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TiLt3tf, •'NATIONS. 


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CHXP. I.— NoticM of Indiani who iabmitted to Muaaebtuetti 
contimied—The S^vaw-Sachkm of Medford— Her history, fkm* 
ily, 4bc.^-Sanmore Johh and Sagamore JAMEi—Their inter- 
course with the English— Anecdotes of them— ComplainU, ser- 
vices, death and character— Chiokatabot. Sachem of Nepon- 
let— His war with the Squaw-Sachem— visits Poeton several 
times— Appears in coart against Plastowe— Anecdotes of his 
Ooyemment-^ndian policy of Massachusetts compared with 
that of Plymouth— Anecdotes of ChickaUbot— His death, page 9 

CHAP, n.— Farther account of Master Weston's settlement, and 
the movements of the Indians against him— Aipiickt, the Nail- 
set. supposed to hn engaged In that affkir— His tribe and power 
—Provocations firom the English— Magnanimous revenge of the 
Sachem — His hosplulity and kindness — Friendly intercourse 
with Plymouth— Is visited by Governor Bradford— By Captain 
Btandisb— Is suspected of hostility by Plymouth, and pursued 
by Standish— His death— Career and character of Itanootoh, the 
* Courteous Sachem of Cummaquid'— Is suspected and pursued 
—His death. 94 

CpAP. in.— Nummary account of the Pivb NAxioiri — ^Their 
early history— Oovernmeat^-Conquests---Popnlation— Territory 
—Intercourse with the European Colonies— Their war with tlie 
Adirondacks— Adventures of PiiKAaar —Their negotiations 
with the French, in 1684— Anecdotes of the Onondaga Chief, 
Gakanoula— His speech at the Council, and effects of it— Re- 
marks on his character-*History of the Five Nations continued 
to the time of Aoario— His exjdoits— Their object and results 
—War between the Confederates and the French— Adventures 

of Bl.ACK-K«TTM. ........34 

CHAP. rV.— FiTB Natioiti continued— Remarks on theiroratcny 
—Circumstances ikvorable to it— Account of a council of th« 
Confederates at Onondaga, in 1690— Anecdotes of various pei^ 
sons who attended it — Speeches of Saobkan atib and other or- 
ators— Aoabahta— The history and character of DscAifBtoBA— 
His speeches at the Albany council of 1694— Style of his elo- 
• " er— Other speecha* 

fiuence— His personal and political character- 
•nd HBfotiatioiu— Anecdotes of Saobkab atib. 


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▼1 C0NTIRT8. 

OHAP. v.— Aceoimt of the (Ottawa*— Their tint Chtef-Saehea 
known to the English. Pohtiac— Hij interview with Bfajor Ro- 
gers—Protects that officer and his troops— Saves Detroit from an 
army of Indians— Hostility of the northern tribes to theEn^ish, 
after tlie conquest of Canada— Adventures of UairBt— Anecdotes 
of MiHATATANA— Supposed feollngsof Pontlac towards the Bn- 
glisb— His great project of eombin^tlpn. « • • - 70 

CHAP. VI. — ^PoNTiAc*! plan of campaign— He ccnnmences activa 

—Commencement of the war— Snrprisal of nine English posts 
—mode of surprisal — Artifice adopted at MichilimacKinae, and 
rasttit— RedncUon of DetroU iindertsken hy Pontlac in person 
—His interview with the Commandant— His j>laa discovereo. 
and the surprise prevented— Letter fiom Detroit. . . 83 

CHAP. VIl.— Siege of Detroit maintainad by Pontlac— The Com 
mandant meditates a retreat— The French propose a conferena 
with Pontlac, wliich takes place — ^Tbe latur demands the 

mandant meditates a retreat— The French propose a conference 
with Pontlac, which takes place — ^Tbe latur demands the 
surrender of the fort, which the Commandant reAisea— Vigor- 

ous renewal of hostili ti es Advantagea gained Inr the Indkui 
army— arrival of succor to the English— Battle of Bloody Bridge 
-Pontlac at lenath raises the siafs— Causes of it— The Indians 
make peace— Hu subsequent career until ^is death— Anecdotes 
illustrating his influence, energy, magnanimity, integrity and 
mnius— His autliority as chieftain— His talenta as an oiator— 
His traditionaiy fkme. ....^.. 96 

CHAP. VIII.- Accoont «r the Delaware*— Their ancient great 
men, including TAMavaifo—Historv during the Revolutionary 
^ar— Two Purties among them— Whitb-Etsi, leader of one, 
and Captain Pira, of tlie other-^Bfanflsuvres, speeches, |riots 
and counter-plots of these men, tiieir parties, and foreigners 
connected wkh both— -Anecdotes— 'Death ol^ White-Eyes in 
1780— Tribute of respect paid to his memory. . « 190 

CHAP. IX.— Observations on the character of WUte-Eves — 
Pipe's comment on his death— The latter gains and sustains an 
ascendancy in tlie Delaware nation— OucKHic^iif, Nbtawat- 
wBBi and WiNOBMUiTD— Subeequent career ot Pipe— Joins the 
British and fights against the Americans— Grand Indian coun- 
cil at Detroit— Pipe's spirited speech on that occasion— Make* 
charges acainst the Missionaries, l^ut ftdls to prove them— Re- 
marks on his habits, principles and talents. <• - - 138 

OHAP. X.— atate of several Southern tribes during the last ean- 
tury— The English send deputies to the Chebokbbi, In 1756— 
Their lives threatened, and saved by Attakvixabvixa— Ae- 
eount of that Chieftain and his principles— l*he party opposed 
to him headed by OocoifoiTOTA— War with the Colonies in 
1790 and two yean following— A n e cdotes of both tbpm Chlefli 

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C0NTBHT8* Ttt 

— SixouBR, Fiyroa, and oUie»->SeTtral IntUet— Peace torn- 
cIuded—AttakaUakiula yisita Charleston— Hli subsequent ca- 
reer, and tliat of Ocomostota— Remarlui on their character. 150 

CHAP ZI.— The Cayuga Chief, Looaic— Some accoimt of hie 
Ikther, Shiksiximui — ^Residence of Logan — His friendship tot 
the whites jntermpted by their provocations — His family misfor- 
tunes—The Sliawanee Siltbe-Ubbu — Ijogan Joins in a war of 
revenge aminst the * Long-Knives'— Battle of the Kenhawa— 
Treaty of Peace with Governor Dunmore— Logan*s celebrated 
Speech — His history completed— BucKONGi.HXLA», the Delaware 
head War-Chief— His intercourse with the Christian Indians- 
Part which he takes in the Revolution— Defeated by Wayne, 
inl794— Anecdotes of him— Death and character. - - 166 

CHAP. Xn.— Some accouBt of the Shawaaaee, the tribe of Tx- 
ovmBH— Anecdotes illustrative of their character— Early histo- 
ry and lineage of Tecunueh — His first adventures as a warriw 
—His habits and principles— His brothers Kumshaxa and Euk- 
Wi.Ti.wA— The first open movements of the latter, in 1806— He 
assumes the character of Prophet— His doctrine»-.-Hi8 mode of 
(^ration upon his countrymen* -Other Indian pretenders— An- 
ecdote of a Shawanee Chief, at Fort Wayne— Tanner's account 
of the ministry of the Elskwatawa's Agents— Concert traced be- 
tween them— Witchcraft-superstition- Anecdotes of Txtxbox- 
Ti, Tub CaAirx, LxATasii-Liri, and others. - - - 181 

CHAP. Xni.— History of Tecnmaeh and the Prophet continued 
—The latter encamps at Tippecanoe— Sends a message to Gov- 
ernor Harrison— VlBita him at Vincennes— Increase of his for- 
eee— Attention of the General Government aroused- Tecumseh 
visits the Governor— His speech, and journey southward— Battle 
of Tippecanoe. November, 1811— Consequences of it— Indian 
Council at Mississiniway— Council at Maiden— Speeches and 
Anecdotes of the Cbaitb, WALic-iif-THs-WATxa, Rovnd-Hxad, 
and other Chiefs— Sequel of the history of the two brothers— Fi- 
nal exertions of Tecumseh— His deathr— Death of the Proph- 
et. --...--Soa 

CHAP. Xrv.— Remarks on the character of Tecumseh and the 
Prophetr-Their focillties for co-operation— DiiBculties the latter 
had to overcome— His perseverance and insenuity— Means by 
which he protected his Person— Anecdotes of the Battle of Tip- 
pecanoe— Frankness of Tecumseh in disclosing his scheme»— 
Causes of his hostility to the Americans— Trespasses of the 
whites, and other abuse*— Object of the belligerent combination 
—Anecdotes of Tecumseh's first visit to Vincennes, in 1S1&— 
His dignity, independence and courage— His ideas of the British 
pcrticy— His speech to General Proctor, and remarks on his wa- 
toiy— His humanity— His genius. - - - 996 

OHAP. XV.— MicHixiiTAqwA, or the Littlb-Turtlx— Early his- 
tory— Engans in a combination of the Indians against the Uui- 
ted Statee JBwn^AonnT— The Turtle defiMts two detachment! 

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tfii coirmml. 

of AmMrlcaa troMW— iome aecovnt of the Nortb-WiMtam vtr 
ih>in 1791 to 1795---TIie Turtle defeated by General Wayne— H« 
iMComes unpopular after the peace— Some of the charges againat 
Jiim examined—- Anecdotes or his intercourse with distinguished 
Americans— His ietter to GAoenl Hanisou— His death in 1815^ 
His character. 843 

0HAP. XVI.— The Aooeea Chief, Rbo-Ja^jebt— Ofrcumstancef 
under which he succeeded Coaif-PLAifTKB in his influeoce — An* 
ecdotes of the latter— Red-Jacket's earliest oratoilcal triumph-* 
Bis speech at the Treaty of Canandaigua— Account of Farmss*!* 
BaoTHBB, Abd Bbandt— Red-Jacl(et*s political and religioua 
Principles— Speech to Mr. Alexander, in 1811— Speech to Mr. 
lELichardson— Remarks on the causes of his heathenism in the 
^conduct of the whites— His military career— Speech in favor of 
Heelafing war agaiast the British, im 181»<i-SeBeca Manifesto^ 
Red-JacketHi interview with Washington— His interview with 
Lafavette— His Memorial to the New-York Legislature — Speech 
io a Missionary in 1835— His deposition and restoration in 1827 
-—Visits to the Atlantic citiea— Death and fUneral obsequies — 
' • 870 


Jffo. I. GeaealoorofUircAs. - - - - 3M ' 

Wo. n. General Wayae'e >OoBe«pondeBce with M«|or 

Campbell. MS 

We. ill. CoBii^Fi.A.irvBB*s letter to the Govemor of Pean- 

eylvaaia. 809 

Wo. IV. Speech of the same at Warrea Court-House. 819 

Wq> V« Littub Fabmeb'i letter to the Hon. W. Eustis. 814 

K9 VL Obituary Notice of Bbahot. - - - 814 

/N»> yU Craarli»cd*jJatt«r 10 iheGovamatAf Canada. Mm 

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Notices of Indians who submitted to MMsachnsetts, 
continued — ^The SquAW-SACHEM of Medford — Her 
history, family, Ac, — Her sons, Sagamore John and 
Sa^ramore James — ^Their intercourse with the Engr. 
lisC — Anecdotes of them — Complaints, serTices,deaSi 
and character— Chickatabot, Sachem of Neponset^ 
His war with the Squaw-Sachem— -Yisits Boston sey- 
en4 times — ^Apoears in court against Plastowe— An- 
ecdotes of his Grovemroent— Indian policy of Massa- 
chusetts compared with that of Plymouth— Anecdotes 
of Chickatabot— His death. 

Having heretofore had occasion frequently to intro- 
duce the names of Indians who subjected themselves, 
more or less, to the Government of Massachusetts, 
we propose in this chapter to no^ce a few of the 
most prominent of that class, who have not yet been 

Some years previous to the arrival of the English, 
the various Massachusetts tribe^ properlv so called, 
are believed to have been confederated, like the Po- 
kanokets and others, under the government of one 
great Sachem, whose name was Nanefashebiet 
or the New-Moon. His usual residence was in Med- 
ford, near Mystic Pond. He was killed in 1619, — 
by what enemy is unknown. Twp years afterwards, a 

* See a sl^etch of Cutchamequin, of Chap- 
ter XI, Vol. I. 

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Plymou^ party viaited this flection ; and ^ey then dift- 
fiovered the remains of one of Nanepashemet's forts. 
It was built in a valley. There was a trench about it^ 
breast-high, with a peripheiy of palisades reaching up 
more than thirty feet It was accessible only in one 
direction, by (i narrow bridse. The Sachem's grave 
had been made under the frame of a house within 
the enclosure, which was sdll standing; and another, 
upon a neighboring hill, marked the ^t where he 
fell in battle. His dwelling-house had been built on 
a large scaffold, six feet high, also near the summit 
Af a hilL* It is evident mat Nanepashemet was a 
rhieflain of very considerable state and power. 

His successor, to a certain extent, was his widow, 
w^ known in historv as the Squaw-Sachem, and 
otherwise called the Massachusetts Queen. It is prob- 
ably from the latter circumstance, in part, that some 
modem historians have described her as inheriting 
the power of her husband ; but this is believed to be 
incorrect. We find no evidence of it among the old 
writers ; though it appears, on the other hand, that 
some of the other Massachusetts tribes were a.t'war 
ivitb bar's, when the English first made her acquaint- 
ance. It seems highly probable, that these were 
the enemy^-rebels, we should perhaps sav — ^whom 
Nanepashemet fell in attempting to subdue. His 
^lure and death were sufficient, without the aid of 
that terrible pestilence which reduced the number 
of the Massachusetts warriojs fit>m three thousand 
to three himdred, to prevent any attempts on the part 
of his widow, for recovering or continuing his own 
jancient dominion. 

Still, the S<}uaw-Saicfaem governed at least the 
remnants of one tribe. She. also laid claim to ter- 
ritory In various places, and among the rest to what 
IS now Concord, arrant of which place she joined 
with two or three other Indians in conve3ring to the 
original settlers, in 1635. Previous to th& date, 9he 

• Prince. 

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had taken a second husbuid, Wafpacowxtv the ehief 
priest of her tribe, he being by custom entitled to die 
nand of his Sachem's widow. The land was paid 
£>r in wampum, hatchets, hoes^ knives, cotton ck>A. 
and chintz ; beside which, Wappacowet, who figured 
only as an evidence in the case, received a gratuinr 
of a suit of cotton cloth, a hat, a white linen bano^ 
shoes, stockings, and a great coat* 

Several years after the BBJe of Concord, the Squaw-> 
Saohera visited Boston, for the purpose of subjecting 
herself to the Massachusetts Government. That ob« 
Ject she efiected. Whether the priest was included 
m the submj88i(»i, or what waa tne sequel of his his* 
tory, or even her's, does, not appear. 

The Squaw-Sachem, like her husband, the New 
Moon, has maintained her principal dignity in our ear- 
ly annals, as the parent of Wonohaquaham and Mon- 
towampate, better known as Sagamore John and Sa- 
eAMORE JAM£s.f The former lived, before the Bnglish 
came, at the old residence of his &ther, in Medrord ; 
subsequendy, at Winneamet, anciently called Rum- 
ney Marsh, and situated partly in Chelsea, and pardy 
in Saugus. James, who was Sachem of the Saugus 
Indians, and had jurisdiction of Lynn and Marble- 
head, resided on Sagamore hlD, near the eastern end of 
Lynn beach. 

John was one of the best, as weU as earlier friends 
idle setders of Boston ever had among the natives ; 
and by their desoendants his memory should be cher- 
ished for that, if for no other reason. On all occa- 
8k>ns, he was courteous, kind and frank. Soon afler 
dieir coming, he engaged vnth the governor to make 

* Depositions on Concord Records. 

f There htts been a controversy abont the meaning of 
ihia tide, and the difference lietween Sagamore, (or 
Sagamo) and Sachem. We a^ee with Mr. Lewis (from 
whose accurate history of Lynn we have borrowed 
above,) in conndering them diffezentpronnaciations of 
the same word* 

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compensation for damages done by his sul^lsctSyaB^ 
to fence in his territories, both which he did. Dur- 
ing the same year, 1630, he seasonably gave warning to 
tiie Charlestown people, of a plotibrmed against them 
among some of the neighboring Indians,— ^an act on 
the mention of which an old writer pays him the de« 
served compliment of having 'aiimys lovtsd thd En^ 

His attachment itea justified bv the conduct of bis 
new ally and friends, for though be often brought 
complsdnts before the Massachusetts authorities, it was 
siB rarely without effect as it w%is without cause. 

At one time, two of his wij^ams were careleaslT 
ifet on fire by some English rowlers, and desthiyed. 
'The chief offender was a servant of Sir Richard Sal- 
tonsta^I, and the Court ordered him to give satidlkc^ 
tlon, which he did, being mulcted in seven yards <^ 
cloth, valued at fifty shillings sterling. The act of 
firing one of the buildings, was not very easily 
proved ; but, say the Court. ** lest he should d»nk uS 
not sedulous enough to fiind it out, and so should de- 
part discbntentedly from us, We gave both him and 
nis subject satisfaction for them both.^ 

So when he and his brother Jam^ a few weeks 
afterwards, applied to the <}ovemor for an order, to 
procure the return of twenty beaver-skins which had 
been obtained unfairly fl*oni l^em by an Englishman, 
*the governor entertained them fctndly, and gav6 
them his lettet", fcc.*^ Jbhtt must have beeti per- 
mitted to manaige his relations With dilhcir IsachemS 
also, as he pleased ; for When Chickatabot fbu^ 
for Canonicus in 16^ as We shall soon see, Ae fdB6 
joined him at the head dT thirty men, and thefitctlft 
recorded not only without censure, biit without Com« 

James was a more troqbiesoaie personage, and 
inm more Utah once m difficulty With both ladiaiui 
and Eni^liBb. A fMrQr of that foiUmkble Eastern 

■ iwnwy mmmm am 

* New-England Chronology, 1631. 

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pe(^>le, the Turadikefl, attacked him in 1631, riew 
seven of his men, wounded both him and his broth- 
er John, and carried off his wife captive. Hubbard 
observes, that he had treacherously killed some o( 
the Tarratines before this, ** and was therefore the less 
pitied of the English that were informed thereof:" 
but the latter nevertheless procured the redemption 
of his wife. The foUbwing extract from Mr. Win- 
tiiirop's Journal, throws some light, both on the au- 
thority which be exercised upon his own subjects, 
and the liberties he took with the English. The 
Government, it must be observed, had noAde a pru- 
dent regulation, forbidding the sale of arms to the na- 

** September 4th, 1633. 
''One Hopkins of Wateitown was convict for 
selling a piece and pistol, with powder and shot, to 
James Sagamore, for which he bad sentence to be 
whipped and branded in the cheek."— It was discov- 
ered by an Indian, one of James's men, upon [uromise 
of concealinff him, or oiherwiae he was sure to be kiUecL 
It was probd[>ly for some ofTence of this description 
that James was once forbidden to enter any English 

Elantation under penalt}r often beaver-skins; a much 
etter dispensation of justice) clearly, than to have 
sent an armed force, as the good people of Plymouth 
had been in the habit of doing on such occasions, to 
punish him in person. 

The following is an item in the account of Treas- 
urer Pyncheon, stated to the General Court for 1633, 
under the head of Payments out of the Common 
Treasury. / 

<< Paid John Sagamore^ $ hroUur^ the 9th Oct 1633, 
for killing a wolf, one coat at £0. 13^. 0." 

This account of James indicates that he was much 
less known among the Englirii than his brother ; and 

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as it appears in company of several chaises ISkm 
these, — 

."To Jack Straw, one coat, by a note 

from the Governor, ISff. 

To Wamascus' Son, two wolves, 
two coats, £1 : ^^ < 

It may be fiiirly inferred that the Sagamore hesi- 
tated not to put his dignity, so far as he uxu known, 
on a level, in the eyes of the English, with the low* 
est of his countrymen. 

John and James died about the same time, in 
1633, of a mortal epidemic then prevalent among 
the Massachusetts Indians. Hubbard says, that both 

E remised, if they recovered from their sickness, to 
ve with the English and serve their God. The 
reason why John, at least, had not already taken 
such a course, may be gathered from some expres- 
sions in that curious tract. New ENeiiANn's First 
Fruits, which we cite the more willingly because 
it places the character of John in its true light 

" Sagamore John," says the learned author, " Prince 
of Massaquesetts, was from our very first landing, 
more courteous, ingenious, and to the Enelisb more 
loving than others of them ; he desired to leame and 
speake our language, and loved to imitate us in our 
behaviour and apparell, and began to hearken after 
our Grod and his ways. * * And did resolve and 
promise to leave the Indians and come live with us ; 
but yet, Jctpt down lyftart ^Hvt seqffin (^ the IndianSf 
had not power to make good his purpose, &c." 

The same writer thus refers to the poor Sagamore's 
last mon^ents. Being struck with death, we are told, 
he began fearfully to reproach himself that he had 
not hved with the English, and known their God. 
*« But now," he added, *^1 must die. The God of the 
J^glish is much angry with me, and will destroy me. 
Ah ! I was afraid of the scoffi of these wicked In- 
diana. But f»^ cMi shall live with the En^ish^ to 

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know thek God, when I am dead. I'll give him to 
Mr. Wilson — ^he much good man, and much love 
me." Mr. Wilson, (clergyman at Boston,) was accor- 
dingly sent for, and when he attended, as he did 
promptly, the Sagamore ^ committed his only child 
to his care, and so died." — In confirmation of this 
honorable testimony, the author of the Wonder 
Working Providence may be cited. He observes, 
that the English clergymen were much moved to see 
the Indians depart this life without the knowledge of 
God in Christ^ "and therefore were very frequent 
among them, for all the Noysomness of their Disease, 
entering their Wigwams, and exhorting them in the 
name of the Lord." John is said to have given some 
good hopes, as being always very courteous to them. 
Then follows the request to Mr. W ilson : " Quoth hee, 
*by and by mee Mattamoy, [dead]— -may bee my 
sons live — ^you take them to teach much to know 

Mr. Cotton, himself a preacher also at Boston, at 
the same period, and probably an eye-witness, fur- 
nishes a more particular and interesting account of 
this scene, with which we shall conclude our notice 

" At our first coming hither John Soffcmore was the 
chiefest Sachim in these parts. He falling sick, our 
Pastor Mr. Wilson hearing of it (and being of some 
acquaintance with him) went to visit him, taking one 
of the deacons of our Church with him, and withall, 
a little Mithridate and strong water. When he came 
to his lodging, (which they call a Wigwam) hearing a 
noyse wimin, hee looked over the mat of the door, to 
discerne what it meant, and saw many Indians gath- 
ered together, and some Powwatos amongst them, 
who are their Priests, Physitians, and Witches. They 
by course spake earnestly to the sick Sagamore, and 
to his disease, (in a way of charming of it and him) 

* Johnson speaks as if there were several sons, and 
therein is clearly incorrect. Mr. Cotton is much better 
authoritv in this caae. 

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and one to another in a kind of Antiphonies. When 
they had done, all kept silence, our Pastour went in 
with the Deacon, and found the man farre spent, his 
eyes set in his head, his speech leaving him, his 
mother (old ^vnuiw-SaMnC) atting weeping at his 
bed's head. Well (saith our Pastour) our Gk)d save 
Soigamart /o/bi, Powwrno Cram (that is, kill) Sara- 
more John; and thereupon hee fell to prayer with nis 
Deacon, and after prayer forced into the nek man's 
mouth with a spoon, a little Mithridate dissolved in 
the strong water ; soon after the Sagamore looked up, 
and three dayes after went abroad on hunting. This 

Erovidence so fture prevailed with the Sagamore^ that 
e promised to look after the English man's God, to 
heare their sermons, to weare iSigUsh apparell, &c 
But his neighbor huUans^ Sagamorea', and Pmnoaws^ 
hearing of this, threatened to Cram him (that is, to 
kill him) if he did so degenerate fiom his CounU^ 
Gods, and Religion, he thereupon fell off, and UxJk 
up his Indian courM of life again. Whatsoever fa- 
cility may seeme to ofter itself of the converaon of 
the Indians, it is not so easie a matter for them to 
hold out, no not in a semblance of profession of the 
true Religion. Afterwards God struck John Saga- 
more againe, (and as I remember with the Small Pox :) 
but then when they desired like succour from our Pas- 
tour as before, he told them now the Lord was angry 
with Sagamore Johoy and it was doubtful hee would not 
60 easily be intreated. The Sagamore blamed himsetf 
and justified God, and confessed, ' he should not have 
been discouraged by their threats from seeking our 
God : for those Sagamores and Powwows who did most 
terrific him, hee had seene God sweeping them awfi^ 
by death, before himself; in a short time after. And 
therefore, when hee saw hee must die (for he died of 
that sickness) he left his sonne to the education of our 
Pastour, that he might keep closer to the English, 
and to their God, than himself had done. But his 
Sonne also died of the same disease soon afier."* 

* The Way of Congregational Churches clear 
XD : Iiondon; 1648. 


Another Sachem carried off by the pesdlence was 
Chickatabot, otherwise called Chickataubut and 
Chickatalbott ; and whose name, under the form of 
Chickatabak, is appended with those of eight other 
sachems, to the deed of submission to King James, 
dated 1^22^ which has already been mentioned in the 
life of Massasoit Some writers call hhn the Chief 
Sachem of the Massachusetts. But so Sagamore 
John, and his mother, if not sqme others, were vague- 
ly entided ; nor can any thing more be inferred from 
the expressions, we conceive, than that he was one of 
the principal chiefs. That conclusion might be 
drawn also from the fact, that when the English 
first knew him (in 1621,) he was at war vsith the 
Squaw-Sachem of Medford. No doubt he had been 
subject to her husband, and probably she was now 
struggling to continue and enforce the dominion.* 

The same causes which enabled Chi<;:katabot and 
other sagamores of his section of the country, tO 
maintain their independence of each other, probably 
induced them to submit so readily to whatever au- 
thority appeared able and willing to protect them. 
King James, Massachusetts and Plymouth, were the 
same to him, in this particular, with Massasoit and 
Canonicus ; &nd he submitted with an equal grace to 
all or either, as the case might require. No doubt j^t 

* "Since writing the above, we have availed ourselves 
of Mr. Shattuck's researches. He beUeves that Chick" 
atabot was subject to Massasoit. One of his reasons is 
the improbability of his contending against Iiis superior 
Sachem ; and another, the circumstance that all his re- 
corded conveyances of land are south of Charles River, 
wbich Mr. S. considers the southern boundary of the 
Massachusetts. With deference to an accurate writer, 
we shall leave the question without an argument— only 
reminding the reader that Chickatabot fouffht for Ca- 
nonicus in 1632, that being about the time when the lat- 
'ter made sundry attacks on Massasoit — and also that the 
case of Sassacus and Uncas, (not to refer to Powhatan '0 
history,) in a precedent exactly in point. 

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- was the influence of the Pokaaoket Sachem that in- 
duced him to visit Plymouth for the purpose of 
subscribiag theaubmission — ^which he probably nei- 
ther knew nor cared any thing about, except in re- 
lation to the p^romised consequences of the act 
of signing. With the same accommodating dis- 
positioUf or rather from the same necessity, he turned 
out with all his men, in 1632— to fight against the 
same Massasoit, we suppose-— the Narragansett Chief^ 
Canonicus, having < sent for him' to that end.* This 
movement, together with the absence of all comment 
upon it in hbtory, illustrates sufficiently the sense 
which, notwithstanding the submissions alluded to, 
both himseR*and his English neighbors still entertain 
ed of his independence. 

The Sachem took no advantage of the freedom 
thus silently allowed him. Nor does the liberality, 
and even courtesy, with which he was on all other 
occasions treated by the Massachusetts Orovemment^ 
appear to have had any other than the happiest ef> 
feet upon him. On the contrary, he judged them as 
they judged him ; and being seldom if ever suspect- 
ed, was rarely exposed to suspicion by his conduct. 
He esteemed his own dignity at least enough to ap- 
preciate their politeness. 

Residing near Nepooset river, in Dorchester, he 
made hinwelf familiar with the settlers of Boston very 
seon after th^r arrival, and that in a manner which 
discredits n^dier of the parties. As early as March, 
1631, (the settlement having commenced in the pre- 
ceding September,) he went into Boston, attended by 
quite a company of men and women of his tribe, and 
carrying widi him a hogshead of Indian corn as a 
present for the Grovernor. When the latter had provi- 
ded a dinner for his visitors, with the much esteemed 
accompaniment of ^tobacco and beer,* the Sachem 
aent his escort all home, with die exception of one 
aanop and one squaw, akhough it rained, and the 

• Winthrop. 

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Governor rather urged that they might be permitted 
to stay. He, and the other two who remained, tarri- 
ed until aflernooQ of the next day biH one. As he had 
before this time accustomed himself to wear £n^* 
lish clothes, we are informed that ^ the Grovemor set 
him at his own table, where he behaved himself as 
soberly as an Englishman." His host gave him at 
parting, *< cheese and pease, and a mug and some 
other things ;" * and no doubt he returned to Nepon- 
set exceedingly gratified with the well-timed munifi- 
cence of his new friend. 

Accordingly, he made his appearance acain within 
a month, on which occasion he requ^ed Mr. Win- 
throp to negotiate with some tailor, on his behalf for 
a suit of English clothes. The Governor civilly gave 
him to understand, that English Sagamores were not 
accustomed to truck in this way— 4)ut he called his 
own tailor, and dhrected him to make the proposed 
suit Chickatabot presented his host with t\i'o large 
skins of coat-beaver, so called, paid the proper hon- 
ours to a dinner prepared for him and his attendants, 
and took his leave, promising to return for his clothes 
in three days. This was the 13th of April On the 
15th he came again, and the Governor then arrayed 
him in the new sui^ which had been promptly made 
ready for his use, and also entertained him at dinner. 
If the Sachem had behaved soberly on his first visit, 
he deserves still higher praise for the improvement 
which is evident in his manners since that time. He 
would not eat now — savage as he was — at the hospi- 
table boar^ of his Christian host, until the latter had 
craved the customary blesong which attended his 
own meals ; and, * after meat, he dedred him to do the 
like, and so departed. ' ^ 

Nor did Chickatabot receive only compliments and 
new clothes from his Boston ally. Substantial jus- 
tice was rendered to him and his subjects, whenever 
emergency required ; and an Englishman was pun- 


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Ished, at least as promptly and severely for a trespaaa 
upon him or them, as an Indian would have beea 
expected to be punished for the same offence against 
the whites. To illustrate by an instance, — ^in the lat- 
ter part of 1631, Chickatabot appeared in Court at 
Boston, and complained of one Josias Plastowe, for 
stealing a quantity of his com. Evidence of the 
charge having been produced, sufficient to convict 
the offender, me Court gave judgment as follows : 

'^ It is ordered, that Josias I^lastowe shall, for steal- 
ing four baskets of corn from the Indians, return them 
eight bai^ets again, be fined five pounds, and hereaf- 
ter be called by the name of Josias, and not Mr. as 
formerly as he used to be; and that William Buck- 
land and Thomas Andrew, [servants] shall be whip- 
ped for being accessary to the same offence." 

Chicatabot knew how to value this honorable pol- 
icy of the Government, and was grateful for it But 
even earlier than the date of the transaction last re- 
ferred to, he had himself set the example which that 
Government, so far as regarded him, did but follow. 
The following single paragraph, taken from the same 
authority which reconds the sentence of Plastowe, is 
among the evidence to this effect : 

^ At a Court, John Sagamore and Chickatabot, be- 
ing told at last Court of some injuries that their men 
did to our cattle, and giving consent to make satis- 
faction, &;c. now one of their men was complained 
of for shooting a pig, &c for which Chickatabot was 
ordered to pay a smsJl skin of beaver, which he pres- 
ently paid.'* So in August of the next year, two of 
the Sachem's men havinff been proved guilty of as- 
saulting some of the settlers at Dorchester in their 
houses, were detained in the bilboes, until Chickatabot 
could be notified of the fact, and requested to beat 
them, * whkh ht did,^ 

**< The most usuall custome amongst them," 8a;p8 Rog* 
er WilUams, of the Indians, <' isfcr the Sacbim either to 
beate, or whip, or put to death with his owne hand, to 

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It is obvious to remark, how mach more satisfiic- 
tory this course must have been to him, than the 
morr violent mode of doing themselves justice, would 
have been, which was pursued by many English au- 
thorities on most occasions of a similar description. 
It was dealing with him, as they wished to be dealt 
vnth ; which policy, whether under the circumstan- 
ces required by strict justice or not, was unquestion- 
ably best calculated to effect the end proposed in 
each particular case, as well as to secure the general 
affection and respect of the Indians. It may be re- 
marked here, without impropriety, that the conduct 
of the Massachusetts Grovemment towards Chickata- 
bot is no more than a just specimen of the course 
they usually pursued towards his countrymen. The 
exceptions are few and far between. 

It is specially worthy of notice, that Chickatabot 
was nev^ called to account for the part which he 
took in the combination of the Indians against Mas- 
ter Weston's infiunOus s^lement at Weymouth, of 
which we shall presently have occasion to make fur- 
ther mention. And yet, there was not only some 
reason for su^ecting him, on account of his vicinity 
to the residence of Uie chief ringleaders ; but it ap- 
pearp clearly, that he was known to be encaced, and 
tiiat to such an extent, as to be considered by some 
the instigator and manager of the whole bunness. 
Wimess, for example, the following extract from a 
letter written by Governor Dudley to the Countess of 
Lincoln, in England, and bearing date at Boston, 
March 12th, 1630 : 

^ There was about the same time, one Mr. Weston, 
an English merchant, who sent divers men to plant 
and trade who sate down by the river of Wesagus- 
cus ; but these coming not for so good ends as those 
of Plymouth, sped not so well ; for the most of them 
dying and languishiog away, they who survived wen 

which the common sort mogt quietly submit." Key to 
THV Ind. Lanouaojes 

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rescued by those ofPlymoutk out of the hands o/'Chick- 
ATALBOTT, ttTid kis huHons, who oppressed those xoeak 
EngUsh, dad intended to have destroyed them^ &c. 
The writer then goes on to mention a settlement soon 
After attempted near the same place by one Wollas- 
ton, and a company of some thirty men, whose history 
may be profitably noticed very briefly, for the purpose 
of comparing the Plymouth with the Massachusetts 

One of the Wollaston crew, mentioned by Prince, 
in 1625, as having been a kind of pettifogger in Eng- 
land, was Thomas Morton. This person became a 
notable disturber of the peace ; cheating the Indians 
in trade, and spending the profits with his compan- 
ions in rioting ; drinking, as the annalist just cited 
specifies, ** ten pound worth of wine and spirits in the 
morning," besides setting up a may-pole for the Indian 
women to dr^nk and dance about, *^ with worser prac- 

But although Thomas changed the name of Wol- 
laston to Merry Mouni,\ his jollity was not to last for- 
ever. Mr, Endecott, of the Massachusetts Company, 
who landed at Salem in the summer of 1628, visited 
Master Morton within two months from his arrival, 
and changing Merry Mount to Mount Dagon, took 
active measures for correcting that riotous settlement. 
These were not entirely successful, and even when 
Morton was at length arrested and sent to England 
for punishment, he was not only liberated, but sent 
back again : ** upon which," as Prince writes, " he 
goes to his old nest at Merry Mount" This was in 
JL629. In the summer of the next year, the Massa- 
chusetts colonists came over with Winthrop and Dud- 
ley ; and ds early as September of that season, we 
find the following order taken upon Master Morton's 
case by tlie Court of Assistants : — 

" Ordered, that Master Thomas Morton of Mount 
Wollaston shall presently be set in the bilbows, and 

* Mass. His. Coll. t Prince's Annals, 1625. 

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IKDIAN biogKafby; S3 

after sent prisoner to England by the ship called the 
Gift ; that all his goods be seized to defmy the charge 
of his transportation, payments of his debts, and to 
give satisfaction to tke Indians for a canoe he took un^ 
jtisUy from them ; and that his house be burnt down to 
the grotmd in sight of the Bidians,for their satisfaction 
for many wrongs he has done themJ^ 

If this summary course had been taken with Wes- 
ton and his banditti, there might have been, as we 
shall see, the saving of the lives of many innocent 
men. If it could not be taken by the English, who 
were appealed to, some allowance at least might have 
been made for those who were finally compelled to 
assume the administration of justice. 

In the case of Chickatabot, though not in all, such 
allowance was made. It also appears, that no evil 
consequences arose from this pdhcy, but much the 
reverse. The sachem was uniformly the more ready 
to give all the satisfaction in his power, and no doubt 
partly because it was rather requested of him than 
required. When the Indians were said to be plotting 
against the English in 1632, and much apprehension 
was excited in consequence, ** the three next Sagamores 
were sent for,*^ says Wintlirop, " who came presently 
to the Governor," and this is the last we hear of the 
Riatter. Chickatabot must have been one of them, 
and he explained away the causes of suspicions at 
once. Pursuingthis course, the Massachusetts Govern- 
ment continued upon good terms with him until his 
death, which was occasioned by the prevalent epi- 
demic, in the latter part of 1633. 

His descendants, to the thiixl generation at least, sev- 
eral of whom were persons of note, followed his own 
peaceful and firiendly example. Among the Suffolk 
records, there is still to be seen, a quitclaim deed from 
his grandson Jostas, — of Boston, the islands in the 
harbor, &c. ^ to the proprietated inhabitants of Bos- 

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Ftrther acicount of Master Weston's settlement, andtlM 
moyements of the Indians against him— AtriNET, th« 
Nauset, supposed to be en^raged in that aifair-^His 
tribe and power — Prpyoci^tions from the English- 
Magnanimous re^irefige of the Sachem — His hospitality 
and kindness— Friendly intercourse with Plymouth- 
Is visited by ffOTernor Bradford — By captain Standish 
— Is suspected of hostility by Plymouth, and pursued 
by Standish — His death — Career and character of Ir- 
▲irouGH, the * Courteous Sachem of Cummaquid*— !• 
suspected and pursued — ^Hls death. 

Having neceflsarily, inthecouneof jiudce to some 
indiyiduals heretofore noticed, animadyerted on the 
early Indian policy of Plymouth, we shall deyote this 
chapter to the further conflideration of certain fiiots 
bearing upon that subject, and especially as connected 
with the case of Weston. These fiicts cannot be bet- 
ter set f<Mth, than they are in the liyes of two among 
the most remarkable natiyes who held mteroourse 
with the Goyemment in question. 

One of them was Aspiust, ihtJbrH open enen% as 
the Pokanoket Sachem was the nrst ally, whom the 
Plymouth settlement had the fortune to meet with. 
He ruled oyer a^ number of petty tribes, settled in ya- 
nous parts of what is now the county of Barnstable, 
all of whom are said to haye been ultimately subject , 
or at least subsidiary, to Massasoit. The principal 
among them were the Nausets, at Namskeket,* with- 
in the present limits of Orleans, and round about 

* A spot chosen with the usual sagacity of the Indians, 
and which at some period probably subsisted a large pop- 
ulation with its immense stores of the siekislmoi, or 
clam. A thousand barrels annually are said to haya 
been taken there in modem times, merely for fish-bait 
Mass, His. CoU. 

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the cove whicli separates that town fit)ni Easdiam. 
With this tribe Aspinet had his residence. 

Aspinet, we have observed, was the first open ene- 
my of the colonists ; and it will be admitted, that his 
hostility was not without cause. Of the twenty-four 
Indians kidnapped by Hunt, in 1614, twenty belonged 
to Patuxet, (or Plymouth,) and the residue were the 
subjects of the Nauset chieftain. When the Pilgrims 
came over, ak years aAer this abominable outrage, 
it happened, that upon landing in the harbor of Cape 
Cod, before reaching Plymouth, they sent out a small 
party in a shallop, to discover a proper place for a set- 
tlement. These men went ashore a little noith of 
the Great-Pond, in Eastham, and there they were 
suddenly attacked by the Nausets. The assailants 
were repulsed, but the English retreated in great 

Unquestionably, these men acted in obedience to 
the orders of Aspinet, instipted, as he must have 
been, by the remembrance of Hunt's perfidy. Wins- 
low, in his Relation, gives an anecting incident 
which occurred subsequently at this place, going to 
illustrate, very forcibly, the effect of such atrocious 
conduct cm the disposition of the natives. ^ One 
thing," he says, ** was grievous unto us at this place* 
There was an old woman, whom we judged to be no 
less than a hundred years old, which came to see us, be- 
cause she never saw English ; yet could not behold us 
without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and 
ciying excesEnvely. We demanding the reason of it ; 
they told us she had three aons^ who, when Master Hunt 
was in these partSy went aboard his ship to trade with 
him, and he carried them captives into Spain, hy which 
means she watt deprived of me comfort of her children in 
her old age /" The ^English made what explanation 
they could of the affair, and gave her a few " small 
trifles, which somewhat appeased her." 

The expedition alluded to in this case, which took 
place in the summer of 1621, was occasioned by the 
absence of an English boy, who had strayed aw^y 

II.— C 

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(rom the colony at Plymouth, and was underatood t» 
have lalien into Aspinet's hands. The accident gave 
that sacnem an opportunity of gratifying his revenge, 
which to him might have appeared providentiai 
But he was too intelligent a man to confound the in- 
nocent with the guilty ; and too noble to avail himself 
of a misfortune, even for humbling the pride of an 
enemy. When, therefore, the English party, on this 
occasion, havin^^ landed on his coast, s^nt Squanto to 
inform him amicably of the purpose for which they 
had come, — and with instructions perhaps to appeal 
to his better feelings, — ^he threw down his enmity at 
once with his arms. "After sun-set," — is the minutt 
but touching description given of this singular scene i-^ 
" Aspinet came with a great train, and brought the 
boy with him, one bearing him through the water. 
He had not less than an hundred with him, the half 
whereof came to the shallop-side unarmed with him ; 
the other stood aloof with their bows and arrows 
There he delivered up the boy, behung with beads, 
and made peace with us, we bestowing a knife on 
him ; and likewise on another that first entertained 
tlie boy, and brought him thither. So they departed 
from us."* It was indeed a magnanimous revenge. 

After this auspicious interview, a friendly inter- 
course was maintained for more than a year between 
the English and the Nausets. Supphes of com, beans 
and other provision, were obtainea of them to a large 
amount, at a period when the colonists were reduc^ 
almost to famine. The trade was conducted on both 
sides with justice, and therefore with confidence. 
GU)vemor Bradford, when he touched at Nami^kekeC, 
was treated with the highest respect On one occa- 
sion, his shallop beine stranded, it viras necessary to 
stack the com which had been purchased, and to 
leave it, covered with mats and sea^, in the care of 
the Indians. - The Govemor and his party travelled 
home, fifty miles, on foot. The com remained as he 

* Journal of ▲ Plavtatiom. 

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left it, from November to the following January, and 
when another shallop touched at Nauset, it was found 
in perfect safety. All this is auributed to Aspinet ; 
** Tht Sachim," we are told, " used the Goveraor very 
kindly.** The Indians were promised a reward for 
taking future good care of the com ; " which they 
undertook, and the Sachim promised to make good !" 
And again, ^the Sachim sent men to seek the shal- 
lop," and then sent the shallop to Plymouth within 
three days. 

He manifested the same good feeling and good 
faith at other times. When Standish landed at Nau- 
set, in the winter of 1622-3, an Indian crawled into 
his shallop about dusk, as it lay in a narrow creek, 
and carried off some beads, scissors and other small 
articles. The captain soon discovered the theft, and 
taking some of his crew with him, he went imme- 
diately to Aspinet,, made his complaint, and demanded, 
with some bravadoes, that either the articles or the 
criminal should be delivered to him forthwith. The 
Sachem took no ofience at his plainness of speech ; 
but not being prepared to give satisfaction on the in- 
stant, very composedly offered his visiter the hospi- 
talities of his wigwam till the matter could be settled 
as it should be. These were rejected, and Standish 
returned to his < rendezvous ' on the shore. The next 
morning, Aspinet made his appearance. Jle came 
marching down to the shore, with considerable pomp 
and circumstance, attended by an escort of his subjects, 

Erobably numerous enough to have overwhelmed the 
ttle party of Standish, and never at any former time 
found wanting in courage. But the object was to do 
justice, and not to enforce wrong. He approached 
the captain and saluted him by thrusting out his 
tongue, ** that one might see the root thereof, and 
therewith licked his hand fi"om the wrist to the fin- 
ger's end, withal bowing the knee, to imitate the 
English gesture, being instructed therein formerly by 
Tisquantum." His men followed the example as wen 
M they were able, but so awkwardly, with all their 

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zeal, as to furnish nolihle amaiMinent for the civilized 
cpectators of the scene. Aspinet now gave up the 
stolen artides, observing that he had beaten the thief 
soundly, and '^ seeming to be very sorry for the fact, 
but glad to be reconciled.^ The interview closed 
with a liberal provision of excellent bread upon his 
part, which he had ordered his women to bake and 
imng in whatever quantities it was wanted. 

But notwithstanding all the pains which the chief 
of the Nausetstook to maintain a good understanding 
with his new neighbors, he was destined to incur their 
suspicion, and to m'eet with a miserable ruin under 
the weight of their hostility. When the English 
visited Afassasoit, in his sickness, early in 1623, that 
chiefhun disclosed to them, by the medium of Hoba- 
mock, the particulars of an extensive combination, 
reported to be formed among the Indian tribes, 
^against Master Weston's cok)ny at Weymouth," as 
Winslow expresses it, " and so against usJ* The Mas- 
sachusetts Indians were ringleaders in the affair, it 
was said ; but Aspinet, and the sachems of many 
other settlements, including even Capawack, (Martha's 
Vineyard) were charged with being privy to it 

Whether they v/ere so or not, need not be discus- 
Bed, and cannot be decided. It is observable, however, 
in relation to Aspinet, that the evidence of Massasoit, 
which was the only evidence in the case, went to 
show, that "^ men of Massachusetis,^ were the au* 
ihofs of the intended business." This very much 
confirms our conclusion to the same effect, in the Life 
of Chickatabot But, ffranting all that is charged, it 
may easily be imagined how much provocation the 
Indians had received from Weston's notorious ban- 
ditti, and how much reason they had to make com- 
mon cause against them in then* own self-defence. 
Winslow himself t>ear8 Mritness, that immediately after 
Weston's settlement was commenced, ** the Indians 
filled our ears vnth clamors against them, for stealing 
tkieir com, and other abuses ;^ as also that the Plym<* 

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.0U& Gorernment *^ knew no way to redress those (dnh 
ses, seme reproof,^ 

It seems^ to have been hardly considered, — when 
the English undertook to wage a preventative or pre- 
cautionary war, as they did, upon all the parties ac- 
cused by Massasoit, — not only that the good Sachem 
might be misinformed by rivals or enemies of those 
parties ; and that there might be a fault upon their 
own side ; but also that the Indians might well be 
disposed to punish the Weymouth ruffians, without 
necessarily carrying their hostilities any farther. 
They looked upon Weston's clan as one tribe, and up- 
on the Plymouth people as another; and the con- 
duct of the two settlements respectively had hitherto 
given good cause for the distinction. 
' But whatever was the truth or justice of the case, 
the result is a matter of no uncertainty. Captain 
Standish proceeded to ^ try his conclusions,^ according 
to the phraseology of the times, much as John Smith 
would have done in his stead, upon such of the sav- 
ages as were most suspected. Several were killed, 
wounded and captured, ** and this sudden and unex- 
pected execution,'' writes our historian, "together 
witli the just judgement of God upon their own guil- 
ty consciences, so terrified and amazed the other peo- • 
pie who intended to join with the Massachuseuks 
against us, as in like manner they forsook their hou- 
ses, — running to and fro like men distracted, — living 
in the swamps, and other desert places, — and so 
brought manifold diseases amongst themselves, where- 
of very many are dead." Among these unfortunate 
persons was the Sachem of Nauset: and tlius miser- 
ably perished a man at least deserving the credit of 
having rendered numerous and generous favors to a 
people, who had been in tlie first instance flagrant 
trespassers upon his dominion, as they were finally 
the cause of hb death. 

iTANOueH, sometimes «ntitled the 'Courteous Sa- 
chem of Cummaquid,' ruled over the Indians at that 
place, which was otherwise called Mattak e ea^ or 

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Mattakiest, and. was included in what has since been 
the eastern part of the township of Barnstable and 
the western part of Yarmouth. 

The kindness of the Sachem and his subjects to- 
wards such of the English as first made their ac* 
quaintance, amply accounts for the compliment im- 
plied in his title. The same party which, as we have 
seen, went in pursuit of the Plymouth boy, put in at 
Cummaquid for the first night, and unfortunately an- 
chored in a situation, where at low water they found 
themselves aground. In the morning they espied 
savages near the shore, looking for lobsters. Squanto 
was sent to inform them of the object of the visit of 
the English, and to assure them of their friendly dis- 
position. Thus addressed, the Indians answei'ed that 
the boy was very well, but at Nauset ; yet, since the 
English were so near their territory, it was^ hoped 
they would take the trouble to come ashore and eat 
with them. The invitation was accepted by six of 
the party, who landed as soon as their shallop was 
afioat, leavuag four of the Indians voluntary hostages 
with the residue of the crew. 
, They were conducted to the residence of lyanough; 
a man described as not exceeding twenty six years of 
age, but very personable, gentle, courteous, rair-con- 
dltioned, and indeed not luce a savage, save for his 
attire.^ This entertainment is said to have been an- 
swerable to his ' parts,' and his cheer plentiful and 
various. The Enghsh tarried with him until afler 
dinner, and then reembarked for Nauset ; lyanough 
and two of his men going with them on board the 
shallop. The latter retunied on foot, when the de- 
sign of the expedition was accomplished. The Eng- 
lish sailed' for Plymouth with a head wind, but were 
obliged to put in again for the shore, where they met 
with their fellow-passenger, the Sachem. He came 
out to greet them, with most of his subjects, in com* 
pany, men, women and cliikiren: ^and being stiL. 

«' I I I I I ■ m i I I > 


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willing to gratify us," says the historian, " took arund- 
let, and led our men in the dark a great way for wa- 
ter, but could find none cood ; yet brought such as 
there was on his neck with them." In the meantime, 
the women joined hand in hand, and began to dance 
and sing upon the stand near the shallop ; the men 
showed all the kindness in their power; and the 
interview ended with lyanough himself taking a 
bracelet from about his neck, and han^ng it upon 
that of the person who acted as the leader of the 
English. His visitors took their leave of him, and 
**by God's providence came safely home that night" 

All that we hear of lyanough, afler this, ^oes to 
confirm the estimate which these particulars induce 
one to form of his character. He supplied the colo- 
ny with a large quantity of provisions, in a period of 
great need ; and as late ae February 16^ when Stan- 
dish went to Mattakiest on a similar entrnd, it is ad- 
mitted that he not only < pretended' his wonted love, 
but spared a good quantity of com to confirm the 
same.^ The account given of that meeting closes 
"with the following language. It is the more noticea- 
ble as illustrating the temper of Standish in cases of 
excitement and the kind of evidence a^inst the In- 
dians, by which, through him, the colonists were like- 
ly to be satisfied. 

" Strangers," writes the historian, " also came to this 
place, pretending only to see him (Standish,) and his 
company, whom they never saw before that time, 
,but tntending to join with the rest to kill them, as af- 
ter appeared. But being forced through extremity [of 
weather] to lodge in their houses, which they much 
pressed, God possessed the heart of the Captain with 
just jealou^, giving strait command, that as one part 
of his company slept, the rest should wake, declaring 
some things which he understood, whereof he could 
make no good constructions." We are then informed, 
that some beads were stolen from him in the night 

* Winalow's Relatiov. 

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Upon this, lie drew out his men, and stationed them 
around the wigwam of lyanougb, wliere many of his 
people were collected. He threatened to fall upon 
them forthwith, unless satisfaction should be made ; 
and seated his indignation upon the Sachem with an 
especial emphasis. lyanough exerted himself to dis- 
cover the criminal. An adjustment of the difficulties 
was at length effected ; and then the Indians good 
faumouredly brought in com enough to fill the shal- 
lop. ** Finally, this accident so daunted their courage, 
as they durst not attempt any thing against him ; so 
that through the good means and providence of God 
they returned in safety.** 

It is not difficult to be seen that there was more 
prejudice against lyanough and his subjects, than 
proof. Their hospitality only made them suspected. 
On the other hand, the real hostility which they may 
or may not have felt towards the scoundrels and 
thieves who composed Master Weston's settlement at 
Weymouth, was firet taken for granted, and then 
amplified into a cause of premature retaliation on the 
part of the people of Plymouth, It was about this 
very time, that the Indians were making the most ur- 
gent complaints against Weston — ** how exceedingly," 
to quote again from the Relation itself, "that 
company abased themselves by undirect means to 
get victuals from the Indians ;" and how " others by 
night robbed the Indians' store, for which they had 
been publickly stocked and wliipped, and yet there 
was little amendment," &c. 

If lyanough had indeed shown himse!f a little shy 
of his old acquaintances in the case last alluded to, it 
were not much to be wondered at ; especially consid- 
ering the violence of the worthy but warm-blooded 
captain, and also the fact that Plymouth, though 
duly and distinctly appealed to, had given the Indians 
no redress. It is somewhere intimated in the ancient 

J'oumals, that certain Indians, — and testimony of this 
cind seems to have been received without much sus- 
picAODy-Hstated that lyanough had been soUcUedXo join 

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the Massachusetts against the whites. But this cer- 
tainly, if true, was no crime. MaSsasoit himself ac- 
knowledged, that he was solicited. 

On the whole, not to enlarge on the minutiae of a 
case, which at best can afford no pleasure to those 
who feel their own honor involved in the memory of 
Standish and his Plymouth brethren, we can hardly 
record the fate of the kind and gentle lyanough, the 
Courteous Sachem, on his own soil, in the prime of his 
days, without a blush and a sigh together for the mis- 
take and the misfortune. Insulted, threatened, pur- 
sued, by an enemy whom no restitution could satisfy, 
and who suspected equally his caresses and fears, he 
fled in consternation and died iu despair. 

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ISaminary account of the Five Nations — ^Their early 
history — Go vemment — Conquests — Population — Ter- 
ritory — Intercourse with European ^ Colonies — Their 
war with the Adirondacks — Adventures of Piskaret 
— ^Their negotiations with the French, in 1684 — Anec- 
dotes of the Onondaga Chief, Garangula — His speech 
at the Council, and effects of it — Remarks on his 
character — History of the Five Nations continued to 
the time of Adario- -His exploits — Their object and 
results — War between the confederates and the 
French — Adventures of Black-Kettle. 

Having concluded our notices of the most eminent 
Indians of New-England, it now becomes proper, 
following merely the progress of history, to turn our 
attention to another section of country, and to a peri- 
od of time which has not yet furnished us any con- 
siderable share of its abundant material. We refer 
to the Middle States, and particularly to a large por- 
tion of the State of New- York, which, with other 
neighboring territory, was formerly occupied by that 
famous confederacy commonly called, by the Eng- 
lish, the Five Nations. Owing to circumstances 
not necessary here to be detailed, these tribes — and, 
as an almost necessary consequence, all the dis- 
tinguished individuals they produced — came forward 
in their intercourse with the foreign colonies around 
them, to fill the prominent station before filled by the 
Indians of New-England, much as the latter bad, in 
their turn, succeeded the red men of the South. 

The Five Nations were the Mohawks, the Onei- 
das, the Cayugas, the Onondagas and the Senecaa. 
The Virginian Indians gave them the name of Mas 
sawomekes ; the Dutch called theih Maquas, or Ma« 
kakuase ; and the French, Iroquois. Their appella 

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tion at home was the Mingoes, and sometimes the 
AgaDuschion, or United People.* 

When the French settled in Canada, in 1603, tliey 
found the Iroquois living where Moiitreal now stands. 
They were at war with the Adirondacks, — a power- 
ful tribe residing three hundred miles above Trois- 
Rivieres, — ^in consequence of the latter having treach- 
erously murdered some of their young men. Pre- 
vious to this date, their habits had been more agricul- 
tural than warlike ; but they soon perceived tJie ne- 
cessity of adopting a different system. The Adiron- 
dacks drove them from their own country, and they 
retreated to the borders of the lakes, where they have 
ever since lived. This misfortune it was, — ostensibly 
at least a misfortune, — which gave the earliest im- 
pulse to the subsequent glorious career of these Ro- 
mans of the West. 

Fortunately for them, their sachems were men of 
a genius and spirit which adversity served only to 
stimulate and renew. They, finding their countiy- 
men discouraged by the discomfiture suffered on the 
banks of the St. Lawrence, induced them to turn 
their arms against a less formidable nation, called the 
Satanas, then dwelling v^ith themselves near the 
lakes. That people they subdued, and expelled fi*om 
their territory. Encouraged by success, and strength- 
ened by discipline, they next ventured to defend 
themselves against t{ie inroads of their old conquer- 
ors on the north ; and at length the Adirondacks were 
even driven back, in their turn, as far as the neigh- 
borhood of what is now Quebec. 

But a new emergency arose. The French made 
common cause with the nation just named against 
their enemies, and brought to the contest the important 
aids of civilized science and art. The Five Nations 
had now to set wisdom and wariness, as well as cour- 
age and discipline, against an alliance so powerful 

• Governor Clinton's Discourse before N. Y. H» Soci- 
ety: 1811. 

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Their captains came forward again, and tauffht them 
the policy of fighting in small parties, and of making 
amends for inferior force, by surprisal and stratagem* 
The result was, that the Adirondacks were nearly ex« 
terminated, while the Iroquois, proudly exalting 
themselves on their overthrow, grew rapidlv to be 
the leading tribe of the whole north, and finally of 
the wliole continent 

The efibrts necessary to attain that ascendant, may 
be fairly estimated from the character of the first van- 
quisher and the first victim. The Adirondacks fought 
long and desperately. In the end they adopted their 
adversaries' plan of sending out small parties, and of 
relying especially on their captains. Five of these 
men, alone, are said, by their astonishing energy and 
bravery to have well nigh turned the balance of the 

One of the number was Piskaret, in his own day 
the most celebrated chieftain of the north. He and 
his four comrades solemnly devoted themselves to 
the purpose of redeeming the sullied glory of the na« 
tion, at a period when tl^ prospect of conquest, and 
perhaps of defence, had already become desperate. 
They set out for Trois Rivieres in one canoe ; each 
of them being provided with three muskets, which 
they loaded severally with two bullets, connected by 
a small chain ten inches in length. In Sorel River, 
they met with live boats of the Iroquois, each having 
on board ten men. As the parties rapidly came to- 
gether, the Adirondacks pretended to give themselves 
up for lost, and began howfingthe death-song. This 
was continued tin their enemy was just at hand. 
They then suddenly ceased singly, and fired simul- 
taneously on the iye canoes. The charge was re- 
peated with the arms which lay ready loaded, and the 
sHght bhrhes of the Iroqums were torn asunder, and 
the frightened occupants tumbled overboard as fast 
as possible. Piskaret and his comrades, after knock- 
ing as many of them on the head as they pleased, re- 
lerved the remainder ta §M their revenge, wbiefa 

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irasttxm afterwards dcme by burning them alive in 
the most cruel tortures. 

This exploit, creditable as it might be to the actors 
ID the eyes of their countrymen, served only to shar- 
pen the fierce eagerness for Wood which still raged 
m the bosom of Piskaret. His next enterprise was 
far more hazardous than the former: and so much 
morc'so, indeed, even in prospect, that not a single 
warrior would bear him company. He set out alone, 
therefore for the country of the Five Nations, (with 
which he was well acquainted,) about that period of 
the spring when the snow was beginning to melt. 
Accustomed, as an Indian must be, to all emergencies 
of travelling as well as war&re, he took the precau- 
tion of putting the hinder part of his snowrshoes for- 
ward, so that if his footsteps should happen to be ob- 
served by his vigilant enemy, it might be supposed he 
was gone the contrary way. For further security he 
went along the ridges and high grounds, where the 
mow was melted, that his track might be lost. 

On coming near one of the villages of the Five Na- 
tions, he concealed himself until night, and then en- 
tered a cabin, while the inmates were fast asleep, 
murdered the whole family, and carried the scalps 
to his lurking-place. The next day, the people of 
the village sought for the murderer, but in vain. He 
came out ai^in at midnight, and repeated his deed 
gf blood. The third night, a watch was kept in every 
liouse, and Piskaret was compelled to exercise more 
caution. But his purpose was not abandoned. He 
bundled up the scalps he had already taken, to carry 
home with bim as a proof of his victory, and then 
stole warily firom house to house, until he at last dis- 
eovered an Indian nodding at his post This man he 
despatched at a blow, but that blow alarmed the 
■eighborhood, and he was forced immediately to fly 
for his life. Being, however, the fleetest Indian then 
alive, he was under no apprdiensioB of danger firom 
the chase. He suffered his pursuers to approach him 
fi'om time to time, and Uien suddenly darted away 
U.— D 

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from them, hoping in this manner to dicNHnirage m 
well as escape them. When the evening came on, he 
hid himself, and his enemies stopped to rest. Feel- 
ing no danger from a single enemy, and he a fugitivoi 
they even indulged themselves in sleep. Piskaret^ 
who watched every movement, turned about, ^ock« 
every man of them on the head, added their scalps to 
his bundle, and leisurely resumed his way home. 

To return to the Five Nations. The career of vic- 
tory, which began with the fall of the Adirondacks, 
was destined to be extended beyond all precedent in 
the history of the Indian tribes. They exterminated 
the Eries or Crigas, once livui£ou the south side of 
the lake of their own name. They nearly destroyed 
the powerful Anderstez, and the Chouanons or Show- 
anons. They drove back the Hurons and Ottawass 
among the Sioux of the Upper Mississippi, where 
they separated themselves into bands, ^ procls^minjg 
wherever they went, the terror of the Iroquois.*** 
The Illinois on the west also were subdued, with the 
Miamies and the Shawanese. The Niperceneans of 
the St. Lawrence fled to Hudson's Bay, to avoid - 
their fury. ^ The borders of the Outaoius," says an 
historian, " which were long thickly peopled, became 
almost deserted."! The Mohawk was a name of ter- 
ror to the farthest tribes of New-England : and though 
but one of that formidable people should appear for 
a moment on the hills of the Connecticut or Massa- 
chusetts, the villages below would be in an uproar of 
confusion and fear. Finally they conquered the tribe 
of Virginia, west of the Allegbanies ; and warred 
against the Catawbas, Cherokees, and most of the 
nations of the South. 

The result of this series of conquests, was, that the 
Five Nations finally became entitled, or at least laid 
claim, to all the territory not sold to the English, from 
the mouth of Sorel River, on the south side of lakes 
Erie and Ontario, on both sides of the Ohio, until il 

* Herriot's History of Canada. tibid. 

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fills into the Mississippi ; and on the north side of 
these iakes, the whole tract between the Outawas riv- 
er and lake Huron.* The historian, Douglas, esti- 
mates their territory at about 1200 miles in length, 
from north to south, and from 700 to 800 miles in 

The most moderate account of their population we 
have seen, was published by an Agent of Virginia, 
who held a conference at Albany with their chiefs, 
in 1677. The warriors were then numbered as fol- 

Mohawks, 300 

Qneidas, aOO 

Onondagas, ------ 350 

Cayugas, 300 

Senecas, 1000 

Total, 2150 

This would make the whole population about 7000. 
Even so late as the Revolutionary war, the British 
had in their service, according to the calculation of 
their own agents, 

Mohawks, 300 

Oneidas, - ----- 150 

Onondagas, ------ 300 

Cayugas, 230 

Senecas, ------ 400 

To which must be added 200 Tuscaroras — a tribe ex- 
pelled from North Carolina in 1712, and received by 
the Five Nations, to constitute a sixth member of the 
Confederacy. We must also add 220 warriors who 
adhered to die United States. The whole number 
actually engaged in the contest would then amount 
to 1800. 
. The Five Nations entered into a treaty of peace 

• Smith's History of New- York. 

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with the Dutch soon after their settlement in New- 
York. They treated with the English subsequently 
on the same terms ; and this memorable engagement 
remained inviolate for more than a century, during 
all the revolutions and machinations of the French 
and English governments, on either side. With the 
former of these people they were often at war. 

About the year 1684, the French availed themselves 
of a peace with the Five Nations, to build forts at 
several important places on the northern waters, and 
to make many arrangements for extending their do- 
minion and commerce among the numerous tribes of 
the north and west. Their only opposition came 
from the Confederates. The Senecas who were the 
most numerous and the nearest, were particularly 
troublesome in cutting off supplies of anununition, 
sent by the French among their tribes, who hunted 
for them. At lenf:th, M. De la Barre, the Grovemor 
of Canada, comnlained of these injuries to the Eng- 
lish, who were known to have great influence over 
their Indian allies. Meanwhile he took vifforous 
measures for frightening the Five Natrons into friend- 
ship. He ordered his vessels on the lakes to be re- 
paired ; and collected at Cadaraqui fort all the forces 
of Canada. But the nature of the soil at this station, 
where he was detained six weeks in the heat of sum- 
mer, occasioned sickness and embarrassment in his • 
army, and he found the prospect utterly hopeless of 
effectingany thins, unless it might be by treaty. He 
sent messengers, therefore, to some of the Five Na- 
tions, to induce a negotiation. 

These movements the En^ish Comnnander at Al- 
bany, Colonel Dungan, exerted himself to counteract 
The Mohawks and Senecas promised him that they 
would not go near the French. But the remaining 
three tribes would not even hear the messages he sent 
them, except in presence of the priests and other dep- 
uties who had already brought an invitation ftom the 
French GoveAior to meet him in Council, at Kaiho- 

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hage.* ^ Should we not go to him after all thifl en 
treaty,'* said they in answer to the English, " when h^ 
is come so far, and so near to us ? Certainly. If we 
do not, we shall deser\'e no favour. You say we aro 
subjects to the King of England and the Duke oi 
York. We say we are brethren, and take care of oujp 
selves." t • 

The event justified tills independence. The moM 
distiuguished of the confederate chieftains was Ga- 
liANouiiA, the )Mide of the Onondaga tribe. He w(M 
now advanced in years, but had lost nothing of hia 
energies. Taking thirty warriors with him, he went 
with La Maine, the French Deputy, to meet the Cana- 
dian Governor at Kaihohage. At the end of two 
days afler reaching that place, a Council was held. 
The French officers formed a semi-circle on one side, 
which the Indians completed on the other ; and the 
Governor then addressed himself to Garangula. 

" The kiug, ray master," he began, " being inform- 
ed that the Five Nations have often infringed the 
peace, has ordered me to come hkher with a guard, 
and to send Ohguesse (La Maine) to the Onondagas, 
to bring the Chief Sachem to my camp." He then 
went on to require Garangula, — as a condition prece- 
dent to the treaty which might be granted him, — to 
promise, in the name <^ the Five Nations, that 
entire reparation should be given the French for 
the past, and entire security for the future. In case 
of refusal, they were threatened with war. Again, 
they were charged with violence committed upon the 
French traders, and upon Indian nations under French 
protection ; and with having introduced the English 
-to trade in the neighborhood of the lakes. This also 
was cause of war. ' Finally, said the Grovernor, with 
no very scrupulous regard to truth, upon one point at 
least, *' I shall be extremely grieved if my words do 
not produce the effect I anticif late from them ; for 

* On I^ake Ontarib, and called by the French La^ 
i Colden*s History of the Five Nations. 

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then I shall be obliged to join with the Goremor of 
New- York, who is commanded by his master to assist 
me, and bum the casdes of the Five Nadons, and de- 
gtroy you.** 

This crafty speech was designed to strike a terror 
into the Indians; and Garangula was undoubtedly 
surprised by a style of expression which contrasted so 
strongly with the smooth and soft words of La Maine 
and the priests. But fear never entered his bosom ; 
and he had the additional advantage of good informa- 
tion respecting the true state of the French Army. 
He knew that the Governor's insolence proceeded in 
fiict from his impotence ; bravado was his last resort. 
Durin|[ the speech, hoWever, he manif^ted no emo- 
tion of any kind, but kept his eyes composedly fixed 
on the end of his own pipe. But the moment the 
Grovernor had ceased, he rose up, walked ^ye or six 
times about the council'K^ircle, and then returned to 
his place, where he spoke standing, while La Barre 
remained in his elbow-chair. 

" Yonondio !" he began — addressing the Governor 
by the dtle always given to that Canadian officer by 
the Five Nations — ^** Yonondio! — I honor you, and 
the warriors that are with me all likewise honor you* 
Your interpreter has finished your speech; I now 
be^n mine. My words make haste to reach your 
ears. Hearken to them. 

"Yonondio! — You must have believed when you 
left Quebec, that the sun had burnt up all the forests, 
which render our country inaccessible to the French, 
or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that 
they had surrounded our casdes, and that it was im- 
possible for us to get out of them. Yes, surely you 
must have dreamed so, and tlie curiosity of seeing so 
great a wonder, has brought you so far. JSToto you 
are undeceived. I and the warriors here present, are 
come to assure you, that the Senecas, Cayugas, Onon- 
dagos, Oneidas and Mohawks are yet ahve. I thank 
you in their name, for bringing back into then* coun- 
try the calumet, which your predeceaior xecei?ed from 

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their hands. It was hai^ for you, that jou left uo* 
der ground that murdering hatchet, so oiten dyed in 
the blood of the French. 

^ Hear, Yonondio ! — I do not sleep. I have my * 
eyes open. The sun, which enlightens me, discov- 
ers to me a great captain at the head of a company 
of soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. Ho 
says, that he only came to the lake to smoke on the 
great calumet with the Onondagas. But GarangtUa 
says, that he sees the. contrary ; that it was to knock 
them on the head, if sickness had not weakeped the 
arms of the French. I see Yonondio raving in, a 
camp of sick men, whose lives the Great Spirit has 
saved by inflicting this Edckness on thedi. 

" Hear Yonondio ! — Our women had taken their 
clubs, our children and old men had carried their 
bows and arrows into the heart of your camp, if our 
warriors had not disarmed them, and kept them back, 
when vour messenger came to our castles. It is dcme 
and I have said it. 

Hear, Yonondio! — ^We plundered none of the 
French, but those that carried guns, powder and balls 
to the Twightwies and Ghictfi^icks, because those 
arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow 
the example of the Jesuits, who break all the kegs of 
rum brought to our castles, lest the drunken Indians 
should knock tbem on the head. Our warriors have 
not beaver enough to pay for all the arms they have 
taken, and our old men are not afraid of the war« 
This belt preserves noy words. 

« We carried the Englbh into our lakes, to trads 
there with the Utawawas and Quatoghies, as the Adi* 
rondacks brought the ifrench to our castles, to carry 
on a trade, which the English say is theirs. We ars 
bom fnse. We neither depend on Yonondio nor 
Corlear.* We may go where we please, and carry 
with us whom we please, and buy and sell what wo 
|dease. If your aUies be your slaves, use them as 

* The name thaj gave (he Govemom of New-Y<Mrk. 

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Micfa, comrnaBd them to receive no other but your 
people. This beU preserves my words. 

** We knock the Twightwies and Cbictaghicks oa 
Ihe head, because they had cut down the trees 
of peace, which were the limits of our country* 
They have hunted beaver on our lands, lliey have 
acted contrary to the customs of ail Tndtans, for they 
iefl none of the beavers alive, — they killed both male 
and female. They brought the Satanas into their 
country, te take part with them, after they had con- 
certed ill designs against us. We have done less 
than either the En^ish er French, that have usurped 
the lands of so many Indian nations, and chas^ them 
£rom their own country. This belt preserves my 

** Hear, Yencmdio-I-T-What i say is the voice of aH 
the Five Nations. Hear what they answer. Open 
your ears to what they speak* The Senecas, Cayu- 
gas, Onondagas, Oneidas aiMl Mohawks say, that 
when they buried the hatchet at Cadarackui, in the 
presence of your predecessor, in the middle of the 
fort, they planted the tree of peace in the same place, 
to be there carefully preserved : That in the place of 
aretreat for soldiers, chat ^>rt might be a rendezvous 
for meiv^hants : that in place o€ arms and ammuni- 
tion of war, beavers and merchandize should only 
enter there. 

" Hear, Yonoodio ! — ^Take «are for the future that 
BO great >a number ^f soldiers as appear there, do not 
choke the tree of peace planted in so «maU a fort .It 
willbeagreoit 4os8, af, afler it had so easily taken 
root, 3^)u should .stop ilB growth, and prevent its cov- 
ering your eountiy and ours with its branches. I as- 
sure you, in die name of the Five Nations, that our 
warrioM ehall ^anceto the^umet of peace under its 
leaves. They shall iremttin quiet on their mats, and 
shall never dig up 4he batebet, till iheir brother Yo- 
nondio, or •Corlear, shall either joinUy or separately 
endeavor to attack the country, which the Great Spir- 
it ^^m ^ivfifi to our jaooeBtanL This belt preserves 

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Ri^ woi^ and this odier ihe autfaonty which the 
Five Nations have given me." 

Here the orator paused for a moment, and then ad- 
dressed himself to Monsieur Le Maine, who stood near 
him, acting as interpreter. ^' Take courage, Ohgues- 
86 !" said he, " You have spirit — Speak ! Explain my 
words. Forget nothing. Tell all that your brethren 
and friends say to Yonondio, your Governor, by the 
mouth of Garangula, who loves you, and desires yon 
to accept of this present of beaver, and take part with 
me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present 
of beaver is sent to Yonondio, on the part of the Five 

Wlien this harangue was explained to the Grovem- 
or, he quietly left the council, and withdrew to his tent, 
disappointed and much incensed. Garangula, on the' 
other hand, feasted the French officers, and then went 
home. Nothing more was heard of the treaty ; and 
the French troops^ who had been ordered out, soon 
after made the best of their way to their own habita- 

The genuineness' of the speech we have given 
above, seems to be past dispute. It was recorded cm 
the spot by that enlightened historian. Baron La Hon- 
tan, m>m whom Golden and other subsequent wri- 
ters have borrowed it. Considering the circumstan- 
ces under which it was delivered, and esp^ially the 
surprise practiced by the Governor, it may certainly 
be regarded as an evidence of astonishing sagacity, 
spirit, and self-possession. Its proud courtesy, so 
different from the Frenchman's boisterous parade of 
idle threats, only adds to the sting of its saxfxem, as 
the imageiy gives weight to the argument An illus- 
trious statesman and scholar has placed it in the same 
rank with the celebrated speech of Logan.* But &6 
fame of Garangula must, at all events, rest upon this 
effort, for history makes no mention of him subsequent 
to the council of Kaihohage. 

* Discourse of Gk>v. Clinton. 

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About tbree jeaxB after that transactioD, another 
personage distinguished himself as much as the Onon- 
daga Chie^ though in a very dififereot manner. This 
was Adario, Ch^f Sachem of the Dinondadies, a tribe 
generally found among those in the French interest^ 
and opposed both to the Five Nations and the £ng- 
lish. The former Governm^it had consequently 
treated them with favor. But, notwithstanding these 
circumstances, they had latterly shown a strong dis- 
position to trade with the EngUish-^-and e^)ecially up- 
on one occasion, when the latter, guided by the Five 
Nations, had opened a commerce on the frontiers of 
Canada. That afidr, as Adario now observed, made 
ihem obnoxious to their ancient ally, the French ; 
and he therefore resolved, by some notable exploit, to 
redeem the character of his nation. 

FuU of this purpose, he marched from Micbilimack- 
inac, at the head of a hundred men ; and to act with the 
greater security, he took Cadaraqui fort in his way, 
for intelligence. The Commandant there inibfmed 
him, tliat the (Jovemor was now in expectation of 
concluding a peace with the Ffve Nations, and of re- 
ceiving a visit from their ambassadors in eight or ten 
days, ajt Montreal He desired him to retmrn home^ 
without attempting any thing which might obstruct so 
good a design. 

But Adario had another project in view. The 
Commandants information convinced him of the dan- 
ger theie was that his own nation, in the new ar- 
rangement, might be sacrificed to the French interest. 
DeUberajdng on the means proper to prevent such a 
result, he look iea«re of the officer, but not to return 
home. Knowing the route by which the Iroquois 
must necessarily come, he lay wait for them, with his 
company, at one of the falls of Cadaraqui river. 
Here he had patiently waited four or five days, when 
the Deputies made their appearance, guarded by for- 
ty young soldiers. These were suddenly set upon by 
the ambuscade, and all who were not killed were tak- 
en prisoners. When the latter were secured, Adario 
artfully told them, that, having been informed qf {heir 


Mproach hy ikt G&vemor tf Canada, he had secured 
this pass with the ahnost certain prospect of intercept- 

The Deputies were of course very much surprised 
at the Governor's conduct; and they finally express- 
ed themselves with such freedom, as to declare the 
whole object of their journey. Adario was, in his 
turn, apparently amazed and enref^ed. He swore re- 
venge upon the Grovemor, for having, as he said, 
made a tool of him, to commit his abominable treach- 
ery. Then, looking steadfastly on the prisoners, he 
said to them, *♦ Go, my brothers ! — I untie your band& 
I send you home again, though our nations be at war. 
The French Governor has made me commit so black 
an action, that I shall never be easy after it, till the 
Five Nations shall have had full revenge.** The 
Deputies, fbmished with ammunition and arms for 
their journey, and completely satisfied of the truth of 
Adario's declarations, returned to their own country, 
ailer having assured him that he and his nation inigbt 
make their peace when they pleased. 

This master-strdce of poHcy was seconded by an 
incident which occurred soon afterwards, and which 
the same cunning and vigilant spirit profited ^y to 
promote his design. In th6 surprisal or ^e Deputies^ 
Adario had lost one man, and had filled his place 
with a Satana prisoner, who had been before adopted 
into the Fivemtidns. This man he soon afterwards 
delivered to the French at Michilimackinac, probably 
at their request j and they, for the purpose of keeping 
up the enmity between the Dinondadies and Five 
Nations^ ordered hhn to be shot. Adario called one 
of the latter people, who had long been a prisoner, to 
be an eye-witness of his countryman's death. He 
then bade him make his escape to his own country, 
and there to give an account of the ferocious barbar- 
ity from which he had been unable to save a captive 
belonging to himself. 

The Five Nations hod already been upon the brink 
of war, IB eoBBequence of the r^^^esentations of tb^ 

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Dqnities. Their rage was now beyond all tioundBi 
The Grovemor, having obtained some information of 
the state of things, Sent messengers to disavow and 
expose the conduct of Adario; iKit they would listen 
to no messages; their souls thirsted for revenge. 
The war was undertaken immediately, and never 
was one more disastrous to Canada. Twelve hun- 
dred of the Iroquois invaded the province, while the 
French were still uncertain whether hostilities would 
commence. In July, 1688, they landed at La Chine, 
on the south side of the island of Montreal; and, 
keeping the Grovemor himself^ with his troops^ con* 
fined within the walls of the to¥m, they sacked all 
the plantations, and indiscriminately massacred men, 
women, and children. More than one thousand of 
the French were killed, and many were carried off 
captive, who afterwards shared the same fate. The 
Indian army lost but three men during the whole ex* 

The most distinguished of the Iroquois warrioni 
about this time, was one vrfaom the English called 
Black-Kettls. Golden speaks of him as a ' &mous 
hero ;' but few of his exploits have come down to these 
tun^ It is only known that he commanded laige* 
parties of his countrymen, who were exceedingly 
troublesome to the French. In 1691, he made an ir- 
ruption into the country round Montreal, at &e bead 
of several hunared men. He overran Canada, (say 
the French anna]ist8,)as a torrent does the low lands, 
when it overflows its banks, and there is nowith* 
standing it. The troops at the stations received or* 
dersto stand upon the defensive ; and it was not until 
the enemy were returning home victorious, after hay* 
inff desolated all Canada, that a force of four hundred 
soldiers was mustered to pursue them. Black-Kettle 
js said to have had but Mf that mirab^r with him at 
this juncture, but he gave battle, and fought cieflqf>er« 
ately. After losing twen^ naen slain, with some 
prisoners, he broke through the French ranks and 
inarched off, leaving a conadenihlemuiilMroftheea 
amy wounded and killed. 

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Five Nations continued. Remarks on their oratoiy— > 
Circumstances favorable to it — ^Account of a coun« 
cil of the Confederates at Onondaffa, in 1(>90 — An- 
ecdotes of various persons who attended it^— Speeches 
of SAoxKANAtis and other orators — ^Adarahta— 
The history and character of Dec anesora — His speech- 
es at the Albany council of 1694— Style of his elo- 
quence — His personal and political character — Other 
speeches and negotiations — Anecdotes of Sadekan- 

Enough perhaps has already appeared respecting 
the Five Natiotis to justify the observation of an em- 
inent v^riter, that they were no less celebrated for elo- 
quence than for military skill and political wisdom.* 
The same obvious circumstances prompted them to 
exce ence in all these departments ; but in the form- 
er, their relations with each other and with other 
tribes, together with the great influence which their 
reputation and power attached to the efforts of their 
orators abroad, gave them peculiar inducements, facili- 
ties and almost faculties for success. Among the 
Confederates, as among the Indians of all the East and 
South, a high respect was cherished for the warrior's 
virtues ; but eloquence was a certain road to popular 
favour. Its services were daily required in consulta- 
tions at home and communications abroad. The coun- 
cil-room was frequented like the Roman forum and 
the senate-house of the Greeks. Old and young 
went there together ; the one for discipline and dis-r 
tinction, and 3ie other "' to observe the passing scenes, 
and to receive the lessons of vnsdom.^f 

The kind of oratory for which Garangula and otili<? 

•Governor Clinton. tibid. 

n.— E 

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er public speakers of his Confederacy were disdn- 
guished, it cannot be expected of us to analyse with 
much precision. Indian oratory is generally pointed, 
direct, undisguised, unpolished; but forcible in ex- 
pression and delivery, brilliant in flashes of imagery, 
and naturally animated with graphic touches of hu- 
mor, pathos, or sententious declaration of high-toned 
principle, — according in some measure to the occasion^ 
but more immediately to the momentary impulse of 
the speaker as supported by his prevalent talent. (^ If 
die orators of the Five Nations differed much from 
this description, it was in qualities which they owed, 
independently of genius, to their extraordinaty 
opportunities of practice, and to the interest taken 
in their efforts by the people who heard, employed 
and obeyed them. 

^The speakers whom I have heard," says Mr. Col- 
den, *^ bad all a great^umcy ofwordsy and much mora 
grace in their manner y than any man could expect, 
among a people entirely ignorant of the liberal arts 
and sciences." He adds, that he had understood them to 
be — (not knowing their language himself)— very nice 
in the turn of their expressions ; though it seems but 
few of them were such masters of the art as never to 
offend their Indian auditories by an unpolite expres- 
sion. Their greatest speakers attained to a sort of 
tarbamku or cMicism.* 

For the purpose of better illustratinff some points 
which are barely alluded to in these observations, as 
well as to introduce several new characters, not easi- 
ly appreciated without th6 context of circumstances 
in which they appeared, we shall furnish a somewhat 
detailed account of a General Council of the Confed- 
erates holden at Onondaga, in January 1690. The 
object of it was to take order upon a message sent 
them firom the Count de Frontenac, Governor of Can 
ada, the purport of which will appear in the proceed- 
ings. It may be premised, that the Onondaga coun« 

* Histoiy of the Five Nations 

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cal-house was commonly preferred on these oecacooni, 
OB account of the central position occupied by that 
tribe in regard to the other four.* The English au- 
thorities at Albany were formally invited to attend ; 
but they contented themselves with sending their 
public Interpreter, to take note of what passed, to- 
gether with three Indians instructed in their name to 
dissuade the Five Nations from entertaining thoughts 
of peace, or even consenting to a cessation of arms. 

The Council opened on the 22d of the month, eighty 
cnchems being present In the first place Sadekait- 
ATiE, an 9i30Ada^, rising^ in his place, addressed 
himself to one of me Enslish messengers from Alba- 
ny. He informed him, that four deputies were pres* 
«nt from the Canadian €k>vemor, viz. : three Indians 
who had formerly been carried prisoners to France, 
and a sachem of the Praying Indians in the French 
interest who lived near Montreal ; and that Governor 
Frontenac had notified them of his appointment, and 
fif his having brought over with him from France 
TAWERAHETand twelve other Indians^lformerly car- 
ried prisoners to that country. Then taking in his 
hand the wampum-beltf sent by the Count, and hold- 
ing it by the middle, he added : — 

^ What I have said relates only to one half of the 
belt The other half is to let us know that he intends 
to kindle his fire again at Cadaraqui next spring. He 
therefore invites his children, and the Onondaga 
Captain Decanesora, in particular, to treat there with 
him about the old chain." 

Adarahta was Chief Sachem of the Praying In* 

* It is impossible to say how much influence this cir- 
cumstance miffht have on the ambition of the Onondaga 
orators. It wUl be observed, that the tribe enjoyed ram^ 
er more than its equal share of rhetorical distinction. 

t The practice of confirming stipulations and making 
proposals by belts, so commonly adopted among tiie In- 
dians, cannot be understood in any way better than hf 
observing the various instances mentioned in the text^ 

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dians, a community principally made up of meok- 
bers of several tribes, including the Five Nations, 
who bad been induced by the French to settle them- 
selves upon their territory, and were serviceable to 
them in various capacities. << I advise you," said Ada- 
rahta, holding three belts in his hand^ "to meet the 
Governor of Canada as he desires. Agree to this if you 
would hve." He then gave a belt of wampum. "Taw- 
erahet," he proceeded, " sends you this other belt, to 
inform you of the miseries which be andtbe rest of 
bis countrymen have suffered in captivity ; and to 
advise you to hearken to Yonondio, if you desire to 
live. This third belt is fi:om Thurensera, Ohguesse, 
and Ertel,^ who say by it to th^ir brethren : ^ We have' 
interceded fi>r you with your order, and therefore ad- 
vise you to meet him at Cadaraqui in the sprii^* It 
. will be well for you.* " 

A ]V(ohawk chief, one of those instructed by the 
Albanjir magistrates to represent their wishes at the 
council, now delivered the message they had given 
him. He had treasured it up wonl for word. , The 
Interpreter, who had the same message in writings 
followed him while he spoke, and found him correct 
to a syllable. 

Caivn BHOOT, a Seneca sachem, next proceeded to 

Sive the Council a particular account of a treaty made 
uring the summer previous, between his own tribe 
and some Wagunha messengers, one of the Canadi- 
an nadons, on the river Uttawas. The latter had act- 
ed on the behalf of seven other tribes ; and be wished 
the other four members of his own Confederacy to 
ratify what had been done by the Senecas.^ The ar- 
ticles proposed by the Wagunhas were as follows: 

1. " We are come to join two bodies into one,"— de- » 
liverinff up at the same time two prisoners. 

2. "We are come to learn wisdom of the Senecas^ 

• Indian names — meaning Dav-Daton, Partridge, and 
Rdse, given to Frenchmen well known to the Five Na- 
tions. The policy of pending such messages is sufficient- 
ly obvious. 

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wid of the other Fiv^ Nations, and of your breth* 
ren of New-York ;" — ^giving a belt ' 

3. "We by this belt wipe away the tears from the 
eyes of your friends, whose relations have been killed 
in the war. We likewise wipe the paint from your 
soldier's faces*^" — giving a second belt. 

4. "We throw aside me axe which Yonondio put 
into our hands by this third belt." 

5 " Let the sun, as long as be shall endure, alwajTS 
shine upon us in friendahipr;" — ^giving a red marble 
sun, as large as a plate. 

6. " Let the rain of heaven wash away all hatred, 
that we may again smoke together in peace ;" — giv- 
ing a large pipe of red marble. 

7. "Yonondio is drunk — we wash our hands clean 
from his actions f — giving a fourth belt. 

8. " Now we are clean washed by the wgter of 
beaven ; neither of us must defile ourselves by heark- 
ening to Yonondio." 

9. "We have twelve of your nation prisoners; thev 
shall be brought home in the spring ;" — giving a belt 
to confirm the promise. 

10. "We will brinff your prisoners home when the 
strawberries shall be m blossom, at which time we in- 
tend to visit CoRLEAR, [the Governor of New-York] 
and see the place where the wampum is made." 

When Cannehoot had done, the Wagunha presents 
were hung up in the council-house, in sight of the 
whole assembly. They were afterwards distributed 
among the several Five-Nations, and their acceptance 
viras a ratification of the treaty. A large belt was also 
^ven to the Albany messengers, as Uieir share. A 
Wampum belt sent from Albany, was in the same 
manner hung up, and afrerwards divided. The New- 
England colonies, called by the Confederates Kin- 
sHONy sent the wooden model of a fish, as a token of 

* The Indians universally paint their faces on going 
to war, to make their appearance more terrific to t& 69? 
•my. To toipe off the paintj was te make pea^. 

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their adhering to die general covenant This 
handed round anaong the sachems, and then laid aside 
to be preserved. 

At the end of diese ceremonies, Sadekanade roue 
again. *^ Brothers i" he s^d, ^ we mqst sdck to our 
brodier Quider, and re^rd Yonondio as our enemy ; 
he is a cheat." By ^tdtr he meant Pefer, referring 
to Peter Schuyler, Mayor of Albany J a gendeman 
much esteemed by the five tribes, but whose name, 
^ving no labials in their language, they were unable 
to pronounce. 

After some fiuther proceedings, the English Inter- 
preter was desired to deliver his message fh>m Alba- 
ny. He told them that a new Governor had arrived 
m the province, with a large number of fresh troops ; 
that England was at war with France ; and that the 
people of New-England were fitting out an expedi- 
tion against Canada. He advised them not to treat 
with the French, but at all events only at Albany. 
That people, he said, would keep no agreement made 
anywhere else. 

The sachems now held a consultation together for 
some dme, the result of which, was thus declared by a 
speaker chosen for the purpose, and who is supposed to 
hiave been Sadekanade. The different passages were 
addressed, respectively to the deputies of ths parties 
referred to. 

" Brothers I Our fire bums at Albany. We will not 
send Decanesora to Cadaraqui. We adhere to our 
old chain with Oorlear — ^We will prosecute the war 
with Yonondio — We will follow your advice in draw- 
ing off our men from Cadaraqui. Brothers ! We Bfe 
glad to hear the news you tell us — but tell us no lies !" 

^ Brother Kinshon ! We hear you design to send 
soldiers to the eastward against the Indians there.* 
But we advise you, now so many are united against 

* New-Hampshire and Maine tribes, at war with the 
Colonies, and known to be instigated and assisted by 
the French. 

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tiie French, to .&H immediately on Gtem. Strike at the 
root; when theirunk skedl be cut down, the hrancheawiU 
faU of course." 

" Coriear and Kinshon, — Courage ! Courage ! In 
the s|Mring to Quebec ! Take that place — ^Icou will 
have your feet on the necks of the French, and all 
their friends in America." 

Another consultation terminated in the adoption of 
the follomng answer to be sent to the Canadians. 

1. "Yo'nondio! You have notified yoin* return to us, 
and that you have brought back thirteen of our people 
who were carried to France— We are glad of it You 
desire us to meet you at Cadaraqui next spring, to 
treat of the old chain. But, Yonondio ! how can we 
trust you, who have acted deceitfully so often ? Wit- 
ness .what was done at Cadaraqui — the usage our 
messengers met with at Uttawas, and what was done 
to the Senecas at the same place." Here a belt was 
given, indicating a willingness still to treat. 

2l *'Thurensera, Oghuesae and Ertel ! Have you 
observed friendship with us ? If you have not, how 
came you to advise us to renew friendship with Yon- 
ondio ?" A belt also was attached to this answer. 

3. ^ Tawerahet ! The whole Council is glad to hear 
of your return with the other twelve. Yonondio ! — 
You must send home Tawerahet and the others this 
present winter — before spring. We will save all the 
French we have prisoners tiU thftt time." 

4. Yonondio ! — ^You desire to speak with us at Ca- 
daraqui ; — ^Don*t you know that your fire there is ex- 
tinguished? It IS extinguished with blood. You 
must send home the prisoners in the first place." 

5. " We let you know that we have made peace 
with the Wagunhas." 

6. ^ You are not to think that we have laid down 
the axe, because we return an answer. We intend 
no such thing. Our Far-fighters shall continue the 
war till our countrymen return. 

7. ^ When our brother Tawerahet is returned, then 
we will epeak to you of peace." 

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Sueh was the result of the great exertions made at 
this time by the Canadian Grovemment to overawe 
the Five ff ations, and to draw them away from the 
English alliance. The whole proceeding, thoush in- 
deed it furnishes no extraordinary specimens of their 
eloquence, illustrates in the plainest manner the very 
favorable circumstances under which their orators 
came forward, and the inducements they had to de- 
vote their genius to the council-house, even in pref- 
erence to war. 

Sadekanatie, who acted a prominent part in the 
Onondaga Council, and was himself of that tril>e, 
appeared to great advantage upon several other occa- 
sions. The favorite orator of the Cohfederates, ho wt- 
ever, during most of the period in which he flour* 
ished, was Decajecesora, whose name has already 
been mentioned. That Sachem was for many years 
almost invariably employed as the Speaker in their 
negotiations with both French and English. He vrsa 
one of the deputies who fell into the hands of Adario; 
and we have seen that in the message of Count Fron- 
tenac to the Onondaga Council, he invited '* his chil- 
dren,and Decanesora,the Onondaga Captain, in partic- 
ular," to treat with him at Cadaraqui. The Confeder- 
ates, on the other hand, signify their disposition to con- 
tinue the war by saying, ^^ we will not send Decane^ 

Mr. Colden, who knew this orator well, and heard 
him speak frequently, gives him credit for a perfect 
fluency, and for ^ a graceful elocution that would have 

e leased in any part of the world." He was tall, and 
is person well made ; and his features are said to 
have borne a resemblance to the busts of Cicero. It 
is much to be regretted in his case, as in many oth- 
ers, that but very slight indications of his eloquence 
are preserved to these times. Such as are preserved, 
probably do him very imperfect justice. Some of 
them, however, at least indicate the sagacity, the cour- 
tesy, the undaunted courage, and the highminded sense 
of honor, which, among the countrymen of Deea» 

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esora as among those of Quintillian, were no less 
recommendations of the orator than they were vbrtues 
of the man. 

In the winter of 1693-4, after a long series of hos- 
tilities between the Confederates and the French, — at- 
tended on both sides with alternate suffering and in- 
jury, until: both were heartily weary of the war, — cer- 
tain artful proposals, artfully set forth by Jesuit mes- 
sengers, were at length so well received by all the Con< 
federates excepting the Mohawks, that a council was 
summoned at Onondaga to act upon them. The 
En^ish were civiUy invited to attendl ; imd although 
both they and the Mohawks neglected to do so, no 
measures were adopted in council, except with the 
understanding that they should not be final without 
being first submitted to the examination of both those 
parties. With this view, several sachems were sent 
to Albany, and of these Decai^esora was the principd 
and the speaker. The account which he gave to Ma- 
jor Schuyler and the Albany magistrates of the nego- 
tiation now pending, including its origin, is a fine 
specimen, as Mr. Colden observes, of his ait, npt only 
in smoothing over an affair undeitaken against the 
English interest and advice, but also in introducing 
and enforcing his own views of the sovereign dignity 
of the Five Nations. ' 

" Brother Cayenguirago,"* he began, ** we are come 
to acquaint you, that our children, the Oneidas, having 
of themselves sent a messenger to Canada, he has 
brought back with him a belt of peace from the Gov- 

" As soon as Tariha [the messenger] arrived at Can- 
ada, he was asked, where the six hundred men were, 
that were to attack Canada, as they had been informed 

* An Indian appellation, ngnifying a stoift arrow, giv« 
en to Governor Fletcher in consequence of the prompt 
■uceor he h&d once rendered the Five Nations, in an 
emergency occasioned by a French invasion. Schajler 
is^adc&essed as representing the Governor. 

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by Oariokese, a Mohawk Deserter ? He assured them 
there was no such design." 

** He was carried to Quebec, where he delivered his 
belt, with the following proposition. ' Yonondio, if 
you would have peace bq to Albany, and ask it there, 
for the Five Nations will do nothing witliout Cayen- 
guirago.' The Governor of Canada was angry at this, 
and said, he had nothing to do with the Grovemor di 
New York ; he would treat only with the Five Na- 
tions ; the peace between the Christians Aiust biB made 
on the other side the grei^ lake. He added, he was 
sorry to see the Five Nations so far degenerated as to 
take a sixth nation into their chain, to rule over them. 
^ If you had desired me to come and treat in any of 
your casdes, I would have done it ; but to tell me I 
must go to Albany, is to desire of me what I can by 
no means do. You have done very ill, to suffer the 
people of New York to govern you so far, that you 
dare do nothing without their consent. I advise you 
to send two of each nation to me, and let Decaneso- 
ra be one of them. I have orders from the King my 
master, to grant you peace, if you come in your prop- 
er persons to ask it.' ThO'Crovemor of Canada afbr« 
wards said, 

^ * Children of the Five Nations, I have compassion 
for your litde children, therefore come speedily and 
speak of peace to me, otherwise I'll stop my ears for 
the future : by aU means let Decanesora come ; for if 
the Mohawks come alone, I will npt hear them ; some 
of all the Five Nations must come. Now,Tariha, re- 
turn home, and tell the Five Nations, that I will wait 
for their coming till the trees bud, and the bark can be 
parted from the trees. I design for France in the 
spring, and I leave a gentleman to command here, to , 
whom I have given orders to raise soldiers, if you do 
not come in that time. And then what will become of 
you ? I am truly grieved to see the Five Nations so 
debauched and deceived by Cayenguirago, who is 

•Golden. , 

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ktely come to New-York, and by Quider. Fonnerly 
the chief men of the Five Nations used to convene 
with me ; but this Grovernor of New York has so delud* 
ed you, that you heai^en to none but him ; but take 
care of what will follow, if you hearken to none but 

Here the orator took occasion to explain, very 
shrewdly, why the deputation to which he belonged 
bad been delayed so long, with some other matters of 
the same kind. He then reported the following res* 
olutions agreed upon by the Council to be sent to the 
Governor of Canada. They were probably his own 
composition, the Council having been called, and the 
whole transaction in a great measure managed by 

1. *< Yonondio! — You have sent for me often, and 
as often asked, why I am afraid to come ? The great 
kettle of war that you have hung over the fire is the 
reason of it" Here Decanesora said he was to lay 
down a belt, and ask the Governor's consent to the 
other two which he b^ in his hand. 

2. "We now not only throw down the kettle, and 
thereby throw the boiling water out of it, but like- 
wi^ break it to pieces, that it may never be hung up 
again, — ^by this second belt" 

3. "Hearken Yonondio! — You are sent from the 
French King, your master. So is Cayenguirago fix>m 
the Great King and Queen of England. What I am 
now about to speak to you, is by inspiration from the 
Great Spirit You say that you will have nothing to 
do with our brethren of Cayenguirago. But I must 
tell you, that we are inseparable. We can have 
no peace with you so long as you are at war with 
them ;" — which, added Decanesora, is to be confirm- 
ed by the third belt 

The noble fidelity to engagements here set forth 
as a sacred principle, was far from beinff the result ot 
either fear or mere aftection ; and this Schuyler him- 
self had the opportunity of testing, before me depu- 
tation left Albany. 

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7. "The Governor of Canada^ words^ and the 
Resolutions of the Five-Nations,'' said the orator in 
conclusion, ** are now before you. Consult, therefore, 
what is to be done. If it be necessary for the Breth*^ 
ren to go to our castle, to advise ur farther, be not un- 
willing." Here he laid down a large belt, eleven rows 
deep, and Seven fiithoms of wampum. This signi* 
ficd an amicable disposidon ; but when, on the ensu- 
ing day, Major Schuyler replied that he would con- 
sent to no treaty with the French, and proposed that the 
deputation, and Decanesora in particular, should visit 
him again at theend of seventy davs, the reioinder was^ 
after consultation, that ihey would visit him. ^ But 
as for myself," said the old Sachem, <* I cannot dispose 
of myself without their directions. If they order 
me, I shall willingly return. We did not expect to 
hear such positive prohibition of keeping any corres- 
pondence with the French. - If any mischief happen 
within the seventy days, let us not blame one another. 
Consider again what is most for the public good— and 
let it be spoken before we part." 

This was confirmed with a hirge belt of fourteen 
deep. Major Schuyler afterwards asked, a second 
time, whether thev would wholly suspend correspon- 
dence with the French, for the term last mentioned. 
^ 1 have no authority," said the orator, ^ to answer this 
question. I shall lay the belt down in every one of 
the castles, and say, that by it all correspondence is 
desved to stop with the French. / cannot promise that 
this tmU he complied ufith.^ 

The conference did not end here. On the sixth 
day, Schuyler called the- deputation together, for the 
purpose ot making a new and vigorous effort How 
much influence his assertions or arguments, alone, 
mi^ht have had, cannot be determined, for a fortunate 
incident occurred which materially altered the aspect 
of afiairs, being just in season to enable him to car- 

Shis point for the time. The stipulation attached to 
ecanesora's final consent does him high honor. 
"You have at last shut up the way to Canada," he 

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Mttd ; '^but we have one thing to ask, after mature de- 
libatttioD) which we expect will not be refused us,** 
The Major observed, that every thing should be gran- 
ted whkb he thought essential to the character or the 
•ecurity of the nation. He then proceeded to request, 
that an Englisli messenger mi^ht be permitted to ac- 
company eoe to be sent by himself to the Praving 
Indians in Capada. The objects were first, to inlorm 
those Indians of what he had ascertained to be the 
true character of the Jesuit who had been among the 
Five Nations; secondly, to notify them of the meet- 
ing appointed at Albany, and of the consequent iua- 
tuBty of the deputies to visit them at the same time, 
as had been pro^^osed ; and thirdly, to agree upon a 
continued cessation of arms until they might be able 
to visit thenEL Decanesora further desired, that if 
Schuyler ^M>uld not send a mess^tger, he would at all 
events put these propositions in writing, as a token of 
lus assent to th^m. 

After aU, events took place, owing in no small de- 
gree, as we shall find, to the £n§[lish themselves, 
which determined the chieftains to visit the Canacyan 
Governor in the spring. Some explanation of these 
events is fiimishea by the foUovnng speech of Sade- 
kanatie. He, with his fellow deputies, visited Gover- 
nor Fletcher at Albany, in May, (1694,) and in the 
course of the conference which misued, delivered his 
Bentim^its in the following manly and forcible style : 
*^ Brother Cayenguirago ! — Some of our sachenos 
agreed, last winter, tmt we should keep no correepon* 
<£Dee with the French. We confess we have broken 
that promise. We have received a messenger from 
Canada. We have sent our deputiea to Canada in 
Tetur% [Deeanesoca being one.] The bek is not yet 
airivedby which we are to acknowled^ our feult in 
the ofMttter. The reeieon of our doing it is truly thi% 
TH^e an q/raid of the emmy.^ 

<* When a messenger came last year from Canada 
to Onondaga, our brother Ci^enguirago discharged 
our meeting in General Codicil at Onondaga, to con 

II.— F 

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Bult on that message, and ordered us to hold our Gen 
eral Council here at Albany on that afiair. The priy- 
ilege of meeting in General Council when we please, 
is a privilege we always have enjoyed ; no former 
Governor, of the name of Corlear, ever obstructed 
this privilege. We planted a tree of peace in this 
place with them. Its roots and branches extend as far 
as Virginia and New-England, and we have reposed 
with pleasure under its shade. Brother, let us keep 
to that first tree, and let us be united and unaninM)us ; 
such prohibition of our assemblies will be df ill con- 
sequence, and occasion differences between us. 

*^ We acknowledge, I say, our sending agents to 
Canada for peace. We were encouraged iq doing this 
by the knowledge we have of the Governor of Cana- ^ 
da. He is an old man, and was formerly Governor 
of that place. He was always esteemed a wise peace- 
able man, and therefore we trust our message wiH 
have a good issue. We did not take it amiss that 
you sent to the Dewagunhas, nor that Amout was 
sent to the Satanas, boSi of tliem our enemies ; and, 
for the same reason, our brother Cayenguirago ought 
not to be displeased with our sending to the FreiM^ 
for peace. 

** We, Onondagas, acknowledge ourselves to have 
been the chief promoters of this Message. We have 
sent in all nine sachems with nine b^ts. It is true 
we are now under much uneasiness in having trusted 
so many sachems in the French hands, being almost 
half the number we have in our nation, but we were 
in haste to prevent the designs the French had against 
our countries and yours, by the peat warlike prepar- 
tions they were making in Canada."* 

He concluded with specifying the instructions their 
deputies had received, and presented a beh in con- 
firmation of all he had said. Colonel Fletcher re- 
];)lied, that he would not discuss any other subject un- 
til he was satisfied what reason there was for chal^g 


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him with having forbidden die Council, and made 
peace with the Indian tribes, as alleged l^ the ora- 
tor. This appears to have been a mistake ; and ac- 
cordingly, on the ensuing day, it was frankly acknowl- 
edged to be such, and that in terms which left no oc- 
casion to doubt the speaker's sincerity. ^ We assure 
you," he said, " we will never separate from you. We 
still have one head, one blood, one soul, one heart 
with you." This was said in reference to the alleged 
prohibition of the CoupciL ''Aa to the Dewagun- 
has and Shawanons," added the speaker, ^ we are ccm- 
fid^nt Cayenguhago will not admit them into his gov- 
ernment, till they have made peace with us. That 
we shall willingly grant. When our enenoues are 
humbled, and beg peace, why should they not have 
it ? Let them come! and Hveiinthus. It vnll strengthen 
owr cotqutry/^ He then proceeded thus : — 

"Brother Cayenguirago ! — When the Christians 
first arrived in this country, we received them kindly. 
When they were but a small people, we entered into 
a league with them, to guard them from all enemies 
whatsoever. We were so fond of their society, that we 
tied the great canoe which brought them, not with a 
rope made of bark to a tree^ but with a strong iron chain 
fastened to a great mountain. Now, before the Chris- 
tians arrived, the General Council of the Five Na- 
tions was held at Onondaga, where there has been, 
from the beginning, a contmual fire kept burning; it 
is made of two great logs, whose flange never extin- 
guishe& As soon as the hatchet-makers [their general 
name for Christians,] arrived, the General Council at 
Onondaga planted this tree at Albany, whose roots 
and branches have since spread as far as New-Eng- 

*A Roman principle, recognised in the practice 
as well theory of the Five Nations. Golden says, 
" they encourage the people of other nations [including 
captives] to incorporate with them ?" Thus, for exam- 
ple, the Sixth Nation was added to the Confederacy la 

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land, Coonecticiit, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Vir> 
ffinia ; and under the shade of this tree all these Enf* 
fish colonies have frequently been sheltered." 

Here the orator gave seven fathoms of wampunii 
to renew the chain ; and promised, as he declared his 
expectation of receiving, mutual assistance in case of 
an attack from any enemy. 

" The only reason, to be plain with you," he con- 
tinued, << of our sending to make peace- with the 
French, is the low condition to which we are reduced^ 
^niiile none of our neighbors send us the least assist- 
ance, so that the whole burthen of the war lies on ui 
alone. Our brethren of New-England, Connecticuti 
Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, of their own 
accord thrust their arms into our chain ; but since the 
war began we have received no assistance from them. 
We, alone, cannot continue the war against the French^ 
by reason of the recruits they daily receive from the 
other side the great lake. 

* Brother Cayenguirago ! — Speak fkrni your heart 
Are you resolved to prosecute the war vigorously 
aeainst the French ; and areyour neighbors of Virdnia, 
Maryland, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and New-Eng- 
land, resolved to assist us ? If it be so, notwithstanding 
liny treaty hitherto entered into, we will prosecute the 
war as hotly as ever. But if our neighbors will not 
assist, we must make peace, and we submit it to your 
consideration, by' giving this great belt fifteen deep. 

"Brother Cavenguirago ! — ^I havetraly tokiyou the 
reatotts which have induced us to offer peace to the 
French ; we shall likewise, fh>m the bottom of ouf 
hearts, inform you of the design we have in this trea- 
ty. When the Governor of Canada shaU have ac- 
cepted the nine belts, of which I have just now told 
vou, then we shall have something more to say by two 
large belts, which lie still hid in our bosom. We 
shall lay down first one and say, < we have a brother 
Cayenguirago, with whose people we have been uni- 
ted in one chain from the beginning. They must be 
included in this treaQr ; we cannot see them involved 


m bloody war, while we sit in easy peace.' If the 
Governor of Canada answer, that he has made a sep- 
arate peace with us, and that he cannot make any 
peace with Cayenguirago, because the war is from 
over the great lake ; then we shall lay down the sec- 
ond great broad belt, and tell the Grovemor of Can- 
ada, 'If you will not include Cayenguirago's people, 
the treaty will become thereby void, as if it had nev- 
er been made ;' and if he persists, we will absolutely 
leave him." 

While the conference' viras going on at Albany, De- 
canesora and his fellow deputies arrived at the castle of 
the Praying Indians, near the falls above Montreal. 
Thence they were conducted, by the Superior of the 
Jesuits, to Quebec. They had their audience of the 
Governor of Canada with great solemnity, in the 
presence of all the ecclesiastics and officers of dis- 
tinction, and of the most considerable Indians then 
in the place. Every day, while-they remained, they 
were entertained at the Governor's table, or at those 
of the principal citizens. On the other side, it is said 
of the veteran Decanesora, that shrewdly accommoda- 
ting his coat to his company, he made himself still 
more personable than usual, by the aid of a splendid 
arrangement which might have done credit to a mod- 
em ambassador. He was clothed in scarlet, trim- 
med with gold ; and his. reverend locks were covered 
with a laced beaver-hat| which had been given him 
by Colonel Fletcher a few months before. Neither 
ceremony nor decoration, however, nor even good 
dinners, mitigated the old orator's firmness. 

" Father I"* — ^he said to the Governor, after men- 
tioning the objects of the deputation, — ^** If we do not 
conclude a peace now, it will be your fault. We have 
already taken the hatchet out of the River Indians 

• * A term used in mere courtesy, and becaase the Gov- 
esmor chose to call the Indians his children.' So a Sa- 
chem explained it to one of th6 New York Governors, 
that it << signified notiung.'' 

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[Hadion*8 river] whom we incited ta the war. But 
we must tell you, that yeu are a bad man. You are 
iMOonstant Yon are not to be trusted. • We have had 
war together a long time. . Still, though you occa 
BioBed the war, we never hated the house of Oghuesse 
[the Montreal gentleman.] Let him undertake the toil- 
some journey to Onondaga. If ^ will come, he shall 
be welcome. 

" Father !"— he continued,—^ We are nowspeaking 
of peace, and therefore I must speak a word to the 
Praying Indians, and first to tnose of Cahnawaga 
[chiefly Mohawks.] You know our customs and man- 
ners. Therefore make Yonondio acquainted with 
them. — As«8t in the good work of peace. As for you,** 
addressmg a party of praying Indians most of whom 
had once been Onondagas,) " you are worse than the 
French themselves. You deserted from us, and sided 
¥rith our enemies to destroy us. Make some amends 
now by forwarding peace.'* He then resumed hia 
address to the Governor. 

*^ You have almost eaten us up. Our best men am 
killed in this bloody war. But we forget what is past. 
Befe^ this we once threw the hatchet into the river 
of Kaihobage,* but you fished it up, and treacher- 
ously surprised our people at Cadaraqui. After that 
you sent to us to have our prisoners restored, Thea 
the hatchet was thrown up to the skv, but you kept a 
string fiistened to the helve, and pulled it down, and 
fell upon our people again. This we reveneed to 
some purpose, by the destruction of your people and 
houses in the island of Montreal. 

"Now we are come to cover the blood from our 
sight, which has been shed by both sides during this 
ong war. 

** Yonondio! — ^We have been at war along time. 
We now give you a medicine to drive away all ill 
thoughts from your heart, to purge it and make itoleaoy 
and restore it to its former state. 

*Near Oswego, on Lake Ontario, whtfe the tieatv 
with Ji. De la Bam was negotiated. 



<* YoiKmdio !— We wiB not permit oAf s^Ulefntat «t 
Cadaraqui. You have had yotir fire there thrice ex- 
tinguished. We will not consent to your building thtt 
fort ; but tlie passage through the river shaU be free 
and clear. We make the sun clean^ and dri>ve awaj 
all clouds and darkness^ that we may sed the Kgfal 
without interruption. 

^ Yonondio ! — ^We berve taken toMj pr&Onen finm 
ODe another^ during the war. The ptwowsn we tof^ 
have been delivered, aceofding to our cusiom^ to the 
families that have lost any in &e war. They no Ion-' 
ger belong to the public. They may give them back if 
Ihey please. Your people mby do the samar We 
have brought back two prisonei^ and restore thenar to 

In the course of his reply to ikS» speeob, the^ QoY'* 
ernor observed, that he i^uld not make peace with 
Cayenguirago. But Decanesoray nobly and fearlessly 
true to every engagement as^to his own honor, prompl-^ 
ly declared that he never Would i^ree to w peabe for 
Pae Conlederates, except on condition of a truce for the 
English. " Ail the country," said he, ^ will Ibok upon 
me as a traitor ;r I can ti*eat with yoiirno longef. " And 
undoubtedly, anxious as he wad to effect' meobjectof 
6is embassy, he would have Returned iwme distip« 
pointed, had not the Governor, afler a discussion of 
three days^ finally yielded, by agreeing to undertake 
no enterprise against New York during th^ 8timnier.r 
Another difficulty arose upon the Govemor's insistuig 
on having hostages lefi; witfi hiBoi, wftieh* the Sa- 
chem would' not consent to. The ildHttei' was adjnst'- 
ed by the voluntary proposal' of two Indians in his 
company to remain. 

After the return of the Deputation to the country <A 
die' Five Nations, a conference vniM held at Albany 
between a new deputation on their part,and tbo Govu 
enior of New- York* The lattei*, wefl knowing hoW 
much the neighboring colonies v^re interested ui tfa» 

■ II I I > II 1 I I ■■ III I I nit I I II r tii Tt i m 

• CoUea. 

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resalt of the French uegodation, invited several of 
them to send representatives, which they accordingly 
did. Among those present were the Grovemor of 
New-Jersey, and five commisnoners from Massachu- 
setts and Connecticut On the . other handjDecane^ 
sora and Sadekaoatie both attended in the name of 
the Five Nations. The former gave an exact account 
of every thing which passed at Quebec; The latter, — 
who seems rather to have coveted opportunities of 
declaring the freest sentiments in the freest manner, 
which his colleague indeed never declined, — opened 
the conference with a long speech upon the history 
of the English and Indian intercourse; how the 
league had l^gun, and had been enlarged and strength* 
ened ; and finally ,^what was the chief aim of his 
argument, — ^how ofher colonies, as he said, had thrust 
their arms into the chmn, but had given little or no 
assistance against the common enemy. There was 
some cause for this complaint, and the orator was re- 
solved that he would not be misunderstood when he 
stated it "Our brother Cayenguirago's arms;" he 
continued, "and our own are stiff, and tired with, 
holding fast the chain. Our neighbors sit still and 
•moke at their ease. The fat is melted from our fiesh, 
and fallen on thenL They grow fat While we grow 
lean." . 

" This chain made us the enemy of the French. If 
all had held as fast as Cayenguirago, it would have 
been a terror to them. If we would all heartily join, 
and take the hatchet in hand, our enemy would soon 
be destroyed. We should forever after live in peace 
and ease. t)o but your parts, [probably addressing 
the Commissioners] and thunder itself cannot break 
the chain." • / 

Thus closely did the orators, who were in other 
words the statesmen of the Five Nations, investififate 
the conduct alike of their enemies and their allies, 
and thusfi-eely and fearlessly did they in all cases ex- 
press themselves as diey felt Characters of every 
description came under their cognizance. MaooBU- 

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vres and machinations, political and personal, were 
brought to bear, upon them on all sides. The French 
emissary plied them at one turn, and the English ped- 
ler at the next ; and they talked and traded with ei- 
ther or both, as the case might be, with the same indo- 
lent imperturbable gravity. Each piuty went away, 
perhaps, chuckling over the ease with which he had 
miposed upon savnge simfrfioity, and flattering him- 
self that their opinion of his honesty was at least ade- 
quate to his own opinion of his shrewdSness. But the 
event proved ptherwise. 

Decanesora once said to Major Schuyler, in reply 
to the latter^s suggestion of fraud on the part of a 
Jesuit messenger of the French, — *< We know that the 
priest favors his own nation. But it is not in his pow- 
er to alter our affection to our brethren. We wish 
you would bur^ all the misunderstandings you have 
conceived on his account,^-H»uf we likewise wish you 
gave less credit to the rum-carriers than you do?* 
This was a palpable hit, truly, and a deserved one. 
And thus, generally, were the Barbarian Orators, afb«r 
all, upon the safe side. Nothing daunted their spirtt. 
Nothmg deceived their sagacity. 

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Account of the Ottawas— Their first Chief-Sachem 
known to the English, Pontiac — His interview with 
Major Rogers — Protects that officer and his troops— 

. Saves Detroit from an army of Indians — ^Hostility of the 
northern tribes to the English, afler the eonauest of 
Canada — ^Adventures of HEMRj-Anecdotes of Mina* 
VATANA — Supposed feelings or Pontiac towards the 
English — His great project of combination. 

Having arrived regularly, according to the order 
observed in this vrork, at the commencement of the 
eighteenth century, we shall now turn our attention 
to a section of the continent hitherto mostly unnotic- 
ed, but which at that period began to be the theatre 
of importan¥ievents, and to be illustrated by at least 
one character comparable to any in the whole com- 
pass of Indian annals. We refer to the vicinity of 
the Northern Lakes, to the numerous and powerful 
tribes resident in that region, and particularly to Pon- 

It has been stated by respectable authority, that this 
celebrated individual was a member of the tribe of 
Sacs, or Saukies ; but there appears to us no sufficient 
reason for disputing tbe almost universal opinion 
which makes him an Ottawa. That tribe, when the 
commerce of the early French colonists of Canada 
first began to extend itself to the Upper Lakes, was 
found in their vicinity, in connection with two 
others, the Chippewas and the Pottawatamies. All 
three are supposed to have been originally a scion of 
the Algonquin stock, — that being the general name 
of the nation, which, in Champlain's time, was settled 
along the north banks of the St Lawrence, between 
QAiebec and Lake St. Peters. According to theur 
own traditions, preserved to this day, the three tribes 
(as they aflerw^ard^ became;.) in their flight or emigm* 


ttoii» went together from the East, as far as Lake Ho* 
ron. A separation afterwards took place, the re- 
sult of which was, that the Ottawas, being most in- 
clined to agriculture, remained near what has ance 
been Michilimackinac, while their companions pre- 
ferred venturing to still more distant regions of the 
North and West. 

Detroit was founded by the French in July, 1701, 
and from that time the Ottawas began to give frequent 
manifestations of a spirit which frnally made them, 
respectively, an ally or an enemy of the first impor- 
tance to the dififerent civilized parties with whom they 
held intercourse. Only three years after the French 
settled in their vicinity, several of their chiefs 
were induced to visit the English at Albany. The 
almost inevitable consequence of the interview was, 
that they returned home with a firm persu&sion that 
the French intended to subdue them. They attempt- 
ed to fire the town, therefore, in one instance ; and 
about the same time, a war-party, on their return from 
a successful expedition against th^ Iroquois, — ^whom 
they were bold enough to attack in their own coun- 
try,-— paraded in front of the Detroit fortress, and of- 
fered battle. After some hard fighting, diey were de- 
feated and driven of& 

But the French have always eftected more among 
the Indians in peace than in war, and thus it was with 
tne Ottawas ; for, fit>m the date of the skirmish just 
mentioned, they were almost uniformly among the 
best fiiends and even protectors of the colony. 
" When the French arrived at these falls,'^said a Chip- 
pewa Chief at a Council held but a few years since, 
" they came and kissed us. They called us children, 
and we found them fathers. We lived like brethren 
in the same lodge," &c.* Such was the impresaon 

* See a Discourse delivered before the Michi^n His- 
torical Society, in 1830, by Mr. Schoolcraft. We also 
acknowledge our obligations, in preparinfi^ our notice of 
Pontiac, to Governor Cass's Discourse of the yeax pre- 
vious, before the same body. 

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made also upon die Ottawas ; and we accordingly 
find them, in conjanction witli the Chippewas^ aiding 
the Frencli on all ooc^isions, until the latter 8urren<* 
dered the jurisdiction of the Canadas to the English* 
JSeveval hui^ired of their warriors distingiiished them" 
selves at the disastrous defeat of Braddock. 

Pontiac was probably at the head of this force. 
Several years before, he was known as a warrior of 
high standing and great success ; and as <)arly as 1746^ 
be commanded a powerful body of Indians, mostly 
Qttawass who gallantly defended the people of De- 
troit against the formidable attack of a number of 
combiaed Northern tribes. But a far more important 
trial) both of his principles and his talents, was yet to 
eome, in the transfer of power from the French to 
tiie fhigHsh, which took place at the termination of 
the long war between those nations, ending with the 
peace <m 1761. The stations upon the Lakes were 
given up in 1760l The first detachment of British 
troops which ever penetrated into that region, was 
sent, during thi&year^ for the purpose of taking formal 
possession. Thatf<Mrce was commanded by Major 
Rogers, and fi*om the ^Concise Account of North 
Ametnoa,"' writis» by^ him,* we obtain our knowl- 
edge of the earliest interview between Pontiac and 
tJie Enptish. It is aHowed to have the merit of 
authenticity ; and although not so definite as might 
be desired^ it furnishes a variety of characteristic and 
•ingular fects!^ 

Major Rogers si^s, that * on the way,' — ^meaning 
generally the route from Montreal to Detroit^ — ^he was 
met by an embassy fi^m Pontiac, consisting of some 
of his. own wanriors^ together with several chiefs be- 
longing to sub^inate tribes. The object was, to in- 
form him that Pontiac, in person, proposed to visit 
him ; ^t he was then not rar distant, coming peace- 
ably ; and that he de^red the Major to halt his de- 

* Published in London : 1765. We have^* Jounwd' 
of the^same expedition, firom^e sfune pen/ 


iNmAir KocHRAPHir. 73 

tadimeiit, <till mieh time «• he could see him with his 
«WD eyes.' The Deputies were also directed to 
represent their master as the King and Lord of the 
countiy which the English had now entered. 

The Majcnr, drew up his troops as requested, and 
before long the Ottawa Chieftain made his appear- 
«Dce. He wore, we are told, an air of majesty and 
princely grandeur. After the nrst salutation, he stem- 
ly denMtnded of the Englishman his buaness in kk 
territory, and how hehad dured to venture upon it 
unthout his permission. Rogers was too prudent and 
too inteltigeDtto take oftence at this style of reception. 
Nor did he undertake to amie any question of actual 
or abstract right He said that he had no design 
ogmnH the Indiaas, but, on the contrary, wished to 
lemoFe firom their country anaition who had been an 
obstacle to mutual ftiendship and commerce betweeii 
them and the English. He also made known his 
commission to this effect, and concluded with a pres- 
ent of scTeral belts of wampum. Pontiac received 
them with the nngle observation, — *^ I shall stand ni 
the path you are wa&ing till morning," — and gave, at 
the same time, a small string 'of wampum. This^ 
writes the Major, was as much as <o say, ' I must not 
BMffch farther without hia leave.' 

Such^ undoubtedly, was -the safest construction ; 
and the sequel shows that Pontiac centered it the 
most civil. On depaiting for the night, he aeked 
Rogers whether be wanted any thing which ^19 coun- 
try afforded; if so, has wnrriors should bring it for 
him* The reply was discreet as the o^r was gener- 
ous, — that wlmtever provisions might be brought in, 
rtuNild be weft pmd for. ProbaWy they vrere ;.but the 
EngHsh were at att eveiktssuppUed, the next morning, 
yrmi several bags of parched com and other necessa- 
ries. Pontiac himsetf, at the second meeting, offered 
the pipe of peace, and he and the English officer 
smoKed it by tarns. He decfeivd that he thereby 
made peace with the Englishman and bis troops ; ana 
that they flbonld pass thnMigh his dominions, noioaif 

n.— G 

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unmolested by hk subjects, but protected by them 
from all other parties who might incliue to be hos- 

These were no idle promise. Pontiac remained 
in company with his new friend constantly after the 
&^ interview, until he arrived at Detroit He em- 
ployed one hundred of his warriors to protect and as- 
sist a corps of soldiers, in driving a large number of 
frit cattle which had been sent on for the use of the 
troops, from Pittsburgh, by the way of Presqu'Isle. 
He also despatched ipessengers to the several Indian 
towns on the south side and west end of Lake Erie, 
to inform them that Rogers had his consent to march 
through the country. Under such auspices, th^ Ma* 
jor might reasonably have felt himself safe, after 
reaching his destination. But the chieftain under- 
stood his situation better than himself. He kept near 
him so long as he remained at Detroit ; and Rogers 
acknowled^s that he was once at least * the means 
of preserving the detachment ' from the fury of a 
body of Indians, who had assembled with sinister 
purposes at the mouth of the Strait 

This incident leads us to remark, that almost all the 
tribes on the Northern waters who had associated 
and traded with the French during the term of thrar 
iurisdiction, — and but few of them there were who 
had not, — dncerely lamented the change which had 
occurred in public affiurs. They were very generally 
prejudiced against the new comers, as they were at- 
tached to the old residents. Perhaps the latter, individ- 
ually,if not otherwise, fomented the spirit of discontent 
But, however this might be, there were reasons 
enough in the ancient relations maintained between 
the French and the Indians, independently ef argu- 
ment or comment, why such a spurit should manitest 
itself under the circumstances we have mention- 

The fact itself is indispntable. It is psoved hv facts, 
■ubsequent and consequent It is also proved by ma- 
ny refi^ieC'table authorities, only one of which will h% 
here refened to^ for the take of iUuBtratioiL 


BIr. Henry, tl^e well known author of "Traveto 
and Adventures in Canada and the Indian Ter- 
ritories, betweenr the years 1760 and 1766," speaks 
of an affair in point, which happened at the 
little island of La Cloche,* in Lake Huron, on his 
Yoya^, in the spring of 1761, from Mondreal to 
Michilimackinac He found a large village of In- 
dians at this place, who treated him in the kindest 
manner, until * diacoverif^ tJuxt he was an EngHskman,* 
they told his men that the Michilimackinac In- 
dians would certainly kill him, and that (hei/ might 
therefore as well anticipate their own share of the 
pillage. On this principle they demanded a part of 
his ^ores, and he deemed it prudent to make no re- 
nstance. He observes, afterwards, that his mind was 
* oppressed'^ with the repeated warnings he received 
of sure destruction where he was going. Again,-^ 
*<the hostility of the Indians was exclusively Bgatnst 
the English ;" and this circumstance suggested to Hen«> 
ry a prospect of security in assuming a Canadian dis- 
guise, which fortunately enabled him to complete his 

But the difficulty did not cease here. He was now 
in the neighborhood of Pontiac, and among the tribes 
subject to his influence. What manner of men they 
were, and how far the master-s^nrit may be supposed 
to have filled them with the fire of his own soul, will 
appear fix>m a speech of one of the Chippewa Chiefs 
MiRAVAVANA, who, with a band of his own tribe, vis- 
ited the newly arrived trader at his house in Michili- 
mackinac. The courage and the eloquence of this 
man, blended as they are with the highest degree of 
savage chivalry, almost make us suspect his identity 
with the Ottowa Chieftain himself. The name is by- 
no means conclusive against such a conjecture, for it 
would be an extraordimry fket in Indian Histoiy, if 

* So named by the Freiusfa, firom a rock on the island, 
which, being struck, rings like a bell. 

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*flo diednguished a, man a» Ponfiae were kaoiim only 
by one appellation, and espeeially when he associated 
with a large number of tribes^ speakiog as many dif- 
ferent languages. 

Henry describes his hero as a person of remarkabW 
i^peanincey of commanding stature, and widi a siiiguw 
laiiy fine countenance* He entered the room wime 
the traTetljer was. aiudously awaiting the reanlt of hi* 
risit, followed by nuty warriors, drrased and decora-* 
ted in the most formal and imposing fadiion of wafr 
Not a word was spoken as they came in, one by «m^ 
seated themselves on the floor at a ngnid from ^b» 
Chief, and began composedly smokiaig their pipesu 
Minavavana, meanwhile, looking steadfaetly at Henryy 
made various enquiries of hia beEwl-boatman, a Cana'- 
dian. He then cooUy observed^ that ^ the Englidi' 
were brave men, and liot a&aid of deaths nttce they 
dared to come thus fearlessly amoti^thei^ mslnms.^ 
A solemn psAise now ensued for some time, until tlstf 
Indians having finished their pipes, thv CfaiefkiiB 
took a few wampttm^scrings in his hand, and cobh' 
menced the following harangue : 

^ Englishman ! — ^It is to you that I speak, and i de- 
mand your attention ! 

^ Englishman !— You know that the Fiench Kjugp 
is our fether. He promised te be such^ and we, iw 
retunv promised to be his dnlcbeft This promise w« 
have kept. ^ 

^ Englishman ! — ^It is you that havemade wav with 
this our father. Yon are his enemy ; and how then 
could you have the boldness to venture among as, hiv 
children ? You know that his enemies are ookl 

^ Englishman I — We ace informed that our fether 
the kinff of France, is old and infirm ;. and that beingr 
&tigued with making war upon your natinsy he i0 
fallen asteep. During hl»sleep» you have taken wi^ 
vantage of hinit and possessed y our se lv es of Ganadai 
But luB nap is dmost at an end; I think I hear him 
already stirring, and inquiiing:for Im childventhe fil« 

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diaxur^-^nd, wbeii he does awake, what must be 
come of you ? He will destroy you utterly ! 

" Englishinan ! — Although you have conquered the 
French, you have not yet conquered us ! We are not 
your slaves. These lakes, these woods and moun- 
tarns, were left to us by our ancestors. They are our 
inheritance, and we will part with them to none. 
Your nation supposes that we, like the white people, 
cannot live vdthout tn-ead, and pork, and beef! But, 
you ought to know, that He,--the Great Spirit and 
Master of Life, — has provided food for us, in these 
broad lakes, and upon these mountains. 

" Englishman !-^Our father, the king of France, em- 
ployed our young men to make war upon your na- 
tion. In this warfare, many of them have oeen kill- 
ed ; and it is^ur custom to retaliate, until such time 
as the spirits of the ^ain are satisfied. Now the spir- 
its of the slain are to be satisfied in either of two 
ways. The first is by the spilling of the blood of the 
nation by which they fell ; the other, by covering the 
hodie^ of the dead, and thus allaying the resentment 
of their relations. This is done by making presents. 

<< Englishman ! — ^Your king has never sent us any 
presents, nor entered into any treaty with us. Where- 
fore he and we are sdll at war ; and, until he does 
these things, we must consider that we have no other 
fiither, nor friend, among the white men, than the 
king of France. But, for you, we have taken into 
consideradon, that you have ventured your life among 
us, in the expectation that we should not molest you. 
You do not come armed, with an intention to make 
war. You come in peace, to trade with us, and sup- 
ply us with necessaries, of which we are much m 
want. We shall regard you, therefore, as a brother ; 
Mid you may sleep tranquilly, without fear of the 
Chippewas. As a token of our firiendshlp, we pre 
ient you vrith this pipe, to smoke.^ 

The interview terminated in a manner which re 
minds us of Pontiac's meeting with Rogers. Mina- 
vavana gave the Englishman hi» hand — ^his compan 

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ioiM followed his esample — ^the pipe went Found in 
due order-— and) afler being politely entertained, all 
qpietly departed. Iftliis was^not the Otto wa hitn- 
eelf, he was certainly a kindred spirit ; and if the for- 
mer exercised authority over many such charaetem^'^ 
as he probably did^*— it is not diffloult to Account foe 
the confidence which dictated the^ design, or for the 
measure of success which attended the proascution of 
one of the mightiest projects ever conceived in tho 
Brain of an Americaa sav^e. • 

This project was a comtSnation of-all the tidbes on 
and about 'the Northern waters, perhaps partially) 
with an ultimate view totherestorationof the Fvench 
Government, but directly and distinctly to- the com- 
plete extirpation of the English. 

It has been observed by a writer ^o. has done sig<-' 
nal justice to the genios of Pontiac, << that we are no- 
where told the causes of disaCeetion which separfOtd^ 
him from tht- BriHsh interegt*** * There is- an allusion 
here. to the informatioa fbmished by Rogers, who in-^' 
deed states that Pontiao ** often intimated to -him that: 
Ke should be content to reigi:! in bis country, in siib^^ 
ordination to tho king of Great BHtain, and was wil- 
ling to pay him such aanamoL adcnowletk^immt^tU'he war 
ahie, injurs^ and to caU km hia Underf But, without 
in the feast disparaging the honesty of Rogers, we are 
inclined to dispute the propriew of vrhat we suppose 
to have been rather his own inlJereoce than the Chief- 
tain's declaration. A disregard to «eetie» g£ express 
sbn, on the part of both speaker' and hearer^ wa»no 
uncommon thing at interviews of this kind,-rone par- 
, ty being always eager, and both frequently ignorant 
enough, had they even tolerable means of'^commmii- 
cating together in langoaffe at all. 

The context confirms mis opinion. It appears sin- - 
gUlar, . at first glance, that Pontiae should propose^ 
calling the British king his UruU, An appeUation^. 
■ ■ ■ 1 — ' ■ ■ " '■ '— 

** Discourse of Governor Cass. 

t Rogers' Account, p. 242 : London Edition. 

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u^fA^ nioomuBBY* 19 

indeed,^-«B tke Iroquoid oratonr told the Enjiirit at 
Atiiaoy, — * signified nothing,' in itself; and yet, mr^ 
ferriDg-. to the temi* i)j(Aer, applied b^r Minatvuivcitiat 
and' the Northern Indians generally, to hi^ €hri8tiaai 
Magestyyit did signify, at least, that' Pontiac meahtto' 
pay a shghter deference to the Britiriii kin^ than tCP 
the< French. No aU^iance was acknowledged^ to el^ 
then As Minavavatia said, ^^the Inchans' had' nb> 
Father ani«ng(the white men^-^passirigthat oouft6sV 
for what is was worth — **'bot the king: of Frpmce." 
That; however^ did tiot prevent them fitom owninjf cttid 
duming their own wooda abd motintains* It did not< 
entitle the French hin^ to command the services^ in- 
stead of * employing' the assistance of their >toung' 
men; It did not'blind them tothe faet^ that althod|rh 
the 'English had oonquered the Fredcfa,' thdy had not' 
conquered them,* It ''makes- the matted still more* 
clear, in regard to what wasihe imde^staBdiftg of 
I^ontiac, and whalt-ought to hare been that of Rogers, • 
that, according to his owta s tate men t, the ChieAain' 
^assured him [on tb6 sameoeoasibn when the lan- 
guage last referred to is said to have been uttered,] 
Siat h» was indined'to liife peaceabfytrifft the Bf^ishf > 
while thm uaedhim as- he - deserijed, emd to eneovmgt 
iheir settUag in hMCowntnfi hast iniimakd that ifmeyf 
treated Hm toitiine^e^he liwM shut upihe tooy, and' 
exclude them from it^ In short, conenides the same * 
writer, ^ his whole conversatiott sufficiently indicated 
that he was far from consldenng himself a icouquered 
Prince, and that h« expected to bb treated withtho' 
respect and honor due to a King or Emperor, by all 
who came into hia country or treated with him."! 

On the whole, we hare seen no evidence^ and wa ' 
know of no reason for presuming,' that he Was ever 
any farthfer attached to *the British ititerest;' or rather 
any^othen/nse affected towards the idea of becoming 
attaehed/than is indicated by the v^ independent' 
declaration made as above' staled; In regard to tl0i 

* Speech of MnavbTaiMi t Bogem' Account, p. 243. 


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Siiestion wh^ he never did become attached to the 
ritish interest, — ^taking that for the correct represen- 
tation of the flsMSt, — history is silent, as unfortonateiy it 
is in regard to most of the remarisable occurrences on 
the frontiers which aocompsinied and followed his 
enterprise. The conjectures of any one man, who 
has intelligently investigated and reflected upon such 
history as there is^ may be worth as much as those 
of any other. It seems to be probable, however, that 
although hostilities might have been prevented by a 
eystem of food management on the part of the £ng- 
W), (in which their predecessors could have given 
them a lesson,) they did not arise fit)m any particular 
acts of aggression. 

Pontiac reasoned as well as felt He reasoned as 
Philip had done before him, and as Tecumseh will 
be found to have done ance. He had begun to appre- 
hend danger from this new government and people; 
danger to his own dominion, and to the Indian inter- 
est at lar^e ; danser from their superiority in arms, 
their ambition, their eagerness in possessing them- 
selves of every military position on die Northern wa- 
ters 'f^-and we may adid also, their want of that osten- 
sible cordiality towards the Indians, peraonallv, to 
which the latter had been so much accustomed and 
attached in the golden days of the French, and which 
they were apt to regard as a necessary indication of 
ffood faith as of good will. In the language of the 
Chippewa orator, the French had lived in the same 
lodge with them. They had sent them misnonaries ; 
and invited them to councils, and made them pres- 
ents, and talked and traded with them, and manifested 
an interest in their afiairs,* — always suspected by the 
Indians less, and yet always eflecting their own pur* 
poses better and farther, than any other people. 

The £R|fliah, on the other hand, if they committed 
no aggreesions^^the expedition of Rogers was per- 
haps coi|sidered one ; bat tiwt Pontiac forgave,)— yet 

< * Difloouraa of Sohooknft, 

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INBIAN iM^GRA^tfr. 81 

toamfftsfed f>tit a slight (fispo^tio^ f6t tittdonal aoun^ 
*y, w for itidividuca inte^e<mtde, or for a b^^fl^^kl 
^onMnerce of thy de^ription. Iti crthefi' words, ih&f 
'iieglected'— to use l^ontiac's phrase,— all thftfi* eir- 
cumstande^ wlifieh made the dclfghbbrbood' of thd 
French agreeiA)]^, and whkh might baf)& md^ ffaM# 
own at least tolerable. Thel tottAiict of Ilie ItUct^ 
never gave rise to suspicion. Theirs never gave rest 
to it 

Thus, we suppose, the case might present itself to 
the mind of the Ottawa Chieftain. And while such 
was the apparent disposition, or indifterence to any dis- 
position in particular, of the English towards the In- 
dians, — and such the consequent liability, if not the 
reasonable prospect on the part of the latter, if the for- 
mer should occupy Canada^ — ^Pontiac was not likely 
to forget that they had conquered the French. He 
saw too that they were rapidly and firmly establish 
ing their new dominion, by movements which, at all 
events, did not purport to promote the interest of the 
Indians. And he knew, no doubt, — certamly he soon 
ascertained, — that whereas the French of Canada and 
the Colonies of New-England had hitherto, by thek 
action upon each other, left the third party in a good 
measure disengaged, — the new comers were them- 
selves from Old England, if not New ; — speaking the 
same languaffe (and that a strange one to the natives ;j 
subject to me same government ; and ready at all 
times to be very conveniently supplied and supported, 
to an indefinite extent, by those powerful Southern 
Colonies which had Ion j; before destroyed or driven 
off the Indians ftom then: own borders. 
. So Fontiac reasoned ; and he looked into fiituri^ 
far enouffh to foresee that ultimate fatal result to his 
race, which now was the only time, if indeed there 
was yet time, to prevent Immediate occasions of 
hostiUtjr there might be besides ; but these must be 
the subject of mere speculadon. Af^ctions which do 
him honor, predisposed him to believe that the Eng- 
lish had done injustice to his old fiiendsthe French j 


and the French might further endeavor to povuade 
him that they had also done injusUce to himselfl But, it 
was certain, * they had treated him with neglect' And 
thereforty following his own principle, as well as die 
impulse of pride, he revived to *■ shut up the way.' 
How fo he succeeded, and by what means, will m 
our next cnilijects of consideration* 

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Foiitiac*8 plan of campaiffn-^He commences active pie- 
parations — Council of ue Ottawas — Grand Council (^ 
the Northern tribes — Dream of the Delaware— Maxims 
promnlgated by Pontiac — Estimate of the number 
and force of his allies — Commencement of the war — 
Surprisal of nine English posts — ^Mode of surprisal— 
Artifice adopted at Imchilimackinac, and result — Re- 
duction of Detroit undertaken by Pontiac in person— 
His interview with the commandant — His plan discov- 
ered, and the surprise prevented — Letter from Detroit. 

The plan of operations adopted by Pontiac, for ef^ 
fecting the extinction of the Engli^ power, evin- 
ces an extraordinary genius, as well as a courage 
and energy of the highest order. This was a sudden 
and contemporaneous attack upon all the British 
posts on the lAkes — at- St. Joseph, Ouiatenon, Green 
Hay, Michilimackinac, Detroit, the Maumee, and 
the Sandusky — and also upon the forts at Niagara, 
Presqu'Isle, Le Bceuf, Veraneo and Pittsburg. Most 
of the fortifications at these places were slight, being 
rather commercial dep6ts,than militaiy establishments. 
Still, again^ the Indians they were strong-holds ; and 
the positions bad been so judiciously selected by the 
French, that to this day they command the great ave- 
nues of communication to the world of woods and 
waters in the remote north and west It was mani- 
fest to Pontiac, familiar as lie was with the geographv 
of this vast tract of countiy, and with the practical, 
if not technical maxims of v^r, that the possession 
or the destruction of these posts, — saying nothing of 
their garrisons, — would be emphatically < shutting up 
the way.' If the surprise could be simultaneous, 
•o that every English banner which waved upon a 
line of thousands of miles should be prostrated at 
the same moment, the garrisons would be unable 

04 im^AN 9IOaKAF9V. 

to exchange assistaiice, while, on the other hand« the 
feUure of one Indian detachment would have no effect 
to discourage another. Certainly, some might succeed* 
Probably, the war might begin and be terminated 
with the same angle bbw ; and then Pontiac would 
again he the Lord and King of the broad land of hii 

The n^eavures taken in pursuance of these eakula- i 
tions, were worthy of the magnificent scheme. The 
chieftain fblt confident that swctss would multiply 
friends and allies to his cause. But he knew equally 
well, that friends andalliestohiscause wereas necessary 
to obtain success. Some preliminary principles must 
be set forth, to show what his cause was ; and however 
plausible it might appear in theory, exertions must 
also be ipa^^ to give assurance of its feasibility in 
pr^^tice. A belligerent combination of some kin4 
must be fpnned in the outset ; and the more exten-. 
aive, the better. 

Pontiac comn^ien^d operations with his owg^ 
tpbe ; the Ott^wsEis being, for several reasons^ pecu* 
harly under h^ control, at the same tiibe that their 
mfluence over other tribes was hardly inferior to hia 
Qwn influence over themselves. Some of theee 
tribeg had $>u«^( with them against the Epghsh, nol 
many yei^» Eefi^re; and the conneotion between 
ibei^ wan 90 appasent in the time of Major Rogeiisi» 
th^ he considered them as ^< formed into^a sortql 
en^Hre." Ha expressly statea» ajso, that the Emjn^ 
HQr, a9 hp supposed Fontiac then to be, waa " elected^ 
tcom the eldest tribe— which is the Ottawawa^, mnm 
of whom inhf^bU^ n^ar our fort a^ Detroit, but are most- 
ly fu^her westward, towards the Mississippi.'' I{^ 
might well anjbd, that Pontiac ^ had th^ largest eippire 
and greatest i^uthority of any Indian obief that hm 
appeared on the continent sinoe our acquaintance 
vfith lU^ The truth probably wa% that the tribet 
l^iie desQiibed as confederates, were moat of tbm 

* B^9ger'a accoont, f . S40. 

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tekted to each other by descent, more or less retnot^* 
ly. Some were intimately associated. All would be 
luther disposed to act together in any great project, ^ 
they already had done, (and as most of theni hav^ 
9ince, during the American ^.evolution, and duripff 
the last war with Great Britain.) Still such was anq. 
is the nature of Iridian government, that it wan 
necessary ibr Pontiac to obtain the separate concur- 
rence and confidence of each. To gain over the Otta- 
was first, was not to strengthen his authority, i^deedy 
but it was adding much to his infiuence. 

The Ottawa^, then, wep called toother, and the 
plan was disclosed^xplained and enforced, with ^ 
the eloquence and cunning which Pontiac could 
bring to his task. He appealed to the fears, the 
^opes, the ambition, the cupidity of his nearers-^ 
their regard for the common interest of the race, 
their hatred of the English, and their gratitude and 
love for the French. We are told by a modem his- 
torian, that some of the Ottawas had been disgrade^ 
by blows.* Such a suggestion, whether weU found- 
ed or not, might probably be made, and would of 
course have its e^ect. So would the display of a 
belt J which the chieftain exhibited, and which he pro«- 
fei^sed to have received fiwn the King ^ France, 
urging him to drive the British fit)m th« country, mi 
to open the paths for the return of the French. 

These topics having been ^sJdlfully managed, and 
the Ottawas warmly eng^if^ in the cause, a grand 
council of the neighboviHng tribes was convened at 
the river Aux iJcorccs. Here Pontiac again exerted 
)ajs talents with distinguished effect. With a pro- 
found knowledge of the Indian character, and espe- 
cially aware of the great power of superstidon upon 
jtheu- minds, he related, among other things, a dream, 
in which the Great Spirit, (the orator said,) had se- 
cretly disclosed to a Delaware Indian the conduct 
j^ c^l^pected f^is red children to pursue* |lli- 

n.— H 

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nute instructions had been gracioue^j given, suit- 
able to tbe existing crisis in their fortunes, and re- 
markably coincident, it will be observed, with the 
principles and projects of the chieftain himselE 
They were to abstain from the use of ardent spir- 
its. They were also to abandon the use of all En- 
glish manufactures, and to resume their bows and 
arrows, and tlie skins of the animals for clothing. 
It is needless to eulogize the sagacity which dictated 
both these proposals: "and why,** the orator conclu- 
ded, " why, said the Great Spirit indignantly to the 
Delaware,---do you suffer these dogs in red clothing 
to enter your country, and take the land I have given 
you? lirive them from it! — Drive them! — ^When 
you are in distress I will help you !"* 

It is not difficult to imagine the effect which this 
artful appeal to prejudice and passion might have 
on the inflamable temperaments of a multitude 
of credulous and excited savages. The name of 
Pontiac alone was a host ; but the Great Spirit was 
for tbem, — it was impossible to fail. A plan of cam- 
paign was concerted on the spot, and belts and 
speeches were sent to secure the co-operation of the 
Indians along the whole line of the fronjieh 

Neither the precise number nor power of those 
who actually ioined the combination can now be de- 
termined. Ihe Ottawas, the Cbippewas, and the 
Pottawatamies were nmong the roost active. The 
two former of these had sent six hundred warriors in 
one body to the defence effort Du Quesne. The 
Ottawas of L'Arbre Croche, alone, mustered two 
Bundled and fifty fighting men. The Miamies were 
engaged.f ' So were the Sacs, tiie Ottagamies (or 
Foxes,) the M enomlnies, the Wyandots, tbe Missis- 
sagas, the Shawanees ; and, what was still more to 
the purpase, a large number of the I'ennsylvania and 
Ohio Delawares, and of the Six Nations of New York. 
The alliance of the two last-named parties, — in itself 

*Di8C0Qne <^ Governor Cass, t Ibid. 

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the reafilt of a master^piece of policy, was necessaiy 
to complete that vast system of attack which compre- 
hended all the British positions &om Niagara to Green 
Bay and the Potomac 

The plan was at length thoroughly matured. The 
work of extirpation commenced on or about the same 
day, from north to south, and from east to west. 
Nine of the British forts were captured. Some of 
the garrisons were completely surprised, and massa- 
cred on the spot ; a few individuals, in other cases, 
escaped. The officer who commanded at Presqu'- 
Isle, defended himself two days, during which time, 
the savages are said to have fired his block-house 
about fifty times, but the soldiers extinguished the 
flames as often. It was then undermined, and a 
train was laid for an explosion, when a capitulation 
was proposed and agreed upon, under which a part 
of the garrison was carried captive to the north-west. 
The officer was afterwards g^ven up at Detroit. 

A ^reat number M)f English traders were taken, 
on their way, from all quarters of the country, to the 
different forts ; and their goods, as well those of the 
residents at such places, and the stores at the dep6ts 
themselves, of course became prize to the conquer- 
ors. Pittsburgh, with the smaller forts, Ligonier, 
Bedford, and others in that neighbourhood, were 
closely beset, but successfully defended, until the 
arrival of large reinforcements. The savages made 
amends for these failures by a series of the most 
horrible devastations in detail, particularly in New 
York, Pennsylvania, and even in Northern Virginia, 
which have ever been committed upon the continent. 

In case of most, if not all of the nine surprisals 
first mentioned, quite as much was effected by strata- 
gem as by force, and that apparently by a preconcerted 
Sjrstem which indicates the far-seeing superinten- 
ence of Pontiac himself. G^erally, the com- 
manders were secured in the first instance, by parties 
admitted within the forts under the pretence of bu- 
) or fiiendahip. At Maumee^ or the Miami^ (af 

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ffie Station among that tribe was commonly dengna- 
ted,) the oflScer was betrayed by a squaw, who by 
piteous entreaties persuaded him to go out with her 
some two hundred yards, to the succor, as she said, 
of a wounded man who was dying ; the Indians 
wavledd and shot him. 

A more subtle policy was adopted at Michilimack- 
inac, and surer means were taken to e&ect it That fort, 
standing on the south side of the strait, between Lakes 
Huron and Michigan, was one of the most important 
Positions on the frontier. It was the place of depos- 
it, and the point of departure, between the upper and 
lower countries ; the traders always assembling there, 
on their voyages to and from Montreal. Connected 
with it, was an area of two acres, enclosed with 
jcedar-wood pickets, and extending on one nde so 
bear to the >Vater'is edge, that a western wind alwayl^ 
drove the waves against the fbot of the stockade. 
There were about thirty houses within the limits, 
inhabited by about the same number of fkmilies. The 
only ordnance on the bastions were two small brass 
pieces. The garrison . numbered between ninety 
and one hundred. 

The capture of this indispensable station was en- 
trusted to the Chippewas, assisted by the Sacs, and 
those two tribes in concert adopted the following 
plan. The Kwg*8 hirth-dcnf having arrived, a game . 
of baegatiway was proposed by the Indians. This is 
played with a bat and ball ; the former being about 
four feet long, curved, and terminating in a sort of 
racket Two posts are placed in the ground, at the 
distance of half a mile or a mile from each other, 
Each party has its post, and the game consists in 
throwing up to the adversaiy's post the ball which 
at the begmning ia placed in the middle of |ht 

Hie policy of this expedient for surprising the gar 
risen will cleariy appear, when it is understood, that the 
game is necessarily attended with much violence and 
noijse ; diat, in the ardor of contest the ball, if it c«ci* 



not be thrown to the goal desired, ia struck in any 
direction by which it can be diverted from that de- 
sired by the adversary ; that, at such a moment, noth- 
ing could be less likely to excite premature alarm 
among the spectators of the amusement, than that 
the ball should be tossed over the pi(^et8 of the fort; 
or that having fallen there, it should be instandy fol- 
lowed by all engaged in the game, — struggling and 
shouting, in the unrestrained pursuit of a rude ath- 
letic exercise. 

Such was precisely the artiSee ejpfiployed ; and to 
be still more sure of success, the Indians had persua- 
ded as many as they could of the garrison and set- 
tlers, to corne voluntarily without the pickets, for the 
purpose of witnessing the game, which was said to 
' be played for a high w^er. Not fewer than four hun- 
dred w6re engaged onooth sides, and consequenUy, 
possession o^tbe fort being once gained, the situation 
of the English must be desperate indeed. The par- 
ticulars of the sequel of this horrid transaction, fur- 
nished by Henry, are too interesting to be wholly 

The match commenced* with great animation, - 
without the fort. Henry, however, did not go to, being engaged in writing letters to his 
Montreal friends, by a canoe which was just upon 
the eve of departure. He had been thus occupied 
something like half an hour, when he suddenly 
heard a loud Indian war-cry, and a noise of general 
confusion. Going instantly to his window, he saw a 
crowd of Indians within the fort, furiously cutting 
down and scalping every Englishman they found; 
and he could plainly witness the last struggles of 
some of his particular acquaintances. 

He had, m the room where he was, a fowling-piece 
loaded with swan-shot. This he immediately seized, 
and held it for a few minutes, expecting to hear the 
fort-drum beat to arms. In this dreadml interval, he 
saw several of his countrymen fall ; and more than 
caie struggling between the knees of the savages, who^ 

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holding them in this manner, scalped them while yet 
alive. At length, disappointed in the hope of seeing 
any resistance made on the part of the garrison, and 
'sensible, of course, that no effort of his single arm could 
avail against four hundred Indians, he turned his at- 
tention to his own safety. Seeing several of the Ca- 
nadian villagers looking out composedly qpon 'the 
Bcene of blood — ^neither opposing the Indians not 
molested by them — he conceived a hope of finding 
security in one of their houses. 

He immediately climbed over a low fence, which 
was the only separation between the yard-door of 
his house, and that of his next neighbour. Monsieur 
Langlade. He entered the house of the latter pre- 
(jipitately, and found theivhole family gazing at the 
horrible spectacle before them. He addressed him- 
self to M. Langlade, and begged that he would put 
hitn in some place of safety, until the heat , of the 
affair should be over — an act of charity which 
might preserve him from tjie general ma^cre, 
Langlade looked for a moment at him while he 
spoke, and then turned again to the window, shruff- 
ipng his shoulders, and intimating that he could do 
nothing for him — " Que votuiriez-^Hyus que Ten fe* 

Henry was now ready to despur; but at this mo- 
ment, a Patii woman,* a slave of M. Langlade, beck 
oned to him to follow her. She guided him to a 
door, which she opened, desiring him to enter, 
and telling him that it led to the garret, "where he 
must go and conceal himself. , He joyfully obeyed 
her directions ; and she, having followed him up to the 
garret-door, locked it afler him, and with great pres- 
ence of mind took away the key. Scarcely yet 
lodged in this shelter, such as it was, Henry felt an 
eager anxiety to know what was passing without 
His desire was more than satisfied by his finding an 
aperture in the loose board walls of the house, which 

* Siud to belong to an Indian nation of the ^oathr*- 
BO donbt the same now generally called Pawnees. 

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"ft^ordecl him a Mi view of the atea 5f the fort. 
Here he beheld with horror, m shapes the foulest 
aind most terrible, the ferocious triumphs of the 
isavages. The dead were scalped and mangled ; the 
dying were writhing and shrieking under the unsati- 
ated knife and the reeking tomahawk; and fh>m 
Ihe bodies of some, ripped open, their butchers were 
drinking the blood scooped up in the hollow of joined 
hands, and quaffed amid shouts of rage and victory. 
In a few minutes, which to Henry seemed scarcely 
one, every victim who could be found being de- 
stroyed, there was a general cry of, " all is finished" — 
and at this moment Henry heard some of the sava* 
ffes enter Langlade's house. He trembled and grew 
faint with fear. 

As the flooring of his room and the ceiling of the 
room beneath consisted only of a layer of boards, he 
noticed every, thing that passed ; and he heard the In- 
dians inquire, at their entrance, whether thete was 
any Englishman about M. Langlade replied, that 
«* He could not say:— he did not know of any" — as 
in fact he did not — " they could search for themselves 
(he added) and would soon be satisfied." The state 
of Henry's mind may be imagined, when, immedi- 
litely upon this reply, the Indians were brought to 
,the garret door. Luckily some delay was occasioned 
--^through the management of the Pani woman — 
perhaps by the absence of the key. Henry had suf- 
ficient presence of mind to improte these few mo- 
ments in looking foV a hiding place. This he found 
in the eomer of the garret, among a heap of such 
birch bark vessels as are used in making maple-su- 
gar ; and he had not completely concealed himself 
when the door opened, and four Indians entered, all 
, armed with tomahawks, and all besmeared with blood 
from head to foot. 

The die appeared to be Oast Henry could scaree- 
•ly breathe, and he thought thdt the throbbing of his 
heart occasioned a noise loud enough to betray hhn. 
^he Indians walked about ^tiie garret in every direc- 
tion; and one of them approaidied ^im to «daieiy 


that, at a particular moment, bad he put forth hli 
hand, he must have touched him. Favored, hov^ev- 
er, by the dark colour of his clothes, and the want of 
light in a room which had no window, he still re- 
mained unseen. The Indians took several turns 
about the room— enteitaining M. Langlade all the 
while with a minute account of the proceedings ci 
the day — and at la^t returned down stairs. 

Such is the traveHei-'s account of the fall of Mich 
ilimackinac. The fate of Detroit remains to be told, 
a more important position than even Michilimackinac 
An inmiense quantity of valuable goods,— one account 
says, to the amount of five hundred thousand pounds,^- 
was kuovni to be there stored. What w^ of more 
moment, its capture would release the French, inhab- 
itants of the Strait from their temporary allegiance 
to the English, and would consequently unite the 
hitherto separate lines of operation pursued by the 
.Indian tribes above and below. Under these cir- 
cumstances, its reduction was in person undertaken 
by Pontiac. 

The town is supposed at this period to have been^ 
enclosed by a single row of pickets, forming nearly 
four sides of a square ; there being block-houses at 
the comers and over the gates. An open space in- 
tervened between the houses and the picket^ which 
formed a place of arms and encircled the village.* 
The fortifications did not extend to the river, but a 
sate opened in the direction of the \6tream, and not 
&r from it, where, at the date in question, twb armed 
vessels, fortunately for the inhabitants, happened to 
lie at anchor. The ordnance of the fort consisted of 
two six-pounders, one three-pounder, and three mor- 
tars; all of an indifferent quality. The garrison 
numbered one hundred and thirQr, mcluding oflicers, 
besides whom there were in the village something like 
forty individuals who were habitually engaged in the 
fur-trade. The inadequate proportion of this force, 
even to the size of the place, may be inferred from 
the &ct, that the stockade which formed its periphe* 
ly was more than one thousand feet long. 



Such was the situation of Detroit, when the Otta- 
wa chieftain, having completed his arrangementSj on 
the 8th of May presented himself at the gates of the 
town, with a force of about three hundred Indianp, 
chiefly Ottawas and Chippewas, and requested a 
council with Major Gladwyn, the Commandant He 
expected, under this pretext, to gain admission for 
himself and a considerable number of attendants, who 
accordingly were provided with rifles, sawed off so 
short as to be concealed under their blankets. At a 
given signal,^which was to be the presentation of a 
wampum-belt in a particular manner by Pontiac to the 
Commandant, during the conference, — ^the armed In- 
dians were to massacre all the officers; and then, 
opening the gates, to admit a much larger body of 
warriors, who should i)e waiting without, for the com* 
pletion of the slaughter and the desd-uction of the 

Fortunately, Major Gladwyn obtained a knowledge 
of the scheme, before an opportunity occurred for its 
execution. One of the French residents in ^e vicini- 
ty, returning home on the morning of the day last 
mentioned, is said to have met Pontiac and his party 
upon Bloody Bridge. This place, which still retains its 
name, is between one and two miles from the vil-* 
lage. The last warrior in the 'file, being a particular 
friend of the white man, threw aside his blanket, and 
significantly exhibited the shortened rifle beneath* 
Whether his disclosure was communicated to Major 
Gladwyn, cannot be determined. 

Carver states, — and his account is substantially con- 
firmed by tradition, as well as by other authorities,— 
that an Indian woman betrayed the secret She had 
been employed by the Commandant to make him a 
pair of mocassins out of eik-e^n ; and having com- 
pleted them, she brought them into the foiH, on the 
evening of tfie day when Pontiac made his appear- 
ance, and his application for a council. The Major 
Was pleased with them, directed her to convert the 
Midue of the skio into articles of the saine deseriptioy^ 

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and ha^ng made a generous paymeDt, dismissed her. 
She went to the outer door, but there stopped, and for 
sometime loitered about as if her errand was still un- 
performed. A servant asked her what she wanted, but 
she made no answer. — ^The Major himself observed 
her, and ordered her to be called in, when, after some 
hesitation, she replied to his enquiries, that as he had 
always treated her kindly, she did not like to take 
away the elk-skin, which he valued so highly ; — she 
could never bring it back. The Commandant's curiosi- 
ty was of course excited, and he pressed the examina- 
tion, until the woman at length disclosed every thing 
which had come to her knowledge. 

Her Information was not received with implicit cre- 
dulity, but the Major thought it prudent to employ the 
night in taking active measures for defence. His 
arms and ammunition were examined and arranged ^ 
and the traders and their dependants, as well as the 
garrison, were directed to be ready for instant service. 
A guard kept watch on the ramparts during the night, 
it ^ing apprehended that the Indians might antici- 
pate the preparations now knovm to have been made 
for the next day. Nothing, however, was heard after 
dark, except the sound of singing and dancing, in 
the Indian camp, which they always indulge in 
upon the eve of any great enterprise. The particu- 
lars of the council of the next day, we shall funiisl^ 
on the authority of a writer ah'eady cited. 

In the morning, Pontiacand his warriors sang their 
war-song, danced their, war-dance, and repaired to 
the fort They were admitted without hesitation, 
and were conducted to the council house, where Ma* 
jor Gladv^n and his officers were prepared to receive 
them. They perceived at the gate, and as they pas- 
sed through the streets, an unusual activity and move- 
ment among the troops. The garrison was under 
arms, the ffuards were doubled, and the officers were 
armed with swords and pistols. Pontiac enquired of 
the British commander, what was the cause of this 
iwusual appearance. He was answered, that it was 

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)>roper to keep the young men to their duty, lest they 
should become idle and ignorant The ousiness of 
the council then commenced, and Pontiac proceeded 
to address Major Gladwyn. His speech was bold and 
menacing, and his manner and gesticulations vehe- 
ment, and they became still more so, as he approach<^ 
ed the critical moment. When he was upon the point 
of presenting the belt to Major Gladwin, and all was 
breathless expectation, the drums at the door of the 
council house, suddenly rolled the charge, the guards 
. levelled their pieces, and the British officers dl^w their 
swords from their scabbards. Pontiac was a brave 
pan, constitutionally and habitually. He had fought 
in many a battle, and often led his warriors to victo- 
ly. But this unexpected and decisive proo^ that his 
treachery was discovered and prevented, entirely dis- 
concerted him. Tradition says he trembled. At 
all events, he delivered his belt in the usual man- 
ner, and thus failed to give his party the concerted 
signal of attack. Major Gladwyn immediately ap- 
proached the chiei^ and drawing aside his blanket, 
discovered the shortened rifle, and then, after stating 
his knowledge of the plan, and reproaching him for hia 
treachery, ordered him from the fort. The Indians 
immediately retired, and as soon as they had passed 
the gate, they gave the yell, and fired upon the gar- 
rison. They then proceeded to the commons, where 
was lying an aged English woman with her two sons. 
These they murdered, and afterwards repaired to Hog 
Island, where a discharged Serjeant resided with his 
family, who were all but one immediately massacred. 
Thus was the war commenced.* 

As to leading facts, this account is without doubt 
correct Perhaps it is in all the minutise. We have 
however seen a somewhat different version, which, 
as the affair is one of great interest, we shall here 
annex without comment It was orisinally furnish- 
ed in a letter from a gentleman residing m Detroit 

* Discourse of €rov. Cass. 

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«t me time of the attack, addressed to a fHetid 
in New- York, and dated July 9, 1763. It may 
be seen In the most respectable papers of that period, 
and is believed to be unquestionably authentic. As 
to. many circumstances the writer's statement agrees 
with that just given, although the conference (per- 
haps another one) is said to have taken place on the 
7th of the month. The sequel is thus : 

At the close of the interview, the Indians retonied 
disconcerted, and encamped on the farther side of the 
river. Pontiac was reproached by some of the young 
warriors for not having given the signal (the appear'* 
ance of the garrison having surprised him.^ He told 
them, that 1^ did not suppose they were willing to lose 
any of their men, as they must have done in that case ; 
if they weie, he would still give them an opportunity, 
whether the flarrison should be under arms or not All 
were satisfied vrith this proposition — ^" in consequence 
of which,"— -proceeds our informant, — ^ Pondiac, with 
some others of the chiefe, came the next day, be- . 
ing Sunday, to smoak the Pipe of Peace with the 
dityor, who despised them so much in consequence 
of their treachery, that he would not go nigh them ; 
but told Captain CampbeU* if Ae had a mind he might 
speak with them. Tne Captain went, and snooaked 
with them, when Pondiac told him he would come 
the next day and hold a conference with the Major, 
imd to wipe away aU cause of mtspvcUm he toovldbring 
gUhisold and yourur^men^ to take him by the hand in 
a fiiendly manner.^ 

Tins certainly looks much Dke a genuine Indian 
artifice. The writer then says, Aat " after repeating 
several pieces of sudi stuf^ he withdrew with his gang 
to his camp." The next morning, (Monday, the QthJ 
«Mi many as sixty-four canoes were discovered, all of 
them full of Indians, crossing the river above the fort 
A lew of them came to the gates and demanded per« 

* The immediftte predeceisor of -Gladwyn in the com^ 
mandof thepost 

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nyarfon far the whole company to be admitted, 'fi>r a 
council' The Commandant refused this request, but 
expressed his willingness that some forty or fifty 
should come in, that being quite as many as was usu- 
al in such qases The messengers returned to their 
comrades, who were lying and standing all around 
^e fort, at the distance of two hundred ^ards. A 
consultation now took place, and then, we are told, 
*< they all got up and fled off yelmnglike so many Der- 
ils.— *They instantly fell upon Mrs. Tumbell, (an Eng- 
lish woman to whom Major Gladwyn had given a 
Bmall Plantation, about a Mile from the Fort,) and mur- 
dered and scalped her and her two sons ; from thence 
they went to Iiogs Island, about a league up the River 
from the Fort, and there murdered James Fisher and 
his wife, also four Boldiers who were with them, nod 
carried off his Children and Servant Maid jmoiiers ; 
Sesame evening, being the 9th, had an account, by 
ft Frenchman, of the^defeat of Sir Robert Davers ana 
Capt. Robertson." The sequel of the war, and of 
Ibe history of Pontiac, will iorm the subject of our 
Mait chapter. 
IL— I 

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Siege of Detroit maintained by Pontiac — ^The Commaii* 
dant meditates a retreat — The French propose a con* 
ference with Pontiac, which takes place-^The latter 
demands the surrender of the fort, which the Com*> 
mandant refuses — Vigorous renewal of hostilities-^ 
Advantages gained by the Indian army — ^Arrival of 
succor to the English — Battle of Bloody Bridge — • 
Pontiac at length raises the siege, — Causes ot it— 
The Indians m3s.e peace — His subsequent career until 
his death — Anecdotes illustrating his influence, ener 
gy, magnanimity, integrity and genius — His authority 
as chieftain — ^His talents as an orator — ^His tradition* 
ary fiune. 

We have now to furnish the details, of one of the 
most anffular transactions which has ever distin- 

Suished the multifarious warfare of Uie red men witk 
le whites— the protracted siege of a fortified civ- 
ilized garrison by an army of savages. We shall 
still avail ourselves of the diary contained in the let 
ters already cited, and of other information from the 
same source. 

** The 10th, in the Morning, (Tuesday) they attack- 
ed the Fort very resolutely. There contmued a very 
hot Fire on both Sides ui^til the Evening, when they 
ceased firing, having had several kUled and wounded. 
They posted themselves behind the Garden-Fences 
and Houses in the Suburbs, and some Bams and Out- 
houses that were on the Side of the Fort next the 
Woods, to which we immediately set Fire by red-hot 
Spikes &c. from the Cannon." In this n^anner, and 
by occasional sorties, the enemy was dislodged and 
driven back, until they could only annoy the fort by 
approaching the summit of the low ridge which over- 
looked the pickets, and there, at interras, they con- 
timied their fire. 

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little damage was done in this way, nor did th^ 
Indians at any time undertake a close assault The 
Commandant, however, ignorant of their style of war- 
fare, apprehended that movement ; and he believed 
that in such a case, — ^their numbers being now, ac- 
cording to some estimates, six or seven hundred, 
and according to others, about twice as many, — the 
situation of the garrison would be hopeless. Besides, 
he had but three weeks' provision in the fort, "at a 
pound of bread and two ounces of pork a man per 
da3%'' Under these pircumstances he immediately 
commi need preparations for an embarkation on board 
the two vessels which still lay in the stream, with the 
intention of retreating toNia^ra. 

He was dissuaded from this course by the French 
residents, who positively assured him that the ene- 
nay would never think of taking the fort by storm. A 
truce or treaty was then suggested. Some of the 
French, (who were the chief medium of communi- 
eation between the belligerent parties,) mentioned the 
circumstance to Pontiac ; and the latter, it is said, 
soon afler sent in five messengers to the fort, propos- 
ing that two of the officers should go out and confer 
with him at his camp.' He also requested, that Major 
Campbell might be one of them. That gentleman 
accordingly went, with th^ permission though not by 
the command of Major Gladwyn, in the aflemoon of 
Wednesday, the 11th. Campbell took Lieutenant 
McDougall with him, and both were attended by five 
or six of the French. 

Whether the latter had meditated a treachery or 
not, does not appear. The French residents general- 
ly, at all events, cannot be fairly charged with improp- 
er conduct between the contending parties during the 
siege. They were naturally enough suspected and 
accused, but we have seen nodiing proved against them. 
The two ofiicers were, however, detained by the 
Indians ; and Pontiae, who is generally supposed to 
have conceived this scheme for obtaining an advantage 
over the garrison, now sent in terms of capitulation* 




These were to the effect, that the troops should Im 
mediately surrender, " lay down their arms, as thew * 
fethers, the French, had been obliged to do — Cleave 
the cannon, magazines, and merchants' goods, and 
the two yessels---and be esconed in batteaux by In- 
dians to Niagara." The Major promptly made an- 
swer, that " his conunanding oflScer had not sent him 
there to deliver up the fort to Indians or any body 
else, and he would therefore defend it so long as a 
single man could stand at his mde." 

Hostilities now recommenced, and were so vf^r- 
ously sustained on the part of Pontiac, that for some 
months, (says the diary,) "the whole Garrison, Offi- 
cers, Soldiers, Merchants and Servants, were upon 
the Ramparts every Night, not one' having slept in a 
House, except the sick and wounded in the Hospital.* 

Three weeks after the commencement of the 
siege,— on the 30th o€ May, — ^the English sentinel on 
duty announced, that a fleet of boats, supposed to 
contain a supply of provisions and a reinforcement of 
troops from Niagara, was coming round * the point,' at 
a pkce called the Huron Church. The garrison 
flocked to the bastions, and for a moment at least hope 
shone upon every countenance. But presently the 
death-cry of the Indians was heard, and the fate of 
the detachment was at once known. Theii approach 
having been ascertained, Pontiac had stationed a body 
of warriors at Point Pel^. Twenty small batteaux, 
manned by a considenible number of troops, and 
laden with stores, landed there in the evening. The 
Indians watched their movements, and fell upon them 
about day-Kgbt One officer, with thirty men, escaped 
across the lake ^ but the others were either killed or 
captured ; and the line of barges ascended the river 
near the opposite shore, escorted by the Indians on 
the hanks and guarded by detachments in each boat, 
in full view of the garrison and of the wholo French 

The prisoners were compelled to navigate the 
boats. A»the fine baoeanz arrived oppoaite tatho 



town, ibur British soldiers determined to efiect . 
their liberatioD, or to perish in the attempt They 
suddenly changed the course of tlio boat, and by loud 
cries made known their intention to the crew of the^ 
vessel. The Indians in the other boats, and the es- 
cort on tlie bank, fired upon the fugitives, but they 
were soon driven from their positions by a cannonade 
from the armed schooner. The guard on board this 
boat leaped overboard, apd one them dragged a sol- 
dier with him into the watelpy where both were drown- 
ed. The others escaped to the shore, and the boat 
reached the vessel, with but one soldier wounded. 
Lest the other prisoners might escape, they were im- 
mediately landed, and marched up the shore, to the 
lower point of Hog Island, where they crossed the 
river, and were immediately put to death, with all the 
horrible accompaniments of savage cnielty. 

During the month of June, an attempt to relieve 
the garrison proved more successful A vessel 
which had been sent to Niagara, arrived at the mouth 
of the nver, with about fif^ troops on board, and a 
supply of stores. The Indians generally left the 
siege, and repaired to Fighting Island, for the purpose 
of intercepting her. They annoved the English 
very much in their canoes, till the latter reached the 
point of the Island, where, on account of the wind fail- 
ing, they were compelled to anchor. 

The captain had concealed his men in the hold, 
60 that the Indian? were not aware of the strength of 
the crew. Soon after dark, they embarked in their 
canoes, and proceeded to board the vessel. The men 
were silentiy ordered up, and took their stations at the 
guns. The Indians were suffered to approach close to 
3ie vessel, when the captain, by the stroke of a ham- 
mer upon the mast, which had been previously con- 
certed, gave the signal for action. An immediate dis- 
charge took place, and the Indiana precipitately fled, 
with many kill^ and wounded. The next morning, 
the vessel dropped down to the mouth of the river, 
where she renMimed six days, waiting for a wind. On 

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tfie thirteenth, i^e succeeded in ascending the ifvei; 
and reaching the fort in safety. 

Pontiac Mi the necessity of destroying these yes* 
#els, and he therefore constructed raits for that pur« 
pose. The bams of some of the inhabitants were 
demolished, and the materials employed in this work. 
Pitch and other combustibles were added, and the 
whole so formed, as to bum with rapidity and in- 
t^inty. They were of considerable length, and were 
towed to a proper position, above the vessels, when 
fire was applied, and they were lefl to the stream, ia 
the expectation that they wouhl be carried into con-r 
tact with the vessels, and immediately set fire to them« 
Twice the attempt was made, without success, 
The British were aware of the deengn, and took their 
measures accordingly. Boats were constructed, and 
anchored with chains above the vessels, and every 
precaution was used to ward off the blow. The bla- 
zing rafbs passed harmlessly by, and other incidents^ 
soon occurred to engage the attention of the Indians.*^ 

A week subsequent to this date, we find various let- 
ters from Detroit published in Atlantic papers, of 
which the following passages are extracts. They 
will fumi^ the reader with an idea of the true mtua- 
tion of the garrnon at this time, much better than 
could be derived fix>m any description of our own. 

"Detroit, July 6, 1763. 
We have been beaeged here two Months, by Six 
Hundred Indians. We have been upon the Watc^h 
Night and Day, fi'om the Commanding Officer to the 
lowest Soldier, fh>m the 8th of May, and have not had 
our deaths o^ nor slept all Night since it began ; and 
shall continue so till we have a Reinforcement up. 
We then hope soon to give a good Account of the Sav- 
agea Their Camp lies about a Mile and a half from 
the Fort ; and that's the nearest they choose to come 
now. For the first two or three Day& we were attack* 

* DxsoMUM of Got. Cass* 

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•d by three or ibur Hundred of tbeni, but W6 gtf« 
them so warm a Reception that they don't care for 
coming to see us, tho' they now and then get behind 
a Houde or Garden, and fire at us about three or four 
Hundred Yards' distance* ,The Day befi>re Yesterday, 
we killed a Chief and three others, and wounded 
some more ; yesterday went up with our Sloop, and 
battered their Cabins in such a Manner that they are 
glad to keep farther ofi^" 

Th« next letter is under date of the 9th. 

"You have long ago heard of our pleasant Situa- 
jllion ; but the Storm is blown over. Was it not very 
Hgreeable to hear every Day, of their cutting, carving, 
boiling and eating our Companions ? To see every 
fy^y dead Bodies floating down the River, mangled and 
disngured. But Britons, you know, never shrink ; 
we always appeared gay, to spite the Rascals. They 
boiled and eat Sir Robert Dtevers ; and we are in- 
formed by Mr, Fauly, who escaped the other Day 
from one of the Stations surprised at the breaking out 
of the War, and commanded by himself, that he had 
deen an Indian have the Skin of Captain Robertson's 
Arm for a Tobacco-Pouch !" 

" Three Days ago, a Party of us went to demolish a 
Breast- work they had made. We finished ow Work, 
and were returning Hom^ ; but the Fort espying a Par- 
ty of Indians coming up, as if they intended to fight, 
we were ordered back, made our Dispositions, and ad- 
vanced briskly. Our Front was fired upon warmly, 
and returned the Fu-e fbr about five Minutes. In the 
mean time, Captain Hopkins, with about twenty Men, 
filed oif to the left, ana about twenty French volunteers 
filed off to the Right, and got between them and their 
Fires. The Villains immediately fled, and we return- 
ed, as was prudent, for a Centry whom I had placed, 
rnfi)rmed me he saw a Body of them coming down 
firom the Woods, and our Parly being but about eighUr, 
was not able to cope with their united bands. In 
short, we beat them handsomely, and yet did not 
much Hurt to thenit ^or they ran extremely welL We 


only killed their Leader, and wounded three othenk 
One of them fired at me at the Distance of fifteen or 
twenty Paces, but I suppose my terrible Visage mado 
him tremble. I think 1 shot him." 

This * leader* was, according to some accounts, an 
Ottaw^a Chief; according to others, the son of a 
Chief. At all events, he was a popular if not an im- 
portant man ; and his death was severely revenged 
mr one of his relatives, in the massacre of Captain 
CfampbelL That gentleman had been detained a pris- 
oner ever sinc^ the proposal of a capitulation, togeth- 
er with his fiiend McDougall. The latter escaped a 
day or two before the skirmish ; but his unfortunate 
comrade was tomahawked by the infuriated savage. 
One account says, *^ they boiled his heart and ate it, 
and made a pouch of the skin of his arms !" The 
brutal assassin fied to Saginaw, apprehensive of the 
▼engeance of Pontiac ; and it is but justice to the 
memory of that Chieftain to say, that be was indig- 
nant at the atrocious act, and used every possible exer- 
tion to apprehend the murderer. 

The reinforcement mentioned above as expected, 
arrived on the 26th of July. It was a detachment of 
three hundred regular troops. Arrangements were 
made the same evening, for an attack on the Indian 
camp. But by some unknown means, Pontiac ob- 
tained information of the design ; and he not only 
removed the women and children from his camp, but 
seasonably stationed two strong parties in ambuscades^ 
where they were protected by pickets and cord-wood, 
and concealed by the high grass. Three hundred 
men left the fort, about an hour before day, and 
marched rapidly up the bank. They were suffered 
to reach the bridge over Bloody-Run, and to proceed 
about half way across it, before the slightest move* 
ment indicated that the enemy was aware of their ap- 
proach. Suddenly a volume of musketiy was pour- 
ed in upon the troops ; the commander fell at the first 
<!hscharge, and they were thrown into instant confu- 
■ioD. A retreat was mih 9ome difficult effected by 

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dnving ibe Indians from all their positions at the bay* 
onet's point, but tbe English lost seventy men killed, 
and forty wounded. 

This was the last important event attending the 
prosecution of the siege. A modem author observes^ 
that Pontiac relaxed in his efforts, that tbe -Indians 
bOoo began to depart for their wintering-gronnds, and 
that the various bands, as they attived in ike springs 
vrofesstd Pidr desire for peace. Such seems to have 
been the case at a much earlier date ; for we find it 
stated under date of the 18th of August (1763,) that 
"the Hurons, who begin to be wearied of the war,** 
had brought in and given up eight prisoners. Tbe 
writer adds, tliat *^ the Hurons and Pouteouatamies, 
who were partly forced into the war by the menaces 
of the Ottawas^ begin to withdraw." Pontiac had 
been so confident of success as to have made some 
arrangements, it is said, for dividing the conquered 
territory with the French ; and 5''^eral Indians planted 
fields of com. But his "»varrio»t, grew weary of the 
oege, and liis army wasui this time reduced to about 
&ye hundred. 

Where or how he pussed the winter, we are not 
told. But his movements were still watched with 
anxiety, and the garrison at Detroit, especially, seem 
not to have thought themselves safe from his opera- 
tions, from day to day, "We have lately been very 
busy," says a respectable writer, under date of De- 
cember 3, 1763, — "in providing Abundance of Wheat, 
Fk>ur, Indian Com and Pease, from the Country, in 
which we have so far succeeded as not to be in Dan- 
ger of being starved out." It further appears, that de- 
tachments of the enemy were still in the neighbor- 
hood : "The Api»roach of Major Wilkins* Party had a 
very good effect ; the Enemjr moved farther oft ^IHa 
said wai Ponbiac and his tribe have gone to ihe Missis^ 
sippij but tw donH believe UP Again, — ^ The Wyan- 
dots, of Smtdusky, are much animated against us ; 
they have been reinforced lately by many villains 
fBOxa all the nai&ons eoncemed in the war.'' So lato 



as March 25th, we are told that <* about twelve Daya 
ago, several ecalping-Parties of the Potewatamies 
came to the SettlemcDt, &c. Wt now sleep in our 
Clothes, expectir^ an Marm every NighL^ 
.* But the reign of terror mainta'med by the move- 
ments of Pontiac was drawing to its close. '^The 
Cower of the civilized party was too much for a com- 
ination like his. General Bradstreet, with n force of 
three thousand men, proceeded to Niagara early in 
the summer of 1764,' on his way to the north-west. 
Here a grand council was held, at which nearly two 
thousand Indians attended. One account says there 
were i^presentadves present from twenty-two different 
tribes, including eleven of the western, — a fact strik- 
ingly indicating the immense train of operations 
managed by the influence of Pondac. Many of his 
best allies had now deserted the chieftain. The trav- 
eller, Henry, who was under Bradstreet's command, 
mentions that he was himself ap|K)inted leader of 
ninety six Chippewas of the Sault de Sainte-Marie, and 
other savages, under the name of the Indian Battal- 
lion ; — ^" Me," he adds, " whose best hope it had very 
lately been, to live through theur forbearance." It 
ought to be observed, however, in justice to the men 
who were thus led against their own countrymen 
and kinsmen, that by the time the army reached Fort 
Erie, their number was reduced to fourteen by deser 

On the arrival of the army at Detroit, which they 
reached without opposition, all the tribes in that re- 
gion came in and concluded a peace, with the excep- 
tion of the Delawares and Shawanees. But Pontiac 
was no more seen. He not only took no part in the 
pending negotiation, but abandoned the country, and 
repaired to the Illinois. 

We find no authority for the assertion of Carver, 
that henceforward he laid aside his animosity for the 
English ; and still less, that ^'to reward Uds new ot- 
tadment, Government allowed him a handsome pen- 
non." Even this Writer admits that his conduct **at 

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length grew suspicioua^ Rogers, on the other hand, 
who had good opportunities of knowing the facts, 
says, that while ^some of the Indians left him, and 
by his consent made a separate peace, he would not he 
fersonaUy concerned in U, saying, that when he made 
a peace, it* should be such a one as would lie useful 
and honorable to himself, and to the King of Great 
Britain. Bvi he has not as yet proposed his terms.^ 

This account bears manifest marks of correctness, 
it i agrees with many other illustrations of a magna- 
nimity which might havo'made Pondaca fit comrade 
for the Knights of the middle ages» But confirma* 
dons of it mav be found elsewhere. It was the com- 
mon belief of the times, that he had gone among the 
Illinois, with a view of there holding himself in rea- 
diness for whatever might happen to the benefit of the 
mat caus^ for which he was resolved to live and 
die; and probably, also, to use active measures as 
fast and as far as might be advisable. The following 
passage occurs in an authentic letter from Detrdt, 
dated May 19, 1765. 

*^ PoNDiAC is now raising the St Joseph Indiana, 
the Miamies, the Mascontins, the Ouiattenons, the 
Pians^and the Illinois, to come to this place the be- 
ginning of next month, to make what enbct they can 
against us ; for which purpose he has procured a large 
belt for each nation, and <»e larger than the rest for a 

* hatchet^ for the whole. They are to be joined by 
some of the northern Indians, as is reported. Thi% 
they say, is to be an undertaking of their own, as 
they are not to have any assistance from the French. 

• * When Pondiac left the Miamies. he told them 
to remiun quiet till he came back ; it should then be 
*all war, or all peace.' • • I make no doubt of 
their intention to perform what we have heard of, 
^ough I don't think it will come to any head. I am 
likewise well convinced, {f Pondiac be made to believe 
he vfotdd be toeU received at this place, he wovHd desisi 

* Rogers* Acooonti p* 344. 



Jiym any wUniion he mmf Tume ; but it wIH be impM 
flible to convince him of that, while there are such a 
number of traitorous villains about him. You cant 
imagine what most infamous lies they tell," &c. 

It appears from this testimony, that Pondac had at 
this period re-engaged in his plan of combination. It 
would also appear, that he was instigated by some of 
the French ; for it is believed that only indimdwdi 
among them were guilty of the practices alleged^ 
Those at Detroit conducted themselves amicably, 
even during the war ; and some of them, we have 
«cen, volunteered to fight against the Indians^ 8til]^ 
where PontiaC now was, there would be the bestpos^ 
Bible opportunity of exerting a sinister influence over 
him, there being many Frenchmen among the Illi* 
nois, and they not of the most exemplary character 
in all cases. On the whole, it seems to us probable^ 
that while the last mentioned comlnnadon was really 
<an undertaking of his own,' it might have been 
checked at any moment, and perhaps never would 
have been commenced, had not Pondac been renew* 
edly and repeated^ prejudiced aminst the English 
interest by the artmce of some of the French, and 
perhaps some of the Indima. However his pimei* 
pkfi ii^ regard to that But(|ect might remain unchang* 
ed, no attract inducement, we think, would have 
urged him to his present measures under the circum* 
stances to which be was qow reduced. But, be that 
as It may, the principles themselves need not be 
doubted ; Bor can we forbear admiring the energy of 
the man in pursuing the exemplification and vindiea* 
djon of them io practice. Hii^ertions grew only the 
more daring, as bis prospects became more dcspmte* 

But his death at length ended at once his disap^ 
poiotmevts and hopes, together witii the fears of lus 
enemies. This event is supposed to have taken phice 
in 1767. He was aasasainatedy at a eouoeil held 
»XB00g the Illinois, by an Indian of the Peoria tribe» 
Carver says, that ^ eimer commisnoned bjr one <^the 
English Goreinorsi or iiarigated b^tbe love he bore 



tbB English nation, the sayage attended him as a c^r, 
"and being convinced from the speech Pontiac made 
in the council, that he still retained his former preju- 
dices against those fir whom he now professed a friend-' 
skip, he phmged his knife into his heart, as soon as he 
had done sp^idng, and laid him dead on the spot/' 

As to what is here said of professed friendship, the 
writer evidently alludes to his own previous assertion, 
which we have shown to be unfounded, and for 
which we are still unable to perceive the slightest 
grounds. Still several of these suppositions, though 
only to be received as such, are probably true. There 
is little doubt that Pontiac continued firm in his orig- 
inal principles and purpose ; that he expressed him- 
self without diavuise ; that he endeavored to influ- 
ence, and did influence, a large number of his coun- 
trymen ; and that the Peoria sawige, whether a per- 
sonal enemy or a * i^'— or what is most probable, both, 
(a spy because an enemy, )^-did assassinate him with 
the expectation, to say tibe least, of doing an accepta- 
ble service to some foreign party, and a lucrative one 
for himself. We need not assert that he was < com- 
missioned by an English Ooverrwr.^ Pontiac was an 
indefatigable and powerful men, and a dangerous foe 
to the English. He was in a situation to make ene- 
mies amoil^g his countrymen, and the English virere 
generally in a situation and diiq[K>sition to avail themt- 
■elves oi that dreomstance. 

From the manner of Ma adopted by the chieftain 
subsequent to the treaty at Detroit, it might be infeiv 
Kd, perhaps, that he became alienated from the North- 
ern tribes^ induing his own, who had been his best 
fiiends, or that they became alienated fiwm him. We ' 
are inclined to believe, on the contrary, that their ne- 
gotiations took f^ee <by hieoonsent,' as has been 
Slated heretofbve ) and that he retnoved southwim], 
as well with a view to their good (as redded 
the friendship of the English,) as at the same time 
for -the pisrpose of reoommencmg his own operations 
UfMii a new thea(tt«, and with fiesh actors. Hewoold 

II.— K 


thereby gain new influence, while he would lose littlt 
or none of the old. 

This supposition is confirmed by the well-authen- 
ticated fact that the Ottawas, the Chippewas, and the 
Pottawatamies — some writers add the Sacs and Fox* 
es — made common cause in the revenge of his death. 
Following that prindple with the customary Indian 
latitude of application, they made war upon the Peo- 
ria tribe. The latter associated with themselves, in 
defence, the Kadcaskias, the Cahokias, and the Illi- 
nois ; but to no purpose. The two latter tribes are be- 
lieved to have been wholly exterminated, and of the 
former only a few families remain. "The memory 
of thQ great Ottawa Chief," says a distinguished his- 
torian of that section, ^^iayet held in reverence among 
his countrymen : and whatever is the fate which may 
await them, his name and deeds will live in then: tra- 
ditionary narratives, increasing in interest as they in- 
crease in years." 

The astonishing influence exerted by this remarka* 
ble man so long as he lived, may be inferred from 
the period of peace which succeeded his death and 
the pumshment of his murderer, still more forcibly 
than from any circumstances we have noticed. It 
has been seen, that more than twenty tribes, who had 
engaged in his combination, appeared at the Ni- 
agara Council His movements are believed to have' 
been felt as far east as among theMicmacks of Nova- 
Scotia. As far south as Virginia, they were not only 
perceptible, but formidable in the highest degree* 
The adtation produced among the inhabitants of a 
part of our Western territory, within a few months^ 
by Black-Hawk and his associates, scarcely illus- 
trates the similar excitement which, in 1763, prevailed 
over a much larger portion of the continent A few 
passages from periodical publications of that dale 
will give a better conception of the truth. 

" "New York, June 13tb, 176a 
We hear that on Monday last amved an Bsfirtm 



fit>m Pittsburefa, advising that a "PnxW of Indians had 
murdered CoL Clapham and all his Family." ^ ^ 

"Fort Pitt, May 31st. 
There is most melancholy News here. The In- 
dians have broken out in divers Places, and have mur- 
dered Col. C. and his Family. An Indian has brought 
a War belt to Tusquerora, who says Detroit was invest- 
ed, and St Dusky cut off. All lievy's goods are stop- 
ped at Tusquerora by the Indians ; and last Night 
eight or ten Men were killed at Beaver Creek. We 
bear of scalping every Hour. Messrs. Cray and Alli- 
son's Horses, twenty-five, loaded with Skins, are all 
taken." # • # 

« Fort Pitt, June 16th. 
We have destroyed the Upper and Lower Towns, and 
by Tomorrow Night shall be in a good Posture of De- 
fence. Every Morning, an Hour before Day, the whole 
Garrison are at their Alarm-posts. Ten Days ago, 
ihey killed one Patridi Dunn, and a man of Major 
Smallman's ; also two other men. Capt. Callendei^s 
people are all killed, and the ^oods taken. There is 
DO account of Mr. Welch, &c. Mr. Crawford is 
made prisoner, and his people all murdered. Our 
small posts, I am afiiaid, are gone." • • • 

" Fort Bedford, June 8th. 
On Tuesday, one Smith was attacked, and by an 
Indian without arms, at Beaver Creek, who endeav- - 
ored to put him under water ; but Smith proving too 
strong tor him, put the Indian under water, and 
brought off a piece of his ear, and left him. • • 
We n&ve a numerous militia who are under arms al- 
most continually. Regular piquets, town-guards^ 
fort-guards, centinels, &c. are observed." « * # 

"Albany, June 16th. 
You must have heard of the^many murders com 
netted on the English, by different tribes of In 



dians, at difl%rent places, which makes many fear the 
rupture is or vnW become general among the sovihem 
trAes, We have accounts, &c. * * Lieut Cuy- 
ler, wjth a party of Green's rangers, consisting of 
ninety-seven men, set out from Niagara, with provis- 
ions for Detroit On the evening of the 4th, they 
went on shore to encamp, within fifty miles of Detroit 
Cuyler sent his servant to gather greens, and the lad 
being eone so long, a party was sent for him, who 
found him scalped. He put his men in the best posi- 
tion for a sudden attack. The Indians fell upon 
them, and killed and tods all but the Lieutenant and 
thirty of his men, who retreated back to Niagara, 
leaving near two hundred barrels of provision Yfith 
the enemy." • « * 

" Philadelphia, June 23d. 
By an express just now from Fort Pitt, we leam 
Chat the Indians are continually about that place ; that 
out of one hundred and twenty traders out two or 
three escaped," &c. • * It is now out of doubt it 
is a general insurrection among all the Indians." ^ 

^ Winchester, (Virginia,) June 22d. 
Last ni^t I reached this place. I have been at 
Fort Cumberland several daye^ but the Indians having 
killed nine people there, made me think it prudent to 
remove from those parte, frwh which 1 suppose near 
five himdred families have nm axoay unthvn ffds week. 
It was a roost roelancboly sight to see such numbera 
of poor people, who had abcmdoned their setdement 
in such consternation and hurry, that they had scarce- 
ly anything Vfdth them but their children." ^ ^ 

^ Carlisle, July 3d. 
Ligonierwas attacked on the 23d, by the Savage% 
for a day and a night, but they were beat off; this we 
bad from an Indian. We killed one of the Scoun- 
drel's fi^m the Foit, who had trusted himself a little 
loo near." • • « 

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*^ Philadelphia, July 27th. 
I returned home last night. ♦ * There has been 
& ffood deal said in the papers, hut no^ more than is 
Btnctly true. Shippersburgh and Carlisle are now he- 
come our frontiers, none living at their plantations but 
such as have their houses stockaded. Upwards of 
two hundred women and children are now living in 
Fort Loudoun, a spot not more than one hundred 
feet square. I saw a letter from Col. S. late of the 
Virginia Regiment, to Col. A. wherein he mentions 
that Great-Brier and Jackson's River are depopulated— 
uj) wards of three hundred persons killed or taken 
prisoners ; that for one hundred miles in breadth and 
three hundred in length, not one family is to be found 
in their plantations ; by which means there are near 
twenty thousand people left destitute of their habita^ 
tions. The seven hui^idred men voted by the assem- 
bly, recruit but very slowly, &c." « # # 

« Goshen, N. Y. August 5th. 
- Last week the following accident happened in this 
place. Several men having been out upon the hills 
hunting for deer, in their return they met with a flock 
of partridges, at which four guns were dischiu^d, 
three of them pretty quick after each other. This, 
being an uncommon accident in the Place, was mista- 
ken by some of the inhabitants of the Wall-Kill for 
firing of Indians. Immediately alarm-guns were 
fired and spread over the whole Place, which produc- 
ed an amazing panic and confusion among the peo- 
ple, near five hundred families. Some for haste cut 
the harnesses of their horses from their ploughs and 
carts, and rode off with what they were most con- 
cerned to preserve. Odiers, who had no vessel to 
cross the river, plun^ through, carrying their wives 
and children on their backs. Some, we have already 
heard, proceeded as far as New-England, spreading 
the alarm as they went, and how far they may go ii 
uncertain.^* « «» ^^ 


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"Bethlemem, (Penn.") OctOdu 
I cannot describe the deplorable condition this poor 
country is in. Most of the iniiabitants of Allen'»- 
town, and other places, are fled from their habita- 
dons. I cannot ascertain the number killed, but think 
it exceeds twenty. The people at Nazareth, and the 
other places belonging to the [United] Brethren, have 
put themselves in tfa^ best posture of defence they ' 
can ; they keep a strong watch every night, and hope, 
by the blessing of God, if they are attad^ed, to make 
A stand." 

Nothing can be added, to enSbrce the impression 
which these various descriptions must naake upon 
the mind of the reader. They shew that the appre- 
hension excited by the movements of Pontiac, though 
the ChieHain himself was not yet thoroughly appreci- 
ated, exceeded every thing of the kind which has oc- 
curred on the continent since the days of King Philip. 

It is mainly from his actions, of necessity, that the 
character of such a man, in such a situation, must be 
judgeo. There are, however, some items of person- 
al information respecting him, and these all go to 
ecmfirm the opinion we have already expressed. Hi9 
anxiety to learn^tbe English methods of manufactur- 
ing cloth, iron and some other articles, was such that 
he offered Major Rogers a part of his territory, if he 
would take him to England for that purpose. He al- 
so endeavored to inform himself oi the tactics and 
discipline of the En^ish troops. Probably it was in 
consequence of suggestions made by R^rs at some 
of the conversations he had with that officer, (and at 
which the latter albws that <<he discovered great 
strength of judgment, and a thirst after knowledge,") 
that afterwiurds, in the course of the war, he appoint- 
ed an Indian Commissary, and began to issue bills of 
credit These, which are said to have been punctu- 
ally redeemed, are described as having the figure of 
whatever he wanted in exchange for them, drawn 
upon them, with the addition of his own stamp in the 

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shape of an otter. The sjrstem was set hi operaticm 
partly for the benefit of the French. They had been 
subjected, occasionally, to indiscriminate pillage, but 
Pontiac become satined, that such a process would 
soon put an end to itself besides doing no honor to 
his cause. The supplies which they subsequently 
furnished, were regularly levied through the medium 
of his commissariat department 

The authority Pontiac exercised over the combined 
tribes, seems to have been Uttle less than that of 
a complete Dictator. In the Detroit diary, heretofore 
cited, we are informed that about the commencement 
of the siege, a Mr. Rutherfi>rd ^^fell into the hands of 
the savages. One of the garrison afterwards employ- 
ed a Frenchman to redeem him from his Indian mas- 
ter, and furnished eighty pounds worth of goods for 
that purpose. The bargain was effected, bqt the gen* 
tleman had been Uberated but one day and one night, 
when Pontiac, whose notice nothing escaped, sent a 
band of fifty Indians to take him away by force. JVb 
nation,^ he said, ^^ufvld have liberty to sell their prison- 
traiMihe wear was over," 

As the notice we have given of the fate of Camp- 
bell may leave an unfavorable impression in regard to 
the Chieflain's good faith, it should^ be ob^rved^ 
that the Indian maxims on the use of artifice 
in war are universally different from those of 
most civilized nations. Nor can we expect to know 
what circumstances might have occurrcNJ, subsequent 
to the visit of Campbell to the Indian camp, which 
would justify his detention, though contrary to the 
expectation of all parties. It appears, however, from 
the Diary, that he was first induced to go out, not by 
Pontiac, (as we have seen it stated,) but by some of 
the French, who <* told him there was no Risque in 
going out ; they would answer Life for Life, that ha . 
^ouM return safe into the Fort." 

It is weU settled that the detention — ^whether in pur* 
tuance of a scheme of Pontiac, thereby to induce a 
capitulation, or for other reasons unknown-^was by 

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no means intended to ^«8u1t as it unfortunately did. 
The same writer who states that Pontiac solemnlj 
pledged his word for the Captain's safety, states that 
the assassin fled to Saginaw, apprehensive of liis yen- 
ffeance ; and that he used every exertion to appre- 
hend the murderer, who would no doubt have paid 
for his temerity with his life.* 

No act has ever been ascribed to Pontiac which 
would lead us to doubt this conclusion. Nothing like 
sanguinary disposition, or a disposition to tolerate 
cruelty in others, belonged to his character. We 
have observed his treatment of Rogers, at a time 
when he had no doubt resolved upon war, and when 
he already felt himself to have been ill-treated by the 
English. That gentleman relates an anecdote of 
him which occurred during the war, still more hon- 
orable to the chieflain. As a compliment, Rogers 
sent him a bottle of brandy, by the hands of a French- 
man. His Councillors advised him not to taste it ; it 
must be poisoned, said they, and sent with a design 
to kill him. But Pontiac laughed at their suspicions. 
^ He cannot," he replied, "m carmot take my l\fe, 1 
have saved ki$ P* 

In 1765, an English officer. Lieutenant Frazer, 
wi& a company of soldiers, went among the lUinois^ 
where was a French station, at which Pontiac then 
was, — probably with a view of observing the chieftain's 
movements. He considered it an aggression, and 
called upon the French Commandant to deliver his 
visitors into his hands. The Officer attempted to 
pacify him, in vain. "You," [the French,] said he, 
^ were the first cause of my strikmg the English. 
This is your tomahawk which I hold in my hand." 
He then ordered his Indians, whom by this time he 
had mustered in large numbers irom the neighbor- 
hood, to seize upon the English at once. The order 
was generally obeyed, but Frazer escaped. The In- 
dians threatened to massacre all the rest, unless he 

* Governor Cam. 

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fhould be given up, upon which, he gidlandy came 
forward, and surrendered to Pontiac, 

The sequelis worthy of notice. ^^WUh the interest qf 
Pondiac^"' say the papers of the day, "he [Frazerlgot 
himself and his men back again." On the arriyal of 
another Indian chief, with a white woman for a wife, 
who did all in their power to exasperate the savages^ 
they seized upon the English again. " But Pondiac 
ordered them to give the men back," and tlie order 
was again obeyed. Frazer wished to stay longer, and 
Pontiac promised to protect him. He however ad- 
vised him, considering the disposition of the Indians, 
to leave the country, and he accordingly went down 
the river in a batteau, and at length made his way to 
Ne w-Orlean& ** He says, Ponmac %$ a clever feUoWf 
and had U not been for kimy he should never hive got 
mooy aiive.^ 

Of the oratory of the Ottawa Chieftain there re- 
main but few and scan^ memorials. Like Philip, 
he has derived his distinction more^ from actions than 
words, and that (as also in Philip's case,) without the 
aid of any very signal renown as a mere warrior. 
The only speech of his we have met with, was made 
on^the occasion of a conference with the French at 
Detroit, held upon the 23d of May, 1763, in the hope 
of inducing thera to join him in the reduction of the 
fort The style of delivery caimot now be ascertain- 
ed ; but the reasoning is close and ingenious. 

*^ My Brodiers !'* he said, " I have no doubt but this 
war is very troublesome to you, and that my warriors, 
who are continually passing and re-passing through 
^our settlements, fi^quently kill vour cattle, and in- 
jure your property. 1 am sorry for it, and hope you 
do not th^ik I am pleased with this conduct of 
my young men. Andf as a proof of my friendship, 
recollect the .war you had seventeen years ago, 
[1746] and the part I took in it. The Northern na- 
tions combined together, and came to destroy you* 
Who defended you ? Was it not myself and my 
young men? The great Chie^ Mackinac, [the Turtle] 


said in CouDeil, that he would carry to his native vil- 
lage the head of your chief warrior, and that he 
would eat his heart and drink his blood. Did I not 
then join you, and go \o his camp and say to him, if 
he wished to kill the French, he must pass over my 
body, and the bodies of my young men ? Did I pot 
take hold of the tomahawk with you, and aid you in 
fighting your battles with Mackinac, and drivlnc 
him home to his country ? Why do you think I 
would turn my arms' against you ? Ana I not the 
same French Pontiac, who assistecf you seventeen 
years ago ? I am a Frenchman, and I wish to die a 

After throwing a war-belt into the midst of the 
council, he concluded in the following strain : 

'^ My Brothers ! I begin to grow tired of this bcul 
meat, which is upon our lauds. I begin to see that 
this is not your case, tbr instead of assisting us in our 
war with the English, you are actually assisting them. 
I have already told you, and I now tell you again, 
that when I undertook this war, it was only your in* 
terest I sought, and that I knew what I was about. I 
yet know what I am about. This year they must all 
perish. The Master of Life so orders it His will is 
known to us, and we must do as he says. And you, 
my brothers, who know him better than we do, wish 
to oppose his will ! Until now, I have avoided urff 
ing you upon this subject, in the hope, that if you could 
^ot aid, you would not injure us. I did not wish to 
ask vou to fight with us against the English, and I did 
not believe you would take part with them. You will 
say you are not with them. I know it, but your con- 
duct amounts to the same thing. You will tell them 
all we do and say. You carry our counsels and plans 
to them. Now take your choice. You must be en- 
tirely French, like ourselves, or entirely English. If 
yoi;i are French, take this belt for yourselves and your 
• young men, and join us. If you are English, we de- 
clare war against you.'' * * 

The man who had the ability and the intr^id]^ to 


•xpress himself in this maDner, hardly needed d* 
ther the graces of rhetoric or the powers of the war« 
nor, to enforce that mighty influence which, amonff 
every people and under all circumstances, is attached^ 
as closely as shadow to substance, to the energies of a 
miffhty mind. Those energies he exerted, and that 
innuence he possessed, probably beyond all precedent 
in the history of his race. Hence it is that his memo- 

Sis still cherished among the tribes of the north. 
isTORT itself, instead of adding to his character in 
their eyes, has only reduced him to his tnie propor- 
tions in our own; Tradition still looks upon him at 
it looked upon the Hercules of the Greeks. 

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IdO ' IlfDIAN BlOGKAFfitr. 


Aeconnt of the Delawares— Their ancient great mea, 
including Tamknend — Histoiy during the Reyola 
tionary W^ar — Two Parties among them — WerrB 
Eyes, leader of one, and Captain Pipe, of the other* 
ManoBuvreS) speeches, plots and counter-plots of these 
men, their parties, and foreigners connected with both 
— Anecdotes — Death of White-Eyes in 1780 — Trib 
ute of respect paid to his memory. 

The most formidable antagonist the Five Nadona 
ever had to contend with, were the Delawares, as 
the English have named them (fVom Lord de la War) 
but generally styled by their Indian neighbors, Wa- 
panachi, and by themselves Lenni Lenape, or the 
Original People. The tradition is, that they and the 
Five Nations both emigrated from beyond the Missis- 
sippi, and, by uniting their forces, drove off or destroy- 
ed the primitive residents of the country on this side. 
Afterwards, the Delawares divided themselves into 
three tribes, called the Turtle, the Turkey; and the 
Wolf or Mousey. Their settlements extended from 
the Hudson to the Potomac ; and their descendants 
finally became so numerous, that nearly forty tribes 
honored them with the title of Grand-father, which 
8ome of them continue to apply at the present day. 

The Delawares were the principal inhabitants of 
Pennsylvania, when William Penn commenced his 
labors in that region ; and the memory of MiquoN, 
their Elder Brother, as they called him, is still cher- 
ished in the legends of all mat remains of the nation. 
That remnant exists chiefly on the western banks of 
the Mississippi, to which ancient starting-place they 
have been gradually approximating, stage by stage, 
ever ance the arrival of the Europeans on the coast. 
Their principal intermediate settlements have been in 
OhiO| on the banks of the Muskingum, and other 

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sraall rivers, whither a great number of the tribe re- 
moved about the year 1760. 

The Dela wares have never been without their great 
men, though' unfortjunately many of ihem have lived 
at such periods and such places, as to make it impos- 
sible for history to do them justice. It is only within 
about a ceutuiy last past, during which they have 
been rapidly declining in power and diminishing iu 
numbers, that a series of extraordinary events, impel- 
ling them into close contact with the whites, qs well 
as with other Indians, has had the effect of bringing 
forward their extraordinary men. 

Among the ancient Delaware worthies, whose ca- 
reer is too imperfectly known to us to be the subject 
of distinct sketches, we shall mention only the name 
of the illustrious Tamenend. This individual stands 
foremost in the list of all the great men of his nation 
in any age. He was a mighty warrior, an accomplish- 
ed statesman, and a pu re and high-minded patriot In 
private life he was still more distinguished for his 
virtues, than in public for his talents. His country- 
men coidd only dccount for the perfections they as- 
cribed to him, by supposing him to be favored with 
the special communications of the Great Spirit 
Ages have elapsed since his death, but his memory 
was so fresh among the Delawares of the last century, 
that when Colonel Morgan, of New-Jersey, was sent 
as an a^nt among them by Congress, during the 
Revolution, they conferi-ed on him the title of Tamen- 
end, as the greatest mark of respecfthey could show 
for the manners nnd character of that gentleman ; and 
he was known by his Indian appellation ever after- 

About this time, the old chieflain had so many ad- 
mirers among the whites also, that they made him a 
saint, inserted his name in calendars, and celebrated 
his festival on the first day of May, yearly. On that 
day a numerous society of his votaries walked in pro- 
c^Msion through the streets of Philadelphia, their hats 
decorated wiSi bucks'-tails,and proceeded to a sylvan 

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two divisions of Indians, held a stick in his hand, of 
three or four feet in length, strung with scalps which 
they had taken in their last foray on the American 

The Council was opened by the Commandant's sig- 
nifying to Captain Pipe, that he might make his re- 
port, when the latter rose from his seat, holding a 
stick in his left hand : 

" Father !" — he began ; and here he paused, turned 
rounds to the audience with a most sarcastic look, and 
then proceeded in a lower tone, as addressing them, — 
** I have said father, though indeed I do not know 
why I should call him so— I have never known any 
fether but the French — I have considered the English 
only as brothers. But as this name is imposed upon 
us^ I shall make use of it and say— 

" Father " — fixing his eyes again on the Comman- 
dant — " Some time ago you put a war-hatchet into 
my hands, saying, * take this weapoa and try it on the 
heads of my enemies, the Long-Knives, and let me 
know afterwards if it was sharp and good.' 

" Father ! — At the time when you gave me this 
weapon, I had neither cause nor wish to go to war 
against a foe who had done me no injury. But you 
say- you are my father — and call me your child — and 
in obedience. to you I received the hatchet I knew 
that if I did not obey you, you would withhold from 
me* the necessaries of life, which I could procure no- 
where but here. 

" Father ! You may perhaps think me a fool, for 
risking my life at your bidding — and that in a cause 
in which 1 have no prospect of gaining any thing. For 
it is your cause, and not mine — ^you have raised a 
quarrel among yourselves— and you ought to fight it 
out — ^It is your concern to fight the Long-Knives — • 
You should not compel your children, the Indians, to 
expose themselves to danger for your sake. 

"Father! — JMany lives have already been lost on 

m. I I w ■- IT 

' * Meaning his tribe. 

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fntr account — ^The tribes have suffered, and been 
weakened — Children have lost parents ana brothers — 
Wives have lost hpsbands — It is not known how 
many more may perish before your war wtt be at an 

** Father ! — I have said, you may perhaps think me 
a fool, for thus thoughtlessly rushing on your enemy ! 
Do not believe tliis, Father : Think not that I want 
sense to convince me, that although you now pretend 
to keep up a perpetual enmity to the Long-Knives, 
you may, before long, conclude a peiice with them. 

" Father ! You say you love your children, the In- 
dians.— -This you have often told them ; and indeed 
it is your interest to say so to them, that you may have 
them at your service* 

** But, Father ! Who of us can believe that you can 
love a people of a different colour fix>m your own, 
better than those who have a ^hite skin, like your- 
selves ? 

" Father ! Pay attention to whet I am going to say. 
While you. Father, are setting me * on your enemy, 
much in the same manner as a hunter sets his dog 
on the game ; while I am in the act of rushing on 
that enemy of yours, with tlie bloody destructive 
weapon you ffft^s me, I may, perchance, happen to 
look back to t^3 place from whence you started me, 
and what shall i see ^ Perhaps, I may see my father 
shaking bands i»'idi :he Long-Knives ; yes, with those 
very people he now calls bis enemies. I may then 
see him laugh at mj folly for having obeyed his or- 
ders ; and yet I am now risking my life at his com- 
mand ! — ^Father ! keep what I have said in remem- 

^ Now, Father ! here is what has been done with the 
hatchet you gave me," [handing the stick with the 
sc4i]ps on it.] "• I have done with the hatchet what you 
ordered me to do, and found it sharp. Nevertheless, 

* Meaning his nation. 


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fiom him ; and making up a small pack, bade him cah 
ry it for him. The hoy cheerfully takes this ^ck, fol* 
lowing bis father with it. The father, finding the boy 
willing and obedient, continues in this way ; and as 
the boy grows stronger, so the (hther makes the pack 
in proportion larger — ^yet as long as the boy is able to 
carry the pack, he doos so without grumbling. At 
length, however, the boy having aiTived at manhood, 
while the father is making up the pack for him, in 
comes a person of an evil disposition, and learning 
who was the carrier of the pack, advises the father to 
make it heavier, for surely the son is able to carry a 
large pack. The father, listening rather to the bad 
adviser, than consulting his own judgment and the 
feelings of tenderness, follows the advice of the hard- 
hearted adviser, and makes up a heavy load for his 
son to carry. The son, now grown up, examining 
the weight of the load he is to carry, addresses the 
parent in these words : ' Dear father, this pack is too 
heavy for me to carry, do pray lighten it ; I am wil- 
ling to do what I can, but am unable to carry this 
load.' The father's heart having by this time become 
hardened — ^and the bad adviser calling to him, ' whip 
him if he disobeys and refuses to carry the pack,' now 
in a peremptory tone orders his son to take up the 
pack and carry it off, or he will whip him, and alrea- 
dy takes up a stick to beat him. ^ So ! ' says the son, 
'am I to be served thus, for not doing what I am una- 
ble to do ! Well if entreaties avail nothing with you, 
father — and it is to be decided by blows, whether or 
not I am able to carry a pack so heavy — then I have 
no other choice left me, but that of resisting your un- 
reasonable demand, by my strength ; and so, by strik- , 
ing each other, we may see who is the strong^t.' " 

But this doctrine, however sound, did not prov« 
wholly effectual against the exertions of Pipe, who 
was continually either making movements, or taking 
advantage of such as occurred, to disparage the influ- 
ence of his rival, and, of course, to extend and estab- 
lish his own. He contradicted whatever was sakl. 

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and counteracted whatever wasdoneby WhitOrEyes, 
until the whole system of intercourse of the Dela- 
wares with each other and with other nations, be- 
came a labrynth of inconsistenoies and counter- 

About the commencement of the war, White-Eyes^ 
with some of his tribe, visited the Americans at Pitts- 
burg, where they met in conference with a number 
of the Seneca tribe, a people particularly attached to 
the British interest at that time. The object of (htir 
visit probably was to ascertain and perhaps influence 
the politics of the Dela wares; and they reUed much 
on the power of the great confederacy to which they 
belonged. Not only, however, did they fail to over- 
awe White-Eyes, politically or personally ; but they 
could not prevent him from publicly advocating the 
principles he avowed. So angry were they at a 
speech he addressed to the meeting at Pittsburg, that 
they undertook to check him by hinting, in an inso- 
lent and sullen manner, that it ill became him to. 
express himself thus independently, whose tribe were 
but women, and had been made such by the Five 
Nations — alluding to an old reproach which had of- 
ten before this been used to humiliate the Dela- 

Frequently it had that effect But White-Eyes was 
not of a temper to brook an insult, under any circum- 
stances. With an air of the most haughty disdain, he 
sat patiently until the Senecas had done, and then 
rose and replied : 

" I know," 8€dd he gravely, " I know well, that you 
consider us a conquered nation — as women — as your 
inferiors. You have, say you, shortened our legs, and 
put petticoats on us ! You say you have given us a hoe 
and a corn-pounder, and told us to plant and pound for 
you — ^you m^en — ^you warriors ! But look at ttm;. Am 
I not fuU-gipwn, and have I not a warrior's dress ? 
Aye, I am a roan, and these are the arms of a man, 
[showing his musket] — and all that country, [waving 
Bis hand proudly in the direction of the AUeghaiigf 

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When we hear once more of you, and we join togetb- 
er, rhen the day will be still, and no wind, or storm, 
will come over us, to disturb us. 

"Now, Brethren, you know our hearts, and what 
we have to say ; be strong, if you do what we have 
now told you, and in this peace all the nation^ agree 
to join. Now, Brethren, let the king of England 
know what our mind is as soon as possibly you can." 

Among the subscribers to this speech appears the 
name of White-Eyes, under theformof the Indian 
term Cochguacawkeghton ; nor have we met with 
any proof that he ever from that time wavered for a mo- 
ment in his attachment to the American interest, as 
opposed first to the French, and afterwards to the En- 
glish. Post himself, in 1762, was permitted to build a 
house on the banks of the Muskingum, where he had n 
lot of land siven him, about a mile distant from the 
village of White- Eyes ; and so, when Heckewelder 
first visited that countiy, during the same season, he 
informs us that, * the War-Chief Koguethagechtan,' 
kindly entertained and supplied him and his party. 

About the beginning of the Revolutionary war, when 
someof the Indianswere much exasperated by murders 
and trespasses which certain civilized ruffians com- 
mitted on the frontiers, an Ohio trader was met and 
massacred in the woods by a party of Senecas, who, 
having in their rage cut up the body and garnished 
tfie bushes with the remains, raised the seal p-y ell and 
marched off in triumph. White-Eyes being in the 
vicinity and hearing the yell, instantly commenced a 
search for the body, the remnants of which he col- 
lected and buried. The party returned on the fol- 
lowing- day, and observing what had been done, pri- 
vately opened the grave, and scattered the con- 
tents more widely than before. But White-Eyes was 
diis time on the watch for them. He repaired to the 
spot again the moment they left it, succeeded in 
nnding every part of the mangled body, and then 
carefully interred it in a grave dug with his own hands, 
where it was at length suffered to repose unmolested. 

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It was about the same time 'When this afMr hap* 
pened, that the Chieftain saved the life of one Duncan, 
an American peace-messenger, whom he had und<ir- 
taJsen to escort through a section of the wilderness. A 
hostile Shawanee was upon the point of discharging his 
musket at Duncan from behind a tree, wheii White- 
Eyes rushed forward, regardless of his own peril, 
and compelled the savage to desist. In 1777, Hecke- 
welder had occasion to avail himself of a similar kind* 
ness. Rather rashly, as he acknowledges, he that year 
undertook to traverse the forests from the Muskingum 
to Pittsburg, wishing to visit his English friends in that 
quarter. White-Eyes resided at a distance of seven- 
teen miles, but hearing of his intended journey, he im- 
mediately came to see him, accompanied by another 
Chief named Wingemund,* and by seve^ of his 
young men. 

These, he said, his good friend, tlie Missionary, 
should have as an escort. And moreover he must 
needs go himself: '' He cotdd not suffer me to go,'' says 
that gentlemen, ** while tlie Sandusky warriors were 
out on war-excursions, without a proper escort and 
himself at my side." And it should be observed, that 
besides the Sandusky savages, there were several other 
tribes who had already engaged on the British side, and 
were spreading death and desolation along the whole 
of the American frontier. The party set out together, 
and reached their destination in safety. An alarm 
occurred only on one occasion, when the scouts dis- 
covered a suspicious track, and report was made ac- 
cordingly. White-Eyes, who was riding before h^s 
friend, while Wingemund brought up the rear, turned 
about and asked if he felt afraid ? ^ No !" said the Mis- 
sionary, " not while you are with me." " You are right,** 
quickly rejoined White-Eyes ? "You are right ; no man 
shall harm you, till I am laid prostrate." "Nor even 
then," added Wingemund, "for they must conquer me 
aiso---they must lay us side by side." Mr. Hecke- 

« *A noted reli^ous impottor. 

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to a mani to a warrior, to a Delaware, — if you insist up- 
on fighting the Americans, — go! and I will go with you. 
And I will not go like the bear-hunter, who sets his dogs 
upon (he animal to he beaten about unih his paws, while 
M keeps himself at a safe distance. No ! I will lead 
you on. I will place noyself in the front. I will fall' 
with the first of you ! You can do as you choose, but 
as for me I will not survive my nation. I will not 
live to bewail the miserable destruction of a brave 
people, who deserved, as you do, a better fate.** 

This spirited harangue had the desired effect 
The assembly declared, with all the enthusiasm which 
a grave Indian council are ever willing to manifest, 
that they would at least v^ait the ten days, as he wish- 
ed. Some added that they would never fight the 
Americans, but with him for a leader. 

But Pipe and his party redoubled their efforts, and 
before the appointed term had expired, many of the 
Dela wares had shaved their heads in readiness for the 
war-plume ; and White- Eyes, though his request for 
delay was still attended to, was threatened with a vio- 
lent death if he should say one word for the Ameri- 
can interest. On the ninth day, vigorous prepara- 
tions were made for sending out war-parties, and no 
news had yet arrived to abate the excitement 

At this critical juncture it happened that the Ger- 
man missionary, Mr. Heckeweider, with some atten- 
dants, had arrived among the Christian Delawares in 
the neighborhood of Groschocking, the settlement of 
White-Eyes, from Pittsburg. Be became an eye 
and ear witness of the sequel of the affair, and we 
shall therefore avail ourselves of his narrative. 

^ Finding the matter so very pressing, and even not 
admitting of a day's delay, I consented, that after a 
few hours' rest and sleep, and furnished with a trusty 
companion and a fresh horse, I would proceed on, 
when between three and four o'clock in the morning, i 
the national assistant, John Martin, having called on 
me for die purpose, we set out, swimming our horses 
across tlie Muskingum riv>4r, and taking a circuil 

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through the woods in order to avoid the encampmeiit 
of ihe war-party, which was close to our path. Arriv- 
ing by ten o'clock in the forenoon within sight of the 
town, a few yells were given by a person who had 
discovered us, intended to notify the inhabitants 
that a white man was coming, and which immediate- 
ly drew the whole body of Indians into the streets, 
but although I saluted them in passing them, not a sin- 
gle person returned the compliment, which, as my con* 
ductor observed, was no good omen. Even Captain 
White-Eyes, and the other chiefs who always had 
befriended me, now stepped back when I reached out 
my hand to them, which strange conduct howevw 
did not dismay me, as I observ^ among the crowd 
some men well known to me as spies of Captain Pipe's, 
watching the actions of these peace-chiefe, where- 
fore I was satisfied that the act of refusing me the 
hand, had been done from policy, and not from any 
ill will towards my person. Indeed, i^ looking around, 
I thought I could read joy in .the countenances of 
many of them, in seeing me among them at so criti- 
cal a juncture, when they, but a few days before, had 
been told by those deserters, that . nothing short of 
their total destruction had been resolved upon by the 
Mong knives' (the Virginians, or new American peo- 
ple.) Yet as lio one would reach out his hand to me, 
I inquired into the cause, when Captain White-Eyes 
boldly stepping forward, replied; * that by what had 
been told them by those men, (M'Kee and party,) 
they no longer had a single friend among the Ameri- 
can people ; if therefore this be so, they must consider 
every white man who came to them from that side, as 
an enemy, who only came to them to deceive them, 
^nd put them off their guard, for the purpose of giving 
the enemy an opportunity of taking them by (Sur- 
prise.* I replied, that the imputation was unfounded, 
and that, were I not their friend, they never would 
have seen me here. *Then, (continued Captain 
White- Eyes,) you will tell us the truth with regard to 
what I state to you I ' — ^Assuring him of this, he, in e 

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he would graciously allow the term of tweuty-fbor 

The Little-Carpenter very calmly replied : — ^He re*- 
membered the treaties alluded to by the Governor, 
because he had helped to make them. He owned the 
good conduct of South Carolina, as also alleged, but 
complained of Virginia, as having caused the present 
misunderstanding. He could not forbear adding, that 
the Grovemor did not treat all the tribes alike, any 
more than all the whites treated the Cherokees alike ; he 
remembered that, when several Carolinians were kil- 
led a few years before by the Choctaws, satisfaction 
was neither demanded nor ^ven. Finally, he desir- 
ed the release of some of the Deputies, that they might 
assist him in endeavoring to procure the performance 
of the Governor's terms, though he was by no means 
confident that they either would or could be complied 

Agreeably to this suggestion, the Governor released 
the Great-Warrior, together with Fiftoe and Sa- 
i^ouEH, the Chief-Men of the towns of Keowee and 
Estatoe. The latter, on the day ensuing, surren- 
dered two Indians, who were immediately put in 
irons. But all ih« Cherokees in the vicinity now fled, 
through fear of the same fate, and it became impossi- 
ble to cc'inplete the required number. AttakuIlakuUa 
abruptly commenced bis return home in despair ; but 
the moment the Governor ascertained his departure, 
messengers were sent to induce him to turn back. 
The good Chief again obeyed the summons. A trea- 
ty was negotiated, the result of which was that twen- 
ty-six of the deputies were detained " until as many 
of the murderers should be given up," nominally by 
their free consent, but in fact by force. One more 
Indian was surrendered, making three in all, and all 
three soon after died in confinement at Charleston. 
The small-pox breaking out in the army about the 
same time, the troops dispersed in disorder, — ^the ex- 
pedition having already cost the province £25,000, — 
and the Grovemor returned ^in triumph' to his capitaL 

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But the rejoicings on account of the peace were 
icarcely over, when news arrived that the Cherokees 
had killed fourteen whites within a mile of Fort 
Greorge. The Commandant at that station', Captain 
Coytraore, had become peculiarly odious to the In- 
dians, and the continued imprisonment of the Depu- 
ties, above all, incensed them beyond endurance. From 
this moment, indeed, Occonostota was the fierce enemy 
of the Province ; and he resolved, much as he despis- 
ed treachery, to avait himself of the first opportunity 
of revenge. With a strong party, he surrounded 
Fort George, and kept the garrison confined ; but 
finding that no impression could be made on the 
works, he resorted to stratagem. • 

He placed a party of savages in a dark thicket by 
the river-side, and then sent an Indian woman, whom 
he knew to be always welcome at the fort, to inform 
the Commander that he hdd something of conse- 
quence to communicate and would be glad to speak 
with him near the water. Coytmore imprudently 
consented) and without any suspicions of danger walk- 
ed down towards the river, accompanied by Lieuten- 
ants Bell and Foster. Occonostota, appearing 
upon the opposite side, told him he was going to 
Charleston, to procure a release of the prisoners, and 
would be glad to have white men accompany him as a 
safeguard. To cover his dark design he had a bridle 
in his hand, and added he would go and hunt for a 
horse. Coytmore replied that he should have a guard, 
and wished he might find a horse, as the journey was 
▼eiy long. Upon this, the Indian, turning about, 
swung the bridle thrice round his head as a signal to 
the savages placed in ambush, who instantly fired on 
the ofiScers, shot the Captain dead, and wounded his 
two companions. Orders were given to put the hos- 
tages in irons, to proTent any further danger fix>m 
them, which, while the soldiers were attempting to 
execute, the Indians stabbed one and wounded two 
more of them. The garrison then fell on the unfor-f 

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iented in the Delaware tribe, and throughout a wide 
i:egion in their vicinity. The intelligence was sent to 
Tarious confederate or relative tribes, at the distance 
of hundreds of miled, and counter deputations of con- 
dolence soon came in from all quarters. We shall 
close this chapter with Mr. HeckeweJder's account 
of the embassy of the Cherokees, whidh strikingly in- 
dicates the reputation acquired by White-Eyes dur- 
ing his life, as well as the great respect subsequently 
paid to hia memory. * 

The deputation, consisting of fourteen men, of 
whom two were principal chiefs, were accompanied 
from their countiy to Goschocking, by a nephew of 
the late Captain White-Eyes, who, soon after the 
Qommencementof the American revolution, had been 
despatched thither by the Delaware Chiefs, for the 
purpose of usin^ his endeavors in keeping that na- 
tion at peace. When this deputation had arrived 
within three miles of Goschocking, and within one 
of Lichtenau, they made a halt for the purpose of 
having the customary ceremony performed on them. 
This was done by one of the councillors from the 
village, who, by an address and with a strii2g of wam- 
pum, drew the thorns and briars out of their legs and 
feet ; healed the sores and bruises they had received 
by hitting against logs ; wiped the dust and sweat off 
their bodies ; and cleansed their eyes and ears, so that 
they might both see and hear well; and finally 
anointed all their joints, that their limbs might again 
become supple.* They were then served with vic- 
tuals brought from Lichtenau, and they continued 
there tha remainder of that day. 

On the next morning, two of the councillors from 
Qoschocking, deputed for the purpose, informed the 
missionary and \iational assistants at Lichtenau, that, 
by order of their Chiefs, they were to conduct the 
Cherokee deputation into their village, from whence 
they were expected to join iu the procession to Gob- 

* AU which ceremonies are performed fi£;urativelj. 

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chocking, and there attend the condoling ceremo- 
nies; allwhich being affreed to, these soon brought 
them on, one leading them in front, and the otuer 
bringing up the rear. 

Ai-riving within about two hundred yardd of the 
town, and in sight of it, (all marching Indian file), they 
fired oli* their pieces, which compliment was instant- 
ly returned by the youn^ men of the town, drawn up 
ror the purpose : then raising a melancboly song, they 
continued singing, until they had reached the long 
house, purposely built for their reception; yet not 
without first baring lodged their arms against some 
trees they had passed, at a small distance from the 
town. Being seated on benches prepared for the pur- 
pose — (the deputies on the opposite side,) — a dead si- 
lence prevailed for about half an hour, and all present 
cast their eyes on the ground. At length one of these 
Chiefs, named the Crow, rose, and with an air of sor- 
row, and in a low voice, with his eyes cast up to hea* 
ven, spoke to the following effect : 

^ One morning, afler having arisen from my sleep, 
and according to my custom, I stepped Out at the 
« door to see what weather we had. I observed at one 
place in the horizon a dark cloud projecting above 
the trees ; and k)oking steadfastly for its movement or 
disappearance, found myself mistaken, since it neither 
disappeared nor moved from the spot, as other clouds 
do. S»'«ing the same cloud successively every mor- 
ning, and that always in the same place, I began to 
think what could be the cause of tnis singular phe- 
nomenon ; at length it struck me, that as the cloud 
was lying in the direction that my grandfather dwelt, 
■omething might be the matter with him, which caus- 
ed him grief. Anxious to satisfy myself, I resolved 
to goto my grandfather, and see if any thing was the 
matter with him. I accordingly went, steering a 
course in the direction I had ob^rved the cloud to be. 
1 arrived at ray grandfather's, whom I found quite 
disconsolato, hanging his head and the tears running 
dewn bis cheeks? CaatmgajejtB ttoood in tte 

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rendezvous out of town, which they called the W^-^ 
warn, where, afler a long talk or speech had been 
delivered, and the Calumet of friendship passed 
around, the remainder of the day was spent in high 
festivity. A dinner was prepared, and Indian dances 
performed on the green. The custom ceased a few 
years afler the conclusion of peace, and though other 
' Tammany' associations have since existed, they retain 
little of the model they were formed upon but the 

The commencement of the Revolutionary war was 
among the Dela wares, as among their more civilized 
neighbors, a period of great excitement. Strong ef- 
forts were made by the Sritish authorities on the north- 
ern frontier, and yet stronger ones by individual refu- 
cees and vagabonds in the British interest, to preju- 
dice them against the American people, and to induce 
them to make common cause with their * Father* 
over the * Big Water,* in correcting the sins of his dis- 
obedient children. Congress, on the other hand, con- 
tented itself with keeping them, as far and as long as 
possible, in a state of neutrality. In consequence of 
these opposite influences, and of old prepossessions 
entertained by various parties and persons in the na- 
tion, a violent struggle ensued, — ^for war on one side, 
and for peace on the other — ^in the course of which 
were developed some of the most remarkable individ- 
ual traits and diplomatic manoeuvres which we have 
yet had occasion to notice. 

The leader of the peace-party was Koguethagech- 
ton, called by the Americans Captain White-Etes. 
He was the Head-Chief of the Turtle tribe in Ohio; 
while Captain Pipe, of the Wolf tribe, living and 
having his council-fire at the distance of fifleen miles 
northward from the former, devoted his talents to pro- 
moting the plan of a belligerent union with the Brit- 
ish. Accidental circumstances, — such as old v^rrongs, 
or at least imagined ones, from the Americans, on 
one side, and old favors on the other, — ^no doubt had 
their effect in producing thisdiyersity of feeling ; but, 

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the ambition and jealousy of Pipe, — ^whose spirit, oth- 
en¥ise noble, was of that haughty order, that he 
would not *have served in heaven' when he might 
* reign' elsewhere in the universe — are believed to have 
gone fartli€?r than any other cause, both to create and 
keep up dissensions among the Dela wares, and dis^ 
turbances between them and the whites. Pipe, as 
even the good Heckewelder allows, was certainly a 
great man, but White-Eyes was still both his supe- 
rior and his senior, besides having the advantage of a 
clean cause and a clear conscience. 

Pipe, like other politicians, uniformly professed his 
readiness, from time to time, to join in any measures 
proprt" to * save the nation ;' but the diflSculty as uni- 
formly occurred, that these were precisely the same 
measures which White- Eyes thought would destroy 
it The former, like most of the Wolf tribe, whose 
temperament he had studied, was warlike, energetic, 
and restless. Jle brooded over old resentments, — ^he 
panted for. revenger, — he longed for the coming of an 
era which should turn * rogues' out of office, and 
bring * honest men ' in. With these feelings, his in- 
genuity could not be long without adequate argu- 
ments and artifices to operate on the minds of his 
countrymen. Their- most remarkable effect, how- 
ever, it soon became manifest, was to attach ibem to 
himsejf rather than to any particular principles. They 
were as ready to fighl as men need be ; but Pipe was 
expected to monopolize the thinking and talking. 

For the better uijderstanding of the principles of 
the Peace-party, we shall here introduce the exposi- 
tion made by White-Eyes and others, of the charactei 
of the contest between the English and the Ameri- 
cans. Its effect was to convince the Indians, that 
they had no concern with either, while. their welfare 
clearly suggested the policy, as well as propriety, of 
maintaining amicable terms with both. 

"Suppose a father," it was said, "had a little son 
whom he loved and indulged while young, but growing 
up to be a youth, began to think of having some help 



Observations on the character of White-Eyes— P?pe*g 
comment on his death — The latter gains and sustains 
an asce^ndancy in the Delaware nation — Glickkican. 
Netawatwees and Wingemund — Subsequent career of 
Pipe — Joins the British and fights against the Ameri- 
cans — Grand Indian council at Detroit — Pipe's spirit-* 
ed speech on that occasion — Makes charj|es against 
the Missionaries, but fails to prove them — Remarks on 
his habits, principles and talents. 

The fsct that Captain Pipe and his associates began to 

Sm the ascendancy in the Delaware nation imme- 
ately on the death of his great antagonist, and that 
they afterwards supported it with ahnost uninterrupt- 
ed success, is alone sufiicient to indicate the influence 
and character of White- Eyes. Indeed, Pipe himself 
paid, to bis memory the compliment of declaring, 
. with a solemn air, that " tJk Great Spirit kadprobablv 
put him out of the way, that the nation might he savedf* 
That sagacious personage w^s well aware t^iat nei- 
ther KiU-Buck, nor Big-Cat, nor "^Glickkican, nor even 

1 ' — — — , 

** The sight of a gtm-barrdf' and ajflerwards baptised by 
the Moravians, and named Isaac. He was Chief Coun- 
cillor and Speaker of the old Sachem, Pa kanke, who rul- 
ed over the Delawares at Kaskaskunk (in Ohio,) and 
was a man of uncommon military and oratorical talent. 
After his own christianization, he was a highly efficient 
advocate and patron of the Christian party. Having 
therebj, as well as by bis spirit and induence, become 
obnoxious to their enemies during the Revolution, sev- 
eral attempts were made to overawe, bribe and destroy 
him ; but they all failed. At len^h a considerable par- 
ty was fitted out, in 1781, for the express purpose of tak- 
ing him prisoner. They found him at Salem, but doubt- 
ing whether the old warrior's pacific principles would as- 
iure their safety, they dared not enter lua hut. He saw 

"* Digitized by Google 


aD together, would adequately occupy the^ station of 
the deceased Chieftain. 

White-Eyes was distinguished as much for his 
milder virtues as for his courage and energy ; and as 
to his friendly disposition towards the Americans, 
particularly, on which some imputations were indus- 
triously thrown by his enemies, we could desire no 
better evidence of its sincerity than are still extant. 
In that curious document, the Journal of Frederic 
Post,* who, as early as 1758, was sent among the Ohio 
Dela wares by the Governor of one of the States, for the 
purpose of inducing them to renounce the French 
alliance, is recorded, the * speech' which Post carried 
back, and the closing paragraphs of which were as 
follows : — 

" Brethren, when you have settled tliis peace and 
friendship, and finished it well, and you send the great 
peace-belt to me, I will send it to all the nations of my 
colour ; they will all join to it, and we all will hold it fast. 

" Brethren, when all the nations join to this friend- 
ship, then the day will begin to shine clear over us. 

some of them before long from a window, and instantly 
stepped out, and called to them. * Friends !* said he, * by 
your manoeuvres I conclude you are come for me. If 
80, why do you hesitate ; — Obey your orders ; I am ready 
to submit. You seem to fear old Glickkican. Ah! 
there was a time when I would have scorned to submit 
to such cowardly slaves. But I am no more Glickkican, 
I am Isaac, a believer in the true God, and for his sake 
I will suffer anything, even death.' Seeing them still 
\ hesitate, he stepped up to them with his hands placed 
upon his back. * There !' he continued, * you would tie 
me if you dared — ^tie me, then, and take me with you — 
I am ready.* They now mustered courage to do as he 
directed. Soon after, Glickkican was murdered, with a 
large number of his Christian countrymen, by a banditti 
I of American ruffians who suspected, or pretended to sus- 
pect them, of hostile designs. Probably the result waa 
brought about by the machinations of his Indian enemies. 

• In Proud's History of Pennsylvaiua. 

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IM INinAK BioGiuraY. 


State of several Soathern tribes daring the last een* 
tur^ — ^The £n|rli8h send deputies to the Chxrokxks, in 
1-7^-Their lives threatened, and saved by Attakul* 
LAKDLLA — Account of that Chieftain and his princi* 
pies — ^The party opposed to him headed by Occonos* 
TOT A — War with me Colonies in 1 759 and two years 
following — Anecdotes of boih these Chiefs — Saloueh. 
FiFTOE,and others — Several battles — Peace concluded 
— AttakuUakulla visits Charleston — His subsequent 
career, and that of Occonostota — Remarks on their 

Cotemporary with the individuals who hate just 
been mentioned, were a number of noted chieflaimi 
among the more Southern tribes. Of them we may 
take this occasion to say, that the Cbickasaws gener- 
ally affected the English interest; and the Creeks^ 
the French ;— so that the friendship or the hostility of 
Great-Mortar, the Staetoino-Turket, the Wolp- 
KiNG, and the other leading men among the latter 
tribe was nearly neutralized, as regarded the several 
civilized parties, by the counteraction of the former. 

The Cberokees had been friendly to the English 
ever since the treaty of 1730 ; but, owing partly to the 
influence of the Mortar, and partly to the direct exer- 
tions of the French, they had now become wavering 
and divided in sentiment In 1756, deputies were 
sent among them, to secure their aid against the 
French. A cotmcil was convened, and was likely to 
terminate favorably, when tidings suddenly came that 
a party of Cberokees, who had visited the French on 
the Ohio, were massacred by some of the Virginians 
on their return home. The Council was in an uproar, 
as much as an Indian Council could be, — \he gravest 
political assembly on earth,— at once. Many cried 
aloud that vengeance should be taken on the peraorai 

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•f the Deputies ; and it was not without a gr^tezef* 
tion of influence, that they were at length rescued by 
Attaxullasulla, or the Little-Carpenter. 

This is the earliest appearance of that renowned 
Chieftain in history, though he is said to have been 
already famous both among the Cherokees and the 
English, especially for his magnanimity, wisdom, and 
moderation. Nor has there ever been, upon the conti- 
nent, a more faithful or useful friend to the English 
eause. We cannot better illustrate his career or his 
character than by comparing both with those of While- 
Eyes ; and indeed, some of the incidents related of 
that chief, independently of other circumstances, 
make it highly probable, that a diplomatic and person- 
al good understanding was constantly maintained be- 
tween them. 

Like White-Eyes, too, Attakullakulla was opposed 
by a war-party, the chief difference beinff that it was 
less iQ^rmally organized, and that it genenuly operated 
in favor of the French. At the head of it was Oc- 
eoNOSTOTA, or the Great- Warrior, a man whose 
extraordinary prowess procured him his title, and 
whose memory is to this day warmly cherished among 
his countrymen. Pursuing our comparison, he should 
remind us of Pipe ;• but the suggestion does him in- 
justice. He was not only for war, but a warrior — ^in 
truth, SL^ great warrior.' He fought, and bled, and 
led on, where the other appeared only in that capaci- 
ty of bear-hunter with dbgs, which White- Eyes im- 
puted to him. He was sincere to enthusiasm in his 
principles, and frank and fearless almost to fool-hardi- 
ness in professing and pursuing them. He had as 
much talent as Pipe, and far more viitue. 

" Oucannostota," says a respectable authority of a 
date a little subsequent to that just mentioned, " is re- 
turned again frona the French fort with powder and 
ball, accompanied with some Frenchmen — how many 
I cannot learn." And again, soon afterwards, — "Since 
Oucannostota returned from the French with the 
goods and ammunition, and has Lad those assuiancei 

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140 iin>IAN BI06RAFHT. 

welder certainly did them but justice in believing thai 
both would have redeemed their promises. 

The other Moravians, and the Indian Congreffation 
under their charge in Ohio, were still more indebted 
to the good Chieftain. Loskiel states,* that in 1774^ 
the Christian party had become obnoxious to a major- 
ity of the Pagan Delaware chiefs, and it was several 
times proposed to expel them by force. But God 
brought their counseJ to nought, he adds, ''and aiK 
pointed for this purpose the first Captain among me 
Ddawares, called nhiU'Eyts^ who kept the diiefii 
and council in awe, and would not suffer them to injure 
the Missionaries. Finding his efforts still unavailing, 
he at length went so far as to separate himself wholly 
from his opponents, resolved to renounce power, coun* 
try and kindred for the sake of these just and benevo- 
lent men whom he could not bear to see persecuted. 

His firmness met with a deserved success. Even 
the old Chief Netawatwees, who had opposed, him 
most fiercely, acknowledged the injustice which had 
been done him ; and not only changed bis views in re- 
gard to the Christians, but published his recantation in 
presence of the whole council. White-Eyes then again 
came forward, and ;'epeated a proposal for a national 
regulation to be made — whereby the Christians should 
be specially put under the Delaware protection— 
which had formerly been rejected. It was prompt- 
ly agreed to, and the act was passed. The old Chief- 
tain expressed great joy on that occasion ; — ^" I am an 
old man," said he, " and know not how long I may live. 
I therefore rejoice, that I have been able to make this 
act Our children and grand-children will reap the 
benefit of it, — and now I am ready to die whenever 
God pleases."f 

* History of the Missions of the United Brethren^ &c 
London, 1794. 

t He died at Pittsburg in 1776, much lamented by the 
Delawares and many neighboring nations. '' This wise 
man^*' says Loskiel, spared no pains to conciliate the 
aifo(vti<»i of all his neighbors. He sent fireqaent embaa*. 

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Lo&kiel states, that White-Eyes was in his own 
heart conyinced of the truth of the gospel ; that tliis 
Was evident in all his speeches in behalf of the Chris- 
tians, during which he was fi-equently so moved that 
tears prevented his words ; and that he likewise de-: 
Glared with confidence, that no prosperity would at- 
tend the Indian affairs, unless they received and be- 
lieved the saving gospel sent them from Grod, by means 
of the Brethren. Not long before his death he took 
public occasion to repeat the last will and testament 
of Netawatwees, — " That the Delawares should hear 
the word of God." He held the bible rind some spel- 
ling-books in his hand, and addressed the Council in a 
strain of the most animated and moving eloquence. 
** My friends !" he concluded, " You have now heard 
the dying wish of our departed Chief. I will therefore 
gather together my young men, and their children — 
I will kneel down before that Great Spirit who creat- 
ed them and me — I will pray unto him, that he may 
have mercy upon us, and reveal his will unto us,— 
And as we cannot declare it to those who are yet un- 
born, we will pray unto the Lord our God, to make it 
known to our children and our childrens' children." 

Sull, White-Eyes regarded Christianity more as a civil 
than a religious system. He was a roan of enlarged 
political views, and no less a patriot than a statesman. 
The ends he aimed at were far more his country's 
than his own. He observed the superiority of the 
white men to the red ; and nearer home, the prosperity" 
and happiness of the Christian Delawares ; and he con- 
vinced himself thoroughly of the tnie causes of both. 
He therefore earnestly desired, that his whole nation 
might be civilized, to which result he considered 

siea to his Graiid' Children, admonisbinff them to keep 

peace, and proved in truth a wise Grandfather to them. 

Being the Senior Chief of the nation, his opinion was 

of great weight, and he declared himself warmlv in favor 
of the Christians, and first invited them to settle on the 

Lnd son and " 

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Muskingum. His grandson, nephew, and son and fam- 
ily, also joined them. 


Strong tone, asked me : ' Are the American armies all 
cut to pieces by the English troops? Is General 
Washington killed ? Is there no more a Congress, 
and have the English hung some c^them, and Uiken 
the remainder to England, to hang them there ? Is the 
whole country beyond the mountains in the posses- 
sion of the English ; and are the few thousand Amer- 
icans who have escaped them, now em bodjring them- 
selves on this side of the mountains, for the purpose 
of killing all the Indians in this country, even our wo- 
men and children? Now do not deceive us, but 
speak the truth' (added he ;) Ms this all true, what I 
have said to you r ' j I declared before the whole as- 
sembly, that not one word of what he had just now 
told me was true, and holding out to him, as I had 
done before, the friendly speeches sent by me for 
them, which he however as yet refused to accept, I 
thought by the countenances of most of theby-stand- 
ers, that I could perceive that thfe moment bid fair 
for their listening at least to the contents of those 
speeches, and accidentally catching the eye of the 
drufnmer, I called to him to beat the drum forthe As- 
sembly to meet for the purpose of hearing what their 
American Brethren had to say to them ! A general 
smile having taken place, White-Eyes thought the 
favorable moment arrived to put the question, and 
having addressed the assembly in these words : * Shall 
we, my friends and relatives, listen once more to 
those who call us their brethren ? ' Which question, 
being loudly and as with one voice answered in the 
affirmative, the drum was beat, and the whole body 
quickly repairing to the spacious council-house, th« 
speeches, all of which were of the most pacific nature 
were read and interpreted to them, when Captaii* 
White-Eyes rose, and in an elaborate address to the 
Assembly, took particular notice of the good disposi- 
tion of the American people towards the Indians, ob- 
serving, that they had never as yet, called on them to 
fight the English, knowing that wars were destruc- 
tive to nations, ajid thev had from the beginning of 

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Ae war to the present time, always advised them 
(the Indians) to remain quiet, and not take up the 
hatchet against either side. A newspaper, containing 
the capitulation of General Burgoyne's army, being 
found enclosed in the packet. Captain White-Eyea 
once more rose up, and holding this paper unfolded, 
with both his hands, so that all could have a view of 
it, said, * See, my friends and relatives, this document 
containeth great events, not the song of a bird, but 
the truth ! ' — then, stepping up to me, he gave me hia 
hand, saying, * you are welcome with us, brother ; ' 
when every one pi^aent followed his example." 

Thus White-Eyes again triumphed over his rival ; 
and the chagrin of the latter was the more keen, be 
cause, relying on the improved prospects of his par 
ty, he had recently committed himself more openly 
than ever before. But the spies whom he kept con- 
stantly at Goschocking, now brought him the doleful 
news that the predictions of White-Eyes were all ver- 
ified. That Chieftain himself completed his success 
by sending runners, immediately afler the Council 
broke up, to the Shawanese towns on the Scioto, 
where the tories had already gone for the purpose of 
trying their game upon that tribe. " Grand-children !" 
was the laconic message, " ye Shawanese ! Some days 
ago a flock of birds from the East lit at Goschock- 
ing, singing a song here which had well nigh proved 
our ruin. Should these birds, which, on leaving us, 
took their flight towards Scioto, endeavor to impose 
their song on you, do not listen to tliem, for they 

But White-Eyes was not destined to enjoy the re- 
sult of his labors. In the winter of 1779-80, he visit- 
ed Pittsburg, for the purpose of consulting with the 
Indian Agent on the means suitable for preserving 
peace. He accompanied General Mcintosh and hia 
army to Tuscarowas, (where a fort was to be built 
for the protection of the neutral Indians,) took the 
8tnall-pox at tlmt place, and soon died. 

The event produced a aensation almost unprece- 

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tod perhaps many of us perish for want Pip6 and 
the Monseys, we are told elsewhere, were those who 
were most dreaded, and the effect of his operations 
was such, but one year after the decease of White- 
Eyes in the midst of his triumphs, that in 1781, the 
Peace-Chiefs had for their own safety to withdraw 
themselves from their several nations, and take refuge 
at Pitttsburg. 

Jn regard to the personal habits of Pipe, it may bo 
doing him, as well as several other Indians of some 
distinction, no more than justice, to allude in extenu- 
ation to the well known nature of the temptations to 
which they have sometim -s been exposed, and espe- 
cially on the frontiers, during war, and the excitement 
of an attempt by one civilized party to engage their 
services against another. The peculiar physical cir- 
cumstances which, together with the character of their 
education, go to diminish their power of self-control, 
need not be enlarged on. It is sufficient to say, that 
it would be a task more easy than gratifying to prove, 
that their misfbrtune in this particular has only follow- 
ed after the foult of their civilized neighbors. ** Who 
are you, my friend ?" said a gentleman in Pipe's time 
to an Indian at Pittsburg, who was not so much in- 
toxicated as not to he ashamed of his situation. ** My 
name is Black-fish,** he replied ; " At home 1 am a 
clever fellow — Here, I am a hog.*** 

* Mr. Uecke welder's anecdote of the Indian who came 
into Bethlehem (Penn.) to dispose X)f his peltry, throws 
light on a ffreat source of the evil not alluded to in 
the text, and the effects of which, among the Western 
tribes to this day are beyond calculation. " Well Thom- 
as," said a trader to him, "I believe you have turned Mora- 
vian." ** Moravian !" answered the Indiah," what makes 
yt)n think so .^" — ^* Because," replied the other, " yon 
used to come to us, to sell your skins and peltry, and^ now 
you trade them away to the Moravians." '* So !" rejoin- 
ed the Indian, <* now I understand you we!!, anS I know 
what you mean to say. Now hear me.— See, my friencf ! 
when I come to this plaee with my skias and peltiy to 

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But we are not under t)ie disagreeable necessity <^ 
apologising for every thing we relate of Captain 
Pipe. He gave many evidences of a natuial honor 
and humanity, even amid the bloodiest scenes of the 
Revohition, and contrary to the dictation of those 
who were qualified, by every thing but feelings, to un- 
derstand his duty better than himself. Under strong 
excitement he attached himself to the British interest, 
and towards the close of the war scalping-parties went 
out from his settlement He was also prejudiced 
against the Christian Indians, and molested them much* 
But none of these things were done in his cooler mo 
ments ; and what is more creditable to him, there is 
good reason to believe that he repented of all. The 
evidence of this fact appears in a transaction which 
took place at Detroit in November, 1781, with the par- 
ticulars of which, as furnished by Lo^iel and othera^ 
we shall conclude this narrative. 

On the occasion refen^d to, a grand Indian Coun- 
cil was convened at Detroit, at which were preaeiA 
large numbers of various tribes, including Captain 
Pipe's Wolf warriors, who had just returned from a 
scalping expedition. Four of the Moravian Mia- 
fiionaries were also there, having been summoned to 
attend, at the suggestipn of Pipe and others, for the pur- 
pose of deciding upon several charges alleged against 
them. The hall was filled with the concourse, the 
tribes being separately seated all around it, on the right 
and left hand of the Commandant, while the Dela- 
wares, with Pipe and his Councillors at their head, 
were directly in front. A war-chief of each of the 

trade, the people are kind ; they give me plenty of good 
victuals to eat, and pay me in money, or whatever I 
want, and no one says a word fb me about drinking 
rum — neither do I ask for it ! When I come to your place 
with my peltry, all call to me : * Come, Thomas ! here's 
rum, drink heartily, drink! it will not hurt you.' AU 
thisis done for the purpose of cheating me. When yon 
have obtained from me all you want, you call me a 
firunken dog, and kick me out of the room.*' 

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hopes of discovering the cause of his fp^e£, I observed 
yonder a dwelling closed up, and uom which no 
smoke''^ appeared to ascend ! Looking in another di- 
rection, I discovered an elevated spot of fresh earth,t 
on whi^h nothing was seen growing; and here I 
found the cause of my grandfather's grief. No won- 
der he is so grieved ! No wonder he is weeping and 
Bobhmg, with his eyes cast towards the ground !— 
Even I cannot help weeping^ with nay grandfather, 
seeing in what a situation he Is ! I cannot proceed 
for grief !" 

Here, after having seated himself for about twenty 
minutes, as though deeply afflicted, he again arose, 
and receiving from the principal chief, who was seat- 
ed by his side, a large string of wampum, said: 
" Grandfather ! Lift up your head and hear what your 
grand-children have to say to you ! These having 
discovered the cause of your grief, it shall be done 
away ! See, grandfather ! I level the ground on yon- 
der spot of yellow earth,f and put leaves and brush 
thereon to make it invisible ! I also sow seeds on that 
spot, so that both grass and trees may grow thereon I** 
(Here handing the string to the Delaware Chiefs in 
succession, and taking up another, he continued :) 
" Grandfather! — The seed which I had sown has al- 
ready taken root ; nay, the grass has already covered 
the ground, and the trees are growing ! " (Handing 
this string, likewise to the Delaware Chief, and taking 
up a third string of wampum, he added :) "Now, 
my grandfather, the cause of your grief being remov- 
ed, let me dry up your tears ! I wipe them from your 
eyes ! I place your body, which, by the weight of 
grief and a heavy heart, is leaning to one side, in its 
proper posture ! Your eyes shall be henceforth clear, 
and your ears opeif as formerly ! The work is now 
finished ! " Handing this string likewise to the Del- 
aware Chief, he now stepped forward to where the 

* Meaning no person occupying the house, 
t The grave. 

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Cbief and his Councillors were seated, and having 
first shaken hands with these, he next did the same 
with all present, the whole embassy following his ex- 
ample. This being done, and all again seate? as be- 
fore, the Delaware Chief, Gelelemend,* replied : 

" Grand-children ! — ^You did not come here in vain ! 
Vou have performed a good work, in which the 
Great Spirit assisted you ! Your Grandfather makes 
you welcome with him." 

.The meeting, having continued nearly three hours, 
then broke up. On the day following, the Chiefs of 
both nations entered on business relating to their na- 
tional concerns, and finally made a mutual covenant 
for the continued maintenance of the party and prin- 
ciples of White-Eyes. 

It is honorable to the American Congress that after 
the decease of their best friend among the Indians, 
tiiey took measures for the maintenance and educa- 
tion of his son. On the journals of that body, under 
date of June 20th, 1785, is the following passage : 

" JResolvedf That Mr. Morgan [Tamenend, proba- 
bly,] be empowered and requested to continue the 
care and direction of Greorge White-Eyes for one 
year, and that the Board of Treasury take order for 
the payment of the expenses necessary to carry into 
execution the views of Congress in this respect" 

The journal of December, 1775, records an inter- 
view of Congress with the father. 

* Commonly called Kill-Buck 

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I did not do all that I might haye done. No, I dliS 
not My heart failed within me. I felt compasaioii 
ibr your enemy. Innocence* had no part in your 
quarrels; therefore I distinguished — ^I spared. I took 
some live fle8h,f which, w hile I was bringing to you^ • 
I spied one of your large canoes, on which I put it 
for you. In a few days you wilf receive this flesh, 
and find that the skin is of the same color with your 

^ Father ! I hope you will not destroy what I haye 
saved. You, Father, have the means of preserving 
that which would perish with us from ^ant Tbe 
warrior is poor, and his cabin is always empty ; but 
your house, Father, is always full." 

During the delivery of this harangue, which is said 
to have produced a great effect on all present, and 
especially on those who understood the language in 
which it was spoken, the Orator two or three times 
advanced so fur towards the Commandant, in the 
heat of his excitement, that one of the officers 

K resent thought proper to interfere and request 
im to move hack. The other war-chiefs now 
made their speeches, and then the Commandant 
(an honorable and humane man, notwithstanding the 
Orator's strictures on his Fo^Aer,)— called upon hira 
to substantiate his charges against the Missiona- 
ries. Pipe, who was still standing, was unwilling to 
make the attempt, but felt embarrassed. He began 
to shift and shuffie, (says Lo8kiel,)and bending to- 
wards his Councillors, asked them what he should say. 
They all hung their heads, and were silent Sud- 
denly, recollecting himself and rising up, he addressed 
the Commandant. "I said before that some such 
thing might have happen 3d, but now I will tell you 
the plain truth. The Missionaries are innocent. What 
they have done, they were compelled to do. [alluding 
to their having interpreted letters which the Dela^ 
ware Chief received from Pittsburg, &c.] We were 

* Meaning women and children. t Prisoners. 

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to blame — ^We forced them to it, when they refused." 
After some farther conversation the Commandant 
declared the Missionaries to be acquitted of all the 
accusations brought against them. 

Pipe expressed his satisfaction at the.result, and 
on returning from the council-house, he asked some 
of the Delaware Chieftains who were present how 
they liked what he said. He observed, that he 
knew it was true, and added ; " I never wished your 
teachers any harm, knowing that they love the In- 
dians; but 1 have all along been imposed on, and im- 
portuned to do what I did by those who do not love 
them ; and. now, when these were to speak, they 
hung their heads, leaving me to extricate myself, 
after telling our Father things they had dictated and 
persuaded me to tell him." This declaration has de- 
cidedly the air of candour and truth ; and the Cap- 
tain's subsequent conduct was much more in accord- 
ance with the spirit of it than it had been before. He 
did not however distinguish himself particularly after 
the close of the war, and even the time of his death 
has not come within our knowledge, although we 
have reason to believe that he was living, and able 
to visit the City of Washington, as late as 1817. 

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river] all that country, on the otherside of tliat water, 
is mtnc." * 

A more courageous address was perhaps never 
made to any Council of Indians. Indeed, it went so 
beyond the spirit of his tribe, apprehensive as they 
were of the indignation of the powerful people he 
had thus bearded, that, although many were gratified, 
many others were frightened,— or, perhaps, at Pipe'a 
instigation, pretended to be frightened, — out of the 
ranl« of the Peace-party into those of the War. The 
Mouseys took the lead in that movement, and they 
even humiliated themselves so much as tos«nd word 
to the Five Nations that they disapproved of what 
White-Eyes had said. Pipe, about the same time, 
left off attending the councils of the Turtle tribe, 
which he had hitherto done regularly, — ^probably from 
a conviction that his intrigues were becoming daily 
more manifest, — and he also endeavored Co circulate 
an impression that White- Eyes hnd made secret en- 
gagements with the Americans, with the view of ag* 
grandizing himself at the expense of his country- 

The latter, meanwhile, was laboring, night and day, 
to preserve peace among the tribes, by sending em- 
bassies, and by other energetic measures.^ In some 
E laces, he succeeded, but in others the manoeuvres of 
is adversary prevailed. A message sent to the San- 
dusky Wyandots, in 1776, was insolently answered 
by a hint to the Dela wares, " to keep good shoes in, 
readiness for joining the warriors." White-Eyes 
himself headed a deputation to a settlement of the 
same people near Detroit. . They however refused to 
receive his peace-belts, except in presence of the 
British Governor at that station ; and he, when they 
were tendered in his presence, seized them violently, 
cut them in pieces, threw them at the feet of the Dep- 
uties, and then told White-Eyes, that "if he set any 

^Speaking, according to^ommon cuttom, in the naxxM 
of the notion. 

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value on his head, he must be gone witMn half ad 

Such indefatigable efforts were made by the war 
party, and by those foreigners who co-operated with 
them, especially in circulating reports unfavorable to 
the American character and cause, that White- Eyes 
was very near being sacrificed to the hot-headed 
rashness of his own followers. In March, 1778, a 
number of tories of infamous character, having escap- 
ed from Pittsburg, told the' Indians, wherever they 
went, that the Americans were coming upon them 
from all quarters ; and that now was the time, and the 
only time, for saving themselves, by commencing ac- 
tive hostilities. The Delawares were filled with con- 
sternation, and, for a day or two, White-Eyes was 
unable to stem the torrent of popular feeling. But ho 
recovered his influence as they recovered their com- 
posure : and well knowing that his conduct in this 
affair would be closely watched by his rival, ho call- 
ed a general council of the nation, in which he pro- 
posed to delay committing hostilities against the 
American people for ten days, during which time 
they might obtain more certain information as to the 
truth of the assertions of these men. Pipe, consider- 
ing this a proper time for placing White-Eyes in the 
hack-ground, construed his wise and prudent advice 
as^though he was in the secret, and now proposed to 
his own council, ** to declare every man an enemy to 
the nation, that should throw an obstacle in the way, 
that might tend to prevent the taking up arms in- 
stantly against the American people." 

White-Eyes perceived that the blow was aim- 
ed at himselfp but he parried it by immediately 
assembling and addressing his party by themselves : 
** If you tmll go out in tliis war," said he, observing the 
preparations of some of them, " you shall not go 
without me. I have taken peace measures, it is true, 
with the view of saving my tribe from destruction. 
But if you think me in the wrong, if you give more 
credit to runaway vagabonds tha^ to your own fiiendfl^ 

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from the Creeks, he says, " What nation, or what peo» 
pie am I afraid of? I do not fear all the forces which 
the great King George can send against me among 
these mountains.'^ And yet the Great- Warrior was 
not rash, as we shall soon learn from the sequel 

A strong excitement followed the provocation al- 
ready mentioned ; and although the elder part of the 
nation remained calm, and Attakullakulla and Occon- 
nostota were both against instant war, the French emis- 
saries yirrought so effectually on the younger warriors, 
that parties of them took the field, ond the English 
frontiers became the scene of a horrid series of de- 
vastation and massacre. The Governor of South 
Carolina prepared for active hostilities, and the mi- 
litia of the whole Province were summoned to meet 
at Congarees. 

But no sooner did theCherokees hear of this move- 
ment than they sent thirty^two of their chief men, 
among whom was the Great- Warrior, to settie all dif- 
ferences at Charleston. A conference ensued, the 
burthen of which however was assumed by the Gov- 
ernor alone ; for when, — afler he had made a long 
. speech of accusations, and concluded with saying 
that the Deputies must follow his troops, or he would 
not be answerable for their safety, — Occonnostota 
gravely rose to reply, the Grovemor interrupted him and 
forbade him to proceed. He was determined that, 
nothing should prevent his military expedition ; and 
at all events " he would hear no talk in vindication of 
the Orator's countryhien, nor any proposals with re- 
gard to peace.*'t 

The Great- Warrior was indignant, and his com- 
panions were still more so than himselC It must be 
allowed, that the Governor's deportment on this occa- 
sion, independently of his treatment of the Deputies 
out of Council, was in the highest degree insulting. 
The Warrior felt it the more keenly, because he had 

. * We refer to Charleston, (S.<J.) papers. 
1 Ramsay's History of South CaroUna. 

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be^ appointed to speak, and h^d prepared himse1€ 
The Cherokees were conscious, too, that the English 
had originally occasioned the war. The sacred respect 
attached in tfieir view, — as it is in that of the Indians 
quite generally even now, — ^to the dignity of their or- 
ators, may be gathered from the well-authenticated 
anecdote of the Virginian Chieflain who was rashly 
mternrpted in a Conference with the English by one 
of his own subjects. He split the offender's head 
with a tomahawk at a single blow, and then calmly 
proceeded with his speech.* 

The Deputies were detained several days, at the end 
of which they accompanied the Governor and his 
troops to Congarees, where were collected fourteen 
hundred men. Accompanied, we say, — but not free- 
ly : they were even made prisoners, to prevent their 
escaping, (as two had already done,] and a Captain's 
guard was set over them. No longer, says the histo- 
rian, could they conceal theu* resentment ; sullen and 
gloomy countenances showed that they were stung 
to tlie heart To make the matter worse, on reaching 
Fort Prince-George, on the borders of their own ter- 
ritory, they were all confined in a miserable hut, 
scarcely sufficient to accommodate a tenth part of 
their number. 

But the troops becoming discontented and mutinous, 
the Governor dared not advance any farther against the 
enemy. He therefore sent for Attakullakulla, as be- 
ing ^esteemed the wisest man in the nation, and the 
most steady friend to the English."! The summons 
was promptly obeyed, and a conference took place on 
the 17th of December, (1759.) The Governor made 
a long speech as before, to the effect that the Great 
Kino would not suffer his people to be destroyed 
without satisfaction ; that he was determined to have 
it ; and that twenty-four Cherokee murderers, whom 
he named, must be given up in the outset, for which 

• Beverly. t Ramsay. 

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Christianity, as he had seen it taught hy the good Mck 
ravians, the best posibsle promotive, as undoubtedly 
it was. 

But in this noble solicitude for his countrymen, he 
forgot himself. Hence even Loskiel, on mentioning his 
decease, states, with an almost reluctant honesty, that 
"Captain White-Eyes, who bad so often advised other 
Indians, with great earnestness, to believe in the Gospel 
of Jesus Christ, hiU had always postponed joining the 
believers himself on account of being yet entangled in po- 
litical concerns, was unexpectedly called into eternity ;" 
adding, affectionately, that the " Indian Congregation 
to whom he had rendered very essential services, was 
much affected at the news of his death, and could 
not but hope, that Grod our Saviour had received his 
soul in mercy." Mr. Heckewelder sums up the mat- 
ter by saying — " His ideas were that unless the In- 
dians changed their mode of living, tliey would in 
time come to nothing ; and to encourage them towarls 
such a change, he told them to take the example of 
the Christian Indians, who by their industry had ev- 
ery thing they could wish for." In a word, there was 
more philanthropy and more philosophy in the reli- 
gion of White-Eyes, than there was piety. Hence 
his eloquence, his energy, his strong affection for the 
Missionaries, and his sacrifices and services for them 
and for his countrymen. He was a good man, we 
beUeve, by the force of native conscience, as he was 
a great man by the force of native sense ; and though 
to have learned Christianity, in additi?^ to loving 
some of those who professed it, might have made him 
both better and greater than he was, we cannot but 
hope, as it is, with the Christian Dela wares, " that God 
our Saviour has received his soul in mercy. - 

It would give us very sincelre pleasure to be able 
to say as much for the Paganism of Captain Pipe, who, 
on the contrary, was opposed to the i^ligion of the 
whites asinveterately asany of the New-England Sa.- 
chems of the seventeenth century, and apparently for 
nmUar reasons. " The Sachems of the countiy were 

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generally sei against us," wrote Mr. EUiot in 1650,*— 
"and counter- work the Lord by keeping off tbeir 
men from praying to God as much as they can : and 
the reason of it is this ; they plainly see that religion 
will make a great change among them, and cut them 
off from their former tyranny, &c." Pipe, too, with 
all bis talent, was obnoxious to some very plain stric- 
tures regarding his own morality, and of course had 
no theoretical partiality for lectures upon that sul^ect.! 
He was inimical to White-Eyes, especially,because the 
latter supported the cause of reform ; and rather than 
stand second to him, and. at the same time surrender 
his own bad habits, he determined at all hazards to 
array a party in opposition. It was both a personal 
and a poUtical movement, the objects being self-de- 
fence, in the first place, and in the secon^j, distinction. 
. Such being the character of the scheme, it must 
still be admitted that he exhibited great energy^ and 
great ingenuity in promoting it. Some of his manceu- . 
vres have been noticed ; and after his rival's decease, 
bis own declarations, particularly, were much more fire^ 
quent and fearless, and therefore more effectual than 
they had been before. " Thus," says Heckewelder, 
" when a young man of his tribe, who had received his 
education in Virginia, under the influence of Dr. 
Walker, on his return into the Indian country in 1779, 
spread unfavorable reports of the Virginian people ; 
representing them as exceeding the Indians in vicious 
acts — their beating the negroes so unmercifully,- &c. 
&c. Pipe would mockingly enumerate such vicious 
and cruel acts, as the benefits of civilization." He 
could at the same time, with truth, set forth the pover- 
ty of the United States, in not having even a blanket, 
a shirt, or other article of Indian clothing, to give 
Ihem in exchange for their peltry ; whereas, (said he) 
were it not for tfie Enghsh, we should have to suffer, 

^'Ths LIGHT APPEARING, &c. London, 1651. 
f Narrative, p. 286 and passim : •* We were obliged to 
.wait for Pipe's becomingsuSficiently sober,"— &c. 

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tunate hostages, and butchered all of them in fi n]fd»- 
ner too shocking to relate. 

There were few men -in the Cherokee nation that 
did not lose a friend or rotative by this massacr^ 
and therefore with one voice all immediately declared 
for war. The leaders in every town seized the hatch- 
et ; <* the spirits of their murdered brothers were ho- 
vering around them and calling out for vengeance ob. 
their enemies." Large parties of warriors took the 
field. Burning with imptuience to imbrue their 
hands in the l^ood of their enemies, they rushed 
down among innocent and defenceless families on the 
frontiers of Carolina ; and there men, women and chil- 
dren, without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their mer- 
ciless fury. Such as fled to the v^oods and escaped 
the scalping-knife, perished with hunger ; and those 
whom they made prisoners were carried into the wil- 
derness, where they suffered inexpressible hardshipSL 
Every day brought fresh accounts of their ravages 
and murders. 

Great alarm prevailed throughout the Province, and 
corresponding efforts were made for defence. Seven 
troops of rangers were raised to protect the frontiers. 
Application was made to Virginia and North Caroli- 
na for aid ; as also to General Amherst, Comman- 
der-in-Chief of the British forces in America, who 
immediately despatched twelve companies to the the^ 
atre of hostilities. The various detachments muster^ 
cd at Congarees in May, 1760, and the campaign be- 
gan with a rapid invasion of the Cherokee territory. 
Considerable ravages were speedily made, including 
the destruction of Estatoe and Keowee, (the latter 
of which contained two hundred houses,) and the 
army then marched to relieve Fort George. 

And now the war grew fervid. Saloueh and Fif- 
toe had sworn vengeance over the ashes of their 
homes, and t!ie soul of the Great- Warrior was hot 
within him. The invaders were su^red to pursue 
their hazardous and difficult march, through dark 
thickets and daep defiles, and ever mountaias^ nwvm 

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tnd swamps, till they came within fire miles of 
Etchoe. Here was a low valley, covered so thick with 
bushes that the soldiers could scarcely see three yards 
before them. The army was obliged to pass through 
it, and that in such a manner as to permit but few of 
the troops to act together. An officer was ordered to 
advance, and scour the thicket witli a company of 
rangers. He obeyed, but a sudden discharge from 
unseen fire-arms laid him dead on the spot, with sev^^ 
eral of his soldiers. The light-infantry and grena^ 
diers now charged their enemy, — a heavy fire com- 
menced on both sides, — and the woods aromid rang 
with the warrior's whoop, the shouts of the soldiery, 
and the cries of the dying. The action lasted more 
than an hour, — the English losing about twenty men 
killed and eighty wounded, — when the Indians slow- 
ly retreated and disappeared, carrying off the bodies 
of their slain. " Upon viewing the ground," (says our 
historian,) "all were astonished to see with what judg- 
ment they had chosen it Scarcely could the most 
experienced officer have fixed upon a spot more ad- 
vantageous for attacking an enemy." Orders were 
immediately given for an expeditious retreat 

Thus Occonnostota succeeded in the field. But his 
heart still thirsted for blood, and be found means to 
gratify his revenge in another quarter. Fort Loudon, 
(built, like Fort George, on the fi^ntier,) with a gar- 
rison of twenty men, was surrounded by the enrag- 
ed enemy, and reduced to the extremities of ftmine. 
Under these circumstances Captain Stuart, a gentleman 
well known to the Cherokees during a long official and 
private intercourse with them, obtahied leave to go to 
Choteh, the town of the Great- Warrior,— who was 
sometimes called ^Prince of Choteh.' A capitulation 
was agreed upon with him. The arms of the garrison 
were surrendered on the faith of it ; and they march 
ed out, on their way towards Fort Creorffe, under the 
escort of an Indian detachment headed by the Prince 
himself. Having ffone fifteen miles, they encamped 
dt night near an Indian town. All the escort left 


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them, but still they remained UDmolested* At lengtiH^ 
about day-break, a guard came running in with intel- 
ligence that the woods and bushes around them were 
full of hideously painted savages, who had already 
enclosed them. In a moment afler, the enemy 
rushed upon them, and fired, and thirty of their num- 
ber fell dead. The residue eidier fled or were cap- 
tured ; and the latter, including Stuart^ were pinioned 
and sent back to Fort Loudon. 

J^nd oow AttakullakuUa came forward. He had 
taken no part in the war, on either side ; but Stuart 
had been his best friend in former times, and he could 
not think of seeing him a prisoner and in peril of his 
life. He hastened to the fort, and purchased him of 
bis Indian master, giving his rifle, clothes, and all he 
could command as a ransom ; and then took him 
into his own familv, and shared with him the provis- 
ions which his table afforded. 

Occonostota, meanwhile, had formed the design of 
attacking Fort George, and sent messengeris throughout 
the Cherokee country to collect his warriors for that 
purpose. At this juncture, a quantity of ammunition 
was found in Fort Loudon (where the English cap- 
tives were still confined J which the garrison had bu- 
ried before leaving it. Tne discovery had nearly cost 
Stuart his life, but his protector again rescued him. 
The Indians, indeed, found occasion for his services* 
At a great Council held at Choteh, whither he waa 
carried, the warrior told him they had resolved to 
march against Fort George vnth a quantity of Eng- 
hsh cannon, to be managed bv men under his f Stu- 
art's) command, and they wished him previously to 
write letters for them to the Commandant, demand- 
ing a surrender. If he refused, they intended to bum 
his companions, one by one, before his face. 

Captain Stuart waa now really uneasy In his situ- 
ation, and he determined from this moment to make 
his escape or perish in the attempt. He private- 
ly communicated his feelings to Attakullakulla, and 
appealed to his magnanimity. Tiie old Warrior took 

. Digitized by Google 


him by the hand. « Be calm," said he, ** be eakn, my 
Bon ; I am your friend — ^trust me." He went forward, 
and claimed the Englishman for hia prisoner; and 
then gave out word amon? his countrymen, that he 
intended to *go a-hunting,* for a few days, and to take 
his Englishman with him. 

They set out together, accompanied by the war- 
rior's wife, his brother, and two others. For provis- 
ions they depended on what they might kill by the 
way. The distance to the. frontier settlements was 
great, and the utmost expedition necessary to prevent 
any surprise from Indians pursuing them. They 
travelled nine days and nights through a dreary wil- 
derness, shaping their course for Vii^nia, by the light 
and guidance of the heavenly bodies. On the tenth 
they arrived at the banks of Holstein river ; where 
they fortunately fell in with a party of three thousand 
men, sent out by Colonel Bird for the relief of such 
soldiers as might make their escape that way from Fort 

Here the Chieftain was content to relinquish his 
charge. He bade his friend farewell, and, as com- 
posedly as if the whole transaction were a matter of 
course, turned back into the wilderness, and retraced 
his long and wearisome journey. 

Such was the issue of the first campaign. The 
spring of 1761 opened with new efforts on the part 
of Carolina. A new provincial regiment was raised ; 
fresh reinforcements of regulars arrived from the 
north ; and numbers of the Chickasaw and Catawba 
Indians were induced to give their assistance — ^so that, - 
on the 27th of May, an army of two thousand six 
hundred men mustered at Fort George. 

Latinac, a French officer, was at this time among 
the Cherokees, and he proved an indefatigable insti- 
gator to mischief. He persuaded them, that the En- 
glish would be satisfied with nothing less than to ex- 
terminate them, man, woman, and child, from the 
face of the earth. He gave them arms, too, and 
urged them to war. At a granc^ meeting of the na- 

.,y,,..uuy Google 


tioD, he brandished his hatchet, and, striking it fun* 
ously into a loff of wood, cried out — ^ Who is the man 
that will take ttiis up for the King of France ? Where 
is he? Let htm come forth I" Saloueh, the young War- 
rior of Estatoe, instantly leaped forward, laid hold of 
it, and cried out — **I will take it up. I am for war 
The spirits of the slain call upon us ; I will avenge 
them ; and who will not? he is no better than a wo- 
man that refuses to follow me." Many a fierce look^ 
and many a lifted tomahawk answered the appeal of 
the Orator, and again did the war-torrent rush down 
upon the frontiers. 

The Great- Warrior too, more a general, and not less 
a soldier, was again reaiiy for his enemy. They com- 
menced their march into the interior on the 7th of 
June, and advanced unmolested as far as the well re- 
membered battle-ground of the year previous : but 
there, the Indian scouts in fi'ont oliservea a large body 
of Cherokees posted upon a hill on the risht flank oi 
the army. Immediately the savages, rushing down, 
began to fire on the advanced gutird, which being 
supported repulsed them ; but they recovered their 
beighta Colonel Grant ordered a party to march up 
the hills, and drive the enemy from them. The en- 
gagement became general, and was fought on both 
sides with great bravery. The situation of the troopi 
was in several respects deplorable— fatigued in a te- 
dious march in rainy weather — surrounded with 
woods so that they could not discern the enemv-^ 
galled by the scattering fire of savages who when 
pressed always fell back, but rallied again and again, 
no sooner was any advantage gained over them in 
one quarter than they appeared in another. Whil^ 
the attention of the Commander was occupied in driv- 
ius the enemy from their lurking-place on the river's 
side, his rear was attacked, and so vigorous an effort 
ma^e for the flour and cattle, that he was obliged to or- 
der a party back to the relief of the rear-guard. From 
eight o'clock in the morning until eleven, the savages 
continued to keep up an irregular and incessant fire, 

> Digitized by Google 


•ometimes from one place and sometimes from another, 
while the woods resounded with hideous war-whoops 
frequently repeated, but in different directions. At 
length the Cheroke«e gave way and were pursued. 

Such is the account of this famous engagement giv- 
en by history. The English lost between fifty and 
sixty killed and wounded. The loss of the Chero- 
kees was uncertain, as that of an Indian army always 
is, — ^they carried off the slain. 

And now commenced a scene of devastation scarce- 
ly parallelled in the annals of the continent For 
thirty days, the English army employed themselves 
in burning and ravaging the countrjr and settlements 
of the enemy. " Heaven has blest iw," says a letter- 
writer from the camp, under date of July 10th,* " with 
the greatest success ; we have finished our business as 
completely as the most sanguine of us could have 
wished. All their towns, fifteen in number, beside 
many little villages and scattered houses, have been 
burnt ; upwards of fourteen hundred acres of corn, 
according to a moderate computation, entirely de- 
stroyed ; and near five thousand Cherokees, men, wo- 
men and children, driven to the mountains to starve 
— ^their only sustenance for some time past being horse- 

The result of these measures was decisive. A great 
part of the Cherokee nation became desirous of pro- 
curing peace upon any terms; and the army had 
no sooner reached Fort George, than a deputation of 
about twenty chiefs visited the camp. Neither the 
Great- Warrior nor his staunch aid-de-camp, Saloueh, 
was among them ; but the Man-Killer came, and 
the Raven, and Old Cesar of Hy wassih, and at the 
head of all the Little Carpenter himself. 

On the 28th of August they waited upon Colonel 
Grant, who had prepared a bower for their reception* 
Having seated themselves in grave array, the Little- 
Carpenter was asked, if he had come to sue for peace. 
He answered in the affirmative. ^' Have you author- 
Charleston Paper of 1761. 
■, ^^ .,„,..,u, Google 


it7 fi>om {he vliole nvtioii ?** demanded the Colonel; 
to which all the chiefs replied that they would confinn 
whatever the Carpenter should agree to. The latter 
then delli^ered his talk.— , 

^ You live at the water-side," said he, ^and are la 
iight We ,are in darkoess ; but hope all will yet be 
4clear. I have been eonstautly going about doing 
^ood^ and though I am tired, yet I am come to see 
what can be done for ray people, who are in great dis*- 
stress,** Here he produced the strings of wampum ha 
}iad received from the difierent towns, denoting their 
earnest desire of peace, and added, — ** As to what haa 
happened, I believe it has been ordered by our Father 
fibove. We are of a different color from the white 
people. Thev are superior to us. But one God ia 
father of us alt and we hope what is past will be for- 
gotten. God Almighty made all people. There ia 
not a day but some are coming into, and others going 
out of the world. The Great King told me the path 
sfihould never be crooked, but open for every one to 
fH8s and repass. As we all live in one land, I hope 
we shall all love as one people.** 

This account is taken partly from news-papers of the 
period under consideration. Ramsay only adds, that 
pe&ce was formally ratified ; and that the ancient friend- 
i^hip of the parties being renewed, both expressed 
their hope that it would last as long as the sun might 
-^hine and the rivers run. Some litde difficulty ap- 

rrs to have occuii'ed in the adjustment, which should 
mentioned to the credit of Little-^CariJenter. 
fie consented to every requisition eKccpting that 
which demanded the JBurrender of four Cherokees, 
to be put to death in front of the camp. This he 
would not promise. The Colonel gave him a day to 
think 40if it, but he «tiH refused. Finally, it was 
thought advisable to refer him to the Governor, and 
he undertook a journey to Charleston, several hun- 
dred miles distant, for the express purpose of procu- 
ring a mitigation of the treaty of peace in regard to 
iheiiinj^levabnozious provision. 

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H*a perseYerence and fimmeBB wete i«waided as 
they deserved. " This day," aaya a Charleston pa- 
per of September 33d, ** Attaki^llakulla had his last 
public audience, when he signed the treaty of peace, 
and received an authenticated copy under the great 
seal * • • * ffe eameiUy requested thai 
Captain John Stuart fmght be made Chid' ffhUe-Man 

gndian Agent] in their nation. He smd, *all the In- 
ans love him ; and there would never be any unea- 
siness if he Were there.' This faithful Indian after- 
wards dined witli his Honor the Grovemor, and to^ 
morrow sets out for his own country. He has receiv- 
ed several presents as a mark of the regard this gov- 
amment has for him." 

Thus ended the Cherokee war. That its conduct 
did no discredit to the talents of the Great- Warrior, 
we need not argue. As to the principles upon which 
It was fought, we may content oursdves with the 
comment of an impartial historian. " In the review of 
the whole," ^ays lUmsay, ^ there is much to blame, and 
m^re to regret The Cherokees were the first aggres- 
sors by taking horses from the Virgioiana; but by kil- 
ling them for that offence the balance of injury was 
on their ade. Then treachery begat treachery, and 
murder produced murder. The lives of those men 
who came originally as messengers of peace, though 
afterwards retained as hostages^ were barbareusJy 
taken away without any ^It of theirs, other than 
their obeying the laws of nature in resisting a militaiy 
order for putting their persons in irons. A deadly ha- 
tred and a desolating war was the consequence." 

We do not meet with fi^uent mention of either of 
the Chieftains nanaed in this chapter, after the cam- 
paign of 1761. They ftHight against the neighbor- 
ing tribes occasionally, but with the English they pre- 
served a firm peace of at least fifteen yeai^. The 
character of the eontest between England and the 
Colonies appears to have confused them, and thekr 
embarrassmentwas not at fUr relieved by the ujisparing 
bftbrts made to instigate them to kostiUties against tho 

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latter. The result was a dmsion of opmion, and u ^yer- 
sity of practice, as in the case of their Northern neigh- 
bors. A part of the nation took up arms for the Eng- 
lish, — ^probably the younger warriors ; — ^but the whole 
were compelled to suffer in consequence. A powerful 
army from South Carolina invaded their territoiy, and 
afler a severe struggle, peace wasonce more enforced 
at the point of the bayonet 

It is doubtful whether the Great-Warrior was living 
at this period, for his name does not appear in the his- 
tory of the conflict or the treaty. Little-Carpen- 
ter still survived, but, as usual, took no part in the war. 
Indeed he must now have been nearly disabled from 
very acdve service by his advanced age, — as well as 
disinclined for better reasons, — ^for he is believed to 
have been one of the seven Cherokees who visited 
England and were introduced to George II, as early 
as 1730. But this cannot be affirmed with certainty. 

We shall close our imperfect sketch of this virise 
and worthy Chieflain, with the characteristic account 
of an interview with him, given by Bertram, author 
of the well-known Southern Travels. It occurred 
early in the Revolution : — 

^ Soon afler crossing this large branch of the Ta- 
nase, [in Upper Georgia,] I observed, descending the 
heights at a distance, a company of seven Indians, all 
well mounted on horseback. They came rapidly 
forward. On their nearer approach I observed a 
Chief at the head of the caravan, and apprehending 
him to be the Little Carpenter, Emperor or Grand 
Chief of the Cherokees, as they came up I turned- off 
from the path to make way, in token of respect The 
compliment was accepted, and returned, for his High- 
ness, with a gracious and cheerful smile, came up to 
me, and clapping his hand on his breast, offered it to 
me, saying, * / am MakuUacuUa,^ and heartily shook 
bands with me, and asked me ^Iflknew if.' I answered, 
that the Qoed Spirit who goes before me, spoke to me 
and said, < That is the great Attakullaculla,' and added 

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that I was of the tribe of the white men of Pennsylva- 
nia, who esteem themselves brothers and friends to the 
Red Men, but particularly to the Cherokees, and that 
the name of AttacullacuUa was dear to his white 
brethren. After this compliment, which seemed to 
be acceptable, he inquireid *if I came lately from 
Oharieston, and if John Shuui uhu toeUj^ [the agbnt,] 
saying that he was going to see hSm. I replied that I 
had come lately from Charleston, on a friendly visit 
to the Cherokees ; that I had seen the Superintend- 
ant, the Beloved Man, &c. The Great Chief was 
pleased to answer, that I was welcome in their coun- 
try, as a friend and brother, and then shaking hands 
heartily he bade me farewell, and his retinue confirm- 
ed it by a united voice of i 

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The Cayuga Chief^ Looan — Some account of his father, 
Shikellimus — Ileaidence of Logan — Hisfriendihip for 
the whites interrupted by their provocations — ^His fami- 
ly misfortunes — The Shawanee Silver-H«ils— Lo- 
gan joins in a war of revenge against the 'Long-Knives' 
— Battle of the Kenhawa — Treaty of Peace with Gov- 
ernor Dunmore-^Logan's celebrated speech — His his- 
tory completed — Buckongahelasi tho Delaware head 
War-Chief— His intercourse with the Christian In- 
dians — Part which he' takes in the Revolution — De- 
feated by Wayne, in 1794 — ^Anecdotes of him — Death 
and character. 

Few Indians Dames have been ofiener repeated than 
that of Logan, and yet of scarcely any individual of 
his race is the history which has reached us less com- 
plete. He was a chief of the Six-Nations — a Cayu- 
ga — but resided during most of his life in a western 
settlement, either at Sandusky or upon a branch of the 
Scioto— there being at the former location, a few 
years before the Revolution, about three hundred war- 
riors, and about sixty at the latter. ^ 

Logan was the second son orSfukeUimus; and 
this is the same person whom Heckewelder describes 
as ^a respectable chief of the Six Nations, who 
resided at Shamokin (Pennsylvania,) as an agent, to 
transact business between them and the Grovernment 
of the State." In 1747, at a time when the Moravian 
Missionaries were the object of much groundless ha- 
tred and accusation, Shikdlimvs invited some of them 
to setUe at Shamok]n,and they did so. When Count 
Zinzendorff and Conrad Weiser visited that place, 
several vears before, they were very hospitably en- 
tertained by the Chief, who came out to meet them 
(says Loskiel,) with a large fine melon, for which the 
Count politely gave him his fiir cap in exchange ; and 


tfa'iis eommencQd an intimate ficqufuntatice. He was 
a shrewd and sober man, — ^not addicted to drinking^ 
like most of his countrymen, because ' he never wished 
to become a fool.' Indeed, he built his house on pil* 
lars for security against the drunken Indians, and used 
to ensconce himseii* within it on all occasions of riot 
and outrage. He died in 1749, attended in his last 
moments by the good Moravian Bishop Zeisberger, 
in whose presence, says Loskiel, <he fell happily 
asleep in the Lord.' / 

Logan inherited the talents of his l&ther, but not his 
prosperity. Nor was this altogether his own fault. 
tie took no part except that of peace-makiug in the 
French and English war of 1760, and was ever belbre 
and afterwards looked upon as emphatically the friend 
of the white man. But never was kindness reward- 
ed like his. 

In the spring of 1774, a robbery and murder occur* 
red in some of the white settlements on the Ohio, 
which were charged to the Indians, though perhaps 
not justly, for it is well known that a large number of 
civilized adventurers were traverdng the frontiers at 
this time, who sometimes disguised themselves as In- 
dians, and who thought little more of killing one of 
that people than of shooting a buf&lo. A party of 
these men, land-jobbers and others, undertook to pnn- 
ish the outrage in this case, according to their custom^ 
as Mr. Jetferson expresses it, in a summary way.* 
. Colonel Cresap, a man infamous for the many 
murders he had committed on those mueh injured peo- 
ple, collected a party, and proceeded down the Ken- 
hawa in quest of vengeance. Unfortunately, a ca- 
noe of women and children, with one man only, was 
seen coming firom the opposite shore, unarmed, and 
not at all suspecting an attack from the whites. Cre- 
sap and his party concealed themselves on the hank 
of the river, and the moment the canoe reached the 
shore, singled out tbek objects, and, at one fire, killed 

* Notes on Virginia. 

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108 mmAN BiOGRAPar^ 

every person in it. TMi biq^iened to be the fiimHy 

It was not long after this that another massacre 
took place, under still more aggravated circumstances^ 
not far from the present site of Wheehng, Virginia,— 
a considerable party of the Indians being decoyed by 
the whites, and all murd^^d, \^ith the exception of a 
little girl. Among these, too, was both a brother of 
Logan, and a sister, and the delicate situation of th« 
latter increased a thousand fold both the barbarity'of 
the crime and the rage of the survivors of the family. 

The vengeance of the Chieftain was indeed pro- 
Toked beyond endurance; and he accordingly distin- 
guished himself by his daring and bloody exploits in the 
war which now ensued, between the Virginians on the 
one sfde, and acombinatioii mainly of Shawanees,Min- 
goes and Delawares on the other. The former of these 
Hibes were particularly exasperated Iw the unprovoked 
murder of one of their favorite ehiera, Silver-Heels, 
who had in the kindest manner undertaken to escort 
several white traden^ across the vroods from the Ohio 
to Albany, a distance of nearly two hundred miles.t 

The civilized party prevailed, as usual. A decisive 
battle was fought upon the lOch of October, of theyear 
last named, on Point Pleasant at the mouth of the Ureat 
K^ihawa in West* Virginia, between the Confederates, 
commanded by Logan, and one thousand Virginian ri- 
flemen constituting the left winff of an army led by Gov- 
ernor Dunmore against the Indians of the North- West. 
This eiqiageraent has by some annalists, — who howcT- 
er have rarely given tfaie particulars of it*— been called 
the risost obstinate ever contested with the natives, and 
we therefore annex an official account of itwhich has 
fbrtunately been brought to light within a few years. 

^ Monday moroing, [the l&h,^ about half an hour 
before sun^-nse^ two of Capt. Russell's company dis* 
covered a larae party of Indians about a mile from 
cftmp; one (» which was shot down by the Indhins. 

* Jefferson. t Hedbewelder's History. 

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lll0tAM BI06EAPHT. 160 

Hie mher made hk escape^ and broogfat in the intelE- 
cetice ; two or three minutes after, two of Capt Shel- 
Ey'a men came in and coniirnied the account 

Col. Andrew Lewis being informed thereof imme- 
diately ordered out CeL Chailes Lewis to take tl)e 
command of one hundred and My men, of the Au- 
«]8ta troops ; and with him went Capt Dickinsony 
Capt I&urison, Capt Wilson, Capt John Lewis of 
Aujgusta, and Capt Locknd^, which made the first 
divitson; Coh Fleming was ordered to take com- 
mand of one hnndred and fifty more, consisting of 
Botetrout, Bedford and Fincastle troops—- viz : Capt 
Bufort of Bedftvd,. Capt Love of Botetrout, and 
Capt Sh^by and Capt Russell of Fincasde, which 
Buule the second division. Col. Chark» Lewis's di- 
Tision marched to the right some distance from the 
Ohio ; Col. Fleming, wiUi his division, up the bank 
of the Ohio, to the left. CoL Lewis's divioon had not 
marched quite hatf a mile from camp, when about 
sun-rise, an attack was made on the ftont of his divis- 
ion, in a most vigorous manner, by the united tribes 
of Imyans, Shawanees, Delawares^MingoeSj'Iaways, 
and of several other nations, in number not less than 
eight hundred, and by many thought to be a thon- 
aand. In tins heavv attack Col. licwis received a 
wound which in a few hours occasioned his death, 
and several of his men fell on the spot ; in fttct the 
Augusta division, was forced to give way to the heavy 
fire of the enemy. In about a minute after the at- 
tack on CoL Lewis's division, the enemy enniged 
the front of CoL Fleming's diviaon, on the Ohio ; 
and ip a short time the Colonel received two balls 
through his left arm, and one through his breast, and 
after ooimating the offioersand soldiers, in aspirked 
BiaBner,tothe pursuit of victoiy, retired to camp. 

The kas of the brave ColoncJs ftom the field was 
■ansibly Mt by the ofikers in particular ; but the An- 
gusta troops Mam shortly after reinforced finom 
camp bytCoL Field, with bis compfuiy, together with 
Capt M'Opwely Capt Mathews and Capt Stuart, 


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from Augusta, and Capt Aibuckle and Capt AfCleil- 
iiJiaD, from Botetrout, the enemy, do longer able to 
maintain their ground, was forced to give way tiH 
they were in a Ime with the troope of Col. Fleming, 
eft in action on the bank of Ohio. In this precipi« 
tate retreat CoL Field was killed. Capt Shelby was 
then ordered to take the command. During this time, 
it being now twelve o'clock, the action continued 
extremely hot. The close underwood, and many 
steep banks and logs, greatly fiivored their retread 
and the bravest of their men made the best use of 
them, whilst others were throwing their dead into 
the Ohio and carrying off* their wounded. 

After twelve o'clock the action, in a small decree^ 
abated ; but continued, except at short intervals, nbaip 
enough till after one o'clock. Their long retreat save 
them a most advantaseous spot of ^ound, from 
whence it appeared to the officers so difficult to dis* 
lodffe them that it was thought most advisable to stand 
as Uie line was then formed, which was about 'a mile 
and a quarter in length, and had till then sustained a 
constant and equal weight of the action, from vring to 
win^. It was till about half an hour of sunset they 
continued firing on us scattering shots, which we re<^ 
turned to their disadvantage ; at length night coming 
on, they~found a safe retreat They had not the sat* 
isfaction of carrying off any of our men'is scalps, save 
one or two stragglers, whom thev killed before the 
engagement Many of their dead they scalped rath- 
er than we should have them ; but our troops scalped 
upwards of twenty of those who were first killed. 
It is beyond a doubt their loss in number ftr exceeds 
ours, which is condderaUe."* 

The Virginians lost in this action two of their Co* 
lonels, four Captains, many subordinate officers, and 
about fifty privates killed, besides a much larger num- 
ber wounded. The Governor himself was not ea- 
gaged in the battle, being at the head of the right wing 

* Niles's Kegifter, Vol. XU. 

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of the same army, a force of fifteen liundrod moD, 
who were at this time on their expedition against the 
towns of some of the hostile tribes in the North-West. 

It was at the treaty ensuing upon this battle that 
the following speech was delivered, — sufficient to ren- 
der the name of Logan famous for many a century. 
It came by the hand of a messenger, sent, (as Mr. 
Jefferson states,) that the sincerity of the negotiation 
might not be distrusted on account of the absence of 
80 distinguished a warrior as himself 

" I api^ to any white man to say, if he ever en- 
tered Loean's cabin hungry, and he gave him not 
meat ; if ne ever came cold and naked, and he cloth- 
ed him not During the course of the last long and 
bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an ad- 
vocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, 
that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, 
' Logan is the friend of white men.* I had even 
thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of 
one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold 
blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations 
of Logan, not sparing even my women and chil- 
dren. There runs not a drpp of my blood in the veins 
of any living creature. This called on me for revenffe. 
I have sought it^I have killed many: I have fully 
glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at 
the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought 
that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. 
He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who 
Is there to mourn for Logan ? — ^Not one." 

Of this powerful address, Mr. Jefferson says, ** I 
may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes 
and, Cicero, and of auy more eminent orator, if Europe 
has furnished more eminent, to produce a single pas- 
sage, superior to the speech of Logan" ; and an Amer- 
ican statesman and scholar, scarcely less illustrious 
than the author of this noble eulogium, has expressed 
his readiness to subscribe to it.* It is of course un- 
l^ecessary for any humbler authority to enlarge upon 

* Clinton's Historical Disoourse : 1311. 

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Its merits, bideed, diey require bo eicpoeitkm : they 
strike home to the souL 

The melancholy history of Logan must be did- 
miBsed with no relief to its gioomy colors. He was 
himself a victim to th6 same ferocious cruelty which 
had aheady rendered him a desolate man.* Not long 
after the treaty a party of whites murdered him, as he 
was returning from Bettott to his own country. It 
grieves us to add, that towards the close of his life, mis- 
ery had made him intemperate. No security aiid no 
solace to Logan, was the orator^ genius or the war- 
rior's glory. 

Campbell, in his Ckrtnide of Wycming, has appro* 
priated the affecting sentiment of Logan to an In-^ 
dian hero of his own, but ^e sm of the transfer may 
be excused for its skik 

^«*H« kftof ill my tribe 

Nor man nor child, nor thing of living birth : 

No ! not the do^, that watched my household hearth, 

Escaped, that night of blood, upon our plains I 

All perished ! I alone am lefl on Earth ! 

To whom nor relative nor bbod remains. 

No ! — ^not a kindred drop that runs in human veins I* 

A more noted personage in his own time than 
even Logan, was the Delaware Buckon eAHEi.AS, who 
rose from the station of a private warrior to be, as 
Heckewelder calls him, the head war-chief of his 
nation. That writer speaks of meeting him at Tusca- 
roras as early as 1763 : and the Cbiefudn accordingly 
reminded him of the fact when, in 1781, he visited 3ie 
settlement of the Christian Indians in Ohio. His de- 
portment on that occasion was singularly characteristic 
of the man ; for all writers agree in representing him 
as feariesB, frank and magnanimous. It should be pre- 
mised, that he lived on the Miami, and being rather in 
the British interest, vnis disposed to watch quite close- 
ly the movements of the peace-party. Whathecfid^ 

" Drake's Biography. 

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however, he did openly, and he never herniated to ex- 
plain himself with the same freedom. 

One morning, late in the season last named, two 
Christian Indians of Gnadenhutten having gone out 
to look in the woods for strayed horses, were met by 
a chieflain at the head of eighty warriors, who without 
ceremony made them both captives. "Then," says 
Heckewelder, " taking a course through the woods, un- 
til they had come within a short distance of Gnadenhut- 
ten, they rested until nearly break of day, yarding the 
Brethren, th^ they might not escape and give informa- 
tion of them. The day approacKing, they moved on, 
and having' surrounded the town completely, hailed 
the inhabitants, to deliver into their hands the chie^ 
Gelelemend, (Kill-Buck) with the other chiefs and 
councillors: whom they must have either alive or 
dead.^ The party being informed, that not one of 
those they were in search of, was here at the time, but 
had all gone to Pittsburg some time past, they then 
searched every house, stable and cellar ; and being 
finally satisfied that they had been told the truth, they 
demanded that deputies, consisting of tlie principal 
men <^ the tbkree towns, should be called together, to 
hear what diey had to say to them. The principal 
men assembled Urom Salem and Shonbrun; and 
Buckongahelas, for such they discovered him to be, 
addressed them as follows: 

** Friends! — ^Listen to what I say to you ! You see 
a ffreat and powerful nation divided ! You see the 
father fighdng against the son, and the son against the 
father ! — ^The father has called on his Indian children, 
to assist him in punishing his children, the Americans, 

* Their object was, to take these off to a place where 
they would nave them under their control, and prevent 
them firom governing the nation while the war lasted ; it 
being a custom with ^e Indians, that as soon n 
the peace-chief has gave his consent to war meapuree, hi 
office ceases, and the power is vested in the head cap- 
tains of the nation, iintil his services, in making pea , 
ftie again wanted. 

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who have become refractory !— I took timeto oonod 
er what I should do— whether or not I should receive 
^e hatchet of my father, to assist him! — ^At first I 
looked upon it as a family quarrel, in which I was 
not interested — ^However, at length it appeared to me, 
that the father was in the right ; and his children de- 
served to be punished a little! — That this must be the 
case, I concluded fi'om the many cruel acts his off* 
Bpring had committed fix>m time to time, on his Indian 
children ; in encroaching on their land, stealing their 
property, diooting at, and murdering without causci 
men, women and children — ^Yes! even murdering 
those, who at all times had been friendly to them, ana 
were placed for protection under the roof a£ their 
father's-bouse — ^The father himself standing centry 
at the door, at the time." 

The writer here referred to a number of Pennsyl- 
vanian Indians, murdered in a jaU, where they wera 
placed for security, against the whites. The stfntiy / 
was the jailer. He continued thus : 

" Friends ! Often has the father been ol^ged to set* 
tie, and make amends for the wrongs and mischiefli 
done to us, by his refiractiory chikiren, yet these do not 
grow better! No! they remain the same, and will 
continue to be so, as long as we have any kbidloft us! 
Look bade at the murders commatted by the Lone* 
Knives on many of our relations; who HviA peaoeabw 
nekbbors to them on the Ohio ! Did they not kill them 
without the least provaeation ?— Are they, do you 
think, better now tmn they were then ? — ^No, inctoed 
not ; and many days are not elapsed mnoe you had 
a number of mese very men at your doors, who 
panted to ktU you, but fortunately were prevented 
from so doing by the Greca Sun,* who, at that time, 
bad been or&ined by the Great Spirit to protect 

* The name the Indians had given to Col. Daniel Bzoad* 

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* fViendii irnd r^dves !-«Now liiten to me, and hear 
what I have to iay to you. — ^I em myself coirie to bid 
you rise and go with me to a secure place ! Do not, 
n^ fiiends, coret the land you now hdd tinder culti- 
vation. I will conduct you to a country* equally 
good, where your fields shall yield you abundant 
uurops, and where your cattle shall find sufficient pas- 
ture ; where there is plenty of game ; where your 
woRien and children, together with yourselves, will 
live in peaceand safety ; where no Long Knife shall 
£ver molest you!— -Nay ! I will live between you and 
them, and not even suffer diem to frighten you ! — 
There, you can worship your God without fear!-^ 
Here, where you are, you cannot do this ! — ^Think on 
what I have now said to you, and believe, that if you 
stay where you now are, one day or another the 
ijonfr-Knives will, in tbetr usual way, speak fine 
worSs to you, and at the same time murder you V* 

To this speech the Bfethren replied by civilly de- 
clining die propontion of the Orator ; and he then of- 
fered a new one,— that they i^ould permit all who 
wished to leave them, to do so. Thus the matter was 
aetded. Budtongahelas then proceeded to another 
village of the Cluistian Ddawares, Salem, before en- 
tering wti^ place be cautioned his warriors to leave 
their arms behind diem, ** lest the women and chil- 
dren «he«tld be .frightened." *' And destroy nothing," 
he added, " which belongs to our fiiends ; no, not even 
•Be of th^ ckdokeMj* The conference which en- 
sued with the Salem authorities is thus stated by Mr. 
Heckewelder, who waA present 

^ The Christian Indians," eaid the Chieftain, *^ wers 
ft hapf^ people ; and be would .never trouble them on 
tooouftt of their not joining in tlie war. — ^Indeed, diey 
eould not with propriety loin in wars, without first 
Ksnouncing praying, [meaning Christianity]. — ^And ev<* 
ery Indian, or body of Imlians, had a right to chooso 
fiir themselves, whom they would serve !— For him, 

* The Miami country. 

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he bad hired himself to his ikther, the king of Cog* 
kind, for the purpose of fighting against his refinctoiy 
children, the Long-Knives ; yvhim his friends and re- 
lations, the Christian Indians, had hired themselves 
to tlie Great Spirit, solely for the purpose of performins 
prayers !" [meaninff, attending to religion] — ^He added, 
that both were right in their way, thoqgh both em- 
ployments could not be connected together. .And 
only yesterday they were told, whilst at Ghiadenhut- 
ten, that God bad instructed aH Qhristian people to 
love their enemies — and even to pray for them !— ^ 
These words, he said, were written in t;he large book 
that contained the words and commandments of God I 
— ^Now, how would it appear, were we to compel 
our friends, who love and pray for their enemies, to 
fiffht against them !— compel them to act contrary to 
vniat thev believe to be right ! — ^force them to do that 
by which they would incur the displeasure of the 
Great Spirit, and bring his wrath upon them ! — ^That it 
would be as wrong in him to compel the Christian In- 
dians to quit praying and turn out to fight and kill 
people, as it would be in them to compel him to lay 
fighting aside, and turn to prajrin^ only ! — ^He had of- 
ten h^ud it stated, that the beheving Indians were 
slaves to their teachers, and what these commanded 
them to do, they must do, however disagreeable to 
them 1 — Now, (said he) how can this be true, when 
every Indian is a fi'ee man, and can go where he 
pleases ! — Can the teacher stop him from going away ? 
— ^No! he cannot ! — well ! how can he then he made 
a slave by the teacher! — ^When we come here among 
our friends, we see how much they love their teach- 
ers.— This looks well ! — Continue, my friends, (said he 
to the national assistants) in loving your teachers, and 
in doing alkgood things; and when your friends and 
relations come to see you, satisfy their hunger as 
you have done to us this day ?** 

Having taken leave of all who were in the houao, 

* Narrative ef the Christian Indians. 

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INDIAN NOGiunir. 177 

he proceeded' to the middle of the street, firom wheoee 
he addi^essed the inhabitants of the place and thanked 
them for their hospitality, assuring them of his regard 
and good wishes for them, and adding, that ^ If at any, 
time they should hear it said, that Pachgantschihilas 
was an enemy to the believing [Christian] Indians ; 
they should consider such words as lies !" 

The reasoning of the Chieftain speaks for itselC 
His predictions in regard to the fate of the Christian 
Belawares, were but too speedily accomplished. But 
It was no fault of his ; and indeed, in 1783, when 
Captain Pipe sent word to htm not to suffer any of 
them to leave his territory^ he returned answer, with 
his usual spirit, that he never would prevent them from 
going to their teachers. ^And why did you expect 
them ?" he added. <<Did I not tell you beforehand, 
that bf you drove the teachers oE, the believing In- 
dians would follow them ? But you would not listen 
to me, and now we lose both! Who, think you, 
is die cause of att the disasters, which have befallen 
these people ! /say you ! — Yim I who threatened them 
with destruction! Fou, who instigated the Wyan- 
dots to act the treacherous part they did,— agreeing 
with them, that, as a recompense for their servioeau 
they should be entitled to all the plunder they couki 
lay hold of!" 

In Dawson's Memckn of Harrison, BiM^kongaheks 
is mentioned as being present at a council of the 
diie& of various tMea, called at Fort Wayne 
in 1803, for the purpose of ratifyifig a negotiation for 
land, already pr^>o8ed in a former one which met at 
Viocennes. The Grovemor carried his pdnt, chiefly 
by the aid of en influential Miami chief, and by being 
^ boldly ieeonded in tvery propofkion by the Pottawata« 
nies* who (as Mr. Dawson states,) ^ were entirely devoted 
io the Go9emor.^ It is not our intention here to discuss 
at length the character of this transaction, which rath- 
er belongs to the general history of the period. How 
the Delaware Ch^f and the Shawanees undarstood it| 

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and how they expressed their sentiments, may be in- ^ 
ferred from the following statement of Dawson : — 

'^ When the transaction at the council of Vincen- 
nes was mentioned, it called forth all the wrath of the 
Delawares and the Sbawanese. The respected Buck- 
ingehelos so far forgot himself that he interrupted the 
Crovemor, and declared with vehemence, that nothing 
that was done at Vincennes was binding upon the In- 
dians; that the land which was there decided to be 
the property of the United States, belonged to the 
Delawares ; and that he Had then with him a chief 
who had been present at the transfer made by the Pi- 
ankishaws to the Delawares of all the country be- 
tween the Ohio and White rivers, more than thirty 
years before. The- Sbawanese went still further, and 
behaved with so much insolence, that the Governor 
was obliged to tell them that they were jindutiful and 
rebellious children, and that he would^nthdraw his 
protection from them until they had learnt to behave 
themselves with more propriety. These Chiefi im- 
mediately left the council house in a body." 

Sbbsequently the Shawanees submitted, though it 
does not appear that Buckongahelas set them the ex- 
ample : and thus, says the historian,^ the Govemor 
overcame all opposition, and carried his point 

But he did not gain the good will, or subdue the 
haughty independence of the War-Chief of the DeU 
awares, who, as long as he lived, was at least conas- 
tent with himself in his feeling towards the Ameri- 
can people. Nor yet was he m the slightest degree 
BervUe m his attachment to the British. He was not 
their instrument or subject, but their ally ; and no lon- 
ger their ally, than they treated him in a manner suit- 
able to that capacity and to his own character. 

Ue was indeed the most distinguished warrior in the 
Indian confederacy; and as it was the British interest 
which had induced the Indians to commence, as well 
as to continue tlie war, Buckongahelas relied on their 
fuppoit and protection. This support had been giv- 
en, so far as recites to provisions, armsi and ammunU 

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tion ; the celebrated enffagement, on tl^e 90th 
of August, 1794, which resulted in acosai^ete victory 
by General Wayne over the combined hostile tribes, 
there were said to be two companies of British mili- 
tia from Detroit on the side of the Indians.* But 
the ^tes of Fort Mimms being shut against the re- 
treating and wounded Indians, after the battle, opened 
the eyes of Buckongahelas^ and he determined upon an 
immediate peace with the United States, and a total 
abandonment of the British. He assembled his tribe 
and embarked them in canoes, with the design of 
proceeding up the river, and sending a flag of truce to 
rort Wayne. Upon approaching the British fort, he 
was requested to land, and he did so : ** What have 
you to say to me ?^ said he, addressing the officer of 
the dav. It was replied, that the commanding officer 
wished to speak with him. ^Then he may come 
here," was the reply. *^ He will not do that," said the 
officer, ^and you will not be suffered to pass the fort 
if you do not comply." " What shall prevent me ?^ 
said the intrepid Chief. ''These," said the officer, 
pointuig to the /cannon of the fort. ^ I fear not your 
cannon," replied the Chief. ''After suffering the 
AmericansXo defilef your spring, without daring to fire 
on them, you cannot expect to frighten Buckongahe- 
las f and he ordered the canoes to push off, and passed 
the fort 

Never after this would he, like the other chiefi^ 
visit the British, or receive presents fit>m them. " Had 
the great Buckingehelos lived," says Mr. Dawson, al- 
luding to these circumstances, "he would not have 
Buffered the schemes projected by the Prophet (broth- 
er of Tecumseh) to be matur^." And the same 
writer states, that on his death-bed he earnestly ad- 

* Dawson's Memoirs. 

t This was spoken metaphorically, to express the con- 
tempt and insult with which the garrison had been treat- 
ed by the Americans, for their txeacheiy towards the In- 
dians who had been their allies. 

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Vised bis tribe to rely en the fiiendship of tbe United 
States, and desert thecause of the Brididi. This waa 
in 1804. 

It is said of Buckongahelas, diatno Christian knight 
ever was more scrupulous in performing all his engage- 
ments. Indeed he had all the qualifications of a jpeal 
hero. His perfect Indian independence, — the inde- 
pendence <^ a noble natwre^ unperceived to itself and 
unatfbcted to others, — is illustrated by an authentic 
anecdote which will bear repetition. 

In the jear 1785, be was present, with manj (Ji^iKir 
chiefs of various tribes, at a treaty negotiated by ordev 
of Coi^ress at Fort Mc'Intosh on the Ohio river;. 
When the peaoe-chiefii had addressed the CMnmis^ 
sioners of the United States, who were Geoi^e Bogerv 
C^ark, Arthur Lee, and RIchard'Butler, the two latter 
of whom he did not dei^ to notice, approaching Gen- 
eral Clark and taking him by the hand, he thus ad- 
dressed him: '^I tirank the Great Spirit for havmg 
this day brought together two such i^eat warriors td 
Buckongahelas and General Clark.'^ The sentiment 
reminds one ef the Uttte-^^Jinpenter^ address to Mr* 
Bertram :— ^ I am Attakullakufla ^— did yon know it ?* 

* Dawson's MsnwMW^ 

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Bome account of the Shaw^uiees, the tribe of Tkcummeh 
— Anecdotes illustrative of their character-^Eaily his* 
tory and lineage of Tecumseh — His first adyentures 
as a warrior — ^His habits and principles — His brothers 
KuMSHAKA and Elskwata wa — The first open move* 
ments of the latter, in 1806— He assumes the charac- 
ter of Prophet — His doctrines — His mode of operation 
upon his countrymen — Other Indian Pretenders — An- 
ecdote of a Shawanee Chief, at Fort Wayne — Tan- 
ner's account of the ministry of the Elskwatawa^s 
Agents — Concert traced between them — Witchcraft- 
superstition — Anecdotes of Tetzbozti The Cr^nb, 
LsATHER'LiPs, and others. 

As the distinguished "perBonage whose history now 
claims our attention, was a member of the Kish6- 
poke tribe of the Shawanee nation, a brief account of 
that somewhat celebrated community may not be h> 
relevant in this connection. 

As their name indicates, they came originally 
from the South, (that being the meaning of the Dela- 
ware word Shawaneu;) and the oldest individuals of 
the Mohican tribe, their elder irMtr^ told Mr. Heck- 
ewelder, they dwelt in the neighborhood of Savan- 
nah, in Georgia, and in the Fioridas. ^They were 
a restless pec^,'' we are further informed, ** delight- 
ing in wars;" and in these they were so constantly 
engaged, that their neighbors,--the Cherokees, Choo- 
taws. Creeks, Yajnassees, and other powerful tribes,-* 
&ially &rmed a league, offensive and defensive, fat 

* So called, becande their separation from the parent 
stock was one of the most ancient of which the tradition 
was distinctly preserved. Following the same prinei* 
^le, the Delw&res themselves have unilbniily given th* 
m^oi UmU to tie Wjandotf. 

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the express purpose of ezpeUiogthem from the cotm- 
try. But the Shawanees were too wise to conteiKi 
with such an enemy, and they adopted the more pru< 
dent policy of asking permission to leave their ter- 
ritories peaceably, and migrate northward. This fa- 
vor being grant^ them, their main body settled upon 
the Ohio ; some of them as far up as where the French 
afterwards built Fort Duquesne, — now Pittsburg, — 
others, about the forks of the Delaware, and a few 
even upon the site of what is now Philadelphia. 

Those who remained on the Ohio becoming nu« 
merous and powerful, It was not long before the| 
crossed tbe Alleghany mountains, and fell upon a set- 
tlement of the Dela wares, on the Juniata,— of which 
very people, their grandfather^ they had sohcite4 
peace and protection, through the interposition of the 
Mohicans, on their first arrival in the country. Mur- 
ders were committed, plunder was carried oS", and a 
war ensued. As soon as this could, be disposed 
of, they engaged in the French war, which broke 
out in 1755, against the English. That being tenni* 
Dated in 1763, and the tribe being elated by its in- 
creased numbers, and by the strong confederacy now 
established between themselves and the Delawares, 
they comnaenced hostilities against the Cherokeea 
In the course of this war, the latter occasionally pur- 
Bued the aggressors into the Delaware territories, and 
thus that natiop was aroused again. The union of 
jR>rce8 which ensued, added to the already existing 
hostility of the Five Nations, proved too much for the 
Gherokees, and in 1768, they solicited and obtained 
a peace. Owing chiefly to the influence of the Del- 
awares, the Shawanees were now kept quiet for the 
uniisuidly long term of six years, when they were in- 
volved in a war with the people of Virginia,— then 
comprising Kentucky,— K>cca8ioned by the noted nnir- 
ders committed upon Lo^'s relations and others, by 
white people. The burmng of some of their villages 
had scarcely driven them to a sort of truce with this 
D^w enemy, when the war of the Revolution com- 

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menced, in which they allied themselves with the 
English, and continued openly hostile, notwithstand- 
ing the peace of 1783, until the femous victory of 
Greneral Wayne, in 1795. 

Their reputation as warriors suffered nothing dur- 
ing all this long series of hostile operations. The first 
settlers of Kentucky were molested and harassed by 
them, more than by any other tribe. Boone, who 
was taken captive by them in 1778, saw four hundred 
and Gfty of their warriors mustered at one place, — 
Btill called Chilicothe, — ^ready for a foray among the 
white settlements, which soon after ensued. Mar« 
fihall, in his History of Kentucky, gives the particu- 
lars of an expedition against them, the season after 
ihis, in which " many of the best men in the coundy 
were privates ;" the invaders were defeated and driv- 
en oft, and nearly two hundred of them pursued with 
eonsiderable loss, by about thirty of the Shawanees. 
^ Of all the Indians who had been marauding in the 
country," the same writer observes elsewhere, "the 
Shawanees had been the most mischievous, as they 
were the most active." Loskiel represents the tribe 
in question as ^the most savage of the Indian oa- 

An incident, showing the disposition which they 
manifested, even at this period, (1773,) towards their 
American neighbors, may throw some light upon 
their character, and upon subsequent events. The 
celebrated missionary, Zeisberger, viated some of 
their settlements, during the year last named, in the 
hope of establishing a mission among them. At one 
of their villages, he met with the head-chief of the 
tribe. The latter gave him his hand and addressed 
him : " This day," said he, " the Great Spirit has or- 
dered that we should see and speak with each other, 
ihce to face." He then entered into a long detail of 
the practices of the white people, describing their 
manner of deceiving the Indians, and finally aftirm* 
ed that they were all alike, — all hypocrites and knaves. 
The Missionary made some reply to these charges, 

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but the Chief was ** so exceedingly exasperated against 
the white people," adds Loskiel, ''that brother Zeis- 
bergers exhortation seemed to have litde weight with 
him." He at length gave the Preacher permission to 
▼isit the other Shawanee towns, taking care to sug- 
gest, as a parting word of comfort, that he must rely 
upon having his brains beat out very speedily. Thir- 
ty years previous to this, when Count Zinzendorff 
himself went among the Wyoming Shawanees, to 
convert them, they rewarded that pious pilgrim for 
his labor of love, by conspiring to murder him ; but, 
by a fortunate accident, he escaped safe from their 

On the whole, setting aside for the^ present the his- 
tory of this natbn for the last diirty years, during 
which we have suffered most from them, it would 
seem that a more warlike or more hostile people has 
scarcely existed upon the c<mtinent. Where, rather 
than here, should we look for the birth and education 
of Tecumsbh,* the modern Philip, and when, rather 
than at the stormy period of the Revolution ? Prob- 
ably, at the very time when the troops of our Con- 
gress (in 1780,) were expelling them westward from 
me river Scioto, and burning their villages behind 
them, the young hero, who afterwards kindled the 
flame of war upon the entire frontier of the States, by 
the breath of his own single spirit, was learning his 
fiiBt lessons of vengeance amid the ruins of his native 
land, and in the blood c^his countrymen. 

.His native land, we say, for it is tolerably well as 
certained that he was bom on the banks of the Scio 
to, near Chilicothe. His father, who was a noted 
Shawanee warrior, fell at the batde of Kenhawa, 
while Tecumseh was yet a mere boy. His mother is 
said by some to have been a Shawanee, and by oth- 
ers a Creek ; but he is understood himself to have told 
a gentleman at Vincennes, in 1810, that she was a 

* Pronounced by the Indians TecunUhi, and some- 
times so written. 

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Cherokee, who had been taken prisoner in a war be- 
tween that nation and the Shawanees, and adopted, 
according to Indian custom, into a family of the lat- 
ter nation which resided near the Miami of the Lake. 
This account is confirmed by the circumstance of 
this woman having migrated into the Cherokee terri- 
tory in advanced age, and died there. The totem of 
her tribe is said to have been a turtle, and that of the 
father's a tiger. 

From all the information which can now be gath- 
ered respecting the early years of Tecumseh, it ap- 
pears that he gave striking evidence in his boyhood 
of the singular spirit which characterized him through 
life. He was distinguished for a steady adherence to 
principle, and generally to that of the best kind. He 
prided himself upon his temperance and his truth, 
maintaining an uncommon reputation for integrity, 
and, what is still rarer among his countrymen, never 
indulging in the excessive use of food or liquor. He 
would not marry until long after the customaty peri- 
od; and then, as a matter of necessity, in consequence 
of the solicitations of friends, he connected himself 
with an elderly female, who was, perhaps, not the 
handsomest or most agreeable lady in the world, but 
nevertheless bore him one child, his only offspring. 
With this exception, he adopted in his matrimonial 
Kfe, the practices of the sect of Shakers, whose 
frineiplesy as is well known, were afterwards so strenu- 
ously promulgated by his brother, the Prophet, that a 
certain prime functionary in that denomination gave 
him the credit of being as good a disciple as himself.* 
Whether there was an express concert or actual co- 
operation between the two, at this early period, re- 
specting this or any other project or policy in which 
they subsequently engaged together, does not appear 
to be positively ascertained. 

It IS not to be supposed, that any remarkable 

* See an aathority cited at large ia the following p»> 


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•chieTdmenti of the young 'wbitiot in his firet batttoii 
should be preserved on record. Some Shawonees 
ha?e said that he made his debid in an engagement with 
the Kentucky troops, which took pkce on tlie banks 
of Mad River ; that in the heat of the skirmish he most 
unsallantly turned right-about-face, and made tlie best 
of his way from the&Id, with all possible diligence, — 
and that too while one of his brothers stood his 
ground witli the other Indians, and fought till he v^aa 
wounded and carried o£ It must be admitted, 
this was not so creditable a proceeding as may be 
conceived ; but the extreme youth of the parQr goes 
some way to explain, as his subsequent conduct did 
to excuse it. 

But from this time, whatever might be his animal 
courage, he was never known to shrink. Indeed, 

Ereviously to the treaty of Greenville, (in 1795) when 
e was probably about twenty-five years of age, be is 
said to have signalized himself so much,, as to have 
been reputed one of the boldest of the Indian warri- 
ors. No individual was more r^larly engaged iu 
those terrible incursions bv which the first settlers 
of Kentucky were so much harassed ; and few could 
boast of having intercepted so many boats on the 
Ohio river, or plundered so many houses on the civ- 
ilized shore. He was sometimes pursued, but never 
overtaken. If the enemy advanced into his own 
country, he retreated to the banks of the Wabash, 
until the storm had passed by ; and then, just as they 
were laying aside the sword ^r the axe and plough- 
share, swooped down upon them again in their own 
settlements. It goes to show the disinterested sener- 
osity always ascribed to him, that, although^ the 
booty collected in the course of these adventures 
must have been very considerable in quantity and 
value, he rarely retained any portion of it for his own 
use. His ruling passion was tlie love of glory, as 
that of uis followers was the love of gain; and, of 
course, a compromise could always be effected be- 
tween them, to the perfect satis&cdon of both par- 
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INDIAN B10GRAF«r> 197 

tiea Be was a feudal baron among boon* It re- 
mained for subseijuent occasions, then little dreamed 
of, to show that his temperament, like his talent, was 
even better adapted to the management of a large en- 
gagement, than to the rneli^ of a small one. 

We have now arrived at an epoch in his life, when 
it is no longer possible to give his own history to 
much advantage, but by connecting it with diat of his 
celebrated brother, the Prophet already mentioned. 
The name of this personage wosElskwatawa.* He 
and Tecumseb, and still another, Kumshaka, were 
the offspring of the same mother at the same birth, 
probably there was an understanding between the 
three, at an early date, respecting the great plans 
which the prophet and the orator afterwards carri^ 
into execution ; but as we hear litde or nothing of 
the subsequent co-operation of Kumi^aka, it may be 
presumed that he did not live, — employment would 
^certainly have been found for him, if he had. 

It is said to have been about the year 1804, when 
the two brothers, who a^rwards acted so prominent- 
ly together, first conceived the ][Nroject of uniting all 
the western Indians in a defensive and perhaps belli- 
gerent combination «|[ainst the Americans. The 
probable inducements m their minds to the adoption 
of that policy, being rather a matter of speculation 
than history, will be left for subsequent comment. 
The course actually taken to effect the proposed ob- 
ject admits of Uttle controversy. Elskktawa summa- 
rily undertook to personate a religious . character, 
and began preaching in the sunmier of 1804. 

He inculcated, in the finst place, that a radical re<^ 
ferm was necessary In the manners of the red people. 
This was proved, by enlarging upon the^ evils wbick 

* Meaning, says Mr. Schoolcraft, a fire that is movtd 
from place to pUiee. Elsewhere we find him called OUi- 
waysnila, on good authority. A compromise may be e& 
fected, by suggesting that he assumed various names at 
VaTiQus periods. 

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Iiftd ensued from the neighborbood of the ^ites,- 
ihe imitation of their dress and mannerB, the intro- 
duction of ardent spirits, diseases, oootentions, and 
wars ; by the vast diminution of the means of subsis- 
tence, and the narrowed limits of territory to which 
they were W)w hemmed in ; and by other considera- 
^ns of die most irritating, as well as plausible kind, 
4he force of which was not at all lessened by occa- 
sional comment on particular transactions, and glow* 
ing references to the long, peaoefiil, and happy lives 
4>f their forefathers. That point being gained, and a 
jfavoraUe excitement produced, the next thing in or- 
4lef was his own commission from the Great Spirit. 
This was authenticated by the astonishing miracles 
he was able to perform, and still more by the great 
benefits he proposed to confer on his followers. 

The budget of reform was then brought forward. 
Thei^e was to be no more fighting between the tribei^ 
^-they wens bnethrea. They were to abandon tlie 
iise of ardent spirits, and to wear ^ins, as their an- 
cestors had done, instead of blankets. Stealing, quar- 
relling, and other immoral modern habits were de- 
nounced. Injunctions of minor importance aeem to 
have been enforced merely with a view to test the 
pliability of ravage auperstition, to embarrass the jeaW 
jous scrutiny of those who opposed or doubted, and to 
establish a superficial uniformity whereby the true 
believers shoukl be readily distinguished. The poli* 
cy of .the more prominent tenets cannot be misteken, 
Justin proportion to their observance, tliey must in- 
evitably promote the independence of tlie Indian na» 
tions, drst, by diminishing their dependence upon the 
>vhite«, and, secondly, by increasing their intefcoursa 
and harjYinny with ^ach other. 

In addressing himself to such subjects, with such a 
^stem, Elskwatawa could hardly fiiU of auccess. 
For some years, indeed^ his converts were few; for, 
great a^ the influence is which a man of his preten- 
tions exercises over his ignorant countrymen, when 
im reputation is once j£irly acquiredt U is fay no 


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means so etejr ^an usdertakiog to estdilish k in tiie 

The means used by Ekkw&tawa, or by hip and Te- 
curnseh in concert, to efiect the object in his own 
case, are more indicative of the talent of both, than 
the conception of the policy itself, which was com- 
paratively common-place. A prophet is a familiar 
character among the Indians, and always has been. 
''The American impostors,'' said Charlevoix, ''are 
not behind-hand with any in this point ; and as by 
chance (if we will not allow the devil any share in it,) 
they sometimes happen to divine or guess pretty 
light, they acquire k^ this a great reputation, and are 
reckoned gemi of the first oider." Mr. Tanner, who 
has recenuy published a narrative of his thirty years' 
residence among the Indians, gives incidental ac- 
counts of as many as three or four pretenders, who, in- 
deed, judging from the time of their appearance, may 
fairly be considered as emissaries of Elskwatawa 
«Qd Tecumseh. The former had an immediate pre- 
decessor among the Delawares, a notorious preacher 
named Wajioomend,* who began his career in 1766. 
This man wholly /ot/ed^ as did most of the others; 
and the result is so conunon m similar cases, that it 
becomes the more interesting to ascertain how the 
inspired candidate now und^ consideration ituxeed- 

Tecumseh was, of course, his first convert and most 
devoted disciple, but some of their relatives or partic- 
ular friends soon followed in his train. The wary in^ 
triguant then most wisely commenced operations up- 
on the residue of his own tribe. Previous to any vi- 
olent promulgation of the doctrines aheady stated, he 
gained their attention and flattered their pride, by re- 
viving a favorite tradition which made them the most 
ancient and respectable people on the globe. The 

* Or WiNosMUKD ; the same man mentioned in tha 
life of White-Eyes, as having protected Mr. ELecke wel- 
der on his journey through me woods 

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pftrtiealare cannot bo better understood than fhHn die 
representation of an old Shawanee Chief^ who, in 
ISO^ hai^mgued a council at Fort Wayne upon the 

" The Master of Life," said he, very proudly, « who 
was himself an Indian, made the Shawaneese before 
any others of the human race, and they sprang from 
his brain." He added, that the Master of Life ** gave 
them all the knowledge which he himself possessed ; 
that he placed them upon the great island ; and that 
all the other red people were descended fit)m the 
Shawaneese :^-^hat after he had made the Shawa- 
neese, he made the French and English out of his 
breast, and the Dutch out of his feet ; and for your 
Long-Knives kind," said he, addressing himself to the 
Oovemor, <' he made them out of his hands. AH 
these inferior races of men he made White, and plac- 
ed them beyond the great lake,"-— meaning the Atlan- 
tic Ocean. 

^ The Shawaneese for many ages continued to be 
masters of the continent, using the knowledge which 
they had received from the Great Spirit, in such a 
manner as to be pleasing to him, and to secure their 
own happiness. In a great length of time, however, 
they became corrupt, and the Master of Life told 
them he would take away firom them the knowl- 
edge they possessed, and give it to the white people^ 
to be restored when, by a return to good principles, 
they would deserve it Many years after that, they 
aaw something white approaching their shores; at 
first they took It for a great bird, but th^ soon found 
it to be a monsoous canoe, filled with the very people 
who had got the knowledge which belonged to the 
Shawaneese. After these white people landed, they 
were not content with having the knowledge which 
belonged to the Shawaneese, but th^ usurped their 
lands also. Thev pretended, indeed, to have pur- 
chased these lands ^ but the very goods which they 
gave for them was more the property of the Indiana 
than the white people, because the knowledge which 

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enabled them to manufiicture these goods actuallT 
belonged to the Shawaneese. But tbeee things wifi 
soon have an end. The Master of Life is about to re- 
store to the Shawaneese both their knowledge and 
their rights, and he will trample the Long-Knives m>* 
der his feet." 

This speaker was supposed to be in the British in* 
terest, and to have been sent to Fort Wayne for the 
purpose of preventing a negotiation expected to be 
there settled. The probability is, that he derived his 
ideas of Shawanee dignity from the preaching of 
Elskwatawa. But the latter had noore good sense 
than personally to continue the same strain, afler hav« 
ing secured about one hundred followers by the use 
of it. Jt was then abandoned, and other inducements 
and arguments brought forward, of a wider applica- 
tion. Some of the Shawanees grew cool and desert- 
ed him, but he still persevered. His brother was in- 
defatigable in his cooperation ; other agents and in- 
struments were set to work ; and stra^lere of various 
tribes soon flocked to his quarters at Green^le from 
every direction. 

The minutiae of this proselyting or electioneering 
system are so well developed in the faithful and sim- 
ple narrative of Tanner, as to justify extracting his 
account at length. It cannot fait to give a much 
clearer idea of the mode of operation, than any expo- 
sition whatever in general terms. The locality, it 
will be observed, is a quite remote one : — 

** It was while I was Uving here at Qreat Wood 
River, that news came of a great man among the 
Shawaneese, who had been ravoved by a revelation 
of the mind and will of the Great Spirit. I was hunt- 
ing in the prairie, at a great distance from my lodge, 
when I saw a stranger approaching ; at first I was ap- 
prehensive of an enemy, but, as he drew nearer, his 
dress showed him to be an Ojibbeway [Chippeway ;] 
but when he came up, there was something very 
■trange and peculiar in his manner. He signified to 
me tbsx I must go home^ but gave no ejqdanatioii oi 

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the cause. He refbsed to look at me, or enter into 
any kind of conversation. I thought he must be cra- 
zy, but nevertheless accompanied him to my lodge. 
When we had smoked, he remained a long time si- 
lent, but it last began to tell me he had come with a 
message from the prophet of the Shawueese. 
<^ Henceforth,^ said he, *^ the fire must never be suffer- 
ed to go out in your lodge. Summer and winter, day 
and night, in the storm, or when it is calm, you must 
remember that the life in your body, and the fire in 
your lodge, are the same, and of the same date. If 
you suffer your fire to be extinguished, at that mo- 
ment your life will be at its end. You must not suf- 
fer a dog to live. You must never strike either a man, 
a woman, a child, or a dog. The prophet himself is 
coming to shake hands ^nth you ; but I have coma 
before, that you may know what is the will of the 
Oreat Spirit, communicated to us by him, and to in- 
form you that the preservation of your life, for a sin- 
gle moment, depends on your entire obedience. IVom 
ihis timeforwtard, we art neUker to be dnmk, to wtealy to 
lie, or to go tigaiiut our enemies. While we yield an 
entire obedience to these conomands of the Great 
Spirit, the Sioux, even if they come to our country, 
vn\[ not be able to see us ; we shall be protected and 
made happ^." I listened to all 1m had to say, but 
told him, m answer, that I eoald not believe we 
should all die, in case our fire went out ; in many in- 
stances, also, it would be difficult to avoid punishing 
our children ; our dogs were useful in aiding us to 
hunt and take animals, so that I could not believe the 
Oreat Spirit had any wish to take them from u& He 
continued talking to us until late at night ; then he 
Jay down to sleep in my lodge. I happened to wake 
first in the morning, and perceiving the fire had gone 
<»ut, i called him to get up, and see how isany of ua 
were living, and how many dead. He was prepared 
lor the ridicule I attempted to throw upoa his dee- 
Irine, and tokl me tnat I had not yet abaken haii4a 
witli the psoohaL His vaiit had beep «o pvepwa «it 

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for this important eyent, and to make me aware of 
the obligations and risks I should incur by eQterin^ 
Into the engagement implied in taking in my hand 
the message of the prophet. I did not rest entirely 
easy in my unbelief The Indians, generally, receiv- 
ed the doctrine of this man with great humility and 
fear. Distress and anxiety were visible in every 
countenance. Many killed their dogs, and endeavor- 
ed to practice obedience to all the commands of this 
new preacher, who still remained among us. But, as 
was usual with me, in any emergency of this kind, I 
went to the traders, firmly believing, that-if the Deity 
bad any communications to make to men, they would 
be given, in the first instance, to white men. The 
traders ridicnled and despised ^e idea of a new rev- 
elation of the Divine will, and the thought that it 
should be given to a poor Shawnee. Thus was 1 
confirmed in my infidelity. Nevertheless, I did not 
openly avow my unbelief to the Indians, only I re- 
fused to kill my dogs, and showed no great degree of 
anxiety to comply with his other requirements. As 
k>ng as I remained among the Indians, I made it my 
business to conform, as fiu* as appeared consistent 
with my immediate conyenienoe and comfort, with all 
their custonas. Many of their ideas I have adopted ; 
but I always found among them opinions which I 
could not hold. The Oiibbeway whom I have men- 
tioned, remained some time among the Indiane in ray 
nei^borhood, and gained the attention of the prioei- 
pal men so effectuaUy, thata time was appointed, and 
a lodge prepared, for the solemn and public espous- 
ing of the doctrines of the prophet When the peo- 
{)le, and I among them, were brought into the long 
odge, prepared for this sotemnity, we saw something 
carefiilly concealed under a blanket, in ^gore and di- 
mensions bearing some resembtance to the form of a 
man. This was accompanied by two young men, 
who, it was understood, attended constantly upon it, 
made its bed at night, as for a man, and slept near it. 
But while we remained, no one went near it, or i ' 
II.— R 

digitized by Google 


ed the blanket which was spread over its unknown 
contents. Four strings of mouldy and discolored 
beans were all the remaining visible insignia of this 
important mission. After a long harangue, in which 
the prominent features of the new revelation Were 
stated and urged upon the attention of ail, the four 
strings of beans, which we were told were made of 
the flesh itself of the prophet, were carried, with 
n^uch solemnity, to each man in the lodge, and he 
was expected to take hold of each string at the top, 
and draw them gendy through his hand. This was 
called shaking, hands with the prophet, and was con- 
sidered as solemnly engaging to obey his injunctions, 
and accept his mission as from the Supreme. All 
the Indians who touched the beans, had previously 
killed their dogs ; they gave up their medicine-bags, 
[a charm,] and showed a disposition to comply with 
all that should be required of them* 

We had already been for some time assembled in 
considerable numbers ; much agitation and terror had 
prevailed among us, and now famine began to be felt. 
The faces of men wore an aspect of unusual gloomi- 
ness ; the active became indolent, and the spirits of 
the bravest seemed to be subdued. I started to hunt 
with my dogs, which I had constantly refused to kill, 
or suffer to be killed. By their assistance, I found 
and killed a bear. On returning home, I said to some 
of the Indians, ** Has not the Great Spirit given us our 
dogs to aid us in procuring what is needful for the 
support of our lite, and can you believe he wishes 
now to deprive us of their services ? The prophet, 
we are told, has forbid us to suffer our fire to be extin- 
guished in our lodges, and when we travel or hunt, 
he will not allow us to use a flint and steel, and we 
are told he requires that no man should give fire to 
another. Can it please the Great Spirit that we should 
lie in our hunting-camps without nre ; or is it more 
agreeable to him that we should make fire by rubbing 
together two sticks, than with a flint and a piece of 
steel ?" But they would not listen to me, and the se- 

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rious enthusiasm which prevailed among them so far 
affected me, that I threw away my flint and steel, laid 
aside my medicine-bag, and, in many particulars, 
complied with the new doctrines ; but I would not 
kill my dogs. I soon learned to kindle a Are by rub- 
bing some diy cedar, which I was careful always to 
carry about me ; but the discontinuance of the use of 
flint and steel subjected many of the Indians to 
much inconvenience and suflering. The influence 
of the Shawnee prophet was very sensibly and pain- 
fully felt by the remotest Ojibbeways of whom I had 
any knowledge ; but it was not the common impres- 
sion among them, that his doctrines had any tenden- 
cy to unite them in the accomplishment of any hu- 
man purpose. For two or three years, drunkenness 
was much less frequent than formerly ; war was less 
thought of, and the entu*e aspect of affairs amons 
them was somewhat changed by the influence of 
one man. But gradually the impression was obliter- 
ated ; medicine-bags, flints and steels were resumed, 
dogs were raised, and women and children were beat- 
en as before." 

The following passage occurs in a subsequent part 
of Tanner's volume, referring to a date about two 
years later than the one just quoted. The writer evi-< 
dently had but little suspicion of a connection between 
the second impostor and the first, and we have as lit- 
tle doubt of it. The Prophet renewed his labors in 
another form, as fast as the former impression, to use 
Tanner's words, was * obliterated.' The unpopular 
injunctions, only, were omitted in the second edition, 
while all the^ubstantial ones, it will be observed, were 
retained : — 

*^ In the spring of the year, after we had assembled 
at the trading-house at Pembinah, the chiefs built a 
great lodge, and called all the men together to receive 
some information concerning the newly reveled will 
of the Great Spirit The messenger of this revela- 
tion, was Manito-o-geezhik, a man of no great fame, 
but well known to most of the Ojibbeways of that 

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countty. He bad disappeared for about one y ai^ 
and in that time, he pretended to have visited the 
abode of the Great Spirit, and to have listened to his 
instructions, though some of the traders informed me, 
he had only been to St. Louis, on the MississippL 

^^The Littie Clam took it upon him to explain the 
object of the meeting. He then sung and prayed, 
and proceeded to detail the principal features of the 
revelation to Manito-o-geezhik. The Indians were no 
more to g^ against (hdr enemies ; they must no longer 
steal, d^aiM, or lie ; Uieu must neiSur be dmtnky nor 
eat their foodf nor drink their broth when it was hot, 
Fetvjqf the imunctions of Meardto-o-geezhik were trovih- 
lesomef or difficult of observanse, like those of the Shaw* 
nee prophet. Many of the maxims and instructions 
communicated to the Indians, at this tiixie, were of a 
kind to be permanently and valuably useful to them ; 
and the effect of tiieir influence was manifest for two 
or three years, in the more orderly conduct, and some* 
what amended condition of the Indians." 

Disaffection and indiflference Were not»the only ob- 
stacles the Prophet and his brother were obliged to 
surmount. The chiefs of most of the tribes were 
their resolute opponents. They were jealous or sus- 
picious of the new pretenders, ridiculed and reproach- 
ed, them, and thwarted their exertions in every possi- 
ble way. What was to be done with these persons? 
Elskwatawa availed himself of a new department of 
that un&iling superstition which had hitherto be- 
friended him ; and a charge of untchcrqft was brought 
up. His satellites and scouts being engaged in all di- 
rections in ascertaining who were, or were likeiy to 
be, his fiiends or his enemies, it was readify deter- 
mined, at head-quarters, whe should be accused. 
Judge, jury and testimony were also provided ^with 
the same ease. He had already taken such means of 
gaining the implicit confidence of his votaries, that 
his own suggestions were considered the best possible 
evidence, and the most infallible decision ; and the 
optics of his followers becoming every day more ke€»i| 

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Upon his authority, there was no want of the most 
suitable convicts. 

When the excitement had grown to such a height 
as to ensure the success of his scheme, he went the 
length of declaring, that the Great Spirit had directly 
endowed him with the power of pointing cut, not 
only those who were in full possession of the diaboli- 
cal art, but those who were impregnated with the 
least tincture of the diabolical disposition, — let them 
be old or young, male or female. This convenient 
arrangement proving perfectly satisfactory, he had 
only to speak the word, — or, as Heckewelder express- 
es it, even to nod, — and the pile was prepared for 
whomsoevfer he thought proper to devote. The In- 
dians universally have an extreme horror of a wizard 
or a witch, which no reputation, rank, age, or servi- 
ces, are sufficient to counteract; and of course, resist- 
ance or remonstrance on the part even of an accused 
chieftain, only went to exasperate and haste^ the sure 
destruction which awaited him. 

Among the suflTerers were several noted Dela wares, 
including the venerable Chief, Teteboxti, vvhose 
head had been bleached with more than eighty win- 
ters. On being brought to the place of execution, he 
was toM that if he would confess his crime, and give 
up his medicine-bag,* he would be pardoned. Upon 
this he ^ confessed,^ and said his medicine-bag would 
be found under a certain stone which he described. 
The stone was examined, but nothing was found. 
Other places were named in succession, and search 
made to as little purpose. It therefoi*e became evi- 
dent that he only wished to procrastinate. He was 
bound, and the fire about to be kindled, when a 
young man, more merciful than the rest, terminated 
his existence with the tomahawk. 

*This was supposed to contain tobacco, bones, and 
other simple matters necessary to the incantations 
of the sorcerers ; and when tney were deprived of 
thpjn, they were supposed to be incapable of fiirthet 
mischief. R 2 

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Another of the accused was named Biixt Pattsr* 

SON. He had resided many years Mrith the whites^ 
and learned so much of die business, of a gun-smith, 
as to be enabled to repair the guns of the Indians; 
but neither his usefulness nor his irreproachable life 
could save him. The same offer was made to him 
which was made to Teteboxti. He boldly answered 
that he had nothing to confess^-^that he was a chris- 
tian, and had no connexion with the devil. ** You 
have," said he, " intimidated one poor old man, but 
YOU cannot frighten me ; proceed, and you shall see 
how a christian and a warrior can die ;" and, with a 
small hymn-book in his hand, he continued to sing 
and pray till his voice was stifled by the flkmes. 

Another eminent victim was the Wyandot Chief 
known by the English name of Leather^Lips, whose 
Indian appellation, Shatetaronrah, appears among 
th^ signatures to Wayne's famous treitfy of Green- 
ville. He was sixty-three years of age, had sus- 
tained a most exemplary moral character, and wsa 
particularly attached to the American cause, as op- 
posed to the English. The laKer circumstance throws 
some light upon his fate. But whatever the accusa- 
tion orSie evidence was, — and probably the one con- 
stituted the other,— orders were given to an influential 
chief,* of the same nation with the convict, in the 
Prophet's service, who, with four other Indians, im- 
mediately started off* in quest of him. He was found 
at home, and notified of the sentence whk:h had been 
passed upon him. He entreated, reasoned and prom- 
ised, but all in vain. The inexorable messengers of 
defith set about digging his gmve, by the side of hi» 
wigwam. He now dressed himself with his finest 

* "ITarhe, or The Crane, said to be the oldest Indian^ 
at this time in the western country. He lived at Upper 
Sandusky, about one hundred miles fironi the mouth of 
Detroit river, and was principal chief of the Porcupine 
Wyandote, who resided at that place. More will be seen 
of him hereafter. 

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war-clothes, and, having refreshed himself with a has- 
ty uieal of venison, knelt down on* the brink of the 
grave. His executioner knelt with him, and offered 
up a prayer to the G»eat Spirit in his behalf. This 
was the last ceremony. The Indians witlidrew a few 
paces, and seated themselves around him on the 
ground. " The old Chief," says the original describer 
of this horrid soene,^ ^inclined forward, resting his 
fiice upon his hand, his hand upon his knees. While 
thus seated, one of the young Indians came up, and 
struck him twice with the tomahawk. For some 
time, he lay senseless on the ground, the only re- 
maining evidence of life being a faint respiration. 
The Indians all stood around in solemn silence. 
Finding him to breathe longer than they expected, 
they called upon the whites (one or two of whom 
were spectators,) to take notice how hard he died ; 
pronounced him a wizard, — ^no good, — then struck 
him again, and terminated his existence. The office 
of burial was soon performed." We have given these 
particulars, disagreeable as they are, to illustrate more 
clearly the astonii^ing'influ^ce of the Prophet, as 
well as the means by which he obtained it. The ex- 
ecutioners in thk case were apparently i^ncere and ' 
C(»ueieiitiou8 men; and one of the party Was a 
ftrol^roftlie victim. 

It is not to be presumed, that the Prophet was, in 
all these instances, without the assistance of his broth- 
er, though the latter was for the present acting his 
part chiefly behind the curtain. But Tecumseh 
seems rather to have favored a different system, if he 
did not oppose this ; and accordingly we find that 
about the time when most of the Kickapoos joined 
the IncKan Confederation, one of their leading men, a 
cliieflain, opposed to the new-fangled doctrine and 
p<^cy, was quietly disabled by being reduced to a 
private capacity. Again, an Indian scout, sent to the 

* A correspondent cited in the History of ilie Indian 

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Propbet^s eDcampment^in 1810, by an American ait^ 
thorit}', to gaiQ informatian of his designs, reported 
that the sanne course had been taken among that pro- 
verbially warlike tribe, the Winnebagoes; and that 
one of their old chiefs had told him, with tears in his 
eyes, that the other village sachems were divested ^ 
their power, and that every tiling was managed by the 
warriors. A more audacious proposal, to murder all 
the principal chiefs of several tribes, was covertly cir- 
culated at one time. These were the men, it was 
said, who had bartered the Indian territory away for 
a song, and had traitorously connived at Uie inroads 
and trespasses of the settlers. 

This suggestion bears marks of the energy and 
courage of Tecumseh, as decidedlv as the witchcraft 
policy does of the cunning and ingenui^ of the 
prophet There is an anecdote recorded of the for- 
mer, which would lead us to the same inference re- 
specting his character. 

Two or three years after the bloody transactioDS 
just detailed, which happened chiefly in 1807, Te- 
cumseh had a conference, (to be noticed more ftilly 
hereafter) with Governor Harrison of Indiana, at Vio- 
cennes. On that occasion, being charged with hos- 
tile designs against the AnAericans, he disclaimed 
them. A Potawatamie, called the Dead Chief, from 
being deaf, was present but did not learn what pass- 
ed until the next day. He then came to the Gov- 
ernor, and asked him why he had not been called 
upon to confront Tecumseh, in relation to those char- 
ges. He said he should have been very willing to 
assert the truth in the presence of the brothers and 
their followers. This declaration being made in the 
presence of several Indians, soon came to the knowl- 
edge of Tecumseh, who gave directions to his broth- 
er, to hpve the Potawatamie killed on his return home. 
A friend of the latter informed him of his dan^r, 
but; no way alarmed, the intrepid Chief returned to 
his family, who were encamped on the bank of the 
Wabash, opposite Vincennes, and having put on hm 



war-dress, and painted himself in the best style of a 
warrior, he seized his rifle, his tomahawk, war-club,' 
and scalping-knife, and thus equipped, paddled* over 
in his canoe to the camp of Tecumseh. The Gov- 
ernor's interpreter, Mr. Baron, was at that time in the 
tent of the latter. As soon as the Potawatamie camd 
near it, he upbraided Tecumseh for having given the 
order to assassinate him, as cowardly, and unworthy 
of a warrior; "but here I am now," said he, "come 
and kill me." Tecumseh made no answer. "You 
and your men," he added, " can kill the white people's 
hogs, and call tbem bears, but you dare not face a 
warrior." Tecumseh still remaining silent, he heap* 
ed upon him every insult that could provoke him to 
fight. He reproached him with being the slave of 
the * red^coats,' (the British,) and finally applied to him 
a term of reproach which can never be forgotten by 
an Indian. During the whole time, Tecumseh seem- 
ed not in the least to regard him, but continued to 
converse with Mr. Baron. Wearied, at length, with his 
ueelees efforts to draw out his adversaiy, he ^ve the 
war-whoop of defiance, and paddled on in his canoe. 
There is reason, adds our authority, to believe that the 
order of Tecumseh was obeyed. The Dead Chief 
tpof fto more seen at Vincennea.* 

* Dawson's Memoirs of Harrison. 

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History of TecmnBeh and the Prophet continued — ^The 
latter encamps at Tippecanoe— Sends a message to 
Governor Harrison — Visits him at Vinoennes — ^In- 
crease of his forces — Attention of the General Goy- 
ernment aroused — Tocumseh visits the Governor — 
His speech, and journey southwaird — Battle of Tippe- 
canoe, November, 1811 — Consequences of it — Indian 
Coancil at Mississiniway — Council at Maiden — 
Speeches and Anecdotes of the Crane, Walk*in-the 
Water, Round-Head, and other Chiefs — Sequel of 
the history of the two brothers — ^Final exertions of 
Tecumseh— His death— The death of the Prophet 

To resume our narratiye ; — such reports came to 
the eans of Governor Harrison, during the year 1807, 
respecting the movements of the InSans, and espe- 
cially those' of the Prophet in pursuit of hH victims, 
that he thought proper to send a * speech' to the Sha- 
wanese chiefs, couched id reiy severe terms. Most pf 
those addressed being absent, the necessity of reply- 
ing devolved on the Prophe% and he requested the 
messenger to indite for him the fdlovnng address: 

<« Father! 

** I am venr sorry that you listen to the advice of 
bad birds. You have impeached me with having 
correspondence with the British; and with calling 
and sending for the Indians from the most distant 
parts of the country, <<to listen to a fool that speaks 
not the words of the Great Spirit, but the words of 
the devil." Father ! these impeachments I deny, and 
say they are not true. I never had a word with the 
British, and I never sent for any Indiana They 
came here themselves, to listen and hear the words of 
the Great Spirit. 

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"Father ! I wish you would not listen any more to 
the voice of bad birds ; and you may rest assured that 
it is the least of our idea to make disturbance, and we 
will rather try to stop such proceedjngsthan encour- 
age them." 

The year 1808 opened with inmiense numbers of 
Indians from the lakes crowding round the neighbor- 
hood of Fort Wayne. Their attendance on the 
Prophet, the year previous, had induced them to neg- 
lect raising com, and they now found themselves iu 
. a state of starvation. It was considered necessary by 
the Governor, to supply them with food, lest hun- 
ger might drive them to extremities, and to ma- 
rauding upon the frontier settlers of the United 
States ; and he therefore sent orders to the Agent at 
Fort Wayne to allow them provisions firom the public 

In May or June of the season just mentioned, the 
Prophet selected, for his future and permanent resi- 
dence, a spot on the upper part of the Wabash, which 
was called Tippecanoe. He removed thither, and hia 
motley forces moved after him. These now consist- 
ed of some thirty or forty Sbawanees, with about 
one hundred Potawatamies, Chippewas, Ottawas and 
Winnebagoes. The manoeuvre met vnth no little 
opposition. Some of the Miamies, and Delawaresin 
particular,^had been determined to prevent it, and 
they sent a deputation of chiefs to effect that purpose ; 
but the Prophet would not even see them, and Te- 
cumseh, who encountered them on the way, gave 
them such a reception as at once altered their dispo- 
sition to advance any farther in the business. 

In July the Prophet sent a pacific message to Gpv- 
empr Harrison, complaining bitterly of the manner in 
which he had been misrepresented, and proposing to 
visit the Grovemor in person. He fulfilled this prom- 
ise during the next month, and spent a ionnight at 
Vincennes. Long conferences and conversations en- 
sued, but it could not be ascertained that his politics 

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were particulariy British. His denial of bis being 
under any such influence, was strong and apparently 
candid. He said that his sole object was to reclaim 
the Indians from the bad habits which they had con- 
tracted, and to cause them to live in peace and friend- 
ship with all mankind, and that he was particularly 
apix)inted to that office by the Great Spirit. He fre- 
quently, in presence of the Governor, harangued his 
followers, and his constant theme was the evi» ajrising 
from war and from the immoderate use of ardent 
spirits. His farewell speech exhibits the view of his 
system which he chose to promulgate at Vincennes: 

« Father! 

^'It is three years since I first began with that sys- 
tem of religion which I now practice. The white 
riople and some of the Indians were against me ; but 
had no other intention but to introduce among the 
Indians those good principles of religion which the 
white people profess. I was spoken badly of by the 
white people, who reproached me with misleading 
the Indians ; but I defy them to say that I did any 
thing amiss. 

** Father ! — ^I was told that you intended to hang me. 
When I heard this, I intended to remember it, and 
tell my father, when I went to see him, and relate to 
him the truth. 

** I heard, when I settled on the Wabash, that my 
father, the Governor, had declared that all the land 
between Vincennes and Fort Wayne was the proper- 
ty of the Seventeen Fires. 

" I ilso heard that you wanted to know, my father, 
whether I was God or man ; and that you said, if I 
was the former, I should not steal horses. I heard 
this from Mr. Wells, but I believe it originated with 

^ The Great Spirit told me to tell the Indians, that 
he had made them and made the world — that he bad 
placed them on it to do good, and not evil 

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''I told all the red-skins that the way they were in 
i^ras not good, and that they ought to abandon it I 
paid that we ought to consider ourselves as one man, 
but to live agreeable to our several customs, the red 
t)eople after their mode, and the white people af- 
ter theirs. Particularly that they should not drink 
whiskey — that it was liot made for them, but the white 
people, who alone know how to use it — that it is 
the cause of all the mischiefs which the Indians suf- 
fer ; and that they must always follow the directions 
of the Great Spirit, and we must listen to him, as it 
was he that has made us. 

'^Brothers! — Listen to nothing that is bad. Do 
not take up the tomahawk, should it be offered by the 
British, or by the Long-Knives. Do not meddle with 
any thing that does not belong to you, but mind your 
own business, and cultivate the ground, that your wo- 
men and your children may have enough to live on. 
I now inform you that it is our intention to live in 
peace with our father and his people forever. 

"^My father ! — I have informed you what we mean 
to do, and I call the Great Spirit to witness the truth 
of my declaration. The religion which I have es- 
tablished for the last three years, has been attended . 
to by the different tribes of Indians in this part of the 
world. Those Indians were once different people ; 
they are now but one ; they are all determined to 
practice what I have communicated to them, that has 
come immediately from the Great Spirit through 

" Brother ! — ^I speak to you as a warrior. You are 
one. But let us lay aside this character, and attend 
to the care of our children, that they may live in 
comfort and p^ce. We desire that you will join us 
for the preservation of both red and white people. 
Formerly, when we lived in ignorance, we were fool- 
ish ; but now, since we listen to the voice of the 
Great Spirit, we are happy. 

^ I have listened to what you have said to us. You 
have promised to asost us. I now request you, in 

II -s 

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behalf of all the red people, to use your exertions to - 
prevent the sale of liquor to us. We are all well 
pleased to hear you say that you will endeavor to pro- 
mote our happiness. We give you every assurance 
that we will follow the dictates of the Great Spirit 

"We are all well pleased with the attention that 
you have showed us ; also vnth the good intentions 
of our father, the President If you give us a few ar- 
ticles, such as needles, flints, hoes, powder, and oth- 
er things, we shall be able to take the animals that 
afford us meat with powder and ball," 

After this affair, nothing material occurred till the 
latter part of April, 1810, when the Governor received 
information that the Prophet was again exciting 
the Indians to hostilities against the United States. 
A trader, of undoubted veracity, who had been 
for some time at the residence of the impos- 
tor, assured him, (the Governor,) that the Pro{^- 
et bad at least a thousand souls under his control- 
perhaps from three hundred and fifty to four hundred 
men — ^principally composed of Kickapoos and Winne- 
bagoes, but with a considerable number of Potawata* 
mies and Shawanees, and a few Chippewas and Ot- 
tawas. About the middle of May, rumor magnified 
this force to six or eight' hundred warriors, and the 
combination was said to extend to all the tribes be- 
tween Illinois river and Lake Michigan, — the Wyan- 
dots, and the Sacs and Foxes being among the num- 
ber. Still, nothing could be distinctly proved against 
the Prophet Governor Harrison sent for the leading 
member of the Shaker society, who resided about 
twenty miles from Vincennes, and endeavored to pre- 
vail on him to take a speech to the Prophet, who af- 
fected to follow the Shaker principles in every thing 
but the vow of celibacy ; and thip leader of the Sha- 
kers had no hesitation in asserting that the Shawa- 
ne was under the same divine inspiration that he 
himself was, although, for reasons growing out of his 
situation as a savage, he and his immediate fol- 
lowers were permitted to cohabit with their women. 

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But this was not the general feeling. Much alarm 
existed on the frontiers, especially as some lawless 
acts had been committed by individuals nominally 
under the Prophet's management. The Govemof 
made active preparations for open hostilities ; and the 
attention of the General Government itself had at 
length become so much aroused, that an order from the 
President to make prisoners of both Tecumseh and 
his brother, was suspended only that a last effort 
might be more advantageously made for a compro- 
mise with the disaffected tribes. Early in 1811, the 
Indian force mustered at Tippecanoe was larger than 
Governor Harrison himself could easily collect ; and 
the body-guard of Tecumseh, on the visit which he 
paid the former at Vincennes, in July of this season, 
consisted of more than three< hundred men. 

This meeting took place ostensibly in consequence 
of a speech which the Governor had sent to the broth- 
ers at their encampment on the Wabash, in June. 
He had taken that occasion to repeat his former com- 
plaints of the insults and injuries he supposed to have 
been offered to American citizens by Indians under 
their influence ;. to inform them that he had heard of 
their recent attempts to hasten hostilities between the 
Union and various Indian tribes ; and, finally, to re- 
mind them, in strong terms, of the consequences of 
persisting in such conduct ^ Brothers ! " — was one 
of the expressions in this address, — lam myself of the 
Long-Knife fire. As soon as they hear my voice, you 
will see them pouring forth their swarms of hunting- 
shirt men, as numerous as the mosquitoes on the 
shores of the Wabash. Brothers ! take care of their 
stings.'' Tecumseh promptly replied to this commu- 
nication, by promising to visit the Governor in pre- 
cisely eighteen days, for the purpose of < washing 
away all these bad stories.' 

Some delay occuiTed ; but upon Saturday, the 27th 
of July, he made his appearance at Vincennes, with 
his three hundred followers. As neither the Govern- 
or nor the inhabitants generally were desirous of pro- 

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longing his entertainment, it was proposed to com 
mence the negotiations on Monday ; but this he de- 
clined doing, and it was late on Tuesday before he 
made his appearance at the arbor prepared for the 
occasion. Nor did he then come, without taking the 
precaution to ascertain previously, whether the Gov- 
ernor was to be attended by armed men at the coun- 
cil, — if so, he should adopt the same etiquette. Be- 
ing left to his own option, and given to understand 
that his example would be imitated, he came with a 
ffuard of nearly two hundred men, some armed with 
bows and arrows, and others with knives, tomahawks 
and war-clubs. The Governor, on the other hand, 
was attended by a full troop of dragoons, dismounted, 
and completely furnished with fire-arms ; and he had 
taken care, on Tecumseh's first arrival, te secure the 
town, by stationing two foot companies and a detach- 
ment of cavalry in the outskirts. He placed himself 
in front of his dragoons ; Tecumseh stood at the head 
of his tawny band, and the conference commenc- 
ed with a speech on the part of the Governor. This 
was biiefly replied to ; but a heavy rain coming on, 
matters remained in statu quo^ undl the next day, 
when Tecumseh made a long and ingenious har- 
angue, both expoang and justifying his own schemes 
much more openly than he had ever done before. 

Respecting the demand which the Governor had 
made, that two Potawatamie murderers should be 
riven up to punishment, who were stated to be rea- 
dent at Tippecanoe, he in the first place denied that 
they were there ; and then went on very deliberately 
to show, that he could not deliver them up if the¥ 
were there. ^It was not right,'' he said, ^ to punish 
those people. They ought to be forgiven, as wtU. as 
those who had recently murdered his people in the lUi" 
nois. The whites should follow his own example of 
forgiveness ; he had forgiven the Ottawas and the Os- 
ages. Finally, he desired that matters might remain 
in their present situation, and especially that no set- 
tlemeiirs should be attempted upon the lands recently 

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purchased of certain tribes, until he should return 
from a visit among the Southern Indians. T%en he 
would go to Washington, -and settle all difficulties 
with the President ; and meanwhile, as the neighbor- 
ing tribes were wholly under his direction, he would 
despatch messengers in every quarter to prevent fur- 
ther mischief." He coucluded with offering the Gov- 
ernor a quantity of wampum, as a full atonement for 
the murders before niieutioned. The latter made an 
indignant rejoinder ; the meeting was broken up ; and 
Tecumseh, attended by a few followers, soon after- 
wards commenced his journey down ihe Wabash 
for the Southward. 

Such was his last appearance previous to the 
war. The popular excitement had now become 
greater than ever. Numerous meetings were held, 
and representations forwarded to the Federal Execu- 
tive. But before these documents could reach their 
destination, authority had been given to Grovemor 
Harrison to commence offensive operations at discre- 
tion, and forces, in addition \o those virithin his terri- 
torial jurisdiction, were placed at his disposal. ^ The 
Banditti under the Prophet," wrote the Secretarv of 
War, Mr. Eustis, in a communication of July SOth, 
^ are to be attacked and vanquished, provided such a 
measure shall be rendered absolutely necessary." 

It id not our purpose to detail the subsequent mea- 
sures of Governor Harrison, which terminated in the 
celebrated battle of Tippecanoe ; and much less,1to 
agitate the question heretofore so inveterately contest- 
ed, respecting the general propriety of the offensive 
operations he commenced, or his particular system 
or success in conducting them. The battle took 
place pn the 7th of November, 1811 ; the Governor 
having previously sent Indian messengers to demand 
of the various tribes in the Prophet's encamj^ment, 
tliat they should all retugi to their respective territo- 
ries ; that the stolen horses in their and his posses- 
sion, should be given up ; and that all murderers, then 
sheltered at Tippecanoe, should be delivered over t^ 


justice. The first messengers, about the last of Se[> 
tepnber, had the efiTect of bringing out a friendly dep« 
utation from the Prophet, full of- professions of 
peace. But fresh outrages were committed by his 
followers about the same time ; and, when suntdry 
head-men of the Delaware tribe undertook, in Octo- 
ber, to go upon a second mission, they are said to 
have been abruptly met by a counter deputation from 
the Prophet, requiring a categorical answer to the 
question, ' whether they would or would not join Mm 
against the United States ? ' The Delawares^ never- 
theless, went on, and having visited the Prophet's 
camp, returned to Governor Harrison, now on his 
march, with the report of their having been ill treat- 
ed, insulted, and finally dismissed wiSi contemptuous 
remarks upon themselves and the Governor. Twen- 
ty-four Miamjes next volunteered to go upon this 
thankless business. They seem to have been better 
entertained, for the good reason, that they decided 
upon raising the tomahawk against their employer. 
At all events, these serviceable diplomatists spared 
themselves the pains of returning. 

The particulars of the battle are well known. The 
(Governor having entered into the heart of the territo- 
ry- occupyed by the Prophet, — but claimed by the 
United States, as being purchased of those tribes who 
had the least-disputed claim to it, — he encamped, on 
the night of the 6th, in the vicinity of the Prophet's 
force ; and a suspension of hostilities was agreed up- 
on between the two parties, until a conference codld 
take place on the ensuing day. Whether, as the 
Prophet affirmed on this occasion by his messengers, 
he had sent a pacific proposal to the Governor, which 
accidentally failed to reach him ; or whether he was 
now actually < desirous of avoiding hostilities if possi- 
ble,' but felt himself compelled to comlnence them, 
need not be discussed. Hisi forces, supposod to num 
ber from ^ve hundred to eight hundred warriors^ 
made a violent attack on the American army, early 
on the mDraing of the 7th; and one of the most des* 


perate struggles ensued, of which we hkve any re- 
cord in the history of Indian warfare. The enemy 
was at length repulsed, leaving thirty-eight warriors 
dead on the field. The Americans lost about fifty 
killed, and about twice that number wounded. The 
Prophet's town was rified, and the army commenced 
its return to Vincennes. 

Tecumseh, who was absent when the battle took 
place, returned soon afterwards from the South, and, 
without doubt, was exceedin'gly surprised and morti- 
fied by the conduct of the Prophet From this time, 
while the latter lost much of his infiuence, the for- 
mer took a more independent and open part. It can- 
not be positively decided whether be had previously 
maintained a special understanding with tlie British ; 
but his subsequent course admits of little controversy. 

He proposed to (Jovernor Harrison, to make the 
contemplated journey to Washington ; but, as the 
Governor expressed a determination that he could 
not go in the capacity which he deemed suitable to 
his standing, the idea was abandoned. Thenceforth, 
whatever his intentions had been, he determined up- 
on the necessity of fighting; and it naturally follow- 
ed, whatever had been his disposition towards the 
British authorities, — theirs towards him was sufilicient- 
ly plain, — that he should no longer hesitate to avail 
mmself of every &ir opportunity of cooperation. 

Still, it was necessary to preserve appearances until 
matters were ready for disclosure: and, of course, 
-—such were the consequences of the recent defeat, 
and such the disposition of many vacillating or op- 
ponng tribes, — ^there was an extremely difficult part 
to be acted. Some of the speeches made at a grand 
council of twelve tribes, held in May, 1812, at Missis- 
sinniway, will throw light upon the subject. The 
Wyandots began— a tribe universally regarded as the 
head of the great Indian family : 

** Younger brothera I" — s?dd the speaker — ^^ You that 
reside on the Wabash, listen to what we say ; and in 

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order that you may distinctly bear and clearly under- 
stand our words, we now open your ears and place 
your heaits in the same position they were placed in 
by the Great Spirit when he created you. 

" Younger brothers !— We are sorry to see your path 
filled with thorns and briars, and your land covered 
with blood. Our love for you has caused us to come 
and clean your paths and wipe the blood off your 
land, and take the weapons that have spitted this 
blood from you, and put them where you can never 
reach them again. 

"Younger brothers! — ^This is done by the united 
voice of aJ] your elder brothers, that you now see pres- 
ent, who are determined not to be disobeyed. Thia 
determination of your elder brothers, to put an entire 
stop to the effusion of blood, has met with the appro- 
bation of our fathers, the British, who have advised 
all the red people to be quiet and not meddle in quar- 
rels that may take place between the white people." 

Tecumseh, who found himself in a small minority 
on this occasion, replied thus : 

" Elder brothers ! — We have listened with attention 
to what you have said to us. We thank the Great 
Spurit for inclining your hearts to pity us ; we now 
pity ourselves ; our hearts are good ; they never were 
bad. Governor Harrison made war on my people in 
my absence : it was the Great Spirit's will he should 
do so. We hope it will please Him that the white 
people may let us live in peace. We will not disturb 
them ; neither have we done it, except' when they 
come to our village with the intention of destroying 
us. We are happy to state to our brothers present, 
that the unfortunate transaction that took place be« 
tween the white people and a few of our young men 
at our village, has been settled between us and Gov- 
ernor Harrison ; and I wiU further state, that had I been 
at hom^, there would have been no blood shed at that 
time. ^ 

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*We are sorry to find that the same respect has not 
been paid to the agreement between us and Governor 
Harrison, by our brothers, the Potawatamies. How-'^ 
ever, we are not accountable for the conduct of those 
over whom we have no control. Let the chiefs of 
that nation exert themselves, and cause their warriors 
to behave themselves, as we have done and will con- 
tinue to do with ours. 

" Should the bad acts of our brothers, the Pota- 
watamies, draw on us the ill will of our white broth- 
ers — and the^ should come again and make an unpro- 
voked attach on us at our village — we will die like 
men — but we will never strike the first blow.'' 

The Potawatamies could not overlook such an at- 
tack, and their speaker noticed it in terms which re- 
flected severely -on the* pretended Prophet,' who was 
said to have caused all the di^culty among their 
young men. He added, — ^ We have nocouti'ol over 
these few vagabonds, and consider them not belong- 
ing to our nation ; and will be thankful to any people 
that will put them to death, wherever they are found. 
As they are bad people, and have learnt to be so from 
the pretended Prophet, and as he has been the cause 
of setting those people on our white brothers, we hope 
he will be active in reconciling them. As we all hear 
him say, his heart is inclined for peace, we hope we 
may all see this declaration supported by his future 
conduct, and that all our women and children may 
lay down to sleep without fear." 

Tecumseh then addressed the council once more: 

"It is true we have endeavored to give all our 
brothers good advice ; and if they have not listened 
to it, we are sorry for it. We defy a living creature 
to say we ever advised any one, directly or indirectly, 
to make war on our white brothers. It has constant- 
ly been our misfortune to have our views misrepre- 
■ented to out white brethren. This has been done by 


Eretended chiefi of the Potawatamies and others, that 
ave been in the habit of selling' land to the white 
people that did not belong to them." 

Here he was called to order by the Delawares. 
" We have not met," said they, " to listen to such 
words. The red people have been killing the whites. 
The just resentment of the latter is raised against the 
former. Our white brethren are on their feet, with 
their guns in their hands. There is no time to tell 
each other, you have done this, and you have done 
that If there was, we would tell the Prophet that 
both red and white people had felt tfte bad effects of 
his counsels. Let us all join our hearts and hands 
together, and proclaim peace through the land of the 
red people. Let us make our voices be heard and 
respected, and rely on the justice of our white breth- 

The Miamies and Kickapoos afterwards expressed 
themselves much to the same effect, and the confer- 
ence then closed. 

The most distinguished chiefs opposed to the two 
brothers, were the Crane, his Counsellor Between- 
THE-LoGS, the Potawatamie Winemack,* and the 
leader and orator of the Wyandots on the American 
side of the river Detroit, Walk-in-the- Water. The 
latter was afterwards forced by circumstances to fight 
with the British, but at this time he and the Crane 
were particularly active in persuading various tribes 
to ' sit still ' while their two Fathers should fight out 
the war, — which was their own business, — ^in their 
own way. The British at length took measures to 
counteract their influence. A council was convened 

* A war-chief of some distinction. He repeatedly vis- 
ited Washington after the war, and some characteristic 
anecdotes — which, however, will hardly bear repetition-— 
are recorded of him. He was always openly friendly to 
the Americans, and though accused of fighting for the 
Prophet at Tippecanoe, by no means convicted of that 
abberration. He died in the summer of 1821 . 


at MaldeD, at which Elliot, the Indian Agent, and 
the British Commanding Officer were present ' 

The former demanded of the Wyandots whether 
they had advised the other tribes to remain neutral. 
To this, Walk-in-the- water answered: "We have, 
and we believe it best for us, and for our bretliren. 
We have no wish to be involved in a war with our 
father, the Long-Knife, for we know by experience 
tliat we have nothing to gain by it, and we beg our 
father, the Brifish, not to force us to war. We re- 
member, in tlie former war between our fathers, the 
British and the Long-Knife, we were both defeated, 
and we the red men lost our country ; and you, our 
&ther, the British, made peace with the Long- Knife, 
without our knowledge, and you gave our country to 
him. You still said to us, * my children, you must 
fight for your country, for the Long-Knife will take it 
from you.' We did as you advised us, and we were 
defeated with the loss oi our best chiefs and warriors, 
and of our land. And we still remember your con- 
duct towards us, when we were defeated at the foot 
of the rapids of the MiamL We sought safety for 
our wounded in your fort. But what was your con- 
duct? You closed your gatea against us, and we 
had to retreat the best way we could. And then we 
made peace with the Americans, and have enjoyed 
peace with them ever since. And now you wish us, 
your red children, again to take up the hatchet against 
-our father, the Long-Knife. We say again, we do 
not wish to have any thing to do with the war. Fi^ht 
your own batdes, but let us, your red children, enjoy 

Elliot here interrupted the speaker, and said: 
('That is American talk, and I shall hear no more of 
It, If you do not stop, I will direct my soldiers to 
lake you and the chiefs, and keep you prisoners, and 
. will consider you as our enemies." Walk-in-the- 
water then took his seat, to consult the other chie& ; 
tnd Round-Head, ^ho had openly edpoused the 
British interest, ^d who was the chief of the small 


party of Wyandots living in Canada, imraediateff 
rose and said : ^ Father ! listen to your children. You 
say that the talk just delivered by my fiiend Walk- 
in-the- water, is American talk, and that you cannot 
hear any more of it ; and, if persisted in, you will take 
the chiefs prisoners, and treat them as enemies. Now 
hear me. I am a chief, and am acknowledged to be 
such. I speak the sentiments of the chiefe of the 
tribes, assembled round your council-fire. I now 
come forward, and take hold of your war-hatchet^ 
and will assist you to light againet the Americans ! ^ 

He was followed by Tecumseh and the Prophet^ 
and by two Wyandot chiefs, Worrow and Split- 
log ; but Walk>in-the- water and his associates still 
declined the invitation. Elliot then made some 
menacing observations, which induced them to leave 
the council-house, recross the river to Brownstown, 
and communicate the result to the Crane, who was 
there with his attendants. The latter immediately 
returned home to Sandusky. The Brownstown Wy- 
andots sent a deputation to the American Greneral at 
Detroit, headed by Walk-in-the-water, to represent 
their exposed state, and request protection. For some 
unknown reason it^as not granted, and these In- 
dians were a few days afterwards taken into custody 
by a large British and Indian detachment, attended, if 
not commanded, by Tecumseh and Round-Head. 

The sequel of these proceedings is too chajracteris- 
tic of several of the individuals we have named, to be 
omitted in a connection which allows and requires so 
much collateral light. 

Some eight or ten months after the forced acces 
sion to the British just mentioned, the Crane propose;.- 
to General Harrison, who was then encamped with 
his army at Seneca, that a formal embassy should be 
sent by the Wyandots, to their brethren in the British 
camp, and to all the Indians who adhered to the Brit- 
ish cause, advising them to consult their true interest 
and retire to their own country. The proposition 
was approved by Qeneral Hamson, and the 'Otwv^ 

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Iras requested to take such measures as appeared 
most proper to give it effect 

Betweeu-tbe-logs waf appointed the ambassador, 
find a small escort of eight warriors, commanded by 
SKOOTASH,the principal war-chief of the nation, was 
selected to accompany him. Two speeches were 
sent by the Crane, one to be delivered privately to his 
own people, and the other publicly to the British In- 

The Wyandot embassy arrived at Brownstown in 
safety, and the following morning a general council 
assembled to hear the message from their uncle. 
The multitude Was prodigious, and Elliot And M'Kee, 
the British agents, were present We have been told 
that Between-the-logs arose in the midst of this host 
of enemies, and delivered with unshaken firmness 
the following speech from the Crane, which had been 
entrusted to him : 

" Brothers ! — ^the red men, who are engaged in fight- 
ing for the British king — ^listen ! These words are 
from me, Tarh6, and they are also the words of the 
Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanees, and Senecas. 

*< Our American father has raised his war-pole, and 
collected a large army of his warriors. They will 
soon march to attack the British. He does not wish 
to destroy his red children, their wives, and families. 
He wishes you to separate yourselves from the Brit- 
ish, and bury the hatchet you have raised. He will 
be merciful to you. You can then return to your 
own lands, and hunt the game, as you formerly did. 
I request you to consider your situation, and act wise- 
ly in this important matter ; and not wantonly de- 
stroy your own people. Brothers! whoever feels 
disposed to accept this advice, will come forward and 
take hold of this belt of wampum, which I have in 
my hand and offer to you. I hope you will not re- 
iiise to accept it in presence of your British father, 
for you are independent of him. Brothers ! we have 
done, and we hope you will decide wisely.^ 

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Not a band moved to accept the offered pledge of 
peace. The spell was too potent to be broken bj 
charms like these ; but Roimd-Head arose and ad- 
dressed the embassy : 

"Brothers! — ^the Wyandots from the Ameiicans — 
we have heard your talk, and will not listen to it. We 
will not forsake the standard of our British father, nor 
lay down the hatchet we have raised. I speak the 
sentiments of all now present, and I charge you, that 
you faithfully deliver our talk to the American com-< 
mander, and tell him it is our wish he would send 
more men against us ; for all that has passed between 
us 1 do not call fighting. We are not satisfied with 
the number of men he sends to contend against us. 
We want to fight in good earnest" 

Elliot then spoke. " My children ! — ^As yon now 
see that my children here are determined ilot to for- 
sake the cause of their British father, I wish you to 
carry a message back with you. Tell my wife, your 
American father, that I want her to cook the provi- 
sions for me and my red children, more faithfully than 
she has done. She has not done her duty. And if , 
she receives this as an insult, and feels disposed to 
fight, tell her to bring more men than she ever 
brought before, as our former skirmishes I do not 
call fighting. If she wishes to fight with me and my 
childien, she must not burrow in the earth like a 
ground-hog, where she is inaccessible. She must 
come out and fight fairly." 

To this, Between-the-logs replied. "Brothersi — ^1 
am directed by my American fether to inform you, 
that if you reject the advice giv«n you, he will march 
here with a large army, and if he should find apy of 
the red people opposing him in his passage through 
this country, he will trample them under his feet 
You cannot stand before him.^ 

"And now for myself, I earnestly intreat you to 

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eonmder the good talk I have brought, and listen to it. 
Why would you devote yourselves, your women, and 
your children, to destruction ? Let me tell you, if 
you should defeat the American army this time, you 
have not done. Another will come on, and if you 
defeat that, still another will appear that you cannot 
withstand ; one that will come like the waves of the 
ffreat water, and overwhelm you, and sweep you 
from the face of the earth. If you doubt the account 
I give of the force of the Americans, you can send 
some of your people in whom you have confidence, 
to examine their arm3^and navy. They shall be per- 
mitted to return in safety. The truth is, your British 
father tells you lies, and deceives you. He boasts of 
the few victories he gains, but he never tells you of . 
his defeats, of his armies being slaughtered, and his 
vessels taken on the big water. He keeps all these 
things to himself. 

*• And now, father, let me address a few words to 
you. Your request shall be eranted. I will bear 
^ your message to my American father. It is true none 
of your childrea appear willing to forsake your stan-, 
dard,and it will be the worse for them. You com-' 
pare the Americans to ground-hogs, and complain of 
their mode of fighting. I must confess that a ground-' 
hog is a very difficult animal to contend with. He- 
has such sharp teeth, such an inflexible temper, and 
such an unconquerable spirit, that he is truly a dan- 

ferous enemy, especially when he is in his own hole, 
lut, father, let me tell you, you can have your wish. 
Before many days, you vnll see the ground-hog float- 
ing on yonder lake, paddling his canoe towards your 
hole ; and then, father, you will have an opportunity 
of attacking your formidable enemy in any way you 
may think best" 

This speech terminated the proceedings of the 
council. All the Indians, except the Wyandots, dis- 
persed, and they secretly assembled to hear the me8« 
•age sent to them by their own chief 

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The Wyandots were directed to quit Skorah^ infr- 
mediately. They were said to be liars and deceivers, 
and that they had always deceived the Indians. And 
facts, in evidence of this, Were quoted. The building 
of Fort Miami was particularly referred to. It was 
said to be erected as a refuge for the Indians, but 
when they were overpowered by Wayne, the gates 
were shut against them.f Tl^ comparative strength 
of Greneral Harrison's army and of the British forces^ 
was concealed from them, and they were in a veiy 
dangerous condition. 

This message was faithfully delivered to the Wy- 
andots, and produced its full effect upon them. They 
requested Between-the-logs to inform the Crane, that 
they were in fact prisoners, but that they had taken 
firm hold of his beh of wampum, and would not fire 
another gun. They promised, tbat on the advance' 
of the American army, they would quit the British 
troops, as soon as it was safe to take that decisive 
measure. And such in fact was the result. When 
Proctor left the country, his Wyandot allies abandon- 
ed him, a few miles from the mouth of the river 
Tranche, and retired into the forest Thence the^ 
sent a message to General Harrison, imploring his 

Teciimseh and Elskwatawa were seen for the last 
time previous to their joining the British, at Fort 
Wayne. The former passed that way to the Maiden 
council, and he then explicidy stated to the Com- 
mander of the station, that he was going "to receive 
from the British twelve horse-loads of ammunidon 
for the use of his people at Tipp^ecanoe." The 
visit of the Prophet, which took place immediately 

* The Britishj in the Huron dialect. 

t The Crane was wounded in this action, and the loss 
fell heavily upon the Wyandots. 

t We have given oar a,ccount of the MaMen Council 
on the authority of Governor Cass, whose sources of 
information may be learned from his able essay on the 
LaU War on the Frontiers. See N. A. Rev. Vol. XXIX, 

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after, is referred to in the following communication 
from the Commander to an American authority : 

«* On the 12th [July, 1812,] the Prophet arrived at 
this place, with nearly one -hundred Wiuuebagoes and 
Kickapoos, who have ever since been amusing the 
Indian agent at this place with professions of friend- 
ship, and it is now evident that he has completely 
duped the agent, who had suffered him to take the ' 
lead in all his councils with the Indians, giving him 
ammunition, &c. to support his followers until they 
can receive a supply from Tecumseh. 

^* On the 19th instant an express arrived in the 
Prophet's camp from Tecumseh, In order that it 
should make the better speed, the express stole a 
horse from some of the inhabitants of the river Rai- 
sin, and rode night and day. The horse gave out with- 
in twenty miles of this place. This messenger was 
directed by Tecumseh to tell the Prophet to unite the 
Indians immediately, and send their women and chil- 
dren towards the Mississippi, while the waniors 
should strike a heavy blow at the inhabitants of Vin- 
cenne8;.and he, Tecumseh, if he lived, would join 
him in the country of the Winnebagoes. 

" The Prophet found no difficulty in keeping this 
information to himself and one or two of hiscounden- 
tial followers, and forming a story to suit the palate of 
the agent here ; and, on the 20th instant, he despatch- 
ed two confidential Kickapoos to eflfect the objects 
Tecumseh had in view. In order that these two In- 
dians might make the better speed, they stole my two 
riding-horses, and have gone to the westward at the 
rate of one hundred miles in twenty-four hours, at "" 
least To keep the agent blind to his movements, 
the prophet went early in the morning yesterday, and 
told the agent that two of his bad young men were 
missing, and that he feared they had stole some hor- 
ses. The agent found no difficulty in swallowing 
the bait ofieiid him, and applauded the Prophet for 
T 2 

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his honesty in telling of his bad men, as he called 
them, stealing my horses. 

** To keep up appearances, the Prophet has this mor- 
ning despatched two men,on foot^ as he tells the agent, 
to brkig back my horses, &c. He says he and all his 
party will certainly attend the Commissioner of the 
United States next month at Piqua. 

^ This he will do, if he finds he cannot raise the 
western Indians affaiust the United States ; but if he 
finds the western Indians will join him, you may re- 
ly on it, he will strike a heavy blow, as Tecumseh 
says, against the whites in that quarter. You may 
rely on the correctness of this statement, as I receiv- 
ed information relative to the views of Tecumseh, 
last night, from a quarter that cannot be doubted. 
The conduct of the agent towards the Prophet, 1 
have been an eye-witness to." 

The most remarkable passage in this graphic oar- 
ration, refers to the exertions Tecumseh was now 
making for the promotion of the great cause which 
lay BO near his heart There was occasion indeed 
for a mighty effort,, to regain the ground which his 
brother had lost. The battle of Tippeeanoe was a 
premature explosion, and a most unfortunate one for 
his interests. It intercepted the negotiadons for new 
allies, diminished the moral power of the Prophet, 
and frightened and forced many, who Were or would 
have been his adherents, into neutrality in some cases, 
and open hostility in others. The vast scheme of 
Tecumseh, the object so long of all his solicitude and 
his labor, was thrown into confusion, on the very 
brink of success. He was exasperated, humiliated,- 
afflicted. He could have wept, like Philip, whea 
his projects were thwarted in mid career by the rash- 
ness of bis warriors. But here was the trial of bis 
noblest qualities. He came forward and made every 
proposition, looking like compromise, which he deem- 
ed consistent with his dignity, — ^perhaps necessary tp 

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ki — but in vaiii. He saw then, plainly, that the battle 
must be &ught, and his soul grew strong. The 
wrongs and woes of his race, and the power and 
pride of the white men, passed before him. The_ 
mortification of ftilure and exposure on his own part, 
the dishonor brought upon his brother's name, the ig- 
nominy of submission, the censure and scorn of his 
savage rivals, the triumph of his civilized enemy, all 
were daggers Tn his bosom. Then boiled within him 
the frenzy of despair. Fear and hope struggled for 
the mastery. Pride, revenge, ambition, were roused. 
* Let them come, then' — thought he—* I hear them and 
see them, in the South aqd in the East, like the sum- 
mer leaves rolling and rustling in the breeze. It is 
well. Shall Tecumseh tremble? Shall they say 
that, he hated the white man, and feared him ? No ! 
The mountains and plains which the Great Spirit 
gave, are behind and around me. I, too, have nof 
warriors, and here, — where we were bom and where 
we will die,— on the Scioto, on the Wabash, on the 
broad waters of the North, my voice shall be heard.' 
« And it was heard, indeed. At the date of the com- 
munication laA cited, he had scarcely a hundred fol- 
lowers; and the irUentions of the Wtstem Indians^ 
we have seen, were not then ascertained. But from 
the time of the Maiden Council, Tecumseh girded 
himself to -his tadc, like a strong man for battle. He 
set his brother and all his emissaries, and at the same 
time devoted himsdf night and day, to the business 
of recruiting. Repeate<ily, before this, he had visited 
all the tribes on the west banks of the Mississippi, and 
upon Lakes Superior, Huron and Michigan. He 
now travelled over the route once more. From north 
to south, and from east to west,^ he ranged the conti- 
nent,- -threatening, flattering, rousing resentment, 
alarming superstition, provolung curiosity. No labor 
fatigued, no disappointment discouraged, no dang^ 
^rmed, no emergency surprised him. 

The result, with the entb*e sequel of tlie history of 
ifae two brothers, may be stated in the most general 

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terms. Those who know any thinff of the histoiir 
of the last war, need not be informed, that Tecumseh 
was substantially, as well as nominally, the head and 
life of the Anglo-Indian Department, and that greater 
forces Were collected by his influence, «nd embodied 
under his command, than in any other instance from 
H the first settlement of the country. He brought in 
six hundred Wabash recruits in on^body, early in 
1813. In the attack made upon Fort Stephenson, in 
the summer of the same year, the enemy numbered 
but five hundred British regulars, for eight hundred 
Indians, (under Dickson,) while Tecumseh was at 
the same time stationed on. the road to Fort Meigs 
with a body of two thousand more, for the purpose 
of catting ofif the American reinforcements on that 

In the decisive batde of the Moravian Towns, he 
commanded the right wing of the allied army, and 
was posted in the only part of it which was engaged 
with the American troops. Here was his last struggle. 
Disdaining to fly, when all were flying around him 
but his own nearest followers, he pressed eagerly into 
the heart of the contest, encouraging the savages by 
his voice, and plying the tomahawk with a tremen- 
dous energy. He appeared to be advancing, it is said, 
directly upon Colonel Johnson, who was hastening 
towards him on the other side, at the head of his 
mounted infantry. Suddenly a wavering was per- 
ceived in the Indian ranks ; there was no longer a 
cry of command among them. Tecumseh had fallen, 
and his bravest men, still surviving, were defeated by 
the same blow. They fled, leaving thirty-three lead 
on the field, most of whom were found near Tecum- 

Upon the question, who had the honor of ishooting 
the great chief, — as all the world admits he was shot,T-' 
we shall spend but few words. In the language of 
another, " there is apossibUiiy that he fell by a pistol- 
shot from the hand of Colonel Johnson. He was 
certainly killed in that part of the line whene the Col 

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onel was himself wounded f and this is all that can 
well be said upon a subject which has occasioned so 
much controversy. The British GoTemment granted 
a pension to his ividow and family, which probably 
continues to this tlay. The Prophet, who survived 
the war, and was little exposed in it, was supplied in 
the same manner until his death, which took place a 
few years since. He is believed to have been older 
than his brother, who died about forty-five. 

The grave, in which Tecumseh's remains were de- 
posited by the Indians after the return of the Ameri- 
can army, is still visible near the borders of a willow 
marsh, on the north line of the battle-ground, with a 
large fallen oak-tree lying beside. The willow and 
wild rose are thick around it, but the mound itself Is 
cleared, of shrubbery, and is said to owe its good con- 
dition to the occasional visits of his countrymen.* 
Thus repose, in solitude *and silence, the ashes of the 
Inoian Bonapakte.' In truth have they 

— >* Left him alone with his glory.* 
* Western Paper. 

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Remarks on the character of Tecumseh and the Prophet— 
Their facilities for cooperation — Difficulties the latter 
had to overcome — His perseverance and inffenuity — 
Means by which he protected his person — Anecdotes 
of the BatUe of Tippecanoe — Frankneiss of Tecumseh 
in disclosing his scnemes — Causes of his hostility to 
the Americans — Trespasses of the whites, and other 
abuses — Object of the belligerent combination — An- 
ecdotes of Tecumseh's first visit to Vincennes, in 
1810 — His dignity, independence and -courage — ^His 
ideas of the British policy — His speech to General 
Proctor, and remarks on his oratory — His humanity — 
His genius. 

The reputation of the Prophet has suffered from 
the complete ultimate failure of his plans. It baa 
suffered the more from the very circumstances which 
mark him as an extraordinary man, — ^his career as a 
prophet. Tecumseh knev^ his own talent better than 
to play a game like this ; but he also knew, without 
doubt, that Elskwatawa was capable of doing more 
for the advancement of their common object, by act- 
ing this coordinate or subordinate part, than by 
adopting the same course with himself, even had he 
possessed the same species of ability. Together, they 
were endowed with a complete system of qualities 
necessary to accomplish their design ; but neither could 
act alone. Tecumseh was frank, warlike, persuasive 
in his oratory, popular in his manners, irreproachable 
in his habits of life. Elskwatawa had more cunning 
than courage ; and a stronger disposition to talk, than 
to fight, or exert himself in any other way. But he was 
subde, fluent, persevering and self-possessed ; and this 
was enough. He became an inspired man, and Te- 
cumseh was his first convert. Others of the tribe 
might be intrusted with the secret. They had, at all 

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events, a great respect for these men ; and b^ingboth 
a proud and warlike people, they received with avid- 
'ty the well-contrived doctrine of their superiority 
over other tribes, and entered upon a course of pro* 
jects likely to produce war, — though of war nothing 
might yet be seen or said, — ^with the fury of blood- 
hounds upon a track. 

Hence the murders and robberieg which so much 
alarmed and irritated the frontier settlers, and whicb 
we have very little doubt were generally committed 
.by individuals of the Prophet's * banditti,' without 
his authority, and perhaps against his wishes. His 
^oungmen, especially, like those who brought on Phil- 
ip's war, were wrought'up till the master-spirit himself 
lost his control over them ; and to make the matter 
worse, most of them were of such a character, in the 
first instance, tliat horse-stealing and house-breaking 
were as easy to them as breathing. Like the refugees 
of Romulus, they were outcaists, vagabonds and crim- 
inals, — in a great degree brought together by the novel- 
ty of the preacher's reputation, by curiosity to hear 
his doctrines, by the fascination of extreme credulity, 
by resdessness, by resentment against the whites, 
and by poverty and unpopularity at home. 

These things should be taken into consideration, 
when the success of the Prophet is estimated. His 
ingenuity was tasked to the utmost, in getting and 
keeping these people together jn the first place. 
Then it was necessary to instruct them just so far, as 
to put them in the way of preparing themselves for 
what might happen, and to make them serviceable in 
collecting and convincing others, without committing 
the cause 'too unreservedly to noisy tonffues, and to . 
rash hands. Then complaints were made by Ameri- 
can authorities, and these must be pacified. Offers 
of assistance came in from other quarters, and these 
must . be kept secret. At other times, the banditti 
were reduced to an extreme scarcity of provisions 
as might be expected from the numbers collected 
together, and the kind of life which they led. At 

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first, they were given to understand that com and 
bumpkins would be raised for tliem supematurally ; 
out the Prophet deemed i( easier on the whole to pro- 
duce these essentia] articles by other means, — and here 
was another reason for maintaining a good understand* 
iiig with his American neighbors. Hence he gave out 
that he proposed visiting the Governor at Vincennes, 
with th^ view of begging provisions, — ^* for the white 
people had always encouraged him to preach the 
word of God to the Indians.' Ttiis purpose was 
carried into execution; and on that occasion it 
was, that the Governor was * completely deceived,' 
by the Prophet's appearance and language. 80 
late as 1811, a quantity of salt was sent up the Wa- 
bash for the Prophet's use, together with another 
quantity intended for the Kickapoos and other Indi* 
ans. He seems to have balanced some time between 
necessity and policy before this tern plation, but fuially 
adopted the middle course of detaining the entire 
cargo, and sending a veiy civil apology to the Grov- 
emor in payment 

On the whole, we are inclined to put small faith in 
the popular theory which represents the Prophet aa 
a fool. Possibly he assumed that character on some 
occasions, knowing the proverbial reverence of the 
Indians for an idiot Allowance should be made also 
for the reaction produced by his failure at Tippeca- 
A noe, although his influence was in some degrperestor* 
ed after that event, — the misfortune being sagely at- 
tributed by many to the important circumstance of 
his wife having tonched some of his sacred utenmla. 
Nothing but a series of triumphs on the part of the 
American forces, the death of his brother, a'hd the losv 
of all his best friends of his own tribe, (for the Kish- 
opokes were reduced to about twenty warriors dur- 
ing the war,) finally destroyed his character as a 
Prophet. When this was effected, it was human na- 
ture to degrade him below the level of a man. 

It might have been expected, that a person of his pre- 
tensions, with so many rivals and enemies, would be 

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•zpNOsed to the hazard of assassinatioiL But hem 
ftgaio he was on his guard ; for it was always one of 
has strong positions, that the least violence offered to 
him or his followers, would be punished by the im- 
mediate interposition of the Great Spirit. The re- 
ligious character, indeed, was sustained to the last. 
The Delaware messengers already mentioned found 
his forces at Tippecanoe in the highest state of ex- 
citement, owing to his magical rites, his harangues^ 
and the war-dance which he performed with Siern 
day and night, (fence the unexampled bravery man- 
ifested in the attack upon the American army. They 
rushed on the very bayonets of our troops ; and in 
some instances, pressing aside the soldier's musket^ 
they brained him with the war-club. The Prophet, 
mean while, is said to have been comfortably seated 
on an adjacent eminence, singing a war-song. He 
had assured his followers, that the American bullets 
would do them no harm ; and that, while they should 
have light, their enemies should be involved in thick 
darkness.* Soon after the battle commenced, he 
was told that the Indians were falling. < Fight on! 
fight on !' cried he, never at a loss, * It will soon be 
as I predicted ;' and he howled his war-song louder 
than ever. 

The character of Tecumseh appears so fully in the 
course he pursued, as to require but brief com- 
ment. While the Prophet resorted without hes- 
itation to all the wiles of Indian cunning and strata- 
p[em, for effecting his own purposes, and for thwart- 
ing those of his opponents, his course was as manly 
and dignified as it was prompt He was certainly un- 
der no obligation to disclo^ his schemes, and yet he 
appears never to have taken much pain^ to conceal 
them. We knpw that he was suspected, and ac- 

*He was not so much oat of the way in this predic- 
tion, as in sonae others. McAfee observes, that the camp* 
JlreSt so long as they remained burning, were * more far* 
Ticeable to uie Indians than our men 
II.— U 

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cused, of haying actively enga^ in inducing gbd« 
eral hostility, as well as instigating particular outraget 
among the frontier tribes, for several years before 
much was actually known of him. This may have 
been the case, and it may not ; the evidence amounti 
to nothing, and the suspicion and accusation alluded 
to, like the offences themselves, are veiy easily 
accounted for upon other and obvious grounds. 
There is no necessity, then, of going at length into 
the history of the Western country for the last half 
century, to point out the real grounds of complaint 
and the real provocations to hostility, which Tecum- 
seh, or his brother, or any other Indian of informa- 
tion and reflection, might have sieged on the part of 
the tribes, against the American Government or 
the American people. This would be justifying what 
we do not admit. It is sufficient to observe that quite 
enough had occurred, to furnish plausible pretexts for 
all that the Chieflain is known to have doine or at- 
tempted to do. 

Governor Harrison stated in his annual message, 
for 1809, to the Indiana Legislature, that owing to 
defects in the Federal law, * every person has been al- 
lowed to trade with the Indians that pleases ; ukich 
f roves a nource of numberless abuses, of mischievous 
effect both to them and ourselves.' . Two years be 
fore, we find an opinion advanced by the same ex 
eellent authority on a similar occasion, that^ * the ut 
most efforts to induce them (the Indians) to take up 
arms would be unavailing, if one only, of the mamy 
versons who hccve commitUd murders on meir people^ 
could be brought to punishmenL^ To illustrate the 
truth of this remark, we may mention the murder of 

Creek Indian at Vincennes, early in 1810, and of 
eourse subsequently to the particular transactions al- 
tided to in the message. He was shot by a white 
inan, an Italian trader, upon the pretext that the In- 
dian, who was intoxicated, had shown a disposition 
to do him some injury. The Governor discharged 
Ms duty by causing the Italian to be arrested and tri- 

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ed ; but, in the language of our informant, < as in too 
many other cases, acquittal was the consequence.**. 
We are farther told, that about the same time, two In- 
dians were wounded by a white man, at a few miles' 
distance from Vincennes. The occurrence of cir- 
cumstances of this nature is said to have been a 
source of great embarrassment and vexation to Gov- 
ernor Harrison ; but in this case, he could only send 
out, — ^not a ^constable for the aggressor, for that course 
had been sufficiently tried, — but a surgeon for the 
wounded men, who both finally recovered. 

It cannot be doubted, that llie character of these 
proceedings was well understood, and indignantly re- 
sented by all the tribes whidi obtained knowledge 
of them, — as most of them did in the course of their 
own experience. The house of a white man in Ohio 
was robbed, during this same summer, bv a member 
of the Delaware tribe, so femous for its mithful, and 
more than faithful adherence to the American cause. 
According to the stipulations of Wayne's treaty, ex- 
pressly provided for giving up criminals to the par- 
ties respectively injured, — and scrupulously observed 
up to this date, we should add, on the part of the In- 
dians, — the robber in the pres^^nt instance was de- 
manded of the Delawares. The answer was, that 
the nation never would give up another man, until 
some of the white people were punished, who had 
murdered members of their tribe ; they would how- 
ever punish him themselves. And they did accord- 
ingly put him' to death. 

But all these were trifling causes of irritation, com- 
pared with those which had occurred at various peri- 
ods, in the treaties and other negotiations, public and 
private, whereby immense quantities of territory had 
been obtained of the Indians. It is not intended to 
inmnuate, that the Government was in fault upon any 
of these* occasions. But in the transaction of affairs 
of this nature, to such an extent, at such a distance, 

* Dawson's Narrative. 

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29S INDIAN Biocourarr. 

hf the instrumentality of agentSj-^-as 13ce1y as any 
other men to be sometimes ignorant, insolent, and ay* 
aricious, — oflTences must needs come. On the other 
hands, in cases wherein the Goyemment was not eren 
nominally concerned, (whatever the understanding of 
the vendors might be upon that point) the most fla- 
gitious deception had been practised. In still other 
mstances, where the conduct of the purchasers was 
unobjectionable, there were conflicting claims to tw- 
ritory, which one or more tribes, or portions of tribes, 
or perhaps individual cbiefi, nevertheless undertook 
lo convey. Owing to these and similar causes, the 
Indians bad very generally become e:ltremely suqH* 
^ou8 of proposals for the purchase of land. 

They perceived, too, independently of any un&ir 
dealing upon either side, that the white population 
was advancing upon them with the most formidable 
rapidity. Something must be done, then, in self-de- 
fence. Setting aside past impositions, it was abso- 
lutely necessary to prevent them for the future ; and 
s^ng aade all imposidon, it was necessalry to raise 
Borne universal and effectual barrier against inroads 
of any kind, in any quarter. It is recorded, ac- 
cordingly, by an historian already cited, that the agita- 
tion among the Indians at this time was accounted t 
for by some of them, by saying, that they were en- 
deavoring to effect what had fi^quendy been recom- 
mended to them by the United States^ viz ; a tnore 
eoriRal union among the various tribes. The writw 
considers this an * attempt at deception;' but yet 
iis facts would seem to outweigh his opinion. War 
might or might not be anticipated as an ulti- 
mate resort, in ofience or defence ; and f Britidb agi- 
tators* might or might not be actually engaged, as 
certainly they were interested, in producing that result, 
and preparing the tribes for it. But it appears to ui^ 
there can be no reasonable doubt, that an eflec- 
tive and cordial union of the tribes, for the purposet 
just mentioned, was actually the predse object in view. 

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It certainly was the leading principle in tki schemes 
of Tecuinseh. 

That principle he never disavowed. He declared 
it in the most open manner^ on every suitable occa- 
sion ; and with it, the cogent I'easoning upon which 
in his mind it was founded. In July 1810, he con« 
versed very fully upon the subject with a person sent 
to bis brother by the Governor of Indiana, to dissuade 
him from war and to gain information of his views. 
He said that the Great Spirit had giv^i diis great 
island, — meaning the American continent, — ^to his red 
children ; but the whites, who were placed on the 
other side, of the big water, not content with their 
share, had crossed over — seized upon Ae coast- 
driven the Indians from the sea to the lakes — and un- 
dertaken to say that this tract belongs to one tribe, this 
to another, and sa on — when the Great Spirit had 
made it the common property of them aU. *They had 
retreated far enough, — ^tbey would go no &ither.' 
He at the same time disclaimed having intended to 
make war, but expressed his opinion that it would not 
be possible to preserve peace, unless the Indian prin- 
ciple of common property should be recognized, and 
the progress of the white setdements discontinued. 
He then proposed going to Vincennes, for the pur- 
pose of convincing the Governor that matters had 
been mis-represented to him. 

The visit accordingly took place in August ; and 
he then^tates most dlitincdv, — Mr. Dawson's phrase 
is, ' in the broadest manner,'— -that his policy had been 
to establish and extend the principle of common prop- 
elty as a means of necessaiy self-defence ; that- the 
tribes were afraid of being pushed back into the lakes, 
and were therefore determined to make a stand where 
they now were. At the formal interview which en- 
sued, Tecumseh, who was attended by a body of fol» 
lowers, manifested so much irritation, that the Gov- 
ernor a]|>prehended an attack upon the spot ; the cit- 
izens were alarmed ; troops were called in ; and a 
scene of great confusion ensued. But although th« 

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proud Chieftain apologized for this demonstration of 
spirit at the next conference, and then appeared per- 
lectiy cool, he still persisted in the statements made 
in the outset. When asked by the Governor, wheth- 
er it was his intention to prevent the surveying of a 
eertain territory, recently purchased, he answered, 
'that himself and those who were joined with him 
were determined that the old boundary should con- 

The Governor afterwards visited him at bis camp» 
fer the purpose of sounding him privately. Being 
' asked if his intentions were really what he had open- 
fy avowed, he replied that they were. He had no 
eomplatnt to make against the United States, but their 
purchasing the Indian land as ihey did ; and he should 
▼ery much regret the necessity of making war for this 
i^gle cause. On the contrary, he was, anxious to b9 
upon good terms with them. If the President woukl 
give up the late purchase, and agree to make no more 
ki the same manner, he would even become their al- 
ly, and woxdd JigfU with them againgt the English; 
u these terms could not be complied with, he should 
be obliged to ftght with the English against ihem. 
The Grovemor assured him that the President should 
be informed of his views, but also expressed his opin- 
ion, that there was no prospect of their being acced- 
ed to. * Well !' answered the warrior, * as the Great 
Chief is to determine the matter, I hdpe the Ghreat 
Spirit will put sense enough in his head, to induce 
him to give up the land. True, he is so farofl^ that 
^e war will not injure him. ^ He may sit still in his 
town and drink his wine,, while you and I will have 
to fight it out' 

At the last conference Which took place previously 
to the batde of Tippecanoe, it is stated that his designs 
were more completely developed, than ever before.* 
And this, it should be observcMi, was his own voluntas* 
ry and deliberate disclosure. < The States had set the 

* Dawson's Narrative, p. 182. 

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example,' be said, <of fbrming a union among all the 
fires, — why should they censure the Indians for fol- 
lowing it r He had now succeeded in combining the 
Northern tribes, and he was about visiting the ^uth, 
for the purpose of completing the scheme. But war, 
if it ensued, would be no fault of his. He hoped that 
the (Governor would prevent settlements from being 
made on the new purchase till he returned from bis 
journey in the Spring. He would then visit the Pres« 
ident himself at his leisure, and the matter should be 
•ettled with him. 

This speech has been called < an artful evasion, easi- 
ly seen through.' It appears to us, on the condrary, 
to be a model of manly fiankness. The Orator did 
not expressly state, indeed, that the combination id- 
luded to, anticipated tlie possibility or probability of 
war. But this was unnecessary. It was the natural 
inference in any reasonable mind. It had been fiie- 
quently so stated and so understood ; and repetition 
could only exasperate. On the whole, Tecumseh 
seems to have manifested a noble digniw in the avow- 
al and discus^on of his policy, equaled only by the 
profound sagacity in which it originated, and the in- 
telligent enersy which conduct^ it, against every 
S)position and obstacle, so nearty to its completion, 
e might be wrong, but it is evident enough he 
Was nncere. 

As for British instigation, we need not suggest the 
distinction between a disposition upon their part, and 
a counter disposition upon his; or between himself and 
the motley multitude of fanatical and ferocious vaga- 
bonds, who, unfortunately, formed a large part of the 
Prophet's first congregation, and some of whom were 
as troubiesome to ea(£ c^er and to him, tjfi they were 
to the white settlers. Outrages were committed, as 
we have «een, on both ndes, — and criminals refused to 
be given over to justice by both, — the Indians copy- 
big, in this respect, the example of the American au- 
tlionties. But we need not pursue the subject. The 
beet ezistiiif evidence with regard to Tecumseh^ 

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particular intereirt in it, seems to be his own, whidi 
has been ^ven. 

Nor can it be doubted, that he perfectly understood 
the policy of the English. He told Governor Harri- 
son, when he declared the necessity which might arise 
of an alliance with thera, that he knew they were 
always urging the Indians to war for their own ad- 
vantage, and not to benefit his countrymen. *And 
here,' we are told,* *he clapped his hands, and 
imitated a person hallooing at a dog, to set him fight- 
ing with another, thereby insinuating that the British 
thus endeavored to set the Indians on the Americans.' 
The truth is, he was too proud for a «ubordinate 
part His confederates might do as they chose, 
but for himself, he would maintain the dignity of a^ 
fi*ee man, and a warrior. He abandoned his plan 
of visiting the President, because he could not 
be received as the head of the deputation. It is 
said, that, in the last conference at Vincennes, he 
found himself, at the end of a long and energetic 
speech, unprovided with a seat Observing the neg- 
lect, Governor Harrison directed a chair to be placed 
for him, and requested him to accept it * Your 
Father,' said the interpreter, ' requests you to take a 
chair.' * My Father !' — ^replied the chief,—* The sun is 
my father, and the earth is my mother ; I will repose 
upon her bosom.' And he adjusted himself on the 
ground in the Indian manner, 

A qualified remark has been made upon his cour- 
age; but his uniform conduct during the war, is 
certainly 8uj£cient to establish this point beyond 
controversy. The same may be said of the fear- 
lessness shown in his visits to Vincennes; and 
especially in bis exposure of himself on that occa- 
sion^ though he must have perceived that he was 
feared, suspected, and even guarded by large bodies 
of troops, drawn out for that express purpose. It is 
very illustrative of the apparent diversity in the char- 
acter of Elskwatawaand his own in this respect, that 

* Dawson's Narrative, p 159. 

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when the Delawares sent a deputadoB of «hie& to break 
up the Prophet's settlement at Tippecanoe, the latter 
would not deign, as Mr. Dawson expresses it, to give 
them an interview ; but despatched his brother to them, 
' whose threats or persuasions were Bufiicient to drive 
back the chiefs, w^th strong indications of terror.' 

When General Proctor began to prepare for 
retreating from Maiden, Tecumseh, having learned 
his intention, demanded an interview, and, in the 
name of all the Indians, delivered an animated speech. 
If the spirit, which it manifests, could have had 
its intended effect in inducing the Greneral to fight 
before he retreated, the result must at least have 
been more glorious, if not more favorable to his 

" Father ! — ^Listen to your children ! You have them 
now all before you. 

^ The war before this, our British father gave the 
hatchet to his red children, when our old chiefs were 
alive. They are now dead. In that war our father 
was thrown flat on his babk by the Americans, and our 
father took them by the hand without our knowl- 
edge. We are afiraid that our father will do so again 
at wis time. 

" Summer before last, when I came forward with 
my red brethren, and was ready to take up the hatch-* 
et in favor of our British father, we were told not to 
be in a hurry — ^that he had not yet determined to fight 
the Americans. 

"Listen! — ^When war was declared, our father 
stood up and gave us the tomahawk, and told us that ' 
he was then ready to strike the Americans- - that he 
Wanted our assistance— and that he would certainly 
eet us our lands back, which the Americans had ta- 
Ken from us. 

" Listen ! — ^You told us, at that time, to bring for- 
ward our families to this pbce, and we did so. You 
also promised to take care of them — they should 
want fi)r nothing, while the men would go and fi§^t 
the enemy — ^that we need not trouble ouiselves about 



the enemy's gaitisoD — that we knew Dothinj^ about 
them — and that our father would attend to that part 
of the busioess. You also told your red childreB that 
you would take good care Af your garrison here, 
which made our hearts glad. 

** Listen ! — When we were last at the Rapids it is 
true we save you little assistance. It is hard to fight 
people who live like ground-hogs. 

" Father, listen ! — Our fleet has gone out ; we know 
they have fought; we have heard the great guns;* 
but we know nothing of what has happened to our 
father with one ai'm.f Our ships have gone one way, 
and we are much astonished to see our fatlier tying 
up every thing and preparing to run away the other, 
without letting his red children know what his inten- 
tions are. You always told us to remain here, and 
take care of our lands ; it made our hearts glad to 
hear that was your wish. Our fjreat father, the king, 
is the head, and you represent him. You always told 
us you would never draw your foot off British ground. 
But now, father, we see you are drawing back, and 
we are sorry to see our &ther doing so without see- 
ing the enemy* We must compare our father's con- 
duct to a fat dog, that carries its tail upon its back, but 
when affrighted, jt drops it between its legs and runs 
off. ^ 

" Father, listen ! — ^The Americans have not yet de- 
feated us by land — ^neither are we sure that they have 
done so by water — we therefore wish to remain here^ 
and fight our -enemy, should they make their appear- 
ance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat with 
our father. 

'^ At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Ameri- 
cans certainly defeated us ; and when we returned to 
our father's fort, at that place the gates were shut 
against us. We were afraid that it would now be the 
case ; but instead of that, we now see our British 
fyther preparing to march out of his garrison. 

fAUuding to Perry's Victory. t Commodore Barclay. 

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* Father ! — You have got the arms and ammuni« 
tion which our ^at father sent for his red children. 
If you have an idea of going away, give them to us, 
and you may go and welcome for us. Our lives are 
in the hands of the Great Spiri^ We are determined 
to defend our lands, and if it be his witi, we wish 
to leave our bones upon them." 

This celebrated speech is probably as good a speci- 
men as any on record, of the eloquence of Tecum- 
Sxih. It was a natural eloquence, characteristic, as all 
natural eloquence must be, of the qualities of the man. 
As Charlevoix says of the Canadian savages, it was 
' such as the Greeks admired in the barbarians,' — 
strong, stem, sententious, pointed, perfectly undis- 
guised. It abounded with figures and with graphic 
touches, imprinted by a single effort of memoir or 
imagination, but answering all the purposes of de- 
tailed description, without its tediousness or its weak- 
ness. The President w^s * drinking his wine in his 
town,? while Tecumseh and Harrison were fighting it 
out over the mountains. The Indians were hallooed 
upon the Americans, like a pack of starved hounds. 
The British nation was our sreat Father, and our 
great Father was laid flat on his back. So the poli- 
cy of the United States, in extending their settlements, 
was a mighty water, and the scheme of common prop* 
erty in the tribes, was a dam to resist it.* 

Tecumseh belonged to a nation ' noted,' as Mr. 
Heckewelder describes them, * for much talk,' as well 
as for hard fighting ; and he was himself never at a 
loss for words, though he used them with a chariness 
which ^ might be imitated without disadvantage by 
some of our modem orators. It was only when he 
spoke for the explanation or vindication ojf that great 
cause to which his whole heart and mind were devot- 
ed, that he indulged himself in any thing beyond the 
laconic language of necesaty. His appean^ce was 
always noble — his fomi symmetrical — his carriage 

"McAfee's History, p. 17. 

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erect aod lofty — ^hie motions comniaDding'-*4>ut uii« 
der the excitement of his favorite theme, he be- 
came a new being. The artifice of the politician, the 
diffidence of the stranger, the demure dignity of 
the warrior, were cast aside like a cloak. His fine 
countenance lighted up with a fiery and haughty 
pride. His frame swelled with emotion. Every pos- 
ture and every gesture had its eloquent meaning. And 
then language, indeed, — ihe irrepressible outbreak- 
ing of nature, — ^flowed glowing from the passion- 
fountains of the soul. 

, We have drawn the portrait of this eminent chief- 
tain hitherto, only so far as to sketch some of those 
strongly-marked lineaments by which he was best 
known to his contemporaries, and by which he will 
be longest remembered. But there was something 
more in his character than strong savage talent and 
savage feelinff. Injured and irritated as he oflen was, 
and coiistanthr as he kept himself excited by an in- 
terest in the mte of his countrymen, and by the agi- 
tation of his own schemes, there is no evidence eiSi- 
er of coarseness in his manners, or of cruelty jn his 
conduct. For reasons easily to be imagined, be re- 
garded Governor Harrison with less partiality, than 
most other individual Americans; and hence, the 
British General is said to have stipulated early in the 
war, that the Grovemor, if taken prisoner, should be 
his captive. But he is understood to have always 
treated that gentleman with such courtesy, that we 
apprehend, had this casuB-faderis unfortunately oc- 
curred, he would have gloried only in conveying him 
off the battle-field in the manner of the Black-Prince, 
and in setting before him, with the royal munificence 
of Massasoit, all the dry pease in his wigwam. 

When the Governor proposed to him, on his fint 
visit to Vincennes in 1810, that, in the event of a war, 
be would as fiir as possible put a stop to the cruelties 
which the Indians were accustomed to inflict upon 
women and children, and others no longer in a situa- 
tion to resi8t,«4ie readily gave his assent to thd 

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fNrqx)dtioQ, and Tohmtarily fledged bimself to ad* 
nere to it There is reason to believe, that he^remem* 
bered this promise ; and that amidst temptations and 
provocations,— «nd, many would be inclined to add, 
examples, from an authority he might have been sup- 
posed to respect,-~Tof a most extraordinary nature. 

In one of the sorties from Fort Meigs, a hundred 
or more of the American garrison were taken pris- 
oners, and put into Fort MiamL Here, McAfee 
and others relate that the British Indians garnish- 
ed the surrounding rampart, and amused them- 
selves by loading and firing at the crowd within, or 
at particular individuals. This proceeding is said to 
have continued nearly two hours, during which time 
twenty of the unfortunate prisoners were massacred. 
The-diie& were at the same time holding a council, 
to determine the &te of the residue. A blood-thirsty 
mob of cut-throat Pottawatamies were warmly in fa- 
vor of despatching them all on the spot, while the 
Wyandots and Miamies (^posed that course. The 
former prevailed; and had already svstematically 
commenced the worii of destruction, when Tecum- 
seh, descrying them from the batteiies, came down 
among them, reprimanded the ring-leaders for their 
dastardly barbarity in murderinff defenceless cap- 
tives in cold blood, and thus saved the Hves of a con- 
siderable number. That all this was done by express 
permission of the English commander, and in pres- 
ence of the English army, as is farth^ stated, it does 
not belong to us, in the pursuit of our present sub- 
ject^ either to assert or prove. If there be any truth 
m the charge, or In a tidie of those of ^e same char- 
aeter which have been brought agaiest the same par- 
ty, the sooner the veil of oblivkm is droj^ied over 
them, the better. 

In fine, the chaincter of Teounweh, in what- 
ever lieht it be viewed, must be regarded as re- 
markable in the highest degree. That he proved 
himself worthy of his rank as a general oiffioerm the 
army of his Britaniiie Mtteity. «r evan of bis ,wpii 

II.— X 

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tation as a great wamor among all the IndiatiS of the 
North and West, is, indeed, a small title to distinction. 
Bravery is a savage virtue ; and the Shawanees are 
a brave people, — as too many of the American na- 
tion have ascertained by experience. His orato- 
ry speaks more for his genius. It was the utterance 
of a great mind, roused by the strongest motives of 
which human nature is susceptible, and developing a 
power and a labor of reason, which commanded the 
admiration of the civilized, as justly as the confi- 
dence and pride of the savage. But other orators, 
too, have appeared among his countrymen, as elo- 
quent and as eminent as Tecumseh, wherever the 
same moving causes and occasions could give birth 
and scope to the same emulous effort. And the mere 
oratory, in all these cases, was not so much an abso- 
lute vindication, as a naked and meagre index of the 
mighty intellect and noble spirit within. Happily 
for the feme of Tecumseh, other evidences exist in 
his favor, — such as were felt as well as heard in his 
own day, — such as will Hve on the pages of civilized 
history, long after barbarous tradition has forgotten 
them. He will be named with Philip and Pontiac, 
* the agitators' of the two centuries which preceded 
his own. The schemes of these men were, — fortu- 
nately for the interest which they lived and labored 
to resist, — alike unsuccessful in their issue ; but none 
the less credit should for that reason be allowed to 
their motives or their efforts. They were still states- 
men, though the communities over which their influ- 
ence was exerted, were composed of red men instead 
of white. They were still patriots, though they 
fought only for vrild lands and for wild liberty. In- 
deed, it is these very circumstances that make these 
very efforts, — and especially the extraordinary de- 
gree of success which attended them, — the more hon- 
orable and the more signal ; while they clearly show 
the necessity of their ultimate failure, which existed 
in the nature of things. They are the best proofi, ol 
OQCOi of genius and of principle. 

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MicHiKiiTAqwAyOr the Little Turtle — Early History— 
Engages in a combination of the Indians against the 
United States — Blue-Jacket — ^The Turtle defeats two 
detachments of American troops^-Some account of the 
North- Western war from 1791 to 1795— The Turtle 
defeated by General Wayne — He becomes unpopular 
after the peace — Some of the charges against him ex- 
amined — Anecdotes of his intercourse with distin- 
guished Americans — His letter to Gren. Harrison — His 
death in 1812 — ^His character. 

In the Life of Buckongabelas, we have alluded to 
the powerful influence of 'one individual/ as having 
enabled Governor Harrison, despite the exertions of 
that chieftain, to effect the important negotiations con- 
cluded at Fort Wayne in 1803. That individual 
was the Little Turtle, a personage of both tal- 
ent and celebrity, second in modem times only to 
those of Tecumseh. Indeed, he may be considered 
in some respects one of the most remarkable Indians 
of any age; and although he has been deceased 
about twenty years, bis grave, in the neighborhood of 
the station just named, is not only still shown, but still 
visited by Indians from various quarters, who cherish 
the memory of the old warrior with the deepest ven- 

The vernacular name of the Turtle was Michikiw- 
AqwA or Mechecunaqua. He was the son of a Miami 
chief, but his mother was aMohegan woman ; and as 
the Indian maxim in relation to descents is generally 
the s^me with that of the civil law in relation to 
slaves-— that the condition of the offspring follows the 
eondition of the mother* — the Turtle had no advan* 

* * Partus seouitur ventrem.' 

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tage whatever from his father's rank. He however 
b^ame a chief at an early ase, for his extraordinaiy 
talents attracted the notice of his countrymen even in 

His first eminent services were those of a warrior 
in the ranks of his tribe. It is well known that lone 
after the conclusion of the peac^ of 1783, the British 
retained possession of several poets within o(ir ceded 
limits on the north, which were rallying-pointsfor the"^ 
Indians hostile to the American cause, and where 
they were supplied and subsisted to a considerable ex- 
tent, while they continued to wage that war with ua 
which their civilized ally no longer maintained. Our 
Government made strenuous exertions to pacify all 
these tribes. With some they succeeded, and among 
others with the powerfhl Creeks, beaded at this time 
by the famous half-breed Mc'Oillivrat. But the 
savages of the Wabash and the Miami would consent 
to no term^. They were not only encouraged by for* 
eign assistance — ^whether national, or simply individ- 
ual, we need not in this connection di8cuss---but they 
were strong in domestic combination. The Wyan- 
dots, the Potawatamies, the Delawares, the Shawa- 
nees, the Chippewas, the Ottawas, not to mention parts 
of some other tribes, all acted together : and last, but 
by no means least, the Miamies, resident where Fort 
Wa3me has been nnce erected, inspired the whole 
confederacy with the ardor which they themselves 
bad but to imitate in their own fearless chieflaina 

These were generally the same parties who bod 
thirty years before been united against the whites 
under Pontiac ; and the causes of their irritation were 
now mainly the same as they had been then, while both 
the cordiality and fkciliiy of cooperation were increas- 
ed by confidence and experience derived even from 
former failures. ^ These causes have been already su^ 
ficiently experienced. They arose chiefly firom the 
frontier advances of the white population on the In- 
dian lands-Hilways and almost necessarily atten- 
ded with provocations never discovered, and of con- 



■equence never atoned for, by tlie proper autliorities. 
National claims were also brought forward, which, 
BO &r as founded on the representations of persons in- 
terested, were likely enough to be abuses. In fact 
here was an exact precedent for the combination of 
Tippecanoe. The Turtle was politically the first fbl- 
lower of Pontiac, and the latest model of Tecumseb. 

The Turtle, we say, but the zealous assistance 
he received from other chieftains of various tribes, 
ought not to be overlooked. Buckongahelas com- 
manded the Delawares. Blue-Jacket was at this 
time the leading man of the Shawanees — a warrior 
of high reputation, though unfortunately but few par- 
ticulars 01 bis history have been recorded. The Mis- 
sissagas, a Canadian tribe on the river Credit^ some 
remnant of which still exists, contributed not a little 
to the power of the confederacy in the talents of a 
' brave chie^ whose very name is not preserved, though 
his movements among the more northern Indians 
were felt on the banks of the St. Lawrence, as far 
down as Montreal itself.* 

On the 13th of September, 1791, -—all attempts to 
eonciliate tbe hostile tribes who were now ravaging 
the frontiers, having been abandoned, — General Har- 
mer, under the direction of the Federal government, 
marched against them from Fort Washington (the 
giresent site of Cincinnati) with three hundred and 
twenty regulars, who were soon after joined by a body 
of militia, making the whole force about fifteen hun- 
dred men. Colonel Hardin, at the head of six hun- 
dred Kentucky troops, was detached in advance to 
reconnoitre. As he approached the enemy's villages^ 
tiiey fied. The villaj^es were destroyed, and a lighr 
force again detached m the pursuit. These men were 
met by a small Indian party, led on by the Turd^ 

* A respectable Montreal publication, of 1791, notices 
one of this person's visits to the tribes in the vicinity of 
that town ; — describing him as " forty-five years old, six 
feet in height, of asour and morose aspect, and appv 
Kntlv very «my and snbtle ' 

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wbo attaeked them furiooBly, and fougiit them whh 
•uch elTect, that of thirty regulars twenty-three wefe 
killed^ while all the militia of the detachment sought 
safety in flight 

Notwithstanding this check, the enemy's only fo* 
mainiDg town in the section of the countiy near the 
batde-ground was laid waste, and their provisions de« 
stroyed. General Harmer then returned to Fort 
Washington, unpursued, but disgraced and deeply 
chagrin^. Under these circumstances he resolved 
to hazard another action. He halted eight miles from 
Chilicothe, and late at night detached C<^nel Hardin 
with orders to find the Indians, and firht them. Har* 
din succeeded in his search about daylight The sav« 
ages fi>ught with desperation, for they were maddened 
by the aaeht of their flaming villages and their uncov 
ered dead, and the war-cry of the Turtle again urged 
them to the onset. Some of the Americans fled, but 
a greater number, includinr fifty reeulars and one 
himdred militia, -with several officers of note, feU upon 
the field of batde, bravely discharging a fruitless and 
fktal duty. Qeneral Harmer claimed the victory,-* 
v^th how much propriety may appear^irom tbeso 
&cts. The Turtle however soflered so severely in die 
engagement, that he permitted him to march home 

Harmer's disasters were followed by the most d^ 
piorable consequences, fbr the savaffes renewed their 
devastations to such a degree that the situation of the 
fW)ntiers became truly alarming. Congress directed 
the organization of a strong military force, and mean** 
while two volunteer expeditions from Kentucky, un- 
der Qenerals Wilkinson and Scott, were fitted out 
against the enemy. ConsiderablA damage was done 
to them on the Miami and Wabash, though without 
much loss of life on either side. 

The campaign of the Federal troops,-*mu8tering 
about two thousand, besides garrisons in two or three 
newly erected forts,— commenced late in the summer 
of 1791. Desertion reduced the number to f^tuteea 

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Irandred, he&ire the eomniander, General St. CHaur, 
bad advanced far into the hostile territory. Contin- 
uing his march, however, on the third of November 
be encamped on a piece of commanding ground, 
wkljin fifleen mUes of the Miami villages. An mterval 
of only seventy paces was left between the two wings 
of his army. The right was in some degree protec- 
ted by a creek^ and a steep bank ; the left, by cavalrv 
and picquets. . The militia, about three hundred fiesk 
Kentuckian recruits, \^ere permitted to cross the creeky 
Aod draw up in two lines on the first rising ground bcH 
yoad it, at the distance of a quarter of a mile from 
$hm main body, from which they were separated also 
Jbj a rich sugar-tree ^ bottom.' 

The enemy had apparently anticipated a movement 
of this kind. The chieftains had collected a force of 
from one tboosand to fifteen hundred men, upon the 
Bfiami territories; and for several days previous to 
the halt, numbers of them had been hovering round 
and evidently watcjiing the movements of the troop*. 
I>uring the night of the 3d, shots were occasion^ 
My exchsxiged between them and the American sen- 
tries, and small parties were sent out in different di- 
rections to prevent their too near approach. 

Meanwhile the Indians were holding a grand coun- 
d\ of war. The plan of attack was agreed upon, and 
the ord^ and rank of the various tribes settled wkh 
a precision aa punctilious as that oi the ancient Greeka 
The Wyandots stretched to the west; the Dela wares 
were stationed next to them ; the Senecas third, and 
00 OIL The Turtle, acting as conm)ander-in-chie£ 
superintmided and stimulated the whole, but headed 
no particular detachment; the arm of the warrior 
was to do much, but the eye and xoice of the chie^ 
tain, miN^h more. Nothing happened during the night 
to alarm the Americans, and indeed the noise and stir 
-of the outskirts in the early part of the evening grad- 
ually subsided* All at length was silent, and it might 
well be supposed, as it probably was, that the enemy 
had taken advantage of the darkness ci the night to 


make good a precipitate retreat, or that their -vHiolc 
force as yet consisted only of a few scouting and 
scalping parties. But the mistake was of short du- 
ration. The militia were* violently attacked between 
dawn and sunrise of the fourth, by a powerful body 
of the Indians, who, with a terrific yell, poured in a 
volume of musketry along the entu« length of the 
two lines. Never was surprise more complete. The 
ranks of the militia were thrown into confu«on at 
once ; and although the battle was hotlv contested for 
three hours at least, no efforts of the omcerB, or of the 
regular troops of the main body, proved sufficient to 
recover the lost ground. The former, intleed, were 
picked off by the enemy's sharp-shooters so rapidly, 
that very little cou)d be expected from the aggregate 
of their exertions. 

Besides, the savages generally fought under shelter 
of the woods. " The Indians wfere very numerous," 
we are informed by one who was present, " but we 
found it out more from their incessant heavy fire, than 
from what we could otherwise discover of them. 
They fought under cover, though they would fie- 
quently advance very close under the smoke of the 
cannon ; and as soon as it began to clear away, the 
fire became very fetal."* Emboldened, however, by 
success, they sometimes charged the Americans tom- 
ahawk in hand, drove them Imck on their lines, kept 
possession of their tents for some minutes, and though 
repulsed, continually returned to the contest with re- 
doubled fury. 

The Americans were atleneth compelled to retreat; 
and this retreat, — as St Clair himself confessed, in hie 
despatches, " was a precipitate one, in fact a JiigktJ* 
The camp and artillery were abandoned. Most of 
the militia threw away theif arms and accoutrements. 
All were closely pursued by the savages firom half- 
past nine, when the route coiftmenced, until after sun- 
set, when th ey gained Fort Jefferson, at a distance of 

'New-Tork and other news-papers of December, 1791. 

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twenty-nine miles. Thirty-eight officers, and fire 
himdred and ninety-three men, were slain or missing ; 
mnd twenty-one officers and two hundred and forty- 
two men wounded^many W whom died afterwards; 
BO that no fewer than eight hundred and ninety-fbinr 
were lest or disabled, out of an army of fourteen 
hundred. General Butler, second in command, was 
among the slain. 

General St Clwr sj^s he was overpowered by num- 
bers : but as no English historian makes the enemy 
more numerous than the Americans, some credit 
should be given to them upon other grounds than the 
pretext of numerical superiority. Iixleed, their attack 
was conducted with astonishing intrepidity. AAer a 
Bingle volley of fire-arms they fought every inch of the 
field, band to band. There is no other instance in the 
history of the continent, of a slaughter to be com^fMired 
to this, with the exception of the fnemoraUe defeat of 
Braddoek. ^ Nearly in the space of three hundred and 
fifiy yard8,"-^-8aid General Scott, who visited the bat- 
tle-field soon after, — ^^lay five hundred skull-bones, 
three hundred of which were buried by my men. 
From thence five miles on, the woods were strewed 
with skeletons, muskets," &c.^ The loss of the Tur- 
tle's army was never ascertained upon indisputable 
authority, but no account makes it at all proportionable 
to that of St. Clair. The Mississaga chie^ mention- 
ed above, who visited Montreal a few months after the 
action, rated the American loss at several hundreds 
more than the official bulletin just cited, and that 
of the Indians at only nine ; f but some allowance 
4>ught probably to be made for extenuation in the 
latter case, as for exaggeration in the former. An 
Anoerican officer, who encountered a party of thirty 
Indians near the battle-ground, a day or two after the 
defeat, (and was detained by them till they were made 
to (relieve him a friend to their cause, from Canada,) 
I informed that the number of killed was fifty-six. 

* Metoalf B Indiav Wars. t Montreal pap«i«* 




These savages were returning home with their 
share of the plunder. • One of them had a hun- 
dred and twenty-seven American scalps, strung on a 
pole, and the rest were laden with various other ar- 
ticles of different values. They had also three pack- 
horses, carrying as many kegs of wine and spirits as 
could be piled on their backs. According to their 
statement, there were twelve hundred Indians in the 
battle, the larger proportion of whom were Miamies.* 

We have alluded to the expedition of General 
Scott, who made a most successful incursion against 
the savages a few weeks subsequent to the action of 
the 4th. A considerable body of them wef^ found 
by his scouts on the field, still revelling among the 
spoils of the camp, and diverting themselves in high 
glee. Scott attacked them abruptly with three de- 
tachments, in as many directions, at the same mo- 
ment They were completelv surprised and routed. 
At least two hundred were killed on the spot ; the re- 
mainder fled, and Scott's force returned triumphandy , 
to head-quarters, carrying home seven pieces of St 
Clair's cannon. 

The effect of this defeat upon the Turde's mind 
and upon those of his countrymen generally, was 
abundandy sufficient to exasperate, without having 
the slightest tendency either to intimidate or discour- 

« A few dajrs ago,**— says, in the summer of 1792, a 
letter-writer from Fort Knox, cited in the principal 
journals of the day, — *< several chiefs came in from 
Opee, a place high upon the Illinois river, and in their 
speech to Major Hamtranck told him they were fre- 
quendy invited and threatened by ^ Miamies^ to in- 
duce them to go to war with us, that we must keep good 
heart, for we shall have a great many more to fight 
this year than last ; and that they wished us success, 

* New-York papers. Most of the statements in the 
text are corroborated by all the standard histories of tb» 

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and hoped vv-e ^ould give them a hearty drubbing,'* 
Something is suggested about British instigation, and 
the writer concludes thus. "Indeed every intelli- 
gence we have received from the Miami vUlageSj cor- 
roborates this, so far as to convince us that there will 
be twice as many Indians in the field this year as there 
were last,— so that I think a few of us will be apt to 
lose our hair." 

It will be observed that the Miamies are here re- 
IpEurded as the leadingtribe in the hostile combination. 
So undoubtedly they were, and that alone sufficiently 
indicates the influence exorcised by the Turtle. Hence 
it was, in no small degite, that the predictions of the 
Indians at Fort Knox, were but too accurately and 
speedily fulfilled. During 1792, the depredations of 
the savaffe» became noore furious and ferocious than 
ever before ; and some of the most tragical scenes 
recorded in history took place on the long line of the 
frontiers. We shall detail a single well-authenticated 
instance, to illustrate the exposure of the citizens in 
what was then perhaps the most populous section of 
tlie West. 

A dwelling-house in Kentucky was attacked by a 
party of Indians. The proprietor, Mr. Merrill, was 
alarmed by the barking of his dog. On going to 
the door he received the fire of the assailants, which 
broke his right leg and arm.. They attempted to 
enter the house, but were anticipated in tlieir move- 
ment by Mrs. Merrill and her daughter, who closed 
the door in so effectual a manner as to keep them at 
bay. They next began to hew a passage through the 
door, and one of toe warriors attempted to enter 
through the aperture ; but the resolute mother seizing 
an axe, gave him a fatal blow upon the head, and then 
with the assistance of her daughter, drew his body 
in. His companions without, not apprized of his fate, 
but supposing him successful, followed through the 
same aperture, and four of the number were thus kill- 
ed before their mistake was discovered. They now 
retired a few momenta^ but soon returned, and xo« 

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newed their exertions to force the house. Despairioff 
of entering by the door, they climbed upon the roo^ 
and made an effort to descend by the chimney. 
Mr. Merrill directed his little son to empty the con- 
tents of a large feather-bed upon the fire^ which soon 
caused so dense and pungent a smoke, as nearly to 
suffocate those who had made this desperate attempt^ 
and two of them fell^ into the fire-place. The dmh 
ment was critical ; the mother and daughter could iioC 

Suit their stations at the door; and the husbandf 
lough groaning with his broken leff and arm, rous« 
ing eveiy exertion, seized a billet of wood, and wi^ 
repeated blows despatched the two half«moCbere^ 
Indians. In the meandme it^ mother had repeHed 
a frerii assault upon the doer, and severely wounded 
one of the Indians, wlio attempted mmultaneousiy to^ 
enter there, while the o^rs descended the chiixH 

We find no particukr evidence that the Turde was 
concerned in any of these petty forays, which indeed 
were certainly attended with no honor, while they in- 
flicted more damage and alarm than any other events 
of this memorable war. He however commanded, a 
iwdy of Indians who, in November, 1792, made a vi- 
olent attack on a detachment of Kentucky vohinteers^ 
headed by Major Adair, (mnce Governor) under the 
walls of Foit St. Clair. The contest was sevei^ and 
sangtiinary. The savages were at length repulsed-^ 
with coQsidenible loss, according to some accounta— > 
but Marshall, who is sufficiently careful of the honor 
of his countrymen, ailowa that the Major, ajfter a gal- 
lant resistance, was compelled to retreat to the n»t, 
(about half a mile) with the loss of six men kiHed, and 
the camp-equipage and one hundred and forty pacfe- 
hoTMs taken. The IncHans lost but two men. The 
Turde was also in the action of Fort Recovery, which 
look phMse In June, 1794, and in whidi alarge deiadi- 


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ment of Ametiean troops, under Major MclVIaboiii 
was defeated. 

Repeated efforts were madel>y the American Gror-- 
emment, during these three years, for the conclusion 
of a treaty of peace. Several of the Senecas, and other 
New-Yoik Indians were employed as mediators to 
this dnd. To some extent they succeeded, or at least 
were thought to have done so, — it being announced, 
late in the fail of 1792, that the Miamies had consent- 
ed to a truce till the next spring ; but at the end of 
that term, if not before, hostilities were renewed with 
as much vigor as ever. Only a few months previous, 
three Americans, sent to the enemy vrith nags and 
proposals of peace, were murdered in cold blood,— 
an act for which M>me palliating provocations were 
alleged by those wno committed it, but which never 
was deliberately justified by their leaders.* 

But the successes of the enemy were drawing to A 
close. General Wayne had been appointed to the 
command of the American army, than whom per* 
haps no man in the country was better qualified to 
meet the emergencies of an Indian virarmre in the 
woods. The Indians were themselves, indeed, sensi* 
Me of tfiis fact, and the mere intelligence of h)s ap- 
proach probably had its effect on their spirits. They 
universally called him the Black Snake, firom the su- 
perior cuiining whidi they ascribed to him ; and even 
allowed him the credit of bein^ a fair match for 
Buckongahelas, Blue-Jacket, or the Turtle himself 

Wayne prosecuted the decisive campaign of 1794 
vdth a spint which justified the estimate of his ene- 
my, although, owing to the difficulties of transport- 

*** When the news Was carried to the toWn (a Sha- 
wanese village) that a white man with a peaoe-taik had 
been killed at the camp, it excited a great iertnent, and 
the murderers were much censured/' Ae. — MurskaU*9 
Kentucky. The brave Colonel Hardin, ^ Kentucky, 
was one of the meafi6ng6T9. 


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ing itores and pro^sions through a wUdernesa which 
at that time could oot be traversed by wagons, be 
was unable to commence operations until near mid- 
summer. He had already, in the fall of the previous 
season, erected Fort Recovery on the site of St Clair's 
defeat ; and early in August, he raised a fortification 
at the confluence of the An-Glaize and Miami, which 
he named Fort Defiance. His whole force wastiow 
nearly two thousand regulars, exclusive of eleven hun- 
dred mounted Kentucky militia under (General Scott* 
Here he had expected to surprise the neighboring vil- 
lages of the enemy ; and the more effectually to en- 
sure the success of his coup-de-main, he had not only 
advanced thus far by an obscure a. ^ very difficult 
route, but taken pains to clear out twu- roads from 
Greenville in that direction, in order to attract and di- 
vert the attention of the Indians, while he marched 
by neither. But his generalship proved of no avaiL 
The Turtle and his comrades kept too vigilant an eye 
on the foe they were now awaiting, to be easily sur- 
prised, even had not their movements been quick- 
ened, as they were, by the information of an American 

On the 12th of the month, the General leame4 
from some of the Indians taken prisoners, that their 
main body occupied a camp near the British garrison, 
at the rapids of the Mianii. But he now resolved, 
before approaching them much nearer, to try the ef- 
fect of one more proposal of peace. He had in his 
army a man named Miller, who had long been a cap- 

* Therei were some friendly Indians, mostly from south- 
em tribes, who fought under Wayne and Scott during 
the season of 1794 ; and among the rest about sixty 
Choctaws, commanded by a brave chief commonly 
called GxNERAL Hummingbird, who more recently dis- 
tinguished himself in the last war against the Creeks, (as 
the allies of the British.) He died December 23d, 1828 
aged seventy-five, at his residence near the Choctaw 
agency, where he was buried with the honors ef war. 

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tire with some of the tribes, imd he select^id him for 
the hazardous enterprize. 

Miller did not like the scheme. It was his opinion, 
from what he had ob|ierved, that the Indians were unal- 
terably determined on war, and that they would not re- 
spect a flag, but probably kill him : in short, he declinM 
being the ambassador. Greneral Wayne, however, 
could think of no other as well qualified ; and being 
anxious to make the experiment he assured Miller 
that he would hold the eight prisoners then in his cus- 
^ tody, as pledges for his s^ety, and Uiat he might take 
with him any escort he desu^. Thus encouraged, 
the soldier consented to go with (he message ; and to 
attend him, he selected m>m the prisoners, one of the 
men, and a squaw. With these he left camp at 4 
o'clock, P. M. on the 13th ; and next morning at day- 
break, reached the tents of the hostile chiefi, which 
were pear together, and known by his attendants^ 
without being discby^red. He immediately dis- 
played his flag, and proclaimed himself ^a messen- 
ger." Instantly he was assailed on all sides^ with a 
hideous yell, and a call, to *^ Kill the runner ! Kill the 
spy !" But he, accosting them in their own language, 
and forthwith explaining to them his real character, 
they suspended the blow, and took him into custody. 
He shewed and explained the General's letter; not 
omitting the positive assurance, that if they did not 
send the bearer back to him by the 16th of the month, 
he would, at sunset of that day, cause every sol- 
dier in his camp to be put to death. Miller was close- 
ly confined, and a council called by the chiefs. On 
the 15th, he was liberated, and flemished with an 
answer to Greneral Wayne, stating, " that if he wait- 
ed where he was ten days, and then sent Miller for 
iiera, they would treat ^vith him; but tljat if he ad* 
fanced, they would give him battle." The General's 
tnpatience had prevented his waiting the return of his 
Ainister. On the 16th, Miller came up with the ar- 
my on its march, and delivered tbeanswer; to which 
lie added, that ^^fix>m the manner in which the In- 

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dians wtm d ro a wd and painted, and the eoBftant aF- 
rival of parties, it was bis opinion, they had de- 
termined on war, and only wanted time to muster their 
whole force."* 

This intelligence of couise did not serve to check 
theea^mess of the General, and he rapidly contin- 
ued his march down the Miami. On the 18th he 
reached the rapids. On the 19th he halted to recon- 
noitre, within a few miles of the enemy's camp, and 
threw up a temporary woit, which he called Fort De- 
poaite, Elarly m the morning of the 20th he re-^ 
eumed his march in that direction, and about 10 o'clock 
his spies, a mile in advance, were fired on. The ar- 
my was halted, and put in order of battle, and then 
moved forward in three columns. ' Wayne's legion, 
occupying the right, had its flfink upon the river; one 
brigade of mounted volunteers, under General Todd, 
occupied the left; and the other, under General Barbee^ 
the rear. Major Price, with a select battallion, nioved 
m front, to < feel* the enemy, and to give the troops 
timely notice to form. After penetrating about five 
miles, he received a tremendous fire from an ambus- 
cade, and fell back upon the main ^ce. 

The Indians were advantageouslv posted in the for- 
est of Presqu'-Isle ; having their left seciuied by the 
rocky bank of the river, and their front by a kind of 
breast-work of fallen trees, which rendered it imprac- 
ticable for cavalry to advance. -They were formei^ 
in three lines, witbin supporting distance, and exten- 
^ ding nearly two miles into the woods. 

Wayne's legion immediately advanced in two col 
umns, with trailed arms, expecting to rouse the en- 
emy from the covert with the bayonet ; and when up^ 
to deliver a close fire upon their backs, and press them 
so hard as npt to give them time to reload. He soom 
saw, from the weight of their fire, and the extent of 
their lines, that the Indians were in full force, in pos- 
' "I of their favorite ground, and endeavoring ta 

•MarahaU. " 

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t t lAN BIOOftAPfiY. 257 

tum his left flaok. He instantly ordered Genera] Scot^ 
with his whole force, to make a coDsiderable circuit 
with a view to outtoik them ; but the legionaiy in- 
fimtry executed their orders with such promptitude, 
that ooly a part of the second column, and of the 
mounted yolunteers, could be brought up to partici- 
pate in the action. The Indians flying from their 
concealment, only confused each other by their num- 
bers; and they were driven mok^ than two miles 
through thick woods, in the course of an hqur, until 
the pursuit terminated under the guns of F6rt Mau- 
mee.* ''Great slaughter was made by the legionary 
cavalry in the pursuit, so many of the savages being 
cut down with the sabre, that the title of Long-Knives^ 
long before given to the Americans, is said to have 
come again into general use at this period. General 
Wayne stated his loss at one hundred and thirty-three 
killed and wounded. That of the Indians was never 
ascertjyned, but was supposed to be much greater. 
. As Inany as seven tribes were engaged in this 
action — the Miamies, the Potawatamies, Delawares, 
Shawanees, Cjnippewas, Ottawas, and some Senecas. 
During the mght preceding the battie, the chie& 
of the different nations h^ assembled in council, 
and it w^ proposed by some, to go up and attack 
General Wayne in his encampment The proposi 
tion was opposed, and^the council did not determine 
to attack him that night ; but all acceded to another 
suggestion, to wait until the next day, and fight the 
G^eral at Presqu'-Isle. The Turtie alone disap- 
proved of this plan, while Blue-Jacket was warmly m 
iavorof it. The fonner disliked the idea of fighting 
Wayne under present circumstances, and was even in- 
clined to make peace. <<We have beaten the en- 
emy," said he at the council, "twice, under separate 
jcommanders. , We cannot expect the same good fortune 
always to attend us. The Americans are now led by 
a chief who never sleeps. The night and the day are 

* MarshaU And see Appendix II. 

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alike to him : and during all the time that he has been 
marching upoa our villages, notwithstandiog the 
watchfulness of our young men, we have never been 
able to surprise him. Think well of JL Thereis some- 
thing whispers me, it would be prudent to listen to his 
offers of peace.'' On this, he was reproached by one 
of ^e chiefs with cowardice, and that ended the 
conference. Stung to the quick by a reproach which 
he was conscious be never merited, he would have 
laid the reviler dead at his feet ; but his was not the 
bravery of an assas^n. He took his post in the action, 
determined to do his duty ; and the event proved that 
he had formed no very erroneons estimate of the 
character of General Wayne.* 

The treaty of Greenville, consequent upon the 
•uccessful termination of this campaign, pr what is 
firequendy denominated Waynt^s Wwr^ was conclu- 
ded on the third of August, A. D. 1795. This trea- 
ty, the basis of most of our subsequent treaties with 
the northwestern Indians, was attended by' twelve 
tribes ; some of whom, it is believed, had never be- 
fore entered into treaty with the United States. They 
ceded an extensive tract of country, south of the lakes, 
and west of the Ohio ; together with certain specific 
tracts, including the sites of all the northwestern posts^ 
as an indemnification for the expenses of the war. Th^ 
atipulatioas of the treaty of Greenville continued un- 
broken till the battle of Tippecanoe, a period of six- 
teen years. 

Dawson, in his memoirs of General Harrison, (who 
was educated in General Wayne's fiimily,) has given 
some interesting reminiscences respecting the conclu- 
sion of tliis peace. He states, that the Turtie took a 
decidcKl part a^nst the giving up of the large tract 
of country which General Wayiie required on the 
part of the United States. This circumstance, how'^ 
ever, was not unfavorable to the attainment of the ob • 
ject, as it was evident there was a violent jealousy 


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U99IAN BiC¥3SAPHr. 99 

of th)3 Turtle, among most of .the Ottawas, Chip- 
peWas, ami Potanratamies, so that they invariably 
opposed every thing which he advocated. And as 
they and their friends constituted the majority of the 
council, the Turtle was always in the minority. The 
superiority of his mind was conspicuous not only 
in their company, but in hia measures and deport- 
ment in the society of white people. The other chie& 
were all invited, in their turns, to the General's tabl^ 
and on these occasions showed themselves still sav- 
age, though many of them appeal^ much at their 
ease, and disposed of the good things of the Gener- 
al's table with evidentt satisfaction. The drinking^ 
however, was the most popular part of the entertain* 
ment, and indeed, theWThite Pigeon, a Potawalamie 
chie( could iipt refrain from expressing his gratitude 
to the Great Spirit for this, as he conceived, the best 
gift to man^ Upon being asked for a toast by Creneral 
Wayne, he rose and said, " I will give you the Great 
Spirit, and I am much obliged to him far putting so 
much sense into that man's head who first made rum." 

After the peace^was concluded, the Turtle settled 
upon Eel-River, about twenty mijes from Fort Wayne^ 
where the Americans erected for him a comfortable 
house. He frequently visited the seat of Govern- 
ment both at Philadelphia and Washington. His taste 
for civilized life being observed, the Indian agents were 
desired by the Government to furnish him with every 
reasonable accommodation for bis decent subsistence, 
— supposing that the ejKample might prove beneficial ia 
their exertions to civilize the other Indians. 

These indulgences, however, entirely destn^ed— 
for a time, at least — the Turtle's influence among the 
savages ; for some envied his good fortune, and othem 
suspected his honesty. Beinff perfectly sensible of 
this, and not a Httle chagrined by it, we may fairly 
presume that he made various attempts to recover his 
pQpularity. This was probably the secret of his op^ 
position to the interest of the United States on more 
occasions than one where it was not altogether indis- 

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pensable. But we certainly need not deiay him ok 
that account the credit of real patriotism which ha 
manifested at all times. The truth is, that, in some 
indifferent cases, whep he might have yielded to the 
demands of the American authorities without dis 
prace, he opposed them chieHy for the sake of retain 
mg or regaining his influence with his countrymen. 

Under these circumstances, however, he was of 
course liable to accusations which he did not deserve, 
— by the Indiana, of being bribed by the Government, 
and by the Americans, of thw«utiBg their purposes 
' fix^m a puerile regard to the whims ra^er than the in- 
terest of the Indians. As an instance of the lat^r, 
we may refer to the Indian Councils of 1802 and 1803; 
at Vincennes and at Fort Wayne, the result of which 
was. the convevance of an immense territonr to the 
United States from the Potawatamies, Piankishaws^ 
Weas, Eel-River Miamies^ and some other tribes or 
parts of tribes. 

Mr. Dawson states that the former of these councils 
had been recommended by the Turtle, but that when 
the time came, he refused to attend, — alleging as his 
reason, that ^the jealousy with which the chiefi 
viewed the footing he stood upon with the United 
States, would make his presence rather more injurious 
than serviceable." Now, this would seem to be a suf* 
ficient explanation; and yet the historian does not 
hesitate to say, that the Turtle had just before been 
visited, bribed and gained over by the British-Indian 
agent, Mc'Kee. This is asserted without qualifica- 
tion, although the same paragraph shows that the testi- 
mony in the case was nothing more than the ^ opinion' 
of a *Mr. Wells.* It is added Uiat, ** however that mi^ht 
be'* — ^implying a doubt after all — ^the Turtle certain- 
ly used his influence to prevent the other chiefs from 
attending the Council. This might be true, but it 
]>roves at best, only that he made some farther exer-. 
tion to clear himself of that suspicion amcHig the In- 
dians which he gave as his reason for not attending 

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nmiAM miooRAPHT. 9Sl 

the council, and at the same time to obviate the ne- 
cessity itKlf of attending. 

The result proves the correctness of his judgment 
Those who did attend were at first extrem^y op- 
posed to Governor Harrison's propositions ; but after 
considerable discussion they determined to refer the 
whole matter^^nd it was one of no small moment to 
the Indian interest — ^to fiur chiefs of the various tribes 
represented, or a majority of them, " to finaUy settle 
and adjust a treaty " with the Agents of the Govern- 
ment At the head of the commission was the Turtte 
himself; and his nephew, Richa&ville, a member of 
the same tribe, was another. 

Had any other courle been taken than this, for 
which the Turde is accused of corruption, it is prob- 
able that the treaty would never have been auti^ov- 
ized, notwithstanding the tribes were deliberately con- 
vinced of its policy,— for the ptetenee of the Turde 
would have been an argument to counteiiNilance all 
others. The historian does the Chieflain better justice 
in the sequel A meedng of the Commissioners with 
the Governor having been appointed for the spring of 
1803, to be held at Fort Wayne, the latter, on arriving 
there, was ai^oni^ed to find that all who had agreed 
to attend, were still absent, while the Turtle, who had 
only been auOunized to act in the premises, was on 
&e spot, together vrith the Potawatamie Chiefi. It 
■eems they had by this time grown jealous again; and it 
comes out in evidence, that the Owl, or Lono-Beard, 
had been Inisily employed in dissuading the Indians 
from meeting him, and that his representations had 
been efj^tuad in many cases. The Owl, dei^ite his 
name, was as subUe as he was wicked, and he 
found means to detach the Miami nation almost en- 
tirely from the interests of the Turde and Rieb- 
arvifle, who were the real chieis of the tribe. This 
he effected by asserting that the former had sold to 
the United States the whole country, and that it would 
be claimed as it might be wanted. He earnestly ad- 
vised them not to iiccept any annuities in fiiture, at^ 


simng them that the United States would at a ibtare 
day claim a large tract of land for every annuity 
which they- might pay to the Indians. 

We have before mentioned that when Buckongahe- 
las and other chiefs finally attended at Fort Wayne, 
and opposed the treaty, it was efieoted, according to 
the historian's statement, principally by the influence 
of the Turtle. It appears to have been on the whole 
a measure mutually beneficial to the two contracting 
parties ; but tlie Turtle no doubt thought that an agree- 
ment once made should be ratified at all- events, .what- 
ever the effect might be on his own popularity. 

There is probably more justice in the chai^ge brought 
against him in regard to the treaty concluded with the 
Piankashaws and Delawares, in 1804, — though per- 
haps not in the sense intended by the accuser. The 
Miamies were not consulted in this instance, it ap- 
pears, nor were the Potawatamies. They. belieVed 
themselves entitled to a voice in the mattes*, and were 
therefore dissatisfied, and openly expressed their dis- 
pleasure at the result It is alleged, however, that 
^no claim would have heen set up by them, had the 
Turtle been consulted wh^i the treaty was made." 

This may be true, — ^for, setting aside courtesy, he 
and his countrymen might at least have been pre- 
possessed in favor of the h(»ie8ty of the transaction, 
by an appearance of entire fi'ankness on the part of 
the whites. Not that the treaty was in fact un- 
principled ; but the manner of concluding it might 
well appear to the Indians somewhat exclusive. 
They claimed an interest in the lands conveyed, and 
a consequent right to be consulted as parties ; and 
they wished that, even if the case admitted of no ar- 
gument, they might be allowed to hear what was said, 
and to see what was done. Their anxiety was cer- 
tainly the more pardonable, inasmuch as the tract thus 
conveyed included "all that fine country between 
the Ohio and the Wabash rivers (as high up as the 
road leading from Vincennes to Louisville,) with a 
fxoDt of three hundred miles on the one and near^ 

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htif as much on the other." It further appears, that at 
a general council of the tribes at Vincennes, in 1805, 
a treaty was negotiated, which ** settled the dispute re- 
specting the purchase made of the Delawares the 
year before,'' — ^the Miamies and the other claimants 
being present There was really a dispute, then — and , 
it was settled — and that formally, by all the parties con- 
cerned. Ic should have been prevented, we conceive, 
instead of being settled ; and in that case, the Turtle 
might have been spared the charge of' manoBuvring* 
and ^intriguing' with the British Agents. 

He opposed the designs of Tecumseh and the 
Prophet, from the time of their first appearance on 
the political stage, and it was owing to his influence 
that very little was efiected by them among the Mia- 
mies, as well as other tribes, for a long time. Had he 
lived through the war with England, he would un- 
doubtedly have exerted himself more energetically 
for the American interest than ever before. The fol- 
lowing communication indicates the part he was pre- 
^u%d to take, subsequent to the battle of Tippecanoe* 
The < witness ' probably acted as amanuensis : — 

IM Waynt^ 25th January, 1812. 
* Governor Harrison : • 

"My friend — I have been requested by my nation 
to speak to you, and I obey their request with pleas- 
ure, because I believe their situation requires all the 
aid I can afford them. 

" When your speech by Mr. Dubois was received 
by the Miamies, they answered it, and I made known 
to you their opinion at that time. 

" Your letter to William Wells of the 23d Novem- 
ber last, has l)een explained to the Miamies and Eel- 
River tribes of Indians. 

" My fiiend — ^Although neither of these tribes have 
bad any thing to do wiui the late unfortunate afSur 
which happened on the Wabash, still they all rejoice 
to hear you say, that if those ftK)hsh Indians which 
were engaged in that action, would ntum to their 

-^—'- ^- 


ieTenl homes and remain quiet, diat they "wotild be 
]MLrdoiied, and again received by the President as his 
children. We ^lieve there i» none of them that wiU 
be so foolish, as not to accept of this friendly ofier ; 
whilst, at the same time, I assure you, that nothing 
tfiail be wanting on my part, to prevail pn them to 
accept it 

*< All the pro[^ef s followers have left him, (with the 
eicception of two camps of his own tribe.) Tecum- 
seh has just joined him with eight men only. No 
danger can be apprehended from them at preseht. 
Our eyes iriW be constantly kept on them, and should 
^y attempt to gather strength again, we will do all 
m our power to prevent it, and at the same time give 
you immediate information of their intentions. 

^We are sorry that the peace and friendship which 
has so long existed between the red and white people, 
could not be preserved, without the loss of so many 
good men as foil on both sides in the late action on 
the Wabash ; but we are satisfied that it will be the 
means of making that peace which ought t6 exist be- 
tween us, more reBpe<^ed, both by the red and the 
white people. 

*fWe have been lately told, by different Indians 
from that quarter, that jrou wii^ied the Indians from 
this country to visit you : this they will do with pleas- 
ure nvhea you give them information of it in writing. 

'^My friend i-r-The. clouds appear to be rising in a 
different quarter, which threatens to turn our Kgfat 
into darkness* T6 prevent this, it may require the 
united efforts of us alL We hope that none of us 
will be found to shrink from the stonn that threatens 
to burst upon oilr nations. 

Your friend, 

X MiscnlCANocquAR^ 

For the Miami and Eel-River tribes of Indians. 

Wm. TmiifKii, JSwgiona Mate^ U. S. Jimw. 
I eartify that tiw above is ft true tvtiidetSoik.. 



But the Turtle was destined to take no part in the 
conflict. He died -at Fort Wayne — ^probably on a 
visit to the Commandant — July 14, 1812, of a disorder 
which the army surgeon announced to be the gout He 
endured the pains of his disease, it is stated, with great 
firmness, and came to his death, on the turf of his 
open camp, with the characteristic composure of his 
race. His friend, the Commandant, buried him with 
the honors of war. 

He was said to be sixty-five years of age, by those 
who had the opportunity pf learning the fact from 
himself. That account would make him forty-five, 
— the same age with the Mississaga chieflain, — at the 
date of his great victory over St. Clair; and about 
thirty at the breaking out of the American Revolu- 
tion, during which he no doubt laid the foundation 
of his fiime. The Miamies are understood to have 
givep as much trouble during that period -as any other 
tribe on the continent ever did in as few years. 

Mr. Schoolcraft, who speaks of the Turtle in very 
handsome terms, gives him the credit of doing at 
least as much as any other individual on the continent 
«to abolish the rites of human sacrifice." The exis- 
tence, certainlv the prevalence, of the custom appa- 
rently referred to here, is not, we apprehend, perfect- 
ly well authenticated ;^ but that circumstance itself 
may perhaps be attributed to the successfiil efibrts 
made in modem times to put an end to the practice. 
If the language we have quoted is intended to in- 
clude generally all wanton destruction of hfe — such 
as tohture of prisoners, for example — ^there can be lit- 
|]e doubt of the justice of the praise, for the Turtle 
imiformly enjoyed the reputation of being as humane 
B» he was brave. 

Nor was this the only case in which he acted the 
part of a reformer, so much needed among his coun- 
trymen. He was the first man to originate an efii- 
cient system of measures for the suppression of in- 
temperance among them. And never was a similar 
system so loudly called for the condition of any peo- 

XL— Z 

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pie. Their appetite for ardent spirits is stronger tiian 
that of the whites — owing in a great measure to their 
manner of living, and especially to their diet They 
have also fewer and feebler inducements to counteract 
the propensity ; and by pvblic opinion and fashion — 
as expressed in common practice, and in the decla- 
rations of the leading men — they are confirmed in the 
evil quite as much as our citizens are restrained by 
similar causes. But worse than all, their ignorance, 
their indolence, and their poverty have made them 
the prey of legions of civilized scoundrels, — partic- 
ularly traders in peltry, — who have supposed them- 
selves interested in making them as sordid and stupid 
as possible, to induce them to hunt in the first instance, 
and to rob them of their furs in the second. 

The Turtle was no less mortified than incensed by 
these abuses. He saw his countrymen destroyed and 
destroying each other every day in peace — and no 
tribe was more besotted than the Eel- River Miam- 
ies — and he saw hundreds of them in war, at 
one time, surprised and massacred in their cups with- 
out resistance, on the very ground still ^d and wet 
with his victories. Possibly chagrin was as strong a 
motive with him as philanthrophy. But however 
that might be, he devoted himself with his usual en- 
ergy to the correction of the evil. In 1802 or 1803, 
he went before the legislature of Kentucky, attended 
by his friend and interpreter. Captain Wells, and made 
iiis appeal to them in person. A committee was rais- 
ed to consider the subject, and we believe a law pass- 
ed to prevent the sale of whiskey to the Indians, as 
he desired. He also visited the Legislature of Ohio, 
and made a highly animated address, but in that case 
obtained nothing but the honor for his pains. His der 
seri piion of the traders was drawn to the 11 fe. " They 
stripped the poor Indians," he said, " of skins, gun, 
blanket, every thing, — while his squaw and the chil- 
dren dependent' on him lay starving and shivering in 
/lis wigwam.*^ 

» .11 ■ — t 

* Mas. Documents. 

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^'rom the followiog passage in the European (Lon- 
don) Magazine of April, 18^ compiled from Ameri- 
can papers, we ascertain that the Turtle was also 
the first to introduce the practicie of inoculation for 
the small pox among the Indians, — a scourge second 
only to the one just mentioned. " Last winter," we aro 
told, ^'there was a grand embassy of Indians to the 
Pcesident and Congress at Washington. Little Turtle 
was the head-warrior. The President had supplied 
them with ploughs, spinning-wheels, &c. and to 
crown all he explained to them how the Great Spirit 
had made a donation to the white men — ^first to one in 
England, (Dr. Jenner) and then to one in America, 
JJ)r. Waterhouse, of Boston,*)— of a means of prevent- 
ing the small pox. Such a confidence had the cop- 
per-colored king in the words of his * Father,' that 
he submitted to be inoculated, together with the rest 
of the warriors." It further appeaf^ that he took a 
quantity of vaccine matter home with him, which he 
probably administered in person ; and that not long 
afi;erwards, fifteen more of his tribe visited the seat 
of government in pursuit of the same renaedy. 

We shall conclude our notice of this eminent chief- 
tain, with a few anecdotes preserved by Mr. Dawson. 

What distinguished him most, says- that writer, was 
bis ardent desire to be informed of all that relates to 
our institutions ; and he seemed tq possess a mind ca- 
pable of understanding and valuing the advantages 
of civilized life, in a degree far superior to any other 
Indian of his time. ^During the frequent visits 
which he made to the seat of government, he exam- 
ined every thing he saw with an inquisitive eye, and 
never failed to embrace every opportunity to acquire 
informadon by inquiring of those with whom he could 
take that liberty." 

Upon his return from Philadelphia, in 1797, he 
visited Governor Harrison, at that time a captain 
in the army, and commander at Fort Washington. 

* Now of Cambridge. 

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He told the Captain he had seeti many things, which 
he wished to have explained, but said he was afiuid 
of giving o^ence by asking too many questions. " My 
fiiend here,*' said he, meaning Captain Wells, the 
interpreter, ^ being about as ignorant as myself, could 
give me but little satisfaction." He then desired the 
Captain to inform him how our government was form- 
ed, and what particular powers and duties were exer« 
cised by the two houses of Congreas, by the Prea- 
dent, the Secretaries, &c. Being satisfied on this sub- 
ject, he told the Captain he had become acquainted 
with a great warrior while in Philadelphia, in whose 
fate he was much interested, and whose history he 
wished to learn. This was no other than the immor- 
tal Kosciusko : he had arrived at Philadelphia a short 
time before, and hearing that a celebrated Indian chief 
was in the city, he sent for him. They were mutu- 
ally pleased with each other, and the Turde's visits 
were often repeated. When he went to take his final 
leave of the wounded patriot, the latter presented the 
Turtle with an elegant pair of pistols, and a splendid 
robe made of the sea-otter's skin, wcuth several hmi- 
dred dollars. 

The Turde now told his host that he wished very 
much to know in what wars his friend had received 
those grievous wounds which had rendered him so 
crippled and infirm. The Captain shewed him upon 
a map of Europe the situation of Poland, and ex- 
plained to him the usurpations of its territory by the 
neighboring powers — the exertions of Kosciusko to 
fi-ee his country fi*om this foreign yoke— 4iis first vic- 
tories — and his final defeat and captivity. While he 
was describing the last unsuccessful battle of Kosci- 
usko, the Turtle seemed scarcely able to contain him- 
self. At the conclusion he traversed the room with 
great agitation, violently flourished the pipe toma- 
hawk with which he had been smoking, and exclaim- 
ed, "Let that woman take care of herself" — mean- 
ing the Empress Catharine— " this may yet be a dan- 
gerous man!" 

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The Captain explained to the Turtle sonae anec- 
dotes respecting the Empress arid her favorites, one 
of whom, — the king of Poland, — ^had at first been 
by her elevated to the throne, and afterwards driv- 
en from it. He was much astonished to find that 
men, and particularly warriors, would submit to a wo- 
man. He said that perhaps if his friend Kosciusko 
had been a portly, handsome man, he might have 
better succeeded with her majesty of all the Russias, 
and might by means of a love-intrigue have obtained 
that independence for his country, to which his skill 
and valor in the field had been found unequal. 

The Turtle was fond of joking, and was possessed 
of considerable talent for repartee. In the year 1797, 
he lodged in a house in Philadelphia, in which was 
an Irish gendeman of considerable wit, who became 
much attached to the Indian, and frequently amused 
himself in drawing out his wit by good-humored 
jests. The Turde and this gentlemen were at that 
time both sitting for their portraits — ^the former by or- 
der of the President of the United States, the picture 
to be hung up in the war-office — to the celebrated 
Stewart The two meeting one morning in the paint* 
er's room,- the Turtle appeared to be rather more 
thoughtful than usual. The Irishman rallied him upon 
it, and affected to construe it into an acknowledgment 
of his superiority in the jocular contest *' He mis- 
takes," said the Turtle to the interpreter, " I was just 
thinking of proposing to this man, to paint us both on 
one board, and here I would stand face to face with 
him, and confound him to all eternity." 

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The Seneca Chief, Red-Jacket — Circumstances under 
which he succeeded Corr-Plaittbr in his influence" 
Anecdotes of the latter — Red- Jacket's earliest oratorio 
ctH triumph — His speech at the Treaty of Canandai* 
ffua — Account of Fabmer's-Brother, and Rrandt— 
Red- Jacket's political and religious principles — Speech 
to Mr. Alexander, in 1811 — Speech to Mr. Richard- 
son — Remarks on the causes of his heathenism in the 
conduct of the whites — His militaiy career — Speech 
in favor of declaring war against the British, in 1812 
— Seneca Manifesto— Red-Jacket's interview with 
Washington — His interview with Lafayette — His Me- 
morial to the New- York Legislature — Speech to a Mis- 
siona^ in 1825 — His deposition and restoration in 
1827 — Visits to the Atlantic cities — Death and funeral 
obsequies — ^Aneodotes. 

The Indian orator of rood^n times, p€tr exceUencCf 
was the New-York Chief, Saguoaha, or the Keeper- 
Awake, but by the whites commonly called Red- 
Jacket ; — a man who, with whatever propriety he 
might hie entitled *the Last of the Senecas,' has at 
least transiently renewed, in these latter days, the an- 
cient glory of the Mingoes. " Thy name is princely,** 
•*-a popular writer has said of him,— 

Though no poet's macic 

Could make Red- Jacket grace an English rhyme. 
Unless he had a c^enius for the tragic, 
And introduced it in a pantomime ; 

Yet it is music in the language spoken 

Of thine own land ; and on her herald-roll, 
As nobly fought for, and as proud a token 
As CcBur-de-Lion*s of a warrior's soul.* 

»■■ J 

* Talisman for 1830. 

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This, by the way, is coDi^erably nearer the truth 
than the statemect in a precediDg stanza: 

^Tradition's pages 

Tell not the planting of thy parent tree ; 
But that the forest tribes haye oent for ages, 
To thee and to thy sires the subject knee. 

Better historical, if not poetical authority informa 
us, that the Seneca literally ^ fought ' for his rank, if 
not for his name ; and that, like the subject of our 
last notice, he owfed nothing to the advantages of il- 
lustrious birth.* We should add, however, that the 
struggle was in the council-house as well as in the 
field of battle. " A warrior I" — he once (and probably 
more than once) had the modesty to say of himsel]^ 
with a smile of contempt, when some enquiries were* 
made respecting the deeds of blood which are some- 
times supposed to constitute the chara6ter of an In- 
dian ; — ^** A Warrior ! I am an Oraior. I was horn 
an Orator!" 

The predecessor of Red-Jacket, in the respect of 
the Senecas, and of the Confederacy at large, was a 
celebrated chief named by the English the Corn- 
Plaxvter, a personage also well known for his elo- 
quence, and worthy on that account to be distinctly 
commemorated, were there on record any definite and 
well authenticated sketches of his efibrts. Unfortu- 
nately, there are not The speeches commonly as- 
cribed to him, are believed to have been mosdy com- 
posed by some of his civilized acquaintances, rath- 
er on the principle of those efiusions usually at- 
tributed to popular candidates for the gallows. Still, 
there is less reason, we apprehend, for doubting hia 
real ^nius, than for disputing his nationality. He 
considered himself a half-breed,f his father being an 

* Governor Clinton's Discourse before the New- York 
Historical Society : 1811. 
i Appendix, III. and Yl. 

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Indian, according to his own account, and his mother 
a white woman. 

By a singular comhination of circumstances, Red 
Jacket was brought forward into public Ufe, and that 
to great advantage, mainly in consequence of the 
same incident which destroyed the influence of Com 
Planter. This, indeed, had been rather declining for 
some time, owing partly to his agency in effecting a 
large cession of Seneca land to the American Gov- 
ernment, at the treaty of Fort Stanwix, in 1784. 
His loss of popularity, in fine, bitterly chagrined 
him, and he resolved on a desperate exertion to 
restore it. With this view, he undertook to prac- 
tice upon the never-failing superstition of his coun- 
trymen, by persuading his brother to announce him- 
self as a Prophd,^-6? course commissioned by the 
Great Spirit * to redeem the fallen fortunes of hisrace,' 
— that is, his own. 

The savages listened to the new pretender with all 
the veracious credulity which characterises the race. 
Among the Onondagas, previously the most drunken 
and profligate of the Six Nations, he acquired such 
an ascendancy, as to induce them to abandon the use 
of spirituous liquors entirely, and to observe the com- 
mon laws of morality and decency in some other re- 
spects, wherein they had before been grievously defi- 
cient. Indeed, among the Confederates generally, he 
obtained a supremacy equal to that of the same char- 
acter obtained by Elskwatawa among the western 
tribes, not far from the same time. The Oneidas 
alone rejected him. "" 

Like that notorious impostor, too, he soon availed 
himself, for evil purposes, of the confidence gained by 
the preliminary manifestation of good. A cry of 
*witchcrafl*was raised, and a sort of examining com- 
mittee of conjurors was selected to designate the 
offenders. And that duty was zealously discharged. 
The victims were actually sentenced, and would 
doubtless have been executed, but for the interference 

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of the magistrate? of Oneida and the officers of the 
garrisoEf at Niagara. 

But neither the Corn-Planter nor his pious coadju- 
tor was yet discouraged. Nothing hut an accident 
had prevented success, and the fiiilure only made it 
tlie more imperatively necessary to try the experi- 
ment again. Red-Jacket was publicly denounced, 
dis accusers came forward at a great Indian council 
held at Bufialo Creek. *<At this crisis," says an emi- 
nent writer, *^ he well knew that the future color of 
his life depended upon the powers of his mind. He 
spoke in his defence for near three hours. The iron 
brow of superstition relented under the magic of his 
eloquence; he declared the Prophet an impostor and 
a cheat ; he prevailed ; the Indians divided, and a 
small majority appeared in his fiivor. Perhaps the 
annals of history cannot furnish a more con^icuous 
instance of the triumph and power of oratory, in a 
barbarous nation, devoted to superstition, and looking 
up to the accuser as- a delegated minister of the Al- 
mighty." * 

If -this anecdote be true, — and we are not aware of 
its having been doubted^ — ^the Orator, whatever be 
said of his genius as such, hardly deserved the precise 
compliment which is paid him by his eulogist in 
verse. " Is eloquence,** he asks, $» a monarch*s merit ?" 

^Her spell is thine that reaches 

The heart, and maked the wisest head its sport, 
, And there's one rare, strange virtue in thy speeches. 
The secret of their mastery — thfy are short. 

But the Seneca's case, it must be allowed, was one 
of clear compulsion; and he probably felt, on the oc- 
casion in question, very little of the impatience which 
induced Home Tooke to say, after a noble friend's 
plea of eleven hours in his behalf before the Com- 
mons, that ** he would rather be hanged, another time^ 
than defended.** 

* Discourse of Governor Clinton. 

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Such Was die Orator's finit triujnph. It was not^ 
however, his first effort ; for niany years before the 
traDsaction just referred to, as we suppose, when 
Red-Jacket was probably about thirty years of ase, — 
aud at a period when our relations with all the Indians 
are well known to have been continually wavering, — 
a treaty was held with the Sjx Nations on the beauti- 
ful acclivity which overlooks the Canandaigua Lake. 
Some reminescences of it, bearing a high interest, 
have reached us, on the authenticity of which ive do 
not hesitate to rely. 

** Two days," says our authority,* " had passed away 
in negotiation with the Indians for a cession of their 
lands. The contract was supposed to be nearly com- 
pleted, when Red-Jacket arose. With the grace and 
dignity of a Roman senator, he drew his blanket 
around him, and, with a piercing eye» surveyed the 
multitude. All was hushed. Nothing interposed to 
break the silence, save the gentie rusthng of the tree- 
tops, under whose shade they were gathered. After 
a long and solemn, but not unmeaning pause, he com- 
menced his speech in a low voice and a sententious 
style. Rising.gradually with his subject, he depicted 
the primitive simplicity and happiness of his nation, 
and the wrongs they had sustained fit)m the usurpa- 
tions of white men, with such a bold but faithful pen- 
cil, that every auditor was soon roused to vengeance, 
or melted into tears. 

The effect was inexpressible. But ere the emo- 
tions of admiration and sympathy had subsided, the 
white men became alarmed. They were in the heart 
of an Indian country, surrounded by more than ten 

* The writer of a communication on * Indian Biogra- 
phy,' for the New-York American, about ten years 
since. We give him credit for his statements of facts, 
though we cannot concur with him in charging Red- 
Jacket with * cowardice.' He adds, " It was only at th« 
• Council-fire * he shone pre-eminent. There, indeed, fas 
was great. The belittlinff simplicity of his name dii 
not seem to detract from t£e splendors of his eloquenoA ' 

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dmet thdr number, who were inflamed by tbe re 
membrance of their injuries, and excited to indigna* 
tion by the eloquence of a favorite chief. Appalled 
and terrified, the white men cast a cheerless gaze up- 
on the hordes around them. A nod from the chiefs 
might be the onset of destruction. At that porten- 
tous moment, Farmer's-Brother interposed. He re- 
plied not to his brother chief; but, with a sagacity tru- 
ly aboriginal, he caused a cessation of the council, 
introduced good cheer, commended the eloquence of 
Red-Jacket, and, before the meeting had re-assem- 
bled, with the aid of other prudent chiefs, he had 
moderated the fury of his nation to a more salutaiy 
review of the question before them." 

The council came together again in cooler blood, 
and the treaty was concluded. The Western District 
at this day, it is added, " owes no small portion of its 
power and influence to the councils of a savage, in 
comparison with whom for genius, heroism, virtue, or 
any other quality that can adorn the bauble of a dia- 
dem, not only George the IV. and Louis le Desir6, 
but the Grerman Emperor jand the Czar of Muscovy, 
alike dwindle into insignificance." 

This somewhat warmly expressed compliment, — 
the extravagance of which in an old fiiend of the sub- 
ject, may be excused in its good feeUng,- — ^reminds us 
of the consideration feally due to a man distinguished 
not alone as a competitor with o^r hero for savage 

Except as related to oratory^ he was a competi- 
tor in the same course. The name of Farmer's- 
Brother was merely arbitrary. He was a warrior in 
principle and in practice, and he spumed agriculture 
and every other civilized art, with the contempt of 
Red-Jacket himself. In the war between France 
and England, wl^ch resulted in the conquest of Can- 
ada, he fought against the latter, and probably under 
the remote command of the great Ottawa * Emperor* 
of the north. One of his exploits in the contest is 
■till told to the traveller who passes a noted stream 

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not very far from the aneient Fort Niagara, in the 
vicinity of which it occurred. The particulars come 
to us authenticated by one to whom they were fur- 
nished by the Farmer himself on the site of the ad- 

There, with a party of Indians, he lay in ambush, 
patiently awaiting the approach of a guard that ac- 
companied the English teams employed between the 
fells of Niagara a^ the garrison, which had there 
lately surrendered to Sir William Johnston. The 
place selected for that purpose is now known by the 
name of the Devil's Hole, and is three and a half 
miles below the famous cataract upon the American 
side of the strait The mind can scarcely conceive a 
more dismal looking den. A large ravine, occasion- 
ed by the falling in of the perpendicular bank, made 
dark by the spreading branches of the birch and ce- 
dar, which had taken root below, and the low mur- 
muring of the rapids in the chasm, added to the sol- 
emn thunder of the cataract itself, conspire to render 
the scene truly awful. The English party were not 
aware of the dreadful fate that awaited them. Un- 
conscious of danger, the drivers were gaily whistling 
to their dull ox-teams. Farraer's-Brother and his 
band, on their arrival at this spot, rushed from the 
thicket that had concealed them, and commenced a 
horrid but(;hery. So unexpected was such an event, 
and so conipletely were the English disarmed of their 
presence of mind, that but a feeble resistance was 
made. The guard, the teamsters, th6 oxen and the 
waggons, were precipitated into the gulf. But two 
of them escaped ; a Mr. Stedman, who lived at Schi- 
oper, above the falls, being mounted on a fleet horsey 
made good his retreat ; and one of the soldiers, who 
was caught on the projecting root of a cedar, which 
sustained him until assured, by the distant yell of the 
savages, that they had quitted the ground.— It is the 
rivulet, pourine itself down this precipice, whose 
name is the only monument that records the massft- 

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ete* It is said to have been literally colored with 
the blood of the vanquished. 

In the Revolutionary War, Farmer's-Brother 
evinced his hostiUty to the Americans upon every oc- 
casion that presented itself; and, with the same zeal, 
he engaged in the late war against his former friends, 
the English. 

Another anecdote of this Chief will show, in more 
glowing colors, the real savage. A short time before 
our army crossed the Niagara, Farmer's-Brother 
chanced to observe an ^dian, who had mingled with 
the Senecas, and whom he instantly recognized as 
belonging to the Mohawks, a tribe Uving in Canada, 
and then employed in the service of the enemy. He 
went up to him, and addressed him in the Indian 
tongue — ^ I know you well — ^you belong to the Mo- 
hawks — ^jrou are a spy — here is my rifle — ^my toma- 
hawk — my scalpmg-knife. I give you your choice 
which I shall use, but I am in haste." The young 
warrior, finding resistance vain, chose to be put to . 
death with a rine. He was ordered to lie down up- 
on the grass, while, with his left foot upon the breast 
of the victim, the Chief lodged the contents of his rifle 
in his head. 

With so much of the savage, Farmer's-Brother pos- 
sessed some noble traits.' He was as firm a friend 
where he promised fidelity, as a bitter enemy to those 
against whom he contended ; and would lose the last 
drop of blood in his veins sooner than betray the 
cause he had espoused. He was fond of recounting 
bis exploits, and dwelt with much saticrfaction upon 
the number of scalps he had taken in his i^irmishes 
with the whites. In company with several other 
chiefi, he once paid a visit to General Washington, 
who presented him with a mlver medal. This he 
constantly wore suspended from his neck ; and so 

Erecious did he esteem the gift, that he was oflen 
card to declare he would lose it only with his life. 
Soon after the battles of Chippewa and Bridgewa- 
ter, this veteran warrior paid the debt of nature, aged 
IL— A a 

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more than dgfaty years, at the Seneca Tillage, where, as 
a mark of respect for his disdnguished Dravenr, die 
fifth regiment of United States Infantry interred hiun 
with military honors.* 

Another elder contemporary of Red-Jacket was 
the Mohawk chief Brandt, * the accursed Brandt' of 
Gertrude of Wyoming^ whom, however, we think it 
the less necessary to notice at much length, from hia 
being, Uke the Uom-Planter, only a half-breed. In 
the French and English war, he rendered some ser- 
vices to the former. In the Revolution, he was com«- 
missioned Colonel in the English army, and distin- 
guished himself in the horrid massacre at Wyoming. 
His services were rewarded by the present of a fine 
tract of land on the western shores of Lake Ontario. 
One of his sons, an iutelligent, high-minded man, 
quite civilized, and much esteemed by his American 
acquaintances, a few years since laudably undertook 
the vindication of his father's memory from the often 
repeated charges of treachery and cruelty, but we 
apprehend wiSi rather more zeal than success. The 
father deceased m 1807 ; the son, only a month or 
two since.* 

To return to Red- Jacket After his first oratorical 
triumph, he rose as rapidly as the Com-Plantef de- 
clined in the esteem oi his countrymen. The lattor 
withdrew fipom the rivalry,f but the ambition of his suc- 
cessor was thoroughly aroused. He burned to be, 
and to be called, the Great Speaker of his nation and 
his age ; to renew that glorious era when the white 
men trembled at the breath of Garangula ; to feel and 
to make felt 

The monarch mind — themysterv of commanding — 
The godlike power — ^the art Napoleon^ 

Of winning, fettering, moulding, wielding, banding 
The hearts of milhons, till they move lue one. 

* See Village Register, American, and other New- 
Tork papers of about 1820.— Also, Appendix, V and YL 
t The Prophet died in 18X6 

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And he succeeded as far perhaps as could be expect- 
ed in the circumstances of the modem Seneca, as 
compared with those of the orator who bearded the 
Canadian ]ion in his den. More than a century had 
since elapsed, during which the proud confederacy 
that had kept all other nations on the continent at 
bay was reduced to a few lingering, scattered set- 
tlements, — surrounded and crowded by civilization, — 
perhaps besotted in vice, — ^where the very ground of 
their ancient council-halls scarcely was sought for. 
With such discouragements in his way, the young 
Orator deserves some credit for making t^ie exertions 
he did, and his countrymen for rewarding them as 
they were able. They elected him a chief; and then 
upon all occasions obeyed him in peace, and followed 
him in war. 

Red- Jacket justified their confidence by a strict ad- 
herence t© principles which on the whole are equally 
creditable to his heart and head, although either the 
policy itself, or his singular pertinacity in maintaining 
it, no doubt made him many adversaries and some 
enemies, even with his own people. He had early 
reflected upon and fell deeply the impotent insignifi- 
cance to which the tribes were reduced ; — and 1^ re- 
solved, if he could not restore them to their primitive 
position, at least to stay the progress of ruin. How 
should, this be done, — was the great question, — by re- 
ceiving civilization, or by resisting it ? 

He determined on the latter ahemative, and firom 
that hour never in the slightest degree swerved from 
his resolution to drive away and keep away every in- 
novation on the character, and every intrusion on the 
territory of the nation. Traders, travellers, teachers, 
missionaries, speculators in land, were regarded with 
the same jealousy. In a word, he labored against 
circumstances whose force had now become inevita- 
ble and irresistable, to maintain a system of complete 
Indian Independence, which few of his countiymen 
understood, and still fewer were willing to practice. 

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And this is the trait which distiDguishes his char* 
acter fit>in the majority of those we have hereto- 
fore sketched. Some of the most emlDent of the 
number, like Pontiac and Little-Turtle, were anx- 
ious to avail them^elres of the arts of civilization at 
least, were it only for purposes of offence and defence 
against the race whom they borrowed from ; and 
scarcely any were opposed,.other than incidentally, to 
their introduction into Indian use. But Red-Jacket 
was a Pagan in principle. He advocated as well as 
acted Paganism on all occasions. He was prouder 
pf his genuine Indiamam, if possible, than he was of 
his oratory. His bitterest foe could not deny him tho 
merit of mmkness. 

One of his clearest manifestoes, in explanation of 
his system, was delivered as long ago as May, I8II9 
before a council of the Senecas, held at Bufialo 
Creek, in the form of a speech to the Rev. M(. Alex 
ander, a missionary from a Society in the city of New • 
York, whose commission the address itself sufficient • 
ly explains. 

** Brother !" — the Orator began, with a complaisance 
which never, under any excitement, deserted him, — 
"Brother! — ^We listened to the talk you delivered us 
from the Council of Black-Coats,* in New- York. 
We have fully considered your talk, and the ofiers 
you have made us. We now return our answer, 
which we wish you 9\bo to understand. In making 
up our minds, we have looked back to remember 
what has been done in our days, and what our &th- 
ers have told us was done in old times. 

"Brother!— Great numbers of Black-Coats have 
been among the Indians. With sweet voices and 
smiling faces, they offered to teach them the religicm 
of the white people. Our brethren in the East listen- 
ed to them. They turned from the religion of their 
Others, and took up the religion of the white peofde. 

* His usual designation of Clergymen. 

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What good ha& it done ? Are they more friendly one 
to another than we are ? No, Brother ! They are a 
divided people ; — we are united. They quarrel about 
religion ; — we Uve in love and friendship. Besides^ 
they drink strong waters. And they have learned 
how to cheat, and how to practice all the other vices 
of the white people, without imitating their virtues. 
Brother ! — If you wish us well, keep away ; do not 
disturb us. 

" Brother ! — ^We do not worship the Great Spirit as 
the white people do, but we believe that the forms of 
worship are indifferent to the Great Spirit. It is the 
homage of sincere hearts that pleases him, and we 
worship him in that manner. 

" According to your religion, we must believe in a 
Father and Son, or we shall not be happy hereafter. 
We have always believed in a Father, and we wor- 
ship him as our old men taught us. Your book isays 
that the Son was sent on earth by the Father. Did 
all the people who saw the Son believe him ? No ! 
they did not. And if you have read the book, the 
consequence must be known to you. 

"Brother ! — ^You wish us to change our religion for 
yours. We like our religion, and do not want anoth- 
er. Our friends here, [pointing to Mr. Granger, the 
Indian Agent, and two other whites,*] do us great 
good ; they counsel us in trouble ; they teach us how 
to be comfortable at all times. Our friends the Qua- 
kers do more. They give us {^loughs, and teach us 
how to use them. They tell us we are accountable 
beings. But they do not tdll us we must change our 
religion. — We are satisfied with what they do, and 
with wha^ they say. 

"Brother'— For these reasons we cannot receive 
your offers. We have other things to do, and beg 
you to make your mind easy, wiuiout troubling us^ 

* An Indian Interpreter, and an Agent of the Society 
of Friends for improving the condition of the Indians. 

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lest our heads should be too much loaded, ami by and 
by burst,'* 

At the s^me Council, theibllowmg reply was made 
by Red- Jacket, in behalf of his tribe, to the applica- 
tion of a Mr. Richardson, to buy out theu* right to 
the reservations lyinff in the territory commonly call- 
ed the Holland Purchase. 

"Brother! — ^We opened our ears to the talk you 
lately delivered to us, at our council-fire. In doing 
important business it is best not to tell Ipng stories^ 
but to come to it in a few words. We therefore shall 
not repeat your talk, which is fi'esh in our minds. 
We have well considered it, and the advantages and 
disadvantages of your offers. We request your atten- 
tion to our answer, which is hot from the speaker 
alone, but from all the Sachems and Chie& now 
around our council-fire. 

"Brother. — ^We know that great men, as well as 
great nations, have different interests and different 
minds, and do not see the same light — ^but we hope 
our answer will be agreeable to you and your em- 

" Brother! — Your application for the purchase of 
our lands is to our minds very extraordinary. It has 
been made in a crooked manner. You have not 
walked in the straight path pointed out by the great 
Council of your natioq. You have no writings from 
your great Father, the rresident. In making up our 
minds we have looked back, and remembered how 
the Yorkers purchased our lands in former times. 
They bought &em, piece afler piece,— ibr a little 
money paid to a few men in our nation, and not to all 
our brethren,— until our planting and hunting- 
grounds have become very small, and if we sdl 
theniy we know not where to spread our blankets. 

"Brother! — ^You tell us your employers have pur- 
chased of the Council of Yorkers, a right to buy bur 
lands. We do not understand how this can beu 

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The lands do not belong to the Yorkers; fhey are 
ours, and were given to us by the Great Spirit* 

"Brother! — ^We think it strange that you should 
jump over the lands of our brethren in the East, to 
come to our council-fire so far off, to get our lands. 
When we sold our lands in the East to the white peo- 
ple, we determined never to sell those we kept, 
which are as small as we can comfortably live 

"Brother! — You want us to travel with you and 
look for new lands. If we should sell our lands and 
move off into a distant country towards the setting 
sun, we ^should be looked upon in the country to 
which we go, as foreigners ana strangers. We should 
be despised by the red, as well as the white men, and 
we shodd soon be surrounded by the White people, 
who will there also kill our game, and come upon 
our lands and try to get them from us. 

"Brother! — ^We are determined not to sell out 
lands, but to continue on them. We like them. They 
are firuitflil, and produce us com in abundance for the 
support of our women and children, and grass and 
herbs for our cattle. 

" Brother ! — ^At the treaties held for the purchase 
of our lands, the white men, with sweet voices and 
smiling faces, told us they loved us, and that they 
would not cheat us, but that the king's children on 
the other side of the lake would cheat us. When we 
go on the other dde of the lake^ the king's children 
tell us your people will cheat us. These things puz- 
zle our heads, and we believe that the Indians must 
take care of themselves, and not trust either in your 
people, or in the king's children. 

"Brother! — ^At a late council we reauested our 
agents to tell you that we would not sell our luids, 
and we think you have not spoken to our agents, or 
they would have told you so, and we should not have 
met you at our council-fire at this time. 

"Brother! — ^The white people buy and sell fiJse 
rights to our lands, and your en^loyen have, yon 

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flay, piud a great price for their rights. They rnuil 
have a plenty of money, to spend it in buying false 
rights to lands belonging to Indians. The loss of it 
vnH not hurt them, but our lauds are of great value to 
us, and we wish you to go back with our talk to your 
employers, and tell them and the Yorkers that they 
have no right to buy and sell false rights to our 

" Brother ! — ^We hope you clearly understand the 
Ideas we have offered. This is all we have to say." 

It is not surprising that Red-Jacket should mis- 
understand, or not understand at all, the right to buy 
Indian land, which Richardson said his- employers 
had obtained of the * Council of Yorkers.' It was the 
right of preemption, in plain English — by which bet- 
ter read jurists than the Seneca have been perplexed. 
He naturally enough mistook ihe * right ' of the State 
for a right, whereas it amounted to nodiing but the 
privilege of preventing all other parties from acquir- 
ing a right It was a prerogative — as against the 
^^i^ alone — ^the legal effect of which was to incapa- 
citate, not the Indians firoiu selling, but themselves 
^'om buying. 

There certainly can be no mistaking the shrewd 
independent reflection and plausible reasoning in the 
address^ however much the pervereion of such ability 
and spirit may give occasion for regret. Several of 
the arguments, too, are clearly founded in reason, as 
several of the statements are fortified by truth. lo 
regard to the Indians being cheated by the whites^ 
particularlv, the only error of Red- Jacket, and that a 
perfectly obvious one, was in ascribing to the whites 
at large, and consequently to Christianity, the credit 
which in fact belonged to a few unprincipled traders 
and greedy speculators in land, who had indeed car- 
ried their manoBuvres to an aggravated extent. 

There is good reason to believe that Red- Jacket,-^ 
whose military career it is time to allude to, — took hia 
earliest lessons in the art of war during the Revolu 

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tion, in tbe rkuka of those Senecas who so signally 
distinguished themselves by their ravages on the 
frontiers of New- York, Pennsylvania, New-Jersey 
and Virginia.* The only reference, however, which 
he ever himself made to that part of his history, so 
far as we know, was latterly at Bufialo, when he was 
introduced to Greneral Lafayette, then on his tour 
through the country. He reminded the latter of a 
Council at Fort Stanwiz in 1784, where both were 
present, and which had been called with, the view of 
negotiating a treaty with some of the Six Nations. 
" And where," asked Lafayette^ "is the Young War- 
rior who so eloquently opposed the bur3ring of the 
tomahawk ? ^Hei» hefort you^ answered the chief. 
** Ah 1" — ^he added with a melancholy air, and strip- 
ping off a handkerchief from his baki head, — ^Time 
has made bad work with me. But you, I perceive,** 
— and here he narrowly reconnoitered the General's 
wig — ^** You have hair enough left yet I^f At the 
date of this interview, seven years ance, he was at 
least sixty-five years of age, and therefore must 
have been about twenty-five at the time of the treaty. 
A few years subsequent to the negotiation referred 
to on this occasion, Red-Jacket had an interview with 
Greneral Washington, who gave him a silver medal, 
which he wore ever afterwards, and is said to have 
named him * the Flower of the Forest.' But the Sene- 
eas were again hostile soon afterwards, and it was only 
at the expense of an expedition which ravaged their 
territory &r and wide, that this haughty people 
were at length subdued into any thing like a state of 
composure. Red-Jacket is believed to have been 
second to none of his countrymen in his opposition 
to the American interest down to that period ; but a 
peace was granted upon liberal terms-Msome com- 
plaints of me Indians were adjusted — a system of 
protection was devised for their benefit — andthence- 
^rth, both they and he were quite inendly in most 

• App. No. VII. t Levasseur's « Tour of Lafayette.* 

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Instancefli, and faithful to their engagements in 

As early at least as 1810, Red- Jacket gare informa- 
tion to the Indian Agent of attempts made by Te- 
cumseh, the Prophet and others, to draw his nation 
into the great western combination ; but the war of 
1812 had scarcely commenced, when they volunteerr 
ed their services to their American neighbors. For 
some time these were rejected, and every exerdon was 
made to induce them to remain neutral. They bore 
the restraint with an ill-grace, but said nothing. At 
length, in the summer of 1812, the English unadvis- 
edly took possession of Grand Island, in the Niagara 
river, a valuable territory of the Senecas. This was 
too much for the pride of such men as Red- Jacket 
and Farmer's-Brother. A council was called forth- 
with — the American Agent was sunmioned to at- 
tend — and the orator rose and addressed him* 

" Brotheri" — said he, afler stating the information 
received, — ^^'you have told us we had nothing to do 
with the- war between you and the Irtish. But the 
war has come to our doors* Our property is seized 
upon by the British and their Indian friends. It is 
necessary for us^ then, to take up this'^usiness. We 
must defend our property ; we must drive the enemy 
from our soiL If we sit still on our lands, and take 
no means of redress, the British, following the cus- 
toms of you white people, will hold them by conqwst; 
and you, if you conquer Canada, will claim them, on 
the same principles, as conquered from ihe BrUisk, 
Brother! — ^We wish to go, with our warriors, and 
drive off these bad people, and take possession of 
those lands." 

The effect of this reasonable declaration, and es- 
pecially of the manner in which it was made, was 
such as might be expected. A grand council of the 
Six Nations came together, and a manifesto, of which 
the following is a literal translation, issued against the 

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British in Canada, and signed by all the grand Coun- 
cillors of the Confederation. 

"We, the Chiefs and Councillors of the Six Na- 
tions of Indians, residing in the State of New-York, 
do hereby proclaim to dl the war-chiefs and warri- 
ors of the Six Nations, that war is declared on our 
part against the provinces of Upper and Lower Can- 

Therefore, we do hereby command and advise all 
the war-chiefe to call forth immediately the warriors 
under them, and put them in motion to protect their 
rights and liberties, which our brethren, the Americans 
are now deferfding."* 

No speech of Red-Jacket at this memorable meet- 
ing of die tribes is preserved, but from the address of 
one of the oldest warriors it appears that they ex- 
pected to raise as many as three thousand fighting- 
men. But this must be an exaggeration. In 1817, 
there were supposed to be only seven thousand 
Indians of all descriptions within the State of New- 
York, on a liberal estimate, and the usual proportion 
of warriors would be in that case about two thousand. 
It is improbable that more than half this number were 
actually organized for service at any period during 
the war. — ^Those who engaged, however, cannot be 
accused of want of zeal, for although the Declaration 
was made quite late in 1812, we find a considerable 
body of them taking a spirited part in an action near 
Fort George, of which an official account was given 
by Generd Boyd, under date of August 13th. The 
enemy were completely routed, and a number of 
British Indians captured by our allies. 

" Those," adds the General, " who participated in 
tiiis.contest, particularly the Indians, conducted with 
great bravery and activi^. General Porter volun- 
teered in the afiair^ and Major Chapin evinced his ac« 

*NileB»B Register, Vol IV. " 

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customed zeal and courage. The legulani under 
Major Cummings, as far as they were engaged, con- 
ducted well. The principal chie& who led the war- 
riors this day, were Farmers-Brother, Red-Jack- 
et, Little-Billey, Pollard, Black-Snake, Johnson, Sil- 
ver-Heels, Captain Halftown, Major Henry O. Ball, 
(Corn-planters son,) and Captain Cold, who was 
wounded. In a council which was held with 
them yesterday, they covenanted not to scalp or 
murder; and I am happy to say that they treated 
the prisoners with humanity, and committed no wan- 
ton cruelties on the dead. 

Of the chiefs here mentioned, we belieye aU were 
Senec^ except Captain Cold. The General re- 
peats, in his next bulletin, — ^"The bravery and hu- 
manity of the Indians were equally conspicu- 
ous;" and another authority says, — ^"They behaved 
with great gaOantryand betrayed no disposition to 
violate the restrictions which Boyd has imposed." • 
These restrictions, — it should be observed in jusdce 
to Red-Jacket and his brave comrades, — had been 
previously agreed upon at tiie Grand Council, and 
the former probably felt no humitiation in departing 
in this particular mm the usual savagery on which 
he prided himself. We have met with no authentic 
charges against him, either of ^ruelty or cowardice, 
and it is well known that he took part in a number 
of sharply contested enga^ments. 

After the conclusion of peace, he resumed, with his 
accustomed energy, the superintendance of the civil 
interests of the Senecas. The division of the tribe into 
parties, — the Christian and Anti-Christian, — ^was now 
completely distinct: the former being headed bv Ut- 
de-Billey, Captain Pollard, and other noted chiefi ; 
and the latter by Red- Jacket, with young Corn-planter 
and several more spirited assistants, whose names 
are appended to the following memorial to the Gov- 
ernor of New- York. This was the composition of 

* Niles'i Register. 

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Red-Jacket Ithad been preceded by a private let- 
ter from himself to the Grovemor, which had probably 
produced little or no effect 

" To the Chief of the Council-fire at Albany. 

'* About three years ago, our friends of the great 
council-fire at Albany, wrote down in their book that 
the priests of white people should no longer reside on 
our lands, and told their oficers to move them off 
whenever we complained. This was to us good 
news, and made our hearts glad. These priests had 
a long time troubled us, and made us bad friends and 
bad neighbors. After much dL£culty we removed 
them firom our lands ; and for a short time have been 
quiet and our minds easy. But we are now told that 
the priests have asked hberty to return ; and that our 
fiiends of the great council-nre are about to blot firom 
their book the law which they made, and leave their 
poor red brethren once, more a prey to hungry 

" Brother ! — ^Listen to what we say. These men 
do us no good. They deceive everv body* They 
deny the Great Spirit, which we, ana our fathers be* 
fore us, have looked upon as our Creator. They dis- 
turb us in our worship. They tell our children they 
must not believe like our fathers and mothers, and 
tell us many things that we do not understand and 
cannot believe. They tell us we must be like white 
people — but they are lazy and wont work, nor do 
they teach our young men to do so. The habits of 
our women are worse than they were before these 
men came amonest us, and our young men drink 
more whiskey. We are willing to be taught to read, 
and write, and work, but not by people who haire 
done us so much injury. Brother! — we wish you to 
lay before the council-fire the wishes of your red 
brethren. We ask our brothers not to blot out the 
law which has made us peaceable and happy, and not 
to force a strange religion upon us. We ask to be let 

II.— Bb 

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olone, and, like the whhe people, to worship the 
Great Spirit as we think it best We shall then be 
happy in filling the little Bp&cem life which is left ua, 
and shaU go down to our rathersin peace.*** 

This unique document was subscribed with the 
Hiaik of Red- Jacket iirst, and then followed those of 
Corn-Planter, Green-Blanket, Big-Kettle, Robert Boh^ 
Twenty-Canoes, senior and junior, Two-Guns, Fish- 
Hook, Hot-Bread, Bare-Foot, and many other staunch 
advocates of the same principlea It was presented to 
the Assembly, but we have not learned that any eflB- 
cient order was taken upon it. About the same time, 
Ked-Jacket made an earnest appeal to his Quaker 
neighborsj^-a people always beloved by the Indians, 
—with the same design. He told them that those 
whites who pretended to instruct and preach to his 
people, stole their horses and drove off their cattle, 
while such of the Senecas as they nominally convert- 
ed from heathenism to Christianity, only disgraced 
themselves by paltry attempts to cover the profligacy 
of the one with the hypocrisy of the other. 

The Pagans were generally opposed to the cession 
of land, but foreign influence, united with that of 
their antagonists at home, sometimes proved too 
strong for them. At a treaty held with the tiibe in 
1826, eighty -two thousand acres of fine territory were 
given up. Red- Jacket opposed the measure in an el- 
oquent appeal to the Indian feelings of- his country- 
men, but the effort gained him but few votes. 

The speech which has perhaps added most to hia 
reputation was a thoroughly Pagan one, delivered not 
long previous to the affair just mentioned to a councl 
at Buffiilo, convened at the request of a missionary 
from Massachusetts, with the view of introducing and 
recommending himself to them in his retigions ca- 
pacity. The Missionaiy made a speech to the In- 
dians, explaining the objects for which he had called 

* Nilet'i Register, VoLXXVIII; 1828. 

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them together. It was by no means, be said, to get 
away their lands or money. There was but one re- 
ligion, and without that they could not prosper. They 
had lived all their lives in gross darkness. Finally he 
wished to hear their objections, if any could be made ; 
and the sooner, the better, inasmuch as some other 
Indians whom he had visited, had resolved to reply 
to him in accordance with iheir decision. 

At the close of this address, the Senecas spent sev 
eral hours in private conference, and then Red-Jacke 
came forward as speaker. 

" Friend and Brother !" — ^he hesan — ^" It was the veill 
of the Great Spirit that we should meet together this 
day. He orders all things, and he has given us a fine 
day for our council. He has taken his garment from 
before the sun, ahd caused it to shine with brightness 
upon us. Our eyes are opened that we see clearly. 
Our ears are unstopped that we have been able to 
hear distinctly the words you have spoken. For all 
hese favors we thank the Great Spirit, and him only. 

" Brother ! — ^This council fire was kindled by you. 
Jt was at your request that we came together at this 
time. We have listened with attention to what you 
have said. You requei^ed us to speak our minds 
finely. This gives us great joy, for we now consider 
that we stand upright before you, and can speak what 
we think. All have heard your voice, and all speak to 
you as one man. Our minds are agreed. 

" Brother !-^You say you want an answer to your 
talk l>efore you leave this place. It is right you should 
have one, as you are a great distance from home, and 
we do not wish to detain you. But we' will first look 
\>ack a Uttle, and tell you what our fathers have told us, 
and what we have heard fix)m the white people. ^ 

^Brother ! — Listen to what we say. There was a 
ime when our forefathers owned this great island.* 

* Meaning the Cpntiiient — 9. common belief and ex- 
pression amoncr the Indians. * 

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Th^ feats extended from the rising to the settmg 
Bun. The Great Spirit had made it for the use of In- 
dians. He had created the buffido, the deer, and 
other animals for food. He made the bear and the 
beaver, and their skins served us for clothing. He 
had scattered them over the country, and taught us 
how to take them. He had caused the earth to pro- 
duce corn for bread. All this he had done for bis 
red children because he loved them. If we had any 
disputes about hunting-grounds, they vrere generally 
settled without the shedding of much blood. But an 
evil day came upon us. Your forefathers crossed the 
great waters, and landed on this island. Their num- 
bers were small. , They found friends and not ene- 
mies. They told us they had fled from their own 
country for fear of wicked men, and come here to en- 
joy their religion. They a!»ked for a small seat. We 
took pity on them^ granted their request, and they sat 
down amongst us. We gave them com and meat. 
They gave us poison* in return. The white people 
had now found our country. Tiding were carried 
back, and more came amongst us.> Yet we did not 
fear them. We took them to be friends. They call- 
ed us brothers. We believed them, and gave them a 
larger seat. At length their numbers had greatly in- 
creased. They wanted more land. They wanted 
our country. Our eyes were opened, and our minds 
became uneasy. Wars took place. Indians were 
hired to fight against Indians, and many of our peo- 
ple were destroyed. They also brought strong li- 
quors among us. It was strong and'po werful, and has 
slain thousands. 

" Brother ! — Our seats were once large, and youra 
were very smalL^ You have now become a great peo- 
ple, and we have scarcely a place \eh to spread our 
blankets. You have got our country, but are not sat- 
isfied. You want to rorce your religion upon us. 

* Spirituous liquor. 

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« Brother !— Continue to listen. You say that you 
are sent to instruct us how to worship the Great Spir- 
it agreeably to his mind ; and if we do not take hold 
of the religion which you white people teach, we 
•hall be unhappy hereafter. You say that you are 
right and we are lost How do we know this to be 
true ? We understand that your religion is written in 
a book. If it was intended for us as well as for you, 
why has not the Great Spirit given it to us ; and not 
•nly to us, but why did he not give to our forefathers 
the knowledge of that book, with the means of under- 
standing it rightly ? We only know what you tell us 
about it. How shall we know when to believe, be- 
ing so often deceived by the white people. 

" Brother ! — You say there is but one way to wor- 
ship and serve the Great Spu*it. If there is but one 
religion, why do you white people differ so much 
about it ? Why not all agree, as you can all read the 

"Brother! — ^We do not understand tliese things. 
We are told that your religion was given to your fore- 
fiithers, and has been handed down from father to 
son. We also have a religion which was given to 
our forefathers, and has been handed down to us their 
children. We worship that way. It teaches us to 
be thankful for all the favors we receive, to love each 
other, and to be united. We never quarrel about re- 

" Brother ! — ^The Great Spirit has made us all. But 
he has made a great difference between his white and 
;red children. He has given us a different complex- 
ion and different customs. To you he has given the 
arts ; to these he has not opened our eyes. We 
know these things to be true. Since he has made so 
great a difference between us in other things, why 
may we not conclude that he has given us a different 
religion, according to our understanding ? The Great 
Spirit does right. He knows what is best for his 
children. We are satisfied. 


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"Brocher! — ^We do not wish to destroy your reli- 
gion, or take it from you. We only want to enjoy 
our own. 

" Brother ! — ^Youflay you have not come to get our 
hmd or our money, but to enlighten our minds. I 
will now tell you that I have been at your meetings 
and saw you collecting money from the meeting. I 
cannot tell what this money was intended for, but 
suppose it was for your minister ; and if we should 
conform to your way of thinking, perhaps you may 
want some from us. 

** Brother ! — W^are told that you have been preach- 
ing to white people in this place. These people are 
our neighbors. We are acquainted with them. We 
will wait a little while, and see what effect your 
preaching has upon them. If we find it does them 
good and makes them honest and less disposed to ^ 
cheat Indians, we will then consider again what you 
have said. 

" Brother ! — ^You have now heard our answer to 
your talk, and this is all we have to say at present 
As we are going to part, we will come and take you 
by the hand, and hope the Great Spirit will protect 
you on your journey, and return you safe to your 

The speech being finished, Red-Jacket and several 
others, intending to suit the action to the word, came 
forward to exchange a farewell greeting with their 
visitor. This however he declined, and the Indiaiui 
quietly withdrew. 

The civility of the old orator was in somewhat sin- 
gular contrast with his obstinacy on many other oc- 
casions. A young clergyman once made a strong 
effort to enlighten him, through the medium of an 
Indian interpreter named Jack Berry*— for Red-Jack- 

* Jack called himself a chief, too, though his impor- 
tance was owing mainly to his speaking oad Engush, 
and to a bustling shrewdness which enabled him to play 

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et spoke very little of the English language. Hie re-* 
6ult was discouraging. ^Brother!" — said Jack, at 
length, for the Chie^ — ^ If you white people murder- 
ed * the Saviour,' make it up yourselves. We had 
nothing to do with it. If he had come among us we 
should have treated him better." This was ^oss 
heathenism, truly, but it was not aggravated by mso- 
lence. The Chieftain made a sincere acknowledge- 
ment of the clergyman's kindness, and paid him some 
deserved compliments upon other scores. 

During the last war with England, a gallant officer 
of the American Army,^ stationed on the Niagara 
frontier, shewed some peculiarly gratifying attentions 
to Red-Jacket. The former being soon afterwards 
ordered to Governor's Island, the Chief came to bid 
him farewell. ** Brother," — said he, " I hear you are 
going to a place called Governor's Island. I hope 
you will be a Governor yourself. I am told you 
whites consider children a blessing. I hope you will 
Jbave one thousand at least. Above all, wherever you 
go, I hope you will never find whiskey more than two 
shillings a quart." 

The last of these benevolent aspirations was per- 
haps the highest posfflble evidence which Red-Jack- 
et could give of his good will, for we are under the 
mortifying necessity of placing this talented Chieftain 
in the same class, as relates to his personal habits, 
vndi Uncas, Losan, and Pipe. In a word, he gradu- 
ally became, in his latter days, a confirmed drunkard. 
Temptation and association proved too strong for him, 
and the pride of the Confederates made himself but 
too fi^uently a laughing-stock for the blackguards 
of Bufifalo. 

the factotum to some adyantage. Jack made himself 
first marshall at the fiineral of Fanner 's-Brother. 

* Colonel Snelling. For several of the anecdotes in 
the text we are under obligations to the author of '< Taletf 
of the North- West." He was present at the interview 
when Berry acted as Interpreter. 

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Unfortunately for his political as well as personal 
interests, he indulged his weakness to such an extent 
as not unfrequently to incapacitate him for the dis- 
charge of his public duties. This wbb an advantage 
which his opponents shrewdly considered, and, in 
1827, they took a favorable opportunity to deprive 
him of his civil rank. The document issued from 
the Seneca council-house on this singular occasion, 
under date of September 15th, is too extraordinary to 
be omitted. The following is a literal translation, 
made by an intelligent American who was present 

« We, the Chiefs* of the Seneca tribe, of the Six 
Nations, say to you, Yaugoyawathaw,t that you have 
a long time disturbed our councils ; that you have 
procured some white men to assist you in sending a 
ereat number of false stories to our father the Presi- 
dent of the United States, and induced our people to 
sign those falsehoods at Tonnawanta as Chiefs of our 
tribe, when you knew that they were not Chiefs ; that 
you have opposed the improvement of our nation, 
and made divisions and disturbances among our peo- 
ple ; that you have abused and insulted our great fa- 
ther the President ; that you have not reganled the 
rules which make the Great Spirit love us, and which 
make his red children do ^od to each other ; that 
you have a bad heart, because, in a time of great dis- 
tress, when our people were starving, you took and 
hid the body of a deer you had kuled, when your 
starving brothers should have shared their proportion 
of it with you ; that the last time our father the Presi* 
dent was fighting against the king, across the great 
waters, you divided us, you acted against our father 
the President and his officers, and advised with those 
who were no friends ; that you have always prevent- 
ed and discouraged our children from going to school, 

>' I ■ I I « ■ l i I I I I I I J i » l« 11 I 

* Several of them were soi-disant functioDaries, 
t A variation of Saguoaha, which is the orthography 
adopted by Governor Clinfcoi* 

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where they could learn, and abased and lied d)out 
our people who were willing to learn, and about thoie 
who were oflTering to instruct them how to worship 
the Grreat Spirit in the manner Christians do ; that 
you have always placed yourself before those who^ 
would be instructed, and have done all you could to^ 
prevent their going to schools ; that you have taken 
^oods to your own use, which were received as annu- 
ities, and which belonged to orphan children and to 
old people ; that for the last ten years vou have often 
said the communications of our great mtherto his red 
children were forceries, made up at New- York by 
those who wanted to buy our lands ; that you left 
your wife, because she joined the Christians and wor- 
shipped the Ghreat Spirit as they do, knowiuj? that she 
was a good woman ; that we have waited u>t nearly 
ten years for you to reform, and do better; but are 
now discouraged, as you declare you nevei' will re- 
ceive instruction from those who wish to do us good, 
as our great father advises, and induce others to hokl 
the same language. 

** We ,might say a great many other things, which 
make you an enemy to the Great Spirit, and also to 
your own brothers, — but we have said enough, and 
now renounce you as a chie^ and fix>m this time you 
are forbid to act as such. All of our nation will 
hereafter regard you as a private man ; and we say to 
them all, that every one who riiall do as you have 
done, if a chief, will, in like manner be disowned, and 
set back where he started from by his brethren."* 

Seyerri of these charges, it is ftdr to presume, were 
dictated by party spirit, and those who subscribed the 
deposition cared but httle about proving them, could 
they but prostrate their great antagonist The t^gna- 
tures are twenty-six, and most of them are well- 
known Anti-Pa^ns ; though with Young-King, Pol- 
lard, and little-Billey, who led the subscription, we 

* BoflUo Emporium. 

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also find the names of Twenty-Canoes, Doztateiv 
Two-Guns, Barefoot, and some other partizans of the 
&llen orator in his better days. 

But Red-Jacket was not yet prepared to submit 
patiently to his degradation, especially when he knew 
so well the true motives of those who effected it. 
Not wa9 he by any means so much under the con- 
trol of his bad habits as not to feel occasionally, per-| 
haps generaliy, both the consciousness of his power, 
and the sting of his shame. ^ It shall not be said of 
me,^ — thought the old Orator, with the gleam of a fiery 
soul in his eye, — *< It shall not be said that Saguoaha 
lived in insignificance and died in dishonor. Am I 
too feeble to revenge myself of my enemies ? Am I 
not as I have been ? " In fine, he roused himself to 
a great effi>rt Representations were made to the 
neighboring tribes, — for he knew too well the hope- 
lessness of a movement confined to his own^—and 
only a month had elapsed since his deposition^ when 
a Grand Council of the chie& of the Six Nations as- 
sembled together at the upper council-house of the 
S^eca-viUage reservation. 

The document of the Christian party was read, and 
then Half-Town it)se, and, in behsJf of' the Catterau- 
gus (Seneca) Indians, said there was but one voice in 
his nation, and that was of general indignation at the 
contumely cast on so great a man as Red-Jacket. 
Several other chiefe addressed the council to the 
same effect The condemned orator rose slowly, aa 
if grieved and humiliated, but yet with his ancient 
air of command. 

**My Brothers!" — ^he said, after a solenm pause,-— 
Vou have this day been correctly informed of an at- 
tempt to make me sit down and thipw off the au- 
thority of a chief, by twenty-six misgijided chiefs of 
my nation. You have heard the statements of my 
associates in council, and their explanations of the 
foolish charges brought against me. I have taken 
^e legal and proper way to meet these charges. It 
B the onlv wav in which I could notice them 

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Charges which I despise, and which nothiBg^ would 
indiice me to notice but the concern which many re- 
spected Chiefs of my nation feel in the character of 
their aged comrade. Were it otherwise, I should not 
be before vou. I would fold my arms, and sit quiet- 
ly under these ridiculous slanders. 
' " The Christian party have not even proceeded le- 
gally, according to our usages, to put me down. Ah ! 
it grieves my heart, when I look around me and see 
the situation of my people, — in old times united and 
powerful, now divided and feeble* I feel sorry for 
my nation. When 1 am gone to the other world, — 
when the Great Spirit caDs me away, — who among 
my people can take my place ? Many years have 1 
guided the nation." 

Here he introduced some artful observations on the 
origin of the attack made upon him. He then alluded 
to the course taken by the Christians, as ruinous and 
disgraceful, especially in their abandonment of the 
religion of their fathers, and their sacrifices, for paltry 
considerations, of the lands given them by the Great 
Spirit As for the ^ Black-Coats,^ Mr, Colhoun had 
told him at Washington, four years before, that the 
Indians must treat with them as they thought prop-* 
er; the Government would not interfere. "I will 
not consent," — he ccmcluded, sagaciously identifying 
his disgrace with his opposition to the Christians,-— 
^ I vnllnot consent silendy to be trampled under foot 
As long as I can raise my voice, I wUl oppose such 
measures. As long as I can stand in my moccasins^ 
I Will do all that I can for my nation," It is scarcely 
necessary to add, that the result of the conference 
was the triumphant restoration of the Orator to bis 
former rank. 

Red-Jacket visited the Atlantic cities repeatedly 
and for the last time, as late as the spring of 18^ 
He was, on these occasions, and especially on the lat- 
ter, the object of no little curiosity and attention.* 

* Of more indeed than he was probably aware. Wit- 

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He enjoyed both, and was particularly careful to de- 
mean himself in a manner suited to the dienity of his 
rank and reputation. His poetical friend does him 
but justice in thus alluding to his Washington medal, 
his forest costume, and the fine carriage which the 
Chieftain still gallandy sustained. 

Thy garb— though Austria's bosom-star would frighten 
That medal pue, as diamonds, the dark mine, 

And George the Fourth wore, in the da^ce at Brighton^ 
A more becoming evening dress than thine : 

Yet 'tis a brave one, scorning wind aiid weather. 
And fitted for thy couch on field and flood, 

As Rob Roy's tartans for the highland heather, 
Or forest green for England's Robin Hood. 

Is strength a monarch's merit ? — ^like a whaler's — 
Thou art as tall, as sinewy, and as strong 

As earth's first kings — the Argo's gallant railors — 
Heroes in histpry, as^l gods in song. 

Those strictly personal attractions which most sub* 
served his forensic success, are not unfairly delinea- 
ted by the same elegant observeK And this is not the 
mily civilized authority to the san^ efiect, for one oi 
the most distinguished pubUc men of the State in 
which the Chieflain resided, was wont to say that the 
latter reminded him strongly of the celebrated orator 
of Roanoke, in his best estate, and that they two were 

ness the following advertisement in the Boston pa- 
Jjers : — 

" Red-Jacket. — ^This celebrated Indian Chief, who 
has recently attracted so much attention at New- York 
and the Southern cities, has arrived in this city^and has 
accepted an invitation of the Superintcndant to visit the 
New-Enolano Museum, this evening, March 21, in his 
foil Indian costume, attended by Captain Johnson, hid 
interpreter, by whom those who wish it can be introduc* 
td and hold conversation with him." 

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Ibe only •niiora of natwe he had ever heud or seea 
^ Who will belieye ?"*--adu the poet*- 

— o^that) with a mule whom bkinnf 
Would, lik^ the patriarch'% looth a djring hour ; 
With voice as low, as gentle, and caresfiiig, 
As e'er won maiden s lip in moonlight Sower) 

With look, like patient Job's, eschewing evil ; 

With motions, graceful as a bird's in air ^ 
Thou art, in sober truth, the veriest devil 

That e'er clenched fingers in a captive's hau: ! 

That in thy veins there springs a poison fbuntaiUi 
Deadlier than that which bathes the Upas tree ; 

jLnd in thy wrath a nuruag cat o'raoOntaia 
Is calm as her babe's ideepi eomparad with tbeef 

And underneath that fkce^ like fmamer's oee«a'»M- 
Its Up as moveless, and its cheek as dear^^ 

Slumbers a whirlwind of the heart's emotions, 
Xiove, hatred, pride, hope, fK^ow*— all) save ^ar* 

Xiove-^for thy land, as if she were thy daughter} 
Hot pipes m peace, her tomah^i^wk in wars j 

Hatred— of missionaries and cold water ; 
Pride— in thy nfle-trophies and thy scars; 

Hope— that thy wrongs will be by the Qi^at Spirit 
Kememberee and revenged, wnen thoU art gone ; 

fienow^^that none are left Utee to iiih»it 
Thy naaae, thy fame, thy pastbns, and thy throoeb 

In the last ;of theM BtaoBaffisan aflaakm to ttie inel* 
mch^ domeetiG eirauniiianoee of the mibject of 
them. He had been the fi^er of thirteen cfaildrei^ 
duriiMr hia lifeHime, mid bad buiaed them all. 

Rea*JAehet b said to have andentood Englisk 
i|ftiite wellf although he would never eonv^ae In iL 
We have otoi beard it firoraji geodeman well ac- 
quainted with him^tbatiie once met him hastening 
md of Biiffiik) when all tb^neighbOTiBg oonntty wii 
• 11.-^ o 

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eaaerly ruahiiiff in to witQen the ezeciitioii of ihn^ 
culprits ; and mat the Chiefiain recognized him, and 
made him understand by signs, that he was hurrying 
awav Gcom the horrid spectacle which so many thou« 
sands had already assembled to enjoy. Levasseur 
states, that, in his conference with Lafayette, he evi- 
dently comprehended eveiy thing uttered in his pres- 
ence, while he would speak only Indian ; and that his 
former high opinion of the General seemed to be 
much increased bv a few chance-medley Seneca 
words, which the fatter had the good fortune to re- 
member, and the courtesy to repeat We also have 
been informed jthat, many years since^ when the notc^ 
lious Jemima Wilkinson compassed the country in 
&e business of making proselytes to her doctrinei^ 
•he invited some of the Senecas to a eonfereDce. 
Red-Jacket attended, and listened patiently to the 
end of a long address. Most of k be probably un- 
derstood, but instead of replying to the wgument in 
detail, he laid the axe at the root of her authority. . 
Having risen very gravely, and spoken a few words 
m Seneca, he observed his adversary to enquire what 
ke was talking about ? ** Ha !" — he exclaimed, with 
an arch look, — ** She inspired, — she Jesus Christ,—- 
and not know Indian T* The solidity of her preteiv- 
sions was at once decided in the minds of at least the 
heathen part of her audience* 

At the date of his last-mentioned visit to the Atlan- 
tic cities, the Chieftain was noore than seventy yean 
of age, and though then haUtualh^ temperate, excess 
had already hastened the woi^ of time. He died in 
January, 1830, at the Seneca viHage, near Buffido, 
Where his funend took place on the 21st pf the mootli. 
It was attended by aU parties of his oWn trib^ and 
by many Americans^ drawn together by a curiodty to 
witness the obsequies. His b(Sy yhM removed iota 
his cabin into the mission-bQi^ where religions ser- 
vices were performed. In these the Pagans took but 
Utde interest Wrapped in profound and solemn 
lliou^tytheyhowsver pstisndlyawsiled thsirt 

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Btdon. Some of them then arose, and successive^ 
addressed their countrymen in their own langua^ 
They recounted the exploits and the virtues of him 
whose remains they were now about to bear to his 
last home. They remembered his own prophetic ap- 
peal — ^ Who shall take my place amone my people ?* 
They thought of the ancient glory of their nation, 
and they looked around them on its miserable rem- 
nant. The impression was irresistible. Tears trick- 
led down the cheeks t^ the grave comrades of the 

Well might they weep ! He that lay before them 
was indeed the 'Last of the Senecas.^ The strong 
warrior's arm was mouldering into dust, and the 
eye of the orator was cold and motionless foreyer. 

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NO. L 

U9CAg.*^The author if indebted to tke Co mm i tte e of 
Ihe Hiftorical Socie^ of Massachusetts for an opportn^ 
ftity to examine a valuable document recently forwarded 
lo them by Mr. Williams^ of Lebanon, Connecticut, and 
originally, we believe^ a part of the Trumbull collectioii. 

Accordmi^ to this account, which uurports to havo 
been ' made by Uncas' himself, that Cnieftain was whol* 
ly of the royal blood of the Pequots. TATOBAMwas-an« 
4>ther name ror Sassacus, and Uncas married the daughter 
of that Sachem (from whom he afterwards revolted,) about 
len years before the Peauot War. The Pequote and 
' Moheags,' as they are nere called, jointly agreed to 
this match in a grand Indian Council, for the purpose 
of keeping their land entire. << Upon this his riffht to 
the Peqtuft Country idom good and unquestionable." * * 
^ Quinebauge [New^Haven] Indians and Nipmugs [in 
Worcester County, Massachusette] not allowed to mar- 

Sr in the Royal Blood. — Agreed to keep the Royal 
lood within the Realm of y« Mohegan and Pequote." 

In this genealogy, which is regularly derived, as ac- 
curately as possible, from remote ancestors on both sides, 
Uncas himself is styled the Sachem of Mohegan, and 
Mohegan is said to have been the Sepulchre cir Burial 
Place of both the Peauot and Mohegan Sachems. 

The fa^r of Tatobam was the Sachem Wopegwosit. 
The father of .Uncas was Oweneco; his fkther, W<»e- 
quand, a Pequot Sachem. His mother and grandmotner 
were both named Mukkunump; and the latter wae 
daughter of Weroum, a great Jfarragansett Sachem, end 
x>f a Squaw of the royal Pequot Blood named Kis* 
l&bechoowatmakunck. One of his great-ffrandfathers, 
fVuckquuntdowaus, was Chief-Sachem of Uie Pequote* 

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md ene of hii great-grandmothera, Att-eomp-pa-hang^ 
•ug-ga-mack/' (as nearl/ as we are able to decipher IQ 
was ** a Great Queen, and lived at Moheage.*' 

The son of Uncas, (mentioned in the text,) was Owen- 
eco. Several of his other descendants who inherit- 
ed the Sachemdom were named Ben Uncas,-M>ne of 
them Major Ben. Hie last of the Sachems (also men« 
tioned in the text,) was Isaiah^ — a grandson of Oweneco 
or Oneco. (He was a pupil m Dr. Wheelock's Charity 
School, — " a fat fellow, of dull intellectual parts."-— 
Mass. His. CoU.) 

^ The document before us gives an account of the ces- 
vion of the Pequot Country firom Uncas by deed, dated 
Sept 28, 1740. The following remarkable passage 
ought not to be cmiitted, as it adds new confirmation to 
the estimate of the Sachem's character which the au- 
thor has given in the text. 

" Afterwards sufficient planting ^ound was provided 
for him, being friendly ta ike EngU^, though only to 
mne his own purposes.* 

NO. n 

Carrespondenu between Oeneral Watvx and M^of 


MiAMU Bivx&y Aug. 21, 1794. 

An army of the United States of America, said to be 
under your command, having taken post on the banks of 
the Miamis, for upwards of the last twenty^fonr honrs, 
almost within the reach of the guns of this fort, bein^ a 
post belonging to Hi i Majesty the King of Great Britain^ 
oceupied by His Majesty s troops, and which I have th« 
honor to conmiand,^ it becomes me to inform myself, at 
■peedily as possible, in what light I am to view your 
making raeh near approaches to this garrison. 

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00 war exiitiog between Crreat BciUia and Amane% 
I k^vfi ike koBot to he. 4ms. 

M^ot 2^ Eeg^t commandiq^ a JBkUiab pok q» 
tha haAka of tbe i^fiamifl. 
iTo Miyor Qetrnxtl Wiijiia» 4Mb> A^* 

Cakp ov rss Bavks op ««ii ]fi4Kta» > 

I h/vre wHu^Atqvx iHta^ of thiia data^raquiriaff ft«» 
jne t^ i»otijraa woioh liara moyc^ tbe araoy under my 
^cawiaisd tolbepoaltioa Ibaj at pveaent oeou^y, ^ with- 
in tha ackaowJedged juriadietioa of iha UaitiMl Sltatasof 

Without fuaatumitig the autkori^, or tke pjopnetf, 
«^, of jonr interrogatory, I think I maf , witkcmt oraaoa 
4of deeorunif obaefve to yon, that ware you iatitled to an 
janawfar, tke most taU. and i«^£ietory one waa announc- 
ed to you irom tke muzzles of my small anns y^esterday 
morning in tke action a|r{iipgt hordes of savages in the 
fricinity of your post, wnich terminated gloriously to the 
American arms. But had it continued until the Indians, 
^. w^^ dsiyan ondier tka nfluenoe af tba peat aud ffuna 
^oa mention, they woiild not kare muck impedea the 
process of the yictorious army under my command ; aa 
Ao such post waa established at the commencement of 
•the present war between iha Indians and tke United 

I hvre ^ke kouor io bit. ik, 4be. 
j^igned) ANTHOmr WAYNB, 

Afor ^nahd aad Goouoaiidar i» Ckiaf of tka 
f^Bdaral amy. 
^ JiI^Qr W«. iau»i*iU, 4s4u 


Although yoBT letter of yeaterday'aiXate ftHy anthori 
saajnaioMi/jwa ofjiottm^ ai^iiiigt the army of Um 

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UaiUd StetM of Ameriea in this ]if6igiib<«hood under 
your eommand, yet, stiU anxious to |>revent that dread- 
ful decision, which perhaps is not intended to be appeal- 
ed to by either of our countries, I have forborne for 
thesA two days past to resent those insults which you 
have offered to the British flag flying at this f<Mrt, by ap- 
proaching it within pistol-shot of my works, not only 
singly, but in numbers, with arms in their hands. 

iSeither is it my wish to wa^e war with individuals 
But should you aiter this continue to approach my post 
in the threatening manner you are at this moment doing, 
my indi^ensable duty to my King and Country, and the 
honor ormy profession, wiU oblige me to have recourse 
to those measures which thousands of either nation may 
hereafler have cause to regret, and which I solemnly 
appeal to God I have used my utmost endeavors to ar 

I have the honor to be, sir, d^. 
(Signed) WM. CAMPBELL. 

To Major General Wayne, &c. 

[No other notice was taken of this letter than what is 
expressed in the fbllowing letter. The fort and works 
were however reconnoitered in every direction, at some 
points possibly within pistol-shot, tt was found to be a 
Tegular, strong work, tne front covered hv a wide river, 
with four guns mounted in that face. The rear, which 
was the most susceptible of approach, had two regular 
bastions furnished with eight pieces of artillery, the 
whole surrounded with a wide deep ditch. From ^e 
bottom of the ditch to the top of the parapet was about 
twenty feet perpendicular. The works were also sur- 
rounded by an abbatit , and fhrtilshed with a strong gar- 


In yowr letter of tiie 21«t Inst, yem declare, " I have 
no hesitation on mr part to say that I know of no war 
existing between Great Britain and America." 

I, on my part, declare the same ; and the only cause 
I have to entertain a contrary idea at prsient is, the hos^ 
tile act 3FOU are now in oomnusion 0Sy--thaj| is, veeentlf^ 

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taldng poft fiur within the welMmown and adnowledged 
limitf of the United States, and erecting a fortification in 
the heart of the settlements of the Indian tribes now at war 
with the United States. 

This, sir, appears to be an act of the highest affgression^ 
and destnictive to the peace and interest of the Union. 
Hence, it becomes my duty to desire, and I do hereby de» 
sire anid demand, in the name of the President of the United 
States, that you immediately desist from any further act of 
hostility or aggression, by forbearine to fortify, and by 
withdrawinff the troops, artillery, and stores under your 
orders and direction, forthwith, and removing to the nearest 
poet occupied by His Britannic Majesty's troops at the peace 
of 1783--and which you will be permitted to do unmolested 
by the troops under my command. 

I am, with very great respect, dec 

To Major William Campbell, dbc 


FotT MiAKis, 22d Aug. 1794. 


I have this moment the honour to acknowledge the le 
ceipt of your letter of this date. In answer to which I have 
only to say, that being placed here in the command of a 
British post, and acting in a military capacity only, I cannot 
9nter into any discussion either on the right or impropriety 
of my occupying my present position. Those are matters 
that I conceive will be best left to the ambassadors of our 
different nations. 

Having said this much, permit me to inform you, that I 
certainly will not abandon this post at the summons of any 
power whatever, until I receive orders from those I have 
the honour to serve under, or the fortune of war should 
oblige me. 

. I must still adhere, sir, to the purport of my letter thit 
morning, to desire that your army, or individuals belonging 
to it, will not approach within reach of my cannon without 
expecting the consequences attending it. 

Although I have said in the former part of my letter 
that my situation here is totally military, yet let me add, 
«i^ that I am much deoebed if His M«^esty the King 

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of Graat Btitain had not a post on thn ri^or at and prior 
to the period you mention. 
I have the non^^ to be, dec. 
(Siffued) WM. CAMPBELL, 

lilajor of the 34th Regunent, commanding at Fort 
To IM^jor General Wayne, &e. 

[The onlj notice taken of thia letter was in immedi* 

ately setting firt to and destroying evenr thing within 

fiew of the fort, and eren under the mnz^s of the gnns.} 

Bwten Chromdei OOohar 13, 1774. * 


CoiiifvPi.A!iTER*s Letter to the €h>Temor of Pennsyl- 
rania, dated <' AUeghanjr riyer, dd mo. 2d, 1822/' and 
probably written by his interpreter. From Buchanan's 

" I feel it my duty to send a speech to the goyernor of 
Pennsylyania at this timei ana infbrm him the place 
where I was from^— which was Conewangus, on the 
Qendsee river. 

" When I was a child, I played with the butterfly, the 
grasshopper and the frogs. As I ?rew up, I began 
to pay some attention and play with Sie Indian boys in 
Hie neighborhood, and they took notice of my skin being 
a different color from theirs, and spoke about it. I en- 
ouired of my mother the cause, and she told me that my 
niiher Was a residenter in Albany. I eat still my vict- 
als out of a bark dish — I grew up to be a young man, 
and married me a wifb. hm 1 had no kettle or gun. I 
then knew where my rather lived, and went to see him, 
and fbund he was a white man, and spoke the English 
language. He gave me victuals while I was at his house, 
but when I started to return home, he gave me no pro- 
vision to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle 
nor gun, neither did he tell me that the United States 
were about to rebel against the government of Eng- 

" I win now tell you, brothers, who are in session of 
tile legislature of Pennsylvania, tiiat the Great Spirit har 


made known to me that I hare been wicked ; and the 
cause thereof was the revolutionary war in America. 
The cause of Indians haying been fed into sin, at that 
time, was that man^ of them were in the ]>ractice of 
drinking and getting intoxicated. Great Britain request- 
ed us to join with them in the conflict against the Amer- 
icans, and promised the Indians land and liquor. I, my- 
self, was opposed to joining in the conflict, as 1 had noth* 
ing to do with the •difficulty that existed between 
the two parties. I haye now informed you how 
it happened that the Indians took a part in the Reyolu* 
tion, and will relate to you some circumstances that oc- 
curred afler the close of the war. Gen. Putnam, who 
was then at Philadelphia, told me there was to be a coun- 
cil at fort Stanwix. and the Indians requested me to at- 
tend on behalf of the Six Nations, which I did, and 
there met with three commissioners, who had been ap- 
pointed to hold the council. They told me they would 
mform me of the cause of the reyolution, which I re- 
quested them to do minutely. They then said that it had 
originated on account of the heayy taxes that had been 
imposed upon them by the British goyemment, which 
had been for fifty year* increasing upon them ; that the 
Americans had grown weary thereof, and refused to pay, 
which afironted the king. There had likewise a diin- 
culty taken place about some tea^ which they wished 
me not to use, as it had been one of the causes that many 
people had lost their liyes. And the British goyem- 
ment now being affironted, the war commenced, and the 
cannons began to roar in our country. General Putnam 
then told me at the council at fort Stanwix, that by the 
late war the Americans had gained two objects : they 
had established themselyes an independent nation, and 
had obtained some land from Great Britain to liye upon, 
the diyision line of which ran through the laiaes. I 
then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for the In- 
dians to live on, and General Putnam said that it should 
be ffranted, and I should haye land in the state of New 
ToriL, for the Indians. Gen. Putnam then encounured 
me to use my endeayors to pacify the Indians generafly * 
and as he considered it an arduous task to perform 
wished to know what I wanted to pay therefor ? I re- 
plied to him, that I would ua& my endeayors to do as 
ne had requested with the Indians, and for pay thereof 

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I wouM take land. I told him not to pay me money or 
dry ^oods. but land. And for having attended thereto I 
received the tract of land on which I now live, which 
was presented to me by governor Mifflin. I told general 
Putnam, that I wished me Indians to have the exclusive 
privilege of the deer and wild game, which he assented 

"The treaty that was made at the aforementioned 
council has been broken by some of the white people 
which I now intend acquainting the governor with 
Some white people are not willing that Indians should 
hunt any more, whilst others are satisfied therewith, 
and those white people who reside near our reserva- 
tion, tell us that the woods are theirs, and they have ob- 
tained them from the governor. The treaty has been 
also broken by the white people using their endeavors 
to destroy all the wolves, which was not spoken about 
in the council at fort Stanwix, by General rutnam, but 
has originated lately. 

" It has been broken a^kin, which is of recent origin. 
White people wish to get credit from Indians, and do 
not pay them honestly, according to their agreement. 
In another respect it has also been broken by white 
people, who resiae near my dwelling ; for when I plant 
melons and vines in my field, they take them as their 
own. It has been broken again by white people using 
their endeavors to obtain our pine trees firom us. We 
have very few pine trees on our land, in the state of 
New York ; and white people and Indians oflen get in- 
to dispute respecting them. There is also a great quan 
tity of whiskey brought near our reservation by white 
people, and the Indians obtain it and become drunken. 
** Another circumstance has taken place which is very 
trying to me, and I wish the interference of the Govern- 
or. The white people who live at Warren, called upon 
me sometime ago, to pay taxes for my land, which I 
objected to, as I had never been called upon for that pur- 
pose before ; and having refused to pay, the white peo- 
{»le became irritated, called upon me frequently, and at 
ength brought four guns with them and seized our cat- 
tle. I still refused to pay, and was not willing to let 
the cattle go. Afler a long dispute, they returned 
home and lunderstood the militia was ordered out to 
enforce the collection of the tax. I went to Waireni 

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818 AmBNDlX. 

and, to avert the impendiiig diffienltjr, was obliged to 
give my note for the tax, the amount of which was for- 
ty-three dollars and seventy-nme cents. It is my desire 
that the governor will exempt me from paring taxes for 
my land to white people ; and also cause that the money 
I am now obliged to pay, may be refunded to me, as I 
am very poor. The governor is the person who attends 
to the situation of the people, and I wish him to send a 
person to Alleghany, that I may inform him of the par- 
ticulars of our situation, and he be aathorised to instruct 
the white people in what manner to conduct them- 
selves towards the Indians. 

** The governor has told us that when any difficulties 
arose between the Indians and white people, he would 
attend to having them removed. We are now in a try- 
ing situation, and I wish the governor to send a persoit, 
authorised to attend thereto, the fore part of the next 
summer, about the time that grass has grown big enough 
for pasture. ^^ 

^ '* The governor formerly requested me to pay atten- 
tion to me Indians, and take care of them. We are 
now arrived at a situation that I believe Indians cannot 
exist, unless the governor should comply with my re- 
quest, and send a person authorised to treat between us 
and the white people, the approaching summer. I have 
now no more to speak." 

NO. IV. 

Cobn-Plavtxr*s Spkxch at the Court-House at War 
ren, (N. T.) June 4th, 1822, afler an explanation, by two 
«tate Commissioners, of a law exonerating him fiom the 
payment of certiun taxes. From the Venango Herald. 

*' Brothers ! — ^Yesterda^ was appointed for us all to 
meet here. The talk which the Goremor sent us pleaa 
ed us very much. I think that the Great Spirit is very 
much pleased that the white people have been induced 
so to assist the Indians as they have done, and that bo 
is pleased also to see the great men of this State and of 
the United States so friendly to us. We are much pleas 
•d with what has been done. 

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' * ** The Great 8|nrit first made the worid and next the 
flying animals, and fbund all things good and prosfier* 
ous. He is immortal and everlasting. After finishing 
the fijing animals, he came down on earth and there 
stood. Then he made different kinds of trees, and weeds 
of all sorts, and people of every kind. He made ^le 
spring and ot^er seasons, and the weather suitable for 
plantmg. These he did make. But stills, to make whis- 
key to be given to Indians, he did not make. The 
Great Spirit bids me tell the white people not to give 
Indians this kind of liquor. When the Great Spirit nad 
made the earth and its animals, he went into the great 
fakes, where he breathed as easily as any where else, 
and then made all the different Kinds of fish. Tha 
Great Spirit looked back on all that he had made. 
The difierent kinds he made to be separate, and not to 
mix with and disturb each other. But the white peo- 
pie have broken his command by mixing their color 
with the Indians. The Indians have done better by not 
doing so. — ^The Great Spirit wishes that all wars and 
fightmgs should cease. 

** He next told us that there were three things for peo- 
ple to attend to. First, we ought to take care of our 
wives and children. Secondly, the white people ought 
to attend to their farms and cattle. Thirdly, the Great 
Spirit has given the bears and deers to the Indians. He 
is the cause of all things that exist, and it is very wick- 
ed to ffo against his will. The Great Spirit wishes me 
to inform the people that they should quit drinking in- 
toxicating drink, as being the cause of diseases and 
death. He told us not to sell any more of our lands, for 
he never sold lands to any one. Some of us now keep 
the sevenUi day ; but I wish to quit it, for the Great 
Spirit made it for others, but not for the Indians, who 
ought every day to attend to their business. He has or- 
dered me to quit drinking any intoxicating drink, and 
not to lust after women but my own, auu informed me 
that by doing so I should live the longer. He made 
known to me that it is very wicked to teU lies. Let no 
one s«ppose this I have said now is not true. 

*^ I have now to thank the Governor for what he has 
done. I have informed him what the Great Spirit has 
wdered me te eeaoe firom, and I widi the Governor t# 

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infbnn otiien of what I have commmdcated Thiv 10 
all I have at present to eay." 

NO. V. 

Mr. Brandt, whose death has been recently aRnonnff- 
ed, was the son of the celebrated Indian chief of that 
name, and distinguished himself as a lieutenant in our 
service durin? the late war. Some years ngo he visited 
England, andunder the patronafire 01 the DiULe of North- 
umberland, was introduced to the Duke of Wellington^ 
Lord Teignmouth, and other influential personages, and 
from his peculiar urbanity of manners and highly cultiva* 
ted acquirements, speedily became known and esteem* 
ed. His exertions, upon that occasion, in vindicating 
the humanity of his father^s character from the unjust 
aspersions cast upon it by the author of ^* Gertrude of 
Wyoming,' * were acknowledged by the accomplished 
poet, anathe next edition of mat work rectified the er- 
ror Mr. Campbell had acknowledged. As a gentleman 
of strict honor and morality, Mr. Brandt has left but 
few equals ; and as head-chief and superintendant of 
the Six Nations, his loss will be seriously felt by the nu- 
merous tribes to whose civilization and moral improve- 
ment he had devoted his time and talents. — KmgsUm, Ui 
C. Chronicle, 

NO. VI. 

Letter of Farmer* s-Brothsr, and others, to the Hon. 
W. Eustis, Secretary of War. Niles* Register, Vol. IL 

'^Brother !— The sachems and chief warriors of the 
Seneca nation of Indians, understanding you are the per- 
son appointed by the great council 01 your nation to 
manage and conduct the afiairs of the several nations of 
Indiikns with whom vou are at peace and on terms of 
friendship, come at this time, as children to a falJieri to 
ky before you the trouble which we have oa ov miBcb 

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** Brother !-— We dd not think best to multiply wwdf. 
We will therefore tell jon what our complaint is. 

<* Brother ! — Listen to what we say. Some years since 
we held a treaty at Big-tree, nefu* the Genesee river. 
This treaty was called by our great father, the President 
of the United States. He sent an agent, Colonel Wads- 
worth, to attend this treaty, for the purpose of advising 
us in the business, and seeing that we had justice done 
OS. At this treaty we sold to Robert Morris the greatest 
part of our countnr. The sum he gave us was one hun* 
dred thousand dollars. 

'^ Brother ! — ^The Commissioner who was appointed 
on your part, advised us to place this money in the hands 
of our ffreat father, the President of the United States. 
He told us our father loved his red children, and would 
take care of our money, and plant it in a field wh^re it 
would bear seed forever, as long as trees grow or waters 
run. Our money has heretofore been of great service to 
us. It has helped us to support our old people, and our 
women and children. But we are told the field where 
our money was planted is become barren. , 

" Brother ! — We do not understand your way of doing 
business. This thing is heavy on our minds. We 
mean to hold our white brethren of the United States by 
the hand. But this weight lies heavy. We hope you 
will remove it. 

" Brother ! — We have heard of the bad conduct of our 
brothers towards the setting sun. We are sorry for 
what they have donfe. But you must not blame us. 
We have had no hand in this bad business. They have 
had bad people among them. It is your enemies have 
done this.' 

" We have persuaded our agent to take this talk to 
your great council. He knows our situations, and will 
•peak our minds. 

Farmer^s-Brother,his mark X W[heel-Barrow,hii mark X 
■"'" * X Jack Berry ' *" 

X Twenty Canoes 
X Big Kettle 
X Haif-Town 
X Keyandeande 
X Captain Cold 
X Esq. Blinkey 
X Captain Jolmson do 

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Little Billy 


Young King 






Two Guns 


John Sky 
Parrot-Nose ' 



John Pierce 




















916 AvraiimT 

N. B. TIm fbregomf spceeh Was delivered in Coun- 
cil by Faniier's-Brother,at Bnfiklo Creek, December 19, 
1811, and aubecribed in my presence, by tbe Chiefs 
vbose names are annexed. 



Extracted from the American Remembrancer (an mi- 
partial and authentic collection of facts, published ia 
London during the Revolutionary War) for the 
year 1782, vol. 14, p. 185. 

BosToir, March 12. 

Extract qf a letter from Captain Gerrish, of the A*eto- 
£ft^land Militia, dated Albany, March 7. 

<< The peltry taken in the expedition, will, you see, 
amount to a good deal of money. The possession of this 
booty at first gave us pleasure ; but we were struck with 
horror to find among the packages, eight large ones con* 
taining scalps of our unfortunate country folks, taken in 
the th^ last vears by the Seneca Indians from the in- 
kabitants of the frontiers of New- York, New-Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, and Virginia, and sent by them as a pres- 
ent to Colonel Haldimand, Governor of Canada, in or« 
der to be by him transmitted to England. They were 
aeoompanied by the following curious letter to that gen« 

" Tioga, January 2d, 1787. 
" May it please your Excellency, 

" At the reauestof the Seneca Chiefs, I herewith send 
to your Excellency, under the care of James Hoyd, eight 
packafires of scalps, cured, dried, hooped, and painted 
with all the triumphal marks, of which the following is 
the invoice and explanation. 

No. 1. Containing fortjr-three scalps of Congress sol- 
diers, killed in different skirmishes. These are stretch- 
ed on black hoops, four inch diameter — the inside of the 
skin painted red with a small black spot, to note their 
being killed with bullets. Also, sixty-two of farmers 
killed in their houses ; ibe hoops painted red— the skia 

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Ammnx. 317 

paintod brown imd markeil wHh tC hoc^-^Uack circle all . 
round, to denote their bein^ surprised in the nig^ht^-and 
a black hatchet in the middle, signifying their being 
.killed with that weapon. 

No. 2. Containing ninety-eight of fanners, killed in 
their houses, hoops red — figure of a hoe, to mark their 
profession — great white circle and sun, to- shew they 
were surpriis^ in the day-time — a little red foot, to shew 
they stood upon their defence, and died fighting for their 
lives and families. 

No. 3. Containing ninety-seyen of farmers. Hoops 
green, to shew they were killed in the fields — a large 
white circle with a little round mark on it for the sun^ 
to show it was in the day time — black bullet-mark on 
some, a hatchet on others. 

' No. 4. Containing one hundred and two of farmers, 
mixture of several of the matks above, only eighteen 
marked with a little jellow flame, to denote their being 
tf£ prisoners burnt alive, after being scalped — their nails 
pulled out by the roots, and other torments. One of 
these latter supposed to be of an American clergyman, 
his band being fixed to the hoop of his scalp. Most of 
the farmers appear, by the hair, to have been young of 
middle-aged men, there being but sixty-seven very grey 
heads among them all, which makes the service more 

No. 5. Containing ei|rhty-eiffht scalps of women, hair 
long, braided in the Indian fashion, to thew thev were 
mothers — hoops blue — skin yellow jrround, witn little 
red tadpoles, to represent, by way of triumph, the tears 
of ^iei occasioned to their relations— a black scalpinff^ 
knife or hatchet at the bottom, to mark their being kiU- 
ed by those instruments. Seventeen others, hair very 
giey — ^black hoops — plain brown color — no marks but th* 
short club or casse-tete, to show they were knocked 
down dead, or had their brains beat put. 

No. 6. Containing one hundred and ninety-three 
boy's scalps, of various ages. Small green hoops — whit- 
ish £rround on the skin, with red tears in the middle and 
blacK marks-^knife, hatchet or club, as their death hap- 

No. 7. Containing two hundred and eleven gaVm 
scalps, big and little — small yellow hoops, white ground 
"tearSj hatchet, club, scalping-knife, &c. 

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No. 8. Thii package is a mixture of all the rarietie* 
above mentioned, to the number of one hundred and 
twenty-two, with a box of birch baik containing twenty 
nine little infante' ecalpe, of Tarioue sizes — small white 
hoops, white g[r6und*-no tears, and only a little black 
knife in the middle, to shew they were ripped out of 
their mothers' bellies. 

With these packs the chieft send to your excellency 
the following Speech, delivered l>y Conicoga/tchis in 
council, interpreted by the elder Moore, the trader, and 
taken down by me in writing. 

*^ Father ! — We send you herewith many scalps, that 
you may see we are not idle friends. A blue belt, 

'' Father ! — We wish you to send these scalps over the 
water to the ^reat king, that he may reg^ard them and be 
refreshed, and that he may see our faithfulness in de- 
stroying his enemies, and be convinced that his presents 
have not been made to an ungrateful people. 

w4 blue and tohiU belt toith red tassels 

** Father ! — Attend to what I am now going to say. It 
IS a matter of much weight. The great King's enemies 
are many, and they grow fast in number. They were 
formerly like young panthers. They could neither bite 
nor scratch. We could play with them safely. We 
feared nothing they could do to us. But now their bod 
ies have become as blpr as the elk, and stronir as the buf- 
falo. They have abo great and sharp claws. They 
have driven us out of our country for taking part in youc 
quarrel. We expect the great King will ffive us anoth 
er country, that our children may uve af&r us, and be 
his friencb and children as we are. Say this for us to 
our great King. To enforce it, give this belt. 

A great tohite belt loUk blue tassels. 

" Father ! — We have only to say further, that your^tra- 
ders exact more than ever for their goods ; and our bun* 
ting is lessened by the war, so that we have fewer skins 
to give for them. This ruins us. Think of some reme- 
^. We are poor, and vou have plenty of every thing. 
We know you will send us powder and guns, and knives 
•nd hatchets. But we also want shirts and blankets." 

^ little tehUe bdt. 

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' I do not doubt bot tbat your Ezodlency will' tlunk it 
pToper to me some further encouragement to these honest 
people. The high prices they complain of are the necessary 
effect of the war. Whatever presents may be sent for them 
through my hands shall be distributed with prudence and 

I have the honour of being your Excellency's most obe* 
dient and most humble servant, 


[The Author of this work owes an apology to the public 
for having inadvertently omitted, in his first edition, to ex- 
plain the foregoing document as being, not actually what it 
purports to be, but, according to a new general understand- 
ing, a fiibrication, for obvious political purposes, from the 
pen of Dr. Frapklin. Stili, it has a certain illustrative 
value in connexion with the text, which, with this com- 
ment, may be deemed suflScient to justify its retention.] 


^<Thb Pawnbb Bravb. — One of the most prominent 
modem characters in Thatcher^s Lives of the Indians is the 
celebrated Miami, Little Turtle, called in his own lanffuage 
Mesbecunnaqua. Mr. T. gives him, on the authority of 
Schoolcraft, the credit of doing much to abolish the practice 
of human sacrifice among the savages of the West. The 
passage reminds us of a well-authenticated anecdote of a 
young Pawnee ' Brave,' who visited Washington some ten 
years since. 

^ « The Pawnees were at war with another trans-Misds- 
•ippian tribe living several da^s' journey to the south of 
them. In one of their forays mto the enemy's country a 
party of warriors captured a beautiful Indian ffirl, and car- 
ried her home in triumph. A council of the Pawnees was 
called, and the prisoner was decreed to die at the fagot. 
The fatal pile was raised in the middle of a wide plain near 
the villages of the tribes, and an immense multitude of all 
%^ and sizes — ^for the Pawnees are still quite numerous-* 
collected to witness the ceremony. Just as the flame was 

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to the pOe* leadhif tiio fleet] 
thofMigUy eBpariaoned for a jooni^. He wilooeeJ thm 
bea^s whkli coafioed die prieoner at one stvake of hie kmiB^ 
Mped h« to moart one of bb etopds, moaoted the other 
hiaMcl^ and, before hie co uutf j u iqihedieeoTeredfiroiathttr 
Mt ea i jwi ee, had deued tiie riiify and wae a onto or tvro 
on hie way to the eonth. He oootiDQed laeattendmre tw 
daje, and then left her wkhin the territorj of her owntribe^ 
and with provinons for the reeidae of the way. On hie re* 
torn home not a woid of lepioadi wae ottered agdnit hbn* 
He wae popular; and the Pawneee not only thought prepet 
to overlook the liberty he had taken in ooneideratmi of hi* 
bntery, hot they aecribcd the act to the inepiiatiDB of tha 
Great Maiter of life. li it udd thert has hum ne twifflwnt 
9f manfx€ among them from that day to tkia. 

** We have foriotten, if we ever knew, thie gallant 6I# 
low'a name ; bnt he wae mnch complimented at Waehin^ 
ton, and eapedally by the ladiee of that dty, ae the < Paw- 
nee Brave.' ** — N. Y. Commercial Adtertiser, 

The authenticity of this anecdote seems to be past die- 
mite. Dr. Morse, in his Indian Report (who refers to the 
MS. Journal of Capt. Bell), and also Jolmston, in his Nar- 
rative, have furnished some additional and very interesting^ 
particulars respecting this heroic Pawnee, for which w« 
eeomiend the reader to the Appendix of the former book (p 
947), and to pp. 219, 220, &c,j of the latter. The tribe re 
forred to above was the Paduces. The parae of the Paw- 
nee^ who is believed to be still living, at the age of about 35^ 
is Bstalesbaroe. He is son of the well-known «Knifo« 
Chief* of his tribe, who has once or twice visited Waahinff* 
top, and whose portrait, elegantly executed by Mr. "Mettf^&t 
if to be seen in one of Uie volumes of Godnanls Nataral 

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