— The sachems and chief warriors of the
Seneca nation of Indians, understanding you are the per-
son appointed by the great council 01 your nation to
manage and conduct the afiairs of the several nations of
Indiikns with whom vou are at peace and on terms of
friendship, come at this time, as children to a falJieri to
ky before you the trouble which we have oa ov miBcb
digitized by Google
APPTiNDIZ. 316
** Brother !-— We dd not think best to multiply wwdf.
We will therefore tell jon what our complaint is.
<* Brother ! — Listen to what we say. Some years since
we held a treaty at Big-tree, nefu* the Genesee river.
This treaty was called by our great father, the President
of the United States. He sent an agent, Colonel Wads-
worth, to attend this treaty, for the purpose of advising
us in the business, and seeing that we had justice done
OS. At this treaty we sold to Robert Morris the greatest
part of our countnr. The sum he gave us was one hun*
dred thousand dollars.
'^ Brother ! — ^The Commissioner who was appointed
on your part, advised us to place this money in the hands
of our ffreat father, the President of the United States.
He told us our father loved his red children, and would
take care of our money, and plant it in a field wh^re it
would bear seed forever, as long as trees grow or waters
run. Our money has heretofore been of great service to
us. It has helped us to support our old people, and our
women and children. But we are told the field where
our money was planted is become barren. ,
" Brother ! — We do not understand your way of doing
business. This thing is heavy on our minds. We
mean to hold our white brethren of the United States by
the hand. But this weight lies heavy. We hope you
will remove it.
" Brother ! — We have heard of the bad conduct of our
brothers towards the setting sun. We are sorry for
what they have donfe. But you must not blame us.
We have had no hand in this bad business. They have
had bad people among them. It is your enemies have
done this.'
" We have persuaded our agent to take this talk to
your great council. He knows our situations, and will
•peak our minds.
Farmer^s-Brother,his mark X W[heel-Barrow,hii mark X
■"'" * X Jack Berry ' *"
X Twenty Canoes
X Big Kettle
X Haif-Town
X Keyandeande
X Captain Cold
X Esq. Blinkey
X Captain Jolmson do
X
digitized by Google
Little Billy
do
Young King
do
Pollard
do
ChiefWarrior
do
Two Guns
do
John Sky
Parrot-Nose '
do
do
John Pierce
do
Strong
do
do
X
do
X
do
X
do
X
do
X
do
X
do
X
do
X
916 AvraiimT
N. B. TIm fbregomf spceeh Was delivered in Coun-
cil by Faniier's-Brother,at Bnfiklo Creek, December 19,
1811, and aubecribed in my presence, by tbe Chiefs
vbose names are annexed.
(Signed) ERASTUS GRANGER."
NO. VII.
Extracted from the American Remembrancer (an mi-
partial and authentic collection of facts, published ia
London during the Revolutionary War) for the
year 1782, vol. 14, p. 185.
BosToir, March 12.
Extract qf a letter from Captain Gerrish, of the A*eto-
£ft^land Militia, dated Albany, March 7.
<< The peltry taken in the expedition, will, you see,
amount to a good deal of money. The possession of this
booty at first gave us pleasure ; but we were struck with
horror to find among the packages, eight large ones con*
taining scalps of our unfortunate country folks, taken in
the th^ last vears by the Seneca Indians from the in-
kabitants of the frontiers of New- York, New-Jersey,
Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and sent by them as a pres-
ent to Colonel Haldimand, Governor of Canada, in or«
der to be by him transmitted to England. They were
aeoompanied by the following curious letter to that gen«
deman.
" Tioga, January 2d, 1787.
" May it please your Excellency,
" At the reauestof the Seneca Chiefs, I herewith send
to your Excellency, under the care of James Hoyd, eight
packafires of scalps, cured, dried, hooped, and painted
with all the triumphal marks, of which the following is
the invoice and explanation.
No. 1. Containing fortjr-three scalps of Congress sol-
diers, killed in different skirmishes. These are stretch-
ed on black hoops, four inch diameter — the inside of the
skin painted red with a small black spot, to note their
being killed with bullets. Also, sixty-two of farmers
killed in their houses ; ibe hoops painted red— the skia
digitized by Google
Ammnx. 317
paintod brown imd markeil wHh tC hoc^-^Uack circle all .
round, to denote their bein^ surprised in the nig^ht^-and
a black hatchet in the middle, signifying their being
.killed with that weapon.
No. 2. Containing ninety-eight of fanners, killed in
their houses, hoops red — figure of a hoe, to mark their
profession — great white circle and sun, to- shew they
were surpriis^ in the day-time — a little red foot, to shew
they stood upon their defence, and died fighting for their
lives and families.
No. 3. Containing ninety-seyen of farmers. Hoops
green, to shew they were killed in the fields — a large
white circle with a little round mark on it for the sun^
to show it was in the day time — black bullet-mark on
some, a hatchet on others.
' No. 4. Containing one hundred and two of farmers,
mixture of several of the matks above, only eighteen
marked with a little jellow flame, to denote their being
tf£ prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped — their nails
pulled out by the roots, and other torments. One of
these latter supposed to be of an American clergyman,
his band being fixed to the hoop of his scalp. Most of
the farmers appear, by the hair, to have been young of
middle-aged men, there being but sixty-seven very grey
heads among them all, which makes the service more
essential.
No. 5. Containing ei|rhty-eiffht scalps of women, hair
long, braided in the Indian fashion, to thew thev were
mothers — hoops blue — skin yellow jrround, witn little
red tadpoles, to represent, by way of triumph, the tears
of ^iei occasioned to their relations— a black scalpinff^
knife or hatchet at the bottom, to mark their being kiU-
ed by those instruments. Seventeen others, hair very
giey — ^black hoops — plain brown color — no marks but th*
short club or casse-tete, to show they were knocked
down dead, or had their brains beat put.
No. 6. Containing one hundred and ninety-three
boy's scalps, of various ages. Small green hoops — whit-
ish £rround on the skin, with red tears in the middle and
blacK marks-^knife, hatchet or club, as their death hap-
pened.
No. 7. Containing two hundred and eleven gaVm
scalps, big and little — small yellow hoops, white ground
"tearSj hatchet, club, scalping-knife, &c.
Digitized by Google
318 APPENDIX.
No. 8. Thii package is a mixture of all the rarietie*
above mentioned, to the number of one hundred and
twenty-two, with a box of birch baik containing twenty
nine little infante' ecalpe, of Tarioue sizes — small white
hoops, white g[r6und*-no tears, and only a little black
knife in the middle, to shew they were ripped out of
their mothers' bellies.
With these packs the chieft send to your excellency
the following Speech, delivered l>y Conicoga/tchis in
council, interpreted by the elder Moore, the trader, and
taken down by me in writing.
*^ Father ! — We send you herewith many scalps, that
you may see we are not idle friends. A blue belt,
'' Father ! — We wish you to send these scalps over the
water to the ^reat king, that he may reg^ard them and be
refreshed, and that he may see our faithfulness in de-
stroying his enemies, and be convinced that his presents
have not been made to an ungrateful people.
w4 blue and tohiU belt toith red tassels
** Father ! — Attend to what I am now going to say. It
IS a matter of much weight. The great King's enemies
are many, and they grow fast in number. They were
formerly like young panthers. They could neither bite
nor scratch. We could play with them safely. We
feared nothing they could do to us. But now their bod
ies have become as blpr as the elk, and stronir as the buf-
falo. They have abo great and sharp claws. They
have driven us out of our country for taking part in youc
quarrel. We expect the great King will ffive us anoth
er country, that our children may uve af&r us, and be
his friencb and children as we are. Say this for us to
our great King. To enforce it, give this belt.
A great tohite belt loUk blue tassels.
" Father ! — We have only to say further, that your^tra-
ders exact more than ever for their goods ; and our bun*
ting is lessened by the war, so that we have fewer skins
to give for them. This ruins us. Think of some reme-
^. We are poor, and vou have plenty of every thing.
We know you will send us powder and guns, and knives
•nd hatchets. But we also want shirts and blankets."
^ little tehUe bdt.
d by Google
APPBMDIX. 810
' I do not doubt bot tbat your Ezodlency will' tlunk it
pToper to me some further encouragement to these honest
people. The high prices they complain of are the necessary
effect of the war. Whatever presents may be sent for them
through my hands shall be distributed with prudence and
fideli^.
I have the honour of being your Excellency's most obe*
dient and most humble servant,
JAMES CRAWFORD.»»
[The Author of this work owes an apology to the public
for having inadvertently omitted, in his first edition, to ex-
plain the foregoing document as being, not actually what it
purports to be, but, according to a new general understand-
ing, a fiibrication, for obvious political purposes, from the
pen of Dr. Frapklin. Stili, it has a certain illustrative
value in connexion with the text, which, with this com-
ment, may be deemed suflScient to justify its retention.]
NO. VIII.
^<Thb Pawnbb Bravb. — One of the most prominent
modem characters in Thatcher^s Lives of the Indians is the
celebrated Miami, Little Turtle, called in his own lanffuage
Mesbecunnaqua. Mr. T. gives him, on the authority of
Schoolcraft, the credit of doing much to abolish the practice
of human sacrifice among the savages of the West. The
passage reminds us of a well-authenticated anecdote of a
young Pawnee ' Brave,' who visited Washington some ten
years since.
^ « The Pawnees were at war with another trans-Misds-
•ippian tribe living several da^s' journey to the south of
them. In one of their forays mto the enemy's country a
party of warriors captured a beautiful Indian ffirl, and car-
ried her home in triumph. A council of the Pawnees was
called, and the prisoner was decreed to die at the fagot.
The fatal pile was raised in the middle of a wide plain near
the villages of the tribes, and an immense multitude of all
%^ and sizes — ^for the Pawnees are still quite numerous-*
collected to witness the ceremony. Just as the flame was
d by Google
to the pOe* leadhif tiio fleet]
thofMigUy eBpariaoned for a jooni^. He wilooeeJ thm
bea^s whkli coafioed die prieoner at one stvake of hie kmiB^
Mped h« to moart one of bb etopds, moaoted the other
hiaMcl^ and, before hie co uutf j u iqihedieeoTeredfiroiathttr
Mt ea i jwi ee, had deued tiie riiify and wae a onto or tvro
on hie way to the eonth. He oootiDQed laeattendmre tw
daje, and then left her wkhin the territorj of her owntribe^
and with provinons for the reeidae of the way. On hie re*
torn home not a woid of lepioadi wae ottered agdnit hbn*
He wae popular; and the Pawneee not only thought prepet
to overlook the liberty he had taken in ooneideratmi of hi*
bntery, hot they aecribcd the act to the inepiiatiDB of tha
Great Maiter of life. li it udd thert has hum ne twifflwnt
9f manfx€ among them from that day to tkia.
** We have foriotten, if we ever knew, thie gallant 6I#
low'a name ; bnt he wae mnch complimented at Waehin^
ton, and eapedally by the ladiee of that dty, ae the < Paw-
nee Brave.' ** — N. Y. Commercial Adtertiser,
The authenticity of this anecdote seems to be past die-
mite. Dr. Morse, in his Indian Report (who refers to the
MS. Journal of Capt. Bell), and also Jolmston, in his Nar-
rative, have furnished some additional and very interesting^
particulars respecting this heroic Pawnee, for which w«
eeomiend the reader to the Appendix of the former book (p
947), and to pp. 219, 220, &c,j of the latter. The tribe re
forred to above was the Paduces. The parae of the Paw-
nee^ who is believed to be still living, at the age of about 35^
is Bstalesbaroe. He is son of the well-known «Knifo«
Chief* of his tribe, who has once or twice visited Waahinff*
top, and whose portrait, elegantly executed by Mr. "Mettf^&t
if to be seen in one of Uie volumes of Godnanls Nataral
ttstory.
d by Google
*. <■ ■
* * ■ . .
*■•■. ■ ■•-I.
' r^
•' Digitized by Google
..f V- « ■,
t
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
Digitized by Google
^1^
Digitized by CiOOgle